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The Riverside Press, Cambridge : 
Printed by H. O. Houghton and Company. 





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IN collecting materials for a History of Cambridge, I exam- 
ined first its Municipal Records, which are continuous from the 
beginning, but generally brief, and its Registry of Births and 
Deaths, which, during the second hundred years after the founda- 
tion of the town, is very defective. To supply what was lack- 
ing, I consulted such printed authorities as were accessible, 
together with the manuscript Records and Archives of the Com- 
monwealth, of the judicial courts, and of several counties, cities, 
towns, churches, and libraries. My thanks are due to all the 
custodians of such books, and records, and archives, for their 
uniform courtesy and kindness. 1 have also obtained many 
genealogical details from the Church Record of Baptisms and 
Burials, from Probate Records and Files, from inscriptions on 
gravestones, and from funeral sermons, and newspapers. After 
the expenditure of much time and labor, however, I am conscious 
of many deficiencies. 

It will be seen that the Genealogical Register is chiefly con- 
fined to the families who dwelt in Cambridge before the year 
1700, the descendants of such as remained here being traced 
down to a recent period. A very few families are included who 
became residents at a later date ; but these form the exception, 
not the rule. So also in regard to the History, comparatively 
few recent events are mentioned. It would be impracticable, in 
a single volume, to include with our ancient annals everything 
which those who are now living have witnessed, and to trace the 
genealogy of all our nearly fifty thousand inhabitants. A line 
must be drawn somewhere ; but whether I have drawn it in the 
most proper place, there may be various opinions. 


Moreover, the reader may be disappointed because he finds so 
little concerning Harvard College, and the military occupation of 
Cambridge, at the commencement of the Revolutionary War ; 
but the facts stated on pages 365 (note) and 408 are believed to 
justify the omission. The almost entire absence of legendary 
lore may be regretted ; but it should be considered, that while 
it may have been my misfortune, it was not my fault, that I was 
not born in Cambridge, and that I had no opportunity in the 
first thirty years of my life to gather the local traditions, which 
so deeply impress the youthful mind, and which tinge the facts 
of history with such a brilliant, though often a deceptive light. 
If lack of vigor and sprightliness be regarded as a serious fault 
of style, I may plead in extenuation, that although many of my 
materials were gathered long ago, I was obliged by other engage- 
ments, literary as well as secular, to postpone their final arrange- 
ment for publication, until impaired health and the infirmities of 

age became uncomfortably manifest. 

CAMBRIDGE, March, 1877. 




General description of the town, its several additions and diminutions 

of territory 1-5 


The New Town selected as fit for a fortified place. General agreement 
to erect houses. Several Assistants fail to do so. Controversy be- 
tween Dudley and Winthrop. Earliest inhabitants. Canal. Pali- 
sade. Arrival of the Braintree Company. Common Pales. Division 
of lands. Highways 6-16 


First Constable appointed. Deputies to the first General Court. 
Monthly meeting. No houses to be erected without permission, nor 
outside of the town. All houses to be covered with slate or boards, 
not with thatch, and to " range even." Trees not to be cut down 
and left in the highways. Cartway. Windmill-hill. Timber not to 
be sold out of the town. First Constable elected. Surveyor of high- 
ways. Lots not improved to revert to the town. First Townsmen 
or Selectmen. Surveyors of lands 17-22 


Prosperity of the New Town. Magistrates. Courts. Dissatisfaction. 
John Pratt. Straitness for want of land. Exploration of other 
places. Debates and division in the General Court. The town ac- 
cepts enlargement offered by Boston and Watertown. Removal to 
Hartford. Supposed personal rivalry. Names of early inhabitants. . 23-33 


Arrival of Shepard's Company, and some of their names. New Mu- 
nicipal Officers. New division of lands. Monthly meetings. Ferry. 
Lectures. Cow Common. Goats. Herd of cows. Weir for taking 
alewives. Herd on the south side of the river. Herd of swine. 
Fowls not permitted to enter gardens. Cartway to the weir. Pound. 
Stumps. Neither houses nor lands to be sold or let, without consent 
of the Townsmen. Strangers not to be harbored. Grant of land to 


the Drummer. Fort Hill. Grant of land at Vine Brook. Swine to 
be yoked and ringed. Apple trees and other quickset to be pre- 
served from damage by goats. Births, marriages, and burials to be 
recorded. Farms granted. Grant of money by the General Court 
for a College. Organization of the militia. The College to be at 
New Town. Marshal General. The New Town named Cambridge. 
Printing-press. Bond of Stephen Daye to Jose Glover 34-45 


Contemplated removal to Weathersfield, Conn. Letter from Winthrop 
to Hooker. Letter from Hooker to Shepard. Depreciation in the 
value' of property. Danger of general bankruptcy. Reasons for re- 
moving. Sir Henry Vane. Grant of Shawshine to Cambridge. Re- 
moval of John Haynes. Death of Roger Harlakenden. Arrival of 
Herbert Pelham. Town Spring. Restrictions on the cutting of trees. 
Field-drivers, Commissioners to end small causes, Clerk of the 
Market, and Sealer of Leather, first elected. Calves impounded. 
Eight-penny ordinary for 'Townsmen. Penalty for absence from 
monthly meetings. Prosecution for trespass in the Great Swamp. 
Fence-viewers first elected. Remission of tax on account of sickness. 
Chimneys to be swept every month and ladders to be kept ready for 
reaching the roofs of houses. Orchard. Wharf. Division of Shaw- 
shine lands. Incorporation of Billerica 46-62 


Change of Government in England. Cromwell desires to colonize Ja- 
maica, and employs Daniel Gookin as special agent. Letters from 
Gookin to Secretary Thurloe. Death of Cromwell. Whalley and 
Goffe, two of the late King's judges, visit Cambridge. Fragment of 
Goffe's Journal. The General Court appoints a Committee, to re- 
port concerning " The due observance of obedience and fidelity unto 
the authority of England, and our own just privileges." Report of 
Committee. Instructions to the " Messengers " sent to England. 
Qualified oath of allegiance offered by Gookin and Danforth. The 
Messengers to England return with a letter from the King, promising 
to confirm the privileges of the people, but requiring sundry changes 
in their laws. Day of thanksgiving appointed. Reply of the General 
Court to the King's letter. Commissioners appointed by the King to 
enforce obedience. Cambridge sustains the General Court in their 
controversy with the Commissioners. Edward Randolph, the " arch- 
enemy of the colony." The Charter abrogated, and Sir Edmund 
Andros appointed Governor of New England 63-78 


The inhabitants on the south side of the river obtain parochial privi- 
leges. Their petition for incorporation as a separate town. Elab- 
orate and vigorous protest by the Selectmen of Cambridge. After 
long delay, Newton is incorporated, under the administration of 
Andros. Ship-building in Cambridge. Unruly dogF. Wolf. Drain- 


ing of a pond in the centre of the town. Stone wall'between Cam- 
bridge and Watertown. Committee to inspect families, and to 
prevent improper practices. Encroachment on fishing rights in 
Menotomy River. Fish Officers 79-98 


President Dudley assumes the government. Protest of the General 
Court. Arrival of Governor Andros. Danforth's description of the 
public distress. Arbitrary proceedings of Andros. Titles to land de- 
clared invalid. Memorial of John Gibson and George Willis. Pro- 
ceedings on petition of Edward Randolph for a grant of land in Cam- 
bridge. Death of Major-gen. Gookin. Revolution in England. 
Governor Andros deposed and imprisoned with several of his adhe- 
rents. The old Magistrates reinstated. A new house of Deputies 
elected. The inhabitant? of Cambridge request the old Officers to re- 
sume the government, and pledge life and fortune for their help and 
assistance. Letters of Thomas Danforth to Gov. Hinkley and to In- 
crease Mather. Danforth omitted from the Council by Mather, but 
reinstated by the General Court; appointed Judge of the Superior 
Court, but not of that special Court which tried and condemned the 
unfortunate persons suspected of witchcraft. Death of Deputy Gov- 
ernor Danforth. Cambridge Deputies 99-118 


Petition of the " Farmers " for incorporation. Reply of Cambridge 
Selectmen. Parochial privileges granted. Harmony not interrupted. 
Incorporation of Lexington. Culler of Bricks. County Treasurers. 
Bounty for killing wolves. Salarv of Treasurers and Jurors. Mar- 
shal General. Road to Connecticut. Governor Shute's visit to 
Cambridge. Double voting. Small-pox. Strangers not to be ad- 
mitted. Dogs. Gratuity to a proposed physician refused. Col. John 
Vassall's honors and disappointments. Throat distemper. Repre- 
sentatives to the General Court required to serve gratuitously. Part 
of Watertown annexed to Cambridge. Bear shot. Fire-engine. 
Bills of Mortality. Funeral customs 119-135 


American Revolution. Resolves by the General Court. Action of 
Cambridge in Town Meeting. Riots in Boston. Cambridge disap- 
proves riots, and at first refuses, but afterwards consents, that com- 
pensation be made from the public treasury. Representative in- 
structed to oppose the election of any person to the Council who 
already held office of emolument under the Government ; and to have 
the people admitted to hear the debates of the House. Duties im- 
posed on tea and other articles. Action of the General Court, and its 
dissolution. Convention of Delegates. Committees of Correspondence. 
Action of the Town, and instruction to Representative. Report con- 
cerning grievances. Response to Boston by the Committee of Corre- 
spondence. Town meeting ; earnest protest against the importation of 


tea, as an encroachment upon political rights, and denunciation of 
all offenders and their abettors as public enemies. Destruction of 
tea in Boston Harbor. Boston Port Bill. Donations to Boston. Coun- 
cillors appointed by mandamus. Powder removed from the Magazine. 
Concourse of people in Cambridge. Resignation of Judge Dan- 
forth, Judge Lee, and Col. Oliver. Sheriff Phips promises that he 
will not act officially under the new establishment. Gen. Brattle's 
letter and explanation. Provincial Congress. Preparations for re- 
sistance by force of arms. Cambridge pledges persons and estates 
to maintain a Declaration of Independence. Privations during the 
War. New General Court organized. Constitution of 1778 rejected. 
Constitutional Convention meets at Cambridge. Constitution adopted. 
Shays' Rebellion. Letter from the disaffected, and reply. Consti- 
tution of the United States approved. Loyalists or Tories, de- 
scribed by Madam Riedesel ; their estates confiscated ; proposition 
to permit their return ; Cambridge objects, and instructs its Repre- 
sentatives 136-172 


Land-holders in Cambridgeport and East Cambridge. Royal Make- 
peace. Improvements after the construction of West Boston Bridge. 
Streets and Dikes. Estate of Leonard Jarvis thrown upon the mar- 
ket. Andrew Bordman sells freely, and others sparingly. Daven- 
port & Makepeace among the most active operators. Turnpikes. 
Cambridge established as a Port of Delivery. Canals. School-houses. 
Meeting-house. Andrew Craigie becomes owner of almost the whole 
territory now called East Cambridge. Canal (or Craigie's) Bridge. 
Lechmere Point Corporation. Court House and Jail. Incorpora- 
tion of Brighton and West Cambridge. Embargo. War with Eng- 
land. Address by the Town to President Jefferson, and his reply. 
Further action of the Town. Public rejoicing at the return of 
peace 173-194 


Great Bridge, and the various methods adopted for its maintenance. 
West Boston Bridge. Canal (or Craigie's) Bridge. Prison Point 
Bridge. River Street Bridge. Western Avenue Bridge. Brook- 
line Bridge. All the Bridges become free. Public Avenues. Sharp 
contest in regard to Mount Auburn and Cambridge Streets. Im- 
portant legal principle first established in the trial and decision of this 
contest 195-209 


Shire-town of Middlesex. Half shires. Records removed to Charles- 
town ; the General Court orders their return. Removal and return 
of the Registry of Deeds. Court houses. House of Correction and 
Jail. Place of Execution, or " Gallows Lot." Negro woman burned 
at the stake. Support of the Poor. Almshouses. Ordinaries, or 
Taverns ; committed to the charge of the most grave and discreet 


men. Blue Anchor. Samuel Gibson fined for unlawfully entertain- 
ing Students. Innholders and Retailers during a century. Petitions 
of Edmund Angier and John Stedman. Memorial of President Dun- 
ster on behalf of Mrs. Bradish. Prices established. Market Places. 
Market house. Burial places. Common ; contest concerning its 
enclosure. Town House. Athenaeum, converted into a City Hall. 
Sectional rivalry and jealousy. Petition for a division of the town ; 
rejected by the General Court. Unsuccessful attempt to remove dif- 
ficulties. Petition for a City Charter. A new petition for division 
interposed, which, like another presented nine years later, was un- 
successful. City Charter granted and accepted 210-246 


First Meeting-house. Rev. Thomas Hooker and Rev. Samuel Stone. 
First Church organized. Removal to Hartford. Rev. Thomas 
Shepard. Another " First Church " organized. Newell's "Church 
Gathering." McKenzie's "Historical Lectures." Roger Harlak- 
enden. Shepard's reasons for removing to New England. Mrs. 
Shepard's admission to the Church, and her death. Confessions of 
candidates for Church membership. Contributions and expendi- 
tures. Rev. John Phillips. Death of Mr. Shepard. Synods at Cam- 
bridge. Second Meeting-house. Rev. Jonathan Mitchell ; in many 
respects "Matchless." Sibley's " Harvard Graduates." Financial 
records. Salary. Seating of the Meeting-house. Reputed heresy of 
President Dunster. Death of Mr. Mitchell, and the place of his 
burial. Care of the youth. Parsonage erected, and bill of expenses. 
Rev. Urian Oakes ; expense of his ordination. Almsdeeds of the 
Church. Labors, trials, and death of Mr. Oakes. Intense political 
and religious excitement. Address by the "Freemen of Cambridge" 
to the General Court, against universal toleration. Sermon of Mr. 
Oakes on the same subject. Rev. Nathaniel Gookin and Elders Clark 
and Stone ordained, with bill of expenses. Quiet ministry and death 
of Mr. Gookin. Salary of Pastors at different periods. Church or- 
ganized at the Farms. Ordination of Rev. William Brattle ; his min- 
istry and death. Third Meeting-house. Extraordinary snow-storm. 
Election of Rev. Nathaniel Appleton. Parsonage rebuilt. Enlarge- 
ment of Meeting-house. Church organized at Menotomy. Fourth 
Meeting-house. Rev. George Whitefield. Church organized on the 
south side of the river. The prolonged and valuable services of Dr. 
Appleton recognized by Harvard College ; his death. Installation of 
Rev. Timothy Hilliard, and his death, after a short ministry. In- 
stallation of Rev. Abiel Holmes. Theological controversy, resulting 
in the disruption of the Church. Results of Councils. Shepard Con- 
gregational Society organized. Ordination of Rev. Nehemiah Adams 
as Colleague Pastor. Dismission and death of Dr. Holmes. Meet- 
ing-house. Dismission of Mr. Adams. Rev. John A. Albro, D. D., 
and Rev. Alexander McKenzie. New Meeting-house. Ordination 
of Rev. William Newell ; his long and peaceful ministry and resig- 
nation. Meeting-house. Ordination of Rev. Francis G. Peabody. 

Elders. Deacons. . 247-306 



Christ Church. Cambridge port Parish. University Church. First 
Baptist. First Universalist. Second Universalist. First Methodist. 
Third Congregational. Second Baptist. First Evangelical Congre- 
gational. Second Evangelical Congregational. Evangelical (East 
Cambridge). St. Peter's (Episcopal). St. John's. Harvard Street 
Methodist. Old Cambridge Baptist. Lee Street. St. Peter's (Cath- 
olic). Third Universalist. North Cambridge Baptist. North Ave- 
nue Congregational. Pilgrim Congregational. Broadway Baptist. 
Free Church of St. James. Methodist Episcopal (Old Cambridge). 
St. Mary's. St. John's Memorial. Chapel Congregational. Cottage 
Street Methodist. St. Paul's. Church of the Sacred Heart. As- 
cension Church. Charles River Baptist 307-343 


Antinomians. Baptists. Quakers. Elizabeth Hooton and other dis- 
turbers of the peace. Benanuel Bowers, and his family. Witchcraft. 
Rebecca Jacobs. Petition of Rebecca Fox. Mrs. Kendall. A man 
troubled by cats or the devil. Winifred Holman, and her daughter 
Mary Holman. Testimony. Verdict 344-364 


Education. Harvard College. Grammar School. Elijah Corlett. In- 
dian Students. Corlett's letter of thanks to the County Court. 
Nicholas Fessenden, Jr. William Fessenden, Jr. Samuel Danforth. 
Veterans now in service. Agreement for erecting a school-house. 
Allowance to Mr. Dunster and his heirs. Schools of lower grade. 
Schools established in Cambridgeport and East Cambridge. School- 
houses in 1845, 1850, and 1876. School Committee. School dis- 
tricts. Graded schools. Hopkins school. Salaries of teachers at 
different periods 365-381 


Indians. Squa Sachem. Tribe near Mystic Pond. Indian titles pur- 
chased. Fence to secure the Indians' corn. Cutshamakin. Waban, 
and Indians at Nonantum. The apostle Eliot's labors ; assisted bv 
his son, Rev. John Eliot, Jr., and by Rev. Daniel Gookin, Jr. Town 
of Natick. Eliot's mission extended to other tribes. Missions to the 
heathen emphatically commenced in Cambridge. Partial successes. 
Attempts to educate the Indians. Dunster's account of expenses for 
one year. Daniel Gookin actively engaged in the Indian work from 
the beginning ; appointed Ruler and Superintendent of all the friendly 
Indians ; record of one of his courts. Philip's War. Prejudice against 
all the Indians ; many imprisoned on Deer Island. Gookin and Dan- 
forth friendly to the Indians ; savage attacks on them, and on the 
Rev. Mr. Eliot. . . . 382-395 



Military organization. Expedition against Gorton. Narragansett War. 
Energetic services of Major Gookin. Reasons why old men of sixty 
years are not to train. Long service of Capt. Samuel Green. Sol- 
diers in the Wars from 1690 to 1740; Old French War, 1744 to 
1748; French War, 1753 to 1763. Memorial of Capt. William 
Angier. Gen. William Brattle. Troop of Cavalry. War of the 
Revolution. Rolls of Cambridge soldiers in the Battle of Lexington. 
Some events during that conflict. More persons killed in Cambridge 
than elsewhere. Monument in memory of the slain. Capt. Samuel 
Whittemore desperately wounded. Damage to property. Troops 
stationed in Cambridge. College buildings used for barracks. Hos- 
pitals established. Battle of Bunker Hill. Col. Thomas Gardner. 
Arrival of General Washington. Head-quarters. Military Works in 
Cambridge. Disposition of the troops. Military operations. Evac- 
uation of Boston. Difficulty in obtaining military stores. Gen. Bur- 
goyne's troops. Cambridge Officers and Soldiers engaged in the Rev- 
olutionary War. War of 1812. Cambridge not enthusiastic in its 
favor. Light Infantry. War of the Rebellion. Cambridge organ- 
izes the first military company for the defence of the Union ; Roll 
of that company. Richmond surrendered to a Cambridge Officer. 
Officers and Soldiers furnished by Cambridge during the War. Sol- 
diers' Monument erected by the City ; names inscribed thereon. 
Nearly forty-six hundred men, about one sixth part of the entire pop- 
ulation of Cambridge, rendered active service in this internecine con- 
flict 396-438 


Valuation in 1647. Rate list in 1688. Census in 1777. Valuation in 
1781. List of Voters in 1822. Census at intervals from 1765 to 1875. 
Number of Polls, Valuation, rate and amount of Tax, and amount of 
the City Debt, in each year from the incorporation of the City in 1846 
to 1875. Census in 1875. Vice-president of the United States. Gov- 
ernors. Deputy or Lieutenant-governors. Assistants. Councillors. 
Senators. Representatives. Selectmen. Assessors. Town Clerks. 
Town Treasurers. Mayors. Aldermen. Presidents of the Common 
Council. Members of the Common Council. City Clerks. City 
Treasurers. Clerks of the Common Council 439-475 



Indicating the owners and occupants of the several lots, in 1635, and in 1642. All are 
supposed to have been homesteads, unless otherwise designated. 


In 1635. 

In 1642. 


William Westwood. 1 

Public Lot. 


James Olmstead. 

Edward Goffe. 


William Pantry. 

Harvard College. 2 


Rev. Thomas Hooker. 

Rev. Thomas Shepard. 


John White. 8 

Richard Champney. 8 


John Clark.' 

Thomas Beal. 8 


William Wadsworth. 3 

Samuel Shepard. 8 


John White. 

Thomas Danforth. 


John Hopkins. 3 

Mark Pierce. 


John White. 8 

Edward Collins. 


William Goodwin. 

Samuel Shepard. 


John Steele. 

Robert Bradish. 


William Wadsworth. 

Richard Champney. 


Widow Esther Muzzey. 

Henry Dunster. 4 


Daniel Abbott. 

Francis Moore. 


Daniel Abbott. 

John Russell. 


Thomas Heate. 

Thomas Marrett. 


Christopher Cane. 

William Towne. 


Nathaniel Hancock. 

Nathaniel Hancock. 


George Steele. 

Edward Goffe. 4 


Edward Stebbins. 

Nathan Aldus. 


Timothy Stanley. 

William French. 


Jonas Austin. 

Katherine Haddon. 


John Hopkins. 

Edmund Angier. 


Thomas Beale. 

Thomas Beale. 


Rev. Samuel Stone. 

Nathaniel Sparhawk. 


Simon Bradstreet, Esq. 

Herbert Pelham, Esq. 4 


Abraham Morrill. 

Thomas Skidmore. 


Samuel Greenhill. 



John Pratt. 

Widow Elizabeth Isaac. 


William Spencer. 

John Stedman. 


Thomas Spencer. 

William Dickson. 


John Haynes, Esq. 

Henry Dunster. 

1 " Forfeited ; " afterwards called 
" Watch-house Hill ; " site of the Meet- 
ing-house from 1650 to 1833. 

2 Uncertain whether then occupied by 
a house or not. 

8 Vacant lot. 

* House, but apparently not a home- 



In 1635. 

In 1642. 


" Market Place." l 

" Market Place." 


James Ensign. 

Edward Goffe. 2 


Rev. Samuel Stone. 3 

Nathaniel Sparhawk. 8 


Widow Isabel Sackett. 

Robert Stedman. 


Matthew Allen. 

Thomas Chesholme. 





Samuel Dudley. 

Robert Sanders. 


William Andrews. 

Hezekiah Usher. 


William Lewis. 

John Bridge. 


George Stocking. 

William Manning. 


Nicholas Olmstead. 8 

John French. 


Joseph Reading. 

Joseph Cooke. 


Stephen Hart. 

Joseph Cooke. 


Nathaniel Richards. 

Joseph Cooke. 


William Westwood. 

John Betts. 


Dolor Davis. 8 

Edward Mitchelson. 


John Bridge. 

William Andrews. 


Thomas Fisher. 

Edward Shepard. 


John Benjamin. 8 

John Betts. 2 


John Benjamin. 8 

Edward Shepard.8 


John Benjamin. 3 

Moses Payne. 


Thomas Dudley, Esq. 

Herbert Pelham, Esq. 


Matthew Allen. 2 

William Cutter. 


Humphrey Vincent. 

John Moore. 


Daniel Patrick. 

Joseph Cooke. 2 


Richard Lord. 8 

Herbert Pelham, Esq. 


Matthew Allen. 8 

George Cooke. 


Edmund Gearner. 

Mrs. Eliz. Sherborne. 


John Arnold. 

Thomas Hosmer. 


William Kelsey. 

John Sill. . 


Andrew Warner. 

George Cooke. 

1 Now called Winthrop Square. 

2 House, but apparently not homestead. 
8 Vacant lot. 




CAMBRIDGE, the original shire town of Middlesex County, in 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, is situated in 42 22' north 
latitude, and 71 6' west longitude from Greenwich. 1 It is 
bounded on the east by Charles River, which separates it from 
Boston ; on the south by Charles River, which separates it from 
Brookline and Brighton; 2 on the west by Watertown, Belmont, 
and Arlington ; on the north by Somerville, and by Miller's 
River, which separates it from Charlestown. Though now small 
in territorial extent, embracing not more than about four and a 
half square miles, it is divided into four principal districts, each 
having a post-office, namely : Cambridge (often called Old 
Cambridge), Cambridgeport, East Cambridge, and North Cam- 

Like most ancient townships, Cambridge has had great en- 
largement and diminution in its boundary lines. At first, it 
seems to have been designed merely as a fortified place, very 
small in extent, and apparently without definite bounds. Charles- 
town and Watertown, on the northerly side of Charles River, had 
already been settled ; but it is doubtful whether a distinct line of 
separation had been established. Between these two towns a 
spot was selected as " a fit place for a fortified town," about six 
months after the arrival of Winthrop with the fleet of emigrants 
in 1630. 3 Houses were erected here in 1631 by Thomas Dudley, 
Deputy Governor, and by a few others. It was ordered by the 

1 The City Hall, at the corner of Main cently been annexed to Boston ; but they 
and Pleasant streets, in Cambridgeport, have not yet ceased to be designated by 
stands exactly upon the longitudinal line, their former names. 

and about a hundred yards south of the 8 The selection was partially made Dec. 
parallel of latitude indicated. 21, 1630, and definitely determined Dec. 

2 Brighton and Charlestown have re- 28, 1630. 



Governor and Assistants, Feb. 3, 1631-2, that " there should be 
three scoore pounds levyed out of the several plantations within 
the lymitts of this pattent towards the makeing of a pallysadoe 
aboute the newe towne/' l But no definite line of division be- 
tween the New Town and Charlestown appears to have been 
established until March 6, 1632-3, when " it was agreed by the 
parties appointed by the Court, &c., that all the land impaled by 
the newe towne men, with the neck whereon Mr. Graves his 
house standeth, shall belong to Newe-town, and that the bounds 
of Charlestowne shall end at a tree marked by the pale, and to 
passe along from thence by a straight line unto the midway be- 
twixt the westermost part of the Governor's great lot and the 
nearest part thereto of the bounds of Watertowne." 2 The line, 
thus established, was substantially the same as that which now 
divides Cambridge from Somerville. The " neck whereon Mr. 
Graves his house standeth," was the upland included in East 
Cambridge. The line between Cambridge and Watertown was 
not definitely established until April 7, 1635. 3 In the mean time, 
on complaint of " straitness for want of land," at the Court held 
May 14, 1634, leave was " granted to the inhabitants of Newe 
Towne to seek out some convenient place for them, with promise 
that it shalbe confirmed unto them, to which they may remove 
their habitations, or have as an addition to that which already 
they have, provided they doe not take it in any place to preju- 
dice a plantation already settled." 4 After examining several 
places, "the congregation of Newtown came and accepted of 
such enlargement as had formerly been offered them by Boston 
and Watertown." 6 This " enlargement " embraced Brookline, 
Brighton, and Newton. Brookline, then called Muddy River, 
was granted on condition that Mr. Hooker and his congregation 
should not remove. They did remove ; and thus this grant was 
forfeited. But the grant of what was afterwards Brighton and 
Newton held good. 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 93. Dr. Holmes, Cambridge was at first called " The New 
writing in 1800 (Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., Towne," and afterwards New Town or 
vii. 9), says :" This fortification was act- Newtown, until May 2, 1638, when the 
ually made ; and the fosse which was then General Court "Ordered, That Newe- 
dug around the town is, in some places, towne shall henceforward be called Cam- 
visible to this day. It commenced at bridge." Mass. Col. Rec., i. 228. No 
Brick Wharf (originally called Windmill other act of incorporation is found on 
Hill) and ran along the northern side of record, 
the present Common in Cambridge, and 2 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 102. 
through what was then a thicket, but 8 Ibid., p. 144. 
now constitutes a part of the cultivated 4 Ibid., p. 119. 
grounds of Mr. NathanielJarvis ; beyond 8 Savage's Winthrop, i. 132, 142. 
which it cannot be distinctly traced." 



Attending from 
jQedfiam to tfieMeirimack River. 



In the settlement of the line between Cambridge and Charles- 
town, no indication is given how far the bounds of either ex- 
tended into the country beyond the line drawn from " the Gov- 
ernor's great lot," or the Ten Hills Farm, to the " nearest part" 
of Watertown. But the Court, March 3, 1635-6, agreed that 
" Newe Towne bounds shall run eight myles into the country, 
from their meeteing house." l This grant secured to Cambridge, 
on its northern border, the territory now embraced in Arlington 
and the principal part of Lexington ; and, as the measurements 
of that day were very elastic, perhaps the whole of Lexington 
was included. But even this did not satisfy the craving for land. 
Accordingly a conditional grant of Shawshine was made, June 2, 
1641, and renewed June 14, 1642 : " All the land lying upon 
Saweshin Ryver, and between that and Concord Ryver, and be- 
tween that and Merrimack Ryver, not formerly granted by this 
Court, are granted to Cambridge, so as they erect a village there 
within five years, and so as it shall not extend to prejudice 
Charlestowne village, or the village of Cochitawit," etc. 2 This 
grant was confirmed absolutely, March 7, 1643-4, 3 and included 
the present town of Billerica, parts of Bedford and Carlisle, and 
a part of Tewksbury, or of Chelmsford, or of both. The terms 
of the grant all the land lying between Concord and Merrimac 
rivers would seem to include Lowell ; yet an Indian village 
then occupied that territory, and such villages were generally 

The township had now attained its full size. In shape some- 
what like an hour-glass, about thirty-five miles in length, and 
wide at each extremity, it was not much more than one mile in 
width in the central part, where the original settlement was 
made, and where most of the inhabitants then resided. Such was 
its shape when Johnson described it in 1651. " This Town is 
compact closely within itselfe, till of late yeares some few strag- 
ling houses have been built : the Liberties of this Town have been 
inlarged of late in length, reaching from the most Northerly part 
of Charles River to the most Southerly part of Merrimack 
River." 4 This description, however, does not comprehend the 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 166. them and Concord is granted them, all 

2 Ibid., i. 330, ii. 17. save what is formerly granted to the mil- 
8 Ibid., ii. 62. The description in this itary company or others, provided the 

grant is somewhat different from the for- church and present elders continue at 

mer: " Shawshin is granted to Cam- Cambridge." 

bridg, without any condition of makeing * Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., xiii. 137. 
a village there; and the land between 


whole territory then belonging to Cambridge ; for both Brighton 
and Newton are wholly on the southerly side of Charles River. 
The portion of Dedham, which now constitutes the town of Need- 
ham, was the southerly bound. 

But Cambridge soon lost a part of its enormous length. In 
1655, an amicable arrangement was made between the town and 
those of its inhabitants who had erected houses at Shawshine, 
for a separation ; this arrangement was confirmed by the Gen- 
eral Court, and Shawshine was incorporated as a town, under the 
name of Billerica. 1 Soon afterwards the inhabitants on the south 
side of the river, in what is now Newton, where a church was 
organized July 20, 1664, petitioned for incorporation as a sepa- 
rate town. Cambridge objected ; and a long and earnest contro- 
versy ensued. The Newton people triumphed at last, as will be 
fully related in another place, and in 1688 became a separate 

The northwesterly portion of the territory remaining in Cam- 
bridge was for many years called " The Farms," and a church 
was organized there Oct. 21, 1696. The Farmers, as they were 
styled, subsequently agreed with the town upon terms of sep- 
aration, and by an " order passed in Council and concurred by 
the Representatives," March 20, 1713, they were incorporated 
as " a separate and distinct town by the name of Lexington, upon 
the articles and terms already agreed on with the town of Cam- 
bridge." 2 

From this period Cambridge was not curtailed of its propor- 
tions for nearly a century. Indeed, it obtained some additions. 
The present southwesterly portion of the city, lying west of 
Sparks Street and south of Vassall Lane, was set off from Water- 
town and annexed to Cambridge, April 19, 1754, 3 except the 
" Cambridge Cemetery " and a few acres between that and the 
former line, which were annexed April 27, 1855. 4 The line of 
Watertown was thus carried about a half a mile further westward ; 
and the tract thus acquired embraces some of the most desirable 
land in the city for dwelling-houses. From Charlestown (now 
Somerville), the dwellings and a portion of the estates of Nathan- 
iel Prentiss, Josiah Wellington, Stephen Goddard, Benjamin God- 
dard, and Nathaniel Goddard, including most of the tract bounded 
by North Avenue, Russell, Elrn, and White streets, were annexed 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., Hi. 387. stood on this tract of land, not far from 

2 Mass. Prov. Rec., ix. 258. the present residence of James Russell 
8 Ibid., xx. 228. Dr. Bond conjectured Lowell. Hist. Watertown, p. 1046. 

that the first meeting-house in Watertown * Mass. Spec. Laws, x. 360. 


to Cambridge, March 6, 1802 ; l the estate of William Hunne- 
well, Feb. 12, 1818 ; 2 and a portion of Professor Ware's estate, 
now the Norton homestead, June 17, 1820. 3 These three annex- 
ations are indicated by the sharp angles on the map. The line 
at White Street was somewhat changed April 30, 1856, and 
the line between Cambridge and Belmont and Arlington, was 
straightened Feb. 25, 1862. 

The northwesterly part of the town was made a separate pre- 
cinct Dec. 27, 1732, and was afterwards styled the Second 
Parish, or more generally Menotomy. The line of division was 
" Menotomy River from Charlestown till it comes to Spy Pond 
Brook ; then on said brook till it comes to a water-course or 
ditch in Whiting's meadow, so called : the ditch to be the boun- 
dary till it comes to Hamblett's Brook, following the course of 
the Brook to the Bridge ; thence on a straight line to the north- 
west corner of Mr. Isaac Holden's orchard, and continuing the 
same course to Watertown line." 4 This tract, with the addition 
of the remaining territory on the westerly side of Menotomy 
River, was incorporated, Feb. 27, 1807, under the name of West 
Cambridge, 5 which name was changed to Arlington, April 20, 
1867. 6 

The inhabitants of the territory left on the south side of 
Charles River petitioned to be made a separate precinct, as early 
as 1748, and renewed their petition, from time to time, until 
April 2, 1779, when they were authorized to bring in a bill to 
incorporate them as an ecclesiastical parish, " excepting Samuel 
Sparhawk, John Gardner, Joanna Gardner, and Moses Griggs, 
and their estates." 7 This was styled the Third Parish, or Little 
Cambridge. The whole territory south of Charles River was 
incorporated, under the name of Brighton, Feb. 24, 1837. 8 

By the incorporation of West Cambridge and Brighton, which 
was the result of an amicable agreement between the several 
parties, Cambridge was reduced substantially to its present lim- 
its. Several attempts have since been made for a further divis- 
ion ; but its incorporation as a city has removed most of the 
difficulties which previously existed, and it may be reasonably 
expected that no more attempts of the kind will be made during 
the present century. 

1 Mass. Spec. Laws, ii. 520. 7 Mass. Prov. Rec., xxxix. 213. 

2 Ibid., v. 220. 8 Mass. Spec. Laws, iv. 70. By an 
8 Ibid., v. 385. net approved May 21, 1873, Brighton was 

4 Mass. Prov. Rec., xii. 351. annexed to Boston, the annexation to 

5 Mass. Spec. Laws, iv. 88. take full effect on the first Monday in 

6 Ibid., xii. 244. January, 1874. 



THE purpose for which Cambridge was originally established 
as a town is stated by two of its projectors, Winthrop and Dud- 
ley. " The governor and most of the assistants," had " agreed 
to build a town fortified upon the neck," between Roxbury and 
Boston, Dec. 6, 1630 ; but, for several reasons, they abandoned 
that project, eight days afterwards, and agreed to examine other 
places. On the twenty-first day of the same month : " We met 
again at Watertown, and there, upon view of a place a mile be- 
neath the town, all agreed it a fit place for a fortified town, and 
we took time to consider further about it." l Dudley, describing 
the events of 1630, in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, says, 
" We began again in December to consult about a fit place to 
build a town upon, leaving all thoughts of a fort, because upon 
any invasion we were necessarily to lose our houses when we 
should retire thereinto. So after divers meetings at Boston, 
Roxbury, and Watertown, on the twenty-eighth of December, 
we grew to this resolution, to bind all the assistants 2 (Mr. Endi- 
cott and Mr. Sharpe excepted, which last purposeth to return by 
the next ship into England), to build houses at a place a mile 
east from Watertown, near Charles River, the next spring, and to 
winter there the next year ; that so by our examples, and by 
removing the ordnance and munition thither, all who were able 
might be drawn thither, and such as shall come to us hereafter, 
to their advantage, be compelled so to do ; and so, if God would, 
a fortified town might there grow up, the place fitting reason- 
ably well thereto." Johnson describes the original design and its 
partial accomplishment, in his characteristic manner : " At this 
time, those who were in place of civil government, having some 

1 Savage's Winthrop, i. 45, 46. cott, Increase Nowell, William Pynchon, 

2 Winthrop was then Governor, and Thomas Sharp, Roger Ludlow, William 
Dudley Deputy Governor; the Assistants Coddington, and Simon Bradstreet. 
were Sir Richard Saltonstall, John Endi- 


additional pillars to underprop the building, began to think of 
a place of more safety in the eyes of man than the two frontier 
towns of Charles Towne and Boston were, for the habitation of 
such as the Lord had prepared to govern this pilgrim people. 
Wherefore they rather made choice to enter further among the In- 
dians than hazard the fury of malignant adversaries who in a rage 
might pursue them, and therefore chose a place situate on Charles 
River, between Charles Towne and Water Towne, where they 
erected a town called New Town, now named Cambridge, being 
in form like a list cut off from the broad-cloth of the two fore- 
named towns, where this wandering race of Jacobites gathered 
the eighth church of Christ." 1 

Notwithstanding it was agreed that " all the assistants " should 
build at the New Town in the spring of 1631, it does not appeal- 
that any of them fulfilled the agreement, except Dudley and 
Bradstreet. Governor Winthrop indeed erected a house ; 2 but 
he subsequently took it down again and removed it to Boston. 
This led to a sharp controversy between Dudley and Winthrop, 
which was at length decided by the elders in favor of Dudley. 3 
There may have been good and sufficient reasons why Winthrop 
should prefer to remain in Boston rather than to remove to the 
New Town. But it is much to be regretted that he should claim 
to have substantially fulfilled his obligation, or " performed the 
words of the promise," by erecting a house, though he immedi- 
ately removed it. This is scarcely consistent with his otherwise 
fair fame as a gentleman of singular ingenuousness. It would 
seem that Sir Richard Saltonstall intended to build a house, and 

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., xiii. 136. ing to the promise he made to them when 

2 It has been said that Winthrop erected they first sat down with him at Boston, 
only the frame of a house ; but he says it namely, that he would not remove, except 
was a house inhabited by servants. See they went with him), he would not leave 
next note. them : this was the occasion that he re- 

3 Savage's Winlhrop, i. 82, 83. Winthrop moved his house. Upon these and other 
says Dudley "complained of the breach speeches to this purpose, the ministers 
of promise, both in the governor and went apart for one hour ; then returning, 
others, in not building at Newtown. The they delivered their opinions, that the 
governor answered, that he had performed governor was in fault for removing of his 
the words of the promise; for he had a house so suddenly, without conferring with 
house up, and seven or eight servants the deputy and the rest of the assistants ; 
abiding in it, by the day appointed; and but if the deputy were the occasion of dis- 
for the removing his house, he alleged couraging Boston men from removing, it 
that, seeing that the rest of the assistants would excuse the governor a tanto, but 
went not about to build, and that his not a toto. The governor, professing 
neighbors of Boston had been discouraged himself willing to submit his own opin- 
from removing thither by Mr. Deputy ion to the judgment of so many wise 
himself, and thereupon had (under all and godly friends, acknowledged himself 
their hands) petitioned him, that (accord- faulty." 



a lot was assigned to him for that purpose ; 1 but he went to 
England in the spring of 1631, and did not return. Nowell 
remained at Charlestown ; Pynchon, at Roxbury ; Ludlow, at 
Dorchester ; and Coddington, at Boston. Endicott and Sharpe 
were originally free from engagement. 

Dr. Holmes says, " the Deputy Governor (Dudley), Secretary 
Bradstreet, and other principal gentlemen, in the spring of 1631, 
commenced the execution of the plan." 2 No list of inhabitants 
is found until after the ; ' Braintree Company " arrived in the 
summer of 1632, except this memorandum on the title-page of 
the Town Records : " The Towne Book of Newtowne. In- 
habitants there Mr. Tho. Dudly Esq., Mr. Symon Bradstreet, 
Mr. Edmond Lockwood, Mr. Daniell Patricke, John Poole, Wil- 
liam Spencer, John Kirman, Symon Sackett." 3 But this Book 

1 The Proprietors' Records show that the General Court, Constable of the New 

what is now called Winthrop Square was 
allotted to Sir Richard Saltonstall ; but 
when it was ascertained that he would 
not return from England, the lot was as- 
signed for a "Market Place," by which 
name it was known for more than two 
centuries, though no market-house was 
ever erected there. Probably like the old 
Market Place in Boston, it was used for 
traffic, in the open air, between the in- 
habitants and such as brought commodi- 
ties for sale. 

2 Coll. Mass. Hist Soc., vii. 7. 

8 Of these eight persons who laid the 
foundation of the New Town, Thomas 
Dudley was the most eminent. He was 
elected Deputy Governor in 1630, became 
Governor in 1634, and was either Gover- 
nor, Deputy Governor, or Assistant, dur- 
ing the remainder of his life. He removed 
to Ipswich, perhaps before May, 1636,when 
he and Bradstreet were named as magis- 
trates to hold the court there, while others 
were appointed for the court at New Town. 
Soon afterwards he removed to Roxbury, 
were he died July 31, 1653. Simon 
Bradstreet was an Assistant from 1630 to 
1678; Deputy Governor, 1678; Governor, 
1679-86, 1689-92. He also removed to 
Ipswich, probably with Dudley, whose 
daughter was his wife ; was afterwards in 
Andover for a short time ; then in Bos- 
ton until Sept. 18, 1695, when he re- 
moved to Salem, and died there, March 
27, 1697. Edmund Lockwood, having 
the prefix of " Mr.," was appointed by 

Town, at its organization, May, 1632; 
and at the same session was selected as 
one of the two inhabitants of the town " to 
confer with the Court about raising of a 
public stock." He died before March, 
1635. Daniel Patrick, also styled " Mr.," 
was one of the two captains appointed 
by the Court, to command the militia 
of the Colony. Except as a military man, 
his character does not appear to have been 
very reputable. In 1637 he had liberty 
to remove to Ipswich, but seems rather 
to have gone to Watcrtown, where he was 
Selectman, in 1638. He afterwards re- 
moved to Connecticut, and was killed by 
a Dutchman, at Stamford, in 1643. John 
Poolo probably remained here only a few 
months, as he is not named in the list of 
proprietors, in 1633. He was of Lynn, 
1638, and afterwards of Reading, where 
he died April 1, 1667. William Spencer, 
uniformly styled "Mr." on the court rec- 
ords, was one of the " principal gentle- 
men." He was associated with Mr. Lock- 
wood, May, 1632, "to confer with the 
Court about raising of a public stock; " 
was Deputy or Representative of the New 
Town, 1634-1637; one of the first Board 
of Townsmen, 1635; lieutenant of the 
trainband, 1637, and a member of the An- 
cient and Honorable Artillery Company, 
at its organization in 1639; he probably 
removed to Hartford in 1639, where he was 
Selectman and Deputy, and died in 1640. 
John Kirman removed to Lynn, 1632, 
and was a Deputy, 1635. Simon Sack- 


of Records was not commenced until 1632, several months after 
Dudley and Bradstreet performed their promise " to build houses 
at the New Town." Whether more than the before named eight 


persons, and indeed whether all these resided in the New Town 
before the end of 1631, I have not found any certain proof. The 
number of inhabitants in that year was doubtless small ; yet there 
were enough able-bodied men to be specially included in an order 
of court passed July 26, 1631, requiring a general training of 
soldiers in all the plantations. 1 

Although the Governor and Assistants generally did not per- 
form their agreement to make the New Town the place of their 
permanent residence, they seem to have regarded it as the 
prospective seat of government, and not long afterwards, as will 
appear, commenced holding the general and particular courts 
there. Several orders, passed during the year, indicate such an 
expectation and intention. For example : June 14, 1631, " Mr. 
John Maisters hath undertaken to make a passage from Charles 
River to the New Town, twelve foot broad and seven foot 
deep ; for which the Court promiseth him satisfaction, according 
as the charges thereof shall amount unto." 2 On the fifth of the 
following July, provision was made for the payment of Mr. Mas- 
ters, when it was " Ordered, That there shall be levied out of the 
several plantations the sum of thirty pounds, for the making of 
the creek at the New Town," but no portion of this sum 
was assessed upon the New Town. Again, Feb. 3, 1631-2, " It 
was ordered, That there should be three score pounds levied out 
of the several plantations within the limits of this patent, towards 
the making of a pallysadoe about the New Town ; viz. Water- 
town, viii.?. the New Town, iii.Z. Charlton, vii.Z. Mead ford, iu.l. 
Saugus and Marble Harbor, vi.L Salem, iv.Z. x.s. Boston, \ii'\.L 
Rocksbury, vii.L Dorchester, vii.Z. Wessaguscus, v.Z. Winett- 
semet, xxx.s." 3 

ett died here before 3d November, 1635, the town ordered a causeway and foot- 
when administration was granted to his bridge to be constructed, Jan. 4, 1635-36. 
widow Isabell Sackett. 8 Mass. Col. Rec.,i. 98. Winthrop says 

1 Mass. Coll. Eec., i. 90. that Watcrtown objected against the 

2 Ibid., i. 88. This canal still exists on validity and justice of this assessment : 
the westerly side of College Wharf, from and his learned editor says : " To the agi- 
Charles River nearly to South Street, tation of this subject we may refer the 
It was a natural creek, enlarged and origin of that committee of two from 
deepened thus far, from which point, turn- each town to advise with the court about 
ing westerly, it extended along the south- raising public moneys ' so as what they 
erly and westerly sides of South and Eliot should agree upon should bind all,' under 
streets, and crossed Brattle Street, where date of May of this year. This led to the 


Six months later, there was a considerable accession of inhabi- 
tants, by order of the General Court. The order does not ap- 
pear on the records of the Court ; but Winthrop says, under date 
of Aug. 14, 1632, "The Braintree 1 Company (which had begun 
to sit down at Mount Wollaston), by order of court, removed to 
Newtown. There were Mr. Hooker's Company." 2 Before their 
arrival an order was adopted by the inhabitants, in regard to the 
paling around the common lands; the contemplated assignment 
of proportions, however, was not made until several months after- 
wards, when new inhabitants had arrived and had received grants 
of the common property. The date of this order, which is the 
first recorded in the town records, is March 29, 1632 : 

" An agreement by the inhabitants of the New Town, about 
paling 3 in the neck of land. Imprimis, That every one who 
hath any part therein shall hereafter keep the same in good and 
sufficient repair ; and if it happen to have any defect, he shall 
mend the same within three days after notice given, or else 'pay 
ten shillings a rod for every rod so repaired for him. Further, 
It is agreed that the said impaled ground shall be divided accord- 
ing to every man's proportion in said pales. Further, It is 
agreed, that if any man shall desire to sell his part of impaled 
ground, he shall first tender the sale thereof to the town inhabi- 
tants interested, who shall either give him the charge he hath 
been at, or else to have liberty to sell it to whom he can." 

In the list which follows, evidently according to the preceding 
order, though not immediately succeeding it on the record, I pre- 
serve the original orthography, together with the number of rods, 
indicating the relative shares in the impaled ground. 

representative body, having the full powers near the junction of Ellsworth Avenue 

of all the freemen, except that of elec- with Cambridge Street, to the line be- 

tions." Savage's Winthrop, i. 71, note. tween Cambridge and Charlestown (now 

1 Supposed to be so called because Somerville), at its angle on Line Street 
they came from Braintree, a town in near Cambridge Street, and thence fol- 
Essex, about forty miles from London. lowed that line to the creek, a few rods 

2 Savage's Winthrop, i. 87. Mr. Hooker easterly from the track of the Grand 
did not arrive until more than a year Junction Railroad. Commencing again 
later; but the members of his flock, who at the point first mentioned, the fence 
preceded him, in due time again enjoyed extended southwardly to the marsh near 
his pastoral care. the junction of Holyoke Place with 

8 The location of the greater part of Mount Auburn Street. The kind of 

this fence, or " pale " is designated with fence then erected is indicated in an order 

tolerable accuracy by the ancient records passed Dec. 5, 1636 : "That the common 

of possessions and conveyances. Com- pales in all places, to be made after this 

mencing in the present College yard, near day, shall be done with sufficient posts and 

the northwesterly angle of Gore Hall, rails, and not with crotches." 
and extending eastwardly, it passed very 




8 rods. 

7 " 

6 " 

6 " 

6 " 

6 " 

G " 


5 " 

4 " 


3 " 

3 " 

3 " 

3 " 

3 " 

2 " 

2 " 

2 " 

2 " 

2 " 

Of these forty-two persons, it is certain that at least one half 
were not of the Braintree Company, as many have supposed. 1 
Precisely how many of the other half were of that company, I 
have 110 means to determine ; but from whatever place they may 
have come, the number of inhabitants so increased that in about 
a year there were nearly a hundred families in the New Town. 

The division of lands and the establishment of highways were 
among the first necessities. The house-lots were laid out com- 
pactly in the " Town," and in the " West End," the tract 
bounded by Sparks, Wyeth, and Garden streets, Harvard and 
Brattle squares, and Charles River. For cultivation, lands were 
assigned in the impaled " Neck," and afterwards elsewhere. 

John Haynes, Esq. . . 
Thomas Dudly, Esq. 
Mr. Symon Bradstreet . 
John Benjamin . . . 
John Talcott .... 





Steven Hart .... 
William Wadsworth . . 
George Steele . . . . 
Richard Goodman , . 
John Brido 1 

Mathew Allen . . . 
William Westwood . . 




Symon Sackett . . . 
Richard Butler . . . 

James Omstead . . . 
Daniell Denison . . . 



Capt. Patrike . . . . 
Richard Web . 

Samuell Dudly . . . 
Andrew Warner . 
William Goodwine 



John Masters . . . . 
Antho. Colby . . . . 
John Clark 

John White .... 



Nath. Richards 

John Steel e .... 



Richard Lord . . . 

Edward Stebinge . . . 
William Spencer . . . 
Thomas Hosmer . . . 




Abraham Morrill . . . 
William Kelse . . . . 
Jonath. Bosworth 

William Lewis . . . 
Hester Musse .... 



Tho. Spencer .... 
Garrad Hadon . . . 

Joseph Readinge . . 
Thomas Heate .... 




Edward Elmer . . . 
Jeremy Addams . . . 

1 Thomas Dudley, Simon Bradstreet, 
Daniel Patrick, Simon Sackett, and Wil- 
liam Spencer were here before August, 
1632, when the "Braintree Company" 
removed. Samuel Dudley was doubtless 
here also. Daniel Denison came here 
from Roxbury. Anthony Colby, Garrad 
Haddon, and Joseph Reading, were of 
Boston in 1630; and John Masters of 
Watertown, in 1631. John Benjamin, 

Edward Elmer, William Goodwin, Wil- 
liam Lewis, James Olmstead, Nathaniel 
Richards, John Talcott, William Wads- 
worth, and John White, arrived at Boston, 
in the Lion, Sept. 16, 1632, a month after 
the Braintree Company removed; and 
John Haynes did not arrive until Sept. 
3, 1633. The name of Simon Onkes 
is erroneously given in Col. Mass. Hist. 
Soc., vii. 10, instead of Simon Sackett. 


The original assignment is not found ; but the work was com- 
menced before the " Braintree Company " arrived ; for Winthrop 
alleged, as early as August 3, 1632, that Dudley "had empaled, 
at Newtown, above one thousand acres, and had assigned lands 
to some there." l So much of the impaled land as lies northerly 
of Main Street was so divided, that the divisions are easily 
traced. The westerly part of what was denominated "the 
Neck," was allotted in small portions. First came the "planting 
field," afterwards called the " Old field," which was bounded 
westerly and northerly by the common pales, easterly by Dana 
Street, and southerly by Main and Arrow streets ; this contained 
about sixty-three acres, and was assigned in small portions for 
separate use. Next to this field was the " Small-lot hill," which 
was bounded southerly by Main Street, westerly by Dana Street, 
northerly by the common pales, and easterly by a line extended 
from Somerville, near the northern termination of Fayette Street, 
to a point on Main Street about one hundred and thirty feet east 
of Hancock Street. This tract contained about forty-six acres, 
and was divided into eighteen narrow lots extending from Dana 
Street to the easterly line. Eastwardly from " Small-lot hill " 
the land was divided into large lots, which were assigned in 
the following order and quantity : Samuel Dudley, 22| acres ; 
Thomas Dudley, Esq., 63 acres ; Richard Goodman, 6 acres ; 
William Westwood, 27 acres ; John Talcott, 32 acres ; Daniel 
Denison, 22^ acres ; John Haynes, Esq., 63 acres ; (these lots sev- 
erally extended from what is now Main Street to Somerville 
line ; the following lots bordered southerly on the Great Marsh) : 
Widow Hester Mussey, 9 acres ; Matthew Allen, 27 acres ; John 
Talcott, 45 acres, bordering eastwardly on the marsh, and another 
lot, wholly marsh, 50 acres ; Atherton Hough, 130 acres of marsh 
and upland, embracing " Graves his neck," or East Cambridge. 

At a later period, another planting field was enclosed by a 
common fence, and was called the " West field," and sometimes 
" West-end field." It was bounded northerly by Garden Street, 
easterly by Wyeth Street, southerly by Vassall Lane, and west- 
erly by the Great Swamp, or Fresh Pond meadows. There was 
also the Pine Swamp field, whose bounds I cannot trace ; but it 
was in the vicinity of the intersection of Oxford Street with 
Everett and Mellen streets. 

Such were the principal planting fields in early use. The 
marshes and meadows were in like manner assigned in severalty. 

1 Savage's Winthrop, i. 84. 


The principal fresh meadows at first divided were those which 
adjoin Fresh Pond, called the " Fresh Pond meadows." The 
marshes on the northerly side of Charles River received distinc- 
tive names. The tract lying westerly of Ash Street was called 
Windmill-hill-marsh " ; between Ash Street and College Wharf 
was " Ox-marsh " ; the name of " Ship-marsh " was applied to 
the tract extending from College Wharf to the point where the 
river sweeps around to the south ; and the narrow strip between 
this point and Riverside was called " Common-marsh." " Long- 
marsh " extended from Green Street between Bay and Vernon 
streets to the river below Riverside, and probably to " Captain's 
Island," at the south end of Magazine Street. The marsh be- 
tween Captain's Island and East Cambridge was called the 
" Great Marsh." Its name will appear the more appropriate, 
when it is considered that almost the entire territory easterly of 
a line drawn from the junction of Pearl and Allston streets to 
the point where the Grand Junction Railroad crosses Miller's 
River (excepting the high land in East Cambridge), was then 
one continuous unbroken marsh. A small tract, indeed, lying 
southeast wardly from the junction of Main and Front streets, 
was upland, and was an island at high water, afterwards called 
" Pelham's Island " ; and a few other small parcels of dry land 
appeared on the easterly side of the line before mentioned, but 
they were more than counterbalanced by tracts of marsh on the 
westerly side. 

The grazing lands were not divided at first ; but the herds of 
cows, goats, and swine were driven forth, under care of their sev- 
eral keepers, to range over the undivided lands, styled " com- 
mons." The tract embraced between Garden and Linnaean 
streets and North Avenue was early set apart for the security of 
the cows at night. It was called the " Cow-common," and re- 
mained undivided nearly a century after it was first so used. 
Provision was also made for oxen, and the tract lying between 
the " Common Pales " and Kirkland Street, extending from the 
Common to Somerville line, was devoted as an " ox-pasture ; " to 
which was subsequently added a corresponding tract on the 
northerly side of Kirkland Street. 

The " Path from Charlestown to Watertown " was probably 
travelled before the New Town was selected as a place for resi- 
dence ; and it may properly be regarded as the most ancient 
highway in Cambridge. Its general direction was through Kirk- 
land, Mason, and Brattle streets, Elmwood Avenue, and Mount 


Auburn Street. The " Town " and all the grounds originally 
impaled were on the southeasterly side of this path. The "com- 
mon pales," so called, were about a quarter of a mile south of the 
path, at the present Somerville line, and about two hundred 
yards from it at Gore Hall. Among the earliest of the streets 
laid out for the use of the Town were four, running easterly and 
westerly, crossed by four others at right angles. These eight 
streets, with a single exception, remain substantially in their 
original location ; but many of them have been made wider, and 
the names of all have been changed. 


Braintree Street Harvard Street and Harvard Square. 

Spring Street Mount Auburn Street. 

Long Street Winthrop Street. 

Marsh Lane South Street, and part of Eliot Street. 

Creek Lane Brattle Square and part of Eliot Street. 

Wood Street Brighton Street. 

Water Street Dunster Street. 

Crooked Street Holyoke Street. 

Besides these principal streets were sundry highways. The 
" highway to Watertown " extended from Brattle Square through 
Brattle Street to Mason Street ; and thence was identical with 
the " Path from Charlestown to Watertown." From this high- 
way three others diverged southerly : one, to the ox-marsh, 
passing near the site of the Brattle Mansion-house ; one to Wind- 
mill-hill, now Ash Street ; and one to Watertown marsh, not far 
westerly from the residence of Samuel Batchelder, Esq. The 
first and last of these three highways were long ago closed. 
Mason Street was early distinguished as the " highway from 
Charlestown to Watertown." The original " highway to the 
Fresh Pond " followed the track of the present Garden Street, 
Wyeth Street, and Vassall Lane, except that it passed across the 
common from Harvard Square to its northwesterly corner. As 
far as to Wyeth Street, Garden Street was called both the 
" highway to the Fresh Pond," and the " highway to the Great 
Swamp ; " northwesterly from Wyeth Street, it had the latter 
name exclusively. An old range-way on the easterly side of the 
Botanic Garden, now made wider and called Raymond Street, 
was "the other highway to the Great Swamp." The "high- 
way to the Common " indicated that portion of North Avenue 
which led from Harvard Square to the point where the Old 


Charlestown Path crossed the Common. The other portion of 
North Avenue was the " highway to Menotomy." The " high- 
way to Charlestown," or the " Charlestown Path," as before 
stated, was the present Kirkland Street. In the impaled land, 
the principal highway was the "highway to the Oyster Bank," 
or the " highway into the neck," extending through Arrow 
Street, Main Street, and Pleasant Street, to a point near Cottage 
Street, and thence diagonally across the present streets towards 
Washington Square. From Pleasant Street a path diverged 
westerly, and followed the border of the upland, next to the 
marsh, and was called the " highway to Captain's Island." ] 
From the junction of Pleasant and Main streets, the highway 
extended easterly, nearly in the track of Main Street, and at a 
later day was called the " highway to Pelham's Island." Be- 
tween the " old field " and " small-lot hill," was the " highway 
to the common pales," now called Dana Street, the direction of 
which, however, is somewhat changed, the northerly termination 
now being several rods more westerly than it was at first. 
Another branch extended southerly from Main Street to River- 
side, originally called the " highway into the little neck," now 
Putnam Avenue. From the " town " into the " highway to the 
oyster-bank " there were two principal entrances : one being a 
continuation of Braintree (now Harvard) Street, from Holyoke 
Street easterly, through Harvard Street and the northerly portion 
of Bow Street to Arrow Street, and indifferently called " Field 
Lane " and the " highway to the oyster-bank ; " the other 
being a continuation of Spring (now Mount Auburn) Sti'eet, or 
rather branching from a sharp angle in Crooked (now Holyoke) 
Street, opposite to the site of the printing office, and winding 
along the higher land above the westerly portion of Bow Street, 
until it intersected Field Lane at the present junction of Bow 
and Arrow streets ; this was indifferently called " Back Lane," 
and " Cow-yard Row." " Cow-yard Lane," separating the house- 
lots from the yards in the rear, extended across the College en- 
closure, from the Common to the " Old Field," at the distance of 
about a hundred feet from Harvard Street, having an outlet into 
Harvard Street about a hundred feet easterly from the present 
Holyoke Street ; this, like that into which it entered, was called 
" Field Lane." Cow-yard Lane and Field Lane north of Har- 

1 The upland, where the Powder Mag- Patrick, at a rcry early period, since 
azine was erected, an island at high which time it has always been styled 
water, was granted to Captain Daniel Captain's Island. 


vard Street were discontinued and enclosed with the adjoining 
lands immediately after " Mr. Hooker's Company " removed. 
The foregoing are all the highways of which I find any trace in 
the present bounds of Cambridge, prior to 1636. On the south 
side of the river, however, a highway was early established, 
called the " highway to Roxbury," from a point opposite to the 
College Wharf, in the general direction of the road from Cam- 
bridge Great Bridge, through the easterly portion of Brighton 
to Brookline. Frequent reference is also made, in the early 
records, to the " highway from Watertown to Roxbury." 



THE New Town seems never to have been incorporated by spe- 
cific act. It was originally set apart by the government for pub- 
lic use ; and it was from the beginning recognized as a distinct 
town. As early as June 14, 1631, the Court provided for the 
making of a canal or " passage from Charles River to the New 
Town," and, in ordering a tax of thirty pounds, Feb. 3, 1631-2, 
to defray the expense of a " pallysadoe about the New Town," 
assessed one tenth part thereof on that town, as related in Chap- 
ter II. There is no recorded evidence, however, of any municipal 
transactions by the New Town until March 29, 1632, when the 
Town Book of Records was opened ; since which time a continu- 
ous record has been preserved. The first transaction recorded 
was the " agreement by the inhabitants of the New Town, about 
paling in the neck of land." Six weeks later, the Court appointed 
a constable for the New Town, and selected two of its inhabitants, 
with a like number from other towns, " to confer with the Court 
about raising of a public stock." 1 The first named record, March 
29, 1632, has been fully quoted in the preceding chapter. The 
next in order, Dec. 24, 1632, provided for regular meetings of 
the inhabitants for the transaction of business. The record is 
mutilated somewhat, and the words supposed to have been worn 
off are here inserted in brackets : 

" An agreement made by a general consent, for a monthly 

" Imprimis, That every person undersubscribed shall [meet] 
every first Monday in every month, within [the] meeting house, 
in the afternoon, within half [an hour] after the ringing of the 
bell ; 2 and that every [one] that makes not his personal appear- 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 95, 96, May 9, plantacon appointed to conferre with the 

1632: "Mr. Edmond Lockwood was Court about raiseing of a publique 

chosen constable of New Towne for this stockc;" "Mr. Lockwood and Mr. 

yeare next ensueing, and till a newe be Spencer for Newc Towne." 

chosen." On the same day, "It was or- a It is observable that the hour of meet- 

dered that there should be two of every ing was thus early announced by "the 


ance there [and] continues there, without leave from the [ 
until the meeting be ended, shall forfeit [for each] default xii. 
pence : and if it be not paid [before the next] meeting, then to 
double it, and so until [it be paid]." 

Although a general subscription seems to have been contem- 
plated, only two signatures are appended, namely, Thomas Dud- 
ley and John Haynes ; and Mr. Haynes must have subscribed his 
name several months after the order was adopted, as he did not 
arrive until Sept. 3, 1633. At the first meeting holden in pursu- 
ance of this " agreement," several municipal arrangements were 
made, to secure the beauty and safety of the town, to wit : 

Jan. 7, 1632-3. " It is ordered, that no person whatever 
[shall set] up any house in the bounds of this town [without] 
leave from the major part. 

" Further, it is agreed, by a joint consent, [that the] town 
shall not be enlarged until all [the vacant] places be filled with 
houses. 1 

" Further, it is agreed, that all the houses [within] the bounds 
of the town shall be covered [with] slate or board, and not with 
thatch. 2 

" Further, it is ordered, that all [the houses shall] range even, 
and stand just six [feet on each man's] own ground from the 

ringing of the bell." Johnson represents 2 This was a reaffirmation of an agree- 
that, in 1636, a drum was used, because ment made by the original projectors of 
the town "had as yet no bell to call men the town, nearly two years earlier. In 
to meeting." Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., xiv. his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 
18. It seems unlikely that "Mr. Hook- dated March 28, 1631, Dudley speaks of 
er's company " transported their bell, recent disasters by fire, and adds : " For 
across the wilderness, to Connecticut, and the prevention whereof in our new town, 
the story perhaps was inaccurately re- intended this summer to be builded, we 
ported to Johnson. The day of meeting have ordered that no man there shall build 
was changed to the second Monday in his chimney with wood, nor cover his 
the month, Oct. 1, 1639, because ''it was house with thatch." As an additional 
ordered " by the General Court, " to pre- prevention, the townsmen ordered, Oct. 
vent the hindrance of the military com- 3, 1636, " That no child, under the age 
pany upon the first Monday in the month, of ten years, shall carry any fire from 
that no other meetings should be ap- one house to another, nor any other per- 
pointed upon that day." son unless it be covered, upon the forfei- 
1 " The town," technically so-called, ture of xii. pence a time for every such 
was embraced in the district bounded fault : the one half to the person that sees 
northerly by Harvard Street and Square, it, the other to the Constable." In these 
westerly by Brattle Square and Eliot days of lucifer matches, such an order 
Street, southerly by Eliot and South may seem unnecessary; but even within 
streets, and easterly by Holyoke Street, the last fifty years, it was not unusual to 
which was then very crooked. send from house to house for fire. 


Next follows the division of the common pales, apparently at 
the same meeting. 

The prohibition against erecting houses outside of " the town " 
may have been merely a precaution against danger from ene- 
mies ; yet it is not unlikely to have been occasioned, in part at 
least, by the continued desire to make this the seat of govern- 
ment, and the most desirable place of residence in the colony. 
The regularity required in the position of the houses indicates a 
disposition to make the town symmetrical as well as compact. 
This orderly arrangement, which had doubtless been observed 
from the beginning, is referred to by Wood, in his " New England's 
Prospect," written in this year (1633), as one of the characteristic 
features of the new town : " This place was first intended for a 
city ; but, upon more serious considerations, it was thought not 
so fit, being too far from the sea, being the greatest incon- 
venience it hath. This is one of the neatest and best compacted 
towns in New England, having many fair structures, with many 
handsome contrived streets. The inhabitants, most of them, are 
very rich, and well stored with cattle of all sorts, having many 
hundred acres of land paled in with general fence, which is about 
a mile and a half long, which secures all their weaker cattle from 
the wild beasts." 1 

After this meeting on the seventh of January, no other is re- 
corded until Aug. 5, 1633 ; from which date there is a consecu- 
tive record of the " monthly meetings." A selection from the 
orders adopted at these meetings may serve to illustrate the 
primitive condition of the town. 

Aug. 5, 1633. Sundry lots were granted for " cow-yards." 

Sept. 2, 1633. " It is ordered, that whosoever hath any tree 
lying across a highway, and doth not remove it within seven 
days, or whosoever shall hereafter fall any tree and let it lie cross 
a highway one day, shall forfeit the tree." 

Dec. 2, 1633. " It is ordered, that no person whatever shall 
fell any tree near the town, within the path which goeth from 
Watertowne to Charlestowne, upon the forfeiture of five shillings 
for every tree so felled." 

1 Boston edition, p. 45. The pros- town in the colony which was required to 
perity of the inhabitants seems not to have pay a larger sum, eighty pounds. In 
been overstated. Of the general tax im- March, 1636, the share of New Town, in 
posed by the Court, Oct. 1, 1633, Boston, a tax of three hundred pounds, was forty - 
Roxbury, Charlestown, Watertown, and two pounds, when no other town was as- 
New Town were assessed alike, forty- sessed more than thirty-seven pounds ten 
eight pounds ; Dorchester was the only shillings. 


" Agreed with Mr. Symon Bradstreet, to make a sufficient 
cartway along by his pales, and keep it in repair seven years ; 
and he is to have ten shillings for the same." 

March 2, 1633-4. " Granted John Benjamin all the ground 
between John Masters his ground and Antho. Couldbyes, pro- 
vided that the windmill-hill shall be preserved for the town's use, 
and a cartway of two rods wide unto the same." 1 

April 7, 1634. " Granted John Pratt two acres by the old 
burying place, without the common pales." 2 

Aug. 4, 1634. " It is ordered, that whosoever shall fall [any] 
tree for boards, clapboards, or frames of houses, [and] sell them 
out of the town, shall forfeit for every [tree] so sold twenty shil- 

Nov. 3, 1634. " James Olmsted is chosen Constable for the 
year following, and till a new be chosen in his room, and pres- 
ently sworn. 3 

" John White is chosen Surveyor, to see the highways and 
streets kept clean, and in repair for the year following. 

" It is ordered, that every inhabitant in the town shall keep 
the street clear from wood and all other things against his own 
ground ; and whosoever shall have anything lie in the street 
above one day after the next meeting-day, shall forfeit five shil- 
lings for every such default." 

Jan. 5, 1634-5. " It is ordered, that whosoever hath any lot- 
granted by the town, and shall not improve the same, then it is 
to return to the town ; or, if he shall improve the same, he shall 
first offer it to the town ; if they refuse to give him what charges 
he hath been at, then to have liberty to sell it to whom he can." 

Next follows an agreement, accompanied by several orders, 
whereby the system of municipal government was radically 

1 Windmill-hill was at the south end end, ten rods and four feet on the north 

of Ash Street, near the former site of the line, and seven and a half rods across 

Cambridge Gas Works. A windmill was the east end, was acknowledged by Eccles 

there erected for the grinding of corn, as to be public property, together with a 

no mill moved by water-power was nearer highway to it, two rods wide, through 

than Watertown. This mill was removed his land; and his acknowledgment was 

to Boston in August, 1632, because "it entered on the Proprietors' Records, 
would not grind but with a westerly 2 See chapter xv. 
wind." Savage's Winthrop, i. 87. The 8 Edmund Lockwood had been ap- 

hill was afterwards enclosed by Rich- pointed Constable by the Court, May 9, 

ard Eccles, who owned the adjoining 1632, and John Benjamin, May 29, 1633 ; 

lands, and it so remained until 1684, but James Olmstead was the first person 

when the town asserted its rights ; and elected by the inhabitants to fill that of- 

a tract measuring ten rods on the river, fice, which was then of great honor and 

six rods and seven feet across the west importance. 


changed. Hitherto, all the legal voters had met, from month to 
month, to manage their public affairs. Power was now delegated 
to a few individuals, at first styled " Townsmen," and afterwards 
" Selectmen," to transact " the whole business of the town," until 
the next November, when a new election might be had. 1 

Feb. 3, 1634-5. " At a general meeting of the whole town, it 
was agreed upon by a joint consent, that seven men should be 
chosen to do the whole business of the town, and so to continue 
until the first Monday in November next, and until new be chosen 
in their room : so there was then elected and chosen John 
Haynes, Esq., Mr. Symon Bradstreet, John Taylcott, William 
Westwood, John White, William Wadsworth ; James Olmsted, 

"It is further ordered, by a joint consent, [that] whatsoever 
these Townsmen, thus chosen, shall do, in the compass of their 
time, shall stand in as full force as if the whole town did the 
same, either for making of new orders, or altering of old ones. 

" Further, it is ordered, that whatsoever person they shall send 
for, to help in any business, and he shall refuse to come, they 
shall have power to lay a fine upon him, and to gather [it]. 

" Further, it is ordered, that they shall have one to attend upon 
them, to employ about any business, at a public charge. 

" Further, it is ordered, that they shall meet every first Mon- 
day in a month, at [ ] in the afternoon, according to the 
former [order]." 

Another important board of officers was elected, at the same 
meeting : 

" Also, there was then chosen, to join [with] James Olmsted, 
Constable, John Benjamin, Daniell Denison, Andrew Warner, 
William Spencer ; which five, according to the order of Court, 
[shall] survey the town lands, and enter the [same in] a Book 
appointed for that purpose. 2 

1 Perhaps the term of service was thus proved, or enclosed, or granted by special 
limited in anticipation of the proposed order of the Court, of every free inhab- 
removal of many inhabitants. itant there, and shall enter the same 

2 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 116. April 1,1634. in a book (fairly written in words at 
"It was further ordered, that the consta- length and not in figures), with the sev- 
ble and four or more of the chief inhabi- eral bounds and quantities by the nearest 
tants of every town- (to be chosen by all estimation, and shall deliver a transcript 
the freemen there, at some meeting there), thereof into the Court within six months 
with the advice of some one or more of now next ensuing ; and the same, so en- 
the next assistants, shall make a survey- tered and recorded, shall be a sufficient 
ing of the houses, backside, cornfields, assurance to every such free inhabitant, 
mowing ground, and other lands, im- his and their heirs and assigns, of such 


" It is further ordered, that these five men [shall] meet every 
first Monday in the [month] at the Constable's house, in the 
forenoon, at the ringing of the bell." 

estate of inheritance, or as they shall have in the New Towne," and, more familiarly, 

in an}* such houses, lands, or frank-tene- the "Proprietors' Records," is still pre- 

ments." served in the office of the City Clerk. 

The book thus prepared, called " The The record was not finally closed until 

Regestere Booke of the Lands and Houses Feb. 19, 1829. 



THE projectors of the New Town had hitherto suffered two 
grievous disappointments : the officers of the government had 
not generally become inhabitants, according to the original 
agreement ; and so great was the disparity in commercial ad- 
vantages, that it early became manifest that the New Town 
could not successfully compete with Boston as the great mart of 
trade. No reasonable hope, therefore, could be entertained that 
this should become the principal city of the colony. In other re- 
spects, the enterprise appears to have been eminently successful. 
The hope expressed by Dudley, that men of ability might be at- 
tracted hither by the advantages offered, had been gratified ; for 
so early as 1633, Wood wrote concerning them : " the inhab- 
itants, most of them, are very rich and well stored with cattle of 
all sorts." A reasonable proportion of the rulers resided here. 
Dudley remained Deputy Governor until May, 1634, when he 
became Governor, and the next year was an Assistant. Brad- 
street was constantly an Assistant ; and Haynes, at the first elec- 
tion after his arrival, was elected as an Assistant, and the next 
year, 1635, Governor. Moreover, the New Town had become 
the seat of government ; and, for aught which appears to the 
contrary, it might have retained that distinction, if the principal 
inhabitants had not removed. 1 

1 The first three Courts of Assistants clusively until May, 1636. Then they 

were held at Charlestown in August and returned to Boston ; then to New Town 

September, 1630; after which all the again in April, 1637, until September, 

courts were held in Boston until May, 1638, when they became permanently 

1634. The Assistants had even voted, fixed at Boston. 

Oct. 3, 1632, " It is thought, by general Dr. Holmes, writing in 1800, says, "In 

consent, that Boston is the fittest place some of the first years, the annual election 

for public meetings of any place in the of the Governor and Magistrates of the 

Bay." Yet when Dudley was elected Colony was holden in this town. The peo- 

Governor, in May, 1634, the courts, both pic, on these occasions, assembled under 

general and particular, were transferred an oak tree, which stood on the northerly 

to New Town, and were there held ex- side of the Common in Cambridge, a lit- 


All these advantages, however, were not satisfactory. The dis- 
appointment and uneasiness found vent in words. One memor- 
able example is preserved : " At the court of assistants," says 
Winthrop, Nov. 3, 1635, " John Pratt of Newtown was questioned 
about the letter he wrote into England, wherein he affirmed 
divers things, which were untrue and of ill repute, for the state 
of the country, as that here was nothing but rocks, and sands, 
and salt marshes, etc. He desired respite for his answer to the 
next morning ; then he gave it in writing, in which, by making 
his own interpretation of some passages and acknowledging his 
error in others, he gave satisfaction." l This letter, probably 
written in the previous year, is not known to exist ; but the 
" answer," which sufficiently indicates its nature, is on rec- 
ord : 

" The answer of me, John Pratt, to such things as I hear and 
perceive objected against me, as offensive in my letter. First, 
generally, whatsoever I writ of the improbability or impossi- 
bility of subsistence for ourselves or our posterity without tempt- 
ing God, or without extraordinary means, it was with these two 
regards : first, I did not mean that which I said in respect of the 
whole country, or our whole patent in general, but only of that 
compass of ground wherein these towns are so thick set together ; 
and secondly, I supposed that they intended so to remain, be- 
cause (upon conference with divers) I found that men did think 
it unreasonable that they or any should remove or disperse into 
other parts of the country ; and upon this ground I thought I 
could not subsist myself, nor the plantation, nor posterity. But 
I do acknowledge that since my letter there have been sundry 
places newly found out, as Neweberry, Concord, and others (and 
that within this patent), which will afford good means of subsist- 
ence for men and beasts, in which and other such like new plan- 
tie west of the road leading to Lexington, for the counties in England was carried 
The stump of it was dug up not many on in the field), and there made a speech, 
years since." Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 9. advising the people to look to their char- 
This was probably the tree mentioned in ter and to consider the present work of 
a note to Hutchinson's Ifist. Mass., i. 61 : the day, which was designed for the chus- 
At the election in 1637, the party of Mr. ing the governor, deputy governor, and 
Vane, fearing defeat, refused to proceed, the rest of the assistants for the goverii- 
until a certain petition had been read, ment of the commonwealth. His speech 
Mr. Winthrop's party protested against was well received by the people, who pros- 
delay. And it is said that "Mr. Wilson, ently called out, election, election, which 
the minister, in his zeal gat up upon the turned the scale." 
bough of a tree (it was hot weather and 1 Savage's Winthrop, i. 173, 174. 
the election like that of Parliament men 


tations, if the towns shall be fewer and the bounds larger than 
these are, I conceive they may live comfortably. The like I 
think of Cofiecticott, with the plantations there now in hand ; 
and what I conceive so sufficient for myself, I conceive so suffi- 
cient also for my posterity. And concerning these towns here so 
thick planted, I conceive they may subsist in case that, besides 
the conveniences which they have already near hand, they do im- 
prove farms somewhat further off, and do also apply themselves 
to and do improve the trade of fishing and other trades. As 
concerning the intimation of the Commonwealth builded upon 
rocks, sands, and salt marshes, I wish I had not made it, because 
it is construed contrary to my meaning, which I have before 
expressed. And whereas my letters do seem to extenuate the 
judgment of such as came before, as having more honesty than 
skill, they being scholars, citizens, tradesmen, &c., my meaning 
was not so general as the words do import ; for I had an eye 
only to those that had made larger reports into England of the 
country than I found to be true in the sense aforesaid. And 
whereas I may seem to imply that I had altered the minds or 
judgments of the body of the people, magistrates, and others, I 
did not mean this in respect of the goodness or badness of the 
land in the whole plantation, but only in point of removal and 
spreading further into other parts, they afterwards conceiving it 
necessary that some should remove into other places, here and 
there, of more enlargement ; an dv whereas I seem to speak of all 
the magistrates and people, I did indeed mean only all those 
with whom I had any private speech about those things. And 
as for the barrenness of the sandy grounds, &c., I spake of them 
then as I conceived ; but now, by experience of mine own, I 
find that such ground as before I accounted barren, yet, being 
manured and husbanded, doth bring forth more fruit than I did 
expect. As for the not prospering of the English grain upon 
this ground, I do since that time see that rye and oats have pros- 
pered better than I expected ; but as for the other kinds of grain, 
I do still question whether they will come to such perfection as 
in our native country from whence they come. And whereas I 
am thought generally to charge all that have written into Eng- 
land by way of commendation of this land as if what they had 
written were generally false, I meant it only of such excessive 
commendations as I see did exceed and are contrary to that which 
I have here expressed. 

" And as concerning that which I said, that the gospel would 


be as dear here as in England, I did it to this end, to put some 
which intended to come hither only for outward commodity to 
look for better grounds ere they look this way. As for some 
grounds of my returning, which I concealed from my friends for 
fear of doing hurt, I meant only some particular occasions and 
apprehensions of mine own, not intending to lay any secret blem- 
ish upon the State. And whereas I did express the danger of 
decaying here in our first love, &c., I did it only in regard of the 
manifold occasions and businesses which here at first we meet 
withal, by which I find in mine own experience (and so, I think, 
do others also), how hard it is to keep our hearts in that holy 
frame which sometimes they were in where we had less to do in 
outward things, but not at all intending to impute it as necessary 
to our condition, much less as a fruit of our precious liberties 
which we enjoy, which rather tend to the quickening of us, we 
improving the same as we ought. 

" This my answer (according with the inward consent and 
meaning of my heart) I do humbly commend to the favorable 
consideration and acceptance of the Court, desiring in this, as in 
all things, to approve myself in a conscience void of offence 
towards God and man. 


" Of this answer of John Pratt before written, voluntarily by 
him made, as we are witnesses, so we do also join with him in 
humble desire unto the Court, that it may be favorably accepted, 
and whatever failings are in the letter in regard of the manner 
of expressions (which may seem hardly to suit with these his in- 
terpretations), we do desire the indulgence of the Court to pass 
over without further question. 




" Whereas John Pratt of Newe Towne, being called before us 
at this present Court, and questioned for a letter which he wrote 

into England, dated , wherein he raised an ill report of 

this country, did desire respite till the next day to consider of his 
answer, he hath now delivered in this before written, which, 
upon his free submission and acknowledgement of his error, the 
Court hath accepted for satisfaction, and thereupon pardoned his 


said offence, and given order that it shall be recorded, and such 
as desire copies thereof may have the same. 






This Mr. Pratt was a physician in the New Town, or Cam- 
bridge, for several years. He and his wife were drowned near 
the coast of Spain in December, 1646, as related by Winthrop. 2 
He was not the only dissatisfied person, though less cautious than 
others in expressing his feelings. As early as May, 1634, this 
spirit of dissatisfaction became so general among the inhabitants 
of the New Town, that they proposed to abandon their compara- 
tively pleasant homes, and to commence anew in the wilderness. 
The ostensible reason for removal was the lack of sufficient land. 
The town was indeed narrow, but its length was indefinite. The 
limit of eight miles northwesterly from the meeting-house was not 
fixed until March, 1636 ; and it does not appear how far the land 
was previously occupied in that direction. But the westerly line 
of Charlestown was established, March 6, 1632-3 ; and it seems 
to have been understood that the whole territory between that 
line and the easterly bounds of Watertown was reserved for the 
use of New Town, however far those lines might extend into the 
country. But the people appeared impatient of such narrow 
limits. At the General Court, May 14, 1634, " Those of New 
Town complained of straitness for want of land, especially 
meadow, and desired leave of the Court to look out either for 
enlargement or removal, which was granted ; whereupon they 
sent men to see Agawam and Merrimack, and gave out that they 
would remove, etc." 3 Early in July, 1634, " Six of New Town 
went in the Blessing (being bound to the Dutch plantation,) 
to discover Connecticut River, intending to remove their town 
thither." 4 In the following September, the same subject was 
again brought before the General Court. The record is very 
brief ; but the particulars related by Winthrop are of so much 
interest that they may well be quoted in full : 

Sept. 4, 1634. " The General Court began at New Town, 
and continued a week, and was then adjourned fourteen days. 

1 Mass. Rec., i. 358-360. 8 Savage's Winthrop, i. 132. 

2 Savage's Winthrop, ii. 239. * Ibid,, i. 136. 


The main business, which spent the most time and caused the 
adjourning of the Court, was about the removal of New Town. 
They had leave, the last General Court, to look out some place 
for enlargement or removal, with promise of having it confirmed 
to them, if it were not prejudicial to any other plantation ; and 
now they moved that they might have leave to remove to Con- 
necticut. This matter was debated divers days, and many rea- 
sons alleged pro and con. 

" The principal reasons for their removal were, 1. Their want 
of accommodation for their cattle, so as they were not able to 
maintain their ministers, nor could receive any more of their 
friends to help them ; and here it was alleged by Mr. Hooker, 
as a fundamental error, that towns were set so near each to 
other. 2. The fruitfulness and commodiousness of Connecticut, 
and the danger of having it possessed by others, Dutch or Eng- 
lish. 3. The strong bent of their spirits to remove thither. 

" Against these it was said, 1. That, in point of conscience, 
they ought not to depart from us, being knit to us in one body 
and bound by oath to seek the welfare of this commonwealth. 

2. That, in point of state and civil polity, we ought not to give 
them leave to depart : being we were now weak and in danger 
to be assailed ; the departure of Mr. Hooker would not only 
draw many from us, but also divert other friends that would 
come to us ; we should expose them to evident peril, both from 
the Dutch, (who made claim to the same river and had already 
built a fort there,) and from the Indians, and also from our own 
state at home, who would not endure they should sit down 
without a patent in any place which our king lays claim unto. 

3. They might be accommodated at home by some enlargement 
which other towns offered. 4. They might remove to Merimack 
or any other place within our patent. 5. The removing of a 
candlestick is a great judgment, which is to be avoided. 

" Upon these and other arguments the Court being divided, 
it was put to vote ; and, of the Deputies, fifteen were for their 
departure, and ten against it. The Governor and two Assistants 
were for it, and the Deputy and all the rest of the Assistants 
were against it, (except the Secretary, who gave no vote ;) 
whereupon no record was entered, because there were not six 
Assistants in the vote, as the patent requires. Upon this there 
grew a great difference between the Governor and Assistants 
and the Deputies. They would not yield the Assistants a nega- 
tive voice, and the others (considering how dangerous it might 


be to the commonwealth if they should not keep that strength to 
balance the greater number of the Deputies) thought it safe to 
stand upon it. So when they could proceed no farther, the whole 
Court agreed to keep a day of humiliation to seek the Lord, 
which was accordingly done, in all the congregations, the 18th 
day of this month : and the 24th the Court met again. Before 
they began, Mr. Cotton preached, (being desired by all the 
Court upon Mr. Hooker's instant excuse of his unfitness for that 
occasion.) He took his text out of Hag. ii. 4, etc., out of which 
he laid down the nature or strength (as he termed it) of the 
magistracy, ministry, and people, viz. the strength of the mag- 
istracy to be their authority ; of the people, their liberty ; and 
of the ministry, their purity ; and showed how all of these had a 
negative voice, etc., and that yet the ultimate resolution, etc., 
ought to be in the whole body of the people, etc., with answer 
to all objections, and a declaration of the people's duty and right 
to maintain their true liberties against any unjust violence, 
etc., which gave great satisfaction to the company. And it 
pleased the Lord so to assist him and to bless his own ordinance, 
that the affairs of the Court went on cheerfully ; and although 
all were not satisfied about the negative voice to be left to the 
magistrates, yet no man moved aught about it, and the con- 
gregation of New Town came and accepted of such enlargement 
as had formerly been offered them by Boston and Watertown ; 
and so the fear of their removal to Connecticut was removed." l 

This " enlargement," however, was not permanently satisfac- 
tory. The inhabitants of New Town again manifested " the 
strong bent of their spirits to remove." It does not appear when 
they received permission of the General Court. Perhaps the lib- 
erty granted in general terms, May 14, 1634, was held to be suf- 
ficient. It seems certain that a considerable number of them 
went to Connecticut before Sept. 3, 1635 ; for on that day Wil- 
liam Westwood, a New Town man, was " sworn Constable of the 
plantations at Connecticut till some other be chosen." 2 But the 
general exodus was several months later. Under date of May 
31, 1636, Winthrop says : " Mr. Hooker, pastor of the church of 
New Town, and the most of his congregation, went to Connecti- 
cut. His wife was carried in a horse-litter ; and they drove one 
hundred and sixty cattle, and fed of their milk by the way." 3 
Their possessions in New Town were purchased by Mr. Shepard 

1 Savage's Winthrop, \. 140-142. 8 Savage's Winthrop, i. 187. 

2 Mass. Col. Kec., i. 159. 


and his friends, who opportunely arrived in the autumn of 1635 
and the following spring and summer. 

The reasons assigned for this removal seem insufficient to jus- 
tify it ; or, at the least, insufficient to require it. As to their in- 
ability to maintain their ministers, it should be observed that at 
the same session when this reason was alleged, New Town was 
rated as high as any other town in the colony. 1 The real want 
of accommodation for cattle and for an additional population may 
be estimated from the facts that, at this time there were probably 
less than one hundred families here, containing from five hundred 
to six hundred persons ; and, supposing them to have sold one 
half of their cattle to their successors, their herd may have con- 
sisted of about three hundred. Including the land then offered 
by others and accepted by them, their territory embraced Cam- 
bridge, Arlington, Brookline, Brighton, and Newton. After 
making all needful allowance for improvements in agriculture, 
one might suppose here was sufficient room for somewhat more 
than a hundred families, with their flocks and herds. 

Another reason is mentioned by Winthrop, namely, " the 
strong bent of their spirits to remove." The particular pressure 
which occasioned this " strong bent " he does not describe. But 
Hubbard, writing before 1682, when many were living who 
heard the discussion, intimates what that pressure was : " The 
impulsive cause, as wise men deemed and themselves did not 
altogether conceal, was the strong bent of their spirits to remove 
out of the place where they were. Two such eminent stars, such 
as were Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, both of the first magnitude, 
though of different influence, could not well continue in one and 
the same orb." 2 Again he says : " A great number of the plan- 
ters of the old towns, viz., Dorchester, Roxbury, Watertown, 
and Cambridge, were easily induced to attempt a removal of 
themselves and families upon the first opportunity offered ; which 
was not a little advanced by the fame and interest of Mr. Hooker, 
whose worth and abilities had no small influence upon the people 
of the towns forementioned." 3 The opinion thus expressed by 
Hubbard, was adopted by Hutchinson, nearly a hundred years 
later : " Mr. Hooker and Mr. Cotton were deservedly in high 
esteem ; some of the principal persons were strongly attached to 
the one of them, and some to the other. The great influence 
which Mr. Cotton had in the colony inclined Mr. Hooker and his 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 129. 8 Ibid., xvi. 305, 306. 

2 Coll.. Mass. Hist. Soc., xv. 173. 


friends to remove to some place more remote from Boston than 
New Town. Besides, they alleged, as a reason for their removal, 
that they were straitened for room, and thereupon viewed 
divers places on the sea-coast, but were not satisfied with them." l 
Trumbull suggests that political rivalry was mingled with cleri- 
cal jealousy. Of John Haynes he says : " In 1635 he was chosen 
Governor of Massachusetts. He was not considered in any 
respect inferior to Governor Winthrop. His growing popularity, 
and the fame of Mr. Hooker, who, as to strength of genius and 
his lively and powerful manner of pi-eaching, rivalled Mr. Cotton, 
were supposed to have had no small influence upon the General 
Court in their granting liberty to Mr. Hooker and his company 
to remove to Connecticut. There it was judged they would not 
so much eclipse the fame, nor stand in the way of the promotion 
and honor of themselves or their friends." 2 

Very probably such jealousies and rivalries had some influence 
upon the removal of Mr. Hooker and his friends. It is known 
that Winthrop and Haynes differed in judgment upon public 
policy, the former advocating a mild administration of justice, 
and the latter insisting on " more strictness in civil government 
and military discipline," as Winthrop relates at large, i. 177-179. 
The Antinomian controversy, which did not indeed culminate 
until a year or two later, had commenced as early as 1635 ; in 
which Hooker and Cotton espoused opposite sides, and were 
among the most prominent clerical antagonists. Up to the 
period of the removal, it seemed doubtful which party would 
prevail. Both parties were zealous ; both lauded their own 
clergymen, and spoke harshly of their opponents. It is not sur- 
prising, therefore, that Cotton and Hooker should feel that their 
close proximity was irritating rather than refreshing. On the 
whole, I think, " the strong bent of their spirits to remove " was 
not altogether caused by lack of sufficient land or by straitness of 

However doubtful the cause, the fact is certain, that the greater 
part of the First Church and Congregation removed from New 
Town ; more than fifty families went to Hartford, and others else- 
where. Of the families residing here before January, 1635, not 
more than eleven are known to have remained. The following 
list of inhabitants is compiled from the Records of the Town, 
under the dates when they first appear. It should be observed, 
however, that perhaps many of them were here earlier than the 

l Hist. Mass., i. 43. * Uist. Conn., i. 224. 



dates would indicate. For example, Dudley and Bradstreet, 
and probably others, under date of 1632, were here in 1631 ; 
many of those who are entered under date of 1633 were certainly 
here in 1632 ; and some of those whose names first appear in 
1634 had perhaps been residents one or two years previously. It 
may also be observed, that of those who removed, many did not 
permanently remain in the town first selected, but subsequently 
went elsewhere ; yet it does not properly fall within my province 
to trace their various emigrations. 


Thomas Dudley, Esq. 1 
Simon Bradstreet. 1 
Edmund Lockwood. 2 
Daniel Patrick. 8 

John Poole. 4 
William Spencer. 5 
John Kirman. 4 
Simon Sackett. 2 


Jeremy Adams. 5 
Matthew Allen. 6 
John Benjamin. 6 
Jonathan Bosworth. 7 
John Bridge. 6 
Richard Butler. 5 
William Butler. 6 
John Clark. 5 
Anthony Colby. 8 
Daniel Denison. 1 
Samuel Dudley. 9 
Edward Elmer. 5 
Richard Goodman. 5 
William Goodwin. 5 
Garrad Haddon. 

Daniel Abbott. 10 
William Andrews. 6 
John Arnold. 5 
Guy Banbridge. 6 
John Barnard. 6 

Stephen Hart. 5 
John Hayues, Esq. 5 
Thomas Heate." 
Rev. Thomas Hooker. 6 
John Hopkins. 5 
Thomas Hosmer. 6 
William Kelsey. 6 
William Lewis. 5 
Richard Lord. 5 
John Masters. 6 
Abraham Morrill. 
Hester Mussey. 5 
James Olmstead. 5 
William Pantry. 6 
John Pratt. 6 


Thomas Beale, 6 
Christopher Cane. 6 
Mrs. Chester. 6 
Nicholas Clark. 6 
Dolor Davis. 11 

Joseph Reading. 1 
Nathaniel Richards. 5 
Thomas Spencer. 5 
Edward Stebbins. 5 
George Steele. 5 
John Steele. 6 
Rev. Samuel Stone. 5 
John Talcott. 5 
Wm. Wadsworth. 6 
Andrew Warner. 5 
Richard Webb. 6 
William Westwood. 5 
John White. 6 

Robert Day. 6 
Joseph Easton. 6 
Nathaniel Ely. 5 
James Ensign. 6 
Thomas Fisher. 12 

1 Removed to Ipswich. 

2 Died here ; family removed to Con- 

8 Removed to Water town. 
* Removed to Lynn. 
6 Removed to Hartford. 
6 Remained here. 

7 Removed to Hingham. 

8 Removed to Salisbury. 

9 Removed to Boston. 

13 Removed to Providence. 

11 Removed to Concord. 

12 Removed to Dedham. 


Edmund Gearner. 1 Thomas Judd. 8 Michael Spencer. 7 

John Gibson. 2 William Mann. 2 Timothy Stanley. 8 

Seth Grant. 3 John Maynard. 8 George Stocking. 8 

Bartholomew Green. 2 Joseph Mygate. 8 Timothy Tomlins. 7 

Samuel Green. 2 Stephen Post. 3 Humphrey Vincent. 6 

Samuel Greenhill. 3 John Prince. 5 Samuel Wakeman. 8 

Nathaniel Hancock. 2 Thomas Scott. 8 Samuel Whitehead. 3 

Edmund Hunt. 4 Garrad Spencer. 7 Simon Willard. 8 

1 Perhaps the Edmund Gardner, who 5 Removed to Hull, 
was in Ipswich, 1638. G Removed to Ipswich. 

2 Remained here. " Removed to Lynn. 

3 Removed to Hartford. 8 Removed to Concord. 

4 Removed to Duxbury. 




IT lias already been mentioned in the preceding chapter, that 
Mr. Hooker and a large proportion of his church removed from 
New Town in 1635 and 1636 ; and that Mr. Shepard with an- 
other company purchased their houses and lands. Among " the 
reasons which swayed him to come to New England," Mr. Shep- 
ard says in his Autobiography, " Divers people in Old England 
of my dear friends desired me to go to New England there to 
live together, and some went before and writ to me of providing 
a place for a company of us, one of which was John Bridge, and 
I saw divers families of my Christian friends, who were resolved 
thither to go with me." Accordingly " in the year 1634, about 
the beginning of the winter," he embarked at Harwich, having 
with him " brother Champney, Frost, Goffe, and divers others, 
most dear saints," who afterwards were inhabitants of Cam- 
bridge. They were driven back by stress of weather, and the 
voyage was abandoned. But " about the 10th of August, 1635," 
he again embarked ; " and so the Lord, after many sad storms 
and wearisome days and many longings to see the shore, brought 
us to the sight of it upon Oct. 2, 1635, and upon Oct. the 3d, 
we arrived with my wife, child, brother Samuel, Mr. Harla- 
kenden, Mr. Cooke, &c., at Boston. When we had been here 
two days, upon Monday Oct. 5, we came (being sent for by 
friends at Newtown) to them, to my brother Mr. Stone's house ; 
and that congregation being upon their removal to Hartford at 
Connecticut, myself and those that came with me found many 
houses empty and many persons willing to sell, and here our 
company bought off their houses to dwell in until we should see 
another place fit to remove into ; but having been here some 
time, divers of our brethren did desire to sit still and not to re- 
move farther, partly because of the fellowship of the churches, 
partly because they thought their lives were short and removals 
to near plantations full of troubles, partly because they found 



sufficient for themselves and their company," l Besides those 
who are here named by Mr. Shepard, another Mr. Cooke and 
William French came in the same ship (The Defence^) with him ; 
and the larger portion of those whose names first appear in 1635 
and 1636 may safely be regarded as members of his company, to 
wit : 


Jonas Austin. 2 
Thomas Blodgett. 8 
Thomas Blower. 3 
William Blumfield. 4 
Robert Bradish. 8 
Thomas Brigham. 8 
William Buck. 8 
William Butler. 4 
Clement Chaplin. 4 
Thomas Chesholme. 3 
George Cooke. 3 
Joseph Cooke. 8 
Simon Crosl>y. 3 
Nicholas Danforth. 8 
William French. 8 
Edmund Frost. 8 
Richard Girling. 8 
Edward Goffe. 8 
Percival Green. 3 

William Adams. 8 
Edmund Angier. 3 
James Bennett. 9 
Thomas Besbeech. 10 
Richard Betts. 8 
Peter Bulkeley. 9 
Benjamin Burr. 4 
John Champney. 8 
Richard Champney. 8 

1 Life of Shepard, edition of 1832, pp. 

2 Removed to Hingham. 

3 Remained here. 

* Removed to Hartford. 
5 Removed to Charlestown. 
Removed to Hartford. Two of the 
same name were here. 


Roger Harlakenden, Esq. 8 
Atherton Haugh. 8 
William Holman. 8 
John Jackson. 8 
William Jones. 5 
Barnabas Lamson. 8 
Thomas Marrett. 8 
John Meane. 8 
Nicholas Olmstead. 4 
Thomas Parish. 3 
Robert Parker. 8 
John Pratt. 6 
William Ruscoe . 4 
John Russell. 3 
Samuel Shepard. 3 
Rev. Thomas Shepard. 8 
Edward Wiriship. 3 
William Witherell. 7 

Josiah Cobbett. 2 
Edward Collins. 8 
John Cooper. 3 
Gilbert Crackbone. 3 
Francis Griswold. 3 
Thomas Hayward. 11 
Ralph Hudson. 12 
Joseph Isaac. 3 
Richard Jackson. 3 

7 Afterwards settled in the ministry at 

8 Removed to Ipswich. 

9 Removed to Concord. 

10 Removed to Scituate or Duxbury ; 
afterwards to Sudbury. 

11 Removed to Duxbury. 

12 A proprietor ; but resided in Boston. 


John King. 1 John Santley. 1 

John Moore. 2 Nathaniel Sparhawk. 2 

Walter Nichols. 8 Comfort Starr. 5 

Richard Parke. 2 Gregory Stone. 2 

William Patten. 2 William Towne. 2 

Richard Rice. 4 Thomas Welles. 6 

Nicholas Roberts. 1 John Woolcott. 7 

Immediately after the arrival of Mr. Shepard's company, they 
became prominent in municipal affairs, although the larger part 
of Mr. Hooker's company did not remove until six months after- 
wards. I quote again from the Town Records : 

Nov. 23, 1635. " At a general meeting of the whole town, 
there was then chosen, to orde.r the business of the whole town 
for the year following, and until new be chosen in their room, 
Mr. Roger Harlakenden, William Spencer, Andrew Warner, 
Joseph Cooke, John Bridge, -Clement Chaplin, Nicholas Dan- 
forth, Thomas Hosmer, William Andrews : which nine men are 
to have the power of the Town as those formerly chosen had, as 
may appear in the order made the 3d Feb. 1634. (1634-5.) 

" Further, there was chosen and sworn William Andrews, con- 
stable for the year following, and until a new be chosen. 

" Further, there was then chosen for the year following Bar- 
nabas Lambson to be surveyor of the highways. 

" It is further ordered, That the Town Book shall be at Wil- 
liam Spencer's house." 

With a change of government came a change of customs. 
Some of the common planting fields became private property. 
Thus the Old Field, containing about sixty-three acres, was di- 
vided between Edward Goffe, Samuel Shepard, and Joseph 
Cooke. Small-lot-Hill, in like manner, passed into fewer hands. 
Farms were granted to such as desired them, both on the south 
side of the River, and in the territory now embraced in Arling- 
ton and Lexington. Much the larger portion of the inhabitants 
continued to reside in the " town," and " West End," very few 
venturing beyond the line of Sparks, Wyeth, and Garden Streets ; 
but provision was made for the suitable care of their cattle, 
on the commons, by keepers specially appointed. Rules were 
adopted to promote the comfort and convenience of the inhabi- 
tants, and to protect them against annoyance by undesirable 

1 Names soon disappeared. 5 Removed to Duxbury. 

2 Remained here. 6 Removed to Hartford. 

3 Removed to Charlestown. 7 A proprietor; but resided in Water- 

4 Removed to Concord. town. 


associates. A few extracts from the Records may help to ex- 
hibit their condition. 

Dec. 7, 1635. " It is ordered, That the monthly meeting, 
every first Monday [in the month], according to the first order, 
shall [be continued ;] and whosoever appears not within half an 
hour after the ringing of the bell, shall pay for the first day vi d ., 
and [for the second] day xii d ., and so to double it every day, 
[unless he have] a just excuse, such as may give satisfaction to 
the rest of the company. 1 

" It is further ordered, That there shall be a sufficient bridge 
made down to low-water mark on this side the River, and a 
broad ladder [set up] on the farther side the River, for conveni- 
ence [of] landing ; and Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Danforth and Mr. 
Cooke to see it made." 2 

Jan. 4, 1635-6, " It is ordered, That Mr. Joseph Cooke shall 
keep the ferry, and have a penny over, and a half a penny on 
Lecture days. 3 

" It is further ordered, That there shall be a double rail set up 
from the Pine Swamp fence to West-end Field fence, for the 
milch cows to lie in, on nights, and that no other cattle whatever 
to go there, either swine, goats, mares, or the like." 4 

Feb. 8, 1635-6, " Agreed with Mr. Chapline, that his man 

1 This order would seem to require a gregations, did agree to reduce them to 
monthly meeting of all the inhabitants; two days, viz.: Mr. Cotton one Thurs- 
but the records indicate that only the day, or the 5th day of the week, and Mr. 
Townsmen thus met. A general town Hooker at New Town the next 5th day ; 
meeting was seldom held, except annu- and Mr. Warham at Dorchester on a 4th 
ally in November, for the election of offi- day of the week, and Mr. Welde at Rox- 
cers. bury, the next 4th day." This arrange- 

2 This bridge, or causeway, was at the ment was not effectual ; for Wiuthrop adds 
southerly end of Dunster Street. Traces five years later, in 16.39, " there were so 
of the old road on the south side of the many Lectures now in the country, and 
river were visible not long ago (and per- many poor persons would usually resort to 
haps still remain), several rods east of the two or three in the week, to the great ncg- 
present road leading from the Great Bridge leot of their affairs, and the damage of 
to Brighton. Connected with this cause- the public," etc. The General Court at- 
way was the ferry, named in the next order, tempted to correct the evil ; but the El- 

8 Although there were then few, if any, ders, or Pastors of Churches, manifested 

inhabitants of the New Town residing on such a keen jealousy of their rights, that 

the south side of the River, yet many per- the attempt was abandoned, and all evi- 

sons crossed the ferry, in going from dence of it was suppressed, or excluded 

town to town, especially on Lecture-days, from the records. Savage's Winthrop, i. 

