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r979.4 
B22h 
V.5 

1216695 




3 1833 023 03 5121 

rCc 979,4 B22h v. 5 
P5ANCROFT, Hubert Howe. 
History of California 




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m: L. 



REFERENCE 

AMERICANA COUUECTION 



THE WORKS 
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT 



THE WOEKS 



HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. 



VOLUME xxir. 



HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. 

V(iL. V. 1S40-1S4S. 



SAN FRANCISCO: 
THE HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 

1886. 



Allen County Public Library 

900 Webster Street 

PC Box 2270 

Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270 



itiTLil iU-cordiug to Act <if Ciiugress in the Year 1886, by 

HUBERT H. BANCROFT, 
the Office Ol the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 






Sx 



CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. 



CHAPTER I. 

OPERATIONS OP FREMONT AXD GILLESPIE. 

January-May, 1846. 
Explorers in the Tulares— FriJmont at New Helvetia, Yerba Buena, and 
San Jos6 — Visit to Larkin and Castro at Monterey — Explanations to 
the Prefect— Permission to Recruit his Men on the Frontier — The 
Walker-Talbot-Kern Party — In Camp at Fisher's Rancho — Fremont 
Breaks his Agreement — Insult to Alcalde Pacheco — Over the Santa 
Cruz Mountains — In Camp at Alisal — Ordered to Depart — Defiance — 
The Stars and Stripes on Gavilau Peak — Larkin's Efforts— Castro's 
Military Preparations — Falsity of Current Versions — Fremont Runs 
Away — His Blunder — Proclamations and Reports — In the Sacra- 
mento Valley — Letter to Clyman — To the Oregon Border — A Night 
Attack by Indians — Back to California — Gillespie's Arrival and In- 
structions — Up the River by Boat— Sutter's Warning to Castro 1 

CHAPTER II. 

FOLITICAL AND MILITARY. 

January-June, 1S46. 
A Fruitless Controversy — Alvarado as Congressman — Castanares and 
Tellez— Covarrubias as Pico's Agent — Mission of Castillero— Affairs 
in Mexico — Iniestra's Expedition — Tellez and Morales — Cambuston 
and Castro— Valle and Treasury Troubles— Assembly — Guerra Sent 
to Monterey — Return of J. A. Carrillo — Pico as Constitutional Gov- 
ernor — Military Junta at Monterey — Adhesion to President Paredes 
— Measures fo*- Defence — Pico's Protests — Vallejo's Position— Guerra 
Sent to Angeles — Consejo General de Pueblos Unidos at Santa Bar- 
bara — Castro's Protests — Martial Law — The Assembly Deposes Cas- 
tro — Pico and his Army March North against Castro — Warlike 
Preparations for Defence of Angeles — Cooperation of Foreigners — 
Bandini and Castro— Affairs in the North 30 



CHAPTER ni. 

FOREIGN RELATIONS — UNITED STATES AND ENGLAND 
Jaiuiary-Juue, 1S46. 

PAOB 

Larkin as U. S. Confidential Agent — His Instructions — Correspondence — 
Fears of Invasion — Treatment of Foreigners — Fremont's Operations 
in March — Larkin 's Efforts and Hopes — Monterey Junta — Imaginary 
Speeches for Enghind, France, and the U. S. — Stearns, Leese, and 
Warner— Sutter's Policy— Consejo General at Santa Barbara, and its 
Bearing on Foreign Schemes — Views of Stearns and Larkin — Pico's 
Intrigues— Exaggerations on English Interference — Testimony of 
Gillespie and Minor — Position of Forbes and Spence — Stearns as Sub- 
agent of the U. S. — Condition of Affairs in June — General Conclu- 
sions 54 



CHAPTER IV. 



THE SETTLERS REVOLT. 
June, 1846. 
An Unexpected Outbreak — Its Alleged Motives — Self-defence and Re- 
sistance to Oppression— Mere Pretexts — Current Rumors— The In- 
surgents Classified— Adventurers— American Enthusiasts— Ambitious 
Politicians — Real Motives of the Leaders— Fr(5mout's Policy— Gilles- 
pie's Mission — Ambition and Revenge — A Bold Resolution — Over- 
much Caution — Nature of Fremont's Cooperation— Ide's Theories 
and Statements — A Filibustering Scheme — Needless, Unjustifiable, 
Productive of No Good— Not a Part of the Conquest— Serious Re- 
sponsibilities of the Insurgent Leaders — A Fortunate Ending 



CHAPTER V. 

BEAR FLAG REVOLT — TAKING OF SONOMA. 
June, 1846. 
Frt^mont's Return from Oregon— Hensley's Mission — A Summons to Re- 
volt — Fr>5mont Cautious — All Pi,eady^Camp Moved to Bear River — 
Castro at Santa Clara— His Visit to Sonoma — Arce's Caballada — 
Merritt Sent by Fri5inont to Begin Hostilities — Seizure of Horses on 
the Cosunmes — The Filibustera Reenforced in Napa Valley — Names 
— Occupation of Sonoma — Vallejo a Prisoner of War — Negotiations 
— Written Guaranties^Broken before the Ink was Dry — Incidents 
of the Morning — The Insurgents Unmanageable — Aguardiente — A 
Controversy — John Grigsby Declines the Command — William B. Ide 
Chosen — Journey of the Prisoners to Fremont's Camp — Locked up in 
Sutter's Fort 101 



CHAPTER VI. 

BEAR FLAG REVOLT, COKTINUED— AFFAIRS AT SUTTER' FORT AND SOUTH OF 

THE BAT. 

June-July, 1S4G. 

PAOE 

Sutter's Position — Tbe Prisoners — Tlieir Treatment — Correspondence of 
the Capti%-es— Events at New Helvetia — South of the Bay — Rosa 
Sent by Vallejo to Montgomery — Misroon's Mission — Official and 
Private Correspondence— Castro's Proclamations— Military Prepara- 
tions — Three Divisions to Retake Sonoma — Torre Sent across the 
Bay — Jlanuel Castro's Mission — Insurgents at San Francisco — 
Weber's Arrest — Montgomery's Policy — Pico at Santa Barbara — 
The Angelinos not Warlike — Foreigners Offended — The Assembly — 
Pico and Larkin — Pico ISIarches North — Meets Castro — Embrace of 
Governor and General l"-2 



CHAPTER VII. 

BEAR FLAG REVOLT — AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 
June-July, 1846. 
Ide in Command — Banner for the New Republic — Star and Grizzly — 
Raising of the Bear Flag — The Flags as Relics — Ide's Proclamation 
—Falsehood and Bombast — Further Organization — Minor Happen- 
ings — Ide's Version — Treaty with Alcalde — Todd's Mission to Mont- 
gomery — Misroon at Sonoma— Mormonism— A New Proclamation — 
Killing of Cowie and Fowler by the Califomians — Padilla and Car- 
rillo — Sortie by Ide — Other Captives— Gibson's Expedition to Santa 
Rosa — Insurgents Reenforced — Land Laws — Grigsby'a Return — 
Ford's Campaign— Padilla Joined by Torre— A Surprise— Fight at 
Olompali— Torre Defeated by the 'Bears.' 145 



CHAPTER VIII. 

BEAR FLAG REVOLT — FR^MONT's CAMPAIG.V. 

1846. 
Complaints at Sonoma — Ford's Letter — FriSmont on the Sacramento — 
Forced to Act — March to Sonoma — The San Rafael Campaign — Mur- 
der of Berreyesa and the Haro Brothers— A Dastardly Act by FriS- 
mont and his Men— Torre's Ruse— The Insurgents Sent to Sonoma — 
A False Alarm — Spiking the Guns of San Francisco — Capture of 
Robert P^idley — Fourth of July at Sonoma — Military Reorganization 
— Change of Administration — Fremont Assumes the Chief Command 
— Ide's Version — The Battalion Organized — Fremont's Designs — 
News from ilonterey — Bibliography of the Bear Flag Revolt 169 



CHAPTER IX. 

PKELIMINAKIE.S OF THE CONQUEST. 

1S46. 

PAGE 

Tile War with Mexico— Beginuing of Hostilities— Feeling in the United 
States respecting California — Policy of President Polk's Administra- 
tion — Instructions to Commodore Sloat iu 1S45 and 1S46— Plans for 
Permanent Occupation — The Pacific Squadron at Mazatlan — Rumors 
of War — Services of Dr Wood and John Parrott — The Portsmouth 
and Cyane Sent to Monterey — News from tlie Rio Grande — Sloat's 
Plans — His 'Unwarranted Inactivity' — Changes his Mind— Starts 
for California iu the Savannah — Englisli Designs — The Rival Fleets 
— A Race in American Imagination — A Protectorate — An Unfounded 
Conjecture — The McNamara Colonization Project — Ten Thousand 
Irishmen for San Joaquin 191 

CHAPTER X. 

CONQUEST BY THE UNITED STATES— SLOAT 's RULE. 

July, 1846. 
Aixival of Sloat in the Savannah — Events of a Week — IMoie Hesita- 
tion — Fremont's Claim — Larkin's Influence — Despatches from Mont- 
gomery — Resolution — Occupation of Monterey — Sloat's Proclama- 
tion — The Stars and Stripes at San Francisco — Documentary Record 
— The Bear Flag Lowered at Sonoma— At Sutter's Fort — The Change 
at San Jos6 — Fremont and his Battalion March Southward — Occupa- 
tion of San Juan — Tlie Bears at Monterey — Fremont and Sloat — The 
Commodore's Disappointment — The Filibuster's Dilemma — Comfort 
from a New Commodore — Stockton Arrives in the Co7tgress — And 
Assumes Command — The Battalion Mustered ia — And Sent to the 
South— Departure of Sloat 224 

CHAPTER XI. 

THE CONQUEST— Stockton's rule— occupation of the south. 
August, 1846. 
Stockton's Proclamation — A Pronunciamiento Filibustero — Castro Re- 
treats Southward— Pico's Proclamation— Action of the Assembly — 
Vain Efforts of Governor and General for Defence— No Enthusiasm 
or Resources— Castro at the Mesa— FriSmont at San Diego — Stockton 
at San Pedro — The Commodore Refuses to Negotiate for Fear his 
Terms may be Accepted— His Weak Excuses— Larkin's Efforts — 
Castro and Pico Resolve to Quit California — Flight and Farewell 
Addresses — Pico's Land Grants— Stockton Enters Angeles— Submis- 
sion of the People— Proclamations and Orders— News from Washing- 
ton — Election Ordered— Plans for a Civil Government— Garrisons at 
the Southern Towns— Stockton and Fremont Return to the North. . 255 



CHAPTEE XII. 

THE CONQUEST — AFFAIKS IN THE NOKTH— REVOLT OF PLORES IN THE SOUTH. 

Aiigiist-October, 1846. 

PAGE 

At Monterey — Colton's Diaries — The First Newspaper — Fauntleroy and 
Snyder at San Juan — San Jos6 under Hyde, Watmougb, and Weber 
— San Francisco Affairs — Reception to Stockton — Revere at Sonoma 
— Meeting o£ Bear Flag Men — Release of Prisoners — The ^yalla 
Walla Invasion— Stockton's Grand Plans — Juan Flaco's Ride — Prep- 
arations to Quell the Revolt — Gillespie at Angeles — Varela's Attack 
— Jos6 Maria Flores — Pronunciamiento — Fight at Chino Eancho — 
Gillespie's Capitulation — Talbot Driven from Santa Barbara — Mer- 
ritt from San Diego — MervLne's Defeat — Meeting of the Assembly — 
Stockton at San Pedro— San Diego Reoccupied 28S 

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE CONQUEST — THE FLORES REVOLUTION— FIGHT AT SAN PASCUAL. 

November-December, 18-16. ■ 
Stockton at San Diego— Petty Hostilities — Preparations Interrupted — 
U. S. Troops Coming from the East — Affairs at Angeles — Orders 
and Con-espondence — Revolt against the Governor — Coronel's Ad- 
ventures — The Dalton Financial Scheme — The Chino Prisoners — 
Flores Imprisoned and Released — Alarming News — Kearny's Instruc- 
tions — His March from New Mexico — Meeting Kit Carson — Capture 
of Horses and a Courier on the Colorado — Across the Desert to 
Warner's and Santa Maria — Reenforced by Gillespie — Fight at San 
Pascual — Defeat of Kearny by the Californians under Pico — Thirty- 
seven Men Killed and Wounded — In Camp at San Bernardino — Re- 
enforcements under Gray — March to San Diego — Stockton and 
Kearnj' March on Angeles 3'26 

CHAPTER XIV. 

AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH — NATIVIDAD AND SANTA CLARA. 
November, lS46-January, 1847. 
Fremont's California Battalion — Official Plunder of the Eancheros — Suc- 
cessful Recruiting — Indian Allies — Organization and List of Officers 
— Manuel Castro and Other Officera Break Paroles and Join Flores— 
From San Luis to the Salinas— Burroughs and Thompson at San 
.Tuan^Capture of Larkin — Americans at Los Verjeles — Approach of 
the Californians— Fight at Encinalito— Foster Killed— Battle of Na- 
tividad— Death of Burroughs— Losses— Castro's Retreat — March of 
Fremont's Battalion from San Juan to Santa Barbara — Condemna- 
tion and Pardon of Jesus Pico — Disastrous Crossing of the Cuesta de 
Santa Iniis— More Forced Contributions— Sanchez's Revolt— Alarm 
at the Pueblo — Marston's E.xpedition — Campaign of Santa Clara — 
End of War in North — Loss of the Warren's Launch— Wreck or 
Murder 357 



CHAPTER XT. 

THE COXQU-EST COMPLETED BY STOCKTON' AND.' r£mONT. 

Januaiy, IS-tT. 

PiOR 

Stockton's Army — The Advance from San Bernardo to Los Coyotes — 
Propositions from Flores — A Proclamation — Sand-storm— Forster's 
Services — Ciiange of Route to Avoid Ambush — Preparations of the 
Califomians— From La Jaboneria to Paso de Bartolo — The Battle of 
the San Gabriel— Stockton's Report— Defeat of the Califomians— 
Fight of the Mesa — Entry into Los Angeles— Fremont's March from 
Santa Biirbai-a to San Fernando— The Califomians at Los Verdugos 
— Efforts of Jesus Pico— Flores Transfers Command to Andri^s Pico — 
Armistice— Treaty of Cahuenga— The War at an End— Fremont at 
Angeles — Flight of Flores and Manuel Castro to Sonora 3S5 

CHAPTER XYI. 

Stockton's controversy with kearijy. 
January-February, 1S47. 
Policy of Sloat and Stockton — A Resume of the Conquest — Kearny's In- 
structions from Washington- Later Orders— State of Affairs on the 
General's Arrival — Discussion at San Diego — The Campaign — The 
Commodore as Commander-in-chief— At Los Angeles— Kearny and 
FrC'mont— The Controversy Begun— The General's Authority not 
Recognized — He Goes to San Diego and Monterey — Arrival of Com- 
modore Shubrick— A Policy of Peace — Stockton's Last Acts as Gov- 
ernor — General Conclusions- Kearny in the Right — Stockton in the 
Wrong— Fremont's Action Justified— Rule of Fr^-mont as Governor 
. — Legislative Council— Proclamation-Financial Troubles 411 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Fremont's controversy with kearny. 
March-May, 1S47. 
New Instmctions— Circular of Shubrick and Kearny— Tlie Latter Assumes 
the Governorship— Proclamation and Report — Commodore Biddle — 
Orders to Fr«?mont, Gillespie, and Cooke — Tumer in the South- 
Fremont's Disobedience, Excuses, and his Famous Ride to Monterey 
—Quarrel with Kearny— Cooke at Los Angeles— Mason and Fn!- 
mont — A Challenge — Rumors of INIexican Invasion— Kearny in the 
South— Stevenson Succeeds Cooke— Journey of Keamy, Fremont, 
and Cooke Overland to the States— Stockton Goes East— Petition on 
the Governorship— Fremont's Trial by Court-martial— Found Guilty 
and Pardoned— The Popular Verdict — Benton's Tirade in the Senate 
— The California Claims— Expenses of the Conquest ' 



CONTENTS. xiii 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE MORMON BATTALION. 
1S40-1S48. 

PAGE 

Westward Migration of tlie Mormons by Sea and Land — The Plan to 
Occupy California — Elder Little Applies to the Government for Aid 
— Timely War — Polk's Promises — Kearny's Instructions — Colonel 
Allen's Call — Theory of tlie Saints — A Test of Loyalty and a Sacri- 
fice — Recruiting the Battalion — List of Officers — Tyler's History and 
Bigler's Diary— March to Santa Ei5— Death of Colonel Allen— Smith 
in Command — Doctor Sanderson — Calomel and Aisenic — Cooke in 
Command— His Journal— Marcli across the Continent — Fight with 
Wild Cattle — Arrival at San Diego — In Garrison at San Luis Rey 
and Los Angeles — Mustered out — Reenlistment of One Company — 
Homeward March to Salt Lake in Several Detachments and by Dif- 
ferent Routes— A Festival of 1855— A Ram in the Thicket 469 

CHAPTER XIX. 

NEW YORK VOLUNTEERS AND ARTILLERY COMrANY. 

lS4(i-lS48. 
Congress Calls for Volunteers— Letter to Stevenson — Policy of the Gov- 
ernment Revealed — Recruiting in New York — In Camp at Gover- 
. nor's Island — Clark's History and Murray's Narrative — First or 
Seventh — List of Officers — Cliaracter of the Men — Camp Life and 
Drill — Popular Ridicule — Discontent and Desertion — Habeas Corpus 
— Instructions — Stevenson's Troubles — Resisting Arrest^A Baffled 
Sheriff — Newspaper Comment — Voj'age of the Perkins, Loo Choc, 
and Drtw — I^ater Vessels and Recruits — The Colonel's Valor — At 
Rio— Arriviil at San Francisco — Distribution of the Companies — ■ 
Garrison Life — Disbandment — Company F, 3d U. S. ArtUlery — In 
Garrison at Monterey — Deserting for the Mines — Sherman's Memoirs 
—Burton's Company— The Dragoons 499 

CHAPTER XX. 

PIONEERS— DONNER PARTY' — THE MORMONS, 
184G-184S. 

Statistics of Population— Pioneers of 1846— Classification— Discontented 
Immigrants — The Oregon Company — Clyman and Hastings Bound 
for the States — Overland Westward — Bryant and Thornton — Many 
Parties — Tedious, Uneventful Journeys — Hastings' Cut-off— The 
Donner Party — List of Names — A New Cut-off — Fatal Delay — Dis- 
sensions — Starvation in the Sierra — Breen's Diary — Record of Deaths 
—Authorities— The Forlorn Hope- The Four Relief Parties— Gen- 
eral Remarks — The Mormon Immigrants — Plans of the Saints — List 
of Names — Brannan and his Contract — Voyage of the Brooklyn — 
Arrival at Honolulu and Yerba Buena— An Industrious People — 
Dissensions — New Hope on the San Joaquin — Cliange of Plans and 
a Disappointed Colony — Pioneers and Immigration of 1847-8 524 



CHAPTER XXI. 

MISSIONS— INDIAN AFFAIRS— COMMERCE. 

1846-1848. 

PAGE 

Sale of Mission Estates — Act of the Assembly in April — Tlie Montes- 
deoca Order— Pico's Sales from May to July — Purchasers and Terms 
— The Tomel Order— Evidences of Fraud— Action of Flores' Govern- 
ment — Decision of the Courts — Policy of Kearny and Mason, 1847-8 
• — Ecclesiastical Affairs — Bishop and Friars — Vicars — Indian Affairs 
^Sutter, Vallejo, and Hunter as Sub-Indian Agents — Local Items — 
Commerce and Maritime Affairs — Meagre Data for 1846 — Statistics 
— Mason's Conmiunications — Collectors — Removal of Burdens — 
Free-trade— New Tariff from Washington — War Contributions — 
Modifications by Masou and Shubrick — Gold-dust for Duties — U. S. 
Revenue Laws Introduced with the Treaty— The First Steamer in 
California Waters— List of Vessels, 1846-8 558 

CHAPTER XXII. 

THE RULE OF GOVERNOR MASOK. 
1847-1848. 

Mason's Proclamation and Reports— Fears of Revolt — Visits to the South 
and North — Return of Jos^ Castro— The Canon Perdido at Santa 
Barbara — Return of Pio Pico — His Claims for the Governorship — 
Imprisonment and Release — Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo — Mason's 
Proclamation — California in Congress, 1846-9 — Causes and Effects of 
the War — Slavery in the Territories — Opposition to the Acquisition 
of California — Debates on Territorial Government — Final Unsuccess- 
ful Efforts— Military Rule- Rights of Conquerors— Views of Con- 
gress and Administration — Policy of Sloat, Stockton, Fremont, and 
Kearny— Mason's Theory and Practice— Items— Alcalde Nash at 
Sonoma — Trial of Armijo — Barrus and Foxen — De Facto Govern- 
ment after the Treaty ^582 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

LOCAL ANNALS— SAN DIEGO TO MONTEREY. 

1846-1848. 
San Diego Events — Fr(?mont, Stockton, and Kearny — Massacre at Paumat 
— Mormons and New York Volunteers — Municipal Affairs — Ranchoa 
—Revenue— San Diego Mission— San Luis Rev— Padre Zalvidea— San 
Juan Capistrano — Los Angeles District — Index of Occurrences — Sub- 
prefect and Alcaldes — Mormons, Dragoons, and Volunteers — Ranchos 
— San Gabriel— Padre Est^uega— San Fernando Mission — Santa Bdr- 
bara — Pueblo Government — Land Grants — Mission — Bishop Garcia 
Diego — President Duran — San Buenaventura — Santa In^s — Purisima 
— Monterey District — Summary — Town Affairs— San Cirlos— Saa 
Luis Obispo — San Miguel— Murder of Reed Family— San Antonio — 
San Juan Baiitista — Soledad— Santa Cruz and Branciforte 616 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

LOCAL ANXALS OF THE NORTH. 

1846-1S4S. 
Popnlation of California— San Francisco— Events — The Name Yerba 
Buena — Descriptions and Statistics — Plan, and Notes on Buildings- 
Municipal OtEcial List— Controversies of Alcalde and Council — Town 
Lots — Survey, Streets, and Improvements — School and Church — 
Newspapers — Military and Revenue — Ranchos and Ex-mission — 
Annals of San Jos(5 — Local Occurrences — Indian Troubles — Muni- 
cipal Affairs and Lands — The Contra Costa — Santa Clara — Mission 
San Jos6 — Sonoma and the Northern Frontier^San Rafael^Bodega^ 
— Napa — Benicia— Original Correspondence of Semple and Larkin — 
Stockton and New Hope— New Helvetia in 1846-7— Plan of Sau 
Francisco — Early Buildings 643 



Pioneer Register axd Index. 'R ' to 'Zurita' 687 



HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. 



CHAPTER I. 

OPERATIONS OF FREMONT AND GILLESPIE. 
January-May, 1S46. 

EXPLOKERS IN THE TOLARES— FREMONT AT NeW HELVETIA, YeRBA BuENA, 

AND San Jose — Visit to Larkin and Castro at Monterey — Expla- 
nations TO THE Prefect— Permission to Recruit his Men on the 
Frontier — The Walker-Talbot-Kern Party — In Camp at Fisher's 
Rancho— Fremont Breaks his Agreement— Insult to Alcalde 
Pacheco — Over the Santa Cruz Mountains — In Camp at Alisal — 
Ordered to Depart — Defiance— The Stars and Stripes on Gavilan 
Peak— Larkin's Efforts — Castro's Military Preparations— Falsity 
OF Current Versions — Fremont Runs Away — His Blunder — Proc- 
lamations AND Reports— In the Sacramento Valley— Letter to 
Clyman — To the Oregon Border — A Night Attack by Indians — 
Back to Californla— Gillespie's Arrival and Instructions— Up the 
River by Boat— Sutter's Warning to Castro. 

The present volume is devoted to the annals of 
1846-7, including also 1848 in all matters not directly 
connected with the great event of that year, the dis- 
covery of gold. The period is by far the most event- 
ful in Californian history. The volume may be termed 
a History of the Conquest. It includes, however, 
besides developments pertaining to the change of flag 
and Mexican war, the earlier operations of American 
filibusters constituting what is known as the Bear 
Flag revolt, and the later interregnum of military 
rule. Here I record the last petty quarrels under 
Mexican auspices of north and south, of the military 
and civil authorities, of Castro and Pico. Here I 



2 OPERATIOXS OF FEISMON'T AND GILLESPIE. 

chronicle the foolish interference of Fremont and 
his explorers, the diplomatic efforts of Larkin and 
Stearns to secure a change of sovereignty by pacific 
methods, the revolutionary blundei's of Ide and his 
associate settlers, and the raising of the stars and 
stripes by Sloat and Montgomery of the navy. Next 
are presented the achievements of the California 
battalion, Stockton's rule, the commodore's unwise 
policy and energetic struggles to put down the result- 
ing revolt, the final efforts of the Californians under 
Flores and Andres Pico to shake off the foreign 
yoke, the coming of Kearny and his dragoons across 
the continent, their disaster at San Pascual, and the 
closing campaigns of the war ending in the occupa- 
tion of Los Angeles and the treaty of Cahuenga. 
Then follow politico-military controversies of Stock- 
ton, Kearny, and Fremont under the new regime, 
reenforcements by land and sea for garrison service, 
Cooke and his Mormon battalion, Tompkins, Sher- 
man, Ord, and Halleck with the artillery company, 
Stevenson and the New York volunteers, the peace- 
ful rule of Mason as military governor, and news of 
a national treaty making California a permanent pos- 
session of the United States. In this volume are 
given also institutional annals of 1846-8, a commer- 
cial and maritime record, mission and ecclesiastical 
affairs under new conditions, the immigration of three 
years, with the tragic experiences of the Donner 
party, and several chapters of local annals. Finally, 
I here complete the alphabetical Pioneer Register 
and Index of all who came to the country before 
1849. All is brought down to the dawn of a new 
era, that of gold and 'flush times,' to be treated in 
the following volume. 

At the beginning of 184G Fremont's exploring expe- 
dition was encamped in the region now known as 
Fresno and Kern counties. Frdmont with fifteen men 
had entered California by the Truckee route, and had 



WAITIXG FOR WALKER. 3 

hastened from Sutter's Fort southward with fresli 
suppUes for the relief of his companions, whom he 
expected to find on Kings River. Meanwhile the 
main body of about fifty, under Talbot, Kern, and 
Walker, had entered the country by Owens River and 
Walker Pass, and were waiting for the captain on 
Kern River. The double error in locating the rendez- 
vous has been already explained.^ At this time the 
explorers had no intention of meddling with political 
or military affairs; nor did the Californian authorities 
know anything of their presence in the country, beyond 
the bare fact that the smaller party had arrived at 
New Helvetia in December. 

His supplies being nearly exhausted, and Walker's 
men not making their appearance, Fremont left his 
camp January 7th and returned to Sutter's Fort, 
where he arrived on the 15th, after having had, per- 
haps, some trouble with Indians on the way.'^ He was 
again warmly welcomed by Sutter, who gave a grand 
dinner for his entertainment and that of Vice-consul 
Leidesdorff" and Captain Hinckley, who had lately 
come up the river; and after a stay of four days, with 
eight of his own men Fremont sailed on Sutter's 
launch for the bay." From Yerba Buena he sailed 
with Hinckley on a visit to San Jose and the newly 
discovered mine of Alraaden;* but he was back again 
before January 24th, on which date he wrote to his 
wife of past hardships and of the 'good time coming,' 
when his explorations would be completed and he 

^See Hist. Ccd., vol. iv., chap, xxiv., this series. In a letter of Larkin— 
that o£ March 27th, to be noted later — a 'second place of rendezvous' is 
mentioned, but it was probably New Helvetia. 

^Fremont's Geocj. Mem., 19, 30; Jan. SOth, Larkin to Sutter. Would be 
glad to see Fremont at Monterey. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 73. The Ind- 
ian troubles rest on Carson's statement in Peters' Life of Kit Carson, 250-1, 
not a good authority. 

'iV. Helvetia Diari/, MS., 30-1; Sutter's Diary, 6-7. 

* Laiicey's Cruise of the 'Dale', 35-6. Thisauthorsays that at S. Jos6Fri5- 
niont learned that Walker's party were encamped on the S. Joaquin, and sent 
Carson to guide them to S. Jos^; but this, as we shall see, cannot have been 
so at this time, though he may have sent a man to search for them. In Peters' 
Life of Car.ion, 251-2, Carson is said to have gone out in search of the other 
party, whom he found and brought back — which is not true. 



4 OPEEATIOXS OF FEEilOXT AND GILLESPIE. 

might return.^ On the same day he set out with 
LeidesdorfF by land for San Jose and Monterey, 
^Yhere they were received by Consul Larkin on the 
•27th.^ 

It is fair to suppose that Fremont's business with 
Larkin and Leidesdorff was not only to make arrange- 
ments for obtaining fresh supplies, but to talk over 
the jiolitical situation and prospects in their relation 
to the 23olicy of the United States; but while we know 
nothing of the conferences in this respect, it is certain 
that no hostility or annoyance to the Californians was 
proposed, because Larkin, as we shall see later, was 
engaged, in accordance with instructions from Wash- 
ington, and with much hope of success, in efforts to 
conciliate the people and prepare the way for a peace- 
able annexation. At any rate, the explorer became 
acquainted with the exact state of affairs. On the 
29th, Prefect Castro, as was his dut}^ addressed to 
Larkin a note, asking to be informed respecting the 
purpose for which U nited States troops had' entered 
the department, and their leader had come to Monte- 
rey. Fremont's explanation, transmitted on the same 
day through the consul, was that he had come by 
order of his government to survey a practicable route 
to the Pacific; that he had left his company of fifty 
hired men, not soldiers, on the frontier of the depart- 
ment to rest themselves and their animals;' that he 
had come to Monterey to obtain clothing, and funds 
for the purchase of animals and provisions ; and that 
when his men were recruited, he intended to continue 

^ Jan. 24th, Fremont's letter, in JVife' Reg., Isx. 161. He is now going to 
see some gentlemen on the coast — on business; and then wiU complete his 
survey as soon as possible. 

^ Jan. iilth, Sub-prefect Guerrero to prefect. Announces departure of Fre- 
mont and Leidesdorlf. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 311. Arrival on Jan. 27 th. Doc. 
Hist. Cal., iii. 86. Lancey tells us that they spent the three nights of the 
journey at the ranchos of Francisco Sanchez, Antonio M. Suuol, and Joaquin 
Gomez. Wm F. Swasey says that Fremont's men, Godey and others, were 
left at Yerba Buena, and went with the winter a little later to S. Jos6 by 
water. Swasei/'s Cal. in IS40-6, MS., 4. 

' As a matter of fact, Fremont had at this time no knowledge of his com- 
pany's whereabouts; for all he knew, they might have perished in the moun- 
tains; but it was safe enough to say he ha"d left them 'on the frontier.' 



CASTROS LICENSE. 5 

his journey to Oregon. This explanation — repeated 
at a personal interview between the parties named, in 
presence of the alcalde, Colonel Alvarado, and Gen- 
eral Castro, and also duly forwarded to Governor Pico 
and the supreme government — was satisfactory, at 
least to such an extent that no objection was made; 
and Fremont was thus tacitly permitted to carry out 
his plans. Pico made no objection, but directed that 
a close watch be kept on the explorer's movements, 
with a view to learn if he had any other design than 
that of preparing for atrip tO' Oregon.^ 

It should be noted particularly here that the only 
license given to Fremont at this time was a tacit, or 
implied, permission to recruit his men on the frontiers, 
away from the settlements, after obtaining the neces- 
sary funds at Monterey. That is, Castro did not 
order Fremont to quit the country at once, thus in- 
directly authorizing him to remain. This rests not 
on the statements of Castro, but of Larkin and Frd- 
mont.'' The current version given by Tuthill, Lan- 

*In one instance Fremont, Court-Martial, 372, claimed that his plan (and 
Castro's license) was to explore southward to the Gila; but there is no other 
evidence in this direction, and the difference has no important bearing on 
what followed. Jan. 29th, prefect to Larkin. The date in the original blot- 
ters being Jan. 28th, but changed to 29th; L. to prefect in reply. Originals 
in Doc. Hist. Col., MS., ii. S6, 89; Castro, Doc, MS., i. 316; official copies 
in Larkin' s Off. Corresp., MS., i. 76; ii. 146; copies in Saivijer's Doc, MS., I- 
2; and printed is Niles' Reg., l.xxi. 188. Same date, prefect to gov. Doc. 
Hist. Col., MS., iii. 90, 121. Same date. Id. to sup. govt. Depl. St. Pap., 
MS., vi. 107. Feb. 18th, Pico's reply. Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 15. 

' L. mentions the interview in his letter of March 4th. Fremont's Cal. 
Claims 1S4S, in U. S. Govt Doc, 30th cong. 1st sess.. Sen. Repts, no. 75, p. 
64; Niles' Seg., Ixxi. 1S8-9. Also in the letter of March 9th, in which he 
says that F. ' informed them of his business; and there was no objection 
made.' Frdmont's Cal. Claims, 63; LarUn's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 44-5. To 
his office copy of the letter of Jan. 29th, he appends this note: 'The gen- 
eral was at his own request officially informed by Capt. Fremont of his 
motives in coming here; which motives were accepted by Gen. Castro in not 
answering the letter.' Id., i. 76. Benton, in his letter of Nov. 9th, Niles' 
lieci., Lxxi. 173, and in his Thirty Years in U. S. Senate, ii. 688, states that 
F. asked and received verbal permission to recruit his men ' in the valley of 
the San Joaquin, ' or ' in the uninhabited parts of the valley of the S. Joa- 
quin.' This is also the version given by the sec. of war in his report of Dec. 
5th, 29th cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc. 4, p. 50; and Cutts' Conq. of Cal., 143- 
4. Fremont himself. Court- Martial, 372, says: 'I explained to Gen. Castro 
tl-. - ooject of my coming into Cal. and my desire to obtain permission to win- 
ter in the valley of the S. Joaquin, . . . where there was plenty of game, . . . and 
■no inhaliitants to be molested b>/ our presence. Leave was granted,' etc. 



6 OPERATIONS OF FREMONT AND GILLESPIE. 

cey, Phelps, and others, that Castro gave his word of 
honor, and on being urged to put his permission in 
writing indulged in some bluster about the 'word of 
a Mexican officer,' is pure invention. All agree, how- 
ever, that it was in the San Joaquin Valley that the 
foreigners were to recuperate their strength. Natu- 
rally anxious about the fate of his companions, Fre- 
mont left Monterey a few days later. Larkin says 
it was "well known that he was to return when he 
collected his men;"^" but it is doubtful that this was 
known to the authorities, and certain that he was not 
expected to bring his men with him. His route lay 
over the mountains to the Santa Clara Valley." 

Walker, Talbot, and Kern, with the main body of 
explorers, remained on Kern River, waiting for Fre- 
mont, until January 18th, when they broke camp and 
started northward. On the 26th they reached Kings 
River, mistaking it for the San Joaquin; and in 
attempting a cut-off across a supposed 'big bend' of 
this stream, they floundered for a day or two in the 
tule marshes, but reached the real San Joaquin on the 
30th, and February 6th camped on the Calaveras. 
From this point Walker with one companion started 
out in quest of tidings from Fremont, and met 'Le 
Gros' Fallon, the old mountaineer, who reported the 
captain to be at San Josd. Thereupon Walker went 
to the pueblo, while the company returned to the San 
Joaquin ford to await orders, hunting grizzly bears 
with much success in the mean time. On the 11th 
they were joined by Carson and Owens; and on the 
15th, having met a party with fresh horses, they 
passed through the town, and at noon rejoined their 
captain and companions at the Laguna farm, or 
Alvirezs' rancho, or Fisher's — near the historic battle- 

"> Letter of March 27th. Larhin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 45-6 
" Feb. 5th he was in the mountains; and Feb. 13th in the valley, proba- 
bly at Fisher's rancho. Fremont's Geo'j. Mem., 36. 



FREMONT FORFEITS HIS LICENSE. 7 

field of Santa Teresa. The united force amounted to 
about sixty men." 

After remaining about a week in camp, Fremont 
started with his whole company across the valley 
and up into the Santa Cruz Mountains by way of Los 
Gatos, that of the modern railroad — not the most 
direct route to Oregon, as it seemed to the Califor- 
nians. His trip across the mountains, past the big 
trees, took four days; and then, on February 25th, 
he descended to the coast at a point near Santa Cruz; 
was delayed for some days by the prevalent rains and 
fogs; but finally resumed his march on March 1st, 
following the bay-coast southward, thence turning 
inland up the Salinas Valley, and encamping on the 
3d at Hartnell's rancho, or Alisal.'^ By the very 
act of permitting his men to enter the Santa Clara 
Valley, Frdmont had broken his agreement with the 
authorities, and had forfeited every right conferred 
by Castro's promise, even if that promise had been 
as direct and definite as any one has ever claimed. 
His march to the coast without receiving or even 
asking permission was, under the circumstances, an 
insult and a menace to the Californian authorities, 
who, in view of prevalent rumors and fears of war and 
foreign invasion, would have been justified in mani- 
festing a greater degree of alarm and anger than they 
did at seeing an armed force of sixty men marching 

>2 Kern's Journal, 484-6; Frimonl'sGeog. Mem., 19, 30-1; Martin's Narr., 
MS., 10-11. Feb. isih, Marsh writes from Alvirezs' rancho, where he had 
come to see Fremont. Larhln's Doc, MS., iv. 39. 

"Fremont's Geog. Mem., 36-7; Larkin's letter of March 27th. Id., Cal. 
Claims, 67. In his letter of March 4th, Id., G4, Larkin says of F.: 'He is 
now in this vicinity surveying, and will be again at this consular house 
during this month. He then proceeds for the Oregon, returns here in May, 
and expects to be in Washington about September.' It should be noted 
that F.'s movements were but slightly more consistent with a plan of explor- 
ing southward to the Colorado and Gila, as he claimed was his plan in one 
document only — Fremont's Court-Martial, 372 — than with the trip to Oregon; 
Yet he says, Id., 'I commenced the march south, crossing into the valley of 
the Salinas,' and was soon ordered to quit! In his Memoir, Fremont gives 
considerable attention to the big trees — the largest seen by him being 14 
feet in diameter. The big-tree grove is now a popular pleasure resort, and 
one of its standard traditions is to the effect that Fremont spent a night in 
the hollow tree still shown to every visitor— as indeed he may have done, 
though he does not mention it. 



8 OPERATIONS OF FEEMOXT AND GILLESPIE. 

through the country under the command of a United 
States officer. 

Besides Fremont's return to the coast, a step that 
seemed utterly inconsistent with his previously an- 
nounced designs, there were two other matters, not im- 
portant in themselves, but which nevertheless tended 
t<j foment the prevalent alarm and feeling against 
the strangers. While the explorers were encamped 
in the San Jose Valley, Sebastian Peralta claimed 
some of their horses as his own. Fremont refused to 
give them up, and ordered Peralta rather unceremo- 
niously out of camp. Complaint was made to Alcalde 
Pacheco of San Jose, who sent Fremont an official 
communication on February 20th. The captain's re- 
ply of the next day is extant. In it he explained that 
all liis animals, with the exception of four obtained 
from the Tulares Indians, had been purchased and paid 
for; and that the one claimed had been brought from 
the states. "The insult of which he complains," Fre- 
mont continues, "and which was authorized by mj^self, 
consisted in his being ordered immediately to leave 
the camp. After having been detected in endeavoring 
to obtain animals under false pretences, he should have 
lieen well satisfied to escape without a severe horse- 
whipping. . .Any further communications on this sub- 
ject will not, therefore, receive attention. You will 
I'eadily understand that my duties will not permit me 
to appear before the magistrates of your towns on 
the complaint of every straggling vagabond who may 
chance to visit my camp. You inform me that unless 
satisfaction be immediately made by the delivery of 
the animals in question, the complaint will be for- 
warded to the governor. I would beg you at the 
.same time to enclose to his Excellency a cop}^ of this 
note."" Alcalde Pacheco simply forwarded the cor- 
i-espondence to the prefect, with a recommendation of 

"Feb. 21st, Fremont to Pacheco, from ' camp near road to Sta Cruz, ' priute J 
from original then in possession of Manuel Castro, in S. Francisco Aha, June 
15, 1866. Original Spanish translation by Hartnell, in Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 
28. The letter has been frequently reprinted from the Aha. 



INSULTS— ORDERS TO QUIT THE COUNTRY. 9 

Peralta as an hombre de hien}'' Whatever may have 
been the merit of Peralta's claim, it is evident that Fre- 
mont's refusal to obey the summons of the legal au- 
thorities was altogether unjustifiable, and the tone of 
his refusal most insolent. 

From the southern camp in the early days of March 
three of Fremont's men visited the rancho of Angel 
Castro. One of the men under the influence of liquor 
behaved rudely to Don Angel's daughter, insisting on 
her drinking with him, and was ordered out of the 
house by the angry father. He was ejected by his 
companions, though making resistance and drawing a 
pistol. A fine of ten dollars was paid for the offence. 
This is the version given b}' Larkin, and there is no 
reason to doubt its accuracy. The affair reflects no 
discredit upon Fremont; but naturally exaggerated 
reports were circulated, by no means favorable to the 
Americans.*^ 

From his camp at Hartnell's rancho, Fremont wrote 
to Larkin the 5th of March, thanking him for news, 
declining his invitation to visit Monterey at present, 
announcing his hope of passing the spring pleasantly 
among the Californian flowers before proceeding north- 
ward, and stating that he would that night move his 
camp to the banks of the Salinas River." Before 
night, however, a Californian officer arrived with the 
following order from General Castro: "This morning 
at seven, information reached this office that you and 
your party have entered the settlements of this de- 
partment; and this being prohibited by our laws, I 
find myself obliged to notify you that on the receipt 

I'Feb. 23cl, Pacheco to prefect, in IJoc. Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 120. 

"Larkin's letter of March 27th, in Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 46. 
This part of the letter is omitted in Fremont's Cal. Claims, 08. Osio, Hist. 
Cal., MS., 458-9, makes the insult oflfered a much more serious one, present- 
ing a vivid picture of the old man Castro defending his daughter from out- 
rage. 

" March 5th, F. to L., in Larlin's Doc, MS., iv. 61. Larkin's letter, not 
extant, ia said to have awakened some memories which made Fremont's occu- 
pations less interesting, but the allusion is not intelligible. 



10 OPERATIOXS OF FREMONT AND GILLESPIE. 

of this you must immediately retire beyond the limits 
of the department, such being the orders of the su- 
preme government, which the undersigned is under 
the obligation of enforcing." A similar order was is- 
sued by the prefect in behalf of the civil authority. 
Both orders were communicated to the supreme gov- 
ernment, to Larkin, and by the latter to the govern- 
ment of the United States.'^ It was understood by 
Larkin at the time that Castro claimed to have just 
received special orders from Mexico not to permit 
Fremont's entry; and certain Californians have con- 
firmed this view of the matter; but it is nearly certain 
that Castro neither received nor pretended to have 
received any such instructions. General orders, witli 
which the reader is familiar, were more than sufficient 
to justify Castro's measures in the eyes of the national 
government; while Fremont's actions afforded ample 
justification from a legal and equitable point of view.'* 
Fremont not only did not obey the orders of the 
authorities, but he did not even vouchsafe a written 
reply in explanation of his past action or present deter- 
mination. He merely sent back a verbal refusal to 

'* March 5, 1S45, Jose Castro to Fremont; Prefect Castro to Fremont, both 
transcribed to Larkin; L. to U. S. sec. state, with copies — all English trans- 
lations not agreeing verbally with each other — in Larkiii's Off. Corresp. , MS. , ii. 
42-4, 147; Niles' Beg., Ixxi. 189. Later correct translation by Hittell of the 
prefect's order in S. F. Alfa, June 15, 1866, and from that source copied in 
Laiicey's Cruise, 38; Yolo Co. Hist., 14; and various newspapers. Castro's 
original blotter I have in Jiiltell, Papeles I/istdrico^ dc 1S46, MS., no. 2. 
This is a collection of half a dozen originals pertaining to the Fr(5mont affair, 
presented to my Library by John S. Hittell, a most important contribution. 
The order in question is as follows: 'I have learned with much displeasure 
that you in disregard of the laws and authorities of the Mex. repub. have en- 
tered the pueblos of this district under my charge, with an armed force, on a 
commission which the govt of your nation must have given you to survey 
solely its own territory. Therefore, this pi-efecture orders you as soon as you 
receive this commxmication, without any excuse, to retire with your men be- 
yond the limits of this department; it being understood that if you do not do 
"it, this prefecture will adopt the necessary measures to make you respect this 
determination.' This was also sent to Larkin, with the following note on the 
same sheet: 'On this date I say to Capt. Fremont, etc. [as above]; ajid I 
have the honor to transcribe it to your honor for your knowledge, and in or- 
der that so far as it may pertain to you, you may demand of Capt. Fremont 
compliance with what is ordered iii the said note. ' Yours, etc. 

'" In Lancei/s Cruise, 38; S. Josi Pioneer, Marcli 24, 1877, a rumor is men- 
tioned that a man named Green warned Castro tliat F. was plotting to unite 
with the foreigners and take the country; but this has no support. 



A CHALLENGE TO THE CALIFOKNIAXS. 11 

obey, wliich was virtually a challenge. Then he moved 
his camp to the summit of the Gavilan Peak, hastily 
erected fortifications, and raised over his fort the flag 
of the United States. It was a hasty, foolish, and 
altogether unjustifiable step."" On March 6th, the 
same day that Fremont began the construction of his 
log fort. General Castro stated the case very fairly in 
a report to the minister of war, as follows: "This man 
presented himself at my headquarters some days ago, 
with the object of asking permission to procure pro- 
visions for his men, whom he had left in the moun- 
tains—which was given him. But two days ago I was 
much surprised at being informed that he was only 
two days' journey from this place. Consequently I at 
once sent him a communication, ordering him, on the 
instant of its receipt, to put himself on the mai-ch and 
leave the department. But I have received no answer, 
and in order to make him obey in case of resistance, 
I sent a force to observe his operations, and to-day I 
march in person to join it and to see that the object 
is attained."'^ On the same day Larkin wrote to the 
general and prefect, not criticising their orders, but 
urging caution in selecting an officer to command the 
force to be sent to Gavilan, so as to avoid a possibly 
needless conflict growing out of false rumors and de- 
ceptive appearances. Evidently the consul did not 



^° The only possible excuse for the step — one never made, so far as I know, 
by Fremont or any of his friends — might be found in a statement of Alvarado, 
Hist. Cal., MS., V. 159, etc., that Lieiat Chavez, who was sent by Castro to 
the camp, did not deliver the written order, but a verbal one instead, in very 
violent and insulting terms. This statement is not, however, supported by 
any other testimony. 

^' March 6th, Castro to min. of war. Tran-slation in i.r//. ,, - < ,,, . .;!i; 

Yolo Co. Hist., 14-15. There are added to what I have .|ih.: i tl 

assurances of patriotic determination, etc. , (i /o -J/e/Jcano. i I : 
tion is referred to in a later one of April 1st. in J/o//(Voc /?. /.«/-/, -. \l.,\ l.i, 
1846; mies' Reg., l.xxi. 1S7-8, in which Casii- -a - ■ I In, ..meer, failing in 
the respect due to the laws of the republic ;i. : i; hs of the country, 

introduced himself into the midst of tlie i>i|. i! .: 4epartment, with 

a respectable force, under the pretext of ouiiiiu^ \iiili i Hutific commission 
from his govt; and treating with contempt the uotico referred to, he took 
possession of the heights of the sierra, having made only a verbal reply . . . 
that he would remain on that spot prepared to resist any force that should 
attack them.' 



V2 OPERATIONS OF FR£M0XT AXD GILLESPIE. 

quite comprehend Fremont's movements, but tliought 
either that Castro's orders had not been clearly under- 
stood, since he now sent copies and translations of 
those orders, or that the captain had secret instruc- 
tions from his government.^"' 

On the 7th there was no correspondence to be noted 
except an unimportant note from the general to the 
prefect.^^ Next da}- the prefect, in a reply to Larkin, 
maintained that his orders to Fremont had not been 
founded on 'false reports or appearances,' as implied, 
but on the laws and oft-repeated instructions from 
Mexico; complained that the consul, instead of order- 
ing Frdmont to depart, had to a certain extent de- 
fended his entry; and urged him to impress on the 
captain the necessity of submitting at once if he would 
avert the consequences of his illegal entry — whether 
it had been from malice or error.^* Larkin enclosed 
this letter to Fremont with one of his own in which 
he warned that oflScer, without venturing to criticise 
his policy, that Castro would soon have* at least 200 
men in arms against him. "It is not for me to point 
out to you your line of conduct," he wrote; "you have 
your instructions from the government; my knowl- 
edge of your character obliges me to believe you will 
follow them; j^ou are of course taking every care 
and safeguard to protect your men, but not knowing 
y<iur actual situation and the people who suiTOund you, 

--March Gth, Larkin to the Castros. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 151; ii. 32-3; 
Larhbis Off. Corresp., MS., i. 79; Hittell, Pap. HisL, MS., no. 4; Mies' 
Reg., Ixxi. 188; Sawyer's Doc, MS., 4-5. Same date, L. to Fremont, with 
copies of the orders. Id., 4. 

^Mar. 7th, Jos^ to Manuel Castro from Tucho rancho. 'Capt. Fremont 
came down this morning with 40 men in search of La Torre's party, advising 
some rancheros not to join either side. It is a declaration. If you can move 
some force, take the Piljaro road to S. Juan. If not, join Narvaez, to whom 
I send an order to quarter all the men he can in the govt house, securing the 
artillery.' Yours, etc. Original in Hittell, Pap. Hut., MS., no. 3. 

"Mar. 8th, C. to L. Doc Hist. Gal., MS., lii. 286; Larldn's Off. Corresp.. 
MS., ii. 148; Hittell, Pap. Hist., MS., 4; Saictjei-'s Doc, MS., 5-7; A'/fe' 
Beg., Ixxi. 188. On an original translation, Larkin notes that Castro has mis- 
interpreted his note. In Sawi/er's Doc, MS., 26, there is a copy of a procl. 
by Gen. Castro on Mar. 8th. The first part is almost literally the same as 
that of Mar. 13th, to be noted later, and with which Sawyer confounds it. 
The last part is a call to arms with a view to ' lance the ulcer, ' etc. Its gen- 
uineness may be doubteil. 



LAKKINS ADVICE. 13 

your care may prove insufficient. . .Your encamping 
so near town has caused njuch excitement. Tlie na- 
tives are firm in tlie belief tliat tliey will break you 
up, and that you can be entirely destroyed by their 
power. In all probability they will attack you; the 
result either way may cause trouble hereafter to resi- 
dent Americans . . . Should it be impossible or incon- 
venient for you to leave California at present, I think,, 
in a proper representation to the general and prefecto, 
an arrangeliient could be made for your camp to be 
continued, but at some greater distance; which arrange- 
ment I should advise if you can offer it."^^ This letter 
was not forwarded till the 9th, when one copy was in- 
trusted to a Californian and another to an American 
courier.^^ On the same day Larkin wrote to John 
Parrott at Mazatlan, enclosing with copies of past 
correspondence an explanation of the critical situation 
of affairs, and a request that a man-of-war be sent to 
California with the least possible delay. These de- 
spatches, with another to the secretary of state, were 
sent to Sanla Bilrbara to overtake the Hannah, which 
had a few days before left Monterey for ]Mazatlan. 
The result was to hasten the coming of the Portsmouth, 
which arrived in April. ^^ 

Larkin's communications to Fremont, sent \>y an 
American whose name does not appear, were inter- 



" March 8th, L. to F. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 80; Sawyer's Doc, 
MS., 8-11; Niles' Reg., l.\xi. 188. L. offers to visit the camp. 

■■"'L.'s letter of March 27th, in Frimont's Cat. Claims, 67, and elsewhere. 
March Sth, L.'s instructions to the couriers. They were to show their de- 
spatches to any official who might demand to see them; but if forcibly de- 
prived of their papers, to note who took them and tell Fremont of what had 
occurred, warning him also to beware of treachery or attack by night, and 
not to expect regular warfare. The couriers were to start the next day (Mon- 
day). Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 72; Sawyer's Doc., MS., 7-8. 

"March 9th, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 44; A'ik.-<' 
Be;}., Ixxi. 189; Frimont's Cal. Claims, 65. In this despatch, L. complains: 
'Having had over half of my hospital expenses of 1844 cut off, and know not 
why, and even my bill for a flag, I do not feel disposed to hazard much for 
govt, though the life of Capt. Frt^mont and party may need it. I hardly 
know how to act.' March 9th, L. to the commander of any U. S. ship-of-war 
at Mazatlan or S. Bias. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 82-3; Sawijer's Doc., 
MS., 13-16. March 9th, L. to Parrott. Fremont's Cal. Claims, 65; Lancey's- 
Cruise, 30-40. 



14 OPERATIONS OF FREMONT AND GILLESPIE. 

cepted by Castro, and a little later sent to Mexico.'' 
Prudencio Espinosa, however, succeeded in reacliing 
the explorers' camp with the duplicates ; and he came 
back at 8 p. m. on the 9th with a note in pencil from 
Fremont — his only communication from the camp on 
the Cerro del Gavilan — which was as follows: "I 
this moment received your letters, and without wait- 
ing to read them, acknowledge the receipt, which the 
courier requires instantly. I am making myself as 
strong as possible, in the intention that if we are un- 
justl}^ attacked we will fight to extremity and refuse 
quarter (!), trusting to our country to avenge our 
death. Xo one has reached my camp, and from the 
height.s we are able to see troops — with the glass — 
mustering at St John's and preparing cannon. I 
thank you for your kindness and good wishes, and 
would write more at length as to my intentions did I 
not fear that my letter would be intercepted. We 
have in no wise dong wrong to the people, or the au- 
thorities of the country, and if we are hemmed in and 
assaulted here, we will die, every man *of us, under 
the flag of our country. P. S. — I am encamped on 
the top of the sierra, at the head waters of a streajn 
which strikes the road to Monterey at the house of 
Don Joaquin Gomez."^^ 

-'April 4tli, PicfiTt ( ':i=tm to inin. of rel., euclosing the captured letters. 
Doc. Hist. '■ M - I '7. He sends them as proof of bad faitli on the 

part of botli I I nK.nt. 

■-"llarcli :i iu:;i,il bears no date, and most of the printed copies 

are dated uii liiu luiii, Imi un an original translation in Hittell, Pap. Hist., 
MS. , 6, Larkin certifies that the note was received ' last night at 8 o'clock, ' 
and that he has allowed a translation to be made at request of Alcalde Diaz, 
to prove that he, the consul, had no improper correspondence with Fremont, 
and also in hopes to 'mitigar lasensaci'ii .I'liil'i. 1" t . 1. . in T. irl' '< Df. 
Con-esp., MS., i. 62-."!; Niks' Her/., lx\i 1 - /' ' ' (■.".-II: 

Cults' Conq., UO-50; Sawtjer's i>oc.. M - i ■ ! ' / r- )'../,> 

Co. Hist., 15, etc. March 10th, receii.i -i I :-|.;i,..-., i.r >_•; :.n t-i ■ inyiiig 
the despatches. Monterey, Consulate Arc/i.. SIS., ii. 14. March 10th, Alc.ihle 
Diaz to Manuel Castro. Espinosa was told by us to present himself to you 
before carrying the despatches. All of us think that by means of a confer- 
ence all differences with Fr(5mont might be settled. Ca4ro, Doc. Hist. Cat., 
MS., ii. 37. The phrase 'refuse quart, i m I ivin.-m s note was translated 
by Hartnell 'will not give quarter' (sn. ni.l was naturally not 

pleasing to the Californians. March l!Mi I, ii . steams to correct the 
alleged error in the governor's copy, tli. i ; :;i iiMi. l.oing 'will not accept 
quarter.' Larldn's 0.f. Corresp., JIS., i. !K1. 



CASTRO'S HOSTILE TREPARATIOXS. 15 

Espinosa had carried the despatches under a pass- 
port from Alcalde Diaz, and on his return, at the re- 
quest of that official, Larkin furnished translations of 
those despatches and of Fremont's reply, taking occa- 
sion to suggest to the authorities the importance of 
holding a conference with Fremont before resorting 
to force.^" Meanwhile Castro had continued his mili- 
tar}^ preparations, about which we know little beyond 
the fact that he collected about two hundred men at 
San Juan. I have statements from several Califor- 
nians who were with the army; but except some ])etty 
details and personal incidents — more interesting than 
accurate as a rule — they add nothing to our knowl- 
edge of the campaign. Most of them agree that 
Castro was less eager for an attack than some of his 
subordinates, for which he was unfavorably criti- 
cised.^^ As a matter of course, General Castro did 

'° March 10th, Alcalde Diaz to Larkin, asking for a translation of Fremont's 
letter, hoping it may contribute to allay the present excitement. Sawyer's 
Col. JDoc, 16. Same date Larkin to Diaz with the translation (already re- 
ferred to as in my possession), and suggesting an hour's conversation bet%veen 
Castro and Fremont. Larkin' s Off. Correnp., MS., i. 86; Vallcjo, Doc, MS., 
xii. 188; Sawyer's Doc., MS., 17-18; Niles' Reg., Ixxi. 190. L. says he knows 
not if F. will approve liis act in giving up the letter, and that he has no au- 
thority over that officer, but is anxious to prevent a useless shedding of blood. 
Same date (11th by eiTor), Diaz to Castro, forwarding the note obtained from 
Larkin. Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 134. Also a private note from Diazto Cas- 
tro, urging that a conference could do no liarm, all at Monterey thinkiug it 
might prevent hostilities. Hittell, Pap. Hisl., MS., 5. Same date, L. to F. , 
with information of what he had done. 'My native courier said he was well 
treated by you — that 2,000 men could not drive you. In all cases of couriers, 
order your men to have no hints or words with them, as it is magnified; this 
one said a man pointed to a tree and said, "There's your life." He exjjected to 
be led to you blindfolded; says you have 62 men,' etc. Larkin's Off. Corrcup., 
MS., i. 84; Mies' lieg., Ixxi. 190. According to Phelps, Fore and Aft, 279- 
80, Godey, one of Fremont's men, had come in to Monterey; and if this was 
so, he doubtless was the messenger who took Larkin's letter. Phelps was 
there at the time, and says he also wrote to Fremont, offering any assistance in 
his jjower, and telling him that if driven to any point on the coast he would 
take him and his party on board his vessel. It is strange, however, that 
Godey, if he was at Alonterey on the 10th, had nothing to say about Fremont's 
retreat. 