Winthrop tells us, in 1634, "It being 144,324-326. 

found that the four Lectures did spend * This fence was where Lin naian Street 

too much time, and proved overburden- now is, and was the northern boundary of 

some to the ministers and people, the the cow-common ; the other sides were 

ministers, with the advice of the magis- bounded by the present Garden Street and 

trates, and with the consent of their con- North Avenue. 


shall keep the goats, and to have three half pence a week for one 
goat, and a penny a week for wethers or kids ; to begin next 

March 1, 1635-6, "Agreed with Richard Rice to keep 100 
cows for the space of three months, to begin when he shall be 
appointed ; and is to have ten pounds paid him within ten days 
after the ships be come in, or in June. Also he is to have 2 men 
to help him keep them the first 14 days, and one man the next 7 
days ; also to have them kept 2 sabbath days, and he one, during 
the time. Also he is to fetch the cows into the town every morn- 
ing out of the common, half an hour after the sun is up, at the 
farthest, and to bring them into the town half an hour before the 
sun goeth down, and to pay iii d . a cow for every night he 
leaveth out any. Also he is not to keep any cattle for any man 
except he have leave from the Townsmen, upon the forfeiture of 
v s . a cow he shall so keep. Also he hath liberty to keep his own 
heifer without pay." 

" Agreed with John Clarke to make a sufficient weir to catch 
alewives upon Menotomies River in the bounds of this town, be- 
fore the 12th of April next, and shall sell and deliver unto the 
inhabitants of the town and no other, except for bait, all the ale- 
wives he shall take at iii 8 ., 6 d . per thousand, and shall at all 
times give such notice to the persons that shall be appointed to 
fetch them away as he shall be directed, who shall discharge the 
said John Clarke of them within 24 hours after notice, or else he 
to have liberty to sell them to whom he can. Provided, and it is 
the meaning of the Townsmen, that if any shall desire to have 
some to eat before the great quantity cometh, then he is to have 
ii d . a score and fetch them there, or iii d . a score and he bring 
them home. Further the Townsmen do promise in the behalf 
of the town to make good all those fish that he shall be damnified 
by the Indians, that is, shall himself deliver unto them, being 
appointed before by the Townsmen how many he shall deliver. 
Also to save him harmless from any damage he shall sustain by 
Wattertowne, provided it be not his own fault. He is to have 
his money within 14 days after he hath done fishing." 

March 13, 1635-6, " Agreed with William Patten to keep 
100 cattle on the other side the River for the space of seven 
months, to begin when the Town shall appoint him, and to have 
twenty pounds, the one half paid him in money when he hath 
keep half his time, and the other half in corn when he hath done 
keeping, at the price which the common rate of corn goeth when 


be is to be paid. And he is to have a man to help him the first 
14 days, he paying him for one week, the Town for the other ; 
also he is to lodge there except once a week, and to have a man 
to keep them every other sabbath day ; and he to pay x 8 . a 
beast for every beast he shall lose ; and to keep no cattle of any 
man, except the Townsmen give leave, upon the forfeiture of 5 s . 
a head for every head he shall so keep." 

" The hog-keeper began to keep on the first of April, being 
the fifth day of the week, at 10 s . per week so long as the Towns- 
men please to have him keep them ; and he is to keep them at 
Rocky Meadow." 

April 4, 1636. " Agreed with John Talcott and William 
Wads worth to have their house at Rocky Meadow this year, for 
the hog-keeper to abide in ; and they are to have their cattle go 
free from paying towards the pound for dry cattle this year." 

"It is ordered, That Richard Rice shall begin to keep the 
cows the llth of April, 1636." 

" It is ordered, That William Pattine shall begin to keep the 
dry cattle the 14th of April." 

" Ordered, That whosoever finds a cock, hen, or turkey, in a 
garden, it shall be lawful for them to require three pence of the 
owner ; and if they refuse to pay, then to kill the same." 

" Andrew Warner and Joseph Cooke to make a rate for the 
division of the alewives." 1 

April 23, 1636. " Agreed with Andrew Warner to fetch home 
the alewives from the weir ; and he is to have xvi d . a thousand-, 
and load them himself, for carriage ; and to have power to take 
any man to help him, he paying of him for his work. 

" Andrew Warner appointed to see a cartway made to the 

" William Reskie appointed to make a pound." 

Oct. 3, 1636. " Agreed with Mr. Cooke to take up all the 
stubs that are within the bounds of the town, that is, within the 
town gates ; 2 and he is to have ix d . apiece for taking up the same, 

1 It was customary to put one or more dog that shall be taken damage feasant, 
alewives in each hill of corn, and to use with all other just damages." 
them otherwise for the enrichment of the 2 " Town gates " then stood across 
soil. They were considered of so much Harvard Street, near Linden Street ; 
value for this purpose as to be divided across Brattle Street, probably near Ash 
ratably. As late as June 10, 1649, it was Street; and across the street between the 
" ordered, by the Townsmen, that all per- College yard and the Burial-place. Be- 
sons provide that their dogs may do no sides these, there were other gates to pro- 
harm in corn or gardens, by scraping up tect the cow-common ; one across Kirk- 
the fish, upon the penalty of 3 U . for every land Street, near Oxford Street; one 


and filling up the holes, all above iii. inches [deep] , which he is 
to do before the first of December, or else to forfeit 5." 

Dec. 5, 1636. " Ordered, That no man inhabiting or not in- 
habiting within the bounds of the town shall let or sell any house 
or land unto any, without the consent of the Townsmen then in 
place, unless it be to a member of the congregation ; and lest any 
one shall sustain loss thereby, they shall come and proffer the 
same unto them, upon a day of the monthly meeting, and at 
such a rate as he shall not sell or let for a lesser price unto any 
than he offereth unto them, and to leave the same in their hands, 
in liking, until the next meeting day in the next month, when, if 
they shall not take it, paying the price within some convenient 
time, or provide him a chapman, he shall then be free to sell or 
let the same unto any other, provided the Townsmen think them 
fit to be received in." 

" Ordered, That whosoever entertains any stranger into the 
town, if the congregation desire it, he shall set the town free 
of them again within one month after warning given them, or 
else he shall pay 19 s . 8 d . unto the townsmen as a fine for his 
default, and as much for every month they shall there remain. 

" There is granted unto Frances Greshold, the Drummer, 2 
acres of land, lying at the end of Barnebe Lambson's pale to- 
wards Charlestowne, in regard of his service amongst the soldiers 
upon all occasions, as long as he stayeth, with condition, if he 
depart the town and leave off that service within two years, he 
shall leave it unto the town at the charge it hath cost him in 
building and enclosing." 

Jan. 2, 16367. " It is granted unto Joseph Cooke to have the 
hill by his house, which have been hitherto preserved for a place 
to build a fort upon for defence, with all the lane leading there- 
unto ; provided if the town shall ever make use of it for that 
end, he shall yield it again ; or else to remain to him and his 
heirs forever. 1 

" Granted to Mr. Richard Harlakingden six hundred acres of 
upland and meadow, at the place called Vine Brook, in the mid- 
way between Newtowne and Concord, upon condition he sendeth 
over his man, or ordereth that some other may build upon it and 

across Garden Street, at the west end of some that a portion of it still remains. 

Linnajan Street, and probably another at The hill reserved for a fort is the high 

its east end, across North Avenue. land at the southeasterly angle of Holyoke 

1 The house of Joseph Cooke stood at Place. Mr. Cooke's lot contained five 

the northeasterly corner of Holyoke Street acres, lying east of Holyoke Street, and 

and Holyoke Place ; and it is believed by south of Mount Auburn Street. 


improve it for him the next summer after this next ensuing, and 
now, this spring, [give] certain intelligence he will do so ; and 
upon condition likewise that he cometh himself the next summer 
after being the third from this time ; and if he shall fail in all or 
any one of these three conditions, then this grant to be void." l 

Jan. 14, 1638-9. " Ordered, there being found much damage 
done by swine in this town, since the order of the General Court 
was repealed, and they left at liberty for each town to order, 
it is therefore ordered, at a general meeting of the Townsmen, 
with a general consent of the inhabitants then present, that is to 
say, that none, either rich or poor, shall keep above two swine 
abroad on the common, one sow hog and a barrow, or 2 barrows ; 
and these to be sufficiently yoked and ringed, after the judgment 
of the two brethren that are appointed to see to the execution of 
this order, and to bring in a note of such defaults as they find. 
And if any be found defective, to break this order, either by 
keeping more than 2 hogs, and such hogs, so let abroad, if not 
sufficiently [yoked and ringed] after the order, shall pay for 
every breach of this order 2s., unless in case there should be any 
failing by unexpected providence, and can be so proved by suffi- 
cient evidence ; in that case there may be mitigation of this fine, 
otherwise to take place without all excuses, to the end that each 
man and this commonweal may be preserved from damage by that 
creature in this our town." 

Oct. 1, 1639. " Ordered, for the preservation of apple-trees 
and all other kind of quick-set, in men's yards or elsewhere, and 
for preventing all other damage by them and harm to themselves 
by skipping over pales, That no goats shall be suffered to go out 
of the owner's yard without a keeper ; but if it appeareth to be 
willingly, they shall pay unto any one that will put them to 
pound two pence for every goat, beside damage and poundage. 
And because the charge would be too great if only a part of them 
be kept, it is therefore also ordered, that whosoever shall not put 
forth their goats shall notwithstanding pay to the keeper within 
one third part as much for every goat as they that do put them 
out, until the first of March ; and after that day, to the full as 
much as any do for those that are with the herd." 

March, 1639-40. " Ordered, That William Towne shall regis- 

1 Richard Harlakenden was elder broth- signed, April 2, 1638, to Roger Harla- 

er to Roger Harlakenden, and had been kenden, in lieu of five hundred acres 

very kind to Mr. Shepard in England, previously granted to him on the south 

He did not comply with the conditions of side of the river. Vine Brook passes 

this grant; and the same land was as- through the central portion of Lexington. 


ter every birth, marriage, and burial, according to the order of 
Court in that case provided, and give it in, once every year, to be 
delivered by the Deputies to the Recorder ; and shall gather for 
every particular entrance 1 penny for the Recorder's fees, and 
xii d . for himself." 

1640. "Granted unto Joseph Cooke a farm of 400 

acres of the nearest upland adjoining to his meadow lying be- 
yond Cheesecake Brook 1 and between that and Charles River ; 
and also liberty to go with a straight line, (on the hithermost 
side of his meadow on this side Cheesecake Brook), down by the 
edge of the highland, to Charles River." 

At the same meeting grants of farms were made to other per- 
sons, to wit : to Samuel Shepard 400 acres adjoining and be- 
yond the farm of Joseph Cooke ; to Capt. George Cooke, 600 
acres ; to Edward Goffe, 600 acres ; to John Bridge, 350 acres ; 
severally " about the outside of the bounds between Watertowne, 
Concord, and Charlestowne." 

During this period, the General Court passed several orders, 
affecting the comfort and prosperity of the people dwelling 
here : 

Oct. 28, 1636. " The Court agreed to give 400Z. towards a 
school or college, whereof 200L to be paid the next year, and 
200Z. when the work is finished, and the next Court to appoint 
where and what building." 2 

Dec. 13, 1636. " It is ordered, That all military men in this 
jurisdiction shall be ranked into three regiments, viz., Boston, 
Roxberry, Dorchester, Weimoth, Hingham, to be one regiment, 
whereof John Winthrope, senior, Esquire, shall be colonel, and 
Tho. Dudley, Esquire, lief tenant colonel : 

" Charlestowne, Newetowne, Watertowne, Concord, and Ded- 
dam, to be another regiment, whereof John Haynes, Esq r . shall 
be colonel, and Roger Herlakenden Esq r . lieftenant colonel : 

1 Cheesecake Brook is in the westerly 2| acres of land, on which Holworthy, 
part of Newton. Stoughton, and Hollis Halls are sup- 

2 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 183. President posed to stand. This grant to the Pro- 
Quincy (Hist. Harv. Coll., i. 1), states fessor, made May 11, 1638, is denned on 
that this foundation of the College was the record to be " to the Town's use for- 
laid Sept. 8, 1 636, overlooking the fact ever, for a public school or college ; and 
that the General Court, which met on to the use of Mr. Nathaniel Eaton as 
that day, adjourned until October, and long as he shall be employed in that 
made this grant on the 28th day of that work; so that at his death, or ceasing 
month. The College was ordered to be from that work, he or his shall be allowed 
established at Newtown, Nov. 15, 1637, according to the charges he hath been at, 
and the town granted " to the Professor " in building or fencing." 


" Saugust, Salem, Ipswich, and Neweberry, to be another regi- 
ment, whereof John Endecot Esq r . shall be colonel, and John 
Winthrope, junior, leif tenant colonel: 

" And the Governor for the time being shall be chief gen- 
eral." i 

"March 9, 1636-7. "For Newetowne, Mr. George Cooke 
chosen captain ; Mr. Willi: Spencer, leiftenant ; Mr. Sam: Shep- 
ard, ensign." 2 

Nov. 15, 1637. " The College is ordered to be at Newetowne." 3 

Nov. 20, 1637. "For the College, the Governor, Mr. Win- 
thrope, the Deputy, Mr. Dudley, the Treasurer, Mr. Bellingham, 
Mr. Humfrey, Mr. Herlakenden, Mr. Staughton, Mr. Cotton, 
Mr. Wilson, Mr. Damport, Mr. Wells, Mr. Sheopard, and Mr. 
Peters, these or the greater part of them, whereof Mr. Win- 
thrope, Mr. Dudley, or Mr. Bellingham, to be alway one, to take 
order for a College at Newetowne. 

" Edward Michelson, being appointed marshall of the Court, 
is appointed to have for any execution 12(Z. in the pound for the 
first ten pounds, and 6^. in the pound to 40Z., and after, 3c?. in 
the pound to a hundred pounds, and IdL in the pound for all 
above 100?., to be paid out of the estate which the execution is 
served upon. For every attachment of goods or persons the 
marshall is to have 2s. Qd. ; and if he goeth any way, he is to 
have 12d. a mile beside. And the marshall is to have 2s. 6d. for 
every commitment in Court, and 10Z. stipend for this year to 
come." 4 

May 2, 1638. "It is ordered, That Newetowne shall hencefor- 
ward be called Cambridge." 5 

Dec. 4, 1638. " The town of Cambridge was fined 10s. for 
want of a watch-house, pound, and stocks ; and time was given 
them till the next Court." 6 

1 Mass. Coll. Rec.,\. 186, 187. saved many hundred souls." Coll. Mass. 

2 Ibid., i. 190. Hist. Soc., xvii. 27, 28. 

8 Ibid., i. 208. In his Wonder-Work- * Mass. Col. Rec., i. 217. Mr. Mitchel- 

ing Providence, Johnson says concerning son held this office, equivalent to that of 

the College : " To make the whole world High Sheriff, until 1681, when he died 

understand that spiritual learning was the and was succeeded by his son-in-law, John 

thing they chiefly desired, to sanctify the Green. 

other and make the whole lump holy, and 5 Ibid., i. 228. This name is supposed 

that learning being set upon its right ob- to have been selected, because a place of 

ject, might not contend for error instead the same name is the seat of a univer- 

of truth, they chose this place, being then sity in England, where several of the 

under the orthodox and soul-flourishing Magistrates and Elders had been edu- 

ministry of Mr. Thomas Shepheard, of cated. 

whom it may be said, without any wrong 6 Ibid., i. 247. 
to others, the Lord by his ministry hath 


March 13, 1638-9. It is ordered, That the College agreed 
upon formerly to be built at Cambridge shall be called Harvard 
College." i 

Under date of March, 1639, Winthrop says, " a printing-Mouse 
was begun at Cambridge by one Daye, at the charge of Mr. 
Glover, who died on sea hitherward. The first thing which was 
printed was the freeman's oath ; the next was an almanac made 
for New England by Mr. William Peirce, mariner ; the next 
was the Psalms newly turned into metre." 2 Many years ago, 
the late Thaddeus William Harris, M. D., then Librarian of 
Harvard College, gave me a copy of an ancient document pre- 
served in the archives of that institution, which manifestly re- 
lates to this affair, though, perhaps for prudential reasons, no 
mention is made in it concerning printing. It is a bond in the 
usual form, given by Stephen Day 3 of Cambridge, county of 
Cambridge, locksmith 4 to Josse Glover, 5 clerk, in the penal sum 
of one hundred pounds, and dated June 7, 1638. The condition 
is thus stated : " The condition of this obligation is such, that, 
whereas the above named Josse Glover hath undertaken and 
promised to bear the charges of and for the transportation of the 
above bounden Stephen Day and Rebecca his wife, and of Mat- 
thew 6 and Stephen Day, their children, and of William Bord- 
man, 7 and three menservants, which are to be transported with 
him the said Stephen to New England in America, in the ship 
called the John of London ; and whereas the transportation of 
all the said parties will cost the sum of forty and four pounds, 
which is to be disbursed by the said Joos Glover ; and whereas 
the said Joos Glover hath delivered to the said Stephen Day 
kettles and other iron tools to the value of seven pounds, both 
which sums amount to the sum of fifty and one pounds ; If, 

s. Col.Rec.,i. 253. So called in hon- appointment. I think that Marmaduke 

or of Rev. John Harvard, who endowed Johnson, who came to assist in printing 

the college with half of his estate together the Indian Bible, was the first thoroughly 

with the whole of his library. instructed printer in New England. 

2 Savages' Winthrop, i. 289. 6 The true name of Mr. Glover was 

3 He wrote his name Daye. Jose. 

4 Although Daye was recognized by 6 Matthew Daye was a printer, and the 
the General Court, Dec. 10, 1641, as "the first known Steward of Harvard College. 
first that set upon printing," he was a He died 10th May, 1649. 

locksmith, and not a printer, by trade. 7 William Boardman was son of Ste- 

Perhaps his son Matthew had already phen Daye's wife by a former husband, 

received some instruction as a printer, and was both Steward of the College and 

It is not probable that his successor, the progenitor of at least four stewards. 

Samuel Green, had much knowledge of He died 25th March, 1685, aged 71. 
the printer's mystery, at the time of his 


therefore, the said Stephen Day do and shall with all speed 1 
ship himself and his said wife and children and servants, and 
the said William Bordman in the same ship, and cause him 
and themselves to be transported in the said ship to New Eng- 
land aforesaid, with as much speed as wind and weather will per- 
mit ; and also if the said Stephen Day, his executors, adminis- 
trators or assigns do truly pay or cause to be paid to the said 
Josse Glover his executors or assigns the sum of [fifty] and one 
pounds, of lawful [money of] England within twenty and four 
months next after the arrival of the said Stephen Day the 
father in New England aforesaid, or within thirty days next 
after the decease of the said Stephen Day the father, which of 
the said times shall first and next happen to come or be after 
the date above written ; and also if the said Stephen Day the 
father and his servants and every of them do and shall from time 
to time labor and work with and for the said Josse Glover and 
his assigns in the trade which the said Stephen the father now 
useth in New England aforesaid, at such rates and prices as is 
usually paid and allowed for the like work in tjie country there ; 
and also if the said Stephen the father, his executors or adminis- 
trate!^, do and shall, with the said sum of fifty and one pounds, 
pay and allow unto the said Joos Glover, his executors or as- 
signs, for the loan, adventure and forbearance of the same sum, 
such recompense, damage and consideration as two indifferent 
men in New England aforesaid, to be chosen for that purpose, 
shall think fit, set down, and appoint ; and lastly, if the said 
Joos Glover, his executors and assigns shall and may from time 
to time detain and take to his and their own uses, towards the 
payment of the said sum of money, and allowances aforesaid, all 
such part and so much of the wages and earnings which shall be 
earned by the works and labors aforesaid, (not exceeding the 
principal sum aforesaid) as the said Joos, his executors or as- 
signes shall think fit ; that then this obligation to be void, or 
else it to stand in force and virtue." 

1 He appears to have arrived in New Bible was printed; after about the year 
England with the printing-press, about 1 700, very little if any work of this kind 
four months after the date of this bond, was performed here (except by Samuel 
In a letter, dated at Salem, Oct. 10, 1638, Hall in 1775-76), until 1800, when a print- 
Hugh Peter says : " We have a printery ing press was established by William Hil- 
here, and think to go to work with some Hard. Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 19. 
special things." Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., During the present century, the print- 
xxxvi. 99. ers of Cambridge have constantly held a 

The business of printing was conducted very high comparative rank, for both the 

exclusively at Cambridge for nearly half quantity and the quality of their work, 
a century, during which time the Indian 



NOTWITHSTANDING Mr. Shepard and his associates here "found 
sufficient for themselves and their company," and appear by the 
Records to have enjoyed temporal prosperity, as indicated in the 
foregoing chapter, they were not fully satisfied, but seriously 
contemplated a removal to Connecticut. To such removal they 
were advised and encouraged by Mr. Hooker, whose eldest daugh- 
ter had become the second wife of Mr. Shepard in 1637. How 
far Mr. Hooker may have been influenced by family considera- 
tions, or how far by that spirit of emulation, or perhaps of jeal- 
ousy, which naturally enough existed between the rival colonies, 
or whether his advice was altogether disinterested, does not 
distinctly appear ; but that he gave such advice, even with 
urgency, his own letters to Mr. Shepard afford conclusive evi- 
dence. Very probably Gov. Winthrop intended that Mr. Hooker 
should make a personal application of his general remarks con- 
tained in a letter addressed to him as early as 1638 : "If you 
could show us the men that reproached you, we should teach 
them better manners than to speak evil of this good land God 
hath brought us to, and to discourage the hearts of their breth- 
ren ; only you may bear a little with the more moderate of them, 
in regard that one of yours opened the door to all that have fol- 
lowed, and for that they may conceive it as lawful for them to 
discourage some with us from forsaking us to go to you, as for 
yours to plott by encouragements &c., to draw Mr. Shephard 
and his whole church from us. Sicfama est." 1 Two years later, 
Mr. Hooker wrote an earnest letter to Mr. Shepard, which was 
long preserved in the library of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, but which is now in the Massachusetts Archives : 

" DEAR SON, Since the first intimation I had from my cousin 
Sam: when you was here with us, touching the number and 

1 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, Esq., vol. ii., p. 421. 


nature of your debts, I conceived and concluded the consequents 
to be marvellous desperate in the view of reason, in truth una- 
voidable and yet unsupportable, and as were likely to ruinate 
the whole: for why should any send commodities, much less come 
themselves to the place, when there is no justice amongst men to 
pay what they take, or the place is so forlorn and helpless that 
men cannot support themselves in a way of justice ; and ergo 
there is neither sending nor coming, unless they will make them- 
selves and substance a prey. 

" And hence to weary a man's self to wrestle out an incon- 
venience, when it is beyond all possibilities which are laid before 
a man in a rational course, is altogether bootless and fruitless, 
and is to increase a man's misery, not to ease it. Such be the 
mazes of mischievous hazards, that our sinful departures from 
the right and righteous ways of God bring upon us, that as birds 
taken in an evil net, the more they stir, the faster they are tied. 
If there was any sufficiency to make satisfaction in time, then 
respite might send and procure relief ; but when that is awant- 
ing, delay is to make many deaths of one, and to make them all 
more deadly. The first and safest way for peace and comfort is 
to quit a man's hand of the sin, and so of the sting of the plague. 
Happy is he that hath none of the guilt in the commission of 
evils sticking to him. But he that is faulty, it will be his hap- 
piness to recover himself by repentance, both sudden and season - 
ably serious ; and when that is done, in such hopeless occasions, 
it is good to sit down under the wisdom of some word : That 
which is crooked nobody can make strait, and that which is 
awanting none can supply : 1 Eccl. 15 ; and then seek a way in 
heaven for escape, when there is no way on earth that appears. 

" You say that which I long since supposed ; the magistrates 
are at their wits end, and I do not marvel at it. But is there, 
then, nothing to be done, but to sink in our sorrows ? I confess 
here to apply, and that upon the sudden, is wholly beyond all 
my skill. Yet I must needs say something, if it be but to 
breathe out our thoughts, and so our sorrows. I say ours, be- 
cause the evil will reach us really more than by bare sympathis- 
ing. Taking my former ground for granted, that the weakness 
of the body is such that it is not able to bear the disease longer, 
but is like to grow worse and more unfit for cure, which I sup- 
pose is the case in hand, then I cannot see but of necessity this 
course must be taken : 

[1.] " The debtors must freely and fully tender themselves 


and all they have into the hands, and be at the mercy and devo- 
tion of the creditors. And this must be done nakedly and really. 
It is too much that men have rashly and unjustly taken more 
than they were able to repay and satisfy : ergo they must not add 
falseness and dissimulation when they come to pay, and so not 
only break their estate but their consciences finally. I am afraid 
there be old arrearages of this nature that lie yet in the deck. 

" 2. The Churches and the Commonwealth, by joint consent 
and serious consideration, must make a privy search what have 
been the courses and sinful carriages which have brought in and 
increased this epidemical evil ; pride and idleness, excess in ap- 
parel, building, diet, unsuitable to our beginnings or abilities ; 
what toleration and connivance at extortion, and injustice, and 
oppression ; the tradesman willing the workman may take what 
he will for his work, that he may ask what he will for his com- 

" 3. When they have humbled themselves unfeignedly before 
the Lord, then set up a real reformation, not out of politick re- 
spects, attending our own devices, but out of plainness, looking 
at the rule and following that, leave the rest to the Lord, who 
will ever go with those who go his own way. 

" Has premisses : I cannot see in reason but if you can sell, 
and the Lord afford any comfortable chapman, but you should 
remove. For why should a man stay until the house fall on his 
head ? and why continue his being there where in reason he shall 
destroy his substance ? For were men merchants, how can they 
hold it, when men either want money to buy withal, or else want 
honesty, and will not pay ? The more honest and able any pei 
sons or plantations be, their rates will increase, stocks grow low, 
and their increase little or nothing. And if remove, why not to 
Mattabeseck ? l For may be either the gentlemen 2 will not 
come, and that's most likely ; or if they do, they will not come 

1 Now Middletown, Connecticut. the gentlemen, if they come ; that is, 

2 The reference here is not to the " gen- those three lots must carry a double pro- 
tlemen " in Cambridge with Mr. Shepard, portion to that which yours take. If they 
but to certain others in England, for take twenty acres of meadow, you must 
whom Mr. Fenwick, the proprietor of reserve forty for them; if thirty, three 
Mattabesick, desired to provide, as appears score for them. This is all we could 
by another letter from Hooker to Shep- obtain, because he stays one year longer 
ard, without date : " Touching your in expectation of his company, at the 
business at Matabesick, this is the com- least some of them ; and the like hath 
passof it : Mr. Fenwick is willing that you been done in Quinipiack, and hath been 
and your company should come thither usual in such beginnings. Therefore, 
upon these terms ; Provided that you we were silent in such a grant, for the 
will reserve three double lots for three of while." 


all ; or if all, is it not probable but they may be entreated to 
abate one of the lots ? or, if not abate, if they take double lots, 
they must bear double rates ; and I see not but all plantations 
find this a main wound ; they want men of abilities and parts to 
manage their affairs, and men of estate, to bear charges. I will 
tell thee mine whole heart ; considering, as I conceive, your com- 
pany must break, and considering things ut supra, if you can sell 
you should remove. If I were in your places, I should let those 
that must and will transport themselves as they see fit, in a way 
of providence and prudence. I would reserve a special company, 
but not many, and I would remove hither. For I do verily 
think, either the gentlemen will not come, or if they do, they 
may be over-intreated not to prejudice the plantation by taking 
too much. And yet if I had but a convenient spare number, I 
do believe that would not prove prejudicial to any comfortable 
subsistence : for able men are most fit to carry on occasions by 
their persons and estates with most success. These are all my 
thoughts ; but they are inter nos ; use them as you see meet. 

" I know, to begin plantations is a hard work ; and I think I 
have seen as much difficulty, and came to such a business with as 
much disadvantage as almost men could do, and therefore, I would 
not press men against their spirits : when persons do not choose a 
work, they will be ready to quarrel with the hardness of it. This 
only is to me beyond exception. If you do remove, considering 
the correspondence you have here of hearts, and hands, and helps, 
you shall never remove to any place with the like advantage. 
The pillar of fire and cloud go before you, and the Father o 
mercies be the God of all the changes that pass over your heads. 

" News with us here is not much, since the death of my 
brother Stone's wife and James Homstead ; the former smoaked 
out her days in the darkness of melancholy ; the other died of a 
bloody flux, and slept sweetly in the Lord, having carried him- 
self graciously in his sickness. 

" I have of late had intelligence from Plymouth. Mr. Chancy 
and the Church are to part ; he to provide for himself, and they 
for themselves. 

" At a day of fast, when a full conclusion of the business 
should have been made, he openly professed he did as verily be- 
lieve the truth of his opinions as that there was a God in heaven, 
and that he was settled in it as the earth was upon the centre. 
If ever such confidence find good success, I miss of my mark. 

" Since then he hath sent to Mr. Prydden to come to them, 



being invited by some of the Brethren by private letters : I gave 
warning to Mr. Prydden to bethink himself what he did ; and I 
know he is sensible and watchful. I profess, how it is possible 
to keep peace with a man so adventurous and so pertinacious, 
who will vent what he list and maintain what he vents, its be- 
yond all the skill I have to conceive. Mr. Umphrey, I hear, in- 
vites him to Providence, and that coast is most meet for his 
opinion and practice. The Lord says he will teach the humble 
his way ; but where are those men ? The Lord make us such, 
that he may shew us such mercy. 

" Totus tuus, T. HOOKER. 

"Nov. 2th. 1640. 

" I writ another letter, because happily l some of the brethren 
would be ready to desire the sight of what is writ ; that you may 
shew ; this you /\ shew or conceal, as you see meet. 

" Sunt mutua preces in perpetuum. 
" All here salute you and yours." 2 

The Town Records give no intimation of this financial distress. 
But from other sources we learn that in the year 1640, not only 
Cambridge but the whole Colony was in imminent danger of 
bankruptcy. Hutchinson says that, in this year, " the importa- 
tion of settlers now ceased. The motive to transportation to 
America was over, by the change in the affairs of England. 
This sudden stop had a surprising effect upon the price of cattle. 
They had lost the greatest part of what was intended for the 
first supply, in the passage from Europe. As the inhabitants 
multiplied, the demand for the cattle increased, and the price of 
a milch cow had kept from 25 to 30Z, but fell at once this year 
to 5 or Ql. A farmer, who could spare but one cow in a year 
out of his stock, used to clothe his family with the price of it, at 
the expense of the new comers ; when this failed they were put 
to difficulties. Although they judged they had 12,000 neat cattle, 
yet they had but about 3,000 sheep in the Colony." 3 Winthrop 
says, " This year there came over great store of provisions, both 
out of England and Ireland, and but few passengers (and those 
brought very little money), which was occasioned by the store of 
money and quick markets which the merchants found here the 
two or three years before, so as now all our money was drained 

1 Haply. several mistakes which are here corrected, 

2 A part of Mr. Hooker's letter was and the missing portions are inserted, 
published in Albro's Life of Thomas 3 Hist. Mass., i. 93. 

Shepard, 1847 ; but his copy contained 


from us, and cattle and all commodities grew very cheap, which 
enforced us at the next General Court, in the eighth month, to 
make an order, that corn should pass in payments of new debts ; 
Indian, at 4s. the bushel ; rye, at 5s., and wheat, at 6s. ; and that 
upon all executions for former debts, the creditor might take 
what goods he pleased (or, if he had no goods, then his lands), 
to be appraised by three men, one chosen by the creditor, one by 
the debtor, and the third by the Marshall." 1 

To this state of things Mr. Hooker probably referred when he 
renewed his efforts, in the letter already quoted, to persuade Mr. 
Shepard and his congregation to remove. But why they should 
remove to Connecticut rather than to some other part of Massa- 
chusetts does not very plainly appear. There were large tracts 
of unappropriated lands here. There is no evidence that Mr. 
Shepard or his people had any jealousy, such as some have sup- 
posed to operate on their predecessors. On the contrary, Mr. 
Shepard was a prominent member of the religious party which 
had recently triumphed in the Antinomian controversy, and his 
own congregation had been preserved from all taint of the great 
heresy. Concerning the " Antinomian and Famalistic opinions " 
which then distracted the churches, Cotton Mather says, " a 
synod 2 assembled at Cambridge, whereof Mr. Shepard was no 
small part, most happily crushed them all. The vigilancy of 
Mr. Shepard was blessed, not only for the preservation of his own 
congregation from the rot of these opinions, but also for the de- 
liverance of all the flocks which our Lord had in the wilderness. 
And it was with a respect unto this vigilancy, and the enlighten- 
ing and powerful ministry of Mr. Shepard, that, when the foun- 
dation of a college was to be laid, Cambridge rather than any 
other place was pitched upon to be the seat of that happy semi- 
nary : out of which there proceeded many notable preachers, who 
were made such by their sitting under Mr. Shepard's ministry." 3 
Possibly, however, this " vigilancy " of Mr. Shepard, and this 
faithfulness of his congregation, throughout one of the most vio- 
lent conflicts of religious opinion ever known in this country, 
may have stimulated the subsequent desire to remove beyond the 
limits of Massachusetts. This seems to be indicated in the fifth 

1 Savage's Winthrop, ii. 7. "about eighty opinions, some blasphe- 

2 This Synod met at Cambridge, Aug. mous, others erroneous, and all nnsfe, 
30, 1637, and "began with prayer made the assembly brake up," Sept. 22, 1637. 
by Mr. Shepard." Mr. Bulkeley of Con- Savage's Winthrop, i. 237-240. 

cord, and Mr. Hooker, of Hartford, were 8 Magnalia, B. III., ch. v., 12. 
the Moderators. Having condemned 


" Reason for removing," entered by Mr. Shepard on the fly-leaf 
of one of his manuscript books, 1 namely : 

" Reas. for removing. 

" 1. You say some brethren cannot live comfortably with so 

" 2. We put all the rest upon a temptation. Lots being but 
little, and estates will increase or live in beggary. For to lay 
land out far off is intolerable to men ; near by, you kill your cat- 

" 3. Because if another minister come, he will not have room 
for his company. Religion. 

" 4. Because now if ever is the most fit season ; for if gate be 
opened, many will come in among us, and fill all places, and no 
room in time to come ; at least, not such good room as now. And 
now you may best sell. 

" 5. Because Mr. Vane will be upon our skirts." 

Mr. Vane was elected Governor of Massachusetts in 1636, and 
was an active associate of Mrs. Hutchinson in the Antinomian 
party. Chiefly, it would seem, on account of his religious opin- 
ions, he was superseded in 1637, and soon returned to England. 
It was probably feared that he would use his great interest at 
court in opposition to the Colony which had thus denounced him 
as a heretic and disappointed his political hopes. Mr. Shepard 
and his congregation may have considered themselves in peculiar 
danger on account of their very energetic opposition to him, and 
have thought that Connecticut would afford a more secure shelter 
from his wrath. Subsequent events, however, showed that all 
such fears were groundless. Mr. Vane manifested his friendship 
to the colonists, through life, by many kind offices in their be- 

This temptation to remove was not kept secret, though, no di- 
rect reference to it appears on record. 2 It was discussed in a 

1 This book contains " The confessions former had been Assistant, 1634; Gov- 
of diverse propounded to be received anil ernor, 1635; and Assistant again, 1636, 
were entertayned as members " of the and remained in office up to the time of 
Church, together with sketches of ser- his removal in the spring of 1637 ; the 
mons. latter was elected Assistant in 1636, at 

2 In addition to the before named dis- the first election after his arrival, and re- 
conragements, which tempted Mr. Shep- elected in 1637 and 1638. One was col- 
ard and his company to abandon Cam- onel, and the other lieutenant-colonel, of 
bridge, may be mentioned the loss of two the military force. Both were conspicu- 
most valuable associates, namely John ous for moral excellence and mental abil- 
Haynes, who removed to Hartford in ity, and each bore a large share of the 
1637, and Roger Harlakenden, who died pecuniary burdens of the public. The 
November 17, 1638, aged 27 years. The death of Mr. Harlakenden was pecnl- 


Church meeting at Cambridge, Feb. 14, 1640-1, as appears by 
Mr. Shepard's Diary, at which time the project passes out of 
sight, probably in consequence of a grant then recently made 
by the General Court, to wit : Oct. 7, 1640. " The town 
of Cambridge is granted a month to consider of Shawshin for 
a village for them, and if they like it not, the town of Roxberry 
hath liberty to consider of it for a village for them till the next 
General Court." The examination was satisfactory ; for the 
grant was conditionally made June 2, 1641 : " Shawshin is 
granted to Cambridge, provided they make it a village, to have 
ten families there settled within three years ; otherwise the Court 
to dispose of it." About a year later this grant was renewed, 
with slight change of condition ; and a final disposition was made 
of the affair, March 7, 1643-4 : " Shawshin is granted to Cam- 
bridge, without any condition of making a village there ; and the 
land between them and Concord is granted them, all save what is 
formerly granted to the military company or others, provided the 
church and present elders continue at Cambridge." 1 The church 
and elders did remain ; lands at Shawshine were soon afterwards 
assigned to individuals, thus relieving the supposed deficiency of 
accommodations ; a competent number became resident proprie- 
tors and cultivators ; and in 1655, Shawshine was incorporated as 
a separate town, called Billerica, which has since been shorn of 
its original dimensions by the incorporation of other towns. 

iarly grievous to Mr. Shepard, who^had hid us all the winter long, and when it 

been protected by him in England, when was fit to travel in the spring, we went 

pursued by the emissaries of the estab- up to London, Mr. Harlakenden not for- 

lished Church. Describing his sufferings saking me all this while, for he was a 

during the last few months of his resi- father and mother to me," etc. (Boston 

dence in his native land, Mr. Shepard Ed., 1832, pp. 54, 55). Mr. Shepard was 

says, in his autobiography : " Being in accompanied to New England by this 

great sadness and not knowing where to " most precious servant of Jesus Christ," 

go, nor what to do, the Lord sent Mr. and bitterly lamented his early death ; 

Roger Harlakenden and my brother Sam- This loss was partially repaired by the 

uel Shepard to visit me after they had accession of Herbert Pelham, Esq., in 

heard of our escape at sea, who much re- 1638 or 1639. He married the widow of 

freshed us and clave to me in my sor- Mr. Harlakenden, and was successively 

rows." Again, in a house at Bastwick, Treasurer of Harvard College, 1 643, As- 

freely offered by Mrs. Corbett, " an aged sistant, 1645-49, and Commissioner of 

eminent godly gentlewoman," he says: the United Colonies, 1645-46. He brought 

"I lived for half a year all the winter long with him his daughter Penelope, who 

among and with my friends (Mr. Harla- afterwards became the wife of Governor 

kenden dwelling with me, bearing all the Josiah Winslow, and died at Marshh'eld, 

charge of housekeeping), and far from the 7 Dec., 1703, aged 72. Mr. Pelham was 

notice of my enemies, where we enjoyed an active citizen and officer, but returned 

sweet fellowship one with another and to England about 1649, was a member 

also with God, in a house which was fit of Parliament, and a steadfast friend of 

to entertain any priuce for fairness, great- this Colony. lie died in 1673. 

ness, and pleasantness. Here the Lord 1 Mass. Coll. Rec., i. 306, 330 ; ii. 62. 


The grant of the Shawshine lands removed all reasonable doubt 
of sufficient " accommodation," and the Mattabeseck project 
seems to have been utterly abandoned. These lands were not 
immediately divided, but were held in reservation for future use. 
Meanwhile, measures were adopted for the improvement of the 
present abode, as the records indicate. 

Dec. 13, 1641. " Agreed that Robert Holmes and John Sted- 
man shall take care for the making of the town-spring, against 
Mr. Dunster's barn, a sufficient well, with timber and stone, fit 
for the use of man and watering of cattle. Also Richard Jack- 
son is to be an assistant to them by way of advice, if they shall 
require it." 1 

Nov. 5, 1646. " Ordered by the Townsmen, that there shall 
be fifty shillings paid unto Tho. Longhorne, for his service to 
the town in beating the drum this two years last past." 

Jan. 11, 1646-7. " Ordered, That whatever person or per- 
sons shall cut down, or cause to be cut down, any tree or trees 
whatsoever, whether living or dead, in swamp or upland, on this 
side Menottime River (the great swamp only exempted), shall 
forfeit for every tree so felled ten shillings. This order to con- 
tinue until further order be taken by the Townsmen. 

" It is also further ordered, That whatsoever person or persons 
who hath any land at Menottime laid out unto himself or his 
house wherein he dwelleth shall, after the 12th day of this pres- 
ent month, cut out or take away directly or indirectly any wood 
or timber on this side the path which goeth from the mill 2 to 
Watertowne, every such person shall forfeit for every such load, 
if it be timber, five shillings per load, and if wood, two shillings 
per load. Provided, that there is liberty granted, until the 20th 
day of this present month, for the fetching home of what is al- 
ready cut out ; and after that whatever is found to be forfeit." 

Field-drivers were first elected in 1647 : Gilbert Crackbone 
for the West field, Thomas Hall for the Pine-swamp field, 

Thomas Beale for the Town within the pales, and Russell 

for the Neck of land. Commissioners " to end small causes," 
Sealer of Leather, and Clerk of the Market, first elected in 1648. 

June 12, 1648. " Upon the complaint of Edward Goffe against 
Richard Cutter for wrongful detaining of calves impounded by 

1 This spring may still be seen a few Church Street, where he owned a lot con- 
feet westerly from the University Press taining six acres. 

between Brattle and Mount Auburn 2 Cooke's Mill, afterwards known as 

Streets. Mr. Dunster's barn stood on Kolfe's Mill, or Cutter's Mill, near the 

the northerly side of Brattle Street, near Town House in Arlington. 


him of the said Edward Goffe's, wherein Samuell Eldred wit- 
nesseth : Edward Goffe desired his calves of Richard Cutter, 
promising to pay all damages and cost as two men should appre- 
hend to be right ; but the said Richard Cutter denied to let him 
have them except he would take a course with his boy and 
promise they should never come there again ; and a second time, 
being desired to let Edward Goffe have the calves, he answered, 
No. The Townsmen, having considered the business, they thus 
order, that Edward Goffe shall pay fourteen pence damage to 
Richard Cutter, and Richard Cutter shall pay for the costs of 
the same witnesses, four shillings and seven pence." 

Nov. 20, 1648. " Ordered, That there shall be an eight-penny 
ordinary provided for the Townsmen every second Monday of the 
month, upon their meeting day ; and that whoever of the Towns- 
men fail to be present within half an hour of the ringing of the 
Bell (which shall be half an hour after eleven of the clock), he 
shall both lose his dinner and pay a pint of sack, or the value, 
to the present Townsmen ; and the like penalty shall be paid by 
any that shall depart from the rest, without leave. The charges of 
the dinner shall be paid by the Constable out of the town stock." 
The practice, thus inaugurated, of dining or partaking of other 
refreshments at the public expense, seems to have been generally 
observed by the selectmen for nearly two hundred years, until 
the municipal form of goverment was changed ; not indeed at 
every meeting, nor was the expense always limited to eight pence 

Feb. 16, 1648-9. Voted, by the Town, " That the Towns- 
men should prosecute suit in law against such of the inhabitants 
of Watertowne as have trespassed in our Great Swamp." l 

1 At this time Sparks Street and Vas- that the swamp was common property, it 
sal Lane formed part of the boundary is declared that, " The present inhabi- 
line between Cambridge and Watertown ; tants of Cambridge purchased the whole 
and the Great Swamp extended northerly dimensions of the town (this legally set- 
from Vassal Lane on both sides of Me- tied their bounds by order of Court) of 
notomy River. It would seem that the the Harford Company about fourteen 
Townsmen immediately commenced suit years since, at which time the chiefest 
against one of the trespassers. In the>' and best parts of this swamp for wood 
Court Files of Middlesex County, 1649- was allotted into particular propriety 
50, is still preserved " The >Reply of and fenced in with their planting land 
Richard Jackson and Thomas Dan- by a general fence." If the trespass con- 
forth, plaint., in the behalf of the tinue, " It would then be a groundwork 
town of Cambridge, against Samuel of endless contention, if not the desolat- 
Thatcher, of Watertown, def., unto ing of our poor straitened town, and that 
his several answers in the action of the for these reasons. (1.) The branches of 
cause for taking away wood out of their the swamp so runeth over all our bounds, 
bounds." In answer to the allegation which is for five miltes together not much 


Fence-viewers were first elected March 12, 1648-9, for the 
Neck, Pine-swamp fields, Menotomy fields, and West field ; a 
Sealer of Weights and Measures, Jan. 14, 164950 ; and a 
Ganger, " to size cask," Nov. 10, 1651. 

Feb. 11, 1649-50. " The request of Richard ffrances for re- 
mitting the present town rate, in regard of God's visitation by 
sickness on himself and family, is granted." 

Dec. 9, 1650. " Whereas dreadful experience shows the inevi- 
table danger and great loss, not only to particular persons, but 
also to the whole town, by the careless neglect of keeping chim- 
neys clean from soot, and want of ladders in time of need, the 
select Townsmen, taking the same into their serious considera- 
tion, do therefore order that every person inhabiting within the 
bounds of this town, before the 10th of the next month provide 
one or more sufficient ladders at all times in a readiness to reach 
up to the top of his or their house ; and forthwith and at all 
times hereafter see that their chimneys be kept clean swept at 
least once every month, upon the penalty of 2s. Qd. for every 
month's neglect herein." 

March 10, 1650-1. " Mr. Joseph Cooke hath liberty granted 
to fell timber on the common for to fence in his orchard." 

Jan. 7, 16512. " William Manning is granted liberty by the 
inhabitants of the town, at a general meeting, to make a wharf 
out of the head of the creek, 1 towards Mr. Pelham's barn, and 
build a house on it, to come as high as the great pine stump, 
and range with Mr. Pelham's fence next the high street into 

Besides the foregoing transactions of a general character, the 
Records show that, during this period, a new meeting-house was 
erected, and provisions made for the support of the Grammar 
school ; both which subjects will be mentioned in another place. 
Measures were also adopted to convert the Shawshine territory 
to profitable use. No general division of the land was made 
before 1652 ; yet the Records indicate some grants to individuals, 

if any above a mile broad, so that hereby pense of wood in our town by the College, 

no man can peaceably enjoy his own which we cannot estimate much less than 

propriety. (2.) It is the chief supply of 350 load a year, the chief supply whereof 

the town for wood, being near to us, and if it be not out of the swamp, it will be 

many having none elsewhere within the costly, as every load must be fetched above 

compass of four miles and a half of the five miles." It is added that the wood 

town, which cost them two shillings a load from the swamp costs four shillings per 

more than they can have it for in the load in Cambridge ; the cost of cutting 

swamp. Besides the expense of the in- and hauling being twenty pence, 

habitants, it is not unknown the great ex- l At the foot of Dunster Street. 


and the appropriation of one thousand acres " for the good of the 
church." I quote again from the Town Records : 

April 9, 1648. " It was agreed at a general meeting, when 
the whole town had special warning to meet for the disposing of 
Shawshine, that there should be a farm laid out, of a thousand 
acres, to be for a public stock, and improved for the good of the 
church and that part of the church that here shall continue ; and 
every person or persons that shall from time to time remove from 
the church do hereby resign up their interest therein to the re- 
maining part of the church of Cambridge. This thousand acres 
of land, given to the use aforesaid, shall be laid out either all 
together, or else severally part in one place and part elsewhere, 
according to the discretion of the men that are appointed to lay 
out the land." 

" Also there was granted to several brethren that had no 
house-right in the town, if they did desire it," farms at Shaw- 
shine : 

" Imprimis, Capt. Googine a farm, if he buy a house in the 
town ; also to Bro. Edward Oakes, Tho. Oakes, and Richard 
Hildreth, each of them a farm for their encouragement, if they 
see it may make for their support and desire it. 

" Further, it is granted to Mr. Henry Dunster and Mr. Ed- 
ward Collins liberty to have their small farms at Shawshine, and 
to be considered in their quantity more than others in regard of 
their work and place." 

April 1649. Agreed, " that Mr. Henry Dunster, President 
of Harvard College, should have 500 acres, whereof 400 is 
granted by the town to his own person and heirs, to enjoy freely 
forever, and the other 100 acres for the use of Harvard College. 

" Item, unto Mr. Daniell Googine 500 acres. 

" Item, unto Mr. Edward Collins, in lieu of his small farm 
within the town bounds, with some addition in respect of his 
place in the Deacon's office, it was agreed that he should have 
500 acres." 

June 9, 1652. " It was agreed by the Church that Shawshine 
should be divided as followeth : 

" To Mr. Michell, five hundred acres. 

" To Edw. Okes, three hundred acres. 

" To Thomas Okes, one hundred and fifty acres. 

" It was agreed that these three above named should have 
their lots laid out by a committee with as little prejudice to any 
lot as may be, and so not to draw any lot. 



" Also, the Church doth agree that although the land be, by 
grant of the General Court, peculiar to the Church only, yet the 
whole town, viz., such as are owners of house and land in the 
town, shall come into the division thereof. 

" Also, it is agreed, that every man shall have a proportion of 
land, more or less, according to the proportion now allotted him. 

" Also, that every man shall have a part of the meadow in 
proportion with his upland, to be laid out after the same rule 
that the upland is, both by lot and quantity. 

" Also, it is agreed, that, after the farms formerly granted are 
laid out, the remainder of the land shall be divided into three 
breadths, viz., two of the said breadths to lie between the rivers, 
and the third on this side Shawshine River. The first lot to 
begin upon a line continued over Shawshine River, the same that 
is between Woburn and us, running towards Concord until it 
meet with Mr. Wintrop's farm : and so the said first lot to butt 
south upon that line, and on Shawshine River, and Mr. Win- 
trop's farm ; and so each lot to proceed one after another, by 
due parallels, until they come clear of the farms already laid out, 
and then to extend in two divisions between the Rivers, and a 
third division on the east side Shawshine River, and so every 
man's lot to follow one another, taking all the three breadths at 
once, the nearest land to the first centre being still always the 
next lot in order. 

" The number of every man's lot and quantity of acres is as 
followeth on the other side. 

Lot. Acres. 

1. Daniell Cheaver ... 20 

2. William Clemmance, sen r . 30 

3. Daniell Kempster ... 80 

4. William Bull .... 15 

5. Roger Bucke .... 10 

6. Thomas ffox .... 80 

7. Humphery Bradshew . 15 

8. Mr. Boman 20 

9. William Clemmance . 30 

10. Richard Cutter ... 80 

11. Thomas Loughorne . . 60 

12. Daniell Blogget ... 40 

13. Robert Holmes . . .150 

14. Th. Hall 20 

15. Widow Banbricke . . 40 

16. John Jacson . . 50 

Lot. Acres. 

17. W m . Roman .... 50 

18. Nath. Greene and Mother 80 

19. Richard ffrench ... 20 

20. John Watson .... 80 

21. Richard Woodes ... 10 

22. John Taylor .... 60 

23. Wid: Wilkerson ... 60 

24. Lieft. William ffrench . 150 

25. Joseph Miller .... 15 

26. Jonath. Hide .... 20 

27. David ffiske .... 60 

28. Wid: Hancocke ... 10 

29. And. Stevenson ... 60 

30. Mr. Elijath Corlet . .100 

31 . David Stone .... 50 

32. Tho. Danforth . . 220 




33. Rich, ffrances . . . 

34. John Parker . . 

35. Jonath. Padlefoote 

36. Edw. Hall .... 

37. Ri. Oldam .... 

38. Gilbert Cracbone . . 

39. Robert Stedman . . 

40. Tho. Swoetman . . 

41. W m . Bordman . . 

42. John Betts .... 

43. John Shepard . 

44. Daniell Stone . . . 

45. John ffrenches children 

46. John ffownell . . . 

47. Sam 11 . Hides . . . 

48. Tho. Marret . . . 

49. Edw. Winship . . . 

50. Goodm. Hammond . 

51. Steven Day. . . . 

52. John Gibson . . . 

53. Edw. Goffe .... 

54. William Man . . . 

55. Ri. Jacson .... 

56. Will" 1 . Dixon . . . 

57. George Willowes . . 

58. Tho. Chesholme . . 

59. Mr. Edmund ffrost 

60. John Hall .... 

61. Edw. Michelson . . 

62. And. Belcher . . . 

63. John Swan .... 

64. Phil. Cooke . . . 

65. ffr. Moore, junior . . 

66. Widd: Sill .... 

67. Robert Parker . . . 

68. Will 1 ". Manning . . 

69. Richard Hassull . . 

70. Nicho. Withe . . . 

71. Will m . Hamlet . . . 

72. Will" 1 . Towne . . . 

73. Sam". Greene . . . 

74. Robert Browne . . 

75. John Boutell . . 

76. John Bridge . . . 

77. Tho. Beal 

Acres. Lot. Acre.". 

60 78. Richard Parke . . . .100 

,10 79. ffranc. Whitmore ... 50 

. 15 80. Jonas Clearke .... 60 

70 81. John Hasteings ... 80 

, 60 82. Henry Prentise ... 80 

, 90 83. Elder Champnis . . .350 

90 84. Nath. Sparhauke . . .140 

. 70 85. John Stedman .... 300 

.60 86. Will m . Russell .... 60 

. 90 87. William Patten ... 90 

. 60 88. Ben. Bower . . . . 20 

. 50 89. Tho. Briggam .... 180 

. 30 90. John Russell .... 80 

. 100 91. Will. Bucke .... 20 

, 80 92. Richard Ecles .... 70 

, 200 93. Mrs. Sarah Simes . . 50 

, 200 94. Mr. Jacson 400 

15 95. Mr. Andrews .... 150 

50 96. Abra. Errington ... 70 

80 97. Widd: Cutter .... 40 

450 98. ffr. Moore, sen r . ... 50 

70 99. Mr. Josseph Cooke . . 300 

200 100. W m . Wilcocke .... 90 

80 101. Christopher Cane ... 80 

60 102. Rich. Dana 20 

100 103. Mr. Angier .... 300 

200 104. Vincet Druse .... 15 

20 105. Rog r . Bancroft . . .100 

150 106. John Cooper .... 140 

50 107. Edw. Shepard . . . . 80 

20 108. Tho. Bridge .... 50 

80 109. Ranold Bush .... 10 

50 110. Tho. Prentise .... 150 

40 111. Math. Bridge .... 80 

60 112. Golden Moore. . . .100 

60 113. Robert Brodish . .. . 30 

60 Mem . There is these two per- 

90 sons overslipped, viz. 

60 28. Richard Robbins ... 80 

70 91. Daniell Wines . ... 10 

80 These two lots must come 

40 in their due order. 

20 The town do give to Greg- 

250 ory Stone, adjoining to his 

1 00 farm, one hundred acres. . 1 00 " 


Although, by the generosity of the Church, all the inhabitants 
received allotments of the Shawshine lands, comparatively few of 
them established a residence upon that territory. As early, how- 
ever, as 1655, there were so many householders in Shawshine, 
gathered from Cambridge and elsewhere, that they were incor- 
porated as a distinct town, named Billerica, and an amicable 
arrangement was made by them with the inhabitants of Cam- 
bridge, in regard to their respective territorial rights and liabil- 

The Town Records, Jan. 29, 1654-5, show that " In answer to 
a letter sent to the town from our neighbors of Shawshine, alias 
Bilracie, wherein they desire that whole tract of land may be 
disengaged from this place and be one entire body of itself, the 
town consented to choose five persons a Committee to treat and 
conclude with them concerning their request therein ; at which 
time there was chosen Mr. Henry Dunster, Elder Champney, 
John Bridge, Edward Goffe, and Edward Winship." The result 
appears in the Record of the General Court, under date of May 

" In answer to the desire of our brethren and neighbors, the 
inhabitants of Shawshin, requesting immunities and freedom 
from all public rates and charges at Cambridge, and that all the 
land of that place, as well those appertaining to the present in- 
habitants of Cambridge as those granted them by the Court, 
might belong entirely to that place, for the better encouragement 
and carrying on of public charges that will necessarily there fall 

" We, whose names are underwritten, being empowered by the 
inhabitants of Cambridge, at a public meeting of the town, the 
29th of January, 1654, to make such propositions and conclusions 
therein as to us might seem most meet and equal, do make these 
following propositions with reference to the compliance of the 
above named our beloved brethren and neighbors, the inhabitants 
of Shawshin, and the approbration of the General Court for the 
full conclusion thereof. 

1. " That all the lands belonging to that place called by the 
name of Shawshin, with its appurtenances or latter grants made 
by the General Court, as well those the propriety and peculiar 
right whereof belongeth to any particular person, as those granted 
by the town or church of Cambridge to that place for a township, 
as also those given by the inhabitants of Cambridge for the fur- 


therance and encouragement of a plantation there, shall be one 
entire township or plantation, always freed and acquitted from 
all manner of common charges or rates, of what nature or kind 
soever, due or belonging of right to be paid unto Cambridge by 
virtue of any grant of that place unto them by the General Court. 

" 2. That whensoever any of the inhabitants of Cambridge, 
their heirs or assigns, whether in that place or elsewhere, shall 
make any improvement of their lands above premised, more or 
less, by fencing, building or breaking up, or mowing of the mead- 
ows, every such person shall pay to the common charges of that 
place, i. e., Shawshin, suitable to his or their improvement of 
the aforesaid kind, in due proportion with the rest of the inhab- 
itants in that place, the whole estate and improvements of the 
place being laid at an equal and proportionable rate. 

" 3. That the inhabitants of Shawshin shall, at all time and 
times hereafter forever, acquit and discharge the inhabitants of 
Cambridge from all common charges, rates, dues, duties, and in- 
cumbrances by any manner of ways or means due by them to be 
paid, executed, or performed, by virtue of their interest in that 
place, given unto them by the grant of the General Court. 

"4. That whensoever any of the inhabitants of Cambridge 
shall alienate their present interest in any of the above named 
lands from themselves and heirs, then the said lands shall, in all 
respects, be liable to common charges of that place, as though 
those particular persons had their grants thereof made them from 
the said town or plantation of Shawshin. 

" 5. That no person or persons which either have had or here- 
after shall have any lot or allotment granted them in the above 
named township of Shawshin, in case they make not improve- 
ment thereof by building and fencing, especially the houselot, 
shall have any power to make any sale or gift thereof to any 
other person, but such land and allotments shall return again to 
the town, i. e., Shawshin ; and in case, after such like improve- 
ment, any person shall then remove, to the deserting and leaving 
their brethren and neighbors that have adventured by their en- 
couragement to settle there with them, no such person or persons, 
for seven years next ensuing the confirmation hereof, shall have 
power to make either sale, or gift, or alienation thereof to any 
person or persons whatsoever, save only unto such as the greater 
part of the inhabitants then resident at Shawshin shall consent 
unto and approve of. 

" 6. That in case any grievance shall hereafter happen to arise, 


which for the present neither side foresee, nor is hereby clearly 
determined, that then all such matter of grievance or difference 
shall be from time to time heard and determined by meet persons, 
three or five, indifferently chosen by the prudential men of Cam- 
bridge and Shawshin. 

" And these aforementioned propositions to be subscribed by 
all the present inhabitants of Shawshin, and by all such as 
hereafter shall have any allotments granted them there, and re- 
turn hereof made to the inhabitants of Cambridge within ten 
days after the end of the first session of the next General Court. 
Given under our hands this 17th 12 In- 1654, by us, 


" These propositions are accepted of and consented unto by us 
the present inhabitants of Shawshin ; and we do humbly crave 
this honored Court to confirm and record the same. 
" Your bumble servants, 




" Their request was granted by the Court." 

On the same day, May 23, 1655, " in answer to the petition of 
several proprietors and inhabitants of Shawshin, humbly desir- 
ing a tract of land lying near the line of the farms of John and 
Robert Blood, and so along by the side of Concord River, &c., 
the Court grants their request in that respect, so as it hinder no 
former grants, and grant the name of the plantation to be called 
Billirikey." * 

Thus was this first dismemberment of the extensive township 
of Cambridge amicably accomplished. No reasonable objection 
could be urged against granting an independent ecclesiastical 
and civil organization to those persons who resided at such a 
great distance from the centre of the town, as soon as they were 
able to defray their necessary expenses. 

l Mass. Col. Rec., iv. (i.), 237-240. 



DURING the period embraced in the preceding chapter, very 
important events occurred in England. The ecclesiastical yoke 
which the Fathers of New England were unable to bear was 
broken, and the people enjoyed comparative religious freedom. 
The civil government also was overturned and established on new 
foundations. King Charles the First was beheaded Jan. 30, 
1649, and the House of Lords was soon afterwards suppressed. 
For a few years, a Parliament consisting of a single House, and 
the army under the command of Cromwell, as chief general, ex- 
ercised a joint, or perhaps rather antagonistic, supremacy, until 
Dec. 16, 1653, when Cromwell, with the title of Protector, 
grasped the reins of government, which he held with a firm hand 
so long as he lived. After this Revolution in England, and as 
one of its consequences, the inhabitants of Cambridge were once 
more tempted to remove. " Cromwell had been very desirous of 
drawing off the New Englanders to people Ireland after his suc- 
cesses there, and the inhabitants of New Haven had serious 
thoughts of removing, but did not carry their design into execu- 
tion. Jamaica being conquered, Ci*omwell renewed his invita- 
tion to the colony of the Massachusetts to remove and to go and 
people that island, and it appears by Mr. Leverett's letters and a 
letter from the General Court to Cromwell, that he had it much 
at heart. Cromwell foresaw that the West India planters would 
raise estates far superior to those of the inhabitants of the north- 
ern colonies, and though a mere worldly consideration was not 
proper for him to urge, yet accompanied with the fulfillment of a 
divine promise, that God's people should be the head and not the 
tail, it was in character, and he artfully enough joined it with 
the other consideration. But all was insufficient to induce the 
people of New England to quit a country where they could live 
tolerably, and were indulged with all the privileges they desired, 


and we have no account of many families having removed." 1 Al- 
though this temptation was offered to the people of the whole 
Colony, the inhabitants of Cambridge may be supposed to have 
been peculiarly sensitive to its force, inasmuch as it was presented 
by one of their most honored and trusted townsmen. Captain 
Gookin was in England in 1655, and was selected by Cromwell 
as a special agent to manage this affair. Having received his 
instructions, he returned to .New England and devoted himself 
earnestly to his appointed task. Several of his letters to Secre- 
tary Thurloe concerning this mission are printed in Thurloe's 
State Papers. In the first, dated Jan. 21, 1655-6, he announces 
his recent arrival at Boston, " after* ten weekes of an exercising 
passage from the Isle of Wight." 2 At a later period, he men- 
tions in detail some of his labors, and hopes, and discourage- 
ments, reminding the secretary that he undertook the work with 
some misgivings. This letter may deserve insertion : 

" RIGHT HONORABLE. Since my arrival in New England, 
which was the 20th of January last, I wrote two letters by way of 
Barbadoes, and this 3d also the same way being destitute of a 
direct conveyance from hence. The sum of the 2 first were 
to inform your honour of my arrivall here, and of a little motion 
that I had then made in his highnesse's affayres ; but the sharp- 
ness of the winter prevented my travill into other colonies. But 
I procured a meeting of the council of this colony March the 
7th being the soonest they mett, although the governour called 
them a month before ; but in the interval between my arrival 
and the counsel's meeting, I endeavoured to make knowne, as far 
as I could, the sum of his highness desires ; but there was little 
done during that season for the foremen tioned reson, but after the 
counsell of this colony mett, and I had delivered his highness 
letters, and declared the cause of my coming, they thankfully 
accepted and readily made an order for the promotion thereof, 
requiring their officers to attend my motions in the publishing 
the same. Whereupon I did forthwith cause a short declaration 
to be printed and published unto all the towns and plantations of 
the English, not only in this, but other colonys, (the copie of 
which printed paper and order I have enclosed,) and together 
therewith I procured and imployed persons of trust in severall 
parts (where I could not be in person) to promote the business 
and take subscriptions. Shortly after this was done in mid Aprill 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., i. 190-192. 2 Vol. iv., p. 440. 


(as soone as the waies were well passable) I tooke my journey 
to the colonies of Conecticut and New Haven (about 150 miles, 
for the most part through the woods) and unto the magistrates of 
those colonies declared my busines, delivering his highness let- 
ters to Mr. Eaton, &c. They all thankfully accepted his great 
love, manefesting themselves very ready to further the worke in 
the West Indies, which they trust is of God. But as for this 
place of Jamiaca now tendred, the minds of most were averse 
at present, for as much as at that very season their came divers 
letters from thence, signifieing the sore afflicting hand of God 
in the mortalitie of the English upon the Island, in so much 
that of 8,000 and upward, that landed there, there was not liv- 
ing above one halfe ; and those very weake, and lowe, and many 
of them dicing daily, wherein also was related the death of ma- 
jor general Fortescue, Mr. Gage, and divers others. These tyd- 
ings are a very great discouragement unto the most and best per- 
sons, which otherwise would have ingaged to remove ; only some 
few families have subscribed, but not considerable. If the Lord 
please to give the state either Hispaniola, Cuba, or any other 
helthful place, I have good reason to beeleve, that sundry per- 
sons, of worth, yea and some whole churches would remove from 
hence into those parts. But as for this Island (though through 
God's mercy late intelligence of 7th of March from the commis- 
sioners give great hope, that the good lord is returneing to visit 
the remnant, that is left, with health and cure ; and also they 
give great incouradgment of the fertilitie of the said island, all 
which tidings I have endevored to publish with my best skill, 
and what the effects may be towards the drawing in of more 
persons, I canot yet determine; but this island, through many 
bad reports of it, is not of such esteme here, as in several respects 
I conceive it deserves. For the present their are some few godly 
discrete persons, that intend to pass theither in a ship of the 
states called the Hope, whereof one Martin is comander, which 
is now here ladeing masts for the fleet. These persons leave 
their familie here ; and if it shall please God to cary them safe, 
and that the island be liked by them (as I hope it may) then 
upon their returne and inteligence, 't is probable, that many will 
remove, and in the interim if the Lord's purposes be to plant the 
said island with any people from hence, 't is possible upon this 
last newes I may heare of greater motion than formerly among 
the people. There is one thing, that I desire to mention to your 
honour, that is, an objection I mett with from some principal 



persons, that incline to transplant, and indeed the motions of 
such will draw or hinder many. If his highness see cause to re- 
move it, 't is probable it may further the work. They say, there 
is no incouradgment in the propositions for ministers or men of 
place, but what is equall with other men. Now if a minister and 
people remove, the people wil not be in a capacity, untill they 
are settled, to maintayne their ministers, for as much as they 
cannot cary their estates from hence, being it principally consists 
in land and cattle. Now if there were some annual allowance 
made unto such persons for a few yeares, until the people recruite, 
or other waies be contrived, it would then take of that hinder- 

" Thus I have, as breefly as I may, perticulerly signified unto 
your honour, the sume of what is hetherto done. I am hartily 
sorry, that my service hath beene hetherunto so unprofitable to 
his highness and the state, whome I desire, through the strength 
of God, to serve with a faithfull hart and diligent hand. But I 
trust your wisdomes wil consider the providences of God, that 
have occurred ; and also remember some litle mention I made of 
my feares this way, before I undertooke the service ; but yet I 
am not out of hope, that his highness pious intentions and mo- 
tions in this great worke both in the West Indies, and elsewhere, 
shal be owned and crowned with the Lord's blessing in his best 

" Thus with my most humble service presented, and earnest 
prairs to him, on whose shoulders the government is, to give his 
gracious presence and assistance to his highness and your honer 
in all emergencies, I remaine desirous to be, sir, his highness and 
your honer's most humble and faithful servant, 


" Cambridge in New England, May 10th, 1656." l 

Captain Gookin wrote again, Oct. 23, 1656, announcing the 
probable failure of the project, inasmuch as " the great difficul- 
ties and discouragement the English have grapled with in that 
place, being fully known here, have made the most considerable 
persons slow to appeare or ingage to transplant for present, lest 
they should bring themselves and families into great inconven- 
iences ; only there was about three hundred souls that subscribed, 
who for the most part are young persons under family government, 
and many of them females, and for quality of low estates, but 
divers personally godly." 2 

1 State Papers, v. 6, 7. 2 Ibid., v. 509. 


While the Protectorate of Cromwell continued, Massachusetts 
was a favored colony, and the inhabitants of Cambridge shared 
the general benefit of political and ecclesiastical privileges. But 
his death, and the incompetency of his son Richard, prepared the 
way for the accession (or Restoration, as it was styled) of Charles 
the Second, who, on the twenty-ninth day of May, 1660, the an- 
niversary of his birth, entered London in triumph. From this 
time a constant struggle for chartered rights was maintained for 
many years, resulting in the forcible abrogation of the old char- 
ter. In this struggle, Cambridge men were active participants. 

It is related by Hutchinson, under date of 1660, that, "in the 
ship which arrived from London the 27th of July there came 
passengers Col. Whaley and Col. Goffe, two of the late King's 

judges They did not attempt to conceal their persons or 

characters when tFiey arrived at Boston, but immediately went to 
the governor, Mr. Endicot, who received them very courteously. 
They were visited by the principal persons of the town, and among 
others they take notice of Col. Crown's coming to see them. He 
was a noted royalist. Although they did not disguise themselves 
yet they chose to reside at Cambridge, a village about four miles 
distant from the town, where they went the first day they arrived. 
.... The 22d of February the Governor summoned a court of 
assistants to consult about securing them, but the court did not 
agree to it. Finding it unsafe to remain any longer, they left 
Cambridge the 26th following and arrived at New Haven the 7th 
of March. " 1 The particular reason why they selected Cam- 
bridge for their residence does not distinctly appear. A prin- 
cipal inhabitant of the town, Edward Goffe, was the namesake 
of one of the regicides, and may have been his brother or cousin ; 
but I have found no proof of such relationship. Perhaps their 
acquaintance with Captain Gookin may have induced them to re- 
side here. In a " Narrative of the Commissioners from England 
about New England," published by Hutchinson in his " Collec- 
tion of Papers," 2 it is alleged that "Col. Whaley and Goffe were 
entertained by the magistrates with great solemnity and feasted 

1 Hist. Mass., i. 213-215. From New tures and fate in New England, may be 

Haven the regicides retreated to Hadley, found in Judd's History of Hadley, pp. 

where they found shelter in the house of 214-223. 

Rev. John Russell. "Whalley is supposed It should be added, that although 
to have died there about 1670, and to have Hutchinson and others style Whalley 
been buried in Mr. Russell's cellar. Goffe and Goffe " Colonels," both were act- 
survived several years ; but the time and ually Major-generals under Cromwell, 
place of his death are not known. A 2 Pages 419, 420. 
chapter relative to their romantic adven- 


in every place, after they were told they were traytors and ought 
to be apprehended ; they made their abode at Cambridge uutill 
they were furnished with horses and a guide and sent away to 
Newhaven ; for their more security Capt. Daniell Gookin is re- 
ported to have brought over and to manage their estates ; and 
the commissioners being informed that he had many cattle at his 
farm in the King's Province which were supposed to be Whalyes 
or Goughs, caused them to be seazed for his Majesty es use till 
further order, but Capt. Gookin, standing upon the privilege of 
their charter and refusing to answer before the commissioners, as 
soe, there was no more done in it ; Capt. Peirce, who transported 
Whaly and Gough into New England, may probably say some- 
thing to their estate." It has been said that Gookin had made 
a second visit to England, and that he returned in the same ship 
with Whalley and Goffe. 

A fragment of General Goffe's journal, descriptive of his res- 
idence in Cambridge, has been printed in the " Proceedings of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society," 1863, 1864. 1 Among other 
things he says : 

" 27 d. 5 m. Wee came to anchor betwen Boston and Charles- 
town betwen 8. and 9. in ye morning : all in good health thro: 
ye good hand of God ! upon us : oh ! yt men would praise the 
Lord for his goodness, as ps. 107. 21 &c." 

" 29 d. 5 m. Lds day ; wee had opportunity of waiting upon 
God in his publick ordinances, wch wer solemnly performed by 
Mr. Mitchel." 

"9 d. 6 m. At night Majr Gookins shewed us a printed 
paper yt was brought in ye Scotch ship, wherein ye Lords do 
order 66 members of ye High court of Justice to be secured, wth 
yr estates, its dated 18 d. May, 1660. But I will meditate on 
Hebr. 13. 5, 6." 

" 15 d. 6 m. Sup't at Mr. Chancey's ; the good old servant 
of ye Lord, still expressing much affection, & telling us, he was 
perswaded ye Ld had brought us to this country for good both to 
them and or selves." 

" 23 d. 6 m. In ye evening wee vissited Elder Frost, who 
reed us with great kindness & love esteeming it a favour yt we 
would come into yr mean habitation ; assured us of his fervent 
prayers to ye Lord for us : A glorious saint makes a mean cot- 
tage a stately palace ; were I to make my choyce, I would rather 
abide wth ys saint in his poor cottage then wth any one of ye 
princes yt I know of at ys day in ye world." 

1 Pages 281-283. 


" 24 d. 6 m. Wee visited G. 1 Beale, sorely afflicted with ye 
stone. He complained yt lie could not in ye extremity of ye 
pain submitt with cheerfullness to ye will of God ; & told us yt 
God spake many things to him under this exercise." 

" 26 d. 6 m. Mr. Mitchell wth diverse came to visit us; or dis- 
course tended to provoke to give up or selves wholly to Jesus 
Christ and make him ye whole delight of or souls." 

Within a few days after Whalley and Goffe left Cambridge, 
orders arrived from England for their arrest ; and there was at 
least a show of earnest exertion, on the part of the magistrates, to 
overtake them ; but the effort was in vain. Knowing that dis- 
satisfaction existed in the English government, not only on ac- 
count of their friendly reception of the regicides, but also for 
their persistent disregard of the navigation laws, and many other 
acts of insubordination, the General Court which assembled May 
22, 1661, attempted to remove some of the causes of offence. 
They rebuked the apostle Eliot for publishing a book advocating 
a "Christian Commonwealth" rather than a monarchy; they 
modified their laws concerning Quakers, and soon afterwards ex- 
pressed their intention to comply with the laws concerning nav- 
igation. On the last day of the session, which had extended into 
June, they adopted a vote which clearly indicates their concep- 
tion of . the grave difficulties which surrounded them, and their 
anxiety to devise means of escape : 

" For as much as the present condition of our affairs in highest 
concernments call for a diligent and speedy use of the best means 
seriously to discuss and rightly to understand our liberty and duty, 
thereby to beget unity amongst ourselves in the due observance 
of obedience and fidelity unto the authority of England and our 
own just privileges, for the effecting whereof it is ordered by this 
Court, that Mr. Symon Bradstreet, Mr. Samuell Symonds, Major 
General Denison, Mr. Danforth, Major Win. Hauthorne, Capt. 
Tho. Savage, Capt. Edward Johnson, Capt. Eliazer Lusher, Mr. 
Mather, Mr. Norton, Mr. Gobbet, and Mr. Michell, be and hereby 
are appointed a committee, immediately after the dissolution or 
adjournment of the Court, to meet together in Boston on sec- 
ond day next, at twelve of the clock, to consider and debate such 
matter or thing of public concernment touching our patent, laws, 
privileges, and duty to his Majesty, as they in their wisdom shall 
judge most expedient, and draw up the result of their apprehen- 
sions, and present the same to the next session for consideration 

1 Goodman. 


and approbation, that so (if the will of God be) we may speak 
and act the same thing, becoming prudent, honest, conscientious, 
and faithful men." 

This important committee consisted of four Assistants, four 
Deputies, and four clergymen, of whom Danforth and Mitchell 
were of Cambridge. The report was signed by Danforth, and 
was probably written by him ; it is here inserted, as it indicates 
the skill and firmness with which encroachments on their char- 
tered rights were resisted by the party of which he was the ac- 
knowledged leader. Immediately after the appointment of this 
committee, the Court adjourned. It met again on the tenth of 
June, after a recess of probably less than a week. The first bus- 
iness presented was this Report : 

" The answers of the Committee unto the. matters proposed to 
their consideration by the honored General Court : 

" 1. Concerning our liberties. 

" 1. We conceive the patent (under God) to be the first and 
main foundation of our civil polity here, by a Governor and Com- 
pany, according as is therein expressed. 

" 2. The Governor and Company are, by the patent, a body 
politic, in fact and name. 

" 3. This body politic is vested with power to make freemen. 

" 4. These freemen have power to choose annually a Governor, 
Deputy Governor, Assistants, and their select representatives or 

" 5. This government hath also [power] to set up all sorts of 
officers, as well superior as inferior, and point out their power 
and places. 

" 6. The Governor, Deputy Governor, Assistants, and select 
representatives or deputies have full power and authority, both 
legislative and executive, for the government of all the people 
here, whether inhabitants or strangers, both concerning ecclesias- 
tics and in civils, without appeal, excepting law, or laws repug- 
nant to the laws of England. 

" 7. The government is privileged by all fitting means (yea, 
and if need be, by force of arms), to defend themselves, both by 
land and sea, against all such person or persons as shall at any 
time attempt or enterprise the destruction, invasion, detriment, or 
annoyance of this plantation or the inhabitants therein, besides 
other privileges mentioned in the patent, not here expressed. 


" 8. We conceive any imposition prejudicial to the country 
contrary to any just law of ours, not repugnant to the laws of 
England, to be an infringement of our right. 

" 2. Concerning our duties of allegiance to our sovereign lord 
the King. 

" 1. We ought to uphold and to our power maintain this place, 
as of right belonging to our sovereign lord the King, as holden of 
his majesty's manor of East Greenwich, and not to subject the 
same to any foreign prince or potentate whatsoever. 

" 2. We ought to endeavor the preservation of his majesty's 
royal person, realms, and dominions, and so far as lieth in us, to 
discover and prevent all plots and conspiracies against the same, 

" 3. We ought to seek the peace and prosperity of our king 
and nation, by a faithful discharge in the governing of this peo- 
ple committed to our care. (1.) By punishing all such crimes 
(being breaches of the first or second table) as are committed 
against the peace of our sovereign lord the King, his royal crown 
and dignity. (2.) In propagating the gospel, defending and up- 
holding tTie true Christian or Protestant religion according to the 
faith given by our Lord Christ in his word ; our dread sovereign 
being styled ' Defender of the faith.' 

" The premises considered, it may well stand with the loyalty 
and obedience of such subjects as are thus privileged by their 
rightful sovereign (for himself, his heirs and successors forever), 
as cause shall require, to plead with their prince against all such 
as shall at any time endeavor the violation of their privileges. 

" We further judge that the warrant and letter from the 
King's majesty, for the apprehending of Col. Whalley and Col. 
Goffe, ought to be diligently and faithfully executed by the 
authority of this country. 

" And, also, that the General Court may do safely to declare, 
that in case (for the future) any legally obnoxious, and flying 
from the civil justice of the state of England, shall come over to 
these parts, they may not here expect shelter. 

" Boston 10. 4m. 1661. By order and consent of the Com- 
mittee. " THO. DANFOKTH. 

" The Court allows and approves of the return of the Com- 
mittee." l 

On the last day of the year 1661, the General Court deter- 
mined to send " Mr. Symon Bradstreet and Mr. John Norton " 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., iv. (ii.) 24-26. 


to England, as special agents. Among their instructions were 
these : " 1. You shall present us to his majesty as his loyal and 
obedient subjects." " (4.) You shall not engage us by any act of 
yours to anything which may be prejudicial to our present stand- 
ing according to patent." 1 The agents were received more fa- 
vorably than they expected, and returned with a gracious letter 
from the King. This letter was read in Court, Oct. 8, 1662. In 
consequence of the King's declaration therein, " We will pre- 
serve and do hereby confirm the patent and charter heretofore 
granted unto them by our royal father of blessed memory, and 
they shall fully enjoy all the privileges and liberties granted to 
them in and by the same," the Court appointed a special 
thanksgiving, making mention of " the safe and speedy return of 
our public messengers sent for England, together with the contin- 
uance of the mercies of peace, liberties, and the gospel ; " and on 
the same day it was further ordered, " that henceforth all writs, 
process, with indictments, shall by all magistrates, the secretary, 
clerk of the several courts and writs, be made and sent forth in 
his Majesty's name, i. e., you are hereby required in his Majesty's 
name, etc., any usage or custom to the contrary notwithstanding." 
Some of the other requisitions, especially those interfering with 
their ecclesiastical polity, were very unwelcome, and the Court 
was not ready to_comply. " The Court, having duly considered 
of his Majesty's letters now in Court, and the contents thereof, 
do hereby order the publication thereof. And forasmuch as the 
said letter hath influence upon the churches as well as the civil 
state, it is further ordered, that all manner of actings in relation 
thereunto be suspended until the next General Court, that so all 
persons concerned may have time and opportunity to consider of 
what is necessary to be done, in order to his Majesty's pleasure 
therein." 2 

In their answer to the King's letter, after expressing thankful- 
ness for his confirmation of the charter, the Court say : " As 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., iv. (ii.) 37. Loyalty whereof he is a member, and unto which 

to the king was held to be qualified or he is sworn formerly. Boston the 24th of 

modified by the provisions of the char- May, 1665. DANIEL GOOKIN." 

ter; two examples are preserved in the "Before I take the oath of allegiance 

Mass. Archives, cvi. 132, 133. "Daniel to his Majesty, which I am ready to 

Gookin, before he took the oath of allegi- do, I do declare that I will be so under- 

ance in Court, May 24th, 1665, did openly stood as not to infringe the liberty and 

and plainly declare that in taking that privileges granted in his Majesty's royal 

oath he would be so understood as not to charter to this Colony of the Massachu- 

infringe the liberty and privileges granted setts. THOMAS DANFORTH. 26 (3) 

in his Majesty's royal charter to the 1665." 

Governor and Company of Massachusetts, 2 Mass. Col. Rec., iv. (ii.) 58. 


touching the further purport of the letter, we have this particular 
account to give v viz : for the repealing of all laws here established 
since the late changes, contrary and derogatory to his Majesty's 
authority and government, we having considered thereof, are not 
conscious to any of that tendency. Concerning the oath of alle- 
giance, we are readily to attend to it as formerly, according to 
the charter. Touching the administration of justice in his Majes- 
ties name, hath been done, the practice whereof, which was dis- 
continued in the late changes, is now reassumed. Concerning 
liberty to use the common Prayer Book, none as yet among us 
have appeared to desire it. Touching administration of the sac- 
raments, this matter hath been under consideration of a synod, 
orderly called, the result whereof our last General Court com- 
mended to the several congregations, and we hope will have a 
tendency to general satisfaction. In reference to our elections of 
magistrates, we humbly answer, that it hath always been, and is, 
great care and endeavor, that men of wisdom, virtue and integ- 
rity be chosen to places of trust ; and to that end, that such as 
vote in elections should be orthodox in religion, virtuous (and 
not vicious) in conversation, and all those that according to the 
orders and customs of the colony here established, agreeable to 
the provisions of our charter, having proved themselves to be 
such in their places where they live, have from_time to time been 
admitted in our elections ; and if anything yeT remain to be acted 
by us respecting the premises, it is under consideration among us 
to that end. We humbly desire your honor will be pleased to 
assure his Majesty of the loyalty and good affection of his sub- 
jects here, they resting secure in their charter and his Majesty's 
gracious aspect towards them." 1 

This letter, manifesting the same spirit which was exhibited a 
hundred years afterwards, personal loyalty to the King, but 
an unwillingness to submit to the arbitrary government of a 
Council or Parliament in which they were not represented, 
was not satisfactory to the English Government ; and after some 
further correspondence, a board of commissioners, consisting of 
Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright, Esq., 
and Samuel Maverick, Esq., was appointed in 1664, to visit the 
New England Colonies and enforce their subjection. A long 
controversy, shrewdly managed on the part of the Court, resulted 
in the departure of the commissioners without having accom- 
plished their object. The inhabitants of Cambridge were not 
1 Danforth Papers, in Cdl. Mass. Hist. Soc., xviii. 47, 48. 


backward in rendering encouragement to their magistrates. At 
a special session, commencing Oct. 19, 1664, " The Court 
being met together and informed that several persons, inhab- 
itants of Cambridge, were at the door and desiring liberty to 
make known their errand, were called in, and Mr. Edward Jack- 
son, Mr. Richard Jackson, Mr. Edward Oakes, and Deacon Stone, 
coming before the Court, presented a petition from the inhab- 
itants of Cambridge, which was subscribed by very many hands, 
in which they testified and declared their good content and satis- 
faction they took and had in the present government in church 
and commonwealth, with their resolution to be assisting to and 
encouraging the same, and humbly desiring all means might 
be used for the continuance and preservation thereof : and at 
the same time and the next day several petitions of like nature 
from Wooborne, Dorchester, Redding, Chelmsford, Concord, 
Billirrikey, Boston, Dedham, and Meadfield, and also one from 
several inhabitants of Roxbury, all which are on file." 1 The 
Cambridge petition is here inserted, partly on account of its 
patriotic spirit, and partly to preserve the list of names appended 
to it : 

" To the honoured Generall Court of Massachusetts Colonie. 
The humble representation of the inhabitants of the towne of 

" For as much as we have heard that theire have beene repre- 
sentations made unto his Maiesty conserning divisions among us 
and dissatisfactions about the present goverment of this colonie ; 
we whose names are under written, the inhabitants and house- 
holders of the towne above mentioned, doe hearby testify our un- 
animous satisfaction in and adhearing to the present government 
so long and orderly estableshed, and our earnest desire of the con- 
tinuance theirof and of all the liberties and privileges pertaining 
theirunto which are contained in the charter granted by King 
James and King Charles the First of famous memory, under the 
encouredgment and security of which charter we or our fathers 
ventered over the ocean into this wildernesse through great 
hazards, charges, and difficulties ; and we humbly desire our hon- 
ored General Court would addresse themselves by humble petition 
to his Maiesty for his royall favour in the continuance of the pres- 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., iv. (ii ) 136, 137. Archives to the Judicial Court Files for 
The Cambridge petition, for some reason, Suffolk County, in the Court House, 
has been removed from the Massachusetts Boston. 



ent estableshment and of all the previleges theirof, and that we 
may not be subjected to the arbitrary power of any who are not 
chosen by this people according to theire patent, 
"Cambrid": the 17th of the 8. 1664. 



















FFRA. MOORE, jun r . 














" We, whose names are subscribed, being of the traine band 
and singell men in the above sayd town, doe also desire to mani- 
fest ourselves to be of the same mynd with our parents, masters, 
and the aged men and housholders of the place. 


















It does not appear that Cambridge, in its corporate capacity, 
was actively engaged in the political contest which continued, 
with scarcely any intermission, for more than twenty years ; but 
there is the best evidence that its representative men were 
among the most active leaders in opposition to the arbitrary 
measures of the English court. Edward Randolph, " the arch 
enemy of the Colony," addressing the Lords of Trade in 1676, 
says : " Amongst the Magistrates, some are good men and well af- 


fected to his Majesty, and would be well satisfied to have his Maj- 
esty's authority in a better manner established; but the major part 
are of different principles, having been in the government from 
the time they formed themselves into a Commonwealth. These 
direct and manage all affairs as they please, of which number 
are Mr. Leverett, Governor, Mr. Symons, Deputy Governor, 
Mr. Danforth, Mr. Ting, Major Clarke, and Major Hathorn, 
still continued a magistrate, though commanded by his Majesty 
upon his allegiance to come into England, yet refused, being en- 
couraged in his disobedience by a vote of the Court not to appear, 
upon some reasons best known to themselves. These, with some 
few others of the same faction, keep the country in subjection 
and slavery, backed with the authority of a pretended charter." 1 

To the Bishop of London he writes, May 29, 1682, " I think I 
have so clearly layd downe the matter of fact, sent over their 
lawes and orders to confirine what I have wrote, that they can- 
not deny them : however, if commanded, I will readily pass the 
seas to attend at Whitehall, especially if Dan ford, Goggin, and 
Newell, magistrates, and Cooke, Hutchinson and Fisher, mem- 
bers of their late General Court and great opposers of the honest 
Governor and majestrates, be sent for to appeare before his Maj- 
esty ; till which time this country will always be a shame as well 
as inconveniency to the government at home." 2 Soon afterwards, 
June 14, 1682, he writes to the Earl of Clarendon, " His Majes- 
ties quo warranto against their charter, and sending for Thomas 
Danforth, Samuel Nowell, a late factious preacher and now a 
magistrate, and Daniel Fisher and Elisha Cooke, deputies, to at- 
tend and answer the articles of high inisdemeanures I have now 
exhibited against them in my papers sent Mr. Blaithwait per 
Capt. Foy, will make the whole faction tremble." 3 

" During these distresses of the colony," says Hutchinson in 
1681, " there were two parties subsisting in the government, both 
of them agreed in the importance of the charter privileges, but 
differing in opinion upon the extent of them, and upon the proper 
measures to preserve them. The governor, Mr. Bradstreet, was 
at the head of the moderate party. Randolph in all his letters 

takes notice of it Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Dudley, and William 

Brown of Salem, these fell in with the Governor. The deputy 
governor, Mr. Danforth, was at the head of the other party : the 
principal members of the court with him were Major Gookins of 
Cambridge, Peter Tilton of Hadley, Elisha Cooke and Elisha 

1 Hutch. Coll., p 499. 2 Ibid., 532. 8 Ibid., 535. 


Hutchinson of Boston. This party opposed the sending over 
agents, the submitting to acts of trade, &c., and were for adher- 
ing to their charter according to their construction of it, and 
leaving the event. Gookins, being aged, desired a paper he drew 
up as his dying testimony, might be lodged with the court, con- 
taining the reasons of his opinion." 1 

Through the whole of this protracted controversy, Danforth 
and Gookin, together with the Deputies from Cambridge, con- 
tinued firm in their resistance to the arbitrary measures of the 
English government. They were at last overpowered, however, 
and the Colony was reduced to a state little better than slavery. 
On the 25th day of May, 1686, Joseph Dudley, the newly ap- 
pointed President, with his Council, assumed the government of 
the Colony, the charter having been abrogated. A few months 
later, Dec. 20, 1686, he was superseded by Sir Edmund Andros, 
who had been appointed Governor of New England. 

1 Hist. Mass., i. 331. 



As early as 1654, some of the inhabitants upon the south side of 
the River commenced a movement, which resulted, seven years 
afterwards, in an order of the General Court, that all who resided 
nuore than four miles from the meeting-house should " be freed 
from contributing towards the ministry on the north side the 
river," so long " as the south side the river shall maintain an 
able ministry." 1 This was not wholly satisfactory, and a peti- 
tion for more extensive privileges was presented to the General 
Court, Oct. 18, 1672, but action thereon was postponed until the 
next session, May 7, 1673, at which time this record is found : 
" In answer to the petition of Mr. Edward Jackson and John 
Jackson in behalf of the inhabitants of Cambridge Village, on 
the south side of Charles River, this Court doth judge meet to 
grant the inhabitants of the said village annually to elect one 
constable and three selectmen, dwelling among themselves, to 
order their prudential affairs of the inhabitants there according 
to law, only continuing a part of Cambridge in paying country 
and county rates, as also town rates so far as refers to the gram- 
mar school and bridge, and also pay their proportion of the 
charges of the deputies of Cambridge, and this to be an issue to 
the controversy between Cambridge and them." 2 But the peo- 
ple were not content to be a precinct. Accordingly at the session 
of the General Court, commencing May 8, 1678, a petition was 
presented for incorporation as a town : 

" To the honored Governor, Deputy Governor, together with 
the honored Magistrates and Deputies of the General Court, now 
sitting in Boston. 

" The humble petition of us, the inhabitants of Cambridge 
Village, on the south side of Charles River, showeth, that the 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., iv. (ii.) 16. 2 Ibid., 555. 


late war, as it hath been a great charge to the whole Colony, so 
to us in particular, both in our estates and persons, by loss of life 
to some, and others wounded and disabled for their livelihood, 
besides all our other great charges in building of our meeting- 
house and of late enlargement to it, as also our charge to the 
minister's house. And, as you know, the Lord took that worthy 
person from us in a little time, and now in great mercy hath 
raised up another in the place, who hath a house in building for 
him, which requires assistance : As also we are now, by the great 
mercy of God, so many families that a school is required for the 
education of our children according to law, besides our public 
charge of the place. Yet, notwithstanding, this last year, the 
Townsmen of Cambridge have imposed a tax upon us, amount- 
ing to the sum of three country Rates, without our knowledge or 
consent, which we humbly conceive is very harsh proceeding "for 
any Townsmen of their own will and power to impose upon the 
inhabitants what taxes they please, and to what end, without 
ever calling the inhabitants to consider about such charge. 
Nevertheless, for peace sake, the inhabitants of our place did 
meet together and jointly consent to give the town of Cambridge 
the sum of one hundred pounds, and to pay it in three years, 
without desiring any profit or benefit from them of wood, timber, 
or common lands, but only our freedom, being content with our 
own proprieties, which some of us had before Cambridge had any 
right there : which tender of ours they having rejected, as also 
to grant to us our freedom from them, we do most humbly com- 
mend our distressed condition to the justice and mercy of this 
honored Court, that you will please to grant us our freedom from 
Cambridge and that we may be a township of ourselves, without 
any more dependence upon Cambridge, which hath been a great 
charge and burden to us ; and also that you would please to give 
the place a name, and if there should be any objection against us 
that the honored Court will admit our reply and defence. So 
hoping the Almighty will assist you in all your concerns, we rest 
your humble petitioners. 




























The historian of Newton says this petition " was no doubt 
drawn up by Mr. Edward Jackson, senior." He adds a list of 
" Freemen in the Village who did not sign this petition," 2 
namely : 

" Rev. Nehemiah Hobart. Daniel Bacon. 

Elder Thomas Wiswall. John Spring. 

Dea. Samuel Hyde. Daniel McCoy. 

John Woodward. John Park. 

Henry Segar. Samuel Hyde, Son of Jona. 

Thomas Park, jun r . James Prentice, jun r ." 

" In answer to the petition of the inhabitants of Cambridge 
Village, on the south side of the river, the Court judgeth it meet 
to grant them a hearing of the case mentioned on the first Tues- 
day of the next session in October, and all parties concerned are 
ordered to have timely notice." 3 

At the time appointed, a long protest was presented by the 
Selectmen of Cambridge, a part of which was printed in Jack- 
son's " History of Newton," pp. 53-60. Notwithstanding its 
length, it is here inserted in full, on account of the historical 
facts mentioned in it, and the picture it presents of the general 
condition of affairs : 

1 Mass. Arch., cxii. 250. Mass. Col. Rec., v. 188, 189. 

a Jackson's Hist, of Newton, 50, 52. 


" The answer of the Selectmen of Cambridge to the petition 
exhibited against them by their Brethren and Neighbors of the 
Village on the South Side of Charles River. 

" To omit what they express by way of narration, declaring 
' the loss of lives and estates to them sustained by the late war, 
the death of their former minister and their having now got an- 
other for whom a house is building,' &c. the impertinency and 
absurdity of their argument therein being obvious to all intelli- 
gent minds, we shall only concern ourselves with what they 
make the main of their petition, which may be divided into these 
two parts : 

" I. The cause on our part, viz. the hard usage by the Towns- 
men of Cambridge, i. e. imposing upon them a tax of their own 
will and power, and what they please, and to what end they 

"For answer hereunto, the Cambridge Townsmen have im- 
posed a tax (as they call it) if they intend no more than the 
making of a rate for the paying of the charges of the whole town, 
and putting upon them their just proportion of the charge of 
those things, properly belonging to them to bear their part of, 
according to the order of the General Court with reference to 
them, made May 7 th , 1673, and then declared to be the issue of 
the controversy between the town and the petitioners, thus far 
we own to be a truth. But whereas they charge us that we 
have thus done, 1, of our own will, 2, of our own power, 3, what 
we please, 4, to what end we please, these are high and sad 
accusations which we cannot own to be true : for 1 st it was not 
by our will that any taxes have been imposed on them or any 
other of the inhabitants, but their own will, so declared in orderly 
town-meetings, legally warned, whereat themselves either were or 
might have been present and had their votes. 2. Nor was it of 
our own power, but by the authority of the General Court, com- 
mitting to us by the law, as we are Selectmen of the town, 
power for the ordering of the prudentials of the town and levy- 
ing what is necessary for the payment of the annual disburse- 
ments regularly made for the town's occasions. 3. Nor have we 
imposed upon the town in general, or the petitioners, what we 
please. The rule that we have observed in raising our rates be- 
ing to make them no greater than is of absolute necessity for the 
payment of the town's debts, and most an end falling consider- 
ably short by reason of the town's poverty, and upon each in- 
habitant in particular according to a list of their persons and 


rateable estates. 4. Nor have we improved the moneys raised 
to what end we please, but have faithfully disposed of the same 
for the end for which we raised it, namely, the payment of the 
town's just debts. If herein we have transgressed the line of our 
power, we beg pardon (and direction for the future) of this hon- 
ored Court. If our accusers shall deny the truth of what we 
assert, either in general or any one article, we crave liberty to 
put in our further defence and evidence. 

" II. That which is the r main of their petition they thus ex- 
press, viz., ' that we may be a township of ourselves, without any 
more dependence on Cambridge.' And this their petition they 
strengthen with two arguments ; the 1 st is prefatory to their peti- 
tion, wherein they say ' they plead only for their freedom, being 
content with their own propriety ; ' the 2 d is subsequent ' because 
their dependence on Cambridge hath been a great charge and 
burthen to them.' 

" We shall begin with their arguments why they would be 
freed from Cambridge. To the 1 st , whereas they say that they 
plead only for their freedom, being content with their own pro- 
prieties, we answer, 1. That the inhabitants of Cambridge now 
dwelling on the north side of Charles River have well nigh three 
thousand acres of land that is laid out into several lots, some ten, 
some twenty, some forty, acres, more or less, that they are at this 
time seised of, and by them kept for herbage, timber, wood, and 
planting lands, as they shall have occasion for to use the same, 
all which is by the petitioners included within the line of division 
between the town and them : and therefore they do not say words 
of truth when they say they are content with their own proprie- 
ties. 2. Nor is it true that they plead only for freedom ; for they 
having obtained these our lands and proprieties to be within the 
line of that division and payable to the ministry, they would be- 
come our masters and charge us for our lands and cattle that we 
shall put thereon to all their common charges, if they may obtain 
to be a distinct township. 

" To their 2 d argument, viz. that their dependence on Cam- 
bridge hath been a great charge and burden to them. For an- 
swer hereto, 1 st we shall say something that hath reference to 
them more generally, and 2 d , we shall distinguish between the 
persons that are petitioners, and speak something more particu- 
larly. 1. More generally. They well know, before their settle- 
ment in that place, that all those lands that they now petition 
for did belong to Cambridge, and were the grant of the General 


Court to them, for their enabling to maintain the ordinances of 
God among them, and all other common charges inevitably aris- 
ing in a township ; so that what they call a burden will appear 
to be no more than their duty which they owe to the town ; and 
if, in that sense, charge and burden may be admitted as a just 
plea, may not the servant as well petition the Court to be freed 
from his master, the tenant from his landlord, or any single town 
petition his Majesty to have their freedom, and be a distinct Col- 
ony, and plead that the annual charges for maintenance of gov- 
ernment and the peace of the commonwealth is to them a great 
charge and burden ? 2. Their charge and burden hath not been 
greater than their brethren and neighbors ; for we have not, by 
burdening or charging them, eased ourselves of our just dues and 
proportion in any kind ; and although their accommodations for 
enabling them to bear and discharge their dues are far better 
than those of the town, yet it seems that what they call great 
(and we may without wronging our case freely concede to the 
truth thereof, that when all our shoulders bear, and hands and 
hearts join together, we find it so by daily experience) they are 
content that we should bear it alone, not pitying us, though we 
sink and break under it ; for they know full well that their with- 
drawing will not abate the weight of our burden ; for the bridge 
must be maintained, the school must be kept up, the Deputies 
must be sent to the General Court: and they have no other 
charge or burden imposed upon them by us than their just pro- 
portion of that which these do ordinarily require. 3. They know 
full well that such hath been the tenderness of the town towards 
them at all times, that they have evermore chosen a Constable 
that hath been resident among them, and for the Selectmen also 
they have desired that they might constantly have some of them 
joined with those of the town, partly for their help, and partly 
that they might more easily have help from them, and be satis- 
fied in the equity and justice of their proceedings in all respects ; 
so that we know they cannot and dare not to plead that we have 
at any time been unwilling to execute the power of the Select- 
men for gathering the rates due to their minister or otherwise 
more properly belonging to them, nor that we have carried 
crossly, proudly, or perversely towards them. If we have, let us 
be accused to our faces, and not backbitten and slandered as we 
have been in the other particulars whereof they accuse us. 

" Thus far in answer to the petitioners' 2 d argument in gen- 
eral. We shall now make answer thereto more particularly. 


And here we must divide the petitioners into two sorts : 1. 
Those that were dwellers in the town before they went to in- 
habit on that side. 2. Another sort are those that came from 
other towns. 

1. " Those that proceeded from the town, who knowing the 
straitness and want of accommodation to be had among their 
brethren there, and the lands on that side the water being then 
of small value, procured to themselves large and comfortable ac- 
commodation for a small matter. We have confidence that these 
dare not to say that their being in Cambridge hath been any 
charge or burden to them. They must and will own that God 
hath there greatly blessed them : that whereas we on the town 
side, of .1,000 that we or our parents brought to this place, and 
laid out in the town, for the purchasing at dear rates what we 
now enjoy, can not, divers of us, show .100, they may speak 
just contrary or in proportion. We could, if need were, in- 
stance some,* whose parents lived and died here, who, when they 
came to this town had no estate, and some were helped by the 
charity of the church, and others yet living that well know they 
may say truly, with good Jacob, over this Jordan came I with 
this staff, and so may they say, over this River went I, with 
this spade, hoe, or other tool, and now, through God's blessing, 
am greatly increased. Yet here we would not be understood to 
include every particular person ; for we acknowledge that Mr. 
Jackson brought a good estate to the town, as some others did, 
and hath not been wanting to the ministry or any good work 
among us ; and therefore we would not reflect upon him in the 

" 2. There are another sort of persons that did not proceed 
from the town, but came from other towns, where there had 
been much division and contention among them, who, though 
they knew the distance of the place from the public meeting- 
house, the dependency thereof on Cambridge, which they now 
call a great charge and burden, yet this they then did choose, 
and we are assured will own, generally at least, that they have 
there increased their estates far beyond what those of the town 
have or are capable to do. We might instance also in the In- 
ventories of some of them, whose purchase at the first cost them 
a very small matter, and their stock and household stuff we 
judge to be proportionable, and yet when they deceased, an in- 

" * John Jackson's Invent., 1,230. Kich. Park's Invent., 972. 


ventory f amounting to more than 1,100 pounds is given into 
the Court ; and others that are yet living have advanced in some 
measure suitable. But poor Cambridge quickly felt the sad 
effect of their coming among us ; for though some of them came 
from their dwellings very near the meeting-houses in other 
towns, and these beforehand knew the distance of their now 
dwellings from Cambridge, yet this did not obstruct them in 
their settlement there ; but before they were well warm in their 
nests, they must divide from the town. And though such was 
the endeared love of our brethren and neighbors that went from 
us to this Church and the ministry thereof, that it was long be- 
fore they could get them (at least with any considerable unan- 
imity) to join with them, yet they would petition, some few of 
them in the name of the rest, to the honored General Court, for 
their release from the town. And when the Court, being tired 
out with their eager pursuit and more private fawnings and in- 
sinuations, granted them Committee upon Committee to hear 
and examine the ground of their so great complaints, at last all 
issued in a declaration of the unreasonableness of their desire 
with reference to the town and unseasonableness on their part, 
as may appear by the return of the Committee made to the Gen- 
eral Court, October 14, 1657, the Worshipful Richard Russell 
Esq., Major Lusher and Mr. Ephraim Child subscribing the 
same, and was accepted by the Court. 

" Yet here they rested not ; but in the year 1661 petitioned 
the Court, and then obtained freedom from rates to the ministry 
for all lands and estates more than four miles from Cambridge 
meeting-house ; and this being all that they desired, although 
we were not at that time advantaged with an opportunity to 
send any one to speak in the town's behalf, yet considering the 
impetuousness of their spirits, and their good words, pretending 
only the spiritual good of their families that could not travel 
(women and children) to the meeting-house at Cambridge, we 
rested therein, hoping now they would be at rest. But all this 
did not satisfy them ; but the very next year J they petition the 
Court again. And then as a full and final issue of all things in 
controversy between Cambridge town and the petitioners, there 
is another Committee appointed to come upon the place and de- 
termine the bounds or dividing line between the town and them ; 
the result whereof was such that, whereas their grant was for all 
the lands that were above four miles from the town, they now 
"t Old Hammond's Invent., 1,139. " j Octob. '62. 


obtain the stating of a line that for the generalty is (by exact 
measure) tried and proved to be very little above three miles 
from Cambridge meeting-house. Yet did not Cambridge (thus 
pilled and bereaved of more than half the lands accommodable 
to their town at once) resist, or so much as complain, but rested 
therein,' the Court having declared their pleasure and given 
them their sanction, that this, as abovesaid, should be a final 
issue of all things between the town and the petitioners. 

" All this notwithstanding, these long-breathed petitioners, 
finding that they had such good success that they could never 
cast their lines into the sea but something was catched, they re- 
solve to bait their hook again ; and as they had been wont some 
of them for twenty years together to attend constantly the meet- 
ings of the town and selectmen, whilst there was any lands, wood, 
or timber, that they could get by begging, so now they pursue the 
Court for obtaining what they would from them, not sparing time 
or cost to insinuate their matters, with reproaches and clamors 
against poor Cambridge, and have the confidence in the year 
1672 again to petition the Court for the same thing, and in the 
same words that they now do, viz. ' that they may be a township 
of themselves, distinct from Cambridge ' ; and then the Court 
grants them further liberty than before they had, viz. to choose 
their own Constable and three selectmen amongst themselves, to 
order the prudential affairs of the inhabitants there, only continu- 
ing a part of Cambridge in paying Country and County rates, as 
also Town Rates so far as refers to the Grammar School, Bridge, 
and Deputy's charges, they to pay still their proportion with the 
town ; and this the Court declares, once more, to be a final issue 
of the controversy between Cambridge and them. 

" Cambridge no sooner understands the pleasure of this hon- 
ored Court, but they quietly submitted thereunto ; and we hope 
our brethren neither can nor dare in the least to accuse us 
(first or last) of refusing to acquiesce in the Court's issue, al- 
though we may and must truly say we have been not a little 
grieved when by the more private intimations and reproachful 
backbitings of our neighbors, we have, in the minds and lips of 
those whom we honor and love, been rendered either too strait- 
laced to our own interest, or unequally-minded towards our 
brethren. And did not this honored Court, as well as we, con- 
clude that the petitioners, having exercised the patience of the 
Court by their so often petitioning, as well as giving trouble to 
the town by causing them to dance after their pipes, from time 


to time, for twenty-four years, as will appear by the Court Rec- 
ords, in which time they have petitioned the Court near if not 
altogether ten times, putting the town to great charges in meet- 
ing together to consider and provide their answers, and to ap- 
point men to attend the Court, and the Committees that have 
been from time to time appointed by the Court, as also the 
charges of entertaining them all, which hath been no small dis- 
turbance to their more necessary employments for their liveli- 
hood, and expense of their time and estates ; yet all this not- 
withstanding, we are summoned now again to appear before this 
honored Court to answer their petition exhibited for the very 
same thing, nothing being added save only sundry falsehoods 
and clamorous accusations of us : so that now it is not so much 
Cambridge as the arbitrary and irregular acting of them and 
their Townsmen that they plead to be delivered from, as being 
their bondage and burden. 

" It now remains that we speak something as to the main of 
their petition, which they thus express, i. e., ' that we may be a 
township of ourselves, without any more dependence on Cam- 
bridge.' The reasons why we apprehend they may not have this 
their petition granted them may be taken from 

" I. The injustice of this their request, which may thus ap- 
pear : 1. If it would be accounted injustice for any neighboring 
towns, or other persons, to endeavor the compassing so great a 
part or any part of our town limits from us, it is the same (and 
in some sense far worse) for those that belong to us so to do. 
This we conceive is plain from God's Word, that styles the child 
that robs his father to be the companion of a destroyer, or, as 
some render the word, a murderer ; although the child may plead 
interest in his father's estate, yet he is in God's account a mur- 
derer if he takes away that whereby his father's or mother's life 
should be preserved ; and this, we apprehend not to be far unlike 
the case now before this honored Court. 2. All practices of this 
nature are condemned by the light of nature, Judges xi. 24. 
They who had their grants from the heathen idolaters did not 
account it just that they should be dispossessed by others. And 
idolatrous Ahab, although he was a king, and a very wicked king 
also, and wanted not power to effect what he desired, and was so 
burdened for the want of Naboth's vineyard that he could neither 
eat nor sleep, and when denied by his own subject tendered a full 
price for the same, yet he had so much conscience left that he did 
" A Machiavelian practice. 


not dare to seize the same presently, as the petitioners would so 
great a part of our possession as this is, were it in their power. 
3. The liberty and property of a Colony, so likewise (in its de- 
gree) of a township, is far more to be insisted upon than the right 
of any particular person ; the concerns thereof being eminently 
far greater in all respects, both civil and ecclesiastical. 4. The 
General Court having forty-five years since (or more) made a 
grant of the land petitioned for to Cambridge town, the Court's 
grant to each town and person as his Majesty's royal charter is 
to this honored Assembly and the whole Colony, we have con- 
fidence that such is their wisdom and integrity that they will not 
deem it to be in their power * to take away from us, or any other 
town or person, any part of what they have so orderly granted 
and confirmed to them. 5. Had we no grant upon Record (which 
is indubitably clear that we have, none in the least questioning 
the same), yet by the law of possession it is ours, and may not, 
without violation of the law and faith of the honored Court be 
taken from us. 

" II. Could the petitioners obtain what they ask, without 
crossing the law of justice, yet we apprehend it would be very 
unequal ; and that may thus appear : Because Cambridge town 
is the womb out of which the petitioners have sprung, and there- 
fore ought, in the first place, to be provided for ; and the question 
in equity ought to be, not what do the petitioners crave,- and 
might be convenient for them, but what may Cambridge spare ? 
Now that Cambridge can not spare what they desire we shall thus 
prove: 1. From the situation of our town, being planted on a 
neck of land, hemmed about by neighboring towns, Watertown 
coming on the one side within half a mile of our meeting-house, 
and Charlestown as near on the other side ; so that our bounds is 
not much above a mile in breadth for near three miles together ; 
and, on the south side the River, the petitioners have gained 
their line (as we before related) to come very near within three 
miles of our meeting-house. 2. The most considerable part of 
the best and most accommodable lands of these near lands to 
the town are belonging to Mr. Pelham and others that live not 
in the town ; so that the far greater number of those that live in 
the town are put to hire grass for their cattle to feed upon in the 
summer time, which costs them the least twelve shillings and some 

"* It was no dishonor to Paul, that had power of God Himself, that He is a God 
all church power, that he could do nothing that cannot lie. 
against the truth ; nor diminutive to the 


fifteen shillings a head in money, for one cow, the summer feed ; 
and corn-land they have not sufficient to find the town with bread. 
3. Cambridge is not a town of trade or merchandize, as the sea- 
port towns be ; but what they do must be in a way of husbandry, 
although upon never so hard terms, they having no other way for 
a supply. 4. By the same reason that the petitioners plead im- 
munity and freedom, our neighbors that live far nearer to Con- 
cord than to us may plead the like, and with far greater reason ; 
and should they have a township granted them also, there would 
be nothing left for Cambridge, no, not so much commonage as to 
feed a small flock of sheep. 

" That our town is thus situated, narrow and long on each 
wing, Watertown and Charlestown nipping us up close on each 
side, there needs no proof; it is sufficiently known to sundry 
of the members of this honored Court. And that we are in other 
respects circumstanced as we have related, so as that we must be 
no town nor have no church of Christ nor ministry among us, 
in case we be clipped and mangled as the petitioners would have, 
we conceive there needs not further evidence than our testimony. 
We know not why we should not be believed. We conceive that 
the honor of God and of this Court is more concerned in providing 
against the laying waste an ancient town and church of Christ, 
settled in this place for more than forty years, than any of us can 
be to our personal interest ; nothing that we here enjoy as to our 
outward accommodation being so attractive as that we should be 
forced here to continue, if we be disabled to maintain God's or- 
dinances. Yet for evidence of the truth of what we thus assert 
we might allege the removing of Mr. Hooker and the whole 
church with him to Hartford, and that for this very reason, be- 
cause they foresaw the narrowness of the place was such that they 
could not live here. Also the endeavor of Mr. Shepherd and 
the church with him, before his death, to remove in like manner, 
and that for no other reason but this, because they saw, after 
many years hard labor and expense of their estates that they 
brought with them from England, that they could not live in this 
place. Also we may add, that the Committee, which the honored 
General Court appointed to inquire into the estate of the town, 
14th. 8mo. 57, made their return that they found the state of 
Cambridge to be as we have declared. 

" We do freely own that, as our place is straitened so the 
charges are great for the maintenance of our Great Bridge and 
schools, &c., besides all other charges common to other places. 


Shall this be an argument therefore to countenance any to seek 
to pluck from us our right, and to pull away their shoulders, to 
whom of right it appertains to bear a part with us, and have far 
the greatest part of the accommodation that should uphold the 
same ? We woiild not speak passionately ; but let not this hon- 
ored Court be offended if we speak a little affectionately. We 
know not wherein we have offended this honored Court, or why 
poor Cambridge above all other towns in the country must be 
thus harassed from Court to Court, and never can have an end 
in twenty-four years time, although the Court have declared and 
given in their sanction that this and the other determination 
should be a final issue, never to be troubled more with the peti- 
tioners ; yet still their petitions and clamors are received, and we 
compelled to make answer thereto. If we have transgressed in 
any kind, and this Court or any the members thereof have a prej- 
udice against us, we humbly entreat that our offence may be 
declared. And if we have been such arbitrary taxmasters as the 
petitioners render us, that we may either be convicted, or recom- 
pense given us for our cost and damage by their unjust molesta- 
tion of us from time to time, for the just vindication of our 
innocency against their unjust calumnies. 

" Also we do humbly entreat of this honored Court that, 
whereas the petitioners at the time of their first grant which 
they obtained from this Court then pleaded that, for and towards 
the maintenance of the ministry in that place, they might have 
the lands and estates on that side the River that were more than 
four miles from the town, that we might have the line stated 
accordingly ; the whole being our own, as we have before pleaded 
and proved, arid we having need thereof, we conceive we can not 
in justice be denied the same. 

" Also, whereas they have not submitted unto nor rested in 
the Court's last grant made them for the choice of a Constable 
and three Selectmen among themselves, but have carried it fro- 
wardly one towards another, and in like manner towards the 
town from whom they proceeded and unto whom they of right 
belong, we humbly entreat that the said order may be reversed, 
and that we being all one body politic may have a joint choice 
in the Selectmen and Constables of the town, according as the 
law doth determine the right and privilege of each town. 

" Finally, we humbly entreat that this our defence may be 
entered in the Court's register, there to remain, for the vindica- 
tion of our just right, in perpetuam rei memoriam. Praying 


that the God of wisdom and truth may direct and guide this 
honored Court in their issuing of this and all other their more 
weighty concerns, we subscribe ourselves, honorable Sirs, your 
humble and dutiful servants and suppliants, 
Cambridge, JOHN COOPER, 

23 (8) 78. WILLIAM MANNING, 


In Jackson's " History of Newton," it is stated that " the re- 
sult was that the Court granted the prayer of the petition, and~ 
Cambridge Village was set off from Cambridge, and made an 
independent township. The doings of the Court in this case are 
missing, and have not as yet been found, and therefore we do 
not know the precise conditions upon which the separation took 
place. But the Town record is quite sufficient to establish the 
fact of separation. The very first entry upon the new Town 
Book records the doings of the first Town-meeting, held ' 27, 6, 
1679, by virtue of an order of the General Court,' at which meet- 
ing the first board of Selectmen were duly elected, namely, Cap- 
tain Thomas Prentice, John Ward, and James Trowbridge ; and 
Thomas Greenwood was chosen Constable." 2 " 1691. Decem- 
ber 8. * In answer to the petition of the inhabitants of Cam- 
bridge Village, lying on the south side of Charles River, some- 
times called New Cambridge, being granted to be a township, 
praying that a name may be given to said town, it is ordered, 
that it be henceforth called New Town.' This order of the Gen- 
eral Court, for a name only, has been mistaken by historians for 
the incorporation of the town, whereas the petitioners had been 
an independent town for twelve years. The child was born on 
the 27 th August, 1679, but was not duly christened until the 8 th 
of December, 1691." 3 

It is evident that the township was incorporated before Dec. 8, 
1691 (or rather Dec. 18 ; the session of the Court commenced 
Dec. 8, but the order granting a name was adopted ten days 
later). This order plainly enough recognizes the village as al- 
ready a distinct " township." Moreover, in 1689, when a Gen- 
eral Court assembled after Andros was deposed and imprisoned, 

1 Mass. Arch., cxii. 253-264. 8 Ibid., page 63. 

2 Hist of Newton, page 60. 


Ensign John Ward appeared as a Deputy from New Cambridge, 
and was admitted to a seat, apparently without objection. So 
far, Mr. Jackson has a good case. But other facts of public no- 
toriety would justify grave doubts whether the town was incor- 
porated so early as 1679. It is a very suspicious circumstance, 
scarcely reconcilable with such an early date of incorporation, 
that for the seven years following 1679, until the charter govern- 
ment was overturned in 1686, the Village, or New Cambridge, 
never assumed, as a town distinct from Cambridge, to send a 
Deputy to the General Court ; but did not miss representation a 
single year for half a century after the government was estab- 
lished under the new charter. People as tenacious of their 
rights as the inhabitants of the Village manifestly were, both 
before and after incorporation, would not be likely to let the 
newly-acquired right of representation lie dormant for seven 
years, during a period of intense political excitement. The elec- 
tion of a Constable and three Selectmen in 1679 by no means 
furnishes countervailing proof of incorporation ; for this is pre- 
cisely what the inhabitants were authorized to do by the order 
passed May 7, 1673, which was never understood to confer full 
town privileges, and which, for aught that appears to the con- 
trary, was the order mentioned in the Town Record dated 27. 6. 
1679. 1 

But the evidence in the case is not wholly of this negative 
character. One of the documents published by Mr. Jackson 2 
indicates with some distinctness a different day (Jan. 11, 1687 
8) as the true date of incorporation into a distinct town : 

" Articles of agreement, made September 17, 1688, between 
the Selectmen of Cambridge and the Selectmen of the Village, in 
behalf of their respective towns : That, whereas Cambridge Vil- 
lage, by order of the General Court in the late government, was 
enjoined to bear their proportion in the charges in the uphold- 
ing and maintaining of the Great Bridge and School, with some 
other things of a public nature in the town of Cambridge ; also 
there having been some difference between the Selectmen of said 

1 At the close of their elaborate " an- the petitioners determined to exercise the 

swer " the Selectmen of Cambridge allege power granted in 1673, and accordingly 

that the petitioners " have not submitted elected a Constable and three Select- 

unto nor rested in the Court's last grant men, Aug. 27, 1679. Such action would 

made to them for the choice of a consta- sufficiently account for the record bearing 

ble and three Selectmen," etc. It seems that date in what Jackson styles the 

highly probable that, having again failed "New Town Book." 

in their efforts to obtain incorporation in 2 Hist, of Newton, p. 62. 
1678, and despairing of present success, 


towns, concerning the laying of rates for the end above said, that 
the Village shall pay to the town of Cambridge the sum of X5, 
in merchantable corn, at the former prices, at or before the first 
day of May next ensuing the date above, in full satisfaction of 
all dues and demands by the said town from the said Village, on 
the account above said, from the beginning of the world to the 
11 th January, 1687. Provided, always, and it is to be hereby 
understood, that the town of Cambridge on consideration of 4, 
in current county pay, already in hand paid to the Village above 
said, shall have free use of the highway laid out from the Vil- 
lage Meeting-house to the Falls, forever, without any let, moles- 
tation, or denial ; also, that the Constable of the Village shall 
pay to the town of Cambridge or [all ?] that is in their hands un- 
paid of their former rates due to the town of Cambridge above 
said. In witness whereof, the Selectmen above said hereunto set 
their hands, the day and year first above written. 








What seems probable by the reference to Jan. 11, 1687-8, in 
the foregoing agreement, is rendered certain by two documents, 
which Mr. Jackson probably never saw, but which are yet in 
existence. One is an order of notice, preserved in the Massa- 
chusetts Archives, cxxviii. 7 : "To the Constables of the town 
of Cambridge, or either of them. You are hereby required to 
give notice to the inhabitants of the said town, that they or some 
of them be and appear before his Excellency in Council on 
Wednesday next, being the llth of this instant, to show cause 
why Cambridge Village may not be declared a place distinct by 
itself, and not longer be a part of the said town, as hath been 
formerly petitioned for and now desired : and thereof to make 
due return. Dated at Boston the sixth day of January in the 
third year of his Majesty's reign, annoque Domini, 1687. By 
order, &c., J. WEST, D. Sec y ." What was the result of this 
process does not appear on record ; for the records of the Council 
during the administration of Andros were carried away, and no 
copy of the portion embracing this date has been obtained. For- 
tunately, however, a certified copy of the order, which is equiv- 


alent to an act of incorporation, is on file in the office of the clerk 
of the Judicial Courts in Middlesex County : 

" At a Council held at the Council Chamber in Boston oh 
Wednesday the eleventh day of January, 1687 ; Present, 

" His Exc y . S r . Edmund Andros, Kt., &c. 
" William Stoughton, A John Usher, \ 

Robert Mason, ! Edward Randolph, > Esqs. 

Peter Buckley, | Francis Nicholson, ) 

Wait Winthrop, 

" Upon reading this day in Council the petition of the inhabi- 
tants of Cambridge Village in the County of Middlesex, being 
sixty families or upwards, that they may be a village and place 
distinct of themselves and freed from the town of Cambridge to 
which at the first settlement they were annexed ; they being in 
every respect capable thereof, and by the late authority made 
distinct in all things saving paying towards their school and 
other town charges, for which they are still rated as a part of 
that town ; and also the answer of the town of Cambridge there- 
to ; and hearing what could be alleged on either part, and mature 
consideration had thereupon ; those who appeared on the behalf 
of the town of Cambridge being contented that the said Village 
be wholly separated from them as desired, and praying that they 
may be ordered to contribute towards the maintenance of Cam- 
bridge Bridge, and that other provision be made as formerly usual 
to ease the town therein : Ordered, that the said village from 
henceforth be and is hereby declared a distinct village and place 
of itself, wholly freed and separated from the town of Cambridge, 
and from all future rates, payments, or duties to them whatso- 
ever. And that, for the time to come, the charge of keeping, 
amending, and repairing the said bridge, called Cambridge 
Bridge, shall be defrayed and borne as followeth (that is to say), 
two sixth parts thereof by the town of Cambridge, one sixth part 
by the said Village, and three sixth parts at the public charge 
of the County of Middlesex. 

" By order in Council, &c. JOHN WEST, D y . Sec y . 

" This is a true copy, taken out of the original, 4th day of 
Decem. 88. 

" As attests, LAUR. HAMMOND, Cler." 

There remains no reasonable doubt, that " Newtown," which 
received its name December, 1691, was "separated from the 


town of Cambridge," and was declared to be " a distinct village 
and place of itself," or, in other words, was incorporated as a 
town, by the order passed Jan. 11, 1687, old style, or Jan. 11, 
1688, according to the present style of reckoning. 1 

A few matters of less public nature, belonging to this period, 
should not be entirely overlooked. I quote from the Town 

Dec. 14, 1657. " Liberty is granted unto Mr. Stedman, Mr. 
Angier, &c., the owners of the Ketch Triall, to fell some timber 
on the common for a ware-house." 

Nov. 14, 1670. " Granted to the owners of the Ketches that 
are to [be] builded in the town liberty to fell timber upon the 
common for the building of the said Ketches." 

By the County Court Records, it appears that in April, 1672, 
Daniel Gookin, Walter Hastings, and Samuel Champney, recov- 
ered ten pounds damage and costs of court, against William 
Carr for the unworkmanlike finishing of two ketches, or vessels, 
of thirty-five tons and twenty-eight tons. Among the papers 
in this case, remaining on file, is a deposition, to wit : " John 
Jackson, aged about 25 years, testifieth that, being hired to work 
upon the two vessels (whereof William Carr was master-builder) 
in Cambridge, I wrought upon the said vessels about four months 
in the winter 1670," etc. Sworn April 2, 1672. These were 
probably the vessels mentioned in the Town Order, Nov. 14, 
1670. They were small in size ; but it appears from Randolph's 
narrative, 2 written in 1676, that more than two thirds of all the 
vessels then owned in Massachusetts ranged from six tons to 
fifty tons. 

Feb. 18, 1658. The Town voted, " That the Great Swamp 
lying within the bounds of this town, on the east side of Fresh 
Pond meadow and Winottomie Brook, shall be divided into par- 
ticular allotments and propriety." 

March 23, 1662-3. " Ordered, that if any man be convicted 
that his dog is used to pull off the tails of any beasts, and do not 

1 The orders in council are dated Jan. was in 1688; and (2) King Charles II., 

1687; but that this was in the Old died Feb. 6, 1684-5, and consequently the 

Style, calling March 25th the first day third year of the reign of James II. did 

of the year, and thus equivalent to not commence until Feb. 6, 1686-7, and 

Jan. 1688, commencing the year, as we the only January in that "third year" 

now do with the first day of January, was in 1687-8, that is, in 1688, by the pres- 

is certain, because (1) according to the ent style of reckoning. 
present style, Wednesday was not the 2 Hutchinson's Coll. Papers, 496. 
eleventh day of January in 1687, but it 


effectually restrain him, he shall pay for every offence of that 
kind twenty shillings, in case that further complaint be made." 

Feb. 13, 1664-5. " The Constables are ordered to allow 
Justinian Holden ten shillings towards a wolf, killed partly in 
Watertowne and partly in this." 

May 8, 1671. " Granted to William Barrit and Nathaniell 
Hancock, to dig a sluice, to drain the pond by their houses, in 
the town's land, provided they secure it from doing damage as 
soon as may be : and in case the Townsmen see reason for it, 
they are to stop it up again." This pond was on the easterly 
side of Dunster Street, about midway between Mount Auburn 
and Harvard Streets. 

May 29, 1671. A committee was appointed " to make a cov- 
enant with Phillip Jones, or any other able person, to make a 
sufficient fence of stone of four foot high, between Watertowne 
bounds and ours," as far as to Rocky Meadow ; with gates to 
the highways from Concord to Watertown and from Cambridge 
to Watertown. 

Feb. 14, 1675-6. " William Maning, and Nathaniell Han- 
cocke, and John Jackson, and John Gove, are appointed by the 
Selectmen, to have inspection into families, that there be no bye 
drinking, or any misdemeanour, whereby sin is committed, and 
persons from their houses unseasonably." 

" The selectmen of Cambridge plaintiffs against Capt. Law- 
rence Hammond and John Cutler, jun., defendants, do humbly 
declare as followeth, &c. In the year 1634 the General Court 
granted them liberty to erect a ware upon Minottomy River, and 
they accordingly so did, and have had quiet possession of the 
same from that time until now, without any disturbance of their 
neighbors of Charlestown or any other ; and hath been in a man- 
ner the stay and support of the town by fishing their Indian corn, 
which is the principal part of their husbandry and livelihood. 
But this last spring the defendants, to the great damage of the 
plaintiffs, have interrupted their fishing by crossing said River 
below the wares granted to Cambridge by the Court, whereby 
the grant of the Court is made null and void, and they are put 
out of the possession of that which they have peaceably enjoyed 
forty-six years, contraiy to law and equity. And after that the 
plaintiffs had obtained a writ of nuisance to bring the case to a 
legal trial, the defendants have both violently and contemptu- 
ously proceeded to obstruct the passage of the fish to the wares, 
which they so long possessed as above said, to their great damage 


and loss of two hundred thousand fish, which we judge will be a 
hundred pounds damage to the town in their crop, and tending to 
the inevitable impoverishing of divers poor families. The jus- 
tice of this honored Court for their relief from this great wrong 
done them by the defendants is the favor they beg. 





The jury rendered a special verdict : " If the General Court's 
grant to Cambridge for the erecting a ware in Menottimyes 
River, within their own bounds, be a legal and perpetual title, 
they find for the plaintiffs five pounds and costs of Court ; if not, 
for the defendants, costs of court." The Court considered the 
title good. This case is entered in the County Court Records, 
under date of June 21, 1681, and the papers are on file. The 
practice of "fishing their Indian corn " was long ago abandoned 
by cultivators in Cambridge ; but the privilege of taking fish in 
Menotomy River remains valuable. It has been subject to occa- 
sional controversies and litigations since 1681, in all which Cam- 
bridge has preserved the rights originally granted ; and to the 
present day " Fish Officers " are annually appointed by the City 
Council, to take care that those rights suffer no infringement. 



ON the 17th day of May, 1686, Joseph Dudley and his asso- 
ciates communicated to the General Court a copy of the King's 
commission authorizing them to assume the government of the 
Colony. The Court replied, under date of May 20, 1686, ad- 
dressed, " These for Joseph Dudley, Esq. and the rest of the 
gentlemen named in his Majesties commission," as follows: 

" Gent n : We have perused what you left with us as a true 
coppy of his majesties commission, shewed to us the 17th instant, 
impowring you for the governing of his majesties subjects inhab- 
itting this colony and other places therein mentioned. You then 
applied yourselves to us, not as a Governor and Company, but 
(as you were pleased to terine us) some of the principall gentle- 
men and cheife of the inhabitants of the severall townes of the 
Massachusetts, amongst other discourse saying it concerned us to 
consider what there might be thought hard and uneasy. 1. Upon 
perusall whereof wee finde, as wee conceive, first, that there is 
no certaine determinate rule for your administration of justice, and 
that which is seemes to be too arbitrary. 2. That the subjects 
are abridged of their liberty as Englishmen, both in the matter 
of legislation and in the laying of taxes, and indeed the whole un- 
quaestioned priviledge of the subject transferred upon yourselves, 
there being not the least mention of an assembly in the commis- 
sion. And therefore wee thinke it highly concernes you to con- 
sider whither such a commission be safe, either for you or us : 
but if you are so satisfied therein as that you hold yourselves 
obleidged thereby, and do take upon you the government of this 
people, although wee cannot give our assent thereto, yet hope 
shall demeane ourselves as true and loyall subjects to his Majesty, 
and humbly make our addresses unto God, and, in due time, to 
our gracious prince, for our releife. Past by the whole Court, 
nemine contradicentes. By order, 

"EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary." 

1 Afass. Col. Rec., v. 515, 516. 


Dudley was superseded in the government by Sir Edmund 
Andros, who "landed at Boston Dec. 20, 1686, and his commis- 
sion was published the same day." l During his administration, 
the people were in a condition little better than slavery. In the 
" Massachusetts Archives " 2 is a statement by Thomas Danforth, 
that, " Our rulers are those that hate us and the churches of 
Christ and his servants in the ministry ; they are their daily 
scorn, taunt, and reproach ; and yet are we, our lives, and liber- 
ties, civil and ecclesiastical, in their hands, to do with us as they 
please ; some of the chief of them have said, no better than 
slaves, only they had not power to sell us for slaves. We are 
deprived of privileges of Englishmen, of the benefit of the great 
Charter of our nation ; our lands and possessions seized and 
granted to strangers, contrary to the Stat. Car. I. Cap. 10, and 
contrary to the assurance given to his Majesty's subjects here, 
by the declaration of his late Majesty and of his present Majesty, 
copies whereof I herewith send you." 

A tract was published at London, in 1689, entitled " A Sixth 
Collection of Papers relating to the present juncture of affairs in 
England." The tenth and last paper in the collection is " A 
narrative of the miseries of New England, by reason of an Ar- 
bitrary Government erected there." It was evidently prepared 
by a person well acquainted with the facts, perhaps by Increase 
Mather, who was at that time in London. The case is so well 
stated that I shall quote freely : 

" Before these changes happened, New England was of all the 
foreign plantations (their enemies themselves being judges) the 
most flourishing and desirable. But their Charters being all (one 
way or other) declared to be void and insignificant, it was an easy 
matter to erect a French Government in that part of the King's 
dominions, (no doubt intended by the evil counsellors) as a speci- 
men of what was designed to be here in England as soon as the 
times would bear it. Accordingly Sir Edmond Andross (a 
Grermey man) was pitched on as a fit instrument to be made use 
of ; and a most illegal commission given him, bearing date June 
3, 1686, by which he, with four of his Council (perhaps all of 
them his absolute devotees) are empowered to make laws, and 
raise moneys on the King's subjects without any Parliament, 

Assembly, or consent of the people Laws are made by a 

few of them, and indeed what they please : nor are they printed, 
as was the custom in the former governments, so that the people 

1 Hutchinaun'* Hint. Mats., \. 353. * Mass. Arch., cxxviii. 142, 143. 


are at a great loss to know what is law, and what not. Only one 
law they are sensible of, which doth prohibit all Town-meetings, 
excepting on a certain day once a year : whereas the inhabitants 
have occasion to meet once a month, sometimes every week, for 
relief of the poor, or other Town-affairs. But it is easy to pene- 
trate into the design of this law, which was (no question) to 
keep them in every town from complaining to England of the op- 
pression they are under. And as laws have been established so 
moneys have been raised by the government in a most illegal and 
arbitrary way, without any consent of the people." 1 "Several 
gentlemen in the country were imprisoned and bound to their 
good behavior, upon mere suspicion that they did encourage their 
neighbors not to comply with these arbitrary proceedings, and 
that so they might be sure to effect their pernicious designs, they 
have caused juries to be picked of men who are not of the vicin- 
ity, and some of them mere strangers in the country and no free- 
holders, which actings are highly illegal. One of the former 
magistrates was committed to prison without any crimes laid to 
his charge, and there kept half a year without any fault ; and 
though he petitioned for a Habeas Corpus, it was denied him. 
Also inferior officers have extorted what fees they please to de- 
mand, contrary to all rules of reason and justice. They make 
poor widows and fatherless pay 50s. for the probate of a will, 
which under the former easy government would not have been a 
tenth part so much. Six persons, who had been illegally impris- 
oned, were forced to give the officers 117Z., whereas upon compu- 
tation they found that here in England their fees would not have 
amounted to 10L in all. And yet these things (though bad 
enough) are but a very small part of the misery which that poor 
people have been groaning under, since they have been governed 
by a despotic and absolute power. For their new masters tell 
them that, their Charter being gone, their title to their lands and 
estates is gone therewith, and that all is the King's ; and that 
they represent the King ; and that therefore all persons must take 
patents from them, and give what they see meet to impose, that 
so they may enjoy the houses which their own hands have built, 
and the lands which, at vast charges in subduing a wilderness, 
they have for many years had a rightful possession of as ever any 
people in the world had or can have." 2 " These were the mis- 
erable effects of New England's being deprived of their Charters, 

1 The case of Ipswich is related. 2 Seizures of land in Charlestown and 

Plymouth are specified. 


and with them of their English liberties. They have not been 
altogether negligent, as to endeavors to obtain some relief in their 
sorrowful bondage ; for several gentlemen desired Increase Ma- 
ther, the Rector of the College at Cambridge in New England, to 
undertake a voyage for England, to see what might be done for 
his distressed country, which motion he complied with ; and in 
June the 1st, 1688, he had the favor to wait on the King, and 
privately to acquaint him with the enslaved and perishing estate 
of his subjects in New England. The King was very gracious 
and kind in his expressions ; then and often after promising to 
give them ease as to their complaints and fears. Amongst other 
things the said Mather caused a petition from the town of Cam- 
bridge in New -England to be humbly presented to his Majesty ; 
which, because it doth express the deplorable condition of that 
people, it shall be here inserted. 

" To the King's most excellent Majesty. 

" The petition and address of John Gibson, aged about 87, 
and George Willow, aged about 86 years ; as also on behalf of 
their neighbors the inhabitants of Cambridge in New England, 
in most humble wise sheweth : 

" That your Majesty's good subjects, with much hard labor 
and great disbursements, have subdued a wilderness, built our 
houses, and planted orchards, being encouraged by our indubita- 
ble right to the soil by the Royal Charter granted unto the first 
planters, together with our purchase of the Natives : as also by 
sundry letters and declai*ations sent to the late Governor and 
Company from his late Majesty, your royal Brother, assuring us 
of the full enjoyment of our properties and possessions, as is 
more especially contained in the declaration sent when the Quo 
Warrant was issued out against our Charter. 

" But we are necessitated to make this our moan and com- 
plaint to your excellent Majesty, for that our title is now ques- 
tioned to our lands, by us quietly possessed for near sixty years, 
and without which we cannot subsist. Our humble address to 
our governor, Sir Edmond Andross, shewing our just title, long 
and peaceable possession, together with our claim of the benefit 
of your Majesty's letters and declarations, assuring all your good 
subjects that they shall not be molested in their properties and 
possessions, not availing. 

" Royal Sir, we are a poor people, and have no way to pro- 
cure money to defend our cause in the law ; nor know we of 
friends at Court ; and therefore unto your royal Majesty, as the 


public Father of all your subjects, do we make this our humble 
address for relief, beseeching your Majesty graciously to pass 
your royal Act for the confirmation of your Majesty's subjects 
here in our possessions to us derived from our late Governor and 
Company of this your Majesty's Colony. We now humbly cast 
ourselves and distressed condition of our wives and children at 
your Majesty's feet, and conclude with the saying of Queen 
Esther, If we perish, we perish." 

In the Massachusetts Archives 1 is a manuscript by Thomas 
Danforth, so nearly identical with this petition that it may prop- 
erly be regarded as its first draught. It is highly probable that 
Danforth prepared it, and sent it to Mather, who made a few 
verbal alterations before presenting it to the king. It seems to 
have been written in 1688, while Randolph was endeavoring to 
obtain possession of seven hundred acres of land near Spy Pond. 
This was one of his many attempts, of a similar kind, to enrich 
himself at the public expense. Besides asking for free grants in 
divers other places, he " petitioned for half an acre of land, to be 
taken out of the common in Boston, for a house lot." 2 Several 
documents relating to the Cambridge are here inserted, as 
a specimen of the wrongs and indignities to which the inhab- 
itants were subjected under the arbitrary government of Sir 
Edmund Andros. Other communities suffered like evils ; and 
other persons were only less rapacious than Edward Randolph. 

" At a Council held at the Council Chamber in Boston on 
Wednesday the nine and twentieth of February, 1687. Present, 
" His Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., &c. 
" Joseph Dudley, "\ John Green, \ 

John Winthrop, I . Edward Randolph, I 

AXT- -4. AIT- 4-u >li.sqrs. . -NT- u i > Esqrs. 

Wait Winthrop, | ffrancis Nicholson, j 

John Usher, Samuell Shrimpton,/ 

" Upon reading this day in Council the petition of Edward 
Randolph Esq., praying his Majesty's grant of a certain tract of 
vacant and unappropriated land, containing about seven hundred 
acres, lying between Spy Pond and Saunders Brook, near Water- 
town in the County of Middlesex, Ordered, That the Sheriff 
of said County do forthwith after receipt hereof, give public 
notice both in Cambridge and Watertown, that if any person 
or persons have any claim or pretence to the said land, that 
they appear before his Excellency the Governor in Council, on 
1 Mass. Arch., cxxviii. 300. 2 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., \. 360. 


Wednesday the 7 th of March next, then and there to show forth 
the same, and why the said land may not be granted to the. 
petitioner as desired ; of which he is not to fail, and to make 
due return. By order in Council, &c. 

" JOHN WEST. D. Sec y ." 

" Per virtue of this order, notice is given to the persons con- 
cerned. 5 March 87-8, pr. Sam 11 . Gookin ShfL" 

" March 4, 1687-8. Mem . This warrant was sent up from 
Boston to Cambridge on the Sabbath day morning by a boat, 
which was an unusual thing in that place to see the Sabbath day 
so profaned and a warrant posted on the meeting house to give 
notice." 2 

At the time appointed, the inhabitants of Cambridge asserted 
their claims, to wit : 

" To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., Captain Gen- 
eral and Governor in chief of his Majesty's territory and domin- 
ion of New England, and his Majesty's Council. The petition 
and address of his Majesty's most loyal subjects, the inhabitants 
of Cambridge, in most humble wise showeth : 

" In observance of the Council's order sent unto us referring 
unto those lands petitioned for by Edward Randolph, Esq., 
we humbly inform and certify your Excellency and the Council, 
that they are neither vacant nor unappropriated lands, but are a 
part of those lands granted by his Majesty's royal Charter, under 
the great seal of England, to the persons therein mentioned, and 
by the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay to this 
town of Cambridge, as the Records of the General Court will 
show, and have been quietly possessed and improved by this 
town of Cambridge for more than fifty years ; and was also pur- 
chased of the Indian Natives that claimed title thereto. And 
more particularly as to those mentioned by the petitioner situate 
and lying between Spy Pond and Sanders Brook, they were by 
allotment granted and measured out, more than forty years now 
past, to sundry of the inhabitants of this town ; and they have 
accordingly peaceably possessed and improved the same, and are 
at this day lawfully seized thereof. And for that other part, 
lying near to Watertown line, the town hath hitherto improved 
those lands in common, for timber, firewood, and pasture for all 

1 Mass. Arcfi., cxxviii. 56. is in the handwriting of Thomas Dan- 

2 /bid., p. 68. This memorandum, en- forth, 
dorscd on a copy of the order of notice, 


sorts of cattle, the just interests of each person therein having 
been legally settled more than forty years ; and the proprietors 
have accordingly respectively bought and sold their interests, as 
they have seen meet ; and for the securing said lands from dam- 
age to ourselves by our neighbors of Watertown, the proprietors 
of the said lands have, at their great charge, erected a stone wall, 
more than one mile in length, and made provision of gates upon 
the highways as was needful. 

" We do also humbly inform your Excellency and Council, 
that the lands above petitioned for are of so great concernment 
to the inhabitants of this town for their necessary supplies of 
timber, firewood, and pasture, that, should we be deprived 
thereof, it would be the inevitable ruin of more than eighty 
families of his Majesty's subjects here settled, who have spent 
their strength and estates in confidence of their indubitable right 
and peaceable enjoyment thereof, by virtue of his Majesty's royal 
Charter, and to them legally derived in manner as is above re- 

" We do therefore humbly render to your Excellency and hon- 
orable Council our humble and thankful acknowledgement of 
your respect to our welfare (as well as to justice and equity) in 
giving us this opportunity to inform your Excellency and Honors 
of our claim and just title to those lands petitioned for, as above 
said, and do humbly pray that the royal authority wherewith his 
Majesty have invested your Excellency for the government of 
this part of his dominion may put a check upon the abovesaid 
information and unreasonable request of the petitioner for said 
lands, and that your petitioners may not be thence illegally 
ejected or disturbed in their peaceable enjoyment thereof, con- 
trary to his late Majesty's declaration of the 26 July 1683, pub- 
lished upon the issuing a Quo Warranto against the late charter 
of this Colony, and to his present Majesty's gracious declaration 
to all his loving subjects for liberty of conscience and maintain- 
ing them in all their properties and possessions in any their lands 
and properties whatsoever; the benefit whereof we humbly claim. 
" Your petitioners are his Majesty's most loyal subjects and 
your Excellency's humble servants, in the name and by the order 
of the inhabitants of Cambridge. JOHN COOPER, 


1 Mass. Arch., cxxviii. 297. 


In his rejoinder, Randolph gives an abstract of his petition 
and the order thereon, together with the objections urged by the 
inhabitants of Cambridge, and then proceeds thus : 

" To which the Petitioner answereth, that, in case the inhabi- 
tants of Cambridge do produce to your Excellency and the Coun- 
cil the royal grant to any person or persons of the said land peti- 
tioned for, and from such person or persons a legal conveyance 
to the inhabitants of the said town, and that the said town were 
by that name, or by what other name the same hath been to 
them granted, able and sufficient in the law to receive a grant of 
such lands, then the petitioner will cease any further prosecution 
of his said prayer : otherwise the petitioner humbly conceives 
the right still to remain in his Majesty, and humbly prays a 
grant for the same. ED. RANDOLPH. Boston March y e 17 th 
1687-8." ! 

Subsequently, another order of notice was issued : 

" Boston 22 d June 1688. Mr. Sheriff, You may give notice to 
any persons that lay claim to the land in Cambridge petitioned 
for by Edward Randolph Esq., that on Thursday next, in the 
forenoon, they appear before his Excellency in Council, and give 
their full answer therein. I am, sir, your servant, 

JOHN WEST, D. Sec." 

Superscribed, " To Samuell Gookin Esq. High Sheriff of Mid- 
dlesex, at Cambridge." 2 

At the time appointed, the proprietors of the lands in con- 
troversy presented their case more fully : 

" The Reply of the proprietors of those lands lying between 
Sanders Brook and Spy Pond near unto Watertown, in the 
County of Middlesex, to an answer made to their address pre- 
sented to your Excellency and the honorable Council, referring 
to the petition of Edward Randolph Esq., he praying a grant of 
seven hundred acres, part of the abovesaid tract of land, as vacant 
and unappi'opriated. 

44 Your humble suppliants do crave leave to remind your Ex- 
cellency and the honorable Council, that, in our former address, 
we have briefly declared and asserted our just title and claim to 
said lands, deriving the same from his Majesty's royal grant by 
his letters patent under the great seal, under the security whereof 
the first planters of this Colony adventured themselves into this 
then waste and desolate wilderness, and have here wasted and 

1 Mass. Arch., cxxviii. Ill, 112. 2 fild., p. 281. 


spent great estates and many lives, for the planting, peopling, 
and defending themselves and his Majesty's right therein. The 
abovesaid royal grant being made not only to the gentlemen 
named in said letters patent, but also to all such others as they 
shall admit and make free of their society, making them one 
body politic by the name of the Governor and Company of the 
Massachusetts Bay in New England, and under that name are 
empowered to make laws and ordinances for the good and wel- 
fare of said company and for the government and ordering of 
the said lands and plantation, and the people that shall inhabit 
therein, as to them shall seem meet. We further declared that, 
by the said Governor and Company, the lands petitioned for by 
Edward Randolph Esq. are granted to Cambridge, then called 
Newtown, and by the said town have been orderly distributed 
among their inhabitants, the grants and settlement whereof upon 
the several proprietors and their names as they stand entered 
upon the Town Book we do hereby exhibit to your Excellency 
and the Council. If further evidence be required of the same, 
or of our possession and improvement thereof, plainly evincing 
that those lands are neither vacant nor unappropriated, as the 
petitioner hath most untruly represented, we are ready to pre- 
sent the same, if your Excellency shall please to appoint us a time 
for so doing. 

" Your Excellency have not required of us to show or demon- 
strate that the formalities of the law have been, in all the cir- 
cumstances thereof, exactly observed, nor do we judge it can 
rationally be expected of a people circumstanced as the first 
planters were, by whom those matters were acted in the infancy 
of these plantations ; they not having council in the law to re- 
pair unto, nor would the emergencies that then inevitably hap- 
pened admit thereof ; and, as we humbly conceive, nor doth the 
law of England require the same of a people so circumstanced as 
they then were. But from the beginning of this plantation 
[they] have approved themselves loyal to his Majesty, and in 
all respects have intended the true ends of his Majesty's royal 
grant, and, through God's great blessing on their endeavors, 
raised here a plantation that redounds greatly (as is now well 
known in the world) to the honor and profit of the crown. And 
his late Majesty, by his letters sent to the Governor and Com- 
pany, accordingly declared his royal acceptance thereof, with 
promise of protection in our long and orderly settlement of this 
Colony, as his Majesty was graciously pleased to term the same : 


the further security whereof, given us by the declaration of his 
late Majesty, when the Quo Warranto was issued forth against 
this Colony, as also by his present Majesty in his declaration, as 
in our address so we do hereby again humbly claim. If any 
thing be yet behind on our part, necessary for the evincing our 
claim, we humbly pray that we may be informed what those 
things are, and time given us to bring in our further answer 
to your Excellency and the Council. In the name and by the 
order of the proprietors, together with ourselves of those lands 
petitioned for by Edward Randolph Esq. 





On the same day, June 28, 1688, the Council passed the fol- 
lowing order : 

" Upon further hearing of the petition of Edward Randolph 
Esq., praying his Majesty's grant for a certain parcel or tract of 
vacant and unappropriated land, containing about seven hundred 
acres, lying between Spy Pond and Sanders Brook near Water- 
town in the County of Middlesex, as also a certain writing pre- 
sented by Samuell Andrews and others of Cambridge, termed 
the reply of the proprietors of the lands lying between Saunders 
Brook and Spy Pond to an answer made to their address : but 
they declaring they had no authority to speak in behalf of others 
but only for themselves 2 and by reason of the general description 
of the land petitioned for not knowing whether the lands claimed 
by them be within the quantity desired or not : It is ordered, 
that a survey and draught be forthwith made of the said land 
and returned into the Secretary's office accordingly. 

" By order of Council, &c., JOHN WEST, D. Sec." 3 

Nothing further is found in the Archives concerning this trans- 
action, and the Records of the Council are not accessible. As 
the title to the lands in controversy was not afterwards disputed, 
it seems probable that the act of robbery was not consummated ; 
or, if it was, such arbitrary proceedings were held to be utterly 
void, after the Revolution which soon followed. 4 

1 Mass Arch., cxxviii. 115, 116. 8 Mass. Arch., cxxix. 3. 

2 They could not speak by the authority < About two years before this Revolu- 
of the town, because the town was pro- tion, Cambridge lost one of her most 
hibited from holding meetings, except eminent citizens, Maj.-gen. Daniel Goo- 
once in each year for the choice of officers, kin, more fnmiliarly known as Major 


Early in 1689, much excitement was produced by a rumor that 
the Prince of Orange had landed in England, with an armed 
force, and that a Revolution in the English Government was 
probable. This rumor took a more definite form, April 4, when 
" one Mr. Winslow came from Virginia and brought a printed 
copy of the Prince of Orange's declaration. Upon his arrival, 
he was imprisoned by Justice Foxcroft and others, for bringing 
a traitorous and treasonable libel into the country, as the mitti- 
mus expressed it. Winslow offered two thousand pounds bail, 
but it could not be accepted. A proclamation was issued, charg- 
ing all officers and people to be in readiness to hinder the landing 
of any forces which the Prince of Orange might send into those 
parts of the world. The old magistrates and heads of the people 
silently wished, and secretly prayed, for success to the glorious 
undertaking, and determined quietly to wait the event. The 
body of the people were more impatient. The flame, which had 
been long smothered in their breasts, burst forth with violence 
Thursday, the 18th day of April, when the Governor and such of 
the Council as had been most active, and other obnoxious persons, 
about fifty in the whole, were seized and confined, and the old 
magistrates were reinstated." l Several accounts of this Revolu- 
tion appeared within a few months after it occurred, in which 
there is a substantial agreement in regard to the most important 
circumstances. Among others, a pamphlet of twenty pages, 
written by Judge Nathaniel Byfield, was published at London in 
1689, entitled " An account of the late Revolution in New Eng- 
land, together with the Declaration of the Gentlemen, Merchants, 
and Inhabitants, of Boston, and the country adjacent, April 18, 
1689." He describes the outbreak thus : " Upon the eighteenth 
instant, about eight of the clock in the morning, it was reported 
at the south end of the town that at the north end they were all 

Gookin. Sad and disheartened at the loss but little and weak." Hence it has been 

of the Old Charter, yet cheered by the supposed that he was quite poor. On 

consciousness that he had faithfully and the contrary, while he was not rich, the 

earnestly labored for its preservation, he number of houses, and the quantity of 

survived the catastrophe not quite a year, silver plate and other goods bequeathed 

He found rest from his labors and deliv- by him, in his will, denote that his estate 

erance from oppression, March 19, 1686-7, was at least equal to the average at that 

at the ripe age of 75 years ; and a large period. His character is described very 

horizontal slab marks the spot of his sep- tersely by Judge Sewall, in his Journal : 

ulture in the old burial-place. In his "March 19, Satterday, about 5 or 6 in 

will, dated Aug. 13, 1685, lie sn}'s, "I the morn, Major Daniel Gookin dies. A 

desire no ostentation or much cost to be right good man." 

expended at my funeral, because it is a * Hutchinson's Hist. Moss., \. 373. 
time of great tribulation, and my estate 


in arms ; and the like report was at the north end respecting the 
south end : whereupon Capt. John George 1 was immediately 
seized, and about nine of the clock the drums beat through the 
town, and an ensign was set up upon the beacon. Then Mr. 
Bradstreet, Mr. Danforth, Major Richards, Dr. Cooke, and Mr. 
Addington, &c., were brought to the Council-house by a company 
of soldiers under the command of Capt. Hill. The mean while, 
the people in arms did take up and put into goal Justice Bulli- 
vant, Justice Foxcraft, Mr. Randolf, Sheriff Sherlock, Capt. Rav- 
enscroft, Capt. White, Farewel, Broadbent, Crafford, Larkin, 
Smith, and many more, as also Mercey, then goal-keeper, and 
put Scates, the bricklayer, in his place. About noon, in the gal- 
lery at the Council-house, was read the Declaration here in- 
closed," etc. 2 Under eleven heads, this Declaration sets forth the 
grievances which had become intolerable, and which justified 
armed resistance. It is scarcely possible that a document of such 
length and character could have been prepared in the four hours 
of intense excitement and confusion, between eight o'clock and 
noon. In all probability, it had been previously written in an- 
ticipation of some such occasion for its use. The twelfth article 
in this Declaration announces the conclusion : " We do there- 
fore seize upon the persons of those few ill men, which have been 
(next to our sins) the grand authors of our miseries ; resolving 
to secure them for what justice, orders from his Highness, with 
the English Parliament, shall direct ; lest, ere we are aware, we 
find (what we may fear, being on all sides in danger) ourselves 
to be by them given away to a foreign Power, before such orders 
can reach unto us : for which orders we now humbly wait. In 
the mean time, firmly believing that we have endeavored nothing 
but what mere duty to God and our country calls for at our 
hands, we commit our enterprise unto the blessing of him who 
hears the cry of the oppressed, and advise all our neighbors, 
for whom we have thus ventured ourselves, to join with us in 
prayers and all just actions for the defence of the land." 3 As a 
fitting result of this Declaration, Judge Byfield inserts the sum- 
mons sent by the magistrates and others to Sir Edmond Andros, 
who had retired to the fortification on Fort Hill : 

" At the Town House in Boston, April 18, 1689. Sir, Our- 
selves and many others, the inhabitants of this town and the 
places adjacent, being surprised with the people's sudden taking 

1 Captain of the Frigate Roue, then at 2 Revolution, etc., pp. 3, 4. 
anchor in Boston harbor. 8 /bid., p. 19. 


of arms, in the first motions whereof we were wholly ignorant, 
being driven by the present accident, are necessitated to acquaint 
your Excellency that for the quieting and securing of the people 
inhabiting this country from the imminent dangers they many 
ways lie open and exposed to, and tendering your own safety, we 
judge it necessary you forthwith surrender and deliver up the 
government and fortification, to be preserved and disposed ac- 
cording to order and direction from the Crown of England, which 
suddenly is expected may arrive ; promising all security from 
violence to yourself or any of your gentlemen or soldiers, in per- 
son and estate ; otherwise we are assured they will endeavor the 
taking of the fortification by storm, if any opposition be made. 
" To Sir Edmond Andross, Knight. 








Unable to resist the force arrayed against him, the Governor 
obeyed this summons, surrendered the fort, and with his associ- 
ates went to the town-house, whence he was sent under guard to 
the house of Col. John Usher, who had been Treasurer under his 
administration, but, like Stoughton and other members of his 
Council, 2 united with the patriotic party in this revolutionary 
movement. But this kind of duress did not satisfy the people ; 
and on the following day, at their urgent demand, he was impris- 
oned in the fort. Some of his associates shared his confinement, 
while others were committed to close jail. The day after the 
Governor was thus securely confined, some of the old magistrates, 
together with several other persons who had been active in over- 
turning the former government, organized a " Council for the 
Safety of the People and Conservation of the Peace," of which 
the old Governor, Bradstreet, was elected President and Isaac 
Addington, Clerk. The authority of this Council needed the 
support of a body more directly representing the people. " On 
the second of May, they recommended to the several towns in the 

1 Revolution, etc., p. 20. Gedney), and Brown, had been members 

2 Winthrop, Shrimiiton, Gidney (or of the Council. 


colony to meet and depute persons, not exceeding two for each 
town, except Boston four, to form an assembly, to sit the ninth 
of the same month. Sixty-six persons met and presented a dec- 
laration to the president and former magistrates in particular, 
taking no notice of such as had associated with them, but upon 
receiving an answer in writing, they desired the whole council to 
continue in their station until the twenty-second instant, at which 
time it was agreed there should be a meeting of the representatives 
of all the towns in the colony, at Boston, who were to be specially 
instructed by their towns." 1 A large majority of the towns in- 
structed their representatives to vote in favor of reassuming the 
old Charter. The magistrates hesitated to adopt such a decisive 
measure ; but at length, when a new House of Representatives, 
which assembled on the fifth of June, " urged the council to take 
upon them the part they ought to bear in the government, ac- 
cording to the charter, until orders should be received from Eng- 
land, and declared ' they could not proceed to act in any thing of 
public concerns until this was conceded,' an acceptance was voted, 
this declaration being given as the reason of the vote. By these 
steps the change was made from the unlimited power of Sir 
Edmund and four of his council, to the old government, which 
had continued above fifty years ; but the weight and authority 
did not return with the form." 2 This form of government, by 
consent of the King, was administered about three years, until 
Sir William Phips arrived, in 1692, with the new Charter. 

In this change of government, the inhabitants of Cambridge 
were actively engaged, and took their full share of the responsi- 
bility. Their delegate to the Convention which assembled on 
the ninth of May, presented the following declaration : 3 

" Cambridge, May 6, 1689. We, the freeholders and inhabitants 
of the town of Cambridge, being very sensible of and thankful 
unto God for his mercy in our late deliverance from the oppres- 
sion and tyranny of those persons under whose injustice and 
cruelty we have so long groaned ; and withal desirous heartily 
to express our gratitude to those worthy gentlemen who have 
been engaged in conserving of our peace since the Revolution ; 
yet withal being apprehensive that the present unsettlement may 
expose us to many hazards and dangers, and may give occasion 
to ill-minded persons to make disturbance : do declare that we 
expect that our honored Governor, Deputy Governor, and assis- 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., i. 382, 383. Mass. Arch., cvii. 20. 

2 Ibid., pp. 387, 388. 


tants, elected by the freemen of this Colony, in May, 1686, to- 
gether with the Deputies then sent down by the several respec- 
tive towns to the Court then holden, which was never legally 
dissolved, shall convene, and re-assume and exercise the Govern- 
ment as a General Court, according to our Charter, on the ninth 
of this instant May, or as soon as possible. And in so doing, 
we do engage that, to the utmost of our power, with persons and 
estates, we will contribute to their help and assistance, as in duty 
and equity we are bound, praying that God would direct them 
in this difficult juncture ; and do hope that all that are con- 
cerned for the peace and good of this land will readily join with 
us herein. 

" Memorandum. It is here to be understood that what we 
expect to be done, as above, is only for a present settlement 
until we may have an opportunity to make our address unto, 
or shall be otherwise settled by, the supreme power in Eng- 

" These lines above written, as they are worded, was agreed 
upon by the inhabitants of the town of Cambridge, this 6th of 
May, 1689, as attests Samuel Andrew, Clerk, in the name of the 

This revolutionary movement was full of danger. It was not 
yet known here whether the Prince of Orange would be success- 
ful in his attempt to dethrone King James the Second. If he 
should fail, those who had resisted and imprisoned the king's 
Governor might well expect the direst vengeance. But this peril 
did not prevent the inhabitants of Cambridge from pledging 
their " persons and estates " to the support of the principal act- 
ors ; nor did it prevent their favorite and trusted leader, Thomas 
Danforth, from taking a conspicuous position in the front rank 
of those actors. The venerable Bradstreet, indeed, was made 
President of the Council of Safety, and reinstated as Governor, 
when it was decided to organize the government according to 
the old Charter ; but he was now eighty-seven years of age, 
and however desirable and important it may have been to con- 
nect his name and his presence with the enterprise, he was 
incapable of energetic action. Moreover, he was timid and yield- 
ing in disposition, and counselled submission rather than resist- 
ance during the controversy which preceded the abrogation of 
the Charter. On the contrary, Danforth had been recognized as 
a skilful and resolute leader through the former struggle ; and 
now, at the age of sixty-seven, he retained the full possession of 


his faculties, and bated not one jot in his hatred of tyranny. He 
was reinstated as Deputy-governor, 1 ostensibly the second office, 
but, under the circumstances, the chief position of labor and re- 
sponsibility. What Palfrey says of their respective capacity, 
when originally elected Governor and Deputy-governor in 1679, 
had become even more manifestly true at this later period : 
Bradstreet "can scarcely be pronounced to have been equal, either 
in ability of mind or in force of character, to the task of steering 
the straining vessel of state in those stormy times. More than 
any other man then living in Massachusetts, Thomas Danforth 
was competent to the stern occasion." 2 Danforth did not hesitate 
to act, though fully conscious that his head was in danger, if King 
James succeeded in retaining the throne, the more because he 
had so long been the leader in opposition to arbitrary authority, 
and, even if the Prince of Orange became King, that this seizure 
of the government, in opposition to the constituted authority, 
might be regarded and punished as an act of treasonable rebel- 
lion. 3 Yet he took the prominent position assigned to him, and 
manfully performed its duties for the space of three years, until 
Sir William Phips became Governor under the new Charter in 
1692. For some reason he was not one of the Councillors ap- 
pointed under the new Charter ; but his fellow citizens mani- 
fested their regard for him and their approbation of his long and 
faithful services, by placing him in the Council, at the first general 
election, 1693, and kept him there by successive elections as long 
as he lived. They could not reinstate him in his former position, 
nor promote him to a higher, because, under the new charter, 
both the Governor and Lieutenant-governor were appointed by 

1 Also, as President of Maine, June 28, Three months later, writing to Rev. In- 
crease Mather, then in London, he says : 

1 Hist. New Eng., ii. 332. " I am deeply sensible that we have a 
8 In a letter to Governor Hinkley of wolf by the ears. This one thing being 
Plymouth, dated April 20, two days after circumstanced with much difficulty, the 
Sir Edmund Andros was deposed, he people will not permit any enlargement, 
says, " I yet fear what the consequences they having accused them of treason 
thereof may be. I heartily pray that no against their king and country ; and those 
bitter fruits may spring forth from this restrained, they threaten at a high rate 
root. We have need of God's pity and for being denied a habeas corpus. I do 
pardon ; and some do apprehend it will therefore earnestly entreat of you to pro- 
be wisdom to hasten our address to those cure the best advice you can in this mat- 
that are now supreme in England for ter, that, if possible, the good intents of 
pardon of so great an irruption, and for the people and their loyalty to the Crown 
a favorable settlement under the sanction of England may not turn to their prej- 
of royal authority." Coll. Mass. Hist, udice." Hutchinson's Coll. Papers, 568, 
Soc., xxxv. 192. 569. 


the King. Before his election to the new Council, he had been 
appointed one of the judges of the Superior Court. His asso- 
ciate, Judge Sewall, in his Journal, thus refers to his appoint- 
ment : " Tuesday Dec. 6, [1692.] A very dark cold day ; is 
the day appointed forchusing of Judges. W m . Stoughton Esq. 
is chosen Chief Justice, 15 votes (all then present) : Tho. Dan- 
forth Esq., 12 : Major Richards, 7 : Major-Gen 1 . Winthrop, 7 : 

S. S., 1 7 This was in Col. Page's 2 rooms, by papers on 

Wednesday, Xr. 7th, 1692." 3 " Dec. 8, Mr. Danforth is invited 
to dinner, and after pressed to accept his place." This place, 
which he seems to have accepted with some hesitation, he retained 
through life, and presided in a court at Bristol, less than two 
months before his death. 

It is due to the reputation of Danforth, to state emphatically, 
that he was not a member of the court which tried and con- 
demned the unhappy persons accused of witchcraft. That spe- 
cial Court of Oyer and Terminer, appointed by Governor Phips 
and his Council, May 27, 1692, consisted of William Stoughton, 
John Richards, Nathanael Saltonstall, Wait Winthrop, Bartholo- 
mew Gedney, Samuel Sewall, John Hathorne, Jonathan Corwin, 
and Peter Sargeant ; 4 and it completed its bloody work before the 
next December, when the Superior Court was organized, of which 
Danforth was a member. Notwithstanding he held no judicial 
office during this period (except that he was one of the first Jus- 
tices of the Peace and Quorum), the name of Danforth has often 
been very improperly associated with the witchcraft tragedy. 
Even Savage, familiarly acquainted as he was with the history of 
that period, was so forgetful as to say that he was appointed 
" in 1692, judge of Sup. Court for the horrible proceedings against 
witches." 5 The only connection he had with those proceedings, 
so far as I have ascertained, is mentioned by Hutchinson. 6 Be- 
fore the arrival of Governor Phips, he presided as Deputy-gover- 
nor, over a Court of Assistants at Salem, April 11, 1692, for the 
examination of accused persons, not for their trial. There is no 
evidence that he was satisfied with the result of that examination, 
which, according to Hutchinson's account, seems to have been 
conducted chiefly if not entirely by Rev. Samuel Parris. 7 On the 

1 Samuel Sewall. tonstall left the court, being dissatisfied 

2 Col. Nicholas Paige. with its proceedings. 
8 Two days, it seems, were devoted to 5 Genea. Diet. 

this selection of judges. G f/ist. Mass., ii. 27-29. 

* Council Records. It is said that Sal- " Mr. Poole says, " Mr. Parris on no 


contrary, perhaps partly in consequence of this examination, he 
declared his dissatisfaction, and dislike of the judicial proceed- 
ings. In a letter dated Oct. 8, 1692, Thomas Brattle, one of 
the most intelligent and persistent oppose rs of the witchcraft in- 
fatuation, says : * But although the chief judge, and some of 
the other judges, be very zealous in these proceedings, yet this 
you may take for a truth, that there are several about the Bay, 
men for understanding, judgment, and piety, inferior to few, if 
any, in N. E., that do utterly condemn the said proceedings, 
and do freely deliver their judgment in the case to be this, viz., 
that these methods will utterly ruin and undo poor N. E. I 
shall nominate some of these to you, viz., the Hon. Simon 
Bradstreet, Esq. [our late governor] ; the Hon. Thomas Dan- 
forth, Esq. [our late deputy-governor] ; the Rev. Mr. Increase 
Mather, and the Rev. Mr. Samuel Willard. Major N. Salton- 
stall Esq., who was one of the judges, has left the Court, and is 
very much dissatisfied with the proceedings of it. Excepting Mr. 
Hale, Mr. Noyes, and Mr. Parris, the Rev. Elders, almost 
throughout the whole country, are very much dissatisfied. Sev- 
eral of the late justices, viz., Thomas Graves Esq., N. Byfield 
Esq., Francis Foxcroft Esq., 1 are much dissatisfied ; also several 
of the present justices: and in particular, some of the Boston 
justices were resolved rather to throw up their commissions than 
be active in disturbing the liberty of their majesties' subjects, 
merely on the accusations of these afflicted, possessed children." 2 
That Danforth, in common with almost all his contemporaries, 
believed in witchcraft, and considered witches justly obnoxious to 

occasion was employed to examine the tions. Hutchinson says that ' Mr. Parris 
accused. At the request of the magis- was over-officious : most of the examina- 
trates, he took down the evidence, he tions, although in the presence of one or 
being a rapid and accurate penman. On more magistrates, were taken by him.' 
the occasion mentioned in the next para- He put the questions. They show, on 
graph, Danforth put the questions, and this occasion, a minute knowledge before- 
the record is, ' Mr. Parris being desired hand of what the witnesses are to say, 
and appointed to write out the examina- which it cannot be supposed Danforth, 
tion, did take the same, and also read it Russell, Addington, Appleton, and Sew- 
before the council in public.' " Gen. all, strangers, as they were, to the place 
Keg., xxiv. 395. Mr. Uphatn also says, and the details of the affair, could have 
" The deputy-governor first called to the had." Ibid., p. 104. For this reason, 
stand John Indian, and plied him, as was even if there were not many others, it 
the course pursued on all these occasions, seems most probable that the "leading 
with leading questions." Salem Witch- questions" were put by Parris, and not 
craft, ii. 102. But, after quoting from by Danforth. 

Hutchinson a part of the examination, 1 Son-in-law of Thomas Danforth. 

Mr. Upham adds, " I would call atten- 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. SK., \. 74, 75. 
tion to the form of the foregoing ques- 



punishment, is probably true ; but it is not true, that he was 
a member of that special court which held such bloody assizes, 
nor, if we may believe Brattle, his personal friend, did he ap- 
prove its proceedings. The Superior Court, of which he was &. 
member, held a session at Salem in January, 1693, at which 
twenty persons were tried, and three convicted ; but " spectral 
evidence " was not admitted ; 1 moreover, there is no proof that 
he concurred with his associates, all of whom had been members 
of the Commission of Oyer and Terminer. 

The latter years of Danforth's life seem to have been peaceful. 
Doubtless he lamented the loss of the old Charter, for whose pres- 
ervation he had struggled so long and so manfully. His strong 
opposition to some of the provisions of the new Charter is said 
to have induced Mather to omit his name from the list of Coun- 
cillors ; yet he finally accepted it as the best which could be ob- 
tained, and faithfully labored, both as Councillor and Judge, to 
administer its provisions in such a manner as to secure the bene- 
fit of the people. 2 

In the long and perilous conflict on behalf of chartered rights, 
Gookin and Danforth were supported by their brethren the 
Deputies from Cambridge, all good men and true. Deacon Ed- 
ward Collins was Deputy from 1654 to 1670, without inter- 
mission ; Edward Oakes, 1659, 1660, 1669-1681 ; Richard Jack- 

1 Upham's Witchcraft, ii. 349. 

2 The closing scene is thus described by 
Judge Sewall in his Journal : 1699. "Oct. 
28. I visit Mr. Danforth who is very 
sick ; his daughter Foxcroft tells me he 
is much troubled with the palsy. Was 
much indisposed the 22d instant, which 
was the beginning of his sickness ; yet 
would go to meeting, which did him hurt, 
especially going out in the afternoon. I 
wished him refreshings from God under 
his fainting sickness." " Lord's day, 
Nov. 5. Tho. Danforth Esq., dies, about 3 
past merid., of a fever. Has been a magis- 
trate forty years. Was a very good hus- 
bandman, and a very good Christian, and 
a good councillor; was about 76 years 
old." " Third day, Nov. 7. Mr. Stough- 
ton, in his speech to the grand jury, takes 
great notice of Judge Danforth's death ; 
saith he was a lover of religion and relig- 
ious men; the oldest servant the country 
had ; zealous against vice ; and if [he] 
had any detractors, yet [there] was so 

much on the other as to erect him a mon- 
ument among this people. Mr. Willard, 
in his prayer, mentioned God's displeas- 
ure in his removal, and desired the Judges 
might act on the Bench as those who 
must also shortly go to give their account. 
Indeed it is awful, that while we are sit- 
ting on the bench, at the same time the 
ancientest Judge should be lying by the 
wall, dead, in his house. I can't tell how 
it came about, but I told Mr. Danforth at 
Bristow I thought he would never come 
thither again ; which made him take a 
more particular leave than otherwise he 
would have done." " Sixth day, Nov. 10, 
1699. Mr. Danforth is entombed about 
of an hour before 4 P. M. Very fair 
and pleasant day ; much company. Bear- 
ers: on the right side, Lt-Governor, Mr. 
Russell, Sewall ; left side, Mr. W. Win- 
throp, Mr. Cook, Col. Phillip?. I helped 
lift the corpse into the tomb, carrying the 


son, 1661, 1662 ; Edward Winship, 1663, 1664, 1681-1686 ; 
Edward Jackson, 1665-1668, 1675, 1676 ; Joseph Cooke, 1671, 
16761680 ; Thomas Prentice, 16721674 ; Samuel Champney, 
1686, and again, after the Revolution, from 1689 to 1695, when 
he died in office. Their names should be in perpetual remem- 



IT has already been stated, that the General Court, March 3, 
1635-6, " Agreed, that Newe Towne bounds should run eight 
rayles into the country from their meeteing howse," and that 
large farms, near the eight mile line were soon afterwards granted 
by the town ; among which grants was one to Richard Harlaken- 
den of " six hundred acres of upland and meadow, at the place 
called Vine Brook, in the midway between Newtowne and Con- 
cord," on certain conditions, Jan. 2, 16367. This tract of land 
was in the central portion of the present town of Lexington. 
The conditions of the grant not being performed by Richard 
Harlakenden, the land was subsequently granted to his brother, 
Roger Harlakenden, who died in 1638. Herbert Pelham married 
the widow of Harlakenden, and became the owner of his real es- 
tate ; he bequeathed this property to his son Edward Pelham, who 
conveyed by deeds, Oct. 28, 1693, to Benjamin Muzzey 206 acres 
in Cambridge, towards Concord, being a part of " Mr. Pelham's 
farm," and to John Poulter 212 acres of the same farm. Precisely 
when the first houses were erected and actual settlements com- 
menced at the " Farms," so called, does not appear on record ; 
but as early as 1682, about thirty families were there, generally 
styled " Farmers." They had then become so numerous and so 
strong, that they desired a separation from the parent town ; but 
they petitioned at first to be made a distinct parish. Although 
they were unsuccessful for nine years, and did not fully accomplish 
their purpose for more than thirty years, their petition and the 
reply to it are inserted, as they indicate the condition of the peo- 
ple at that period. 

" To the honorable the General Court now assembled in Boston, 
October llth, 1682. 

" The petition of several of the inhabitants within the bounds 
of the town of Cambridge humbly showeth : That by the provi- 
dence of God, who hath determined the times before appointed 


and the bounds of the habitations of all men, your petitioners are 
seated at a great distance, the nearest of them above five miles 
(some of them six, some seven, some eight, some nine if not ten 
miles) from the public place of meeting to worship God, in the 
town that we appertain unto : that your petitioners, by reason 
thereof, have now (many of us) for a long time conflicted with 
very great difficulties in respect of themselves, who have been 
forced to be absent at some seasons of the year, and especially 
their children, for whose spiritual good and the means leading 
thereunto they desire to be solicitous as well as for themselves : 
that there are now about thirty families, in which are contained 
at least one hundred and eighty souls, within the circumstances 
and condition abovementioned : that your petitioners have hum- 
bly and affectionately represented the premises to the Townsmen 
at Cambridge, at their meetings, withal signifying their desire of 
liberty from them to call a minister to preach amongst them and 
catechise their children, they being willing to build a meeting- 
house which may be situated so as to be within two miles and an 
half near thirty families, and to advance for the present forty 
pounds per annum for his maintenance : that the premises not- 
withstanding, they have as yet obtained no relief or encourage- 
ment from the town of Cambridge in this affair. Your petition- 
ers, therefore, who are the heads of families, fearing the sad effects 
of this remoteness from the public worship of God and particu- 
larly in respect of their children and those that shall come after 
them, lest they should grow weary of attendance upon the public 
means of grace, and think it too much (as Jeroboam tells Israel it 
was to go up to Jerusalem) to travel so many miles for such an 
end, and so should cease to worship the Lord God of their fath- 
ers, think it their bounden duty humbly to address to this honored 
Court, praying that you will please to take the case of your peti- 
tioners into your serious consideration, that by your favor thev 
may be licensed to provide for themselves a person that may be 
meet and able to dispense unto them the word of God; and 
that in order thereunto they may be freed from payments to 
the town of Cambridge, from whom, as their dear and beloved 
brethren, they no ways desire separation for any other but the 
forementioned cause alone ; declaring it to have been their stand- 
ing affliction and cause of grief that, by reason of their remote- 
ness, they have not been in a capacity, according to their desires, 
to enjoy more fellowship and communion with them. And your 
petitioners shall pray, as in duty bound, &c. James Cutler, 
Matthew Bridge Sen r ., David Fiske Sen'., Samuel Stone, Sen r ., 


Francis Whitmore, John Tedd, Ephraim Winshipe, John Win- 
ter, in the behalf of the rest of the families." l 

The petitioners presented a strong case. To travel so far, 
every week, for the purpose of attending public worship would 
now be regarded as a grievous burden : and the burden was 
greater two hundred years ago, when travelling was almost ex- 
clusively accomplished on horseback or on foot. But the peti- 
tion was presented in a time of general distress and alarm. The 
Charter, regarded as the palladium of liberty, was in imminent 
peril, and there were fearful apprehensions of calamities which 
might result from its loss. Financial embarrassment was already 
felt, and general bankruptcy was feared. Under such circum- 
stances, the town opposed the petition of the " Farmers " and 
action thereupon was " respited " until the next General Court, 
at which time the town presented an earnest remonstrance against 
the proposed dismemberment : 

" To the honorable the General Court assembled in Boston, 
October the 16th, 1683. 

" Your humble supplicants, the selectmen of Cambridge, in 
obedience to a warrant sent to us, and the concerns of our town, 
do humbly present unto your Honors' consideration, in answer 
to a petition of the remote farms of our town. Some of your 
Honors may yet remember the unsettled condition of this church 
when it was about to remove to Mattabesick, 2 for the prevention 
of which the honored General Court, held at Boston, in March 
1643-4, was pleased to grant to this Church a tract of land at 
Shawshine, and another parcel adjoining to Concord line, for the 
enlargement of our boundaries, and to enable this church and 
towne (with the rest of our accommodations) to maintain the 
ministry in this place, provided the then Church and Elders did 
continue in this place ; which condition was accordingly per- 
formed, though this Church and town (as may be demonstrated) 
was abler to maintain the ministry and defray public charges 
then than it now is, by reason most of our principal men are now 
removed from us, some by death and others into England and 
other countries. We also humbly present unto your Honors' 
consideration the great disenablement of our church and town by 
the village on the south side of the River breaking off from us, 3 
which was so considerable a part of our town, and bare a consid- 
erable part of our charge in the maintenance of our ministry, 

1 Mass. Arch., xi. 24. 8 See chap. viii. 

2 See chap. vi. 


and now bears none of that nor several other charges our town 
is at ; whereby we are greatly disenabled so comfortably to 
maintain our ministry and discharge our public charges as we 
want and ought to do, by reason one principal arm of our town 
is cut off, and our accommodations for husbandry so poor and 
small, and our trade so little and inconsiderable, that it is even 
a wonder to ourselves how we do subsist and carry on public 
charge so well as we do, though we do it not so well as we should. 
We therefore present unto this honorable General Court's most 
serious consideration the great damage it will be to this poor 
Church and town, (that have suffered so many diminutions al- 
ready), if the honored Court should grant our Farmers' petition 
to let them have a ministry of their own, and so be wholly taken 
off from contributing to ours ; but much more should we be dam- 
nified if the honored Court should grant any part of our outlands 
unto them, we are so exceedingly straitened in the boundaries 
of our lands, as we shall plainly demonstrate to the honored 
Court. For the distance of place that our brethren at the Farms 
are from the public meeting with us, it is but the same it was 
when they first settled themselves and families there ; and they 
have there other conveniences with it, and Concord is not far 
from them, which in bad weather they may go unto. If we 
should have this arm cut off too, we shall be much disenabled to 
carry on God's work amongst us, both in Church and Common- 
wealth ; that as it hath been the care of the honored fathers of 
our Commonwealth formerly to take care for the subsistence and 
well being of this senior Church of Christ in Cambridge, so we 
still crave the continued care of the honored fathers of the Com- 
monwealth now in being, that they would not destroy the parent 
for the offspring. We humbly leave our languishing condition to 
your Honors' most serious consideration ; and your supplicants 
shall pray as in duty bound, etc. William Manning, Sam u . 
Andrewe, Samuel Chamne, in the name of the town of Cam- 
bridge." i 

The consideration of this petition was further postponed until 
the next General Court. Both the Council and the House of 
Representatives manifested a willingness, at their session in Octo- 
ber, 1684, to establish a village at the Farms ; but they could 
not agree where the division line should be drawn between the 
village and the parent town, and nothing was accomplished. 2 

1 Mass. Arch., xi. 25. 2 Mass. Arch., xi. 27, 28. 


During the troublous times which succeeded, the disastrous 
administration of Andros and the perilous Revolution which fol- 
lowed, no further effort appears to have been made for a divis- 
ion of the town. Seven years afterwards, a new petition was 
presented ; it is not found on the files of the Court, but the re- 
sult is recorded under date of December 15, 1691 : 

" Upon reading the petition of the Farmers and inhabitants of 
the Farms within the precincts and bounds of the town of Cam- 
bridge towards Concord, therein setting forth their distance (the 
nearest of them living above five miles) from Cambridge meet- 
ing house, the place of the public worship, praying that, according 
to former applications by them several years since made unto 
this Court for the advantage of themselves, families, and poster- 
ity, they may have this Court's favor and license in order to the 
calling of a fit minister for dispensing the gospel among them ; 
as also that they may be a distinct village for the ends proposed 
in their said petition : the selectmen of Cambridge having had 
a copy of said petition sent them, with a notification of the time 
for their being heard thereupon this day, and accordingly attend- 
ing : After a full hearing and consideration of what was offered 
by both parties, it is granted and ordered by this Court, that the 
petitioners be and are hereby permitted and allowed to invite 
and settle an able and orthodox minister for the dispensing of 
the gospel among them ; and that all inhabitants being within 
the line formerly stated by a Committee of this Court, anno 
1684, beginning at the first run of water or swampy place over 
which is a kind of bridge in the way on the southerly side of 
Francis Whitmore's house, towards the town of Cambridge afore- 
said, cross the neck of land lying between Woburn line and that 
of Watertown side, upon a southwest and northeast course, do 
pay unto the ministers maintained there ; and are hereby em- 
powered annually to choose three or five meet persons to assess 
their inhabitants for the support and maintenance of their min- 
ister, as also a Constable or Collector, to gather the same by 
warrant from the said Assessors. The said Farmers not being 
hereby discharged from paying their proportion as formerly unto 
all public charges in the town, except what refers to the min- 
istry, so long as they maintain an able minister among them- 
selves." l 

In the remonstrance against this division, in 1683, it was rep- 
resented that the town would be grievously " damnified " if the 

1 Mass. Prov. Rec., vi. 205. 


" outlands," or common lands not yet divided, should be granted 
to the petitioners. The Court listened thus far to the remon- 
strance, and preserved to the town the ownership of this public 
property, some of which was afterwards sold to the precinct. 
Two such sales are entered on the Town Records, under date of 
Jan. 16, 1692-3. It should be added, that these financial trans- 
actions indicate a friendly spirit in both parties, the separation 
having apparently been effected without such sharp controversy 
as occurred in the case of Newton. In the same spirit, March 
11, 1699-1700, the town " voted, to give the little meeting-house 
bell to the Farmers. Voted, that the Selectmen, in the name of 
the inhabitants, do give their thanks to Capt. Andrew Belcher 
for the bell for their meeting-house he has given them." 

Twenty-one years after their establishment as a precinct, the 
Farmers, according to their original design, sought to be entirely 
separated from the town of Cambridge, and to be a " township by 
themselves." This separation was readily obtained on terms sat- 
isfactory to both parties. The Cambridge records show that, 
" At a meeting of the inhabitants belonging to the meeting house 
in the Body of the town of Cambridge, orderly convened the 1st 
December 1712, Capt. Thomas Oliver was chosen Moderator. 
And whereas the Farmers, at their public meeting on the 28th of 
October last, appointed a committee to petition the town that 
they may be dismissed from the town, and be a township by 
themselves, as appears by their petition bearing date the 6th 
November, 1712, which has been now read ; voted, That Capt. 
Thomas Oliver, Mr. Jonathan Remington, and Andrew Bord- 
inan, be a Committee to treat with the Committee appointed by 
the Farmers aforesaid ; and that the articles to be proposed to 
the said Committee, as terms of their dismission, are their pay- 
ing a part toward the charge of the Great Bridge, and to the 
Town House, and a consideration for some of our Poor." The 
meeting was then adjourned until Jan. 12, 1712-3, at which time 
it watT' Voted, That the Farmers, upon their being dismissed 
from the town, shall annually pay to our Town Treasurer such a 
proportion of our part of the charge of the Great Bridge over 
Charles River in Cambridge as shall fall to them according to 
their annual proportion with us in the Province Tax. (2) Voted, 
That the said Farmers shall pay their proportion of twenty-five 
pounds toward the arrears of our Town House. The aforesaid 
articles being complied with by the Farmers, Voted (3) That the 
article that has been proposed, referring to their paying their 


proportion toward the relief of some of our Poor, (viz. Robert 
Webber and Richard a negro, and his wife,) be referred to the 
Committee formerly appointed, (viz. Capt. Oliver, Mr. Reming- 
ton, and Andrew Bordman,) to debate further upon, who are 
fully empowered in behalf of the town, either to insist upon the 
said article or to consent to their being dismissed from the town 
upon the articles aforementioned which they have complied with." 
In accordance with this agreement, the Farmers were incorporated 
March 20, 1712-13, by an act of the General Court, which pro- 
vided that the " tract of land known by the name of the north- 
ern precinct in Cambridge be henceforth made a separate and 
distinct town, by the name of Lexington, upon the articles and 
terms already agreed on with the town of Cambridge." 1 

During this period and half a century afterwards, very few 
public events occurred, materially affecting the welfare of Cam- 
bridge. Some facts, however, though of a more private or per- 
sonal character, should not be entirely overlooked, as they throw 
light on the state of society and the condition of the people. 

By the Town Records it appears that Cullers of Bricks were 
first elected, Nov. 10, 1684 : Town Clerk, as an officer distinct 
from the Selectmen, March 13, 1692-3 : Town Treasurer, March 
30, 1694: Assessors, July 16, 1694. 

The County Records indicate that Thomas Danforth was 
Treasurer of Middlesex, before 1657, when he was succeeded by 
Edward Goffe, who died in 1658, and John Stedman was ap- 
pointed, who held the office until 1683 ; Samuel Andrew was his 
successor and remained in office until 1700, except during the 
administration of Andros. All these were Cambridge men. In 
the settlement of the Treasurer's accounts, charges were allowed 
in 1690, to wit : " 52 wolves killed by the English, 20 s . per wolf, 
and one killed by an Indian, 10% is ,52. 10" .... Paid one half 
the charge of Cambridge Great Bridge, <26. 7 s - 6 d -." And in 
1696, the Treasurer was allowed twelve pence in the pound of 
all collections and disbursements ; Grand Jurors were paid two 
shillings per day for attendance ; no allowance was made for 
travel, but the county paid for their dinners at one shilling each. 
Seventy-six wolves had been killed, and 13s. 4c?. per head was 
allowed in compensation. 

May 22, 1691. " Upon the death of John Green, late Mar- 
shal General, in the beginning of the last Court of Assistants, 
Mr. Samuel Gookin being appointed by said Court to supply that 

l Mass. Prov. Rec., ix. 258, 259. 


vacancy, and sworn to the faithful discharge of his duty in that 
place, the said Samuel Gookin is hereby confirmed in the said 
office of Marshal General of this Colony." 1 

June 17, 1700. The General Court granted five pounds, to aid 
in repairing the road to Connecticut, " especially betwixt Woos- 
ter and Brookfield," which was described as " much incumbered 
with trees fallen, and many rocky swamps, and other obstructions 
to travellers, drovers, and others, to the hazarding life or limb of 
both men and horses." 2 Six years earlier, Rev. Benjamin Wads- 
worth, afterwards President of Harvard College, accompanied the 
commissioners appointed to treat with the Maquas or Mohawks, 
at Albany, and travelled over this road to Brookfield, then gener- 
ally called Quaboag : " Capt. Sewal and Major Townsend, being 
commissioned to treat with the Mockways, set out from Boston 
about half an hour past twelve, Monday, August 6, 1694. Sev- 
eral gentlemen did accompany them to Watertown, and then 
returned. At Watertown we met with Lieutenant Hammond 
and thirty troopers, who were appointed for a guard to Spring- 
field. We came to our first stage at Malberough, about half an 
hour past eight in the evening. We lodged at Abraham How's, 3 
and thence set forward the next morning about half an hour past 
seven of the clock. There was nothing remarkable this day, but 
only Mr. Dwite, of Hatford, did accidentally fall into our com- 
pany, and after the same manner, soil, accidentally, he and his 
horse both together fell into a brook ; but both rose again with- 
out damage. This day we dined in the woods. Pleasant descants 
were made upon the dining room : it was said that it was large, 
high, curiously hung with green ; our dining place was also ac- 
commodated with the pleasancy of a murmuring rivulet. This 
day, some of our company saw a bear ; but being near a thick 
swamp, he escaped our pursuit. Towards night we heard (I 
think) three guns ; but we knew not who shot them. Our whole 
company come this day to Quaboag, about sundown, not long 
before nor after." 4 The easterly section of this road is mentioned 
by Pemberton, under date of Sept. 30, 1783, in his manuscript 
" Chronology," preserved in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society : 
" A gentleman of this State remarks, ' that soon after the set- 
tlement of our Fathers at Boston, the persons appointed to 
explore the country, and lay out public roads did it as far as the 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., vi. 184. The "Wayside Inn," celebrated by 

2 Mass. Prov. Rec., vii. 99. Longfellow. 

4 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc , xxxi. 102. 


bank by Mrs. Biglow in Weston, and reported that they had done 
it as far as they believed would ever be necessary, it being about 
seven miles from the College in Cambridge.' ' It is proper to 
add, that I have never seen any contemporary authority for this 
extraordinary statement. 

Col. Shute, the newly appointed Governor of Massachusetts 
and New Hampshire, arrived in Boston, Oct. 4, 1716, and on the 
15th day of the same month commenced a journey to New Hamp- 
shire. Instead of crossing the ferry to Charlestown, he passed 
out of Boston over the neck, through Roxbury and Brookline, to 
Cambridge Great Bridge. The commencement of his journey, 
and the manner of his reception in Cambridge, are described in 
the " Boston News Letter," October 22, 1716 : " On Monday last, 
the 15th current, his Excellency, our Governor, about eight 
o'clock in the morning, set out from hence by land for his other 
government of New Hampshire, attended by the honorable the 
Lieut.-Governor and several of the chief gentlemen of this and 
that Province, and on this side of the river was met by Spencer 
Phips Esq., with his Troop of Horse, the Sheriff of Middlesex, 
and other gentlemen of that County, and by them conducted to 
Harvard College in Cambridge, where he was received by the 
President, Fellows, and Students, and entertained in the Hall 
with a congratulatory Latin Oration, by Mr. Thomas Foxcroft : 
after which his Excellency was pleased to take a view of the Li- 
brary, and then proceeded on his journey to Lynn," etc. 

Col. Edmund Goffe was elected Representative, June 6, 1721. 
" Samuel Smith was charged with putting in two votes in the 
first voting for Representative, made oath that he put in but one 
vote for Representative. Also Daniel Gookin being charged with 
putting in two votes at the second voting for a Representative, 
made oath that he put in but one vote for a Representative : said 
oaths were administered in the public meeting per Mr. Justice 
Leverett." J 

In 1721, the small-pox prevailed more extensively and fatally 
than ever before in Boston and its vicinity. A statement of re- 
sults was made officially in the u Boston News Letter " : " Boston, 
Feb. 24, 1721-2. By the Selectmen. The number of persons vis- 
ited with the small-pox since its coming into town, in April last 
past, having been inquired into by direction from the Selectmen, 
amounts to 5,889 : 844 of whom died and were buried in the 
preceding months, as follows : May, 1 ; June, 8 ; July, 11 ; Aug., 

1 Town Records. 


26 ; Sept., 101 ; Oct., 411 ; Nov., 249 ; Dec., 31 ; Jan., 6." The 
extent of the destruction of life in Cambridge, by this scourge, is 
not known with exactness ; but references to it are found in the 
" New England Courant:" " Cambridge, Thursday, Nov. 30, 1721. 
This morning died here William Hutchinson, of Boston, Esq., of 
the small-pox, in the 38th year of his age." (Dec. 4, 1721.) 
" Last week died one of the Indian hostages (mentioned in our 
last) of the small-pox at Cambridge." (Jan. 22, 1721-2.) " On 
Friday last, the General Assembly of this Province met at Cam- 
bridge, there not being a sufficient number of members to make 
a House on Wednesday, to which day they were before pro- 
rogued. They are adjourned till Tuesday next, when they are 
to meet a few miles out of town, the small-pox being now in the 
heart of that place." (March 5, 1721-2.) The Town Records 
show that a Committee was appointed, Jan. 29, 1721-2, to pro- 
vide " for the relief of such persons and families as may stand in 
need thereof, in case the small-pox spread amongst us." Inocula 
tion for the small-pox was first introduced in Boston at this time 
by Dr. Zabdiel Boylston, who encountered the most violent oppo- 
sition. " Out of 286 persons who were inoculated for the small- 
pox, but six died." 1 

In 1730, the small-pox again prevailed in Cambridge with 
alarming violence. Nine town meetings were held between 
March 20 and April 3, to devise means for its extermination. 
A vote passed at the first of these meetings indicates that inocu- 
lation had been injudiciously or carelessly practiced : " Whereas 
Samuel Danforth, Esq's late practice of inoculation of small-pox 
amongst us has greatly endangered the town, and distressed 
sundry families amongst us, which is very disagreeable to us ; 
wherefore, voted, that said Samuel Danforth, Esq. be desired 
forthwith to remove such inoculated persons into some conven- 
ient place, whereby our town may n't be exposed by them." The 
College studies were broken up for a time ; but the students were 
recalled by an advertisement, dated May 2, 1730, and published 
in the "Weekly Journal :" " The small-pox having been lately at 
Cambridge, which occasioned the dispersion of the scholars to 
escape danger ; but now, through the Divine goodness, that dis- 
temper having utterly ceased here ; it is agreed and ordered by 
the President and Tutors, that the undergraduates forthwith 
repair to the College, to follow their studies and stated exercise.3. 
Benjamin Wadsworth, Pres." The distemper returned again 

1 Drake's Hist. Boston, pp. 562, 563. 


before the end of the year, as appears by a paragraph in the 
" News Letter," dated Oct. 8, 1730 : " We hear from Cambridge, 
that Mr. William Patten, Representative for the town of Billerica, 
being taken sick of the small-pox, while the General Assembly 
was sitting there, is since dead, and was interred on Monday last, 
the 5th instant." On Saturday, Oct. 3, the Court was adjourned 
to meet at Roxbury on the next Wednesday. 

Again, in 1752, the small-pox caused the cessation of study in 
College from April 22 until Sept. 2 ; and the corporation voted, 
May 4, " that there be no public Commencement this year," and 
in October voted to have no winter vacation. The town ap- 
pointed a committee, May 18, to devise measures to prevent the 
spreading of the disease, and on the 3d of October, " voted that 
a public contribution be in the three parts of this town, next 
Lord's-day come seven night, for the speedy raising of money to 
defray the charges the town have been at in the support, &c., of 
sundry persons lately visited with the srnall-pox, belonging to this 
town. Also voted that the thanks of this town be given to the 
Selectmen of the town of Charlestown for their great friendship, 
assistance and civility to us, when visited with the small-pox." I 
find no record of the number of lives destroyed in Cambridge by 
this visitation of the small-pox. But its ravages were frightful 
in Boston during the previous year. Professor Winthrop re- 
corded the fact, in his interleaved Almanac, that while only five 
persons in Cambridge had the disease in 1751, of whom three 
died, in Boston, with a total population of 15,734, 5,060 whites 
had it the natural way, of whom 470 died ; also, 485 blacks, of 
whom 69 died ; and by inoculation 1,985 whites and 139 blacks 
were sick, of whom 24 whites and 6 blacks died. 

The town continued, as aforetime, to be watchful against the 
admission of undesirable associates. " At a meeting of the free- 
holders and inhabitants of the town of Cambridge, orderly con- 
vened 9th Dec r . 1723. Whereas, of late years, sundry persons 
and families have been received and entertained amongst us, to 
the great trouble of the Selectmen and damage of the town : for 
preventing such inconveniences for the future. Voted, that hence- 
forth no freeholder nor inhabitant in said town shall receive or 
admit any family into our town to reside amongst us for the space 
of a month, without first having obtained the allowance and ap- 
probation of the freeholders and inhabitants of said town, or of 
the Selectmen for the time being, on penalty of paying to the 
Treasurer of said town, for the use of the poor, the sum of twenty 



shillings. Also voted, that no inhabitant in said town shall re- 
ceive and entertain any person into their family (excepting such 
as are received by reason of marriage, or such as are sent for 
education, or men or maid servants upon wages, or purchased 
servants or slaves), for the space of a month, without having the 
Allowance and approbation of the freeholders and inhabitants, or 
selectmen, as aforesaid, on penalty of paying the sum of twenty 
shillings for the use of the poor, as aforesaid." 

The meeting-house was equally guarded against improper in- 
trusion, though by a less severe penalty. On the 12th of May, 
1729, it was " Voted, that so often as any dog or dogs is or are 
seen in the meeting house on the Lord's day in the time of pub- 
lic worship, the owner or owners of said dog or dogs shall for 
every such offence pay one shilling, half to go to the officer ap- 
pointed to regulate said dogs, the other half part of said fine to 
be for the use of the poor of the town. And on refusal to pay 
said fine or fines, the aforesaid officer is hereby obliged, author- 
ized and empowered to prosecute the owners of the above de- 
scribed dogs before any one of his Majesty's Justices of the 
Peace in said County. This to continue for one year." 

March 10, 1728-9. " Put to vote, whether said inhabitants 
would grant the sum of 50<. for Joseph Hanford, to fit him out 
in the practice of physic, and it passed in the negative." 

In 1736, John Vassall (afterwards Major and Colonel) pur- 
chased the large estate at the southwest corner of Brattle and 
Ash streets, and became a resident in Cambridge. He was born 
in the West Indies, inherited a princely fortune, married (in 
1734) a daughter of Lieut.-gov. Spencer Phips, became at once a 
very popular citizen, and was elected Selectman and Representa- 
tive in 1739, and again in 1740. Shortly after his second elec- 
tion, some enthusiastic friend thus exulted in the " Weekly Jour- 
nal " of May 20, 1740 : " Cambridge, May 19. On Monday 
last came on the choice of a Representative for this town in 
the approaching General Assembly. The meeting was as full 
as most that ever were known among us on such an occasion, 
there being 109 qualified voters present at it. After the Select- 
men had put an end to some tedious contests and lingering de- 
lays, (which arose on adjusting preliminaries, and which only 
interrupted and kept off the business of the day,) we at length 
had the liberty to proceed fairly to the choice ; and then it SOON 
appeared that Mr. John Vassall was chosen by the overbearing 
majority of more than double the number of all those votes which 


were not for him, viz. by the majority of 75 to 34 ; a proportion 
much greater on the side of the person chosen our Representative 
this year than he l had who was our Representative the last. By 
this it seems a certain person elect has a growing interest." 
Alas for the fickleness of popular favor. Mr. Vassall was not 
afterwards elected either Selectman or Representative until a few 
months before his death in 1747. His " interest " attained its 
full growth suddenly, like Jonah's gourd, and as suddenly col- 
lapsed. He was disturbed by a disparaging remark of a towns- 
man, and sought legal redress with disastrous result. The his- 
tory of the suit is entered on the Records of the Inferior Court 
for the County of Middlesex, December term, 1740, page 172. 
By this it appears that Samuel Whittemore of Cambridge, Dep- 
uty Sheriff, on the 13th of March, 1739, declared publicly that 
though Mr. Vassall had been elected Selectman, he " was no more 
fit to discharge said trust than the horse that he, the said Samuel, 
then rode on." On the next day Vassall commenced suit, claim- 
ing ,1,000 damage for defamation of character ; he caused 
Whittemore to be arrested and imprisoned. On the trial, two 
months afterwards, the Court adjudged that " the words .... 
spoken by the said Samuel were not actionable." Vassall ap- 
pealed to the Superior Court, which affirmed the judgment of 
the Inferior Court. Whittemore then sued Vassall, for false and 
malicious imprisonment, and recovered 200 damage and costs of 
court. So much appears on record. Tradition says that the writ 
was served on Vassall at his own table, when surrounded by a 
large and fashionable dinner-party. 

Mr. Vassall was equally unsuccessful in his appeal to the 
General Court for protection against what he regarded as a per- 
sonal insult and an encroachment on his official privileges. John 
Hovey had recovered judgment against him on two bonds, not- 
withstanding his " plea of privilege (as on file) which was over- 
ruled by the Court," and had levied on his estate. The Records 
of the General Court show that notice was issued, Dec. 5, 1740, 
to John Hovey and Samuel Gookin, to make answer to Mr. John 
Vassall, Representative of Cambridge, who complained of sundry 
insults received from them. Dec. 10, Mr. Samuel Gookin ap- 
peared, and the case was fully examined. " Then the question 
was put, whether it appears to this House that an attachment 
being served on Mr. John Vassall's estate on the 18th of Novem- 

1 He was his own predecessor. The increased majority indicate-! the "growing 


ber last is a breach of the privileges of the members of this 
House. It passed in the negative." But this was not the end. 
December 18, 1740, " A petition of Mr. John Hovey of Cam- 
bridge, praying that this House would order Mr. John Vassall, 
the member of Cambridge, to refund his expenses occasioned by 
an unjust and groundless complaint of said Mr. Vassall, partic- 
ularly mentioned in said petition, for the reasons exhibited, 
read, and in answer thereto, ordered, that the said John Vassall 
pay to the petitioner, the said John Hovey, the sum of ten 
pounds, in full recompense for his time and expense occasioned 
by said complaint." 

An epidemic occasioned great alarm in 1740. It was called 
the " throat distemper," and was probably the same " influenza " 
which Thacher describes : " The amazing rapidity with which it 
spread through the country resembled more a storm agitating the 
atmosphere than the natural progress of a disease from any con- 
tagious source. Almost a whole city, town, or neighborhood, 
became affected with its influence in a few days, and as it did not 
incapacitate people in general from pursuing their ordinary occu- 
pations, it was common to observe, in every street and place of 
resort, a constant coughing, hawking, and wheezing, and, in pub- 
lic assemblies, little else was to be heard or attended to. Al- 
though all classes of people experienced the operation of the in- 
fluenza, it is remarkable that a small number, comparatively 
speaking, were so ill as to require medical attendance, and in- 
stances of its fatal termination were of rare occurrence." l It 
proved so fatal here, however, that the students were dismissed 
from College by vote passed June 23, 1740 : " Whereas, through 
the holy Providence of God, several families in the town of Cam- 
bridge are visited with the throat distemper, and the President's 
and Steward's families are under very afflicted circumstances by 
reason of that mortal sickness ; and whereas we apprehend that 
there is great danger of the distemper spreading and prevailing 
as it hath done formerly in other places, and that the students 
are much endangered thereby ; therefore Voted, that they be im- 
mediately dismissed from the College, and that the vacation begin 
from this time ; and that the Commencement for this year be not 
until the expiration of the vacation." 2 

1 Me.dical Biography, i. 28. grandchild Andrew Bordman died 24 

2 In a private note-book, the steward June 1740: both of the distemper called 
of the College, Andrew Bordman, Esq., the throat distemper." Memorials are 
made this record: "Our grandchild, found in the burial-place, of " Mrs. Mar- 
Ruth Bordman, died 23 June 1740: our garet Holyoke, wife to the Revd. Mr. Ed- 


In former days, each town was required to pay its own Repre- 
sentatives in the General Court, and was liable to a fine if not 
duly represented. This town, however, on the 14th of May, 
1750, " Voted, that the town will make choice of two Represen- 
tatives to represent them at the next General Court, or Assem- 
bly, provided the same serve the town gratis : also voted, that 
they will proceed to choose two Representatives, upon that condi- 
tion only, that those who are chosen be not the Representatives 
of said town unless, upon their choice, they declare that they will 
serve the town gratis, as aforesaid. Then Andrew Bordman 
and Edmund Trowbridge Esqs. were chosen Representatives," and 
both accepted the office. The same course was pursued the next 
year, and the same persons were elected. But, in 1752, Andrew 
Bordman refused the office on this condition, and Henry Vassall 
was elected in his stead. This practice was soon afterwards 
wholly abandoned. 

April 19, 1754. The territory lying west of Sparks Street and 
south of Vassall Lane was transferred from Watertown to Cam- 
bridge by the General Court, by a line described thus : " To 
begin at Charles River, and from thence to run in the line be- 
tween the lands of Simon Coolidge, Moses Stone, Christopher 
Grant, and the Thatchers, and the land of Col. Brinley and 
Ebenezer Wyeth, to the Fresh Pond, so called." l Several 
acres were subsequently added to Cambridge, bounded westerly 
on Coolidge Avenue, extending to and including the Cambridge 

Some excitement was occasioned as late as 1754, by the ap- 
pearance of a bear in the easterly part of Cambridge, long after 
we might suppose this section of the country to have been rid of 
wild beasts. The " Boston News Letter " of September 19, con- 
tained this paragraph. " On Tuesday last, a Bear, that had 
wandered down to Cambridge, was discovered on Lieut. Gov r . 
Phips' farm, 2 and being closely pursued took to Charles River ; 
whereupon several boats put off from Charlestown, and one from 

ward Holyoke, President of Harvard 1 Mass. Prov. Rec., xx. 228. 