^'Alvarado, Hist. Cal, MS., v. 159-71; Eico, Mem., MS., 17-19; Torre, 
Remin., MS., 137^4; Va-itro, Rel., MS., 165-72; Escobar, Camp., MS., p. 2-7; 
German, Sucesos,^ MS., 6-9, 17-18. Also narratives by Californians not per- 
sonally engaged in the campaign, in Vallejo, Hist. Cal, MS., v. 97-106; Fer- 
namlez, Cosas, MS., 123-7; Carrillo,Narr., MS., 9-10; 0.4o, Hist. Cid., MS., 
457-60; Ord, Ociirrencias, MS., 138-9; Guerra, in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 
1003-4; Pinto, Apimt., MS., 99-100; Botello, Anales, MS., 130-1; Larios, 
Coiivulsioncs, MS., 24; Ezquer, Mem., MS., 21; Gomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 



16 OPERATIONS OF FREMONT AND GILLESPIE. 

not wish to attack Freuiont. A iiuich braver man 
than he would have hesitated to lead his men up the 
steep sides of the Gavilan Peak against a force of 
sixty expert riflemen, protected by a barricade of 
logs — especially when there was no necessity for such 
a foolhardy movement. Castro had ordered Frdmont 
to quit the country, and he hoped that a show of mili- 
tary preparation, together with Larkin's influence, 
would induce him to obey. His cause was a just one, 
his policy was prudent, his orders — up to this point 
at least— were moderate and dignified in style, and 
his plans were successful. He was not very brave 
himself, nor were his men efficient soldiers; but it was 
their good fortune not to have their valor and effi- 
ciency put to the test on this occasion. Revere, 
Phelps, Tuthill, Lancey, and to greater or less extent 
most others whose writings on the subject have ap- 
peared in print, have exhausted their vocabulary of 
ridicule and abuse in picturing the treachery and 
cowardice and braggadocio of Castro's actions in this 
affair. Their versions are amusing from a dime-novel 
.standpoint; but Castro's brilliant evolutions in the 
plain, his boastful challenges to combat, his desperate 
charges up the hili just out of rifle-range, like the pa- 
tient waiting of Fremont's gallant band day after day 
in the vain hope of an attack by the foe — have no 
foundation more substantial than the lively and patri- 
otic imagination of the writers cited.^' Of the two, 
Fremont made by far the greater fool of himself 

276-80; Garnica, Recuerdos.MS., 10-11; Amador, Mem. , MS., IdS. Though 
the Califomian nan-atives add nothing to what we leam from contemporary 
corresp. on the events of March 1846, yet many of them give a very fair and 
unprejudiced version of those events. 

Martin, one of Fremont's men, Narrative, MS., 11-12, gives a very inac- 
curate account of the operations around Gavilan. Wm F. Swasey, Cal. 
'4o-6, MS., 5-7, tells us that from S. JosiS John Daubenbiss was sent by 
Weber to the north for aid, while the writer was sent to Fremont's camp to 
teU him what was being done for him. Swasey and Julius Martin were, 
however, captured by Castro near S. Juan, and were unable to carry out their 
mission. He learned at Gomez rancho that F. had left his camp. Mention 
of the Gavilan affair in Bidwell's Cal. IS4I-8, MS., p. 155-6; Belden's Hist. 
Statement, MS.. 45-6. Bid well disapproves Fremont's actions. 

^-Mevere's Tour, 46-8; Phelps' Fore and Aft, 277-84; TuthilVs Hist. 



THE GAVILAN CAMP ABAXDONED. 17 

Early on the 10th, Prefect Castro sent out a sum- 
mons to the people of the north, calling upon them to 
join the force at San Juan, and aid in the work of re- 
pelling invasion and vindicating the national honor. ^* 
The response did not come until the occasion for 
alarm was past, which was indeed but a few hours 
later; for before noon of the same day, Castro learned 
through his scouts that the camp on the Gavilan had 

Cal., 163-5; Lancey's Cruise, 39^3. Of each of these works there is much 
to be said in praise, as will be seen elsewhere; but in this matter they 
have given themselves up entirely to patriotism, prejudice, and burlesque. 
Thomas H. Benton, in his letter of Nov. 9, lS4(j, Niks' Met/. , Ixxi. 173-4, 
stnick the key-note of the abuse showered upon Castro ever since. Benton, 
however, made an absurd blunder, though excusable at the time, through his 
ignorance of Californian geograpliy. Castro, according to this writer, gave 
Fremont permission to winter with his troops in the S. Joaquin Valley, bub 
no sooner had F. brought his men ' to that beautiful valley ' than Castro pre- 
pared to attack him on the pretext that he was exciting Americans to revolt! 
The sec. of war in his report of Dec. 5th takes a similar view briefly. //. 
Ex. Doc. no. 4, p. 50, 29tli coiig. -2.1 sess. 

Other printed accounts "i I "m tiM.m ^ ii|i. i ;ii i..;!- li-'-irlr - tlir >|.„ niurii'.n -i- 
ones so often cited in A' i ^-^ '"' : i / ' 

1S4S — are found in C'liii^' < ' i" - - • ^ I 

itals, 91; Bhieloio's Memoir- -/ /V- ,;..,'. I:;ik / y-v-,„ , l.,i^ ../ /■..„,.„', I'l I- 
16; HcdVs Hist. S. Jos(, 14-2-3; l!ipUij\< War villi J/./c, i. -280-92: Mall- 
haiisen, Twjebuch, 289-90; Walpole's Four Years, ii. 20G-7; Honolulu Friend, 
iv. 153-4; Frignet, Cal., 68. 

^^ March 10th, prefect to sub-prefect of Yerba Buena, and by him tran- 
scribed to the com. of the northern line. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 189; Castro, 
Doc, MS., ii. 39. March 10th, Alcalde Diaz to prefect. All tranquil at 
Monterey. Citizens anxiously awaiting news. /(/.,ii. 37. March 11th, same 
to same. No signs of outbreak among the foreigners. Id., ii. 47. March 
11th, Andres Castillero at Sta Clara to Vallejo. The writer will at once join 
Castro. Lancey's Cruise, 40. March 12th, Sub-prefect Guerrero at Yerba 
Buena to the receptor, asking for funds to buy war material for the men who 
march to the defence of country and laws, ' sufocados por una fuerza armada 
estrangera.' Pinto, Doe., MS., ii. 227. March 14th, a courier sent by Marsh 
announced Fremont's position at Sutter's Fort. A'. Helv. i>;a»-2/, MS., 39; but 
17th according to Sutter's Diary, 7. March 14th, Guerrero from Sierra Mo- 
rena to prefect, narrating the preparations under his orders. He had raised 
52 men, including some naturalized foreigners and Englishmen; Estudillo had 
raised 38 men (in Contra Costa?), and they had marched to S. 3os6. Now 
that Fremont had retreated, the men would like at least to go to the Alto del 
Gavilan to raise the Mexican flag. All were ready m case of new alarms. 
Castro, Doc. , MS., ii. 49. March 14th, Com. Sanchez to corporal in command 
at S. Rafael. He must come with all his men to join the force at S. Juan. 
\'cdl('jo. Doc, MS., xii. 193. March 14th, 15th, Vallejo at Sonoma to au- 
thorities of S. Kafael, and to the people of the north. A stin-ing appeal to 
rally for the defence of Mexican sovereignty. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 185, 
188-9, 195-6. March 15th, Alcalde Pacheco of S. Jos6 to Castro, on the pa- 
triotism and warlike spirit of the people of his town, who now have been per- 
mitted to i-etire to their farms, etc. Hittell, Pap. Hist., MS., 7. March 
17th-21st. Clyman, Dinry and Note-Book, encamped at tlie head of Napa 
Valley, heard of the Fremont affair and of the call upon all citizens to assem- 
ble at Sonoma for defence. On the 22d he heard of Fremont's flight. 
Hist. Cal., Vol. V. 2 



IS OPERATIONS OF FREMONT AND GILLESPIE. 

been abandoned in the night — that of March 9th- 
10th; and still later in the day it was ascertained that 
Fremont had moved off eastward and fortified another 
camp. Next morning, John Gilroy is said to have 
been sent by Castro with a message, but to have 
found the second camp also deserted, its occupants 
having continued their retreat to the San Joaquin.^* 
Naturally the Californian chiefs were jubilant at Fre- 
mont's flight, which they, somewhat pardonably under 
the circumstances, regarded as a great victory for 
themselves. The citizen soldiers were dismissed to 
their homes, with instructions to hold themselves in 
readiness for action should the attempted invasion be 
renewed; and the leaders, in their j^roclamations to 
the people and reports to tlieir superiors announcing 
results, indulged rather freely in the gasconade deemed 
an essential part of such documents. It is fair to 
state, however, that this feature of the documents in 
question has been most grossly exaggerated, writers 
having gone so far even as to print imaginary de- 
spatclies — some of them "signed with gunpowder on 
the field of battle." The purport of the genuine doc- 
uments — of which I translate in a note the one that 

^' March 10th, Prefect Castro to Alcalde Diaz, acknowledging receipt of 
letter of same date with copy of Fremont's note, and announcing that the fort 
had been abandoned. Doc. Hist. Cat, MS., iii. 1.32. Larkin in his report of 
March 27th, Nlles' Reg., Ixxi. 189, etc., states that in a ). i t;, lipt tn a letter 

written on the evening of the 10th, Gen. Castro said ' tli i ' 1 1 i I'l it had 

crossed a small river, and was then about three miles 1; m ' L. 

also mentioned Gilroy's mission. In later years a runiMi hi- lidhi . uirency 
that Gilroy was sent to suggest an arrangement by which tlio torces of Fri- 
mont and Castro were to unite, declare Cal. independent, and march against 
Pico ! It would require the sti-ongest of confirmatory proofs— and there exists 
not the slightest evidence— to outweigh the inherent absurdity of this rumor, 
though it has been advanced as a fact by Lancey and others. Gih'oy was sent 
to F., if at all, either in accordance with Larkin 's recommendation in favor of 
a conference (see note 30), or merely as a spy to learn F. 's position and inten- 
tions. Another current rumor among the Califomians, which seems to have 
but little foundation in fact or probability, is to the effect that Capistrano 
Lopez, Castro's scout, revealed to F. the preparations that were being made 
against him, receiving gold for the information. The exact locality of F. 's 
second camp— somewhere in the hills east of S. Juan— is not known to me. 
In his map, with (/. S. Gon ]>,„■.. :^l^t cnng. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc., 17, two 
crossings are indicated, our liy thv I'arlnoo Pass, and another by the S. 
Juan Pass farther south. I'iuti', .1/"//'., MS., 99, says the route was by Tres 
Pinos and Carrizalito; he adds tluit many fuoUsh people have tried to find the 
a large sum of money which Fiuinont Ij'y tradition had been forced to bury. 



FRISMONT runs away. 19 

gave most offence — was that certain audacious adven- 
turers, who had dared to raise a foreign flag on CaU- 
fornian soil, had been induced to flee ignominiously at 
the sight of two hundred patriots resolved to defend 
their country, leaving behind a part of their camp 
equipage — for Fremont had abandoned in one of his 
camps a few worn-out articles not worth removing.^' 

"March 12th, Gen. Castro to alcalde of S. Jose. Fremont has fled. Men 
to be disbanded with thanks. S. Josi, Arch., Loose Papers, 35. Prefect Cas- 
tro to same effect. Id., 25. March 14th, similar communication. Id., 36. 
March 13th, Gen. Castro's proclamation to the people (see below), in Vallejo, 
Doi:, MS., xxxiv. 186. This was posted in the billiard-saloon, and Larkin 
tried without success to get a copy of it. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 87; 
Niles' Reri., Ixxi. 190; Saioyer's Doc, MS., 25-6. Sawyer copies a transla- 
tion of an earlier proclamation as the one posted in the billiard-room. 
March 14th, Prefect Castro to Gov. Pico. A report of the whole affair, enclos- 
ing past corresp., etc. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 150; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. 
Pref. y Jiizg., MS., ii. 88-90. March 14th, Sub-prefect Guerrero to Vallejo, 
announcing Fremont's flight ' en virtud de haber visto el entusiasmo de los 
hijos del pais.' Vallejo, Doc., MS., xii. 194. March 19th, Leidesdorfi' to Lar- 
kin. The news is that F. has run away, leaving a green cloak, 3 or 4 axes, 
some cash(!), and cooking utensils. Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 72. No date, 
Rico to Castro. Rumor that F. was coming back to renew the struggle. He 
had told the rancheros to remain neutral or the devil would carry them off. 
Castro, Doc, MS., i. 129. 

Later communications, in which events of the Gavilan are narrated, and 
which I have had occasion to quote already, are as follows: March Z7th, Lar- 
kin to sec. Kt;itc-. in Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 45-7; Niles' Reg., Ixxi. 
189; Frinn. -. « ,,' (,,;,».«, 66-8; Cutts' Conq., 145-6. The writer takes 
some pa i 1 1 i i > . 1 1 ir r letters to show that F. moved away leisurely, and 

notfroiu 1 .,: : 1 ., ^ April 1st, Gen. Castro to min. of war, from Monitor 
Republiiuiiu. Aiay luili, ill AHles' Reg. , Ixxi. 187-8, criticised by Benton in Id., 
Ixxi. Castro writes: ' Having organized a force of 150 men, I went to the vicinity 
of the sierra where Fremont had intrenched himself under the American flag. I 
was prepared to attack him in the nightof the 10th, when he, taking advantage 
of the darkness, abandoned the fortiiication, doubtless precipitately, as we 
found there the next day some iron instruments and other things; and in trying 
to find the trail to know what direction they took, it was impossible on account 
of their having withdrawn in complete dispersion. This obliged me to stay ' 
for some days, until by some persons from the Tulares I was informed that 
the adventurers were taking the road by the river to the north.' April 2d, 
Larkin to sec. state. Similar in purport to that of March 27th. Tliinks that 
F., who had been in no real danger, has gone to Sta Barbara. Larkin's Off. 
Corresp., MS., ii. 48-9; Niles' Reg., Ixxi. 189-90. April 4th, Prefect Castro 
to min. of rel. Doc Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 157. April 18th, L. to sec. state. 
Castro and the rest state, and writer is inclined to believe, that the Cali- 
f oi-nians had no intention of attacking F. , but acted solely for effect in Mexico ! 
Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 51. 

Castro's proclamation of March 13th, the original of which is in my pos- 
session, may be literally translated as follows: 'Fellow-citizens— a party of 
highwaymen who, without respecting the laws or authorities of the department, 
boldly entered tlie country under the leadership of Don J. C. Fremont, captain 
in the U. S. army, have disobeyed the orders of this comandancia general 
and of the prefecture of the 2d district, by which said leader was notified im- 
'nediatelyto march beyond the bounds of our territory; and witliout replying 



20 OPERATION'S OF FREMONT AN^D GILLESPIE. 

Fremont's act in defying the Californian authorities 
and raising tlie stars and stripes over his Gavilan camp 
had been, as we have seen, a most unwise and unjust- 
ifiable one. He had taken the step under a rasli im- 
pulse of the moment, strengthened by the advice uf 
irresponsible followers. As a United States officer, 
he had put himself in a false and compromising posi- 
tion — and this even if it be admitted that he had been 
unfairly treated by Castro, which was by no means 
true. A little reflection made clear to him the error 
he had committed. Having once taken the stej), 
nothing remained but to retreat, or to raise the stanil- 
ard of revolt in favor of independence, and call on 
resident foreigners to support him. What he saw 
with his field-glass at San Juan indicated that he must 
decide promptly ; and Larkin's communication threw 
additional light on the real state of affairs. Fremont 
was not yet prepared to declare himself openly a fili- 
buster; and though it was a severe blow to his pride, 
he was obliged to run away. Larkin's letter arrived 
late in the afternoon of INIarch 9th, and in the dark- 
ness of the same night the brave explorers — for their 
bravery is unquestionable, de.>pite their retreat and 
the absurd fame of dime-novel heroes accorded them 
by many writers — left their famous camp on the Ga- 
vilan.^^ Fremont's method of excusing his blunder 
was to say very little about it in detail, to allude to 

to the said notes in writing, ttie said captain merely sent a verbal message 
that on the SieiTa del Gavilau he was prepared to resist the forces which the 
authorities might send to attack him. Tlie followuig measures of this com- 
mand and of the prefecture, putting in action all possible elements, produced 
as a result that he at the sight of 200 patriots abandoned the camp which he 
occupied, leaving in it some clothing and other war material, and according 
to the scouts took the route to the Tulares. Compatriots, the act of unfurling 
the American flag on the hills, the insults and threats offered to the author- 
ities, are worthy of execration and hatred from Mexicans; prepare, then, to 
defend our independence in order that united we may repel with a strong 
hand the audacity of men who, receiving every mark of true hospitality in 
our country, repay with such ingratitude the favors obtained from our cor- 
diality and benevolence. Headquarters at San Juan Bautista, March 13, 
1846.' 

^^Martin, Nan:, MS., 12, tells us that they left the fort on receipt of or- 
ders from Larkin. This suggests the idea that Fri5mont may very likely have 
put the matter in that light before his men, who were naturally not pleased 
'vith the retreat, and who knew little of a consul's powers. 



THE CAPTAIN'S DEFENCE. 21 

Castro's broken promise, and to imply rather than 
state directly — the rest being left to enthusiastic 
friends — that he acted in self-defence, Castro having 
raised the whole country in arms against him. The 
reader knows, however, not only that Castro broke 
no promise, but that he made no threats of attack ex- 
cept in case his order to quit the district should be 
disobeyed — an order which Fremont could have 
obeyed quite as well on the 6th as on the 10th of 
March. In a letter to Mrs Fremont, written a little 
later, the captain says: "About the middle of next 
month, at latest, I will start for home. The Spaniards 
were somewhat rude and inhospitable below, and or- 
dered us out of the country after having given me 
permission to winter there. My sense of duty did not 
permit me to fight them, but we retired slowly and 
growlingly before a force of three or four hundred men 
and three pieces of artillery. Without a shadow of a 
cause, the governor suddenly raised the whole country 
against us, issuing a false and scandalous proclamation. 
Of course I did not dare to compromise the United 
States, against which appearances would have been 
strong; but though it was in my power to increase 
my party by many Americans, I refrained from com- 
mitting a solitary act of hostility or impropriety. For 
my own part, I have become disgusted with everything 
belonging to the Mexicans. Our government will 
not require me to return by the southern route against 
the will of this government; I shall therefore return 
by the heads of the Missouri."^' To what extent these 
statements are true or false, the reader can judge. 

Descending into the great valley, perhaps by the 
Pacheco Pass, on March 11th, Fremont crossed the 
San Joaquin in boats on the 13th, reached the Stan- 

=• April 1st, F. on the Sacramento to Mrs F. Nile^' Her/., Ixxi. 190. Hittell, 
Jlint. S. F. , 99, etc. , gives briefly a correct view of Fr(5mont's operations. He 
seems to be the only prominent writer who has not been led astray in this 
matter, Gilbert, in Yolo Co. Hist., also takes a correct view of the matter, 
as do a few other writers in similar publications. 



22 OPERATIONS OF FREMONT AND GILLESI'IE. 

islaus the 16th, and arrived at New Helvetia the 21st, 
pitching his camp just across the American Kiver. 
Three days later he moved on up the valley, visiting 
Keyser's rancho on Bear River, Coixlua's on the Yuba, 
and Neal's on Butte Creek, and arriving at Lassen's 
on Deer Creek the 30th of March. The company 
remained here until April 5th; and after a week's trip 
up the valley to Cow Creek and back, they encamped 
again at Lassen's on April llth-14th.''' 

While in the Sacramento Valley, Fremont sent 
Talljot down the river to obtain supplies at Yerba 
Buena.^ He also sent out men in various directions 
to buy horses from the Indians, a transaction that 
appears not to have given entire satisfaction to the 
former owners of the stolen animals. Testimony on 
this subject is, however, not of the best.*" Carson and 
Martin relate that while at Lassen's, the explorers 
were called upon by the settlers for aid against the 
Indians, who were threatening a general attack. The 
result was a raid in which the Indians were defeated 
at their village, a large number being slain in the 
battle." 

Yet another episode of the stay in this region was a 

^^ Fremont's Geog. Mem., 20-7, 57; Sutler's Diary, 7; Martin's Narr., MS., 
12; Lancey's Cruise, 43-5. One of F.'s men arrived at Sutter's on the 20th. 
N. Helv. Diary, MS., 39. Sutter, Personal Remin., MS., 138, etc., describes 
Fremont's actions at this time as having been very mystei-ious and sus- 
picious. 

^^Phelp.'i' Fore and Aft, 283. Talbot left Sutter's on the launch on March 
26th. N. Helv. Diary, MS. He returned April 9th. Id. April 16th, Leides- 
dorff writes that he is daily expecting a draft from Fremont on account of 
money and supplies furnished since he left S. Juan. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 
iii. 172. 

*" Martin, Narr., MS., 12-13, tells us tliat Godey and himself were sent 
to the Tulares, and purchased 187 animals very cheap. Sutter, Person. Remin., 
MS., H5-8, mentions the purchase of horses in the valley, and says he wrote 
to F. at Lassen's, urging him to leave the stolen animals behind, a letter 
which was not answered, and the writing of which F. never forgave. This 
story is probably true, as Sutter made a similar statement, and enclosed a copy 
of his letter in a communication to Castro of May 31st. 21 horses that had 
been stolen from settlers had been taken away to Oregon. Castro, Doc., MS., 
ii. 41. 

^'^ Peters' Life of Kit Carson, 254; Martin's Narr., MS., 1.3-14. Carson 
tells us that the Ind. were preparing to attack the ranclieros. ' probably at the 
instigation of the Mexicans'! Martin says that more than 175 Ind. wereslain 
in less than three hours, they having been attacked while engaged in a war- 
dance. Lancey, Cruise, 44, locates the fight on Reading's rancho. 



IN THE SACRAMENTO VALLEY. -23 

grand fiesta, or barbecue, given by Fremont's men to a 
party of immigrants who were encamped in the valley, 
having come frooi Oregon the year before, and being 
now engaged in preparations for a return trip, some to 
Oregon, othei's to the States. The feasting and danc- 
ing — there were women in the immigrant company, 
though border men could dance without female part- 
ners upon occasion — lasted two days; and an Indian 
servant who was present carried south the sensational 
report that the assemblage was one of two hundred 
armed foreigners, whose purpose was to fall upon Mon- 
terey as soon as Indian reenforcements could be ob- 
tained from Oregon !*^ Clyman, one of the immigrants 
who proposed to quit the country, though not appar- 
ently one of those present at the barbecue, desired to 
unite his company to that of Fremont for the return 
trip — or, as he claims, for a movement against the Cal- 
ifornians — but his proposition was declined.''^ 

Leaving Lassen's on or about April 14th, Fremont 
proceeded northward ,,,to Oregon.** On May 8th, 

"May 6th, sub-prefect to prefect. Castro, Doc, US., ii. 79; Dept. St. 
Pap., Ben. Pre/, y Jnzg., MS., ii. 85. May 31st, Sutter to Castro. Castro, 
Doe., MS., ii. i\. See also MartirCs Narr., 14^15. The Indian was an ex- 
neophyte of S. 3os& named Autolino, who was at work for Francis Day. 

*^ Cli/man's Note Bool; MS., 18, 2C-7. A letter from Fremont is copied 
from the original in Clyman's possession. In the copy it is dated, 'Camp on 
Feather River, Dec. 19, 1845,' but this of course is all wTong. The letter, if 
genuine, which there is no other reason to doubt, must have been written in 
March or April 1846. Clyman and party started for the states at the end of 
April from Johnson's rancho. I quote the letter as showing, in connection 
with that of April 1st to Mrs Fremont, the captain's feelings and plans. 
'Your favor of the 21st ult. has been received through the kindness of Mr 
Flint. . .1 am placed in a peculiar position. Having carried out to the best 
of my ability my instructions to explore the far west, I see myself on the eve 
of my departure for home confronted by the most perplexing complications. 
I have received information to the effect that a declaration of war between 
our government and Mexico is probable, but so far this news has not been 
confirmed. The Californian authorities object to my presence here, and 
threaten to overwhelm me. If peace is preserved, I have no right or business 
here; if war ensues, I shall be outnumbered ten to one, and be compelled 
to make good my retreat, pi-essed by a pursuing enemy. It seems that the 
only way open to me is to make my way back eastward, and as a military 
man you must perceive at once that an increase of my command would only 
encumber and not assist my retreat through a region where wild game is the 
only thing procurable in the way of food. Under these circumstances, I must 
make my way back alone, and gratefully decline your offer of a company of 
hardy warriors.' 

** Fr&mont's Geoij. Mem., 31-2, 57-8; Fremont's map in t^. 8. Govt Doc, 



24 OPERATIONS OF FREMOXT AXD GILLESPIE. 

liaving passed up l)y the western shore of Klamath 
Lake, he encamped near the north end of that body 
<if water. Late that evening two horsemen, Samuel 
Neal and William Sigler, rode into camp with the 
news that a L^nited States officer was two days be- 
hind with despatches, protected by a small escort and 
probably in great danger. Next morning Fremont 
took nine of his men, Carson, Maxwell, Godey, 
Owens, Lajeunesse, and four Delawares, hastened 
back with Neal and Sigler, and after a ride of some 
twenty -five miles — not sixty miles as was claimed at 
the time and has been often repeated — he met at 
nightfall Lieutenant Archibald H. Gillespie. This 
officer, of whose arrival I shall have more to say 
presently, had reached Sutter's April 28th, and Las- 
sen's the 1st of May. From that point, with only 
five companions, Lassen, Neal, Sigler, Stepp, and a 
negro servant named Ben, he started May 2d on 
Fremont's trail. 'On the 7th the two men were sent 
in advance, and the others encamped at the outlet of 
Klamath Lake, unable to ford* the river, and having 
nothing to eat for forty hours. On the morning of 
the 9th, a party of Indians made their appearance, 
who in great apparent kindness gave the travellers a 
fresh salmon for food, and ferried them over the 
water in canoes. After a day's journey of some 
thirty miles, Gillespie met Fremont at sunset, as re- 
lated, at a stream named from the events of that 
night Ambuscade Creek. *^ 

31st oong. 1st sess., H. Ex. no. 17. The route is Indicated by tlie following 
stations: Deer Creek, April 14tlii Mill I'l.. Antelope Or., Xozali Cr. (opposite 
Cottonwood Cr.), April L'.-)tli; I'.; mi .( > . Jiitli : ('.,ii,|.l., Us ( , . . ■JTlh: Tpper 
Sacramento (Pit River) aljoM I 1, J'-'ih: >;iiiii . iiji]!! i .ml ••! Knund 

Valley, 30t!i; Rhett Lake, v.. ■ .. M,-\ l~t; \l,^'v.,:\^\ lln,,, 4th; 

Denny's branch, Cth; Ambuswui.. i i., Tth, ii...tli cud uf Kluuuitli Lake, Sth, 
9th— and returning— Corral Cr., Torrey River, Wetowali Cr. (all running 
into the east side of Klamath Lake), 11th, 12th, 14th; Russell's branch, I9th; 
Poinsett's River, 20th; Myers' branch, 21st; and Deer Cr., or Lassen's, May 
24th. 

" Fremont's testimony in Fr(^monCs Cal. Claims, 12; Gillespie in /<?., .30- 
1; Gillespie to Larkin from Lassen's May 24th, in Larlin's Doc, MS., iv. 
l.'?4; May 24th, Fremont to Benton. NiW lieri., Ixxi. 190; Snfter'x Duinj, 7; 
y^olo Co. Hist., 15-10: 151-2; Linicei/s Cruise, 43-8; BidweU's Cal. IS4I-S, 



ATTACKED BY IXDIAXS. 25 

The sixteen tired travellers retired early after the 
two parties were united on May 9th, and were soon 
sleeping soundly — Fremont sitting up later than the 
rest to read his despatches and letters from home. 
The Indians wi iv ilrciucd friendly, and no watch was 
kept. Just 1" I'liv iiiithii-lil the camp was attacked 
by savages. JJasil Lajiuiicssf and a Delawai'e were 
killed as they slept, by blows from axes. The sound 
of these blows aroused Carson and Owens, who gave 
the alarm; when the Indians fled, after killing with 
tlieir arrows a Delaware named Crane, and leaving 
(lead a chief of their number, who proved to be the 
very man from whom Gillespie had that morning 
Ijeen furnished with food and aid farther south. Next 
morning they started northward to join the main 
Ijody, burying the bodies of their slain comrades on 
the way. The whole party started on the 11th down 
the eastern side of the lake, wreaking terrible ven- 
geance on the innocent natives along the route, if we 
may credit the statement of Kit Carson, who played 
a leading part in the butcheries. They reached Lassen's 
rancho on their return the 24th, and a few days later 
moved their camp down to the Buttes.*" Gillespie's 
arrival had little to do with the alleged motive of Fre- 
mont's return from the north, which motive was the 

MS., 157-00. Sutter, in liis Personal Remin., MS., complains that Gillespie 
IjoiTovvt'l III- tiM'ii. -:;ii() mule and brought it back wind-broken. lu j\'. 
JIdi: Ji^n, , M - ii. I . s arrival at Sutter's is recorded, and it is stated 
that Sti|i|i . I I went on with him ne.xt day. 

"Si I, I lit the citations of the preceding note, Peter/ Life of 

A'.' ' : I. ', ; .'/'.■,■ Kit Carson, 249-55. Carson goes very fully 

1 1 1 1 : ' 1 ' I J 1 1 s on the return trip, noting the burning of one large 

^li - .: [Hople had been slain; also the gallant manner in 

"111 li III: ii ,ii:-ii,, ]!.■ was .saved on one occasion by Fremont. Several 
writers speak of a curious wn.»l,-n r(i;it-..f innil wurn by one of the lud. war- 
riors; and all speak of tlu- lii:;\. ly -Iniuii li\ tlicse natives. Accounts or 
mentions of the affair also in .1/, .,/;,',- .V"., . i(;--JI; .Tune 1st, Larkin to sec. 

stntp. T,,n-hhr.n,:\ r.-.,;:.:^ W^ .u :.r,- s /.,../.;,;./.>,.„„.„/. o:,_,;. y„^. 

/,,//■■ //..' '■•'■ uw. 7^ /,. /■ ., i .1; I ,,;;. ■,, // • , „/. MS., 

V lii'.i. ''..., // ( . . \l~ III! :; ^. .',;; ' .i:!i..!i !i|. ,1 : .1 iispiciou 
til •: I ' l\ ' .' . ■ ,1 I,... I, I 1,1 1 ,,-,,- ^ a,L;ents ! 

^iiii'i. /'■.:..: ■ A // / ' M- I'l .'II, 111. tc.-i iSuals ill lival from 

'!' ' ^1 - ■ I., ] .I,,:;iii|i. Capt. Pheips, /^orf awrf 

I > I' • a small space. See also 

-1/" ■ , '-- -■•'I, ->^ :i; -,■"/.,, ^ I ■!'., ,(,S-9. 



i(j OrERATIONS OF FREMONT AND GILLESPIE. 

difficulty of crossing the mountains into Oregon on 
account of the snow. The captain had nearly deter- 
mined — so he said- — to change his route before he 
heard of Gillespie's approach; and he still announced, 
late in May, his intention to return homeward by a 
southern route. *^ I shall have more to sa}' on certain 
phases of this topic in another chapter. 

A letter from Buchanan to Larkin dated October 
17, 1845, has already been quoted in this history, be- 
ing a most important document, never before made 
public.*^ It contained a clear statement of the policy 
of the United States respecting Cahfornia; appointed 
Larkin a confidential agent of the government to aid 
in carrying out that policy; and contained also the 
following passage: "Lieutenant Archibald H. Gilles- 
pie of the marine corps will immediately proceed to 
Monterey, and will j^robably reach you before this de- 
spatch. He is a gentleman in whom the president 
reposes entire confidence. He has seen these instruc- 
tions, and will cooperate as a confidential agent with 
you in carrying them into execution." Gillespie left 
Washington early in November 1845. He carried 

*' May 24th, F. to Benton. ' I have but a faint hope that this note will 
reach you before I do. . .1 shall now proceed directly homewards by the Col- 
orado.' Nlles^ Reg., Ixxi. 191. In his letter of July 2oth, he says: 'Snow was 
falling steadily and heavily iu the mountains, which entirely surrounded and 
dominated the elevated valley region into which we had penetrated. In the 
east and north and west, barriers absolutely impassable barred our road; we 
had no provisions; our animals were already feeble, and while any other way 
was open, I could not bring myself to attempt such a doubtful enterprise as a 
passage of these unknown mountains in the dead of winter. Every day the 
snow was falling; and in the face of the depressing influence exer-cised on the 
people by the loss of our men, and the unpromising appearance of things, I 
judged it inexpedient to pursue our journey farther in this direction, and de- 
termined to retrace my steps and carry out the views of the govt by reaching 
the frontier on the line of the Colorado River.' Id., Ixxi. 191. Larkin wrote 
on June 1st, 'Fremont now starts for the States.' LarkhCsOff. Corresp., MS., 
ii. 56. May 24th, Gillespie wrote: 'There was too much snow upon the 
mountains to cross. He now goes home from here.' Id., Doc, MS., iv. 134. 
In his testimony of 1848 Fremont says that 'his progress farther north was 
then barred by hostile Indians and impassable suovsy mountains, and he was 
meditating some change in his route when' Gillespie came, etc. Fremont's 
Col. Claims, 12. It was the idea of Carson and others of the men that it was 
Gillespie's despatches which promised the return. 

'^ Biichancai's Instruc, MS. See long quotation in chap. xxv. of vol. v. 



GILLESPIE'S MISSION. 27 

with him a duplicate copy of the document just cited, 
which he destroyed on the way, after having committed 
its contents to memory, in fear that it might fall into 
the hands of the Mexicans." He carried also letters 
of introduction from Buchanan to Larkin and to Frd- 
mont;''" and a packet containing private correspond- 
ence from Senator Thomas H. Benton addressed to 
Fremont, his son-in-law.'^' The exact purport of Ben- 
ton's letters has never been made public; whether, as 
supplemented by Gillespie's oral communications, they 
went further in their political significance than the ot- 
Hcial written instructions, is a question that has always 
been wrapped in mystery, and one that may be more 
intelligibly and profitably considered a little later, 
when I come to narrate Fremont's subsequent acts. 

Gillespie went under his true name, but in the as- 
sumed character of an invalid merchant travelling for 
his health. He was delayed for a time at the city of 
Mexico in consequence of the Pai'edes revolution ; but 
finally reached Mazatlan and sailed on the U. S. man- 
of-war Cyane, Mervine commander, via Honolulu for 
Monterey, where he arrived April 17th, a month later 
than he had anticipated at his departure from the 
States. Entering at once into communication with 
Larkin, he remained at Monterey two days, as did the 
Cyane also to take back the consul's despatches.^" 

''Gillespie's testimony of 1848, in Frimonl's Gal. Claiinx, 30. He states: 
'Early in Nov. 1845, I received orders from the president and secretary of 
the navy, Mr Bancroft, to proceed to Cal. by way of Vera Cruz, and the 
shortest route through Mexico to Mazatlan, with instructions to watch over 
the interest of the U. S. in Cal., and to counteract the influence of any foreign 
or European agents who might be in that country with objects prejudicial to 
the U. S. ' Gillespie's written instructions, if they were put in writing, are 
not e.xtaut, but of coui-se they were substantially the same as those to Lar- 
kin. 

^"Nov. 1, 1845. ' I take pleasure in introducing to you the bearer hereof, 
Mr Archibald H. Gillespie, as a gentleman of respectability and worth. He 
is about to visit the north-west coast of America on business, and should he 
stop on his way at Monterey, allow me to bespeak for him your kind atten- 
tion. You will find him to be in every respect worthy of your regard. Yours 
very respectfully, James Buchanan. To Thomas 0. Larkiu, Esq.' Origiiial 
in Larhn's Doc, MS., iii. 362. This letter is not mentioned in Gillespie's 
testimony. That addressed to Fremont was doubtless of the same purport. 

=' Gillespie's testimony; also Fr(5mont's deposition in Frimonl's Cal. Claims, 

'^ April 17th, G. on board the Ci/aiie to L. ' Confidential. Enclosed I send 



28 OPERATIONS OF FREMONT AND GILLESPIE. 

Gillespie's true character as an officer — if not as a 
confidential agent, or 'spy' as the Mexicans would 
somewhat plausibly have termed him — was suspected 
from the first by the Californians; but he was not hin- 
dered from starting on the 19th for Yerba Buena on 
liis way to find Fremont, after having been entertained 
at a grand ball given by Ex-governor Alvarado, or at 
least at his house. It is stated, however, that the 
lieutenant had to depart secretly in the night while 
the ball was in progress, so great was the suspicion 
of the authorities, strengthened as some say by a 
warning which David Spence had received from ]\Iaza- 
tlan/'^ He left San Francisco April 25th in a boat 
furnished by Leidesdorff, to whom he seems to have 
announced the certainty of war with Mexico, repre- 
senting that to be the nature of his message to Fre- 
mont.'* 

you a letter of iiitiucluctioii, wli 
have an iiiiiMMt.int ilr^piit. Ii Im 
obliged l)v \ "in > -mimii- "h lin: 
iv. 91. Apiil I7tl., I, iM \1, I- 
for ilespatrlir- Sainr ,latr, M, 
MS., i. i>-2. 

"'^ April 19th, Capt. Mervine and his officers caunot attend the dance. Lar- 
khi '.-i Dor. , MS. , iv. 94. Sanve date, Larkin to Leidesdorff, introducing Gillespie 
as a friend iti ill health, -nho 'wishes to travel through your part of the coun- 
try to enjoy the climate,' etc. 'I believe he has some personal acquaintance 
with Capt. Fremont, and may wish to see him if the trouble and expense is 
not too much.' Furnish all needed aid, etc. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., i. 93. 
June 1st, L. writes to sec. state, 'Mr G. was at once known here as an ofHcer, 
or fully supposed to lie so, and could not pass for a merchaiii. . . In fact, so long 
as it is not correctly known, I prefer that he should be supposed to be what 

X'iillij... //;-' '''/',, MS , V, KMi !l, says that Spence received by the C^aHe 

:i ! • iiiii-^ mIm.Ii iiiiiirr a la I .■ 1 1. ittdiu contained a letter of warning 

a^i . I I I , a llh -aaa liiir a' .if similar purport was addressed to 

1:; 'a la a in ha ran III ( a -i 1 1 1 1 1 ai I lu ijuikc lum drunk at the ball, but he 

kept liislicail, :iiiil icltalniut, imduii;lit \vi til liurses and guides furnished by Lar- 
kin. Vallejo was in Monterey at the time, and was not in favor of allowmg 
Gillespie to depart; but no proofs could be brought against him. Alvarado, 
Bisf. Cat., MS., v. 172-S, tulls a similar story, but says Spence did not re- 
veal his scant, r\(.|.t |.(ilai|.- lliaf Iii- iiifa, an old flame of the general, may 

havedroppail a liiat in I \l . I . \ ~ that Gillespie pretended to speak 

.ilamali ' : ; i a i ! 1 1 icntly . Seealso Orel, Ocui-reiicia!:, 



doubt not you w 


■ill Ull. 


l.istand 


, and as I 


, as also other se; 


llaii ,1 


a-kaaa-.. 


1 will be 


early as possibl 






' ,, MS., 


requesting him t 






Ila- 19th 


consents. Id., ii 




/./ . ";• 


' ■'"■'■'■■'^'- 



bpani! 
MS., : 



IS.. 140-1; /Via,-,,, /',,;, \1- H; ' 

"April ■.•5th, Leiclesdortf t.i Laikin. 
'Glorious news for Fremont! I think I 
appears that this news was not utiuiall; 
some news here, as tlie sub-prefect is Im^ 
lin's Doc, MS., iv. 104. On April S.kX. La 



,SUTTER-.S WARNING. 29 

Arriving at Now Helvetia on the iStli, tlie eonti- 
dential agent hurried on up the valley, overtook Fre- 
mont, and returned with him, as I have already related, 
at the end of May. Before I proceed with the record 
of the two officers' subsequent operations in June, 
there are other important matters to be disposed of. 
I may note here, however, that Sutter warned Castro 
that, despite Gillespie's pretence of being an invalid 
with private letters for Fremont, he was really, as 
Sutter suspected, an officer of the U. S. army and the 
bearer of important despatches — indeed, he had ad- 
mitted himself to be an officer, though claiming to be 
on the retired list.'^^ 

of the Portsmouth, etc. It w.is imt n-. livnl until C. Ii.i.l nturned from the 

north. Laui:cii's (.'ruisr, 4:\. Aiml ."mli II :i~ (.ih j.i^ s4(» from Larkin 

for carrying the said lettur. 1/ - I , \l^., ii. 14. 

55Miy,Slst, SuttertoCasti .. 1 1, ;_,,„i ; :, ' ,./',. Ms., ii. 41, 98. Of 
course it was Sutter's duty iia a ik .\ic.ui uiIkuiI to j^i\ c tln^^ warning; but the 
act does not exactly accord with .some of the captain's later pretensions of 
favor to the U. S. On Gillespie's jnission — including his supposed secret 
instructions, to be noticed later — sec also Fr('mont'f! Cat. dnims, Report, 817 
(.Wth cong. 1st sess., H. Report): ConZv',- r,,,,,;,,,- ^ •20?. ,",: s„r,.T,/'sCal., MS., 
45-6; JaifsMex. War. \rAUi: ,;/.. .. !' • ' ' , : 1 ,-,9-60; Cfari's 

SpeechonCal. Cluliii^: r. S. i;,„i /).' :;-,:!, : , . I [. Kept. Court 

of Claims, no. •2-29, v,.l, iv.; /',7.,,,,i- , |. / . , , ;, p. 18-19; Tut- 

hiWs Hid. Cal, lOG-S; Vunbar'.'^ Ilmnm,,: , Ai-'l. 



CHAPTER II. 

POLITICAL AND MILITARY. 

January-June, 1S46. 

A Fruitless CoNTEOVERsy — Alvarado as Congressman— CastaSakes and 
Tellez — Covarrubias as Pico's Agent— Mission of Castillero — 
Affairs in Mexico — Iniestra's Expedition — Tellez and Morales — 
Cambuston and Castro — Valle and Treasury Troubles — Assembly 
— Guerra Sent to Monterey— Return of J. A. Carkillo— Pico as 
Constitutional Governor — Military Junta at Monterey- — Adhe- 
sion to President Paredes— Measures for Defence — Pico's Protests 
— Vallejo's Position — Guerra Sent to Anoeles^Consejo General 
DE Pueblos Unidos at Santa Barbara— Castro's Protests — Martial 
Law — The Assembly Deposes Castro — Pico and his Army March 
North against Castro— Warlike Preparations for Defence of 
Angeles — Cooperation of Foreigners — Bandini and Castro — 
Affairs in the NoRTn. 

The topics tliatmake up the political annals of 1846 
are bound together by two parallel or intertwined 
threads. One is the fear of foreign invasion; the 
other, with the disentanglement of which I have 
chiefly to do in this chapter, is the controversy be- 
tween Castro and Pico; between the military and 
civil authoi-ities ; between the north and south; be- 
tween comandante general with custom-house and 
treasury, at Monterey, and governor with the assem- 
bly, at Los Angeles. The quarrel was continuous, un- 
dignified, and fruitless. All admitted the deplorable 
condition of California, and attributed it largely to 
internal dissensions, as well as to Mexican neglect. 
As a matter of fact, nothing that was being done or 
left undone, had upon the future of the countiy any 

(30 1 



PICO AND CASTRO. 31 

other effect than tlie indirect one of so disgusting a 
part of the people that they were ready to welcome 
any change. Yet each faction pretended to believe 
that with the cooperation — that is, the entire sub- 
mission — of the other faction, the country might be 
saved. Pio Pico had little doubt that from the patri- 
otic wisdom of himself and the southern assemblymen, 
the true representatives of the popular will, a plan 
might be evolved for salvation — would General Castro 
but recognize that wisdom, let the revenues alone, 
keep the Indians in check, and use his military force 
exclusively to carry out measures dictated by the po- 
litical authorities. Jose Castro, on the other hand, 
maintained that the protection of the country was 
purely a military duty, since the chief danger was 
that of invasion, and that until the danger should be 
past, it behooved the governor and the assembly not 
to interfere with the general's prerogatives, but hum- 
bly to furnish such aid as might be asked for. Each 
entertained, personally, feelings of jealousy, distrust, 
and hostility toward the other; and each exaggerated 
the other's hostility. Each thought at times of using 
force to overthrow the other, doubting not the other 
was devoting his constant energies to similar ends. 
Each appealed sometimes to the other to forget past 
dissensions for the country's sake; mutual friends in- 
terfered more or less injudiciously and unsuccessfully ; 
and the foolish quarrel dragged its slow length along. 
I have to note the controversy in some of its petty 
phases and results; but I have no historic lens so 
powerful, no balance so nicely adjusted, as to assign 
to either side a preponderence of blame. 

Alvarado, diputado-elect to congress for 1846-7, 
did not go to Mexico to take his seat, because there 
were no funds for his expenses, much as Pico desired 
his absence. Alvarado no longer had charge of the 
custom-house, but he was regarded by the abajenos 
as being at the bottom of all Castro's political in- 



CHAPTER II. 

POLITICAL A\D MILITARY. 
jANUARy-Ju.VE, 1846. 

A Fruitless Controversy — Alv.\rado as Congressman — CastaSakes and 

TeLLEZ— COVARRUBIAS AS PiCO'.s AoENT — MISSION OF CaSTILLERO — 

Affairs in Mexico — Inie.stra'.'^ Expedition — Tellez and Morales — 
Cajibcston and Castro — Valle and Treasury Troubles — Assembly 
— GuERRA Sent to Monterey— Return of J. A. Carrillo — Pico as 
Constitutional Governor — Milit.ary- Junta at Monterey — Adhe- 
sion TO President Paredes— Measures for Defence — Pico's Protests 
— Vallejo's Position— Guerra Sent to Angeles— C'onse.io General 
DE Pueblos Unidos at Santa Barbara— Castro's Protests — Martial 
Law — The Assembly Deposes Castro — Pico and his Army March 
North against Castro— Warlike Preparations for Defence of 
Angeles — Cooperation of Foreigners— Bandini and Castro- 
Affairs IN the North. 

The topics that make up the political annals of 1846 
are bound together by two parallel or intertwined 
threads. One is the fear of foreign invasion; the 
other, with the disentanglement of which I have 
chiefly to do in this chapter, is the controversy be- 
tween Castro and Pico; between the military and 
civil authorities; between the north and south; be- 
tween comandante general with custom-house and 
treasury, at Monterey, and governor with the assem- 
bly, at Los Angeles. The quarrel was continuous, un- 
dignified, and fruitless. All admitted the deplorable 
condition of California, and attributed it largely to 
internal dissensions, as well as to Mexican neglect. 
As a matter of fact, nothing that was being done or 
left undone, had upon the future of the country any 



PICO AND CASTRO. 31 

other effect than tlie indirect one of so disgusting a 
part of the people that they were ready to welcome 
any change. Yet each faction pretended to believe 
that with the cooperation — that is, the entire sub- 
mission — of the other faction, the country might bo 
saved. Pio Pico had little doubt that from the patri- 
otic wisdom of himself and the southern assemblymen, 
the true representatives of the popular will, a plan 
might be evolved for salvation — would General Castro 
but recognize that wisdom, let the revenues alone, 
keep the Indians in check, and use his military force 
exclusively to carry out measures dictated by the po- 
litical authorities. Josd Castro, on the other hand, 
maintained that the protection of the country was 
purely a military duty, since the chief danger was 
that of invasion, and that until the danger should be 
past, it behooved the governor and the assembly not 
to interfere with the general's prerogatives, but hum- 
bly to furnish such aid as might be asked for. Each 
entertained, personally, feelings of jealousy, distrust, 
and hostility toward the other; and each exaggerated 
the other's hostility. Each thought at times of using 
force to overthrow the other, doubting not the other 
was devoting his constant energies to similar ends. 
Each appealed sometimes to the other to forget past 
dissensions for the country's sake; mutual friends in- 
terfered more or less injudiciously and unsuccessful!} ; 
and the foolish quarrel dragged its slow length along. 
I have to note the controversy in some of its petty 
phases and results; but I have no historic lens so 
powerful, no balance so nicely adjusted, as to assign 
to either side a preponderence of blame. 

Alvarado, diputado-elect to congress for 1846-7, 
did not go to Mexico to take his seat, because there 
were no funds for his expenses, much as Pico desired 
his absence. Alvarado no longer had charge of the 
custom-house, but he was regarded by the abajenos 
as being at the bottom of all Castro's political in- 



34 FOLITICAL AND MILITARY. 

About the middle of Jaiiuaiy Henri Cambuston, 
a French teacher at Monterey, on the occasion of a 
ball at the house of Dr Stokes, became involved in 
a personal quarrel with Prefect Castro, and came to 
blows with Captain Narvaez, a friend of Don Manuel. 
The Frenchman, on being ordered under arrest, refused 
to recognize Castro's authority, on the ground that 
he was not old enough to be prefect legally; but he 
was put in prison, and a successor was appointed to 
take charge of his school. The matter was investi- 
gated before the alcalde, and submitted to the gover- 
nor, who decided that both parties merited a repri- 
mand. Meanwhile the French consul, Gasquet, had 
interfered, and had demanded from General Castro 
the jjrisoner's release, with heavy damages for his ar- 
rest. The general declined to interfere with the pre- 
rogatives of the political authorities ; but he seems to 
have disapproved Don Manuel's conduct, much to the 
latter's displeasure. The prefect was also displeased 
at Pico's attitude in the matter. The quarrel had no 
other political significance, so far as can be known; 
neither is its result definitely recorded ; but I have 
introduced the affair here because of the high position 
of the parties involved, the interference of a foreign 
consul, the local excitement caused by the quarrel, 
and the bulky correspondence to which it gave rise, as 
shown by the archives." 

There is but little in the records of January and 

ships engaged to take the troops have been paid the false freight and dis- 
charged.' Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 115. See also £1 Tiempo, Jan. 26, May 7, 
1S46. Feb. 9th, the expedition about to start, but delayed by Iniestra's 
illness. BiLstamanle, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iv. 54. March 5th, the exped. 
has started for Mazatlan; but it is not believed it will reach its destination. 
Id., iv. 83. Exped. under Morales. /(/., v. 82. Guerra, Apunles, 371, says 
that Tellez reached Mazatlan in April with a force, but revolted against 
Paredes. We have seen that Tellez wrote from Mazatlan in Aug., while 
engaged in a revolt. 

'The quarrel occurred on Jan. 18th. Investigation in the alcalde's court 
Jan. 21st, etc.; resulting corresp. between the Castros, Cambuston, Gasquet, 
Pico, and others, extendmgto March, inCastro, Doc, MS., i. 293-303; Dept. 
St. Pap., Ben. Pre/, y Juzq., xMS., ii. 4-8; Doc. Hist. C'al.,US., iii. 57, 64, 66, 
91; i. 497. March 9th, lOth, Pico to prefect and to Gasquet, trying to hush 
up the matter, which he fears may lead to serious complications. Fernandez, 
Doc, MS., 61-3; Dejit. St. Pap., MS., vii. 109, 111. 



REVENUE DISPUTES. 35 

Febi'uaiy to throw light on the condition of pubhc 
affairs or on the troubles of the rival chieftains;'* but I 
have to note another unsuccessful attempt by the gov- 
ernor to gain control of the revenues. Failing to re- 
move the treasury to Los Angeles, he had sent Igna- 
cio del Valle to take possession of the office at the 
end of 1845; but General Castro had prevented the 
transfer. Early in February Valle came again to 
Monterey, Pico having agreed not to move the office, 
but declining to appoint a northern man in the place 
of Abrego. Castro, however, still continued his op- 
position, on the grounds that Pico had no authority 
to appoint a treasurer, and that any change in such 
critical times was inexpedient. Abrego professed to 
be willing to surrender the office, but received posi- 
tive orders from Castro not to do so; and Don Igna- 
cio had to content himself with the management t)f 
that small portion of the country's revenues which 
found its way to the south.' Subsequently Pico re- 

*Jan. 16th, several Sta Bdrbara officers resign their military rank, in- 
cluding Valentin Cota, Jose Carrillo, H. Garcia, and Jos(5 Lugo. Dept. St. Pap. , 
Ben. Pre/, y Juzrj., MS., ii. 61. Jan. 24th, Feb. 27th, Eafael Sanchez to Pico. 
Complains that Mexicans arc insulted constantly, that officers of the old bat- 
talion are not receiving the treatment guaranteed by the treaty of Cahuenga, 
while Castro's 'auxiliary and permanent drunkards ' receive pay while render- 
ing no service. Alvarado and Castro should be accused before the sup. govt. 
Bept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 102, 108-9. Jan. 26tli, Pablo de la Guerra to his 
father. The time is passed when the laws ruled. Now circumstances are 
the rulers, and it is necessary to yield in non-essentials. Doc. Hist. Cal. , MS. , 
iv. 1168. Jan. 29th, Pico to Bandini. Will close the port of Monterey in 
case of expected infractions of order. Bandini, Doc, MS., 65. Feb. loth, 
Francisco Arce to Vallejo, on the imfortunate state of affairs. Begs V. to 
come to the country's rescue by joining the party of Castro against Pico, 
whose conduct is ruining all that is good. He does nothing but build up Los 
Angeles and plunder the missions. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xLi. 184. Feb. 20th, 
Prefect Castro to Pico. Has toiled hard, but foes are in league against him. 
His resignation not yet accepted. The country in a deplorable state, all on 
account of dissensions between gov. and gen. , of which foreigners take advan- 
tage. Thinks Pico's presence in the north very desirable. Doc. Hist. Cal., 
MS., iii. 116. 

' Jan. 1st, 15th, Abrego to Pico, explaining his difficulties. He is blamed by 
Montereyans for his willingness to give up the office. Advises that the funds 
be paid directly from the custom-house to the general, and not to him; or that 
a northern man be appointed as treasurer. He is tired of being denounced 
and insulted as a 'Mexican.' Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 96-9. Jan. 22d, Pico 
to Castro, with Valle's appointment. Valle, Doc, MS., 50-1. Jan. '24th, 
Rafael Sanchez and Juan Bandini to Pico, complaining of scandalous irregu- 
larities in the distribution of public funds, the real govt being kept in a state 
of beggary. Depf. St. Pap., ilS., vii. 102-.3. Feb. 10th, 12th, Castro to 



121GG95 



3G POLITIC.IL AND MILITARY. 

newed the financial controversy b}' tr3-ing to enforc' 
a recent Mexican law, which provided that the depart- 
ments should receive two thirds uf all revenues, the 
national government — that is, the military branch so 
far as California was concerned — retaining only (ine 
third. Pico ordered the administrator of customs, 
therefore, to pay over the two thirds to the prefect, as 
representative of the civil authority. General Castro 
would not submit to any such reduction — from two 
thirds to one third — of the funds at his disposal. He 
held that his orders from Mexico to defend the coun- 
try conferred the right to use the country's revenues 
for that purpose; insisted that the distribution must 
be continued on the former basis; and his orders were 
obeyed.^" 

At the beginning of March the assembly met at 
Los Angeles, and I append in a note an abstract of 
legislative proceedings for the year, though some of 
the matters treated will require to be noticed more 
fully elsewhere." The members — all abajeiios, though 

Valle, refusing his consent to the change; Feb. 11th, 16th, Valle to Abrego 
and replies. Valk, Doc, MS., 50-3; Bept. «. P,ip., MS., xiii. 18-22. N,, 
date, Valle to Castro, accusing him of disturbing the public peace by ignoring 
the gov. Id., Tii. 4. March 1st, Castro to Pico. The change deferred until 
an intei-view can be held. Id., vii. 41-2. March ISth, Valle's report to Pico 
after his return. WiU hold no further relations with general or treasurer. 
/.'.. /?- . iii. ^■M^-'^ s-. -^, .^ ;,1^,, mention in Vcdlc, Lo Pamdo, MS., 3S-9; 
/; , ! M< IJ . i;: I .,n Vcdlejo, Doc, US., xii. ISi. 

\ . I .- I': • : .tor and to prefect. Doc Hist. Cal.,US., 

Ill, li.ii; " - /' M- . M,7;i-S0; W., Bc«.,iii. 139. April 16th, 18th, 
All direct t . - t :iUo be paid to the dept. govt. Id., Angeles, ix. 

51 ; Pico. I> \l-~ I _'ii May 9th-15th, corresp. between gen., prefect, and 
admin, r, /' \|>., 206-10; Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 224. June 

16th, admin ' - i , ].:iyment to the prefect would be illegal. Dept. St. 
Pap., Bill.. '>1 ~ -i M,!> iNtU, Gen. Castro orders Receptor Diaz to 

pay over ■!:! i> ii- the duties collected from an English 

ship. Gvi ' . ' \i , , I'lJ .May 11th, Castro authorizes Vallejo to 
raise a loan t-i <h i,i,r, I ,^ ' ;,,. //,,„■,, MS., xii. 205. 

"Sessions of .isscmbly March 2 to July 24, 1846, in Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 
315-71. English translation in U. S. vs BoUon, Appellant's Brief, in U. S. 
Sup. Court, p. 221-53. March 2d, the new members, Bandini and Argiiello, 
admitted. Gov.'s opening message read, and committees appointed. (The 
message in full is found in Olvera, Doc, MS., 13-19.) Bandini's motion for a 
'consejo general de pueblos unidos' referred to a com. Ayunt. of Angeles 
wants funds for schools. March 4th, Abrego sends excuse of sickness for his 
absence. (Pico to Abrego, iiiDcpf. St. Pap., MS., viii. 120.) StaB. producers 
ask for exemption from double taxation. Citizens ask for a grant of S. Gabriel 



THE ASSEMBLY IN SESSION. 37 

they do not seem to have indulged in any legislation 
of a violently partisan and revengeful nature — were 
Figueroa, Guerra, Botello, Bandini, and Argiiello; 

for a town. Botello granted leave of absence. ArgiieUo not present. March 
6th, Angeles wants a police force supported by contributions from men of 
means. March 9th, Guerra granted leave of absence to go as.a, commissioner 
to Monterey. Land grants. March 13th, Alvrir:i'l ..Ioom-o., instructions as to 
his duties in congress, but gets none. Aiii' i : ■• • , ', - vi-h to be relieved 
of the annual tax of $600 for each vessel. 1 ii Wi i m laoposestobuilda 
fort in the cajon if allowed to introduce $'2ri,i h m ,i: j , . , i - i m r of duties. March 
16th, land grants. March 18th, lauds. Sec. ijl\ era granted leave of absence. 
(Olvera to Pico. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 96.) March •23d, S. Gabriel can- 
not be granted for a pueblo. Bandiui's prop, on sale of missions. Arguello 
sec. pro tem. March 30th, Bandini's mission prop, adopted. April 8th, 
Abrego sends certificates of illness, and is exempted, a suplente being sum- 
moned. April 15th, Pico's appointment as constitutional govei-nor received; 
also the Montesdeoca doc. of Nov. 14th on mission sales; also other unimpor- 
tant Mex. decrees. Castro's report of March 17th on the Fremont affair re- 
ceived. Bandini denounces the general's disregai'd of law. April 18th, special 
session. Pico sworn in as gov. Olvera acting as suplente. (April 17th, assem- 
bly to Olvera. Summons. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 121; Olvera, Doc, MS., 
20-1.) April 24th (?), no record. April 29th, matter of the com. gen. to be 
discussed in secret session. Figueroa 's act to repress Ind. hostilities passed. 
May Sth, more certificates of illness from Abrego. 45 land grants submitted. 
(May 2d, assembly decrees that interrupted sessions shall continue? Dept. St. 
Pap., MS., viii. 127.) May 11th, report of Guerra on his mission to Mont, 
and Castro's bad faith. Pablo de la Guerra introduced as a commissioner 
from Castro. Speech of Bandini against Castro. Pico desires permission to 
leave the capital should he deem it necessary. May 13th, Mex. order on 
Munic. matters. Bandini's proposition of March 2d for a consejo 



general passed. Guen-a not allowed leave of absence. ■ May 15th, Sta B. 
taxes. Lands. June 3d, hide regulations. Lands. Figueroa's prop, to es- 
tablish a fort in the cajon against Ind. Warning from Castro of Fremont's 
hostile intentions. The consejo general not to be held as ordered on May 
13th. The gov. to take steps to defend the country. June 10th, land gi-ants 
and hide regulations. June 15th, munic. affairs. Figueroa presiding. Pico 
absent in the north. Botello present and acting as sec. pro tem. July 1st, 
communications from Pico at Sta B., enclosing others from Castro on startling 
events at Sonoma (details elsewhere). Assembly declines to go to Sta B. , as 
Pico desires; and refuses to bear any responsibility for consequences. (Illness 
of members alleged by Botello as a reason for not goiug to Sta B. Moreno, Doc. , 
MS., 27-8.) July 2d, unimportant reference to business of the last session. 
A weekly courier to be established. July 3d, vague reference to business of 
last sessions. July 6th, communication from Pico on the JSlcNamara coloni- 
zation scheme. July 7th, com. report on McNamara gx-ant approved. July 
Sth, land grants. Bandini says he must go home on account of illness. Ar- 
giieUo is going home because Bandini's departure will leave no quorum. Pico 
presiding. (July 8th, Botello to Moreno. Assembly dissolves, owing to 
Bandini's illness. This is the last session. Moreno, Doc, MS., 18.) July 
24th, extra session. Pico submits Sloat's proclamation, etc. Members express 
' patriotic fervor. ' The people to be called upon for services. An auxiliary 
military force to be organized. (Nothing more in. the Legislative Records.) 
Aug. 10th, session presided by Pico. Olvera, sec. Castro writes that he can- 
not defend the country, and is going to Mexico. Pico sees no better way than 
to go with Castro. The assembly to be dissolved, so that the invaders may 
find no legal authorities. Blotter record in Olvera, Doc, MS., 32-6. Oct. 
26th, 27th, 30th, Dec. 5th, sessions under the administration of Gov. Flores. 