College," who died June 25, 1740, aged 2 This farm embraced East Cambridge, 

39 ; and of " William Holyoke," their and extended westerly nearly to Columbia 

"youngest son," who died June 23, 1740, Street. Five years later, in September, 

aged nearly three years. Similar me- 1759, Dr. Belknap, then a student in 

morials are found of two children of Harvard College, made this record : 

Mr. Ebenezer Stedman, Martha, who " A great many bears killed at Cambridge 

died June 23, 1740, aged 4 years; and and the neighboring towns about this 

Sarah, who died June 24, 1740, aged time, and several persons killed by them." 

nearly 6 years. The dates indicate that Life of Belknap, p. 11. 
all these were victims of the same dis- 


the west part of this town, which last shot and entered two bul- 
lets into him ; but not killing him, the Bear made directly towards 
the boat and got one paw upon the side, upon which one of the 
men struck an adze into his skull, and despatched him in an in- 
stant, and brought him ashore. The whole of the body weighed 
196 pounds. When he was opened, a great number of the bones 
of fowls &c. were found in his belly." 

The earliest notice which I have seen of a fire-engine in Cam- 
bridge is dated March 3, 1755, when, " upon the motion of Capt. 
Ebenezer Stedman and others, referring to the town's agreeing 
with Henry Vassall Esq., who has an Engine and is willing the 
same should be improved for the town's use on certain conditions, 
the question was put whether the town would act on said motion, 
and it passed in the negative." In all probability, however, the 
town then possessed one or more engines. Boston had one before 
1679, and seven as early as 1733 ; : and Cambridge would not 
be likely to remain entirely destitute. Yet the machines then in 
use might seem almost worthless, compared with the powerful 
steam-engines recently introduced. 

The Town Record of Births and Deaths in the last three quar- 
ters of the eighteenth century is very imperfect ; all the deaths 
recorded between 1722 and 1772 are contained on two folio pages. 
Professor Winthrop inserted brief bills of mortality, for a few 
years, in his interleaved almanacs, which afford a glimpse of the 
truth : 

" 1758. Bill of mortality in first Parish in Cambridge. 2 

Under 2 years old 12 Between 40 and 50 = 1 

Between 2 and 5 = 2 Between 50 and 60 = 1 

Between 5 and 10 = Between 60 and 70 = 1 Whites, 20 

Between 10 and 20 = 1 Between 70 and 80 = Blacks, 5 

Between 20 and 30 = 2 Between 80 and 90 = 3 ~25 " 

Between 30 and 40 = 2 ~~2lT 

1762. Causes of death, etc. 

" Accidental, 
A ge, 



- Palsy, 








Drake's Ilia. Boston, 431, 593. 2 The First Parish then embraced what 

is now the whole city. 


1763. Causes of death, etc. 

" Accidental, 2 Fit, (suddenly) 2 Males, 10 

Cancer, 2 Infancy, 9 Females, 10 

Consumption, 1 Palsy, 1 ^7T 

Dropsy, 3 

Whites, 17 
Blacks, 3 


In the " Boston News Letter," November 30, 1764, is a refer- 
ence to a custom then recently introduced, but unwisely aban- 
doned afterwards. " On Monday the 19th instant died at Cam- 
bridge, in the 78th year of her age Mrs. Hannah Burrill, relict of 
the late Hon. Theophilus Burrill Esq., and sister to the Rev. Mr. 
President Holyoke, at whose house she had for some time past 
resided. She was a gentlewoman of a virtuous disposition, and 
possessed of many amiable qualities. Her remains were interred 
the Thursday following, without the expense of mourning ap- 
parel, agreeable to the laudable method now practised in Boston. 
As this is the first example of the kind in that town, and intro- 
duced by a gentleman of so worthy and respectable a character, 
we doubt not it will acquire imitation." 1 

1 Rev. John Cotton of Newton, in a let- apprentices to him, were also. 90 dozen 

ter dated Nov. 7, 1717, and preserved in of gloves were bought, and none of any 

the library of the Mass. Hist. Soc., says figure but what had gloves sent 'em." 
that at the funeral of Hon. Andrew Bel- A bill of expenses at the funeral of Col. 

cher, " All the ministers there had scarves Edmund Goffe, in October, 1 740, remains 

and gloves. They say 50 suits of cloaths on file in the Probate Office ; it was ren- 

were made. All first cousins, Remington, dered by Edmund Trowbridge, Esq., 

Blowers, &c., put into mourning. John grand nephew of the deceased. Among 

Colman, Caswell, &c., all that had been the charges are these : 

" To 5 pair of gloves at 7s. Gd., and a mourning weed, 1 17 6 

To a pair of shoe buckles, 6s., knee buckles, 4s. 6c?., black studs, Is. 3d., Oil 9 

To a hat, 60s., mourning wigg, 5, 800 

To a pair of gloves, black silk, 25s. 150 

To a suit of mourning for the widow, and pair of shoes, 30 

To another pair of black silk gloves, 25s. 150 

To ten rings of Mr. Hurd, as per account, 23 14 

To mourning for my aunt Barnard, 33 6 

To the same for my sister Dana, 33 6 

To a pair of gloves for her husband, 080 

To cash paid the taylors for making the cloaths, 319 

To two gallons of wine, 30s., a dozen of pipes, and 2 papers of tobacco, 5s. 1 15 

To cash paid for bricks, and bricking the grave, 110 

To stones to cover the grave, 10 0" 

This bill was allowed by the judge, outlay. It is to be regretted that the ef- 

though the estate was soon afterwards forts made by President Holyoke and 

rendered insolvent. The Belcher estate others to abolish such extravagant and 

was large, and might easily afford the useless customs were ineffectual. 



IN this history of a single town, it is not proposed to enumer- 
ate all the causes of the American Revolution, or the various 
events which occurred during its accomplishment ; but some of 
those causes and events will be mentioned, with which the town 
of Cambridge had more or less intimate connection. One very 
prominent question at issue, in the commencement of the Revo- 
lutionary struggle, was whether or not the British Parliament had 
a legal right to impose taxes on the American provinces (which 
were not represented therein), without their consent. In the ex- 
ercise of this pretended right of supremacy, among other methods 
for raising a revenue from the provinces, Parliament enacted a 
law, styled the Stamp Act, with a provision that it should take 
effect Nov. 1, 1765. With special reference to this Act, the 
American doctrine was affirmed, Oct. 29, 1765, by the Massachu- 
setts House of Representatives, in fourteen resolutions, three of 
which were these : " III. Resolved, That no man can justly 
take the property of another without his consent ; and that upon 
this original principle the right of representation in the same 
body which exercises the power of making laws for levying taxes, 
which is one of the main pillars of the British constitution, is 
evidently founded." " XII. Resolved, as a just conclusion from 
some of the foregoing resolves, That all acts made by any power 
whatever, other than the General Assembly of this Province, 
imposing taxes on the inhabitants, are infringements of our in- 
herent and unalienable rights, as men and British subjects, and 
render void the most valuable declarations of our Charter. 
XIII. Resolved, that the extension of the powers of the Court 
of Admiralty within this Province is a most violent infraction of 
the right of trials by juries, a right which this House, upon 
the principles of their British ancestors, hold most dear and 
sacred, it being the only security of the lives, liberties, and prop- 
erties of his Majesty's subjects here." l 

1 Hutcbinson's Hist. Mass., iii. 477, 478. 


A distinct opinion had been expressed by Cambridge, a fort- 
night earlier, at a town meeting held on the 14th day of October, 
1765, when it was " Voted, That (with all humility) it is the 
opinion of the town, that the inhabitants of this Province have 
a legal claim to all the natural, inherent, constitutional rights of 
Englishmen, notwithstanding their distance from Great Britain ; 
that the Stamp Act is an infraction upon these rights. One 
instance out of many, in our opinion, is this: the Distributor 
of Stamps will have a sovereignty over every thing but the lives 
of the people, since it is in his power to summon every one he 
pleases to Quebec, Montreal, or Newfoundland, to answer for 
pretended or real breaches of this Act ; and when the faithful 
subject arrives there, by whom is he to be tried ? Not by his 
peers (the birth-right of every Englishman) ; no, but by the 
Judge of Admiralty, without a jury, and it is possible without 
law. Under these circumstances, the Stamp-Master may unright- 
eously get more than his Majesty will upon a balance by the 
stamps ; for who would not rather pay the fine than be thus 
harassed, thus tried? Why are not his Majesty's subjects in 
Great Britain treated in this manner ? Why must we in Amer- 
ica, who have in every instance discovered as much loyalty for his 
Majesty, and obedience to his laws, as any of his British subjects 
(and whose exertions in some of the provinces during the last 
war have been greater), be thus discriminated ? At this time 
especially, whilst we are under an almost insupportable load of 
debt, the consequence of this exertion. We believe it may be 
truly said that no one in Great Britain pays so great a tax as 
some in this province, in proportion to their estates. Let this 
Act but take place, liberty will be no more : trade will languish 
and die ; our medium will be sent into his Majesty's exchequer, 
and poverty come on us as an armed man. The town, therefore, 
hereby advise their Representatives by no means whatsoever to do 
any one thing that may aid said Act in its operation ; but that, 
in conjunction with the friends of liberty, they use their utmost 
endeavors that the same might be repealed : That this vote be 
recorded in the Town Book, that the children yet unborn may see 
the desire their ancestors had for their freedom and happiness : 
and that an attested copy of it be given to said Representatives." 

While the inhabitants of Cambridge thus protested against the 
arbitrary exercise of power by Parliament, and against the en- 
forcement of the Stamp Act in particular, they were not ready 
to encourage any violent outbreak of popular fury. During the 


preceding August, by hanging him in effigy, breaking into his 
house, and destroying part of his furniture, some of the inhabi- 
tants of Boston had induced Mr. Secretary Oliver to promise 
that he would not act as Distributor of Stamps; and on the 
evening of the 26th of the same month, they attacked the house 
of Lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, who had rendered himself 
obnoxious by his subserviency to the British ministry, and " de- 
stroyed, carried away, or cast into the street, everything that was 
in the house ; demolished every part of it, except the walls, as far 
as lay in their power ; and had begun to break away the brick- work. 
The damage was estimated at about twenty-five hundred pounds 
sterling, without any regard to a great collection of public as welt 
as private papers in the possession and custody of the Lieutenant- 
governor." l At a town meeting in Cambridge three days later 
(Aug. 29), it was " Voted, that the inhabitants of this town do 
detest and abhor the riotous proceedings in the town of Boston, 
in robbing and destroying the dwelling-houses of the Lieutenant- 
governor and others ; and they will, on all occasions, use their 
utmost endeavors to secure their own inhabitants and their dwell- 
ing-houses and property against such ravages." But when the 
Governor, in his address to the General Court, recommended that 
compensation should be made to the sufferers, and intimated that, 
if they did not make it voluntarily, they might soon be required 
to do so," 2 the town voted, Oct. 14, 1765, that their " Repre- 
sentatives be and are hereby instructed by no means to vote for 
any moneys being drawn out of the Province treasury to make 
good the demands of the late sufferers, as mentioned in his Ex- 
cellency's speech, have sustained." In their reply to the Gover- 
nor's address, Oct. 25, 1765, the House of Representatives said, 
" We highly disapprove of the late acts of violence which have 
been committed ; yet till we are convinced that to comply with 
what your Excellency recommends will not tend to encourage 
such outrages in time to come, and till some good reason can be 
assigned why the losses those gentlemen have sustained should be 
made good rather than any damage which other persons on any 
different occasions might happen to suffer, we are persuaded we 
shall not see our way clear to order such a compensation to be 
made. We are greatly at a loss to know who has any right to 
require this of us, if we should differ with your Excellency in 
point of its being an act of justice which concerns the credit of 
the government." 3 A year later, however, when the odious 

1 Hutchinson's /fist. Mass., iii. 124. 8 Ibid., iii. 475, 476. 

2 Ibid., iii. 129. 


Stamp Act had been repealed, and this subject was again con- 
sidered, at a town meeting, October 27, 1766, " The inhabitants 
having taken into consideration the affair now pending in the 
Great and General Court, relative to the losses sustained by divers 
persons, by means of the outrage and violence of the mob in 
Boston, in the month of August, A. D. 1765, Voted, That it 
be an instruction to the Representative of this town to use his 
best endeavors in the General Court that a compensation be made 
to the Lieutenant-governor and other sufferers (upon proper ap- 
plication by them made for that purpose), by advancing such sum 
or sums of money out of the public treasury as may be judged 
adequate to their losses ; and that he likewise use his endeavors 
that such measures may be gone into for replacing such money in 
the Province treasury as shall appear just and equitable." The 
General Court, after much discussion, enacted a law, granting 
compensation to the sufferers, and at the same time a free pardon 
to all " who had been guilty of any crimes or offences against law, 
occasioned by the late troubles." The Governor was induced to 
give his approval, because, " if the act should not be approved in 
England, all the effect would be the suspending, for three or four 
months, of prosecutions which, experience had shown, could not 
be carried on : " " but as to the compensation, the act would 
have an immediate effect and could not be recalled. The act 
was disapproved, upon its being laid before the king, merely from 
the nature of it, and the danger of establishing a precedent ; but 
the money was paid before the news arrived, and nothing further 
passed upon the subject." 1 

" On the 16 th of May, [1766] a copy of the Act of Parliament 
for the repeal of the Stamp Act was brought to Boston. No re- 
joicings, since the revolution, had been equal to those on this oc- 
casion." 2 But the people were not quite ready to forgive those 
members of the provincial government who had made themselves 
obnoxious by their advocacy of those arbitrary measures which 
threatened the extinction of popular liberty. At the organiza- 
tion of the government, later in the same month, " the Lieuten- 
ant-governor, the secretary, one of the judges of the Superior 
Court, and the attorney-general, were struck off from the council. 
Another of the judges, apprehensive of this slight, chose to re- 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., Hi. 158- they have expressed their joy on account 

160. of the repeal of the Stamp Act, by illum- 

' 2 Ibid., iii. 147. " We hear from Cam- {nations, fireworks, &c., &c." Boston 

bridge and other neighboring towns, that Evening Post, May 26, 1766. 


sign before the election came on." l The intention to exclude 
from the Council some of those crown officers who were supposed 
to be too subservient to the British ministry, is foreshadowed in 
the instructions given to the Representative of Cambridge, May 
26, 1766, two days before the meeting of the General Court. 
These instructions, reported by a committee consisting of Samuel 
Whittemore, Ebenezer Stedman, and Eliphalet Robbins, con- 
tain the usual protestation of loyalty to the crown, of a general 
confidence in the good intentions of Parliament, and of a desire 
for the continuance of friendship and harmony between the 
British government and the American Colonies. At the same 
time, they counsel the utmost watchfulness against any possible 
encroachment of arbitrary power, and contain other suggestions 
of much importance. Two of the instructions were as follows : 

" With regard to the General Assembly, of which you will be, 
it is of the greatest importance that each branch should have its 
due weight and power ; and as you are to have a part in the elec- 
tion of one of these branches, we instruct you to avoid giving 
your suffrage for any gentleman already holding offices incom- 
patible with a seat there, or who, by any sort of dependence or 
connection, may be under temptations to yield to unreasonable 
demands of prerogative ; and this we esteem of singular import- 
ance under the present circumstances of our public affairs." 

" There is one thing more which we would enjoin upon you, as 
a matter of considerable importance ; which is, that you endeavor 
to get a vote passed in the House, that a gallery be provided 
where as many persons as conveniently can, may be admitted to 
hear their debates ; this is agreeable to the practice in the mother 
country, and may be attended with very salutary effects here ; 
amongst other advantages which may arise from such an order of 
the House, we would hope that this would be one, namely, that 
it would give an opportunity to any person who desires it of see- 
ing that nothing is passed by that assembly that is not of real 
benefit, and of advantage to their constituents, and that the Rep- 
resentatives of the people are patrons of their rights and privi- 
leges." 2 

Soon after the close of this session of the General Court, news 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., iii. 148. side of this room for the accommodation 

2 By the printed Journal of the House of such persons as shall be inclined to at- 
of Representatives, it appears that on the tend the same:" provided, "that no 
llth of June, 1767, it was ordered, " that person be admitted to a seat in the gallery, 
the debates in this House be open, and without applying to and being introduced 
that a gallery be erected on the westerly by a member of this House." 


arrived from England that the Parliament had by no means re- 
linquished the intention to derive a revenue from the colonies, 
but had " determined to lay small duties on paper, glass, and 
painters' colors, imported into America ; to take off 12 d ., which 
had been charged in England on every pound of tea exported, 
and to lay 3 d . only, payable upon its importation into America." l 
At the same time commissioners of customs were appointed, and 
it was supposed that the collection of this tax was one of their 
principal duties. Popular discontent and excitement followed, 
as might have been expected. Associations were formed to en- 
courage home manufactures, and to refrain from the use of foreign 
articles subject to taxation. At their next winter session, the 
House of Representatives prepared letters to several noblemen in 
England, praying them to obtain a repeal of the new tax act, 
and an address to the king ; copies of which they sent to the 
Assemblies of the other colonies, asking their cooperation. These 
proceedings gave great offence in England. When the next 
General Court met, in May, 1768, " the Governor sent a message 
to the House, which engaged the whole of their attention. In 
pursuance of instructions which he had received, he required 
them, in His Majesty's name, to rescind the resolution of the last 
House of Representatives, in consequence of which a circular 
letter had been sent to the several assemblies upon the conti- 
nent." 2 A few days afterwards the demand was renewed, with 
a threat of dissolution as the penalty of refusal. After due con- 
sideration, and after preparing a letter to the English Secretary 
for the Colonies, in justification of their proceedings, the House 
refused to rescind, by a vote of ninety-two against seventeen. 
This decision was communicated to the Governor, who imme- 
diately executed his threat and dissolved the House. " It was 
thus made known that the vital right of representation was to be 
enjoyed only on the condition of a servile compliance with an 
arbitrary royal instruction." 3 It was soon afterwards reported 
that three regiments of soldiers were to be stationed in Boston, 
to enforce submission to the government. The inhabitants there- 
upon assembled in town meeting, and sent a message to the Gov- 
ernor, inquiring if he expected such a military force, and request- 
ing him to summon a new General Court. On his refusal, the 
town " Resolved, that as the people labor under many grievances, 
and as the Governor has declared himself unable, at the request 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., iii. 179. 8 Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, 

2 Hid., iii. 195. p. 221. 


of the town, to call a General Court, which is the assembly of 
the states of the province, for the redress of such grievances, the 
town will make choice of a suitable number of persons, to act for 
them as a committee in convention, with such as may be sent to 
join them from the several towns in the province, in order that 
such measures may be concerted and advised, as his majesty's 
service and the peace and safety of his subjects in the province 
may require." l The time fixed for the meeting of the Conven- 
tion was Sept. 22, 1768. For some reason, which does not ap- 
pear, Cambridge did not elect delegates until Sept. 29 : on 
which day, it was " put to vote, whether it be the mind of the 
inhabitants of this town to proceed on the article in the Warrant, 
relating to the choosing a person to join with the committees of 
Convention of the other towns in this Province, now sitting in 
Boston, and it passed in the affirmative. Also voted, that they 
will now make choice of one or more persons, as a committee .... 
to attend the Convention that may now or hereafter be sitting 
in Boston in this Province. Also voted that they will make 
choice of two persons for the purpose aforesaid. Then Andrew 
Bordman was chosen, who declined the service. Then Deac. 
Sam u . Whittemore was chosen, who declined the service. Then 
Capt. Sam 11 . Whittemore was chosen, who accepted said choice. 
Then Thomas Gardner was chosen, who accepted said choice." 
If Cambridge was somewhat late in the election, her delegates 
were not a whit behind others in patriotism and resolution. 
Capt. Whittemore was the veteran, who, at the age of seventy- 
nine years, performed yeoman's service with his musket, on the 
memorable 19th of April, 1775 ; and Thomas Gardner, having 
been successively elected Captain and Colonel, sealed his patriotic 
devotion with his life-blood on Bunker Hill. 

In the succeeding years the conflict between arbitrary power 
and the rights and privileges of the people became more and 
more earnest. The British government insisted on its right to 
bind the colonies in all cases, to impose taxes without their con- 
sent, to place over them rulers not of their own choice, to over- 
awe them by the presence of foreign troops, and to supersede es- 
tablished laws and customs by " Royal Instructions." On the 
other hand, while the people professed loyalty to the crown, they 
protested against this invasion of their inalienable rights as free- 
born Englishmen, and indicated a determination to resist to the 
last extremity. Among other methods adopted for the accom- 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., iii. 204, 205. 


plishment of this purpose, at a town-meeting in Boston, Nov. 2, 
1772, upon the motion of Samuel Adams, it was voted, " that a 
committee of correspondence be appointed, to consist of twenty- 
one persons, to state the rights of the colonies, and of this prov- 
ince in particular, as men, as Christians, and as subjects ; to com- 
municate and publish the same to the several towns in this 
province and to the world, as the sense of this town, with the in- 
fringements and violations thereof that have been, or from time 
to time may be, made : also requesting of each town a free com- 
munication of their sentiments on this subject." At an adjourned 
meeting, Nov. 20, the report of this committee was accepted, and 
ordered to be printed in pamphlet form and distributed agreeably 
to the original vote. The response of Cambridge was prompt 
and decisive. The Records show that, at a town-meeting, Dec. 
14, 1772, it was " Voted, That the letter and the book sent by 
order of the town of Boston to the Selectmen of Cambridge, 
signed in the name and by order of the town, William Cooper^ 
Town Clerk, should be publicly read and acted upon. The 
Moderator 1 protested against it, as it was not in the warrant ; 
and the same was read accordingly. Voted, That a committee 
be appointed to write to the committee appointed by the town of 
Boston, and to acknowledge the vigilance and care, discovered by 
the metropolis, of the public rights and liberties, acquainting 
them that this town will heartily concur in all salutary, proper 
and constitutional measures for the redress of those intolerable 
grievances which threaten, and if continued must overthrow, the 
happy civil constitution of this province ; and that said commit- 
tee take under consideration the rights as stated by the committee 
of correspondence of the town of Boston, and the infringements 
and violations of the same, and to make report at the adjourn- 
ment of this meeting." [The Committee was then elected, con- 
sisting of Capt. Samuel Whittemore, Capt. Ebenezer Stedman, 
Capt. Ephraim Frost, Capt. Eliphalet Robbins, Capt. Thomas 
Gardner, Joseph Wellington, Abraham Watson, Jr., Nathaniel 
Sparhawk, and Samuel Thatcher, Jr.] " Voted, That said com- 
mittee prepare instructions to the Representative, and report 
upon both forthwith, or, as soon as may be. The committee re- 
tired ; the meeting not adjourned : in less than twelve minutes 

1 William Brattle, Esq., was the Mod- Barnard. But promotion to the rank of 
crator. In the early part of the struggle Major-general, in 1771, is generally sup- 
he advocated the rights of the people, posed to have rendered him much more 
insomuch that he was negatived as a favorable to the Governor and his asso- 
member of the Council in 1769, by Gov. elates. 


returned, and presented their report upon the letter and resolves 
aforesaid, and also reported instructions for the Representative ; 
which reports were received, and accepted, and voted by a major- 
ity of the inhabitants then present. 

" The instructions : To Capt. Thomas Gardner, Representa- 
tive of the town of Cambridge in General Assembly. Sir, We, 
his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, freeholders and 
other inhabitants of the town of Cambridge, in town-meeting 
legally assembled this fourteenth day of December, A. D. 1772, to 
consult upon such measures as may be thought most proper to be 
taken at this alarming crisis, and most conducive to the public 
weal, do therefore with true patriotic spirit declare, that we are 
and ever have been ready to risk our lives and fortunes in defence 
of his majesty King George the Third, his crown and dignity, 
and in the support of constitutional government. So, on the other 
hand, we are as much concerned to maintain and secure our own 
invaluable rights and liberties and that glorious inheritance which 
was not the gift of kings or monarchs, but was purchased at no 
less price than the precious blood and treasure of our worthy an- 
cestors, the first settlers of this province, who, for the sake of 
those rights, left their native land, their dearest friends and rela- 
tions, goodly houses, pleasant gardens and fruitful fields ; and in 
the face of every danger settled a wild and howling wilderness, 
where they were surrounded with an innumerable multitude of 
cruel and barbarous enemies, and destitute of the necessaries of 
life ; yet aided by the smiles of indulgent heaven, by their heroic 
fortitude (though small in number) they subdued their enemies 
before them, and by their indefatigable labor and industry culti- 
vated this land, which is now become a fruitful field, which has 
much enriched our mother country, and greatly assisted in rais- 
ing Great Britain to that state of opulence that it is now in ; 
that if any people on earth are entitled to the warmest friendship 
of a mother country, it is the good people of this Province and its 
sister colonies. But alas, with what ingratitude are we treated, 
how cruelly oppressed ! We have been sighing and groaning 
under oppression for a number of years ; our natural and charter 
rights are violated in too many instances here to enumerate; our 
money extorted from us, and appropriated to augment our bur- 
dens ; we have repeatedly petitioned our most gracious sovereign 
for a redress of grievances, but no redress has yet been obtained, 
whereby we have been almost driven to despair. And, in the 
midst of our distresses, we are still further alarmed with seeing 


the Governor of the Province made independent of the people, 
and the shocking report that the Judges of the Superior Court of 
Judicature and other officers, have salaries affixed to their offices, 
dependent on the crown and ministry, independent of the grants 
of the Commons of this Province. By this establishment our 
lives and properties will be rendered very precarious, as there is 
the utmost danger that, through an undue influence, the streams 
of public justice will be poisoned. Can we expect the scales will 
be held equal between all parties ? Will such Judges be unmoved 
by passion or prejudice, fear or favor? What a miserable situa- 
tion will the man be in, under a corrupt administration, who shall 
dare to oppose their vile measures. Must he not expect to feel 
the keenest resentment of such administration, by Judges thus 
bribed to pursue the plan of the ministry ? In fine, we look upon 
this last innovation so great a grievance, especially when added 
to the many other grievances we have been so long groaning 
under, as to be almost insupportable. We therefore think it 
seasonable and proper to instruct you, our Representative, in 
General Assembly, that you use your greatest influence at the 
next session of the General Court for a speedy redress of all our 
grievances. And inasmuch as it has been for some years past 
thought that the Judges of the Superior Court, especially since 
their circuits have been enlarged, have not had salaries adequate 
to their important services, we desire you would make due in- 
quiry into this matter, and if you shall find it to be a fact, you 
would use your utmost endeavors that their salaries may be en- 
larged and made adequate to their merit and station ; and in all 
our difficulties and distresses, depend upon your prudence and 

The business seems not to have been fully completed at this 
time, and the meeting was adjourned for three weeks : 

" At an adjournment of the Town-meeting from December the 
fourteenth, A. D. 1772 to January the fourth 1773, the following 
report was read and accepted by a great majority : The Commit- 
tee appointed to take under consideration the rights of the Colo- 
nists, and of this Province in particular, as stated by the town of 
Boston, and also a list of the infringements and violations of those 
rights, beg leave to report, That, in their opinion, the rights of 
the Colonists and of this Province in particular, as men, as Chris- 
tians and as subjects, are properly stated, and that the lists of the 
infringements and violations of those rights are notorious facts ; 
and as there appears to be the greatest reason to apprehend, 


agreeable to the intimation made to us in the said list of grievan- 
ces, that stipends or salaries are affixed to the offices of Judges of 
the Superior Court, whereby they are made not only independ- 
ent of the people, but absolutely dependent upon the Crown for 
their support, it is further the opinion of this Committee, that 
such establishment, if made, is in direct repugnancy with the 
Charter of the Province, and the invariable usage from the time 
the same was granted ; that thereby a dangerous connection is 
formed, and an undue influence in their decisions introduced, and 
therefore tends to the poisoning the streams of justice in the 
land ; that there will, moreover, be the utmost danger that the 
Bar may hereafter be overawed by a corrupt Court, insomuch that 
no gentleman of shining genius and abilities in the profession of 
the Law will dare to stand up in defence of an injured country. 
For these and many other reasons that may be offered, the Com- 
mittee beg leave further to report the following resolve, viz : 
Resolved, as the opinion of this town, that the said establishment 
is a dangerous innovation and grievance, especially when added to 
the many other grievances we have been so long groaning under, 
and that we have the strongest aversion to a measure which is of 
so ruinous a tendency, and can never be reconciled to it." 

Before this last named town-meeting was held, the Committee 
of Correspondence, elected on the 14th of December, executed a 
part of the duty assigned to them, by addressing a letter to the 
Committee of Boston, which was published in the " Boston 
Gazette," Dec. 28, 1772 : 

u To the Committee of Communication and Correspondence at 
Boston. The Committee appointed by the town of Cambridge to 
write to the Committee of Communication and Correspondence 
at Boston, gladly embrace this opportunity. In the name and 
behalf of the said town of Cambridge, and with the most sincere 
respect, they acknowledge the vigilance and care discovered by 
the town of Boston of the public rights and liberties ; acquainting 
you that this town will heartily concur in all salutary, proper, 
and constitutional measures for the redress of those intolerable 
grievances which threaten, and if continued must overthrow, the 
happy civil constitution of this Province. It is with the greatest 
pleasure we now inform you that we think the meeting was as 
full as it has been for the choice of a Representative, for a num- 
ber of years, if not fuller ; and that the people discovered a glo- 
rious spirit, like men determined to be free. We have here en- 


closed you a copy of the votes and proceedings of this town, at 
their meeting, so far as they have gone. We would add, 
May the town of Boston, the capital of this Province, rejoice in 
perpetual prosperity. May wisdom direct her in all her consul- 
tations. May her spirited and prudent conduct render her a ter- 
ror to tyrants. May every town in this Province, and every other 
colony upon the Continent, be awakened to a sense of danger, and 
unite in the glorious cause of liberty. Then shall we be able 
effectually to disappoint the machinations of our enemies. To 
conclude : That this land may be purged from those sins which 
are a reproach to a people, and be exalted by righteousness, that 
God Almighty may be our God as he was the God of our fathers, 
and that we may be possessed of the same principles of virtue, 
religion, and public spirit, which warmed and animated the 
hearts of our renowned ancestors, is the sincere prayer of your 
friends in the common cause of our country, the Committee of 
the town of Cambridge. EBENEZER STEDMAN, per order." 

In 1773, the British Ministry adopted another measure to se- 
cure the payment of a tax by the colonists. The East India 
Company, embarrassed by the accumulation of teas which the 
American merchants did not purchase, were encouraged to ex- 
port them, on their own account, by an offer of a drawback of 
the whole duty payable in England on all such as should be ex- 
ported to the British colonies in America ; but the duty of three 
pence on a pound was still required to be paid at the port of 
entry. The tax demanded was very small, but it stood as the 
representative of a great principle ; the right, namely, of Parlia- 
ment to bind the colonies in all cases whatever, which right 
was asserted by the ministry and denied by the colonists. The 
fire of contention, which had seemed to be smouldering for a 
time, now burst forth into a fierce blaze. Public meetings were 
held, and resolutions adopted, indicating a stern spirit of resist- 
ance. Cambridge placed on record its determination to main- 
tain its rights: 

" At a very full meeting of the inhabitants of the town of 
Cambridge, legally assembled, Nov. 26, 1773, Capt. Ebenezer 
Stedman was chosen Moderator. This town being greatly 
alarmed at an Act of the British Parliament, passed in the last 
session of Parliament, whereby the East India Company in 
London are empowered to export their teas on their own ac- 
count to the British Plantations in America, and expose the 


same to sale, subject to a duty, payable in America, to be col- 
lected by a set of worse than Egyptian taskmasters, which, if 
submitted to, we fear will prove fatal to the Colonies : and as 
we apprehend the sense of this town cannot be better expressed 
than by adopting the Resolves of the patriotic citizens of Phila- 
delphia ; Resolved, that the disposal of their own property is 
the inherent right of freemen ; that there can be no property 
in that which another can of right take from us without our con- 
sent ; that the claim of Parliament to tax America is, in other 
words, a claim of right to levy contributions on us at pleasure. 
2. That the duty imposed by Parliament upon tea landed in 
America is a tax on the Americans, or levying contributions on 
them without their consent. 3. That the express purpose for 
which the tax is levied on the Americans, namely, for the sup- 
port of government, the administration of justice, and the defence 
of his Majesty's dominions in America, has a direct tendency to 
render Assemblies useless, and to introduce arbitrary government 
and slavery. 4. That a virtuous and steady opposition to this 
ministerial plan of governing America is absolutely necessary to 
preserve even the shadow of liberty, and is a duty which every 
freeman in America owes to his country, to himself, and to his 
posterity. 5. That the resolution lately come into by the East 
India Company, to send out their tea to America, subject to the 
payment of duties on its being landed here, is an open attempt 
to enforce the ministerial plan, and a violent attack upon the 
liberties of America. 6. That it is the duty of every American 
to oppose this attempt. 7. That whoever shall, directly or in- 
directly, countenance this attempt, or in any wise aid or abet in 
unloading, receiving or vending, the tea sent or to be sent out by 
the East India Company, while it remains subject to the pay- 
ment of a duty here, is an enemy to America. 

" And whereas the town of Boston have assembled twice on 
this alarming occasion, and at each meeting did choose a commit- 
tee of very respectable gentlemen, to wait upon the persons who 
are appointed by the East India Company to receive and sell 
said tea, and in a genteel manner requested them to resign their 
appointment ; notwithstanding the said factors have repeatedly 
refused to give them any satisfaction, but, on the contrary, their 
answers were evasive and highly affrontive : by such a conduct 
they have forfeited all right and title to any respect from their 
fellow-countrymen : Therefore resolved, that this town will by 
no means show them any respect whatever, but view them as 


enemies to their country. And whereas it is reported that the 
said factors of the East India Company by their conduct have 
rendered themselves despicable in the town of Boston, yet they 
can retire into the country towns, where they are treated with 
respect, which, if true, is truly scandalous : Therefore resolved, 
that anyone who shall harbor said factors in their houses v ex- 
cept said factors immediately make full satisfaction to this justly 
incensed people, are unfriendly to their country. Resolved, That 
any person or persons, inhabitants of this Province, that shall 
import any teas subject to the payment of a duty in, 
are in an eminent degree enemies to their country, and ought to 
be treated with equal contempt and detestation with the present 
supposed factors. And, as it is very apparent that the town of 
Boston are now struggling for the liberties of their country : 
Therefore resolved, that this town can no longer stand idle spec- 
tators, but are ready, on the shortest notice, to join with the 
town of Boston and other towns, in any measures that may be 
thought proper, to deliver ourselves and posterity from Slavery." 
Within a month afterwards, the Gordian knot of this contro- 
versy was cut, by the destruction of the tea in Boston Harbor, 
after an earnest and protracted effort to induce the consignees to 
send it back to Europe. Whether any Cambridge men partici- 
pated in this final act, or not, it is reasonably certain that they 
assisted in the preliminary measures. Hutchinson says, " the 
Committees of Correspondence of the towns of Boston, Roxbury, 
Dorchester, Brookline, and Cambridge, united, and held their 
meetings daily, or by short adjournments, in Faneuil Hall, or 
one of the rooms belonging to it, and gave such directions as they 
thought proper. Two of the other vessels with tea arriving from 
London, they were ordered by this new body to the same wharf 
where the first ships lay, under pretence of the conveniency of 
having the whole under one guard. It soon after appeared that 
a further conveniency accompanied it." 1 The overt act is de- 
scribed in the " Boston Gazette," Monday, December 20, 1773 : 
" On Tuesday last the body of the people of this and all the 
adjacent towns, and others from the distance of twenty miles, as- 
sembled at the Old South meeting-house," and, after a fruitless 
negotiation with the parties in the interest of the government, 
" adjourned to the Thursday following, ten o'clock. They then 
met ; . . . . and the people, finding all their efforts to preserve 
the property of the East India Company and return it safely to 
London, frustrated by the tea consignees, the collector of the cus- 
1 Hist. Mass., Hi. 433. 


toms, and the Governor of the Province, dissolved their meeting. 
But behold what followed. A number of brave and resolute men, 
determined to do all in their power to save the country from the 
ruin which their enemies had plotted, in less than four hours, 
emptied every chest of tea on board the three ships commanded 
by the captains Hall, Bruce, and Coffin, amounting to 342 chests, 
into the sea, without the least damage done to the ships or any 
other property. The masters and owners are well pleased, that 
their ships are thus cleared, and the people are almost universally 
congratulating each other on this happy event." 

This destruction of the tea excited the liveliest indignation of 
the British government. It was construed as an act of open 
rebellion, demanding condign punishment. " The words, often 
cited, of the arrogant, insolent, and galling Venn, were then 
uttered and circulated through the colonies : ' The offence of the 
Americans is flagitious : the town of Boston ought to be knocked 
about their ears and destroyed. Delenda est Carthago. You 
will never meet with proper obedience to the laws of this country 
until you have destroyed that nest of locusts.' These words 
embodied the feeling of England in an hour of her insolence." A 
The Boston Port Bill followed, which took effect on the first day 
of June, 1774, enforced by an array of armed vessels, effectually 
preventing ingress or egress. The sympathy, not only of Mas- 
sachusetts but of all the American Colonies, was excited on 
behalf of the oppressed and suffering inhabitants of the devoted 
town, which sympathy was manifested by material aid. Although 
Cambridge was to some extent a joint-sufferer with Boston, it 
was voted, at a town meeting, July 28, 1774, " That the Com- 
mittee of Correspondence be a Committee to receive the dona- 
tions that may be given by the inhabitants of this town for the 
relief of our distressed brethren in the town of Boston, now suffer- 
ing for the cause of all America under an act of the British Par- 
liament for blocking up the port of Boston ; and that they 
transmit the same to the Committee appointed by the town of 
Boston to receive such donations for the purpose abovesaid." 

The Port Bill was followed by a more comprehensive measure, 
abrogating the Charter of Massachusetts, in some important par- 
ticulars, and changing the character of the government. It pro- 
vided that the members of the Council should no longer be 
elected by the General Court, but that they, as well as the Gov- 
ernor and Lieutenant-governor, should be appointed by the King. 
The Lieutenant-governor (Thomas Oliver), and two members 

1 Rise of the Republic, p. 318. 


of the Council Samuel Danforth and Joseph Lee), appointed 
under the provisions of this act, were inhabitants of Cambridge. 
Colonel Oliver was a man of wealth and character, but had not 
previously held public station, except military. 1 It was indeed 
suggested by some, that his name was inserted in the commission 
by mistake, instead of Peter Oliver, the Chief Justice and a 
member of the old Council. Judge Lee had been a Representa- 
tive, but never before a member of the Council ; on the contrary, 
Judge Danforth was the senior member of that Board, having 
held office, by thirty-six successive elections, since May, 1739. 
The new Council (styled the Mandamus Council because its 
members were appointed by command of the King) consisted of 
thirty-six persons, of whom, however, only twenty-four accepted 
office ; and of that number nine soon afterwards resigned. 2 Its 
first meeting was at Salem, on the 8th day of August, 1774. 
The Governor had previously (June 17) dissolved the General 
Court, so that the sole governing power now vested in himself 
and the newly appointed Council. The struggle between arbi- 
trary power and the spirit of liberty became more and more in- 
tense. Some of the results, of which Cambridge was the scene 
of action, and its inhabitants were among the more prominent 
actors and sufferers, are related at large in the " Boston Ga- 
zette " of Monday, Sept. 5, 1774 : - 

" On Wednesday last, the new Divan (consisting of the 
wretched fugitives with whom the just indignation of their re- 
spective townsmen, by a well-deserved expulsion, have filled this 
capital) usurped the seats round the Council Board in Boston. 
Their deliberations have not hitherto transpired. And with 
equal secresy, on Thursday morning, half after four, about 260 
troops embarked on board 13 boats, at the Long Wharf, and 
proceeded up Mistic River to Temple's Farm, where they landed 
and went to the powder-house, 3 on quarry-hill in Charlestown 
bounds, whence they have taken 250 half barrels of powder, 
the whole store there, and carried it to the castle. A detach- 
ment from this corps went to Cambridge and brought off two field 
pieces which had lately been sent there for Col. Brattle's Regi- 
ment. The preparation for this scandalous expedition caused 

1 Perhaps one exception should be " See Gen. Register, xxviii. 61, 62. 

made : " We hear that Thomas Oliver, 8 This powder-house is still standing in 

Esq., of Cambridge, is appointed Judge of Somerville, about half a mile southeast- 

the Provincial Courts of Vice-Admiralty erly from Tufts' College, 
for this Province and New Hampshire." 
Boston Gazette, May 3, 1773. 


much speculation, as some who were near the Governor gave out 
that he had sworn the committee of Salem should recognise or 
be imprisoned ; nay, some said, put on board the Scarborough 
and sent to England forthwith. The committee of Boston ^ent 
off an express after 10, on Wednesday evening, to advise their 
brethren of Salem of what they apprehended was coming against 
them, who received their message with great politeness, and re- 
turned an answer purporting their readiness to receive any attack 
they might be exposed to for acting in pursuance to the laws and 
interests of their country, as became men and Christians. 

" From these several hostile appearances, the County of Mid- 
dlesex took the alarm, and on Thursday evening began to collect 
in large bodies, with their arms, provisions, and ammunition, de- 
termining by some means to give a check to a power which so 
openly threatened their destruction, and in such a clandestine 
manner robbed them of the means of their defence. And on 
Friday morning, some thousands of them had advanced to Cam- 
bridge, armed only with sticks, as they had left their fire-arms, 
&c., at some distance behind them. Some, indeed, had collected 
on Thursday evening, and surrounded the Attorney-General's 
house, 1 who is also Judge of Admiralty on the new plan, for 
Nova Scotia ; and being provoked by the firing of a gun from a 
window, they broke some glass, but did no more mischief. The 
company, however, concerned in this, were mostly boys and 
negroes, who soon dispersed. 

" On perceiving the concourse on Friday morning, the com- 
mittee of Cambridge sent express to Charlestown, who commu- 
nicated the intelligence to Boston, and their respective commit- 
tees proceeded to Cambridge without delay. When the first of 
the Boston committee came up, they found some thousands of 
people assembled round the court-house 2 steps, and Judge Dan- 
forth standing upon them, speaking to the body, declaring in 
substance that having now arrived at a very advanced age, 3 and 
spent the greater part in the service of the public, it was a great 
mortification to him to find a step lately taken by him so disa- 
greeable to his country, in which he conscientiously had meaned 
to serve them ; but finding their general sense against his holding 
a seat at the Council Board on the new establishment, he assured 

1 Jonathan Sewall was Attorney-gen- 2 The court-house was on the westerly 
eral, and his house still remains at the side of Harvard Square, where the Cam- 
westerly corner of Brattle and Sparks bridge Lyceum now stands. 
Streets. 8 Almost seventy-seven years old. 


them that he had resigned said office, and would never henceforth 
accept or act in any office inconsistent with the charter-rights of 
his country ; and in confirmation of said declaration, he deliv- 
ered the following certificate drawn up by himself, and signed 
with his own hand, viz. : 

" ' Although I have this day made an open declaration to a 
great concourse of people, who assembled at Cambridge, that I 
had resigned my seat at the Council Board, yet for the further 
satisfaction of all, I do hereby declare under my hand that such 
resignation has actually been made, and that it is my full purpose 
not to be any way concerned as a member of the Council at any 
time hereafter. Sept. 2 d , 1774. S. DANFORTH. A true copy. 

" Judge Lee was also on the court-house steps, and delivered 
his mind to the body in terms similar to those used by Judge 
Danforth, and delivered the following declaration, also drawn up 
and signed by him, viz. : 

" ' Cambridge, 2 d Sept. 1774. As great numbers of the inhab- 
itants of the County are come into this town since my satisfying 
those who were met, not only by declaration but by reading to 
them what I wrote to the Governor at my resignation, and being 
desirous to give the whole County and Province full satisfaction 
in this matter, I hereby declare my resignation of a seat in, the 
new constituted Council, and my determination to give no fur- 
ther attendance. Jos. LEE. A true copy. Test, NATH. CUD- 

" Upon this a vote was called for, to see if the body was satis- 
fied with the declarations and resignations abovesaid, and passed 
in the affirmative, nem. con. 

" It was then moved to know whether that body would signify 
their abhorrence of mobs, riots, and the destruction of private 
property, and passed in the affirmative, nem. con. 

" Col. Phips, the High-Sheriff of the County, then came before 
the Committee of the body, and complained that he had been 
hardly spoken of, for the part he had acted in delivering the 
powder in Charlestown Magazine to the soldiery ; which the 
Committee candidly considered and reported to the body that it 
was their opinion the High-Sheriff was excusable, as he had 
acted in conformity to his order from the Commander-in-chief. 
Col. Phips also delivered the following declaration by him sub- 
scribed, viz. : 

" ' Col. Phips's answer to the honorable body now in meeting 


upon the common, viz. : That I will not execute any precept 
that shall be sent me under the new Acts of Parliament for 
altering the Constitution of the Province of the Massachusetts 
Bay, and that I will recall all the venires that I have sent out 
under the new establishment. Cambridge, Sept. 2 d 1774. 
DAVID PHIPS. A true copy. Test, NATH. CUD WORTH, 01.' 
Which was accepted as satisfactory. 1 

" About 8 o'clock, his Honor Lieut. Governor Oliver set off 
from Cambridge to Boston, and informed Governor Gage of the 
true state of matters and the business of the people ; which, as 
his Honor told the Admiral, were not a mad mob, but the free- 
holders of the County, promising to return in two hours and 
confer further with them on his own circumstance as President of 
the Council. On Mr. Oliver's return, he came to the Committee 
and signified what he had delivered to the body in the morning, 
viz. that as the commissions of Lieut. Governor and President of 
the Council seemed tacked together, he should undoubtedly incur 
his Majesty's displeasure, if he resigned the latter and pretended 
to hold the former ; and nobody appeared to have any objection 
to his enjoying the place he held constitutionally ; he begged he 
might not be pressed to incur that displeasure, at the instance of 
a single County, while any other Counsellor held on the new 
establishment. Assuring them, however, that in case the mind 
of the whole Province, collected in Congress or otherwise, ap- 
peared for his resignation, he would by no means act in opposi- 
tion to it. This seemed satisfactory to the Committee, and they 
were preparing to deliver it to the body, when Commissioner 
Hallowell came through the town on his way to Boston. The 
sight of that obnoxious person so inflamed the people, that in a 
few minutes above 160 horsemen were drawn up and proceed- 
ing in pursuit of him on the full gallop. Capt. Gardner of Cam- 
bridge first began a parley with one of the foremost, which caused 
them to halt till he delivered his mind very fully in dissuasion of 
the pursuit, and was seconded by Mr. Deavens of Charlestown, 
and Dr. Young of Boston. They generally observed that the 
object of the Body's attention, that day, seemed to be the resig- 
nation of unconstitutional counsellors, and that it might intro- 
duce confusion into the proceedings of the day if any thing else 
was brought upon the carpet till that important business was fin- 

1 Notwithstanding his satisfactory dec- He was son of Lieutenant-governor Spen- 
laration, Col. Phi|>s adhered to the Royal cer Phips. 
cause, left the conn try, and never returned. 


ished ; and in a little time the gentlemen dismounted their 
horses and returned to the body. 

" But Mr. Hallowell did not entirely escape, as one gentleman 
of a small stature pushed on before the general body, and fol- 
lowed Hallowell, who made the best of his way till he got into 

Roxbury, where Mr. overtook and stopped him in his 

chaise. Hallowell snapped his pistols at him, but could not dis- 
engage himself from him till he quitted the chaise and mounted 
his servant's horse, on which he drove into Boston with all the 
speed he could make ; till, the horse failing within the gate, he 
ran on foot to the camp, through which he spread consternation, 
telling them he was pursued by some thousands, who would be in 
town at his heels, and destroy all friends of government before 
them. A gentleman in Boston, observing the motion in the 
camp, and concluding they were on the t point of marching to 
Cambridge from both ends of the town, communicated the alarm 
to Dr. Roberts, then at Charlestown Ferry, who, having a very 
fleet horse, brought the news in a few minutes to the Committee, 
then at dinner. The intelligence was instantly diffused, and the 
people whose arms were nearest, sent persons to bring them, 
while horsemen were despatched both ways to gain more certain 
advice of the true state of the soldiery. A greater fervor and 
resolution probably never appeared among any troops. The de- 
spatches soon returning and assuring the body that the soldiers 
still remained and were likely to remain in their camp, they 
resumed their business with spirit, and resolved to leave no un- 
constitutional officer within their reach in possession of his place. 
On this the Committee assembled again, and drew up the paper 
of which the following is a copy, and at the head of the body 
delivered it to Lieut. Governor Oliver, to sign, with which he 
complied, after obtaining their consent to add the latter clause, 
implying the force by which he was compelled to do it. Mr. 
Mason, Clerk of the County of Middlesex, also engaged to do no 
one thing in obedience to the new Act of Parliament impairing 
our Charter. 

" ' Cambridge, Sept. 2, 1774. Thomas Oliver, being appointed 
by his majesty to a seat at the Council Board, upon and in con- 
formity to the late Act of Parliament, entitled An Act for the 
better regulation of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, which 
being a manifest infringement of the Charter rights and privi- 
leges of the people, I do hereby, in conformity to the commands 
of the body of the County now convened, most solemnly renounce 


and resign my seat at said unconstitutional Board, and hereby 
firmly promise and engage, as a man of honor and a Christian, 
that I never will hereafter upon any terms whatsoever accept a 
seat at said Board on the present novel and oppressive plan of 
government. My house 1 at Cambridge being surrounded by 
about four thousand people, in compliance with their command I 
sign my name. THOMAS OLIVER.' ' 

" The gentlemen from Boston, Charlestown, and Cambridge, 
having provided some refreshment for their greatly -fatigued 
brethren, they cheerfully accepted it, took leave, and departed 
in high good humor and well satisfied." 

Such is the account given in the " Boston Gazette " of the 
memorable proceedings in Cambridge on the second day of Sep- 
tember, 1774, resulting in the compulsory resignation of three 
Mandamus Councillors, and the pledge of the Sheriff that he 
would not execute any precept sent to him under the new Acts 
of Parliament for altering the constitution of the Province. The 
importance of the events, and the vivid picture afforded of the 
excitement which then filled the public mind, may justify the 
reproduction of the history at full length. 

In the same paper 2 is published " a true copy of a letter said 
to be wrote by General Brattle to the commander-in-chief, and 
picked up in this town last week, viz. : 

" Cambridge, August 27, 1774. Mr. Brattle presents his duty 
to Governor Gage. He apprehends it his duty to acquaint his 
Excellency, from time to time, with every thing he hears and 
knows to be true, and is of importance in these troublesome times, 
which is the apology Mr. Brattle makes for troubling the General 
with this letter. 

" Capt. Minot of Concord, a very worthy man, this minute 
informed Mr. Brattle that there had been repeatedly made press- 
ing applications to him, to warn his company to meet at one 
minute's warning, equipt with arms and ammunition, according 
to law ; he had constantly denied them, adding, if he did not 
gratify them, he should be constrained to quit his farms and town : 
Mr. Brattle told him he had better do that than lose his life and 
be hanged for a rebel : he observed that many captains had done 
it, though not in the Regiment to which he belonged, which 

1 This house was erected by Mr. Oliver, from Cambridge to this town." He never 

about 1767, on the westerly side of Elm- returned but died in exile, at Bristol, 

wood Avenue. The Boston Gazette of England, Nov. 29, 1815. 

Sept. 12, announced that "Lieut. Gov. 2 Boston Gazette, Sept. 5, 1776. 
Oliver has removed his family and goods 


was and is under Col. Elisha Jones, but in a neighboring Regi- 
ment. Mr. Brattle begs leave humbly to query whether it would 
not be best that there should not be one commission officer of 
the militia in the Province. 

" This morning the selectmen of Medford came and received 
their town stock of powder, which was in the arsenal on quarry- 
hill, so that there is now therein the King's powder only, which 
shall remain there as a sacred deposition till ordered out by the 
Captain-General. To his Excellency General Gage, &c. &c. &c." 

This letter of Gen. Brattle had been printed in a hand-bill 
before it appeared in the " Gazette," and lie had prepared an 
explanation of it, which was already in the hands of the printer ; 
but its publication was postponed until the next week, Sept. 12th. 
It was characteristic of the writer, manifesting a strong desire to 
stand well with both parties : 

"Boston Sept. 2, 1774. I think it but justice to myself to 
give an account of my conduct, for which I am blamed, and 
to obviate some mistakes which are believed. His Excellency 
Governor Gage wrote me in the words following : ' Sir, as I 
am informed there are several military stores in your charge 
at Cambridge, I beg the favor of you to send me a return of 
them as soon as convenient, specifying the different sorts of 
each. T. GAGE. To Major General Brattle.' Which order 
I obeyed. I did the like to Governors Pownal, Bernard, and 
Hutchinson ; in doing of which, every soldier will say I did 
but my duty. But it is affirmed, I advised the Governor to 
remove the powder : this I positively deny, because it is abso- 
lutely false. It never so much as entered into my mind or 
thought. After I had made my return, I never heard one word 
about the affair till the night before last, when Sheriff Phipps 
came to my house with the Governor's order to deliver him the 
powder and guns ; the keys of the powder-house I then delivered 
him, and wrote to Mr. Mason, who had the care of the guns under 
me, to deliver them, which I suppose he did ; both I imagine 
were taken, but where transported I know not. I wrote to 
the Governor what is contained in the Hand-Bill lately printed. 
I did not write the Governor the grounds and reasons of the 
Quere therein contained, but I will now mention them. They 
proceeded from a real regard both to the Commission-officers and 
to the Province ; first to the Commission-officers ; I thought and 
still think it was best for them ; many of whom I thought would 
be unwilling to issue their warrants, and if they did not, I ap- 


prehended they might meet with some difficulty ; and those that 
did, I was not convinced so great good would result therefrom as 
if another method was taken. Secondly, I thought and still 
think it would be much better for the Province ; for supposing 
there was not one Commission-officer for the present in it, what 
danger could the Province sustain ? It may be answered, Com- 
mission-officers are supposed to be the most understanding in 
military affairs. I grant it : But supposing their commissions 
were vacated, supposing the respective companies in the Province 
were disposed and determined to do any one matter or thing 
which they imagined to be for its safety, and proper persons were 
to be employed to lead them, &c., doth their not having commis- 
sions in the least unfit them from being employed in the particu- 
lar services they may be chosen to execute ? and in this way can 
not any one conceive that the Commission-officers leading their 
respective companies, might in the eyes of the judicious be looked 
upon more blamable in doing such and such things, than they 
would be if they were not military officers, and did not act under 
commission ? Might not the difference with respect to the Prov- 
ince be looked upon very great, both at home and here? It 
was suggested that General Gage demanded the Towns Stocks 
of Powder ; this certainly he did not ; the above order speaks for 
itself. As I would not have delivered the Provincial powder to 
any one but to his Excellency or order, so the Towns Stocks I 
would have delivered to none but to the selectmen or their order. 
Upon the whole, the threatenings I have met with, my banish- 
ment from my own home, the place of my nativity, rny house 
being searched, though I am informed it was without damage, 
and the sense of the people touching my conduct &c. cannot but 
be grievous, yet this grief is much lessened by the pleasui'e aris- 
ing in my mind from a consciousness that I am a friend to my 
country ; and, in the above instances, that I really acted accord- 
ing to my best judgment for its true interest. I am extremely 
sorry for what has taken place ; I hope I may be forgiven, and 
desire it of all that are offended, since I acted from an honest, 
friendly principle, though it might be a mistaken one. 


The Governor having dissolved the House of Representatives 
in June, writs were issued for the election of a new House, to 
assemble at Salem on the 5th of October. Meantime, the Coun- 
cil elected by the former House had been superseded by the 
Mandamus Council. Having already compelled the resignation 


of some members of this new council, and knowing that many 
others had resigned or declined to accept the office, the inhabi- 
tants of Cambridge utterly refused to recognize the official au- 
thority of that obnoxious body, and, like most of the towns in 
the province, instructed their Representatives, Oct. 3, 1774, to 
join only with the Council which had been duly elected by the 
General Court : " To Capt. Thomas Gardner and the Hon ble 
John Winthrop Esq. Gentlemen, As you are now chosen to 
represent this town in General Assembly, to meet at Salem the 
5th of this instant October, you are instructed and empowered 
to join with the Hon ble his Majesty's Council who were chosen 
by both Houses legally assembled in May last, and were ap- 
proved, and are the only constitutional Council in this Province 
to act with them as an House of Representatives, or to act with 
the Delegates that are or may be chosen by the several towns in 
this Province, to form a Provincial Congress : to meet with them 
from time to time, and at such time and place as by them, or 
either of them, shall be agreed upon ; to consult and determine 
(in either capacity) upon such matters and things as may come 
before you, and in such a manner as to you may seem most con- 
ducive to the real interest of this town and province, and most 
proper to deliver ourselves and all America from the iron jaws of 
slavery." * A firm resolution to maintain their position at all 
hazards, and to resist arbitrary authority even unto blood, is in- 
dicated by votes adopted at the same town meeting, empowering 
the Selectmen to procure a carriage for the cannon belonging to 
the town, to purchase another cannon, and to furnish powder and 
balls for both ; also to draw money from the treasury for the 
payment of drummers and fifers, for the instruction of fifers, the 
purchase of fifes, and the refreshment of soldiers, till further or- 
der. At a subsequent meeting, Nov. 28, 1774, it is recorded 
that, " whereas the Provincial Congress did, on the 28th day of 
October last, resolve and appoint Henry Gardner Esq. of Stow 
to be Receiver General of this Province, for reasons most obvi- 
ous," etc., the collectors of taxes were directed and required to 
pay the province taxes to said Gardner, and the town agreed to 
indemnify them ; " and if any person or persons shall refuse to 
comply with the true and obvious spirit and design of the said 
resolve and this vote, this town will consider them as operating 

1 The Governor dissolved this new days afterwards, having resolved thcm- 
House of Representatives before the day selves into a Provincial Congress, ad- 
appointed for meeting. The members met, journed to Concord, where sessions were 
however, on the 5th of October, and two held during the next two months. 


with the enemies of the rights and liberties of this injured and 
oppressed people." 

A few months later, the Revolutionary War commenced, and 
Cambridge became the head-quarters of the American army. Of 
the share borne by the inhabitants of the town in the military 
struggle which continued nearly eight years, a brief sketch will 
be given in another place. The record of civil proceedings of the 
town, during that period, is meagre ; a few facts, however, may be 

For many years after the commencement of resistance to the 
arbitrary measures of the ministry and of Parliament, loyalty to 
the King, or to the crown was professed. At length, absolute 
independence appeared to be the only safe and effectual solution 
of the difficulty. The Continental Congress, before adopting and 
proclaiming a Declaration of Independence, naturally desired to 
know whether the people would abide by it, and sought advice 
from the several colonies. This question was referred to each 
town by the General Court of Massachusetts. At a town meet- 
ing in Cambridge, May 27, 1776, it was " unanimously voted, that 
whereas in the late House of Representatives of this colony, 10 
May 1776, it was resolved, as the opinion of that House, that the 
inhabitants of each town in this Colony ought, in full town-meet- 
ing warned for that purpose, to advise the person or persons who 
shall be chosen to represent them in the next General Court, 
whether that, if the honorable Congress should, for the safety of 
the said Colonies, declare them independent of the Kingdom of 
Great Britain, they the said inhabitants will solemnly engage 
with their lives and fortunes to support them in the measure, 
We the inhabitants of the town of Cambridge, in full town-meet- 
ing assembled and warned for the purpose abovesaid, do solemnly 
engage with our lives and fortunes to support them in the meas- 
ure." Most faithfully did they redeem their pledge. 

The inhabitants of Cambridge suffered the various privations 
and inconveniences incident to .warfare, from which they sought 
relief in a quiet and peaceable manner. On the 18th of Septem- 
ber, 1776, Edward Marrett, by direction of the town, petitioned 
the General Court that the hospital at Sewall's Point in Brook- 
line might no longer be used for the treatment of small-pox, as 
coasters were fearful of passing up the river with fuel ; and so 
much wood in Cambridge and the vicinity had been destroyed by 
the army, that the inhabitants and students could obtain none ex- 
cept at exorbitant prices. The Court ordered " that the barracks 


standing within the fort at Sewall's Point be not used, for a hos- 
pital, and that they be kept clear of infection. " 1 August 14, 
1777, the General Court granted a parcel of nails (" 3300 double 
tens ") to a Committee, for repairing the jail at Cambridge, the 
Committee not being able to obtain them elsewhere, the said 
nails to be paid for by the town. 2 September 10, 1777. "The 
petition of the selectmen of the town of Cambridge, in behalf of 
themselves and the inhabitants of said town, humbly sheweth, 
That whereas the inhabitants of said town are in great necessity 
of the article of salt, and it not being in their power to procure 
the same at any price or to make the same, our wood being at so 
high a price as twelve dollars a cord, and as we understand the 
State have supplied most of the towns within the same with 
some considerable quantity of the article, and are still in posses- 
sion of a quantity of the same, and therefore pray that we may be 
supplied with such a quantity as your honors in your wisdom may 
see fit," etc. 3 Sept. 24, 1777. " On the petition of Isaac Bradish, 
under-keeper of the gaol in Cambridge, setting forth that he 
hath in custody a number of Scotch and Hessian prisoners, (23 
in all,) and is unable to procure bread-corn sufficient for their 
sustenance, and therefore praying he may be allowed to draw 
bread-corn out of the public stores for the support of said pris- 
oners : Resolved, that the Board of War be, and they hereby 
are directed to supply the said Bradish with eight barrels of flour 
for the purpose above mentioned ; he the said Bradish paying for 
the same." * 

It has already been stated that Cambridge instructed its Rep- 
resentatives, October 3, 1774, not to recognize the Mandamus 
Council, so called, but to join with the Council elected in the 
previous May, under the provisions of the Charter, or, if this were 
impracticable, " to act with the Delegates that are or may be 
chosen by the several towns in this Province to form a Provincial 
Congress." Such a Congress was formed, and was succeeded by 
others, whose resolves and recommendations, by general consent, 
had the force of law, administered chiefly by committees and 
other officers elected by towns. After the commencement of 
hostilities, advice was requested of the Continental Congress, re- 
specting a more regular form of government. On the 9th of 
June, 1775, that Congress " Resolved, That no obedience being 
due to the act of parliament for altering the Charter of the colony 

1 Mass. liec., xxxv. 287. 8 Jbid., clxxxiii. 134. 

2 Mass. Arch., ccxv. 46. 4 Printed Journal, Ho. Rep. 



of Massachusetts Bay, nor to a governor and lieutenant-governor 
who will not observe the directions of, but endeavor to subvert, 
that charter ; the governor and lieutenant-governor are to be con- 
sidered as absent, and their offices vacant. And as there is no 
council there, and the inconveniences arising from the suspension 
of the powers of government are intolerable, especially at a time 
when General Gage hath actually levied war, and is carrying on 
hostilities against his majesty's peaceful and loyal subjects of that 
colony ; that in order to conform, as near as may be, to the spirit 
and substance of the charter, it be recommended to the Provincial 
Congress to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places 
which are entitled to representation in assembly, requesting them 
to choose such representatives ; and that the assembly, when 
chosen, should elect counsellors ; which assembly and council 
should exercise the powers of government, until a governor of his 
majesty's appointment will consent to govern the colony accord- 
ing to the charter." * This advice was accepted, and a General 
Court was duly organized. Not many months later, Governor 
Gage fled from the colony, independence was declared, and sub- 
jection to British authority and law was utterly renounced. 
Some new form of government, suitable to a free and independ- 
ent people, was desired ; and the General Court proposed to 
frame a constitution. The people of Cambridge manifested their 
disapprobation of this method, and at a town-meeting, June 16, 
1777, " Voted, That the Representative of this town be and 
hereby is instructed not to agree to any attempt that may be 
made at present to form a new constitution for this State by the 
General Court, or any other body of men whatever, but to op- 
pose any such attempt with all his influence." And when the 
General Court, " acting as a Convention," agreed upon such a 
Constitution, Feb. 28, 1778, and submitted it to the people for 
approval, it was unanimously rejected by the inhabitants of Cam- 
bridge. At a town meeting, May 25, 1778, " The plan of a con- 
stitution and form of Government for the State of the Massachu- 
setts Bay, as proposed by the Convention, was read and fully 
debated on ; the number of voters present was seventy-nine, all 
of them being freemen more than twenty-one years of age, and 
neither 'a negro, indian, or molatto,' among them ; the question 
was determined by yeas and nays, when there appeared for the 
proposed form, none : and against it, seventy-nine." This con 
stitution was rejected by a large majority of the voters in the 

1 Journals of each Provincial Congress, 359. 


On the first day of September, 1779, a Convention of Dele- 
gates, elected for that special purpose, assembled at Cambridge, 1 
and continued in session by successive adjournments until March 
2, 1780. As a result of its labors, it submitted a " Constitution 
or Frame of Government," which was accepted by the people, 
and remained in force, without alteration, for the next forty 
years. The action of Cambridge indicates a watchful regard for 
popular rights, and at the same time a commendable disposition 
to yield individual preferences for the sake of having some estab- 
lished government: At a town meeting, May 22, 1780, "Voted, 
unanimously, in favor of the Declaration of the Bill of Rights in 

the new frame of government Forty-three voted to adopt 

said frame of government, and with the following amendments, 
(two against it). By way of instructions to our Delegate for 
Convention : We therefore instruct you to use your endeavors 
to procure an erasement of the clause in the 4 th Article of the 1 st 
Section of the 1 st Chapter of the Constitution, empowering the 
General Court to impose and levy duties and excises upon any 
produce, goods, wares, merchandize, and commodities whatever, 
brought into, produced, manufactured, or being, within the Com- 
monwealth ; because we conceive such a power to be oppressive 
and dangerous to the subjects of the State. It is oppressive, as 
employing a great number of persons to collect the revenue, who 
will swallow up a considerable part of it, and who will have the 
most favorable opportunities to cany on iniquitous [practices] 
without being detected. It is likewise oppressive, as the money 
is raised upon the consumers, and instead of being a tax upon 
trade, much more considerable sums of money are taken from our 
consumers and thrown into the hands of the sellers than would 
otherwise be transferred, because the sellers will put their ad- 
vance upon the money they pay as excise, in addition to the 
advance upon the articles of sale. It is also oppressive, as the 
officers must necessarily be trusted with a right to make a forcible 
entry into the most retired apartments ; for if they have not 
this power, the widest door will be open for perjury. It is da- 
gerous to the liberty of the subjects, as the government would of 
course be trusted with unknown sums of money, and sums which 
from their own nature must be uncertain, and by means of this 
money they may secure such influence as may subvert the liberty 

1 The sessions were held at Cambridge, delegates from Cambridge were Abraham 
Sept. 1-7, and Oct. 28 to Nov. 11; at Watson, Esq., Mr. Benjamin Coopir, and 
Boston from Jan. 5 to March 2. The Capt. Stephen Daua. 


we have purchased at so dear a rate. You are also instructed to 
obtain an insertion of a clause in the 2 d article of the 6 th chap- 
ter of the Constitution, whereby settled Teachers of morality, &c., 
and all persons whatever who do not pay taxes shall be excluded 
from a seat in the House of Representatives ; because those per- 
sons who bear no part of the public burden can not be such com- 
petent judges of the ability of the people to pay taxes, as those 
who support their part. And as to the exclusion of settled 
Teachers of morality, &c., let it suffice to say that we think them 
very important officers in the State, and that the community must 
suffer much from having so. great a number employed in services 
so distinct from their particular offices as undoubtedly will be, 
provided the insertion be not made. At the same time, we 
are not unwilling that gentlemen of this order, of shining abili- 
ties, should be introduced into superior departments by the suf- 
frages of the people at large. 

" However, we do not mean to be so strenuous in our objections 
as to decline receiving the whole as it stands, provided in the 
opinion of the Convention the amendments ought not to be made. 
Accordingly, we, being willing to give up our own opinion in 
lesser matters, in order to obtain a government whose authority 
may not be disputed, and which we wish may soon be established, 
do instruct and direct you in our name and behalf, to ratify and 
confirm the proposed form, whether the amendments be made or 

Soon after the adoption of the Constitution, uneasiness began 
to be manifested in various portions of the Commonwealth, fol- 
lowed by more or less tumultuary assemblages of the people, cul- 
minating, in 1786, in armed resistance to the government. From 
the name of a prominent leader, this has been called the " Shays 
Rebellion," which at one time assumed a formidable aspect. The 
wide-spread disaffection which prevailed was not without cause. 
" A heavy debt lying on the State, added to burdens of the same 
nature, upon almost every incorporation within it ; a relaxation 
oi manners, and a free use of foreign luxuries ; a decay of trade 
and manufactures, with a prevailing scarcity of money ; and, 
above all, individuals involved in debt to each other, are evils 
which leave us under no necessity of searching further for the 
reasons of the insurrections which took place." 1 The nature 
of the complaints made by the insurgents, under the name of 
" grievances," may be gathered from the printed proceedings of 

1 Minot's Hist. Insurrections, 27, 28. 


a convention at Hatfield, Aug. 22, 1786, declaring the following 
to be some of the " grievances and unnecessary burdens now 
lying upon the people : The existence of the Senate ; the 
present mode of representation ; the officers of government 
not being annually dependent on the representatives of the peo- 
ple, in General Court assembled, for their salaries ; all the civil 
officers of government not being annually elected by the repre- 
sentatives of the people, in General Court assembled ; the exist- 
ence of the Courts of Common Pleas and General Sessions of the 
Peace ; the Fee table as it now stands ; the present mode of ap- 
propriating the impost and excise ; the unreasonable grants made 
to some of the officers of government ; the supplementary aid ; the 
present mode of paying the government securities ; the present 
mode adopted for the payment and speedy collection of the last tax ; 
the present mode of taxation, as it operates unequally between the 
polls and estates, and between landed and mercantile interests ; 
the present method of practice of the attornies at law ; the want 
of a sufficient medium of trade, to remedy the mischiefs arising 
from the scarcity of money ; the General Court sitting in the town 
of Boston ; the present embarrassments on the press ; the neglect 
of the settlement of important matters depending between the 
Commonwealth and Congress, relating to monies and averages." 
" It is scarcely possible for a government to be more imperfect, or 
worse administered, than that of Massachusetts is here repre- 
sented to be. Essential branches of the legislative and judicial 
departments were said to be grievous ; material proceedings upon 
national concerns erroneous ; obvious measures for paying the debt 
blindly overlooked ; public monies misappropriated ; and the con- 
stitution itself intolerably defective." l " The immediate remedies 
proposed by this convention were, the issue of paper money 
which should be made ' a legal tender in all payments, equal to 
silver and gold ; ' a revision of the Constitution ; and a session 
of the General Court forthwith, for the redress of the ' griev- 
ances ' complained of." 2 The first notice of this civil commotion 
found on the town records is under date of July 24, 1786 : 

" A letter to the Selectmen of Cambridge, and signed by John 
Nutting, purporting to be written by desire of a meeting of com- 
mittees from the towns of Groton, Pepperell, Shirley, Townsend, 
and Ashby, and requesting our concurrence in a County Conven- 
tion to be held at Concord on the 23 d of August next, in order 
to consult upon matters of public grievances, and find out means 
1 Minot's Hist. Insurrections, 34-37. 2 Ibid., 35. 


of redress, having been read, it was Voted, that the Selectmen 
be desired to answer said letter, and express the attachment of 
this town to the present constitution and administration of gov- 
ernment, and also to express our aversion to use any irregular 
means for compassing an end which the constitution has already 
provided for, as we know of no grievances the present system of 
government is inadequate to redress. Voted, that the above 
mentioned letter, signed by John Nutting and directed to the 
Selectmen of this town, be printed, together with their answer, 
and that, the Selectmen cause the same to be done." The letter 
and reply were accordingly printed in the " Boston Independent 
Chronicle," July 27, 1786* as follows : - 

" To the Selectmen of Cambridge. Gentlemen, We, the com- 
mittees chose by the several towns hereafter mentioned, viz. 
Groton, Pepperell, Shirley, Townsend, and Ashby, met at Gro- 
ton the 29 th day of June, 1786, to consult upon matters of public 
grievances ; and after appointing a chairman for that day, it was 
thought best to notify all the towns in this county to meet by 
their committees, at the house of Capt. Brown, innholder in Con- 
cord, on the 23 d day of August next, to consult upon matters of 
public grievances and embarrassments that the people of this 
Commonwealth labor under, and to find out means of redress, &c. 
By order of the committee : JOHN NUTTING, Chairman. Groton, 
July 19. 1786. N. B. It is expected that a committee from the 
Convention that is to set in Worcester County, the 15th of Au- 
gust, will attend." 

" To Capt. John Nutting, Pepperell, &c., &c. Cambridge, 
24 th July, 1786. Sir, Your letter, dated June 29, 1786, desiring 
the concurrence of this town in a proposed Convention, for the re- 
dress of grievances, we have received and laid before the inhab- 
itants at a meeting. Agreeably to their request, we shall give 
you their sentiments on the subject. The government under 
which we live, the government which we have expended much 
blood and treasure to establish, we conceive to be founded on 
the most free principles which are 'consistent with the being of 
any government at all. The constitution has provided for the 
annual choice of every branch of the Legislature, and that the 
people in the several towns may assemble to deliberate on public 
grievances, and to instruct their Representatives. By annual elec- 
tions there are frequent opportunities to change the Representa- 
tives, if their conduct is disapproved. Of what use then a Conven- 
tion can be, without authority to call for information, and without 


power to inforce their regulations, is to us inconceivable. If any 
man in a town is more deserving of confidence than the rest, he 
should be chosen Representative ; but to forbear sending consti- 
tutional Representatives, and to send unconstitutional ones, is 
wrong as well as trifling. It is trifling, because they can do us 
no good ; and it is wrong, not only because it is putting the peo- 
ple to needless expense, but because the constitution, by provid- 
ing a mode in which the business shall be done, by a very strong 
implication forbids its being done in any other way. The only 
case then in which we think Conventions justifiable, is where the 
legislative or executive powers of the State have been evidently 
and notoriously applied to unconstitutional purposes, and no con- 
stitutional means of redress remains. We have yet heard of no 
such abuse of power ; and no grievances to be redressed being 
specified in your letter, a proposition of this kind seems wholly 
unjustifiable. We accordingly, in the name of the town, assure 
you, not only of our aversion to joining in this measure, but of 
our perfect attachment and firm adherence to the present excel- 
lent constitution and administration of government. It is in 
our estimation the peculiar happiness of this people to live under 
a mild and equitable administration, in which the penal laws 
are few and well executed. We therefore shall use our utmost 
endeavors to prevent the operations of government from being 
obstructed to gratify the restless disposition, or to promote the 
sinister views, of any designing party. By order and in behalf 
of the Selectmen, WILLIAM WINTHROP, Chairman." 

When the Constitution of the United States was submitted to 
the several States, in 1788, for adoption, although it narrowly 
escaped rejection, being violently opposed by those who had re- 
cently manifested disaffection towards the State government, and 
by others who imagined that it involved an improper surrender 
of State rights, the voice of Cambridge was given in its favor by 
her two delegates, Hon. Francis Dana and Stephen Dana, Esq. 

Of the inhabitants of Cambridge, a great majority were true 
" sons of liberty." Yet there were a few, chiefly office-holders, 
or citizens of the more wealthy and aristocratic class, who ad- 
hered to the British government. Some of this number made 
their peace and remained unmolested ; others retired to Boston, 
on the commencement of hostilities, and subsequently found ref- 
uge in the British Provinces or in England. So many of this 
class resided on Brattle Street, that it was sometimes denominated 


" Tory Row; " indeed they owned and occupied almost every es- 
tate bordering on that street, between Brattle Square and Mount 
Auburn. General William Brattle, 1 Col. John Vassall, 2 Penel- 
ope Vassall, widow of Col. Henry Vassall, 3 Richard Lechmere 4 
(succeeded by Jonathan Sewall, June 10, 1771), Judge Joseph 
Lee, 5 Capt. George Ruggles 6 (succeeded by Thomas Fayer- 
weather, Oct. 31, 1774), and Lieut.-gov. Thomas Oliver, 7 owned 
and resided on contiguous estates ; and their families composed a 
select social circle, to which few others were admitted. Promi- 
nent among those few were Judge Samuel Danforth, 8 John 
Borland, 9 and Col. David Phips. 10 Of this circle of friends 
Madame Riedesel speaks in her Letters. Her husband was a 
General, captured with Burgoyne's Army, and was quartered in 
the Lechmere House, at the corner of Brattle and Sparks streets. 
She says, " Never had I chanced upon such an agreeable situa- 
tion. Seven families, 11 who were connected with each other, 
partly by the ties of relationship and partly by affection, had here 
farms, gardens, and magnificent houses, and not far off planta- 
tions of fruit. The owners of these were in the habit of daily 
meeting each other in the afternoons, now at the house of one, 
and now at another, and making themselves merry with music 

1 House, next westerly from the " Uni- All these houses remain in good con- 
versity Press." dition, though erected more than a hun- 

2 House, afterwards Washington's dred years ago; but the "farms" have 
Headquarters, now the homestead of been divided into smaller estates. 

Prof. Henry W. Longfellow, and famous 8 House, on the easterly side of Dun- 
both as the tent of Mars and as the fa- ster Street, about midway between Har- 
Torite haunt of the Muses. vard and Mount Auburn streets. 

8 House nearly opposite to the Head- 9 House, fronting Harvard Street, he- 
quarters, now the homestead of the ven- tween Plympton and Linden streets : 
erable Samuel Batchelder. long the residence of Dr. Sylvanus Plymp- 

4 House, corner of Brattle and Sparks ton and Mrs. Elizabeth B. Manning, 
streets, now the homestead of John 10 House, on Arrow Street, near Bow 
Brewster. Street ; for many years the residence of 

5 House, corner of Brattle and Apple- William Winthrop. 

ton streets, now the homestead of George " " Mrs. Oliver was sister to Vassall ; 

and Mrs. Vassall was sister to Oliver. 

8 House, corner Brattle and Fayer- The deceased father of Vassall and Mrs. 

weather Street., long the homestead of Oliver was brother to Mrs. Ruggles, to 

the late William Wells. Mrs. Borland, and to the deceased husband 

House, Elmwood Avenue, the home- of the widow Vassall ; and the deceased 

stead successively of Vice-president El- mother of Vassall and Mrs. Oliver was 

bridge Gerry, Rev. Charles Lowell, and sister to Col. Phips, to Mrs. Lechmere, 

his son Prof. James Russell Lowell, and to Mrs. Lee. The widow Vassall 

each, in his respective sphere of politics, was also aunt to Mr. Oliver and to John 

theology, and poetry, more illustrious Vassall's wife, 
than the original occupant. 


and the dance living in prosperity, united and happy, until, 
alas ! this ruinous war severed them, and left all their houses des- 
olate, except two, the proprietors of which were also soon obliged 
to flee." i 

Of the loyalists before named, Judge Danforth retired soon 
after the outbreak in Sept., 1774, to the house of his son in Bos- 
ton, where he died Oct. 27, 1777, aged about 81. Judge Lee is 
said to have dwelt in Boston during the siege, after which he re- 
turned to his estate, which he enjoyed unmolested until his death 
Dec. 5, 1802, at the age of 93. Capt. Ruggles sold his estate, 
Oct. 31, 1774, to Thomas Fayerweather, and removed from Cam- 
bridge ; his subsequent history is unknown to me. All the others 
were regarded as enemies to the movement in behalf of liberty ; 
they became " absentees," and their estates, together with the 
estates of Ralph Inman, Esq. 2 and Edward Stow, a mariner, 3 
were seized for the public use, and were leased by the Committee 
of Correspondence. Their account current with said estates for 
the year 1776 is preserved in a manuscript now in my possession. 
I copy a specimen : 

" Dr. The. estate of Thomas Oliver Esq. late of Cambridge, Absentee, 
to the Committee of Correspondence of the town, for the year 1776. 
For taking into possession and leasing out said estate, the sum of 2. 
Also for supporting a negro man belonging to said estate, 3. 12 

For collecting the personal estate, 3. 

Cr. By cash received as rent, 69." 

Similar charges are made for services, and credits given for 
rent, in regard to the estates of John Borland, Esq., deceased, 27 
rent; 4 Richard Lechmere, Esq., 36 rent, and 6 for wood 
and brush which was taken off said estate ; 5 Jonathan Sewall, 
Esq., 26 13 4; 6 John Vassall, Esq., 100; Widow Penelope 
Vassall, 15 ; William Brattle, Esq., 29 ; Ralph Inman, Esq., 

1 Letters, Munsell's Ei., 1867, p. 140. 5 This property was three fifths of the 

2 House on Inman Street, opposite to "Phips Farm," in Ward Three, or East 
the head of Austin Street. Cambridge, of which one fifth was inher- 

8 Resided on the south side of the ited by Lechmere in the right of his wife, 

river; described as of Boston, 1778, in and the other two fifths had been pur- 

the Proscription Act. chased from Col. Phips and the Vassnll 

4 Borland died in Boston, June 5, 1775, heirs. 

aged 47. " His death was occasioned by 6 The estate formerly owned by Lech- 

the sudden breaking of a ladder, on which mere, at the corner of Brattle and Sparks 

he stood, leading from the garret floor to streets, 
the top of his house." N. E. Chronicle. 


40 ; Edward Stow, 10 ; David Phips, Esq., ,40. Five of 
these estates were subsequently confiscated and sold by the Com- 
monwealth ; the estates of Lech mere (144 acres) and Oliver (96 
acres), to Andrew Cabot, Esq., of Salem, Nov. 24, 1779 ; the estate 
of Sewall (44 acres) to Thomas Lee of Pomfret, Conn., Dec. 7, 
1779 ; 1 the estate of Phips (50 acres) to Isaiah Doane of Boston, 
May 25, 1781 ; and the estate of Vassall (116 acres) to Na- 
thaniel Tracy, Esq., of Newburyport, June 28, 1781. Inman re- 
turned soon, and his estate was restored to him. The heirs of 
Borland and the widow Vassall succeeded to the ownership of their 
estates in Cambridge ; but several houses and stores in Boston, 
formerly belonging to Borland, were advertised by the agents of 
the. Commonwealth to be leased at auction, March 1, 1780. Gen- 
eral Brattle conveyed all his real estate in Cambridge, Dec. 13, 
1774, to his only surviving son, Major Thomas Brattle, and died 
in Halifax, N. S., October, 1776. By the persevering efforts of 
Mrs. Katherine Wendell, the only surviving daughter of General 
Brattle, the estate was preserved from confiscation, and was re- 
covered by Major Brattle after his return from Europe, hav- 
ing been proscribed in 1778, and having subsequently exhibited 
satisfactory evidence of his friendship to his country and its po- 
litical independence. Besides the persons already named, there 
were a few other loyalists, or tories, in Cambridge, but not hold- 
ing such a prominent position : John Nutting, carpenter, was 
proscribed in 1778 ; Antill Gallop, a deputy sheriff, who had 
promised conformity in September, 1774, is said by Sabine 2 to 
have gone with the British troops to Halifax, in 1776; also 
George Inman (H. C. 1772, died 1789) and John Inman, sons 
of Ralph Inman, Esq. 

After the close of the war, it was proposed to permit the pro- 
scribed loyalists to return, not indeed to share in the adminis- 
tration of the government, but to reclaim their confiscated estates. 
This proposition did not meet the approval of the inhabitants of 
Cambridge. At a town meeting, May 5, 1?83, instructions to 
their representative, reported by a committee consisting of James 
Winthrop, Samuel Thatcher, and Abraham Watson, Esquires, 
were unanimously adopted : 

" Sir, The choice that this town has made of you, to represent 

1 Sometimes called "English Thomas," generosity to the poor. He died May 26, 

to distinguish him from another Thomas 1797, in the 60th year of his age. 

Lee, his nearest neighbor. He was a rich 2 American Loyalists, pp. 308, 381. 
merchant, honored and beloved for his 


us in the General Court sufficiently proves the confidence we 
place in your integrity and abilities: and though we have no 
doubt of your attachment to the interest of the town and the 
welfare of the commonwealth, yet we think it expedient, in the 
present situation of affairs, to express our sentiments to you for 
the regulation of your conduct, that you may be enabled to act 
decisively and with vigor, whenever you shall be called upon to 
give your voice in the General Court upon the following subjects. 
" The long and severe conflict which the United States have 
maintained with the King of Great Britain and his auxiliaries is 
now brought to a conclusion by a treaty in which our independ- 
ence is fully recognized. But while with pleasure we anticipate 
the blessings of peace, it gives us no small uneasiness to observe 
an article in the treaty, which, in its consequences, may lessen 
the value and shorten the duration of it. The Congress are 
there bound earnestly to recommend it to the different States to 
provide for the restitution of the property of the absentees ; and 
that they may return to America, and remain there twelve 
months in endeavoring to regain possession of their lost estates. 
This article, if the States should comply with it, will, we appre- 
hend, be productive of as great if not greater calamities than any 
we have yet experienced. It is, however, some consolation, that 
the final ratification of that article depends upon the voice of the 
people, through the medium of their Representatives. Their 
conduct, upon this occasion, will determine whether it is to be 
a lasting peace or only a temporary cessation of hostilities. 
Whether Great Britain had the right they claimed of making 
laws binding on the then Colonies in all cases whatsoever, was a 
question that for a long time was fully discussed in numberless 
publications, previous to the connection being dissolved between 
that country and these States. By this means it was hardly pos- 
sible there could be one person who had not considered the sub- 
ject with attention, and was not prepared to give his voice on 
the question. At length the time arrived, when it became nec- 
essary to decide it by the sword. Then it became the duty of 
every man to declare his sentiments, and to make his conduct 
conform to his declarations. Happily for us, by far the greater 
part determined never to submit to the exercise of so unreason- 
able a claim ; and in support of their determination have reso- 
lutely carried on a war, in which our enemies have practiced a 
degree of cruelty and destruction that has scarcely been equalled 
among civilized nations. A few, however, attentive to their own 


emolument, or influenced by some other cause not more justifia- 
ble, abandoned their country, and sought for protection under 
the forces which invaded it, and with them united their efforts to 
subjugate their fellow-citizens, and in many instances have dis- 
tinguished themselves by their cruelties and barbarities. Having 
thus taken their side of the question, they ought surely to abide 
the consequence. It is hardly conceivable that persons, who 
have discovered such an enmity to their country, and who have 
exerted every effort to overturn our government, will ever make 
peaceable subjects of it. Without spending time to particularize 
every objection that may be offered against the return of those 
persons who are described by the laws of this Commonwealth as 
Conspirators and Absentees, and being convinced as we trust you 
are, of the dangerous consequences that will attend the admitting 
them again to reside among us, we instruct you to use your 
influence and endeavors, by all proper means to prevent any per- 
sons of the foregoing description from ever returning, or regain- 
ing their justly forfeited estates : and if any such persons have 
already crept in, that the most speedy and effectual measures 
may be adopted for their removal." 



FOR more than a century and a half after the settlement of 
Cambridge, with slight exceptions, that part of the town lying 
eastwardly from Quincy and Bow streets, generally denominated 
the " Neck," consisted of woodland, pasturage, swamps, and salt 
marsh. In chapter ii. an account is given of the first division of 
land on the northerly side of Main Street, into small lots in " the 
old field " and " small lot hill," and larger lots, varying in size 
from six to one hundred and thirty acres. Gradually these lots 
passed into fewer hands, until at length the larger portion of the 
whole was embraced in three and subsequently four farms. 

The " old field " early became the property of Edward Goffe l 
and John Gay ; by sundry conveyances the larger portion became 
vested in Chief Justice Francis Dana, who subsequently pur- 
chased the whole tract formerly called " small lot hill " (except, 
perhaps, a few acres in the northeasterly corner), and several 
other lots of land on both sides of the highway now called Main 
Street. Judge Dana erected a spacious mansion on the westerly 
side of " the highway to the common pales," 2 now called Dana 
Street, about midway between Main and Centre streets, which 
house was destroyed by fire Jan. 19, 1839. The Judge fully 
appreciated the beauty of the scenery visible from his residence, 
as is manifest from his care to prevent any obstruction to the 
view in one particular direction ; in an agreement with Leonard 
Jarvis, concerning an exchange of lands, Jan. 3, 1797, it was 
stipulated that said Jarvis should " forever hereafter keep open 
the way 3 of forty feet wide, lately laid out by the said Jarvis 
over and across Pelham's Island (so called) to the canal cut by 
him through his marsh, for the mutual benefit of both parties 

1 He erected a house a few rods east- spot, is said to have been taken down in 
wardly from the junction of Main and 1774. 

Bow streets. A very old house, perhaps 2 The highway which separated the 
the original structure, standing on this " old field " from " small lot hill." 

8 Now called Front Street. 


their heirs and assigns, .... so as to leave open an uninter- 
rupted view from the said Dana's present dwelling-house of such 
part of Cambridge Bay and of Boston as may fall in the course 
of the same way, so far as the said Jarvis's land, lately Inman's, 
extends." Judge Dana also owned much land on the southerly 
side of Main Street, both marsh and upland, including the " Soden 
Farm," so called, bounded northerly on Main Street and easterly 
on Pleasant Street, and a large tract, bounded northerly on Main 
Street and westerly on Putnam Avenue. His estate bordered 
on the southerly side of Main Street, from Putnam Avenue to 
Bay Street, from Vernon Street to Pearl Street ; and from Brook- 
line Street to Front Street ; also on the northerly side of Main 
Street, from a point about two hundred feet westerly from Rem- 
ington Street to a point about midway between Hancock and Lee 
streets. The Judge had therefore a strong personal interest in 
the improvement of this part of the town. 

Of the large lots lying east wardly from "small lot hill," the 
first two were owned by Governor Thomas Dudley and his son 
Samuel Dudley. When Dudley left Cambridge his real estate 
was purchased by Roger Harlakenden, who died in 1638, and 
his widow married Herbert Pelham. In 1642, Pelham appears 
to have owned the above mentioned lots, together with the next 
two, formerly owned by Richard Goodman and William West- 
wood ; the whole containing 118 acres, 1 and extending from 
Main Street to Somerville line. Pelham also became the owner 
of the real estate of Simon Bradstreet, one portion of which was 
a lot of upland and marsh, long known as " Pelham's Island ; " 
its boundaries very nearly coincided with Columbia Street on the 
west, School Street on the north, and Moore Street on the east ; 
the east and west lines being extended across Main Street, be- 
yond Goffe's Cove, so far as to embrace sixty acres in the whole 
lot. These two large lots passed, by several conveyances, to 
Ralph In man, who became the owner in 1756 ; his executor con- 
veyed the same to Leonard Jarvis, Aug. 21, 1792, except ten 
acres, south of Goffe's Cove, previously sold to Judge Dana. 
Subsequently Jarvis purchased the land between these two lots, 
extending from Norfolk Street to Columbia Street, and northerly 
from one hundred to two hundred feet beyond Austin Street ; so 
that he then owned all the land bordering on the northerlv side 
of Main Street from the point about midway between Hancock 

1 After 1719, "Mr. Pelham's great lot" is generally described as containing 
104 acres. 


and Lee streets to Moore Street, and about fifty acres on the 
southerly side of Main Street, easterly from its junction with 
Front Street. 

The lot of Atherton Hough (or Haugh) "in Graves his neck," 
containing 130 acres in 1635, and embracing all the upland in 
East Cambridge, was enlarged, by the addition of the lots origi- 
nally assigned to John Talcott, Matthew Allen, and Mrs. Mussey, 
before 1642, when it was described as containing 267 acres. Sub- 
sequently the 63 acre lot of Governor Haynes was added, and 
when the estate was purchased, Aug. 15, 1706, by Spencer Phips 
(afterwards Lieut.-governor), it was said to contain " 300 acres 
more or less ;." but it actually contained 326 acres, when meas- 
ured for division after his decease. In his inventory, this tract is 
called two farms, with a house and barn on each. The whole was 
bounded on the west by a line commencing at a point thirty feet 
south of School Street, and about one hundred feet east of Co- 
lumbia Street, and thence running northerly, nearly parallel 
with Columbia Street to Somerville ; on the north by Somerville 
and Miller's River ; on the east by Charles River ; on the 
south by School Street, from the point of beginning, to Moore 
Street, then on the east by a straight line extended to a point 
about fifty feet south of Plymouth Street, and about one hun- 
dred and fifty feet west of Portland Street ; then turning at a 
right angle, the boundary line extended in the direction of the 
Great Dam, which is still visible, to Charles River, crossing Third 
Street near its intersection with Munroe Street. (Seethe Plan.) 
This estate was divided in 1759 between the children and grand- 
children of Lieut. -gov. Phips, namely, Col. David Phips ; Sarah, 
wife of Andrew Bordman ; Mary, wife of Richard Lechmere ; 
Rebecca, wife of Judge Joseph Lee ; and the children of Eliza- 
beth, the deceased wife of Col. John Vassall. Lechmere soon 
afterwards purchased the shares of Col. Phips and the Vassall 
heirs, and became the owner of all^the upland and a large por- 
tion of the marsh in East Cambridge, which was confiscated by 
the State and sold to Andrew Cabot, of Salem, Nov. 24, 1779. 
Judge Lee had the northwesterly portion of the " Phips' Farm," 
and Andrew Bordman had the southwesterly portion, extending 
from School Street to a point nine feet northerly from the inter- 
section of the easterly lines of Windsor Street and Webster 
Avenue, and bounded south on the Jarvis estate, west on the 
Jarvis, Wyeth, and Foxcroft estates, and extending so far east as 
to include somewhat more than thirteen acres of marsh on the 
easterly side of North Canal. 



Such was the unimproved condition of the easterly and now 
most populous section of Cambridge, before West Boston Bridge 
was opened for public travel, Nov. 23, 1793. At that time, Rev. 
Dr. Holmes says : 1 " Below the seat of the late Chief Justice 
Dana, there were but four dwelling-houses ; one on the Inman 
place, 2 now belonging to Jonathan L. Austin, Esq. ; one 3 nearly 
opposite, on a farm of Judge Dana, formerly the Soden farm, 
south of the main road ; one on the Phips' farm, lately owned by 
Mr. Andrew Bordman ; 4 and one at Lechmere's Point." 6 A new 
impulse towards improvement manifested itself immediately after 
the opening of the bridge. Building lots for houses and stores 
were laid out by Jar vis and Dana, which were soon occupied. 
Dr. Holmes further says that, during the month next after the 
opening of the bridge, "a store 6 was erected and opened near 
the west end of, the causeway 7 by Messrs. Vose & Makepeace, 8 

1 " Memoir of Cambridgeport," ap- 
pended to a sermon at the ordination of 
Rev. Thomas B. Gannett, Jan. 19, 1814. 

2 On Inman Street, at the head of 
Austin Street. The mansion house, with 
a part of the farm, was purchased by the 
Austins when the Jarvis estate was sold 
in 1801. The house was removed in 1873 
to the corner of Brookline and Auburn 

8 This farm-house stood until about 
1840, on the westerly side of Pleasant 
Street, near its intersection with Kiver 

* Andrew Bordman, grandson of 
Lieut.-gov. Phips, inherited this estate 
on the death of his parents. The house 
stood on the northerly side of Plymouth 
Street, between Webster Avenue and 
Berkshire Street, and was wantonly de- 
stroyed about thirty years ago. 

6 On the northerly side of Spring 
Street, between Third and Fourth 
streets ; it was demolished about the 
year 1820. 

6 This store remains standing on the 
northerly side of Main Street, directly 
opposite to Osborn Street. 

7 The causeway extended from the 
river to the junction of Main and Front 
streets, passing near the northerly side of 
Pelhnm's Island. 

H Among those who were actively en- 
gaged in promoting the settlement of 
Cambridgeport, the name of Royal Make- 

peace is very conspicuous. Born March 
29, 1772, at the age of twenty-one years, 
or earlier, he left his native town (West- 
ern, now Warren, Mass.), and came to 
Boston, in company with Robert Vose, 
his townsman, each having borrowed for 
that purpose the sum of twenty-five dol- 
lars. After a short mercantile appren- 
ticeship, they entered into partnership, 
and commenced business in Boston at the 
South End. They soon afterwards re- 
moved to Cambridgeport, where, as here- 
tofore stated, they erected the first store 
after the completion of the bridge in 
1793. In addition to their regular busi- 
ness as grocers, they commenced buying 
and selling real estate. This partnership 
was dissolved in 1803, by the death of 
Mr. Vose. In the business of the store 
John Cook became a partner; but Rufus 
Davenport, a Boston merchant, was the 
principal associate of Mr. Makepeace in 
his subsequent transactions in real estate, 
in which it would seem that Mr. Daven- 
port contributed the larger part of the 
cash capital, which was offset by the skill 
and judgment of Mr. Makepeace, who was 
the leading spirit in nearly all the schemes 
projected for public improvement. He 
also rendered faithful and useful services 
in various town offices, and as Represent- 
ative in the General Court. After the 
ruin of his financial enterprises, he re- 
moved to Baltimore, in 1832, to super- 
intend the " Canton Company Improve- 





which, after the opening of the great road, was the first framed 
building set up between Boston and Old Cambridge. The fol- 
lowing year, a large house designed for a tavern l was built by 
Leonard Jarvis, Esq., and soon after were erected six other houses 
and stores." 2 Of these six houses and stores, some may be iden- 
tified with tolerable accuracy. Vose & Makepeace erected the 
dwelling-house, which remains standing on the westerly corner 
of Main and Osborn streets, opposite to their store, before Dec. 
17, 1795. Jonathan Brooks erected a store between Cherry and 
Windsor Streets, on the northerly side of Main Street, before 
June 5, 1795, perhaps the same building so long occupied by 
Eliphalet Davis, and now by his son Thomas M. Davis, for the 
manufacture of fancy soap. Scott & Hayden erected a store 
on the lot next westerly from the store-lot of Vose & Make- 
peace, before 1800. Besides these, Stan ton Parker erected a store 
and shed on the northerly side of Main Street, the precise loca- 
tion not known, before Nov. 11, 1794. Asaph Harlow purchased 
a lot on the northerly side of Main Street, Jan. 15, 1798, most 
of which was used in 1873 for the construction of Portland Street ; 
and the house which he erected was then removed a few feet east- 
wardly to the easterly corner of Portland and Main streets. 
Richard Thayer bought a lot, Sept. 1, 1802, and erected the 
house now standing on the westerly corner of Main and Portland 
streets. Next westerly from the Thayer estate was a lot, with 
a currier's shop thereon, 3 which was sold by Daniel Mason to Ol- 
iver Blake, Sept. 28, 1797. William Watson sold to Josiah and 
Phinehas B. Hovey a large lot, two hundred feet in width, on 
the westerly corner of Main and Brookline streets, Oct. 14, 
1799, on which was very soon erected the store which was occu- 
pied more than half a century by the late Phinehas B. Hovey, 
who died April 17, 1852, and was succeeded by his son Josiah 
Dana Hovey, the present occupant. On the adjoining lot, at the 
easterly corner of Main and Pearl streets, a tavern was erected 
before April 10, 1802, and was then occupied by James Adams ; 
but the land was not sold, and it now remains in possession of 
the Watson family. Judge Dana sold the lots fronting on Main 
Street, between Pearl and Magazine streets, in Jan., 1800, and 

ments," so called, and died in a green Makepeace. It was destroyed by fire, 

old age, his eye not having lost its bril- Dec. 22, 1851. 

liancy, June 6, 1855. See Makepeace a Ordination Sermon, ut sup. 

Genealogy, by William Makepeace. 8 This lot was described in the deed as 

1 The tavern stood on the lot next being " a few rods east of Pelham's 

eastwardly from the store of Vose & Island." 


March, 1801. Arrangements were made for other improvements, 
by laying out, on paper at least, several streets. Moreover, 
Judge Dana and Mr. Jarvis, for the exclusion of salt water from 
their marsh lands lying south of Pelham's Island and east of 
Brookline Street, constructed before 1797 a substantial dike, 
which yet remains, on the outer side of Sidney and Auburn 
streets. In connection with this dike, Judge Dana opened the 
Canal which now extends from the head of Goffe's Cove to 
Brookline Street, about a hundred feet southerly from Auburn 
Street. Mr. Jarvis laid out Front Street, as far as to the bend 
near Village Street, and opened a canal from that point southerly 
to Goffe's Cove, before 1797. 

The prosperity of this incipient village early received a severe 
check. In less than five years after the bridge was opened, and 
before much had been accomplished in the work of reclaiming 
marshes and swamps, Mr. Jarvis became indebted to the United 
States in a large sum, and his real estate was seized by the gov- 
ernment. In the subsequent conveyances of this estate by the 
United States Marshal, it is recited that, at a " Circuit Court for 
the District of Massachusetts," June 1, 1798, the United States 
" obtained judgment against Leonard Jarvis of Cambridge, in said 
District, Esquire, for the sum of thirty-nine thousand six hun- 
dred and ninety-two dollars and twenty-one cents, and fourteen 
dollars and twenty cents costs of suit ; " and that an execution, 
issued July 6, 1798, was " levied on certain real estate situated 
in Cambridge aforesaid, . . . said estate being two hundred and 
forty-five acres of land, more or less, consisting of upland and 
marsh, with sundry buildings," etc. From this time for nearly 
three years this estate was entirely withdrawn from the market, 
including both sides of Main Street from Moore Street to Front 
Street, and extending on the northerly side to a point midway 
between Lee and Hancock streets. But what at first seemed 
utterly disastrous, proved in the end to be beneficial. In Janu- 
ary, 1801, this estate, having been divided into fifty-four lots, 
varying in size from a few thousand square feet to forty-seven 
acres 1 was sold at public auction. " From this time," says Dr. 
Holmes, " commenced a rapid settlement. Several large stores 

were erected the next year, and soon after dwelling-houses 

In the space of about five years, upwards of a hundred families 
have settled on this spot ; and the number of inhabitants is esti- 

1 Delineated on a plan drawn by Peter the Middlesex Registry of Deeds, Book 
Tnfts, Jr., Aug. 22, 1800, and recorded in 164, p. 545. 


mated at more than one thousand." 1 The principal land-holders 
had not hitherto manifested a very strong desire to transfer their 
lands to new owners. Perhaps each waited for the others to sell, 
hoping to share the benefit of augmented prices without parting 
with their own property at a low rate. Mr. Watson sold very 
few lots before 1801 ; Judge Dana bought more than he sold ; 
and Mr. Bordman seems not to have sold a single lot, or even to 
have made preparation for sales by obtaining access to the Main 
Street. Indeed Judge Dana and Mr. Watson did not afterwards 
sell freely ; but much the larger portion of their lands descended 
to their posterity. Mr. Bordman, on the contrary, in 1801, 
united with others in laying out Windsor Street ; giving all the 
land through his own estate, from School Street to Webster 
Avenue, and in the same year he sold that portion of his estate 
lying east of Windsor Street and south of Harvard Street, some- 
what more than six acres, to Charles Clark and Daniel Mason, 
who immediately divided it into small lots and brought it into 
the market. In 1803, he laid out into building-lots all his lands 
west of Windsor Street and south of Harvard Street ; and in 
1804 he sold all which remained of his farm on the east side of 
Windsor Street, sixty-five acres, to Rufus Davenport and Royal 
Makepeace, who offered it for sale in small lots, but were disap- 
pointed in the result. Mr. Austin, who purchased the Jarvis 
Mansion-house, with forty- seven acres of land, laid out several 
lots on Main Street between Temple and Inman streets, and 
opened Austin Street through its whole length, with building- 
lots on both sides, in 1801 : he also sold a section east of Norfolk 
Street between Washington and Harvard Streets, to Davenport 
& Makepeace, who prepared it at once for the market. From 
this time there was no lack of accommodations for all comers ; 
the supply was fully equal to the demand. 