38 rOLITICAL AXD MILITARY. 

Pico presiding and Olvera acting as secretary. Abre- 
go, the only northern member elect, was absent on 
account of illness and perhaps his duties as treasurer. 
Pico in his opening message indicated the question of 
foreign relations — including that of immigration and 
the reported approach of 10,000 Mormons — as a most 
urgent one, that should receive exclusive attention 
until fully disposed of The department was repre- 
sented as being from ever}' point of view in a most 
unfortunate condition. Education was utterly neg- 
lected; as was the administration of justice, largely 
/)n account of the fact that justices of the supreme 
court had declined to accept their appointments. The 
missions were so burdened with debt that the gover- 
nor had been able to sell or rent only a few of them. 
The army was totally disorganized, soldiers enough 
for the protection of Monterey only being kept under 
arms by the general, while the rest of the department 
was left defenceless. Of financial matters, the writer 
had been able to learn but little, but was sure that 
most of the revenues had been wasted. Of course 
much was expected from the wisdom of the assembly, 
though its president had no definite suggestions to 
..ffer. 

Early in March Pico sent Fi-ancisco de la Guerra 
as a commissioner to Castro, presumably to suggest 
some basis upon which the two chiefs might work in 
harmony, and perhaps to urge a conference at Santa 
Bdrbara; though the exact nature of his instructions 
is not known.'- Neither does it appear that his 

Jlembers present, Figueroa, Botello, Giierra, au.l suplentes Olvera and Joa- 
qiiiu Carrillo. Details of me, inn - .uini-; tin AnMii.-ans will be given later. 
Fragmentary records in /(?...': ' ' ' ' ' .MS., 44; Castro, Doc, 

M.Sr, ii. 150; Jaiissens, Doc. ^' .:J :: ~ , /''«;., MS., 326. 

'-March 9th, Guen-aseut M ;:;i \ Ml il m-ii in t: us. He was to use the 
good offices of influential persons. Giirrni, I>0'\, MS., \-i. 14-15. Appoint- 
ment, and license from assembly. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 129; Leg. Hec, 
MS., iv. 320-1. March 16th, Padre Duran to Gen. Castro, ui'ging him to 
look favorably upon Pico's propositions, it being of great importance that the 
two should unite on some plan of internal policy. Pico, Doc, MS., ii. 69-70. 
March 2d, Eafacl Sanchez to Pico. Urges him to come to Monterey and sus- 
tain his authority — else he will soon be gov. only of Los Angeles. Com- 
l^lains that neither Pico nor Castro has shown good faith to the Mexicans 



THE RIVAL CHIEFS. 39 

efforts as a conciliator were successful. He made a 
report, however, of what he had accomplished, or 
failed to accomplish, and gave the document to Castro, 
to be forwarded to the governor; but the general, 
curious perhaps, as we are, to know its contents, kept 
the report.^' About the same time that Pico's com- 
missioner left Los Angeles, Castro sent to the capital 
his report of the troubles with Fremont, coupled with 
the announcement of his intention to defend the 
country — acting by virtue of his own authority and 
instructions from Mexico, in case the governor would 
not come to Monterey as he was urged to do. He 
also announced the return of Jose Antonio Carrillo 
from his exile in Sinaloa, and requested Pico not to 
prosecute him further, as his services were needed." 
These communications on being laid before the assem- 
bly produced a commotion. The danger of invasion 
was lost sight of in view of the fact that Castro had 
dared to issue a proclamation to the people, the pre- 
fect's share in the proceedings being ignored by the 
irate southerners. The defence of the country was 
unimportant in comparison with the thought of un- 
dertaking that defence without consulting, or rather 
without awaiting the cooperation of, the political 
chief. Juan Bandini made a speech, denouncing Cas- 
tro's abuse of his powers, and called upon Pico to 
"reply to him with decorum, and at the same time 
with that firmness and energy which a proceeding so 

under the treaty o£ Cahuenga. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 106-8. March 2(1, 
4th, Prefect Castro to Pico. Also urges him to come north and make up his 
differences with the general. Id., vii. 110. 

"So GueiTa reported to the assembly on May 11th. Leg. Bee, MS., iv. 
337. April 14th, Castro to Pico. Believes that he will be convinced of the 
rectitude of writer's intentions and of the force of the reasons that prevent 
liim from acceding to his request. Depl. St. Pap., MS., ^-ii. 52. May 5th, 
Guerra to Castro, a letter of reproaches for his conduct in not forwarding the 
report. Id., vii. 55. May Sth, G. to P. The most Castro would promise 
was to try to come to Sta B. after the meeting of a military junta. Id. , vii. 56. 

" March 17th, C. to P. Dept. St. Pap., MS., i-ii. 48-9. This communica- 
tion as reported in the assembly was to the effect that 'as Pico had not come 
north, Castro would proceed,' etc.; but in the original Castro still urges Pico 
to come. March 25th, Prefect Castro writes to the min. of rel. on the needs 
of Cal. Doc. Hist. C'al., MS., iii. 142. 



40 POLITICAL AND JIILITARY. 

scandalous demanded." '^ And Pico did write what 
was probably intended to be such a reply, but what 
w^as in reality an absurd exhibition of petty suspicion 
and weakness.^" 

But Don Pio, thus insulted by Castro's presump- 
tion and threats to defend the country, was at the 
same time comforted by the receipt of his appoint- 
ment as constitutional governor of the Californias. 
This appointment was issued by President Herrera 
September 3, 1845, in accordance with the assembly's 
recommendation of June 27th, and in consideration of 
"the patriotism and commendable qualities which 
make you worthy of the confidence of the supreme 
government."^' Tlie document was communicated to 
the assembly April 15th, and on the 18th, before that 
body and in presence of a large concourse of citizens 
and officials, Pico took the oath of office, delivering 
an address, and subsequently assisting with all the 
authorities at the usual religious te deum.^^ On the 
same day the governor's speech was issued in substance 
as a proclamation to the people. It contained the 
usual expressions of patriotic zeal, lack of self-confi- 
dence, flattery for the people, and trust in God ; and 

15 Session of April 15tli. Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 330-L April 14th, Castro 
to Pico. Has never doubted the purity of his intentions. Cannot leave the 
north, but hopes P. will come. Dtpt. St. Pap., MS., vii. 115-16. April 17th, 
P. to Prefect Castro, complaining that no full reports have come from him on 
the Fremont affair. Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 174. April 24th, a friend to 
Baudrni. The new plan of reform, in preparation since Carrillo's arrival, 
will cause a great transformation. Mexicans are to be expelled. This alone 
will i-aise the devil. Bandini, Doc, MS., 70. 

'« No date, P. to C. Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 2S9. By what right does the 
gen. venture to issue proclamations, and to alarm the people with whom, not 
being soldiers, he has nothing to do? He must have forgotten that there is a 
govt; or does he desire to overturn all order? or does he flatter himself he has 
power over free and enlightened citizens ? How would he like it if the gov. 
should usurp military functions or alarm the soldiers? etc. Suspects that 
Castro's orders from Mexico, which nobody has seen, are ample enough to 
allow him to do as he pleases, etc. 

"Sept. 3d, min. of rel. to Pico. Doc. Hint. Cal, MS., iii. 165; Pko, Doc, 
MS., ii. 167; Dept. St. Pap., Aug., MS., xi. 171. 

'» April loth, 18th. Leg. Sec, MS., iv. 329-32; Pico to Abrego. Dept. St. 
Pap., MS., xiii. 15. May 4th, Larkin congratulates Pico. Larkln's Off. 
Corre-^p., IMS., i. 98. May 16th-17th, publication of the appointment at 
Monterey. Dept. St. Pap., Mont., MS., iii. 123. Pico, Hist Cal, MS., 135, 
claims to have kept back the appointment for several months after it was re- 
ceived, hoping to be relieved of so burdensome and difficult a position! 



MILITARY JUXTA AT MONTEREY. 41 

concluded of course with a call upon all Californians 
to be united for the common welfare. "^Yith honor 
and law as our emblems, victory will be ours."" 

Besides reporting Fremont's movements, inviting' 
the governor to a conference, despatching Castillero 
to Mexico for aid, and announcing his determination 
to resist invasion, either with or without Pico's coop- 
eration — Castro, also convoked a junta of militarv 
men at Monterey to deliberate on the condition of 
the country, and to advise him as to the best policy 
to be pursued.-" The junta met at the end of March, 
and its first recorded act was to declare on April 2d 
its adhesion to the 'plan regenerador of San Luis 
Potosi',' and its recognition of Paredes as president ad 
interim of Mexico.-^ This pronunciamiento was not 
made public for over a month, during which time the 
number of signatures was increased from the six t>r 
eight of the junta proper to twenty-nine. On May 
7th it received the adhesion of the Monterey ayunta- 
niiento, and was officially communicated to the pre- 
fect, being also indorsed next day by the officials oC 
the custom-house, and a little later by the local au- 
thorities of San Josd, and probably by those of other 
northern towns. Prefect Castro refused his approval 
of the act in all its phases, suspecting that it was in- 
tended as an attack on the political authority repre- 
sented in the north by him. Not onlj' did the Mon- 

" April 18th, Pico's proclamation on assuming the proprietary governor- 
ship. Original in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 17S, 181; Giierra, Doc, MS., i. 
101-3. 

'" March 16th, Castro to Vallejo, who is summoned iu the name of the 
country to come immediately to Monterey. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 197. 

''■ April 2d, pronunciamiento in favor of Paredes, signed by the following 
officers: Gen. Jos6 Castro, Col. J. B. Alvarado, Com'» J. A. Carrillo, Capt. 
Mariano Silva, Capt. Joaquin de la Torre, Lieut Fran. Arce, Alf. Bautista 
Castro, Col. M. G. Vallejo, Lieut-Col Victor Prudon, Treasurer Jose Abrego, 
Capt. Pedro Narvaez, Lieut Macedouio Padilla, Sub-lieut Ign. Servin, Man- 
uel R.'Castro, Jos6 M^ Soberanes, Lieut A. M. Somoza, Rafael Sanchez, Capt. 
Juan Castaiieda, Capt. Jos(5 M. Flores, Lieut Fran. Limon, Lieut Valentin 
Gajiola, Sub-lieut Juan Soberaaes, Capt. Eug. Montenegro, Mariano Villa, 
Lieut Man. Marquez, Lieut Fran. Eguren, Sub-lieut Man. Garfias, Capt. 
Gabriel de la Torre, Alf. Guad. Soberanes. Doc Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 153; 
Vallrjo, Doc, MS., xxxiv. 193. 



42 POLITICAL AND MILITARY. 

terey officers approve the new plan, and recognize the 
new president, but they protested against the acts of 
the late administration ; and as one of these acts had 
been the confirmation of Pico as governor, it was 
feared that this was the objective point of the whole 
movement. Respecting the reception of this act of 
the junta by Pico and the assembly early in June, I 
shall have something to say later.-- 

After having performed its supposed duties toward 
the nation, the junta of ]Monterey turned its attention 
to affairs at home, and the decision reached on Apr'il 
11th was as follows: 1st, that Castro's presence was 
indispensable in the northern towns, which must be 
fortified and defended; 2d, that Pico should be 
invited to come to Monterey and take part in the 
salvation of the department; 3d, that if, as was 
improbable, Pico should not accejDt the invitation, 
the general might act as seemed best, and establish 
his headquarters at Santa Clara; 4th, that this 
arrangement should last until the coming of the orders 
and resources solicited from Mexico through Cas- 
tillero.^ The governor's reply to this act was a 
violent protest against it, as "an assumption of patriot- 
ism for the purpose of paralyzing the administration 
and disturbing the peace." He also expressed great 
displeasure at the port taken by the prefect in this 
scandalous subversion of order and law.^* He con- 
tinued his protests in a private letter to Vallejo, 

"-May 7th, action of Monterey ayunt. Doc. Hist. Ccd., MS., iii. 201-2. 
May 7th, Gen. Castro to prefect. Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 81, 84. May Sth, 
action of custom-house officers. Doc. Hist. Ccd., MS., iii. 204. May Sth, 
9th, prefect to Gen. Castro. Id., iii. 203, 205; May 9th, prefect to juez of S. 
Jos6. S. Jose, Arch., Looae Pap., MS., 58. May 12th, 13th, prefect vs 
general. Doc. Hist. Ccd., MS., iii. 209; Co-siro, Doc, MS., ii. 94. May 13th, 
Gen. Castro to Pico, urcjing him to accept the plan. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 
52-3. May 16th, 17th, juez of S. Jos6 to prefect. Doc. Hist. Cat., MS., iii. 
219, 225. See also Alvarado, Hist. Col., MS., v. 130-2; Castro, Eel., MS., 
175-6. 

"April 11th, acta of jimtademilitares in Monterey. Dept. St. Pap., "MS., 
vii. 50-1. Signed by Castro, Vallejo, Alvarado, Prudon, Carrillo, and 
Manuel Castro. 

^' April 30th, Pico to the Castros. Doc. Hist. Cat, MS., iii. 190. He begs 
Gen. C. to desist from his project, and to unite with him in the country's 
defence. 



VALLEJO AXD PICO— GUEERAVS MISSION. 43 

insisting' tliat the junta had merely called upon the 
people to join Castix) in a struggle against the 
legitimate authorities, and had ignored not only the 
governor, but the assembly, and even the whole south. 
He regretted deejjly that so true a patriot as Vallejo 
should have been induced to take part in a measure 
so ruinous to his country; and he even carried his 
flattery so far as to say that the junta ought to have 
made Vallejo general in the place of Castro, and to 
hint at rewards for the colonel's favor in the final 
distribution of mission property.^^ Vallejo's reply 
was to point out in a long and friendly letter the 
groundless nature of Pico's suspicions. He maintained 
that the danger of foreign invasion in the north was 
real and imminent; that the junta had acted in good 
faith and with no partisan views whatever; that 
neither the council of officers nor Castro in this 
instance had in any respect exceeded their legitimate 
powers; and that it would be an absurdity to require 
a comandante general to consult a governor two 
hundred leagues away in a case of emergency. Vallejo 
made it very clear, in language forcible but friendly, 
that Pico at this stage of the quarrel had allowed his 
prejudice to get the better of his reason, and had 
assumed a position utterly untenable.-" 

At the end of April, apparently before receiving 
Pico's protests, Castro addressed to the governor a 
letter in support of the measures decided upon, urging 
that only by working in accord was there any hope of 
averting calamity, and that the time had now come 
when all personal and local differences should be put 
aside. Pablo do la Guerra was sent as commissioner 
to Los Angeles to explain the situation,^' and to obtain 
at the least an interview between the two chiefs at 
San Luis Obispo.-^ Guerra was introduced, and Cas- 

=^May 2d, P. to V. Valloo, Doc. MS., .\xxiv. 196; xii. 204. 
■-«June 1st, V. to P., in Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 219. 
-' April 27th, 2Sth, C. to P. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 1178-80; Dept. St. 
Pap., MS., vii. 53. 

^* May 10th, 11th, letters from both Jos6 and Manuel Castro to Pico, urg- 



44 POLITICAL AND MILITARY. 

tro's communication was read, to the assembly at the 
session of May 1 1th ; but the only result — when Guerra 
had explained his business, and Juan Bandini had 
made a speech bitterly denunciator}- of Castro's acts 
in general, and of his present assurance in venturing 
to instruct the governor and assembly on the true 
condition of the department — was that Pico was 
granted permission, should he deem the matter of 
sufficient importance, to leave the capital.'-" 

It was probably the holding of a junta at Monterev, 
as just recorded, that prompted the southern politi- 
cians to organize a somewhat similar meeting of their 
own. Eaid}^ in March, Juan Bandini had proposed a 
'consejo general de pueblos unidos de la Alta Califor- 
nia;' but the scheme, after some discussion in April, 
had not met with much favor, and had been, perhaps, 
practically abandoned.'" It was revived, however, on 
the arrival of Pablo de la Guerra, and, as the latter 
claimed, at his instigation, in accordance with the ideas 
of Castro and his friends in the north; but it seems 
certain, from preceding and subsequent circumstances, 
that such could not have been the origin of the plan.'' 
Everything points to it as a phase of the quarrel be- 
tween governor and general, designed as a southern 
measure to counterbalance the junta of Monterey. 

iug him to consent to a conference at San Luis, to lay aside personal resent- 
ments, and not to add the danger of civil war to that of foreign invasion. 
Doc. Hist. Ca?.,MS., iii. 206; Dtpt. St. Pap., Ben. Pre/, y Juzg., MS., ii. 
86-8. May 25th, alcalde of S. Jos^ to prefect, on military preparations. 
People here have as yet taken no part with Gen. Castro. He seems to hint 
that there is some concealed plan in connection with the preparations. Dor. 
Hist. CaL, MS., iii. 233. 

■'May 11th. Ler/. Pec, MS., iv. 337-41. It was at the same session that 
Castro's treatment of Francisco de la Guerra was reported, a fact that did not 
put the abajefios in a very friendly mood. 

2» March 2d, Ajiril 22d, 29th. Lee/. Pec, MS., iv. 317-18; Dept. St. Pap., 
MS., viii. 96, 99-104, 122-5. 

^' Pablo de la Guerra, m an oi iginal blotter letter without date — but prob- 
ably written in his own defence in later yeais— says that lie suggested to Cas- 
tro the ideaof uuU jiendtiKL, \\lii. li w.i^it.uouit also by Vallejoand Alvarado; 
and he w&s St lit li i i 1 i ml succeeded in obtaining the 

call for a consi I i istro had changed his mind. 

Doc. Hist. Cm M ' ' i ^ i i mission to Angeles is other- 

wise clearly at 11 11 iji 1 1 1 1 11 by the assembly recorded, 

I cannot place iiiiuli iLliautc uii this \li»ioii ut the niattei. 



THE PROPOSED COXSEJO GENERAL. 45 

On ]\Iay 13th the assembly took up and approved 
the committee report of April •22d, on Bandini's prop- 
osition of March 2d; and on the same day it was 
published in a bando by Pico. In a preamble the 
condition and prospects of California were presented 
in the darkest colors; and two important questions 
were suggested respecting emergcnricslikoly to arise: 
1st, what are the means of defence it' ,i Inicigu inva- 
sion precedes the coming of aidfnuu ^Icxicu^ and 2d, 
should troops come from Mexico without provision for 
their support, what would be the consequences to Cal- 
ifornians? The decree provided that a consejo general, 
composed of eighteen delegates to be elected on May 
30th — four each from Los Angeles, Santa Bdrbara, 
and Monterey; two each from San Diego and San 
Jose ; and one each from Sonoma and San Francisco — 
together with the six vocales of the assembly as speak- 
ing and voting members, and with such ecclesiastical 
and military representatives, not exceeding five each, 
as the respective authorities might deem proper to ad- 
mit — should meet at Santa Bdrbara June 15th, under 
the presidency of the governor — twelve elected dele- 
gates to constitute a quorum — with the object of "de- 
termining all that may be deemed best to avoid the 
fatal events impending at liome and abroad."^- 

Elections were held as ordered in the north, though 
most of the delegates chosen declined to serve, either 
on account of one or another disability, or because 
they did not approve the objects of the council.^* 
Doubtless elections were also held in the south, 

^'^ Consejo General de Pueblos l/nidos de California, Bando de IS de Mai/o, 
1S46, MS. Details of the 10 articles, on elections and petty matters of or- 
ganization and routine, etc., are omitted as of no importance. May 13th, 
Pico to both JoscS and Manuel Castro, urging the importance of the proposed 
conseio. Deiil. SI. J'ap., MS., vii. 2-3; Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 89-90. 

■■ III. <l. 1, _i(r,' chosen were, for Monterey, Manui-l ('.i n.i. I;,ii,ii I i ion- 
zal. , : l.:>i>, and Rafael Sanchez; for S.Jos.;, \ i - 1 and 

Ji-ii VnbaBuena, Benito Diaz; and for S.ui : , \ . rni.lon. 

D.jc.Jl:/. f'i'., MS., iii. 229,238-47; Castro, Doc., MS., ii. To, mu; | ,,//yo, 
Doc, MS., xii. 210,216; xxxiv. 197,201; Fernandez, Doc, MS., 13. Rico, 
Vallejo, Suuol, and Prudon declined— the latter declaring it would be treason 
to accept; while Gonzalez and Sanchez referred the matter to Gen. Castro, 
which was equivalent to declining. 



46 POLITICAL AND MILITARY. 

though I find no records. The missionary prehate was 
invited to name the ecclesiastical delegates, but de- 
clined for want ot" padres, and because he questioned 
the propriety of their taking part in politics.^* Castro 
refused to appoint the military delegates, or to have 
anything whatever to do with a project which he de- 
nounced, in terms even more violent than those ap- 
plied by Pico to the action of the Monterey junta, as 
ruinous, treasonable, illegal, preposterous, and 'liber- 
tycidal'I He protested, in the name of God, the coun- 
try, and his armed force, against the holding of the 
consejo and all acts that might emanate from such a 
body. He besought the governor to retrace his steps 
while there was yet time, announced his purpose to 
defend the country at all hazards, and finally declared 
the department in a state of siege and under martial 
law.^^ He did not condescend to give any definite 
reasons for his opposition; but in reality he opposed 
the consejo mainly because he and his friends could 
not control it, the south having a majority of the elec- 
tive delegates, besides the members of the assembly, 
who were all abajeiios. Vallejo in a letter to Pico 
based his opposition openly on that ground, declaring 
the whole scheme a very transparent trick against the 
north, and pointing out the injustice of giving San 
Diego two delegates, while San Rafael, Sonoma, and 
New Helvetia combined were to have but one.^'' 

'■Arch. Ai-zob., MS., v. pt ii. 6S-9. P. Duran was applied to, but he was 
ill, and P. Gonzalez replied instead. 

^^May 28tb, Castro's protest. Original in Soberanes, Doc, MS., 31G-20. 
June Sth, more to same effect. Bandini, Doc, MS., 73; Dept. St. Pap., MS., 
vii. 21-4. ' I see with astonishment the libel aborted in the govt house at 
Angeles on May 13th, under the title of decree. Never could the insane 
hydra of discord have ejected a more destructive flame than that of this 
abominable paper. Are its authors Mexicans?' 

3« June 1st, V. to P. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 219. Osio, Hist.Cal, MS., 
456, thinks Castillero's influence prevented the meeting, that officer fearing 
that it might result in a reconciliation between Castro and Pico. Vallejo, 
Hist. Col., MS., v. 92-3, is of opinion that had the junta been held Pico would 
have tried through its agency to raise troops and funds for an attack on Castro. 
May 30th, Manuel Castro urges Jose Castro to appoint militaiy delegates to 
the junta, and to have an interview with Pico. Soberajies, Doc, JIS., 322-5. 
May 30th, 31st, Gonzalez and Sanchez, delegates elect, ask advice of Castro, 
and express suspicion as to the purpose of the junta. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 
211, 214, 



KOETH VERSUS SOUTH. 47 

The purposes of Pico and his friends in convolving- 
the council of Santa Bdrbara were doubtless some- 
what vague, the only definite phase of the matter be- 
ing a determination that whatever was done for the 
salvation of the country must be done under southern 
control. It was believed, however, that an influence 
would be brought to bear in favor of independence 
from Mexico; and it was also suspected that certain 
men would go so far as to urge an English or French 
protectorate. This suspicion, not altogether without 
foundation, will be noticed more fully in the next 
chapter. Whatever may have been its object, the con- 
sejo never met, the decree of May 13th having been 
suspended by the assembly the 3d of June.^' No defi- 
nite reason was assigned for this action; but at the 
same session was announced the declaration of the 
Monterey junta in favor of Paredes;^^ and a commu- 
nication from Castro was also read, in which he an- 
nounced the imminence of an attack by Fremont, and 
urged the governor to come north. Moreover, the re- 
fusal of the northerners to take part in the consejo 
rendered it impossible to obtain a quorum according 
to the terms of the call. 

Pico and his advisers regarded the acts of the Mon- 
terey junta in favor of Paredes and against Herrera, 
in connection with the refusal of the arribeiios to 
assist in the consejo, as virtually a declaration of war 
against the south, and especially against the civil au- 
thorities ; and they gave little or no credence to the 
rumors of impending invasion by Frdmont, regarding 

"iefiT. Eec, MS., iv. 352-3; Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 20. Doc. in Pico, 
Acont., MS., 83-4; Coronel, Doc, MS., 243-5. The southern delegates were 
ordered not to go to Sta Barbara. 

^^June 12th, Abel Steams writes to Larkin: ' The asamblea by act have 
defeiTed the junta that was to take place at Sta B. on the 15th. The cause 
of this was the act passed by the said-to-be junta de guerra held at Monterey, 
in which they declare the decrees and acts of the govt of Sr Herrera relative 
to Cal. to be null; thus indirectly declaring against the gov. of this dept, and 
other acts or decrees of the general govt favorable to the civil list, which prob- 
ably does not very well coincide with the interest of the military gentlemen 
yoiir way.' Larkin's Doc, MS.,iv. 151. 



48 POLITICAL AXD MILITARY. 

tliem, and also the efforts to secure the governor's 
jDresence in the north, as mere pretexts on the part of 
Castro, whose plan was to depose Pico by the aid of 
the force raised ostensibly to resist Fremont. These 
fears, greatly exaggerated if not altogether without 
foundation, were doubtless real on the part of the 
abajeho chiefs. They at once resolved to assume the 
offensive instead of awaiting an attack, using both 
force and stratagem. Pico was to adopt Castro's own 
devices; to raise a military force with which ostensi- 
bly to resist foreign invasion; to march northward in 
pretended compliance with the general's invitation; 
but eventually to forcibly remove that officer from the 
command. In the session of June 3d, besides deferring 
the meeting of the Santa Barbara council, the assem- 
bly authorized the governor to take such steps as 
might be necessary to "save the country." This in 
open session ; but in secret session that body passed a 
decree formally suspending General Castro until pub- 
lic tranquillity should be restored.^' 

In pursuance of the scheme just noted, Pico took 
steps to raise funds by methods closely resembling- 
forced loans. He called on Sonoran and New Mexi- 
can visitors to unite with Californians in support of 
so holy a cause, and wrote to Juan Bandini, soliciting 
his presence and cooperation at Angeles. The 16th 
of June he left the capital with a military' force. 
Three days later he was at San Buenaventura with 
eighty men, expecting to be joined by thirty more at 
Santa Barbara, where he arrived on or before June 
21st, and where two days later he was destined to re- 
ceive some startling news from Sonoma. Pico's let- 
ters of these times describe himself and his men as 
enthusiastic and confident of success. The}' are filled 
with denunciations of Castro's treachery and lack of 
patriotism, and announce as certain Castro's intention 

''This action is not recorded in tlie Lefj. Sec, as now extant: but is men- 
tioned in an original letter of Pico to Bandini on the same day, June 3d, 
Bundini, Doc, MS., 72; and it is indirectly coniirmed, as will be seen, in 
subsequent records. 



PICO MAKCHES NORTH. 49 

to invade tlie south at the head of an army, urging'' 
upon citizens and legislators the necessity of active 
measures, military and political, for sectional, depart- 
mental, and national defence.*" 

Pico had left the capital in charge of the ayuntami- 
ento, the duties of which body were not very arduous 



'" May 26th, Pico to Bandini, urging his presence as member of the as- 
semby. He declares that Garfias, Ecnieii, and other officers in the soutli 
were summoned north, not, as jn i< mL 1. t i -rrve against Fremont, but to 
sign the acta of the junta. Uok.' ' M- 71. May 30th, sub-prefect 

of Sta B. refuses to recognize (.) i ■ i ■ ■ JHJKto)-, in spite of Castro's 

orders. Coia, Doc, MS. , 19-'2o. M,., :;im 1 1. nssembly (or ayunt.?) decrees 
that traders in the capital shall funu.sh s'A.OW within 5 days. Bept. St. Pap. , 
MS., viii. 133. Gov. wants a loan from Figiieroa, Temple, and Vignes. Id., 
vii. 25. No date, assembly not being in session, the sub-prefect with Pres. 
Figueroa takes measures for protection of the capital, in view of Castro'.'* 
communications, /d., viii. 141. June 3d, Pico calls upon Sonorans to aid 
against Americans. Id., viii. 1.35. June 3d, Pico to Bandini. Will start 
on the r2th; hopes to meet him before that date. Bandini, Doc, MS., 7'-. 
June 3d, Wilson to Bandini. All recognize him (B. ) as the only man who can 
save the country from a foreign yoke. Id., SI. • June 12th, comandante piin- 
cipal at Angeles to Capt. Andres Pico, transmitting gov.'s official note of 
same date. Dept in danger from quasi invasion by U. S. A.sks that all 
army officers be placed at his disposal, to command the troops about to march 
to the north. Pico, Doc, MS., 97-100. June 12th, Pico to 1st judge of S. 
Luis Obispo. Will start at once for the north to restore order and defend the 
country. Asks for cooperation of all good citizens. ,S'. Luis Obinpo, Arch., 
MS., 12. June 13th, Comandante Eguren to Capt. Andres Pico. Orders him 
to proceed to Mont, under the gov.'s orders. Pico, Doc, MS., ii. SI. June 
13th, Eguren to Pico, announcing his orders to Andres. Dept. St. Pap., MS., 
vu. 5S. June 13th, Wilson, from Jurupa, to gov. Sends 10 New Mexicans, 
all he can find. Id., Ben. Pre/, y Juzg., ii. 46. June 16th, Pico sold city 
lands for §200 to raise money for his expedition. Los Angeles, Ayunt. Pec, 
MS., 16. June 16th, Anast. Carrillo advises Pico not to go north. Dept. St. 
Pap., MS., vii. 119. June 16th, Pico to start to-day. Id., Angeles, xi. 175; 
Los Angeles, Arch., MS., v. 349. Jime 16th, ayunt. regrets his departure. 
Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pre/, y Juzg., MS., iv. 54. June 19th, Pico from S. 
Buenaventura to Bandini. Has just received a despatch from Castro, whose 
conduct he pronounces as 'insulting, profane, and outrageous.' He must be 
denounced and punished. Come to Angeles at once to aid in the good work, 
and bring Argiiello with you. Bandini, Doc, MS., 76. June 19th, Pico to 
the assembly, transmitting Castro's despatch of June 8th— his protest against 
the consejo, and threat to declare the dept in a state of siege and under mai- 
tial law — protesting and urging the assembly to protest against such arbitrary 
and outrageous proceedings, to which he proposes to put a stop unmediately. 
Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 25-6, with Castro's despatch. Id., vii. 21-4. June 
21st, Pico's sec. to sub-prefect. The gov. doubts not Castro's seditious in- 
tentions, nor that he is now on his march to invade Angeles; but will crush 
the hydra. Id., vii. 27. Some general accounts and remarks on the contro- 
versy between Pico and Castro, adding nothing to the contemporary corresp. 
Nearly all agree that down to the last each was resolved to overthrow the 
other. Castro, Pel, MS., 173-5, 181-4; Alvarado, Hist. Cat, MS., v. 129, 
150-6; Pico, Hist. CaZ., MS., 139-4S; Botello. Anales, MS., 134-S; Coronel, 
Cosas, MS., 122; Bidicell's Cal. IS4I-8, MS., 147-9; TuthilVs Hist. Cal., 151. 
Hist. Cal.. Vol. V. i 



50 POLITICAL AND MILITARY. 

for the first few days;" but on June 20tli there came 
a report through Juan Gallardo that Castro was com- 
ing to attack the town within three days at furthest; 
and formidable preparations for defence were at once 
made — on paper. The alarm was abated next day, 
when it was learned that Castro was at least much 
farther away than had been reported;*' but it was re- 
newed with all its terrors on the 22d, when Pico's 
letter was received, with Castro's protest and declara- 
tion of martial law, and a report, brought by an Eng- 
lish vessel, that Castro had been in Monterey on the 
14th with seventy men, but had disappeared the next 
morning, presumably on his way to Angeles. The 
sub-prefect, Abel Stearns, at the invitation of Presi- 
dent Figueroa of the assembly, convoked a junta of 
the citizens, native and foreign, at his house; and a 
committee of that junta proceeded to prepare a series 
of resolutions strongly condemnatory of Castro's arbi- 
trary attempts "to erect an absolute dictatorship to 
the prejudice of all guaranties," expressive of a pref- 
erence "to perish under the ruins of the 2)atria rather 
than let it become the sport of evil-disposed persons ;" 
and, what was more to the point, declaratory of their 
purpose to resist by force Castro's entry into the 
city." The resolutions were approved by about eighty 
citizens, of whom twenty -five were foreigners; and the 
methods of defence were left to the ayuntamiento. 
This body on the 23d issued regulations organizing 
the citizens into three companies, one of artillery 
under Miguel Pryor, another of riflemen under Benito 

*> June I6tb, session of the ayunt. A list of respectable citizens to be 
formed, and other measures to be adopted for the preservation of order. Los 
Anodes, Arch., MS., v. 349-50. 

" Los Angeles, Arch., MS., v. 353; Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 4-6; Id., Ben. 
Pref. yJuzfj., ii. 161. 

"June 22d, Stearns to foreigners. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vu. 6. Report of 
the committee, consisting of Requena, Figueroa, BoteUo, Temple, and Work- 
man, with a long list of signers, in Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 62-5; Id., Ben. 
Pref. y Juzg., ii. 163-5; Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iii. 31-6. Steams to Pico, 
\rith the resolutions. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., u. 162-3. 
Id. to ayunt. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iii. 16-17; Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., 
xi. 175-8. 



ANGELES WILL RESIST INVASION. 51 

Wilson, and a third of cavalry under Jorge Palomares. 
Next day Julian Workman was chosen comandante 
])rincipal of all the forces.** 

Juan Bandini, despite his illness, came up to the 
capital from San Diego to join his voice to the current 
denunciations of Castro, as "a man who under pretence 
of saving California seeks to tyrannically subdue and 
trample on her."*'^ He also seems to have devoted 
his energies to the preparation of an elaborate address 
to the people, intended to be published by the assem- 
bly at the proper time as a defence of its action in de- 
posing Castro. This document — never issued so far 
as I know, but the original blotter of which in Don 
Juan's handwriting exists in my collection — was a long, 
fierce, and declamatory denunciation of all that the 
general had done. It was filled with the most bitter 
abuse of Castro in respect not only of his public acts, 
but of his private character. The conclusion reached 
was that the assembly could no longer recognize the 
authority of so vicious and ignorant and incapable and 
tyrannical a monster, trusting that all patriotic citizens 
would approve that determination. The violence of 
this effusion was as absurd as that of Castro's protest 
against the consejo — which is saying a good deal.*^ 

Of Castro's operations in June little can be defi- 
nitely known, beyond the fact that he was at Santa 
Clara and San Juan, visiting also Monterey and So- 
noma, engaged in not very successful efforts to raise 
men for the alleged purpose of resisting foreign inva- 
sion, and greatly annoyed by Pico's refusal to cooper- 

** June 23d-24th, regulations by ayunt. , and Workman's election. 50 men 
are also to be sent to reenforce Pico. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 7-8; Lof 
Angeles, Arch., MS., v. 354. June 26tb, S. Diego sends approval of the 
action against Castro. Zk.pt. St. Pap., MS., vii. 85, -with a similar approval 
from the sub-prefect of Sta B., dated June 27th. 

<5 June 23d, B. to Pico. Bandini, Doc, MS., 80. 

'«No date. Bandini, Doc, MS., 58. In Id., 101, is an undated decree of 
the assembly, ignoring Castro's authority, and authorizing the use of force 
against him and his men if they would not lay down their arms. This may 
be the decree already referred to, or it may be a supplementary one proposed 
by Bandini. 



-yi rOLITICAL AND MILITARY. 

ate with him. The records are meagre, and do not 
show either the number or organization of the forces 
under his command ; neither do they throw much light 
on his real plans. In his despatch of June 8th, after 
an absurdly violent protest against the proposed con- 
sejo, the general proceeded to urge upon the governor 
the importance of coming north to aid in the work of 
defence, and concluded as follows: "I have notified 
you over and over again of the risk which the coun- 
try runs, and of the necessity of taking steps for its 
defence ; but, with regret that I cannot count on your 
cooperation for that sacred object, and as the integ- 
rity of this part of the republic is exclusively intrusted 
to me, I shall be absolutely compelled to declare tlic 
department in a state of siege, and the martial law in 
full force — a legal resource employed in such circum- 
stances by all the peoples of the universe."^'' All this 
was reasonable enough on its face, and afforded no 
cause for the ridiculous ravings of Pico and Bandini ; 
yet these gentlemen believed that Castro was devot- 
ing his whole attention, with the aid of Alvarado and 
others, to plots against the civil government, regard- 
ing his preparations against foreign aggression as a 
mere pretence. It is difficult to determine what were 
Castro's plans at this time. He was not a man in 
whose favor much could be said at any stage of his 
career, or in whose good faith much reliance could be 
placed. If in the latest phases of the controversy he 
showed to better advantage than his rival, it was due 
more to circumstances and to Pico's folly than to any 
merit of his own. It is certain that he hated Pico, 
and would not have scrupled to use force against him. 
Had Pico come north in response to his invitation, 
Castro would probably have arrested and deposed, if 
he could not control him. Yet it would have been 
difficult to obtain men for a successful attack on the 
governor or the capital, and I do not think the gen- 
eral thought of such an expedition in June, if he had 

"June 8th, C. to P. from Sta Claia. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 24. 



STARTLING NEWS. 53 

before. Moreover, his fears of foreign invasion were 
by no means a pretence at this time, after Fremont's 
operations in March, and his return from Oregon at 
the end of May.*^ 

I have thus brought the political annals of 1846, 
that is, the controversy of Pico versus Castro, down 
to the dates on which the capture of Sonoma by the 
Americans was made known to the different factions: 
to the citizens of Angeles on June 24th, when they 
were valiantly arming to resist an attack from a foe 
hundreds of miles away, with no intention so far as 
can be known of coming nearer; to Pico at Santa 
Bdrbara on June 23d, when he was nearly ready to 
march northward with his army against the general ; 
and to Castro at Santa Clara on June 15th, when he 
was preparing to resist whatever foes might present 
themselves, native or foreign. The effect of the star- 
tling news on the actions of the hostile chieftains must 
be told in later chapters. 

*" There were suspicions of some Iiidden purpose on Castro's part, even in 
the north, as appears from Dolores Pacheoo's communications to the prefect, 
in Doc. Hist. Cal. , MS. , iii. 251-2. Cora. CarriUo writes of pasquinades posted 
at Sta Clara against Castro and other leaders. S. Josi, Arch., Loose Pap., 
MS., 4. June 8th, Castro sends some miltary orders to Angeles, and asks 
Pico's cooperation. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 57-8. 



CHAPTER III. 

FOREIGN RELATIONS— UNITED STATES AND ENGLAND. 

January-June, 1846. 

Labkin as U. S. Confidential Agent— His Instructions- Correspond- 
ence — Feabs of Invasion — ^Treatment of Foreigners — Fremont's 
Operations in March — Larkin's Efforts and Hopes— Monterey 
Junta — Imaginary Speeches for England, France, and the U. S.— 
Stearns, Leese, and Warner— Sutter's Polict — Consejo General 
at Santa BIreara, and its Bearing on Foreign Schemes— Views of 
Stearns and Lakkin— Pico's Intrigues— Exaggerations ox English 
Interference— Testimony of Gillespie and Minor — Position of 
Forbes and Spence— Stearns as Sub-agent of the U. S. — Condition 
of Affairs in June— General Conclusions. 

Yet once again have I to go over the early months 
of 1846 before describing the revolt which in June 
.served as a prelude to the downfall of Mexican 
rule. It will be my purpose in this chapter, largely 
by extracts from correspondence of the time, to show 
what was done and said, what was feared and hoped, 
in California respecting an anticipated change of flag; 
and I shall also notice as an important phase of the 
same general subject the feeling and policy of native 
citizens and authorities toward foreign residents and 
immigrants. 

Thomas O. Larkin was a very prominent man in 
connection with the matters to which I have just re- 
ferred, being constantly engaged in active efforts to 
secure California for the United States and to defeat 
the schemes, real or imaginary, of European nations 
supposed to be intriguing for the same prize. In 
October 1845 Larkin had been appointed a confi- 



LAKKIN AS CONFIDENTIAL AGENT. 55 

dential agent of bis government for the critical period 
believed to be approaching. His instructions, prefaced 
by a definite statement of the administration's policy, 
werCj in brief, to report fully and often on the country, 
its resources and condition, the character and influ- 
ence and political disposition of its leading citizens, 
and on the general progress of events; to warn the 
people against the evils of European interference, 
which would be disastrous to their true interests, and 
would not be permitted by the United States; to 
impress upon the Californians the advantages of lib- 
erty as enjoyed under the stars and stripes, assuring 
them that, could they but assert and maintain their 
independence from Mexico, they would be welcomed 
as a sister republic or as a component part of the 
great union; and finally, to do all this with such pru- 
dence and skill as not to awaken suspicion or the 
jealousy of the men who represented other powers.^ 
Whatever view may be taken of President Polk's 
general policy respecting California, it must be ad- 
mitted that this peculiar appointment conferred upon 
a foreign consul, when regarded from the highest 
standpoint of international honor, reflected no credit 
upon the government at Washington; and it is not 
surprising that the act has never been made known 
to the public. 

Larkin did not receive or know of his appointment 
until April; but he acted much as he would have done 
had he received it earlier. On the 1st of January he 
transferred his mercantile business to Talbot H. 
Green ;^ and thereafter devoted much of his time to 

' Buchanan's Instructions of the Secretary of State to Thomas 0. Larkin as 
Confidential Agent of the United States Government, Oct. 17, 1S45. Original 
MS. 'In addition to your consular functions, the president has thought 
proper to appoint you a confidential agent in Cal. ; and you may consider the 
present despatch as your authority for acting in this character. The confi- 
dence which he reposes in your pati'iotism and discretion is evinced by con- 
ferring upon you this delicate and important trust. You will take care not 
to awaken the jealousy of the French and English agents there by assuming 
any other than your consular character. ' Larkin 's compensation was to be 
$6 per day; and Gillespie was to cooperate with him. See quotations from 
this document in chap. xxv. of vol. iv., and chap. i. of this vol. 

'Jan. 1, 1S4G, contract between L. and G. The latter was to take charge 



56 FOREIGN RELATIONS-U. S. AND EXGLAND. 

his consular duties, and in a quiet way to the work of 
oonciHating Cahfornian sentiment and of watching 
the other consuls, there existing naturally no definite 
record of his earliest efforts in this direction. Nor 
were there any important developments or even 
i-umors connected with foreign relations in January 
and February; though I may notice a warning sent 
to the supreme government by Prefect Castro respect- 
ing the dangerous increase of immigration; some 
complaints of local authorities about the freedom with 
which some of last year's immigrants moved about 
the country under passes from Sutter; a few vague 
items that may relate to intrigues for English inter- 
vention; and a letter of a proniinent Californian, in 
which he alludes to Hastings' book, and says: "The 
idea of those gentlemen is that God made the world 
and them also; therefore, what there is in the world 
belongs to them as sons of God"!^ 

o£ store, warehouses, etc., aud $10,000 worth of goods; and to conduct the 
business for three years, receiving one third of the profits. LarUn's Doc, 
MS., iv. 1. 

*Jan. 24th, Sub-prefect Guerrero to prefect. Has tried to get the book — 
in which the Californians are said to be abused — but has not succeeded, 
thougli offering $20. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 311. In Feb., however, he got a 
copy and sent it to Castro. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 9o. Jan. 2d, G. toLar- 
kin, asking him to cause his countrymen who have entered illegally to retire, 
if he has jurisdiction in such matters. Larlcin's Doc, MS., iv. 5. Jan. 8th, 
Gov, Pico calls upon the prefect for a report on the immigrants of the past 
year. Doc. Hist. Cat., MS., iii. 21. Jan. 22d, Guerrero to prefect. What 
shall he do with the strangers coming from the Sacramento? Thirty arrived 
yesterday. Can Sutter issue passports? Doc Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 77. More 
arrivals. Castro, Doc, M.S., ii. 12, Jan. 29th, 30th, prefect to sup. govt, and 
to gov. Speaks of the 200 armed foreigners who liad entered illegally, and 
of the much larger number expected this year; has no doubt the intention is 
to take possession of the country, the intrusion being probably instigated by 
the U. S. ; speaks of the general's permission to the immigrants to remain 
through the winter; sends some statistics and names; and urges the necessity 
of protective measures. Dot: Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 90, 121; Dept. St. Pap., 
MS., vi. 105-6. Feb. 18th, Pico in reply agrees with the prefect's views, and 
recommends a strict watch. Understands that Castro's promise was only 
conditional, and will ' order ' that officer to cooperate. It is important to sat- 
isfy the national govt, that we are doing all we can. Ca.it ro. Doc, MS., ii. 15. 
Feb. 15th, Francisco Arce writes to Vallejo that the continual irruption of 
foreign adventurers will end, if no check can be put to the abuse, in the 
country falling into the hands of those audacious people who, not content 
with the generous hosiiitality extended to them, 'advance more and more in 
their design to destroy our political system and deprive us of our native 
country.' Vallejo, Doc, 'M^., xii. 184. In Guerrero's letters of Jan. -Feb. to 
Manuel Castro, he alludes in a somewhat mysterious way to Consul Forbes 
in connection with the departure of Pico's comisionado, Covarrubias, for Mex- 



FEARS OF ENCROACHMENT. 57 

The Californian authorities were naturally alarmed 
nt the presence of so many armed Americans in the 
north at a time when war was regarded as imminent; 
and they felt impelled as Mexican officials to exhibit 
more alarm than they really felt. Moreover, the gov- 
ernor and prefect were disposed to criticise the per- 
mission accorded to the immigrants of 1845, simply 
because it was Castro that granted it. But it is no 
ticeable that no practical steps were taken, and no 
real disposition was shown, either to oppress foreign 
residents, or even to enforce the going of the new- 
comers who had promised to depai't in the spring if 
required to do so. In the records of these two months 
we have nothing but the old hackneyed official expres- 
sions of the evils likely to arise from the increase of 
American immigration; and in the following months 
no change in this respect was observable.* 

ico, seeming to indicate, though there is nothing clear, an understanding 
with Forbes respecting a scheme of some importance in connection with Co- 
varrubias' mission. Castro, Doc, MS., i. 262, 313; ii. 12. This may possibly 
have a bearing on the traditionary English schemes of this year, in connection 
with Pio Pico's statement. Hist. Cat., MS., 136-7, that Covarrubias was in- 
structed to apply to the commander of some English vessel for protection if 
he could get no aid from Mexico. Pico claims also that he made many efiforts 
to secure a conference with Castro, with a view to declare the country's inde- 
pendence, a step that was prevented by the general's jealous fears! 

* March 2, 1846, Pico to the assembly. Complains that through the ' tol- 
erance or dissimulation ' of certain parties — that is, Castro and the military 
authorities — Mexican orders and his own instructions to prevent the illegal 
entiy of overland immigrants have not been carried out. Olvera, Doc, MS., 
13-14. March 4th, Justice Bolcof of Sta Cruz laments the injury done by 
foreign lumbermen, who refuse to pay taxes. April 5tli, Justice Pacheco at 
S. Jos6 complains at great length of the foreigners who, just because they 
have married and obtained naturalization, put themselves on a level with and 
even above the natives. See the Sainsevain mill aflair in the local annals of 
S. Jos6. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 158. Complahit that the true faitli has 
been insulted by Sutter and Forbes. DejJt. St. Pap., MS., viii. 127. April 
1 7th, Sub-prefect Guerrero again wants to know what to do with the foreign- 
ers who swarm at Yerba Buena. Their number is continually increased by 
deserters, who do not mind the penalty of public works, eating more than 
they earn. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 176. April 17th, order to sub-prefects, 
etc., that foreigners not naturalized cannot hold lands, no matter how ac- 
quired, that alcaldes must enforce this, and make the foreigners understand 
it, .and also that they are liable to be expelled from the country whenever the 
govt may see fit to require it. Id., iii. 175. Same sent to Larkin by sub-pre- 
fect on April 30th. Larlcin's Doc, MS., iv. 109. Same to Leidesdorff April 
SOtli. Sawyer's Doc, MS., 36-7. This is the nearest approximation to the 
order, mentioned by many Bear Flag men, expelling all Americans from the 
country, and causing them to rise in self-defence! May 23th, Vallejoto Cas- 
tro. Learns that in July 2,000 American families will arrive. Something 



58 FOREIGN KELATIONS^U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

Fremont's operations in March, as detailed in a 
former chapter, had no other effect than to stir up ill 
feeling between the Californians andAmericans; the 
former being surprised and offended by so grievous an 
outrage coming froman officer of a government in whose 
paternal solicitude for their welfare and earnest desire 
for their favor they were being urged by Larkin and 
others to trust; while the latter, in certain sections, by 
distorted and false versions of the affair, were made 
to believe, or obtained a pretext for asserting, that 
Castro and his men were determined to drive Ameri- 
cans from the country. This was a serious obstacle 
to Larkin's plans. He could but disapprove Fremont's 
policy, yet as consul, not knowing under what instruc- 
tions that officer was acting, he afforded him all pos- 
sible aid, and prepared for possible contingencies by 
sending down the coast for a man-of-war; but after 
Fremont had been brought to his senses by reflection 
and the consul's advice and Castro's military prepara- 
tions, Larkin did not yet despair of success and hast- 
ened to assure his government that there was no real 
hostility on the part of the Californians, who were in 
their turn asked to believe that all had been an error, 
which should cause no interruption of friendly feelings. 
To the secretary of state he wrote that Castro's acts 
against Fremont had been intended chiefly for effect 
in Mexico, and that for the same purpose a commis- 
sioner was to be sent with the unfounded reports that 
Fremont's men were joining the Indians for an attack 
on the farms, that the settlers were about to take 
possession of a northern town, and that Hastings was 
laying out a town for the Mormons at New Helvetia. 
Yet notwithstanding the excitement growing out of 
the Frdmont affair, "the undersigned believes that 
the flag, if respectfully planted, will receive the good- 
will of much of the wealth and respectability of the 

should be done to prevent it. Dept. St. Paji., MS., vii. 57. June 11th, Diaz 
to Castro. Belden has an'ived and reports no new arrivals of estrangeros at 
the Sacramento. Doe. HU. Cal., MS., iii. 133. 



MEETING AT MONTEREY. M 

countn-. Those who live by office and by the absence 
of law,"^ and some few others, would faintly struggle 
against a change. Many natives and foreigners of 
wealth are already calculating on the apparent coming 
change."® 

The action of the military junta at Monterey in 
April has been fully noticed. Its avowed purpose 
was to devise means of defence against foreign aggres- 
sion; and there is nothing in the contemporary records 
of its acts and discussions to indicate any ulterior mo- 
tive or sentiment of disloyalty to Mexico on the part 
of its members. There is a tradition, however, some- 
what widely published, that the junta took into con- 
sideration, not only a scheme of independence from 
Mexico, but also of a foreign protectorate or annex- 
ation, the failure of the scheme being due chiefly to 
the inability of members to agree whether California 
should be intrusted to the protection of the United 
States, England, or France. 

Lieutenant Revere, who arrived at Monterey while 
the junta was in session, was "favored by an intelli- 
gent member" with what purported to be the sub- 
stance of two speeches delivered by Pio Pico and M. 
G. Vallejo, the former in favor of annexation to France 
or England, and the latter an eloquent plea in behalf 
of the United States. Revere published these speeches 
in his book in 1849, with the explanation that "the 
arguments of Vallejo failed to carry conviction to the 
majority, but the stand taken by him caused a sudden 
sine die adjournment of the junta, without arriving 
at any definite conclusion upon the weighty matter 
concerning which they had met to deliberate." Va- 

= April 3d, 18th, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 49-51. 
To the U. S. min. in Mexico he expressed his confidence that there was no 
danger of invasion by Americans. Id., i. 71. Yet L. had just received a let- 
ter from Hastings, in which that gentleman predicted great things for Cal. 
from the immense immigration; and announced that a business firm — really 
under a confidential arrangement with the govt, made for reasons that L. will 
readily understand — was to despatch two ships each year, bringing immigrauta 
free of charge ! Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 55. 



CO FOREIGN RELATIONS— U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

llejo, after writing to Pio Pico a letter embodj-ing his 
views, left Monterey for Sonoma to await the issue. 
Revere's account, founded on information obtained, 
not at the time — when he knew nothing "except the 
notorious facts that two parties existed, and that Gen- 
eral Vallejo was supposed to be the leader of the 
American party, while Castro was at the head of the 
European movement" — ^but subsequently, and doubt- 
less after the conquest, has been repeated by Lancey 
and others, with the additional information that the 
junta met at San Juan I Of course, as the reader 
knows, Pico took no part in the meeting, being at Los 
Angeles at the time; nor is Revere's explanation — 
that J. A. Carrillo "reflected the views of Pico, offi- 
ciated as his especial mouth-piece," and might even 
have made the speech attributed to Don Pio— calcu- 
lated to throw much light on the subject, as Carrillo 
was politically a bitter foe of the governor.* 

Colonel Vallejo was perhaps the source of Revere's 
information, and at any rate, he has become chief 
.sponsor for the events as described in later years. 
In 18G6, John W. Dwindle, after a consultation with 
Vallejo, reproduced the speeches, which he stated to 
have been put in writing at the time of delivery by 
LarkinJ Finally, Vallejo himself, in his manuscript 

^Revere's Tour, 24-32; Lancey'a Cruise, 51-4; Marin Co. Hist., 62-5: 
Mendocino Co. Hist. , 62-8. Kevere adds that in a private conversation Castro 
asked a few weeks later ' whether the govt of the U. S. would give him a 
brigadier general's commission in case he decided to pronounce for the estab- 
lishment of their authority.' ' He spoke apparently in jest, but I could per- 
ceive that the promise of such an appointment would have had its effect. ' 
C. E. Pickett, in Shuck's Repres. Men, 229-30, gives a very muddled account 
of this junta in connection with that convoked at Sta Barbara. 

' DtviiieUe's Address, 1SG6, p. 21-7. He describes the meeting as an infor- 
mal one, held at the house of Castro at Monterey; does not name Pico as author 
of the first speech, since he is 'now a loyal citizen of Cal.;' and he speaks of 
the action of this meeting as having made useless the holding of that at Sta Bdr- 
bara, though as a matter of fact the latter was not called until May, long after 
the former was held. In a memorandum for Dwinelle's use, Vallejo, Doc, 
MS., xxxiv. 197, says Pico's speech was made at Los Angeles; and names 
consuls Larkin and Gasquet as liaving been present at the Monterey meeting. 
Swasey, who was at Monterey at the time, says, Ccd. '45-6, MS., 8-9, and in 
conversation, that such a meeting was held, at which Vallejo prevented the suc- 
cess of a plan to put the country under English protection; but he does not 
claim to have known anything of the matter beyond a cuiTent report of the 
time. 



VALLEJO'S SPEECH. 61 

history, gives a detailed account of the whole matter, 
which is more or less fully confirmed by Alvarado.' 
His version is that Castro convoked the junta osten- 
sibly to devise means of defence, but really to gain 
the support of leading citizens against Pico, whom he 
proposed to overthrow in favor of some man who 
would take part in his own schemes for a French pro- 
tectorate. Vallejo was summoned to attend the junta, 
and was joined on his way dy Sanchez and Alvires at 
Santa Clara. The meeting was held on the 27th of 
March, at the house of Larkin, and was presided by 
Castro, who in an opening speech, that accredited by 
Revere to Pico, made an argument in favor of annex- 
ation to France.^ Castro's proposition caused some 
surprise, as he had been supposed to favor absolute in- 
dependence. David Spence then urged the advantages 
of England as a strong nation, which, though protes- 
tant, aiForded equal protection to her catholic citizens. 
Rafael Gonzalez made a speech in favor of "Califor- 
nia, libre, soberana, y independiente"! and was fol- 
lowed by Prudon and Sanchez in behalf of the United 
States, by Pablo de la Guerra ^^ and Juan Alvires 
for independence, by Hartnell for England, and by 
Cambuston for France. Finally, Vallejo made his 
famous speech in favor of annexation to the United 
States;" and Prudon immediately called for a vote on 
Vallejo's proposition. Castro objected, with satirical 
allusion to the "gentlemen of the frontier" who were 
present only by condescension of the south and centre, 
representing the wealth and intelligence of the coun- 

« Vallejo, Hist. C'aL, MS., v. 61-92; Alvarado, Hist. CaL, MS., v. 133-46. 

' The speech is given iu full. Vallejo tells us that to Castro's final clause, 

'I propose annexation to France.'Hartnell, the ofl5cialreporter(?), " 



man, added: 'or England,' etc. — words really spoken by Spence, though Cas- 
tro favored France decidedly, on account of her religion, as he said. 

'"Except by this author Guerra is supposed with much reason to have been 
a partisan of England. Alvarado says that he should have favored indepen- 
dence. 

" The speech in substance as given by Revere. Vallejo says that many 
delegates were present from the south, all in favor of England except Bandini 
and A. M. Pico, who favored the U. S. Bandini certainly was not there, and 
probably no southern delegate was even invited to come. 



62 FOREIGN RELATIONS— U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

tiy, and insisted that a vote must be taken on his own 
proposition. Prudon replied, but the feeling of the 
assembly was manifestly against him, and Vallejo 
barely succeeded in having a vote postponed until 
after a recess. During this recess, realizing that his 
jiarty was outnumbered by the opposition, which 
would doubtless unite in favor of England, Vallejo 
and his friends decided to quit Monterey and to re- 
turn to their homes, which they did, leaving the junta 
without a quorum, and thus defeating temporarily all 
schemes of European intervention I '- 

A desire to be strictly accurate, the leading mo- 
tive of all my historical researches, compels me to 
.state that I believe all that has been said of this meet- 
ing, including the eloquent speeches so literally quoted, 
to be purely imaginary. No such meeting was ever 
held, and no such speeches were ever made. My be- 
lief in this respect is founded on the absence of any 
contemporary corroborative evidence, under circum- 
stances which would certainly have produced allusions 
to such extraordinary schemes and discussions; espe- 
cially on the silence of Larkin, who assuredly would 
have known and written about a matter so particu- 
larly interesting and important to himself; and on 
the many inherent discrepancies and errors that have 
been pointed out in the testimony extant. There is 
no reason to doubt that Vallejo was disposed in 1846 
to favor annexation to the United States, or that 
others looked with more favor on European nations 
for protection; and it is not unlikely that some of the 
leaders may have expressed their preferences to one 
another and guardedly to foreigners; but in thus re- 
cording a formal meeting, with deliberate discussion of 
propositions to deliver their country to a foreign power, 

'-It is to be noted that Vallejo makes the date of the junta March 27th, 
while its action of April 11th, abundantly recorded, ia not mentioned at all by 
him. He speaks of Pico's letter disapproving of his speech, and of the junta's 
.action, though most of the members had assembled by Pico's order, with in- 
structions to vote for England ! but Pico's letter and Vallejo's reply are ex- 
tant, as already noted, and they contain no reference to foreign relations. 



STEARNS, LEESE, AND WARNER. 63 

I am very sure that General Vallejo's memory has 
been greatly aided by his imagination. 

On April 17th, the day of Gillespie's arrival with 
news of Larkin's appointment as confidential agent, 
Larkin wrote lettei\s to Abel Stearns, Jacob P. Leese, 
and John Warner, to whom he communicated news 
brought from Mazatlan by the Portsmouth, to the 
effect that war was believed to have been declared, or 
at least that it would not long be delayed. In the 
event of war, he writes, "I believe the stars would 
shine over California before the Fourth of July! bless- 
ing those who see them and their posterity after 
them." This, he believes, .would be most advanta- 
geous to the people, though probably not to himself 
and other merchants. "As a trader, I prefer every- 
thing as it is ; the times and the country are good 
enough for me." After painting in bright colors the 
benefits of annexation to the United States, the writer 
urges the gentlemen addressed to disseminate his 
views with diligence and secrecy, reporting promptly 
all that they could leai'n of the popular feeling in their 
respective sections. Especially were the people to be 
warned against the evils of European interference. In 
their distress, "some look to England, some to the 
United States, and a few to France as a dernier ressort. 
Those who look to Europe know nothing of a Euro- 
pean colonist's life, or of the heavy tax and imposi- 
tion he suffers. The idea of independence is from his 
mother's breast implanted in every native of the Amer- 
ican continent. Then where should he look for assist- 
ance but to the United States of America? He will 
there find a fellow-feeling with those who can partici- 
pate in all his ideas, and hail him as a republican and 
citizen of the land of freedom. Be all this as it may, 
from the time of Mr Monroe, the United States have 
said that no European government .should plant colo- 
nies in North America. Mr Polk reiterates this posi- 
tion, and his government will make it good; and the 



64 FOREIGN RELATIONS— U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

da}^ that European colonist by purchase, or European 
soldier by war, places his foot on Californian soil, 
that day shall we see the hardy sons of the west come 
to the rescue." ^^ 

At or about the same time Larkin prepared an- 
other letter, expressing views similar to those just 
noted, but in language almost identical with that used 
by Buchanan in his instructions. This document 
without signature was translated into Spanish, and 
was intended to be shown to different Californians, 
but only as embodying Larkin's private opinions.'* 
To the secretary of state the consul wrote, that while 
the leaders would prefer to rule the country under 
Mexico, and were inclined to vacillate in their ideas 
of foreign protection, yet he believed they would not 
oppose annexation to the United States if their offices 
and salaries could be secured to them.^^ To Gillespie 
Larkin wrote: "I have said, as my opinion, to Castro, 
Carrillo, and Vallejo, that our flag may fly here in 
thirty days. The former says for his own plans war 
is preferable to peace, as affairs will at once be brought 
to a crisis, and each one know his doom. I answered 
that without war he could secure to himself and his 
friends fame, honor, and permanent employ and pay. 
He and others know not what to do or say but wait 
advices from Mexico ... I have had many of the lead- 

" April 17, 1846, L. to Stearns, Leese, and Warner. Larkin's Off. Corresp.. 
MS., i. 77-9. This letter might be shown to Californians, but neither origi- 
nal nor a copy must be allowed to fall into their hands. 

'* No date, Larkin's circular letter. Co^y m Saimjers Doc, MS., 18-24, 
vfith. a note by L. explaining the circumstances under which it was written — 
in Feb. he says, but this must be an error, perhaps of the copyist. I have 
not found the original, but Sawyer saw it among L.'s papers before they 
came into my possession. In this document the Californians are clearly in- 
formed that the U. S. will not permit European intervention, but will wel- 
come Cal. as a sister republic or as a part of the American union. 

'5 April 17, IStG, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 52-4. 
He says Castro talks of going to the Sacramento in July to prevent the entry 
of expected immigrants. He is probably not in earnest, but if he does go it 
will only hasten the crisis. Larkin thinks Castro will soon overthrow Pico; 
represents Forbes and Gasquetas men not very influential or likely to meddle 
much in politics: and he thanks the president for his appointment as agent,, 
promising to do his best to give satisfaction. 



SUTTER'S rOLICY. C5 

ers at my house to inquire into the news, and I be- 
lieve they are fast preparing for the coming event."'" 

Respecting the policy of Sutter in these clays, so 
far as foreign relations are concerned, little is known. 
He was not in 1846, as he had been to some extent 
before, one of those to whom Larkin confided his po- 
litical plans. In a communication to Castro, written 
in April or May — the same in which he warned that 
officer against Gillespie as an agent of the United 
States with important despatches for Fremont, whom 
lie perhaps intended to recall from the northern fron- 
tier^Sutter wrote: "1 recommend you to station a 
respectable garrison at this point before the arrival 
of immigrants from the United States, which will be 
about the middle of September. According to reports, 
they may number some thousands, though not ten 
thousand, as has been said. Believing that the gov- 
ernment will buy my establishment, I shall put every 
thing in the best order. I am putting a new story on 
the large new building which you have seen, and will 
make it ready as soon as possible, containing quarters 
for two or three hundred soldiers, with sufficient pa- 
rade-ground within the fort for the troops. I have also 
written to Prudon about this matter."'" The only 
comment to be made on Sutter's warning against Gilles- 
pie, and on his recommendation to garrison New Hel- 
vetia against American immigrants, is that these acts 
were much more consistent with his duty as a Mexi- 
can citizen and officer than with his later pretensions 
of American partisanship. 

On May 13th was issued the call for a 'consejo gen- 
eral de pueblos unidos,' to deliberate on the future 
destiny of California. I have already noticed this con- 
's AprU 23, 1846, L. to G. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 7.3-5. 
" No date (about 3 weeks after FriJmont's visit), Sutter to Castro in Span- 
ish. Castro, Doc, MS., 98, 41. For the letter to Prudon, see chap. xxv. , this 
vol. Sutter's preparations were soon to be utilized, as will be seen, but not 
by a Mexican garrison, as lie had intended. 



66 FOREIGN RELATIOXS— U. S. AJJD ENGLAND. 

sejo as a phase of the controversy between Pico and 
Castro, and explained that the opjDosition of the latter 
and his friends prevented its success. It has been be- 
lieved from that time to this, that the promoters of 
this council intended in it to urge the scheme of inde- 
pendence from Mexico, involving probably an appeal 
to some other nation for protection. The wording of 
the call,^^ together with the correspondence of such 
men as Stearns and Larkin, indicates that the belief 
was well founded; though little contemporary evi- 
dence exists from Californian sources.^" I have no 
doubt that the consejo would have discussed the 
questions to which I have alluded; that among the 
members would have appeared advocates of loyalty to 
Mexico, of absolute independence, of annexation to 
the United States, and of an English or French pro- 
tectorate; and that on a vote the parties would have 
stood numerically in the order just indicated. Friends 
of the United States might very likely have united 
with the advocates of independence, since, in the event 
of no war with Mexico, independence would have been 
less embarrassing to the government at Washington 
than annexation, though practically and eventually 
amouating to the same thing. But all the other factions 
would have united in behalf of Mexico, and California 
would almost certainly have maintained its former 
status, so far as the consejo could affect it. 

Larkin was not alarmed at the rumors that the 
consejo was to be controlled by advocates of European 
interference. He proposed to visit Santa Barbara 
in person; and he had no doubt of his ability, witli 
the aid of Vallejo, Bandini, and Stearns, all of whom 
he urged to attend as members, to prevent any tri- 
umph of foes to the United States, though he did not 
expect a positive decision in favor of his own plans. 

"See chap. ii. of this vol. 

'^May 30, 1S46, Manuel Castro to J036 Caatro. Mentions the i-iimor that 
the southern delegates will favor independence; at which the writer is indig- 
nant, and urges the gen. to take part in the consejo, with a view to prevent 
the success of such a scheme. Soberanc^, Doc, MS., 322-5. 



THE SANTA BARBARA COUNCIL. 67 

Stearns thought the proposed meeting would consider 
foreign relations only as a secondary question, the 
quarrel between Pico and Castro being of primary 
importance; but he believed that tlie United States 
had more friends in the south than any European 
nation, and that a majority would favor annexation, 
could they be assured of immediate protection against 
Mexico."'" 

The importance of the proposed consejo, as a scheme 
designed to put the country under the protection of 
England, has been grossly exaggerated, as indeed has 
all that 25ertains in any way to English interference. 
It has been asserted that Pico and other promoters 
of the council had so arranged its membership as to 
insure a decision in favor of Great Britain. Many 
native Californians have taken this view of the mat- 

^"May 14, 1S46, Steams to Larkin, announcing the convocation of the con- 
sejo. He says: ' The idea among the Californians for independence has for a 
long time been cherished here at the south; more so than at the north. 
Such a measure I have always been opposed to, and think it a wild scheme. 
Other plans have been spoken of by some — such as to ask protection of Eng- 
land or the U. S. The desire for some kind of a change is almost universal, 
as it is certain that no protection can be expected from Mexico in her present 
revolutionary state.' Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 119. May 21st, L. to S. Id., 
Off. Corresp., MS. , i. 80. May •24th, L. to Leese. Asks him to u'ge Vallejo 
to attend the consejo. Jd., i. 81. June 1st, Steams to L., explaining his 
ideas as to the object of the meeting. Id., Doc, MS., iv. 151. 'I often 
hear the most respectable people say, " Ojali que tome esta los Americanos"! 
They appear to be inclined to any kind of a change that will free them from 
Mexico. The govt men are of the same opinion generally.' June 1st, L. to 
Gillespie. Does not believe the junta will have a quorum. 'I have no rea- 
son to suppose that this junta is more than to do something for the benefit of 
Cal.; what that may be the members themselves do not exactly know. . .1 as 
a private person told Forbes, Castro, Vallejo, and Prudou that if they were 
confident that Mexico would do nothing for Cal., to make one more effort and 
present from a large junta a respectable (sic) memorial representing the state 
of Cal.; and if Mexico cannot afford protection, let them humbly offer their 
advice of selUng the country. Forbes told me he could not mention such a 
thing. I told him I would, and my govt could displace me if they saw 
proper; as I had no pay (!), there would be no risk or loss; that as a private 
man and land speculator I would agitate questions for my private ends, bene- 
fit, and account. To do this he wished me to be there ' — at Sta Barbara. Id. , 
Off. Corresp., MS., i. 87-9. June 1st, L. to sec. state, announcing the pro- 
posed holding of the consejo by the gov. and assembly, 'from a dread of some- 
thing, they hardly know what.' Id., ii. 56. June 18th, L. to Mott and Tal- 
bot, Mazatlan. Thinks the scheme will fail, /d., i>oc., MS., iv. 165. Castro, 
Relacion, MS., 177-80, says that Pico's motive in convoking the consejo was 
to forestall Gen. Castro in his supposed scheme of a foreign protectorate — a 
most ridiculous enterprise. The gen. had really sent Guerra (so G. claimed 
also) to urge Pico to join him in such a scheme. 



OS FOREIGN RELATIONS— U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

ter, especially certain arribenos, who have thus ac- 
counted for their opposition to the scheme, with a 
view to magnify their services in behalf of the United 
States.-^ Another fruitful source of exaggeration was 
the congressional investigation of a few years latei' 
respecting California claims on the treasury, on which 
occasion it became important for certain interests to 
magnify the importance of services rendered by revo- 
lutionists to the United States. Many witnesses were 
brought forward to prove that California had been on 
the point of being surrendered to England by the au- 
thorities, the transfer being prevented — as was Pico's 
prodigal distribution of lands among his English friends 
— -by the prompt action of American settlers on the 
northern frontier. The absurdity of this claim will be 
shown later; and I introduce the matter here only to 
show the origin of a popular idea, that California was 
in imminent danger of being handed over to England. 
The testimony cited was that of those who merely 
repeated the rumors current among a class who had 
the least opportunities of knowing the facts; and thev 
paid but little attention to the chronology of such ru- 
mors, confounding those that followed with those that 
preceded the raising of the American flag in July.-' 

■" Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS.,V. 41, 93; Id., Doc, MS., xxxiv. 192, is positivt- 
in his statements to this eflfect, declaring also that Forbes was active in promot- 
ing the scheme. Alvarado, Hist. Col., MS., v. 109-10, 146-50, expresses the 
same opinion, so far as Pico's designs are concerned ; but he thinks the gover- 
nor's following was not numerically strong, and he names David Spence as the 
most prominent English agent. Osio. Hht. Cal., MS., 457, confirms the state- 
ment that Pico was intriguing with Forbes and other agents of England. Ra- 
fael Pinto, Apunt. , MS. ,100, claims to have started for the soutb with Pablo d« 
la Guerrra, who was sent by Castro and Alvarado to confer with Pico, and 
urge a scheme for an English protectorate. Manuel Torres, Pcripedas, MS. , 
72-4, tells us that Dr Stokes was one of the most active partisans of the 
English cause; but that Forbes and Richardson held aloof. See also, on Pico's 
schemes, /warcj, yarr.,MS.; Carrillo, Nari:,MS., 6-10; SaiicJiez, Notas,MS., 
22. John Bidwell, Cal. in I84I-8, MS., 141-2, says it was generally under- 
stood that Pico and other prominent men were agitating the question of English 
protection, and he thinks there was some foundation for the idea. Juan Fors- 
ter. Pioneer Data, MS., 28-9, also thinks there was an understanding be- 
tween English agents and the Californian authorities. See also Lanccy'a 
Cruise, 54. Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest, i. 40, names Vallejo as an advo- 
cate of English schemes! See also Hall's Hi^t. S. Jos(, 143, and many uew.s- 
paper articles. 

^'' Friinont's Cal. Claims (30th cong. 1st sess.. Sen. P>epts no. lo); Dlv's 



PICO'S PLANS IN FAVOR OF ENGLAND. 69 

The truth uf the matter is simply tliat Pico and 
half a dozen other somewhat prominent men, includ- 
ing Pablo de la Guerra and Juan B. Alvarado, were 
inclined, through various motives of personal ambi- 
tions, dislikes, and friendships, to favor European 
intervention as a means of keeping their country from 
the United States. Popular sentiment was not strong 
in their favor, and they could not have controlled the 
consejo in behalf of England, even had they acted 
together, as they were not likely to do. Tlie theory 
that Pico had so planned the meeting as to control 
it absolutely in this respect, or in any other respect 
except that of opposition to Castro and the northern 
i'lique, was one developed in later years from the 
imagination of Vallejo and his friends. Larkin and 
Stearns, the men best qualified to judge in the mat- 
ter, had no fear of results so far as the action of Cali- 
fornians was concerned, their only apprehensions, 
much less troublesome than in former years, being- 
founded on what England might accomplish in Mex- 
ico. Had England sent a force to take California, 
together- with guaranties of office or emolument to 
Pico and Castro, then the attitude of those officials 
would have assumed an importance that it did not 
possess under any other circumstances. What were 
the plans of the English government it is no part of 
my present duty to consider. 

It is not easy to determine what steps were taken 
by Forbes and David Spence to encourage Pico and 
his friends in their purpose of appealing to England. 
The correspondence of the time naturally touches this 

Speeches, i. 278-80; Harlmann's Brief, 61-75. Lieutenants Gillespie and 
Minor were the witnesses that spoke most positively about the Sta Barbara 
junta, the former getting his information from Leese chiefly, and the latter — 
who represented the junta as having actually decided in favor of England — 
from Pedro C. Carrillo. 15 or 20 other witnesses testified to the general 
belief that Pico was granting the public lands as fast as possible to English- 
men. The chief absurdity to which I have alluded in my text was in the 
claim that the action of the northern revolutionists, in the middle of June, 
had any effect to check Pico's grants. Most of the witnesses mention the 
McNamara grant, which will be fully noticed later, and of which nothing 
was known in noitlicrn California before tlie end of June. 



70 FOKEIOX RELATIONS— U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

topic but vaguely.-^ Forbes always denied having- 
been concerned in any intrigues whateiver in behalf 
of his government. In conversation with Larkin in 
1846, he gave him to understand that he had once 
been reprimanded by his government for having 
introduced the subject of California politics in some 
of liis communications; that he believed the rumors 
of English negotiations with the authorities to be 
false, though England would not regard with satis- 
faction the interference of any other nation; that his 
individual preference was in favor of the United 
States, though his official position did not permit an 
open expression of this preference; and finally, that 
his policy would be to say nothing, not to meddle in 
politics, and to acquire some lands in anticipation of 
the coming change."* It is not by any means neces- 
sary to place implicit confidence in the literal accuracy 

^ March 17tli, Forbes writes to Bandini: 'You being in my opinion a man 
whose intelligence penetrates the designs of California's foes, and not being 
able at present to enter into particulars, I have authorized Henry Dalton to 
propose to you a certain method of frustrating those designs iu a manner 
honorable and beneficial to this country. Please write to me if you find it 
necessary in order to forward She desired object.' Bandini, Doc, MS., 6S. 
Don Juan's reply. Id. , 69, was dated April 21st. It was long — Bandini never 
wrote a short communication — and somewhat vague and mysterious. The 
danger was no secret to hira, he said, and he seems to approve the plan pro- 
posed; but 'unfortunately we are in a country where everything cannot bo 
told, and where a good result cannot be e.xpected if the few men capable of 
treating so serious a subject do not dedicate themselves exclusively to it.' 
It is necessary to use great caution, to dissemble, and to await an opportunity, 
carefully avoiding premature action, etc. He also alludes vaguely to com- 
mercial topics. This corresp. may or may not have a political significance. 
Forbes seems to have addressed Pico, asking an explanation respecting Fre- 
mont's motives; for Pico, on April 2'2d, replied that he did not know what 
those motives were, but assuring Forbes that the govt does not admit the 
protection of any foreign power. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 12S. 

-'May 21, 1S46, L. to Steams. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 80-1. 
May 24th, same to same. Id., i. 81-3; Id., Doc, MS., iv. 133. May 2Gth, 
same to same. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., i. 83. 'It is possible that the gov. 
may obtain sufficient from Mr Forbes to give up any idea of looking to Eng- 
land.' June 1st, L. to Gillespie. Id., i. 87-9. June 1st, L. to sec. state. 
fd., ii. 56-S. The same idea is clearly expressed in all these letters. Steams 
had written on the 14th of May that he knew positively that English agents 
were at work; and L. had been somewhat alarmed at the news imtil he had 
talked with Forbes and Spence. McKay, Recollections, MS., 4, arriving at 
S. F. in March, says he found the au- thick with rumors on account of Fre- 
mont's operations. The Englishmen there seemed to take sides with the 
Americans, though they blamed the English govt for not taking prompt 
action to secure the country for the British crown. 



FORBES AND SPENCE. 71 

of these statements of Forbes and Spence; but it is 
well to note that evidence against them is exceedingly- 
slight, and that Larkin, the man best qualified and 
most interested to learn the truth, as well as the one 
who had in former years been most suspicious of 
English interference, was inclined to credit those 
statements. 

In May Larkin appointed Abel Stearns his confi- 
dential agent for Los Angeles and southern Califor- 
nia, implying, though not stating clearly, the nature 
of his own relations to the administration at Washing- 
ton.'^ At the end of the month he wrote to Fremont, 
and said in answer to the latter's offers to be of ser- 
vice to him at Washington: "I have neither demands 
nor favors to ask of our government, nor 'odds,' to use 
a western expression. What time may require, time 
must bring to light. You are aware that great 
changes are about to take place in a country we are 
both acquainted with; to aid this I am giving up busi- 
ness, holding myself in readiness for the times to 
come, and the results; thus drawing myself into the 
political vortex. This in time may bring my name 
too prominently forward, so that I may be assailed. 
Should this ever happen, you may render me ser\?ice."-® 
The same sentiments respecting the country's pros- 
pects are expressed to Buchanan in a letter of June 
1st, in which Larkin suggests that he would be will- 

25 May 23, 1846, L. to S. Larlin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 84. The follow- 
ing paragraph illustrates one trait of the writer's character: ' You are aware 
I have been for some time in public employ without any pecuniaiy remuner- 
ation, and therefore cannot ofler you any. I can only say the offer cannot be 
of much trouble or expense to an active and energetic man like yourself, who 
would find a pleasure in what others would call laborious business. I cannot 
even promise you that my ofifer holds out any future inducement to you or 
your interests, but I believe that both may be advanced at some future day 
not far distant. Therefore the end may justify the means, at least in the re- 
sult. You must only look for recompense at present in an extended knowl- 
edge of affairs.' Nothing of Larkin 's §6 per day! L. also wrote in these 
times letters for the ^V. Y. Herald and Sun, as appears from corresp. with 
Bennett and Beach in Larhin's Doc, MS., iv. 124, 129. These editors valued 
the letters highlj', and offered pay, but L. would accept nothing, unless possibly 
protection in case of future slanders. 

2«May 31, 1S46, L. to F., in Larkin'^ Off. Corre-fp., MS., i. 86. 



7-2 rOREIGN KELATIONS-U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

iiig to undertake a secret diplomatic mission to Mexi- 
co on the pretext of collecting sums due him personally ; 
and also suggests that he has at Washington a relative, 
Eben L. Childs, who might be utilized as special mes- 
senger to California, or who might be employed to 
write secret despatches without signature, as his hand- 
writing was known to Larkin.-' This idea arose from 
the delay of the important despatch of October 17, 
1845, of which Larkin had as yet received only a copy 
written from memory of the duplicate intrusted to 
Gillespie. The original arrived, however, before the 
15th, on which date Larkin renewed his thanks for 
the honor, describing his zealous efforts in the past, 
urging the necessity of an increased salary, and for- 
warding carefully prepared sketches of California, its 
condition, institutions, and people.'^^ About this time 
he obtained from General Castro, in an interview, a 
general assent to his political scheme, in the form of a 
written plan of a movement of independence to be 
undertaken as soon as the number of foreign settlers 
should be deemed sufficient to insure success.'" 

2' June 1, 1846, L. to sec. state. Larhin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 56-8. 
June 1st, receipt of Narciso Botiller for §40 from L. for carrying a mail from 
Sta Clara to Monterey. Monterey, Consulate Arch., MS., ii. 15. Phelps, 
Fore and Aft, 283-4, tells us that being at Los Angeles early in June, when 
despatches arrived announcing that war would soon be declared, he was as- 
sured by Pico that in spite of orders from Mexico, American trading vessels 
on the coast should not be molested. 

'8 June 15th, L. to sec. state. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 63-4; 94r-116. 
The sketches sent I quote elsewhere as Larkin's Description of California; 
and Id., Notes on the Personal Character of Califomians. In the former he 
states that in a popular cause, Pico and Castro could bring into the field 800 
or 1,000 men to serve without pay for a month or more; to aid Mexico in ex- 
pelling foreigners they could raise perhaps 300 or 400. There is continual 
dread of a Mexican general coming with an army to depose the present rulers. 
Many in office are convinced that a ' favorable change ' would so enhance the 
value of their lands as to render salary a secondary consideration. Only such 
as thrive by absence of law can prosper in the present state of things. It 
would be well to pension off or give sinecures to men of influence and posi- 
tion, as they would then quietly draw others with them. June 17th, Forbes 
writes to Bandini that the Juanitais expected to bring news of war. Bandini, 
Doc, MS., 74. June 19th, Pico tells Bandini that the English corvette 
brought news of war, but he knows nothing officially. Id., 76. 

On allusions more or less accurate to the efforts and hopes of Larkin and 
others, see Dunbar's Romance, 30-1; Pacheco, Contra Costa Gazette, Dec. 21, 
1867; Willey's Thirty Years, \Z; Hyde's Statement, 'MS., G-7; Torres, Peripe- 
cias, MS., 49; Pinto, Apunt., MS., 104; Leese's Bear Flag Mem., MS., 9; 
Sanchez, Notas, MS., 21-2. 

29 Larkin to sec. state, July lOth. Off Corresp., MS., ii. 77. 



GENERAL CONCLUSIONS. 73 

From a careful study of the correspondence and 
other evidence cited in this and the two preceding 
chapters, I reach the following conclusions respecting 
the condition of Californian affairs in the early weeks 
of June 1846: All classes of the inhabitants realized 
that a political change was imminent. There was 
little hope that Mexico would or could afford protec- 
tion or relief by sending money and an army; nor was 
it expected that without such aid the country could 
much longer maintain its status as a Mexican depend- 
ency. The anticipated change must naturally be 
either a declaration of absolute independence, or an- 
nexation in some form to a foreign power. The United 
States or England might get the country either by 
conquest, purchase from Mexico, or voluntary action 
of the Californians. There were prominent men among 
the natives disposed to favor each of the schemes pro- 
posed, though not yet openly or actively; while their 
parties were not clearly defined, the masses being for 
the most apathetic and indifferent. Notwithstanding 
the strong prejudice against Mexico, affinities of race, 
language, religion, and association were still potent in 
favor of loyalty; yet on the other hand many were 
beginning to speculate on the prospective increase in 
the value of their lands under a new regime. With 
personal interests in conflict with the old prejudices, 
the ultimate issue was wellnigh certain. The chief 
authorities, political and military, while protesting 
their loyalty to Mexico and their determination to 
resist foreign invasion, were in reality lukewarm in 
this respect, being thoroughly in earnest only in their 
opposition to each other. In their minds the contro- 
versy between Pico and Castro outweighed all ques- 
tions of national allegiance, and was second only to 
personal and ambitious interests. Any foreign nation 
taking a decided stand could have obtained the cooper- 
ation of either Don Pio or Don Josd, if not of both. 
Had it been practicable to bring the question of the 
political future to a voting test among representative 



74 FOREIGN RELATIONS-U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

men, loyalty to Mexico would have temporarily won 
the day, mainly through the inability of other factions 
to combine their forces. 

While not yet sufficiently numerous or zealous to 
effect an immediate change in their own favor against 
all the others, the American party was beyond all 
comparison the strongest. It really included the in- 
dependents, since a declaration of independence was 
in certain contingencies quite as favorable to the 
United States as an appeal for annexation. Ameri- 
cans were more numerous, and collectively more in- 
fluential, than foreign residents of any European 
nation. A large increase of immigration was expected 
in the early future. The Californians were republi- 
cans, with but little sympathy for monarchical insti- 
tutions. Not only was the American party aided by 
delay and by the general tendency of events, but 
more active agents were at work. Larkin, as a secret 
confidential agent of the administration at Washing- 
ton, was working zealously to advance the cause. He 
was authorized not only to conciliate the favor of 
leading Californians, and to urge the advantages of 
annexation, but also to promise welcome to a new 
'sister republic,' and, what was still more effective, to 
state that his government would use force to prevent 
European interference. He was confident, as were 
other leading .Americans, and not without good rea- 
sons, that he was making rapid progress, notwithstand- 
ing the drawbacks occasioned by Fremont's blunders. 
It was believed that in the event of war California 
might be occupied without any serious opposition 
from the people; and that if there was no war, the 
Californians would soon by declaring their independ- 
ence start voluntarily on the way to ultimate annexa- 
tion. The imminence of war was in itself, of course, 
a favorable circumstance, as it could hardly fail to 
result in an American occupation, not likely to be 
merely temporary. 

The onlv obstacle that could seriouslv impede the 



BRITISH CHANCES. 75 

progress of American plans was armed interference by 
a European power. This was understood in Califor- 
nia, and there were a few leading men, including Pico, 
who were in favor of an appeal for protection to Eng- 
land. These men and their followers were influenced 
not so much by a preference for a European system 
of government as by their personal ambitions, their 
friendships for resident Englishmen, and their quar- 
rels with individual Americans. They knew that Eng- 
lish holders of Mexican bonds, as well as English 
travellers, had recommended the acquisition by their 
.government of Californian territory. They were en- 
couraged in their ideas of a British protectorate by 
British residents ; and they adopted the current Amer- 
ican idea that England had set her heart upon acquir- 
ing the country. There is no evidence that they re- 
ceived any official encouragement from the British 
government or its agents, and no proof that Forbes 
and Spence were intriguing with Pico in favor of an 
appeal to England. Pico and his friends had a right 
to entertain their preference, which was by no means 
a criminal or unreasonable one, as it has been the 
fashion among excessively American writers to imply; 
but as a matter of fact, they were never very deeply 
in earnest, never had much strength as a party; and 
the popular idea that they were likely to control the 
destinies of California has been an absurd exagger- 
ation. So far as negotiations or intrigues in the 
country were concerned, the scheme of European in- 
terference was a most shadowy myth. The only 
danger to be apprehended by the United States was 
that England would obtain a cession of California from 
Mexico, and would attempt a forcible occupation, se- 
curing the governor's cooperation as a pretext of pop- 
ular approval. This danger was also a slight one; 
but I shall have occasion to speak again of it. 

Finally, we have found no disposition on the part 
of Californian officials or the Californian people to mo- 
lest foreign residents. Pico and Castro, in accordance 



76 FOREIGN RELATIONS— U. S. AND ENGLAND. 

with their routine duty as Mexican officials, talked of 
resisting invasion, and even of preventing the entry 
of the thousands of immigrants expected over the 
mountains in the autumn; but they had no thought 
and made no threats of expelling those in the country. 
Americans were treated quite as well as Englishmen 
or other foreigners. The immigrants of 1845 were 
not even notified to leave the country, as they had 
promised to do if required. The popular prejudice 
against foreigners, fomented by personal intercourse 
with individuals, and still more by reports from Mex- 
ican sources of what had been done in Texas, was nat- 
urally stronger against Americans than others; but 
considering the imminence of war and other unfavor- 
able circumstances, the toleration and kindness mani- 
fested were remarkable, and in themselves afibrded 
evidence that Larkin's hopes of success in his concili- 
atory policy were not without foundation. 



CHAPTER IV. 

CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

June, 1846. 

An Unexpected Outbreak — It.s Alleged Motives— Self-befence and 
Resistance to Oppression— Mere Pretexts — Current Rumors— The 
Insurgents Classified — Adventurers — American Enthusiasts — Am- 
bitious Politicians — Real Motives of the Leaders — Fremont's Pol- 
icy — Gillespie's Mission — Ambition and Revenge— A Bold Resolu- 
tion—Overmuch Caution — Nature of Fremont's Cooperation — Ide's 
Theories and Statements — A Filibustering Scheme— Needless, Un- 
justifiable, Productive of No Good — Not a Part of the Conquest — 
Serious Responsibilities of the Insurgent Leaders— A Fortunate 
Ending. 

The condition of affairs being as described in the 
preceding chapter, there broke out in June a revolt of 
American settlers in the Sacramento and Napa valleys, 
who with the support of Fremont's men seized the town 
of Sonoma, captured several leading Californians, and 
proclaimed the country independent. The action was 
startling to all but participants. It was so unexpected, 
so utterly inconsistent with the policy by which agents 
of the United States believed themselves to be mak- 
ing progress toward voluntary annexation; the time 
was so strangely chosen, when news of war, involving 
a legitimate military occupation, was expected from 
day to day ; and indeed, the affair was apparently so 
ill-timed, ill-advised, and extraordinary in all its phases, 
that it becomes necessary to study the motives that 
led to the outbreak before proceeding to narrate in 
detail its stirring scenes. 



78 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

I begin with the alleged motives, which were by 
no means mysterious or complicated, and to illustrate 
which I introduce in the appended note a somewhat 
extended list of quotations.^ Long as it is, the list 

' In History of the Bear Flag Revolt, by a Committee of Citizens, published in 
1847, we read: ' The American and other foreign portion of the people of Up- 
per California learned in May 1846 that the govt had determined upon their 
expulsion from the country, and were making preparations to seize or kill all 
foreigners, and send such as should be made prisoners to the city of Mexico. 
A large body of horses were collected, and some 500 or 600 men were ordered 
under arms by Gen. Castro for that purjiose. Information was received by Mr 
W. B. Ide on June 8th, brought by an Indian runner, that 200 mounted Mexi- 
cans were on their march up the Sacramento River, with the design of destroy- 
ing the crops, burning the houses, and driving off cattle belonging to the for- 
eigners.' Ide proceeded to warn and organize the settlers, but ' it was quite 
apparent that further and more decisive action was necessary to secure the 
lives and property of the immigrants; and it was determined to seize the fort 
of Sonoma. ' Wm B. Ide was probably the writer of the preceding. In Ide's 
Biog. Sketch, 48, Mrs Healy (Miss Ide) says: 'We hadnot been there long [on 
Belden's rancho in April] before a young man, Mr L. H. Ford, came to tell father 
that Gen. Don Castro was on his way to drive all Americans from the country. ' 
On p. 51-2 we read: ' Soon after his aiTival he was confronted with the solu- 
tion of ajQ important problem regarding the rights and privileges of himself 
and his fellow -emigrants . . . He supposed he had conformed to all the legal con- 
ditions entitling him to all the privileges, etc., of a citizen (!). . .The question 
was, whether he should be forcibly ejected from his humble abode and driven 
back to the states, or whether he would unite with his fellow-emigrants in re- 
sisting tlie threatened war of extermination as put forth in a proclamation of 
the then reputed governor of the coimtry. . .He had seen the proclamation of 
Gen. Don Castro warning the emigrants to leave the country or they would 
be driven into the mountains or made prisoners, or be shot in case of re- 
sistance. ' p. 62. The ' inhuman and arbitrary e.xaction ' of taxes from foreign- 
ers is mentioned on p. 90. In his remarkable letter to Senator Wambough, 
which fills a large part of the volume, regretfully omitting Ide's ingenious ar- 
guments, we read, p. 106: ' Imagine the disappointment of those brave men 
who had conquered the difficulties of the pathless Sierra, etc. . . .when by the in- 
tervention of a self-constituted government, heated to madness by jealousy, 
excited by designing emissaries, we were forbidden the usual hospitalities of 
the country and ordered to return!' On p. 108-9, after a sharp blow at Lar- 
kin and Fr(5mont, Ide writes: ' Immediately after [about the first of April], 
Gen. Jos6 Castro, naturally humane and generous, caused to be issued and 
posted up at Sonoma and various other places a proclamation ordering ' all 
foreigners whose residence in the country was less than one year to leave the 
country and their property and beasts of burden, on pain of death.' This dan- 
ger was temporarily averted in a way not clearly described, though a large 
party was frightened away to Oregon; when GiUespie came and went after 
Fremont. When Fremont came he soon circulated the follo%ving: 'Notice is 
hereby given that a large body of armed Spaniards on horseback, amounting 
to 250 men, have been seen on their way to the Sacramento Valley, destroy- 
ing the crops, burning the houses, and driving off the cattle. Capt. Fremont 
invites every freeman in the valley to come to his camp at the Buttes immedi- 
ately.' The letter to ^Vambough is repeated in Ide's Who Conquered Cat? 

The following statements are from men who took part in the revolution, 
or at least were in Cal. at the time. Henry L. Ford, Bear Flag Revolution, 
MS., 3, tells us that a meeting of Mexican officers at Sonoma 'resulted in 
Gen. Castro issuing his edict for all Americans to leave the country. ' Wm 
Hargrave, Cal. in '46, MS., 3, says the hostilitj- of the natives ^as very bit- 



ALLEGED MOTIVES. 79 

might be made longer, even if restricted to original 
authorities; and it might be extended almost without 
limit if made to include accounts of later writers in 



ter, and foreigners became convinced that in bold action lay the only pros- 
pect of safety. According to Benj. Dewell, in Napa Reporter, Oct. 12, 187-, 
'the Spaniards became very troublesome in the spring.' James Gregson, 
Statement, MS., 3, has it that Sutter received a proclamation ordering all 
Americans to quit the country, which he read to the settlers, asking them to 
stand by him. Marshall, Statement, MS., 1, says one cause of the alarm was 
the knowledge that Castro wanted to purchase New Helvetia. Belden says 
there was some talk of preventing further immigration, and even of getting 
rid of those already in the country. Hist. 'Statement, MS., 44-5. Semple, 
Hesperian, iii. 387-8, says that during the winter Castro issued several proc- 
lamations, to the effect that all foreigners not naturalized must leave the 
country; but the people remained quiet, believing that the order could not 
be enforced; and paid but little attention to an order read at Sonoma for all 
Americans to depart forthwith; but were finally alarmed by Castro's mili- 
tary preparations — really against Pico. 

la the Monterey Californian, Sept. 5, 1846, we read: 'Each man having 
felt the oppression of the then existing govt, and the certainty of an increase 
of those oppressions, with a clear sense of their danger, tlieir rights, and 
their duty, they rushed to the rescue with one impulse and one object. The 
watchword was equal rights and equal laws, and they nobly sustained their 
principles.' And in the same journal of May 23, 1847: 'In this state of things 
Gen. Castro issued one proclamation after another, ordering foreigners to leave 
the country; but the people, knowing the character of Castro, remained quiet 
until the time was ripe for action.' 

Fremont, in a letter of July 2o, 184t>, to Benton, writes: 'I had scarcely 
reached the Lower Sacramento when Gen. Castro, then in the north at So- 
noma, declared his determination immediately to proceed against the for- 
eigners settled in the country, for whose expulsion an order had just been 
issued by the gov. of the Calif ornias. For these purposes Castro immedi- 
ately assembled a force at the mission of Santa Clara. . .Castro's first measure 
was an attempt to incite the Indian population of the Joaquin and Sacramen- 
to valleys, and the neighboring mountains, to bum the crops of the foreigners, 
and otherwise proceed immediately against them.' In his testimony in 1847 
Fremont says: 'Information was received that Gen. Castro was then raising 
forces and exciting the Indians both against the settlers and my party, upon 
the unfounded pretext of an intended insun-ection by them against the Mexi- 
can govt in California . . The movement was one of self-defence.' Fremont's 
Cal. Claims, 1'2-13. GiUespie testifies: 'So soon as it became known to the 
settlers that Capt. Fremont had returned, they came to the camp, bringing 
us the information that the Indians were leaving their rancherias, or wigwams, 
and flying to the mountains. In some places they had shown a very hostile 
feeling, and certainly bad been aroused by some foreign emissiary. . .On the 
30th I was informed by Capt. Sutter that it was positively true that Gen. 
Castro had excited the Indians to a revolt and to join the Californians in ex- 
terminating the settlers; that the Indians had been bribed to bum the wheat 
then nearly dry; and that it was Gen. Castro's intention to attack and cut off 
Capt. Fremont's party if he possibly could ... On June 7th I learned (at S. F. ) 
that Castro had gone to Sonoma to hold a council with the Vallejos and to 
procure horses to commence his operations, which he endeavored to disguise 
under the rumor of making an attack upon the gov., Don Pio Pico, who had 
disapproved of Castro's want of good failh in making his first attack upon 
Capt. Fremont in March '(!). May 28th, 'a courier was recei\'ed from (^apt. 
Sutter, informing Capt. Fremont and myself that "two Sjjauiards had been 
sent by Gen. Castro amongst the different tribes of Indians, and that this was 



80 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

books and newspapers, who have generally accepted 
without question the testimony of the contemporary 
witnesses. The testimony is clear and to the point. 
It is to the effect that the revolt was purely a 
movement of self-defence on the part of the Ameri- 
can settlers ; that General Castro had published a se- 
ries of proclamations ordering all Americans not nat- 
uralized to quit the countr}' before a specified date, 
under penalty of being forcibly expelled; that he had 
collected a large military force with which to enforce 
his orders; that he had started to attack the settlers, 
having meanwhile instigated the Indians to destroy 
the Americans' crops; and that the settlers had sim- 
ply to choose whether they would fight in defence of 
their homes and families, or, abandoning their prop- 
erty, flee to almost certain destruction in the moun- 

the cause of their flying to the mountains, they having been excited against 
the settlers.'" 'An Indian had been taken prisoner who liad received a mus- 
ket from Gen. Castro for the express purpose of killing Capt. Sutter' (!). Id., 
25-6, 29. Samuel Hensley testifies : ' I returued to Sutter's a few days after 
seeing Vallejo,' who had told him of the English scheme. 'Capt. Sutter in- 
formed me that there was great excitement among the Indians; that he had 
sent for the Seguararae chief who had recently been among the Califomian 
settlements ... On his arrival Sutter examined him as alcalde. The chief 
stated that he had seen Castro, and that Castro had made him great promises 
on condition that he would excite Indians to burn all the wheat crops of the 
American emigrants, as he intended to drive all the Americans out of the 
country in a short time. ' Then Hensley went to Fremont's camp to report and 
to give it ' as my opinion that American residents would have to leave the 
country or fight for their riomes; at the same time saying I was sure we 
would not leave the country. ' Id. , 33-4. Richard Owens said : ' We found 
the people expecting an attack from the CaUf ornians . . .The report was, and 
it was generally believed, that Castro had instigated the Indians to rise and 
liurn the crops of the settlers. Proclamations had been sent out ordering the 
Americans to quit the country or they would be driven out by a certain time. 
It was known that troops had been collected at Sta Clara," and that Gen. 
Castro had come into Sonoma for the purpose of raising a body of Spaniards 
and Indians to come out against the emigrants and Capt. Fremont's party.' 
Id., 38. Wm N. Loker said, besides confirming the statements of Hensley 
and Owens: 'Just before his [Fremont's] return there was a meeting of the 
principal men at Monterey. They then thought it advisable to order all for- 
eigners to leave the country, and published a bando to that effect. . .Women 
and children were included in the banishment. . .The bando was translated 
and sent up the valley; and I put one of them up at Sutter's Fort.' Id., 39- 
40. June 1, 1846, Sutter wrote to Vallejo that the Moquelumnes had risen, 
and he was about to march against them before they could set fire to his 
wheat, as they had been advised to do by persons at S. Jos^, and before 
Eusebio could kill him with a gun which the same persons had given him for 
that purpose. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 220. In his Diary, p. 7, Sutter also 
tells the story of Castro's inciting the Indians against him; and he describes 
the campaign against them wliich began June 3d. 



MERE PRETEXTS. 81 

tains and deserts of the overland route. Driven, 
however, to fight for self-protection, it is not denied 
that they took a certain patriotic pride in conquering 
new territory for freedom, in opening new fields for 
Anglo-Saxon enterprise, in overthrowing an inefficient 
and antiquated system, and in rescuing even their 
oppressors from Mexican tyranny ! It is a grand and 
thrilling picture, and one that has been more than once 
brilliantly portrayed — that of a little band of heroic 
men who defied the power of a nation, and resolved 
to die rather than be driven like dogs from the homes 
to which they had been invited' and to secure which 
they had crossed a continent! What a pity to go be- 
hind the scenes and expose the stage effect! 

As is well known to the reader, the revolting set- 
tlers were men who had been hospitably received in a 
land which they had entered in defiance of its laws. 
The political and military authorities had given their 
national superiors just cause of offence by their toler- 
ation of the strangers in spite of positive orders. 
They had not threatened or oppressed Americans, 
• notwithstanding the imminence of war and their pe- 
culiar position. General Castro did not issue the 
proclamations imputed to him; did not order the set- 
tlers to quit the country; did not organize an army 
with which to attack them; and did not instigate 
savages to destroy their crops. That he could have 
done any of these things without its reaching the 
knowledge of anybody south of San Francisco Bay 
is improbable; but such acts would also have been in 
direct opposition to the spirit shown in all correspond- 
ence of the time. The Americans of the Sacramento 
had nothing to fear from the Oalifornians; and this 
must have been almost as well known to the leading 
spirits of the revolt as to us. The alleged motives, 
so far at least as the leaders were concerned, were as- 
suredly not the real ones. They were but pretexts 
of designing men, used at the time to secure unanim- 
ity of action, and after success to justify that action. 

Hist. Cal., Vol. V. 6 



82 CAUSES OB^ THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

I am disposed to think, though I cannot prove it, 
that certain men went so far as to circulate forged 
translations of edicts purporting to emanate from 
Castro. 

For it cannot be doubted that rumors of impend- 
ing hostility and expulsion were current in the north- 
ern valleys, or that they were credited by many, even 
of those who required no such incentive to revolt. 
There were many who did require such an incen- 
tive. I do not attempt to name them. Let it be 
hoped they constituted a majority of all. They had 
been but few years in the country; were fitted by 
education to believe anything that was bad respecting 
a man who had Spanish blood in his veins; did not 
approve the Mexican methods of life or government; 
could hardly understand the justice of requiring of a 
free American citizen any formalities of passports or 
naturalization; and they were firm believers in the des- 
tiny of their nation to possess this western land. But 
at the same time these men were lovers of peace and 
law. They had a dim perception of the right of a 
people, even Mexicans, to govern their own country in 
their own way; and only by fear of actual oppression, 
and as a measure of self-defence, could they be in- 
duced to engage in a filibustering scheme involving 
the shedding of blood, especially if the objects de- 
sired were likely to be accomplished legitimately by a 
little delay. 

The support of these men was essential to success, 
and the circumstances were all favorable for the rev- 
olutionists. The American settlers of the northern 
frontier formed an isolated community, coming but 
rarely and indirectly into contact with the natives, 
and knowing but little of what was actually occurring 
south of the bay. News was eagerly sought, and 
the wildest rumors found ready listeners. Larkin's 
eiforts and prospects were naturally but vaguely 
known, if at all, to the majority. Long delay in the 
declaration of war by Mexico had caused fears on the 



FALSE RUMORS. 83 

part of some that there would be no war, and that 
for a long time no aid was to be expected fiom the 
naval forces of the United States. The troubles of 
March between Castro and Frdmont were known in 
the north mainly through false reports of the latter 
and his men; and it was widely believed that Castro 
had arbitrarily and treacherously driven Fremont out 
of the country after having promised hospitality. 
Castro was known to be organizing a military force 
at Santa Clara. This organization, with Castro's an- 
nouncements as a Mexican officer of a determination 
to defend California against the expected invasion in 
case of war — an invasion with which he naturally and 
with much real alarm connected Fremont's return 
from Oregon at the bidding of an official messenger 
from Washington — as intrepreted in the north, was 
readily confounded with hostile preparations against 
the settlers. That Castro in reality feared Pico and 
his .■southern allies much more than he did the Amer- 
icans was not generally understood by the immi- 
grants; and some of the revolutionists had the assur- 
ance even to attribute Pico's hostility to his disapproval 
of Castro's opposition to Frdmont and to the foreign- 
ers! Finally, just at the most opportune moment for 
the plans of the filibusters, Castro sent a party of 
armed men, as will be narrated presently, to bring a 
large number of horses from the north; and this 
movement was fully utilized to remove any lingering 
doubts that yet remained as to the necessity of 
defensive aggression. That the revolution was to 
prevent English occupation of the country, and es- 
pecially to prevent the success of the McNamara 
colonization scheme, was entirely an invention of 
later times; but the tenure of lands was a subject on 
which the settlers were very sensitive, and there are 
some indications that among the current rumors were 
some to the effect that the Californian authorities 
were making hurried grants of all public lands in 
anticipation of a political change. 



S4 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

Eliminating that element which engaged in the 
revolt honestly as a measure of self-defence, whose 
fears of danger to life and property though unfounded 
were to some extent real, we shall find among the 
remaining filibusters, including most of the leaders 
and many of the followers, some diversity of motive. 
There was a class — among the overland immigrants, 
deserters from vessels who had come up to New 
Helvetia from the bay, and Fremont's men — com- 
posed of adventurers pure and simple. Reckless, 
daring, and unprincipled men, with nothing to lose, 
they were eager for a fight with the Californians, 
partly for the mere excitement of the thing, just as 
they were always ready for a fight with the Indians. 
In the turmoil of a revolution, something might occur 
to their advantage; at least, they could gratify certain 
personal dislikes; and especially did they have an eye 
on the herds of the native rancheros. Of another 
stamp were political adventurers, whose reward was 
to be, not plunder in the vulgar sense, but glory and 
office and wealth, under a reformed political system. 
Some were enthusiastic Americans, who believed in 
the manifest destiny of their nation to possess this 
land, and had no doubt of their right to raise the stars 
and stripes anywhere in America, without regard to 
the wishes of the natives. They looked upon the 
Californians as an inferior people, who must be taught 
by force the beauties of freedom, and who had no 
right to resist what they chose to regard as their own 
superior civilization. They regarded independence 
as but a step to annexation, and they were proud to 
aid such a cause, even in a struggle which should 
involve the shedding of blood, and utter disregard of 
national, departmental, or individual rights. Some 
of the leaders looked forward to oflScial prominence 
in an independent Californian republic ; others looked 
further, to the contracting of debts, the issuance of 
bonds, and to future profitable negotiations with the 
United States; while still others looked upon the 



FREMONT'S POLICY. 85 

movement as but the beginning of war in favor of the 
United States, from the government and jDeople of 
which nation they expected great honor, and in which 
war they hoped to secure a more prominent position 
than if they waited for the naval forces to begin 
hostihties. They were all mere filibusters, and were 
entitled to none of the sympathy or honor which the 
world accords to revolutionists who struggle against 
oppression. 

The revolution broke out soon after Fremont's re- 
turn from Oregon; and it would not have broken out 
at all had it not been for the presence and cooperation 
of that officer and his liardy followers. Consequently 
his movements and motives have great interest in thi.s 
connection; and they have been the subject of much 
speculation and comment in later years. An impres- 
sion has been prevalent that Frdmont engaged in the 
revolt by reason of secret instructions from the United 
States, conveyed to him by Gillespie either in writing 
or verbally, or indirectly through private letters from 
Senator Benton. Fremont has never stated that he 
received such instructions : having of course no right 
to do so even if it were true. On the contrary, he 
has often denied it more or less directly. But in his 
testimony and that of Gillespie in 1847-8 room was 
left, designedly I think, for an inference that they 
could say more if at liberty to do so; and the spirit of 
this testimony, given at a time when it was sought to 
legalize against the United States certain claims for 
supplies taken by Fremont's men, together with the 
secrecy observed by the government respecting the 
written instructions to Gillespie, Larkin, and Fremont, 
originated, as I suppose, the current theory to which I 
have alluded, but which, for reasons that will present- 
ly appear, I regard as without foundation in fact." 

- Fremont testified that Gillespie 'brought me a letter of introduction from 
the sec. of state and letters and papers from Sen. Benton and his family. 
The letter from the sec. was directed to me in my private or citizen capacity, 
and tliough importing nothing beyond the introduction, accredited the bearer 



86 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

The story of Fremont's return from Oregon has 
been told in an earher chapter. The reasons tjiat he 
gave for that return were the dangers of further ad- 
vance northward, arismg from the depth of snow, lack 
of supplies, and hostility of the Indians— and the na- 
ture of the communications received from Gillespie. 

to me as coming from the sec. of state, and, in connection witli the circnm- 
stances and place of its delivery, indicated a purpose in sending it which was 
intelligibly explained to me by the accompanying letter from Sen. Benton, 
and by communications from Lieut Gillespie. This officer informed me that 
he had been directed by the sec. of state to find me, and to acquaint me with 
his instructions, which had for their principal objects to ascertain the dispo- 
sition of the California people, to conciliate their feelings in favor of the U. 
S., and to find out, with a design of counteracting, the designs of the British 
govt upon that country.' Fremont's Cal. Claims, 12. And again, in Frimont'.i 
Court-martial, 373: 'One of the letters from him [Benton], while apparently 
of mere friendship and family details, contained passages enigmatical and ob- 
scure, but which I studied out, and made the meaning to be that I was re- 
quired by the govt to find out any foreign schemes in relation to the Cal. and 
to counteract them.' Gillespie said his instructions were 'to watch over the 
interests of the U. S. in Cal., and to counteract the influence of anyforeignor 
European agents who might be in that country with objects prejudicial to the 
U. S. I was the bearer of the duplicate of a despatch to the U. S. consul at 
Monterey, T. 0. Larkin, Esq., as also a packet for J. C. Fremont, Esq., and 
a letter of introduction to the latter gentleman from the Hon. James Buchan- 
an; the former I destroyed before entering the port of Vera Cruz, having 
committed it to memory. The packet and letter of introduction I delivered 
to Capt. Fremont upon the 9th of May, in the mountains of Oregon. . .1 was 
ilh-ected to confer with and make known to him my instructions. Itv/as de- 
sirable that we should act in concert, and great vigilance and activity was ex- 
pected of both ... I made him acquainted with the wishes of the govt, which 
were the same as stated above for my own guidance. . .In answer to the first 
inquiry of the honorable committee, ''Were you charged with any verbal in- 
structions or communications?" etc., I have to state that I was directed by 
Mr Buchanan to confer with Col. Fr(5mont, and make known to him my own 
instructions ... I was also directed to show to Col. Fremont the duplicate of the 
despatch to Mr Larkin. In answer to the Sd inquiry, " You have said that 
you communicated the wishes of the govt to Col. Fremont; state particulai-ly 
what you did communicate to him as the wishes of the govt, " I beg leave to 
state that the answer above contains, as near as I can recollect, what I com- 
municated to Col. Fremont; telling him at the same <ime that it was the wish 
of the govt that we should conciliate the feelings of the people of Cal., and 
encourage a friendship towards the U. S. ' Id. , 30-3. 

That the testimony cited was regarded at the time as evasive and incom- 
plete, is shown by the following quotations from the report of the house com- 
mittee in Aug. 1848, denying the validity of all claims contracted before the 
U. S. flag was raised, on the ground that Frdmont and the rest acted without 
any known authority from the U. S: 'What the purpose was in sending an 
ofiicer of the U. S. in search of Col. Fremont, with a simple letter of intro- 
duction, ' ' which was intelligibly explained by the accompanying letter of Sen. 
Benton," is left to conjecture, except so far as is disclosed by the langiiage of 
Col. Fremont as quoted; but the effect was to turn Col. Fremont with the 
men imder his command from their exploring expedition to Oregon back into 
Cal., where they at once "joined the settlers" (or the settlers joined them), 
and engaged in a revolutionary movement against the authorities of Cal. . . 
Up to this time there was and could have been no knowledge in Cal. of the 



GILLESPIE'S INSTRUCTIONS. 87 

These communications, as both officers stated, required 
them "to ascertain the disposition of the Californian 
people, to conciHate their feelings in favor of the 
United States, and to find out, with a design of coun- 
teracting, the designs of the British government upon 
that country." These reasons, even if the former was 

existence of war between Mexico and the U. S. Whether the purpose of the 
sec. of state, acting as it must be supposed under the direction of the presi- 
dent, and so "intelligibly explained" by the letter of Sen. Benton, was de- 
veloped by the conduct of Col. Fremont consequent therefrom, must be en- 
tirely a matter of surmise until that "intelligible explanation" shall have 
been presented to the public; but it is very manifest that much yet remains 
to be told of this as yet dark and mysterious proceeding.' Thus the opera- 
tions were 'imdertakeu either upon individual responsibility and without 
the authority of the govt or any of its departments, or sucli authority being 
given, it is not only not disclosed, but studiously witliheld from the pubbo 
eye.' Fremont's Cat Claims (House Kept no. 817), 1-5. I do not refer here 
to all the govt reports on the Cal. claims, and on Fremont's court-martial, 
though all of them contain more or less repetition of the testimony and com- 
ments cited. 

Senator Clark, in his speech of April 25, 1848, Clark's Speech on Cal. 
Claims, p. 3-14; also in Congr. Globe, 30th cong. 1st sess., appeu., p. 569; see 
also, in Id., speeches of other senators on the subject — made a strong argu- 
ment for the payment of the claims, on the ground that the U. S. govt had 
undoubtedly instructed Fremont through Gillespie to act as he did, though 
the speaker by no means approved the policy of the govt. 'Whilst the U. S. 
were professing to be governed by a spirit of justice and love of peace upon 
the eastern border of Mexico, different indeed was her course in regard to 
those states in the west, as shown by the mission of Gillespie early in Nov. 
1845, with secret instructions to the consul in Cal., and to call from scien- 
tific pursuits an officer to foment rebellion and aid in revolutionizing the 
govt.' 

Jay, Mexican War, 150-4, takes a similar view, and after citing the evi- 
dence, remarks: 'It is impossible to resist the conviction that Fremont was 
given to understand, but in a way not to compromit the govt, that the aban- 
donment of the exploration in Oregon for the purpose of exciting and aiding 
an insurrection in Cal. would not expose him to censure.' Edmund Ran- 
dolph, in his Oration, says: ' But resentment and anticipation of evil were 
not the sole cause of this movement. There cannot now be a doubt that it 
was prompted, as it was approved, by the govt of the U. S.; and that Capt. 
Fremont obeyed his orders no less than his own feelings . . . What Fremont's 
instructions were is a well kept cabinet secret, which will probably not be di- 
vulged, at least in our time.' Dwinelle's Addi-ess, 1866, p. 19-20. 'There is 
reason to believe that he was instructed to feel the geographical pulse of the 
natives as well as the mountain passes. ' Wise's Los Gringos, 41 . ' There were 
some expressions in a letter from Col. Benton that the old senator's son-in-law 
studied with extraordinary diligence. No doubt the oral cojnmunications of 
Gillespie helped to draw from them a deeper significance than the words con 
veyed on the first reading. . .Fremont determined to become the pursuer 
rather than the pursued, to turn upon the faithless foe, and revolutionize the 
govt. This would have been a hazardous course, . . .unless, either in hiasecret 
instructions before starting or in the advices conveyed by Lieut Gillespie, he 
was assured that a successful indiscretion of this sort would be acceptable to 
his govt. As to the precise plan he adopted, there is no doubt that he con- 
sulted his own judgment alone. But there is abundant circumstantial evi- 
dence that he was given to understand that any defensible method of gaining 



88 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' KEVOLT. 

somewhat exaggerated as is probable, were amply 
sufficient to account for and justify his action in turn- 
ing back, though he well knew — as the government 
did not — that his services as a conciliator were not 
likely to be very effective in California. There is no 
need of secret instructions in favor of filibusterism to 
account for his actions so far. Yet were that all, and 
did the nature of the communications rest solely on 
the testimony of Fremont and Gillespie, the theory 
of such secret instructions would perhaps be as fasci- 
nating for me as it has been for others ; but there is 
other evidence which I deem conclusive. Secretary 
Buchanan's secret instructions to Larkin as confiden- 
tial agent — the nature of which has been a matter of 
surmise to other writers; which are represented to 
have been in purport identical with Gillespie's instruc- 
tions; which he was directed to show to Fremont; a 
duplicate of which he destroyed after committing its 
contents to memory; but the original of which is in 
my possession — confirm entirely the cited testimony 
of the two officers, though not all the inferences they 
desired to be drawn from that testimony ; and contain 
no encouragement, direct or indirect, for any revolt 
except by the Californians themselves. Had this 
document been one written to be seen with intent to 
mislead those into whose hands it might fall, it would 
prove nothing in this connection; but its existence, on 
the contrary, was intended to be kept, and has been 
kept until now, a profound state secret. It contains 
a clear presentment of the policy of the United States 

Cal. to the Union would be acceptable. . .A hint was enough for one so ambi- 
tious as Fremont, and if he was not instructed he was most fortunate in his 
instincts. A different issue might have overwhelmed him with reproach. 
As it resulted, he had the perfect and flattering indorsement of the sec. of 
state.' TntMlVs Hist. Cal, 167-8. As early as 1847, F. D. Atherton, ia a 
letter from Valparaiso to Larkin, expressed grave doubts that Fremont had 
been turned back by the snows in June. Larhin's Doc, MS., v. 58. 