In addition to the efforts of individuals to increase the market 
value of their own lands, by means of dikes and streets, other 
improvements of a more public character were projected for the 
general advantage of the community. Expensive avenues into 
the country were constructed to attract travel and business. The 
" Cambridge and Concord Turnpike Corporation " was established 
March 8, 1803, with authority to make a turnpike-road from the 
westerly side of Cambridge Common to Concord ; 2 and two years 
afterwards, March 8, 1805, the corporation was authorized to 

1 Ordination Sermon, ut sup. a The Cambridge portion of this turn- 

pike is now called Concord Avenue. 


extend the turnpike to the Causeway near West Boston Bridge. 1 
The " Middlesex Turnpike Corporation " was established June 
15, 1805, with authority to make a turnpike-road from Tyngs- 
borough through Chelmsford, Billerica, and Bedford, to Cam- 
bridge, uniting with the Cambridge and Concord Turnpike near 
West Boston Bridge. 2 Other avenues were subsequently opened, 
which will receive notice in another place. 

By an Act of Congress, approved Jan. 11, 1805, it was enacted 
" that the town or landing-place of Cambridge in the State of 
Massachusetts shall be a port of delivery, to be annexed to the 
district of Boston and Charlestown, and shall be subject to the 
same regulations as other ports of delivery in the United States." 
Accordingly this part of Cambridge has, since that time, been 
designated Cambridgeport. To make the place available as a 
" port of delivery," canals were constructed from Charles River 
through the Great Marsh, giving an extensive water-front. 
These canals are described in an agreement, dated July 8, 1806, 3 
and recorded in the Middlesex Registry of Deeds, Book 172, 
page 496. The land devoted to this purpose is said to be a part 
of the " hundred share estate, so called by said owners by articles 
under seal." 4 The description of the canals may be briefly con- 
densed as follows : 

BKOAD CANAL, 80 feet wide, from low-water mark in Charles 
River to Portland Street, parallel with Broadway and Hampshire 
Street, at the distance of 186 feet, northerly, from the former, 
and 154 feet from the latter. 

WEST DOCK, bounded by a line commencing at a point in the 
westerly line of Portland Street, 154 feet northerly from Hamp- 
shire Street, thence running parallel with Hampshire Street to a 
point 100 feet from Medford Street (now Webster Avenue) ; 
thence parallel with Medford Street, to a point 100 feet from 
Bristol Street ; thence parallel with Bristol Street, to a point 
100 feet from Portland Street ; thence " parallel with Portland 
Street 210 feet to the southerly line of land late of Walter 
Frost ; " thence in " a straight line to a point which is on the 

1 This extension is now known as to be made," where Broad Canal now 
Broadway. is. 

2 The Cambridge portion of this turn- * The "hundred share estate" was 
pike is now called Hampshire Street. owned thus : Kufus Davenport, fifty-five 

8 Broad Canal, at least, was projected shares ; Royal Makepeace, twenty -five 

as early as May 19, 1802, when Vose & shares; Henry Hill, ten shares; Josiah 

Makepeace conveyed to Josiah Mason, Mason, Jr., four shares ; Daniel Mason, 

Jr., a right to use the " Canal which is three shares ; Charles Clark, three shares. 


westerly line of Portland Street, 20 feet southerly and westerly 
of the northeasterly line of land late of Timothy and Eunice 
Swan ; then turning and running southerly and westerly on 
Portland Street, to the bounds of West Dock begun at ; " with 
the " right of a water-communication, or passage-way, 25 feet 
wide, through Portland Street under a bridge, from the main 
part of Broad Canal to that part called West Dock." 1 

NORTH CANAL, 60 feet wide, 180 feet easterly from Portland 
Street, and extending from Broad Canal to a point near the 
northerly line of the Bordman Farm. This canal was subse- 
quently extended to Miller's River. According to an agreement, 
June 14, 1811, between the Lechmere Point Corporation and 
Davenport & Makepeace, the latter were to have perpetual 
right to pass with boats and rafts u through Miller's Creek or 
North River, so called, to North Canal and Broad Canal," and 
to extend North Canal, through land owned by the Corporation, 
to Miller's River ; and the Corporation was to have the right to 
pass through the said canals to Charles River, so long as the 
canals should remain open. 

CROSS CANAL, " bounded by two straight lines, 30 feet apart, 
and running at a right angle with Broadway from Broad Canal, 
between lots 279 and 280, through Broadway, and between lots 
263 and 264 to South Dock." 

SOUTH DOCK, bounded by a line commencing at the south- 
east corner of Cross Canal, thence running southeasterly 53 feet ; 
thence southwesterly, parallel with the line of Cross Canal to a 
point 10 feet distant from land of the Proprietors of West Boston 
Bridge ; thence westerly, at the same distance from said Propri- 
etors' land, to lot 215 : thence northerly, at a right angle with 
the causeway of West Boston Bridge, 81 feet ; thence north- 
westerly, 98 feet, to the easterly corner of lot 214 ; thence, in a 
straight line, to the southerly corner of lot 262 ; thence, on said 
lot 262, 67 feet, to lot 263 ; thence southerly and easterly on 
said lot 263, 54 feet, and on Cross Canal, 30 feet, to the point 
of beginning. This dock was connected with Charles River by a 
creek, over which was the bridge, long known as " Little Bridge," 
at the junction of Main and Harvard streets. 2 

1 Although scarcely a vestige of this twenty feet wide, apparently designed for 

dock now remains, it was plainly visible stores and warehouses, some of which 

a quarter of a century ago. It seems to were sold at a high price ; but it does not 

have been designed as the head of navi- appear that any such buildings were 

gation and a central point of business, erected. 

Lots fronting on the dock were laid out, 2 Little Bridge was superseded by a 


SOUTH CANAL, 60 feet wide, about midway between Harvard 
Street and Broadway, from South Dock to a point 113 feet east- 
erly from Davis Street. 

" In 1802, a school house was built on a piece of land l pre- 
sented by Mr. Andrew Bordman to the town for that purpose. 
It cost about six hundred dollars ; upwards of three hundred dol- 
lars were paid by the town of Cambridge, and the remainder 
contributed by individuals." " In 1803, a Fire Society was 
formed, which, at an expense of upwards of five hundred dollars, 
procured an excellent engine ; and a company was raised to take 
charge of it." 2 

By an act passed June 15, 1805, Royal Makepeace, John Cook, 
Josiah Mason, Jr., Daniel Mason, and Andrew Bordman, were 
" constituted and made a corporation and body-politic, by the 
name of the Cambridgeport Meeting-house Corporation, . . . for 
the purpose of building a meeting-house and supporting public 
worship therein, in the easterly part of Cambridge." Of the 
hundred shares of stock in this Corporation, Rufus Davenport 
was the owner of twenty, and Royal Makepeace of seventeen. 
A spacious brick meeting-house was erected on the westerly side 
of the square bounded by Broadway, and Boardman, Harvard, 
and Columbia streets. The easterly half of the square was given 
by Andrew Bordman, and the westerly half by the owners of 
the "hundred share estate." 3 This house was dedicated Jan. 
1, 1807. By an Act passed March 1, 1808, the proprietors of the 
meeting-house, together with all the inhabitants and estates in 
the Fifth School District, in Cambridge, east of Dana Street and 
a line extended in the same direction northerly to Charlestown 
(now Somerville), and southerly to the river, were incorporated 

solid roadway about thirty years ago. pied until Nov. 10, 1833, when it was so 

By the raising of the grade between much damaged by the wind that it was 

Broadway and Main Street, and the ex- abandoned, and a new house was erected, 

tension of Sixth Street, in 1873, the South in 1834, on the northerly side of Aus- 

Dock and Cross Canal were effectually tin Street, between Norfolk and Essex 

obliterated. streets. The lot, having ceased to be 

1 At the northwesterly corner of Wind- used for a meeting-house, was forfeited, 
sor and School streets, where a large brick and reverted to the heirs* and as-signs 
pchool-house now stands. of the donors. It is worthy of note, as 

2 Dr. Holmes' Ordination Sermon, ut indicating the expectations indulged at 
SU P" that period, that when the meeting-house 

8 A portion of this square was offered was erected, there was not a single 

to the County of Middlesex, for the ac- dwelling-house on Columbia Street ; this 

commodation of a court-house and other fact was assigned by the Selectmen, Nov. 

County buildings; but the offer was not 3, 1806, as a reason for not establishing 

accepted. The meeting-house was occu- that street as a public highway. 


as the Cambridgeport Parish ; and Feb. 2, 1809, the proprietors 
(reserving private ownership of pews) conveyed to the Parish 
the meeting-house and lot, containing two acres, together with a 
parsonage lot at the northeasterly corner of Harvard and Pros- 
pect streets. 

By an Act passed March 4, 1809, Rufus Davenport, Henry 
Hill, Samuel May, Elijah Davenport, Pliny Cutler, and their 
associates, were incorporated as the "Cambridgeport manufac- 
tory, for the purpose of manufacturing cotton and sea-salt;" and 
they were further authorized, Feb. 27, 1813, to manufacture 
" printing-types and other articles usually manufactured in 
chemical laboratories." I find no trace, however, of the estab- 
lishment of such a manufactory. 

While the measures adopted for the improvement of Cam- 
bridgeport were in the " full tide of successful experiment," a 
similar enterprise was undertaken at Lechmere Point in which 
the prime mover was Andrew Craigie. 1 The earliest transactions 
were conducted by Mr. Craigie with much skill and secrecy. His 
name does not appear on the records until the whole scheme was 
accomplished ; indeed he took no deed of land in his own name 
until Feb. 14, 1803, when he purchased of Abraham Biglow 
nearly forty acres of land, formerly the northwesterly part of the 
Inman or Jarvis Farm. But other purchases, manifestly in his 
interest, had been made at an earlier period. It has her-etofore 
been stated that the estate of Richard Lechmere was confiscated 
by the State, and sold to Andrew Cabot in 1779. This estate, 
together with the share of the Phips Farm assigned to Judge 
Lee and his wife, and subsequently bought by Cabot, was sold for 
3,300 to Seth Johnson of New York, Jan. 31, 1795, and mort- 
gaged by him to John Cabot for 2,200: and on the 18th of 
December, 1797, Johnson, for a nominal consideration, quit- 
claimed all his interest in the estate to Bossenger Foster of Cam- 
bridge (brother-in-law to Mr. Craigie), who, by an agreement 
dated six months later, engaged to convey the estate to Craigie, 
on the performance of certain conditions. The next step was to 
secure the reversionary rights of Mrs. Lechmere and her children 
in the confiscated estate of her husband, or in so much thereof as 
was held in her right by inheritance from her father. These 

1 Mr. Craigie was apothecary-general He purchased the Vassall House, or 

of the Northern Department of the Rev- Washington Headquarters, Jan. 1, 1792, 

olutionary Army, Sept. 5, 1777, when and resided there until Sept. 19, 1819, 

the Council of Massachusetts granted when he closed an active life, checkered 

him supplies for the General Hospital, by many vicissitudes. 


rights were conveyed, Oct. 14, 1799, by Lechmere and his wife 
to Samuel Haven of Dedham, whose wife was daughter of Mr. 
Foster and niece of Mr. Craigie. Mr. Cabot took possession of 
the estate under the mortgage from Johnson, having obtained judg- 
ment therefor in 1800, and sold the same to Samuel Parkman of 
Boston, Aug. 26, 1803. Parkman conveyed to Craigie all his 
rights in the whole estate, by deed dated June 3, 1806, and on the 
26th of January, 1807, the widow and administratrix of Bossenger 
Foster conveyed to Mr. Craigie (her brother) the Johnson title, 
pursuant to the beforementioned agreement. Having thus se- 
cured a complete title to the whole of the Phips Farm, except the 
share assigned to Andrew Bordman and his wife, Mr. Craigie 
bought of Jonas Wyeth, 3d, Feb. 11, 1807, about forty acres, 
formerly the northerly part of the Inman or Jarvis estate, and 
May 5, 1807, of the heirs of Ebenezer Shed, about five acres, 
lying partly in Somerville, and adjoining the land purchased of 
Wyeth, so that he now owned about three hundred acres of land, 
in two parcels nearly adjoining each other ; the easterly parcel 
included almost the whole of East Cambridge, and extended 
westerly to a point near the intersection of Webster Avenue with 
Cambridge Street, bounded southerly by a line passing near the 
intersection of Windsor Street with Webster Avenue ; the west- 
erly parcel extended from Elm Street to a line about midway be- 
tween Fayette Street and Maple Avenue ; its southerly boundary 
was an old lane, long ago discontinued, commencing on Inman 
Street, one hundred and seventy-six feet south of Broadway, and 
crossing Broadway near its intersection with Elm Street ; on the 
west side of Inman Street, the south boundary was a line vary- 
ing from four hundred to three hundred feet north of Broadway. 
Although Mr. Craigie's title to this whole property was substan- 
tially complete, inasmuch as it was within his control, yet he had 
not, up to this time, received a release of the reversionary rights 
of Mrs. Lechmere and her children ; for obvious reasons he pre- 
ferred to let this part of the title remain in the hands of his rela- 
tive, Mr. Haven. As early as June 21, 1806, he seems to have 
submitted a claim against the Commonwealth for damages on 
account of " a breach of the covenants of warranty," in the deed 
of the Lechmere estate to Cabot ; for when he sought, at that 
date, to improve his property, by " building a dam from Prison 
Point in Charlestown to Lechmere's Point in Cambridge and 
erecting mills on the same," the General Court inserted in the 
act of incorporation a provision that it should " be of no avail or 


effect .... until a release and discharge of all the covenants 
of warranty made by this Commonwealth of any of the lands 
conveyed by said Commonwealth, lying at or near Lechmere's 
Point mentioned in this Act, shall be obtained from the person 
or persons who are legally authorized to make such release or 
discharge." So also when John C. Jones, Loammi Baldwin, 
Aaron Dexter, Benjamin Weld, Joseph Coolidge, Jr., Benjamin 
Joy, Gorham Parsons, Jonathan Ingersoll, John Beach, Abijah 
Cheever, William B. Hutchins, Stephen Howard, and Andrew 
Craigie, with their associates, were incorporated, Feb. 27, 1807, 
with authority to erect Canal Bridge, familiarly called Craigie's 
Bridge, from " the northwesterly end of Leverett street " in Bos- 
ton " to the east end of Lechmere's Point," a similar provision 
was inserted that the act should be of no effect " until a release 
and discharge of all the covenants of warranty contained in the 
deed of James Prescott, Joseph Hosmer, and Samuel Thatcher, 
Esqs., unto Andrew Cabot and his assigns shall be made and ob- 
tained from Andrew Craigie or the person or persons who are 
legally authorized to make such release and discharge." The 
memorial setting forth this claim of damage is mentioned in the 
Records of the Executive Council, Feb. 9, 1807, while the peti- 
tion for leave to erect Canal Bridge was pending in the General 
Court : " The Committee to whom was referred the memorial 
of Andrew Craigie, praying that some measures might be adopted 
to ascertain the terms on which his claim to damages for a breach 
of the covenant of warranty contained in a deed made by this 
Commonwealth to Andrew Cabot of land lying at or near Lech- 
mere's Point, so called, and on which the same claim may be ad- 
justed, beg leave to report : that on the 24 th of November, 1779, 
this Commonwealth by its Committee conveyed to Andrew 
Cabot the fifty-four acres and one quarter of land as stated in the 
said memorial, in which deed of conveyance there was a general 
warranty against the lawful claims and demands of all persons ; 
that the said Andrew Craigie by sundry successive conveyances 
duly executed is the assignee of the said Cabot, and is by law 
entitled to the benefits of the said warranty and capable of dis- 
charging the same ; that the said fifty-four acres and one quarter 
of an acre, on the death of Richard Lechmere, will by law revert 
to Mary Lechmere his wife, or to her heirs, in whose right the 
said Richard possessed the same at the time of its confiscation ; 
that the land in question, from its local situation, appears to be 
capable of important improvements, but from various connecting 


circumstances it is very difficult to ascertain its value to the pro- 
prietor ; that he has mentioned no sum of money for which he 
would discharge the Commonwealth from the warranty," etc. 
The Committee thus reported the facts, without any specific rec- 
ommendation. It would seem that Mr. Craigie did not succeed 
in obtaining any further compensation, and that he preferred to 
abandon all claim for it, rather than to forfeit the privilege of 
erecting the dam and bridge before mentioned ; for on the 9th 
of May, 1808, he executed a deed releasing all such claims for 
damage, in consideration of the right granted to him by two Acts 
of the General Court, in 1807 and 1808, to erect a bridge from 
Lechmere Point to Boston ; which release was accepted and ap- 
proved by the Governor, May 12, 1808. 

Having thus released the Commonwealth from liability to 
damage for breach of warranty, Mr. Craigie completed his 
record-title by receiving, for the nominal consideration of one 
dollar, a conveyance, dated Sept. 20, 1808, of the reversion- 
ary right to "all the estate which was set off to Mary Lech- 
mere," which had been held for him since Oct. 14, 1799, by his 
friend and kinsman, Mr. Haven. The actual value of the prop- 
erty was much enhanced by the privilege to erect a bridge, and 
to make the other improvements authorized by the General 
Court. But the apparent inflation of value was scarcely ex- 
ceeded by the more recent and almost fabulous transactions in 
coal-fields and oil-wells. As nearly as can be ascertained from 
the records, Mr. Craigie paid less than twenty thousand dollars 
for the whole estate. Reserving sufficient land and flats for the 
construction of the bridge and the location of a toll-house, he put 
the remainder on the market at the price of three hundred and 
sixty thousand dollars, in sixty shares of six thousand dollars each. 
At this price, three shares were conveyed to Harrison G. Otis, 
three to Israel Thorndike, and one, each, to Ebenezer Francis, 
William Payne, Thomas H. Perkins, and John Callender, by 
deeds dated Nov. 30, 1808. The bridge was completed in 1809, 
and roads were opened to Cambridge Common, to Medford, and 
elsewhere, to attract travel from the country to Boston over this 
avenue. To enable the proprietors to manage and dispose of 
their valuable real estate, which had hitherto remained apparently 
undivided and uninhabited (except by a single family in the old 
Phips farm-house), the General Court, by an Act approved 
March 3, 1810, incorporated "Thomas Handasyde Perkins, James 
Perkins, William Payne, Ebenezer Francis, and Andrew Craigie, 


being tenants in common " of lands at and near Lechmere Point, 
with their associates, as " the Lechmere Point Corporation." 
Within the next two months the several proprietors conveyed 
their shares to the Corporation at the nominal price of five dollars. 
Streets and lots of suitable size were laid out ; but the records 
indicate that the sales of land were few. The first deed of a 
house-lot, entered on record, is dated Aug. 20, 1810, and conveys 
to Samuel S. Green the lot on the northeasterly corner of Cam- 
bridge and Second streets, where he resided more than three- 
score years, and where he died, Sept. 8, 1872. One store-lot, on 
Bridge Street, had previously been sold to Aaron Bigelow, but 
the deed was not placed on record so early as the other. The rec- 
ords exhibit only ten deeds of lots given by the Corporation, until 
Sept. 20, 1813, when a sale was made to Jesse Putnam, which con- 
tributed materially to the prosperity of the new village ; this lot 
was bounded on East Street 400 feet, on North Street 400 feet, 
on Water Street 300 feet, and " on land covered with water " 
about 400 feet, and was conveyed by Putnam, March 16, 1814, 
to the " Boston Porcelain and Glass Company." But the " crown- 
ing mercy " to the whole enterprise was the agreement, approved 
by the Corporation Nov. 1, 1813, and by the Court of Sessions at 
the next December Term ; namely, that the Corporation would 
give to the County of Middlesex the square bounded by Otis, 
Second, Thorndike, and Third streets, and a lot, seventy-five feet 
in width, across the westerly side of the square l bounded by 
Thorndike, Second, Spring, and Third streets, and would erect 
thereon a court-house and jail, satisfactory to the Court, at an 
expense to the Corporation not exceeding twenty-four thousand 
dollars, on condition that as soon as the edifices were completed, 
they should be used for the purposes designed. The town pro- 
tested most earnestly against the removal of the courts and 
records from Harvard Square, but in vain. At the March Term 
of the Court, 1816, a committee reported that the court-house 
and jail were satisfactorily completed, and it was ordered that 
they be immediately devoted to their intended use. It was also 
ordered that the sum of $4,190.78 be paid to the Corporation, 
being the amount expended in excess of $24,000. From this 
time, the success of the enterprise was assured. 

During the period embraced in this chapter, while two new vil- 
lages were established, which, after many vicissitudes, became 
more populous than the older settlements, the town was sadly 
1 The County has since purchased the other portions of the square. 


shorn of its already diminished proportions by the incorporation 
of its second and third parishes into separate towns. Dr. Holmes, 
writing in 1800, says, 1 


" The First Parish in Cambridge contains, 2,851 60 

The Second Parish in Cambridge contains, 4,345 118 

The Third Parish in Cambridge contains, 2,660 81" 

The original organization of these parishes will be mentioned 
elsewhere. Their separation from the parent trunk occurred al- 
most simultaneously. The third parish was incorporated as the 
town of Brighton, Feb. 24, 1807, and became a part of the city 
of Boston, Jan. 1, 1874. The second parish was incorporated as 
the town of West Cambridge, by an Act passed Feb. 27, % 1807, 
but not to take effect until June 1, 1807 ; its corporate name was 
changed to Arlington, April 30, 1867. By the incorporation of 
these two towns, Cambridge lost nearly three quarters of its terri- 
tory, but probably somewhat less than half of its population. 

The political disturbances in the country, at the commence- 
ment of the present century, were disastrous to its commercial 
prosperity. The Embargo, proclaimed in December 1807, fol- 
lowed by other hostile measures, culminating in a declaration of 
war against Great Britain, in June 1812, paralyzed the commerce 
of the whole country. Grass grew in the streets of the seaports, 
and ships rotted at the wharves. Cambridge felt this calamity 
the more keenly, because it involved so many of her citizens in 
distress. Merchants, mechanics, and laborers, mutually depend- 
ent on each other, were thrown out of business, and some were 
reduced to absolute want. A general and rapid depreciation in 
the value of real estate followed, particularly in Cambridgeport ; 2 
the owners ceased to erect houses and stores ; those who had 
purchased on speculation were unable to effect sales, and some of 
them were financially ruined. General stagnation ensued, from 
which the new village did not fully recover for many years, and 
the hope of making it a great commercial centre seems to have 
been utterly and forever abandoned. 

In common with many towns in New England, Cambridge 
earnestly protested against the Embargo. At a town-meeting, 
Aug. 25, 1808, an address, reported by a committee consisting of 

Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 6. Cambridge had not been commenced when 

2 Lands, which had been worth in the the Embargo was declared ; but its growth 

market more than twenty cents per square was retarded by the hostilities which fol- 

foot, were afterwards sold for less than lowed, 
one cent per foot. The settlement of East 


Royal Makepeace, Francis Dana, and Samuel P. P. Fay, was 
adopted, to wit : 

" TQ the President of the United States of America : The in- 
habitants of Cambridge, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
in legal town-meeting assembled, respectfully represent : That 
we are sensibly impressed with our obligation to submit to and 
support the laws of our country ; and we flatter ourselves that we 
have been and ever shall be forward to manifest our patriotism, 
and make any sacrifice, and submit to any privation, that the in- 
terest and honor of our country shall require. But in times of 
great public calamity and distress, we deem it no less our duty 
than our privilege, ' peaceably to assemble and petition the gov- 
ernment for a redress of grievances.' Under these impressions, 
we feel constrained to confess to your Excellency that we, in 
common with our fellow citizens of the Eastern States, suffer a 
severe and increasing distress from the operation of the laws 
' laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and har- 
bors of the United States.' Could we see a termination of our 
sufferings, we would submit in silence. But with consternation 
we observe that this is not a temporary measure, but imposed by 
perpetual laws. We admit the power of Congress to regulate 
commerce ; but laws to abolish it, and raise a perpetual barrier 
to foreign intercourse, we believe was never contemplated by our 
national compact. 

" Your petitioners inhabit a district of the Union which does 
not abound with all the conveniences of life. The fisheries and 
commerce have contributed in an eminent degree to give us what- 
ever of wealth, happiness, and importance, we enjoy. We can 
never, therefore, subscribe to the opinion, ' that it would be un- 
wise evermore to recur to distant countries for the comforts and 
conveniences of life.' Situated as we are on the shores of the 
Atlantic, we have occasion to remark and bitterly realize many 
distressing consequences of the embargo laws, which fall not un- 
der the immediate eye of Government, the recital of which, we 
are confident, will excite all your excellency's philanthropy, and 
induce you to exercise the power with which you are invested, 
for the relief of your fellow-citizens. The laws which shut us out 
from the ocean, the better part of our inheritance, palsied all our 
enterprise. The farmer gathers his harvest with a heavy heart, 
while he has no hope of vending his surplus, and the mechanic, 
sailor, and fisherman, find that their willing industry will no 
longer enable them to supply their daily wants. Many, very 


many, who, by a long course of persevering industry, supposed 
they had reached the desired point of independence, find their 
property so fallen in value, that it must be wholly sacrificed for 
the payment of their debts. Their endeavors to extricate them- 
selves avail them nothing ; and they can only weep over the ruin 
that overwhelms them and reduces their families to beggary. 
Our distress is rendered the more severe and intolerable by a 
conviction that the neighboring British Provinces, by the very 
measures that embarrass us, are acquiring a consequence which 
their natural advantages could never have given them. 

" We apprehend that the benefits expected by your Excellency 
and Congress from the Embargo have been but partially experi- 
enced. It is a notorious fact that great numbers of our native 
seamen, disheartened by their situation, have resorted to the 
British Provinces to obtain the means of subsistence, and entered 
voluntarily into the service of that very nation from which the 
hand of government has been extended to protect them. Our 
hope and expectation now rests in the laws authorizing your ex- 
cellency, in the event of important changes in the measures of 
the belligerent powers affecting neutral commerce, during the 
recess of Congress, to suspend, in whole or in part, the acts lay- 
ing an embargo. The existing Revolution in Spain is a change 
indeed important to the world, and cannot fail to awaken the 
sympathy of every friend of mankind. The trade of Spain and 
Portugal and their colonies is now open and offers a golden har- 
vest to the first nation who shall show themselves wise enough to 
gather it. We therefore request your Excellency to suspend the 
operation of the embargo laws, so far at least as they relate to 
Spain and Portugal and their dependencies ; or, should your Ex- 
cellency doubt that you have such power, that you will call Con- 
gress together for that purpose." 

This address, says the record, was adopted "almost unani- 
mously " ; and the selectmen were directed to forward it to the 
President. Very soon a reply was received, apparently an 
autograph of the President, which is still preserved in the of- 
fice of the city clerk : 

" To the inhabitants of the town of Cambridge, in legal town- 
meeting assembled. Your representation and request were re- 
ceived on the 8th inst., and have been considered with the at- 
tention due to every expression of the sentiments and feelings 
of so respectable a body of my fellow-citizens. 1 No person has 

1 In the original, as usual in Jefferson's manuscripts, capital letters are generally 
omitted at the beginning of sentences. 


seen, with more concern than myself, the inconveniences brought 
on our country in general by the circumstances of the times 
in which we happen to live ; times to which the history of 
nations presents no parallel. For years we have been look- 
ing as spectators on our brethren of Europe, afflicted by all those 
evils which necessarily follow an abandonment of the moral 
rules which bind men and nations together. Connected with 
them in friendship and commerce we have happily so far kept 
aloof from their calamitous conflicts, by a steady observance of 
justice towards all, by much forbearance and multiplied sacri- 
fices. At length, however, all regard to the rights of others hav- 
ing been thrown aside, the belligerent powers have beset the 
highway of commercial intercourse with edicts which, taken to- 
gether, expose our commerce and mariners, under almost every 
destination, a prey to their fleets and armies. Each party, in- 
deed, would admit our commerce with themselves, with the view 
of associating us in their war against the other. But we have 
wished war with neither. Under these circumstances were passed 
the laws of which you complain, by those delegated to exercise 
the powers of legislation for you, with every sympathy of a com- 
mon interest in exercising them faithfully. In reviewing these 
measures, therefore, we should advert to the difficulties out of 
which a choice was of necessity to be made. To have submitted 
our rightful commerce to prohibitions and tributary exactions from 
others would have been to surrender our independence. To resist 
them by arms was war, without consulting the state of things or 
the choice of the nation. The alternative preferred by the Leg- 
islature, of suspending a commerce placed under such unexampled 
difficulties, besides saving to our citizens their property and our 
mariners to their country, has the peculiar advantage of giving 
time to the belligerent nations to revise a conduct as contrary to 
their interests as it is to our rights. ' In the event of such peace 
or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent Powers of 
Europe, or of such a change in their measures affecting neutral 
commerce as may render that of the United States sufficiently 
.safe in the judgment of the President,' he is authorized to sus- 
pend the Embargo. But no peace or suspension of hostilities, no 
change of measures affecting neutral commerce, is known to have 
taken place. The Orders of England and the Decrees of France 
and Spain, existing at the date of these laws, are still unrepealed, 
so far as we know. In Spain, indeed, a contest for the govern- 
ment appears to have arisen ; but of its course or prospects we 


have no information on which prudence would undertake a hasty 
change in our policy, even were the authority of the Executive 
competent to such a decision. You desire that, in defect of such 
power, Congress may be specially convened. It is unnecessary 
to examine the evidence or the character of the facts which are 
supposed to dictate such a call ; because you will be sensible, on 
an attention to dates, that the legal period of their meeting is as 
early as, in this extensive country, they could be fully convened 
by a special call. I should with great willingness have executed 
the wishes of the inhabitants of Cambridge, had peace, or a re- 
peal of the obnoxious Edicts, or other changes, produced the case, 
in which alone the laws have given me that authority ; and so 
many motives of justice and interest lead to such changes that 
we ought continually to expect them. But while these Edicts 
remain, the Legislature alone can prescribe the course to be pur- 
sued. TH: JEFFERSON. Sept. 10, 1808." 

The appeal of the- people to the President was fruitless. 
Equally vain was an address by the General Court to the mem- 
bers of Congress. A spirit of hostility to England was predom- 
inant in the national government ; the Embargo was made more 
stringent, and enforced by regulations which were here considered 
unreasonable and unconstitutional ; and the general condition of 
the people, both present and prospective, " was nothing bettered, 
but rather grew worse." Under such circumstances, at a town 
meeting, Jan. 27, 1809, " The act lately passed by Congress for 
enforcing the Embargo was read and submitted to the town for 
their consideration ; and after maturely considering the same, and 
also considering the present alarming situation of our country," 
a vigorous protest against the hostile measures of the general 
government was adopted by a very large majority of the inhab- 

This protestation, and hundreds of similar character by the 
people of New England, were in vain. In Congress, the influence 
of France was in the ascendant, and the Embargo was followed, 
in June, 1812, by an open declaration of war against Great 
Britain. For the next two or three years, Cambridge suffered 
its full proportion in the general stagnation of business. Cam- 
bridgeport did not recover from the blight which had fallen upon 
it ; and the growth of East Cambridge was sadly retarded. 

With a very decided majority of voters politically opposed to 
the war, and smarting under the losses and inconveniences re- 
sulting from it, the town could not be expected to enter with 


enthusiasm into its support, or voluntarily to assume a dispropor- 
tionate share of its burdens. In fact, no reference to the war, 
during its continuance, is found on the Town Records. A few 
months after its close, May 8, 1815, the town " Voted, that the 
report of the Committee appointed to determine what compensa- 
tion, if any, should be allowed by the town to the militia-men 
drafted and called out for the defence of the State, be accepted : 
the report allows four dollars to each person for every thirty 
days service." The Cambridge Light Infantry was called into 
service by the Governor, for the defence of the State, and readily 
responded to the call. There may have been some voluntary en- 
listments into the regular army of the United States : but any 
evidence of such a fact is not found. 

One of the most eminent citizens of Cambridge, ELBRIDGE 
GERRY, was Govei'nor of Massachusetts from May 1810, to May 
1812, and Vice-president of the United States from March 4, 1813, 
until Nov. 23, 1814, when he suddenly expired, as he was about to 
enter the Senate Chamber in Washington for the performance of 
his official duties. However bittterly his politics were denounced, 
Mr. Gerry enjoyed the personal respect and esteem of his towns- 
men ; yet neither their affection for the man, nor their regard for 
his high political position, could overcome their detestation of the 
war, of which he was an advocate and defender, nor induce them 
to volunteer their persons or their property in its behalf. Hence 
the dignified silence of the Town Records. 

When the news of Peace arrived, in February, 1815, there was 
a general outburst of joy in Massachusetts. In many towns, 
public meetings of prayer, and praise, and mutual congratulation, 
were held. There was such a meeting in Cambridge, Feb. 23, 
1815, and an address was delivered by President Kirkland. 
Among the papers presented by Hon. John Davis to the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society is a handbill, or broadside, announcing 
the approaching festivity, as follows : 




between the United States of America and the li- 
nked Kingdom of Great Britain & Ireland, 
at Cambridge, Feb. 23, 1815. 




The procession will be formed at University Hall, and move 
at 11 o'clock A. M. in the following order, to 
the Rev. Dr. Holmes's meeting-house. 
Military Escort. 


Marshal. Chief Marshal. Marshal. 

The President of the University and the other Gentlemen, who officiate. 
Government of Harvard College. 

Selectmen of Cambridge. 

Marshal. Committee of Arrangements. Marshal. 

Resident Graduates. 

Citizens of Cambridge. 


1. Anthem By Stephenson. 

" I was glad when they said unto me,"-&c. 

2. Prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Ware. 

3. Reading of select portions of the Holy Scrip- 

ture, by the Rev. Mr. Gannett. 

4. Hymn, written for the occasion. 

Almighty God, to thee we bow, But light from Heaven has shone at last, 

To thee the voice of gladness raise; And PEACE is beaming from above, 

Thy mercy, that hath blessed us now, The storm of doubt and fear has past, 

In loud and grateful songs we praise. And hope returns, and joy, and love. 

Long hast Thou stretched the avenging Then praise to that Eternal Power, 

hand Who bids our wars and tumults cease, 

And smote thy people in thy wrath ; And hymn, in this auspicious hour, 

Hast frowned upon a guilty land, The God of mercy God of Peace. 

While storms and darkness veiled thy 

5. Address, by the President of the University. 

6. Poem, by Mr. Henry Ware. 

7. Prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Holmes. 

8. Anthem, from Handel's " Grand Dettingen Te 

" We praise thee, O God," &c. 

9. Benediction. 



IT has already been stated in chapter v., that a ferry was estab- 
lished in 1635 across Charles River (at the foot of Dunster 
Street), from which there was a road through Brookline and 
Roxbury to Boston. The only other feasible route to Boston 
was through Charlestown, and across a ferry near Copp's Hill. 
Desiring to avoid the inconvenience and peril of a ferry, the in- 
habitants of Cambridge consented, Nov. 10, 1656, " to pay each 
one their proportion of a rate to the sum of 200Z. towards the 
building a bridge over Charles River, upon condition the same 
may be effected without further charge to the town." A place 
for the bridge was selected, at the foot of Brighton Street ; but 
the work was too great to be accomplished at once. Three years 
afterwards, Feb. 4, 1659-60, " the former propositions and votes 
that had passed, for the building of a bridge over Charles River, 
were again considered and debated ; and the question being pro- 
pounded, whether the town did agree and consent that the said 
work should be yet further prosecuted, and that 200L should 
be levied on the inhabitants of this town towards the effect- 
ing thereof, the vote passed on the affirmative." The structure 
was probably completed before March 23, 1662-3, when it was 
ordered, " that the bridge be laid in oil and lead, provided that 
it exceed not 40Z. charge to the town." This bridge was much 
larger than any which had previously been erected in the colony. 
From the first it was called the "Great Bridge; " and such is 
still its legal designation. The cost of maintaining such a bridge, 
together with a long causeway, was very great, compared with 
the means of defraying it, and many methods were devised to re- 
lieve the town of some portion of the burden. Under date of 
Oct. 12, 1670, the action of the General Court is recorded : 
" Whereas, the Bridge over Charles River, which was first 
erected at the cost of that town, together with the free contribu- 
tion of several public spirited persons in some neighbor towns, 


which bridge being now decayed, and by reason of the danger is 
presented to the county of Middlesex, and the town of Cam- 
bridge, as they allege in their petition, being not able to repair 
it, so that of necessity it must be pulled up and slighted, and the 
passage there must be secured by a ferry as heretofore, which is 
not so safe, convenient, or useful, as a bridge, for a ferry is alto- 
gether useless in the winter, and very inconvenient to transport 
horses, and not at all accommodable for carts or droves of cattle : 
The premises considered, it is ordered by this Court and the 
authority thereof, for the encouragement either pf the town of 
Cambridge or any particular persons that shall repair the bridge, 
or erect a sufficient cart-bridge over the River at Cambridge, and 
maintain the same for the safety of the passengers, they are 
hereby empowered to take toll at the rates following, viz., one 
penny for every person ; three pence a head for every horse and 
man ; six pence for every cart ; two pence a head for every horse 
or other neat cattle ; one half penny a head for sheep, goats, or 
swine : and if any refuse to pay the toll aforesaid, it shall be at 
the liberty of such as maintain the said bridge to stop their pas- 
sage. And this order to continue in [force] so long as the said 
bridge is maintained serviceable and safe for passage." 1 The 
tolls, thus authorized, seem not to have been long continued, if 
ever exacted ; for when Newton was incorporated as a separate 
town, Jan. 11, 1687-8, it was ordered that the expense of main- 
taining the bridge " be defrayed and borne as followeth : (that 
is to say) two sixth parts thereof by the town of Cambridge, one 
sixth part by the said Village, 2 and three sixth parts at the pub- 
lic charge of the county of Middlesex." Newton continued to 
pay its proportion of the expense until May 4, 1781, when it was 
exempted from further liability by the General Court. 3 In like 
manner, when Lexington was incorporated, March 20, 1712-13, 
and West Cambridge, Feb. 27, 1807, they were required to share 
with Cambridge the expense of maintaining the bridge, in pro- 
portion to the respective valuation of the several towns, which 
they continued to do until they were released from that obliga- 
tion, March 24, 1860, by the General Court, 4 In the meantime, 
various expedients were adopted by the Court to aid Cambridge 
in sustaining what was considered, and what actually was, a 
grievous burden. Thus, in June, 1694, it was " resolved, that 

1 3/05*. Col. Rec., iv. (ii.) 470. a MOSS. Rec., xlii. 98. 

2 Newton was at first called Cambridge * Mass. Spec. Laws xi 56 


the town of Newton pay one third part of the charge of said 
bridge." 1 And in June, 1700, it was " resolved, that the Great 
Bridge in Cambridge, over Charles River, be repaired from time 
to time, one half at the charge of the town of Cambridge, and 
the other half at the charge of the county of Middlesex." 2 
Again, Oct. 25, 1733, the bridge having been " very thoroughly 
and effectually repaired," after a large portion of it had been 
carried away by the ice, the Court granted to Cambridge, <117 
16s., to Newton, 100, and to Lexington, 82 4s., in all X300, 3 
in consideration of their extraordinary expense ; and on the 22d 
of June, 1734, " Voted, that three thousand acres of the unap- 
propriated lands of the Province be and hereby are granted to 
the towns of Cambridge, Newton, and Lexington, to enable 
them forever hereafter at their own cost and charge, to keep, 
amend, and repair, the Great Bridge over Charles River in Cam- 
bridge ; the land to be laid out in three several parts, in equal 
proportion to each of the said towns." 4 A " plat " of the thou- 
sand acres allotted to Cambridge, lying west of Lunenburg, was 
exhibited and confirmed, Sept. 13, 1734. 5 All other corporations 
having been released from liability, the General Court made a 
final disposition of the matter by an act passed March 11, 1862, 
by which the city of Cambridge and the town of Brighton were 
" authorized and required to rebuild the Great Bridge over 
Charles River,'" the expense to be borne " in proportion to the 
respective valuations of said city and town ; " and it was pro- 
vided that a draw, not less than thirty-two feet wide, should be 
constructed " at an equal distance from each abutment," that 
" the opening in the middle of said draw " should be " the divid- 
ing line between Cambridge and Brighton at that point," and 
that thereafter each corporation should maintain its half part of 
the whole structure at its own expense. 6 

In June, 1738, a petition of Edmund Goffe, William Brattle, 
and others of Cambridge, for liberty to establish a ferry between 

1 Mass. Prov. Rec., vi. 348. thanks to the General Court for the aid 

2 Ibid., vii 92. This tax on the county rendered ; and also " to Col. Jacob Wen- 
may not seem unreasonable, when it is dell Esq. and Mr. Cradtlock for their 
considered that a large portion of the kindness to us in procuring and collecting 
travel to and from Boston passed overthe a very bountiful subscription for us, to en- 
bridge in preference to the Charlestown courage and enable us to go through the 
Ferry. If Newton was exempted from its charge of the repair of our Great Bridge." 
former obligation, it was manifestly only * Mass. Rec., xvi. 32. 

for a short time. 5 Ibid., xvi. 54. 

3 Mass. Rec., xv.4 53. On the 28th of 6 Mass. Spec. Laws, xi. 280. 
the following January the town voted 


Cambridge and Boston, of which the profits should be paid to 
Harvard College, also a similar petition of Hugh Hall and others 
of Boston, and a petition of John Staniford of Boston for liberty 
to construct a bridge from a point near the copper works in Bos- 
ton to Col. Phips' farm (now East Cambridge) were severally 
referred to the next General Court, 1 and both enterprises were 
abandoned. Nearly fifty years afterwards, Feb. 11, 1785, the 
town appointed a committee "to support in behalf of the inhabi- 
tants of this town the petition of Mr. Andrew Cabot to the 
General Court, now sitting, praying leave to erect at his own 
expense, a bridge over Charles River, from Lechmere's Point in 
this town to Barton's Point, or such other place in West Boston 
as shall be thought most expedient ; " and to demonstrate that 
such a bridge would be more important than one at the ferry- 
way, as petitioned for by some of the inhabitants of Charles- 
town. This effort to secure a direct route to Boston failed ; the 
Charlestown petition was granted, March 9, 1785 ; and Charles 
River Bridge was opened with imposing ceremonies on the 17th 
of June, 1786. The desired accommodation for Cambridge, how- 
ever, was not long postponed. In the " Columbian Centinel," 
Jan. 7, 1792, appeared this advertisement : 

" WEST BOSTON BRIDGE. As all citizens of the United States 
have an equal right to propose a measure that may be beneficial 
to the public or advantageous to themselves, and as no body of 
men have an exclusive right to take to themselves such a privilege, 
a number of gentlemen have proposed to open a new subscription 
for the purpose of building a bridge from West Boston to Cam- 
bridge, at such place as the General Court may be pleased to 
direct. A subscription for two hundred shares in the proposed 
bridge will this day be opened at Samuel Cooper's office, north 
side of the State House." 

This subscription " was filled up in three hours." 2 A petition 
was immediately presented to the General Court, and on the 9th 
of March, 1792, Francis Dana and his associates were incorpor- 
ated as "The Proprietors of the West Boston Bridge," with 
authority to construct a bridge " from the westerly part of Boston, 
near the Pest House (so called), to Pelham's Island in the town 
of Cambridge," with a " good road from Pelham's Island afore- 
said, in the most direct and practicable line, to the nearest part of 
the Cambridge road," and to take certain specified tolls " for and 
during the term of forty years ; " and they were required to " pay 
1 Printed Journal House of Representatives. 2 Centinel, Jan. 11, 1792. 


annually to Harvard College or University the sum of three hun- 
dred pounds during the said term of forty years." 1 On the 22d 
of March, twelve Directors were chosen, and preparations made 
for immediately commencing the work. Its completion was an- 
nounced in the "Centinel," Wednesday, Nov. 27, 1793: "The 
Bridge at West Boston was opened for passengers &c., on Satur- 
day last. The elegance of the workmanship and the magnitude 
of the undertaking are perhaps unequalled in the history of en- 
terprises. We hope the Proprietors will not suffer pecuniary 
loss from their public spirit. They have claims on the liberality 
and patronage of the government ; and to these claims govern- 
ment will not be inattentive." Dr. Holmes, who witnessed the 
building of the bridge, and who may be supposed to have been 
familiar with the details, describes it as " a magnificent structure. 
It was erected at the expense of a company incorporated for that 
purpose, and cost 76,700 dollars. The causeway, on the Cam- 
bridge side, was begun July 15, 1792 ; the wood-work, April 8, 
1793. The bridge was opened for passengers, Nov. 23, 1793, 
seven months and an half from the time of laying the first pier. 
It is very handsomely constructed ; and, when lighted by its two 
rows of lamps, extending a mile and a quarter, presents a vista 
which has a fine effect. 

" It stands on 180 piers, and is 3483 feet long. 

Bridge over the Gore, 14 do. 275 do. 

Abutment, Boston side, 87 

Causeway, 3344 

Distance from the end of the causeway to the first 

church in Cambridge, 7810 

Width of the Bridge, 40 

" It is railed on each side, for foot passengers. The sides of the 
causeway are stoned, capstand and railed ; and on each side there 
is a canal, about 30 feet wide." 2 

The peculiar circumstances connected with the construction of 
Canal (or Craigie's) Bridge are related in chapter xii. The 
sharp rivalry between the proprietors of West Boston and Canal 

i Mass. Spec. Laws, i. 361-364. The tended, Feb. 27,1807 (iv. 76-81), to sev- 

corporators were Francis Dana, Oliver enty years from the completion of Canal 

Wendell, James Sullivan, Henry Jack- (or Craigie's) Bridge ; and the proprietors 

son, Mungo Mackay, and William Wet- of that bridge, by its charter then 

more. By a subsequent Act, June 30, granted, were required to contribute one 

1792 (i. 394) the franchise was extended half of the annuity payable to Harvard 

to seventy years, and the annuity to Har- College. 

vard College was reduced to two hundred 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 3, 4. 
pounds. The franchise was further ex- 


Bridges, and between land-owners especially benefited by the 
one or the other, resulted in the erection of other bridges and the 
opening of several new streets. 

PRISON POINT BRIDGE is said to have been erected by virtue 
of a charter, granted June 21, 1806, to Samuel H. Flagg and 
others, as " Proprietors of the Prison Point Dam Corporation," 
for " building a dam from Prison Point in Charlestown to Lech- 
mere's Point in Cambridge, and erecting mills on the same." 
No dam was constructed nor mill erected : but in 1815, Prison 
Point Bridge was built for the benefit of Canal Bridge ; and this 
is presumed to have been done under authority of the charter for 
a dam granted in 1806, partly because that charter authorized 
the proprietors to construct a travelling path across the dam, not 
less than thirty feet in width, and partly because in an act rela- 
tive to the Boston and Lowell Railroad Corporation, March 5, 
1832, Prison Point Bridge is repeatedly called " the Branch or 
Prison Point Dam Bridge." l This bridge was laid out as a 
county road in January, 1839. 

RIVER STREET BRIDGE was built for the advantage of the 
West Boston Bridge Proprietors and the owners of real estate in 
Cambridgeport. Jonathan L. Austin and others were incorpo- 
rated March 2, 1808, for the purpose of building this bridge and 
what is now called River Street, to be completed within two 
years ; which term of limitation was extended one year, by an 
act passed Feb. 13, 1810. 2 The bridge and road were soon after- 
wards completed, and were maintained by the proprietors until 
Nov. 12, 1832, when the town assumed the care of the bridge, 
and since that time it has had charge of both bridge and road- 

THE WESTERN AVENUE BRIDGE was built by the proprietors 
of West Boston Bridge, under authority granted by an act passed 
June 12, 1824, 3 empowering them to build a turnpike from Cen- 
tral Square to Watertown ; and it was maintained by the said 
proprietors, until they sold their whole franchise to the Hancock 
Free Bridge Corporation. 

THE BROOKLINE BRIDGE had no immediate connection with 
either of the rival bridges, but was erected for the benefit and 
at the expense of persons owning real estate in its immediate 
vicinity. By an act passed April 25, 1850, 4 Sidney Willard, 
Edmund T. Hastings, Columbus Tyler, David R. Griggs, and 

l Mass. Spec. Laws, vii. 223. 3 Ibid., vi. 204. 

Ibid., iv. 147, 248. * Ibid., ix. 218. 


their associates were " empowered to erect a pile bridge over the 
Charles River between the city of Cambridge and the town of 
Brookline, from points at or near the old wharf or embankment, 
which is near where the Boston and Worcester Railroad passes 
under a bridge on the Western Avenue (so called) to the oppo- 
site bank of the river in Cambridge," and to receive certain rates 
of toll for the term of fifty years. By mutual agreement, how- 
ever, and by permission of the General Court, it was transferred 
to the city, and became a free bridge, in 1869 ; and since that 
date Cambridge has not been burdened by toll bridges. 

West Boston and Canal Bridges had already become free, long 
before the expiration of their respective charters. In 1828, the 
General Court discussed the propriety of purchasing both these 
bridges and making them free at an early day ; and a company 
was incorporated April 16, 1836, for the accomplishment of the 
same purpose ; but the financial disturbances in that year defeated 
the project. A new charter was granted March 26, 1846, 1 to 
Isaac Livermore, Charles Valentine, William Reed, and their as- 
sociates, as proprietors of the Hancock Free Bridge, empowering 
them to build a bridge across Charles River, between West Bos- 
ton and Canal Bridges, but requiring them to purchase both those 
bridges if their proprietors would sell them at a price to be de- 
termined by three disinterested appraisers. They were also au- 
thorized to receive the established rates of toll, until the outlay 
with legal interest should be refunded, over and above all ex- 
penses, and a fund of $150,000 should be secured for the future 
maintenance of the bridges ; after which they should become the 
property of the Commonwealth. The purchase was made ; and 
not long afterwards both bridges were thoroughly rebuilt, and a 
considerable portion of the west end of West Boston Bridge was 
converted into a solid roadway. By an act passed May 30, 1857, 2 
the proprietors were authorized to convey both bridges to the 
City of Cambridge, to be forever maintained by said city as 
free bridges, whenever the accumulated fund should amount to 
$100,000. This desirable event occurred on the 30th of January, 
1858, when the legal forms of transfer and acceptance were com- 
pleted, and notices were posted throughout the city, to wit : 

" FREE BRIDGES. From and after this day, Saturday, Jan- 

1 Mass. Spec. Laws, viii. 602. bridge and Boston, and that the Bridges 

2 Ibid., x. 751. By a subsequent Act should thereafter be perpetually main- 
(xii. 1020), it was provided that the fund tained by the two cities, at a like equi- 
should be equitably divided between Cam- table proportion of expense. 


uary 30, 1858, the West Boston and Canal Bridges will become 
free public avenues forever. The Directors of the Hancock Free 
Bridge Corporation and the City Government of Cambridge will 
assemble at the Athenaeum l on Monday next, February 1, 1858, 
at eleven o'clock A. M., and, preceded by the Brigade Band, will 
proceed in carriages to the two Bridges, which will be sur- 
rendered to the City of Cambridge by the Bridge Corporation, 
The bells in the City will be rung, and a salute fired. All per- 
sons desirous to join the procession are requested to assemble at 
the Athenaeum at eleven o'clock A. M. on Monday next." 

The citizens responded to this invitation in great numbers. 
A procession, more than a mile in length, and escorted by the Na- 
tional Lancers, moved from the City Hall through Main Street, 
over West Boston Bridge, through Cambridge Street, Bowdoin 
Square, Green and Seventh streets, over Canal Bridge, through 
Bridge, Cambridge, Fifth, Otis, and Third streets, Broadway, 
North Avenue, and Waterhouse, Garden, Harvard, and Main 
Streets, to the City Hall, where a collation was served, and con- 
gratulations were exchanged. In the procession was the venerable 
Moses Hadley, who had been toll-gatherer on West Boston Bridge 
more than fifty-four years. The procession was saluted with 
hearty cheers at many places ; and it did not forget to halt at the 
Washington Elm, while the Band gave enthusiastic expression to 
Washington's Grand March. 

Not only the River Street and Western Avenue bridges, but 
most of the thoroughfares through the city, which were opened 
during many years, were constructed for the benefit of West 
Boston or Canal Bridge. Main Street, eastward from Columbia 
Street, was originally a causeway, built in connection with West 
Boston Bridge ; 2 and River Street and Western Avenue were 
built in connection with the bridges bearing the same names, as 
already described. Concord Avenue was originally the easterly 
end of the Cambridge and Concord Turnpike, for which a char- 
ter was granted March 8, 1803 ; 3 it was laid out as a free highway 
in May, 1829. By an act passed March 8, 1805, the Cambridge 
and Concord Turnpike Corporation was authorized to extend 
their road from its eastern termination, "near to the house of 
Jonas Wyeth in Cambridge, to the causeway of West Boston 
Bridge, near the house of Royal Makepeace." 4 This portion 

1 The same building which is now cst highways, and their location has been 
called the City Hall. described in chapter ii. 

2 Miiin Street, westward from Pleacant 8 Mass. Spec. Laws, iii. 181. 
Street, Kirkland Street, North Avenue, * Ibid., iii. 514. 

and Brattle Street, were among the earli- 


of the turnpike was also laid out as a public highway in May, 
1829, and it is now known as Broadway. Hampshire Street was 
the easterly end of the Middlesex Turnpike, whose charter was 
granted June 15, 1805 j 1 so much of that turnpike as was situated 
in Cambridge became a public highway in September, 1842. All 
these, as well as Webster Avenue (which was opened before 1809, 
and was until 1860 called Medford Street), were constructed as 
avenues to West Boston Bridge, without material aid or opposi- 
tion from the town. The turnpikes were made at the expense of 
their stockholders and others interested in West Boston Bridge 
and Cambridgeport lands ; and Webster Avenue, by the parties 
specially interested, and at their own expense. 

But when Andrew Craigie had completed his purchase of the 
Lechmere or Phips estate, and was ready to bring it into the 
market by building Canal Bridge to connect it with Boston, a 
sharp rivalry between him and his associates on the one hand, 
and the proprietors of West Boston Bridge and the Cambridge- 
port residents and land-owners on the other, for several years 
kept the town in constant excitement and turmoil. Whenever 
either party desired to open a new avenue to its bridge, it was 
resolutely opposed by the other party, as adverse to its own in- 
terest. The majority of voters sometimes favored one party, 
sometimes the other. All, or nearly all, the desired avenues 
were at last obtained, but through much tribulation. 

The severest contest between the two parties was in regard to 
Mount Auburn Street and Cambridge Street. It has already 
been stated that the road from Cambridge to Watertown for 
many years substantially coincided with the present Brattle 
Street, Elmwood Avenue, and Mount Auburn Street. To shorten 
the distance between Watertown and West Boston Bridge, the 
Town appointed a committee, Dec. 26, 1805, to present a petition 
to the Court of Sessions " to establish the road as now laid out 
from the garden of the Hon. Elbridge Gerry to the garden of the 
late Thomas Brattle, Esq. " 2 At a subsequent meeting, Feb. 17, 
1806, the other party triumphed, and the committee was dis- 
charged. The subject was again discussed, Nov. 17, 1806, Mr. 
Craigie having offered to give the land and make the road so far 
as it crossed his farm, if the town would establish a new road 
from Gerry's corner to a point on Brattle Street, nearly opposite 
to his house ; 3 the town voted in favor of establishing such a road, 

1 Mass. Spec. Laws., iii. 61 1. Street, between Elmwood Avenue and 

2 That is, the present Mount Auburn Brattle Square. 

8 Such a road would continue the con- 


and appointed a Committee to procure the discontinuance of the 
road from Gerry's corner to Brattle's garden. On the 27th of 
May, 1807, the Selectmen laid out the road, as desired by Mr. 
Craigie ; but it does not appear that the town accepted it. A 
year later, May 2, 1808, the West Boston Bridge interest was 
again in the ascendant, and the town voted (104 against 65) to 
lay out Mount Auburn Street (west of Brattle Square), appro- 
priated $3,000 to defray the expense, and directed the Selectmen 
to construct the road immediately. On the 16th of May, An- 
drew Craigie and thirty-five others protested against the making 
of the road ; and it would seem that violent measures were 
adopted to prevent it, for on the 7th of June following, the town, 
by a majority of 116 against 71, approved what the Selectmen 
had done, directed them to complete the work, and appointed 
them as a committee " for the purpose of prosecuting Andrew 
Craigie and others, for trespasses committed, or which may here- 
after be committed by him or others upon the road" before de- 
scribed. In continuation of this road, and to complete a nearly 
straight avenue from the Watertown line to West Boston Bridge, 
the town voted, Sept. 6, 1808, to lay out Mount Auburn Street, 
from Holyoke Street to Main Street. Meanwhile, Mr. Craigie 
made several efforts to have Brattle Street laid out from Fayer- 
weather Street to " Wyeth's sign-post," which stood near the 
present junction of Brattle and Mount Auburn streets, to coun- 
teract the effect of opening the new Mount Auburn Street ; this 
object was not accomplished until September, 1812, when that 
portion of Brattle Street was very properly laid out, not by 
the town, however, but by the county, as a county road. 

What is now known as Cambridge Street was constructed in 
the interest of Mr. Craigie and his associates, the owners of Canal 
Bridge, almost the whole of East Cambridge, and a portion of 
Cambridgeport. In connection with William Winthrop and the 
heirs of Francis Foxcroft, they opened and graded the road from 
Canal Bridge to the Common, except about an eighth of a mile 
next eastward from Elm Street, where the land was owned by 
parties having an adverse interest. 1 After other ineffectual ef- 
forts to have the road completed and established as a public 
highway, a petition was presented by Thomas H. Perkins and 

nection with Mason Street, over which l The owners were Henry Hill, Kufus 

and Cambridge Street, already projected, Davenport, and Hoyal Makepeace, all 

it was designed to conduct the travel largely interested in Cambridge-port lands. 
toward Lechmcre's Point. 


fifty-two others to the General Court, June 6, 1809, setting forth, 
" that the Canal Bridge across Charles River, between the west 
end of Leverett Street, in Boston, and Lechmere's Point, so called, 
in Cambridge, was begun during the last season, and great prog- 
ress was made therein, that the work has been again resumed 
this spring, and is now pursued with great spirit and alacrity, so 
that the Bridge will probably be completed and ready for the 
accommodation of passengers by the middle of July next; that 
there is not now any public highway leading to the west end of 
said Bridge ; " and that the Court of Sessions, for lack of a quo- 
rum of disinterested Justices, had failed to establish such a public 
way. " Wherefore your petitioners pray, that you will take 
their peculiar case into your consideration, and provide for their 
relief, either by appointing a committee in such a way as to you 
may seem most fit, to explore, view, and mark out new highways 
from the westerly end of said Bridge to communicate with the 
great roads into the country at such places as will best comport 
with common convenience and the public good, or in such other 
way as you in your wisdom may appoint ; which Committee shall 
be further authorized and instructed to notify all persons and cor- 
porations who may be in any wise interested and affected by their 
proceedings, of the time and places, when and where they shall 
report ; and who shall make their report to the Court of Sessions 
for said County of Middlesex, or to some other tribunal which 
may be authorized finally to hear all persons and parties, and es- 
tablish such new highways as the public convenience may re- 
quire." An order of notice was issued, and at a meeting held on 
the 12th day of June, " the following order was taken thereupon 
by the town : Whereas a road has been laid out and made by 
Andrew Craigie and others, from the west end of Canal Bridge 
(so called), to the road near the Colleges, called Cambridge and 
Concord Turnpike, or Concord Street, leading to Cambridge 
Common, excepting over a small piece of land belonging to 
Henry Hill and others, which prevents a communication from 
said Bridge to said Common ; therefore voted, that the Select- 
men be authorized and directed to lay out a road or way over 
the land aforesaid of the said Hill and others, of the same width 
of the road made by said Craigie, so that all obstructions may 
be removed to the opening of the said road from Canal Bridge 
to Cambridge Common. Voted, that a committee of five be 
appointed to prepare and present a petition and remonstrance 
against the petition of Thomas H. Perkins and others to the Hon. 


Legislature of this Commonwealth now in session, and to state 
such facts and to petition for such measures in regard to this 
matter as they may judge proper. Voted, that the Committee 
consist of the following gentlemen: Hon. Francis Dana, Esq., 
Hon. Elbridge Gerry, Esq., Hon. Jonathan L. Austin, Esq., 
Messrs. Royal Makepeace and John Hayden." 

The Committee, thus appointed, presented to the General 
Court a long and very energetic remonstrance, a copy of which 
remains on file in the office of the City Clerk. They commence 
by alleging " that the inhabitants of Cambridge and Cambridge- 
port are deeply afflicted by the incessant machinations and in- 
trigues of Mr. Andrew Craigie, in regard to roads ; " in proof of 
which they refer to the fact that, at the last session of the Gen- 
eral Court, Mr. Craigie caused two petitions to be presented for 
the appointment of a committee with extraordinary powers to 
lay out roads in Cambridge ; that these petitions " seemed by 
their tenor to proceed from disinterested persons, whereas some 
of the petitioners were proprietors of the Canal Bridge, and 
others deeply interested in lands connected with the proposed 
roads ; and Mr. Craigie, who was not a petitioner, supported 
them in person and with two lawyers, in the absence of all the 
petitioners ; these two petitions being manifestly, as the remon- 
strants had stated, a continuation of a plan of him and his coad- 
jutors, commenced in 1797, and invariably pursued to 1809, to 
turn the travel to that quarter ; and the same game he is evi- 
dently now playing, by the petition signed by T. H. Perkins and 
others." " That such a petition, viz. to lay out roads without 
number, with courses undefined, by a committee of the Legisla- 
ture, your remonstrants conceive, never was before offered to 
any Court, Legislative or Judicial, of Massachusetts ; " that a 
Bill reported in accordance with these petitions, was rejected ; 
" that the principal object of all these petitions, viz. to open a 
road from Mr. Wyeth's sign-post to Mr. Fayerweather's corner, 1 
has been three times before the Court of Sessions of Middlesex, 
has been as often rejected by it, and has been once suppressed 
after it had obtained by intrigue and surprise the sanction of that 
honorable Court ; and it is now a fifth time pending in the exist- 
ing Court of Sessions of that County ; that the petition of T. H. 
Perkins and others prays for a committee to explore, view, and 
mark out new highways from the westerly end of the Canal 
Bridge to communicate with the great roads into the country," 
l Namely, Brattle Street, from Fresh Pond Lane to Fayerweather Street. 


etc. ; " that this petition is predicated on the feeble pretence that 
there is not any public highway leading to the west end of said 
Bridge, an highway which Mr. Craigie has ever had it in his 
power, by a petition to the town, to attain, and which is now 
ordered by a vote of the town, by removing every obstacle to be 
laid out and established." This remonstrance was effectual ; the 
committee, to whom the petition was referred, reported that " it 
is inexpedient for the Legislature to appoint any Committee to 
view or mark out any of the highways aforesaid ; " and the re- 
port was accepted. 

Agreeably to the vote of the town, before recited, the Select- 
men laid out a road over the lands of Hill and others, so as to 
make a continuous avenue from Canal Bridge to Cambridge 
Common ; and the road was accepted by the town July 10, 1809. 
But this was not satisfactory to Mr. Craigie ; 1 and on the fol- 
lowing day (July 11) he presented a petition to the Court of 
Sessions, that a road might be " laid out from the west end of 
the Canal Bridge in a straight line through the lands of Andrew 
Craigie, Henry Hill, Aaron Hill, 2 Rufus Davenport, Royal Make- 
peace, William Winthrop, Harvard College, and John Phillips, 
over what is called Foxcroft Street, to the Common in said Cam- 
bridge, and over and across said Common to or near the house of 
Deacon Josiah Moore," which "road is already made over the 
whole of it, except a few rods only." This petition was referred 
to a committee, who reported in its favor, Aug. 1, 1809 ; where- 
upon another committee was appointed, who reported Sept. 11, 
the laying out of the road, with a schedule of land damages 
amounting to $2,055 ; whereof the sum of $1,327 was awarded 
to Andrew Craigie, and $292 to William Winthrop. 

The town, considering it to be unreasonable that Mr. Craigie 
should claim and receive damages for land used in the construc- 
tion of a road which he so much desired, and for which he had 
so long been earnestly striving, petitioned the Court of Sessions 
in December, 1809, for the appointment of a jury, "to determine 
whether any and what damages said Craigie has sustained by 
means of said road," alleging " that in fact said Craigie sustained 
no damages." At the next term of the Court, in March, 1810, 
it was ordered that a jury be empanelled, and at the next term 
in June, Edward Wade, Coroner, returned the verdict of the 

1 The road, as laid out by the town, strutted by Mr. Craigie, and no damages 
did not include the portion already con- were awarded. 

2 No land of Aaron Hill was taken. 


jury, and the case was continued to December, when the verdict 
was set aside by the Court, and it was ordered that another jury 
be empanelled. The case was then continued to March, and 
again to June, 1811, when Nathan Fiske, Coroner, returned the 
verdict of the jury, which the Court set aside, and continued the 
case to the next September, when neither party appeared. 

On petition of the town of Cambridge, setting forth that two 
cases in which said town was petitioner for a jury to assess the 
damages, if any, suffered by Andrew Craigie and William Win- 
throp for " land taken for the highway from the Canal Bridge to 
Cambridge Common," had accidentally been dropped from the 
docket of the Court of Sessions, and praying relief, the General 
Court, June 22, 1812, ordered the Court of Sessions " to restore 
said cases to the docket," and to proceed u as if they had never 
been dismissed therefrom." Accordingly, on the records of the 
Court of Sessions, Jan. 5, 1813, the former proceedings are recited, 
together with the action of the General Court, and a mandamus 
from the Supreme Judicial Court, requiring the Court of Sessions 
at this January Term, to " accept ar/d cause to be recorded the 
verdict aforesaid, according to the law in such case made and pro- 
vided, or signify to us cause to the contrary." The record 
proceeds thus : " And on a full hearing of the parties in the 
premises, the Court here do accept said verdict, and do order that 
it be recorded ; which verdict is as follows : We, David Town- 
send jr., Thomas Biglow, Thomas Sanderson, Nathaniel Brown, 
William Wellington jr., Jonas Brown, Ephraim Peirce, Jacob 
Gale, Moses Fuller, Thadeus Peirce, Arthur Train, and Gregory 
Clark, having been summoned, empanelled, and as a jury sworn 
to hear and determine on the complaint of the town of Cambridge 
against Andrew Craigie, have heard the parties, duly considered 
their several allegations, and on our oaths do say, that, by the 
laying out and establishing of the highway from Cambridge Com- 
mon to Canal Bridge, and by the passage of the same highway 
over lands of Andrew Craigie, the said Craigie has sustained no 
damage." It may be added, that the same proceedings were 
had in regard to the damage awarded to William Winthrop ; and 
the jury, in like manner, determined that " the said Winthrop 
has sustained no damage." 

Thus ended the exciting contest concerning Mount Auburn 
and Cambridge streets. I have entered so fully into the details, 
partly because they illustrate the character of the long-continued 
rivalry between the two bridges, but chiefly because I have been 


assured by the late Abraham Milliard, Esq., that in the trial of 
the Cambridge Street case, the principle of law was first announced 
and established in the courts of this Commonwealth, that the 
damage which a land owner sustains by the taking of his land for 
a highway, and the benefit which he derives from its construction, 
shall be equitably adjusted, and offset against each other ; and 
if the benefit be equal to the damage, he shall receive nothing 




ALTHOUGH Cambridge was early abandoned as the seat of gov- 
ernment, it maintained from the beginning a prominent rank 
among the towns in the Colony. It was designated, before the 
establishment of counties, as one of the four towns in which 
Judicial Courts should be held. Having until that time exercised 
the whole power of the Colony, both legislative and judicial, the 
General Court ordered, March 3, 1635-6, " That there shall be 
four courts kept every quarter; 1. at Ipswich, to which Newe- 
berry shall belong ; 2. at Salem, to which Saugus shall belong ; 
3. at Newe Towne, to which Charlton, Concord, Meadford, and 
Waterton shall belong; 4th, at Boston, to which Rocksbury, 
Dorchester, Weymothe, and Hingham shall belong. Every of 
these Courts shall be kept' by such magistrates as shall be dwell- 
ing in or near the said towns, and by such other persons of worth 
as shall from time to time be appointed by the General Court, 
so as no court shall be kept without one magistrate at the least 
and that none of the magistrates be excluded, who can and will 
intend the same." i And when the Colony was divided into 
counties, May 10, 1643, 2 the courts continued to be held in 
Cambridge, as the shire-town of Middlesex. As " the business of 
the courts there is much increased," it was ordered, Oct. 19, 
1652, that two additional sessions should be held for that county 
in each year, both at Charlestown. These courts were continued 
for many years, and a court house and jail were erected in that 
town. At a later date, courts were established and similar build- 
ings erected in Concord, and also, at a comparatively recent day, 
at Lowell. All these places were regarded as " half-shires " ; but 
the County Records were never removed from Cambridge, as the 
principal shire, except as follows : During the usurpation of 
Sir Edmund Andros, he appointed Capt. Laurence Hammond 
of Charlestown to be Clerk of the Courts and Register of Probate 
1 Mass. Col. Rec.. \. 169. * /&/., \\. 38. 


and Deeds, who removed the records to Charlestown. After the 
revolution and the resumption of government under the forms of 
the old Charter, Captain Hammond denied that the existing 
courts had any legal authority, and refused to surrender the rec- 
ords which were in his possession. The General Court there- 
fore ordered, Feb. 18, 168990, " that Capt. Laurence Hammond 
deliver to the order of the County Court for Middlesex the rec- 
ords of that county ; that is to say, all books and files by him 
formerly received from Mr. Danforth, sometime Recorder of that 
County, as also all other books of record, and files belonging to 
said county in his custody." 1 A year afterwards, Feb. 4, 1690-1, 
the Marshal General was directed to summon Captain Hammond 
to appear and show cause why he had not surrendered the Mid- 
dlesex Records ; and on the next day, he " peremptorily denying 
to appear," the General Court ordered the Marshal General to 
arrest him forthwith, with power to break open his house if nec- 
essary. 2 The records were at length surrendered. Again, at a 
town meeting, May 11, 1716, an attempt was made to reclaim 
missing records : " Whereas the Register's office in the County 
of Middlesex is not kept in our town of Cambridge, which is a 
grievance unto us, Voted, that our Representative be desired to 
represent said grievance to the honorable General Court, and in- 
treat an Act of said Court that said office may forthwith be re- 
moved into our town, according to law, it being the shire-town in 
said county." 3 By the records of the General Court it appeal's 
that on the 8th of June, 1716, Colonel Goffe complained that no 
office for the registry of deeds was open in Cambridge, being the 
shire-town of Middlesex ; the Representative of Charlestown in- 
sisted that his town was the shire ; and a hearing was ordered. 4 
A week afterwards, June 15, " upon hearing of the towns of Cam- 
bridge and Charlestown as to their respective claims of being the 
shire-town of the County of Middlesex, resolved that Cambridge 
is the shire-town of said County. Read and non-concurred by the 
Representatives." 5 The case between the two towns being again 
heard, June 13, 1717, it was resolved by the whole court, that 
" Cambridge is the shire-town of the said county ; " 6 and on the 
following day it was voted in concurrence " that the public office 
for registering of deeds and conveyances of lands for the County 

1 Mass. Prov. Rec., vi. 117. of Deeds, and kept his office and the rec- 

2 Ibid., vi. 173. ords in Charlestown up to this time. 
8 Samuel Phipps, Esq., of Charlestown, * Mass. Prov. Rec., x. 63. 

succeeded Captain Hammond as Register 6 Ibid., p. 68. 

6 Ibid., p. 145. 


of Middlesex be forthwith opened and kept at the shire-town of 
Cambridge." l This order was immediately obeyed. 

I have not ascertained when or where the house was erected 
in which the judicial courts were first held in Cambridge. It 
seems to have been burned in 1671. In the Court Files of that 
year, is a document commencing thus : " At a County Court 
held at Cambridge, 4 (8) 1671. After the burning of the Court 
House, wherein was also burnt the Court Book of Records for 
trials, and several deeds, wills and inventories, that have been de- 
livered into Court before the fire was kindled," etc. 2 The Court 
afterwards passed this order : " Upon information that several 
Records belonging to this County were casually burnt in the 
burning of the house where the Court was usually kept, this 
Court doth order that the Recorder take care that out of the foul 
copies and other scripts in his custody he fairly draw forth the 
said Records into a Book, and present the same to the County 
Court, when finished : and that the Treasurer of the County do 
allow him for the same." 3 The first Court House of which we 
have any definite knowledge, was erected, about 1708, in Har- 
vard Square, nearly in front of the present Lyceum Hall. 4 It ap- 
pears by the Proprietors' Records that " at a meeting of the 
Proprietors of Cambridge, orderly convened, the 26 day of Jan- 
uary 1707-8, Voted, That the land where Mr. John Bunker's 
shop now stands, with so much more as will be sufficient to erect 
the Court House upon (to be built in this town), be granted for 
that end, in case a Committee appointed by the Proprietors do 
agree with Andrew Bordman and John Bunker for building 
a lower story under it .... Deac. Nathaniel Hancock, Jason 
Russell, and Lieut. Amos Marrett, were chosen a committee to 
agree with said Bunker and Bordman about building under the 
said house." 

The Committee reported, Feb. 9, 1607-8 : " Pursuant to 
the aforesaid appointment, we, the subscribers above mentioned, 
have agreed with and granted liberty unto the said John Bunker 
and Andrew Bordman to make a lower room under the said 

1 Mass. Prov. Rec., x. 147. on a pen and ink plan drawn about 1750, 

2 The volume which was burned con- and here reproduced by permission of its 
tained the Records after October, 1663, up owner, Henry Wheailand, M. D., of Sa- 
to October 4, 1671. lem. The Court House (called Town- 

8 County Court Rec., ill. 173. house on the plan) stood further south 
4 This Court House stood where the than is here represented, its northerly 
Market House was erected more than a end being several feet south of the south- 
century later. Its position is indicated erly front of the meeting-house. 

Meeting house. 
Town house. 
Mr. Moris 1 house. 
Mr. Whitemores house 
Mr. Stedmans house. 
Schol house. 
Mr. Foxcroftes house. 
Mr. Bradishes house. 
Presidents house. 
The burying place. 
Col. Bratles house. 
Dr. Wigglesworths. 
Mr. Appletons. 


ABOUT 1750. 



house (which we apprehend will be about thirty foot in length 
and twenty-four foot in width), the said lower room to be about 
seven or eight foot stud, betwixt joints, with a cellar under the 
whole of the said house ; the aforesaid lower room and cellar to 
be for the use of the said John Bunker and Andrew Bordman, 
their heirs and assigns forever, excepting an entry through the 
middle of the said lower room, of about six foot wide, and a 
stairway for passage into the said Court House, or chamber, as 
the committee for building the same shall see meet ; the remain- 
der of the said lower room and the whole of the said cellar to be 
for the use and benefit of the said John Bunker and Andrew 
Bordman, their heirs and assigns, forever, as aforesaid. It is the 
true intent and meaning of this agreement, that the said John 
Bunker and Andrew Bordman shall, at their own cost and charge, 
build the cellar and lower room aforesaid, and finish the same up 
to the girts, and keep so much of the said buildings as appertains 
to them the said Bunker and Bordman, viz., up to the girts afore- 
said, in good repair, at all times, on penalty of paying treble 
damage that the upper room may sustain by reason of the said 
Bunker andBordman's neglect in causing their part of said build- 
ing to be kept in good repair," etc. The County Court had 
previously " Ordered, that there be allowed out of the County 
Treasury towards the erecting a suitable Court House for the use 
of the County in the town of Cambridge, thirty pounds, the one 
half thereof to be paid at the raising and covering, and the other 
half at the finishing of the same ; the said house. to be not less 
than four and twenty foot wide and eight and twenty foot long, 
and of height proportionable." l This house, diminutive as its 
proportions now appear, was used by the courts for about half a 
century. But in 1756 the Court of Sessions appointed a com- 
mittee to provide better accommodations, either by enlarging and 
repairing the old house or erecting a new one. Whereupon the 
town, Nov. 2, 1756, declared by vote its willingness to pay its 
customary proportion of the cost of a " new Court House, to be 
erected, of such model and dimensions, and in such place in the 
town, as the Committee of said Court shall judge most suitable 
and commodious : provided the materials of the old meeting-house 
now about to be taken down, be given and applied (so far as 
they shall be wanted) to that use, together with the town's pro- 
portion of the present Court House." On the 29th of the same 
month, the Proprietors voted to grant land, " not exceeding one 

1 Sessions Records, April 23, 1707. 


quarter of an acre, whereon to erect a new Court House," the 
place to be determined by a joint committee of the proprietors, 
of the town, and of the Court of Sessions. At length a lot of 
land, where Lyceum Hall now stands, was purchased of Caleb 
Prentice, who conveyed the same Nov. 5, 1757, to William Brat- 
tle, Andrew Bordman, and Edmund Trowbridge, for the use of 
the town of Cambridge, and county of Middlesex, " for erecting 
and continuing a Court House upon forever hereafter." On this 
lot a house was erected, more spacious than the former, and was 
occupied by the courts more than half a century. An attempt 
was afterwards made to erect another edifice in the centre of Har- 
vard Square ; and the Proprietors voted, June 14, 1784, " to give 
and grant to the town of Cambridge, for ever, so much land ad- 
joining to the land on which the old Court House stood (which 
was nearly opposite to where the present Court House stands), 
as shall be sufficient to make up a piece forty six feet square ; 
.... including and surrounding the land on which the old 
Court House stood (which was thirty feet by twenty-four feet), 
for the purpose of erecting a building to keep the County Records 
and hold the Probate Courts in." l It does not appear, how- 
ever, that any such building was erected. An ineffectual attempt 
was also made in 1806 by prominent men in Cambridgeport to 
induce the County to erect a court house on the easterly side of 
what was long called the " meeting-house lot," bounded by 
Broadway, and Bordman, Harvard, and Columbia streets. 
Andrew Craigie and his associates were more successful. Having 
given ample grounds, and erected a court house and jail at an 
expense of $24,000, as related in chapter xiii., they were re- 
warded by the removal of the courts and records in 1816 to the 
edifices prepared for them, where they remain to this day. The 
old Court House having been abandoned by the County was 
used for town and parish purposes until April 19, 1841, when the 
town quitclaimed all its right and interest in the house and the 
lot (containing about ten perches) of land on which it stood for the 
nominal consideration of one dollar, to Omen S. Keith and others, 
in trust for the use of the proprietors of the Lyceum Hall to be 
erected on the premises ; provided, nevertheless, that the grantees 
" do and shall forever grant and secure to the town the right of 
the inhabitants of the first Ward in said Cambridge to the use of 
the Hall for all necessary meetings of the voters in said Ward." 
The old Court House was soon afterwards removed to Palmer 
Street ; it still remains, being occupied for secular purposes. 
1 Proprietors' Records. 


The earliest notice which I have found of a place of imprison- 
ment in Cambridge is contained in the following report, preserved 
in the Middlesex Court Files : 

" January the 7 th 1655. Wee, whose names are underwritten, 
being appoynted by the County Cort of Middlesex to provide a 
house of Correction, with a fit person to keep the same, do make 
our return to the honored Court as followeth : Imp r . Wee have 
bargained and bought of Andrew Stevenson of Cambridge his 
dwelling house with about half a rood of land adjoyning to the 
same, being bounded with Mr. Collines on the north and east, 
and the highway on west and south, 1 with all the appurtenances 
and privileges thereoff; the said Andrew hereby covenanting and 
promising, for him and his heyres to make legal conveyance 
thereoff to the County when thereunto demanded. In consid- 
eration whereoff we do covenant with the said Andrew Steven- 
son, his heyres and assignes to pay and satisfie to him or his 
assignes sixteen pounds in cattle or 18 U in corne, at or before the 
first of May next ; and at the same time the said Andrew to de- 
liver his house in as good repaire as now it is for the use of the 
County. Also wee have agreed with our brother Edward Goffe 
to errect an addition thereunto, in length 26 foote and in propor- 
tion to the other house, and a stack of chimneys in the midle, 
and to finish the same as may be most sutable for the work and 
end proposed. Also, wee do desire the honored Court to allow 
unto our brother Andrew Stevenson (who hath willingly at our 
request yelded himselfe to the service of the County in that place) 
such an annual stipend as may be due incouragement to continue 
the same with all diligence and faithf nines, according as need 
shall require. EPHRAIM CHILD, 


On the other side is endorsed, " This witnesseth that I, An- 
drew Stevenson, do consent to the within named propositions and 
covenant, as witnes my hand this 7 th . ll mo . 1655. 2 


1 The House of Correction stood on was reconveyed to Stevenson, whose heirs 

the easterly side of Holyoke Street, about sold it to Jonathan Nutting, March 25, 

two hundred feet northerly from the pres- 1695. 

ent location of Mount Auburn Street. 2 By the Court Records and Fjles, it 

After the erection of a jail, this estate appears that the House of Correction or 



In October, 1660, the County Court ordered, that the House 
of Correction, or Bridewell, should be used as a prison for the 
County, until further provision be made. Such provision was 
made by the erection of a jail l before Aug. 26, 1692, when it 
was ordered by the Court, " that the County Treasurer take care 
that their majesties Goal at Cambridge be repaired, for the com- 
fortable being of what persons may be committed forthwith." 2 
It was also ordered, Dec. 14, 1703, " that an addition be made to 
the prison at the west end thereof, of eighteen foot square, with 
studs conformable to the old house." A dozen years later, the 
old part of the prison became so unsatisfactory, that the Court 
appointed " a committee to agree with carpenters and other 
workmen to erect and build a good well-timbered house in Cam- 
bridge for a Prison, for the accommodation of a keeper, to be 
thirty-six foot long, and for width agreeable to the foundation 
of the old Goal or Prison, two storeys high, fifteen foot stud, with 
a stack of chyrnneys in the middle, to be done and finished work- 
manlike, as soon as may be conveniently effected Further 

ordered, that Coll. Edmund Goffe, the present Sheriff, repaire 

Bridewell was erected in 1656. Andrew 
Stevenson was the prison keeper from 
1656 to 1672; William Healy, from 1672 
to 1682, when he was removed from of- 
fice; Daniel Cheever, from 1682 untilhe 
was succeeded in office by his son Israel 
Cheever about 1693. In 1691, the prison- 
keeper presented a petition for relief, 
which is inserted, as characteristic of that 
period : 

" To the honored Court for the County 
of Middlesex, holden in Cambridge by 
adjournment this llth day of May 1691, 
the petition of Daniel Cheever, keeper of 
the Prison in Cambridge humbly sheweth, 
That your poor petitioner is in great 
straits and want at present, by reason 
that his salary hath not been paid hi.n 
for some considerable time past, and hav- 
ing a considerable family depending on 
him for maintenance, he is compelled to 
make his complaint to this honored Court, 
hoping to find relief, begging some order 
may be taken speedily for his supply, 
which otherwise cannot be done without 
great loss and damage to your petitioner ; 
and he would further inform this Court, 
that George Newbe, who is under bond to 
pay a fine imposed on him by this Court, 

hath a pair of young oxen which he 
would part with, in order to said pay- 
ment; which oxen your petitioner desires 
he may have, and then would put off his 
old oxen to help supply him with neces- 
saries for his family. Also he further 
desires to add that Sylvester Hayes hath 
lain upon him this many months, without 
any consideration from Charlestown, 
which your petitioner is not able to 
bear, therefore desires redress of this 
honored Court in this particular also. 
But not further to be troublesome, your 
petitioner earnestly requests your serious 
consideration of what is premised, and 
remains your Honors' most humble ser- 
vant." Court Files. 

1 The jail stood on the northerly side 
of Winthrop Street, between Winthrop 
Square and Eliot Street; and this con- 
tinued to be the place for imprisonment 
until the new county buildings were 
erected at East Cambridge. 

2 This was when the witchcraft excite- 
ment was at its extreme height, and the 
prisons in several counties were put in 
requisition to confine the unhappy victims 
who were accused in Essex. 


the chymneys in the new Goal, and what also may be needfull 
for the reception of and securing of criminals." 

Until 1720, the " Common " extended to Linnaean Street, and 
included also a few acres, lying in a nearly square form, at the 
northwesterly corner of Linnaean Street and North Avenue. 1 This 
extreme point of the Common was set apart as a " Place of Ex- 
ecution," or " Gallows Lot," as it was more familiarly called. 
And after the Common was reduced to its present size, and the 
lots in this square fronting on the streets, had been granted to in- 
dividuals, about one acre in its extreme northwesterly corner was 
reserved for its former use, until trials, and imprisonments, and 
executions were transferred to East Cambridge. 2 It was entered 
from North Avenue through a bridleway or passage, between 
Lancaster Place and Arlington Street, now called Stone Court. 

The names and the number of the wretched convicts who suf- 
fered the extreme penalty of the law at this " Place of Execu- 
tion," are unknown to me. One horrible example, however, 
was recorded by Professor Winthrop, in his interleaved Almanac, 
under date of Sept. 18, 1755 : " A terrible spectacle in Cam- 
bridge : two negroes belonging to Capt. Codman of Charlestown, 
executed for petit treason, for murdering their said master by 
poison. They were drawn upon a sled to the place of execution ; 
and Mark, a fellow about 30, was hanged ; and Phillis, an old 
creature, was burnt to death." The " Boston Evening Post," of 
Sept. 22, states more particularly, that " the fellow was hanged, 
and the woman burned at a stake about ten yards distant from 
the gallows. They both confessed themselves guilty of the 
crime for which they suffered, acknowledged the justice of their 
sentence, and died very penitent. After execution, the body of 
Mark was brought down to Charlestown Common, and hanged 
in chains on a gibbet erected there for that purpose." Dr. In- 
crease Mather, in his diary, printed in the first volume of the 
" Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society," page 320, 
says that on the 22d of September, 1681, " there were ,three per- 
sons executed in Boston, an Englishman for a rape ; a negro 

1 Delineated on an old plan in the City land," etc. It was sold on the 24th of the 
Hall. the same month to William Frost, and de- 

2 This lot was described in the Pro- scribed as bounded "easterly, southerly, 
prietors' Records, April 3, 1826, as "about and westerly, by his own land, northerly 
one acre of land, called the Gallows Lot, and northeasterly by a bridle-way, lead- 
in front of the house of James Rule, and ing from the county road to land belong- 
separated from his real estate by a bridle- ing to Mary Stone and Susanna Jarvis," 
way leading from the county road to said etc. 


man for burning a house at Northampton ; and a negro woman 
who burnt two houses at Roxbury, July 12, in one of which a 
child was burnt to death. The negro woman was burnt to death, 
the first that has suffered such a death in New England." It 
is devoutly to be hoped that the woman who thus expiated her 
crime at Cambridge, in 1755, was the last " that has suffered 
such a death in New England." 

" Ye have the poor with you always ; " and the judicious re- 
lief of their wants is an important but often a very perplexing 
duty. For several years, as will be related in chapter xv., the 
church assumed this duty, and made suitable provision for the 
destitute and distressed. It does not distinctly appear at what 
time the management of this charity passed into the hands of 
the town. The earliest reference to this subject which I find on 
the Town Records is under date of June 29, 1663 : " Jane 
Bourne [or Bowen] making her complaint to the selectmen, that 
she can find none in the town that is willing to entertain her to 
their service, and craving their favor that she may have liberty 
to provide for herself in some other town, with security to such 
as shall so entertain her, the Townsmen do grant her request 
in manner following, viz., so as that she place herself in some 
honest family ; and in case she stand in need of supply, or the 
town whither she shall resort do see reason to return her again 
upon the town, she shall be still accepted as one of the poor of 
this place ; and this is to be understood and taken as binding to 
the town for one year next after the date hereof, any law, usage, 
or custom, to the contrary, notwithstanding." Again, under date 
of April 8, 1672 : " The terms of agreement of the selectmen 
with Thomas Longhorne for the keeping of William Healyes 
child, as followeth : That the said Thomas Longhorne is to bring 
up Hanna Hely, daughter of William Healy, born in the year 
1671, providing all necessaries for her of food and clothing in the 
time of her minority and suitable education meet for one of her 
sex and degree ; and for his satisfaction, he is to be allowed out 
of the Town Rate five pounds a year for five years ; and if she 
should die before those five years be expired, or it should be pro- 
vided for by any of its friends before that time, then he is to 
have no more than for the time he keep it, after five pounds per 
annum ; only forty shillings of said pay is to be made in cash, 
or, if not, then so much in other pay at money price." In like 
manner, for more than a hundred years after this date, provision 
appears to have been made for the poor, in private families, 


under the supervision of the selectmen. At length it was de- 
termined, March 15, 1779, to purchase a house in which they 
might be gathered together, and their wants be more systemati- 
cally supplied. Accordingly, " the committee who were chosen 
at the last Town Meeting, March 1, 1779, to purchase a work- 
house for the poor of the town, reported that they could purchase 
of Deac. Samuel Whittemore a suitable house for that purpose. 
Voted, That said Committee purchase the house and land be- 
longing to said Whittemore, take a deed for the same for the 
town, and that the Treasurer be directed to give security for the 
same, or hire the money to pay for it. Voted, that the Select- 
men take care of the said house, and appoint some discreet per- 
son as Overseer." The estate consisted of a dwelling house and 
twenty-five square rods of land on the northeasterly corner of 
Brighton and South streets, and was conveyed to the town by 
deed dated March 29, 1779. For some reason this estate proved 
unsatisfactory ; and the town voted, March 1, 1785, " that Mr. 
Caleb Gannett, Stephen Dana, Esq., Capt. John Walton, Deac. 
Aaron Hill, and William Winthrop, Esq., be a committee to in- 
quire whether there is any person who is desirous to purchase the 
house and land belonging to the town, situate near the causeway, 
which was bought for a workhouse and almshouse, and what 
price it will fetch ; and they are also to inquire whether another 
place can be purchased in the town that will answer for said pur- 
poses, and upon what terms it can be had." The committee 
having been authorized so to do, reported, March 6, 1786, that 
" they sold the house at public auction for 19, 10s. ; they after- 
wards sold the -land for 37, 10s., both amounting to 57." 
They had also received an offer from the heirs of Abraham 
Watson of a house and about five acres of land for the sum of 
.60. This estate x was on the southwesterly corner of North 
Avenue and Cedar Street, and was conveyed to the town by 
deed dated March 9, 1786. The committee reported, June 
12, 1786, " that an house is nearly finished and will be ready 
within a few days for the reception of the poor," and rec- 
ommended that it " be called the Poor's House ; " also that 
there " be chosen and appointed, as soon as may be, five persons, 
distinct from the Selectmen, to be Overseers of the Poor," who 
should have the general charge of the house, and provide all 
necessary " food, fuel, clothing, and medicine, proper for " the 
occupants, and tools and materials necessary to their proper em- 
1 Formerly owned by Matthew Cox. 


ployment ; that the Overseers should " appoint a suitable person 
to be Warden of the Poor's House," who should " cause his fam- 
ily to lead their lives and behave at all times soberly, quietly, 
decently, orderly, and regularly ; particularly he shall cause them 
to attend the public worship on Sundays as often and generally 
as conveniently may be ; " and he " shall endeavor to form the 
paupers under his care to habits of economy, frugality, temper- 
ance, sobriety, and industry; particularly he shall keep them em- 
ployed in such useful and profitable labors as they may be re- 
spectively able to perform, within doors or without doors, having 
regard to their different sexes, ages, bodily strength, former 
habits of life, and all other circumstances, with the approbation 
of the Overseers ; " and that they should also appoint a suitable 
physician, and employ all necessary servants. The Warden 
should be required to pay all the earnings of the paupers, 
monthly, to the Overseers, who should pay the same, half yearly, 
to the Treasurer, drawing on him for the funds necessary to de- 
fray all charges ; and the Treasurer should keep a separate ac- 
count of all such receipts and payments. Finally, " the Overseers 
of the Poor shall from time to time make such regulations, not 
inconsistent with these general regulations, the laws of the Com- 
monwealth, or the principles of humanity and benevolence, as 
they may judge fit for the better ordering of the Poor's House 
and the affairs of it ; which regulations so by them made shall be 
binding until the expiration of the year for which such Overseers 
shall be chosen, or until they shall be by them revoked." This 
report was accepted ; and Dr. William Kneeland, Mr. Jeduthun 
Wellington, Deac. Aaron Hill, Mr. Ebenezer Stedman, and Mr. 
Edward Jackson, were thereupon elected as the first " Overseers 
of the Poor, distinct from the Selectmen." 

In this house, and under such regulations, the pauper estab- 
lishment was admininistered until 1818, when a new Almshouse 
was erected in Cambridgeport. By deed dated April 2, 1818, 
Jonathan L. Austin and Benjamin Austin conveyed to the town 
about eleven acres of land, being the whole square bounded by 
Harvard, Norfolk, Austin, and Prospect streets, except one house 
lot, previously sold, at the corner of Norfolk and Austin streets, 
"measuring 100 feet on each of said streets, 100 feet on the 
westerly side, and 78 feet on the northerly side." The Over- 
seers reported to the town, Nov. 2, 1818, that they had sold the 
old Almshouse to Jonathan Fowle, for $454.50, and had erected 


on the lot purchased of the Austins a brick house 1 55 feet 
long, 36 feet wide, about half three stories high, and the other 
half two stories high, with accommodations for sixty persons, and 
had removed the paupers into it. A code of Rules and Regu- 
lations, an Address by Royal Makepeace, on behalf of the Over- 
seers, and a Sermon delivered in the Almshouse by Rev. Dr. 
Holmes, in September, 1818, are entered at full length on the 
Records of the Overseers of the Poor. 

The new location of the Almshouse did not prove satisfactory ; 
and a desire for further change was soon manifested. As early 
as Nov. 14, 1831, a Town-house having been erected on the north- 
easterly corner of the square, a committee was appointed by the 
town " to cause the Almshouse lands to be surveyed and laid out 
into proper streets and building-lots, and to ascertain what the 
same may be sold for ; also to ascertain for what sum a suitable 
spot of ground for an Almshouse may be purchased, and a proper 
and suitable Almshouse erected thereon." During the night pre- 
ceding July 30, 1836, the Almshouse, together with the out- 
buildings, was utterly consumed by fire, and one of its wretched 
inmates perished. The order for surveying the Almshouse lands 
was renewed, Aug. 22, 1836 ; and it was further ordered, that 
the building-lots be offered for sale at auction. Meantime, the 
town voted, Aug. 8, 1836, " that the Overseers of the Poor be 
authorised to make such temporary provision for the support of 
the Town's Poor, and such of the State's Poor as are not of 
competent health to labor, by hiring a building, or otherwise, as 
they may consider for the interest of the town." The Overseers 
accordingly hired a spacious house, originally designed for a 
tavern, on the northerly side of Main Street, nearly opposite to 
Osborn Street, which was occupied until a new Almshouse was 
erected at Riverside. 

The town purchased, Dec. 9, 1836, of Amos Hazeltine, for 
$5,600, eleven and a quarter acres of land, bordering on Charles 
River, and extending from Western Avenue nearly to River 
Street, together with two acres and three quarters on the op- 
posite side of Western Avenue, extending from the river to 
Putnam Street. A committee reported in April, 1838, that a 

1 This house stood on the westerly side first story; and ten chambers in the second 

of Norfolk Street, opposite to Worcester story ; a large garret, 55X24 feet, and a 

Street. It contained "a kitchen, 30X15 cellar, 34X24 feet." Connected with the 

feet, a bathing room, and three cells, in house were a wood-house, 30X15 feet, and 

the basement story; a work-room 30X15 a barn 35X25 feet. The land cost $1,750; 

feet, and six other sizable rooms, in the the buildings, $4,851.77 ; total, $6,601.77. 


brick Almshouse had been constructed on the first mentioned lot, 
at an expense of $7,490.90 ; and the paupers were again placed 
in a comfortable habitation. 

Within a few years afterwards, a desire was manifested to 
abandon this pleasant spot, which had attained a greatly in- 
creased marketable value, and to try the experiment of farming 
on a larger scale. Accordingly the city purchased, Aug. 7, 1849, 
of Samuel Smith and Spencer Cook, for $12,000, about thirty- 
two acres of land, situated partly in the northwesterly corner of 
Cambridge and partly in the southwesterly corner of Somerville, 
and erected a stone Almshouse of the size and fashion then preva- 
lent. The cost of the whole establishment was reported by a com- 
mittee to be, for the land, $12,000; for the house, $32,970.69; 
for fences, furniture, etc., $3,000; total, $47,970.69. The house 
was formally placed in the custody of the Overseers of the Poor, 
April 3, 1851, with much congratulatory speech-making, in pres- 
ence of a large assembly of citizens, and the paupers were trans- 
ferred to their new home. When this house was erected, its 
magnificent proportions were considered necessary for the accom- 
modation of the large number of State paupers then under the 
charge of the city. Shortly afterwards, the Commonwealth 
adopted a new policy, erected State Almshouses, and withdrew 
its paupers from the care of cities and towns. Complaints were 
uttered, that the erection of so large a house for so few inmates 
was unnecessary, and involved an extravagant outlay of money. 
But such complaints are no longer heard ; partly, because the 
increase of city paupers has kept pace with the rapidly increasing 
population, until the house is nearly if not altogether filled ; and 
partly, because the citizens have become accustomed to expendi- 
tures so much more unnecessary and extravagant, that this has 
dwindled into comparative insignificance. The old Almshouse 
(together with the land) was sold, May 22, 1851, to Little & 
Brown, publishers and booksellers, for $24,000 ; they converted 
it into an establishment for the manufacture of books, and erected 
many additional buildings. Subsequently the larger part of the 
estate became the property of H. O. Houghton & Co., by whom 
it was further embellished and rendered famous as the seat of the 
Riverside Press. 

Ordinaries, or houses of public entertainment, were established 
at a very early period. The General Court ordered, March 4, 
1634-5, " that no persons whatsoever shall keep a common vict- 
ualling house, without license from the Court, under the penalty 


of xx 8 . a week." 1 The power of granting licenses " to keep 
houses of common entertainment, and to retail wine, beer, &c." 
was transferred to the County Courts, May 26, 1647, " so as this 
Court may not be thereby hindered in their more weighty af- 
fairs." 2 Various laws were enacted, regulating such houses, 
notably in 1645 ; 3 yet so necessary were they considered, that the 
town of Concord was presented by the grand jury, June 19, 1660, 
" for not having a common house of entertainment," and was 
" enjoined to present a meet person to be allowed at the next 
Court at Cambridge for that employment, on penalty of 5., and 
to pay costs of Court, 2 s and 6 d ." 

Great caution was manifested in the appointment of grave and 
respectable citizens to keep ordinaries and to sell intoxicating 
drinks. The first person licensed by the General Court, Sept. 8, 
1636, " to keepe a house of intertainment at Newe Towne," was 
Thomas Chesholme 4 a deacon of the church, and afterwards 
Steward of Harvard College. He was also licensed "to draw 
wine at Cambridge," May 13, 1640. 5 His dwelling-house was on 
a lot at the northwest corner of Dunster and Winthrop streets, 
adjoining the lot on which the first meeting-house was erected ; 
so that the first church edifice and the first tavern in Cambridge 
stood side by side ; and from all which is known of Deacon 
Chesholme's character, it may be confidently believed that he 
permitted nothing to be done in the one which could bring dis- 
grace upon the other. The first person " allowed to sell wine 
and strong water " in Cambridge, March 12, 1637-8, 6 was Mr. 
Nicholas Danforth, a selectman, a representative in the General 
Court, and one of the most active and honored citizens. He re- 
sided on the northerly side of Bow Street, near Plympton Street, 
but died about a month after the date of his license. The next 
year, May 22, 1639, " Mr. Nathaniell Sparhawke was permitted 
to drawe wine and strong water for Cambridge. 7 He also was 

1 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 140. wine when above half a pint of wine is al- 

2 Ibid., ii. 188. lowed at one time to one person to drink : 
8 It was then forbidden to "suffer any to provided that it shall be lawful for any 

be drunk or drink excessively, or continue strangers, or lodgers, or any person or 

tippling above the space of half an hour, persons, in an orderly way, to continue in 

in any of their said houses, under penalty such houses of common entertainment dur- 

of 5s. for every such offence suffered; and ing meal times, or upon lawful business, 

every person found drunk in the said what time their occasions shall require." 

houses or elsewhere shall forfeit 10s., and Mass. Col. Rec., ii. 100. 

for every excessive drinking he shall forfeit 4 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 180. 

3s. 4e?. ; for sitting idle and continuing 6 Ibid., i. 292. 

drinking above half an hour, 2s. Grf. ; and 6 Ibid., i. 221. 

it id declared to be excessive drinking of 7 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 259. 


a deacon of the church, and resided on the easterly side of Brigh- 
ton Street, about midway between Harvard Square and Mount 
Auburn Street, in the house formerly owned and occupied by the 
Reverend Samuel Stone. 

We come next to the establishment of an ordinary which was 
long known as the " Blue Anchor Tavern." Dec. 27, 1652, " The 
Townsmen do grant liberty to Andrew Belcher to sell beer and 
bread, for entertainment of strangers and the good of the town ; " 1 
and the County Court granted him a license, June 20, 1654, 
" to keep a house of public entertainment at Cambridge." Mr. 
Belcher was a trustworthy man, occasionally employed by the 
General Court to perform important duties. He was respectably 
connected ; his wife was daughter of Mr. Nicholas Danforth and 
sister of Deputy Governor Thomas Danforth ; their son, Andrew 
Belcher, Jr., was a member of the Council, and his son, Jonathan 
Belcher, was Governor of Massachusetts and of New Jersey. It 
does not appear where he first opened a " beer and bread ' ' shop, 
or a " house of public entertainment ; " but on the first of Oc- 
tober, 1671, his son Andrew, then residing in Hartford, Conn., 
purchased of Sarah Beal, widow of Deacon Thomas Beal, an 
estate at the northeast corner of Brighton arid Mount Auburn 
streets, where the sign of the Blue Anchor was soon afterwards 
displayed. Mr. Belcher was licensed for the last time in April, 
1673, in which year he probably died. In April, 1674, license 
was granted to his widow Elizabeth Belcher, and afterwards 
from year to year until she died, June 26, 1680. She was suc- 
ceeded by her son Andrew Belcher, who was licensed in 1681 and 
1682. a In September, 1682, Capt. Belcher sold the estate to his 
brother-in-law Jonathan Remington, who performed the duties 
of host until April 21, 1700, when he died, and was succeeded by 
his widow, Martha Remington, daughter of the first Andrew Bel- 
cher. The Belcher family ceased to be inn-holders May 12, 1705, 
when the widow and children of Captain Remington sold to 
Joseph Hovey the estate " near the market-place, commonly 
called and known by the sign of the Blue Anchor." Joseph 
Hovey retained the house only four years, and then sold it to his 
brother John Hovey, who died in 1715. His widow Abiel Hovey 

i Although this was not, as Rev. Dr. a Capt. Belcher's son Jonathan, after- 
Holmes supposed, "the first license for wards Governor of Massachusetts, was 
an inn, in Cambridge" (Coll. Mass. Hist, born Jan. 8, 1681-2, and probably in this 
Soc., vii. 28), it may be regarded as the house, 
most important, in respect to its charac- 
ter and permanency. 


received license for two years, and then married Edmund Angier, 
who conducted the business until April 4, 1724, when he died 
and his widow Abiel again assumed charge of the house ; she 
married Isaac Watson, Aug. 27, 1725, in whose name business 
was transacted about four years, when it passed into the hands 
of John Hovey, son of the former owner. In November, 1731, 
the General Court authorized the Court of Sessions to grant (out 
of the usual season) to Joseph Bean, late of Boston, " a license to 
keep a Tavern in Cambridge, in the house of Mr. John Hovey, 
which he hath lately hired, and has for many years past been 
used as a house of public entertainment." On the 23d of April, 
1737, Mr. Bean bought of Nathaniel Hancock an estate on the 
westerly side of Brighton Street, about midway between Harvard 
Square and Mount Auburn Street, to which he transferred the 
sign of the Blue Anchor ; and for nearly a century afterwards it 
was a famous Tavern. Mr. Bean sold the estate, Jan. 26, 1749, 
to Ebenezer Bradish ; Mr. Bradish died in 1785, and his son sold 
it, Feb. 29, 1796, to Israel Porter, who is well remembered by 
many now living, and who died May 30, 1837, aged 99, according 
to the town record. A part of the tavern-house remains stand- 
ing, though much changed in appearance. 1 

John Jackson kept a public house near the northwesterly angle 
of Brattle Street and Brattle Square, probably from about 1672 
until 1695, when he was succeeded by Capt. Josiah Parker, who 
purchased the estate in 1699, and was an inn-holder as late as 
1725, and perhaps until he died in July or August, 1731. 2 

1 At this house the Selectmen met for their patronage of the bar. Among the 
the transaction of public business, and paid bills remaining on file is the follow- 
probably paid for the use of rooms by ing : 

" The Selectmen of the town of Cambridge to Eben r . Bradish, Dr. 