I might easily extend these citations to show the prevalence of the idea 
that Fremont acted under secret instructions; but those given are sufficient. 
Nor do I deem it necessary to cite the opinions of numerous Mexican and 
native Califomian writers to the same effect, because they had in reality little 
opportunity of knowing anything about Fremont's motives, most of them 
taking it for granted that he acted as a secret agent of the U. S. 



INSTRUCTIONS FROM ^^•ASHINGTON. 89 

— to take possession of California in the event of war 
with Mexico; to prevent, by force of arms if necessary, 
any occupation by a European power; but meanwhile 
to conciliate by every possible means the good-will ot 
the natives, with a view that the occupation in case 
of war might be without opposition, or, if there were 
no war, that the people might voluntarily seek annex- 
ation a little later. This polic}', from an American 
standpoint, was essentially a sound and prudent one. 
I have already expressed my opinion that the means 
adopted to carry it out were not in certain respects 
honorable from an international point of view; but T 
am by no means willing to charge the administration 
at Washington with an action so stupidly inconsistent 
as to have sent on the same date and by the same 
confidential messenger, to two different agents in Cali- 
fornia, two radically different and utterly irreconcila- 
ble sets of secret instructions. I think there can be 
no possible room for doubt that Frdmont's instruc- 
tions were identical with those issued to Gillespie and 
Larkin; and I believe that no doubt would ever have 
arisen on the subject had the document which I have 
cited been known to j^revious investigators. 

Assuming, then, that Fremont engaged in a revolu- 
tionary movement, not in accordance with, but in dis- 
obedience of his orders from Washington, what were 
his motives? He claimed to act at the entreaties of 
the American settlers in defence of their lives and 
rights. I need not repeat that this on his part, as on 
that of other leaders, was a mere pretext, Frdmont 
most certainly not being one of those who really be- 
lieved the settlers to be in danger. I cite in a note his 
letter to Benton in explanation of his action.^ Clearly 

' ' You will remember how grossly outraged and insulted we had ah-eady 
been by this officer [Castro]; many in my own camp and throughout the coun- 
try thought that I should not have retreated in March last. I felt humiliated 
and humbled; one of the main objects proposed by the expedition had been 
entirely defeated, and it was the opinion of the officers of the squadron (so 
I was mformed by Mr Gillespie) that I could not again retreat consistently 
with any military reputation. . .My animals were in such a state that I could 
not get out of the valley without reaching the country which lies on the west (?) 



90 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

the retreat from Gavilan in March had been a severe 
blow to the captain's pride, and the wound still smarted 
as irritated by the taunts of bold and irresponsible 
comrades and of filibustering settlers. Yet there can 
be no doubt that Fremont's strongest incentive was 
personal ambition. He confidently counted upon an 
immediate declaration of war between the United 
States and Mexico ; and he believed that b}^ commenc- 
ing hostilities he might gain for himself a large share 
of credit for the conquest, which would otherwise fall 
to the naval commanders. The prevalent rumors 
among the settlers afforded him a plausible pretext for 
an action that also offered a remedy for wounded mil- 
itary pride. Should he err in his expectations of war, 
there would yet remain a chance of prominence in an 
independent Californian republic. Young and adven- 
turous, he resolved to take the risks. From the stand- 
point of a purely personal ambition, he decided wisely. 
The result probably surpassed his most sanguine ex- 
pectations. His decision made him subsequently a 
popular hero, a senator of the United States, a can- 
didate for the presidency, a millionnaire ad interim, a 
major-general; in fact, it gave him greater prominence 
than has perhaps ever been attained in the United 
States by any other man of no greater ability. He 
was essentially a lucky fellow. 

Our admiration for Fi'emont as a filibustero chief- 
tain — the only admiration due him in this connection 
—would be vastly increased had he acted with some- 



side of them in an entii'ely destitute condition. Having carefully exam- 
ined my position, and foreseeing, I think, clearly, all the consequences which 
may eventuate to me from such a step, I determined to take such active and 
anticipatory measures as should seem to me most expedient to protect my 



party and justify my own character. I am well aware of the grave responsi- 
bility which I assumed ; but I also determined that, having once decided to do 
so, I would assume it and its consequences fully and entirely, and go through 
with the business completely to the end ... On the 6th of June I decided on 
the course which I would pursue, and immediately concerted my operations 
with the foreigners inhabiting the Sacramento Valley. ' Friimont to Benton, 
July 25, 1846, in Niks' Reg. , lx.\i. 191 . I have already, iu note 1 of this chap- 
ter, quoted this letter on Castro's hostile preparations; and I shall have oc- 
casion to refer to it at'ain. 



FKfiMONT'S PLANS. 91 

what less of caution after deciding to engage in the re- 
volt, or had he been somewhat more modest in his 
subsequent claims. I have already stated that but 
for his presence and support the revolt would not 
have occurred. The departure of Hastings and Cly- 
man for the east, and of others for Oregon in April, 
shows that there was then but little hope of a success- 
ful rising. But as to the exact nature of his coop- 
eration there has been some difference of opinion. 
William Baldridge attributes the movement of the 
American settlers, of whom he was one, to Fremont's 
direct encouragement, believing — though this of course 
was an afterthought — that that officer's true purpose 
was to provoke a declaration of war by Mexico;* and 
William B. Ide had some theories on the subject, 
which will be noticed jiresently; but the weight of 
evidence, direct and circumstantial, goes to show that 
Fremont, while holding himself somewhat aloof from 
the masses, secretly conspired with a few leaders to 
bring about an outbreak, and promised the full support 
of himself and his party in case it should be needed, 
though as an officer of the United States he desired 
to abstain from open participation as long as possible. 
The settlers had no fear of any force the Californians 
could muster north of the bay ; but if Castro were to 
send soldiers from the south, they might require as- 
sistance. This assistance Fremont promised, and, as 
we shall see, proffered later. This was the sum and 
substance of his cooperation. In the few stirring 
events of the revolution he personally took no part. 
He merely held himself in readiness to act when the 
necessity should arise, and marched against the foe 
after others had won a victory. Yet in the letter to 
Benton he clearly gave that gentleman, and through 
him the people of the United States, to understand 
that in all that had occurred he had taken an active 
part, and had been personally in command. In this 

* Baldridge'i Daysof'46, JIS., passim. 



92 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

he was guilty of selfish and dishonorable misrepre- 
sentation.'' 

There is another version of Fi'emont's part in the 
revolution which merits attention on account of its 
author's prominence iu the movement, if for no other 

°In Ills letter to Bentou, already cited, Niles' Reij., Ixxi. 191, Fremont 
says: 'On June 6th I decided on tlie course which I would pursue, and im- 
mediately concerted ray operations with the foreigners.' A few days later, 
etc., going on to mention the capture of Arce's horses, taking of Sonoma, 
capture of Gen. Vallejo, etc., and continuing: 'These enterprises accomplished, 
1 proceeded '(from where?) 'to the American settlements on the Sacramento 
and Rio de los Americanos to obtain reenforcements' — thus leaving it to be in- 
ferred that he had taken an active part in all the events naiTated, instead of 
remaining in camp at Sutter's Fort. Then he was called to Sonoma by news 
of a threatened attack by Castro, and iu liis narrative of what followed makes 
no effort to distinguisli between his own acts and those of others, implying 
very clearly that all was done by him, with the cooperation of Gillespie, and 
continuing: 'We reached Sonoma again on the evening of July 4th, and in 
the morning I called the people together and spoke to them in relation to the 
position of the country, advising a course of operations which was unani- 
mously adopted. Cal. was declared independent,' etc. I do not quote more 
fully, because the events have to be narrated in the next chapter; but I do not 
exaggerate in saying that Fremont deliberately conveyed the impression that 
he was in active command throughout the revolution. Benton so understood 
it, or at least wished it to be so understood; and he repeated Fremont's ver- 
sion in language similar but more positive in a letter of Nov. 9, 1846, NUfs' 
lieg., bcxi. 173, to the president, who, like the sec. of war, repeated the ver- 
sion substantially in public documents; and thus the ambitious captain ob- 
tained much popular credit and admiration which by no means belonged to 
him, even if credit or admiration had been due to anybody for such actions. 
In his Courl-marlial, 374, Fremont says: 'In concert and in cooperation with 
the American settlers, and in the britf sjiacy of about 30 days, all was accom- 
plished north of the bay, :iii I mmK |" nli m ■ .1. ^ Iji vd on July 5th.' In August 
1S56, Thompson of New.l. ■ . ^ ' '-quest of Cali/oriiia, Wash. 

1856, 8vo, lOp. ;alsoin (_'" • ' l^^ ii | ■.'iio6-9 — made a forcible pro- 

test in the U. S. senate a;j,:!ii. I \li. rl,i)ti..i I i iii.iiit to be considered the con- 
queror of Cal., showing in ;i. clear light tlie misrepresentations made by and 
in behalf of that officer, though he had to rely mainly for evidence on the 
document already cited as Hist. Bear Flag llrvoL, and signed as it appears by 
Ide, Nash, and Grigsby. Thompson says: ' In these letters it will be found 
that Fremont recites various successful military actions. He does not say 
that he participated in them, but states them in such a way as to leave the 
inference irresistible that he did so. Mr Benton and Mr Marcy both take 
such for granted, and so indeed would any one on reading the artful comiec- 
tion in which they are stated. Besides, there are no documents oniile in the 
department from which the sec. could have i.iade i\p the statement in his re- 
port, except the letters of Col. Benton and Mrs Fremont. The facts relate to 
the time when Fremont joined the movement, . . .to two actions in which the 
Californiaus were defeated, and the taking of Sonoma. The sec. relates these 
events so as to produce the impression (no doubt on his own mind) that Fn?- 
niont was among the first to countenance the independent movement; that he 
took part in the defeat of the iMexicans and the capture of Sonoma. But 
we have positive proof showing that Fremont had nothing to do with these 
several events. ' And this was true, though in certain respects Thompson over- 
estimated the value of his proofs, Ide, Grigsby, and Nash being interested 
persons, like Fremont, and coloring their version accordingly. 



IDE'S VERSION. 93 

reason. It is that given by William B. Ide in his 
letter to Senator Wambough, and subsequently con- 
firmed to some extent by Ide, Grigsby, and Nash in 
their narrative. According to Ide, the American 
merchants, Larkin and others of his class, "failed 
not in the genuine spirit of Yankeedom to direct and 
profit by those political impositions, change of admin- 
istration, and continued increase of tariff duties by 
which during ten years of increasing distress and 
ruin the main body of the people were made misera- 
bly poor," therefore refusing support to the oppressed 
settlers; then "Fremont came among us, who, after 
having provoked the assumed authorities of the coun- 
try, left us to experience the wrath and retaliatory 
vengeance his acts had engendered;. . .next came Gil- 
lespie, who failed not to give cautionary advice in 
relation to a state of preparedness on the part of all 
of United States origin, but dissuaded from any kind 
of organization," suggesting, however, that after Fre- 
mont's return his camp would be the means of tem- 
porary protection. Finally, after a month of suspense 
and terror on the part of the settlers in view of Cas- 
tro's proclamations and military preparations, Fre- 
mont returned from the north, and soon in writing 
summoned "every freeman in the valley to come to 
his camp at the Buttes immediately," announcing at 
the same time the approach of Castro's forces. To 
Ide and a few others, not named, Frdmont made 
known his plan of conquest as follows: "Fii-st, select 
a dozen men who have nothing to lose but everything 
to gain. Second, encourage them to commit depre- 
dations against General Castro the usurper, and thus 
supply the camp with horses necessary for a trip to 
the States. Third, to make prisoners of some of the 
principal men, and thus provoke Castro to strike the 
first blow in a war with the United States. This 
done, finish the conquest by uniting the forces and 
marching back to the States." This scheme was de- 
nounced by Ide and his comrades as dishonorable and 



94 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

treacherous, whereupon Fremont in anger broke up 
the interview. "Thus ended all intercourse ou our 
part with Captain Fremont until June 25th." Sub- 
sequently, however, King, inviting the visitors to 
another tent, asked, "Suppose the men succeed in 
taking the horses, what will you in that case propose 
to be done?" The reply was, "When the breach is 
once made that involves us all in its consequences, it 
is useless to consider the propriety of the measure. 
We are too few for division. In for it, the whole 
man! Widen the breach, that none can stand out- 
side thereof Down on Sonoma I Never flee the 
country, nor give it up while there is an arm to fight 
or a voice to cry aloud for Independence. But let 
truth and honor guide our course." 

Ide continues: "Several persons, among whom was 
Kit Carson, begged of Fremont their discharge from 
the service of the exploring expedition that they 
might be at liberty to join us. This was peremptorily 
refused. Fremont, in my hearing, expressly declared 
that he was not at liberty to afford us the least aid or 
assistance ; nor would he suffer any of his men to do so ; 
that he had not asked the assistance of the emigrants 
for his protection; that he was able, of his own 
party, to fight and whip Castro if he chose, but that 
he should not do so unless first assaulted by him; 
and that positively he should wait only for a supply 
of provisions, two weeks at furthest, when he would, 
without further reference to what might take place 
here, be on his march for the States." That same 
night the captured horses arrived, and next day the 
expedition to Sonoma began; many embarking in it 
with the idea that they were only carrying out Fre- 
mont's plan of provoking hostilities.* 

^ Ide's Biog. Sketch, 107-19, confirmed in the Hist. Bear Flwj Revolution, 
by the statement that at the inten'iew in question Fremont 'advised 
immediate organi2ation and resistance ou the part of the foreigners, but 
declined any action on his part or tliat of the men under his command,' 
stating that he expected to leave for the States in two weeks; and by the 
further statement that Frc-mont at Sonoma later declared 'that he had 
determined to pursue and take .Tos^ Castro, whom he considered but au 



PRECAUTIONS OF FREMONT. 95 

Ide'.s version will be found on close examination to 
confirm rather than contradict what I have said re- 
specting Fremont's policy. That gentleman wrote 
under a strong feeling, amounting almost to a mania, 
that he had been robbed by Prdmont of the honor of 
having been at the head of the revolution, a feeling 
that strongly colored all his remarks, and led to many 
exaggerations; but though prejudiced and fanatical, 
Ide was not a man to tell a deliberate falsehood, and 
I have no doubt that his account of the interview is 
substantially correct. All goes to show that Fre- 
mont, though one of the original plotters of the re- 
volt, had a direct understanding with but few of the 
leaders, of which number Ide was not one, to whom 
he promised active cooperation when it should be 
required. To the rest he spoke guardedly, inciting 
them indirectly to revolt, but cautiously avoiding re- 

iisurpcr in Cal., being unauthorized by the govt of Mexico, . . .that although 
he could not and would not intermeddle in the internal aflFairs of Cal.,' yet, 
if they would make certain pledges, 'he would not only aid them with his 
advice, but that he would volunteer his whole force against Castro, and that 
he would stand by them at least until Castro shall have been subdued. ' In 
connection with the last phrase cited, I may note that Folsom, in a letter of 
Nov. 30, 1847, to Vallejo, speaks of an interview in which Fremont told 
Prudon that he was merely acting in aid of Pico against Castro. Vallejo, 
Doc, MS., xii. 321. 

Wm Hargrave, Cal. in '46, MS, 4-11, teUs us that after much discussion 
among the settlers of Napa at the writer's camp, he, Kelsey, Swift, and an- 
other went to consult with Fremont, being joined by others on the way. At 
the interview on Feather River, Kelsey being spokesman, Fremont seemed 
very cautious, though willing enough to resume active operations. ' He pre- 
ferred to see for himself how far the settlers of Napa and Sonoma were ready 
to go in shaking off the Mexican yoke. At any rate, he peremptorily refused 
to take any responsibility for sudden action on our part, and endeavored to 
delay or frustrate our efforts. Whether he expressed himself differently 
when he spoke to Kelsey alone later in the day I cannot say.' Hargrave 
says he later heard Fremont ridicule Ide's proclamation. Fowler, Bfar 
Party, 2, also mentions the mission of Hargrave and Kelsey. Both imply 
t hat the rising would not have taken place at that time but for a popular 
belief that Fremont would in some way cooperate. Some favored action with- 
out regard to the captain's plans, but this was opposed by a majority. Bald- 
ridge, Days of 'Jfi, MS., passim, is confident that the settlers would not have 
risen but for Fremont's indirect promptings and promises. The writer and 
Thos W. Bradley were in Berreyesa Valley when John Grigsby and Wm Elliot 
came up with the news. ' Grigsby says Fremont prompted them to take up 
arms, telling them that it would not do for him to commence the affair, as he 
was in the employ of the U. S. , but for them to seize on some place which they 
would be able to hold, and then he would discharge all Ijis men, and with them 
would join us as volunteers. He also said he wanted to start on an active 
campaign as soon as it was possible to get men enough together to do so.' 



96 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

marks and promises which might in certain contin- 
gencies be used to his disadvantage later. There is 
no reason to doubt that with his men he would have 
fought bravely, had circumstances required it, in de- 
fence of the cause he had espoused; though, as we 
have seen, he was mean enough in the hour of success 
to appropriate to himself the credit for actions in 
which he really took no part. 

In thus presenting the real causes which led to 
the revolt of June 1846, I have of course condemned 
the movement. An armed insurrection involving loss 
of life is justifiable in the eyes of the civilized world 
only as a measure of self-defence in resistance to gross 
oppression. In this case there was no oppression or 
other than imaginary danger, to say nothing of the 
fact that the revolutionists, with few exceptions, had 
entered Mexican territory in defiance of the country's 
laws. There is, however, mucla more to be said in 
condemnation of this revolt. In spite of our theoriz- 
ing, the world is prone to approve practically, after 
all is over, a movement, whatever its causes, which 
leads to beneficial results. Californian affairs under 
the Mexican regime were in a sad state, and not im- 
proving. An occupation of the country by a progres- 
sive nation could not fail to, and did, produce a 
marked improvement in every respect; and the tend- 
ency has been, even among those who-could not jus- 
tify the revolt, to give its promoters credit for the 
good that resulted from the change. They are enti- 
tled, however, to no such credit. The revolution was 
in no sense a part of the conquest of California, 
neither leading to nor in any way promoting that 
movement. Before the revolt, the government of 
the United States had ordered the occupation of the 
country on account of war with Mexico; and the oc- 
cupation would have been effected in the same man- 
ner and at the same date had no revolt taken place." 

' We shall see later that it was claimed in behalf of Fremont that his ac- 



CHARACTER OF THE REVOLT. 97 

Two specific claims, closely connected with the gen- 
eral one of having commenced the conquest, which 
have been quite generally but very carelessly allowed 
in favor of the revolutionists, are that their acts kept 
California from falling into the hands of England, and 
that they checked Governor Pico in his work of grant- 
ing the public lands to his own personal friends and 
to enemies of the United States. The absurdity of 
the first claim should be apparent. If England had 
any intention of taking California, she certainly would 
not have been deterred by the armed settlers of a 
single section. On the contrary, the revolt would 
have served as a most plausible pretext for the Cali- 
fornians to seek and for England to grant a protecto- 
rate. As to the second claim, I may remark that the 
McNamara land grant, on which most stress is laid 
in this connection, did not come up for action in Cal- 
ifornia, and was probably unknown to every one of 
the filibusters until after the revolt was far advanced; 
that theoretically the rising must have tended, not to 
check, but to hasten Pico in granting lands; that as a 
matter of fact it did have that eifect so far as it had 
any; and that the United States government did not 
subsequently make June 14th but July 7th the chron- 
ologic limit of legitimate grants. 

That the revolt was unjustifiable, uncalled for, and 
not productive of good results, is not by any means 
all that is to be said against it. Its promoters were 
morally responsible for all the blood shed in battle, as 
well as for outrages committed by both sides on per- 
sons and property before the raising of the stars and 
stripes; and not only this, but for a bitterness of feel- 

tions, presumably in accord with instructions from Washington, by confirm- 
ing Commotlore Sloat in his belief that war had been declared, influenced 
that officer to raise the United States flag. It is probably true that the some- 
what irresolute commodore derived much comfort from the reports of Fr(?- 
mont's operations, as confirming the news of war obtained at Mazatlan; and 
that had Iiis exploit proved premature, like that of Jones in 1S42, he would 
have urged those reports in his own defence; but it is hardly credible that 
they caused him to perform an act which he had come from Mazatlan ex- 
pressly to perform in accordance with his orders, and with very positive news 
that war had begun. 

Hist. Cai,., Vol. V. 7 



98 CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

ing between the two races in California which lasted 
for many years. Not only did the insurgents not con- 
tribute to the American occupation of the country, 
but they absolutely retarded it, and increased its dif- 
ficulties. They were largely accountable for all the^ 
blood that was spilled throughout the war. The men 
who had given the subject most attention and were 
best qualified to understand the true state of affairs 
believed with some reason that the change of flag 
might have been accomplished without resistance or 
bloodshed, had it not been for the outbreak at Sonoma, 
and the hostility engendered by that affair.* How- 
ever this may be, whether or not Larkin, Stearns, and 
Leese were correct in thoir expectation of a peaceable 
occupation, whether or not the land owners with the 

* In a letter of July 20, 1S46, Larkin said to the see. of state in substance 
that Cal. would in a few years have come under the U. S. flag of her own ac- 
cord ; that he is inclined to regret the action of the Bear Flag party, and of 
Com. Sloat, as the people now deemed themselves coerced and injured, espe- 
cially by the Bear party. Fremont and Gillespie should have consulted 
with him and others south of the bay before beginning hostilities. Castro liad 
assured him personally that he intended to declare the country independent 
as soon as there were enough foreigners to insure success. Larkin's Off. Cor- 
resp., MS., ii. 75-7. In another letter of Jan. 7, 1847, L. wrote: ' It has been 
my object for some years to bring the Californians to look on our country men 
as their best friends. I am satisfied very many were of that way of tliinking, 
and more were becoming so. Gen. Castro from 1842 to 1846 made every dem- 
onstration in our favor, and opened plans for f utui'e operations, granting pass- 
ports to all the Americans whom I presented to him. At the same time he 
made some foolish proclamations, supposing they would only be believed in 
Mexico. The sudden rising of the party on the Sacramento under the Bear 
Flag, taking Californians' property to a large amount, and other acts com- 
pletely frustrated all hopes I liad of the friendship of the natives to my coun- 
trymen, and of Gen. Castro through fear of his people, to come into the ar- 
rangements I expected. On the amval of the war squadron this came to my 
knowledge moreand more fully.' Quoted from original in theS. F. Aha Ca!., 
July 7, 1867. -And on June 30, 1847, he wrote to the same effect. 'The Bear 
Flag party have broken all friendship and good feeling in Cal. toward our 
government.' Larhin's Off. Corresp., MS., ii. 118. The Wews of Larkin, 
Steams, and others on this matter have been more fully cited in an earlier 
chapter. Leese, Bmr Flag Revolt, MS., p. 12, says that Castro, when at So- 
noma a few days before the outbreak, said he was in favor of the U. S. taking 
possession. Alfred Robinson, Statement, MS., 21, tells us that the Bear 
movement gi'eatly imbittered the hostile feeUng aroused by Fr(5mont's pre- 
vious actions. Capt. Folsom on Nov. 30, 1847, wrote that 'well disposed 
Californians were driven into hostility by the ill-advised, Lojudicious, and dis- 
honest conduct of our own agents, and that the country has been constantly 
agitated and much of the time in open hostility to the American cause in con- 
sequence.' Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 321. I might multiply evidence in the 
shape of such opinions. The Californians almost without exception express 
the same views, sometimes in most extrav,agant language. 



WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN. 99 

cooperation of Vallejo and other influential citizens 
and officials would have been able so far to control 
their countrymen as to prevent armed resistance, at 
least there can be no possible doubt that the revolt 
did materially intensify the hostility of the natives, 
and thus prolong the struggle. 

We must go yet further, and besides the evils enu- 
merated which were caused by the outbreak, we must 
hold the participators in that affair responsible for 
other and far more serious evils that were averted, not 
by their foresight, but by sheer good luck. Fremont 
and his companions had, it is true, reasons to believe 
that war would be declared between the United States 
and Mexico; but they had no means of knowing the 
date at which hostilities would begin; and some of 
them did not reckon on or care for the declaration of 
war at all. Let the reader consider what would have 
been the result had war not been declared, or had the 
declaration been made soine months later. The fili- 
busters had no understanding with foreign settlers 
south of the bay. They would have maintained their 
position in the north, and would probably have con- 
quered central California ; but meanwhile Americans 
in the latter region must unquestionably have suffered 
at the hands of the angry natives before they could 
have organized and joined the insurgents at some cen- 
tral point. In the south yet greater disaster could 
have been avoided only — as it very likely would have 
been — by southern foreigners joining the Californians, 
temporarily at least, against the insurgents. In any 
event, and whatever the ultimate result, the country 
would have been devastated by a guerilla warfare in 
which a large amount of propert}' must have been de- 
stroyed, and much blood have been shed, all to no 
purpose.^ Fortunately, and no thanks to the insur- 

' It should be stated here that there are some exceptions among the writers 
who have approved the revolt of June 1846, and treated it as a part of the 
conquest. Notably John S. Hittell, both as editor of the Alia California, 
June 15, 1866, July 7, 1867, and in his History ofS. F.. 102-3, has expressed 
briefly but accurately the true nature of the movement. Some participants, 



KK) CAUSES OF THE SETTLERS' REVOLT. 

gents, these results were averted, and the insurrection 
was nipped in the bud by the action of the United 
States. 

like Baldridge, Day^ of '4-6, MS., 18-20, disapprove the action, and say they 
only joined in it as a choice of evils. The general tenor of John Bidwell's 
views, Cal. IS^l-S, MS., is against the revolt. Lieut Wise, Los GringoK, 42, 
denounces the operations of the iilibusters in language much too severe. Dun- 
bar, Romance, 34-6, points out the evil effects of the outbreak. During the 
political campaign of 1856 much was said against the Bear Flag leaders; but 
chiefly from a spirit of opposition to Fremont, rather tlian from any proper 
understanding of the merits of the case. Of those who have eulogized the 
insurgents as heroes in books and newspaper.-;, a long list might be presented. 

Just as this volume goes to press there appears Royce's California, 1846- 
56,'an admirable work of the 'American Commonwealths' series, a long chapter 
of which, on ' The American as conqueror; the secret mission and the Bear 
Flag, ' is devoted to an elaborate study of certain topics here treated. I am 
pleased that the conclusions of so able a thinker and writer as Dr Royce— 
founded to some extent on original evidence in my Library, for the use of 
wliich tlie author makes most hearty and satisfactory acknowledgment — Jo 
not differ materially from my own. New data obtained by Royce include a 
statement from Fremont, which throws light, if not on the general's acts of 
1S46, on his character as a witness, and shows that I had taken too favorable 
a view of his veracity, since he now affirms what he had before wisely left to 
be inferred. It seems proper to state tliat this volume as now given to thi- 
public was in stereotype before the date of Royce's investigations in mj- 
Library. 

Another book appearing too lata for present use is the Hii^tory of Cal- 
ifornia by Theodore II. lliUell. Here I can only note the existence of this work, 
remarking that it contains nothing to modify any view or record of this or 
earlier volumes, and expressing a hope that it may prove helpful in later in- 
vestigations, as I shall bava occasion to cite both TJoyce and Hittell in vol- 
umes vi. and vii. 



CHAPTER V. 

BEAR FLAG REVOLT— TAKING OF SONOMA. 
J0NE, 1846. 

FKtMONT's EeTORM FROM OREGON — HeNSLEY's MiSSIOX — A .SUMMONS TO 

Revolt — Fremont CAUTions — All Ready — Camp Moved to Beak 
River— Castro at Santa Clara — His Visit to Sonoma — Arce's Ca- 

BALLAD A— MeRRITT SeNT BY FrEMONT TO BeGIN Ho-STILITIES- SeIZ- 

tTRE OF Horses on the Cosumnes — The Filibusters Eeenforced in 
Napa Valley — Names — Occupation of Sonoma — Vallejo a Prisoner 
OF War— Negotiations — Written Guaranties — Broken before the 
Ink was Dry — I.scidents of the Morning — The Insurgents Unman- 
ageable— Aguardiente— A Controversy — John Grigsby Declines 
the Com.mand — William B. Ide Chosen — Journey of the Prisonei;s 
TO Fremont's Camp — Locked up in Sutter's Fort. 

It was on May 24th that Fremont and party, re- 
turning from the Oregon frontier, reached the region 
of Lassen's rancho in the upper Sacramento Valley. 
In a letter to Benton written on that date he an- 
nounced his intention to proceed directly homeward 
by way of the Colorado, giving a brief account of his 
trip northward and return.^ At the -same time Gil- 
lespie wrote to Larkin, narrating his experience since 
leaving Monterey, asking for news, especially about 
the men-of-war, enclosing a note for the commodore, 
if there, but to be carefully locked up if not, announc- 
ing that Fremont would now proceed homeward, and 
that the writer would at once start for Yerba Buena 
in que.st of supplies.- The letters were intrusted 'to 

'May 24, 1846, F. to B. Nilfs' Re;/., Ixxi. 191. 

2 May 24, 1846, G. to L. Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 134. F. and G. were at 
Lassen's; the rest were l.'i miles above. 



102 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— TAKING OF SONOMA. 

Samuel Neal, who hastened down the valle}-.^ The 
explorers camped at Lassen's two days, and one day 
at the farm of Neal and Button on Deer Creek, thence 
moving down to the Buttes. Before they reached 
that point Gillespie left the party, reached Sutter's on 
the 30th, and went down to San Francisco on the 
launch, arriving on June 7th, and obtaining from Cap- 
tain Montgomery of the Portsmouth a boat-load of 
supplies, with which he reached New Helvetia a week 
later, accompanied by several naval officers.* Before 
his return some startling events had happened. 

It is not to be believed that Frdmont had any in- 
tention of proceeding immediately homeward, as an- 
nounced in the letters cited. It is reasonably certain 
that revolutionary plans had already been developed 
to some extent by him and his associate, though it is 
of course impossible, as it is comparatively unimpor- 
tant, to fix the exact stage of development at this 
time. The instructions from Washington which had 
chiefly caused his return from the north would not 
permit him now to go east. Gillespie had told him 
< m the frontier not only of the impending war, but of 
the growing revolutionarj^ spirit among the settlers. 
On his first arrival at the ranchos he found abundant 
evidence of discontent. The Indians were said to be 
on the war-path at Castro's instigation; and Fre- 
mont was asked to join in a raid upon the foe. He 
declined, though offering protection to the settlers.^ 
It is to be presumed that he had already considered 

' Neal reached Sutter's May 25th, and went on, but came back next day on 
account of high water, starting again ou the 27tli via Sonoma. Neiu Helvetia 
Dian/, MS. , 49. 

*G.'s testimony, in Fremont'' sCal. Claims, 26-7; New Helvetia Diary, MS., 
00. June 7th, G. to L. Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 144. He an-ived at Sutter's 
.June 12tb, and was joined by Fremont on the American Fork ne.xt day. 
Lieut Hunter, Purser Watmough, and Asst Surgeon Duvall accompanied liim 
in the ship's launch. 

■^ Gillespie's testimony, in FrimonVs Cal. Claims, 26, 29. XJpham, Life of 
Frimont, 231-2, tells us that his hero did march .against 600 of the savages, 
routing them, dispersing five villages, and breaking up the great combination 
against the settlers! June 1st, Sutter writes to Vallejo that Fremont has ar- 
rived above, and will probably await on the American River orders per the 
Congress. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 220. 



PREPARATIONS. 103 

the project, which at any rate he soon fully adopted, 
of promoting a revolt of the settlers, whose pretext 
should be imminent danger of an attack from the Cal- 
ifornians, and in whose behalf he would interfere on 
])retext of protecting Americans as soon as such inter- 
ference should be either politic or necessary. 

There was a strong element among the settlers, as 
already explained, ready and eager to meet the fili- 
buster more than half-way. The news that Fremont 
was returning fanned into new life the fire that had 
hardly smouldered. At every hunter's camp the 
topic was discussed; at every rancho a political junta 
uf neighbors and rovers was in daily session. The 
revolutionists recognized their opportunity to prevail 
over what had been a somewhat unmanageable mi- 
nority. The old rumors of Castro's hostile prepara- 
tions were revived, and new ones invented ; new ap- 
peals to American patriotism were made; men were 
urged from love of life, of family, of liberty, from am- 
bition, from greed of gain, from whatever motive was 
likely to be most potent with each, to shake off the 
tyrant's yoke. Especially was Fremont's return pre- 
sented as a significant and auspicious circumstance. 
He would not return at all, it was urged, were not 
an outbreak of hostilities from some cause expected. 
The settlers' attention was thus turned with anxiety 
toward the explorer. From all directions delegations 
were sent to learn his purposes, and soon the roving 
population of the valley had established itself in con- 
siderable numbers near the camp at the Buttes. 

It took but a few days for the settlers to convince 
themselves that Fremont desired a revolt, and would 
join it eventually should the necessity arise, though 
he would not openly take an active part in beginning 
it. Naturally we know but little of the manj^ inter- 
views in respect of persons, dates, and other details. 
Two or three are however on record. We know the 
results; and it is evident that only to a few did Fre- 
mont make definite promises, others receiving them 



104 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— TAKING OF SONOMA. 

at secoud-hand through trusty agents sent out by tlie 
few. Samuel J. Hensley, during a trip to the bay, 
had learned from Vallejo and others some facts and 
more rumors respecting the junta at Monterey, the 
project of an appeal to England, Castro's prepara- 
tions at Santa Clara, and points of the general situa- 
tion. Returning, he arrived at New Helvetia May 
28th. From Sutter he learned that the Indians were 
threatening serious trouble; and a chieftain was con- 
veniently found to testify that the savages were act- 
ing at the instigation of Castro. On June 3d, Sutter 
started on a campaign against the Indians; while 
Hensley on the 4th hastened up the valley to make 
Fremont acquainted with the impending dangers.' At 
about the same time Neal returned from below with 
opportune confirmation of alarming rumors. It was 
on the 6th that Fremont, after consultation with Hens- 
ley, decided on the course to be pursued; and two 
days later Hensley and Neal returned to Sutter's, from 
that point sending out trusty agents to summon the 
.settlers in all parts of the district.^ If we may credit 
Ide, a written summons was circulated in Fremont's 
name, though not signed by him. Ide and others 
made haste to obey the summons, which they received 
on the 8th; but, not being filibusters of a radical 
type, were much troubled that Fremont's plan, su 
far as he would condescend to make it known to them, 
was not one of independence, but rather one to pro- 
voke Castro to begin hostilities through outrages to 
be committed by persons who had nothing to risk 
either of property or reputation." This was on the 
10th; and before that Kelsey, Hargrave, Swift, and 
others had come as representatives of the Napa Val- 
ley settlers, they like Ide not being able to obtain 
from Fremont any definite promise of aid.- All was 

8 Hensley's testimony, iu Frimoxi's Col. Claims, 33-4; Fremont to Benton. 
A'iles' Reg., Ixxi. 191. The Jates are fixed and confirmed by the New Helve- 
tia Diary, MS., 49-51 ; and also to some extent by Sutter's Diary, 7-8, where 
the campaign against the Moqnelumnes is described. 

T He's Bioq. Sketch, 111-19. 

s Hargrai'e's Cal in '4G. MS.. 4-11: Fowler's Bear Party, 2. 



CASTRO'S MOVEMEJn'S. 105 

ready, however; the train was laid; new occurrences 
were exceptionally favorable; and steps had already 
been taken to apply the match. On the 10th the 
first act of hostility was committed. About the same 
time Frdmont moved his camp from the Buttes to 
the Feather River, and then down to Bear River, 
near its junction with the Feather. 

General Castro was striving to organize at Santa 
Clara, under the immediate command of Jose Anto- 
nio Carrillo, a force of militia with which ostensibly 
to resist the invasion threatened by the United States, 
and especially to resist Frdmont, whose return could 
be interpreted only as a threat. Castro had really 
some fear of Fremont, though probably no hope of 
defeating him; but his chief purpose was to resist 
Governor Pico, who was believed to be preparing for 
ii march northward. Not much can be known of the 
general's success; but though funds were scarce, and 
jniblic sentiment not enthusiastically patriotic, he 
doubtless raised about a hundred men, whom he had 
great difficulty in keeping together, arming, and mount- 
ing. At the beginning of June he made a trip to 
San Rafael and Sonoma in quest of supplies, and to 
consult with Colonel Vallejo. Victor Castro was di- 
rected to be ready with his boat on the 5th, to bring 
back the general, with such munitions as he might ob- 
tain.^ Respecting the nature and success of Castro's 
demands upon Vallejo, we know only that he obtained 
from the latter and through his influence about 170 



'June 6, 1846, Alcalde Pachecoof San Jos6 to Prefect Castro, mentioning 
the general's departure and instructions to Victor Castro. It was also 
expected that Vallejo might come over on the boat. The writer speaks of 
the campaign of Sutter, 'now allied with Castro' against the hostile 
Moquelumnes. He alludes to troubles between citizens and civil authorities 
on one side and the military officers on the other, displays considerable bitter- 
ness, implies that Castro's preparations are really to overthrow the civil 
authority, and urges the prefect to warn the govt. Doc. Hist. C'aL, MS., iii. 
251-2. The spirit of this letter shows where the filibusters obtained some 
of tlieir reports of Castro's instigating the Indians, etc. Lancey, Cruise 
of the ' Dale, ' 49, says that the general went by way of Yerba Buena, and was 
absent four days, which is likely accurate, though no authority is given. 



106 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— TAKING OF SONOMA. 

horses, belonging part to the mission Indians of San 
Raftiel and part to private citizens.^" Francisco Arce, 
the general's secretary, and also a militia lieutenant, 
had crossed the bay with Castro, and was now sent 
with Lieutenant Josd Maria Alviso and an escort cif 
eight men to conduct the horses by the Sacramento 
to Santa Clara." Crossing the river at William 
Knight's place, now known as Knight Landing, the 
party arrived at the fort June 8th, and next day con- 
tinued their journey, camping for the night at Mur- 
phy's rancho on the Cosumnes.^^ 

The approach of Alviso and Arce from Sonoma was 
made the foundation of the rumor, said to have been 
brought by an Indian, that Castro's force was advanc- 
ing up tiie valley, destroying the crops and committing 
other outrages. It has also been said, and it is not 
imjjossible the statement was remotely founded on 
fact, that Arce told Knight or his wife at the crossing 
that the horses were to be used by Castro for a cam- 
paign by which the settlers were to be driven out, 
after which a fort was to be established to prevent the 
entrance of any more immigrants by the Bear River 
pass. This report was carried by Knight in all haste 
to Fremont's camp.'^ It may be that Don Francisco, 

"Vallejo, Hist. Cal.,M?.., v. 110-11, says that the horses were 200 belong- 
ing to the govt and 100 to the mission of San Rafael; and that all were being 
pastured by Castro's orders on the Cosumne River. This, though confirmed 
by Alvarado, Hist. Col., MS., v. 156-9, and Fernandez, Cosas de Cal., MS., 
130-1, is not accurate. 

" By an oiBcial report of Gen. Carrillo it appears that Alviso was reaUy in 
command, Arce having been detailed to assist liim. Ai-ce in his report also 
named Alviso as in command. Arce's statement of the number of the escort 
agrees with the entries in the diaries kept at Sutter's, and is doubtless correct, 
thougli the force has often been represented as much larger by those who 
wished to magnify the exploit of the insurgents. Jos6 Noriega, Bias Alviso, 
aud Bl.as Pina were of the number. 

"N. Helvetia, Diary, MS., 51; Sutter's Diary, 8; Arce, Mem., MS., 52-4. 
The river is also called Tahualmes and Macasomy. Sutter, Personal Remin., 
MS., 138, etc., implies that a few horses were added to the band at his pla<;e. 

''' This version seema to rest on the authority of Semple. It first appeared 
in the Monterey CaZI/ornian, Aug. 29, 1846, aud subsequently with slight va- 
riations in the Hesperian, u\. 387-8; First Steamship Pioneers, 171-3; Bryant's 
WlMtl Saw in Cal., 287-8; S. F. Alta Cal, Aug. 2, 1866; Lancey'a Cruise, 
49-50, etc. Semple was in a sense an excellent authority, but he was also a 
prominent conspirator, and one of those who knew well that the settlers were 
in no danger. Ford, Bear Flag, MS., 4-5, gives a confused version to the 



CAPTURE OF ARCE'S HOHSES. 107 

a some\vliat talkative young man, did make some 
foolish and boasting remarks as represented; but it is 
more likely that the story was invented for effect, as 
other similar ones are known to have been. At any 
rate, the opportunity was too good a one to be lost by 
the filibusters. In the forenoon of the 9th, eleven or 
twelve started in pursuit of Arc'e from the vicinity of 
Fremont's camp. Hensley states that they were sent 
by Frdmont;^* and there can be no doubt that the 
movement was instigated and planned by that officer. 
It was during the absence of this party that Ide had 
an interview with Fremont, as already narrated, the 
latter urging the importance of a raid on Castro's 
horses, and King being anxious to know what the set- 
tlors would do if the horses were taken. ^' It was also 
at this time that the camp was moved to Bear River. 
Ezekiel Merritt commanded the pursuing party, the 
exact composition of which is not known. Semple 
seems to have been a member, as probably were Gran- 
ville P. Swift and Henry L. Ford, and possibly one 
or two of Fremont's men. Most were of the roving 
immigrants and hunters who had been for a week as- 
sembling near the Buttes, men of the class described 
by Fremont as having nothing to risk.^" 

Merritt and his men were joined b}^ two others at 
Hock farm. They crossed the American River at 
dusk, supped at the rancho of Allen Montgomery, 
who with another joined the force. They encamped 
at night within two or three miles of where the Cali- 

same general effect, representing that Arce made his boasts while on the way 
to Sonoma after the horses, and that Knight was a spy sent out by Fremont. 

" Hensley 's testimony in Fremont's Cal, Claims, 33. Fremont himself says 
' they were surprised by a party from my camp. ' Letter to Benton. Niks' 
R&j., Ixxi. 191. 

^'"Idc'sBiog. Sketch, 111-19. 

i»Bidwell, Cal, 1841-8, MS., 161-4, who was at Sutter's at the time, 
thinks there were no permanent settlers in the party, but chiefly hunters 
whom Fremont sent out, using Arce's expedition as a pretext for a beginning 
of hostilities. Martin, Narr., MS., 21-2, says Fremont called for volunteers 
among his own men, of whom the writer was one, and that 15 started under 
Swift; but Martin is not good authority. Baldridge, Days of '46, MS., 27, 
also names Swift. One account names Neal and Knight as members of the 
party. 



10-. BEAR FLAG REVOLT -TAKING OF SONOMA. 

foniians were camped, guarding their horses in Mur- 
jjhy's corral/' At early dawn un the 10th, they sur- 
jDrised Arce and his companions, requiring them to 
give up their arms, which of course was done without 
resistance.''* Subsequently, however, after a certain 
amount of threatening bluster from Merritt and his 
fellow-filibusters, the arms were restored, with a horse 
for each man, and also a few horses claimed as 2:)rivate 
property by Alviso, who concealed his real position as 
leader of the party; and the prisoners were dismissed 
with a message that if Castro wanted his horses he 
might come and take them, and witli the announce- 
ment of a purpose to take Sonoma and New Helve- 
tia, and to c<jntinue the war.''' 

The filibusters returned with the captured horses 
by the same route they had come, slept that night at 
Nicholas Allgeier's rancho, and reached Fremont's 
new camp in the forenoon of the 1 1th, after an ab- 
sence of forty-eight hours. Arce and his men made 
haste to San Jos^ and reported their mishap to Car- 

"Ford, Bear Flag, MS., 6-7, gives tlie most complete description of tlu- 
expedition. See also Lancey's Cruise, 56. 

"Fri^mont in his letter to Benton, Niles' Reg., Ixxi. 291, gave the date in- 
correctly as June 11th, and the error was repeated in Sec. Marcy's report ot 
Dec. 6th — iDth cong. id sess., H. Ex. Doc. no. 4, p. 51, and from this source 
in Smuckefi Life of Frimont, 2S; Culls' Conq., 152-3; and many other ao- 
counts. Most writers have talten pride in representing the number of Mer- 
ritt's men as 12 and of Arce's party as larger. Larkin's letters make the 
force 12 on each side. Semple spoke of 18 prisoners, and Ford of 23! Some 
miscellaneous references on the capture of Arce's horses are: Tuthill's Hisl. 
Col., 169-70; Hist. Bear FlagRevol.; Piiia, Narr., MS., 3-5; Tinkham's HUl . 
Stockton, 89; Willey's SO Years, 9; Mendocino Co. Hist., 60; Marshall's State- 
ment, MS., 1-2; Belden'a Hist. Statement, MS., 43; Honolulu Friend, iv. 169; 
Sta Cruz Sentinel, June 12, 1869. 

" The announcement of a purpose to take Sonoma is proved by the fact 
tliat it was announced in the official reports before Sonoma was taken. Arce, 
Memorias, MS., 52^, says it was at first the intention to kill him and his 
companions, and that they were saved only by the intercession of Murphy 
and his wife. Of course there was no intention of killing them; but Merritt 
was a rough man, who may have tried to make them think so. In one of Lar- 
kin's letters, Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 131, the story was told as a report 
that on Arce's complaining that he had been taken by surprise, Merritt pro- 
posed to repeat the operation, the Californians armed and mounted to choose 
their distance and give a signal for the attack! This has been often repeated, 
and may or may not have had some foundation in fact. Noriega, one of 
Arce's meu, disappeared after the affair, as appears from corresp. of the time: 
and he turned up at Sutter's 9 days later, coming from Murphy's. N. Hel- 
vetia Diary, ISIS. , 52. 



iMERRITT'S OPEKATIONS. 109 

rillo aiitl Castro, who in their correspondence lepru- 
sented the affair in its true light, as an outrage com- 
mitted by a band of irresponsible highwaymen at the 
instigation of Fremont. They regarded it as the pre- 
cursor of invasion, and made an earnest appeal to the 
prefect, as representing the civil authority, to forget 
all past dissensions, and join the military in the coun- 
try's defence. Consul Larkin volunteered his assist- 
ance in recovering the stolen animals, or punishing 
the offenders, if any feasible method of action could 
be pointed out.^" 

Merritt and his party had announced at the Co- 
sumnes their plan to take Sonoma. Such a plan may 
or may not have been definitely formed before they 
had started in pursuit of Arce; but if not, it was 
formed immediately on their retui-n to camp on the 
11th. It was manifestly important, having once be- 
gun hostilities, to leave the Californians no rallying- 
point north of the bay. Witliout delay the company 
was increased to twenty men, and, still under Ezekiel 
Merritt's leadership, left Fremont's camp on Bear 
Creek in the afternoon of the same day. Crossing 
the Sacramento probably at Knight's, supping at Gor- 
don's on Cache Creek, and crossing the hills by night, 

^'' June 13th, Arce to Mayor Gen. Can-illo, and Carrillo to Gen. Castro by 
a ' violento extraordinario,' forwarded the same day from ' El Rio ' to Prefect 
Manuel Castro. Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 103, 105. June 13th, Sub-prefect 
Guerrero at Yerba Buena to prefect. Id., ii. 112. Same to juez of S. Jos(5. 
S. Jos(, Arch., Loose Papers, MS., 24. Same date, Carrillo to S. 3os6 al- 
calde. /(/., 51. All agree that the filibusters claimed to be acting under 
Fremont's orders, and threatened to continue their depredations. Lancey, 
Cruise, 49, tells us that Gen. Castro received the news on June 12th, on the 
Salinas River, hastening back to Monterey and dictating a letter — as he could 
only paint his signature! — the same day to Manuel Castro calling for aid. 
June 14th, Larkin to Gen. Castro, original in Arce, Doc, MS., 13. June 
14th, L. to Manuel Castro, original in Doc Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 257; copies 
Larkin'. ■< Off. Corresp., MS., i. 113; Sawyer's Doc, MS., 49. June 15th, Al- 
calde Pacheco to prefect. Has seen one MacGuins6 (McKenzie ?), who was 
with Arce, and says that none of the filibusters belonged to Fremont's party. 
He recognized only Merritt, and says that they claimed to fear that Castro 
intended to use the horses to drive the settlers away. Noriega has not been 
heard of. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 259. Larkin gave a brief account of the 
affair in letters to the sec. state on June 18th, 24th, and in a 'circular to 
several Americans 'on July 8th. Larkin's Off. Corresp., MS., i. 131; ii. 05; 
Saicyci-'s Doc, MS., 55. 



110 BEAR FLAG REVOLT-TAKING OF SONOMA. 

they arrived in Napa Valley in the forenoon of the 
12th. They remained there two days, and their num- 
ber was increased to 32 or 33, whose names, so far as 
they can be known, for no list has ever been made 
until now, are appended in a note.^^ About midnight 
they started again over the range of hills separating 
the valleys ; and just before dawn on Sunday, June 
14th, were at the town of Sonoma."^ 

"Ezekiel Meixitt, Wm B. Ide, John Grigsby, Robert Semple, H. L. 
Ford, Wm Todd, Wm Fallon, Wm Knight, Wm Hargrave, Sam. Kelsey, (i. 
P. Swift, Sam. Gibson, W. W. Scott, Benj. Dewell, Thos Cowie, Wm P.. 
Elliott, Thos Knight, Horace Sanders, Henry Booker, Dav. Hudson, John 
Sears, and most of the following: J. H. Kelly, 0. C. Griffith, Harvey For- 
terfield, Jolm Scott, Ira Stebbius, JIarion Wise, Ferguson, Peter Storm, Pat. 
McChristian, Bartlett Vines, Fowler, John Gibbs, Andrew Kelsey, and Benj. 
Kelsey. 

^^ There is no doubt about the date of arrival at Sonoma; but there is a 
possibility that they did not leave Bear Creek nntil the 12th. Lancey, Cruise, 
5G, etc., takes that view of it. Ford, Becir Flay, MS., 7-10, says they started 
at 3 P. M. on tlie 10th, which, like all those given by this writer, is an impos- 
sible date. Ide, Biot]. Sketch, 120, etc., says it was at sunrise on the 11th. 
which is equally impossible. These two authorities, however, are the best 
extant on details of the march ; and as they seem to agree that one whole night 
was spent in Napa Valley, I have little doubt that the start was at 3 P. M. of 
the 11th. This is partially confirmed by the statement of Baldridge, Days of 
'46, MS., 21, etc., 35-8, that Grigsby and Elliott made a tour through the 
valley to enlist the settlers the day before the attack was to be made. Yet 
Semple, Hesperian, iii. 388-9, gave the date of starting as the 12th. The- 
date of taking Sonoma was incorrectly given by Fremont as the 15th, Letter 
to Benton in yUe/ Reg., Ixxi. 191; and the en-or has been often repeated. 
Newspaper discussions on this date in recent years will have to be noticed 
presently in another connection; they have been further complicated by Ford'.-* 
error in making the date of the capture June r2th. 

There is also a discrepancy about the composition of the party. Ide says 
13 men left the Sacramento, and were increased to 32 in Napa Valley, though 
he implies later that the whole number was 34. Ford makes the number 20 
at first, increased to 33 at Napa. Most authorities content themselves with 
stating that there were 33 men at last. The West Shore Gazeleer, Yolo Co.. 
12-13, followed by Lancey, says that 12 men out on an Indian expedition witli 
Armijo, a Mexican, learned at Gordon's of Merritt's movement, and marched 
en masse to join him. It is noticeable that these 12 men added to Ford's 20 
make up Ide's total of 32. There is no agreement respecting the place of 
rendezA'ous in Napa Valley. Grigsby's, Kelsey 's, and 'Major Barnard's' art' 
mentioned. 

Baldridge, Days of '46, MS., 5, says that while Merritt was nominally tlie 
leader, Grigsby liad entire control of the affair. Sutter, Pers. Remiii., MS.. 
147-50, says the 'Ijand of robbers' were Fremont's men, implying that the 
captain went with them, and that some of Sutter's workmen and Indians 
went along. He confounds this with later events. Martin, Narr., MS., 24, 
tells us that Fremont's men were disbanded, and immediately volunteered to 
take Sonoma under command of Swift! Pat. McChristian, Narr., MS., 1-5, 
claims that the company was organized according to previous notice, in the 
liills near Salvador Vallejo's rancho. Boggs, Napa Register, Aj^ril 6, 1872, 
copies an order sent in advance as follows: 'Mr. Geo. Yount: please deliver 
to the Republic of Califoi-nia 1,000 bbls of flour— signed Wm B. Ide, gover- 



AT SONOMA, JUNE 14th. Ill 

In narratives of the time, and later, it was custom- 
ary to magnify the exploit of June 14th, by speaking 
of Sonoma as a Californian stronghold, a fort, a garri- 
soned town, taken by surprise, or even by a "gallant 
charge" without shedding of blood, so skilfully was 
the movement planned. There was, however, no gar- 
rison at Sonoma. The soldiers formerly in service 
there had been discharged some years before, during 
the Micheltorena troubles. Some of the citizens even 
were absent from the town, and there was no thought 
of even posting a sentinel. It is true, there remained 
as relics of the old military regime nine small cannon, 
a few of them still mounted, and over 200 muskets in 
the cuartel, with a small quantity of ammunition. All 
was technically public property, though in reality be- 
longing to Colonel Vallejo, who had not seen fit to 
deliver it to the general on his late visit. Two men 
residing there held commissions in the Mexican army; 
otherwise, a more peaceful burg than this stronghold 
of the Frontera del Norte on that Sunday morning 
it would be difficult to find. 

At daybreak Vallejo was aroused by a noise, and 
on looking out saw that his house was surrounded by 
armed men. This state of things was sufficiently alarm- 
ing in itself, and all the more so by reason of the un- 
couth and even ferocious aspect of the strangers. Says 
Semple: "Almost the whole party was dressed in leather 
hunting-shirts, many of them very greasy; taking the 

nor; ' and gravely tells U3 that the flour was delivered ! Of course this is pure 
invention. The same WT-iter says that on reaching the Sonoma Valley, a 
Californian was found encamped, and was arrested to prevent his giving an 
alarm. The wheels of this man's cart stood for years unmoved, marking the 
spot. Ide, Biog. Sketch, 120-1, informs us that Gordon and 'Major Barnard,' 
at whose places they stopped, were liberal with their hospitality, but not will- 
ing to join the party. At Napa, lip. M., on the 13th, 'sleep and drowsiness 
were on the point of delaying if not defeating our enterprise.' Ford and 
Lancey speak of an address by Semple before the departure from Napa. John 
Fowler, Wm Baldridge, T. W. Bradley, and others, according to their own 
statements, did not immediately join the company, which was regarded as 
amply strong. Thos Knight, Early Events, MS., 7-11, speaks, like Hoggs, 
of the arrest of a native before reaching the town. Ide says the captain of 
the guard was arrested a little way out, perhaps referring to the same occur- 
rence. 



U-2 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— TAKING OF SONOMA. 

whole party together, they were about as rough a look- 
ing set of men as one could well imagine. It i.s nt)t 
to be wondered at that any one would feel some 
dread in falling into their hands." And Vallejo him- 
self declares that there was by no means such a uni- 
formity of dress as a greasy hunting-shirt for each man 
would imply."^ Vallejo's wife was even more alarmed 
than her husband, whom she begged to escape by a 
back door, but who, deeming such a course undigni- 
fied as well as impracticable, hastily dressed, ordered 
the front door opened, and met the intruders as they 
entered his sala, demanding who was their chief and 
what their business. Not much progress in explana- 
tion was made at first, though it soon became apparent 
that the colonel, while he was to consider himself a 
prisoner, was not in danger of any personal violence. 
Lieutenant-colonel Prudou and Captain Salvador Va- 
llejo entered the room a few minutes later, attracted b}' 
the noise, or possibly were arrested at their houses 
and brought there ; at any rate, they were put under 
arrest like the colonel. Jacob P. Leese was sent for 
to serve as interpreter, after which mutual explanations 
progressed more favorably. 

Early in the ensuing negotiations between prisoners 
and filibusters, it became apparent that the latter had 
neither acknowledged leader nor regular plan of opera- 
tions beyond the seizure of government property and 
of the officers. Some were acting, as in the capture 
of Arce's horses, merely with a view to obtain arms, 
animals, and hostages — to bring about hostilities, and 
at the same time to deprive the foe of his resources; 
others believed themselves to have undertaken a rev- 
olution, in which steps to be immediately taken were 
a formal declaration of independence and the election 
of officers, Merritt being regarded rather as a guide 
than captain. All seemed to agree, however, that 
they were acting under Fremont's orders, and this to 

23Semple, in Monterey Cali/ornian, Sept. 5, 1846; Vatlejo, Hist. Cat., MS.^ 



WRITTEN GUARANTIES. 113 

the prisoners was the most assuring feature in the 
case. Vallejo had for some time favored the annexa- 
tion of California to the United States. He had ex- 
pected and often predicted a movement to that end. 
There is no foundation for the suspicion that the taking 
of Sonoma and his own capture were planned by him- 
self, in collusion with the filibuster chiefs, with a view 
to evade responsibility; yet it is certain that he had 
little if any objection to an enforced arrest by officers 
of the United States as a means of escaping from the 
delicacy of his position as a Mexican officer. Accord- 
ingly, being assured that the insurgents were acting 
under Fremont, he submitted to arrest, gave up keys 
to public property, and entered upon negotiations with 
a view to obtain guaranties of protection for non-com- 
batants. 

The guaranties sought were then drawn up in writ- 
ing and signed by the respective parties. The orig- 
inals of those documents are in my possession, and are 
given in a note.^* 

-* No. 1 . An exact copy, except that as the duplicates do not exactly agiee 
in orthogi'aphy and contractions, I have written each word correctly and iu 
full. 

'Conste por la presente que, habiendo sido sorprendido per una numerosa 
fuerza armada que me tom6 prisionero y d los gefes y oficiales que estaban de 
guamicion en esta plaza, de la que se apoder6 la expresada fuerza, haljiendo 
la encontrado absolutamente indefensa, tanto yo como los seiiores oinciales que 
suscribeu comprometemos nuestra palabra de honor de que estando bajo las 
garantias de prisioneros de guerra no tomaremos ni d favor ni contra la repetida 
fuerza armada de quien hemes recibido la intimacion del momento y un escrito 
firmado que garantiza nuestras vidas familias 6 intereses y las de todo el vecin- 
dario de esta jurisdiccion mientras no hagamos oposicion. Sonoma, Junio 14 
do 1846. M. G. Vallejo, Victor Prudon, Salvador Vallejo.' In English the 
document is as follows: 'Be it known by these presents, that, having been 
surprised by a numerous armed force which took me prisoner, with the chief 
and officers belonging to the garrison of this place that the said force took 
possession of, having found it absolutely defenceless, myself as well as the 
undersigned officers pledge our word of honor that, being under the guaranties 
of prisoners of war, we will not take up arms for or against the said armed 
force, from which we have received tlie present intimation, and a signed 
writing which guarantees our lives, families, and property, and those of all 
the residents of this jurisdiction, so long as we make no opposition.' 

No. 2. ' We, the undersigned, members of the republican party in Cali- 
fornia, having taken Gen. M. G. Vallejo, Lieut-col. Victor Prudon, and Capt. 
D. Salvidor Vallejo as prisoners, pledge ourselves that in so doing, or in any 
other portion of our actions, we will not disturb private property, molest 
themselves, their families, or the citizens of the town of Zanoma or its vicin- 
ity, our object alone being to prevent theii- opposition in the progress of the 
Hist. Cal.,Vol. V. 8 



114 BEAR FLAG REVOLT-TAKING OF SONOMA. 

It was naturally to be expected, under the circum- 
stances, that the arrested officers would be released on 
parole. Such was evidently the view taken on both 
sides at first. Ford says there were some who fa- 
vored such a course. Leese, who had the best oppor- 
tunities for understanding the matter, and who gives 
a more detailed account than any other writer, tells us 
that such a decision was reached; and finally, the 
documents which I have presented, Nos 1 and 2 be- 
ing to all intents and purposes regular parole papers, 
leave no doubt upon the subject. But now difficul- 
ties arose, respecting some phases of which there is 
contradictory testimony. 

Thus far only a few of the insurgent leaders had 
entered, or at least remained in the house; and the 
negotiations had in reality been conducted by Semple 
and Leese very much in their own way. Ide testi- 
fies that Merritt, Semple, and Wm Knight, the lat- 
ter accoui])aiiyinn' the expedition merely as an inter- 
preter, Wire tlir tifst to enter the house, while tlie 
rest waited outside; that presently hearing nothing, 
they became impatient, determined to choose a cap- 
tain, and elected John Grigsby, who thereupon went 
in; and that after waiting what appeared an age, the 
men again lost patience and called upon the writer, 

en[ds?] of tlie liberation'. . . — one or two words perhaps at the end, and the 
signatures, if there were any, are torn off. 

No. 3. 'We, the undersigned, having resolved to establish a government 
of on (upon?) republican principles, in connection with others of our fellow- 
citizens, and having taken up aiins to support it, we have taken three Mexi- 
can officers as prisoners, Gen. M. G. Vallejo, Lieut-col. Victor Prudon, and 
Capt. D. Salvador Vallejo, having formed and published to the world no reg- 
ular plan of government, feel it our duty to say that it is not our intention 
to take or injure any person who is not found in opposition to the cause, nor 
will we take or destroy the property of private individuals further than is 
necessary for our immediate support. Ezekiel Merritt, E. .Semple, William 
Fallon, Samuel Kelsay.' 

These important papers are found in Bear Flag Papers, MS., 19-20, 60-1. 
They were given me by Gen. Vallejo. There are two signed originals of no. 
1, one in the handwriting of Salvador Vallejo, and the other in that of Victor 
Prudon. In Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 226, is another iniJomplete and unsigned 
Ijlotter copy. Nos 1 and 3 were printed in Marin Co. Hist. , 6S-9, and Sonoma 
Co. Hist., 100-1, from copies furnished by me to Gen. Vallejo. The English 
document is probably the work of Semple, but possibly of Merritt, as indi- 
cated by spelling and grammar. 



NEGOTIATIONS AND BRANDY. 115 

Ide, to go and investigate the causes of delay. Now 
the discrepancies in testimony begin. Ide describes 
the state of things which met his view as follows: 
"The general's generous spirits gave proof of his usual 
hospitality, as the richest wines and brandies sparkled 
in the glasses, and those who had thus unceremoniously 
met soon became merry companions; more especially 
the merry visitors. There sat Dr S., just modifying 
a long string of articles of capitulation. There sat 
Merritt, his head fallen; there sat Knight, no longer 
able to interpret; and there sat the new-made captain, 
as mute as the seat he sat upon. The bottles had 
wellnigh vanquished the captors" !^' Leese also states 
that brandy was a potent factor in that morning's 
events ; but according to his version, it was on the com- 
pany outside that its influence was exerted, rendering 
them noisy and unmanageable, though an effort had 
been made by his advice to put the liquor out of 
reach. ^^ I do not, however, deem it at all likely that 
the leaders drank more than it was customary to drink 
in a Californian's parlor, or more than they could carry; 
but that some of the rough characters in the company 
became intoxicated we may well believe. 

At any rate, disagreement ensued; the men refused 
entirely to ratify the capitulation made by their former 
leaders, insisting that the prisoners must be sent to the 
Sacramento; some of them were inclined to be insub- 
ordinate and eager for plunder; while the lawless 
.spirits were restrained from committing outrages by 
the eloquence of Semple and the voice of the majority; 
yet the leaders could not agree. Captain Grigsby de- 
clined to retain the leadership that had been conferred 
upon him. So William B. Ide was chosen in his stead; 
and the revolutionists immediately took possession of 
all public property, as well as of such horses and other 
private property as they needed, at the same time lock- 

-' He's Bio{/. Sketch, 123-5. 

■''■ Leese's Bear Flan Statement, MS., 6-12. Vallejo, Hist. Cat, MS., v. 
1 13, says that the Canadian Beaulieu gave the men a barrel of aguardiente, 
which caused all tlic trouble. 



11<; BEAR FLAG REVOLT— TAKING OF SONOMA. 

ing up all citizens that could be found.-' It would seem 
that the second of the documents I have presented 
was torn, and the third drawn up and signed at an 
early stage of the disagreements, after it became ap- 
parent that it might be best to send the prisoners to 
the Sacramento, the signatures showing that it could 
not have been later. Vallejo, though not encouraged 

'" Leese, Bear Flag, MS., &-l'2, says that after the capitulations were all 
completed he left the house; but returning half an hour later, he found all in 
confusion; Ide insisted that the prisoners must be sent to Fremont's camp; 
Semple admitted that he could not fuUy control the men, and said it would 
be better to yield; Fallon and 'English Jim' notified Vallejo that they must 
have SO horses iu half an hour; others insisted on searching Vallejo's house and 
took all the arms and ammunition they could find; and finally they took GO 
horses belonging to the wi-iter, refusing his request to leave two that belonged 
to his children. So great did the excitement become, and so freely were some 
of the men drinking, that the writer feared personal violence. Leese mentions 
the fact that Merritt, having once been struck by Salvador Vallejo, insisted 
at first on putting him iu irons, but was persuaded to forget his private griev- 
ances. This story in a more dramatic form has often been repeated. 'With 
all the keen resentment of a brave man, Mr Merritt suddenly found this man 
in his power, the blood rushed to his cheeks and his eyes sparkled; he leaned 
forward like a mad tiger in the act of springing upon his prey, and in an ener- 
getic and manly tone said: "When I was your prisoner you struck me; now 
you are my prisoner, I will not strike you " ' ! is the way Semple tells it in the 
Monterey Californian, Sept. 5, 1846. Don Salvador and Merritt were both 
men more likely to quarrel than to select so magnanimous a method of re- 
venge. 

Another statement of Semple, Id., has been very popular. 'A single 
man cried out, "Let us diride the spoils," but one universal, dark, indignant 
frown made him shrink from the presence of honest men, and from that time 
forward no man dared to hint anything like violating the sanctity of a private 
house, or touching private property; so far did they carry this principle that 
they were unwilling to take the beef which was offered by our prisoner ' ! 
' Their children in generations yet to come will look back with pleasure upon 
the commencement of a revolution carried on by their fathers upon principles 
high and holy as the laws of eternal justice.' Vallejo, ffkt. Cal, MS., v. 
114-15, thinks that it was only by the zealous efforts of Semple, Grigsby, 
Kelsey, and a few others that indiscriminate plunder was prevented. Many 
Californians talk of plunder and other outrages that never occurred. Ide says, 
Bioij. Sketch, 128: 'Joy lighted up every mind, and iu a moment all was 
secured; 18 prisoners, 9 brass cannon, '250 stands of arms, and tous of copper 
shot and other public property, of the value of 10 or 1200 dollars, was seized 
and held in trust for the public benefit. ' Baldridge, Days of '4G, MS. , 5, 43- 
5, who was not one of those who took Sonoma, gives a remark of Prudon, 
' Boys, you have been a little too fast for us, we were going to serve you in the 
same way in just 10 days'! He also quotes Grigsby to the effect that some 
sailors announced their determination to have the money which they knew 
to be in the house, but obeyed Grigsby's order to desist, especially when two 
rifles were levelled at them. Martin, yarr. , MS. , 24-6, gives an absurdly 
incorrect account of the taking of Sonoma, in which he pretends to have 
assisted; talks of IS loaded cannon with matches burning whicli faced the 
attacking party! etc. Salvador Vallejo, ^otas, MS., 101-17, tells a little 
truth about the affair, mingled, as usual in his testimony, with much that is 
too absurdly f.alse to deceive any one. 



IDE CHOSEN CAPTAIN. 117 

at seeing that the leaders were not permitted by their 
followers to keep their promises, was not very much 
displeased at being sent to New Helvetia. He was 
assured that the insurgents were acting by Fremont's 
orders; his own views were known to be favorable to 
the schemes of the United States; and he had no rea- 
son to doubt that on meeting Fremont he and his com- 
panions would at once be released on parole. 

Before the departure of the prisoners and their es- 
cort a formal meeting of the revolutionists was held. 
That Sample, secretary, made a speech counselling 
united action and moderation in the treatment of the 
natives, and that William B. Ide was chosen captain, 
is all that is known of this meeting,"'^^ except what we 
may learn from Ide's narrative. The leaders differed 
in their ideas, not only respecting the disposition to be 
made of the prisoners, but about the chief object of 
the movement. Evidently there had been no defi- 
nitely arranged plan of operations. Frdmont had suc- 
ceeded in bringing about a state of open hostility 
without committing himself. Some of the men re- 
garded their movement as merely intended to provoke 
Castro to make an attack on Fremont ; or at least they 
dreaded the responsibility of engaging in a regular rev- 
olution, especially when it was learned that no one 
could jjrocluce any definite promise from Fremont in 
black and white to support such a movement. Others 
were in favor of an immediate declaration of indepen- 
dence. That such differences of opinion did exist as 
Ide states, is in itself by no means improbable; and 
it is confirmed to some extent by the fact that Grigsby 
did i-esign his leadership, and by the somewhat strange 
circumstance that three such prominent men as 
Grigsby, Merritt, and Semple should have left Sonoma 
to accompany the prisoners. Ide writes that when 
Grigsby heard that no positive orders from Fremont 
could be produced, his '"fears of doing wrong' over- 

■'Semple, iu Hesperian, iii. 3S8-9; and in First Steamship Pioneers, 17-1-5. 
See also Lancey's Crnise, 57. 



lis BEAR FLAG REVOLT— T.IKING OF SONOMA. 

came his patriotism, and lie interrupted the speaker I )y 
saying: 'Gentlemen, I have been deceived; I cannot 
go with you ; I resign and back out of the scrape. I 
can take my family to the mountains as cheap as any 
of you' — and Dr S. at that moment led him into the 
house. Disorder and confusion prevailed. One swore 
he would not stay to guard prisoners; another swore 
we would all have our throats cut; another called for 
fresh horses; and all were on the move, every man for 
himself, when the speaker [Ide] resumed his eflPort, 
raising his voice louder and more loud, as the men re- 
ceded from the place, saying: 'We need no horses; sad- 
dle no horse for me ; I can go to the Spaniards and make 
freemen of them. I will lay my bones here before I 
will take upon myself the ignominy of commencing an 
honorable work and then flee like cowards, like thieves, 
when no enemy is in sight. In vain will you say you 
had honorable motives. Who will believe it? Flee 
this day, and the longest life cannot wear out your dis- 
grace ! Choose ye this day what you will be ! We are 
robbers, or we must be conquerors!' and the speaker 
in despair turned his back upon his receding compan- 
ions. With new hope they rallied around the despond- 
ing speaker, made him their commander, their chief; 
and his next words commanded the taking of the 
fort." Subsequently "the three leaders of the party 
of the primitive plan of ' neutral conquest ' left us alone 
in our glory." I find no reason to doubt that this \er- 
sion, though somewhat highly colored, is in substance 
accurate; that Merritt, having captured horses and 
prisoners, was content to rest on his laurels; that 
Grigsby was timid about assuming the responsibility 
of declaring independence without a positive assur- 
ance of Fremont's cooperation; that Semple, while in 
favor of independence, preferred that Sacramento 
should be the centre of operations, unless — what Va- 
ilejo and Leese also favored — FrtSmont could be in- 
duced to establish his headquarters at Sonoma; or 
finally, that Ide and his associates influenced the ma- 



THE PRISONERS. 



jority to complete their revolutionary work and take 
no backward steps. I think, however, that Ide and 
all the rest counted confidently on Fremont's support; 
and that Semple and Grigsby were by no means re- 
garded as abandoning the cause when they left So- 



It was about 11 A. M., on June 14th, when the three 
prisoners, accompanied by Leese as interpreter at 
their request and that of the captors — not himself a 
prisoner as has been generally stated — -and guarded 
by Grigsby, Semple, Merritt, Hargrave, Knight, and 
four or five others, ^^ started on horses from Vallejo's 
herds for the Sacramento. It will be most convenient 
to follow them before proceeding to narrate later de- 
velopments at Sonoma. Before starting, and on the 
way, Vallejo was often questioned by Californians as 
to the situation of affairs; but could only counsel them 
to remain quiet, announcing that he would probably 
return within four or five days. His idea was that 
Fremont, after, releasing him and his companions on 
parole, might be induced to establish his headquarters 
at Sonoma, an idea shared by Semple, Grigsby, and 
Leese. Relations betw^een captives and captors were 
altogether friendly, except in the case of some hostile 
feeling among a few individuals against Don Salvador.^" 

They encamped that night at Vaca's rancho. No 
special pains was taken to guard the prisoners, who 
with Leese slept on a pile of straw near the camp. 
Vallejo had desired to travel all night; but the men 
declined to do so, having had no sleep the night be- 
fore. Before dawn on the morning of the 15th, a 

-' Lancey names Kit Carson as one of the guard, falling into the error from 
the fact that Carson accompanied Merritt from Fremont's camp to Sutter's 
Fort. There were probably none of Fremont's men in the party that took 
Sonoma. Ide says the guard contained 10 men; Leese says about 12 men. 
Both Ide and' Ford state that the force left behind was 24 men, which would 
indicate that the guard numbered 9. 

^^ Several writers state, without any foundation in fact, that Don Salvador 
was arrested, not at Sonoma, but at his Napa rancho on the way to Sacra- 
mento. 



]-20 BEAK FLAG REVOLT— TAKING OF SONOMA. 

Californian succeeded in reaching the captives, and 
informed Vallejo that a company of his countrymen 
had been organized to effect his rescue, and only 
awaited his orders. The colonel refused to permit 
•such an attempt to be made, both because he had nr> 
I'eason to fear any unpleasant results from his en- 
forced visit to the Sacramento, and because he feared 
retaliation at Sonoma in case an attempt to escape 
should bring harm to any of the guard. ^' On the 
15th the party reached Hardy's place on the Sacra- 
mento. Here Merritt left the others, intending to 
visit Fremont's camp and return next morning; but 
as he did not come back, Leese with one companion 
started in the forenoon of the 16th also in quest of 
Fremont. Arriving at Allgeier's place, they learned 
that the captain had moved his camp to American 
River; and starting for that point, they rejoined their 
companions before arrival. Here Grigsby presented 
an order from Frdmont for Leese's arrest, for which, 
so far as known, no explanation was given. ^^ 

Late in the afternoon they reached, the camp, and 
the prisoners were brought into the presence of Fre- 
mont. That officer's reception of them was very dif- 
ferent from what had been anticipated. His words 
and manner were resarved and mysterious. He denied, 
when Vallejo demanded for what oftence and by what 



^'Leese's Bear Flarj, MS., S-9. This writer thiaks tbat Vallejo's course 
saved the lives of all the guard, as the surprise would have been complete, 
and there were some desperate characters amoug the rescuers. Kevere, 
Touro/Duf)/, 05, heard a similar version from a person who was present, and 
that the Californians were under the command of Juan Padilla, who was also 
the messenger. Also Lancei/s Cruise, 57. Vallejo, ITist. Cat., MS., v. 126- 
7, and Cayetano Juarez, Nan-alive, MS., and in Savag", Doc MS., i. 39-40, 
tell us that Juarez posted himself at the Portezuela with a small force, send- 
ing his brother disguised as a woman to notify Vallejo of his design to effect 
a rescue, if permitted. By Boggs, NapaEegiater, April 6, 1872, we are in- 
formed that eO or 70 of Castro's men sent to drive out the settlers intercepted 
the guard near Higuera's rancho, but were kept off by Vallejo's shouts that 
he was in danger of being shot if they came nearer! And in the Sacnimento 
Record-Union, March 15, 1876, we read of the attempted rescue at Napa, 
which failed by reason of Grigsby's coolness in threatening to shoot the pris- 
oners! 

'^Leese's account is confirmed by a letter written by Vallejo while in 
prison, to be noticed later. 



LOCKED UP AT SUTTER'S FORT. I-21 

authority he had caused theii* arrest, that he was in 
any way responsible for what had been done; declared 
that they were prisoners of the people, who had been 
driven to revolt for self-protection; refused to accept 
their paroles; and sent them that same night, under 
a guard composed in part if not wholly of his own 
men — Kit Carson and Merritt being sent in advance — 
to be locked up at Sutter's Fort.^^ 

"Vallejo, Hist. Ccd., MS., v. 1-22-8, thinks that Fremont was not un- 
friendly, but that he dared not oppose the popular feeling of the rough trap- 
pers and settlers. Leese, on the other hand, very angry of course that no 
explanation was given of his own arrest, except that he was 'a bad man,' 
blames Fremont exclusively, describing his words and actions as arbitrary 
and offensive in the extreme. The arrival of Carson and Merritt, and that 
of the prisoners later, are recorded in N. Helvetia Diary. MS., 52; Sutter's 
Diary, 8. 



CHAPTER VI. 

BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED— AFFAIRS AT SUTTER'S 
FORT AND SOUTH OF THE BAY. 

JCNE-JULY, 1846. 

Sutter's Position — The Prisoners — Their Treatment — Correspondence 
or the Captives — Events at New Helvetia — South of the Bay — 
Rosa Sent bt Vallejo to Montgomery — Misroon's Mission — Offi- 
cial AND Private Correspondence — Castro's Proclamations — Mil- 
itary Preparations— Three Divisions to Retake Sonoma — Torre 
Sent across the Bay — Manuel Castro's Mission — Insurgents at 
San Francisco — Weber's Arrest — Montgomery's Policy- Pico at 
Santa Barbara— The Angelinos not Warlike— Foreigners Of- 
fended—The Assembly — Pico and Larkin — Pico Marches North 
—Meets Castro — Embrace of Governor and General. 

Captain Sutter was still nominally in command at 
the fort. The turn affairs were taking sadly inter- 
fered with his plans of selling the establishment, 
though he was not without hopes that the revolt 
might in one way or another be made to advance his 
personal interests. Had his j^lans in this respect, and 
especially his recent advice to Castro to garrison the 
fort against Americans, been fully known to the in- 
surgents, he also would have been put under arrest. 
As it was, while he was not fully trusted, neither was 
he much feared. He doubtless gave to Henslej' and 
others assurances of secret sujjport, and was there- 
fore excused from active participation, though he was 
closely watched the while. It is well known, being 
also admitted by himself, that his relations with Fre- 
mont were not friendly.^ What understanding had 

'Sutter, Person. Remin., MS., 140-50, iu a very inaccurate sketch of these 
times, claims to have been acting in good faith as an ally of the U. S., renounc- 

(122 J 



THE PRISOXERS. 123 

been reached at the time of Carson's arrival or earlier 
is not known; but when the prisoners arrived, Sutter 
simply obeyed Fremont's instructions, and they were 
locked up in one of the rooms of the fort, to pass the 
night in not very agreeable meditations on their unfor- 
tunate condition, mingled at times with regret that they 
had not availed themselves of a favorable opportunity 
to escape. Vallejo states further that their room con- 
tained no furniture except some rude benches; that 
no blankets were furnished for that first night; and 
that they were without food or water till 1 1 a. m. next 
day, when an Indian was sent in with a pot of soup 
and meat which they were free to eat as best they 
could without spoons or dishes. "Doubtless God had 
decreed," writes the general, "that June 1846 was 
to be the black month of my life." With a view to 
render all safe, and to guard against the effects of any 
possible sympathy of Sutter for his brother officers, E. 
M. Kern was stationed at New Helvetia with a small 
detachment of Fremont's men to guard the captives." 
Having once opened hostilities, the filibusters are 
not to be blamed for seizing Sonoma or for arresting 
the Mexican officers; and having once arrested them, 
it was perhaps for the best to send them to the Sac- 
ramento ; or at least, it is not strange that the leaders 
could not control their rough associates and were 



iug his allegiance to Mexico by opening his gates to Fremont ! He ad- 
mits that F. acted suspiciously, was 'shy' of him, and had him closely 
watched, the men he finally left at the fort being really spies rather than a 
garrison. He attributes F.'s dislike to the affair of the stolen horses just be- 
fore the capt. went to Oregon. S. claims also to have earnestly disapproved 
the outrage on Vallejo and his companions. Bidwell, C'al. in IS4I-S, MS., 
164-7, tells us that Sutter had denounced the taking of Arce's horses, which 
greatly displeased Fremont, so that when he came down to the fort he told 
S. that if he did not like what was being done he might go and join the 
Mexicans. 

- About Kern's command at the fort there is not much information ex- 
tant. Possibly he was not stationed there until Fremont started for Sonoma. 
Hensley, however, testimony in Fremont's C'al. Claims, 34, states that it was 
before his own departure for the south, that is, on the 16th; and Leese repre- 
sents that the prisoners were delivered to Kern at first. There are frequent 
references to the fact of Iiis being in command in later correpondence. Sut- 
ter speaks of the garrison of spies left at Frii-mont's departure. The Diaries 
contain no intimation of any other authority than Sutter's. 



124 BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

forced to break a solemn agreement. But once at 
Sutter's, for Fremont and bis fellow-revolutionists to 
put the captives in prison, and keep tliem there, dis- 
regarding past pledges, demands for justice, or expla- 
nations, and especially Vallejo's rank and well known 
.sympathies and honorable character, as well as Leese's 
nationality, was a gross and inexcusable outrage. It 
was a severe blow to Vallejo's pride, and a most un- 
generous return for his many acts of kindness to 
American settlers, his influence in behalf of annexa- 
tion to the United States, and the ready confidence 
with which, counselling his countrymen against resist- 
ance, he had given his parole, and intrusted himself 
to the protection of a man whom he regarded as an 
officer and a gentleman. 

The Sonoma prisoners remained in confinement at 
New Helvetia until August, being released, under 
circumstances to be noticed later, after the revolution 
was at an end, and the conquest by the United States 
had begun. Jose Noriega and Vicente Peralta, malv- 
ing their appearance at the fort shortly after the out- 
break, were added to the number; and Julio Carrillo, 
Vallejo's brother-in-law, coming later from Sonoma 
under a passport to assure the colonel of his family's 
safety, shared the same fate. Respecting the prison- 
ers' experience and treatment during their confine- 
ment, evidence is meagre and contradictory. I attach 
but little importance to the complaints of later years, 
coming from the prisoners themselves, and exagger- 
ated by their friends, complaints involving gross ill- 
treatment and cruelty; nor on the other hand do I 
credit the statement of Sutter that the captives "were 
placed in my best rooms, and treated with every con- 
sideration; took their meals at my table, and walked 
out with me in the evening; their room was not 
guarded night or day, nor did any guard accompany 
them when they walked." There is no reason, how- 
ever, to doubt that Sutter himself was disposed to 
treat them kindly, or perhaps that he was chided by 



TREATMENT OF VALLEJO. 125 

Fremont tor his kindness.^ The truth is, that Yalk^jo 
and his companions were kept in close confinement for 
nearly two months, in rough and inconvenient quar- 
ters. They were fed with coarse food, and were al- 
lowed no communication with friends or families. 
The few letters allowed to pass from the prison were 
closely examined by Frdmont's men ; not the slightest 
attention was paid to their appeals for justice; and 
they were occasionally insulted by an irresponsible 
guard. This was the sum and substance of their 
grievance, and it was indeed a serious one. Their 
mental sufterings arising from anxiety for family and 
property, as well as from wounded pride, were greater 
than those of the body resulting from hunger or hard 
beds. Vallejo had never been in all respects a popu- 
lar man in California; and now there were not want- 
ing among his countrymen those who expressed a 
degree of satisfaction that the 'autocrat of Sonoma' 

^Sutter's Pers. Remin., MS., 148, etc. He says that after FrcSmont's first 
complaint, the prisoners were put in charge of Loker, and later of Bidwell, 
who treated them not much less kindly than Sutter himself. He did not 
cease his visits and care for them until warned through Townsend that he 
would be himself arrested. He ignores Kern altogether. In his Diarp, 8, he 
says: 'I have treated them with kindness and so good as I could, which was 
reported to Fremont, and he then told me that prisoners ought not to be 
treated so; then I told him if it is not right how I treat them, to give them ui 
charge of somebody else.' Revere, Tcnir of Duty, 74-5, says they were rigor- 
ously guarded, the jailers being suspicious and distrustful, going so far as to 
threaten to shoot Sutter for the crime of being polite. MarshaU, Statement, 
MS., 2, who was there at the time, says tliat Sutter allowed the prisoners to 
walk about on parole, until Fremont threatened to hang him should any es- 
cape. Leese, Bear Flag, MS., 16, says also that Sutter called often to en- 
courage them, until Fremont threatened to hang him if he continued his visits. 
Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 387-91; v. 128-64, 183, 199-200, speaks of 
' Charles,' who was one of the guards at the prison. He had been greatly 
befriended by Salvador Vallejo the year before, but ' gratitude has no place in 
the Missourian heart.' On one occasion, loaves of bread from Sonoma were 
admitted, each of which had a coin in its centre. 'Blue Jacket,' one of the 
worst of the guards, died soon after of hydrophobia from the bite of a skunk. 
Chas E. Pickett arrived from Oregon during tlie captivity, and gained Va- 
llejo's life-long friendship by his sympathy and kindness. I have no doubt 
that Vallejo exaggerates the cnielty with which they were treated. His 
charges are general and indefinite; and those of others are as a rule absurd. 
Salvador Vallejo is somewhat more moderate on this topic than on most 
others. What troubled him most was the coming of the sentinel each day to 
see if the 'damned greasers ' were still safe. Hargrave, Cal. m 1S46, MS., 7, 
11, says Vallejo had no cause for complaint, and was very comfortably lodged 
at the fort. Oslo, Hist. Cal., MS., 465, says Vallejo was treated as he had 
treated his soutliem prisoners at Sonoma— that is, very badly. 



12G BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

was reaping the rewards of long 'coquetting' with the 
Americans. I have some of tlie letters written by the 
captives, which I cite briefly in a note. To the Cali- 
fornians they wrote that all was well with them, urg- 
ing submission rather than resistance; to otliers they 
spoke only of their arbitrary and unjust inn^risonment, 
demanding release or a specification of the charges 
against them. The absence of complaints of personal 
ill-treatment has perhaps no significance, as such cons- 
plaints would not have been allowed to pass. Fui-- 
ther correspondence relating to tlieir release will be 
notic-od in due time.'' 

Before returning to Sonoma, let us glance briefly 
and in chronologic order, first, at events on the Sac- 

* June 28th, Prudon to 3os6 de la Rosa. He and the rest still held. Dues 
not know how long it is to continue. Not allowed to communicate with any 
one. Vallejo, Doc, ilS., xii. 228. July 6th, Vallejo to his brother, Jos6 de 
Jesus V. They are not dead as has been reported. Robt Ridley is named 
as one of the prisoners. Their situation is not very bad, but indispensable 
for the new order of things. There is reason to believe there will be an entire 
change founded in justice, which will raise the country from its miserable con- 
dition. Tliey will all be eternally grateful to Sutter for kindness shown. They 
have been solemnly promised that their persons, property, and families shall 
be respected. The writer charges his brother to make all this public. 1 'allejo. 
Doc, MS., xxxiv. 216. July 6th, W. A. Bartlett, Sonoma, to Vallejo, at 
whose house he and Dr Henderson are. Mrs V. as cheerful as could be ex- 
pected. AH hoping for his early return. M, xii. 229. July 10th, V. to FrO 
mont, complaining that F. had not come to see him as he promised. Our im- 
prisonment, 'as you know, has been made more severe, with absolute incom- 
munication since June 16th.' Is it to end now that the U. S. flag is flying 
over the fort? — insuring as he hopes a prosperous future for his country. Blot- 
ter in Bear Flay Papers, MS. July 23d, Prudon to Larkin from the 'Prison 
of the Sacramento,' complaining of an 'unjust, severe, and prolonged imprison- 
ment, ' and asking L. to use his influence for their liberation. 'Our situation 
is most lamentable, and its horrors are augmented by our absolute incommu- 
nication, so that we could not know what was passing outside, or others what 
we were suffering within. I have written a journal, which at the proper time 
will come to light. ' They have reoeived Larkin's letter of the 1 6th ; and tliey 
send a representation for Com. Sloat, who is doubtless not aware of their in- 
iquitous treatment. Larkin, Doe., MS., iv. 221-2. July 23d, Vallejo to Lar- 
kin of same general purport. Cannot understand why they are still detained 
now that he has seen the U. S. flag flying. Alludes to the written guaranties 
given on June 14th, which are still in his possession, and which were violated 
' before the ink of the signatures had time to dry.' Their cattle have been 
driven off during their imprisonment. Spanish, and translation, in Larkin'^i 
Doc , MS., iv. 219, 223. No date (July 23d?), Vallejo to (Sloat?) giving a 
lirief and clear narrative of their capture and unjust confinement. This ac 
count confirms Leese's narrative in all essential parts, though less complete. 
The writer puts his wrongs in a very strong light, and cannot believe that 
those wrongs are continued with the knowledge of U. S. officers. Blotter in 
Bear Flag Papers, MS., C3-6. 



EVENTS ON THE SACRAMENTO. 1-27 

raniento, and then at occurrences south of the bay 
during the whole revolutionary period, though some 
of them have been or will be noticed more fully else- 
where. It was on June 10th that Arce's horses were 
taken on the Cosumnes. On the 11th Hensley and 
Reading arrived at the fort from up the river; and 
this afternoon or the next Merritt and his men left 
camp for Sonoma. On the 12th or 13th^ Gillespie 
arrived from Yerba Buena in the Portsmout/is launch, 
accompanied by several officers of the navy, and bring- 
ing a boat-load of supplies for Fremont, proceeding 
Avith Hensley in the launch to the American River. 
Fremont came down with a part of his force, as Gil- 
lespie states, on the 13th, encamping near the mouth 
of the American; while the main body encamped on 
the 15th, eight or ten miles farther up that stream. 
The captives taken at Sonoma on the 14th reached 
Fremont's camp in the afternoon of the IGth. Car- 
son and Merritt started at once for Sutter's, while 
Hensley and Reading were despatched ostensibly on 
a hunting tour, but really to talk politics with Marsh, 
and learn the situation south of the bay.* The pris- 
oners were locked up in the fort at nightfall, as we 
have seen. On the l7th, the supplies having been 
delivered, Gillespie and Fremont went up the Amer- 
ican to join the main body, while the Portsmouth's 
launch started for Sauzalito. The supplies in ques- 
tion were furnished by Montgomery, on the requisi- 
tion of Fremont as an officer of the United States. 
It was on its face a perfectly legitimate transaction; 
and I know of no reason to suppose that Montgomery- 
was informed by Gillespie of the revolutionary pro- 
ject on foof This same day, the 17th, three men, 

' In JV. Helvetia Diary, MS., 51, and Sutter's Diary, 8, the latter date is 
given; the fonner in Gillespie's testimony. Fremont's Col. Claints, •IG-I. 

^The dates, etc., are fixed by the diaries; the motive by Hensley 's tes- 
timony. Fremont's Cal. Claims, ,34. 

'In his letter to Benton, Niles' Heg., lx.xi. 191, Fremont says he wrote 
to Montgomery by the returning launch, 'describing to him fully my position 
and intentions, in order that he might not by supposing me to be acting un- 
der orders from our gort unwittingly commit himself, ' etc. 



1-2S BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

"Wise, Ferguson, and Stebbins, arrived at the fort 
from Sonoma, presumably with news, as they started 
at once for Fremont's camp. On the 18th a courier 
came from Sonoma with a letter from Captain Mont- 
gomery. Fremont with twenty men visited the fort 
on the 19th; and Jose Noriega, a Spaniard from San 
Jose, made his appearance and was detained; and 
next day Vicente Peralta, coming back from a visit 
up the river, shared the same fate. It was also on 
the 20th that Hensley and Reading returned from 
below, hastening to Fremont's camp with the report 
that Castro was preparing for a hostile movement, a 
rejDort confirmed by John Neal, who brought news 
that a force was crossing the bay to attack Sonoma. 
It was on or about this date that Julio Carrillo arrived 
and was imprisoned. On the 21st Fremont arrived 
near the fort; and next day, leaving a small garrison 
• — his company being reenforced by Hensley, Reading, 
and many trappers and settlers — he marched for 
Sonoma.* On the 23d a party, including Bidwell, 
was sent toward the Cosumnes to learn whether any 
foes were approaching from below, and to make 
arrangements for a watch to be kept by the Indians. 
Friday the 26th was marked by the arrival of Lieu- 
tenant Revere and Dr Henderson of the Portsmouth, 
who came up from Sauzalito on the ship's launch;^ 
and also by that of a small party of immigrants from 
Oregon. Next day Henderson departed for Sonoma 
with a small party; on the 28th Lieutenant Bartlett 
and Dr Townsend arrived from Yerba Buena; and 
on the 29th Bartlett started with Bidwell for Sono- 

* In his letter to Benton, Fremont, says he broke camp on the American 
Fork on the 2od. This may mean that after leaving Sutter's he camped at 
the mouth of that stream and stai-ted next morning for Sonoma. Lancey, 
Ciniise, 64, confirms this, and speaks of Harrison Peirce coming into camp on 
the 23d with news of great alarm at Sonoma. 

' Revere, Tour of Duty, 66-75, gives no dates and few details of occur- 
rences from his own observations on this trip. He had an interview with 
Vallejo, ' which it was easy to see excited a very ridiculous amount of sus- 
picion on the i^art of his vigilant jailers, whose position, however, as revolu- 
tionists was a little ticklish, and excited in them that distrust which in dan- 
gerous times is inseparable from low and ignorant minds. ' 



SOUTH OF THE BAY. 129 

ina;^" while Revere returned down the river by boat. 
It was on July 8th that Robert Ridley was sent up 
from below and was added to the number of prison- 
ers. It was on July 10th, the day of Fremont's 
arrival from Sonoma, that news came of the raising 
of the stars and stripes at Monterey; and next day 
that flag was raised over Sutter's Fort, of which event 
more anon. 

South of the bay, as we have seen, public attention 
was directed mainly on the 13th and 14th of June to 
the taking of Arce's horses; next day came the news 
that Sonoma was in the hands of American insur- 
gents, and that Vallejo with other officers were pris- 
oners. I find four written records of this news, 
bearing date of June 15th. The first is a communi- 
cation from Sub-prefect Guerrero to the prefect. He 
had received the tidings at Yerba Buena verbally 
from Joaquin Carrillo, the second alcalde of Sonoma, 
who had run away when he saw the arrest of Ber- 
rej^esa, the first alcalde." The second was sent by 
Justice Estudillo at San Leandro to Alcalde Pacheco 
at San Josd. He obtained his information from Rafael 
F^lix, whom Vallejo had despatched as a messenger 
to his brother Don Jesus, ar.d who had arrived at 11 
p. M.^" The third record is that of an interview on 
the Portsmouth at Sauzalito between Captain Mont- 
gomery and Josd de la Rosa, Lieutenant Bartlett 
serving as interpreter and secretary. Rosa had been 
sent by Vallejo — just before the latter started for the 
Sacramento, though he had not been able to leave 

^"la Sutter's Diari/, 8, it is stated that Bartlett 'organized the garrison,' 
which is unintelligible. After BidweU's departure the diary at New Helve- 
tia was practically suspended until May 1847. 

"June 15, 1846, Guerrero to Castro. Caslro, Doc, MS., ii. 115. The 
party that took Sonoma was composed of 70 men under the ' Doctor of the 
Sacramento,' and another man whom Salvador Vallejo knew from once having 
had a quarrel with him (Merritt). 

'2 June 15, 1846, Estudillo to Pacheco, in Doc. Hist. Cat., MS., iii. 258. 
He wrote also to the prefect at the same time. This report was that the pris- 
oners, guarded by 12 men under Merritt, had passed the rancho of Cayetano 
Juarez en route for Feather River. 



130 BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

Sonoma until 3 p. m. — to inform Montgomery of what 
had occurred, "and to ask of him to exercise his 
authority or use his influence to prevent the commis- 
sion of acts of violence, inasmuch as they seemed to 
be without any effectual head or authority; and to 
this end he hoped for an officer to be sent to the 
place, or a letter that would have the effect of saving- 
the helpless inhabitants from violence and anarchy." 
The captain's response, which Rosa promised to de- 
liver to Vallejo at the earliest possible moment, was 
to disavow in the most explicit terms any knowledge 
of or authority for the movement on the part of the 
United States, of himself, or even of Frdmont; to de- 
clare that he could not officially interfere in any man- 
ner with local, political, or criminal affairs in no way 
concerning his government; but to proffer personal 
sympathy and express his willingness to exert his 
individual influence for the protection of innocent 
persons. ^^ 

Besides the message sent back by Rosa, Montgom- 
ery decided to send an officer as requested. He 
selected Lieutenant John S. Misroon for the mission, 
and his instructions given on the evening of the 15th, 
with a supplement next morning, form the fourth of 
the records to which I have alluded. Misroon, being 
fully informed respecting Rosa's report and the reply 
that had been given, was directed to visit the insur- 
gent leader; to make known the "state of apprehen- 
sion and terror" into which the Californian people had 
been thrown by the late movement; to "request from 
me that he will extend his protecting care over the 
defenceless families of their prisoners and other inof- 
fensive persons of Sonoma;" to impress the minds of 
those in power "with a sense of the advantages which 
will accrue to their cause, whatever its intrinsic merits 
may be, from pursuing a course of kind and benevolent 

"Jiine 15, 1846, record of interview. Copy of original by Bartlett. 
Rosa said there were 80 men in the party; otherwise his version was a very 
accurate one. Montgomery in his reply expressed a belief that there was 
no danger of violence to non-combatants. Bear Flag Papers, MS., 40-9. 



MISROON'S MISSION. 131 

treatment of prisoners" and of the Californians gener- 
ally; and finally, to explain his mission fully to the civil 
authorities of Sonoma, conveying to them such assur- 
ances as he might have obtained from the insurgents, 
but avoiding any discussion or remarks respecting the 
merits of the revolt.'* The lieutenant was conveyed 
across the bay in the ship's boat, reached Sonoma late 
on the 16th, remained until the next noon, and at sun- 
set of the 1 7th was back at the ship. Of his experience 
at Sonoma I shall have more to say later; but his re- 
port was most reassuring, being to the effect that the 
insurgents intended no violence to the persons or prop- 
erty of non-combatants ; that the "utmost harmony and 
good order prevailed in camp;" and that Vallejo was 
held merely as a hostage.''^ Before Misroon's de- 
parture William L. Todd had arrived as a courier from 
Ide direct to Montgomery; and he went back in the 
.same boat with Misroon. 

The tidings from the north of course spread rap- 
idly in the next fw days, and were the topic of many 
communications, both among natives and foreigners.'* 

"June loth, 16th, Montgomery's instructions to Misroon. Bartlett's or- 
iginal copy in Bear Flag Papers, MS. , 50-2. 

'^June 18, 1846, Misroon's report to Montgomery. Bear Flag Papers, 
MS., 53-7. The report included a copy of Ide's proclamation, and described 
the flag. 

"June 16, 1846, Capt. Montgomery to Larkin, giving a brief account of the 
affair at Sonoma, as reported by Rosa and Todd. Larhin's Doc, MS., iv. 158. 
Prefect Castro to alcaldes. Tells the news, and orders a meeting of ayunt. , 
that the people may be called to arms. Castro, Doc., MS., ii. 117. Gen. 
Castro to alcalde S. Jos6. Is adopting measures to resist the foreign inva- 
sion which has begun. S. Josi, Arch., Loose Papers, MS., 47. Gen. Castro 
to his soldiers. Refers to the Sonoma outrage. Trusts they will march en- 
thusiastically to break the chain that is being wound about them. Dept. Si. 
Pap., MS., yii. 58-9. June 17th, Leidesdorflf at Yerba Buena to Larkin. 
Gives no details, as Montgomery has written. Gillespie will probably he 
back in a few days. Castro is at Sta Cruz preparing to go up the Sacramento 
and put things right. The writer is very bitter against Capt. Hinckley, who 
is a Mexican at heart, and who has said 'the Californians are fools if they do 
not at once take the same number of Americans prisoners.' (Hinckley died a 
few days later.) Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 160. Same day, Leidesdorff's receipt 
for |36.'25 from U. S. consul for a messenger giving the news. Monterey, Con- 
sulate Arch., MS., ii. 19. Fran. Arce to Manuel Castro from Sta Clara. 
The hour of the country's suffering has now arrived. They are invaded on 
all sides. Castro, Doc.,M^.,\\. 122. Prefect Castro to min. of rel. Inva- 
sion of the northern frontier by Fremont, aided by the commander of the 
Portsmonth. All that is possible being done for defence. Hopes Mexico will 
not abandon Cal. Id., ii. 121. June 18th, Larkin to sec. state. Does not 



132 BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

The current ideas of what had happened were, as a 
rule, tolerably accurate. It was understood that 
Frdmont was at the bottom of the movement; and 
this led many of the Californians to believe errone- 
ously that he acted under instructions from the gov- 
ernment at Washington, and that Montgomery, es- 
pecially as he had just sent a boat-load of supplies to 
Fremont, was also in the plot. The reported raising 
of a strange and unheard-of flag by the insurgents 
was alarming to many of the natives, but much less 
so than if it had not been supposed that the bear and 
star were but a temporary substitute for the stars 
and stripes. Even Americans were disposed to think 
that Fremont was acting under instructions, else their 
surprise would have been much greater. 

The first measure of defence, naturally from a Mex- 
ican standpoint, was a patriotic proclamation. Gen- 
eral Castro issued two of them on June l7th from his 
headquarters at Santa Clara. I reproduce them in a 
note.^" The first was an appeal to the Californians to 



know if the reports are true or not. Fr(5mont and Gillespie suspected of be- 
ing at the root of the matter. Many believe the U. S. consul has known of 
the plans all along. LarHii's Off. Correxp., MS., ii. 65-6. June 19th, Leides- 
dorff to Larkin. Gives an account from 'the only authentic sources.' No 
disorders at Sonoma. Full guaranties. All property taken paid for, etc. /(/., 
JJoc, MS., iv. 167. June 20th, Montgomery to Leidesdorff. Is surprised to 
learn by his letter that "200 men have been collected to oppose the insurgents. 
The launch has returned from Fremont. The prisoners were taken to his 
camp by the request of Vallejo. Fremont's neutral position did not allow 
his taking charge of them, so they were removed to Sutter's, where they are 
detained as hostages. Sutter has joined the insurgents. The insurgent force 
must have increased considerably. Doubts that they can easily be surprised. 
The men know how to use their arms. 'My position, you know, is neutral. I 
am a mere observer of passing events . . I know no way consistently with 
this view of doing what you name, but feel not much concerned on that ac- 
count, for reasons before stated.' Shall move to Yerba Buena (from Sauza- 
lito) next week, if it be found expedient.' Fitch, Doc, MS., 394. 

"The original of the first la found in Dept. St. Pap. . MS. , vii. '239, appar- 
ently in Arce's writing with Castro's signature. In respect of style, grammar, 
and orthography, it is very ted, defying literal translation. I have found no 
original or Spanish copy of the 2d proclamation. Three sets of translations 
are extant: one, inaccurate in some respects, in the Monterey Californian, 
Sept. 12, 1846; and S. F. Californian, June 5, 1847; another, slightly cor- 
rected. In BryanVs What I Saw in Cat, 293-4, followed with slight changes 
in Lancey's Cruise, 62-3; Marin Co. Hist., 77-8, and other local histories; and 
a third was that made for Larkin from the original, more nearly literal than 
ii. 70-1; Saioi/er's Doc, MS., 52, 



the others, in iarira's Off. Corresp., MS., 



CASTRO'S PROCLAMATIONS. 133 

figlit ill defence of tlieir country; and the second a 
promise of protection to all foreign residents taking- 
no part in the revolt. Both documents were of the 
type usually employed in such cases by officers of Latin 
race — and by many of other races — to arouse the pa- 
triotism of those under their command, and to 'save 
their. responsibility' with superiors. They were iu 
substance what circumstances required, and by no 
means so absurdly bombastic as it has been the fashion 
to regard them. It is true that the outrage at So- 
noma was attributed to the 'contemptible policy' of 
the United States; but Castro had every reason to 
suppose Frdmont to be acting under instructions, and 
had this been so, the policy, in connection with the 
recent acts and utterances of Larkin and other agents 
of their government, would have been indeed 'con- 
temptible.' 

60-1. The following version varies slightly here and there from either of the 
three: 

' The citizen JosiS Castro, lieut-col. of cavalry in the Mexican army, and 
comandante general ad interim of the department of Califoruias. Fellow-cit- 
izens: The contemptible policy of the agents of the government of the U. S. 
of the nortli has induced a number of adventurers, regardless of the rights of 
men, to boldly undertake an invasion, by possessing themselves of the town 
of Sonoma, and taking by .surprise the military commander of that frontier, 
Col. Don M. G. Vallejo, Lieut-col. Don Victor Prudon, Capt. Don Salvador 
Vallejo, and Mr Jacob P. Leese. Fellow-countrymen: The defence of our 
liberty, of the religion of our fathers, and of our independence impels us to 
sacrifice ourselves rather than lose these inestimable blessings. Banish from 
your hearts all potty resentments; turn and behold those families and children 
unfortunately in the hands of our foes — snatched from the bosoms of their 
fathers, who are prisoners among foreigners, and who loudly call on us for 
succor. There is yet time for us to rise en masse, iiTesistible and just. Doubt 
not that divine providence will guide us to glory. Nor should you doubt 
tliat in this headquarters, notwithstanding the smallness of the gan-ison, the 
first to sacrifice himself will be your fellow -citizen and friend, Josi; Castro. 
Headquarters at Sta Clara, June 17, 1846.' 

'The citizen JusiS Castro, etc. All foreigners residing among us, occupied 
iu their business, may rest assui-ed of protection from all authorities of the 
department so long as they take no part in revolutionary movements. The 
comandancia in my charge will never proceed lightly against any person what- 
ever, neither will it be influenced by mere words without proofs; declarations 
sliall be taken, proof exacted, and the liberty and rights of the laborious, ever 
commendable, shall be protected. Let the fortune of war take its chance 
with those ungrateful persons who with arms iu their hands have attacked 
the country, forgetting that iu former times they were treated Ijy the under- 
signed with his characteristic indulgence. Impartial inhabitants of the dept 
are witnesses to the truth of this. I have nothing to fear; duty leads me to 
death or victory. I am a Mexican soldier, and I will be free and independ- 
ent, or die with pleasure for those inestimable blessings. Jostf Castro,' etc. 



l.-!4 BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

Prefect Manuel Castro cooperated with the gen- 
eral in his efforts to prepare for defence, as did the 
different alcaldes to some extent; but the response on 
the part of the people was not a very hearty one. 
With considerable difficulty Castro succeeded in in- 
creasing his force to about one hundred and sixty in 
ten days ; a force organized in three divisions under 
the command of J. A. Carrillo, Joaquin de la Torre, 
and Manuel Castro respectively.^* It was his inten- 

'* Castro in a letter to Pico ou June 25th gives 160 as the total of his force. 
Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 127. There is no other definite contemporary record 
on the subject. I give the following r^sumfi of correspondence; 

June 17, 1846, Gen. Castro to Pico. An earnest appeal for P.'s coopera- 
tion. All resentment should be dropped. Let us act together, and give an 
cxampleof patriotism. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 60-1, 119. June 17th, bando 
posted by Alcalde Escamilla of Monterey. All subordinate local officials 
must call upon the citizens to rise. Every one having horses must contrib- 
ute them by 10 o'clock to-moiTow, also supplying arms, etc., as they can. A 
record to be kept of all contributions and receipts to be given. Dept. St. Pap. , 
Mont., MS.jiii. 121-2. June 17th, Sub-prefect Guerrero to alcalde of S. Josi5, 
describing the ' bear flag, ' and warning against dangers at S. Jos6. S. Jose, 
Arch., Loose Pap., MS., 37. June 19th, Manuel Castro leaves Monterey with 
citizens for S. Juan to take part in the campaign. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 
29. June 21st, Castro to Pico, urging him to come north with all the force 
he can raise. If he will not do it, let him say so at once, so that time and 
men may not be wasted in .sending despatches. Id., vii, 56-7. Leidesdorff 
to Larkin. Sutter has joined the rebels. 'I am told that some of the Cali- 
fomians have di-iven all their horses ofif to the coast, so that Castro will not 
get them.' LarUn's Doc., MS., iv. 171. Larkin toU. S. consul atHonolulu. 
Sends his wife and children for protection. The Californians talk of seizing 
him; and at any rate, war has broken out. Id., Off. Gorresp., MS., i. 116. 
June 22d, Prefect Castro to a'calde of S. JosS. Is cooperating with the gen- 
eral. The citizen who makes excuses is a traitor. Volunteer companies of 
50 men may choose their officers. Our homes must be defended. S. Jose, A rch. , 
Loose Pap., MS., 28. June 23d, same to same. Let the men march to Sta 
Clara at once. 7rf., 59. Let fire-arms be collected at the ranches. Id., 26. 
To Pedro Chaboya. Let a list be sent him of those making excuses. Id. , 35. 
June 24th, Larkin to sec. state. Castro hag 200 men at Sta Clara; got but 
few from Monterey. No news of any increase in Ida's forces. Castro will 
probably not go north. Saicijer's Doc, MS., 55-7. June 24th, a messenger 
paid $65 for carryuig expresses from Monterey to S. Jos^ and to Leidesdorff 
and to Montgomery. Monterey, Consulate Arch., MS., ii. 15. Same date, letter 
to the Honolulu. Friend, iv. 169-70, from a Yerba Buena correspondent, giv- 
ing a very good account of what had occurred, including Castro's proclama- 
tion, and Misroon's visit to Sonoma. He says tliat Ide and Castro are said 
to have each about 150 men. Forty or 50 of Castro's men crossed the bay to- 
day (or perhaps on the 23d), and a fight will soon occur. June 25th, Manuel 
Castro to Pico, 'en route for Sonoma.' Has been to Sta Cruz to get horses 
and stir up the people. Second division organized and on the march. Urges 
Pico to render aid. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 10. Same date. Gen. Castro to 
Pico, 160 men moving on Sonoma. He is marching in the rear and organiz- 
ing a reserve force to guard against a repulse. Fremont with 400 { !) riflemen 
on his way to protect Sonoma. Pico has now a chance to immortalize his 
name if he will but listen to Castro's advice. Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 127; Dept. 



CASTRO AT SAN PABLO. 135 

tion to send the three divisions across the bay to at- 
tack Ide's garrison. To this end Torre with his fifty 
or sixty men did cross from San Pablo to Point Quin- 
tin probably in the evening of June 23d, employing 
for that purpose the launch belonging to the owner of 
the rancho. The other divisions under Carrillo and 
Castro also followed a day or two later as far as San 
Pablo, but did not attempt to cross. Why not, is not 
altogether clear. Lack of boats is given as the rea- 
son by some, and by others cowardice on the part of 
the leaders. Either of these motives would certainly 
have been quite as strong in the case of Torre as in 
that of the others. The truth is apparently that the 
crossing, to be followed by a combined attack on So- 
noma, was to take place either on a fixed day, or on 
a day to be fixed by Torre ; but before the arrival of 
the day, or before any communication from Don Joa- 

St. Pap., MS., vii. 67. Rafael Pinto ordered to report for duty at headquar- 
ters. Id., Ben. Cust.-H., vi. 679. June 26th, prefect to alcalde. All citizens 
must at once become soldiers. S. Jos^,Jrch., Loose Pap., MS., 26. June 
30th, Leidesdorff to Larkin. If the Portsmouth were not here, he would have 
to run away, since Hinckley has advised his arrest. H. and Ridley are ' more 
Mexicans than the Mexicans themselves. However, they will get their just 
due one of these days.' Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 189. June 30th, Larkin to 
U. S. consul at Honolulu. Has received a letter from Pico, who blames him; 
'but the most I could do would be to act like his Excellency and issue a proc- 
lamation. .. .1 am dreaming of trying to persuade the Californians to call 
on the commodore for protection, hoist his flag, and be his countrymen, or the 
Bears may destroy them. ' Id., Off. Corresp., MS., i. 125. June 30th, Leides- 
dorff to Larkin. S. Rafael taken; 150 insurgents there and 50 at Sonoma. 
Castro was to have crossed yesterday from S. Pablo. If he did, it is 'all up 
with him.' Torre was also to have attacked Sonoma yesterday. Bidwell in 
command at Sutter's. Reading, Hensley, and all the rest are coming to join 
the force. Id., Doc, MS., iv. 189. June 30th, Gen. Castro to Pico. Back 
at Sta Clara; and reports Torre's retreat and that of the other divisions (as 
explained in ray text). A council of war has decided to send Manual Castro 
as a comisionado to the gov. A new plan of operations must be formed. The 
insurgents are being rapidly reenforced. Blotter in Castro, Doc, MS., ii. 131. 
Same document, dated July 1st. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 67-8. July 2d, 
Castro (Sta Clara) to Abrego. Must try to negotiate a loan, pledging lands 
of S. Juan, S. Jos6, and Sta Clara. Id., xiii. 14-15. July 2d, Montgomery 
to Larkin. The insurgents have come to Yerba Buena and taken Ridley pris- 
oner. The country is undoubtedly theirs without much more trouble. In 15 
days they will be in your midst. A letter from Castro to Torre was inter- 
cepted, directing him to kiU every American and Englishman that fell into 
his hands. The men are very bitter against Castro. Larkin's Doc , MS. , iv. 
192. July 4th, L. to U. S. consul at Honolulu. Explains Castro's former 
plan of campaign — that is, to join his three divisions with the natives north of 
the bay and to surprise Ide's garrison, [d., Off. Corre.ip., MS., i. 125. 



130 BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

quin could be obtained, that officer himself recrossed 
the bay in retreat, reporting that the insurgent force 
was too strong to be attacked with any hope of suc- 
cess. Torre's experience on the north side will be 
narrated in the next chapter. His return was on the 
29th, on which date all three divisions were back at 
the San Lorenzo rancho; and next day at the old 
headquartei-s at Santa Clara. A council of war de- 
termined that the old plan of operations must be 
abandoned, and that a new one must include the 
cooperation of Pico and his southern forces. Manuel 
Castro was chosen as the man most likely to bring 
Don Pio to his senses and to effect a reconciliation; 
and a few days later with a small escort he started on 
his mission, meeting the governor at Santa Ines. 
Meanwhile the general moved with his army south- 
ward to San Juan, where he was on July 8th, when 
news came that Monterey was in the hands of the 
Americans — news that sent Don Jose in some haste 
still farther southward. 

Besides the not very brilliant achievements of Cas- 
tro's army, and the correspondence of which I have 
given a rdsume, there is but little to be noted during 
the revolutionary period of what happened in the 
central districts. On July 1st and 2d, San Francisco 
was twice visited by insurgent parties from across the 
bay, one of which spiked the guns in the abandoned 
fort, and another took Robert Ridley from his house 
at Yerba Buena, carrjang him as a prisoner to the Sac- 
ramento. This was doubtless done at the instigation of 
Leidesdorff, whose sympathy for the revolutionists was 
unconcealed, and who was very bitter against Ridley 
and Hinckley, who, being Mexican officials, did not 
agree with the vice-consul's views. Hinckley escaped 
arrest by having died a day or two before. Another 
arrest of these times was that of Charles M. Weber 
with two others, Washburn and Burt, at San Jose, by 
Castro. Little is known of this affair beyond the fact 
that Weber was arrested and carried south as a pris- 



WEBER'S OPERATIONS. 137 

oner. According to a current account, supposed to 
emanate from himself, Weber, having heard of the 
Sonoma revolt on June 19th by a letter from Lieu- 
tenant Bartlett, went to Yerba Buena, and thence 
across to San Rafael, where he had an interview with 
Fremont, and by that ofBcer's advice returned to the 
vicinity of San Jose to raise a force secretly for the 
protection of American families in that region, at the 
same time inviting Fallon of Santa Cruz to raise a 
force and join him. It was while thus employed that 
he was arrested, his life being spared only because of 
Castro's personal friendship. Weber had previously 
declined a commission as captain of auxiliaries in the 
Californian army.'^ There is no reason to doubt that 
Weber and others may have attempted an organiza- 
tion for self-protection ; holding themselves in readi- 
ness for the results likely to spring from the revolt, 
which, however, many of them did not approve. It 
was a current idea among the Californians that Mont- 
gomery was permitting his officers with the Ports- 

"iS. Josi Pioiieer, March 6, 1880; Tinhham's Hist. Stockton, 101. June 
23d, Mfeber to alcalde of S. Jos6, declining appointment of captain on account 
of his business relations with foreigners. In HaUeck's Mex. Land Laws, MS. 
June 17th, sub-prefect Guerrero to S. Jos^ alcalde. By loud talk of foreigners 
he has learned that 40 of them are ready to capture S. Jos6, while others do 
the same thing here at Yerba Buena. Great precautions should be taken. Is 
not pleased that the son of Ide goes about as he pleases at the pueblo. 8. Josi, 
Arch., Loose Pap., MS., 37. June 27th, no place or writer's name. The 25 
armed foreigners at Sta Cruz intended to start this A. M. It is not known 
whether they will pass this way, or, as would be more prudent, go to the Sac- 
ramento. Id. , 39. According to the Pioneer, Fallon arrived the day after 
"Weber's an-est. Flores, Recuerdos, MS., 10-26, claims to have learned from 
Mrs Buelua of Weber's hostile plans and concealed weapons, and to have given 
Castro the information which led to his arrest. Ide, Biog. Sketch, 154, says 
that over 100 had secretly organized under Weber, Bird, and others on the 
south side of the bay. 