March, 1769, To dinners and drink, 0.17. 8 

April, " To flip and punch, 0. 2. 

May 1, " To wine and eating, 0. 6. 8 

May, " To dinners, drink and suppers, 0. 18. 

To flip and cheese, 0. 1. 8 

To wine and flip, 0. 4. 

June, " To punch, 0. 2. 8 

July, " To punch and eating, 0. 4. 

August, " To punch and cheese, 0. 3. 7 

Oct., " To punch and flip, 0. 4. 8 

To dinners and drink, 0. 13. 8 

Dec., Jan., 1770, & Feb., Sundries, 0.12. 

4. 10. 7" 

2 It does not distinctly appear whether 1672 he was punished for unlawfully en- 
Samuel Gibson was an innholder; but in tertaining students. The following depo- 



Another tavern, somewhat famous for many years, stood on the 
southerly side of Mount Auburn Street, about midway between 
Brighton and Dunster Streets. It seems to have been first 
opened in 1726, by John Stedman, grandson of Robert Stedman, 
the former owner of the same estate. He was succeeded, in 1728, 
by his widow, Sarah Stedman, and she, in 1734, by her son 
Ebenezer Stedman, who died Sept. 13, 1785, aged 76. 

Time would fail me should I attempt to enumerate and de- 
scribe all the inn-holders who have flourished in Cambridge. 
During the first century after the foundation of the town, licenses 
were granted to the following named persons (and perhaps oth- 
ers) besides those who have already been mentioned : 

Daniel Champney, 1691. 
William Russell, 1696-1715. 
Samuel Phipps, 1707-1709. 
Elizabeth Phipps, 1710-1712. 
Edward Marrett, 1709. 
Susanna Stacey, 1709, 1713-1715. 
Hannah Stacey, 1712, 1716-1724. 
Ruth Child, 1713-1715. 
Samuel Robinson, 1714-1720. 
John Smith, 1715-1717. 
James Ingham, 1716-1720. 
Samuel Smith, 1716-1735. 

James Cutler, 1718-1735. 
Thomas Thompson, 1721-1724. 
Elizabeth Thompson, 1725. 
Thomas Brown, 1721. 
William Bond, 1722-1724. 
Peter Oliver, 1727-1729. 
Joshua Gamage, 1729-1731. 
Daniel Champney, Jr., 1730-1733. 
Thomas Holt, 1730-1731. 
Thomas Dana, 1731-1735. 
William Bowen, 1732. 
Jonathan Starr, 1735. 

During the early part of the present century, the Davenport 
Tavern, at the westerly corner of North Avenue and Beech 
Street, was widely celebrated for the concoction of flip ; and in 

sition and confessions are preserved in 
the files of the County Court : " Urian 
Oakes, aged 14 yeares and upward do 
testifie that about 10 dayes since he and 
Percifall Greene being gathering up fruite 
in the Marshals orchard, Mr. Edw: Pel- 
ham came to them with a fowling peece 
in his hand and desired him to shoot a 
foule of G m . Farlengs, and when he was 
disapoynted there, he brought him to y e 
fence between y e Marshals yard and Capt. 
Gookins, where sat a turkie, and desired 
him to shoot y', w ch he accordingly did, 
and y e fowle being killed y e s d Pelham 
took y, coate of y e s d Urian and wrapt 
up the turkie in it, and sent it by Perci- 
fall Greene to Samuel Gibsons and bid 
him, leave it at y e said Gibsons house." 
" Samuel Gibson being examined do cou- 

fesse y' about 10 dayes sence Percifall 
Greene came to his house and brought a 
turkie wrapt up in a coate and left it 
there, and was dressed by his wife, and 
baked in the oven, and in the night fol- 
lowing it was eaten by Mr. Pelham, John 
Wise, and Russell, stud te -" etc. " Good- 
wife Gibson his wife do confesse y* w* is 
above related is y e truth, and y' she sus- 
pected it not to be stoalen, but that Mr. 
Pelham said he came by it honestly, and 
was frequently at their house. 23 (7) 
1672." The result appears on the Court 
Records, Oct. 1, 1672. " Samuel Gibson, 
being convicted of enterteyneing some of 
the stud' 8 - contrary to law, is sentenced to 
be admonished and to pay a fine of forty 
shillings in money. And he stands com- 
mitted until it be p d ." 


the easterly sections of the town the hostelries at the easterly 
corner of Main and Pearl streets, the westerly corner of Main 
and Douglass streets, near the westerly corner of Main and 
Moore streets, at the junction of Main Street and Broadway 
(and another a few rods farther eastward), at the junction of 
Cambridge and Bridge streets, and at the junction of Bridge and 
Gore streets, besides a generous local patronage, reaped an 
abundant harvest from the country teams engaged in transporting 
merchandise to and from Boston ; which teams almost entirely 
disappeared immediately after the construction of railroads, and 
the inns did not long afterwards flourish. 

Besides innkeepers, the County Court licensed others to sell 
intoxicating liquors by retail. Among the names of such retail- 
ers, in addition to those who have already been mentioned, the 
following appear during the first century : 

John Stedraan, 1653-1686. Jonathan Remington, 1713-1735. 

William Manning, 1654-1686. Nathaniel Hancock, Jr., 1707-1 709. 

Edmund Angier, 1674-1686. Mary Bordman, 1708-1714. 

Samuel Andrew, 1684-1691. John Stedman, 1717-1724. 

William Andrew, 1701. Sarah Fessenden, 1720-1735. 

Mrs. Seeth Andrew, 1702-1703. Mary Oliver, 1731-1732. 

Zachariah Hicks, 1704-1717. Edward Marrett, 1733-1735. 
Martha Remington, 1705-1712. 

Two of these retailers in their old age found it necessary to 
appeal to the County Court for relief ; their petitions are still 
preserved on file, to wit : 

" To the honored Court assembled at Cambridge, all pros- 
perity wished. Thease are to informe you that I wase brought 
up in an honest collinge in ould England, where we sould all 
sortes of goodes and strong waters, withought offence. I have 
bine now in this land forty-nine yeres and upwards in this towne, 
and have payd to the magistre and ministre, and to towne 
charges, and all willingly ; that I have helped to beare the bur- 
then and heate of the daye ; and now I am 74 yers and upward, 
yet I can abide in my shope and attend my collinge, though 
litell is to be gotten by anye thinge I can by ; that my trad will 
not maintayne my ffamily and other charges of towne and coun- 
trey and ministrye. There being so many sellers that never 
served for a trade, I desire that it might be no offence to aney 
that I continue in that collinge I was brought up to, and may 
have yo r leave to sell rome, it being a commodity sallabell and 
allowed to be brought into the countrey ; and many that was 


formerly a commodity is not now. Hopeing you will grant me 
my request, I rest y r servant, EDMUND ANGIER." 

April 7, 1686. 

"To the honored County Court sitting by adjournment at 
Charlestown, 24, 8 br ., 1690. The petition of John Stedman of 
Cambridge, aged 88, sheweth, That your petitioner, as is well 
known, hath had a license to sell Rum for many years past, 
which never was discontinued till the Revolution, since which he 
would have sought for the renewal of it, had he had the least 
notice when or where he ought to apply himself for it, or that 
any others renewed theirs: That your petitioner wonders that 
his daughter Sharp should be summoned to this Court for selling 
Rum without license, she never having sold any at Cambridg on 
her own or her husband's account, but upon the sole and proper 
account and by the order of your petitioner, who is well assured 
that he hath never given cause to be dealt with in extremity, he 
having never bin behindhand in paying for his draft, or in serv- 
ing the country to his power. Your petitioner therefore praies 
that his said daughter Sharp may no further be molested or dis- 
couraged from her dutiful and charitable assistance of your peti- 
tioner for his support and comfort in his extream old age, and 
that a license may be granted him as formerly. So praies your 
humble servant, JOHN STEDMAN." 

In addition to innholders and retailers, venders of beer and 
bread were licensed, one of whom, Andrew Belcher, has already 
been mentioned. Another was Mrs. Bradish, probably the wife 
of Robert Bradish, 1 who resided on the westerly corner of Har- 
vard and Holyoke streets, where the Holyoke House now stands. 
The following appeal to the County Court, without date, is in 
the handwriting of President Dunster, and is preserved in the 
files for 1654 : 

" Honored Gentlemen, as far as it may stand with the whole- 
some orders and prudential laws of the country for the publick 
weal, I can very freely speak with and write in the behalf of 
sister Bradish, that shee might be encouraged and countenanced 
in her present calling for baking of bread and brewing and selling 
of penny bear, without which shee canot continue to bake : In 
both which callings such is her art, way and skill, that shee doth 
vend such comfortable penniworths for the reliefe of all that send 

1 The license may have been granted to her husband ; but she seems to have 
been the active manager of the business. 


unto her as elsewhere they can seldom meet with. Shee was 
complained of unto me for harboring students unseasonably 
spending there their time and parents' estate ; but upon exam- 
ination I found it a misinformation, and that shee was most de- 
sirous that I should limit or absolutely prohibit any ;that in case 
of sickness or want of comfortable bread or bear in the College 
only they should thither resort and then not to spend above a 
penny a man, nor above two shillings in a quarter of a year ; 
which order shee carefully observed in all ordinary cases. How 
far she had publick allowance by the townsmen hertofore I leave 
to Br. Goff or any of our townsmen that are with you to shew : 
and how good effects for the promoting of the weal publick and 
how Christian a thing in itself godly emulation is, as your histor- 
ical knowledge informs you so your experience abundantly dem- 
onstrates, as contrarywise the undoing measures of monopolyes. 
The Lord to guide and prosper all your administrations shall bee 
the prayer of yours in what he can. H. DUNSTER." 

From time to time the Court established a scale of prices for 
ordinaries : 

" At a meeting of the magistrates and committee to take the 
Treasurer's account, Dec. 30, 1679 ; For the regulating of ex- 
penses at the County Courts, it is ordered that henceforth, for 
the juries, there shall be allowed in money, 

For their breakfast, one man, 0. 0. 4. 

For their dinner, " " 0. 1. 3. 

For their supper, " " 0. 1. 0. 

for the magistrates, 

For dinner, " " 0. 2. 0. 

For supper, " " 0. 1. 6. 

for the marshal! and constables, one meal, 0. 1.0. 

" And wine and beer, &c., to be included in the abovesaid 
sums ; and if any ordinary shall exceed the abovesaid order, it 
shall be at their own peril." 

In the Proprietors' Records, 1635, it is stated that a large lot, 
originally designed for Richard Saltonstall, " is now to be en- 
tered the Market Place." It was bounded northerly on Mount 
Auburn Street, easterly on Brighton Street, and southerly on 
Winthrop Street. This lot retained the name of Market Place 
more than two hundred years ; but there is no evidence that any 

1 Middlesex Co. Rec. 


market house was ever erected thereon. 1 It may have been used, 
long ago, as an open mart for the interchange of goods between 
producers and consumers ; but even of this, no proof remains. 
Again, when Davenport & Makepeace, in 1805, laid out streets 
in the Phips Farm, a Market Place was reserved at the junction 
of Market Street and Broadway ; but the time has not yet arrived 
for appropriating it to its intended use. In July, 1812, the first 
effectual movement was made for securing the long-desired ac- 
commodation. Premising that " a convenient market-stall, suffi- 
ciently capacious to admit meat and other articles to be exposed 
for sale, protected by a roof or covering from the rains and the 
sun, erected near the town pump in Cambridge, will be of gen- 
eral benefit," twenty-four persons subscribed an agreement for 
the accomplishment of that purpose. The " town pump " stood 
near the centre of Harvard Square ; and the Square was then 
much smaller than it now is, having since that period been en- 
larged on the northeasterly and westerly sides. On the westerly 
portion of this Square a building was erected, about thirty-four 
feet long and twenty-five feet wide, with posts, and rails around 
it, probably encumbering nearly the whole space granted for that 
use by the proprietors of common lands ; namely, " a square piece, 
measuring forty-six feet on each side." John Bowers engaged 
to erect the building for such price as should be determined by 
Deac. Josiah Moore, Deac. John Watson, and Mr. Thomas Ma- 
son. The referees reported, Nov. 5, 1812, that Mr. Bowers was 
entitled to $210.55, for labor and materials, and that materials 
had been furnished by subscribers, amounting to $38.39. They 
also estimated that it would cost $81.00 additional " to complete 
the coving, furnish posts and railings around the house, steps to 
each door, 2 raising the earth around it, providing benches, cleaver, 
block, and additional hooks, painting the building, and procur- 
ing Dearborn's patent Balance, with a scale attached thereto, that 
will weigh from half a pound to five hundred and forty weight." 3 

1 The Market Place is now generally also that the town shall have a right to 

called Winthrop Square. After remain- remove the enclosure, if they shall here- 

ing open and common for two centuries, after see fit." 

on petition of Levi Farwell and others, 2 One door was at the south end, and 

April 7, 1834, the Selectmen were author- one on the east side, 

ized " to permit Market Place, so called, To defray the whole cost, amounting 

to be enclosed as they shall judge for the to $329.94, and to provide " a fund for 

ornament and benefit of the town and the repairs," a joint stock was established of 

petitioners ; provided that the enclosure forty shares, valued at ten dollars, each, 

shall be of a permanent nature and with- which were immediately taken as follows : 

out expense to the town ; and provided Oliver Wendell, three shares ; Caleb Gan- 


At their meeting, Jan. 11, 1813, the proprietors established 
several Regulations, the first three of which were as follows : 
" 1. No person occupying said market house shall be permitted 
to use or vend spirituous liquors therein, except on such public 
occasions, and under such restrictions, as the committee may 
hereafter agree to and direct. 2. That no fire be carried into or 
kept in the market house, and that no cigars or pipes be allowed 
to be smoked therein. 3. That no shell or other fish be per- 
mitted to be kept in said market house, at any season of the 
year." 1 

The first occupant of the market house seems to have been Joel 
Wellington, who paid rent for the quarter ending March 31, 
1813; he also occupied it several years after April 1, 1814. The 
second occupant was Henry Greenwood, under a lease dated 
March 31, 1813, in which lease the committee of the proprietors 
reserved " one quarter part of said house, viz., next to the bal- 
ance and scale, for the purpose of accommodating those who may 
bring into the market, butter, eggs, or fowls, or any kinds of 
sauce ; but no person shall be admitted to vend therein such 
articles of provision as are usually supplied by butchers." The 
committee also reserved " the right of letting said market house 
on Wednesday and Thursday of Commencement week, without 
any deduction from the rent thereof." And it is worthy of note, 
that, according to the Treasurer's account current, Israel Porter 
paid for the use of the market house on those two days and the 
intervening night, the sum of twenty dollars, while the whole 
rent of the house for the year, exclusive of those days, was only 
forty dollars. Afterwards, this reservation of two days was dis- 
continued, and the rent was gradually increased to eighty dollars 
per annum, and taxes. 

A lease of the ground under and around the market house had 
been granted by the Proprietors of Common Lands, extending to 

nett, two ; John Mellen, two ; Josiah self and William Warland, one ; Samuel 
Moore, two ; Samuel Bartlett, two ; Israel Child, one ; Samuel Child, Jr., one ; Jonas 
Porter, two ; Sidney Willard, one ; Henry Wyeth, 3 d - one ; Thomas Austin, one ; 
Ware, one ; William Billiard, two ; Joseph Holmes, one ; Royal Morse, one ; 
Thomas Warland, one ; Artenatus Moore, John Walton, for himself and Ebenezer 
one ; Richard Bordman, two ; Eliab W. Stedman, Jr., one ; Jacob H. Bates, one ; 
Metcalf, one ; John Farrar, one ; John T. William Gamage, one. 
Kirkland, two; Levi Hedge, including 1 A cellar was constructed in 1816, and 
Joseph McKean's subscription, one ; was rented for fifteen dollars per annum 
James Read, Jr., two ; Joseph S. Read, to Zenas C. Atwood, " to keep for sale oys- 
for himself and William Brown, one; ters ; no kind of gambling, tippling, or ri- 
James Munroe, for himself and Torrey otous behaviour, to be suffered in said eel- 
Hancock, one; John Warland, for him- lar." 


April 1, 1833. But at a town meeting, April 3, 1826, a Com- 
mittee, of which Abraham Hilliard was chairman, submitted an 
elaborate Report concerning the respective rights of the Town 
and the Proprietors of Common Lands in and to several lots 
therein described, and concerning sundry encroachments on the 
public highways. The report recited the history of the lot on 
which the Market House stood, showing that, after it had been 
occupied about fifty years by a court house, it had remained open 
for public travel during a still longer period, from about 1760 to 
1812, and that the town had thus acquired the right of passage 
over it as a public highway ; which report was accepted, and 
arrangements were made to secure the immediate or future re- 
moval of all encroachments on any of the public highways in the 
town. At a meeting of the Proprietors of the Market House, 
March 5, 1827, " a deed was presented by a committee of the 
town of Cambridge, for the Proprietors to sign, thereby acknowl- 
edging that they have no right or title to the land whereon 
the market house now stands ; the proprietors refused to sign 
said deed, and voted, that William Hilliard, Levi Far well, and 
Joseph Holmes be a committee for the purpose of ascertaining 
whether a suitable lot of land can be procured upon which to 
remove the market house, and upon what terms. After an in- 
effectual negotiation, lasting more than two years, resort was had 
to legal process. At the September term of the Court of Com- 
mon Pleas, 1829, an indictment was presented by the Grand Jury 
against the Proprietors of the Market House, for keeping up and 
maintaining " a certain wooden building, extending in length 
thirty-four feet and in breadth twenty-five feet, with a cellar 
under the same, and with posts and railing on the sides thereof 
extending in length forty feet, standing upon the common and 
public highway in the town of Cambridge." The case was con- 
tinued from term to term until June, 1830, when the result is 
thus recorded : " And now, Asahel Stearns, Esq., Attorney for 
the Commonwealth in this behalf, says, the within named defend- 
ants having paid the costs of prosecution, and given satisfactory 
security for the removal of the nuisance within forty days from 
this seventeenth of June, 1830, he will no further prosecute this 
indictment." In due time the building was removed, and the 
Square has since remained open and unobstructed. 

The enclosure at the corner of North Avenue and Garden 
Street is generally supposed to be the most ancient burial-place 


in Cambridge. It was used for that purpose as early as January, 
4, 1635-6, when it was " ordered, that the burying-place sh^ll be 
paled in ; whereof John Taylcot is to do 2 rod, Georg Steele 3 
rod and a gate, Thomas Hosmer 3 rod, Mathew Allen 1 rod, 
and Andrew Warner appointed to get the remainder done at a 
public charge ; and he is to have iiis. a rod." But at an earlier 
date, April 7, 1634, we find this record : " Granted John Pratt 
two acres by the old burying-place, without the common pales." 
This evidently refers to some spot devoted to the burial of the 
dead, earlier than the one then in use. Its location is not cer- 
tainly known, yet it is indicated with some degree of probability 
by two circumstances: (1.) The lot owned by John Pratt in 
1635, was situated on the southerly side of Brattle Street, and on 
both sides of Milliard Street. (2.) The "common pales" are 
supposed to denote the stockade which was erected in 1632, 
nearly, if not precisely in the line of the present Ash Street, and 
of which Dr. Holmes says traces existed when he wrote his His- 
tory in 1800. It is not unreasonable then to suppose that " the 
old burying-place without the common pales " may have been at 
or near the westerly corner of Brattle and Ash streets, in the 
grounds now owned by Samuel Batchelder, Esq. 

A hundred years after the second burial-place was ordered to 
be "paled in," the town enclosed it by a substantial stone wall, 
instead of the old wooden fence, or pales. The corporation of 
Harvard College contributed one sixth part of the expense, 
as appears by their Records under date of Oct. 20, 1735 : 
" Whereas there is a good stone wall erected and erecting round 
the burying-place in Cambridge, which will come to about <150, 
and whereas there has been a considerable regard had to the 
College in building so good and handsome a wall in the front ; 
and the College has used, and expects to make use of the bury- 
ing-place as Providence gives occasion for it ; therefore, Voted, 
that as soon as the said stone wall shall be completed, the Treas- 
urer pay the sum of twenty-five pounds to Samuel Danforth, 
William Brattle and Andrew Bordman, Esq 8 ., a committee for 
the town to take care of the said fence." After another hundred 
years, in his Preface to " Epitaphs from the old Bury ing-ground 
in Cambridge," 1845, Mr. William Thaddeus Harris says, " It is 
rather surprising, that, in this age of improvement, Cambridge 
should fall behind her neighbors, and suffer her ancient grave- 
yard to lie neglected. Interesting as it is from containing within 
its limits the ' tombs of the prophets,' the spot is often visited by 


the curious stranger ; but it is to be feared that he as often 
leaves it with feelings of regret at its desolate appearance." It 
should be added, that this " desolate appearance " has been almost 
entirely removed within the last thirty years, and, though not pro- 
fusely ornamented, an air of quiet neatness now marks the spot. 
This ground, however, was of such limited dimensions, that in 
the course of nearly two hundred years the mouldering remains 
of some must have been disturbed, to give place to others. The 
increasing population of the two new villages in the easterly part 
of the town made the necessity urgent for additional room. Ac- 
cordingly, at a Town-meeting, May 27, 1811, a committee was 
appointed " to contract for a piece of land in the most eligible 
situation, for a new burial-ground in Cambridgeport." The 
Committee reported, August 5, that they had selected a spot, 
and they were empowered to purchase it. On the first day 
of January, 1812, Jonathan L. and Benjamin Austin, for $791.67, 
conveyed to the town two acres one' quarter and twenty rods of 
land, bounded north by Broadway and east by Norfolk Street, 
with a right of way to Harvard Street by a passage forty feet 
wide. For more than half a century this ground was used as a 
public burying-place, chiefly by the inhabitants of Cambridge- 
port and East Cambridge. Meantime the beautiful cemetery at 
Mount Auburn was consecrated by solemn religious services, 
Sept. 24, 1831, and the less extensive but scarcely less beautiful 
and attractive Cambridge Cemetery was in like manner con- 
secrated, Nov. 1, 1854. In one or the other of these cemeteries 
many of the inhabitants purchased lots, and reverently removed 
to a more quiet and secluded resting place the remains of their 
deceased friends. The ground, being comparatively disused for 
new burials, and divested of many treasures formerly deposited 
therein, gradually assumed a desolate and forlorn appearance, 
until a general desire was expressed to discontinue entirely its 
former use and to convert "it into a public park. Application 
was accordingly made to the General Court for permission to 
effect the desired change ; and on the 29th of April, 1865, it was 
" Resolved, that the city council of the city of Cambridge is 
hereby authorized, at the expense of said city, to remove the re- 
mains of the dead from the burial ground between Broadway 
and Harvard Street in Ward Number Two, in said Cambridge, to 
the Cambridge Cemetery, or such other burial place in the vicin- 
ity of Cambridge as the relatives and friends of the deceased may 
designate and provide Said ground shall be surrounded by 


suitable enclosures, and shall forever remain unused for a public 
street, unoccupied by any building, and open as a public park. 
In due time the work was accomplished ; a suitable fence was 
erected, the ground properly graded, walks constructed, and trees 
planted, so that the park has already become ornamental to the 
city. 1 

Cambridge Common originally extended northwestwardly as 
far as to Linnaean Street, including all the land thus far between 
Garden Street and North Avenue. It was used for military pa- 
rades and other public purposes, but especially for the safe keep- 
ing of the herd of cows, through the nights of the summer sea- 
son, and was therefore called the Cow-common. In April, 1720, 
a survey was made for the purpose of division ; but the work was 
not completed until 1724, when that portion lying northerly of 
Waterhouse Street was laid out into lots, which were assigned 
to individuals. The Common was thus reduced substantially to 
its present dimensions. It continued to be the property of the 
" Proprietors of Common Lands," until Nov. 20, 1769, when 
they " Voted, that all the common lands belonging to the Pro- 
prietors, fronting the college, commonly called the Town Com- 
mons, not heretofore granted or allotted to any particular person 
or persons, or for any special or particular use, be and the same 
is hereby granted to the town of Cambridge, to be used as a train- 
ing-field, to lie undivided, and to remain for that use forever ; 
provided nevertheless, that if the said town should dispose of, 
grant, or appropriate the same, or any part thereof, at any time 
hereafter, to or for any other use than that aforementioned, that 
then and in such case the whole of the premises hereby granted to 
said town shall revert to the Proprietors granting the same, and 
the present grant shall thereupon be deemed null and void, to all 

1 Across the westerly end of this burial upon an ancient Indian fireplace, and had 

place a large lot was reserved for the burial to remove nearly a ton of stones from the 

of paupers and strangers, generally called spot. That part of the town being, ac- 

the " Strangers' Lot." In the Cambridge cording to appearance, formerly a great 

Chronicle, Aug. 20, 1846, the late Mr. place for Indian resort, we expected to 

Daniel Stone, who had long been Super- come across other relics of the Red men ; 

intendent of the ground, published some but before and since that time, there have 

reminiscences, among which was the fol- been more than 2500 burials in all parts 

lowing : " Remarkable Coincidence. In of the lot, and this is the only discovery 

February, 1826, Lemuel Johns, an Indian we have made. This was the only Indian 

aged fifty-nine years, from the tribe that buried in the ground, and it would seem 

once owned Grafton, .... was buried that he had been providentially brought 

in the Strangers' Lot, as his turn came into the improvements of perhaps some 

in rotation. From two to three feet from of his ancestors." 
the top of the ground, the diggers came 


intents and purposes, as if the same had never been made." At 
a town meeting, March 3, 1828, the Selectmen reported that 
they had purchased for the town all the remaining rights of the 
Proprietors in the common lands, and had taken " a good and 
sufficient deed thereof, and caused the same to be recorded." 

Before the Common was fully released to the town, a desire was 
manifested to embellish it and convert it into a pleasant park. 
At a town meeting, April 7, 1823, a petition was presented by 
William Hilliard and others for liberty, at their own expense, 
" to make certain improvements on the Common in said town, by 
setting out trees, fencing in certain parts, etc., not incompatible 
with the original grant to said town." The petition was referred 
to a Committee, who having " matured nothing " were discharged 
at the next meeting. The matter seems then to have rested 
until June 5, 1830, when it was enacted by the General Court, 
" that Israel Porter, Stephen Higginson, Asahel Stearns, Joseph 
Holmes, and Francis Dana, with their associates, be and they 
are hereby authorized and empowered, at their own expense, and 
under the direction of two commissioners, to be appointed by the 
governor, with the advice of the council, to enclose such part or 
parts of the Common in Cambridge, in the County of Middlesex, 
as the said commissioners shall determine, due regard being had 
to the public convenience and necessity. And the said commis- 
sioners, after giving due notice to all persons interested, shall 
have power to make such alterations with respect to the direction 
of the roads by which the said common is traversed, as they shall 
see fit, and shall designate the portion or portions of the said 
common to be enclosed, by metes and bounds, and shall make 
report of their doings, under their hands and seals, and file the 
same in the Secretary's office as soon as may be convenient after 
the said service shall have been performed. And they are further 
authorized and empowered to level the surface of the ground, to 
plant trees, and lay out and make walks within said enclosure, 
in such manner as, with the approbation of the selectmen of the 
said town, they may think proper, leaving suitable and conven- 
ient avenues for the accommodation of persons who may have oc- 
casion to enter or pass over any part of said enclosure on foot. 
Be it further enacted, that the said enclosure shall be forever 
kept and appropriated to public use only, as a public park, 
promenade, and place for military parade ; and no part thereof 
shall, on any pretence, be appropriated to any purpose of private 
use or emolument." l The work was accomplished in due time, 
1 Mass. Spec. Laws, vii. 7. 


and the expenses were defrayed by the .petitioners and their asso- 
ciates. Meantime, a determined opposition to any enclosure of 
the Common was manifested by many persons in East Cam- 
bridge, and by certain market-men and others residing in Arling- 
ton and elsewhere, among whom Col. Jeduthun Wellington was 
especially prominent, notwithstanding the weight of more than 
fourscore years. On their petition a town meeting was held, 
Oct. 8, 1830. The people assembled in the old Court House, 
the usual place of meeting ; but so great was the concourse that 
they immediately adjourned to the meeting-house of the First 
Parish. After an angry and stormy debate, it was voted, by a 
majority of 169 against 119, to postpone indefinitely the further 
consideration of the first and second articles in the warrant, 
to wit: "Art. 1. To take into consideration the expediency of 
petitioning the Legislature, at their next session, so far to repeal 
the Act passed in June last, authorizing certain persons therein 
named to inclose Cambridge Common, as to secure to the public 
the right to travel over the said Common by the roads heretofore 
laid out by competent authority. Art. 2. To see if the town 
will take any measures in relation to the proposed inclosure of 
Cambridge Common." Another meeting was held, Nov. 1, 1830, 
when it was voted by a majority of 299 against 211, to postpone 
indefinitely the further consideration of the question, whether the 
town will petition the Legislature so far to repeal the act author- 
izing the enclosure of the Common, as to " secure to the public 
the right to travel over said Common by the road passing by Dr. 
Hill's and the late Deacon Moore's l to the road leading to Canal 
Bridge, 2 and also the right to travel over said Common by the 
road heretofore called the Cambridge and Concord Turnpike." 
Although the town thus declined to ask for even a partial repeal 
of the obnoxious act, it appears that individuals presented a peti- 
tion to the General Court ; for at a meeting of " the subscribers 
for enclosing and ornamenting Cambridge Common," Jan. 11, 
1832, it was voted, " to request the Hon. Judge Fay and Prof. 
Ashmun to attend before the Committee of the Legislature to 
defend the interests of the subscribers." The appeal to the Gen- 
eral Court being ineffectual, as a last resort a petition was pre- 
sented to the County Commissioners ; whereupon the town, 
voting by ballot, and by a majority of 343 against 111, appointed 
Judge Story, Judge Fay, and William J. Whipple, " to oppose 
before the County Commissioners, and otherwise, the petition of 
1 Mason Street. 2 Cambridge Street. 


Jeduthun Wellington and others, for a highway to be laid out 
over Cambridge Common." The history and result of this peti- 
tion appear on the records of the Commissioners, January Term, 
1835 : " A petition of Jeduthun Wellington and others for a 
new highway across Cambridge Common was presented to the 
County Commissioners " at the May Term, 1832, and an order of 
notice was issued. The case was heard at the September Term, 
1832, when after argument and due deliberation, the Commission- 
ers " did adjudge and determine that they had no jurisdiction in 
the premises, and could not by law lay out and establish a pub- 
lic highway over and across said Common, as prayed for," etc. 
"Whereupon the said petitioners applied to the Supreme Judicial 
Court of this Commonwealth for a mandamus upon said Commis- 
sioners, requiring them to exercise jurisdiction in the premises ; 
and the said Supreme Judicial Court having refused to grant 
such writ of mandamus, it is now ordered, that said petition, 
which has been continued from term to term, to await the deter- 
mination of the said Supreme Judicial Court, to this time, be dis- 
missed." Costs of Court were assessed upon the petitioners, who 
pursued this litigation no further. This result was highly grati- 
fying and advantageous to the inhabitants of Old Cambridge, 
who thus secured in perpetuity, for themselves and their succes- 
sors, a spacious and pleasant park, rich in historical recollections. 
It was here that Washington assumed the command of the Amer- 
ican army ; and here still flourishes the venerable elm, under 
which tradition says he stood, while his commission was read and 
proclaimed. Long may that monumental tree escape the ravages 
of the rampant vandalism which disgraces the present age. 

But the benefit thus derived was not without its drawback. 
The old proverb, that " every rose has its thorn," was verified in 
this case. The fierce and angry contest, which gave to Old 
Cambridge its beautiful Common, indirectly transferred to Cam- 
bridgeport the public meetings of the town and the offices for the 
transaction of municipal affairs. The old Court House 1 would 
not contain the multitude assembled on the 8th of October, 1830, 
and the meeting, according to a former custom, adjourned to the 

1 It was agreed, Dec. 24, 1632, "that the joint expense of the town and county, 

every person undersubscribed shall meet to be used for both court house and town- 

every first Monday in every month within house. A similar concert of action was 

the meeting-house." Probably the town had in 1756, when the town agreed to 

meetings were uniformly held in the share the expense of erecting a new court 

meeting-house, or church edifice, until house, which was also used as a town- 

about 1708, when a house was erected at house until 1831. 


meeting-house of the First Parish. It is understood that some 
members of that Parish expressed a natural unwillingness to 
have their house of worship used for the transaction of secular 
business, and especially for the indulgence and expression of 
angry passions. After the close of this unpleasant meeting, 
some of the citizens discussed the propriety of erecting a house 
sufficiently large to accommodate the voters, so that there might 
be no further occasion to use the church ; and it very naturally 
occurred to them that if such a house should be erected, it would 
be well to place it where it would best accommodate the whole 
town. 1 The result was the insertion of an article in the War- 
rant for the next town-meeting, Nov. 1, 1830, " to see if the town 
will erect a Town-house on the Almshouse lot, or some other 
suitable spot, as prayed for by John Cook and others." This 
article was referred to a committee consisting of three prominent 
citizens in each section of the town, to wit : Samuel P. P. 
Fay, Royal Makepeace, John Cook, Stephen Higginson, Asahel 
Stearns, Levi Farwell, William Parmenter, Samuel S. Green, 
and Ephraim Buttrick. This committee reported, March 7, 
1831, "-that, having considered the subject, it is, in their opinion, 
expedient that a town-house should be erected on the easterly 
part of the almshouse lot in the parish of Cambridgeport, as 
more central to the population of the town than the present 
house, and that a house sufficient to accommodate the town may 
be built for a sum not exceeding $2,000 : that when such house 
shall be finished, all town meetings should be held therein from 
and after that time." The report was accepted ; and Levi Far- 
well, Luther S. Gushing, and William Parmenter were appointed 
as a committee " to report a suitable location, prepare plans, and 
report estimates for a town-house." At the next town meeting, 
April 4, 1831, the committee recommended that the town-house 
be erected at the northeasterly corner of the Almshouse lot, 2 and 
presented a plan of an edifice, drawn by Asher Benjamin, and 
estimated to cost $2,505. The town accepted the report, elected 
a building committee, consisting of John Chamberlin, Luther S. 
Gushing, and William Parmenter, and authorized the Treasurer 
to pay the bills therefor, not exceeding the sum of $3,000. Sub- 
sequently an additional appropriation of $1,300 was made. The 
total expense, including $296.09 for furniture and $145.13 for 
fencing the lot, was $4,351.19. In asking for estimates, the 

1 Some of these facts are stated on the 2 At the corner of Harvard and Nor- 
authority of the late Samuel S. Green, folk streets, where the Catholic Church 
Esq., as within his personal knowledge. now stands. 


building committee inserted this specification : " The house is to 
be of wood, forty-six feet in front or breadth, and seventy-six 
feet long, with posts twenty feet and four inches high, and the 
roof one fourth of its base in height ; on each end of the building, 
in addition to the aforesaid length, will be a portico, of six feet in 
width, consisting of six fluted Doric columns, with an entablature 
and pediment." Internally, there was one principal hall, fifty- 
nine feet long, of the whole width and height of the building. 
At the rear, or west end, were two rooms, half the full height, 
each eighteen feet long and fifteen feet wide, with an entry be- 
tween them : over which was another room extending across the 
whole, to which access was had by two flights of stairs from the 
principal hall. The town held its first meeting in the new house 
March 5, 1832, and all subsequent town-meetings were held in 
the same place. After Cambridge became a city in 1846, the 
Mayor and Aldermen assembled in the southerly small room, 1 
and the Common Council in the larger room above, until the 
evening of Dec. 29, 1853, when, in the midst of a furious snow- 
storm, the whole building was utterly consumed by fire. Fortu- 
nately, all the Records and other books and public papers were 
preserved, the larger and more valuable portion being removed 
while the flames were raging, and the remainder being afterwards 
found in the safe uninjured, except that they were discolored by 
smoke. After the destruction of this edifice, rooms for the ac- 
commodation of the City Government were obtained in the Cam- 
bridge Athenaeum, at the easterly corner of Main and Pleasant 
streets. This edifice was subsequently purchased and converted 
into the present City Hall. 

For the space of forty years after the erection of West Boston 
Bridge, Cambridgeport was an isolated village, separated from 
Old Cambridge by a belt of land half a mile in width, almost 
wholly unoccupied by buildings. East Cambridge was even more 
completely separated from the other two villages by the Great 
Marsh. In 1835, the heirs of Chief Justice Dana sold the tract 
of land now called " Dana Hill," having laid it out into streets 
and lots ; and they sold other portions of the same estate, in 
1840, extending, on the northerly side of Harvard Street, as far 
westerly as Remington Street. Buildings were soon erected on 
this territory, so that, within a few years, Old Cambridge and 
Cambridgeport became one continuous village, and the original 
1 The northerly room was the office of the City Treasurer. 


parish line would not be observed by a stranger. East Cam- 
bridge also, though more slowly, approached Cambridgeport, 
especially on Cambridge Street ; and an extensive system of 
improvement has been recently commenced, which promises to 
convert the northerly portion of the Great Marsh into dry land, 
and at no distant day to unite the inhabited portions of the two 
villages " along the whole line." Meanwhile, it was natural, in 
the early days when the two new villages were struggling into 
existence, that a spirit of rivalry, sometimes attended by jealousy, 
should become manifest between each other and between both 
and the 'ancient town. Their interests were sometimes adverse. 
Sharp contests between Cambridgeport and East Cambridge, or 
rather between the large landholders in the two places, in regard 
to streets and bridges, have been mentioned elsewhere. The re- 
moval of the courts and the public offices to East Cambridge, by 
the authority of the County Court, was a sore grievance to the 
people of Old Cambridge, and by no means agreeable to the in- 
habitants of Cambridgeport, whose access to the Court was easier 
before than after the removal. It was another grievance to Old 
Cambridge, that the municipal government should be removed 
from its time-honored seat to Cambridgeport ; but this was ap- 
proved by East Cambridge, because the new place was easier of 
access. On the other side, the new villages had long standing 
grievances, growing out of a real or supposed unwillingness of 
Old Cambridge to give them their full share of schools, streets, 
and other public conveniences. Especially in regard to streets, 
they frequently complained that they were required to pay their 
proportionate share of the expense of keeping all the old streets 
in repair, and at the same time to pay the whole expense of mak- 
ing and repairing the streets necessary for their own convenience, 
including those which were constantly used by Old Cambridge 
in passing to Boston. At the expiration of half a century after 
the erection of the bridge, many of those sources of mutual jeal- 
ousy had disappeared, and time had at least partially healed the 
wounds occasioned by events which were beyond remedy. The 
new villages had become sufficiently strong to protect their own 
interests and to secure for themselves a fair and equitable pro- 
portion of public conveniences. At the same time, no one section 
was able to control or oppress the two others ; and it does not 
appear that any desire to do so was cherished. Many of those 
who had been active in the early struggles had passed off the 
stage ; a great majority of the inhabitants had become such since 



those struggles ended ; and although each may have had a nat- 
ural desire to make his own particular dwelling-place pleasant 
and convenient, and may have cherished a generous spirit of 
rivalry, yet all had a common pride in the reputation of the 
whole town, and desired the prosperity of all its institutions. 

In the midst of this general harmony and peace, a desire for a 
division of the town was unexpectedly manifested by a portion 
of the residents in Old Cambridge, who presented to the General 
Court a petition, dated Dec. 15, 1842, as follows : 

" To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

" The undersigned inhabitants of the westerly part of Cam- 
bridge, being that part of the town usually called Old Cambridge, 
respectfully represent, 

" That, in consequence of the rapid increase of population in 
those parts of the town being nearest to Boston, and called Cam- 
bridgeport and East Cambridge, the town in fact consists of three 
distinct and separate communities, which are generally known to 
the public by those names, and each of which has a Post Office 
recognized in the United States Laws by the said names of Cam- 
bridge, Cambridgeport, and East Cambridge ; That the time 
cannot be far distant, when a division of the town, for the con- 
venience of elections and other municipal purposes, will be 
deemed as necessary as it ever has been at any former period of 
its history, when the towns of Newton, Lexington, Brighton and 
West Cambridge were successively separated from the parent 
town of Cambridge. Your petitioners believe that the present 
is a favorable time for an amicable division of the town, and they 
therefore respectfully pray that the town of Cambridge may be 
divided, and that that part thereof lying westerly of Lee Street 
and a line drawn in the direction of said street northerly to the 
boundary line of Somerville, and southerly to Watertown Turn- 
pike, and by said Turnpike to Charles River, may be incorporated 
as a distinct town, by the name of Cambridge." 

Legislative action was postponed until the next General Court, 
when a supplementary petition was presented, identical with the 
former, with slight verbal changes, except that the name " Old 
Cambridge " was proposed instead of " Cambridge." The cus- 
tomary order of notice on both petitions was issued, requiring 
the town to show cause why it should not be divided, and the 
inhabitants assembled Jan. 22, 1844 : at which meeting it is re- 
corded, that " The subject of the second article in the warrant 


being under consideration, the following Preamble and Resolu- 
tions were adopted, 312 voting in the affirmative, and 73 in 
the negative : Whereas, it is understood that there are now pend- 
ing before the honorable Legislature two petitions, .... praying 
for a division of this town ; and whereas an order of notice .... 
has been issued and duly served on this town ; . . . . and whereas 
the inhabitants of the town, in pursuance of a warrant issued by 
the selectmen, are now in town meeting assembled, to take into 
consideration the subject of the division of the town ; and whereas, 
after full inquiry made and full discussion had, no person on be- 
half of the petitioners being able to show any good and sufficient 
reason for such division : therefore 

" Resolved, that the division of this town, as prayed for in 
either of said petitions, or in any other manner, would be not 
only inexpedient, but greatly and permanently prejudicial to the 
true interests and the legitimate weight and influence of the 

A committee was thereupon appointed, representing the sev- 
eral principal villages, " to appear before the Legislature and 
oppose any such division of the town." The case was earnestly 
contested, but the opposition was successful. The General Court, 
in the absence of any good reason for division, granted leave to 
withdraw the petition ; and the town had rest for two years. 

At the March meeting l succeeding this attempt to divide the 
town, for the purpose of obviating one of the difficulties in the 
administration of municipal affairs, a committee was " appointed 
to consider the expediency of combining the duties of sundry 
Boards of town-officers, imposing said duties upon a single Board, 
and paying to the persons performing said duties a reasonable 
compensation for their services." This committee submitted a 
report, May 12, 1845, recommending " that the Boards of Asses- 
sors, Overseers of the Poor, and Surveyors of Highways be abol- 
ished, and the duties heretofore performed by those Boards be 
in future discharged by the Board of Selectmen ; that the duties 
of Auditor of Accounts be transferred to the Town Clerk, who 
shall ex-officio be clerk of the Board of Selectmen ; that the chair- 
man of the Board of Selectmen be ex-officio a member of the 
School Committee ; that the Selectmen be authorized and re- 
quired annually to appoint some member of their Board to be 
Chief Engineer ; and that the Selectmen and Town Clerk be 
reasonably paid for their services." The report was recommitted, 

1 March 11, 1844. 


with authority to revise and print. It came up for final action, 
Jan. 5, 1846, and its further consideration was indefinitely post- 

After the defeat of this measure, several citizens, before leav- 
ing the Town-house, being confident that some change in the 
method of conducting the public business was highly desirable, 
if not indeed imperatively necessary, signed a petition requesting 
the Selectmen to appoint a legal meeting, to see if the town 
would ask for a City Charter. Accordingly the inhabitants of 
the town met, Jan. 14, 1846, and " voted, that the Selectmen be 
instructed to petition the Legislature for the grant of a City 
Charter. Voted, that the Selectmen, together with Simon 
Greenleaf, Omen S. Keith, Abraham Edwards, Sidney Willard, 
Thomas Whittemore, Isaac Livermore, William Parmenter, Eph- 
raim Buttrick, Thomas F. Norris, and the Town Clerk, be a 
Committee to draft a Bill in conformity to the preceding vote, 
and to use all proper means to procure its passage." 

A renewed effort was made for a division of the town, while 
action on the petition for a City Charter was pending ; but now, 
as before, a large majority of the whole town opposed the division. 
At a town meeting, Feb. 18, 1846, by the votes of 246 in the 
affirmative against 50 in the negative, it was " Resolved, that, 
in the judgement of this meeting, the true interest and glory of 
the town of Cambridge require that it remain undivided. Re- 
solved, that we will oppose the division of the town, as prayed 
for, .... by all fair means. Resolved, that the Selectmen be 
requested to appear before the Committee of the Legislature to 
whom said petition has been committed, and to oppose the prayer 
of said petition, and to employ counsel, if they shall deem it ex- 
pedient." After a full hearing, the petitioners, as in the former 
case, had leave to withdraw their petition, and the town again 
escaped dismemberment. 

Before narrating the result of the petition for a City Charter, 
one more effort for a division may be mentioned. In January, 
1855, a petition was presented to the General Court, short, but 
expressive and very remarkable : " To the Honorable the Sen- 
ate and House of Representatives in General Court assembled : 
Your petitioners pray that a portion of the westerly part of the 
City of Cambridge comprising Ward One l be set off and incor- 
porated into a town by the name of Cambridge, and that the 

1 Ward One then embraced all the territory lying westerly of the line of Dana 


remaining portion of the territory of said City be called Cara- 
bridgeport, or such other name as may seem fit." This was fol- 
lowed by a petition from certain inhabitants of the Third Ward, 
asking to be incorporated as a distinct town, but more modestly 
requesting that the new town might be called East Cambridge. 
On the 21st of February, 1855, orders of notice on these petitions 
having been read, it was ordered, by concurrent vote of the City 
Council, " That the Mayor be authorized to adopt such measures 
in opposition to the prayer of said petitions as he shall judge ex- 
pedient ; and that he be also authorized to employ counsel, if he 
shall deem it expedient." It is proper to mention the fact, that 
when this vote to resist a division of the City was passed, the 
First and Third Wards, in which the petitions originated, had a 
clear majority of members both in the Board of Aldermen and in 
the Common Council. The petition from East Cambridge was 
not urgently pressed ; but upon that from Old Cambridge an 
earnest struggle ensued. 1 The opposition was again successful, 
and Cambridge remained undivided. Whatever excitement at- 
tended this contest speedily abated, and those who were most 
prominently active on either side cherished a spirit of mutual 
friendship and respect as aforetime. And now, after an interval 
of more than twenty years, it is not known that a desire for divis- 
ion is entertained in any section of the city. 

The petition for a City Charter was opposed by the citizens 
who desired a division of the town ; but its advocates presented 
such satisfactory arguments in its favor that it was granted, and 
" An Act to establish the City of Cambridge " was approved 
March 17, 1846, containing a provision that it " shall be void, 
unless the inhabitants of the town of Cambridge, at a legal town 
meeting, called for that purpose, shall, by a majority of the 
voters present and voting thereon by ballot, determine to adopt 
the same, within twenty days after its passage." Such a meet- 
ing was held March 30, 1846, when, according to the Record, 
" the polls having been opened at twenty minutes past ten 
o'clock, A. M., for the reception of ballots on the question whether 
the town will adopt the Act of the Legislature, passed on the 
17th of March instant, entitled ' An Act to establish the City of 

1 In his argument against division, the precedented request; and that their sug- 

principal speaker made effective use of the gestion was altogether gratuitous, that 

extraordinary fact, that the petitioners, " the remaining portion of the territory 

like their predecessors in 1844, did not of said city be called Cambridgeport, or 

ask to be set off from Cambridge, but to such other name as may seem fit." 
be incorporated as Cambridge, an un- 


Cambridge,' and closed, agreeably to vote, at six o'clock, P. M., 
the result was ascertained to be as follows ; whole number of 
ballots, 869 ; in the affirmative, 645 ; in the negative, 224 ; the 
majority in favor of adopting said Act being 421. Whereupon 
said result was announced by the Moderator, and proclamation 
made, that the Town of Cambridge, having accepted its Charter 
by the requisite majority of votes, as therein prescribed, had be- 
come a City." 



As stated more at large in chapter ii., Cambridge was originally 
designed to be a fortified town, the seat of government, and the 
residence of the rulers. It was agreed, Dec. 28, 1630, that all 
the Assistants, except two, should build there " the next spring, 
and to winter there the next year." Dudley and his son-in-law, 
Bradstreet, were the only Assistants who fully performed what 
was promised. Apparently there were very few inhabitants in 
the town for a year and a half, until Aug. 14, 1632, when " the 
Braintree Company," otherwise called " Mr. Hooker's Com- 
pany," were directed by the Court to remove thither. Under 
such circumstances, it is not surprising, that, contrary to the 
usual custom, a church was not immediately organized, and a 
house erected and dedicated to the service of God. There is no 
evidence within my knowledge that meetings were held in Cam- 
bridge for religious worship, before the arrival of " Mr. Hook- 
er's company ; " and for a whole year afterwards, until Mr. 
Hooker himself arrived, this flock probably had no pastor nor 
stated teacher. Meantime, Prince says, 1 on authority of a man- 
uscript letter, that in " this year (1632) is built the first house 
for public worship at Newtown (after called Cambridge) with a 
bell upon it." No notice of the erection of such a house is found 
on the records of the town ; yet the fact that it had been erected 
seems to be recognized in an agreement made Dec. 24, 1632, 
" that every person undersubscribed shall meet every first Mon- 
day in every month, within the meeting-house 2 in the afternoon, 
within half an hour after the ringing of the bell." The connec- 
tion between Mr. Hooker and the " Braintree Company " is re- 
lated by Mather, and more concisely by Dr. Holmes : " The 
recent settlers of Newtown had, while in England, attended the 
ministry of the Reverend Thomas Hooker, who, to escape fines 

1 Annals, ii. 75. worship, was on the southwesterly corner 

8 The house first erected for public of Dunster and Mount Auburn streets. 


and imprisonment, for his nonconformity, had now fled into Hol- 
land. To enjoy the privilege of such a pastor, they were willing 
to migrate to any part of the world. No sooner, therefore, was 
he driven from them, than they turned their eyes towards New 
England. They hoped that, if comfortable settlements could be 
made in this part of America, they might obtain him for their pas- 
tor. Immediately after their settlement at Newtown, they ex- 
pressed their earnest desires to Mr. Hooker, that he would come 
over into New England, and take the pastoral charge of them. 
At their desire, he left Holland; and, having obtained Mr. 
Samuel Stone, a lecturer at Torcester, in Northamptonshire, for 
an assistant in the ministry, took his passage for America, and 

arrived at Boston September 4, 1633 Mr. Hooker, on his 

arrival at Boston, proceeded to Newtown, where he was received 
with open arms by an affectionate and pious people. He was 
now chosen pastor, and Mr. Stone teacher, of the people at New- 
town ; and on the llth of October, 1633, after solemn fasting and 
prayer, they were ordained to their respective offices." l Under 
this date, Winthrop says, "A fast at Newtown, where Mr. 
Hooker was chosen pastor, and Mr. Stone teacher, in such man- 
ner as before at Boston." 2 As he says nothing concerning the 
organization of the Church at that time, it would seem probable 
that it had been constituted previously, but at what precise date 
does not appear. From the same authority we learn the name of 
the Ruling Elder of this church, in September, 1634 : " At this 
court, Mr. Goodwin, a very reverend and godly man, being the 
elder of the congregation of Newtown, having in heat of argument, 
used some unreverend speech to one of the assistants, and being 
reproved for the same in the open court, did gravely and humbly 
acknowledge his fault, &c." 3 In 1636, the Church with its officers 
removed to Hartford, Connecticut, as related in chapter iv., and 
thenceforth ceased all visible connection with Cambridge. 4 

Meantime a new company arrived from England, under the 
leadership of Rev. Thomas Shepard, who purchased the houses 
and lands of their predecessors, and organized a new church even 

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 12. gifts and graces, his Christian humility 

2 Savage's Winthrop, i. 115. was conspicuous at the hour of death. 
8 Ibid., i. 142. Elder William Good- As related by Mather, " when one that 

win, eminent in the State as well as in the stood weeping by the bed side said unto 

Church, died at Farmington, Conn., him, ' Sir, you are going to receive the 

March 11, 1672-3. reward of all your labors,' he replied, 

4 Mr. Hooker, that " bright and shin- ' Brother, I am going to receive mercv.' " 

in<j light," died July 7, 1647. Though The pious, learned, and witty Mr. Stone 

renowned " in both Englands " for his died July 20, 1 663. 


before the actual removal of the former, embracing probably a 
very few of its members who remained here. Winthrop, who 
undoubtedly was present, describes with much particularity the 
organization of this Church, under date of Feb. 1, 1635-6 : 

" Mr. Shepherd, a godly minister, came lately out of England, 
and divers other good Christians, intending to raise a church 
body, came and acquainted the magistrates therewith, who gave 
their approbation. They also sent to all the neighboring churches, 
for their elders to give their assistance, at a' certain day, at New- 
town, when they should constitute their body. Accordingly, at 
this day, there met a great assembly, where the proceeding was 
as followeth : Mr. Shepherd and two others (who were after to 
be chosen to office) sate together in the elder's seat. Then the 
elder of them began with prayer. After, this, Mr. Shepherd 
prayed with deep confession of sin, etc., and exercised out of 
Eph. v. that he might make it to himself a holy, etc. ; and 
also opened the cause of their meeting, etc. Then the elder de- 
sired to know of the churches assembled, what number were 
needful to make a church, and how they ought to proceed in this 
action. Whereupon some of the ancient ministers, conferring 
shortly together, gave answer, that the Scripture did not set down 
any certain rule for the number. Three (they thought) were 
too few, because by Matt, xviii., an appeal was allowed from 
three ; but that seven might be a fit number. And, for their pro- 
ceeding, they advised, that such as were to join should make con- 
fession of their faith, and declare what work of grace the Lord 
had wrought in them ; which accordingly they did, Mr. Shepherd 
first, then four others, then the elder, and one who was to be 
deacon, (who had also prayed,) and another member. Then the 
covenant was read, and they all gave a solemn assent to it. Then 
the elder desired of the churches, that, if they did approve them 
to be a church, they would give them the right hand of fellowship. 
Whereupon Mr. Cotton, (upon short speech with some others 
near him,) in the name of their churches, gave his hand to the 
elder, with a short speech of their assent, and desired the peace 
of the Lord Jesus to be with them. Then Mr. Shepherd made 
an exhortation to the rest of his body, about the nature of their 
covenant, and to stand firm to it, and commended them to the 
Lord in a most heavenly prayer. Then the elder told the assem- 
bly, that they were intended to choose Mr. Shepherd for their 
pastor, (by the name of the brother who had exercised,) and de- 
sired the churches, that, if they had any thing to except against 


him, they would impart it to them before the day of ordination. 
Then he gave the churches thanks for their assistance, and so left 
them to the Lord." l 

The relations previously existing between Mr. Shepard and 
many of the early members of this Church are mentioned by him- 
self in his autobiography. Born Nov. 5, 1605, at Towcester, 
Northamptonshire, and educated at Emanuel College in Cam- 
bridge, A. B. 1623, A. M. 1627, he took orders in the English 
Church ; but as he could not conscientiously conform to all its 
ceremonies, he was constantly harassed by its rulers, and pre- 
vented from the exercise of his ministry in peace. After preach- 
ing at Earles Colne somewhat more than three years (where he 
secured the lasting friendship of Roger Harlakenden), and about 
a year at Buttercrambe, Yorkshire (where he married his first 
wife), and another year in sundry places in Northumberland, he 
sought refuge from constant persecution, by a removal to New 
England. He failed in his first attempt, however, being driven 
back by stress of weather ; but his second attempt was success- 
ful, and he arrived at Boston Oct. 3, 1635, with his " wife, child, 
brother Samuel, Mr. Harlakenden, Mr. Cooke, &c." 2 Two days 
afterwards, he came to Cambridge and took lodgings at the house 
of Mr. Stone. " The reasons," says he in his Autobiography, 
" which swayed me to come to New England, were many. 1. I 
saw no call to any other place in Old England nor way of sub- 
sistence in peace and comfort to me and my family. 2. Diverse 
people in Old England of rny dear friends desired me to go to 
New England, there to live together, and some went before and 

i Savage's Winthrop, \. 180. The or- together, they may supply what this pres- 

ganization of this Church is commemo- ent work lacks in the graces of descrip- 

rated in A Discourse on the Cambridge tion and fullness of detail. A general 

Church Gathering in 1636, delivered in reference is now made, once for all, to 

the First Church on Sunday, February those Lectures for a particular account of 

22, 1846, by William Nevaell, Pastor of the doctrines taught and the books writ- 

the First Church in Cambridge. See also ten by Mr. Shepard and bv his succes- 

Lectures on the History of the First sors in the ministry. 

Church in Cambridge, by Alexander Me- 2 Besides these, he mentions among 

Kenzie, Pastor of the First Church in the brethren who shared his unsuccessful 

Cambridge and Shepard Congregational attempt to cross the ocean, and who af- 

Society, in which not only is the gath- terwards became members of his church, 

ering of the church described, but its " brothers Champney, Frost," subse- 

subsequent history traced to 1872. The quently Ruling Elders, " Goffe, and di- 

Discourse relates the facts, embellished verse others, most dear saints." He also 

with the charms of a highly poetic im- acknowledges special acts of kindness 

agination ; the Lectures exhibit the fruits rendered to him in England by Mr. Bus- 

of careful and patient investigation, and sell, Mr. Collins, and Mrs. Sherborne, 

a loyal adherence to the truth of history ; names afterwards familiar in Cambridge. 


writ to me of providing a place for a company of us, one of which 
was John Bridge, 1 and I saw diverse families of my Christian 
friends, who were resolved thither to go with me. 3. I saw the 
Lord departed from England when Mr. Hooker and Mr. Cotton 
were gone, and I saw the hearts of most of the godly set and 
bent that way, and I did think I should feel many miseries if I 
stayed behind. 4. My judgment was then convinced not only of 
the evil of ceremonies, but of mixed communion, and joining 
with such in sacraments, though I ever judged it lawful to join 
with them in preaching. 5. I saw it my duty to desire the frui- 
tion of all God's ordinances, which I could not enjoy in Old Eng- 
land. 6. My dear wife did much long to see me settled there in 
peace, and so put me on to it. 2 7. Although it was true I should 
stay and suffer for Christ, yet I saw no rule for it now the Lord 
had opened a door for escape ; otherwise I did incline much to 
stay and suffer, especially after our sea storms. 8. Though my 
ends were mixed, and I looked much to my own quiet, yet the 
Lord let me see the glory of those liberties in New England, and 
made me purpose, if ever I come over, to live among God's peo- 
ple as one come out from the dead, to his praise." 

Actuated by such motives, Mr. Shepard entered upon the work 
of the ministry here. His ordination doubtless soon followed 
the organization of the church, but the precise date is not re- 

1 John Bridge became a deacon of the her, she being unable to come unto us. 
church here. And because we feared her end was not 

2 Mrs. Shepard lived only a fortnight far off we did solemnly ask her if she 
after this " settlement in peace " seemed was desirous to be a member with us; 
to be secured by the organization of the which she expressing, and so entering 
church. She was doubtless the first fe- into covenant with us, we thereupon all 
male admitted as a member of the newly took her by the hand and received her as 
constituted body. Her husband left on become one with us, having had full trial 
record an affecting account of her admis- and experience of her faith and life before, 
sion and her "unspeakable joy," which At this time and by this means the Lord 
was quoted and preserved by Rev. Cotton did not only show us the worth of this 
Mather, in a Sermon entitled The Tern- ordinance, but gave us a seal of his ac- 
ple Opening (1709), pp. 30, 31 : "An- cepting of us and of his presence with us 
other passage must be from our cele- that day ; for the Lord hereby filled her 
brated Shepard, who in a manuscript heart with such unspeakable joy and as- 
which I have in my hands relates the surance of God's love, that she said to us 
gathering of the church at Cambridge she had now enough ; and we were afraid 
quickly after his coming into New Eng- her feeble body would have at that time 

land, and the condition of his own virtu- fallen under the weight of her joy 

ous consort, at that time very near her And thus, a fortnight almost before her 

death of consumption. The relation has death unto her departure, in the midst of 

these words in it : ' It pleased the Lord most bitter afflictions and anguishes, her 

to join us into church-fellowship. After peace continued.' " 

the day was ended, we came to her cham- 


corded. From the concurrent testimony of his contemporaries, 
during his short ministry his praise was in all the churches. No 
record of admissions to the church is known to have been made 
by Mr. Shepard, except a small manuscript volume in the library 
of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, entitled, 
" The Confessions of Diverse propounded to be received and 
were entertained as Members." l It contains fifty confessions, 
all in the handwriting of Mr. Shepard, varying in length from a 
quarter of one page, 2 to eight pages. 3 Only two bear any date, 
namely, the forty-first, 4 Jan. 8, 1640, and the forty-seventh, 5 Jan. 
7, 1644. The first in the series, though one of the* shortest, may 
serve as a specimen of their character : 

" Edward Hall's Confession. The first means of his good 
was Mr. Glover's ministry, whereby he saw his misery from Jer. 
7, the temple of the Lord, and that he was without Christ. But 
he went from thence to another place, under the sense of an 
undone condition ; but in that place he was deprived of the or- 
dinances of God, and hence the Scripture came oft to mind, 
what if a man win the world, and lose his soul ? Hence he de- 
sired to come to that place again ; but the minister was gone. 
But Mr. Jenner came, and by him he saw more evil in himself ; 
but Mr. S. 6 came, and then the Lord did more clearly manifest 
himself to him from John 3, concerning the new birth. And here 
he saw more of his misery, and that he had followed examples 
and duties, and made them his Christ, and lived without Christ. 
Hereby the Lord let him see he was Christless, and built upon 
false foundations, and by this text he saw himself no new crea- 
ture, but only a mended man. Now when the Lord did humble 
him under this, he saw the want of Christ, and that without him 
he must perish. And afterwards John 5. 40 was opened, you 
will not come to me to have life ; and here he saw how freely 
Christ was offered, and hereby the Lord did stay and comfort 
his spirit, and so was stirred up with more vehemency to seek 
Christ. And then that promise was opened, the Son of man 
came to seek that which was lost ; and he did not know but the 
Lord might seek him. And out of that text, 1 Pet. 2. 8, that 
unto you that believe he is precious ; and here he saw his unbe- 
lief in cleaving to Christ by fits and starts. And since the Lord 

1 See N. E. Hist. Gen. Register, xxiii. * " Goodman ffessington." 
369. 6 Goodman With." 

2 " Mrs. Greene." Rev. Thomas Shepard, probably. 
8 " Mr. Dunster." 


brought him to this place, he found his worldliness ; and this 
bred many fears whether ever any work of Christ in him was in 
truth, and that he was one that might fall short of Christ, and 
that he was humbled ; but his heart was not deep enough, and 
hence he was put to more search whether ever he was humbled. 
Yet the Lord made it more clear from Ephraim's condition, Jer. 
31. 18, that the Lord had made him loathe himself, and this 
made him loathe him [self] ; and here he hath found more en- 
mity of his heart against the Lord than ever before. But hear- 
ing the Lord was willing to take away his enmity, he, by Rev. 
22. 14, was brought nearer to the Lord." 

Besides these fifty persons, the names of others may be gath- 
ered from the lists of Freemen in the Colony, during that period ; 
for as none were then admitted to political freedom except mem- 
bers of churches, it may safely be supposed that all the Cam- 
bridge men thus made free were members of the Church. More- 
over, Mr. Shepard's successor, the " matchless Mitchell," pre- 
pared in 1658 a manuscript account of " The Church of Christ 
at Cambridge in N. E., or, the names of all the members thereof 
that are in full communion," etc., which, after having long been 
lost, was discovered in 1815, by Rev. Dr. Holmes, among the 
Prince manuscripts, and was published by Rev. Dr. Newell, in 
the Appendix to his " Discourse on the Cambridge Church-gath- 
ering." It must be remembered, however, that this list contains 
the names of those who were admitted to membership between 
1649, when Mr. Shepard died, and 1658, when the record was 
made, as well as of those who were previously members ; also, 
that the names of some deceased members may have been 

There are still preserved two folio volumes, which may be 
styled Church Books, chiefly devoted to financial affairs, con- 
taining a particular account of receipts and disbursements by the 
Deacons, together with some historical notices. From these 
books something may be gleaned concerning the condition and 
work of the Church. 

On the inside of the cover of one volume is the following mem- 
orandum : 

" Goodman Hayes departinge this natural life 1639 hee dis- 
posed of his children as followeth commending them to the Lord 
and the care of these friends following : unto Mr. Goodyn of 
Harford his daughter Anna ; unto Goodman Lewis his sonn 


Jeames ; unto Goodman Taylcoat his daughter Elizabeth ; unto 
Goodman Clark his daughter Sarah ; his eldest son to Mr. Hook- 
ers and Mr. Goodyns dispose ; and the youngest child he com- 
mitted to the mother. The congregation of Harford did give 
toward satisfying of some here that he did owe money unto 25 l . 
which hath been thus paid out to that end. 

/. s. d. 

" Imprimis pd to Mr. Hill for Goodman Stanley 30 s . 1. 10. 

Item alsoe pd to Mr. Cullott in full of his det 17'. I say > ^ OQ Q 

per me John Cullock. ) 

Item alsoe pd Mr. Robert Payne of Ipswich for Good-) 3 10 

man [ ] ) 

Item more a month's diet of the 4 children is owing me | 

for " i 

On a fly-leaf of the same volume, we find the disposition of a 
benefaction : 

" Item, Mr. Harlakingdon gave the Church a legacye of 20'. \ 
w ch wee receved a young cow for it of Mr. Pellam 2 in the be- 
ginning of the year 1640. Wee gave the summers milk of the 
cow to brother Towne and brother John French ; the first calfe 
dyed. The winteringe cost to John Stone 25*. w ch some the 
second calfe was sold for. The second summers rnilke wee gave 
to sister Manninge and brother John French. The 3d summers 
milke was yelded Elder Frost and alsoe all the winteringe of it. 
The beginning of the year 1643 wee yeelded it Elder Frost for 
his owne ; at that time it was worth but 5'." 3 

The first entry in the Record proper is somewhat mutilated. 
What is supposed to be lost is here supplied, but enclosed in 

u [An account] of the moneys by contri [bution ] upon the 
first day of [the week for] the supply of the wants of the Church 
of Christ and the needy people of Cambridge since the second 
day of the tenth month in the year of Christ 1638. 

1 In the will of Roger Harlakenden, 2 Herbert Pelham, Esq., married the 

1638, is this bequest: "I give to Mr. widow of Harlakenden. 

Shepard our pastor forty pounds, and to 8 Winthrop says that in 1640 "cattle 

our Elders that w ch is in their hands, and and all commodities grew very cheap." 

to the pore brethren of our congregation (ii. 7.) And Hutchinson says, "the price 

twentye pounds to be ordered by Mr. of a milch cow had kept from 25 to 

Shepard." 30/., but fell this year to 5 or 6/." Hist. 

Mass., i. 93. 


/. s. d. 

" Imprimis was contributed the first day of the week be- ) 

ing the second day of the 10th month, 1638 (part >- 0. 19. 5 
of it was in papers, namely S d .) ) 

"Item was contributed the second sabbath in the 10th > , *j 4. " 
month 25 s . 4 d . (whereof was in papers 3 s . 4 d .) ) 

Then follow on the first page the weekly contributions until 
the last Sabbath in the sixth month, or August, amounting, in 
the nine months, to nearly fifty pounds, including two which are 
specially recorded thus : 

" Item Mrs Sara Sims the 7th of Feb. brought for herselfe 0. 10. 
Item [l mo . 1639] was on a day of thanksgiving (at Mr.) ~ 
Batons) given forty-nine shillings and six pence. j 

On the other side of the account we find : 

" What the layinges out ha[ve been ] as on the other 

side appears [ ] were contrybuted on severall oc- 

casions for the supply of manyfold nessessyties. 

l. s. d. 
" Imprimis for eleven quartes of red wine for the use of the } 

Lords tabell upon the 9th day of the tenth month 1 > 0. 13. 9 
at 15 d . a quart. ) 

And for bread for the Lords tabell at that time 8 J . For ) 
a messenger to goe for the wine 12 d . ) 

Lent my brother Towne 5. 0. 

Pay d for this booke (to keepe accounts in) 0. 4. 6 

Given to Elder Frost the 18 of January 2 20 s . 1. 0. 

P d for a 1 ether pillow to put in the cushin to the desk ) n r A 

5 s ; it wayed o lb . ) 

Payd for sendinge a messenger (goodman Crackbone) to ) 

Charlestowne and Roxbery to atayne helpe for > 0. 2. 
preachinge in our pastors weaknes 2 s . ) 

Payd to goodman Line for 5 quarts and | pint of wine 0. 6. 6 

Payd my brother Towne for his half years alowauce 1. 5. 

and payd him for 5 times goinge with messages to the church 0. 3. 4 
Given to Elder Frost the 22 of the 3 d month 20*. 1. 0. 

Given my brother John French 3 l . 3 0. 

Given to our brother Hall the llth of the 4th month to- 

ward the rearing of his house that was blown down, j 
For the refresshing my brother Sill in time of fayntnes ) n 2 4 

sent him 4 pints of sack, 2*. 4 d . ) 

Pd to my brother Cane for goinge to Salem with a mes- ) 500 

sage to Mr. Philips when he was about to come to us. ) 

1 1638. 2 1638-9. 


Given to Elder Frost toward his Imildinge 40 s . 2. 0. 

Lent our brother Bealle the 9 th of the 5 th month, 5'. 5. 0. 

Payd the hyman 1 that brought Mr. Philips and for his ^ Q " 
goods bringing from Salem when he removed to us. ) 

Thus far the account is copied entire. The last charge is 
erased in the account, and underneath is written, " we [ 

] this and took it out of that received for officers mainten- 
ance." Shortly afterwards the following disbursements are re- 
corded : 
" Payd my brother Cane for helpinge Mr. Philips at his ^. Q 5 Q 

first coming to set up his goods, 5 s . > 

Payd my brother Cane for carying a leter to Salem (con- ^ 

cerninge clearing about Mr. Philips) to Mr. Haw- > 0. 5. 
thorn e. ) 

Payd my brother Cane for his helpe in Mr. Philips remov- > 030 

inge to Mr. Pellams house for 1 day and ^. j 

P d for a help of another to mend Mr. Pelams house for ) 016 " 
Mr. Philips. ) 

These several disbursements on account of Rev. John Phillips 
furnish the only evidence to be found in the Church Record con- 
cerning the attempt which was evidently made to secure him as 
a teacher of the church of which Mr. Shepard was pastor. Sav- 
age describes 2 him as of " Dedham, 1638, a famous minister of 
Wrentham (which is about 30 miles N. E. from Ipswich, Eng- 
land), where he obtained his living as rector 1609, and married 
6 Jan. 1612 Elizabeth a sister of famous Dr. Ames, which gave 
him favor in the eyes of puritans, was desired to accept office 
here in several places, especially Cambridge, perhaps in connec- 
tion with the newly begun College, but preferred to go home in 
the autumn of 1641." From Lamson's " History of the First 
Church and Parish in Dedham," pp. 77-82, it would seem that 
Mr. Phillips did not " take office " in Dedham until 1640, " the 
Lord ordering things so by a special providence that he no where 
settled " until that time. It is certain from our old Church Rec- 
ord, that he came here from Salem in 1639 ; and it is probable 
that he removed from this town to Dedham in 1640, without 
completing the contemplated arrangement for a permanent set- 
tlement here. His residence in Cambridge was in the old ox- 
pasture, on the northwesterly side of Kirkland Street, near Oxford 
Street. It was afterwards the homestead of Deputy-governor 
Danforth, as appears by the Town Record : " At a meeting of the 
1 Hoyman, or boatman. 2 Geneal. Dictionary. 


inhabitants of this town in May 1650, it was voted and consented 
unto by the Town, that the house which Mr. Philips built anent 
Charlestowne lane, with the land adjoining and woodlot, should 
be sold to Thomas Danforth for fifty pounds, to be paid by him 
to Mr. Philips or his assigns in current country pay upon demand 
at the said house ; the said Thomas Danforth to enjoy the said 
house and land to him and his heirs and assigns forever." It does 
not appear by what authority the town thus disposed of Mr. 
Phillips' estate; but a subsequent record, under date of Feb. 12, 
1655-6, confirms the sale, notwithstanding the purchase-money 
had not yet been demanded by Mr. Phillips, then residing at 
Wrentham, to which place he seems to have returned when he 
left New England. Deputy-governor Danforth resided on this 
estate nearly half a century, having very much enlarged it by 
subsequent purchases, and at his death in 1699 bequeathed it 
to his daughter, the wife of Francis Foxcroft, Esq., whose de- 
scendants owned it more than a whole century afterwards. 

Among the disbursements up to 1645 (at which point there 
occurs a hiatus of more than twenty years in the account), are 
many for the relief of the poor as well as for provisions for the 
" Lord's table," and for other necessaries : 

[1639.] " To Elder Frost we sent the 15 of the 5 th month ) 

in beefe, chese candle and money to buy corne in >- 1. 0. 
all 20 s . ) 

Given my brother John French the 5 th of the 11 th ) o A A 
, ( z. u. u 

month > 

Given my brother Towne toward his expense in ) i A A 
a sicknesse } 

Our brother Syll being deeply indebted and that to ] 
Mr. Ting 22'. 12 s . we did give of the churches 
stock half soe much to Mr. Ting if he wold frely } 11. 6. 
forgive the other and give it to our brother Syll | 
w ch God moved him to do soe pd. 

Payd my brother Towne his half years allowance 30 s . 1. 10. 

Payd him for paynes taken more than ordinary in ~\ 

making cleane the meetinge house in the time of > 0. 12. 
its repayreinge. 12*. ) 

Payd for 9 times going to call the church together at ) n ^ 

S d . a time 6 s . j 

[1640.] To our Elder Frost the 20 of the 3 d month 30 s . 1. 10. 

To our sister Albon 1 pk of malt lS d . 0. 1. 6 

[1641.] Given our sister Francis More (to supply them | n 5 

in there need) 5*. j 



Given our sister Grissell in a hard time 5 s . 0. 5. 

Sent our sister Mailing a leg of mutton 13 d . 0. 1. 1 

Sent our sister Banbrick being sick a brest of mutton 0. 0. 10 
Sent our sister Albone the 27 of the 9 month 1641 1 Q j 2 

7 1 of venison ) 

[1643.] Payd our brother Mannings for a belrope 1 0.1. 6 

Item payd Elder Frost for a years allowance w ch was ) 

due at midsomer in the yeare 1643, I say p d him > 10. 0. 
by 10'. ) 

Payd on for looking to goody Alborne 4 weeks (she |n 1 9 A 

found herself) j 

Sent our sister Albone 1 bottell sack ll rf . 0. 0. 11 " 

[" Elder Frost," " brother Banbrick," " brother Syll," 
*' sister Maninge " and " sister Stephenson," each re- 
ceived a similar benefaction during this year.] 

[1644.] " Payd Mr. Palsgrave for physic for our sister Albone 0. 2. 6 
For 4 years rent for our sister Albone (besides 5 \ 

months time allowed her for about 7 s . charge in > 4. 0. 

repayer w ch she did) I say 4 years ) 

[1645.] For cloth for Ben. Eaton for 2 shirts 3 s . 4 d . 0. 3. 4 

1 pr shoes for Ben Eaton cost 22 d . 1 pr cost 14*. 0. 3. 

Payd our brother Briggam for something for cloth- ) Q 7 c 

inge for his sone j 

Payd brother Chesholme for nessessaryes he layd out ) t) r r 

for Ben. Batons clothes j 

Payd for a goat for goody Albone to goodman Prentiss 0. 11. " 

The close of Mr. Shepard's ministry is described by Mather, 2 
after his usual quaint manner : " Returning home from a coun- 
cil at Rovvly, he fell into a quinsie, with a symptomatical fever, 
which suddenly stopped a silver trumpet, from whence the people 
of God had often heard the joyful sound. Among other passages 
uttered by him, when he lay a dying, he addressed those that 
were about him with these words : ' Oh love the Lord Jesus very 
dearly ; that little part that I have in him is no small comfort to 
me now.' He died August 25, 1649, when he was forty-three 
years and nine months old, and left behind him, of three wives, 
which he successively married, three sons who have since been 
the shepherds of three several churches in this country." 3 And 

1 A similar purchase was made in 1640. 1658), minister at Rowley; the third was 

a Magnolia, Book iii., ch. v., 13. Margaret Boradell, who survived him 

8 His first wife was Margaret Toute- and was mother of Jeremiah (H. C. 

ville, who was mother of Thomas (H. C. 1669), minister at Lynn and elsewhere. 

1653), minister at Charlestown ; the sec- Besides these, John, a son of the second 

ond was Joanna, daughter of Rev. Thomas wife, survived the father, but died young. 

Hooker, and mother of Samuel (H. C. 


Savage, who surely will not be considered a partial judge, says, 
" So well employed had been his short life, that no loss of a pub- 
lic man in our country was more lamented, except that of Gov. 
Winthrop a few months before." l It is much to be regretted 
that no monument marks his grave. 

Almost a year elapsed between the death of Mr. Shepard and 
the ordination of his successor. In the mean time, a new meet- 
ing-house was erected. Of the style and dimensions of the old 
meeting-house we know nothing. Doubtless it was very plain 
and humble ; yet it was rendered glorious by the manifestation of 
divine power in the preaching of Hooker and Shepard, two of the 
most brilliant lights of that age, insomuch that to the congregation 
of worshippers it became as " the house of God " and " the gate 
of heaven. " 2 It was built, however, of perishable materials, and 
although it had stood less than twenty years, it had fallen into 
decay ; it would seem also that it was not sufficiently large. At 
first, it was proposed to repair the house " with a four-square roof 
and covered with shingle," and Edward Goffe, Thomas Marrett, 
John Stedman, Robert Holmes, and Thomas Danforth, were 
appointed, Feb. 18, 1649-50, to superintend the repairs. But 
shortly afterwards, March 11, 164950, " At a general meet- 
ing of the whole town, it was voted and agreed, that the five men 
chosen by the town to repair the meeting-house shall desist from 
the same, and agree with workmen for the building of a new 
house, about forty foot square and covered as was formerly agreed 
for the other, and levy a charge of their engagements upon the 
inhabitants of the town. It was also then voted and generally 
agreed, that the new meeting-house shall stand on the watch- 
house hill." 3 The new house was erected immediately, as ap- 
pears by the following extracts from the Town Records: Jan. 
13, 1650-51 : "The Townsmen do consent that one of the 

1 Geneal. Diet. g ates from the several churches, assembled 

2 In this house also were probably at Cambridge, and condemned eighty-two 
gathered the whole body of reverend and opinions adjudged erroneous. 2. In 1646, 
learned divines in New England at the a second General Synod assembled at 
first two Synods for the determination of Cambridge, and after sundry adjourn- 
vitally important questions both of doc- ments was dissolved in 1648, having 
trine and of church polity: 1. In 1637, adopted a system of church discipline 
when through the prophesyings of Mrs. called " The Cambridge Platform." 
Hutchinsou and others, the religious com- 8 The watch-house hill was in the 
munity was violently agitated, and the southwesterly corner of the present Col- 
two parties, styling each other Antino- lege yard, and extended several feet into 
mians and Legalists, were on the brink of Harvard Square, which has been enlarged 
civil war, a Synod, composed of all the since that meeting-house was erected, 
teaching elders in the country and dele- 


Elders and two of the Deacons, at the request of John Betts, 
shall determine whether in equity any satisfaction ought to be 
rendered by the town to the said John Betts for the land on 
which the new meeting-house standeth ; and with their deter- 
mination the said John Betts promiseth to set down satisfied." 1 
Feb. 26, 1651-2. Ordered, " That the Townsmen shall make 
sale of the land whereon the old meeting-house stood." 

The Reverend Jonathan Mitchell, described by Mather as the 
" matchless Mitchell," was born at Halifax, in Yorkshire, Eng- 
land, about 1624, and was brought by his father to New England 
in 1635. " Their first settlement," says Dr. Holmes, " was at 
Concord, in Massachusetts ; whence, a year after, they removed 
to Saybrook, in Connecticut ; and, not long after, to Wethersfield. 
Their next removal was to Stamford, where Mr. Mitchell, the 
father, died in 1645, setat. LV. The classical studies of his son 
Jonathan were suspended for several years after his arrival in 
America ; but, ' on the earnest advice of some that had observed 
his great capacity,' they were at length resumed in 1642. In 
1645, at the age of twenty-one, he entered Harvard College. 
Here he became religiously impressed under Mr. Shepard's minis- 
try, which he so highly estimated as afterward to observe, ' un- 
less it had been four years living in heaven, I know not how I 
could have more cause to bless God with wonder, than for those 
four years ' spent at the university. He was an indefatigable 
student, and made great acquirements in knowledge and virtue. 
His extraordinary learning, wisdom, gravity, and piety, occasioned 
an early application of several of the most considerable churches 
for his services in the ministry. The church at Hartford, in par- 
ticular, sent for him with the intention of his becoming successor 
to the famous Mr. Hooker. He preached his first sermon at Hart- 
ford, June 24, 1649 ; and on the day following was invited to a 
settlement in the ministry in that respectable town. Having 
however been previously importuned by Mr. Shepard and the 
principal members of his society to return to Cambridge, free 
from any engagement, with a view to a settlement there, he de- 
clined an acceptance of the invitation at Hartford, and returned 
to Cambridge, where he preached for the first time, Aug. 12, 
1649. Here a providential opening was soon made for his in- 

i John Betts owned the lot adjoining acre of land, more or less ; Edward Goffe, 

the watch-house hill, and fronting on Har- east; the watch-house hill, south; com- 

vard Square. It is described on the Pro- mon, west ; the land intended for the Col- 

prietora' Records as " by the town, one lege, north." 


duction into the ministry. Mr. Shepard died on the 25th of the 
same month ; and by the unanimous desire of the people of Cam- 
bridge, Mr. Mitchell was now invited to become his successor. 
He accepted the invitation, and was ordained Aug. 21, 1650." l 
" Eighteen years," says Mather, " did he continue a pastor to the 
church of Cambridge. And as that which encouraged him to 
accept at first the pastoral charge of that flock, was his being 
able to write that character of them, that they were a gracious 
savoury-spirited people, principled by Mr. Shepard, liking an 
humbling, mourning, heart-breaking ministry and spirit, living 
in religion, praying men and women, .... so the continual 
prayers of such a people to the Lord Jesus Clmst for him doubt- 
less contributed more than a little unto his being furnished from 
heaven with such rich treasures of light and grace as made his 
ministry richly serviceable unto them all." 2 By the concurrent 
testimony of his contemporaries and subsequent writers he was 
remarkably distinguished for learning, eloquence, and piety, 
superadded to uncommon natural gifts. Morton testifies that 
" he was a person that held very near communion with God ; 
eminent in wisdom, piety, humility, love, self-denial, and of a 
compassionate and tender heart ; surpassing in public-spirited- 
ness ; a mighty man in prayer, and eminent at standing in the 
gap ; he was zealous for order, and faithful in asserting the truth 
against all oppugners of it. In a word, he was a frian whom God 
had richly furnished and eminently fitted for his work ; lived 
desired, and died lamented, by all good Christians that knew 
him. It pleased God upon the ninth of July, 1668, in a hot and 
burning season, (but much more hot in the heat of God's anger 
to New England,) to take him to rest and glory." 3 

About eight years after his ordination, Mr. Mitchell com- 
menced compiling an account of " the Church of Christ at Cam- 
bridge," etc., in which he rescued many interesting facts from 
oblivion. The financial records of the church, kept by the dea- 
cons, were not resumed until near the close of his ministry. A 
very few items may be reproduced : 

"20. 3. 67. to Mr. Michell in silver when he went to) n 6 
Rehoboth f 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 48. chap. iv. ; and Sibley's Harvard Gradu- 

2 Magnolia, iv., chap, iv., 9. ates, i. 141-157; and for the character 
8 New England's Memorial, Davis's ed., of his theological labors anil writings, 

pp. 336, 337. For a more full biogra- see Rev. Mr. McKenzie's Historical Lec- 
phy, see Mather's Magnolia, Book iv., tures. 


20. 3. 67 to bro. Okes l when he went to Rehoboth with t Q 4 Q 
Mr. Michell in silver ) 

22. 4. 67 Payd to Daniell Cheavrs for veall to Mri ) Q 5 Q 
Chauncy when he was sick ) 

3. 12. 67-8 Payd to Mrs. Danforth in her husband's] 

absence in silver the sume of 25 shillings for wine ^ j 5 Q 
sugar and spice at the buriall of Mrs. Chauncy who 
deseaced the 24 of the 11. 67 

27. 4. 68 Paid to John Sheapheard for a fower gallon |_ Q A > 
bottell to bring sack for the sacrament j 

The Town Records also afford some glimpses of the manner 
of managing ecclesiastical affairs at this period: Nov. 9, 1657. 
The town " Voted, affirmative, that the deacons, townsmen, Mr. 
Jacson, Edw. Goffe, Mr. Stedman and Edw. Winship are appointed 
to make a levy of two hundred and forty pounds for the mainten- 
ance this year, and for the payment of the debts of our reverend 
pastor, Mr. Michell." 27, 1. 1665, The selectmen " Ordered, 
that all persons that do contribute to the ministry of this place 
do, upon the first second day 2 of May next, appear before the 
deacons and selectmen, to clear the payment of their dues for 
time past, or send in writing a receipt thereof under the hand 
of our pastor or deacons, and that for the future every one do 
annually attend the like order at the same time ; the place of 
meeting to be a,t the meeting-house, and the time by eight of the 
clock in the morning." Feb. 18, 1658-9. " Voted, that the Elders, 
Deacons, and Selectmen for the time being, shall be a constant 
and settled power for regulating the seating of persons in the 
meeting-house, from time to time, as need shall require." One 
of the acts of this committee is recorded under date of Jan. 19, 

" The committee for ordering the seating of people in the 
meeting house, being met at the ordinary, appointed 

Bro. Ri. Jackson's wife to sit there where sister Kempster was 
wont to sit. 

Mrs. Upham, with her mother. 

Ester Sparhauke, in the place where Mrs. Upham is removed 

Daniel Champney, Ephraim Wiuship, on the south gallery. 

Jno. Stedman, on the fore gallery on the south side. 

Joanna Winship, in the place where Ester Sparhauke was 
wont to sit. 

1 Edward Oakes, father of President ' 2 The first Monday. 


Mary Lemon, where old sister Jackson was wont to sit. 
Mr. Day, to sit in the 2d seat from the table. 
Ens. Samuel Greene, to sit at the table. 

Ri. Bobbins, to sit in the place where Ens. Greene was wont 
to sit. 

Jno. Gibson, where Mr. Day was wont to sit. 
Richard Eccles, where John Gibson was wont to sit. 
Benj. Crackbone, where Richard Eccles was wont to sit. 

Justinian Holden, to sit in the foremost seats. 

7 I . 

Robert Stedman, to sit in the second seats. 

Goode Gates, at the end of the Deacons seats." 

Almost all the congregation either walked to the meeting- 
house, or rode on horseback. For the accommodation of eques- 
trians, in mounting, dismounting, and passing between their 
beasts and the house, Nov. 20, 1665, " The Townsmen do order 
the Constables to make a convenient horse-block at the meeting- 
house, and causeway to the door." And to secure order in the 
house and the comfort of the worshippers, Nov. 12, 1666, 
" Thomas Fox is ordered to look to the youth in time of public 
worship, until the next monthly meeting, and to inform against 

such as he find disorderly The Constables are ordered to 

repair the glass about the meeting-house, and to get the pinning 

During his ministry, Mr. Mitchell encountered two special 
trials, namely, the division of his church, and the reputed heresy 
and open opposition of President Dunster. It has already been 
related in chapter viii., that as early as March, 16545, some 
of the inhabitants on the south side of the river requested " that 
they might have the ordinances of Christ amongst them, distinct 
from the town." Doubtless Mr. Mitchell shared the fears which 
were expressed by the townsmen, that " the fraction will prove 
destructive to the whole body." Upon the extreme urgency of 
the petitioners, the town consented, Jan. 23, 1659-60, " that the 
remote inhabitants on the south side of the River should annually 
be abated the one half of their proportion to the ministry's allow- 
ance, during the time that they were provided of an able minister 
according to law." And Jan. 15, 1661-2, all persons residing 
south of the river and more than four miles distant from the old 
meeting-house, were released from all ministerial charges, on con- 
dition that they should " give good security to the town for the 
payment of twenty pounds per annum forever to the use of the 
other part of the town belonging to the old meeting-house on the 


north side of the River." Although these propositions were not 
accepted, the agitation was continued for many years, until New- 
ton became a separate town. Mr. Mitchell did not live long 
enough to witness the final catastrophe ; but the church was 
effectually divided in his lifetime, and Rev. John Eliot, Jr., was 
ordained pastor of that portion which withdrew from the parent 
body, July 20, 1664. A still greater trial was the open opposition 
of President Dimster to an ordinance which Mr. Mitchell con- 
sidered important and sacred. When Mr. Dunster became a 
member of Mr. Shepard's church, about 1640, he avowed his 
belief that the children of believers ought to be baptized, and his 
willingness that baptism should be administered by sprinkling. 1 
Afterwards, he opposed both ; he withheld his own infants from 
baptism, and publicly denounced such baptism as " not according 
to the institution of Christ," when administered to others. It is 
related by Mather that, besides his public advocacy of infant 
baptism, Mitchell labored privately with Dunster, though he felt 
" embarrassed in a controversy with so considerable a person, 
and with one who had been his tutor, and a worthy and a godly 
man." 2 His efforts to reclaim his former guide and instructor 
were unavailing. Dunster became more and more violent in op- 
position to what he regarded as error, until he both forfeited the 
office of President of the College and exposed himself to the pen- 
alty of a violated law. He was indicted by the grand jury, April 
2, 1655, " for disturbance of the ordinances of Christ upon the 
Lord's day at Cambridge, July the 30 th 1654, to the dishonor of 
the name of Christ, his truth, and minister." 3 It was testified 

1 " As prayer, so the Lord hath given ster, it should be remembered that their 
2 sacraments. 1. Baptism, by which we personal friendship continued through 
have our initiation ; and concerning it, I life. In his will, Dunster styles Mitchell 
believe that only believers and their seed and President Chauncy (his successor in 
ought to be received into the church by the presidency), his "trusty friends and 
that sacrament; hence profane unbeliev- brethren," and gave to each of them 
ers are not to be received into the church, sundry books from his library. And Ma- 
And that the seed are to be received, that ther says, that " Mr. Mitchell continued 
of Paul is clear, else your children were such an esteem " for Mr. Dunster, " that 
unholy ; hence, if holy, let them be of- although his removal from the govern- 
fered to God ; let children come to me. ment of the College, and from his dwell- 
And as children, so those that come to ing-place in Cambridge, had been pro- 
mature age ought to be received into the cured by these differences, yet when he 
church by baptism. And concerning the died, he honored him with an elegy," 
outward elements, something there is con- which "very truly points out that gen- 
cerning sprinkling in the Scripture ; hence erous, gracious, catholic spirit, which 
not offended when it is used." Shepard's adorned that person who wrote it." 
MS. Confessions. 8 Probably Mr. Mitchell was the " min- 

2 Magnolia, Book iv.,ch. iv., 10. To ister" then engaged in administering the 
the lasting honor of Mitchell and Dun- ordinance of baptism. 


that, on that day, " Mr. Dunster spake to the congregation in the 
time of the public ordinance, to the interruption thereof, without 
leave, which was also aggravated in that he being desired by the 
Elder to forbear and not to interrupt an ordinance of Christ, yet 
notwithstanding he proceeded in way of complaint to the congre- 
gation, saying I am forbidden to speak that in Christ's name 
which I would have testified. And in his following speeches, he 
asserted as his testimony in the name of Christ these things : 1. 
That the subjects of baptism were visible, penitent believers, and 
they only, by virtue of any rule, example or any other light in 
the new Testament. 2. That there was an action now to be done 
which was not according to the institution of Christ. 3. That 
the exposition, as it had been held forth, was not the mind of 
Christ. 4. That the covenant of Abraham is not a ground for 
baptism ; no, not after the institution thereof. 5. That there 
were such corruptions stealing into the church, which every faith- 
ful Christian ought to bear witness against. The Court ordered 
that Mr. Henry Dunster, according to Eccleast. Law, page 19, 
at the next Lecture at Cambridge should (by such magistrates as 
should then be present) be publicly admonished, and give bond 
for his good behaviour. 

" Mr. Henry Dunster acknowledged that he had spoken these 
particulars above named, and said that he owned them and that 
he would stand by them in the fear of God ; and after farther 
debate he gave in his answer in writing as followeth : April 4 th 
1655. I answer to the presentment of the grand jury : I an- 
swer, first, that I am not conscious that I did or said any thing 
contemptuously or in open contempt of God's word or messengers, 
and therefore I am not guilty of the breach of that Law, page 19, 
as I conceive. For the particulars that were charged against me, 
the terms, words, or expressions, wherein they are presented to 
the honored Court, I own not, being not accurately the same that 
were spoken, especially the 1st, 4th, and 5th ; but the matter or 
purport of them I spake. I also acknowledged, and do, that for 
the manner they were not seasonably spoken ; but for the matter, 
I conceived then, and so do still, that I spake the truth in the 
fear of God, and dare not deny the same or go from it, until the 
Lord otherwise teach me ; and this I pray the honored Court to 
take for mine answer. As for any words or expressions that in 
mixed or broken conference, interrogations by sundry persons 
propounded and mine answers interrupted before they have been 
fully expressed, I heartily and humbly pray you, mine honored 


Judges, as you desire to find mercy with our gracious Judge, the 
Lord Jesus Christ, that you will be pleased to give the most can- 
did and Christian construction, if any were amiss, seeing charity 
thinketh no evil, and seeing by interruptions they were not per- 
fected, and especially since my sickness yesternight my mind and 
expressions are not in a capacity to be so clear and distinct as 
usually ; that therefore no lapse in expression, proceeding from 
the aforesaid grounds or mere natural infirmity may be improved 
against your humble servant and afflicted brother, 


It is reported by his biographers, that Mr. Mitchell was a 
Fellow of Harvard College, 1650, a member of the Synod which 
assembled at Boston in 1662, and very frequently employed on 
ecclesiastical councils and in resolving questions propounded by 
the General Court ; and that, while he was much younger than 
many of his associates, great deference was paid to his skill and 
judgment. The famous Baxter is reported to have said, "If an 
Ecumenical Council could be obtained, Mr. Mitchell were worthy 
to be its moderator." But his labors, and trials, and enjoyments, 
in the work of the ministry, came to a sudden termination July 
9, 1668, when a violent fever destroyed his life. Although, while 
living, his name was renowned in the church, it is not found in- 
scribed on any monumental stone, to denote the spot where his 
body was laid. There are circumstances, however, which render 
it highly probable that the bones found under the slab which 
bears the name of President Dunster are in fact the bones of 
Mitchell. They are briefly as follows : About thirty years ago, 
a desire was entertained to erect some memorial of Dunster. The 
place of his sepulture was unknown, but it was assumed to be 
underneath an ancient slab from which the inscription had dis- 
appeared. This assumption is said to have been grounded on 
two facts, which were supposed to point more directly to Dunster 
than to any other person 1. It was perceived that this slab was 
of a peculiar stone, probably imported, and unlike any others in 
the cemetery except two, which bore respectively the names of 
President Chauncy and President Oakes, who died during the 
same half century. 2. There were found, not very far from 
this slab, two headstones, inscribed with the names of President 
Dunster's great-grandchildren. The subsequent, proceedings are 
related by Palfrey : 

" His grave, in the old ' God's Acre,' near the halls of Harvard 


College, was opened July 1, 1846, when the President and Fel- 
lows renewed the tablet over it. The remains were found lying 
six feet below the surface, in a brick vault which was covered 
with irregularly shaped flag-stones of slate about three inches 
thick. The coarse cotton or linen shroud which enveloped them 
had apparently been saturated with some substance, probably 
resinous, which prevented it from closely fitting the body. Be- 
tween it and the remains of the coffin was found a large quantity 
of common tansy, in seed, a portion of which had evidently been 
pulled up by the roots. The skeleton appeared to be that of a 
person of middle size ; but it was not measured, as the extremities 
of the bones of the arms and thighs had perished, as well as por- 
tions of the cancellated structure of these and of some other bones. 
The configuration of the skull, which was in good preservation, 
was such as to the phrenologists indicates qualities, both moral 
and intellectual, of a superior order. The hair, which appeared 
to have retained its proper place, was long behind, covering 
thickly the whole head, and coming down upon the forehead. 
This, as well as the beard, which upon the upper lip and chin 
was about half an inch long, was of a light brown color. The 
eyebrows were thick, and nearly met each other. 1 

The foregoing description indicates the remains of some emi- 
nent person. But are they the remains of Dunster ? or, are 
they not rather the remains of Mitchell ? It is no disparage- 
ment to Dunster to assume that Mitchell was fully his equal, 
both intellectually and morally ; so that the skull might seem as 
characteristic of the one as of the other. The character of the 
grave and memorial slab is more suitable to Mitchell than to 
Dunster, because, 1. Dunster left a small estate, deeply involved 
in debt, and there is no evidence that his widow was able, or 
that the corporation of the College was disposed, to provide for 
him such an expensive sepulchre ; but, on the other hand, Mitch- 
ell died in the meridian of his fame, and left a plentiful estate, 
so that his widow was able thus to honor him, unless (which is 
more probable) his church insisted on defraying the expense. 2 
2. The peculiar slab, similar, it is said, only to those which cover 
the remains of Chauncy, who died in 1672, and Oakes, who died 
in 1681, would more probably be placed over the grave of Mitch- 

1 Hist. New Eng., \\. 534. his successor, (and another to accompany 

2 The church, which long made a gen- him hither,) surely would not grudge 
erous allowance to the widow of their him an honorable burial and a conspicu- 
beloved pastor, and was able to send a ous stone of remembrance. 

special messenger to England, to invite 


ell, who died in 1668, than over that of Dunster, who died nine 
years earlier, in 1659. But if the structure and adornments of 
the grave point to Mitchell rather than to Dunster, much more 
its contents. For what conceivable reason should the coffin of 
Dunster have been stuffed with tansy, or his body wrapped in 
cerecloth? He died in February, when the frost might reason- 
ably be expected to arrest decomposition and prevent any nox- 
ious or offensive effluvia from his body. Morton, indeed, says, 
" his body was embalmed and removed unto Cambridge ; " but 
it may reasonably be doubted whether the process was very 
thorough or complete at that season of the year. On the con- 
trary, Mitchell died in midsummer, and under circumstances re- 
quiring the utmost precaution against discomfort and danger. 
Mather says, " Mr. Mitchell had, from a principle of godliness, 
used himself to bodily exercise ; nevertheless he found it would 
not wholly free him from an ill habit of body. Of extreme lean, 
he grew extreme fat ; and at last, in an extreme hot season, a 
fever arrested him." l This was a case loudly calling for cere- 
cloth and tansy ; and the proof is preserved that such cloth was 
actually used. In the old Financial Record of the Church is 
found this memorandum of disbursement : " To goodman Orton 
of Charlestown for making a terpaluing 2 to wrap Mr. Michell, 
and for doing something to his coning that way 4'." And what 
would be more natural than to adopt the custom, which cer- 
tainly prevailed in the country in the early part of even the 
present century, of placing tansy in and around the coffin, to 
counteract the effect of unpleasant odors ? The contents of the 
grave described by Palfrey were precisely what we might expect 
to find in the grave of Mitchell, and what we should not expect 
to find in the grave of Dunster ; namely, the cerecloth or tarpau- 
ling, which was necessary, and is known to have been used in 
the one case, but not known to have been either necessary or used 
in the other, and the tansy, which was in season, fragrant, and 
adapted to its purpose, in the one case, and out of season, com- 
paratively unfragrant, and useless in the other. On the whole, 
it seems highly probable that the monumental slab, on which is 
inscribed the name of President Dunster, actually covers the re- 
mains of Rev. Jonathan Mitchell. 3 It may be added, if this be 

1 Magnolia, Book iv., tli. iv., 16. tographs which I have seen, it was nni- 

2 Tarpauling, cloth smeared with tar. formly so written by himself; and it was 
a The name of this eminent man is written in the same form by his two sons, 

spelled Mitchel on the College Catalogue ; Samuel (H. C. 1681), and Jonathan (H. 
I write it Mitchell, because, in several au- C. 1687). 


really the grave of Mitchell, the remains of Shepard probably 
rest near it, because the widow of these two pastors, as well as 
their bereaved and grateful church, would naturally desire that 
their bodies should rest near each other. It may also be safely 
supposed that Dunster was buried near the same spot ; for 
where could his friends desire to place his body rather than 
near that of his former pastor and beloved co-laborer, Mr. Shep- 
ard, the only clergyman who had previously been laid to his rest 
in that cemetery ? This supposition is to some extent rendered 
more probable by the proximity of the graves of the great- 

For three years after the death of Mr. Mitchell, the church 
remained destitute of a pastor ; during which time President 
Chauncy appears to have partially performed the duties of that 
office. The committee appointed by the town for that purpose 
voted, Dec. 20, 1669, that " fifty pounds be paid to Mr. Chauncy 
and such as labor among us in preaching the word," and u thirty 
pounds to Mistris Mitchell," and Dec. 23, 1670, forty-five pounds 
were in like manner granted to Mr. Chauncy, and thirty pounds 
to Mrs. Mitchell. 1 In the mean time the town and church were 
not idle or inactive. Thus it is recorded, Feb. 8, 1668-9. " For 
catechising the youth of this town ; Elder Champney, Mr. 
Oakes, are appointed for those on the south side the Bridge. 
Elder Wiswall, Mr. Jackson, and John Jackson, for those at the 
new church. Deacon Stone, and Deacon Chesholme, for those 
at the remote farms. Lt. Winship, William Dixon and Francis 
Whitmore for those on west side Winottime. Deacon Stone and 
Deacon Cooper, for those families on the west side the common, 
and for Watertowne lane, as far towards the town as Samuel 
Hastings. 2 Thomas Danforth and Thomas Fox, for those fami- 
lies on the east side the common. Richard Jackson and Mr. 
Stedman, for those families on the west side of the town : Cap- 
tain Gookin and Elder Frost, for those families on the east side 
of the town ; Water Street, leading from the meeting-house 
to the waterside being the partition." Again, May 10, 1669, 
" The Selectmen, taking into consideration, upon the complaint 
of some of the idleness and carelessness of sundry persons in the 
time of public worship, upon the Sabbath day, by keeping with- 
out the meeting-house, and there unprofitably spending their 

1 Similar gratuities were granted to 2 That is, to Ash Street. 
Mrs. Mitchell, from year to year, as late 
as 1687. 


time, whereby God's name is dishonored, they do order, for 
the time being, that the Constable shall set a ward of one man 
during the time of public worship, one in the forenoon and 
another in the afternoon, to look unto such persons, that they do 
attend upon the public worship of God, that God's name and 
worship be not neglected nor profaned by the evil miscarriage of 
such persons." 

Hitherto the pastors of the church had dwelt in their own 
houses ; but now it was determined to erect a house, at the pub- 
lic expense, as a parsonage. July 5, 1669, " Voted on the 
affirmative, that the Selectmen and Deacons, and Richard Jack- 
son, and Mr. Stedman, and Mr. Angier, are appointed a commit- 
tee, to take present care to purchase or build a convenient house 
for the entertainment of the minister that the Lord may please 
to send us to make up the breach that his afflicting providence 
hath made in this place ; and that the charge thereof be levied 
on the inhabitants as is usual in proportioning the maintenance 
of the ministry." Afterwards a different method of payment 
was adopted. Sept. 9, 1669, " At a church meeting, to consider 
about the selling of the church's farm at Bilrica, for the building 
of a house for the ministry, it was voted on the affirmative, that 
the said farm should be sold and improvement made of it for the 
building of a house for the ministry." l In the old Financial 
Record of the Church a particular statement is made that " a 
committee was chosen for that purpose, which tooke care for the 
same, and to that ende bought fower akers of land of widdow 
Beale to set the house upon, and in the yeare 1670 theare was a 
house earected upon the sayd land of 36 foote long and 30 foote 
broad ; this house to remayne the churchis and to be the dwell- 
ing place of such a minister and officer as the Lord shall be 
pleased to supply us withall, during the time hee shall supply 
that place amongst us. 2 The chargis layd out for the purchas 
of the land and building of the house and barne, inclosing the 
orchyard and other accommodations to it : 

" The purchas of the land in cash 40'. s . O d 

The building and finishing the house 263. 5. 6 

The building the barne, 42. 0. 

1 It was sold Nov. 12, 1669, to Kichard side of Harvard Street, two or three 
Daniels, for .220. hundred feet easterly from Plympton 

2 This house stood on the northerly Street. 



The inclosing the orchyard and yards, and re- 
payering the fencis, building an office-house, 
and planting the orchyard with trees, and 
seeling some part of the house and laying a 
duble floore on sume part of it, 

27. 1. 10 

" In the yeere 1676, the hall and hall-chamber were sealed, 
and another floore of bords was layed upon the chichin chamber. 
The perticular chargis : 

"' 20 bushells of lime and the feching it 1'. 

800 of larth, 6*. 8 d . a bushel of hayer, r 0. 

3 peckes of shreds, 1'. 6 rf ; lamblack, 8 d 0. 

3560 nailes, 8 s . 10<* 0. 

The mason's worke 1. 4. 

For brickes, and sand, and help to brick the kichen 4. 

Other disbursements at this period were : 




March 6. 1668-9. "To Deacon Stone by a pair of shooes } 

and a pound of suger, because the deacon had silver > 0'. 3*. 6 d . 
though they cost him 4 s Q d , had but ) 

Feb. 4, 1670. " Payd in silver, by the apoyntment of the] 
commitee for the mynister house unto the deputie 
governor, Mr. Francis Willoughby, by Deacon Stone 
and Thomas Chesholm, as appears by his discharg wch ^ & l . 13 s . 6 d 
Deacon Stone hath, for the discharg of Mr. Michells 
funarall the sum of eight pounds thirteen shillings six 
pence. I say the sum of j 

The events connected with the induction of Mr. Oakes to the 
pastorate are minutely detailed in the ancient record : "An ac- 
count of seaverall providencis of God to the Church of Cambrigd, 
after the death of that reverant and eminent man Mr. Jonathan 
Micthell pastor of the church of Cambrigd whoe departed this 
life July th 9, 1668, and the actings of the church for supply in 
the ministry. The church, sume time after gave Mr. William 
Stoutton a call, but they were denied, but after sume time of seek- 
inge God by prayer the Lord was pleased to guide the church to 
make theare application to Mr. Urian Oakes in old England which 
to further the same theare was a letter sent from the church with 
a mesenger namly Mr. William Maning with a letter alsoe sent 
by seaverall magistats and ministers to invite him to come over 
and be an oficer amongst us which he after counsill and advice 
did except but devine providence ded hinder him for that yeere by 
reason of a sickness the Lord was pleased to visit his wife withall 


and afterward tooke her away by death which hindered him for 
that yeere. The church the next yeere renewed againe thear 
call to him by another letter but then he was hindered by an 
ague that he was long visited withall in the yeere 1670. Thease 
providencis interposing the church was in doupt wheather to 
waight any longer but after sume debate the church was willing to 
waight till the spring in the yeere 1671 and then had an answer 
early in the yeere of his purpose to come over that sumer which 
was acomplished by the good providence of God hee ariving in 
New England July th 3, 1671, and finding good acceptance both 
by the church and towne and in the country and joined a member 
with our church and was ordained pastur of our church November 
the eight 1671." 

Mr. Oakes was received with demonstrations of joy. "At a 
meeting of the church and town July the 17th 1671. 1. To 
acknowledge thankfulness to Mr. Oakes for his great love and 
self-denial in parting with his friends and concerns in England to 
come over to us. 2. To manifest unto him the continuance of 
the earnest and affectionate desires of the church and people 
that, as soon as well may be, he would please to join in fellow- 
ship here, in order to his settlement and becoming a pastor to 
this church. 3. To intreat him forthwith to consent to remove 
himself and family into the house prepared for the ministry. 
4. That the deacons be furnished and enabled to provide for his 
accommodation at the charge of the church and town, and dis- 
tribute the same seasonably for the comfort of him and his family, 
n. That half a year's payment forthwith be made by every one, 
according to their yearly payment to the ministry ; and the one 
half of it to be paid in money, and the other in such pay as is 
suitable to the end intended. All these particulars were voted 
on the affirmative." The church and town united in keeping 
" the 17th day of January 1676 a day of thanksgiving " that the 
loss sustained by Mr. Mitchell's death was thus supplied. The 
expense attending the removal of Mr. Oakes, including the ser- 
vices of a special messenger sent to accompany him hither, was 
defrayed by the church. " August the 9th 1671. Delivered to 
William Manning sixty pounds in silver to pay Mr. Prout toward 
the transportation of Mr. Urian Oakes his familie and goods, 
and other disbursements and for John Taylor his passage, I say 
payed him the just sume of 60'. 0. 0. Let it be taken notice of 
that Mr. Prout dos demaund thirteen pounds more due to him." 
This balance was subsequently paid, as appears by the account : 


" Disbursed for Mr. Oakes transportation from Old England with 
his family 73." Also a gratuity was given to the messenger. 
Out of the legacy of X20 bequeathed to the church by Hezekiah 
Usher, who died Th 1676, there was given " to John Taylor five 
pound, hee being in sume streights by reason of a dept in Eng- 
land he goeing to accompany our pastor to New England it was 
the ocation of it." 

An additional glimpse of the customs of that period is obtained 
from the following " Account of the disbursements for the ordi- 
nation of Mr. Urian Oakes pastor of the church of Cambrigd, 
being the 8 of November, 1671. 

" It 3 bushells of wheate O l . 15'. 0* 

It. 2 bushells of malt 0. 10. 

It. 4 gallons of wine 0. 18. 

It. forbeefe 1. 10. 

It. for mutton 1. 4. 

It. for 30 1 of butter 0. 15. 

It. for foules 0. 14. 9 

It. for suger, spice, and frute, and other small things 1. 0. 

It. for labour 1. 8. 6 

It. for washing the table lining 0. 6. 

It. for woode 7 s 0. 7. 

It. suit 7 lb , 3' bread 6' 0. 9. 

9. 17. 3" 

" Gathered by contribution of the church the saboth before ) . , , . d 
the ordination for the sayde occasion ) 

" And the remainder of the charge was defrayed out of the ) - i A 9 
weekly contribution ) 

9. 17.3" 

As a further illustration of the customs, the following items 
are inserted : 

" Eldar Frost liing a longe time weake with others of his 
familly alsoe having the ague at the same time the church see 
meete to make a contribution for his relefe upon June 16, 1672. 
The sume gathered was in cash 7. 4. 9 and in other pay 2. 5. 8." 

1675. u For a new hour-glass for the meeting-house, 0. 1. " 

" October the 22, 1676. The contribution was for Ensigne 
Samuell Green in the time of his sicknes and his family alsoe 
being sicke there was contributed in cash 10. 5. 7 and in bills 
3. 7. 6." 

" November 2d 1679. The contribution upon the saboth day 



was for the reliefe of the family of John Gibson they being in a 
low condition they being visited with the small pox and under 
many wants. The sum contributed in cash was six pound nine- 
teen shillings and fower pence. This contribution was disposed 
of as f olloweth : 

" To doctor Oliver for fisicke 3'. 10". O d 

To Mr. Angier for things in his sicknes 0. 4. 

To Mr. Stedman for things in his sicknes 0. 7. 6 

To sister Belsher for wine for his funeral! 0. 7. 

To two nurses that tended him in his sicknes 1. 4. 

To Hana Arington for nursing 0. 10. 

To Jeremiah Holman's daughter for nursing 0. 6. 

For bords for his coffin 0. 2. 6 

To John Palfree for making of his coffin 0. 4. 

To old goodman Gibson in cash 0. 4. 4 

6. 19. 4." 

Like his predecessors, Mr. Oakes died when he was yet com- 
paratively a young man. He had long been subject to a quartan 
ague; but his life was terminated by fever July 25, 1681, in the 
fiftieth year of his age. His death was as sudden and unexpected 
as that of Mr. Mitchell. " He was arrested with a malignant 
fever which presently put an end unto his days in this world. 
.... When he had lain sick about a day or two, and not so 
long as to give the people of God opportunity to pray for his re- 
covery, his church coming together with expectation to have the 
Lord's Supper on the Lord's day administered unto them, to their 
horror found the pangs of death seizing their pastor that should 
have broken to them the bread of life." 1 The last ten years of 
his life were years of trial, mental excitement, and severe labor, 
partly in the proper work of the ministry, and partly resulting 
from his connection with the College. 2 Within a year after his 
ordination as pastor of the church in Cambridge, he was elected 
Fellow of Harvard College, which office he (together with three 
of his associates, Thomas Shepard, Joseph Brown, and John 
Richardson) very soon resigned, under somewhat questionable 
circumstances. The overseers of the College requested them to 
resume the office ; but they declined, until March 15, 1674-5, the 
day on which President Hoar sent in his resignation. " On the 
same day, Oakes and Shepard took their seats as members of the 

1 Mather's Magnolia, Book iv., ch. v., Oakes, see Sibley's Harvard Graduates, 
8 - 173-185, and McKenzie's Lectures, 120- 

2 For a more extended notice of Mr. 127. 


Corporation, and the seat Dr. Hoar had quitted was given to the 
Rev. Mr. Oakes." He hesitated to accept the office, but at length 
consented to perform its duties as President pro tern., which he 
continued to do for five years ; when, having been again elected, 
he was installed into the office of President on Commencement 
Day, in August, 1680, less than a year before his death. 1 

Ancient writers uniformly represent Oakes as a skilful and dili- 
gent teacher. The college was in a disorganized condition when 
he assumed its management, and required the most cautious and 
judicious guidance. This, together with the labor of instruction, 
was sufficient, it would seem, to tax his mental energy to the 
utmost, especially in connection with his various duties to his 
church and parish. But in addition to all this, his mind was 
disturbed by the consciousness that his opposition to President' 
Hoar was regarded by many as the result of disappointed ambi- 
tion, it being suspected that he coveted the presidency when it was 
vacated by the death of Chauncy, that he was offended when it 
was given to Hoar, and that he hoped yet to obtain it if his rival 
could be displaced. Mr. Oakes had other trials, more closely 
connected with his pastoral office. Intense political excitement 
prevailed in regard to encroachments by the British Government 
on the Charter, which, not long after the death of Oakes, was 
utterly subverted and abrogated. Intense religious excitement 
also prevailed in consequence of the renewed activity of those 
dreaded disturbers of the public peace, the Anabaptists and Quak- 
ers, who were encouraged thereto by the British Government. 
To this excited state of the public mind Rev. Samuel Danforth 
alluded in a letter addressed to his brother, Thomas Danforth, 
March 31, 1670: " The truth is, matters are so circumstanced 
that a man can hardly come into any company and enter into 
any discourse, but before he is aware he finds himself in the like 
fan and sieve as that wherein Satan winnowed Peter in the high 
priest's hall." 2 On the same subject the " Freemen of Cam- 
bridge " addressed a long memorial to the General Court, dated 
June 3, 1671 (just one month before the arrival of Oakes from 
England), in which they say : 

" After the experience of the Lord's goodness in giving a good 
issue to many other temptations wherewith in his wisdom he 
hath seen meet to exercise his people and churches here, it is 

1 Quincy's History of Harvard College, 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1873-1875, p. 
i. 34-38, and Sibley's Harvard Graduates, 306. 


none of the least trials to the faith and patience of his poor ser- 
vants that which at present is upon us, viz., the Lord's judicial 
hand is delivering up many among us to their own heart's lusts, 
that they can boldly, with a presumptuous high hand, give defi- 
ance to the Lord's holy institutions and ordinances, to his deal- 
ministers, despising the word of the Lord in their mouths, and 
refusing to obey them that have the rule over them in the Lord, 
is is more especially the practice of the Quakers, Anabaptists, 
and Familists, that are of late risen up among us, and in these 
wicked practices do they continue notwithstanding all the means 
that have been used for their conviction, and wholesome laws of 
this jurisdiction prohibiting them therein. And if, by their in- 
corrigible hardiness, they can at last weary out God's ministers, 
casting dirt and reproach on their persons, doctrine, and holy ad- 
ministrations, which they well know will soon stick and easily 
prevail to cause the word of God by them dispensed to be unprof- 
itable, and also shall perceive that there are some, who, though 
they declare not themselves to own their corrupt opinions and to 
allow their wicked practices, yet can plead for their liberty and 
implicitly at least make their reflections to the reproach of the 
godly zeal of the authority here established, (seeking to reform 
such exorbitant practices), and thereby so weaken their hands 
that they wax feeble in that great work of the Lord, they hope 
then that the day shall be theirs ; but sure it is, if it be their 
day, it will be a black and dark night, as with the Lord's people, 
so also with his truth and holy institutions, (examples whereof 
are not a few in Eccl. histories), the upholding whereof in purity 
and power, and the conveying of the same in pure streams down 
to our posterity, as it was the main end of the first planters, as is 
before declared, so it cannot but be the earnest desire and en- 
deavor of every Christian soul. Be pleased, therefore, honorable 
sirs, to accept our tender of humble thankfulness as to the Lord, 
so also to your honored selves, who, under God are the walls of 
this our Jerusalem, for all your pious endeavors and holy zeal 
(tempered with much tenderness, as well becometh Christians) 
against those highhanded and presumptuous sinners. And it is 
our humble petition to this honored Court, that the laws here es- 
tablished against the wicked practices of those obstinate offenders 
may be fully executed, all discontentments that may tend to give 
any discouragement thereto notwithstanding ; we being well as- 
sured that the tolerating of them will add to the catalogue of 
those things that he whose eyes are as a flaming fire in the midst 


of his churches will soon espy and be offended with us for, as is 
by himself affirmed, Rev. ii. 14, 20 ; but on the contrary it is 
very pleasing when his people do hate those things that his soul 
doth hate, as appears in the 6th verse of that chapter." 1 

Mr. Oakes expressed his opinion concerning these exciting 
subjects in an Election Sermon, May 7, 1673 : " They that are 
weary of and disaffected to this government that God hath estab- 
lished among us, and shall betray and give up the civil interest 
of New England, wilt have more to answer for than they are 
aware of. He is a madman that will hope for the continuance of 
'our spiritual liberties, if the wall of our civil government be once 
broken down. Those beasts that break down the hedge of our 
civil government do not design or do it merely because they are 
angry with the hedge, but because they would break in and de- 
vour all that is precious and dear to us. The change of our gov- 
ernment will inevitably introduce a sad change in our churches. 
To divide what God hath conjoined, viz., civil and ecclesiastical 
liberties, to deliver up civil and yet hope to keep spiritual liber- 
ties, is folly in its exaltation." Again, " The loud outcry of some 
is for liberty of conscience ; that they may hold and practice 
what they will in religion. This is the Diana of some men, and 
great is the Diana of the Libertines of this age. I remember 
Julian the Apostate, that malicious and implacable enemy to 
Christianity have observed that the Christian religion prospered 
the more for the severe persecution in Dioclesian's time, and that 
the Christians grew up thicker and faster for being mowed down 
with the scythe of bloody enemies. He did for a while abstain 
from severities against the Christians, and suffered all men to use 
what religion they would ; and Austin saith of it, Libertatem 
perditionis permisit, he gave men liberty to destroy themselves. 
Such is that liberty of conscience, even a liberty of perdition, 
that some men are so unconscionably clamorous for. But remem- 
ber, that as long as you have liberty to walk in the faith and 
order of the Gospel, and may lead quiet and peaceable lives in 
all godliness and honesty, you have as much liberty of conscience 
as Paul desired under any government. 1 Tim. ii. 1. 2. He 
that is allowed without molestation to walk with God, and serve 
him with all good conscience, hath liberty enough. Never com- 
plain when that is your condition, that you may be as good as 
you will. Oh take heed in all societies, and in all respects, of an 
inordinate and undue affectation of liberty. The latter end of it 

1 Mass. Arch., x. 58. 


will be bondage and slavery." " I look upon an unbounded tol- 
eration as the first born of all abominations. If this should be 
once born and brought forth among us, you may call it Gad, and 
give the same reason that she did of the name of her son, Gen. 
xxx. 11, Behold a troop cometh, even a troop of all manner of 
abominations. This would be not only to open the wicket, but 
to fling open the great gate for the ready admission and reception 
of all abominable heresies." 1 

In the ancient Record-book, Deacon Cooper continues his " ac- 
count of seaverall providencis of God to the church of Cambrigd " 
as follows : " Mr. Oakes our pastor being chosen to be presi- 
dent of the Colegd about a yeere before his death it pleased the 
Lord to guide our church to give Mr. Nathanill Gookin a call to 
bee helpfull in the ministry in order to call him to office in time 
convenient which same time after our pasturs death our church 
ded give hime a call to the office of pastor which call he ded ex- 
cept of and was ordained pastor of our church November 15th, 
1682. Alsoe theare weare ordained the same day two Ruling 
Elders of our church, namly, Deacon John Stone, and Mr. Jonas 
Clarke to the ofice of Ruling Elders." By the same hand we 
have an account of the expense attending Mr. Gookin's ordina- 
tion, and the manner in which that expense was defrayed : 
" Provision for 80 persons 9'. 10*. O d 

For burnt wine I 1 , sugar 2 s . brandy 6 d . before diner 1. 2. 6 
Wine for the mesengers in the morning 0. 16. 2 

The chargis for the cakes for the mesingers ) 8 ^ 

wheate flower 7 s . 8 d rose-water 9^ j 

12 lb ofcurrans 6 s 15 lb of suger 4 s . 8*' 0. 10. 8 

A pound of lofe suger 1 s east 6 d 0. 1 . 6 

Spice 5*. 6 d milke IT> 0. 6. 11 

Ten pound of butter 5 s a cheese 4 s 0. 9. 

6 1 . of porke 1'. 6 d 0. 1. 6 

Hay for the horsis 5" helpe to tende the horsis 2 s 0. 7. 
Half an ounce of cloves 6 rf 0. 0. 6 

13. 14. 2 

" How it was produced the pay for the charge of Mr. Gookins 
ordination in maner as followeth : 

" Payed to John Jackson by cash in his hand 5'. s . O d 

Payed to John Jackson out of the contribution upon 
the saboth dayes 5 l 2* a part of the saide 

contribution being otherwayes disposed of then 
to the minister before Mr. Gookins ordination 
by the order of the church. 

1 Pages 49-54. 



More payed to John Jackson out of Thomas Beales ^ , z g, Q<J 
legacy toward the ordination by Walter Hastins i 

More payed by Walter Hastins toward the ordina- 1 i i Q Q 
tion of widow Beales legacy ) 

By John Cooper 11 s a cheese, 4' 0. 15. 

By butter and hay and milke this 15 s . was 13. 15. 6 

payed by money that was in my hand." 

Little is known of Mr. Gookin's personal history. His ministry 
was short, but it extended over a troublous political period, em- 
bracing the abrogation of the charter, the usurpation of the gov- 
ernment by Andros as the agent of arbitrary power, and the rev- 
olution which reinstated the old charter-magistrates. Although 
his father, Major-general Gookin, was one of the most sturdy 
defenders of popular rights against the encroachments of tyranny, 
and his brother, Capt. Samuel Gookin, was an active participant 
in the struggle, sometimes on the one side and sometimes on the 
other, Mr. Gookin is not known to have turned aside from his 
pastoral duties, or to have taken any part in the political conflict. 
He was a Fellow of Harvard College, but probably did not act as 
a tutor after taking the entire charge of the church. Short as was 
the life of his predecessors, his own was even more brief, lack- 
ing two months of thirty-four years. His pastorate was almost 
precisely as long as that of Mr. Oakes, nearly ten years. 1 
The ancient record says, " Mr. Nathaniel Gookin, our pastor, 
departed this life 7 day of August 1692, being the Sabbath day 
at night, about nine or ten o'clock at night. Elder Clark de- 
parted this life 14 January 99 or 1700, being the Sabbath day. 
Our pastor Mr. Nathaniel Gookin's wife Hannah died 14 day of 
May 1702, and was buried 16 day of May at the town's charge." 2 
During Mr. Gookin's ministry, the church continued to " remem- 
ber the poor." Contributions were taken for Joseph Graves, in 
1683, Moses Eyers, in 1684, and Thomas Gould, in 1685, sev- 
erally in " Turkey Slavery ; " for poor Frenchmen, in 1686, who 
fled here for shelter ; and in 1692 for " York captives with the 
Indians." In 1686, seven pounds were contributed for the relief 

1 Dr. Holmes says : " The shortness of Journal says, "Mr. Joseph Eliot comes 
Mr. Gookin's ministry, and the imperfec- in and tells me the amazing news of the 
tion of the early records of the church, Rev. Mr. Nathaniel Gookin's being dead : 
leave us very deficient in the means of 'tis even as sudden to me as Mr. Oakes' 
obtaining his history and character." Coll. death. He was one of our best ministers, 
Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 54. But we have this and one of the best friends I had left." 
testimony of his worth by one of his con- a The orthography of this record is ex- 
temporaries : Judge Sewall in his MS. traordinnrily vicious, and is here corrected. 


of John Parker at the " Village," whose house had been burned. 
" June 8, 1683. The contribution upon the Saboth day was for 
the releefe of widdow Crackbon and her sone, hee being dis- 
tracted. The sume contributed in cash was 8'. 13*., and in other 
pay, by Maior Gookin a bl. of rie and a bl. of malt, 7 s . 6 d . ; by 
Thomas Androwes, 2*. ; by Sharabiah Kibby, 2*. ; by Simond 
Gates, 4*." Again : " Jan. 12, 1689. Theare was a contribution 
for widdow Arrington and her family they being under the 
aflicting hand of God, her sonns weare taken away by death and 
her daughter and a grandchilde. The sum in cash was 6'. 18". 
The sum in common pay was I 1 . 2*. 6V 

While Mr. Gookin was laboring as an assistant to Mr. Oakes, 
the County Court required certain statistical returns from the 
several towns in the county, concerning the number of families 
and taxable polls, schools, tything-men, and the amount of com- 
pensation paid to the pastors of the several churches. The Cam- 
bridge Committee made report, March 30, 1680, as follows : 

" The number of our families, according to our nearest com- 
putation, is one hundred and twenty-one. The number of our 
persons, 1 according to our nearest computation, is one hundred 
and sixty-nine. The annual allowance to our reverend pastor in 
money is about 51' ; in goods and provisions about 78', 13 . Sum is 
129' 13* O d ; with his dwelling in the house built for the ministry, 
with four acres of land adjoining thereunto ; also about twenty 
load of wood annually carried to his house." It was voted, June 
28, 1680, " that the maintenance that is annually allowed to the 
ministry, Mr. Nathanill Gookin shall have one hundred pounds 
thereof for this present year, and the remainder to be paid to Mr. 
Oakes." After Mr. Gookin's death, the town voted, May 13, 1695, 
" to give to the next minister that the church and town shall settle 
among them ninety pounds per annum, in money, so long as he 
shall carry on the work of the ministry in Cambridge ; " and, 
Jan. 23, 1712-3, " voted, that the sum of ten pounds per annum 
be added to the salary of the ministry in this part of the town, 
instead of the annual custom of carting of wood ; so that the 
said salary is one hundred pounds per annum." The nominal 
salary remained unchanged until the close of Dr. Appleton's long 
ministry, more than seventy years afterwards ; but it was the 
custom, for many years, to give the pastor " a considerable quan- 
tity of wood gratis, some years between thirty and forty loads, 
1 Ratable polls, or males sixteen years of age. 


sometimes above forty loads." * A reasonable allowance was 
made, also, for the depreciation of values, during the Revolution- 
ary War. Provision was made which resulted in the creation of 
a fund for the maintenance of the ministry. June 28, 1680, 
" Voted and agreed, that five hundred acres of the remote lands, 
lying between Oburne, Concord, and our head-line, shall be laid 
out for the use and benefit of the ministry of this town and 
place, and to remain to that use forever." In 1718, this land 
was sold, and of the proceeds one hundred and thirty pounds 
were expended on the Parsonage, and the remainder was in- 
vested in a fund, whereof two thirds of the interest should be 
paid annually to the pastor of the church, and the remaining 
third part should be added to the principal. It is understood 
that this fund recently amounted to more than twenty thousand 

It was Mr. Gookin's lot to witness another division of his 
parish. In 1682, the " Farmers," as those were called who 
dwelt in what is now the town of Lexington, petitioned to be set 
off as a separate parish, " in order to provide for themselves a 
person that may be meet and able to dispense unto them the 
word of God ; " representing that they were " seated at a great 
distance, the nearest of them above five miles (some of them six, 
some eight, some nine, if not ten miles), from the public place 
of meeting to worship God in the town that we appertain unto." 
This petition was opposed by Cambridge, and was not granted 
by the General Court. It was renewed in 1684, when it met a 
similar fate. The request was finally granted, Dec. 15, 1691 ; 
and although a church was not organized, separate from the 
mother church, until nearly five years later, Rev. Benjamin 
Estabrook was engaged to preach one year in the parish, com- 
mencing May 1, 1692. He was ordained Oct. 21, 1696, and 
died July 22, 1697. 

After the death of Mr. Gookin, more than four years elapsed 
before the ordination of his successor. In the meantime more 
than thirty ministers preached in the Cambridge pulpit, of whom 
Samuel Angier, William Brattle, and Increase Mather, preached 
more frequently than any other. The compensation to the 
preachers was ten shillings for each sermon ; and generally one 
person preached in the forenoon, and another in the afternoon. 
The commendable generosity of one eminent preacher is re- 
corded by Deacon Hastings : " Mr. Increase Mather preached 

1 Church Record. 


much in the time of our vacancy ; and he gave his to Mrs. Han- 
nah Gookin, widow, and it was paid her and for entertaining the 
minister that preached with us." l The generosity of the parish 
ought also to be held in remembrance. The expense of Mr. 
Mitchell's funeral was defrayed by the parish, and donations 
were made to his widow (who was also widow of the former pas- 
tor, Mr. Shepard), as long as she lived. Mr. Oakes left no 
widow, and the College assumed the charge of his funeral, as in 
the case of their former President, Mr. Chauncy. The town 
(which was the parish) voted, Nov. 14, 1692, " to pay the ex- 
pense and defray the charge of our Pastor Gookin's funeral 
charges, which amounted to about eighteen pounds in money : " 
and the continuance of the same benevolence is indicated by a 
vote, March 10, 1700-1, "that Mrs. Hannah Gookin should be 
paid three pounds, to pay the rent of her house this present 
year." The account is fittingly closed by the record under date 
of May 15, 1702 : " Voted, that the selectmen take care that Mrs. 
Hannah Gookin be decently buried at the charge of the inhabi- 
tants belonging to this meeting-house, and the charge of said 
funeral be added to the town rate granted this year." 

Rev. William Brattle, born at Boston, November, 1662, H. C. 
1680, Tutor and Fellow of the College 1692, one of the first two 
on whom the College conferred the degree of Bachelor of Divin- 
ity, 1692, who had supplied the pulpit occasionally since Mr. 
Gookin's death and constantly since March 25, 1696, was or- 
dained pastor of the church Nov. 25, 1696. From this time a 
regular church record was made, which has been preserved in 
good condition. At the commencement of this record, Mr. 
Brattle says he u succeeded the Rev. Mr. Nathaniel Gookin, and 
was ordained a minister of Jesus Christ and a pastor to the flock 
at Cambridge, Nov. 25, 1696, per the Rev. Mr. Inc. Mather. The 
Rev. Mr. Morton, Mr. Allin, and Mr. Willard laid on hands. The 

Rev. Mr. Sam 1 . Willard gave the right hand of fellowship 

Deo sit gloria. Amen." The proceedings at this ordination seem 
to have been misapprehended by some historians. President 
Quincy says that Brattle " gave immediate evidence of his dispo- 
sition to set himself free from some customs of the established 
Congregational Church. He preached at his own ordination, and 
forbade an elder, because he was a layman, to lay his hand upon 
his head during the ceremony. Both were deviations from the 
established practice of the early Congregational Churches." 2 

1 Church Record ; orthography revised. a History of Harvard University, i. 88, 



And he quotes the remark of Judge Sewall : " It was, at first, 
ordered that Mr. Brattle should not preach. But many being 
troubled at it, 'twas afterward altered." 1 Instead of deviating 
from the established custom, Mr. Brattle, in fact, conformed to it 
by preaching at his own ordination, though he earnestly desired to 
be excused from that service. In proof that it was not unusual 
for a pastor to preach his own ordination sermon, it is sufficient 
to quote two examples, which occurred near the same time and 
in this immediate vicinity. Rev. Thomas Shepard, grandson of 
the first pastor of this church, was ordained at Charlestown, May 
5, 1680. " Mr. Shepard was ordained by Mr. Sherman of 
Watertown, and received the right hand of fellowship from Pres- 
ident Oakes. He preached his own Ordination Sermon, and 
took his text from Hebrews, xiii. 20, That great Shepherd of the 
sheep. Another sermon was preached on this occasion, from 
Ezekiel xxxiii. 7, Son of man, I have set thee a watchman." 2 
Rev. Benjamin Estabrook was ordained at Lexington, Oct. 21, 
1696, exactly five weeks before the ordination of Mr. Brattle. 
Judge Sewall describes the exercises thus : " A church is gath- 
ered at Cambridge North Farms. No relations made, but a 
covenant signed and voted by ten brethren, dismissed from the 
churches of Cambridge, Watertown, Woburn, Concord, for this 
work. Being declared to be a church, they chose Mr. Benjamin 
Estabrooks their pastor, who had made a good sermon from Jer. 
iii. 15. Mr. Estabrooks, the father, managed this, having prayed 
excellently. Mr. Willard gave the charge ; Mr. Fox the right 
hand of Fellowship." 3 These examples are sufficient to show 
that Mr. Brattle did not depart from an established Congrega- 
tional custom, by preaching at his own ordination. On the con- 
trary, he conformed to the custom, not willingly, but in deference 
to the wishes of others. In the Library of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society is preserved a manuscript letter from Mr. 
Brattle to Rev. Rowland Cotton of Sandwich, dated Nov. 6, 
1696, in which he says : u I wrote to your good father the last 
week, and therein acquainted him and yourself, &c., that the or- 
dination at Cambridge is designed (God willing) 25 this instant. 
Shall be glad to see you and others my friends, and in the mean- 
time entreat your good wishes. I trust the Reverend Presi- 
dent will preach the ordination-sermon ; it is my hearty desire, 

1 History of Harvard University, i. 489. * Sewall's MS. Journal. 

2 Frothingham's History of Charles- 
town, p. 192. 


and that which must he, otherwise I shall have great dissatisfac- 
tion in my own mind, it being, according to my best light, most 
proper that, when there is time but for one sermon on such days, 
some grave Divine, and not the young Candidate, should give 
the said sermon." As a compromise, Mr. Brattle preached to 
gratify those who adhered to the custom, and in compliance with 
his earnest desire Dr. Mather preached, as appears by the dea- 
con's record of the services. 

In one matter, Mr. Brattle early adopted a practice, then re- 
cently introduced, at variance with the established usage. He 
obtained a vote of the church that public relations of experience 
should not be required of candidates for admission to member- 
ship ; 1 and that the question upon admission should no longer be 
taken by " manual vote," but silence should be considered as- 
sent. This gave dissatisfaction to Deputy-governor Danforth 
and others : whereupon, " At a church meeting at Mr. Bord- 
mau's house, May 4, 1697, (1) Then propounded to Mr. Dan- 
forth and the whole body of the brethren who had remonstrated 
as to the votes of the church passed March 11, '967, at the 
house of deacon Hastings, whether, if I would condescend so far 
as to let something be communicated to the church by myself, or 
the Elder, wherein I received satisfaction from those who ask 
communion with us, as to their spiritual fitness for it, and this to 
be done at some time before or when they are to be admitted as 
I shall judge best, and this to remain so long as the peace of the 
church requires it, they would then be satisfied, and give no 
further trouble : This proposal was consented unto by them all, 
no one expressing his dissent. (2) Then propounded to them 
whether, if the way and manner of taking the Church's consent, 
whether by handy vote, or silence, or any other indifferent sign, 
be left to the discretion of the Elders, this would be to their satis- 
faction : to this, likewise, their consent was given, and no one 
expressed his dissatisfaction. Upon which I promised that, so 
long as the peace of the Church called for it, I would observe 
what I had now propounded to them for the accommodating the 
differences which had been among us." 2 

The connection of Mr. Brattle with his church for more than 
twenty years was peaceful and successful. His connection with 
the college, as Tutor and Fellow was even longer, and equally 

1 The same course had been pursued at 2 Church Record. 
the gathering of the church at Lexington, 
Oct. 21, 1696. 


pleasant and beneficial. After the death of his brother, Thomas 
Brattle, he skilfully performed the duties of Treasurer of the 
College, for about two years. At the election of President, 
Oct. 28, 1707, he had one vote. 1 His literary attainments were 
further recognized by his election as a member of the Royal Soci- 
ety, an honor conferred on very few Americans. After "a 
languishing distemper which he bore with great patience and 
resignation," he " died with peace and an extraordinary serenity 
of mind," Feb. 15, 1716-17, in the fifty-fifth year of his age. An 
obituary appeared in the " Boston News Letter," dated Feb. 25, 
in which it is said that his " good name while he lived was better 
than precious ointment, and his memory, now being that of the 
just, will be always blessed. They that had the happiness to 
know Mr. Brattle, knew a very religious, good man, an able 
divine, a laborious, faithful minister, an excellent scholar, a great 
benefactor, a wise and prudent man, and one of the best of friends. 
The promoting of religion, learning, virtue, and peace, every 
where within his reach, was his very life and soul, the great busi- 
ness about which he was constantly employed, and in which he 
principally delighted. Like his great Lord and Master, he went 
(^or sent) about doing good. His principles were sober, sound, 
moderate, being of a catholic and pacific spirit." In a preface to 
Dr. Se wall's sermon on the death of Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, 
Dr. Mather fully corroborates the foregoing testimony : " In 
the same week another faithful minister of God was taken away, 
viz. the Rev. Mr. William Brattle, pastor of the church in Cam- 
bridge, whom also I had reason to have an intimate acquaintance 
with, for that I presided over the College all the time of his be- 
ing a Fellow and a Tutor there ; and I had much comfort in his 
conversation. Had I not known his abilities, I would not have 
advised the precious Church in Cambridge to have elected and 

1 It is not unlikely that this vote was and that day with your presence and 

given by Increase Mather, D. D. A MS. managements. I know it would be very 

letter from Mr. Brattle to him, dated May great condescension in yourself; but be- 

8, 1707, preserved in the Library of Har- cause of the special service which would 

vard College, indicates their mutual re- come thence, and for the sake of the pub- 

spect and affection. After hearty thanks lie glory that would attend it, I cannot 

for a book which he had recently received, but wish it. I have deep resentments of 

Mr. Brattle says : " As to the affairs of your respects to my unworthy self : it is 

the College, I wish they were under better what I am most apt to be proud of, that I 

circumstances than they are : I do not have in any measure your smiles. The 

hear but that the Commencement is like argument you urge my compliance from 

to be carry'd on as of late : If not, I in case and of your presence, &c., is with- 

would with all earnestness wish that your- out flattery the greatest temptation from 

self would once more honor that society the head of honor that could assault me." 


ordained him their pastor, and at their and his desire performed 
that office of respect and love on Nov. 25, 1696. He that holds 
the stars in his right hand was pleased to uphold him in the 
pastoral office some months above twenty years. I am glad to 
see his character already published, and that it is done without 
hyperbolizing, that which is there said of him being true, and 
nothing but justice to his memory. Where shall there be found 
a suitable successor?" This surely does not indicate such a 
jealousy and antagonism between Dr. Mather and Mr. Brattle as 
some historians have represented. 

It would seem that hitherto, very few pews had been con- 
structed in the meeting-house ; instead of which there were long 
seats appropriated to individuals by the " seaters of the meeting- 
house." But early in Mr. Brattle's ministry, March 14, 1697-8, 
the town " voted, that there should be a pew made and set up 
between Mr. Samuel Gookin's pew and the stairs on the south- 
east corner of the meeting-house for the family of the ministry." 
Soon afterwards, July 11, 1698, "on the motion of Mr. John 
Leverett and Doctor James Oliver, the Selectmen do grant that 
they shall have convenient place in the meeting-house for the ac- 
commodation of their respective families ; the place or places to be 
set out to them by the Selectmen, the Elders consenting thereto : 
the places which they desire are on each side of the east door of 
the meeting-house." This meeting-house, having stood some- 
what more than fifty years, had become dilapidated, and the in- 
habitants of the town voted, July 12, 1703, " that they apprehend 
it necessary at this time to proceed to the building of a new meet- 
ing-house, and in order thereunto, there was then chosen Capt. 
Andrew Belcher, Esq., Thomas Brattle, Esq., John Leverett, Esq., 
Col. Francis Foxcroft, Esq., Deacon Walter Hastings, Capt. 
Thomas Oliver, and Mr. William Russell, a committee to advise 
and consider of the model and charge of building said meeting- 
house, and to make report of the same to said inhabitants." Final 
action was delayed until December 6, 1705, when it was "voted 
that the sum of two hundred and eighty pounds be levied on said 
inhabitants, toward the building a new meeting-house amongst 
them." Thanks were voted by the town, March 8, 1707-8, to 
"the Hon ble Andrew Belcher, Esq.," for his gift "toward build- 
ing our new meeting-house." The same generous benefactor had 
previously given a bell, as mentioned in a former chapter. On 
the 28th of September, 1703, the College granted sixty pounds 
" out of the College Treasury towards the building a new meet- 



ing-house ; " and, August 6, 1706, " voted that Mr. Leverett with 
the Treasurer take care for the building of a pew for the Presi- 
dent's family in the meeting-house now a building, and about the 
students' seats in the said meeting-house ; the charge of the pew 
to be defrayed out of the College Treasury." This third house 
stood on or very near the spot occupied by the second, and seems 
to have been opened for public worship, Oct. 13, 1706, as Mr. 
Brattle's record of Baptisms shows that on that day he first bap- 
tized a child in that house, having performed a similar service in 
the College Hall on the previous Sabbath. 

As before stated, Mr. Brattle died Feb. 15, 1716-7. On the 
next day after his decease, the town " voted, that the charge of 
wine, scarves, and gloves, &c., for the bearers at the funeral of 
our late Pastor, the Rev. Mr. William Brattle, deceased, be de- 
frayed by the town, and that the deacons and selectmen, by 
themselves, or any three of them that they may appoint, order 
the management thereof." An account of money thus disbursed, 
amounting to <23 17 10, was presented and allowed March 11, 
17167. Mr. Brattle's remains were deposited under the same 
slab which marks the resting-place of Dr. James Oliver, who 
deceased April 8, 1703. l 

1 On the day of the funeral, Wednes- 
day, Feb. 20, 1716-7, there was an ex- 
traordinary snow-storm. The Boston 
News Letter, dated Feb. 25, says : " Be- 
sides several snows, we had a great one 
on Monday the 18th current, and on 
Wednesday the 20th, it began to snow 
about noon and continued snowing till 
Friday the 22d, so that the snow lies in 
some parts of the streets about six foot 
high." A more vivid description is given 
in a letter from Rev. John Cotton, of 
Newton (who was present at the funeral) 
to his father, Rev. Rowland Cotton, of 
Sandwich, dated Wednesday, Feb. 27, 
1716-7, and preserved in the Library of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society : 
" Hon d . Father, I left 3 letters at Savel's 
ys & ye l a st week, besides 1 I put into 
Ezra Bourns hand last Wednesday night 
at Cambridge, w c night (as he went to 
Maiden & there I suppose kept prisoner 
till now) so I went to Boston, & by 
reason of y e late great & very deep snow 
I was detained there till yesterday. I got 
with difficulty to y e ferry on Friday, but 
cdnt get over : went back to Mr. Belcher's 

where I lodgd. Try'd again y e next day. 
Many of us went over y e ferry Maj r 
Turner, Price, Lynde, Brattle, Somersby, 
Holyoke, Sewall, &c., & held a council at 
Charlstown, & having heard of y e g* diffi- 
culty of a butcher going tow'd neck of 
land, who was founder'd, dug out, &c , y* 
we were quite disco rag'd : went back & 
lodg'd w* abundance of heartiness at Mr. 
Belchers. Mr. White & I trudg'd thro' 
up to y e South, where I knew Mr. Col man 
was to preach in y e forenoon, when he 
design'd to give the separate character of 
Mr. Pemb., [Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, 
who died Feb. 13, 1717] w c y r wasn't 
time for on y c Lecture, w c he did sweetly 
& well : telling how emulous he always 
was to excell ; his candle envied, &c., y' 
when we saw him stand up how our ex- 
pectations w r always rais'd & y* he always 
exceeded 'em & never deceiv'd 'em. Mr. 
Sewal upon we have y 8 Treas. in earthin 
vessels &c. Mr. Sewal spake well, very 
well, of his ascended Master & father, 
concerning w ra he cdnt be wholly silent, 
& then gave a breif, full, & good charac- 
ter, together w* his last words w c Mast'. 


Immediately after the decease of Mr. Brattle the Church 
adopted measures to supply the vacancy thus occasioned. A 
meeting for that purpose was duly appointed, and its proceed- 
ings were minutely recorded by President Leverett, in his Diary, 
preserved in the Library of Harvard College. As the result was 
so important, securing the settlement of a pastor who fed the 
flock of Christ nearly sixty -seven years, almost as long as the 
combined ministry of his five predecessors, this record is worthy 
of publication : "Friday, April the 19th, 1717. At a meeting 
of the Church of Christ in Cambridge. 1. The President being 
desired by the deacons and brethren opened the meeting with 
prayer. 2. The deacons proposed that a moderator might be 
chosen for the ordering and directing the meeting. 3. Voted, 
that the President be moderator of this meeting. He sub- 
mitted to the vote of the brethren of the Church, and, opening 
the design and intention of the meeting, earnestly desired that 
every body would freely discover their minds and declare what 
measures they thought proper, and what steps they would take 
in order to a settlement of the ministry in this place. After a 
due time of silence Mr. Justice Remington expressed himself, 
that the nomination of some suitable persons seemed to be the 
first step to be taken. Some other spake to the same effect. No 
opposition being expressed, a vote was called and it was voted. 
4. Voted, that the brethren express their minds as to nomination 
in writing, and the three persons that shall have the most votes 
shall be the persons nominated, out of which an election shall be 
made of one, in order to be settled in the pastoral office in this 

Williams writ down. They'll all be in Sam. Jacks. [Samuel Jackson] Stowell, 

print. On Monday I assay'd again for &c. come down on purpose to break y c 

Newton; but 'twas now also in vain. No- way & conduct me home w yy kindly 

body had been from Camb r . & there was did & thro favor safely, last night; but 

lodg'd there Mr. Gerrish, Rogers, Fitch, w* such difficulty y* I design not down to- 

Blowers, Prescot, Whiting, Chevcrs, & morrow. Tho' y c Dr's mind, he told me 

some others. Mr. Gerrish preach'd 23 yesterday run much on a thaw his 

Numb. 10, Mr. Rg 8 beg. with prayer. Mr. text tomorrow ^ 4 ?> 18. They were 

Fitch beg. in y c aft'n. Mr. Blow, preach'd afraid of a sudden thaw, bee. of a mighty 

2 Ez. 5 ult. clause. At Boston w r lodg'd flood. Before Cutler's door, so great was 

as prisoners Mr. Sheph. Loring, Barnard, y e bank that yy made a handsome arch 

Holyoke, Porter, &c. in it & sat in chairs, w* y r bottles of wine, 

" I ordered my horse over y e ferry to &c. Denison came over yest. upon sno 

Bost" yesterday, designing to try Rox- shoes & designs back tomorrow. I 

bury way but was so discorag'd by suppose bee. of Conventions last week, y r 

gentlemen in town, especially by y e GoV. County was generally w'out preaching. 

w< whom I din'd y' I was going to put up I believe y e like was never known as to 

my horse and tarry till Thursd. & as I ministers absence from y r parishes," etc. 
was going to do it I met Cap. Prentice, 


church. Pursuant to this vote, the brethren were desired by the 
moderator to write and bring in their votes, which they did ; and 
upon the view, numbering and declaring the vote, Mr. Henry 
Flint, Mr. Jabez Fitch,, and Mr. Nathaniel Appleton were the 
three persons agreed to be nominated, out of which the brethren 
should proceed to an election. Accordingly the moderator de- 
sired the brethren of the Church to bring in their votes for the 
choice of a person to settle in the ministry in this place, viz. one 
of three before nominated persons. Pursuant hereto the church 
brought in their votes in writing. 5. Upon sorting and number- 
ing the votes, Mr. Nathaniel Appleton was by the church elected 
to the work of the ministry, in order to the taking upon him the 
pastoral office as God shall open the way thereunto. This was 
by a great majority ; the votes for Mr. Appleton being 38, and 
the votes for Mr. Flynt but 8. The moderator declared to the 
church their election of Mr. Appleton as aforesaid. 6. It was 
proposed that those that had not voted for Mr. Appleton in writ- 
ing might have the opportunity to manifest their satisfaction with 
the vote that had passed, that the brethren would manifest that 
they chose him as aforesaid by lifting up their hands, which was 
complied with, and it is said that there were but two that had acted 
in the foregoing votes that did not hold up their hands." After 
appointing a committee to ask the concurrence of the town with 
the church in their choice, " the moderator concluded the meet- 
ing with returning thanks to God for the peaceable and comfort- 
able management of the affairs of the church. Laus Deo." l The 
town concurred, and Mr. Appleton was ordained Oct. 9, 1717. 
Dr. Increase Mather preached and gave the charge ; Dr. Cotton 
Mather gave the right hand of Fellowship ; and they, together 
with Rev. Messrs. John Rogers, of Ipswich, and Samuel Angier, 
of Watertown, imposed hands. Ministers and delegates of elev- 
en churches in Boston, Charlestown, Watertown, Ipswich, New- 
ton, Lexington, and Medford, "were invited," says President 
Leverett, " and were all pi'esent except Mr. Gibbs, who could 
not attend by reason of indisposition. The solemnity was car- 
ried on with as great decency and good order throughout as has 
been ever remembered at any time in any place. Laus Deo." 

The town, having concurred with the church in the invitation 
to Mr. Appleton, voted, May 27, 1717, that the sum of one hun- 

1 This election was the more gratifying was gratified in a similar manner by the 
to President Leverett, because Mr. Apple- election of his brother-in-law, Rev. Ed- 
ton was a nephew of the President's wife, ward Holyoke, to the Presidency of Har- 
Twenty years afterwards, Mr. Appleton vard College. 
19 . 


dred pounds, and the stranger's money, the improvement of the 
parsonage, and all other perquisites which our late Rev d . Pastor 
.... enjoyed, be annually paid to and enjoyed by the Rev. Mr. 
Nath. Appleton, he settling in the work of the ministry, amongst 
us, during his continuance therein." The Parsonage erected in 
1670 having become dilapidated, the town voted, Aug. 1, 1718, 
" that the sum of two hundred and fifty pounds be granted for 
the building a new Parsonage-house, provided the sum of one 
hundred and thirty pounds of the said money be procured by the 
sale of town, propriety, or ministry lands in said town, as may be 
thought most proper to be disposed of for said use." Accord- 
ingly, the church farm in Lexington was sold, and so much as 
was not appropriated for the Parsonage was invested in a per- 
manent fund. The records do not distinctly indicate whether 
the Parsonage was wholly or only partly rebuilt. But Dr. 
Holmes, writing in 1800, says, " All the ministers, since Mr. 
Mitchell, have resided at the Parsonage. The front part of the 
present house, at the Parsonage, was built in 1720." i The whole 
house was taken down in 1843. 

The congregation seems to have soon increased, demanding 
additional room ; and it was voted, Aug. 1, 1718, " that a new 
upper gallery in our meeting-house over the women, agreeable to 
the gallery over the men, be erected and built, provided the cor- 
poration of Harvard College be at the charge of the same ; which 
the Rev. Mr. President Leverett, on behalf of the College, offered 
to do ; the whole of the gallery on the south side of our meeting- 
house being then resigned for the use of the scholars, excepting 
the two wings of the front seat, which are to be improved by the 
town till such time as the scholars have occasion for the same, 
and no longer." Notwithstanding this enlargement of the seat- 
ing capacity of the house, the people on the westerly side of Me- 
notomy River desired better accommodation, and as early as May 
10, 1725, petitioned the town to consent that they might become 
a separate precinct. The town withheld its consent, on the 
ground that " near one half of said inhabitants " had not signed 
the petition. The request was renewed in 1728, but was not 
successful until four years later. The General Court having dis- 
missed the petition of James Cutler and others for incorporation 
as a religious precinct, Nov. 3, 1732, a new petition, slightly 
differing in form, was presented soon afterwards; which was 
granted Dec. 27, 1732, and Menotomy became a precinct, with 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 30. 


substantially the same bounds which were assigned to it when it 
was incorporated as a town in 1807. This separation appears to 
have been entirely amicable, and a spirit of Christian fellowship 
and love is indicated by an act of the church mentioned by Dr. 
Holmes in " Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc.," vii. 33: "On the Lord's day, 
September 9, 1739, a church was gathered in this precinct by the 
Rev. Mr. Hancock of Lexington ; and on the 12th day of the 
same month, the Rev. Samuel Cooke was ordained its pastor. 
On this occasion, the First Church in Cambridge voted, that 25 
be given out of the church stock to the Second Church in Cam- 
bridge, to furnish their communion table in a decent manner." 

In 1753 the First Parish resolved to erect a new meeting-house, 
and desired the College to defray a part of the expense ; where- 
upon the corporation voted, Dec. 3, 1753, to pay " one seventh 
part of the charge of said house," provided the students should 
have the use of the whole front gallery, and " at least the third or 
fourth pew as to the choice " be set apart for " the President for 
the time being and his family." The erection of the house was 
delayed about three years. It " was raised Nov. 17, 1756, and 
divine service was first performed in it July 24, 1757." * Mean- 
time further negotiation was had with the College, and a prop- 
osition was made to place the new house farther from the street, 
which would " very much secure it from fire as well as render the 
appearance of it much more beautiful," and also would render it 
" absolutely necessary in order to a suitable accommodation of 
the Parish that they should be allowed the use of a part of the 
President's orchard behind their said new meeting-house, where 
when they come to attend on divine worship they might place 
their horses, chairs, chaises, &c." Desiring " to make the said 
situation of the new meeting-house as convenient as may be," the 
corporation voted, Sept. 6, 1756, to grant to the Parish the use of 
a strip of land one hundred and sixteen feet and four inches in 
length by thirty-two feet and ten inches in width, on certain con- 
ditions ; viz., " (1.) That the scholars' gallery shall be in the 
front of the said meeting-house, and the fore part of the said gal- 
lery seventeen feet on a perpendicular line from the said front, 
and that they shall enjoy all that space of the said front gallery 
contained within the mitre lines drawn from the angles where 
the foreparts of the side gallerys meet with the forepart of the 
front gallery to the corner-posts of the house, saving what shall 
be cut off from the said mitre lines by a pew at each corner of 

1 Cdl. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 34. 



said house of about seven feet square. 1 (2.) That the said new 
meeting-house shall front southerly down the street, in the man- 
ner the old one now doth. (3.) That the front of the said new 
meeting-house be two and an half or three feet behind the back- 
side of the old meeting-house. (4.) That there be a liberty for 
the President of the College to cart into his back yard, viz., at 
the backside of the said new meeting-house, wood, hay, boards, 
&c., for his own or the College use, as there shall be occasion for 
it." These conditions were accepted by a Committee of the 
Parish. The amount paid by the College is stated at <213 6 8. 
If this was exactly " one seventh part of the charge," the whole 
cost of the new house was XI, 493 6 8, and the sum payable by 
the Parish was Xl,280. 2 

1 By consent of the corporation, the 
width of the gallery was reduced to fifteen 
feet and seven inches. Also a portion of 
" the mitral part " of the gallery was re- 
linquished, "provided, that the part we 
thus cede to the Parish shall not be occu- 
pied by the negroes." The pew selected 
for the President was " that on the left 
hand entering in at the front door, if it 
may be had, and if not, then the third 
pew on the east side of the pulpit." The 
corporation also paid "for erecting two 
pews in the scholars' gallery in the new 
meeting-house for the Tutors to sit in." 

3 A large portion of this amount was 
subscribed by individuals, as appears by 
a MS. in the Library of Harvard College, 
entitled, "List of the number of subscrib- 
ers and sums subscribed for building the 
N. Meeting house in Cambridge." 

Sam 1 . Kent, 



Nathl Kidder, 



Peter Tufts, 



Isaac Watson, 


6. 8 

Sam 1 . Whittemore, 



Jacob Watson, 



John Wyeth, 



Peleg Stearns, 


6. 8 

John Warland, 


6. 8 

Isaac Bradish, 



W-' 1 . Manning, 


13. 4 

John Win thro p, 


11. 7 

Judah Monis, 


6. 8 

Eben r . Fessenden, 


6. 8 

RichA Champney, 



Eb. Stedman, 



Z. Boardman, 


6. 8 

Edm. Trowbridge, 



Edw d . Ruggles, 
Sam 1 . Danforth, 
Saml. Sparhawk, 
W. Brattle, 
Edw. Manning, 
Edw. Wigglesw[orth] 
Thos. Soden, 
Edw d . Marrett, 
Jn. Fessenden, 
Owen Warland, 
W m . How, 
Henry Flynt, 
John Hicks, 
W m . Angier, 
Jon". Sprague, 
Moses Richardson, 
Mr. Appleton, 
Eben r . Bradish, 
Thomas Kidder, 
Jon a . Hastings, 
Stephen Prentice, 
James Read, 
Fr. Foxcroft, 
Caleb Prentice, 
Sam 1 . Hastings, 
Deacon Prentice, 
Eb. Wyeth, 
John Stratton, 
Seth Hastings, 
S. Thatcher, 
Widow Tufts, 
Am. Marrett's heirs, 
And. Boardman, 
Chr. Grant, 
Wid. Sar. Hastings, 
Rich u . Gardner, 
Stephen Palmer, 
H. Vassall, 





6. 13. 4 
14. 5. 
13. 6. 8 


2. 8 
6. 8 
6. 8 
0. 1 

9. 6. 8 

7. 10. 

7. 1. 
10. 14. 

8. 12. 

13. 6. 8 

14. 10. 
10. 0. 
20. 0. 
10. 13. 4 

10. 3. 
18. 13. 4 

8. 10. 

11. 15. 


3. 4 
6. 8 



16. 10. 

8. 5. 
15. 0. 
13. 9. 4 

7. 0. 
20. 0. 

Jtichardson. Mary Tufts. 


J?. Gardner 



dm. Jrowbndge. 





Seth Hastings . 







Fofa. Trowbrifyt 









StephenPrentice . 




Sajn J fliatcher 


Ww. Manning. 





Peleg Steams. 

Aaron Hill. 





William How. 


John Hicfa 


Isaac Sradish. 


Isaac Warson. 












T. JVb.36. 

f~ ~ Widow Sarah , 


wt. 7 

JVb.35. JVo.34. JVo33. 

Jon* Hastings. Colledge. Nathaniel 

JYo.32. JVo.31. 

Samuel Ebenezer 
Hasting. Wyeff). 



JSo.67 ^j 68 M.69. JVo.60. 

Widow (, ) 

JoMDickson. /^ 5 ^ DN ^ Inman. Mik, Gill. 

[fbr. or benr] 


Caleb Dans. 



Thomas Soden. 









Eben r Stedman. 













JVo. 66. 

William Angier. 



A JVort. 

Ed w? Manning . 




John Stratton. 

Jacob Watson. 

JV .25. 

Zben r Stedmaji. 



JVo.20. JVo.21. JVo.22. 

Mn ^ }al Wnthrop.. Sparhawte. 



Mirer. Morse. 




The house thus erected by the joint contributions of the Col- 
lege, the Parish, and individuals, served its purpose until 1833, 
when it was taken down, and the land on which it stood was 
sold to the corporation of Harvard College. " In this edifice all 
the public commencements and solemn inaugurations, during 
more than seventy years, were celebrated ; and no building in 
Massachusetts can compare with it in the number of distinguished 
men, who at different times have been assembled within its 
walls. Washington and his brother patriots in arms there wor- 
shipped, during the investment of Boston by the Provincial army, 
in 1775. In 1779, the delegates from the towns of Massachu- 
setts there met and framed the Constitution of the Common- 
wealth, which the people of that State ratified in 1780. There 
Lafayette, on his triumphal visit to the United States, in 1824, 
was eloquently welcomed, during the presidency of Dr. Kirk- 
land." i 

Long before the " triumphal visit " of Lafayette, and several 
years before the erection of this famous edifice, another distin- 
guished foreigner, Rev. George Whitefield, visited America, 
creating nearly as much excitement as Lafayette himself ; with 
this difference, however, that while all united to honor the one, 
the other was vehemently applauded by some and resolutely 
and sternly opposed by others. Without discussing the subject 
in controversy between him and his opposers, it is sufficient 
here to record the historical fact, that the Pastor of the Cam- 
bridge Church and the Faculty of Harvard College set their faces 
as a flint against Mr. Whitefield, who had denounced the Col 
lege and the New England clergy, as teachers of an unsavory 
and unprofitable religion, and alleged that a large number of 
grave and learned divines, held in honor and reverence through- 
out the vicinity, were in fact unconverted and destitute of vital 
piety. Professor Wigglesworth and others published vigorous 
replies to Mr. Whitefield, who was finally induced to retract 01 
essentially modify his accusations against the College. Mr. Ap- 
pleton declined to admit Mr. Whitefield into his pulpit, in accord- 

B. Hancock, 10. 0. Jos h . Morse, 6. 13. 6 

Pr. Holyoke, 20. 0. Aaron Hill, 8. 1. 

John Dickson, 13. 6. 8 

Rich. Dana, 15. 0. L. M. 836. 2. 
Caleb Dana, 13. 6. 8 = in O. T. 6270. 1. 3 
Mr. Fletcher, 14. 0. The sum total is not precisely accurate. 
Lt. Gov r . [Phips] 40. 0. A copy of the original Plan of this meet- 
Mr. Inmaii, 10. 0. ing-house is here reproduced. 

1 Quincy's Hist. Harv. Univ., ii. 463. 


ance with the advice of his brethren, which was published in 
the " Boston Evening Post," Jan. 7, 1745, as follows : 

" Cambridge Jan. 1, 1744-5. At a meeting of the Association 
of this and the neighboring towns, present, the Reverend Mes- 
sieurs John Hancock of Lexington, William Williams of Weston, 
John Cotton of Newton, Nath 1 . Appleton of Cambridge, Warham 
Williams of Waltham, Seth Storer of Watertown, Eben r . Turell 
of Medford, Nicholas Bowes of Bedford, Samuel Cook of Cam- 
bridge. The Rev. Mr. Appleton having applied to his brethren 
of said association for our advice, relating to a request which hath 
been made to him by a number of his church and congregation, 
that he would invite the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield to preach in 
Cambridge ; after supplications to God and mature consideration 
of the case proposed, and the several pleas made in favor of said 
request, and the state of the town, as also the many weighty ob- 
jections which lie against the said Mr. Whitefield, with respect 
to his principles, expressions, and conduct, which are not yet 
answered, nor has any Christian satisfaction been given by him 
for them ; considering also how much the order, peace and edifi- 
cation of the churches of this land are endangered, together with 
the unhappy, divided state of many of them ; It was unani- 
mously voted, that it is not advisable, under the present situation 
of things, that the Rev. Mr. Appleton should invite the Rev. Mr. 
Whitefield to preach in Cambridge. And they accordingly de- 
clared, each of them for themselves respectively, that they would 
not invite the said gentleman into their pulpits. JH@" The above 
advice was signed by each member of the association. 

"Attest, JOHN HANCOCK, Moderator." 

Another article relative to the same subject appeared in the 
" Boston Weekly News Letter," June 27, 1745 : " Whereas it is 
reported in the Gazette or Journal of this week, that the Rev. 
Mr. Whitefield preached last Saturday at Cambridge, to prevent 
misapprehensions and some ill consequences which may arise 
from thence, you are desired to give your readers notice that he 
preached on the Common, and not in the Pulpit ; and that he did 
it, not only without the consent, but contrary to the mind, of the 
Rev. Mr. Appleton the minister of the place." 

As early as May, 1747, a petition was presented to the Gen- 
eral Court that the inhabitants of that part of Cambridge which 
afterwards became the town of Brighton might be incorporated 
as a separate religious precinct. A protest was presented by 
other persons residing on the same territory, and the petition 


was dismissed. After a like unsuccessful attempt in April, 1748, 
the petition was renewed by a committee in December, 1749, in 
which it is said, " There is within the bounds of the proposed 

new parish on the south side of the river, 2660 acres 

and 81 rods of land, by the plan ; 42 dwelling-houses ; about 50 
families ; above 50 persons in full communion with the church ; 
and this part of the town's proportion to the Province Tax in 
1748 was 700. 11 s . 8 d ., old tenor, and 67 ratable polls, about 
290 souls." It is also said : " We have supported the gospel 
among us some part of the year for fourteen years, during which 
time we set apart a house for divine worship that had been a 
dwelling-house : upon finding it too small for the congregation 
we erected a convenient house for the worship of God, .... 
and soon after we had winter-preaching in this house we con- 
cluded to have summer-preaching in it also : and we are now in 
the 5 year that we have had constant preaching." l This peti- 
tion, like those which preceded it, was dismissed. It was fol- 
lowed by another in June, 1758, in which it is more definitely 
stated that it was " necessary for the inhabitants on this side the 
river, about twenty-seven years since, to procure preaching among 
ourselves during the winter season, which we for the space of 
fourteen years continued to support at our sole expense, paying 
our full proportion of the gospel in the old town ; but afterwards 
finding the house in which we met neither convenient nor large 
enough for the purpose, we did about thirteen years since erect a 
meeting-house of suitable dimensions in the most suitable place 
to accommodate the people on this side the river, and have ever 
since supported the public preaching of the gospel among us at 
our own charge (except about ten or eleven pounds per annum 
which has been allowed us by the First Parish for a few years 
last past)," etc. 2 So strong was the opposition, however, that 
this petition was dismissed ; and another which was presented 
Feb. 22, 1774, met the same fate. At last, nearly half a century 
after the commencement of regular religious services (for the 
winter), and about thirty-five years after the erection of a meet- 
ing-house in which public worship was offered throughout the 
year, the inhabitants on the south side of the river were incor- 
porated by the General Court, April, 1779, as a separate precinct 
with authority to settle a minister, and to provide for his support 
by a parish tax, " excepting Samuel Sparhawk, John Gardner, 
Joanna Gardner, and Moses Griggs, and their estates, who shall 

1 Mass. Arch., xii. 368-371. 2 Mass. Arch., xiv. 73-76. 


be exempted from all ministerial taxes to said precinct, so long 
as they shall live or reside within the same, or until they or either 
of them shall give their hands into the Secretary's Office of this 
State, desiring that they with their estates may be considered as 
part of said precinct." The subsequent proceedings are related 
by Dr. Holme's in "Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc.," vii., 36, 37: "In 
1780, the church members on the south side of Charles River in 
Cambridge presented a petition to the church, signifying their 
desire to be dismissed and incorporated into a distinct church, for 
enjoying the special ordinances of the gospel more conveniently 
by themselves. The church voted a compliance with their peti- 
tion ; and they were incorporated on the 23d of February, 1783. 
The Reverend John Foster was ordained to their pastoral charge, 
November 4, 1784." 

Besides the incorporation of the second and third precincts, re- 
sulting in the establishment of two more churches professing the 
same faith which had distinguished the parent church during the 
century and a half of its existence, Dr. Appleton witnessed yet 
another secession from his congregation, involving what he must 
have regarded as . a departure from the faith and order of the 
churches. A subscription was commenced in 1759 for the erec- 
tion of an edifice, which was opened Oct. 15, 1761, for the wor- 
ship of God according to the forms prescribed by the Episcopal 
Church. The organization and history of Christ Church Parish 
will be more fully noticed elsewhere. It is sufficient to say here 
that it drew from Dr. Appleton's parish several of its richest 
and most aristocratic members. Socially and financially, he must 
have regarded their secession as a serious loss. 

The ministry of this sixth pastor of the church was long and 
peaceful, two thirds of a century in length, but not marked 
by any very extraordinary characteristics. " The written record 
of his labors as pastor comprises little more than long lists of 
persons received to the church, of adults and children who 
were baptized, and of persons married. The summing up is as 
follows : children baptized, 2,048 ; adults, 90 ; admissions to the 
fellowship of the church, 784. All through this long ministry 
the pastor was busy in the duties of his office, preaching the 
word, striving for the salvation of those under his care, and for 
the edifying of the body of Christ." 1 Among the methods 
adopted for the furtherance of this object, Dr. Holmes says that 
" in 1736, a committee, chosen by the church to consult with the 
1 McKcnzie's Hist. Lect., p. 147. 


pastor respecting measures to promote a reformation, proposed 
and recommended to the church, as what they ' apprehended might 
be serviceable for reviving religion and suppressing growing dis- 
orders,' that there be a number of wise, prudent, and blameless 
Christians chosen among themselves, whose special care it should 
be to inspect and observe the manners of professing Christians, and 
such as were under the care and watch of the church. The pro- 
posal was adopted, and a committee was appointed, for the pur- 
pose expressed in the recommendation. This committee, which 
was a kind of privy council to the minister, though without au- 
thority, appears to have been very serviceable to the interests of 
religion ; and it was renewed annually, for the space of about 
fifty years." l It was provided that this committee should con- 
sist of " three in the body of the town, one upon the common, 
one in Charlestown End, two at Menotomy, and two on the south 
side of the River." The members first elected were Samuel 
Danforth, Esq., Andrew Bordman, Esq., John Bradish, Deacon 
Samuel Bowman, Benjamin Goddard, John Cutter, Ephraim 
Frost, Daniel Dana, and Deacon Samuel Sparhawk. 

The faithful and useful services of Dr. Appleton were recog- 
nized by the College in the bestowment of a degree, which, how- 
ever common it may have since become, had never before been 
conferred by that corporation, except upon Rev. Increase Mather 
in 1692, and which was therefore a notable mark of honor. The 
record bears date July 9, 1771 : " The Rev. Mr. Nathanael Ap- 
pleton having been long an ornament to the pastoral character 
and eminently distinguished for his knowledge, wisdom, and 
sanctity of manners and usefulness to the churches, and having 
for more than fifty years exerted himself in promoting the in- 
terests of piety and learning in this society, both as a Minister 
and as a Fellow of the corporation, therefore, Voted, that the De- 
gree of Doctor in Divinity be conferred on the said Rev. Mr. 
Nathanael Appleton, and that a Diploma for that purpose be pre- 
sented to him." 

The longest human life has an end. On the verge of ninety 
years Dr. Appleton on account of his " very advanced age and 
growing infirmities " requested that a colleague might aid him in 
the pastoral office. Accordingly, Rev. Timothy Hilliard was 
elected by the church and congregation and was duly installed. 
Dr. Appleton survived this event less than four months. " His 
public usefulness, though diminished, for a few of his last 

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 33, 34. 


years, by the infirmities of age, did not entirely cease but with 
his life. He died Feb. 9, 1784, in the ninety-first year of his 
age, and sixty-seventh of his ministry ; and New England can 
furnish few, if any, instances of more useful talents, and of more 
exemplary piety, united with a ministry equally long and success- 
ful." 1 A memorial tablet marks the resting-place of his body in 
the old burial-ground. 

The prolonged pastorate of Dr. Appleton was succeeded by the 
shortest which the church experienced, from its organization in 
1636 to its division in 1829. Rev. Timothy Hilliard, born in 
Kensington, N. H., 1746, H. C. 1764, Tutor 1768-1771, Chap- 
lain at Castle William, 1768, was ordained at Barnstable, April 
10, 1771. The climate proving unfavorable to his health he 
resigned his charge at Barnstable, and was installed at Cam- 
bridge as colleague with Dr. Appleton, Oct. 27, 1783. His 
ministry here did not continue quite seven years, yet it was pro- 
ductive of good fruits. His immediate successor, Dr. Holmes, 
says of him : " Placed by Providence in this conspicuous station, 
his sphere of usefulness became much enlarged, his labors being 
now extended to the University. For this new sphere he was 
peculiarly qualified. ' His pulpit talents were excellent. He was 
pleasing in his elocution. In prayer he was exceeded by few, 
being ready in his utterance, pertinent on every occasion, and 
devotional in his manner. His discourses from the desk were 
never such as could be said to have cost him nothing, but were 
well studied, pure in the diction, replete with judicious senti- 
ments, clearly and methodically arranged, instructive, serious, 
practical, and truly evangelical ; so that his public services were 
useful and edifying to all ranks of men, both learned and un- 
learned.' He was * ever viewed by the Governors of the Univer- 
sity as an excellent model for the youth under their care who 
were designed for the desk ; and they considered his introduction 
into this parish a most happy event.' .... Though firm in the 
maintenance of his own religious sentiments, he was ' eminently 
candid, and ready to embrace all good men.' In public and 

private life, he was exemplary for virtue and piety 

' There was no minister among us,' said President Willard, ' of 
his standing, who, perhaps, had a fairer prospect of becoming 
extensively useful to the churches of Christ in this Common- 
wealth.' .... In his last illness, which was very short, he was 
supported by the Christian hope, which gave him a religious su- 
1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 62. 


periority to the fear of death He died on the Lord's-day 

morning, May 9, 1790, in the forty-fourth year of his age." l 
His " bereaved, affectionate flock," erected a suitable monumen- 
tal slab, in the old burial-place, over his mortal remains. 

Mr. Hilliard was succeeded in the pastoral office by Rev. Abiel 
Holmes, who was born in Woodstock, Conn., Dec. 24, 1763, Y. C. 
1783, and was ordained pastor of a church at Midway, Georgia, 
Sept. 15, 1785, which church removed thither bodily from Dor- 
chester, Mass. He resigned his pastorship of this church in June, 
1791, and was installed pastor of the church in Cambridge, Jan. 
25, 1792. His ministry was long and eventful. His parish was 
much enlarged by the establishment and growth of villages at 
Cambridgeport and East Cambridge, and it was subsequently 
diminished by their incorporation as a separate parish, 2 and the 
organization of churches in both villages. A new church was 
organized, Nov. 6, 1814, under the auspices of the College, which 
withdrew many of the officers and students from his congrega- 
tion. These changes were effected peacefully, and with the 
cooperation of Dr. Holmes. He preached at the dedication of 
the meeting-house of the Cambridgeport Parish, and at the or- 
dination of their first minister. He also assisted in the organi- 
zation of the College Church. 

But another change occurred, which occasioned much grief and 
sadness, and which he resisted earnestly and steadfastly though 
unsuccessfully. About the year 1815, a difference in opinion, 
which had for several years existed between the Trinitarian and 
Unitarian Congregationalists, attained such prominence as to dis- 
turb the relations between pastors of churches, and to rend the 
churches themselves into fragments. Such was the sad effect 
here. The pastor felt it to be his duty to bear testimony against 
what he regarded as the errors of Unitarianism, and to prevent 
their dissemination from his pulpit. A majority of his church 
approved the measures which he adopted, and adhered to him 
with unswerving fidelity. A minority of the church, with a 
majority of the parish, disagreed with him in opinion, and in- 
sisted that, if he could not conscientiously teach such doctrines 
as they believed to be true, he should at least allow other clergy- 
men to do so in his pulpit. A long and unhappy controversy en- 

1 Coll. Mass. Hist, foe., vii. 64-66. 2 The Cambridgeport Parish, which in- 
The quotations by Dr. Holmes are from eluded both Cambridgeport and East Cam- 
President Willard's Sermon at the funeral bridge, 
of Mr. Hilliard. 


sued, which resulted in a division of the church. For obvious 
reasons, the particular incidents of this controversy are not here 
repeated. Each party published its own version of the whole 
matter in 1829 : one, in a pamphlet of 58 pages, entitled, 
" An Account of the Controversy in the First Parish in Cam- 
bridge ; " the other, in a pamphlet of 103 pages, entitled " Con- 
troversy between the First Parish in Cambridge and the Rev. 
Dr. Holmes, their late Pastor." It may suffice to record the re- 
sult. An ex-parte council, called by the First Parish, assem- 
bled May 19, 1829, and, after due deliberation, " Voted, That 
there is plenary evidence of the facts, that Dr. Holmes has ma- 
terially varied in his ministerial and Christian intercourse from 
that of his two immediate predecessors, and from that of more 
than thirty years of his own ministry ; that such change more 
essentially affects the peace, comfort, and edification of the Par- 
ish, than any mere change in speculation, or in points of dogmat- 
ical theology ; that this change has been persisted in, contrary to 
the repeated remonstrances of a large majority of the Parish, con- 
sisting of about three-fourths of the legal voters, including several 
members of the church ; that this course has greatly grieved 
them, and so far impaired their confidence in their pastor, as to 
preclude the possibility of continuing his ministerial relation to 
them, either with comfort to himself, or any prospect of advan- 
cing their religious interests. Voted, That the First Parish in 
Cambridge have sufficient cause to terminate the contract sub- 
sisting between them and the Rev. Dr. Holmes, as their minister, 
and this Council recommend the measure, as necessary to the ex- 
istence and spiritual prosperity of the society. This Council 
wish it to be distinctly understood," it is added, " that the ser- 
vice, to which we have in Providence been called, is one of the 
most painful services of our life. We do not arraign or condemn 
the motives of the Rev. Dr. Holmes. We are happy to testify 
that all our impressions of his course, during the peaceful state 
of his society, are associated with the most interesting and hon- 
orable views of his ministerial character and the Christian 
spirit." l In accordance with this " Result," the Parish notified 
Dr. Holmes, June 11, 1829, that his " services will not be re- 
quired or authorized in the public religious services in the meet- 
ing-house in said Parish hereafter." 2 And, as Dr. Holmes ex- 
pressed the opinion that he was still the legal minister of the 
Parish, and professed a willingness to perform all his pastoral 

1 Controversy, etc., pp. 87, 88. 2 Ibid., p. 97. 


and ministerial duties, as heretofore, the Parish committee, on 
the succeeding day, closed the correspondence thus : " You do 
not owe any such duties as aforesaid to said Parish, and that said 
Parish refuses to accept from you any service, or services, as such 
minister, or pastor, thereof. Hereafter you cannot occupy nor 
use the pulpit of the meeting-house of said Parish, as it will be 
exclusively appropriated to such preacher, or preachers, as said 
Parish shall employ to supply it." 1 On the next Sabbath, Dr. 
Holmes and those who adhered to him held religious services in 
the old Court House. They also called an ex-parte council, 
which assembled June 17, 1829, and, after a full examination of 
the case, agreed in this result : " In view of all the facts and 
evidence presented to this council, they are unanimously of the 
opinion, that the Rev. Dr. Holmes has not in any way forfeited 
his office as pastor of the first church and parish in Cambridge ; 
and that he is still, according to ecclesiastical usage, the pastor 
and minister of said church and parish." 2 As before stated, a 
majority of the church adhered to Dr. Holmes, and acknowl- 
edged him as their pastor ; but the majority of the parish would 
never thereafter acknowledge such relationship, and the breach 
between the two has never been healed. 

The minority of the parish organized a new society, and 
adopted the name of the " Shepard Congregational Society," with 
which the majority of the church, claiming to be the First Church, 
united to maintain public worship and the ordinances of the 
gospel. Dr. Holmes soon asked for a colleague, and his request 
was granted. Rev. Nehemiah Adams, Jr., was ordained Dec. 17, 
1829. On account of physical debility, Dr. Holmes requested 
a dismission, which was granted by the church, and confirmed by 
a council. He preached his farewell sermon Oct. 2, 1831. He 
continued to preach occasionally until near the close of his life. 
He died, of paralysis, June 4, 1837, in the 74th year of his age. 
It is worthy of notice, that even during the unhappy controversy 
in the parish, no " railing accusation" is known to have been 
heard against the moral and Christian character of Dr. Holmes ; 
even the council, which determined that he had forfeited his 
ministry by a steadfast persistence in what he regarded as his 
duty contrary to the desires of others whose opinions differed 
from his own, bear a frank and manly testimony to his worth and 
sincerity as a Christian. His present successor in the ministry 
has thus described his labors and his character : " The minis- 

1 Controversy, etc., p. 98. 2 Account of the Controversy, etc., p. 55. 


try of Dr. Holmes here was but a few months short of forty 
years. With a single exception, it was the longest which the 
church has known. For neai'ly the whole of the time he was the 
only pastor in this part of the town, and he stood at the centre of 
a large parish, making his influence felt in every direction. He 
preached the word with fidelity and diligence. He fulfilled the 
various offices of our holy religion. He instructed the 'children, 
and gave them books. He formed libraries for the use of the 
parish. He watched over the schools. He gave of his substance 
to the poor. He brought into the parish the aid of others whom 
he esteemed able to edify the people. He zealously followed 

every good work Dr. Holmes left, a large number of 

printed works, consisting chiefly of sermons preached on various 

occasions He published a small ' History of Cambridge,' 1 

which is invaluable to any one interested in the ancient town. 
His largest work was ' The Annals of America from the Discov- 
ery by Columbus in the year 1492 to the year 1826 He 

was connected with a number of societies. From 1798 he was a 
most devoted friend of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and 
for more than twenty years its corresponding secretary. He was 
one of the founders of the Society for promoting Christian 
Knowledge, and of the American Education Society. He was a 
member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, one of 
the Trustees of the Institution at Andover, and an Overseer of 
Harvard University. His degree of Doctor of Divinity was re- 
ceived from the University of Edinburgh about 1805, and he was 
made Doctor of Laws by Alleghany College, in 1822." 2 

Dr. Holmes was the last pastor of the whole church. Each 
of the two branches, into which it was divided in 1829, as- 
serts its claim to be " The First Church in Cambridge." With- 
out reference to the validity of their respective claims, in a brief 
sketch of their history after the division, it seems most natural 
and proper to speak first of that branch which adhered to Dr. 
Holmes, and with which he remained connected during the resi- 
due of his life. 

Rev. Nehemiah Adams, H. C. 1836, D. D. Amherst, 1847, 
was ordained Dec. 17, 1829, as colleague pastor. During his 
ministry there were " large additions to the church upon confes- 
sion of faith. The loss of members was soon more than made 
good." 3 Religious services were held in the old Court House, 

1 In Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 1-67. 8 Ibid., pp. 222, 223. 

2 McKenzie'a Hist. Led., pp. 210-213. 


until a new edifice, erected at the northwest corner of Holyoke 
and Mount Auburn streets, was completed ; the corner stone was 
laid Sept. 21, 1830, and the house was dedicated Feb. 23, 1831. 
The pastorate of Mr. Adams was short. He accepted an invita- 
tion to become pastor of the Essex Street Church in Boston, and 
his connection with the church here was dissolved by an ecclesi- 
astical council, March 14, 1834. 

Mr. Adams was succeeded by Rev. John Adams Albro, who 
was born at Newport, R. I., Aug. 13, 1799 ; studied law at 
Litchfield, Conn., and, after practising that profession about two 
years, entered the Theological Seminary at Andover, from which 
he graduated in 1827. He received from Yale College, the same 
year, the honorary degree of Master of Arts ; and also received 
the degree of Doctor of Divinity from Bowdoin College, in 1848, 
and from Harvard College in 1851. He was ordained in Chelms- 
ford in 1827, installed in Fitchburg, May 9, 1832, and again in- 
stalled here on the 13th of April, 1835. After a faithful service 
of thirty years, Dr. Albro requested a release from pastoral duty, 
which was granted, and which took effect April 15, 1865. He 
continued to reside here, preaching occasionally in the neighbor- 
hood, until he departed this life, after a very short sickness, Dec. 
20, 1866. His ministry was successful, and his memory is cher- 
ished by those among whom he labored so long and so dili- 

The successor of Dr. Albro was Rev. Alexander McKenzie, 
who was born at New Bedford, Dec. 14, 1830, H. C. 1859, and 
ordained at Augusta, Me., Aug. 28, 1861. He was installed here, 
Jan. 24, 1867, and thus far his labors have been rewarded by 
large accessions to the church, and by general peace and pros- 
perity. A new and much more spacious meeting-house has been 
erected, during his ministry, at the northwesterly corner of 
Garden and Mason streets ; the corner-stone was laid April 29, 
1871, and the house was dedicated May 22, 1872. The old 
meeting-house, which had been in use for more than forty years, 
was sold, and, having been re-consecrated, is now a Catholic 

The other branch of the original church, which retained its 
connection with a majority of the First Parish, held a meeting on 
the 12th of July, 1829, and, in consideration of the fact that the 
two Deacons, William Hilliard and James Munroe, had neglected 
to meet with the church in the meeting-house, but adhered to Dr. 
Holmes, and had acted as deacons at his administration of the 


Lord's supper to the majority of the church in the Court House, 
' Voted, as said William Hilliard and James Munroe have separ- 
ated themselves, as above stated, from said church, and abdicated 
or abandoned their offices as deacons therein, and left said church 
destitute of a deacon, that said Hilliard and Munroe severally be 
removed and dismissed from his office of deacon of said church, 
if the above stated facts do not amount, in law, to a legal abdica- 
tion or abandonment of said office of deacon ; and that the office 
of deacon in said church is now vacant, and that it is expedient 
and necessary now to elect a deacon or deacons thereof. Voted, 
To elect by ballot. Voted, That Abel Whitney be a deacon of 
said church. Voted, That Sylvanus Plympton be the Clerk or 
Scribe of said Church." 1 Being thus reorganized, the church 
united with the parish in the settlement of a pastor. Rev. Wil- 
liam Newell, born at Littleton, Feb. 25, 1804, H. C. 1824, D. D. 
1853, accepted a call, and was ordained May 19, 1830. After a 
long and peaceful ministry, he resigned his pastoral office March, 
1868. He still dwells among his people, universally respected 
and beloved, having, for several years after his resignation, per- 
formed most of the duties of a pastor (preaching excepted) as a 
labor of love. The First Parish erected a new meeting-house on 
the westerly side of Harvard Square, between the ancient burial- 
place and Church Street, which was dedicated Dec. 12, 1833. 
The College contributed a portion of the expense, and became 
entitled to certain rights in the new house, equivalent to its in- 
terest in the house erected in 1756, which was now removed, and 
the land on which it stood was sold to the College. For the space 
of forty years, up to 1873, the annual Commencements of Har- 
vard College were celebrated in this new house, which is still 
standing ; and it is perhaps not extravagant to apply to it the 
language used by President Quincy concerning the former house ; 
namely, that no existing " building in Massachusetts can compare 
with it in the number of distinguished men who at different times 
have been assembled within its walls." After the resignation of 
Dr. Newell, the church remained destitute of a regular pastor 
until March 31, 1874, when Rev. Francis Greenwood Peabody 
was ordained and duly installed as shepherd of the flock. Mr. 
Peabody was born in Boston, graduated at H. C. 1869, and at 
the Theological School in Cambridge, 1872. 

From the beginning, the First Church in Cambridge has had a 
regular succession of Deacons ; and for the first two thirds of a 
1 Controversy, etc., p. 100. 



century, it had also Ruling Elders. Until 1696, the Church Rec- 
ords are imperfect, so that the dates of early elections cannot 
be ascertained. The dates of death are obtained from other 






Richard Champney 


Nov. 26, 1669 

Edmund Frost . . . 

- - 

July 12, 1672 

John Stone .... 

Nov. 15,1682 

May 5, 1683 


Jonas Clark .... 

Nov. 15, 1682 

Jan. 14, Ifflfc 






Thomas Marrett . 

Before 1658 

June 30, 1664 


John Bridge 

Before 1658 


Nath 1 . Sparhawk . . 

Before 1658 

June 28, 1647 

Edward Collins . . 

Before 1658 

April 9, 1689 


Gregory Stone . . . 

Before 1658 

Nov. 30, 1672 


Thomas Chesholm . 

After 1658 

Aug. 18, 1671 

John Cooper . . 

After 1658 

Aug. 22, 1691 


Walter Hastings . . 

After 1 658 

Aug. 5, 1705 


Nath 1 . Sparhawk . . 

After 1658 


Samuel Cooper . . . 

March 22, 1705 

Jan. 8, 1717-8 


Math 1 . Hancock . . 

June 7, 1705 

April 12, 1719 


Samuel Kidder . . . 

Jan. 22, 1718 

July 4, 1724 


Joseph Coolidge . . 

Jan. 22, 1718 

Dec. 17, 1737 


Nath 1 . Sparhawk . . 

Aug. 5, 1724 

Nov. 8, 1734 


Samuel Bowman . 

Aug. 5, 1724 



Samuel Sparhawk . . 

April 12, 1734 

April 4, 1774 


John Bradish . . 

May 5, 1738 

July 17, 1741 


Sam 1 . Whittemore . . 

Nov. 24, 1741 



Henry Prentice * . 

Nov. 24, 1741 

Oct. 18, 1778 


Aaron Hill .... 

July 14, 1774 

Oct. 16, 1792 


Stephen Sewall . . . 

May 18, 1777 

July 23, 1804 


Gideon Frost . . . 

June 30, 1783 

June 30, 1803 


James Munroe . . . 

June 30, 1783 

Sept. 14, 1804 


John Walton 

Nov. 19, 1792 

Nov. 23, 1823 


William Hilliard . . 

April 5, 1804 

April 27, 1836 


Josiah Moore . 

Jan. 4, 1805 

May 1, 1814 


James Munroe . . . 

Aug. 2, 1818 

May 31, 1848 


Resigned July 14, 1774. 




At the division of the church in 1829, the two surviving Dea- 
cons, with a majority of the members, adhered to Dr. Holmes. 
Subsequently other Deacons were installed into office, as fol- 
lows : 




Stephen T. Farwell . 
Charles W. Homer . 

April 30, 1837 
Jan. 4, 1849 

Oct. 20, 1872 
Feb. 15, 1873 


Charles T. Russell l . 
George S. Saunders . 
Francis Flint . . . 

July 2, 1869 
July 2, 1869 
Feb. 27, 1874 

Charles W. Munroe 2 . 

Feb. 27, 1874 

James M. W. Hall . 

Jan. 27, 1875 


Aaron H. Safford . . 

Jan. 27, 1875 

The Deacons elected by the other branch of the church were 
as follows : 




Abel Whitney . . . 
Sidney Willard . . 
Charles R. Metcalf . 
Augustus A. Whitney 

July 12, 1829 
Dec. 15, 1833 
May 1, 1853 
May 1, 1853 

Feb. 22, 1853 
Dec. 6, 1856 


Eesigned Sept. 15,1871. 

2 Kesigned Jan. 27, 1875. 



CHRIST CHURCH. A comprehensive and interesting " His- 
torical Notice of Christ Church," is appended to a sermon by 
Rev. Nicholas Hoppin, D. D., on the reopening of the church, 
Nov. 22, 1857. This church was originally established as a 
missionary station by the " Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts," under the charge of Rev. East Ap- 
thorp, who was born in Boston, 1733, and educated at Cam- 
bridge, England. " The original subscription for building the 
church is dated at Boston, April 25, 1759, The petition to the 
society was signed by Henry Vassal, Joseph Lee, John Vassal, 
Ralph Inman, Thomas Oliver, David Phips, Robert Temple, 
James Apthorp. At a meeting held at Boston, September 29, 
1759, the six first named gentlemen, with the Rev. East Apthorp, 
were chosen as the building committee ; Ralph Inman, Esq., was 
appointed Treasurer." 1 These " six first named gentlemen " re- 
sided in Cambridge, and were among the richest citizens, " each 
of whose income was judged to be adequate to the maintenance 
of a domestic chaplain." 2 The church edifice, which is still pre- 
served in good condition, was erected on the southerly side of the 
common, between the old burial ground and Appian Way. " A 
piece of land, one hundred feet square, was bought of Mr. James 
Reed, for 16. 2. 1^., lawful money." . . . . " This with the 
same quantity bought of the Proprietors of the common a.nd 
undivided lands of the Town of Cambridge and taken in from 
the Common, formed the church lot. The price paid to the Pro- 
prietors was .13. 6s. 8d. lawful money, the church also paying 
for the removal of the Pound. The line of the Common, which 
was originally curved, was thus straightened, the burying ground 
being also extended up to the church line." 3 At the meeting, 
Sept. 29, 1759, when the size and general plan of the edifice were 

1 Hist. Notice, etc., p. 21. 8 Hist. Notice, p. 22. 

8 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 34. 


determined, it was voted, " That the expense of executing the 
whole building is not to exceed X500 sterling." l But although 
" the dimensions of the building proposed by the committee were 
adopted by the architect without change, the whole cost of the 
church, not including the land, was about ,1300 sterling." 2 
" The church was opened for the performance of divine service, 
Oct. 15, 1761." Rev. Mr. Apthorp again visited England in 
1765, where he received the degree of Doctor of Divinity, and 
became successively Vicar of Croydon, Rector of St. Mary-le- 
Bow, London, and a Prebendary of St. Paul's Cathedral. He 
died April 16, 1816, aged 83 years. 

The next Rector of Christ Church was Rev. Winwood Sar- 
jeant, supposed to be a native of England, who was ordained 
Priest by Bishop Pearce, Dec. 19, 1756. He commenced his 
rectorship as a missionary in June, 1767, and continued to per- 
form the duties of his office, until the commencement of the 
Revolutionary War, when he retired to Kingston, N. H., and 
afterwards to Newbury. In 1777 he had an attack of paralysis, 
and in 1778 went to England. He died at Bath, Sept. 20, 1780. 
" The congregation had almost entirely dispersed at the begin- 
ning of the war. Perhaps no church in the country was more 
completely broken up. Of all the persons who took part in its 
concerns, including the sixty-eight original subscribers for the 
building (several of whom, however, were of Boston), and twenty 
original purchasers of pews, not a name appears on the records 
after the Revolution but those of John Pigeon, Esq., and Judge 
Joseph Lee. The former espoused the patriotic side ; the latter 
was a loyalist, but being a quiet man and moderate in his opin- 
ions, remained unmolested." 3 Divine service is said to have 
been had in the church a few times while the army remained in 
Cambridge. It was also occupied and much damaged by the 
soldiers, who were destitute of proper barracks. It " was left 
for many years in a melancholy and desecrated condition, the 
doors shattered and all the windows broken out, exposed to rain 
and storms and every sort of depredation, its beauty gone, its 

1 Hist. Notice, p. 21. Lands, May 9, 1760; they appointed a 

2 Ibid., p. 23. Possibly this enormous committee, Nov. 20, 1769, to commence 
excess over the estimated cost of the edi- a suit against the grantees ; the purchase- 
fice occasioned some disaffection which money was paid by Major John Vassall, 
resulted in what seems to be an unaccount- Jan. 6, 1670, but no interest was allowed, 
able delay of payment for the land on though payment had been delayed nearly 
which it was erected. The land was ten years. 

granted by the Proprietors of Common 8 Hist. Notice, p. 46. 


sanctuary defiled, the wind howling through its deserted aisles 
and about its stained and decaying walls ; the whole building 
being a disgrace instead of an ornament to the town. No effort 
appears to have been made for the renewal of divine worship till 
the beginning of the year 1790." 1 The edifice was then re- 
paired, and an effort was made for the regular administration of 
religious services. Rev. Joseph Warren, Rev. William Mon- 
tague, and others, officiated for short periods, but for nearly forty 
years the church was generally supplied with lay Readers, among 
whom were Theodore Dehon, afterwards Bishop of South Car- 
olina, and Jonathan-Mayhew Wainwright, 2 afterwards Bishop of 
New York. The church was thoroughly repaired in 1825, and 
was again " opened for service July 30th, 1826, when the Rev. 
G^orge Otis, M. A., then tutor in the University, preached a 
sermon, afterwards printed." 3 Mr. Otis was chosen Rector, but 
declined the office, as it was supposed to be inconsistent with his 
official engagements to the College ; he " however continued to 
officiate for the church, and was virtually its minister, till his la- 
mented and untimely death, at the age of thirty-two, February 
25th, 1828." 4 Rev. Thomas W. Coit, D. D., was Rector from 
Easter, 1829, to Easter, 1835; Rev. M. A. D'W. Howe, D. D., 
for a few months in 1836 and 1837 ; and Rev. Thomas H. Vail 
from, the spring of 1837 to Easter, 1839. 

Rev. Nicholas Hoppin, a native of Providence, R. I., and a 
graduate of Brown University, 1831, commenced his labors as 
Rector in November, 1839, and ministered to the church longer 
than all his predecessors in that office. During his rectorship 
the congregation so increased that it became necessary to enlarge 
the church edifice, and twenty-three feet were added to its length 
in 1857. A subscription had been commenced, in 1855, to pro- 
cure a chime of bells for the church ; the design was now pros- 
ecuted more vigorously and with such success that thirteen bells, 
at a cost of about five thousand dollars, were placed in the belfry 
of the church, and were first chimed on Easter morning, April 8, 
1860. After a faithful and successful ministry for more than 
thirty-four years, Dr. Hoppin resigned the rectorship April 20, 
1874. His degree of Doctor of Divinity was conferred by Trinity 
College in 1859. 

1 Hist. Notice, p. 53. sary of Rev. Mr. Apthorp and of Epis- 

2 Grandson of Rev. Jonathan Mayhew copacy generally. 

of Boston, who, a half century earlier, 8 Hist. Notice, p. 61. 
was a most zealous and formidable adver- * Ibid., p. 62. 



The present Rector, Rev. William-Chauncy Langdon, entered 
upon the discharge of his duties Jan. 2, 1876. 

The Wardens of Christ Church have been as follows : 










































David Phips, 
John Vassal], 
Robert Temple, 
David Phips, 
Thomas Oliver, 
John Vassall, 
Ezekiel Lewis, 
Joseph Lee, 
David Phips, 
Jonathan Simpson, 
John T. Apthorp, 
Leonard Jarvis, 
Samuel W. Pomeroy, 
Abraham Biglow, 
Richard Richardson, 
William Winthrop, 
William Winthrop, 
Abraham Biglow, 
Abraham Biglow, 
Abraham Biglow, 
Abraham Biglow, 
Abraham Biglow, 
Joseph Foster, 
Joseph Foster, 
Samuel P. P. Fay, 
Charles C. Foster, 
James Greenleaf, 
Isaac Lum, 
C. Gayton Pickman, 
C. Gayton Pickman, 
William C. Bond, 
George P. Bond, 
George P. Bond, 
Herbert H, Stimpson, 
Luther Crane, 
Herbert H. Stimpson, 
Abraham Edwards, 
Samuel Batchelder, Jr., 
Samuel Batchelder, Jr., 
Samuel Batchelder, Jr., 
Samuel Batchelder, Jr., 

John Vassall. 
Robert Temple. 
Richard Lechmere. 
Thomas Oliver. 
John Vassall. 
Ezekiel Lewis. 
John Fenton. 
Jonathan Sewall. 
John Pigeon. 
Nathaniel Bethune. 
Andrew Craigie. 
Samuel W. Pomeroy. 
Abraham Biglow. 
Richard Richardson. 
Jonathan Bird. 
Ebenezer Stedman. 
Abraham Biglow. 
Samuel P. P. Fay. 
William D. Peck. 
J. F. Dana. 
Jonathan Hearsey. 
Samuel P. P. Fay. 
Abraham Biglow. 
Samuel P. P. Fay. 
Isaac Lum. 
James Greenleaf. 
Isaac Lum. 
Luther Foote. 
Charles Chase. 
William E. Carter. 
William E. Carter. 
John M. Batchelder. 
Charles F. Foster. 
Luther Crane. 
Samuel Batchelder, Jr. 
Samuel Batchelder, Jr. 
Samuel Batchelder, Jr. 
J. Gardner White. 
Jos. Fay Greenough. 
Wm. A. Herrick. 
J. Gardner White. 


CAMBRIDGEPORT PARISH. A brief account has already been 
given (chapter xii.) of the establishment of the " Cambridgeport 
Meeting-house Corporation," in 1805, and of the " Cambridge- 
port Parish," in 1808 ; also of the erection, dedication, and de- 
struction, of their brick meeting-house on Columbia Street, and 
the erection of the present meeting-house on Austin Street. 
The church connected with this parish was not organized until 
July 14, 1809. Its first pastor was Rev. Thomas Brattle Gan- 
nett, born in Cambridge, Feb. 20, 1789, H. C. 1809, and ordained 
Jan. 19, 1814. During his pastorate occurred that theological 
contest which rent the parish and church of Dr. Holmes asunder. 
The great majority of the Cambridgeport Parish, together with 
their pastor, adhered to what was styled the liberal party, and 
were thenceforth known as Unitarians. Mr. Gannett, however, 
did not take an active part in the contest, but devoted himself 
entirely to the inculcation of those moral duties and Christian 
graces which become the true disciples of Christ. Indeed, he is 
reported to have expressed the highest satisfaction, in his mature 
years, that he had never preached a doctrinal sermon. Early in 
1833 he closed his labors with a flock which had abundant cause 
to regard him with profound respect and love. " A good man, 
one like Nathaniel of old, without guile, according to the 
gift that was in him, had gone in and out before the people, pure 
and godly in his conversation, charitable in his words and feel- 
ings as in his deeds, keeping peace with all men." 1 He re- 
mained in Cambridge about ten years after the close of his min- 
istry, during which period he represented his fellow-citizens two 
years in the General Court, and served them faithfully three 
years in the office of Town Clerk. He afterwards took charge of 
the Unitarian Church in South Natick, to which place he re- 
moved in 1843, and died there April 19, 1851. 

Rev. Artemas B. Muzzey, born in Lexington, Sept. 21, 1802, 
H. C. 1824, was ordained at Framingham, June 10, 1830, dis- 
missed May 18, 1833, and installed here Jan. 1, 1834. He re- 
signed May 4, 1846, and was succeeded by Rev. John F. W. 
Ware, H. C. 1838, who was installed Nov. 29, 1846, and re- 
signed April 1, 1864. He is now pastor of the church in Arling- 
ton Street, Boston. Rev. Henry C. Badger was installed Jan. 
15, 1865, resigned Oct. 1, 1865, and was succeeded by Rev. 
George W. Briggs, B. U. 1825, D. D. 1855, who was installed 

1 Sermon by Rev. John F. W. Ware, on the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Settlement 
of Rev. Thomas B. Gannett, p. 19. 



April 3, 1867. The four successors of Mr. Gannett are still ac- 
tively engaged in the ministry ; may it be long before judgment 
shall be pronounced upon their completed labors. 





Nathaniel Livermore . 
Ephraim Forbes . 
Isaiah Bangs 
Nathaniel P. Hunt . 

1809 l 
April, 1817 
Feb. 21, 1842 
Feb. 21, 1842 

Aug. 7, 1862 
Nov. 1817 
Mar. 22, 1859 
Oct. 29, 1854 



UNIVERSITY CHURCH. " Until 1812, the College government 
and students had united in public worship with the inhabitants 
of the First Parish in Cambridge ; but in that year the Overseers 
expressed the opinion, that it would be for the advantage of the 
students, should religious instruction on the Sabbath be given 
within the walls of the University." 2 " On the morning of 
Lord's-Day, 6th Nov. 1814, the Church was organized, in the 
presence and by the assistance of the paster and delegates of the 
First Church in Cambridge." 3 "A distinct church being or- 
ganized, public worship has since been conducted within the Col- 
lege Chapel by the Faculty of the Theological School." 4 Apple- 
ton Chapel subsequently became the stated place of worship, 
and after about forty years the ex-officio service of the Theolog- 
ical Faculty ceased ; since which time the church has been under 
the care of a pastor specially designated by the Corporation of 
the College. The successive pastors and stated preachers have 

Rev. Henry Ware, H. C. 1785, D. D. 1806, from 1814 to 1840. 5 

Rev. Henry Ware, Jr., H. C. 1812, D. D. 1834, from 1840 to 1842. 

Rev. Convers Francis, H. C. 1815, D. D. 1837, from 1842 to 1855. 

Rev. Frederick D. Huntington, A. C. 1842, D. D. 1855, from 1855 
to 1860. 

Rev. Andrew P. Peabody, H. C. 1826, D. D. 1852, LL. D. Roch. U. 
1863, from 1860 to the present time. 

1 The date of election does not dis- 
tinctly appear ; but Mr. Ware, in his Ser- 
mon before quoted, says : " The church 
appears to have been fully organized on 

2 Quincy's Hist. H. U., ii. 309. 

8 McKenzie's Hist. Lect., p. 184. 

* Quincy's Hist. H. U., ii. 310. 

6 Rev. Dr. Kirkland officiated as joint 

the 14th July, 1809 ; Nathaniel Livermore pastor, until he resigned the Presidency 

being its first deacon, as he was also its of the College in 1828. 