Accounts of Castro's preparations by men who took part in them are given 
in Pinto, Apunt., MS., 101-2; Ezquer, Mem., MS., 23-5; Oerman, Sucesos, 
MS., 24; J'orre, Remin., MS., 145-52; Biielna, liotas, MS., 22-3; Castro, 
Ret, MS., 184-95; Arce, Mem., 55, etc.; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., v. 188- 
202, 229-30, etc. ; but these writers add little or nothing to what is revealed 
in contemporary corresp. Several state that men were forced into the ranks; 
that they suffered much from hunger; and that Castro made many enemies 
by his selfishness. It appears that Ex-gov. Alvarado took a prominent part 
in a private capacity in the warlike preparations. Pablo de la Guerra, J)oc. 
Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 1304, gives some personal items on the subject. C. P. 
Briggs, in Napm Reporter, Aug. 24, 1872, narrates the services of the schooner 
Mermaid at Yerba Buena in conveying volunteers to Sonoma. 



13S BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTE^UED. 

moutlis boats to aid the insurgents; but though the 
sympathies of the naval officers were clearly shown in 
their correspondence, there is no proof that they were 
remiss in duty."^ 

Governor Pico was at Santa Bdrbara, engaged in 
making ready for a march against Castro, when on 
June 23d, by a violento extraordinario from Monterey, 
he received the prefect's communication of the 19th 
making known the taking of Sonoma. He immedi- 
ately issued a proclamation, which I append in a note.-' 

■-"Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 466-7, states that the Portmoulh'a boats were en- 
gaged in preventing the crossing of the Californians. Torre, Mentin., MS., 
145-6, says that Torre on his retreat was pursued by Montgomery's boats. In 
several communications between Califomian officials, their belief in Montgom- 
ery's cooperation is manifest. Lancey, Cruise, 7'2-3, quotes from James W. 
Marshall an account more amusing than probable, to the effect that when the 
rebels applied on the Portsmoulh for ammunition, they were met with an in- 
dignant refusal; but were told where a large quantity of powder would be put 
on shore to dry. By a pretended surprise, they overcame the guard and took 
the powder, whereupon the ship went through the form of firing four guns in 
their direction ! 

'■ ' The constitutional governor of the dept of Californias addresses to its 
inhabitants the following proclamation: Fellow-citizens: The national honor 
being gravely wounded and compromised in the highest degi-ee at the present 
time, I have the glory of raising my voice to you, in the firm persuasion that 
you are Mexicans, that there burns in your veins the blood of those venerable 
martyrs of the country, and that you will not fail to shed it in defence of her 
liberty and independence. At this moment your dept. govt has received the 
unfortunate news, officially communicated by the political authorities of Mon- 
terey, and dated four days ago, that a gang of North American adventurers, 
with the blackest treason that the spirit of evil could invent, have invaded 
the town of Sonoma, raising their flag, and carrying off as prisoners four Mex- 
ican citizens. Yes, fellow-citizens; and who of you on hearing of such fatal 
perfidy will not quit the domestic hearth, and fly, gun in hand, to the field 
of honor to avenge the country's honor? Will you be insensible to the oppres- 
sion in which masters so vile wish to put us? Will the grievous groans of the 
country not move you? Will you, with serene brow, see destroyed the fun- 
damental pact of our sacred and dear institutions? No! No! Far from me 
every such suspicion! I do not believe from your patriotism, your blind love 
of country, that you will permit the beneficent and fruitful tree of sacred lib- 
erty to be profaned. The North American nation can never be our friend. 
She has laws, religion, language, and customs totally opposed to ours. False 
to the most loyal friendship which Mexico has lavished upon her, to interna- 
tional law, and to the soundest policy, putting in execution her piratical 
schemes, she has stolen the dept of Texas, and wishes to do the same with that 
of Cal. — thus to iniquitously dismember the Mexican territory, to tarnish the 
flag of the tres garantias and raise her own, increasing the number of its fatal 
stars. Fly, Mexicans, in all haste in pursuit of the treacherous foe; follow 
liim to the farthest wilderness; punish his audacity; and in case we fail, let 
us form a cemetery where posterity may remember to the glory of Mexican 
history the heroism of her sons, as is remembered the glory won by the death 
of that little band of citizens posted at the Pass of Thermopylce under Gen- 



PICO'S PROCLAMATION, 139 

The document was much more violent and bombastic 
in style than that of Castro in the north. The writer 
evidently had other objects in view than the ordinary 
one of 'saving his responsibility' with his subjects and 
superiors, among which extraordinary objects the de- 
feat of insurgents held but a subordinate place. Ho 
did not entirely believe in the Sonoma revolt, being 
disposed to regard it as in some way a device of his 
rival to justify his own military preparations and as- 
sumption of special powers. He was glad, however, 
by the fervor and ultra Mexicanism of his proclama- 
tion to show his zeal at the national capital as an off- 
set to Castro's probable accusations there. He also 
hoped, by his violent denunciations of the United 
States and of Americans, to advance his own scheme 
of an appeal to England. But above all, he desired to 
create a popular excitement which should largely in- 
crease the force with which he was about to march 
north, thus enabling him to defeat the general and 
control the future of the country so far as any Cali- 
fornian could control it. This view of the matter is 
clearly expressed in a subsequent letter written by 
Don Pio to prominent citizens of Los Angeles in de- 
fence of his proclamation.^' As to the general's ap- 

eral Leonidas! Hear their motto: "Stranger, say to Laoedemonia that we 
have died here obeying her laws. " Shall we not imitate this noble example ? 
Shall we consent that the northern republic bring to our soil of liberty the 
horrible slavery permitted in its States? Shall we sufifer human blood sold at 
a price for vile gain? And finally, must we see profaned the august image of 
the crucified and the dogmas of our sacred religion ? Foreign citizens who 
tread this soil, the dept. govt considers you under the protection of the laws 
and treaties. Your property will be respected; nobody will molest you; and 
as you also are interested in preserving peace and security, the govt invites 
you to the i^unishment of the bandits who have invaded the north of this 
dept. Compatriots, run swiftly with me to crown your brows with the fresh 
laurels of unfading glory; in the fields of the north they are scattered, ready 
to spring to your noble foreheads. Respond gladly, Mexicans, to the desires 
of your fellow-citizen and friend, Pio Pico. Sta Bdrbara, June 23, 1846.' 
Copy from Secretary Moreno's original blotter, in Moreno, Doc, MS., 30-2; 
copy from original, presented to the society by A. B. Thompson in 1865. in 
Cal. Pioueers, Arch., MS., 149-56; translation bv Lieut Bartlett in .Bear /Vaj 
Papers, MS., 22-4; translation in Saimjer's Doc.', MS., 62-5. 

-^ June 27th, Pico to Requena, Figueroa, et al., in Moreno, Doc, MS., 33- 
40. 'Both Me.xicans and resident foreigners know the extreme egotism that 
generally rules hearts; and while they know the imminent danger which threat- 
ens us, rather from withiu than from without, tliey know also who is the au- 



140 BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

peals of these days to forget past resentments and 
unite for the country's defence, it does not appear that 
the governor made any reply to them. On the 23d 
and following days he wrote several communications, 
in which he appealed to the patriotism of citizens, 
summoned the members of the assembly to Santa 
Barbara, and above all urged the sending-forward of 
men and munitions for his expedition to the north. ^' 

The response to Pico's appeals in the south was not 
more satisfactory than that to Castro's in the north. 
Not more than a dozen or fifteen men were sent from 
Los Angeles, after much correspondence. There was 
difficulty even in finding guards to preserve order in 
the city. On Pico's departure from the capital the 
foreign residents had taken upon themselves that duty, 
and had rendered most eflPectual service; but now, hav- 
ing no wish to serve under Pico in the north, espe- 
cially when it might become necessary to fight against 
their countrymen, they chose to be offended at the 
governor's denunciation of Americans, and threatened 
to leave the city to the protection of native citizens. 
Alarmed by the disaffection of the foreigners, promi- 
nent men sent to Pico their protests against the tone 

tlior of so many evils, and ai-e aware of the many appeals which the govt has 
made to end them. And what lias the govt obtained but insult and outrage 
upon outrage? Is is not true that he found great aid in the proceedings of the 
foreigners to carry his point with the natives? and that for this reason 50 Bar- 
barenoa were eager to march north under the gov. , while before not one would 
enlist? The govt is by no means ignorant that it is impossible for us to repel 
the Invasion of foreigners should they attempt one; but with the force now 
volunteering, we can march without fear to the uorth and punish the audac- 
ity of the com. gen., the cause of all our misfortunes. Can you doubt that had 
it not been for the afifair of the foreigners the general might already have tri- 
umphed over the govt, in these parts? At the head of 70 men well supplied 
with all resources he was marching toward these towns, aided by men to be 
feared for their devotedness to vengeance. The news about the Americans 
made him change his I'oute, and here we have the old saying applicable, "No 
hay mal que por bien no venga." ' 

''^ June 23, 1846, Pico to sub-prefect of Angeles. He is to march at one 
with the alcaldes and 50 men. The northern adventurers must be taught a 
lesson. JDept. Si. Pap., MS., yii. 29-30. June 23d-24th, Pico appoints sev- 
eral officers to serve among the defensores. J. P. Ayala, Luis Arenas, and 
Jos6 Fernandez, captains. Id., vii. 33, 35, 36-7. June 23d, Pico to Figueroa. 
Tnists that he and the other diputados will come immediately. Id. , vii. 2S. 
June 23d, Pico to Bandini. A patriotic effusion, announcing the news and the 
duty of all Califomians. Bnmlinl. Dor., MS., 79. 



FEELING OF SOUTHERN F0REIGXER.<5. 14! 

of his proclamation, going so far as to advance the 
theory that the revolutionists of Sonoma were really 
acting in the governor's interest and against Castro. 
This theory Don Pio could not accept, claiming that 
Manuel Castro could not have been thus deceived; 
but after defending his proclamation at some length, 
both on general principles and on the special plea that 
I have cited, he offered to withdraw the document if 
it had not already been published — as it had.^ To 
what extent the Americans allowed themselves to be 
conciliated by the excuses of the Angelinos and Pico's 
assurances that he had intended no menace or disre- 
spect to them, is not exactlj'' known ; but it is cer- 
tain that neither they nor any great number of the 
natives could be induced to engage in any other mili- 
tar}' service than such as was necessary for the protec- 
tion of their town and ranchos. 

Nor did the members of the assembly obey Pico's 
summons to Santa Bdi'bara, even when he on June 
29th sent a very earnest appeal, launching the "anath- 

'" June 26th, Coronel to Moreno. Doubts have been thrown on the genuine- 
ness of the proclamation in order not to lose the services of the foreigners. Mo- 
reno, Doc, MS., ■22. June 27th, Pico to Eequena, Figueroa, Stearns, Botello, 
and Gallardo, in replj' to their communication of June 25th. Id., 33-40. June 
29th, Bandini to P. A long protest against his inconsiderate declaration of 
the 23d, which had created no enthusiasm, had offended over 100 of the most 
influential men in Cal., and might precipitate Mexico into a war for which 
she is not ready. The act of a few men at Sonoma does not justify the term 
'bandits' applied to all Americans. Bandini, Doc., MS., 80. June 2oth, 
Botello to Moreno. The proclamation has shattered all our hopes by offending 
the foreigners. We do not believe in any foreign invasion at the north. J/o- 
reno, /)oc., MS., 18-20. June 2Sth, Coronel to Moreno. The foreigners have 
now learned that the proclamation is genuine — it had been disputed at first — 
and have retired to their homes much offended. Id., 29. June 30th, Wilson 
to Bandini, denouncing the proclamation, and claiming that the Sonoma insur- 
gents wereacting in Pico's interests. Bandini, Doc, MS., 81. July 1st, Ban- 
dini wishes Pico to send trusty men to the noi-th to learn the motives of the 
insurgents and the general state of affairs. Id., 82. July 8th, Botello to Mo- 
reno. Has no faith in a successful resistance. The popular sentiment is 
against the tone of the proclamation as too severe. Moreno, Doc, MS., 15-17 
BoteUo, Anales, MS., 135-7, gives a good account of Los Angeles affairs at 
this period. 

June 24th-9th, miscellaneous corresp. between Sub-prefect Steams, Al- 
calde Cota, and others, concerning the measures necessary for the countrv's 
defence. Most of the items seem to refer to the preservation of order at the 
capital rather than to the sending of reenforcements to Pico. Dept. St. Pap. , 
MS., vii. 9-10, 86,89, 121, 124; Id.,Anoek.^,vm. 68; Moreno,Doc, MS., 21; 
Coronet, Doc, MS., 135-7. 



142 BEAK FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

ema of the country against those who do not come 
to its defence," and "holding you responsible before 
God and the nation if under trivial pretences you do 
not set out at once." There are some indications that 
the governor still had hopes of securing a meeting of 
the consejo general, before which body he had a secret 
project to urge. The assembly was convened to con- 
sider Pico's request, backed up by eight documents 
on the Sonoma revolt; and by Francisco de laGuerra 
and Joaquin Carrillo, who had come as comisionados : 
but the decision reached was that their presence was 
not necessary at Santa Bdrbara, especially as Pico 
would be absent on his expedition; that more com- 
plete information was needed respecting affairs in the 
north; and that under the circumstances a weekly- 
mail should be established !^° 

Meanwhile Don Pio went on with his warlike pi'ep- 
arations in spite of the Angelinos' lukewarmness in 
the cause. He also wrote a letter to Consul Larkin 
on June 29th, complaining in bitter terms of what 
Americans had done at Sonoma; announcing his sus- 
picion that the government of the United States was 
concerned in the acts, which "have the appearance of 
downright robbery;" blaming the consul for not hav- 
ing interfered in some way to prevent such scandalous 
proceedings; and hoping that for the honor of his na- 
tion he would promptly make a satisfactory explana- 
tion. Larkin in reply denied that he as consul had 
any influence over the Americans who had broken the 
laws at Sonoma; and that his government was in any 
way concerned. In fulfilment of his duty, he had prof- 
fered his aid to the general and prefect, by whom it 
had been refused.^* Not much is recorded of the gov- 

^ June 29th-July 14tli, miscellaneous records on the convoking and acts 
of the assembly. Some fault was found by Bandini and others with the tone 
adopted by Pico toward the assembly. Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 112-13, 
117-18, 122; vii. 12-13, 90-1; Id., Pre/, y Juzg., ii. 162; Leg. Rec, MS., iv. 
358-62; Bandini, Doc, MS., 83. Even Guerra, a member residing at Sta B., 
declined to attend the session on pretext of ilhiess. Dcpt. St. Pup., MS., vii. 
121. 

26 June 29, 1846, P. to L. English translation in Larkin' s Off. Correnp., 



MANUEL CASTRO AND DON PIO. 14:i 

ernor's last days at Santa Barbara; but it appears 
that by the beginning of July he had about 100 men 
ready for the march, most of whom were despatched 
immediatel}' under Captain Andres Pico. Don Picj 
followed on or about July 6th, and two days later was 
at Santa In^s. Here Manuel Castro met him, hav- 
ing been sent by the general to effect a reconciliation, 
as already stated, and having passed Don Andres with 
his advance force at Los Alamos. The prefect, as 
chief civil authority in the north, as a partisan of Pico 
in most of the past controversies, and as a near rela- 
tion of both chiefs, was by far tlT,e most effective me- 
diator that could have been employed. Don Manuel 
worked hard to make the governor understand the 
true position of affairs, to show that reported dangers 
were real and not mere pretences on the general's part, 
to explain the absolute necessity of united action, and, 
most potent argument of all, to make clear to Don Pio 
the unenviable position he must occupy in the eyes of 
all Californians and Mexicans should he allow his re- 
sentment to outweigh his patriotism at such a time. 
Pico was convinced against his will, not that Castro 

MS., ii. 167; Sawyer's Doc, MS., 65-8; SouU's Annals of S. K, 93-5; Dun- 
lar's Romance, 34-6; Lnncey's Cruise, 71. July 5th, L. to P. Larkin's Off. 
Corresp., MS., ii. 132; Sawyer's Doc, MS., 68-70. Larkin seems disposed to 
fau Pico's feeling against Castro, not only by claiming that he had refused his 
aid, but by implying that the gen. might easily have retaken Sonoma, and 
also that if he would have furnished men Larkin would have captured an 
equal number of Artiericans to hold as hostages for the good treatment of Va- 
llejo and the others. 

June '27th, Pico's bando, requiring great precautions and a strict enforce- 
ment of the passport regulations. 8. Luis Ob., Arch., MS., 9-10. June 28th, 
gov. to sub-prefect, urging that the 50 men under Gallardo be sent at once. 
He has only 68 men, mostly raw recruits — not enough for his expedition. 
Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 30. June 30th, Sta Barbara, the Spanish consul 
will advise all of his nation to place their lives and property in security in 
view of foreign invasion. Id., vii. 37. July 2d, Moreno to Andres Pico. A 
most bombastic letter. Bloody battle-fields, dying for the coimtiy, etc. Gal- 
lardo is on his march with 13 ' columns ' (one man in a column ?) from Angeles. 
Pico and the writer will start Monday. Pico, Doc, MS., ii. 89. July 3d, J. 
M. Flores to Pico. Has no doubt that Cal. is to share the fate of Texas. Re- 
fers to Ide's proclamation. There is no doubt that supplies are furnished by 
the U. S. men-of-war. The consul has publicly declared that the U. S. will 
get Cal. Dept. St. Pap., MS., vii. 68-9. July 3d, Pico to Capt. Ayala. Or- 
ders to march to join Andres Pico. Id., viii. 136. July Sth, Pico at Sta Bi^s 
to Sub-prefect Steams. Declares traitors all who do not enlist for the country's 
defence. Id., vii. 34. 



144 BEAR FLAG REVOLT CONTINUED. 

was acting in good faith, but that his officers and men 
could not be depended on to fight the general; and at 
last he reluctantly promised to forget past dissensions, 
and to unite with Castro against the foreigners.'^^ 
Then they marched northward until the two armies 
met on or about Julj' 12th at the Santa Margarita 
rancho, near San Luis Obispo. Castro brought news 
that Monterey had been taken by naval officers of the 
United States; the governor and general gave each 
other a public but not very cordial embrace of recon- 
ciliation ; and all turned mournfully toward the capital 
to devise new plans of resistance to los extr anger os^ 
I shall follow them later. 

■^Oaslro, Servicios Pub., MS.; /(/., Relacion, MS., 201-6. 



CHAPTER VII. 

BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIKS AT SONOMA. 

June-July, 1846. 

Ide in Command — Banner fok the New Republic — Star and Grizzly — 
Raising of the Bear Flag — The Flags as Relics — Ide's Proclama- 
tion — Falsehood and Bombast— Further Organization— Minor Hap- 
penings—Ice's Version — Treaty with Alcalde — Todd's Mission to 
Montgomery — Misroon at Sonoma— Mormonism — A New Proclama- 
tion—Killing OF CowiE and Fowler by the Californians — Padlll.a 
AND Carrillo— Sortie by Ide— Other Captives— Gibson's Expedition 
TO Santa Rosa — Insurgents Reenforced — Land Laws— Grigsby's 
Return — Ford's Campaign — Padilla Joined by Torre— A Surprise 
— Fight at Olompali — Torre Defeated by the 'Bears.' 

We left William B. Ide with twenty-four men in 
possession of Sonoma. The alcalde and many citizens 
were under arrest. Three Mexican officials had been 
sent as prisoaers to the Sacramento. This was just 
before noon on the 14th of June. For four or five 
days it does not appear that there was any increase 
in the insurgent garrison; but during that time several 
weighty matters of state were disposed of by these 
soi-disant founders of a republic. A flag was devised, 
manufactured, and raised ; a proclamation was written, 
embodying the principles, plans, and motives of the 
insurgents; the imprisoned Californians were perhaps 
released under certain stipulations; and diplomatic 
messengers were despatched and received by the com- 
mander. Many details respecting each of these mat- 
ters are involved in more or less uncertainty, as might 
be expected from the very nature of the records, chiefly 
the memory of individuals concerned ; but I proceed 



146 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOJIA. 

to throw on the whole subject such light as existing 
evidence can be made to furnish, hoping to reduce 
prevalent doubts and discrepancies of testimony to a 
minimum. 

The need of a banner was naturally one of the first 
suggested. The insurgents had no right to unfurl 
the stars and stripes, as many of them would doubt- 
less have preferred to do; yet any flag devised by Amer- 
icans must needs have at least a star and a stripe; and 
the appropriateness of a lone star could not fail to sug- 
gest itself to men familiar with the history of Texas, 
and the similarity of condition between that country 
and what they hoped to make of California. A sim- 
ple copy would not, however, suffice, and an additional 
emblem was required. Somebody proposed the griz- 
zly bear, an animal then common in those regions, and 
whose reputation for "strength and unyielding resist- 
ance" could be attested by every one of those resolute 
hunters from personal experience. For materials they 
took what they could find; that is, a piece of common 
unbleached cotton cloth, the manta of the Mexicans, 
somewhat less than a yard in width and five feet long, 
and some strips of red flannel about four inches wide. 
The flannel, the stripe of the flag, made of the requi- 
site length by pieciag, was sewn to the bottom of the 
cotton. In the upper left-hand corner of the white 
field was outlined in ink, and filled in with red paint, 
an irregular five-pointed star, fifteen inches in its great- 
est diameter. Just to the right of the star, and facing 
it, was painted in like manner what was intended for 
a bear, statant, though it has been pronounced more 
like a hog by experts who cared little for the feelings 
of the last-named animal. Under the two emblems 
was rudeh^ lettered in black ink California Republic. 
Such was the famous Bear Flag, which has given a 
name to the revolution, and which caused the insur- 
gents to be known to the natives as Osos. I think 
there can be no doubt that William L. Todd was the 
artist who painted it; but respecting the accuracy of 



MAKING OF THE FLAG. 147 

many other current details grave doubts arise from 
conflicting testimony. Who first suggested the com- 
jionent emblems of the banner; who furnished the cot- 
ton, and who the flannel; whence came the red paint; 
was the cloth new or old; had the flannel graced the 
undergarment of a fair and patriotic lady, or had it 
filled an humbler station as part of a man's red shirt; 
who manipulated the needle and thread; who merely 
' stood around' in the artist's way ; whose knife was bor- 
rowed to cut the stuff"; and was that knife ever returned 
to its owner — these are questions that I cannot answer 
so definitely as might be desired ; but on some of them 
the reader may find light in the appended note.^ 

1 Wm L. Todd in a letter of June 16, 1872, to Wm Baldridge says: 'At a 
company meeting it was determined that we sliould raise a flag; ami itsliould 
be a bear en passant, mth one star. One of the ladies at the garrison gave us 
a piece of brown domestic, and Mrs Capt. John Sears gave us some strips of 
red flannel about four inches wide. The domestic was new, but the flannel 
was said to have been part of a petticoat worn by Mrs Sears across the moun- 
tains. For a corroboration of these facts, I refer to G. P. Swift and Pat Mc- 
Cliristian. I took a pen, and with ink drew the outline of the bear and star 
upon the white cotton cloth. Linseed oil and Venetian red were found in 
the garrison, and I painted the bear and star. To the best of my recollec- 
tion, Peter Storm was asked to paint it, but he declined; and as no other per- 
son would undertake to do it, I did. But Mr Storm with several others 
assisted in getting the materials, and I believed Storm mixed the paint. 
Underneath the bear and star were printed with a pen the words "California 
Republic," in Roman letters. La painting the words I first lined out the 
letters with a pen, leaving out the letter " i " and putting " c " where "i" 
should have been, and afterwards the " i" over the " c." It was made with 
ink, and as we had nothing to remove the marks of the false letter, it now 
remains so oa the flag.' In Napa liegisler, July 6, 1872. In a letter of Jan. 
11, 1878, to the Los Augeles Express, reprinted in many other papers, Todd 
tells the same story in words but slightly dififerent, saying: ' The following 
persons performed the work^GranvUle P. Swift, Peter Storm, Henry L. 
Ford, and myself.' He also confirma the same version in a letter of March 
6, 1878, to the secretary of the Territorial Pioneers. Copy in Bear Flaij 
Pap., MS., 41. Ford, Bear Flar/ Revol., MS., 12-13, gives an account 
which agrees so far as it goes with that in my text; and he claims for himself 
the honor of having suggested the grizzly bear. Ide, Biog. Sketch, 130-1; 
and also in a quotation from the MS. before publication furnished to the 
sec. of the territorial pioneers in a letter of April 1(3, 1878, from Jas G. 
Bleak of St George, Utah — a letter that has been often reprinted — credits 
Todd with having done the work; says the flannel was from the red 
shirt of one of the men; and erroneously states that the lettering was in 
red paint. In the Hist. Bear Flag, we read: 'A national flag vas agreed 
upon — its base a brown stripe, next above a wide stripe of green cut so as to 
represent growing Tula; the upper part white to i-epresent the clear horizon, 
on the end of the flag-staff a rising star, and in the hrovra stripe the words 
in capitals "California Republic.'" Baldridge, Days of '46, MS., i.-vii. 8, 
and in Napa Register, April 27, 1872, who did not reach Sonoma until some 
days after the flag was raised, heard an accoimt on aixival confirming Todd's 



14S BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

The Bear Flag has been preserved for many years 
in the hall of the California Pioneers in San Francis- 
co; that is, I have found no reason to question the 

very nearly, except that he understood the flannel to have been furnished by 
a native Califomian, Chepa Matthews, wife of Wm Matthews. Baldridge 
complains that some of his statements of former years, correcting popular 
errors, were not so generally credited as they should have been. McChris- 
tiau, Narrative, MS., 1-5, tells us that Capt. Scott proposed to make a 
flag if Mrs Hudson would give the stuff, though Mrs Sears gave the white 
domestic. Phelps, Fore and Aft, 284-6, says the flag was a grizzly rampant 
done on a white cotton sheet with lamp-black. In the West Shore Gazette, 
13, we are told that Mrs Kelsey furnished the worn-out cotton. Thompson, 
Hist. Sonoma, 15, has it that Mrs Elliott supplied new cotton and flannel. In 
the Monterey Califoriiian, Feb. 13, 1847, we read that the painting was done 
with lamp-black and poke-berries; and that the letters were on the top. 
According to Gillespie, in Cat. Pioneers Soc. Arch., MS., 137, the white body 
of the flag was made of the chemise of Mrs Wm Hudson, and the flannel 
came from Mrs Sears' petticoat. A chewed stick was used for a brush. Mc- 
George, in Petaluma Crescent, Sept. 10, 1872. Tuthill, Hist. Cat, 172-3, 
speaks of a pot of berry juice. An account from Semple's MSS. in Hesperian, 
iii. 389-90, has it that" the red stripe was stained with berry juice, and under 
it were the words 'The People's Rights.' In an article prepared for the 
Pioneer Society by its historian, Hittell described the bear as standing nearly 
upright, confounding the original flag with another. S. F. Alta, Jan. 8, 1878, 
and in many other papers. According to a 'true history of the Bear Flag,' 
in the Sairia Jiosa Sonoma Democrat, Aug. 8, 1874, copied in Napa Register, 
Aug. 15, 1874, and in other papers, we are told that the project of a flag 
came up in a ' casual conversation ' between Todd, Dewell, and Cowie. 
Dewell obtained from Mrs W. B. Elliott the flannel, domestic, and needles and 
thread. Blue drilling was obtained elsewhere. Cowie and Dewell had been 
saddlers, and the three young men proceeded to make the flag without con- 
sulting any one else, by sewing together alternate strips of red, white, and 
blue(!), Todd painting a star in the upper comer and a bear in the lower. 
Swasey, Gal. '45-e, MS., 26, seems to have adopted the version just given. 
Peter Storm has often been credited with having painted the Bear Flag. At 
a celebration in Napa, Sept. 9, 1873, Stoi-m, introduced by Brannan, stood up 
and was cheered as the artist, at the same time waving a counterpart of the 
original. Napa Register, Sept. 13, 1873. In 1871 also Storm, visiting S. F., 
was honored as the painter of the flag. Galistoga Tribune, Dec. 21, 1871. It 
would seem that Storm did paint a flag, but somewhat later and at Napa. 
Baldridge, 2)ays of 'jG, MS., i.-vi. 8, and in Napa Register, April 27th, 
tells us that it was painted on a piece of greenish fabric at Napa in 1848 for 
the use of a party going to Sonoma for a celebration of July 4th. He thinks 
it is one of the flags preserved by the pioneers at their haU in S. F. A cor- 
respondent, perhaps Baldridge also, gave the same version to the Napa Re- 
porter, and claims to have furnished the materials. He says that Todd's flag 
was made of ' Dirty Matthews' wife's red flannel petticoat.' Fowler, Bear 
Flag, MS., 2-4, says the material came from a sloop at the mouth of Napa 
Creek, the writer being present. Storm doing the work, and the bear being 
represented as standing on its hind legs. Fowler, however, says that this flag 
was made before June 14th, and was the one hoisted at Sonoma. Knight, 
Statement, MS. , 9, thinks that Storm was the painter. In a letter of Feb. 20, 
1874, Gen. Joseph W. Revere writes to the soc. of Cal. pioneers: 'At the 
suggestion of Gen. Sherman, I beg leave to send to your society forthwith a 
guidon, formerly belonging to the Sonoma troop of the Cal. battalion, 1846, 
for presei-vation. This guidon 1 found among the efiects of the troop when 
I iiauled down the Bear Flag at Sonoma and substituted the flag of the U. 



WHEN WAS THE FLAG HOISTED? 149 

genuineness of the flag there preserved, though strictly 
speaking, it is not so fully proven by documentary evi- 
dence as would be desirable. Two other bear flags 
are preserved by the same society. One of them is 
of the same size as the original, but difiers from it in 
several respects : the white field is of bunting; the star 
is much smaller, and black instead of red; the bear, 
also black, is drawn 'rampant' and with outlines much 
less inaccurate than in Todd's efibrt. Beyond the 
])robability that this is the flag painted by Peter 
Storm, as indicated in my notes, I have found no 
proofs respecting its origin. The other flag is the 
guidon presented by Revere. Its dimensions are 42 
by 20 inches ; and the material, both of field and stripe, 
is silk. The bear, statant, is under the inscription, 
faces away from tlie star, and is much better drawn 
than the original. Both material and execution indi- 
cate that it was made after Fremont's arrival at So- 
noma, and probably after communication had been 
established with the men-of-war; but nothing definite 
is known of its origin beyond Revere 's statement that 
he found it at Sonoma in July. 

The date on which the Bear Flag was raised has 
been in late years a topic of much discussion. The 
writers who have engaged in it have devoted their 
attention almost exclusively to the date of the taking 
of Sonoma. Obtaining some slight evidence that the 
town was taken on June 14th — a date respecting the 
accuracy of which there can be no possible doubt, it 
being fully established by the many original documents 

S. on the 7th (?) of July, 1846, and have preserved it ever since.' Printed in 
■'<acramento Enterprkc of Oct. 10, 1875, and in many other places. See 
accounts of the Bear Flag, containing I believe nothing not already noted, in 
6\ F. Herald, July 9, 1858; S. F. Aha, July 20, -24. ls':=^^-2: Jan. -2(1, 1866; Jan. 
8, 1878; Oct. 8, 1874; 5ac. Union, June 21, 1858; /'/, J/- ■',-/, lsr,S; .V. Josi 
Mercury, 1861 (Hittell); Antioch Ledger, Aug. 15, 1^7t: > , lUrhara Pre."-^. 
Oct. 10, 1874; Sta Cruz Sentinel, March 11, 1876; N. /'. I'u.i. July 21, 1877; 
.v. F. Bulletin, Dec. 20, 1877; S. F. Call, Jan. 8, 187S; .S'. Jos4 Pioneer, 
March 1, 1879; Napa Reporter, Jan. 18, 1878; Healdsburg Enterprise, June 
27, 1878; Petalmna Argus, Feb. 22, 1878; Napa Register, April 13, 1S72. 
Also general r^sum^ in Upham's Notes, 563-6; Laneey's Cruise, 57-61. 
Also mention in nearly all the county histories of Cal., and, in fact, in most 
of the authorities quoted in this chapter and the preceding. 



150 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

I have presented — they have i-egarcled their dihgent 
investigations as rewarded with conclusive proof that 
the flag was unfurled on the same day. No such 
conclusive proof, however, exists. The question is 
whether the flag was raised on the day of the capture, 
the next day, or later. There is no contemporary 
record on the subject of earlier date than June 17th, 
when Misroon found the flag flying; and no witness, 
testifying from memory, has had his attention called 
directly to the question at issue. Ide states, though 
not in a diary as has been claimed, that the flag-rais- 
ing was on the 14th. Ford also implies that the flag 
was raised before night on the first day, though he 
also states that it was hoisted at sunrise next morning. 
Bidwell's testimony favors the theory that it was 
probably not raised on the first day. A few in later 
times tell us that it was several days after the taking 
of Sonoma; but most say nothing on the subject. 
The balance of testimony is therefore in a sense in 
favor of the 14th; but the evidence is very slight in- 
deed; and it must be regarded as doubtful whether 
the insurgents had time on that Sunday afternoon to 
devise, manufacture, and hoist their new banner; 
especially if, as some say, the halyards were broken, 
so that the flag-staff in the plaza had to be lowered 
and raised again. '^ 

A proclamation was deemed no less essential than a 
flag. Some wished to wait until their force should be 
increased, or until a few prominent persons could be 
induced to join the movement, or until Frdmont's 
views could be ascertained. But the majority felt 
that what they had done bore on its face too strong a 
resemblance to a mere filibustering movement for 

^In the course of the discussion alluded to, the sec. of the territorial 
pioneers published the statement that 'Bancroft, the Pacific coast historian,' 
had fixed the date as June 15th; and this statement has been repeated by a 
dozen ^Titers. While duly flattered by the complimentary title thus circu- 
lated in connection with my name, I must protest that I had never fomied or 
expressed any such opinion. 



IDE'S PROCLAMATION'. 151 

plunder; at least, it was sure to be so represented by 
enemies, and "how were our forces to be augmented, 
and who would come to the assistance of those who 
were only represented as robbers and rebels?"^ Ac- 
cordingly a pronunciamiento was decided on. It was 
written by Commander Ide, and bore the date of June 
15th, having been prepared, as the writer states, be- 
tween the hours of one and four that morning. Many 
copies were made during the next few days, in which 
vast improvements were made in orthography, and 
some slight verbal changes were introduced. A suji- 
[ilemental proclamation was issued on the 18th; and 
jiossibly that date was also attached to some copies of 
the original, a circumstance that has led writers on 
the subject into great confusion. I reproduce the docu- 
ment, and add some notes upon the successive stages 
of its development.* This proclamation consisted first 

' ' So here we were; by our flag proclaimed 'the California Republic '! 24 
self-consecrated victims to the god of equal rights, unknown by any mortal 
being except 10 men who had dissented from our plan and fled to the protec- 
tion of Fremont's camp [except 30 or 40 Spaniards who had from a brief ac- 
quaintance sworn fidelity to our cause], exposed not only to the ^Tath of 600 
armed men (!), whom we were compelled, in order to avoid the just imputa- 
tion of violence and crime, to defy in open fight, but to the unmingled scorn 
of aU honorable men whether Mexicans or Americans, if we failed to represent 
our true character, and the circumstances which compelled us to assume such 
an unusual position. Was it prudent to delay a Just representation to the 
public ear?' etc. Ide's Biog. Sketch, 135-7. 

* What purports to be an original in Ide's own writing— Louis R. Lull cer- 
tifying to the handwriting, Manuel Castro affirming that it was the one sent 
him as prefect and remaining in his possession since 1S46, and there being no 
reason that I know of to doubt its genuineness — is preserved by the pioneer 
society, GaUfornia Pioneers, Arch., MS., 71-5; and was printed in the S. F. 
Alia, Jan. 20, 1S66. Except in its outrageously bad spelling and punctuation, 
it agrees with the one I print below. 

One of the early copies, or originals — for they ajjpear to have been copieil 
both by Ide and by others of the garrison — reached Monterey, and was copied 
by or for Larkin at the time. This copy is found in Larkin's Off. Corresp. , 
MS., ii. 69-71; and Saici/er's Doc, MS., 49-51. It was also sent up the coast, 
and was first printed in the Oregon Spectator, July 23, 1846. This is the ver- 
sion which I reproduce, differing from the original in orthography only. 
Wlietter the corrections were introduced wholly or in.partat Monterey, there 
are no means of knowing. 

A third version is the one that has been most widely cii-culated, and always 
under date of June 18th. It is in substance the same as the preceding, but 
shows several slight verbal differences; and it is to be noted that the last 
three paragraphs are written in the first person, 'I also solemnly declare, ' etc. , 
instead of ' he also, ' etc. This version first appeared in the Monterey Cali/or- 
nian, Sept. 5, 1846; and later in Bryant's What ISaivin Cat., 290-1; SoxiWs 
Annals of S. F., 92-3; Lancey's Crtdse, 63; and in several of the recent coimty 



i:.2 BEAR FLAG REVOLT-AFFAIRS AT SOXOMA. 

of a stateQient of the inducements under which the 
revolutionists had settled in California — false from 
l)eginning to end; second, charges of deception and 

histories. That such a version was circulated is indicated by two Spanish 
translations in Savage, Doc, MS., i. 41; and Bandini, Doc, MS., 75. One 
i.s a copy of a translation certified by Dolores Pacheco, and the other a copy 
of what was understood to be a translation by Hartnell. They differ from one 
another, and are inaccurate; but both bear the date of June ISth, and both 
are written partly in the first person. 

Finally, we have the version given by Ide in his letter to Wambough, as 
printed in his Biog. Sketch, 138-40. This contains many variations from the 
original, not, however, modifying the general purport, most of which I intro- 
duce in brackets. The proclamation was as foUows: 'A proclamation to all 
persons, citizens of Sonoma [inhabitants of the county (?) of Sonoma and coun- 
try around— or in version no. 3 — and citizens of the district of Sonoma], 
i-equesting them to remain at peace and to follow [pursue] their rightful occu- 
pation without fear of molestation. The commander-in-chief of the troops 
assembled at the fortress of Sonoma [com. at Sonoma] gives his inviolable 
pledge to all persons in CaUfomia not found under arms [bearing arms or in- 
stigating others to take up arms against him] that they shall not be disturbed 
in their persons, their property [religion], or social relations one to another 
[to each other], by men under his command. He also [hereby most] solemnly 
declares his object [the object of bis movement] to be, first, to defend him- 
.self [our women and children] and [his brave] companions in arms, who were 
invited to this country by a promise of lands on which to settle themselves 
and families; wlio were also promised a republican government; who, when 
having arrived in California, were denied even the privilege of buying or 
renting lands of their friends; who, instead of being allowed to participate in 
or being protected by a republican government, were oppressed by a military 
despotism; who were even threatened by proclamation from the chief officer 
[one of the principal officers] of the aforesaid despotism [oppressive govern- 
ment] with extermination if they would not depart out of the country, leav 
iug all their property, their arms, and beasts of burden; and thus deprived 
[were thus to be despoiled] of the means of fUght or defence, we were to be 
[to have been] driven through deserts inhabited by hostile Indians [savages] 
to certain death [destruction.] To overthrow a government which has seized 
upon the property of [robbed and despoiled] the missions [and appropriated 
the property thereof] for its individual aggrandizement [of its favorites]; 
[which has violated good faith by its treachery in the bestowment of public 
lands]; which has ruined and shamefully oppressed the laboring [and produc- 
ing inliabitants] people of California by their enormous exactions [of tariff] 
on goods imported into the country, is the determined [this is the] purpose 
of the brave men who are associated under his command. He also solemnly 
declares [I also declare, etc., in version no. 3] his object in the second place to 
be, to invite all peaceable and good citizens of California, who are friendly 
to the maintenance of good order and equal rights, and I do hereby invite 
them to repair to my camp at Sonoma without delay [and he hereby invites 
all good and patriotic citizens in California to assist him to establish, etc.], 
to assist us in establishing and perpetuating a republican [liberal, just, and 
honorable] government, which shall secure to all civil and religious [and per- 
sonal] liberty; [which shall insure the security of life and property]; which 
shall detect and punish crime [and injustice]; which shall encourage indus- 
try, virtue, and literature; which shall leave unshackled by fetters [shall 
foster-] commerce, manufactures, and mechanism [by guaranteeing freedom to 
commerce]. He further declares [proclaims] that he relies \ipon the recti- 
tude of our intentions [justice of his cause]; the favor of heaven; [upon the 
wisdom and good sense of the people of California;] and the bravery of those 



ORGANIZATION OF THK REBELS. 153 

oppression by the authorities — equally false, but in 
one or two particulars really credited by some of the 
men; third, some general criticisms of the existing 
government — well founded in certain respects, but 
involving no wrong to the rebels, and absurd as com- 
ing from them; fourth, bombastic promises of reform 
and of protection to non-combatants — commendable 
enough, and of the type usually made a feature of 
such effusions. As a whole, in truthfulness and con- 
sistency, as in orthography and literarj^ merit, it was 
below the plane of Castro's and Pico's proclamations. 
In respect of bombast and general absurdity, it stood 
about midway between the two; but it derived some 
dignity from the fact that it came from men who 
meant to fight as well as talk. As a product of fili- 
busterism, pure and simple, it deserves praise not to 
be awarded from any other standpoint. 

Ford tells us that after raising their flag the men 
completed their organization by electing himself first 
lieutenant; Samuel Kelsey second lieutenant; Gran- 
ville P. Swift and Samuel Gibson sergeants. Nest 
morning at sunrise, after the flag had been hoisted 
anew and the guard relieved. Lieutenant Ford ad- 
dressed his men on the responsibilities of their posi- 
tion and the necessity of strict discipline. All prom- 
ised implicit obedience to their officers, as did also 
fifteen new men who came in that eveninsf — according 



who are bound to and associated with him by the principle of self-preserva- 
tion; by the love of truth [their love of liberty], and by the hatred of tyranny 
—for his hopes of success. He further declares [premises] that he believes 
that a government, to be prosperous and happifying [Larkin leaves this word 
out; while Ide substitutes ameleiorating !] in its tendency must originate with 
[among] its people, who are friendly to its existence; that its citizens are its 
guardians [last 12 words omitted], its oiBcers are [should be] its servants, 
and its glory their reward [its common reward]. William B. Ide, comman- 
der. Headquarters, Sonoma, June 15, 1846.' 

In the various comments on Ide's proclamation I find nothing that seems to 
require notice, unless it may be the remark of Baldridge, that Ide had a mania 
for writing and for oi-ganizatiou of govt, all his proceedings being regarded by 
the men as an amusing farce. Tuthill pronounces it ' crude in style, and in 
its allegations quite unsupported by facts, yet commendably explicit and 
direct;' and several writers have noted its untruthfulness. 



154 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

to this writer's statement, which is probably an error.'' 
This is all Ford tells us of events down to the coming 
of Misroon; and with the exception of a slight resume 
in another narrative, as appended,® we have no other 
definite authority on the subject than Ide himself 

Following Ide, the general accuracy of whose narra- 
tive there is no good reason to doubt, though it is over- 
burdened with patriotic eloquence, bombastic egotism, 
and special pleading designed to strengthen his cause 
against Fremont, we return to the departure of Grigs- 
by and his prisoners for the Sacramento at 1 1 a. m. 
on June 14th. After Todd and his assistants had been 
put to work on the flag, and while the rest, divided 
into two companies, the '1st artillery' and the '1st 
rifles,' were puting their arms in order, the coumiander, 
after posting guards and sentinels, "directed his leisure 
to the establishment of rules of discipline and order, 
and of a system of finance whereby all the defenceless 
families might be brought within the lines and sup- 
ported. Ten thousand pounds of flour were purchased 
on the credit of the government; an account was 
opened for the supply of beef on terms agreed upon ; 
whiskey was altogether a contraband article." He 
also found time to harangue such men as could be 
spared from other tasks on their duties. Then with 
an interpreter he went before the thirty or forty im- 

^ForcVs Bear Flag Revol, MS., 14-15. 

* 'Capt. Ide was empowered by the troops to provide provisions for their 
subsistence, and to draw orders in behalf of the republic, which were to be 
hereafter paid. BeiTeyesa, the Mexican alcalde, was sent for, dismissed from 
that office, and reappointed to the same by the new govt. Berreyesa pledged 
himself that the Mexican population of the district of Sonoma should not in- 
terfere in the revolution. Some further measures were adopted, limiting du- 
ties on foreign importations to one fourth of tlie existing rates. Horace San- 
ders was appointed commissary. A national flag was agreed upon, etc. Capt. 
Ide was made captain general; measures were taken to secure public and pri- 
vate property; and in case private property was used by the govt, to adopt 
measures for compensating the owners therefor . . . The general in chief, on the 
IGth, sent Jlr Todd on a mission to Capt. Montgomery. . .for the purpose of 
obtaining a quantity of powder . . . He declined furnishing it ... At the same 
time measures were adopted by Gen. Ide in relation to the national domain, 
making arrangements for establishing a land office, surveying the country, 
and reserving to those who served the state ranchos of some leagues in extent. 
In the evening Mr Todd returned with Lieut Misroon,' etc. Hist. BearF/acj, 
by Ide, Grigsljy, and Nash. 



IDE'S LABORS. 155 

prisoned Californians to explain "the common rights 
of all men," and his own benevolent intention to right 
all their wrongs. So eloquently did he put his case 
that "the Spaniard, even, embraced the commander 
as he pronounced the name of Washington"! and 
though told they were at liberty to depart, the impris- 
oned Berreyesa and his companions chose to remain 
until a treaty could be made. By a unanimous vote 
the "powers of the four departments of government" 
were conferred on the commander; and the evening, 
after the flag had been raised, was spent in discussions 
respecting a proclamation. 

The proclamation, as we have seen, was written 
before morning; as was also a letter to Commodore 
Stockton, and the "remainder of the night was 
spent in drawing up such articles of agreement and 
treaty stipulations as were most likely to enlist the 
good-will of all good citizens of California, without 
respect to the circumstance of any peculiar origin of 
its inhabitants." The purport of these stipulations^ 
no copy of which is known to exist, and which are 
mentioned by Ide alone — was, first, no "individual 
division" of public property, that being used solely as 
security for payment for public debts; second, free 
commerce and no imposts whatever; thii'd, no sala- 
ries, "enticements to corruption," for officials; fourth, 
no involuntary taxation, except as a punishment for 
crime; fifth, no compulsory military service; last, all 
Spaniards and Californians, "good friends," on taking 
a solemn oath to support independent principles and 
the flag, to be excused from bearing arms against their 
misguided countrymen, agreeing voluntarily to urge 
the latter not to resist, and also to furnish all supplies 
needed for the public service. There was much diffi- 
culty in making these stipulations fully understood by 
the Californians; and still more in obtaining the ap- 
pi'oval of the insurgents themselves, some of whom 
"who at first enlisted for plunder and flight to tl:ie 
States, and who proposed to tear down and pillage the 



15G BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

house of Vallejo, still earnestl}' contended that a Span- 
iard had no right to liberty and but very little right to 
the enjoyment of life." In fact, it was necessary for Ide 
to conduct the negotiations without the full knowledge 
of the garrison, he being sustained in the command 
only for want of any other man who could insure 
obedience. 

Monday morning a messenger was needed to carry 
the letter to the naval officer in command at the bay. 
This letter, as Ide insists, was not a request foi' aid, 
but a statement of their acts and purposes, being in- 
tended chiefly to prevent any unwarrantable interfer- 
ence of the United States officers by the assurance of 
an intention ultimately to "unite this fair land with 
that of our birth." In order to obtain a courier, 
however, it was necessary to create an impression that 
his mission was to obtain powder. William Todd vol- 
unteered, and on his departure was especially charged 
by the commander not to ask for anything, but simply 
to bring back what might be given him I No news 
was heard from the outside world during the first four 
days. The time was spent in translating and re- 
translating treaty and proclamation. " The men weru 
divided into four night-guards of six men each, and 
into eight day-guards of three men each. One half 
of the men were at all times by day employed in camp 
duty; the other half guarded and slept." As no one 
Irom abroad came within hailing distance from Sonoma, 
so it appears that no one was permitted to depart, not 
even Berreyesa and his companions. 

At sunset of Tuesday the 16th, not on the 17th as 
Ide states, Lieutenant Misroon arrived by boat from 
the Portsmouth at anchor at Sauzalito. He was sent 
by Captain Montgomery, as already recorded, at the 
request of Vallejo, to prevent, so far as the personal 
influence of the naval officers could go, any violence 
to families and non-combatants, being strictly charged 
to avoid anv meddlino- with the merits of the revolt. It 



MISROON'S MISSION. 157 

is probable that Todd reached the ship before Misroon's 
departure, and returned to Sonoma with him ; but there 
is no allusion to him or his mission in the lieutenant's 
instructions or report. According to that report Mis- 
roon first called on Ide, and obtained from him not only 
a copy of his proclamation, but both a verbal and a 
written pledge to prevent all violence to the persons 
or property of peaceful inhabitants. Then he visited 
the alcalde, to whom he explained in writing his mis- 
sion, presenting at the same time the pledge obtained 
from Ide. And finally, he "called upon the family of 
General Vallejo, and moderated their distress by the as- 
surances of safety for the general which I had received, 
and informing them that the prisoners were held as 
hostages." At his request, the Sehora de Vallejo 
was permitted to send an open letter to her husband 
by her brother Julio Carrillo, who also carried an ac- 
count of Rosa's interview with Montgomery, and who, 
notwithstanding his passport, was th^rown into prison 
on his arrival at New Helvetia. Misroon finally left 
Sonoma at noon on the l7th. His report of the next 
day contained copies of the proclamation and pledge, 
a description of the flag, a statement that the gar- 
rison consisted of about twenty-five men, and an 
expression of his opinion that not only was there no 
danger of outrages being committed, but that the 
Californians were veiy well contented with their 
position.^ 

'June 15th, 16th, Montgomery's instructions to Misroon. June 18th, M.'s 
report. Bear Flag Papers., MS., 46-57. The pledge given by Ide was as fol- 
lows: ' I pledge myself that I will use my utmost exertion to restrain and 
prevent the men in arms under ray command (all of whom present acknowl- 
edge my authority and approve the measure of forbearance and humanity) 
from perpetrating any violence, or in any manner molesting the peaceable in- 
habitants, in person or property, of Cal. while we continue in anus for the 
liberty of Cal. Wm B. Ide, commander. Sonoma, June 17, 1846.' In a let- 
ter of June 19th, from Leidesdorff to Larkin, Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 167, he 
describes Misroon's visit; says it was partly due to Todd's arrival; that all was 
found in perfect order at Sonoma; and tells an anecdote of one of the insurgents 
being promptly fined |30 for shooting a horse that kicked him ! According to 
the Hist. Bear Flag, Misroon ' stated that Capt. Montgomery was lq ex- 
pectation of important news from Mexico, and that in the event of war he 
would place all the resources of his ship and half of his men under Gen. Ide's 
command'! Ford simply says that Misroon arrived and 'complimented the 
party for their orderly conduct.' Bear Flag HevoL, MS., 15. 



158 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

Ide, ignoring altogether Vallejo's messenger and 
the true nature of Misroon's mission, as well as his 
efforts at mediation and the documents which he ob- 
tained and wrote, represents that officer as having 
come with Todd, and in consequence of his message, 
to bring and explain a letter from Montgomery, the 
letter and explanations being to the effect that no aid, 
not even a charge of powder, could be furnished ; 
though on receipt of news that war had been declared, 
the captain would gladly put half his men under Ide's 
command, and cooperate with his ship against the 
common foe. Todd, greatly to the sorrow of Ide as 
he claims, had asked for powder, thus doing incalcu- 
able harm to the cause in some manner not very in- 
telligibly explained. Indeed, it is impossible to follow 
Ide in his ravings at tJiis part of his narrative, as at 
some others. At night, Misroon was enthusiastic 
enough in the cause, offering to aid in circulating the 
proclamation. But next morning a change had come 
over his mind. He had been talking with the garri- 
son; it was thought best not to issue any proclama- 
tion; and the lieutenant even spoke of finding some 
way to relieve the insurgents from their 'disagreeable 
situation.' Ide was in a state of terrible anxiety. 
Evidently Misroon had heard something of current 
charges against the commander. "He had been 
charged by Captain Fremont with being a Mormon, 
and his scheme was denounced as an artifice to betray 
the whole country into the hands of the Mormons. 
And it was known that most of the garrison believed 
the foul slander."^ But the lieutenant was persuaded 

^Several early Califomians speak of Ide as a Mormon, but there is nothing 
authoritative on the subject. Many confounded him, I think, with Orson 
Hyde, and possibly this was the only foundation for the charge of Mormon- 
ism. In the Oregon Spectator, July 2.S, 1846, in connection with Ids procla- 
mation, Ide is said to be a Mormon, one of 'Jo Smith's 12 apostles,' and 
the query is raised whether the promises alluded to had been made to the set- 
tlers as Americans or as Mormons. Ide does not make it quite clear wliether 
the ' foul slander ' was the charge of being a Monnon, or that of being engaged 
iu a scheme to win Cal. for that sect, or both. It does not matter whether 
be was a Monnon or a Methodist. The silence of his biographer, and tlie 
peculiar manner of his own references to the subject, leave some doubt as to 
the truth. 



A NEW PROCLAMATION. 139 

to rea:l the proclamation; it conquered him; he read 
it aloud to the garrison; all approved it; "joy and 
animation were kindled in every heart;" triumph was 
assured; "the battle's won; we'll triumph still, in 
spite of fears of Mormonism!" Of course it is not to 
be believed that Ide's statement is true, and that Mis- 
roon thus openly gave his support to the insurgents. 
Fanaticism closely verging on insanity is here and 
there indicated by the commander's writings. 

On June 18th a new proclamation was written, 
though Ide mentions only the copying of the old one, 
and was sent, together with a document bearing the 
signature of Alcalde Berreyesa, to be circulated with 
translations, both of this and of the original proclama- 
tion, south of the bay. A man named Booker, Boker, 
or Brooker, was chosen as messenger; and a week 
later he posted the documents at Monterey. I give 
them in a note.' This second proclamation was much 

" ' A proclamation. AH persons who will remain peaceable shall in no wise 
be molested or injured. The commander of the company of soldiers now in 
possession of Sonoma promises on his word of honor to all the Califomians 
who do not take up arms against him peace and security, and in case any of 
the commander's people should in any wise injure any person who is not con- 
cerned, on application being made to the above mentioned authority, the of- 
fender or oftenders shall be punished, the party injured not having taken up 
arms. The commander wishes to establish agood government for the prompt 
administration of justice, and with strict attention to individual rights and 
liberties, and not with the intention of molesting or permitting to be molested 
any person on account of their religious opinions. The new government will 
toil indefatigably to the end of acquiring everything that may be beneficial to 
the country. This government will reduce the marine duties three or four 
parts in a thousand (?). It will defend its rightful intentions, with the favor 
of God and the valor of its adherents. The government of the country has 
ordered us to retire the same way we came, and as this is impossible on ac- 
count of our poverty, we have determined to make this country independent, 
and to establish a system of government that will be more favorable to us 
than such a dangerous and long road back. I order that this be published 
with a translation, likewise that of the 15th of the present month in English 
and in Spanish. William B. Ide, commander in Sonoma, June 18, 1846.' 

' The 14th day of the present month this present commander took posses- 
sion of the town of Sonoma, and up to this date there has not been the least 
disorder, there having been nothing taken but arms, ammunition, and horses: 
and for whatever else they may have required they have solicited it of indi- 
viduals, under a promise of payment in full value the moment the government 
is properly installed in the republic of California, which they are determined 
to do. Jose S. Berreyesa, 1st alcalde in Sonoma.' 

These doc. are found in Lai-k'm's Off. Con-esp., MS., U. 7"2; Sawi/er's Doc, 
-MS. , o'S-i, 59-60, with a memorandum by Larkin that they were found posted 



160 BEAK FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

more moderate in its tone than the first, the writer 
omitting all the former false statements but one, and 
confining himself for the most part to promises of re- 
form in the government. The earlier document had 
been intended mainly for foreign settlers, and for eiFect 
in the outside world; while this one was for the Cal- 
ifornians. Ide tells us that it "was written and re- 
written, and sent as far as San de Angelos," causing 
more than half of Castro's army at Santa Clara to de- 
sert within three days I 

Between the departure of Misroon, on Wednesday 
the 17th, and the arrival of Fremont, on Thursday 
the 25th, in addition to a few minor events confusedlj^ 
recorded by Ide and Ford, there were two about which 
much has been written ; though both, so far as details 
are concerned, are still involved in some obscurity. 
The first was the killing of Cowie and Fowler, and 
the second a fight between Ford and Joaquin de la 
Torre. On the 18th or 19th, Fowler and Thomas 
Cowie were sent by Ide to obtain a keg of powder 
Irom Moses Carson at the Fitch rancho on Russian 
River. Disregarding the advice of Ide and Ford, they 
are said to have neglected all precautions, and to liave 
followed the main road. Before reaching their desti- 
nation they were captured by a party of Californians 
under Juan N. Padilla and Ramon CarriUo. These 
men, twenty or thirty in number, had been for some 
days ranging through the country, awaiting develop- 
ments at Sonoma, and expecting reenforcements from 
Castro. Padilla was a Mexican barber of no influence 
or standing whatever, and Carrillo was a young Cali- 

on one of his buildings on the morning of the 27th. This had been done by 
Boker of Me. or N. H., who was one of the original party that took Sonoma, 
and who had come south to raise a force at Sta Cruz, etc. He said that Ide 
was living in LeeSe's house; and that the party intended to insist on Fremont 
coming forward openly to take command, else they would either organize 
without him or break up and retire from the contest. Ide in his letter to 
Wambough mentions the alcalde's letter and the praclamation as having been 
sent by Brooker, though he implies that it was the original proclamation. 
Tustin, Recoil., MS., 9, mentions a Henry Booker living on the Sacramento in 
lS4ti, and this may have been the messenger in question. 



MURDER OF COWIE AND FOWLER. 101 

fornian not noted for his good qualities. The company 
was composed mostly of wild and irrfesponsible young 
fellows, and included several desperate characters; but 
.so far as can be known, they had committed no hostil- 
ities on the ranchos round about, as they might easily 
have done. It was near Santa Rosa that the two 
Americans were captured, under circumstances of 
which nothing is known. They were killed by their 
captors, and they are said to have been mutilated in 
a most horrible manner. Some state, without details or 
known authority, that their remains were found later. 
A noted desperado named Bernardino Garcia, or 'four- 
lingered Jack,' afterward described the details of the 
murder, representing the prisoners as having been tied 
to trees, stoned, and cut to pieces, one of them having 
his broken jaw dragged out with a reata. His version, 
or so much of it as could decently be put in print, has 
been the current one ever since. That the Califoi'- 
uians, as a body, or their leadei^s could have committed 
so horrible a deed it is impossible to conceive. In the 
absence of positive original evidence to the contrary, 
I choose to believe that Cowie and Fowler were killed 
in an altercation, in an attempt to escape, or by an 
individual desperado. Testimony, as the reader will 
see, is vague and contradictory. This affair, however, 
did much to strengthen the insurgent cause, forcing 
the settlers through fear to take refuge with their 
families at Sonoma.'" 

"• The version given by Garcia was printed in the ilontereij Calif omiar , 
Sept. 12, 1846; was repeated in Bryant's What I Saw in Cal., 291-2; and has 
often been reproduced in the papers of later times. Some additional horrors, 
from an unknown source, were given in the 8. F. Alta, July 31, 1853; and 
repeated in Lancey's Cruise, 61-2. Vallejo, Hist. Cnl., MS., v. 121-3, fol- 
lowed by Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., v. 204-5, desirous of course to clear 
Carrillo, his wife's brother, from the charge, states that the leaders had no 
idea of putting the men to death; but while all were holding a council as to 
what should be done with the prisoners, who were left tied to trees outside, 
Garcia, a blood-thirsty villain, the terror of the whole region, fearing that they 
would be released, went out and killed them with his dagger, and returned 
to boast of his act. This version is at least more plausible than the other. 
On Aug. 26, 1846, Ramon Carrillo made a sworn statement before Judge 
Santiago E. Argiiello at S. Diego about the northern campaign. He stated 
that before the capture of Cowie and Fowler two other prisoners had been 
taken; th.-^t the Bear party had seized the horses at Padilla's rancho; and also 



1G2 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

Ide claims to have made, apparently just after the 
departure of Cowie and Fowler, a reconnoissance with 
ten men for the purpose of protecting the families of 
settlers, and to have discovered a party of twenty -five 
Californians, who took alarm and fled, notwithstand- 
ing the efforts made to approach them unobserved. 
This expedition may or may not explain the pursuit 
mentioned by Ramon Carrillo, and the shot tired at 
the retreating Californians. At any rate, Ide w^as 
convinced "that any attempt to get a fight, just for 

that the Bear Flag men had pursued Mariano Elizalde and shot a bullet 
tlirough his hat. Carrillo took the two men and delivered them to Padilla, 
who, against his advice and that of others, insisted on having them shot. 
Four men under a corporal were sent to shoot and bury them. Next day 
Carrillo was sent to report the affair to Castro, who approved what had been 
done. Original document found by Benj. Hayes in 1856, in S. Ditfrjo, Archive^, 
MS.; see S. Diego Index, MS., 03; Hayes' Notes, 268; Id., Scrap-books, Cal. 
Notts, iv. 124-5. But in 1864, during the e.xcitement caused by Ramon Car- 
riUo's death at the hands of vigilantes, Don Julio, Ms brother, published a 
card in the Sta Rosa Demon-at, June 4, 1864, denying that Ramon had any- 
thing to do with the murder of 1846, or that he knew anything of the capture 
imtil after the men were killed. He claimed to have proofs of this. See also 
Sonoma Co. Hist., 107-8. In a letter of July 16th to Montgomery, Grigsby 
says, ' We have found the two men who were lost on the Sta Rosa farm, hor- 
ribly mangled.' He names, as concerned in the murder, Ramon Mesa. 
Domingo Mesa, Juan Padilla, Ramon Carrillo, and Bernardino Garcia, all 
now believed to be south of the bay; and, apparently. Bias Angelino, in 
prison; Francisco Tibian (?), Ignacio Valenzuela, Juan Peralta, Juan Soleto (?), 
Inaguen (?) CarriUo, Mariano Miranda, Francisco Garcia, Ignacio Stiggere (?), 
all in the north. By Montgomery's letters of July 18th, 20th, it appears 
that 'four-fingered Jack' was in prison at Sonoma. War tvith Mex., Repts, 
ftc. , Operntions of O. S. Naval Forcrs, 1846-7, p. 25-9. In the Sta Rosa Demo- 
rrat, Aug. 8, 1874; Soiio^na Co. Hist., 107, etc., it is stated that the remains 
were buried where they fell, about two miles north of Sta Rosa, on the farm 
belonging in 1874 to John Underbill, and later to Geo. Moore. Ide, Biog. 
Sketch, 167-8, says the men were sent to Dr Bale's place for the powder. 
'They were discovered and captured without resistance, having trusted the 
promise of the enemy that if they would give up their arms they should re- 
ceive no harm.' He says they started on the 19th. Ford, Bear Flag, MS., 
16-17, says it was on the 18th; and that the news was brought back by Sergt 
Gibson, who was sent out on the 20th. Baldridge, Baijs of'Jfi, MS., 57-8, 
heard of no definite proof that the bodies were mutilated. He says that Padilla, 
on returning to Sonoma after the war, was nearly killed by one of the Bear Flag 
men. Coronel, Cosa$ de Cal., MS., 155-60, gives a long account of the attack 
on PadiOa in a saloon at Sonoma, the writer being present at the occurrence. 
He says that both Padilla and Carrillo assured him they were not guilty as 
charged. Kuight, Statement, MS., 7-11, tells us that Cowie and Fowler left 
Sonoma against the advice of their friends in a spirit of bravado. Gomez, Lo 
Que Sabe, MS., 80-4, claims that Padilla confessed the mutilation of the vic- 
tims. Several state that the two men were on their way to Bodega when 
captured. I do not deem it necessary to give a long list of references to 
authorities which merely mention this affair. It would include nearly every 
one touching on the revolution. 



CAPTURE OF TODD. 163 

a sample of what could be done, so as in the main to 
ftvoid bloodshed, could not be effectual unless the enemy 
were allowed an advantage of five to one; and even 
then a retreat must be feigned" I Soon it was learned 
that Todd also had been captured through the treach- 
ery of a guide employed to conduct him to the 
coast.'^ Ford tells us, being confirmed in this particu- 
lar by Carrillo's testimony already cited, that two 




luN North of }i^.^, 



others were taken prisoners at about the same time 
as Cowie and Fowler. Suspecting that the four had 
been captured, Ford, on the night of the 20th, sent 
Sergeant Gibson with four men to Fitch's ranclio. 
Obtaining the powder, but no news, Gibson started 



"Ide's letter to Wambough, in Id., Biog. Sketch, 164-70. In the Hist. 
Brai- Flag, it ia stated that Todd's mission was to carry to the coast a lettei 
iv-liich had arrived from Fremont on the 19th. 



1C4 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

back, and near Santa Rosa was attacked by a small 
party of Mexicans, one of whom was wounded, and 
another brought captive to Sonoma. It was from him 
that information was first obtained about the murder.^- 
It is agreed by all that from about the 19th, the in- 
surgent force rapidly increased, amounting within a 
few days to about one hundx'ed men; that many fam- 
ilies were brought into Sonoma for protection; and 
that Grigsby returned about the 21st to be put in coni- 
mand of the rifle company\ Ide also found time, as 
he says, to reconstruct somewhat his financial system 
so as to furnish rations to all; and to provide for the 
future by promising at least a square league of choice 
land to every man who had not already that quantity, 
resolving at the same time that the missions should 
be considered public properljr, except so much as had 
been properly vested in the several churches! 

This brings us to the second prominent subject to 
which I have alluded, namely, Lieutenant Ford's cam- 
paign against the Californians. Particulars about it 
will be found, as in all that occurred in these days, 
unsatisfactory. It was on the morning of June 23d" 
that Ford left the fort with seventeen or eighteen 
volunteers.^* His purpose was to rescue the prison- 
ers. Reports were current that Castro was crossing 
the bay with his main force. The danger of an at- 
tack on the garrison, and the less apparent danger that 
a larger party would cause the death of the prisoners, 
are the reasons given by Ide for not sending more 
men or taking command himself; and he also repeats 
at some length his orders, doubtless for the most part 

^'^ Ford's Bear Flag Revol, MS., 16-18. 

" He calls it the 22d himself, but there is some evidence that he is wrong. 

"Ide says there were 18 besides the leader; Ford, 17; the common version 
has it 22; Baldridge thinks there were 10; and the Californians talk of 50 or 
60. Baldridge agrees with Ide that one in every five was chosen, all wishing 
to go; and he gives an amusing account of the selection, and of the success- 
ful efforts of one Badger Smith to join the party against the wishes of most, 
and in spite of the fact that the lucky number of 5 did not fall to bis lot. 
Ford and Swift made some changes in the men after the first division. Bald- 
ridge was one of those who remained behind; but he gives the best account 
extant of the expedition in many of its phases. Days of '46. MS., 58-71. 



BATTLE OF OLOMPALI. 165 

imaginary. Ford was not very friendly to the com- 
mander, and generally ignores his authority in his nar- 
rative. It does not appear that there was an expec- 
tation of meeting any foe but the band of Padilla and 
Carrillo; and the march was directed toward Santa 
Rosa, under the guidance, as Ford says, of the pris- 
oner taken by Gibson. It was found on arrival that 
the Californians had abandoned their camp, though 
they had left a few muskets in a house nearby, which 
were destroyed. Following the trail at sunset, the 
'Bears' reached Padilla's rancho, and learned from an 
Indian that the enemy would probably camp near the 
laguna of San Antonio. The pursuers spent the 
night at a point some half a mile from the laguna; 
and in the morning 'charged' upon the place, mak- 
ing prisoners of three or four men who were found 
there. Thence, after obtaining breakfast and chang- 
ing horses, they directed their course toward San 
Rafael, and before long came suddenly upon the Cal- 
ifornians. 

Meanwhile Castro had sent one of his three divi- 
sions, fifty or si.Kty men, under Joaquin de la Torre, 
across from San Pablo to San Quintin, where they 
had landed in the evening of the 23d, and proceeded 
to San Rafael. With part of his men Torre contin- 
ued his march by night, and having been joined by 
Padilla's company from Santa Rosa, encamped early 
in the morning with about fifty men at Olompali, or 
Camilo's rancho, about midway between San Rafael 
and Petaluma, where he was found by the 'Bears' in 
the forenoon of the 24th, and where the fight oc- 
curred. The meeting at this point was a surprise to 
both parties. The Californians were eating a late 
breakfast at the house, when an alarm was given that 
the Americanos were attacking the corral. Ford, on 
coming in sight of the rancho, made a charge upon it, 
only a few men being in sight, with a view to repeat- 
ing the aftair of San Antonio, and especially of secur- 
ino' a larofe band of horses that were seen in the cor- 



166 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— AFFAIRS AT SOXOMA. 

ral. He knew nothing of Torre's force, and even iJ 
the place were garrisoned, expected to meet only Pa- 
dilla's company, twenty-five at the most. Those in 
sight hurriedly retired behind a clump of trees; and 
Ford, on reaching the corral and the trees, was sur- 
prised to see at the house near by an armed force of 
forty-sis. The Bears were ordered to dismount and 
take refuge behind the trees, where, concealed by the 
underbrush, they awaited an attack with their rifles 
ready. The Califoruians made a charge, but at the 
first discharge of the rifles Alferez Manuel Cantua 
was killed, and Agaton Ruiz was badly wounded. 
Torre's men retreated, firing from their saddles in a 
random way; and the firing was continued for some 
time at long range on both sides, no harm being- 
done to the Americans, but several of the Califor- 
uians probably receiving slight wounds.^^ Presently 

15 The earliest account of the affair that I have found is that given in ;i 
letter of the next day, June 25th, from a correspondent, ' Far West,' and 
printed in the Honolulu Friend, Dec. 1, 1846. ' The first blood shed in battle 
ill Cal. flowed yesterday on the plains of Sonoma. ' Twenty revolutionists at- 
tacked and defeated 77 Californians, killing 2, wounding 2, and losing 2. 
Capt. Montgomery, in a letter to Larkin of July 2d, tells the story briefly. 
Fifteen insurgents attacked by 70 Californians, who surprised them just as 
they had put their horses in a corral, but were defeated, losing 4 in killed and 
wounded. Larkin' s Doc, MS., iv. 192. July 4th, Larkin to U. S. consul at 
Honolulu. Torre, driving ahead extra horses, came suddenly upon 15 or 20 
men of Ide's party; both tired and parted, the foreigners carrjTng off the extra 
horses, losing a Canadian, named Francis Young, and an American, while 
the Califomian lost Cantua, Ruiz, and Isidoro. Id., Off. Corresp., MS., i. 
125. July 8th, Larkin to Steams. Represents the two parties as having come 
unexpectedly upon each other, fired, and retreated — the Americans into a cor- 
ral; while Torre— seeing that he had but 60 men against 15— tore off his 
shoulder-straps, and did not deem himself safe until half a mile out in the 
bay. Id., Doc, MS., iv. 202. 

In a deposition made by Ramon CarrUlo before Judge Ai-giiello on Aug. 
26, 1846, Ilni/e.s' Scrap-books, Cal. Notes, iv. 125, he said: 'Next day [after 
the shooting of Cowie and Fowler] Padilla sent me to Sta Clara to report to 
Castro what had happened. Then Castro approved the act. Padilla in his 
i-eport urged Castro to send him reenforcemeuts and hasten his march; there- 
fore he sent 50 men under Joaquin de la Torre. We crossed to the other side, 
and had a meeting with a party of foreigners at NonpaU. After joining 
Padilla I proposed "to him to set free his prisoners, and he did so before the 
fight. Then the foe fell upon us, all being under the command of Torre, who 
ordered us to mount and fire; but seeing that he could gain no advantage, 
since most of his men ran away, he ordered the rest to retire. We formed 
again in the plain, where we were not attacked; and then we retreated to San 
Rafael, with one man killed and two wounded.' 

The earliest printed account was that in the Monterey Califomian, Aug. 
15, 1846; and another appeared in the same paper of Sept. 12, 1846. The 



FORD AXD TORRE. 167 

Torre's force disappeared in the direction of San Ra- 
fael, and the Bears came out from their cover. They 
attempted no pursuit, but secured such horses as they 
needed, and returned to Sonoma, where they ai-rived 
in the afternoon of the same day, confident that they 
had killed at least eight or ten of the foe. Though 
Ford says nothing of the American prisoners, one of 

latter was reprinted iu the iS'. F. Catifornian, June .5, 1847; was given in sub- 
stance in Bryant's What I Saw in Cat, 292-3; and has been often repeated in 
the newspapers. These accounts represent the forces engaged as 22 or IS 
against 85, and the number of killed as 8; the Americans firing 18 or 20 shots, 
and the Californians 200. Ford is said to have charged on them with several 
men, ' in such a manner as to draw them to the edge of the wood, where the 
remainder of the force was stationed.' The prisoners were rescued. 

In my text I have followed Ford's Bear Flat/, MS., 18-22, with some slight 
modifications derived from Baldridge's Days of '4G, MS., 58-71, and other 
sources. Ford says that after leaving guards for his 5 prisoners and 40 horses, 
he had only 14 effective men; that the Mexicans took his movement to the 
woods as a retreat, and irmnediately charged; that his first fi''e killed 7 and 
tlie second volley 3; and that finally, the enemy being out of range, he took 
his prisoners and 400 horses, and returned to Sonoma. He says nothing of 
the rescued American prisoners. Baldridge gives a full narrative from the 
story told by the men on their return. He says they were scattered and 
careless, not expecting to find any foe at the rancho. Their charge was on the 
corral, to prevent the horses being turned loose ; but fortunately the wood was 
at hand for their protection. Those that were behind had a narrow escape, 
and might have been cut off had the Californians acted promptly. The latter 
renewed their fire from a hill out of musket-range, but the rifles did some 
slight execution. Burgess, Williams, and Badger Smith were among those 
behind the main force, the latter distinguishing himself by his desperate 
courage. Todd escaped from the rancho house and joined his friends while 
the fight was going on, his companion, an Englishman, refusing to make the 
attempt. Todd claimed to have saved his life while a captive, solely by 
threatening the retaliation of his fellows on Vallejo and others at Sonoma. 
They did not take the horses, or even go over the battle-field, or visit the 
house. Swift was in reality the leading spirit of the enterprise. Lancey, 
Cruise, 64, follows also Ford and Baldridge through the medium of newspaper 
articles. 

Luis German, Sucesos, MS., 18-24, is the only native CaUfornian who gives 
a tolerably accurate account of the affair, in which he took part. He thinks, 
however, that there were 40 or 50 Americans, and says they fired from the cor- 
ral as well as from the wood. The ofEcers deemed it impossible with their es- 
copetas and lances and horses to defeat men fighting from cover with rifles; 
and therefore ordered a retreat. Such other Californians as mention the mat- 
ter give no details, contenting themselves with simply stating that Torre was 
surprised and defeated by the Bears, generally overstating the force of the lat- 
ter, and several of them severely criticising Toitc. Osio, Hist. Cat, MS., 
471-3, thinks Ford was thinking of surrender when Torre ordered a retreat! 
See also Castro, Rcl, MS., 195-9; Id., Servicios, MS.; Alvarado, Hist. Cat., 
MS., V. 199-200; Fernandez, Cosas de Cal, MS., 133-5; Amador, Mem., MS., 
166-7; Bernal, Mem., MS., 3-4; Oalindo, Apuntes, MS., 55-^5; Flores, Been- 
erdos, MS., 9-10; Oomez, Lo Que Sabe, MS., 283-^; Pinto, Apunt., MS., 100. 
VaUejo, Hist. Cal., MS., v. 129-33, tells us that Ford, finding the Califor- 
nians taking their siesta, fortified themselves in a corral and opened fire upon 
the sleeping foe! After a stubborn resistance of an hour and a half, in which 



16S BEAR FLAG REVOLT-AFFAIRS AT SONOMA. 

them, Todd, seems to have been rescued, and perhaps 
the other also. This fight at Olompali reflected no 
credit on Torre or his men, nor discredit on Ford and 
his little company; yet the cowardice of the one and 
the heroic deeds of the other have been greatly ex- 
aggerated in current accounts. 

two Americans and one Californian fell, the latter retreated. Ruiz was taken 
captive, ordered shot, and left with five bullets in him, but finally recovered 
after treatment on the Portamoidh! Then the Bears sacked the rancho and 
beat to death the venerable D4maso Rodriguez before the face of his daughters 
and granddaughters ! The same Rodriguez, however, ou June 28th renders 
an account of cattle and other property taken from his rancho by Fremont's 
men, to the value of |1,243. Vallejo, Doc, MS., xii. 227. 

Ide, Biog. Sketch, 170-4, asserts that Ford rendered a report to him as fol- 
lows: 'I have done citactly as you ordered. We have whipped them, and 
that without receiving a scratch. We took their whole band of horses, but 
owing to the fact that about one half the men (?) retreated with all possible 
haste, I did not think best to encumber ourselves; so we only picked out each 
one a good horse. ' ' Very well done ! I did not order you to bring the horses,' 
etc., was Ide's reply. In the Hist. Bear Flag Revol., we read: ' Lieut L. H. 
Ford was despatched in pursuit of a company of Mexicans, and found them; 
they proved to lie 200 in number; gave them a fight, kUled 8 and wounded 13; 
after which they fled. This victory gave a decided character to the revolu- 
tion, and convinced the Spaniards that it was not prudent to attempt the cap- 
ture of any more prisoners.' Fowler, Bear Party, MS., 4-5, says that the 
men were with difficulty restrained from plundering the ranches. In the S. 
F. Californian. May 29, 1847, it is explained that the number of killed was in- 
correctly estimated from the riderless horses. Later it was learned that only 
2 were killed and 2 wounded. Martin, Narr., MS., 27-8, claims to have 
been one of the party that had the fight, under the command of Gibson. Gil- 
lespie, Fremont's Gal. Claims, 25-9, mentions the skirmish, in which 24 set- 
tlers had defeated 70 Mexicans, killing 1, wounding 4, and rescuing 2 pris- 
oners. Boggs, in Napa Register, April 13, 1872, tells us that the wounded 
Californian (Ruiz) was shot through the lungs by Swift while trying to creep 
up a gully toward the Bears. He recovered, being treated on board a U. 
S. vessel; and the writer has often seen him and Swift drink together in later 
times, the wound being exhibited and the circumstances being narrated. 
Boggs represeuts the Californians as using cannon. The sec. of war in bis re- 
port of Dec. 5th, i!9th Cong. 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 4, p. 51, also says that Torre 
ou liis retreat lost 9 pieces of artillery! A writer in the N'apa Reporter, Oct. 
12, 1872, names Grigsby as the commander. See also mention in TuthilV^ 
Hist. Cal., 172; Sac. Union, April 27, 1855; and many of the recently pub- 
lished county liistories. Tuthill, Smucker, and others, besides speaking of 
the capture of cannon and of transports, attribute Ford's campaign to Fremont 
or to men despatched by him. Fremont himself implied as much in his cor- 
respondence. Ford accuses a Frenchman— an old mountain man known by 
most of the party, who lived near the town, apparently Beaulieu, one of Fri5- 
mont's old party— of having acted as a spy, being allowed to pass in and out 
of the fort freely. On returning from Olompali, Ford found a wounded horse 
in Vallejo's corral, left there by the Frenchman, who had reported the fight, 
but could not give a clear account of his own whereabouts and actions. He 
was arrested and put in irons. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

BEAR FLAG REVOLT-FREMONT'S CAMPAIGN. 
1846. 

COMPLAIKTS AT SoNOMA— FoKD's LETTER — FrEMONT ON THE SACRAMENTO— 

Forced to Act — March to Sonoma — The San Rafael Campaign- 
Murder OP Berretesa and the Haro Brothers — A Dastardly Aci 
BY Fremont and his Men— Torre's Ruse — The Insurgents Sent to 
Sonoma— A False Alarm— Spiking the Guns of San Francisco- 
Capture of Robert Ridley — Fourth of July at Sonoma — Military 
Reorganization — Change of Administration — Fremont Assumes 
the Chief Command — Ide's Version— The Battalion Organized- 
Fremont's Designs— News from Monterey— Bibliography of the 
Bear Flag Revolt. 

Some days before stai'ting on his expedition against 
the CaHfornians, Lieutenant Ford had sent a messen- 
ger to the Sacramento, with an announcement that 
Castro was said to be crossing the bay with the inten- 
tion of attacking Sonoma. Ford himself tells us that 
his letter was directed to Merritt, requesting him to 
raise a force and come to the garrison's relief Ide 
states, however, that the message was addressed to 
Fremont, informing that officer "that the men of the 
garrison had no confidence in the ability of Mr Ide to 
manage matters at the fort at Sonoma, and that they 
were in great danger of being betrayed into the hands 
of the Spaniards," since the commander had erred in 
making conditions of peace with natives of the region. 
It is doubtless true that Ide was regarded by many 
of the insurgents as too much a man of theories and 
dreams for his actual position, a man who regarded 
himself as a great leader engaged in founding a re- 



170 BEAR FLAG EE VOLT— FREMONT'S CAMPAIGN. 

public, rather than a filibuster chief. At any rate, he 
was deemed eccentric, and was not popular. 

Meanwhile Frdmont was waiting and watching. 
Possibly, he thought, it might not be necessary for 
him to interfere at all ; or Castro, by marching directly 
against him, might give his interference the desired 
form of self-defence, or bring about a state of war be- 
tween Mexico and the United States. But on the 
same day, June 20th, there arrived Hensley and Read- 
ing from Marsh's, and John Neal from Sonoma, with 
news that the attack was to be directed against the 
insurgents; and in fulfilment of promises which, as 
already explained, he had made, Fremont felt himself 
called upon to act. On Sunday he came down to Sut- 
ter's Fort to make some final arrangements respecting 
the garrison, and to leave such part of his impedimenta 
as was not needed. Next day he returned to his camp 
on American River, and on Tuesday, the 23d, he 
started with his own company, and a reenforcement 
of settlers under Hensley, some ninety men in all, for 
Sonoma, where he arrived early in the morning of the 
25th. This was Fremont's first open cooperation 
with the insurgents; though a month later, when the 
insurrection seemed to have been successfully merged 
in the conquest, he virtuall}' claimed in his letters 
that all had been done by him or under his orders.^ 

On June 26th, Fremont, reenforced by Ford's men 
and others from the constantly increasing garrison, 

■Fremont to Benton, and B. to pres. Niles'' Seg., Ixxi. 173-4, 191. I do 
not give references for Fremont's march from Sac. to Sonoma, as there are 
neither doubts nor details to be presented. Ide, letter to Wambough, tells 
us that Fremont at first criticised and ridiculed the proclamation and all that 
had been done; but very soon pretended to approve all, except that his own 
grieTances at Castro's hands had not been added to the list named in the proc- 
lamation, which he complimented without limit as to style and matter! But 
Fri5mont did not yet propose to take any part in the revolution, desiring sim- 
ply to visit the bay as an explorer, and to accompany the insurgent army 
under Ford ! Ide's idea was that Fremont had expected Castro to scatter the 
insurgents and then attack him, a neutral party; that he came to Sonoma and 
to San Rafael etill intent only on getting himself attacked and thus provoking 
a war, and that he finally pretended to join the movement when all the work 
had been done, merely to appropriate to himself the glory; in fact, that he 
used the Bears as cat's-paws to get his chestnuts f roin the fire— and there was 
certainly a color of truth in all this. 



KILLING OF THE HAROS AND BERREYESA. 171 

which was 75 strong after his departure, marched 
with about 130 men to San Rafael. Here Torre and 
Padilla were understood to be; and hither Castro 
might be expected to come with the rest of his army. 
No enemy, Jiowever, was found to oppose a peaceable 
occupation of the mission buildings, where the insur- 
gent force remained for about a week. The period 
was for the most part an uneventful one. Castro did 
not deem it best to cross the bay, and the exact 
whereabouts of Torre could not be ascertained. 

On Sunday, the 28th, the only blood of Fremont's 
campaign was spilled, and that under such circum- 
stances as to leave a stain of dishonor upon the com- 
mander and some of his men. A boat was seen 
crossing from San Pablo. It contained four men, 
and was apparently steering for a landing at or near 
Point San Pedro, several miles from the mission. 
Kit Carson was sent with two or three companions 
to intercept them. After starting, Carson turned 
back — so testifies Jasper O'Farrcll, an ej'e-witness — 
to ask Fremont, "Captain, shall I take those men 
prisoners?" The reply, given with a wave of the 
hand, was, "I have no room for prisoners." Then 
they advanced, alighted from their horses, and from 
a distance of about fifty yards deliberately shot three 
of the strangers, who had landed and were approach- 
ing the mission. The three victims were the twin 
brothers Francisco and Ramon de Haro, aged about 
twenty, sons of a prominent citizen and former al- 
calde of San Francisco, and Jos6 de los Reyes Ber- 
reyesa, an old man who owned a rancho near Santa 
Clara. Two divisions of Castro's army being at San 
Pablo with the intention of crossing the bay as the 
otlier division had done, one of the Haro boys volun- 
teered to carry a message to Joaquin de la Torre, the 
message relating doubtless to details of the plan for 
crossing. The other boy wished to accompany his 
brother and share his risks; and the old man Berrey- 
esa insisted on being permitted to cross with his 



17-2 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— FREMONT'S CAMPAIGN-. 

nephews. His sun was alcalde of Sonoma, reported 
to be a prisoner of the Osos; and the anxiety of a 
father and mother liad impelled him to leave his 
home and seek an opportunity of visiting Sonoma. 
One of the Castros of San Pablo carried them over 
in his boat, left them at the landing, and returned; 
while the others started on foot for San Rafael, 
knowing nothing of its occupation by the insurgents. 
Their fate has been told.^ 

'Fremont, letter to Benton, Mies' Beg., Ixxi. 191, says simply: 'Three of 
Castro'a party, having landed on the Sonoma side in advance, were killed 
near tlie beach; and beyond this there was no loss on either side.' Benton, 
Id., 174, mentions the killing of Cowie and Fowler, 'in return for whicli 
three of De la Torre's men being taken were instantly shot.' Gillespie, Frr- 
monfs Cal. Claims, 28, says that on the afternoon of the 26th ' letters were in- 
tercepted which disclosed their plans, and required De la Torre to send horses 
to the point the next morning to mount 80 men who would be sent over at 
that time.' These letters, if there be no error, were probably those brought 
by Haro. Jasper O'Farrell, in the Los Angeles Star, Sept. 27, 1856, perhaps 
taken from another paper, besides narrating the facts of the murder as in my 
text, states that Carson claimed to have done the act unwillingly Ijy Fre- 
mont's order. In the same paper is a letter from J. S. Berreyesa, in which, 
after narrating the circumstances of the killing, he states that the clothing of 
his dead father and cousins was stripped from their bodies by their murder- 
ers, and that Fremont refused to order the giving-up of his father's sarape, 
which one of the men was weariug, and which the sou finally bought for $2o. 
June 30th, Leidesdorff writes to Larkin of the shooting, which took place 
' day before yesterday. ' He names Sergt Manuel Castro as one of the killed. 
This report seems to" have been current for a time. Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 
189. Rico, Mem., MS., 19-23, gives the most detailed account of the depart- 
ure of the messengers, Rico having been the officer immediately concerned in 
sending the messenger. The first news of what had happened was brouglit 
by Torre the next day. For.'i is silent on this matter. Ide, in his letter to 
Wambough, Biog. Sketch, 190, says: ' The flying Spaniards drew lots among 
their number, and thi-ee men, prepared with letters (intended to deceive the 
Bears) In their boots, put themselves in the power of their pursuers, threw 
away their arms, and fell on their knees begging for quarter; but the orders 
were to take uo prisoners from this band of murderers, and the men were 
shot, and never rose from the groimd . . . One of the men declared with his 
dying breath that he expected death, that he came on purpose to die for tlie 
benefit of his countrymen '! Bidwell, Cal. in IS^l-S, MS., 170, and several 
others name G. P. Swift as one of Carson's companions. Hargrave, Cal. in 
'48, MS., 8, thinks Carson and a Frenchman were alone responsible for the 
deed. Swasey, FriSmont's devout admirer, Cal. '43-6, MS., 10, thinks that 
' the firing was perfectly justifiable under the circumstances ' ! Fowler, Bea,- 
Party, MS., 5, who was present at the time, says that Carson and the Cana- 
dian, who were alone responsible, were drunk. Martin, Narr., MS., 29, who 
claims to have been the sentinel who first saw the boat, and one of the five who 
captured and shot the men, as well as Chas Brown, Early Events, MS., 25-6, 
who maiTied a sister of the Haros, and several Califoruians, state that the bodies 
of the victims were allowed to lie unburied where they feU for several days. 
Phelps, Fore and Aft, 286-90, seems to have originated the absurd story that 
on one of the men was found an order from Castro to Torre to kill every for- 
eigner he could find, man, woraau, and child; and this story has been re- 



A MURDER BY FREMONT. 1 73 

The killing of Berreyesa and the Haios was a 
brutal murder, like the killing of Cowie and Fowler, 
for which it was intended as a retaliation. Its perpe- 
trators put themselves below the level of Garcia and 
Padilla. The Californians, or probably one desperado 
of their number, had killed two members of a band of 
outlaws who had imprisoned their countrymen, had 
raised an unknown flag, had announced their purpose 
of overthrowing the government, and had caused great 
terror among the people — the two men at the time of 
their capture being actively engaged in their unlawful 
service. In revenge for this act, the Bears deliber- 
ately killed the first Californians that came within their 
reach, or at least the first after their own strength 
became irresistible. The three victims were not mem- 
bers of Padilla's party, nor were they suspected of 
being such, nor charged with any offence. As mes- 
sengers between Castro and Torre, their mission was 
a perfectly legitimate one ; and so far as was known 
at the time of the shooting, they were not engaged in 
any public service whatever. They were in no sense 
spies, as has been sometimes implied. The statement 
that they brought orders to kill every man, woman, 
and child of the foreigners was an absurd fabrication ; 
but had it been true that such papers were found ou 
them, or even had it been proved that they had been 
the very murderers of Cowie and Fowler, these facts 
would afford no justification to those who killed them, 
because such facts could not have been known until 
after their death. They were given no chance for 
defence or explanation, but killed in cold blood at long 
rifle-range. Viewed in its most favorable light, the 
act was one of cowardly vengeance. Members of the 

peated by Lancey, Cruise, 68, and copied from him in Marin Co. HisL, 83, 
and several other works. The newspapers have often mentioned this afiair iu 
connection with the famous Haro claim to lands in S. F. The Californians, 
as a rale, give an accurate account of this occurrence. See Castro, Rd., 
MS., 190-9; Alvarado, Hist. Ccd., MS., v. 207-10; Valiejo, Hist. Cal., MS., 
V. 138^1; Berreyesa, Relaeion, MS., 1-7; Bernal, Mem., MS., 1-3: Oalindo, 
A/mntes, MS., 56; Sanchez, Notas, MS., 13: Juarez, Narrative, MS.; Ama- 
dor, Mem., MS., 167; Vailejo, Notas, MS., 115-16. 



174 BEAR FLAG REVOLT- FREMONT'S CAMPAIGN. 

Bear party, and apologists of their acts, have wisely 
had but little to say of the matter, always refusing to 
go beyond vague generalities. Of course John C 
Fremont, as commander of the insurgents, is to be held 
responsible for the murder. That he personally gave 
the order which led to the result depends on the tes- 
timony of one person, a man whose reputation for 
veracity was good. Injustice to Fremont, it is fair to 
say that the testimony was first publicly given during 
the poHtical campaign of 1856, at a time when preju- 
dice was generally more potent than love of truth; 
but justice also requires me to call attention to the 
fact that Fremont has never, so far as I know, denied 
the accuracy of O'Farrell's assertion. 

Meanwhile scouting parties from the camp at San 
Rafael were trying to learn of Torre's whereabouts. 
They were not very successful; but late in the after- 
noon of the same day the messengers were shot they 
captured an Indian on whose person was found a let- 
ter in which Torre announced his intention of attack- 
ing Sonoma early the next morning. This letter, 
together with the one that had previously been inter- 
cepted, having been taken perhaps from Haro's dead 
body, making known Castro's plan of crossing before 
the hour of the proposed attack, caused Fremont to 
fear that Ide's garrison was in danger f and lie at 
once set out with nearly all his force, perhaps against 
the judgment of Ford and Gillespie, for Sonoma, 
where he arrived before sunrise on the 29th. There, 
also, if we may credit Ide's account, a letter had 
been intercepted, addressed to some of the natives, 
and disclosing the plan of attack. The citizens were 
in great terror, and wished to leave the town. This 
was not permitted ; but as night came on they were 
allowed the jail as a shelter for the men, and Vallejo's 
house for the women and children. The garrison 
meanwhile made every preparation for defence; can- 

'July 30th, Leidesdorff to Larkin also wrote that Torre was to move 
against Sonoma 'yesterday.' Larkin's Doc, MS., iv. 189. 



A FALSE ALARM. 175 

noil, rifle, and musket were loaded and primed, and 
sentinels were posted. Just before dawn the ad- 
vanced sentries heard the distant tramp of horses. 
Clearly, the threatened attack was to be a reality. 
Without vouching for its accuracy, I quote Ide'.s 
melodramatic narrative of what followed. "Thus 
prepared, in less than one minute from the first 
alarm, all listened for the sound of the tramping 
horses — we heard them coming! — then, low down 
under the darkened caiion we saw them coming! In 
a moment the truth flashed across my mind; the 
Spaniards were deceiving us! In a moment orders 
were given to the captains of the 18-pounders to re- 
serve Are until my rifle should give the word; and, to 
prevent mistake, I hastened to a position a hundred 
yards in front of the cannon, and a little to the right- 
oblique, so as to gain a nearer view. 'Come back; 
you will lose your life ! ' said a dozen voices. ' Silence ! ' 
roared Captain Grigsby ; ' I have seen the old man in 
a bull-pen before to-day!' The blankets of the ad- 
vancing host flowed in the breeze. They had ad- 
vanced to within 200 yards of the place where I 
stood. The impatience of the men at the guns be- 
came intense, lest the enemy came too near, so as to 
lose the eflPect of the spreading of the shot. I made 
a motion to lay down my rifle. The matches were 
swinging. 'My God! They swing the matches!' 
cried the well known voice of Kit Carson. 'Hold 
on, hold on!' we shouted, ''tis Frdmont, 'tis Fremont!' 
in a voice heard by every man of both parties, we 
cried, while Captain Frdmont dashed away to his left 
to take cover behind an adobe house;. and in a mo- 
ment after he made one of his most gallant charges 
on our fort; it was a noble exploit; he came in a full 
gallop, right in the face and teeth of our two long 
'iS's!"^ 

It did not take long for Fremont to convince him- 
self that he had been outwitted; and after a hasty 

* He's Biog. Sketch, 187-90. 



176 BEAR FLAG REVOLT-FREMONT'S CAMPAIGN. 

breakfast he set out again for San Rafael, where he 
arrived within twenty-four hours of the time he left it 
— -to learn that Torre had made good use of his time to 
recross the bay and rejoin Castro with all his original 
force, and such residents of the northern frontier as 
chose to accompany him. The wily Californian had 
written letters expressly intended to fall into the 
hands of the Osos, and thus facilitate his own escape. 
After retreating before twenty rifles, he had no wish 
to face two hundred. He left San Rafael just be- 
fore Fremont's first arrival; and, as Castro's force 
did not arrive, he soon began to consider his position 
a critical one. Facilities for crossing the bay were 
so uncertain that it was not safe to be seen at any 
landing while the mission was occupied by the foe; 
therefore Don Joaquin feigned an advance into the 
interior toward Petaluma, and wrote the letters to be 
intercepted. The ruse was entirely successful ; and, 
Fremont's force having been sent to Sonoma, the Cali- 
fornians, to the number of 75 or 80, appeared at Sauza- 
lito in the morning of June 29th. Captain Richard- 
.son had an old launch, or lighter, lying at anchor there, 
which he declined to lend, but which he permitted 
Torre's men to 'take by force;' and all were soon afloat. 
Wind and tide were not favorable, and for a long time 
they lay near the shore, in great fear lest Fremont 
should return, and no less apprehensive of pursuit b}' 
the boats of the Portsmouth. Some were so frightened 
that they believe to this day that they were thus pur- 
sued. But long before the Bears had returned to 
San Rafael the Californians had landed at San Pablo, 
whence, with the other divisions of the 'grand army,' 
they marched next day to Santa Clara.^ 

'Luis German, Siicesos, MS., 18-24, gives the most connected and de- 
tailed account of Ton-e's escape. Fremont, in his letter to Benton, followed 
by the set of authorities that obtained their information from that letter, 
claims, in a general way, the credit of having driven Torre away, besides de- 
stroying his transports and spiking his cannon south of the bay, as will pres- 
ently be noticed. Gillespie, Fremont's Cal. Olaims, 28, has the assurance to 
write: 'Capt. Fri^mont retui-ned to Sonoma, leaving a force to protect San 
Raphael. This movement, executed with so much promptness, alarmed Dd 



SPIKING THE GUNS AT SAN FRANCISCO. 177 

Having thus 'driven' Torre and his men away, 
Fremont and the Bears had no further opposition to 
fear north of the bay, and no reason to remain longer 
at San Rafael; yet before their departure for Sonoma 
two minor enterprises were undertaken, which, if they 
served no other purpose, figured somewhat attractively 
in reports of this grand campaign. On July 1st Fre- 
mont and Gillespie visited Phelps on board the Mos- 
cow, and having removed that gentleman's scruples by 
the assurance that war had really been declared, and 
that they were "acting in obedience to orders of the 
United States government," obtained his cooperation 
for a movement on San Francisco. Phelps furnished 
his vessel's launch with a crew, going himself as pilot, 
to carry Frdmont and about twenty of his men across 
to the old Castillo. Wading ashore through the surf, 
and boldly entering the fort, this band of warriors 
proceeded to spike the ten guns found there, and to 
wade back to the boat. In the absence of a garrison, 
with no powder, it is not surprising that, so far as can 
be known, not one of the ten cannon offered the 
slightest resistance. But the energies of the insur- 
gents were not exclusively directed against abandoned 
guns; for next day ten of their number, under Sem- 
ple, appeared in the streets of Yerba Buena, at noon, 

la Torre to such a degree tliat he fled with his command in the most cowardly 
manner to SausaUto, where he stole Mr Richardson's launch, and escaped 
across the bay'! Phelps, Fore and Aft, 2SG-92, was at Sauzalito at the 
time, in command of the Moscow, and lie gives an inaccurate version of what 
occurred, which has, however, been considerably used by later writers. He 
says that Fremont sent him, Phelps, word that he would drive Torre to Sau- 
zalito that night, whence he could not escape without the Moscoio's boats. 
Phelps proceeded to make all safe, and took the precaution to anchor farther 
out a launch lying near the beach, putting some provisions on board for Fre- 
mont's use! But when Torre arrived in the morning, a boat was mysteri- 
ously procured from Yerba Buena, and the launch was reached. Phelps in- 
formed the commander of the Portsmouth, but he declined to intercept the 
fugitives. Montgomery, writing to Larkiu July 2d, Larkiii'3 Doc, MS., iv. 
192, speaks of Torre as liaving been chased by Fremont, barely escaping by 
his good luck in finding a large freight boat. Ford, Bear Flarj Revolution, 
MS., 22-5, claims that he and Gillespie opposed the march to Sonoma. The 
Hist. Bear Flag agrees for the most part with Ide — naturally, as Ide was its 
chief author. It speaks of Castro having sent 200 men across the bay. Lar- 
kin, Off. Corresp., MS., i. 125, in a letter of July 4th to the U. S. consul at 
Honolulu, speaks of Torre's defeat, and of tlie trick bv which he escaped. 



178 BEAR FLAG REVOLT-FREMONT'S CAMPAIGN. 

and captured Robert Ridley, captain of the port, who 
was taken from his house and sent to New Helvetia. 
This was doubtless done at the instigation of Vice- 
consul Leidesdorff, who, as we have seen, had repeat- 
edly denounced Ridley and Hinckley as "more Mex- 
ican than the Mexicans themselves," in their opposi- 
tion to the Bear movement. Hinckley would doubt- 
less have shared Ridley's fate had he not died two 
days before. Obtaining such supplies as were to be 
found on the Moscow, together with cattle from the 
ranchos of the region about San Rafael, Fremont re- 
turned with the whole insurgent force to Sonoma. 
Through Benton he ingeniously contrived, without 
quite committing himself to a falsehood, to create the 
impression among the people of the United States, 
not onl}^ that he had been in active command of the 
revolutionists from the first, but that finally, after de- 
feating Torre, he had driven him across the bay, spik- 
ing his cannon, destroying his transports, and break- 
ing up all communication between the north and south 
— thus making the whole campaign a brilliant suc- 



The 4th of July was celebrated at Sonoma by 
the burning of much gunpowder, reading of the 
declaration of independence, and a fandango in the 
evening. Fremont and his men returned from San 
Rafael that day, or more probably the evening be- 
fore ; at any rate, in time to take part in the festivi- 
ties.' Next day, though some say that also was on the 

^ Fremont to Benton, and B. to pres., in Niles' Reg., Ixxi. 173, 191. 
Montgomery, in two postscripts to a letter of July 2d to Larkin, mentions the 
spiking of the guns and capture of Ridley. Larkm'a Doc, MS., iv. 192. 
Phelps, Fore and Aft, 285-92, gives the fullest account of the first afiair — in 
fact, all we know of it, so far as details are concerned. See also Bryanfx 
What I Saw in Cat., 294-6; TuthilVs Hist. CaL, 173-4; Lancey's Cruise, 70, 
72; Upham's Life Frimont, 2.S3-4; Yolo Co. Hist., 16. 

'Fremont in his letter to Benton, and Gillespie in his testimony, say 
that they returned on the evening of the 4th ; but the latter speaks of the 
salutes fired during the day. According to the Hist. Bear Flag, the return 
was on the 3d. Baldridge says that the declaration, a copy which the 
v.Titer had brought over the mountains, was read by Lieut Woodworth of 
the navy. 



REORGANIZATION OF THE REBELS. 179 

4th, the people were called together to deliberate on 
matters of public importance. Respecting details of 
what was accomplished, our evidence is meagre and 
contradictory to a certain extent; but it is certain 
that a new military organization was effected, and 
that Fremont was put in command of the insurgent 
forces, Ide's authority terminating on that day. 
Fremont himself says: "In the morning I called the 
people together and spoke to them in relation to the 
position of the counti-y, advising a course of opera- 
tions which was unanimously adopted. California 
was declared independent, the country put under 
martial law, the force oi'ganized, and officers elected. 
A pledge, binding themselves to support these meas- 
ures and to obey the officei^s, was signed by those 
present. The whole was placed under my direction. 
Several officers from the Portsmouth were present at 
this meeting."* William Baldridge claims to have 
been chairman of the meeting, and names John Bid- 
well as secretary." Bidwell tells us that Fremont — 
after a speech in which he expressed his willingness 
to cooperate, criticised some irregularities of the past, 
and insisted on implicit obedience — -named Ide, Read- 
ing, and the writer as a committee to report a plan 
of organization. Unable to agree, each made a re- 
port of his own, with the understanding that Gillespie 
should select one of the three. He chose Bidwell's, 
perhaps on account of its brevity. As presented by 
the author from memory, it was a simple agreement 
to render military service in support of independ- 
ence.i" 

'F. to B. Niles' Reg., Ixxi. 191. Bentou made some improvements on 
this as on other parts of the same letter as follows : 'The north side of the 
bay was now cleared of the enemy, and on July 4th Capt. Fremont called 
the Americans together at Sonoma, addressed them upon the dangers of 
their position, and recommended a declaration of independence, and war 
upon Castro and his troops as the only means of safety. The independence 
was immediately declared, and war ))roclairaed. ' These statements were 
repeated in substance by the secretary of war, and by many other writers, 
some of whom go so far as to say that Fremont was elected governor ! 

' Baldridge's Days of '46, MS. , 6. 

""To be signed by all willing to prosecute the war already begun, to 



ISO BEAR FLAG REVOLT— FREMONT'S CAMPAIGN. 

The document signed at Sonoma on July 5th, so 
far as I know, is no longer extant; nor have we any 
written contemporary record of that day's transactions. 
Yet it appears clearly to me that no radical changes 
were effected in the plan of revolt; that nothing like 
a new declaration of independence was made; that 
there was no official act ignoring what had been al- 
ready accomplished. It was simply the formal and 
public assumption by Fremont of a command which 
by most of the insurgents he had been expected to 
assume, or even deemed tacitly to hold from the first. 
He had virtually thrown off his mask of caution by 
his San Rafael campaign, and it was hardly possible, 
even had he desired it, to draw back now. Naturally 
he required pledges of obedience and discipline; and 
military reorganization was of course necessary for 
active operations against Castro. 

To one, however, William B. Ide, this day's doings 
vvere of no small import, since they put an end to all 
his greatness. He characterized them as "events and 
circumstances which changed the character of our 
enterprise, and presented California to the United 
States as a trophy of that species of conquest that 
wallows in the blood of murder, or of that ignoble 
traffic that makes the price of liberty the price of 
blood, instead of j^resenting the same fair land on 
terms of honorable compact and agreement, such as all 
the world can participate in without loss or dishonor, 
by the free, frank expression of voluntary consent and 
good-will of the parties." Ide regarded himself as the 
leader of the revolutionists, and as the founder of a 
republic. He moreover regarded the revolution as a 
complete success. In his eyes the triumph had al- 
ready been won; California had been wrested from 

wit: the undersigned agi'ee to organize and to remain in service as long as 
necessary for the purpose of gaining and maintaining the independence of 
California. ' This was signed by all at Sonoma, including Fremont's men, 
and was signed by others later at the Mokelurane River on the march south ; 
since which time it has not appeared. Bidwell's Cal. in I84IS, MS., 171-4. 
This author puts Fremont's speech on the 4th, and the fandango on the even- 
ing of Sunday the 5th, after the orsanization. 



IDE'S DISAPPOINTMENT. ISl 

Mexico. There remained only tlie trifling formalitj- 
of taking possession of that part of the country south 
of San Francisco Bay, and this would ah-eady have 
been welhiigh accomphshed had Fremont not pre- 
vented the sending of reinforcements to Weber at 
San Josd." It was Ide's plan, as he claims,' and as 
there is no good reason to doubt, when once he had 
fully established a free and independent government, 
to apply for admission to the American Union on terms 
to be settled by negotiations, in which of course he 
personally would play a prominent role. This method 
of annexation in his view would not only give him the 
fame and profit to which he was entitled, but was 
more honorable to the United States and just to the 
Californians than the plan of conquest finally adopted. 
Naturally, holding these views, Ide regarded Fre- 
mont's ' unwarrantable interference ' as a grievous 
v/rong. His theory was that Fremont, finding that 
his original plan of provoking an attack by Castro 
had failed, and that the revolutionists had succeeded 
without his aid, had deliberately plotted with other 
United States officers to obtain command of the move- 
ment. His purpose was believed to be twofold : first, 
to gain for himself glory as conqueror of California; 
and second, to give the country to the United States 
without the troublesome negotiations and treaty stip- 
ulations which would be necessary in dealing with 
an independent government.^^ As to the means by 

^' Ide's Biog. Sketch, 191, etc. He says three men had arrived on July Ist, 
with news of preparations south of the bay. He at once made ready a boat 
to send arms and other aid; but Fremont managed to prevent the measure on 
one pretext and another, really to prevent the complete success of the revolu- 
tion until he could obtain exclusive control. Ide's editor, his brother, says: 
'Tlie civil and military authority of Mexico had been thoroughly wiped out; 
California was not, and had not been, from the loth of June to the 5th of 
July under Mexican rule. She was what her rude national flag had from day 
to day proclaimed, the California Republic. During these 20 days there was 
no obstruction, by a conflicting party to the exercise by the Bear Flag gov- 
ernment of its entire functions and prerogatives of national independence'! p. 
207. 

'^ Ide's version of the 'second edition revised and corrected' of Fre- 
mont's plan is as follows: '1st, secure the command of the independent 
forces of the Bear Flag I'epublic. 2d, hoist tlie U. S. flag, and follow up 
to the entire conquest. 3d, if no «ar between Mex. and the U. S. ensue. 



18-2 BEAR FLAG REVOLT-FEfiMONT'S CAMPAIGN. 

which the plot was carried out, Ide gives the follow- 
ing explanation : The people were assembled at Sal- 
vador Vallejo's house, Fremont's 72 men, with eight 
or ten 'gentlemen officers' from the ships, under 
arms in one room; and about 280 of the Bears un- 
armed in another, with an armed sentry between the 
two. Then Frdmont entered the larger room with 
Gillespie and others, and made a speech. He still 
declined to meddle in California politics, but was 
willing to render aid against Castro, whom he de- 
nounced as a usurper, on condition that the insur- 
gents would pledge themselves to " abstain from the 
violation of the chastity of women," to conduct the 
war honorably, and to obey their officers implicitly. 
Ide then made a speech, consenting to the pledge oi 
obedience, to draft which a committee was chosen. 
The larger assembly named Ide on this committee, 
whereupon the smaller, 'the council of friends,' named 
two of their number. In committee meeting the ma- 
jority, being and representing men who were not con- 
nected with the Bear Flag movement at all, favored 
setting aside all that had been done in the past and 
starting anew; and this idea was embodied in their 
report. The reasons urged were: 1st, that July 5th 
immediately follows the 4th; 2d, that Fremont, as 
'advisory leader,' should begin with the beginning; 
and, 3d, that in changing the 'administration,' a new 
organization was proper — " or, more definitely, that 
we who are out of office may have a chance to get 
in." After an ineffisctual attempt to get possession of 
the chair by the representatives of the smaller body, 
the majority report was first submitted for approval; 
and then that of the minority — but here Ide's narra- 
tive abruptly terminates. We have no means of 

sell out all the military stores of the U. S. to the govt of Cal., and obtain 
Cal. by treaty with the new govt; but in the event of a war, to seize and 
acquire the whole by the right of conquest.' The officer who should thus 
\'iolate national honor would naturally be cashiered by his govt ; 'yet as a 
solace for his dishonor [to use the language of our informant, who was one of 
said U. S. officers], he will be in town with a pocket full of rocks.' Buxj. 
Sketch, 195. Ford's narrative does not include these matters. 



FRfiMONT AND IDE. 183 

knowing this author's version of the final result, or 
of the methods by which Frdmont succeeded in his 
main purpose of obtaining the command, notwith- 
standing the numerical strength of the Bears as com- 
pared with the 'council of friends.' Perhaps Ide 
would have represented the adoption of Bidwell's 
brief pledge as a victor}' over those who wished to 
blot out all that had been done before July 5th, and 
his own withdrawal in favor of Fremont as a com- 
promise intended to prevent dissensions; or perhaps 
his claim might be to have resigned in disgust, be- 
cause his policy could not be fully carried out. 

The truth is that Ide greatly overrated his influence 
and achievements. He believed himself entitled to the 
glor}' of having organized a great revolution, won a 
great victory, and founded a great republic. His com- 
panions of the original Bear party looked upon him 
as an honest, zealous, but eccentric and somewhat fa- 
natical old man, whose zeal, good sense, and education 
rendered him as well fitted for the command as any 
of their number after the departure of Semple and 
Grigsby, and whose eccentricities and mania for theo- 
rizing and writing and making speeches could not be 
regarded as a serious fault on the part of a garrison 
commander. They cared nothing for his political 
theories, and never thought of him as in any sense a 
rival of Fremont. It was on the latter's cooperation 
that they had founded their hopes of successful revolt 
from the first, and they were ready to welcome his 
accession to the active command at any time, regard- 
ing it as practically an alliance with the United 
States. Sympathy is naturally excited in Ide's behalf 
by reason of his many good qualities, by his devotion 
to what seemed to him a worthy cause, by the earnest- 
ness with which he presents his wrongs, and by the 
fact that Fremont did unquestionably rob him of a 
certain portion of what both parties and the world at 
large regarded as fame. But it must be borne in mind 
that his cause was in reality a bad one — mere filibus- 



184 BEAR FLAG EEVOLT-FEE.MONT'S CAMPAIGN. 

terism ; that his influence in promoting the revolt had 
been much less than that of Fremont; and that, far 
from having conquered California as he believed, he 
had really accomplished little or nothing toward that 
conquest. Moreover, it is not easy to comprehend that 
his plan of giving the country to the United States 
was in any way more honorable than that by which the 
annexation was eflPected, and which he so violently 
denounces. 

Respecting the military organization effected on 
July 5th at Sonoma, I have found no contemporary 
records whatever. All that is known of the Califor- 
nia battalion as it was at first organized is that it num- 
bered about 250 men of the Bear Flag party and Fre- 
mont's explorers; formed into three companies under 
John Grigsby, Henry L. Ford, and Granville P. Swift 
respectively as captains; all under the command of 
Fremont, though it does not appear what was the 
exact rank and title — perhaps acting major — assumed 
by that officer; and with Lieutenant Gillespie appar- 
ently as adjutant.'^ About the terms of enlistment 
we have only Bidwell's memory of the paper signed 
by the volunteers. Ide seems to have joined the force 
as a private. Something more of detail about the 
battalion in a later stage of its development will appear 
in the annals of the conquest. Captain Grigsby with 
50 men or more remained at Sonoma. The rest of the 

'^ Fremont says nothing of the force; simply mentions that it was organ- 
ized tmder liis command, that officers were elected, Grigsby and 50 men being 
left at Sonoma. Mies' Keg., Ixxi. 191. Gillespie, Frimont'a Cal. Claims, 2S, 
says that four companies were organized, one being left at Sonoma, and that 
the whole force was 224. Hensley, Id. , 35, says: ' We organized the ' ' Califor- 
nia Battalion," adopting the "grizzly bear" as our emblem, requesting Capt. 
Fremont to take command of the battalion, and of all the forces and resources 
of the country, which command he accepted.' In a contribution to the Alta, 
July 3, 186(i, Gillespie gave the force as 250, 70 being left at Sonoma; and 
names himself as adjutant and inspector, with rank of captain. Followed by 
Lancey's Cruise, 73, 102. In the Bear Flat; Hist. , we read that the volunteers 
were 'organized into three companies under captains Grigsby, Ford, and 
Swift, lea%'ing a small artillery company to take charge of the fort. ' Ide sa3's 
nothing of the organization, but states that there were about 350 men at 
Sonoma. Bidwell mentions the election of captains Ford and Swift only. 
Baldridge says there was some rivalry for the post of senior captain; but 
Grigsby was chosen. By different authorities the force of the battalion on 
arrival at Monterey is given as 160 or ISO men. 



THE BATTALION AT NEW HELVETIA. 185 

force under Fremont started July 6th for the Sacra- 
mento, there to make preparations for an advance 
upon Castro, taking with them such horses, cattle, 
and other needed supplies as the Bears had accumu- 
lated, or as they could find in the adjoining ranches. 
Frdmont and his battalion arrived at Sutter's Fort, 
and moved up to the old camp on the American River 
on the 9th and 10th of July. It was the avowed in- 
tention to march with the least possible delay against 
Castro in the south; and it is of course impossible to 
prove that such was not Fremont's real purpose. I 
suspect, however, that he would have found a plausi- 
ble pretext for delaying the movement for several 
weeks, in expectation of news that war had been de- 
clared. He was by no means afraid of Castro's forces, 
nor was he averse to a fight in which old scores might 
be settled; but his position as an officer of the United 
States was a delicate one. By postponing hostile ac- 
tion until the news of war should come, he might, 
thanks to his past caution, set up the plea, if by rea- 
son of official censure or other motives it should seem 
safest, that he had not instigated the revolt or taken 
any active part in it, but had taken the nominal com- 
mand at the last for any one of a dozen reasons which 
his fertile brain would suggest. It is by no means 
impossible that he might have found it politic under 
certain circumstances to assume the ground imputed 
to him by Ide, that he had gained control of the move- 
ment solely to remove obstacles, in the shape of an 
independent government, to the military conquest of 
the country. The desired tidings arrived, however, 
on the very day that the battalion camped on the 
American; so that the movement even from its be- 
ginning at Sonoma has been known as a 'pursuit of 
Castro,' news of whose retreat from Santa Clara 
reached the Sacramento at about the same time. With 
the news of Sloat's operations at Monterey, there came 
a U. S. flag, which was raised next morning, July 11 th, 
over Sutter's Fort; the stars and stripes had already 



186 BEAR FLAG REVOLT— FREMONT'S CAMPAIGN. 

been floating at Sonoma for- two clays ; the Bear Flag 
revolt was at an end. 

In an introductory chapter to the general subject, 
and in the course of my narrative, I have already 
said quite enough respecting the causes, effects, and 
general character of the Bear Flag revolt, and I do 
not propose to reopen the subject even en resume. 
Neither do I deem it best to notice, except in a pass- 
ing glance, the actions of the insurgents respecting 
private persons and property while in possession of 
Sonoma and the surrounding region. It is not possi- 
ble to ascertain the exact truth in this matter. Those 
connected with the movement, almost without excep- 
tion, both in statements of the time and in later tes- 
timony, declare that no outrage or excess was com- 
mitted; that but little private property except horses 
was taken, and these always with the consent of the 
owners, who took receipts to prove their claims against 
the new government later. It is not necessary to be- 
lieve that all this was literally true; there can be no 
doubt that small quantities of plunder were taken by 
the insurgents from many citizens without any for- 
malities whatever; and it is not likely that the ran- 
cheros were eager to part with the'r horses and cattle, 
even in exchange for the Bears' promises to pay. 
Yet it is certain that the leaders did their best to 
restrain their somewhat unruly followers; and their 
efforts were, all circumstances considered, successful. 
Rarely if ever has a filibuster revolt been conducted 
with so much moderation in respect of private rights. 
I might introduce here a long list of statements by