FIKST BAPTIST. The First Baptist Church was organized 
" at the house of Mr. Samuel Hancock " in Cambridgeport, 
Dec. 17, 1817, seventeen males and twenty-nine females then 
subscribing the " Articles of Faith and a Covenant." l The 
church was publicly recognized on the 25th day of the same 
month by a Council regularly convened ; and on the same day 
the meeting-house, which had been erected at the junction of 
Magazine and River streets, was dedicated. This house was a 
wooden structure, which was enlarged in 1827 and twice after- 
wards ; it was utterly consumed by fire Jan. 22, 1866. Prepara- 
tions were immediately made for the erection of a much larger 
house on the same spot. The corner-stone was laid Aug. 17, 
1866. The chapel was dedicated March 17, 1867, in which 
religious services were held until the completion of the main 
edifice, which was opened and dedicated Dec. 25, 1867, on " the 
fiftieth anniversary of the organization of the church, and of the 
dedication of the former house of worship." " The cost of the 
whole building was about $90,000." It is a spacious brick 
edifice, not only convenient to its occupants, but ornamental to 
the city. On the 8th of February, 1819, William Brown and 
twenty-one others (several of whom resided in Brighton) were 
" incorporated as a religious society, by the name of the Baptist 
Church in Cambridge." 2 

The first pastor of this church was Rev. Bela Jacobs, formerly 
pastor of the Baptist Church in Pawtucket, R. I. He was in- 
stalled July 22, 1818, and served the church faithfully and suc- 
cessfully until May, 1833, when he resigned, and became Secre- 
tary of the Baptist Educational Association. He received the de- 
gree of A. M. from Brown University, 1822. A further notice 
of him wiil be found in connection with the Second Baptist 
Church, of which he was afterwards pastor. Rev. Stephen Lovell 
was installed March 24, 1834, and resigned May 15, 1836, " and 
immediately after his resignation united with the Methodist 
Church in Portland, Maine." He was afterwards associated with 
Rev. Thomas F. Norris, in the editorship of the " Olive Branch," 
and died in Boston, Sept. 29, 1858, aged 59 years. Rev. Joseph 
W. Parker, U. C. 1831, was ordained Dec. 11, 1836. The 
church enjoyed prosperity during his ministry, which continued 
until Jan. 1, 1854, when he resigned, and entered upon his duties 
as Secretary of the Northern Baptist Education Society and 

1 Brief History of the First Baptist 2 Mass. Spec. Laws, v. 282. 
Church in Cambridge, etc., p. 3. 



Financial Agent of the Trustees of the Newton Theological Insti- 
tution. He received the degree of D. D. from Brown University, 
1852. Rev. Sumner R. Mason, formerly pastor of the Baptist 
Church in Lockport, N. Y., entered upon his labors the first 
Sabbath in March," 1855, and " on the 25th of the same month 
he was publicly recognized by religious services." He received 
the degree of D. D. from Chicago University. His ministry was 
diligent and successful for somewhat more than sixteen years. 
It had an unexpected and tragical termination on Saturday even- 
ing, Aug. 26, 1871, when a disastrous collision of cars occurred 
on the Eastern Railroad, at Revere, Mass., by which about thirty 
persons were killed, 1 and a still larger number wounded, some 
of them fatally. Among those who were killed outright was Dr. 
Mason. He died at his post, while engaged in his Master's ser- 
vice ; for the object of his journey was to fulfil an engagement to 
preach the gospel. His mutilated body was identified on the 
next day, and was interred at Mount Auburn on the following 
Thursday, after appropriate funeral services in the presence of a 
great congregation, and in the house where he had so long been 
a living power. 

The present pastor of the church, Rev. Hiram K. Pervear, 
B. U. 1855, had been pastor of the Second Baptist Church in 
Cambridge about seven years, and of the First Baptist Church in 
Worcester nearly eight years, before his public recognition here 
on the 5th of January, 1873. 

The church has had nine Deacons, to wit : 




Levi Farwell . . . 

Feb. 10, 1818 

May 27, 1844 


William Brown 2 . 

Feb. 10, 1818 

June 25, 1861 


Josiah Coolidge 2 . 

July 30, 1844 

Sept. 13, 1874 


George Cummings 8 . 

Aug. 23, 1844 

Josiah W. Cook . . 

Aug. 23, 1844 

William B. Hovey . 

Jan. 29, 1849 

July 4, 1871 


Joseph A. Holmes 

Jan. 29. 1849 

Albert Vinal . . . 

Feb. 19, 1850 

Joseph Gooduow . . 

Oct. 13, 1871 

1 Among the killed was Rev. Ezra the church now in Arlington Street, 
Stiles Gannett, D. D., born in Cambridge, Boston. 

May 4, 1801, H. C. 1820, for many years 2 Deacons Brown and Coolidge were 
colleague-pastor (with Rev. W. E. Chan- " dismissed to the Church in Old Cam- 
ning, D. D.), and aftenvards sole pastor of bridge, Aug. 16, 1844." 

8 Removed to Lancaster in 1850. 


FIEST UNIVERSALIST. On the ninth day of February, 1822, 
Peter Tufts, Jr., and thirty-three others were "incorporated and 
made a body politic and religious society by the name of the 
First Universalist Society in Cambridge." 1 For some years pre- 
viously, Rev. Hosea Ballon and others had occasionally preached 
in the school-house then standing on Franklin Street. Immedi- 
ately after its incorporation the society commenced preparations 
for the erection of the meeting-house which now stands at the 
junction of Main and Front streets in Cambridgeport. The cor- 
ner-stone was laid with masonic ceremonies by Amicable Lodge, 
June 24, 1822 ; and the house was dedicated to the worship of 
God on the 18th of the following December. The church was 
organized June 19, 1827. 

The first pastor of this church was Rev. Thomas Whittemore, 
who was born in Boston, Jan. 1, 1800, ordained, June 13, 1821, 
and after preaching somewhat more than a year at Milford, com- 
menced his labors here in April, 1822, but was not formally in- 
stalled until April 23, 1823. He resigned the pastorate, and 
preached his farewell discourse May 29, 1831, but remained a 
citizen of Cambridge until the close of his life. 

As early as June, 1828, he purchased the " Universalist Mag- 
azine " (which was established July 3, 1819), and changed its 
name to " Trumpet and Universalist Magazine." This paper he 
conducted with consummate skill and energy until Feb. 18, 1861, 
about a month before his death, when he was compelled, by sheer 
exhaustion, to relinquish the charge. He represented the town 
three years in the General Court, and served the city one year 
in the Board of Aldermen. For many years he was President of 
the Cambridge Bank, and also of the Fitchburg and the Vermont 
and Massachusetts Railroads. He continued to preach, almost 
every Sabbath, until near the close of life. In 1837, he published 
" Songs of Zion," a volume of sacred music, a portion of which 
was original. He was the author of " Notes and Illustrations of 
the Parables of the New Testament," 1834 ; " A Plain Guide to 
Universalism," 1840 ; " Memoir of Rev. Walter Balfour," 1852; 
" Life of Rev. Hosea Ballon," in four volumes, 1854, 1855 ; and 
" The Early Days of Thomas Whittemore, an Autobiography," 
1859. His first and last literary work was " The Modern History 
of Universalism," of which the first edition was published in 
1830. He made large collections for a second edition, and pub- 
lished the first volume in 1860 ; but the completion of the second 

1 Mass. Spec. Laws, v. 464. 


volume was prevented by his death, which occurred March 21, 
1861. Tufts College bestowed on him the degree of Doctor of 
Divinity in 1860. 

Rev. Samuel P. Skinner commenced preaching here June 5, 

1831, and was ordained on the nineteenth day of the same month. 
His ministry was very short. About the first of May, 1832, he 
removed to Baltimore, and was for a time engaged in teaching. 
He subsequently preached in several places, and at length settled 
in Chicago, 111. He died August 12, 1858, aged 48. 

Rev. Lucius R. Paige was born in Hardwick, March 8, 1802, 
commenced preaching June 1, 1823, and was ordained June 2, 
1825. After laboring in several places, as an evangelist, more 
than two years, and performing the duties of a settled pastor 
nearly four years at Springfield, and about two years at Glouces- 
ter (now Rockport), he commenced his ministry here May 20, 

1832, was installed July 8, 1832, and resigned July 1, 1839. He 
continued to preach, occasionally, nearly thirty years afterwards, 
until the precarious condition of his health compelled him to de- 
sist. During his pastorate he published " Selections from Emi- 
nent Commentators," in 1833, and " Questions on Select Portions 
of the Gospels, designed for the use of Sabbath Schools and Bible 
Classes," in 1838 ; also a Centennial Address at Hardwick, 1838. 
He subsequently wrote a " Commentary on the New Testament," 
in six volumes, of which the first was published in 1844 and the 
last in 1870. While engaged in this work, as a relaxation from 
severer studies, he gathered materials for this History of Cam- 
bridge. Meanwhile, his literary labors yielding scanty returns, 
he devoted the business hours of the day to the performance of 
secular duties. He was Town Clerk from March, 1839, to Janu- 
ary, 1840, and from March, 1843, to May, 1846 ; City Clerk from 
May, 1846, to October, 1855 ; Treasurer of the Cambridgeport 
Savings Bank, from April, 1855, to April, 1871, during the larger 
portion of which period he was also successively Cashier and 
President of the Cambridge Bank. He received the degree of 
A. M. from Harvard College, 1850, and that of D. D. from Tufts 
College, 1861. 

Rev. Lemuel Willis was born at Windham, Vt., April 24, 
1802, commenced preaching July 28, 1822, was ordained Oct. 2, 
1823, and was installed here Oct. 1, 1842, having previously 
been settled at Troy, N. Y., Salem, Washington, N. H., and 
Lynn. He resigned Sept. 28, 1845, and was afterwards pastor 
at Claremont, N. H., South Orange, Mass., and Portsmouth, 



N. H. Since 1856 he has generally resided at Warner, N. H. 
Though he has passed beyond the age of three-score years and 
ten, his eye is not yet dim, nor is his mind clouded ; and he con- 
tinues to preach and perform other ministerial duties. 

Rev. Luther J. Fletcher was ordained in 1843, commenced 
preaching here Jan. 4, 1846, and was installed on the 5th of the 
following April. He resigned April 14, 1848, and was after- 
wards settled at Lowell and at Buffalo, N. Y. He received the 
degree of D. D. from St. Lawr. Univ. 1876. Rev. Edwin A. 
Eaton, who had been previously settled at Newburyport, com- 
menced preaching here Jan. 7, 1849, resigned April 25, 1852, 
and was afterwards settled in Providence for six years, and at 
South Reading for a similar period. He retired from the min- 
istry about 1870, and is now an Insurance agent in Boston. 
Rev. Charles A. Skinner was ordained in 1848, labored a few 
years in western New York, and was installed here July 17, 1853. 
He retained the pastorship longer than any of his predecessors ; 
and after a peaceful and successful ministry he resigned Sept. 29, 
1867, in order to become the pastor of the church in Hartford, 
Conn., which office he still sustains. Rev. Benjamin F. Bowles 
was ordained in 1848, and held the pastoral office successively at 
Salem, Southbridge, Natick, Melrose, Manchester, N. H., and 
Worcester. He was installed here Dec. 6, 1868, and resigned 
Jan. 31, 1873 ; since which time he has been pastor of the 
Second Church in Philadelphia. The present pastor of this 
church is Rev. Oscar F. Safford, a graduate of the Theological 
School, St. Lawrence University, 1862, who was ordained in 1862, 
and who was settled at Danvers, Charlestown, Chicago, and 
Springfield. He was installed here Jan. 1, 1874. 





Samuel Watson . . 

July 12, 1827 

Feb. 1855 


Flavel Coolidge . . 

July 12, 1827 

Feb. 1, 1848 


Isaac Kimball . . . 

July 12,1827 

Oct. 14, 1831 


Simon Ames . . . 

Dec. 28, 1831 

Oct. 28, 1841 


Alvaro Blodgett l . . 

July 28, 1843 

May 14, 1874 


Joseph P. Howlett 

July 28, 1843 

Ebenezer P. Holman . 

Oct. 28, 1847 

Dec. 17, 1859 


Robert White . . . 

May 29, 1874 

1 Deac. Blodgett resigned Sept. 3, 1853, and was reelected May 25, 1860. 


SECOND UNIVERSALIST. By an Act of the General Court, 
Feb. 11, 1823, Calvin Brooks and others 1 were incorporated as 
the " Second Society of Universalists in the town of Cambridge." 
They held meetings for a time in a school-house on Third Street, 
between Bridge and Gore streets, and afterwards worshipped 
with the Unitarian Society in their meeting-house on Third 
Street. In July, 1834, the Society hired what was then called 
" Berean Hall," on the northerly side of Cambridge Street, be- 
tween Third and Fourth streets, and occupied it until the early 
part of 1843, when it was purchased, enlarged, converted into a 
meeting-house, and was dedicated on the 5th day of December. 
In 1865 this house was sold, and the Society erected the neat and 
commodious church now standing on the northerly side of Otis 
Street, between Third and Fourth streets, which was dedicated 
Sept. 26, 1866. 

This parish had no settled pastor until 1834, when Rev. Henry 
Bacon commenced his labors in November, and was ordained on 
the 28th of December. He resigned in the spring of 1838, and 
was afterwards settled at Haverhill, Marblehead, Providence, and 
Philadelphia. He was born in Boston, June 12, 1813, and died 
in Philadelphia, March 19, 1856. His was a busy life. Besides 
faithfully performing his pastoral duties, he was a prolific writer 
in various periodicals, the author of some small volumes, and edi- 
tor of the " Ladies' Repository " twenty years. Rev. Elbridge G. 
Brooks was ordained at West Amesbury, Oct. 19, 1837, and was 
installed here Sept. 16, 1838. He resigned early in 1845, and 
was subsequently settled in Bath, Me., Lynn, New York, and 
Philadelphia, where he is still actively engaged in the ministry. 
He has written much for various periodicals, and in 1873 pub- 
lished a volume entitled " Our New Departure." He received 
the degree of D. D. from Tufts College in 1867. Rev. Wil- 
liam R. G. Mellen was ordained at Milford, May 17, 1843, and 
was installed here Oct. 26, 1845. He resigned in October, 1848, 
and was afterwards settled in Chicopee, Auburn, N. Y., and 
Gloucester ; he served his country several years as a Consul in a 
foreign port ; and has since had the pastoral charge of several 
Unitarian societies. Rev. Massena Goodrich was ordained at 
Haverhill Jan. 1, 1845, commenced his ministry here April 8, 
1849, resigned in January, 1852, and was afterwards settled at 
Goff's Corner, Me., Waltham, and Pawtucket, R. I. In 1861 he 
became a Professor in the Theological School at Canton, N. Y. ; 

1 Mass. Spec. Laws, vi. 78. 


after two or three years he returned to Pawtucket, and resumed 
his pastoral duties. He received the degree of A. M. from Tufts 
College in 1863. Rev. Henry A. Eaton was born in South 
Reading (now Wakefield) Nov. 27, 1825, ordained at Milford 
Sept. 11, 1859, took charge of this parish on the first Sabbath 
in May, 1855, and resigned at the end of September, 1857. His 
health was broken down, yet he preached, more or less, for two 
or three years at Waltham, and Meriden, Conn. He died at 
Worcester, of consumption, May 26, 1861. Rev. Henry W. 
Rugg was ordained in 1854, and having preached three or four 
years on Cape Cod, commenced his pastorate here on the first of 
March, 1858 ; resigned at the end of three years, and was after- 
wards settled at Bath, Me., and Providence, R. I. Rev. S. L. 
Roripaugh was ordained in 1856, was pastor of this flock from 
January, 1862, to the end of the year, and has since beeen settled 
at New Bedford, North Bridgewater, Joliet, 111., Valhermosa 
Springs, Ala., and Atlanta, Ga. Rev. James F. Powers, Tufts 
College, 1861, was pastor from the first of December, 1863, until 
April, 1866. He was afterwards settled in Maiden, and about 
1872 took orders in the Episcopal Church. Rev. Henry I. Cush- 
man was ordained May 15, 1867, resigned May 31, 1868, and 
was afterwards associate pastor of the Second Universalist Church 
in Boston, and pastor of the First Universalist Church in Provi- 
dence. His successor was Rev. Frank Maguire, a graduate of St. 
Lawrence Theological School, 1863, whose pastorate extended 
from Oct. 1, 1868, to Jan. 1, 1871, after which he was settled at 
Fitchburg. He was ordained in 1863, and had previously 
preached at Greenport, N. Y., and Waterville, Me. Rev. Sum- 
ner Ellis, ordained at Boston, Nov. 1851, and successively pastor 
at Boston, Salem, Brighton, Lynn, Milwaukee, Chicago, and 
Newark, had charge of this parish, as stated supply, from April 
1, 1872, to Sept. 29, 1874, when he returned to Chicago. He 
was succeeded, as " stated supply," by Rev. Henry I. Cushman, 
Nov. 1, 1874, and by Rev. William A. Start of Melrose, Sept. 
4, 1875. Mr. Start has recently been appointed Secretary of the 
Massachusetts Convention of Universalists. A further notice of 
him may be found in connection with the Third Universalist 



The church was organized Jan. 1, 1836. Its Stewards or 
Deacons have been : 


Held office until 

Ebenezer Tirrell . . 

Jan. 1836 


Dec. 3, 1839 

Victor Eaton . . . 

March 2, 1838 


Nov. 20, 1847 

Daniel Jewett . . . 

Oct. 30, 1840 


Dec. 2, 1843 

Marshall S. Boyer . 

Dec. 2, 1843 



Peter Shorfenburg . 

Feb. 2, 1848 


June 18, 1854 

Barnabas Binney 

Jan. 1856 


March 18, 1874 

John B. Winslow 

March 2, 1860 

Removed from 

the city. 

Jonas Woodard . . 

March 2, 1860 

Otis H. Hendley . . 

Jan. 1870 


April 25, 1871 

John M. Hastings 

Jan. 1870 

John C. Burdakin 

Jan. 16, 1875 

FIRST METHODIST EPISCOPAL. " From the first settling of 
Lechmere Point (or East Cambridge) the few inhabitants were 
obliged to attend church in Boston or Charlestown until the 
autumn of 1818, when the Methodist Society was formed by the 
following named persons, all of whom had been members of the 
church previous to their coming to the Point ; namely, William 
Granville, 1 Elizabeth Granville, Eliza Sargent, Lucinda Sargent, 
William Swindel, and Charles Elliot." 2 For a time they met in 
private houses ; and the first sermon to them was delivered by 
the Reverend Enoch Mudge in the house of Mr. William Gran- 
ville. " Public worship was first regularly established in a school- 
house on North Third Street, where the Society worshipped 
until 1823, when Mr. Granville erected a small, convenient 
chapel on Gore Street, now occupied as a dwelling-house." 2 By 
an Act of the General Court, June 14, 1823, Amos Binney and 
others were incorporated as " Trustees of the Methodist Religious 
Society in Cambridge." "About this time a lot of land was 
donated to the society, on which a substantial brick church was 
erected, and dedicated in the autumn of 1825." 2 That house, 
on the southwesterly corner of Cambridge and Third streets, 
stood about forty-five years, when it was demolished, and a much 
larger brick edifice was erected on the same spot, at a cost of 
$45,000, which was dedicated December 12, 1872. 

1 Mr. Grnnville seems to have been a 
preacher or exhorter. 

2 MS. Letter from Mr. 0. H. Durrell. 


As nearly as can now be ascertained, the preachers in charge 
of this church were appointed as follows : 

1823, Rev. Leonard Frost. 

1824, 1825, Rev. D. Young. Died 12 March,' 1826. 

1826, Rev. Ebenezer Blake. 

1827, 1828, Rev. Enoch Mudge. Died 2 April, 1850. 

1829, Rev. Ephraim Wiley. 

1830, Rev. Bartholomew Otheman. 

1831, Rev. Ephraim Wiley. 

1832, Rev. Leonard B. Griffing. 

1833, Rev. George Pickering. Died 8 Dec., 1846. 

1834, Rev. James C. Bontecou. 

1835, Rev. Edward Otheman. 

1836, Rev. Elijah H. Denning. 

1837, Rev. Stephen G. Hiler, Jr. 

1838, 1839, Rev. Henry B. Skinner. 
1840, 1841, Rev. Edmund M. Beebe. 

1842, 1843, Rev. Shipley W. Willson. Died 30 Dec., 1856. 

1844, 1845, Rev. Samuel A. Gushing. 

1846, 1847, Rev. Joseph A. Merrill. Died 22 July, 1849. 

1848, 1849, Rev. James Shepard. 

1850, 1851, Rev. John W. Merrill, W.U. 1834, D. D. (McK. C.) 1844. 

1852, 1853, Rev. William H. Hatch. 

1854, 1855, Rev. Converse L. McCurdy. Died 22 Nov. 1876. 

1856, Rev. Abraham D. Merrill. 

1857, 1858, Rev. George Bowler. 

1859, 1860, Rev. Moses A. Howe. Died 27 Jan. 1861. 

1861, 1862, Rev. David K. Merrill. 

1863, Rev. Samuel Tupper. Died 11 Jan. 1869. 

1864, 1865, Rev. William H. Hatch. 

1866-1868, Rev. Isaac J. P. Collyer. Died 7 May, 1872. 
1869, 1870, Rev. Pliny Wood. Died 1873. 
1871-1873, Rev. William P. Ray. 
1874, 1875, Rev. Charles T. Johnson, W. U. 1863. 
1876, Rev. George W. Mansfield, W. U. 1858. 

gregational Society was incorporated June 16, 1827, 1 and in the 
course of the same year erected a substantial brick meeting-house, 
which is yet standing at the northwest corner of Thorndike and 

1 The corporators were eight citizens, tion of a Congregational meeting-house 
named, "and all those persons who now at Lechmere Point in Cambridge." 
have or hereafter may subscribe and pay Mass. Spec. Laws, vi. 575. 
the sum of fifty dollars towards the erec- 



Third streets. The church was organized March 3, 1328. The 
first pastor was Rev. Warren Burton, H. C. 1821, who was born 
at Wilton, N. H., Nov. 23, 1800, and ordained here March 5, 
1828. He resigned .June 6, 1829, and after preaching for short 
periods in several places, and laboring abundantly in the cause of 
education, died in Salem, June 6, 1866. Rev. James D. Green, 
H. C. 1817, born in Maiden, Sept. 8, 1798, was ordained at Lynn, 
Nov. 3, 1828, and installed here Jan. 6, 1830. He resigned the 
pastorate April 21, 1840, and soon afterwards retired from the 
ministry. Like other ex-pastors in Cambridge, he was called by 
his fellow citizens to the performance of various municipal duties. 
He was a Selectman, 1845, and Representative in the General 
Court six years, between 1841 and 1854. On the incorporation 
of the City in 1846, he was elected as its first Mayor, and was re- 
elected to the same office in 1847, 1853, 1860, and 1861. He was 
succeeded in the ministry by Rev. Henry Lambert, June 3, 1841, 
who resigned April 19, 1846. Rev. George G. Ingersoll, H. C. 
1815, D. D. 1845, was installed Dec. 3, 1847, and resigned 
Oct. 14, 1849. He died in 1863. Rev. Frederick W. Holland, 
H. C. 1831, was installed Oct., 1851, and resigned June 3, 1859 ; 
he is actively engaged elsewhere in the work of the ministry. His 
successors, for short terms, were Rev. Frederick N. Knapp, H. C. 
1843, from July, 1860, to July, 1861 ; Rev. William T. Clarke, 
from Oct. 1861 to Oct. 1862 ; Rev. Henry C. Badger, from Nov., 
1862, to Nov., 1863 ; Rev. Rufus P. Stebbins, Amh. C. 1834, D. D. 
1851, was a " stated supply " from Jan., 1864, to May, 1864. 
Rev. Stephen G. Bulfinch, Columbian, Wash. 1827, D. D. 1864, 
was pastor from Sept., 1865, to July, 1869, and died in 1870. He 
was succeeded by Rev. Samuel W. McDaniel, in Nov., 1869, who 
resigned, July, 1874. The parish is now destitute of a pastor. 



Held office until 

Cornelius Clark . . 

Jan. 27, 1830 


Jan. 3, 1833 

Abraham P. Sherman 

April 3, 1831 


Dec. 2, 1851 

Robert Vinal . . . 

Jan. 3, 1833 


Feb. 1846 

George Newhall . . 

Dec. 3, 1851 


May 24, 1869 

John Palmer . . 

May 6, 1855 

SECOND BAPTIST. As early as 1824, several persons residing 
in East Cambridge, being members of Baptist churches in Bos- 


ton and elsewhere, established a Sabbath-school, and subsequently 
'made arrangements " to have preaching one evening in a week, 
and to this end permission was asked to occupy one of the rooms 
in the Putnam School-house." In 1827* a meeting-house was 
erected on the northeasterly corner of Cambridge and Fourth 
streets, which was dedicated on the tenth of October in that year. 
This house was of wood, 66 feet in length, 46 feet in breadth, 
with a steeple about 100 feet in height, and cost, with its bell 
and furniture, about nine thousand dollars ; it was burned, with 
all its contents, April 14, 1837. With commendable spirit, the 
society erected a new house on the same spot, of brick, 70 feet 
in length, 54 feet in breadth, with a convenient vestry in the 
basement, which was dedicated Jan. 11, 1838. The church was 
formed Sept. 3, 1827, which was publicly recognized by a council 
convened for that purpose four days afterwards. The first pastor 
of the church was Rev. John E. Weston, who was ordained Oct. 
10, 1827, having preached to the society for several months pre- 
viously. He was a graduate of the Newton Theological Institu- 
tion, and was a faithful minister of the church. He resigned 
April 4, 1831, and was invited to take charge of the Baptist 
Church in Nashua, N. H. ; but " in the month of July in the same 
year " he was unfortunately drowned at Wilmington, Mass. Rev. 
Jonathan Aldrich, B. U. 1826, a graduate of Newton Theolog- 
ical Institution, who had previously been pastor of a church in 
Beverly, entered upon his labors here June 2, 1833, resigned 
June 19, 1835, and took charge of the First Baptist Church in 
Worcester. Rev. Bela Jacobs, formerly pastor of the First Bap- 
tist Church in Cambridge, was installed here Aug. 23, 1835. 
His pastorate had a tragical termination on the morning of May 
22, 1836, when, as he was about to leave his carriage, at the door 
of the meeting-house, his horse suddenly started, ran a few rods, 
dashed the carriage against the Univeralist Church, " at the same 
time throwing him against the corner with such force as to frac- 
ture his skull ; " he survived about an hour, and entered into rest. 
Mr. Jacobs had resided in Cambridge eighteen years, and was 
universally respected and beloved. His death was sincerely la- 
mented, not only by the people of his charge, but by the whole 
community. Rev. Nathaniel Hervey, a graduate of Newton 
Theological Institution, who had been settled at Marblehead, 
was installed Sept. 18, 1836, and closed his ministry here Sept. 
1, 1839. He was afterwards settled for a short time at Andover, 
and soon afterwards died, of consumption, at Worcester. Rev. 



William Leverett, B. U. 1824, who had been pastor of the Dud- 
ley Street Baptist Church in Roxbury, was installed Oct. 4, 1840, 
and resigned at the end of the year 1849. After a short pastor- 
ate in New England Village, his health failed and he retired from 
the ministry. Rev. Amos F. Spalding, born in Boston, B. U. 
1847, a graduate of Newton Theological Institution, who had 
been settled in Montreal, commenced his ministry here Aug. 1, 
1852, and resigned Nov. 23, 1856. Rev. Hiram K. Pervear, 

B. U. 1855, a graduate of Newton Theological Institution, was 
ordained as an Evangelist Nov. 5, 1857, commenced preaching 
here in the previous summer, became the regular pastor April 
30, 1858, resigned April 1, 1865, was installed over the First 
Baptist Church in Worcester, and on the 5th of January, 1873, 
took charge of the First Baptist Church in Cambridge. Rev. 
Frank R. Morse, D. C. 1861, a graduate of Newton Theological 
Institution, commenced his pastorate Sept. 3, 1865, and resigned 
Nov. 20, 1867. He was succeeded, Dec. 4, 1868, by Rev. George 
H. Miner, B. U. 1863, who resigned Aug. 21, 1872. Rev. Hugh 

C. Townley, who graduated at the University of Rochester, 1858, 
was called to office here April 1, 1873, having previously been 
settled at Peekskill, N. Y., and Woburn, Mass. He resigned 
April 1, 1875. The present pastor is Rev. George W. Holman, 
who was born in Somerville, 1841, educated and ordained in the 
State of New York, and had been pastor at Radnor, Pa., Fort 
Edward, N. Y.,Lewiston, Me., and Holliston, Mass. He was in- 
stalled Nov. 7, 1875. 



Held office until 


Enos Reed .... 

Oct. 17, 1827 


July 8, 1871 


John Donallan . . 

April 1, 1829 


May 13, 1867 


Henry S. Hills . . 

Sept. 15, 1854 

Daniel Grant . 

Oct. 4, 1870 


Oct. 30, 1874 

William B. Savage . 

Oct. 4, 1870 

Alonzo Stewart . 

July 2, 1875 

Ambrose H. Sauborn 

July 2, 1875 

gelical Congregational Church, formed in that part of the city of 
Cambridge usually called Cambridgeport, was gathered Sept. 20, 
1827. It consisted originally of forty-five members, most of 


whom, being residents of this place, had been previously con- 
nected with the Hanover Street Church, Boston, then under the 
pastoral care of Rev. Lyman Beech er, D. D." l The society 
connected with this church consists of the pew-owners, by whom 
" all questions of taxation are decided." In the settlement of a 
pastor, " it is the right and privilege of the church to nominate, 
and of the pew-holders to concur or non-concur ; and upon their 
non-concurrence, the church nominate anew, until the parties 
agree." 2 Their first meeting-house was dedicated Sept. 20, 
1827 ; it stood on the southerly corner of Norfolk and Washing- 
ton streets, and " was held by the Deacons in trust for the use of 
the religious society worshipping in it, but subject, with certain 
restrictions, to the ultimate and entire control of the church." 3 
This house was of wood and was several times enlarged, but still 
proving too small, and not sufficiently convenient, it was sold, 4 
and a much larger brick house was erected on the westerly side 
of Prospect Street between Harvard and Austin streets : the 
corner-stone was laid July 29, 1851, and the house was dedicated 
June 30, 1852. 

The first pastor of the church was Rev. David Perry, D. C. 
1824, who was ordained April 23, 1829, and resigned October 
13, 1830. He was succeeded by Rev. William A. Stearns, who 
was born at Bedford, March 17, 1805, H. C. 1827, D. D. 1853, 
was ordained December 14, 1831, and resigned December 14, 
1854. " The pastoral connection was dissolved, that he might 
accept the Presidency of Amherst College, to which he had been 
elected." His pastorate was distinguished for energy and suc- 
cess ; and it is understood that his presidency was equally ener- 
getic and successful. He died 8 June, 1876. Rev. Edward W. 
Oilman, Y. C. 1843, who had been settled at Lockport, N. Y., 
commenced preaching here in July, 1856, was installed on the 
9th of the following September, resigned Oct. 22, 1858, and was 
succeeded by Rev. James O. Murray, B. U. 1850, who was in- 
stalled May 1, 1861, resigned Feb. 6, 1865, and became pastor 
of a church in New York. He received the degree of D. D. from 
Princeton College, 1867. Rev. Kinsley Twining, Y. C. 1853, 
formerly settled at New Haven, Conn., was installed here Sept. 
12, 1867, resigned April 28, 1872, and took charge of a church 

1 Historical Sketch of the Church, in its * The house was used for a lecture- 
Manual, 1870. room, and for similar purposes, until it 

2 Ibid. was consumed by fire, Nov. 7, 1854. 
8 Ibid. 



in Providence, R. I. Rev. William S. Karr, A. C. 1851, was 
installed Jan. 15, 1873, and dismissed Nov. 22, 1875, to take a 
professorship in the Hartford Theological Seminary. Rev. James 
S. Hoyt, Y. C. 1851, D. D. Olivet College, 1876, commenced 
his pastorate Sept. 3, 1876, and was installed on the 15th day of 
the same month. 



Held office until 


William Fisk . . . 

Jan. 3, 1833 


April 18, 1864 


Samuel Barrett . . 

Jan. 3, 1833 


Oct. 2, 1846. 

William Adams . . 

July 3, 1846 


May 5, 1853 

Thaddeus B. Bigelow 

Feb. 28, 1851 


Dec. 19, 1856 

William Davis 

Sept. 29, 1854 


to N. H. 

Caleb H. Warner . 

Sept. 29, 1854 


Sept. 29, 1872 

Sumner Albee . . 

March 5, 1858 

Lucas B. Grover . . 

April 24, 1868 

Henry N. Til ton . . 

April 24, 1868 

Evangelical Church was organized March 30, 1842, and erected 
a commodious meeting-house on the easterly corner of Austin 
and Temple streets, which was dedicated Jan. 3, 1844. Meet- 
ings had previously been held in a chapel, erected on the same 
lot, and dedicated May 3, 1842. Generally speaking, the mem- 
bers of this church were zealous advocates of the immediate 
abolition of slavery. Their first minister was Rev. Joseph C. 
Lovejoy, Bowd. Coll. 1829, who was installed Jan. 26, 1843. 
He resigned May 10, 1853, and was afterwards active in politics. 
He died here, Oct. 19, 1871, aged 67. Rev. Charles Packard, 
Bowd. Coll. 1842, was installed April 26, 1854, was dismissed 
March 21, 1855, and was succeeded by Rev. Charles Jones, whose 
ministry extended from May 25, 1855, to Oct. 16, 1857. Rev. 
George E. Allen, B. U. 1850, was installed May 20, 1858, and 
resigned July 12, 1861. After a series of discouragements, by ad- 
vice of a council, the church was disbanded Oct. 3, 1865, and many 
of its members united with the Pilgrim Church, then worship- 
ping in Stearns Chapel on Harvard Street, to which church they 
contributed more than twelve hundred dollars (the residue of their 
funds), to aid in defraying the cost of the new meeting-house on 
the northerly corner of Magazine and Cottage streets. The 



church edifice which had been the scene of many joys and many 
sorrows, was sold, and was soon afterwards utterly consumed by 
fire, Sept. 6, 1865. 



Held office until 

David McClure . >*".- 

Dec. 12, 1843 


Jan. 20, 1852 

Dexter Fairbanks . 

Dec. 12, 1843 


Feb. 2, 1849 

Enos H. Baxter . 

April 28, 1846 


July 27, 1855 

Francis Hunt . . . 

Jan. 18, 1850 


May 9, 1854 

Josiah H. Rugg . y_ 

Jan. 18, 1850 

Removed from 

the city 

Willard Sears . . . 

Jan. 8, 1855 



George W. Wyatt '. 

Sept. 18, 1857 


June 8, 1860 

Lyman G. Case . . 

Sept. 18, 1857 

Oct. 3, 1865 

Curtis C. Nichols . . 

Sept. 18, 1857 

Oct. 3, 1865 

Baxter E. Perry . . 

Feb. 6, 1860 


Jan. 14, 1861 

Edward Kendall . . 

Jan. 14, 1861 

Oct. 3, 1865 

The four deacons who were " dismissed" had previously re- 
moved from the city. 

at East Cambridge was organized Sept. 8, 1842. In the course 
of the next year a meeting-house was erected at the northeasterly 
corner of Second and Thorndike streets, which was dedicated 
Sept. 13, 1843, and taken down for removal to Somerville in 
1876. The first pastor of the church was Rev. Frederick T. 
Perkins, Y. C. 1839, who was ordained Jan. 11, 1843, and, after 
a longer pastorate than has hitherto been held by any of his 
successors, resigned May 26, 1851. He was succeeded by Rev. 
Joseph L. Bennett, A. C. 1845, who was installed July 1, 1852, 
and resigned Feb. 18, 1857. Rev. Richard G. Green was installed 
March 31, 1858, resigned Sept. 17, 1860, and was succeeded by 
Rev. William W. Parker, who was installed April 3, 1861, and 
resigned March 22, 1864. Rev. Nathaniel Mighill, A. C. 1860, 
was ordained Sept. 29, 1864, and resigned Sept. 24, 1867. Rev. 
H. R. Timlow was the acting pastor from Oct., 1867, to March 
31, 1870 ; and was succeeded by Rev. Samuel Bell, who was in- 
stalled Nov. 1, 1870, and resigned May 29, 1872. Rev. D. W. 
Kilburn supplied the pulpit from Sept. 1, 1873, to Sept. 1, 1874. 
The church is at present destitute of a pastor. 






John Whipple . . . 
I. T. Winchester . . 
Lyman Morse . . 
John B. Taylor . . 
George N. Bliss . . 
Wm. H. Pettingell . 

Oct. 7, 1842 
Feb. 29, 1848 
May 4, 1849 
April 11, 1851 
April 24, 1857 
Sept. 2, 1869. 

Kemoved from the City. 
Removed from the City. 
Removed from the City. 

Removed from the City . 

Peter's Church was organized at a meeting held Oct. 27, 1842. 
Religious services were held in the Town Hall until the comple- 
tion of the church, which was commenced in 1843, and conse- 
crated Jan. 31, 1844. This church was erected on the easterly 
side of Prospect Street, between Harvard and Austin streets. 
and was constructed of wood, with seats for two hundred and 
twenty persons. It was afterwards converted into a block of two 
dwelling-houses. In 1864 the foundation was laid of a much 
larger church, at the westerly corner of Main and Vernon streets ; 
services were held in the Sabbath-school room as early as Sept. 1, 
1866 ; the whole house was completed in Dec. 1867, and was 
consecrated Oct. 2, 1873. The several Rectors of the Church 
have been as follows : Rev. Darius-Richmond Brewer, from 
Dec. 4, 1842, to June 9, 1844 ; Rev. Edmund-Farwell Slafter, 
D. C. 1840, from July 21, 1844, to Sept. 30, 1846 ; Rev. Moses- 
Payson Stickney, from June 1, 1847, to April 7, 1851 ; Rev. 
William-Putnam Page, from Aug. 1851, to April 26, 1863 ; Rev. 
Charles Seymour, from Sept. 23, 1863, to March 31, 1866 ; Rev. 
Edwin-Bailey Chase, from Aug. 1, 1866, to Oct. 1, 1874, who 
died May 6, 1875. Rev. Edward M. Gushee, B. U. 1858, be- 
came Rector at Easter, 1875. 1 

The Wardens have been as follows : 

1842, Simon Greenleaf, 

1843-1844, Isaac Lum, 
1845-1846, Isaac Lum, 
1847-1848, Isaac Lum, 
1849, Isaac Lum, 


G. F. R. Wadleigh. 
G. F. R. Wadleigh. 
John Dallinger. 
Charles S. Newell. 
John Dallinger. 

Stephen P. Greenwood, Benjamin H. Ordway. 

1 With the exception of the Reverend grade of the several Rectors is unknown 
Messrs. Slafter and Gushee, the College to the writer of this history. 


1851, Stephen P. Greenwood, Bela F. Jacobs. 

1852, Isaac Lum, Asa P. Morse. 

1853, Benjamin Woodward, Asa P. Morse. 
1854-1855, Luther Crane, Asa P. Morse. 

1856, Isaac Lum, Ethan Earle. 

1857, Swain Winkley, John K. Palmer, M. D. 

1858, Goodrich M. Dayton, William Page. 

1859, Goodrich M. Dayton, Asa P. Morse. 

1860, Goodrich M. Dayton, Francis Dana, M. D. 

1861, Asa P. Morse, Justin A. Jacobs. 

1862, William D. Robinson, Humphrey P. Caldvvell. 
1863-1864, James H. Hallett, Humphrey P. Caldwell. 
1865, James H. Hallett, William Whitman. 
1866-1876, Edward R. Cogswell, M. D., William W. Dallinger. 

ST. JOHN'S CHURCH. The parish of St. John's Church was 
organized by Rev. John B. Fitzpatrick ; and the church on the 
easterly side of Fourth Street, between Otis and Cambridge 
streets, was erected in 1841, and dedicated in 1842. Mr. Fitz- 
patrick was the first pastor ; he was afterwards Bishop of the 
diocese of Massachusetts. He received the degree of D. D. from 
Harvard College, 1861, and died in Boston Feb. 13, 1866, aged 
53 years. He was succeeded in 1848 by Rev. Manasses P. Dough- 
erty, who may be regarded as the Apostle of the Catholic Church 
in Cambridge, inasmuch as he has organized three parishes, in 
addition to that of which he was originally pastor. His succes- 
sors in the pastorship of St. John's Church were Rev. George 
T. Riordan ; Rev. Lawrence Carroll ; Rev. Francis X. Brannagan, 
who died in office, June 25, 1861, aged 29 years ; Rev. John W. 
Donahoe, who also died in office, March 5, 1873, aged 45 years ; 
and Rev. John O'Brien, the present incumbent. All these cler- 
gymen are supposed to have been liberally educated ; but the par- 
ticulars are not ascertained. 

members was formed in 1831, whose leader was James Luke, 
who still survives. In 1835, this class, which had hitherto met 
in or near Harvard Square, and had lost some of its members, by 
removal from the town, was established in Cambridgeport, and by 
new accessions consisted of seven members, under the leadership 
of Samuel Stevens, who died July 2, 1876. From this small be- 
ginning, the Harvard Street Methodist Episcopal Church has be- 
come one of the most vigorous and active religious organizations 


in the city. Meetings for public worship were held first in the 
" Fisk Block," at the westerly corner of Main and Cherry streets, 
and afterwards in the Town House, on the southwesterly corner 
of Harvard and Norfolk streets, where St. Mary's Church now 
stands. " In 1842, a wooden church, 40 by 60 ft. was erected 
at an expense of about $6,000, which was lengthened in 1851, 
twenty feet, increasing its value to $9,000. This edifice was 
burnt Nov. 26, 1857. A new church of wood, 60 by 80 ft., was 
immediately erected at an expense of $17,000, and dedicated Oct. 
13, 1858. This house was burnt March 15, 1861, and the present 
edifice, a brick structure 61| by 96^ ft. extreme length, was ded- 
icated Nov. 19, 1862. "* This house, like its predecessors, was 
built on Harvard Street, opposite to Essex Street. It has a 
spacious and commodious vestry on the ground floor, the audi- 
ence room being approached by an easy flight of stairs. 

"The church appears in the Minutes for the first time in 1841, 
when the first appointment was made." The preachers in charge, 
according to the Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
were appointed at the Conferences holden in the years hereunder 
named : 

1841, 1842, Rev. Leonard B. Griffing. 

1843, 1844, Rev. Isaac A. Savage, W. U. 1841. Died 16 Feb. 1854. 

1845, Rev. Mark Trafton. 

1846, Rev. John Clark. Died 19 Oct. 1849. 

1847, 1848, Rev. I. J. P. Collyer. Died 7 May, 1872. 
1849, 1850, Rev. A. D. Merrill. 

1851, 1852, Rev. Charles Adams. 

1853, 1854, Rev. I. J. P. Collyer. Died 7 May, 1872. 

1855, Rev. C. S. McReading. Died 11 April, 1866. 

1856, Rev. Moses A. Howe. Died 27 Jan. 1861. 

1 The corner-stone of this church was lions. Especially he prayed that the 

laid in masonic form, June 12, 1861, by Masons present might be blessed for the 

the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts. A respect which they were showing to Relig- 

very characteristic prayer was offered by ion, and that the members of the church 

Rev. Edward T. Taylor, who was clad in might receive an abundant spiritual re- 

the appropriate costume of a Knight ward for their steadfastness in the midst 

Templar. Kneeling on the foundation of trials as by fire, and for their generous 

stone, and brushing away the carpet contributions to defray the expense of 

which had been spread to protect his erecting this third house of worship, 

knees from its hard and sharp protuber- " Two churches, Lord," said he, " for- 

ances, he poured forth his fervent thanks merly standing on this spot, have been 

and supplications on behalf of Christian- destroyed by the hand of the incendiary, 

ity and Freemasonry, Christians and or by carelessness, which is as bad as 

Masons, the Church and the Grand Lodge, an incendiary." 
alternately, and in about equal propor- 


1857, 1858, Rev. Isaac Smith. Died 16 July, 1860. 

1859, 1860, Rev. Gilbert Haven, W. U. 1846. Elected Bishop, 1872. 

1861, 1862, Rev. Edward Cooke, W. U. 1838, D. D. (H. C.) 1855. 

1863, 1864, Rev. Lorenzo R. Thayer, W. U. 1841, D. D. 1863. 

1865-1867, Rev. Henry W. Warren, W. U. 1853. 

1868, 1869, Rev. Nelson Stutson. Died 16 April, 1871. 

1870, 1871, Rev. Ira G. Bidwell. 

1872, 1873, Rev. Andrew McKeown. 

1874-1876, Rev. Melville B. Chapman. 

[For most of the statistics concerning this church I am in- 
debted to its Secretary, Mr. Samuel L. Ward.] 

OLD CAMBEIDGE BAPTIST. The Old Cambridge Baptist 
Church was organized Aug. 20, 1844, and was publicly recog- 
nized Oct. 23, 1845. Eighty-three members of the church were 
formerly members of the First Baptist Church, and a large num- 
ber of the society and congregation had worshipped with them in 
Cambridgeport. Their first meeting-house was a wooden struc- 
ture, which was erected on the corner of Kirkland Street and 
Holmes Place, and was dedicated Oct. 23, 1845. This house 
was sold, Oct. 23, 1866, to what is now known as the North 
Avenue Congregational Society, and was removed bodily, with- 
out even disturbing the steeple, to the southerly corner of North 
Avenue and Roseland Street, where it now stands. The con- 
gregation worshipped for the next few years, partly in the meet- 
ing-house of the Shepard Congregational Society, generously 
offered for their use, and partly in Lyceum Hall. Meantime 
arrangements were made, and contributions on a magnificent 
scale were offered, for the erection of a new meeting-house. 
The effort was successful, and the spacious stone edifice, extend- 
ing from Main Street to Harvard Street, opposite to Prescott 
Street, was dedicated Sept. 29, 1870. 

The first pastor was Rev. Ezekiel G. Robinson, B. U. 
1838, D. D. 1853, LL. D. 18T2, who was installed Oct. 23, 
1845, the day on which the church was recognized and the first 
meeting-house was dedicated. He resigned Sept. 13, 1846, and 
became Professor of Theology at Rochester, N. Y., and after- 
wards President of Brown University. His successor was Rev. 
Benjamin I. Lane, who was installed Dec. 30, 1846, and re- 
signed March 8, 1849. The next pastor was Rev. John Pry or, 
who had received the degree of D. D. at King's College, N. S., 
and was installed March 25, 1850. He resigned July 26, 1861, 



and was succeeded by Rev. Cortland W. Anable, who was in- 
stalled June 21, 1863, and resigned Oct. 27, 1871, having received 
the degree of D. D. from Madison University during his ministry 
here. The present pastor is Rev. Franklin Johnson, D. D., who 
was installed Dec. 31, 1873. 





William Brown . 
Josiah Coolidge . . . 
John B. Dana . . 
Wm. T. Richardson . . 

Sept. 2, 1844 
Sept. 2, 1844 
Sept. 2, 1844 
March 30, 1862 

June 24, 1861 
Sept. 13, 1874 



LEE STREET. The Lee Street Society was organized in 1846. 
Most of its original members, together with its first pastor, had 
been connected with the Cambridgeport Parish. Their first 
meeting-house, on the westerly side of Lee Street, near Harvard 
Street, was dedicated March 25, 1847, and was consumed by fire 
May 20, 1855. A new edifice was immediately erected on the 
same lot, which was dedicated Jan. 23, 1856. The church was 
organized April 9, 1847. Its first pastor was Rev. Artemas B. 
Muzzey, who had for twelve years previously been pastor of the 
Cambridgeport Parish. His pastorate here commenced Sept. 7, 
1846, and continued until Feb. 20, 1854, when his resignation 
was accepted. He was installed at Concord, N. H., March 29, 
1854 ; but after a pastorate of several years returned to Cam- 
bridge, where he now resides, preaching statedly at Chestnut 
Hill. His successor was Rev. Henry R. Harrington, H. C., 1834, 
who was ordained 1842, installed here Feb. 11, 1855, and re- 
signed April 1, 1865. He has since been a successful superin- 
tendent of public schools ia New Bedford. He was succeeded 
by Rev. Abram W. Stevens, a graduate of the Meadville Divinity 
School, who was ordained 1862, preached three years in Man- 
chester, N. H., was installed Nov. 26, 1865, and closed his minis- 
try here Nov. 1, 1870. The present pastor, Rev. John P. 
Bland, a graduate of the Cambridge Divinity School, 1871, was 
ordained Sept. 6, 1871. 





Ezra Dean ...... 

April 9, 1847 

Aug. 8, 1858 

Peter Mackintosh . . 
Eben Snow ...... 

April 9, 1847 
April 27, 1847 

July 28, 1848 

Peter's Church was organized in January 1849, by Rev. Ma- 
nasses P. Dougherty, who still remains its faithful and beloved 
pastor. For more than a quarter of a century he has done much 
to promote the growth and prosperity of his church. He has 
been actively engaged in the organization of all the Catholic 
parishes in the city, except St. John's ; and of this he was the 
second pastor. St. Peter's Church edifice, on the southerly side 
of Concord Avenue, near the Observatory, was erected in 1848, 
and dedicated in May, 1849. 

THIRD UNIVERSALIST. A Unitarian Society was organized 
Oct. 8, 1851, in North Cambridge (including several families 
residing in Somerville), under the name of the " Allen Street 
Congregational Society." The corner-stone of a meeting-house 
for its use had been laid a fortnight previously, Sept. 25, 1851, 
on a lot furnished for that purpose by Mr. Walter M. Allen, at 
the southeast corner of Allen and Orchard streets. This edifice 
was constructed of wood, " was finished Feb. 2, 1853," and was 
totally destroyed, March 19, 1865, by a fire which also consumed 
many other buildings. Another meeting-house, also of wood, 
was immediately erected on the same spot ; it " was completed 
Dec. 21, 1865," and was afterwards enlarged. The corner-stone 
of a more spacious edifice was laid Oct. 23, 1875, on the south- 
westerly side of North Avenue and fronting on Union Square ; 
constructed of brick, 67 by 85 feet, and containing 154 pews ; 
this house was dedicated Sept. 14, 1876. 

At a meeting of the society, Oct. 17, 1869, it was voted, " that 
the Allen Street Congregational society be, and the same is, 
hereby united with the Religious Societies of the Universalist 
Denomination of Christians." The society voted, June 29, 1870, 
to ask the formal fellowship of the Massachusetts Convention of 
Universalists, which was granted ; and by an Act of the General 


Court, approved March 27, 1874, its corporate name was changed 
to the " Third Universalist Society in Cambridge." 

The first pastor of this parish and church was Rev. James 
Thurston, H. C. 1829, who was installed June 14, 1853, and 
resigned July 5, 1854. Rev. Caleb Davis Bradlee, H. C. 1852, 
was ordained Dec. 11, 1854, resigned the pastorship June 28, 
1857, and soon afterwards took charge of a parish in Boston. 
Rev. John M. Marsters, H. C. 1847, formerly of Woburn, was 
installed April 25, 1858, resigned April 7, 1862, and was suc- 
ceeded, on the first of the next September, by Rev. Frederick W. 
Holland, H. C. 1831, formerly pastor of the Third Congregational 
Society at East Cambridge, who retained his charge somewhat 
more than two years, when he resigned, and Mr. Marsters re- 
sumed the pastorate Feb. 10, 1865, and held it until Sept. 26, 
1867, after which time, for more than a year, the pulpit was 
" supplied by various and numerous preachers." Mr. Charles E. 
Fay, T. C. 1868, was invited, Dec. 10, 1868, to become pastor ; 
he preached statedly about a year, when, not having been 
ordained, he accepted a professorship in Tufts College, and dis- 
continued his ministry. Rev. William A. Start, T. C. 1862, 
was ordained at Groton Junction (now Ayer), Sept. 24, 1862, 
and was installed here, April 10, 1870, having previously been 
pastor of the societies at Ayer and at Marlborough. " Under 
his ministry, the church building was enlarged, and the society 
greatly increased in numbers and strength." 1 He resigned Jan. 
1, 1874, and removed to Chicago, but returned before the end of 
the year and was installed pastor of the Universalist Church at 
Melrose, March 7, 1875. Rev. Isaac M. Atwood was ordained 
at Clifton Springs, N. Y., Aug. 15, 1860, and commenced his 
pastorship here on the first Sabbath in April, 1874, having previ- 
ously held the like office at Clifton Springs, Portland, Me., 
North Bridgewater (now Brockton), and Chelsea. He received 
the degree of A. M. from St. Lawr. Univ., 1869. 

NORTH CAMBRIDGE BAPTIST. In 1846, a Sabbath-school was 
established in North Cambridge, under the auspices of the Bap- 
tists. For a time it had permission from the City Council to meet 
in the Winthrop School-house; 2 but in 1852 this privilege was 

1 MS. letter from Jabez A. Sawyer, hereby, grant the use of the lower room 

Esq., from which are derived many statis- in the school-house in the north district 

tics in this sketch. of Ward One, for the purpose of holding 

" Cambridge, Sept. 26, 1846. By the a Sabbath School, until otherwise ordered, 
authority vested in me by a vote of the JAMES D. GREEN, Mayor." 

City Council, passed Sept. 22, 1846, I 


suddenly and unceremoniously withdrawn by the School Com- 
mittee. 1 The friends of the school thereupon hired a lot of the 
city, near the school-house, and erected " a neat and commodious 
chapel, at a cost, including furnishing, of $1,411.81," 2 which 
was dedicated Oct. 31, 1852, and was called " Our Sabbath 
Home." Religious meetings were held in the chapel on Thursday 
evenings, through the winter. In May, 18-53, regular sabbath 
services were established, and Rev. Alexander M. Averill, a 
graduate of the Newton Theological Institution, soon became the 
"stated preacher." A meeting-house was erected in 1854, on the 
northwesterly side of Coggswell Avenue, near North Avenue, 
which was dedicated Feb. 15, 1855. The Sabbath-school chapel 
was soon afterwards removed, and connected with the new meet- 
ing-house ; ten years later the house was greatly enlarged and 
beautified, and was reopened on the nineteenth anniversary of 
the school. The church was organized in March, 1854, and was 
publicly recognized on the 6th of the following April. Rev. Mr. 
Averill continued to hold the office of pastor until October, 1859. 
Rev. Joseph A. Goodhue, D. C. 1848, was elected to the pastor- 
ate in July, 1862, which he resigned in July, 1864, and was suc- 
ceeded by Rev. Joseph Colver Wightman, B. U. 1852, who was 
elected in February, 1866, and resigned in March, 1868. The 
present pastor is Rev. William S. Apsey, Madison Univ. 1861, 
who commenced his pastoral duties here in October, 1868. 

This church has no officers bearing the name of deacons ; but 
the duties ordinarily performed by such officers are assigned to a 
" standing committee," consisting of four members, elected an- 
nually. " Upon this committee brethren Henry R. Glover and 
Chester W. Kingsley have regularly served since the organiza- 
tion of the church ; different members have completed the num- 
ber." 3 

religious society was organized in North Cambridge, under the 
name of the " Holmes Congregational Society," which name 
was changed, about ten years afterwards, to " North Avenue 
Congregational Society." Its first place of worship was an 
edifice of moderate size, called " Holmes Chapel," which was 

1 "CAMBRIDGE, Sunday, July 18, 1852. service after this day. N.WILKINSON, 
To the members of the Sabbath School Sub-School Committee, Ward One." 
held in the Winthrop school-house: I 2 Memorial of the North Avenue Sab- 
am directed to inform you that the room bath School, p. 21. 
now occupied by you will not be at your 8 MS. letter from Warren Sanger, Esq. 


dedicated Sept. 17, 1857. After a few years this house was found 
to be too small for the congregation, and was sold (it is now 
owned and occupied by the Methodist Society on North Avenue). 
The Holmes Society bought of the Baptists, Oct. 23, 1866, their 
meeting-house which stood at the corner of Kirkland Street and 
Holmes Place, which was removed bodily to its present location 
on the southerly corner of North Avenue and Roseland Street, 
and was dedicated Sept. 29, 1867. " The succeeding four years 
found this house too small, when it was enlarged by adding chan- 
cel and transepts, and otherwise remodelling the house, giving it 
its present seating capacity of 1,040." The house, thus improved, 
was rededicated Dec. 15, 1872. 

The church, now known as the North Avenue Congregational 
Church, was organized Sept. 23, 1857, under the auspices of an 
ecclesiastical council duly convened ; it consisted originally of 
forty-three members. The first pastor of this church was Rev. 
William Carruthers, Bowd. Coll. 1853, who was installed Jan. 
2, 1861, and was dismissed Feb. 21, 1866. Rev. David O. 
Mears, born in Essex, Feb. 22, 1842, A. C. 1865, was ordained 
and installed Oct. 2, 1867, under whose ministry "-the growth of 
the church and congregation has been rapid and substantial." 
The following named persons have served this church as Dea- 
cons : 

John Harmon, Daniel Fobes, 

Samuel Chadwick, H. D. Sweetser, 

F. E. Whitcomb, Henry M. Bird, 

James R. Morse, Wm. Fox Richardson, 

William P. Hayward, Frank Foxcroft. 

PILGRIM CONGREGATIONAL. In 1852, a mission Sabbath- 
school was established under the joint direction of the Baptist, 
Methodist, and two Congregational Churches in Cambridge. 
After a few years it was managed solely by the First Evangelical 
Church. In 1863, a chapel was erected for the accommodation 
of the school, and as a missionary station. 1 It was soon opened 
for religious services two evenings in the week, and Rev. William 
R. Stone, a Methodist clergyman, who was at that time city mis- 
sionary, was employed to preach on Sabbath afternoons. In 
1864, Rev. Edward Abbott, Univ. of the City of New York, 
1860, was invited to take charge of this mission, with the hope 

1 This edifice, known as the " Stearns of Harvard Street, about two hundred 
Chapel," still stands on the northerly side feet easterly from Windsor Street. 


of organizing a permanent congregation and church, and com- 
menced his labors Jan. 1, 1865. A church was organized Nov. 
21, 1865, under the name of the Stearns Chapel Congregational 
Church, and Mr. Abbott was installed as its pastor. " Fifty-one 
persons constituted the church at its formation, of which 15 were 
males, and 36 females. Of the entire number, 12 made profes- 
sion of their faith for the first time, and 39 brought letters from 
other churches. Of the latter, 18 came from the First Congre- 
gational Church, 17 from the Second Congregational Church 
(recently disbanded), and the remaining 4 from different and dis- 
tant churches." l Mr. Abbott was dismissed, at his own request, 
in November, 1869 ; he became assistant editor of the " Con- 
gregationalist," published several books, and performed other 
literary work. After the change of name and removal of this 
church, Mr. Abbott returned to the scene of his former labors, 
and gathered a new congregation, out of which the present 
Chapel Church was organized in October, 1872. During the last 
few years, still residing here, and still retaining his connection 
with the " Congregationalist," he has been connected with a third 
missionary enterprise in Belmont and Watertown, near Mount 
Auburn, which has proved so successful that a chapel has been 
erected, and the organization of a church is anticipated. 

Rev. George R. Leavitt, W. C. 1860, was installed as pastor 
of the Chapel Church, May 4, 1870. The chapel, though en- 
larged in 1867, was still too small for the congregation ; and a 
much more spacious edifice was erected on the northwesterly cor- 
ner of Magazine ^and Cottage streets, at a cost of nearly forty 
thousand dollars ; the corner-stone was laid May 13, 1871, and 
the house was dedicated Jan. 4, 1872. In anticipation of removal 
to a new meeting-house, at the distance of about a mile from 
" Stearns Chapel," and in view of the fact that the original 
name would not properly designate the church after its removal, 
it assumed the name of "The Pilgrim Congregational Church," 
Feb. 27, 1871. The church has had only three Deacons : 

John N. Meriam, elected Nov. 29, 1865. 
Edward Kendall, elected Nov. 29, 1865. 
Lyman G. Case, elected 1875. 

BROADWAY BAPTIST. A Sabbath-school, consisting of twen- 
ty-eight scholars and fifteen teachers, was opened Dec. 16, 1860, 
in a room at the corner of Harvard and Clark streets, under the 

1 Manual and Historical Sketch of Steams Chapel Church. 



patronage of the First Baptist Church. In 1861, a small chapel 
was erected for the accommodation of the school, and for religious 
meetings, on the southerly side of Harvard Street, about two 
hundred feet easterly from Pine Street. The school held its first 
meeting in this chapel Jan. 12, 1862 ; and it was dedicated as a 
house of worship Feb. 9, 1862. This chapel was afterwards sold, 
and removed to the southeasterly corner of Harvard and Essex 
streets, where it was occupied by a school under the direction of 
the Catholic Church. A new house of worship, for the accom- 
modation of the Sabbath-school and the congregation which had 
been gathered in connection with it, was erected in 1866, on the 
southwesterly corner of Broadway and Boardman Street, eighty - 
six feet in length and sixty-four in breadth, which was dedicated 
Nov. 22, 1866. Meantime, Rev. William Howe, Waterville Col- 
lege, 1833, formerly pastor of the Union Church in Boston, had 
been engaged by the First Baptist Church as a missionary at this 
station. He commenced his labors early in 1863, which were so 
successful that on the 9th of May, 1865, a church consisting of 
fifty members was constituted under the name of " The Broad- 
way Baptist Church," and he was unanimously elected pastor. 
The public services of recognition were held in the First Baptist 
Church, June 25, 1865. Mr. Howe remained pastor until July, 
1870, when he resigned ; he continues to reside in Cambridge, 
and performs clerical duties, but without pastoral charge. The 
present pastor of the church, the Rev. Henry Hinckley, H. C. 
1860, was installed Dec. 13, 1870 ; he had previously been settled 
at Winchester, and more recently at Groveland, Mass. 



Held office until 


Ebenezer Hovey . 
Josiah Sparrow 
Jacob Eaton 

May, 1865 
May, 1865 
Dec. 1867 


March 25, 1866 
Nov. 1872 


Simeon Taylor . . 
Charles L. Fessendeii 

Dec. 1867 
Nov. 1872 


Oct. 1869 

FREE CHURCH OP ST. JAMES. The Parish of St. James, 
at North Cambridge, was organized on Christmas day, 1864, and 
from that time divine service was regularly continued under the 
charge of Rev. Andrew Croswell, B. U. 1843, who was elected 
Rector at Easter, 1865, and remained in that office until Easter, 


1871, when the failure of health compelled him to resign. He 
was succeeded by Rev. William H. Fultz (since deposed), whose 
connection with the church ceased in the summer of 1873. Rev. 
Theodosius S. Tyng, a graduate of Kenyon College, 1869, and of 
the Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, 1874, took charge 
of the church Oct. 1, 1873, and became its Rector June 15, 1874. 
At first, divine service was held in a building on North Avenue, 
which was erected for a bank, and altered into a chapel. " The 
present church building stands upon Beech Street, on a lot ac- 
quired by the parish during the Rev. Mr. Croswell's rectorship. 
It was presented to the parish by Mrs. Mary L. Greenleaf, and 
consecrated Dec. 21, 1871." l The following named persons 
have served the church as Wardens : 

1865-1870, Joseph H. Rice, George A. Meacham. 

1871-1872, Joseph H. Rice, George Vincent. 

1872, George Vincent, 2 James M. Barker. 

1873-1875, James M. Barker, George H. Mullin. 

1876, James M. Barker, Daniel McNamara. 

METHODIST EPISCOPAL. The Methodist Episcopal Church 
in Old Cambridge was organized June 3, 1868 ; and on the same 
day, their chapel on the easterly side of North Avenue, between 
Holmes Place and Waterhouse Street, was dedicated. 3 The 
preachers in charge of this church have been as follows : 

1868, 1869, Rev. Abraham D. Merrill and Rev. James Mudge, 
Wesl. Univ. 1865. The Rev. Mr. Mudge received the degree of 
B. D. from the Bost. Theol. Sem. 1870 ; was transferred to the 
India Conference and assigned to missionary work, in 1873, and 
now has "charge of the publishing interests of the M. E. 
Church " in India. 1870, 1871, Rev. Samuel Jackson, Wesl. 
Univ. 1859. 1872, Rev. Pliny Wood. In 1873, Rev. Mr. 
Wood was appointed a commissioner to the National Exposition 
at Vienna, and died there of cholera. 1873, Rev. James Lan- 
sing, who was transferred to Nashville, Tenn., before the expira- 
tion of his year, and his place here was supplied by Rev. Mr. 
Beiler. 1874, 1875, Rev. David K. Merrill, to whom I am in- 
debted for some of the foregoing facts. 1876, Rev. Charles 

1 MS. letter from Rev. T. S. Tyng. Chapel," had for several years been oc- 

2 Mr. llice died July 28, 1872, aged 71 ; cupied by what was then called the 
and thereupon Mr. Vincent was elected " Holmes Congregational Society," now 
Senior Warden, and Mr. Barker, Junior the " North Avenue Congregational So- 
Warden. ciety." It was purchased and removed to 

a This edifice, formerly called "Holmes its present locality early in 1868. 


ST. MARY'S CHURCH. The parish of St. Mary s Church was 
organized in 1866 by Rev. Manasses P. Dougherty, who per- 
formed the duties of pastor, in connection with his charge of St. 
Peter's Church, until May, 1867, when he was succeeded by the 
present pastor, Rev. Thomas Scully, who had previously served 
his country as Chaplain of the Ninth Regiment, Massachusetts 
Volunteers, in the War of the Rebellion. The corner-stone of 
the spacious brick church, at the southwesterly corner of Har- 
vard and Norfolk streets, was laid July 15, 1866, and the edifice 
was dedicated March 8, 1868. The congregation is larger than 
any other in Cambridgeport. 

ST. JOHN'S MEMORIAL CHAPEL. On the twenty-second day 
of January, 1867, Mr. Benjamin T. Reed, of Boston, by legal 
indenture, placed in the hands of trustees one hundred thousand 
dollars, towards the founding and endowing of an Episcopal The- 
ological School in Cambridge, which school was opened in the 
autumn of the same year. " In the year 1869, Mr. Robert M. 
Mason [of Boston], completed and presented to the Trustees the 
beautiful edifice of St. John's Memorial Chapel, as a free church 
for the permanent use of the students of the school, and of the 
congregation which might be gathered there as worshippers. This 
building, with its fine organ and other furniture, cost its generous 
donor seventy-five thousand dollars." 1 The congregation is not 
organized as a parish, nor has it any Rector or Wardens ; but the 
Faculty of the School are required to maintain, permanently, 
public worship and preaching in the Chapel, under the direction 
of the Dean of the Faculty. Rev. John S. Stone, D. D. was 
elected Dean at the organization of the School in 1867. 

CHAPEL CONGREGATIONAL. After the removal of the Pil- 
grim Church, in January, 1872 (see page 337), a mission Sab- 
bath-school and religious services on the Lord's day were contin- 
ued at Stearns Chapel, by the Rev. Edward Abbott, the former 
pastor of the church. A new church was organized Oct. 16, 1872, 
under the name of " Chapel Congregational Church," and on the 
same day the Rev. John K. Browne, H. C. 1869, was ordained 
and installed as its pastor. At his request, he was dismissed 
from his charge, Sept. 16, 1875, that he might devote himself to 
the foreign missionary service. He is now stationed at Har- 
poot, in Eastern Turkey. 

1 A Statement by the Trustees, etc., p. the westerly corner of Brattle and Mason 
14. This elegant stone edifice stands on streets. 


Rev. Robert Beales Hall, W. C. 1870, who had preached two 
years at Wolf borough, N. H., was installed here Dec. 28, 1875. 
His ministry was acceptable, and gave promise of abundant suc- 
cess ; but it was terminated by what seemed to be a premature 
death, Nov. 2, 1876, before he had quite attained the age of 
thirty-one years. 


H. Porter Smith, elected January, 1873. 
Henry C. Williams, elected January, 1873. 

Street Methodist Episcopal Church the outgrowth of a Mis- 
sion Sabbath-school enterprise started in 1870, in Williams 
Hall was organized April 5, 1871. It consisted of seventeen 
members. The church and society at first worshipped in Wil- 
liams Hall, and afterwards in Odd Fellows Hall. In 1872 a 
convenient chapel was erected, which was dedicated June 19th. 
By the erection of this chapel, the Society incurred a debt of four 
thousand dollars, in addition to its own free and generous con- 
tributions. One of its original members, Mr. Amos P. Rollins, 
who died March 9, 1873, bequeathed two thousand dollars to- 
ward the extinction of this debt, on condition that the society 
should raise an equal sum within three years of his death, which 
condition was complied with ; but the estate of Mr. Rollins 
yielded to the society little more than half the original bequest. 

The several preachers in charge have been as follows : 

1871-1874, Rev. Isaac F. Row. 
1874-1875, Rev. W. L. Lockwood. 
1875-1877, Rev. Jarvis A. Ames. 

ST. PAUL'S CHURCH. A new parish was organized in 1874, 
by Rev. Manassqs P. Dougherty, in old Cambridge, under the 
name of St. Paul's Church. The meeting-house at the north- 
westerly corner of Mount Auburn and Holyoke streets, erected 
in 1830 by the First Church in connection with the Shepard 
Congregational Society, was purchased for the use of this new 
parish, and after being repaired and fitted for its new use, was 
opened for Divine service Dec. 25, 1873. Rev. Mr. Dougherty 
retained the pastoral charge of St. Paul's Church, as well as of St. 
Peter's, until Oct. 1, 1875, when he was succeeded by Rev. 
William Orr, the present pastor. 


CHURCH OF THE SACRED HEART. On the fourth day of 
October, 1874, the corner-stone Was laid of an edifice to be called 
the Church of the Sacred Heart, on the southerly side of Otis 
Street, between Sixth -and Seventh streets. It is to be con- 
structed of stone, 150 feet in length and 75 feet in width, at an 
estimated cost of $80,000. The church is designed to seat twelve 
hundred persons. The basement under the whole building is to 
be fitted for the use of the Sabbath-school and various societies. 

ASCENSION CHURCH. Several attempts had been made, at 
different times, to establish the Episcopal Church in East Cam- 
bridge, but without success. In May, 1875, Rev. William War- 
land, a native-born son of Cambridge, H. C. 1832, finding several 
Episcopal families in that part of the city, offered his services as 
a missionary. The use of the Unitarian meeting-house, on the 
northwesterly corner of Third and Thorndike streets, was ob- 
tained, and on Whitsunday, May 16, 1875, worship according to 
the ritual of the Episcopal Church was commenced, ajid it has 
continued thus far with encouraging prospect of success. At the 
close of the first year, however, in May, 1876, an arrangement 
was made with the Second Universalist Society for a joint occu- 
pation of their church on Otis Street ; since which time the 
Mission has a morning and evening service in that edifice, and 
the Universalists hold their regular service in the afternoon. No 
Episcopal parish has yet been organized, nor have the customary 
church officers been elected. 

CHARLES RIVER BAPTIST. The history of this church is 
briefly given in the printed order of services at its recognition : 
" Meetings for prayer held in 1869 at private houses. Sunday- 
school commenced April 3, 1870, meeting in the chambers of 
house No. 8, Magazine Court. Chapel dedicated Nov. 29, 1870. 
Regular preaching services commenced in July, 1874, and contin- 
ued to the present time in 'charge of J. P. Thorns, Theo. C. 
Gleason, and Rev. G. T. Raymond." The chapel is a neat and 
convenient edifice of wood, 78 feet in length by 33 feet in width, 
capable of seating 300 persons, and standing at the southeast 
corner of Magazine Street and Putnam Avenue ; it was erected 
in 1870, at an expense of about $8,500. Until recently this was 
substantially a missionary station, under the patronage of the 
First Baptist Church ; but on the 25th of April, 1876, a new 
church was organized, consisting of forty members, twenty -eight 


of whom had previously been members of the First Church ; and 
on the 8th day of the following June, it was publicly recognized, 
and received into the fellowship of the Baptist churches. Rev. 
Fenner B. Dickinson was installed as pastor of the new church 
Nov. 13, 1876, and commenced his ministry under very favora- 
ble auspices. 

As in the " North Cambridge Baptist Church," the official 
duties, ordinarily assigned to Deacons, are performed by the 
"Standing Committee" of this church. 



AT the present time, almost every principal sect into which 
the Christian Church is divided has its representatives in Cam- 
bridge ; and the introduction of a new sect produces compara- 
tively little commotion. But in the beginning it was not so. 
For a few years after the settlement of New England by the 
Puritans, the churches had rest ; but in 1636, " the country was 
miserably distracted by a storm of Antinomian and Fainalistical 
opinions then raised." J So violent became the controversy, and 
so great was the apparent danger of civil strife, that many of the 
heretical party, in Boston, Salem, Newbury, Roxbury, Ipswich, 
and Charlestown, were disarmed. 2 The Cambridge church, how- 
ever, seems to have escaped infection ; and none of its members 
were included among the disaffected and supposed dangerous 

class. " The vigilancy of Mr. Shepard was blessed for 

the preservation of his own congregation from the rot of these 
opinions." 3 

Nearly twenty years later, his successor, Mr. Mitchell, was 
sorely tried by the defection of President Dunster from the 
established faith, as related in chapter xvi. Great excitement 
followed, both in church and in state ; and, as Dunster would 
neither renounce nor conceal his opposition to infant baptism, he 
was removed from office as head of the College (designed to 
be the school of the prophets), and fell under censure of the 
civil magistrates. Both consequences were natural, and appar- 
ently unavoidable. The governors of the College could not 
reasonably be expected to retain in office a President who per- 
sisted in teaching what they regarded as " damnable heresy," 
and thus poisoning the minds of his students, and unfitting them 
to become preachers of the truth ; and the civil magistrate was 
bound to take notice of open violations of the law. It does not 

1 Mather's Magnolia, Book iii., ch. v., 2 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 211, 212. 
12. 8 Magnalia, ut sup. 


appear, however, that Dunster had many adherents in his op- 
position to the ordinances of the church, notwithstanding the 
general respect entertained for his scholarship, and the warm 
affection cherished for him as a man. Indeed, it is doubtful 
whether any of the congregation at Cambridge openly avowed 
similar sentiments, except his kinsman Benanuel Bowers, 1 and 
the members of his family. The Middlesex County Court Rec- 
ords show that, on the 19th of June, 1656, " Benanuel Bower, 
being presented by the Grand Jury for ordinary absenting him- 
self from the ordinance of baptism, was admonished and con- 
victed of his evil therein by the court." 2 

In the same year, 1656, " an accursed and pernicious sect of 
heretics lately risen up in the world who are commonly called 
Quakers " appeared in Boston. Severe measures were adopted 
for their suppression, but in vain. Neither fines, imprisonment, 
nor scourging, would turn them aside from their purpose ; and 
they even submitted to death, rather than to depart, or to forbear 
disturbing the public peace. " Some at Salem, Hampton, New- 
bury, and other places, for disorderly behaviour, putting people 
in terror, coming into the congregations and calling to the minis- 
ter in the time of public worship, declaring their preaching, &c., 
to be an abomination to the Lord, and other breaches of the 
peace, were ordered to be whipped by the authority of the county 
courts or particular magistrates. At Boston one George Wilson, 
and at Cambridge Elizabeth Horton, went crying through the 
streets that the Lord was coining with fire and sword to plead 
with them. Thomas Newhouse went into the meeting-house at 
Boston with a couple of glass bottles and broke them before the 
congregation, and threatened, 'thus will the Lord break you in 
pieces.' Another time M. Brewster came in with her face 
smeared and black as a coal. Deborah Wilson went through the 
streets of Salem naked as she came into the world, for which she 
was well whipped. For these and such like disturbances they 
might be deemed proper subjects either of a mad-house or house 
of correction, and it is to be lamented that any greater severities 

1 Mr. Bowers married, Dec. 9, 1653, deed of twenty acres in Charlestown, now 
Elizabeth Dunster, whom the President, Somerville, adjoining " Cambridge line," 
in his will, styles " my cousin Bowers." on which lot he probably resided during 

2 Up to this time Mr. Bowers had re- the remainder of his life ; yet in almost 
resided in Cambridge, near the junction all respects his relations continued to be 
of North Avenue and Milk Street. Soon more intimate with Cambridge than with 
afterwards he received from his father a Charlestown. 


were made use of." l Some of these events are painted in Quaker 
colors by George Bishop, in a work entitled " New England judged 
by the Spirit of the Lord." Elizabeth, wife of Eliakim Wardel 
of Hampton, being called before the church at Newbury, " as a 
sign to them she went in (though it was exceeding hard to her 
modest and shamefaced disposition) naked amongst them, which 
put them into such a rage, instead of consideration, that they 
soon laid hands on her and to the next court at Ipswich had 
her " etc. 2 For this offence she received " twenty or thirty cruel 
stripes, being tyed to the fence post." 3 " Amongst the rest, one 
Deborah Wilson, who, bearing a great burthen for your hard- 
heartedness and cruelty, being under a deep sense thereof, was 
constrained, being a young woman of a very modest and retired 
life, and of sober conversation, as were her parents, to go through 
your town of Salem naked, as a sign ; which she having in part 
performed, after she had gone through some part thereof, as afore- 
said, she was soon laid hands on, and brought before old Hath- 
orne, who ordered her to appear at the next Court of Salem, at 
which your wicked rulers sentenced her to be whipped." 4 " After 
this at Cambridge, as she [Elizabeth Hooton, called Horton by 
Hutchinson] returned, she crying Repentance through some part 
of that town, where no Friend had been before (as she heard of) 
she was there laid hold of by a blood-thirsty crew, and early in 
the morning had before Thomas Danfort and Daniel Goggings, 
(two wicked and bloody magistrates of yours, of whom I have 
elsewhere spoken, and their wickedness), who committed her, 
and whose jaylor thrust her into a noisome, stinking dungeon, 
where there was nothing to lie down or sit on, and kept there 
two days and two nights, without helping her to bread or water ; 
and because one Benanuel Bower (a tender Friend) brought her 
a little milk in this her great distress, wherein she was like to 
have perished, they cast him into prison for entertaining a stran- 
ger, and fined him five pounds." 6 " They ordered her to be sent 
out of their coasts towards Rhode Island, and to be whipped at 
three towns, ten stripes at each, by the way." 6 She returned to 
Cambridge, was imprisoned, and whipped there and at two other 
towns, as before. " This was the entertainment they received at 
Cambridge, (their University of Wickedness), and from Thomas 
Danfort and Daniel Goggin, magistrates, who (viz. Goggin) 

1 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., i. 203, 204. 6 Ibid., p. 383. 

2 New England judged, etc., p. 376. & Ibid., p. 414. 
* Ibid., p. 377. 6 Uifi^ p> 415- 


desired his brother Hathorne to send some Quakers that way, 
that he might see them lashed, as is mentioned elsewhere in this 
treatise." 1 

" Thomas Danfort, a magistrate of Cambridge, one whose 
cruelties were exceeding great to the innocent, mentioned before ; 
he laid his hand on Wenlock Christison's shoulder, in your Gov- 
ernor's house at Boston, and said to him, Wenlock, I am a mor- 
tal man, and die I must, and that ere long, and I must appear at 
the tribunal-seat of Christ, and must give an account for my 
deeds in the body ; and I believe it will be my greatest glory in 
that day, that I have given my vote for thee to be soundly 
whipped at this time." 2 

Making due allowance for extravagance and embellishment, it 
appears by Bishop's account, that no Quaker missionaries visited 
Cambridge before 1662 ; 3 that when they did appear, Gookin and 
Danforth were ready to enforce the law against them ; and that 
Benanuel Bowers, who had formerly suffered as a Baptist, had be- 
come a Quaker, and subject to fine and imprisonment. His wife, 
Elizabeth, and his daughters Barbara and Elizabeth, shared his 
faith and his sufferings. 4 At the County Court, October 6, 1663, 
" Benanuel Bowers appearing before the court, and being con- 
victed of absenting himself from the public ordinances of Christ 
on the Lord's days, by his own confession, for about a quarter of 
a year past, and of entertaining Quakers into his family two 
several times ; on his examination he affirmed that the Spirit of 
God was a Christian rule, and that David had no need of the 
word, nor never contradicted it, and that he speaks of no other law 
but that which was in his heart. The court fined him, for his 
absenting himself from the public ordinances, twenty shillings ; 
and for twice entertaining the Quakers, four pounds, and costs 
three shillings to the witnesses." For the next twenty years he 
was called to account, almost every year, and fined for the ab- 
sence of himself and his wife from the public ordinances. 5 Not- 
ably was this the fact, October 3, 1676, when he was fined forty 

1 New England judged, etc., p. 418. ing the meeting-house with his hat oil his 

2 Ibid., p. 467. head ; in 1670, for saying "I dare as well 
8 The date 1662 is affixed to Elizabeth come to an Image among the heathen as 

Hooton's first visit and imprisonment, by to your worship ; " in 1673 for slandering 

Sewell, in his History of the Quakers, p. and reviling the Court, and for servile 

327. labor on the Lord's Day; and in 1676, 

* Sufferings of the Quakers, by Joseph for "profane and wicked cursing." 

Besse, pp. 260-264. County Court Records and Files. 

5 He was also fined, in 1666, for enter- 


shillings for his own absence, and twenty shillings for the absence 
of his wife, with costs of court, and was ordered to stand com- 
mitted until payment should be made. He refused to pay, and 
was committed to prison, where he remained more than a year ; 
during which time he offered several petitions and addresses to 
the Connty Court and to the General Court, some of which are 
yet preserved on file, and refer to facts which do not else- 
where appear on record. For example : " To the Court now 
held in Cambridge. I have been kept in prison this six months 
upon account of my not attending the public worship of God. 
I desire the Court to consider of my condition and the condi- 
tion of my family ; and if it be just and necessary that you 
should relieve us in this case, I desire you to do it. I leave 
it with you to act as you think meet. 3 April, 1677. BENAN- 
UELL BOWER. From prison in Cambridge." The Court re- 
plied : " The Court understands that you are imprisoned for not 
paying a fine duly imposed upon you according to law ; and 
therefore if yourself or any for you will pay it, or tender goods to 
the officer that he may take it, you may be discharged, paying 
also the prison charges ; which is all the favor that the Court can 
show you." l He then presented to the higher court a long ad- 
dress, commencing thus : " To the General Court, whom I honor 
in the Lord, and whose laws I am bound to obey by doing or suf- 
fering for conscience sake, and that not of constraint, but wil- 
lingly. I am kept in prison this eight months, because I refuse 
to attend the publick meetings to hear the ministers preach in 
order to the public worship of God, or pay the sum of three 
pounds ten shillings according to law. It seems if I will either 
give money or lie constantly in prison, I may be left to my 
liberty whether I will worship God according to your law or be of 
any use in the Commonwealth, contrary to the law in nature, a 
large liberty ! And I told the Court then, and do now tell you, 
that I did attend God's worship according to my faith and con- 
science, and according to Scripture which saith, where two or 
three are assembled together in Christ's name he is in the midst 
of them. And this I can prove by those that assaulted us (on the 
first day of the week) when we were met to worship God. At 
that very instant, because I would not obey men's commands and 
leave the worship of God, though I told them if they would for- 
bear whilst we had done, I did not know but I might attend their 
order. They would not forbear, but violently hauled me out of 

1 County Court Files, 1677. 


the room down a pair of stairs by the heels into the open street, 
and carried me in a wheelbarrow to prison ; and was whipped 
(as I have been at several courts), which is no shame for me to 
tell of, though I am sure 'tis a shame for some to hear of. I am 
about sixty years of age, thirty of which I have dwelt within 
about a mile of Cambridge town. What my life and conversa- 
tion hath been amongst them, and what I have suffered this 
fifteen years for not going to the public meeting is well known 
to many of my neighbors." He then appealed for relief. Dated, 
" From Cambridge Prison the 24th 3d mo., 1677," and signed 
" Benanuel Bower." 1 This address, like the former, is not an 
autograph except the signature. " In answer to the petition of 
Benanuell Bowers, the Court judgeth meet to refer the considera- 
tion thereof to the next County Court in Middlesex for answer." 2 
At the session of the County Court, Oct. 2, 1677, " The remon- 
strance exhibited by Benanuel Bowers to the General Court in 
May last being, by order of said Court referred unto the con- 
sideration of this Court for answer, this Court sent for the 
said Bowers, and gave him liberty to declare what he had to say, 
and no just exception appearing against the sentence of the 
Court that committed him unto prison, but on the contrary he 
manifesting much perverseness and peremptory obstinacy against 
the laws and government here established, making his appeal to 
England: the Court declared unto him that they judged his 
sentence to be just, and his imprisonment just, and that it was 
the pride and perverseness of his own spirit that was the cause 
and ground of his suffering by his imprisonment." 3 He had now 
been in prison a year, and he again appealed, to the General 
Court, which Court summarily settled the whole matter, Oct. 22, 
1677 : " In answer to a paper signed by Benanuel Bower, it is 
ordered that the marshal general do forthwith levy upon the 
estate of the said Bowers such fine or fines as have been laid on 
him according to law by the County Court of Cambridge, and 
that thereupon he be discharged the prison." 4 

Imprisonment for more than a year, however, was not the full 
measure of punishment endured by Mr. Bowers. Naturally im- 
patient of confinement, he gave vent to his feelings in some 
doggerel poetry, which he sent by his wife to Mr. Dan forth, 
whom he seems to have regarded as his chief opposer. For this 
he was convented before the General Court, convicted and pun- 
ished. The official record appears in " Mass. Col. Rec.," v. 153. 

1 County Court Files, 1677. 8 County Court Records. 

2 Mass. Col. Rec., v. 153. * Mass. Col. Rec., v. 163. 


The original papers, never before printed, are preserved in the 
files of the Middlesex County Court, 1677, and are here in- 
serted 1 : 


" It is nigh hard this fifteene years since first oure war begun 

And yet the feild I have not lost nor thou the conquest wunn 

Against thy power I have ingaged which of us twoo shall conquer 

I am resolvd if God assist to put it to the venter 

Both my person and estate for truth Isle sacrafise 

And all I have He leave at stake He venter winn or loose 

He that from his cullors runs and leaves his captaine in the feild 

By the law of armes he ought to dy and reason good shoud yeald 

Unwise art thou against the streame to strive 

For in thy enterprise thou art not like to thrive 

Thy forces are to weake thou art not like to conquer 

For with a power thou hast ingagd that will thy forces scatter 

Of him thats wise thou counsell didst not take 

Thy teachers like unto thyself Ime sorry for thy sake 

Though of Christianity profession thou dost make 

And yet thy neighbor doest oppress only for conscience sake 

Tho art as blind as Bonner was that burnt the martyrs at the stake 

To the proud belongs the fall he surely shall comm downe 

Out of his throne be brought he shall mans pride must come to th 


Abomminable if be his deed soe in the end heas like to speed 
Dread belongs to the evell Almighty God will recompence 2 

From Cambridge Prison March 3, 1677. BENANUELL BOWER." 

" I do attest that on y e 5th of March last Elizabeth y e wife of 
Ben 11 Bowers came to my house & put a printed book & this 
abovewritten paper into my hand ; the book I perceiving by the 
frontispeace it was a Quakers work I caused it at the same time 
to be burnt ;. this paper I tore it imediately before her face & did 
after a time peice it again as above. 3 Also I do assert y* accord- 
ing to y e knowledge y 1 one man may have of another's hand it 
have been written by Ben 11 Bowers owne hand. By mee, 

Sworn to by Mr. Danforth in Court, 30th of May, 1677. 

E. R. S." 4 

1 As these documents are autographs, sheet of the same size. In their efforts to 
the orthography is preserved. consume the paste, the worms have not 

2 Fifteen more lines were written ; but spared the paper. 

they are so mutilated as to be illegible. * The initials of Edward Rawson, 

8 The paper was rent asunder, and was Secretary, 
reunited by being pasted upon another 


" The Deputyes liaveing read a paper of scurilous verses pre- 
sented & subscribed by Benanel Bower, now in Cambridge prison, 
wherein the honor* Mr. Danforth by name & others are defamed, 
they judge it no less than duty to call the s d Bower to give an 
account thereof, & to that end that a warrant be issued out from 
this Court to the Marshall Gen 11 to bring or cause to be brought 
the s d Bower before this Court on the morrow by four of the 
clock, & not to fayle, & desire o r honor d Magist 8 consent thereto. 
30th May, 1677. WILLIAM TORREY, Cleric. 

" The Magist. consent, so it be 4 of the clock in the afternoon. 

" EDW D . RAWSON, Seer*. 

" The magistrates on further consideration doe judge meet that 
Benanull Bowers be severely whipt w th twenty stripes, or pay 
the fine of five pounds mony. The Magist 8 have past this w th 
reference to their brethren the Deputies hereto consenting. 7 of 
June 1677. EDW D . RAWSON, Seer 1 . 

u Consented to by the Deputies. WILLIAM TORHEY, Cleric." 

Smarting under this sharp discipline, Mr. Bowers publicly de- 
nounced Mr. Danforth in presence of the congregation, about a 
fortnight afterwards. The deposition of witnesses ' is still pre- 
served in the county court files : 

" I, John Danforth, 1 aged about 16 years, testify that on the 
24 th of June last past, being Sabbath day, after the pronuncia- 
tion of the blessing in conclusion of that day's exercise, Benan- 
uel Bowers, standing forth upon one of the benches in public 
view of the assembly, began to speak unto them. Then the 
Reverend Mr. Oakes interrupted him and told him that if he 
had any exception to make against what himself had delivered 
he should give him liberty so to do, provided he did it on a week 
day and not on the Sabbath, alleging that it was not the custom 
of the church. This notwithstanding, the said Benanuel pro- 
ceeded in his speech. Whereupon the constables were required 
to carry him the said Bowers out of the Assembly by the wor- 
shipful Major Gookin, and he the said Bowers commanded silence. 
Nevertheless he proceeded in his speech, saying that he was very 
grievously oppressed and slandered by Magistrate Danforth, and 
desired the church to take notice thereof and single out such of 
themselves as might take cognizance of his great affliction, using 
that for a motive, that he that did him the wrong was a member 

1 John Danforth, H. C. 1677, son of afterwards pastor of the church in Dor- 
Rev. Samuel Danforth of Roxbury, was Chester. 


of the church. Many other words did he utter to the like pur- 
pose in the audience of the abovesaid assembly. The above 
written being truth for substance, and the very words that he 
then uttered as near as I can remember. 9, 5 th , 77. 


No immediate action seems to have been had by the court. 
But on the 20th of November, after Bowers was discharged from 
prison in accordance with the order of the General Court before 
mentioned, the foregoing deposition was substantially confirmed 
by the oaths of five witnesses, and the court rendered judgment 
Dec. 18, 1677 : " Benanuel Bowers and Elizabeth Bowers his 
wife appearing before the Court to answer the presentment of 
the Grand Jury for reproaching and slandering Thomas Dan- 
forth, and by their own confession convicted thereof, the Court 
sentenced them to be openly whipped fifteen stripes apiece, un- 
less they pay five pounds apiece in money ; and to stand com- 
mitted until the sentence of the Court be executed." 

Quakerism obtained no firm establishment in Cambridge ; 
there is no evidence within my knowledge that it extended be- 
yond the family of Mr. Bowers. Whether he held fast the faith 
through life or renounced it, and whether he maintained perpet- 
ual warfare or made his peace with the civil and ecclesiastical 
rulers, does not appear. 1 It may be hoped, however, that the 
closing years of his life were peaceful. It is certain that the 
witnesses of his will (dated Oct. 5, 1693, and proved May 28, 
1698), were John Leverett, H. C. 1680, William Brattle, H. C. 
1680, Isaac Chauncy, H. C. 1693, and Joseph Baxter, H. C. 
1693; of whom the first was afterwards President of Harvard 
College, and all the others became orthodox ministers. This fact 
justifies the presumption that he did not regard them as perse- 
cutors, and that they did not consider him to be an arch heretic. 

Early in 1692, a strange infatuation seized the inhabitants of 
Salem village, and soon spread widely. It was imagined that 
Satan was making a deadly assault on men through the interven- 
tion of witches. I do not propose to enter upon the general 
history of that tragedy ; 2 but as one of the victims was a child 

1 The Court Records indicate that as during her old age, for her testimony was 

late as June, 1682, he was fined for non- received in Court, Dec. 26, 1693, notwith- 

attendance on public worship, and that in standing " she being a Quaker took no 

April, 1681, both he and his son George oath." 

were fined for the same offence. His wife * " The mischief began at Salem in 

seems to have been tolerated in her heresy February ; but it soon extended into 


of Cambridge, a brief notice of her case may be proper. Re- 
becca, daughter of Thomas and Rebecca Andrew, was born here, 
April 18, 1646, and married John Frost, June 26, 1666 ; he died 
in 1672, and she married George Jacobs, Jr., of Salem. The 
father of her second husband and her own daughter had already 
been imprisoned, and her husband had fled to escape a similar 
fate, when she was arrested on suspicion of witchcraft. She was 
long confined in prison, leaving four young children, one of them 
an infant, to the tender mercies of her neighbors. What made 
her case the more deplorable was, that she had long been par- 
tially deranged. During her confinement, her mother l presented 
a petition to the court in her behalf, on account of her mental 
infirmity, but in vain. She then addressed to the Governor and 
Council a petition which is still preserved in the archives of the 
Commonwealth, and which deserves insertion here : 

" To his Excellency Sir William Phips, Knt., Governor, and 
the honorable Council now sitting in Boston, the humble petition 
of Rebeccah Fox of Cambridge sheweth, 

" That whereas Rebecah Jacobs (daughter of your humble pe- 
titioner) has a long time, even many months now lyen in prison 
for Witchcraft, and is well known to be a person crazed, distracted, 
and broken in mind, your humble petitioner does most humbly and 
earnestly seek unto your Excellency and to your Honors for re- 
lief in this case. Your petitioner, who knows well the condition 
of her poor daughter, together with several others of good repute 
and credit, are ready to offer their oaths that the said Jacobs is 
a woman crazed, distracted, and broken in her mind ; and that 
she has been so these twelve years and upwards. However, for 
(I think) above this half year the said Jacobs has lyen in prison, 
and yet remains there, attended with many sore difficulties. 
Christianity and nature do each of them oblige your petitioner 
to be very solicitous in this matter ; and although many weighty 
cases do exercise your thoughts, yet your petitioner can have no 
rest in her mind till such time as she has offered this her address 
on behalf of her daughter. Some have died already in prison, 
and others have been dangerously sick, and how soon others, and 

various parts of the Colony. The con- 1 Thomas Andrew, the father of Mrs. 
tagion, however, was principally within Jacobs, died about 1647, and his widow 
the County of Essex. Before the close married Nicholas Wyeth ; he died July 
of September, nineteen persons were ex- 19, 1680, and she married Thomas Fox, 
ecuted and one pressed to death, all Dec. 16, 1685 ; she died in 1698. 
of whom asserted their innocence." 
Holmes' Amer. Annals, i. 438. 


among them my poor child, by the difficulties of this confine- 
ment, may be sick and die, God only knows. She is uncapable 
of making that shift for herself that others can do ; and such are 
her circumstances on other accounts, that your petitioner, who is 
her tender mother, has many great sorrows and almost overcom- 
ing burthens on her mind upon her account ; but in the midst of 
all her perplexities and troubles (next to supplicating to a good 
and merciful God), your petitioner has no way for help but to 
make this her afflicted condition known unto you. So, not 
doubting but your Excellency and your Honors will readily hear 
the cries and groans of a poor distressed woman, and grant what 
help and enlargement you may, your petitioner heartily begs 
God's gracious presence with you, and subscribes herself in all 
humble manner your sorrowful and distressed petitioner, 


This petition availed nothing, except perhaps to delay the 
trial. The poor demented woman was kept in prison until the 
next January, when she was indicted, tried, and acquitted. Be- 
fore this January Court, a great change had occurred in the pub- 
lic opinion. A principal reason for such a change is mentioned 
by Hutchinson : " Ordinarily, persons of the lowest rank in 
life have had the misfortune to be charged with witchcrafts ; and 
although many such had suffered, yet there remained in prison a 
number of women, of as respectable families as any in the towns 
where they lived, and several persons, of still superior rank, were 
hinted at by the pretended bewitched, or by the confessing 
witches. Some had been publicly named. Dudley Bradstreet, 
a justice of the peace, who had been appointed one of President 
Dudley's Council, and who was son to the worthy old governor, 
then living, found it necessary to abscond. Having been remiss 
in prosecuting, he had been charged by some of the afflicted as a 
confederate. His brother, John Bradstreet, was forced to fly 
also. Calef says it was intimated that Sir William Phips's lady 
was among the accused. It is certain that one who pretended to 
be bewitched at Boston, where the infection was beginning to 
spread, charged the Secretary of the colony of Connecticut. 
Mrs. Hale, wife to the minister of Beverly, was accused also ; 
which caused her husband to alter his judgment, and to be less 
active in prosecutions than he had been." 2 

1 Mass. Arch., cxxxv. 76. jury found bills against about fifty for 

2 Hist. Mass., ii. 60. Hutchinson adds : witchcraft, one or two men, the rest 
" At the Court in January, the grand women ; but upon trial they were all ac- 


A few years afterwards, Mr. Hale published " A Modest En- 
quiry into the Nature of Witchcraft," etc., wherein he gave 
the reasons for his change of opinion. In this book reference is 
made to two cases of suspected witchcraft in Cambridge, one of 
which had a tragical result : " Another suffering in this kind 
was a woman of Cambridge, against whom a principal evidence 
was a Watertown nurse, who testified that the said Kendal l (so 
was the accused called) did bewitch to death a child of Goodman 
Genings 2 of Watertown ; for the said Kendall did make much of 
the child, and then the child was well, but quickly changed its 
color and dyed in a few hours. The court took this evidence 
among others, the said Genings not knowing of it. But after 
Kendal was executed (who also denyed her guilt to the death), 
Mr. Rich. Brown, knowing better things of Kendall, asked said 
Genings if they suspected her to bewitch their child ; they an- 
swered, No. But they judged the true cause of the child's death 
to be thus ; viz., the nurse had the night before carryed out the 
child and kept it abroad in the cold a long time, when the red 
gum was come out upon it, and the cold had struck in the red 
gum, and this they judged the cause of the child's death. And 
that said Kendal did come in that day and make much of the 
child, but they apprehended no wrong to come to the child by her. 
After this the said nurse was put into prison for adultery, and 
there delivered of her base child ; and Mr. Brown went to her, 
and told her it was just with God to leave her to this wickedness 
as a punishment for murdering Goody Kendal by her false wit- 
ness bearing. But the nurse dyed in prison, and so the matter 
was not further inquired into." 3 " Another instance was at 
Cambridge about forty years since ; 4 There was a man much 
troubled in the night with cats, or the devil in their likeness, 
haunting of him ; whereupon he kept a light burning, and a 

quitted, except three of the worst charac- Jackson ; but whether this were the 

ters, and those the governor reprieved for woman mentioned by Hale is problemat- 

the king's mercy. All that were not ical. 

brought upon trial he ordered to be dis- 2 The reference is probably to Robert 

charged. Such a goal delivery was made Jennison, who died July 4, 1690, or to his 

this court as has never been known at any son Samuel Jennison, who died Oct. 15, 

other time in New England." 1701. 

1 I cannot certainly identify this per- 8 A Modest Enquiry, etc., pp. 18, 19. 

son. The only known early inhabitant * It is not known to what case of sup- 

of Cambridge bearing this name was posed witchcraft Mr. Hale here refers. 

John Kendall, who resided on the south Mrs. Holman was accused at about the 

side of the river, and married Elizabeth, date indicated, but the circumstances of 

widow of Samuel Holley, before Sept. 8, the two cases were different. 
1646, when the estate was sold to Edward 


sword by him as he lay in bed ; for he suspected a widow woman 
to send these cats or imps by witchcraft to bewitch him. And 
one night as he lay in bed, a cat or imp came within his reach, 
and he struck her on the back ; and upon inquiry heard this 
widow had a sore back ; this confirmed his suspicion of the widow, 
he supposing that it came from the wound he gave the cat. But 
Mr. Day, the widow's chyrurgeon, cleared the matter, saying this 
widow came to him and complained of a sore in her back, and 
because she could not see it desired his help ; and he found it to 
be a boyl, and ripened and healed it as he used to do other boyls. 
But while this was in cure, the supposed cat was wounded as 
already rehearsed." 1 

Although we are not certain to whom Mr. Hale refers in 
the foregoing instances of supposed witchcraft, yet one case did 
occur, about forty years before he wrote his " Modest Enquiry," 
in regard to which a circumstantial account has been preserved. 
William Holman resided on the northeasterly corner of Garden 
and Linnaean Streets (where the Botanic Garden now is) ; he died 
Jan. 8, 1652-3, aged 59, leaving a widow, Winifred, and several 
children, among whom was an unmarried daughter, named Mary. 
On the opposite side of Garden Street, and extending to Sparks 
Street, was an estate of six acres belonging to John Gibson, 
whose house was within plain view from Mrs. Holman's. Some 
" root of bitterness " sprung up between these neighbors, and 
troubled them, until Mr. Gibson entered a complaint against 
Mrs. Holman and her daughter as witches, and a warrant of pe- 
culiar form was issued for their arrest : u To the Constable of 
Cambridge. You are required forthwith to apprehend the per- 
sons of Widow Holman and her daughter Mary, and immedi- 
ately bring them before the County Court now sitting at Charles- 
towne, to be examined on several accusations presented, on sus- 
picion of witchcraft ; and for witnesses John Gipson and his 
wife ; you are forthwith to bring them away, and not suffer 
them to speak one with another after their knowledge of this 
warrant, and hereof you are not to fayle at your perill. Dat. 
21 (4) 1659. THOMAS DANFOETH, R. It will be convenient 
that you charge some meet person to bring away the mayd first, 
and then you may acquaint the mother also with this warrant 
respecting her also." 2 

No notice of this action appears on the Records of the Court ; 

1 A Modest Enquiry, etc., pp. 64, 65. 2 Copied from the original in the files 

of the County Court, 1659. 


from which it may be inferred that the evidence submitted to the 
grand jury was not sufficient to justify an indictment. Nine 
months afterwards the Holmans sought legal redress for the 
wrongs they had suffered. This warrant was issued : " To the 
Constable of Cambridge, or his Deputy. You are hereby re- 
quired to attach the goods or in want thereof the person of John 
Gibson Jun r . of Cambridge, and take bond of him to the value 
of twenty pounds, with sufficient surety or suretyes for his ap- 
pearance at the next County Court holden at Cambridge upon 
the 3 day of April next, then and there to answer the complaint 
of Mary Holman of Cambridge, in an action of defamation and 
slaunder ; and so make a true return hereof under your hand. 
Dated this 26 of March, 16|$. By the court, SAMUEL GREEN." l 
Similar warrants were issued March 28, 1660, requiring John 
Gibson, Sen., his wife, and his daughter Rebecca, wife of Charles 
Stearns, to make answer to the widow Winifred Holman. Both 
cases seem to have been tried together. A mass of testimony is 
still preserved in the files of the County Court, apparently pre- 
pared by John Gibson, Sen., to be used in this trial, as a justifi- 
cation of the charge formerly made against Mrs. Holman and her 
daughter. A recital of this testimony is tedious, but it may 
be excused inasmuch as it shows on what frivolous grounds the 
charge of witchcraft was made two hundred years ago : 

" A relation of the passages between Mrs. Holman and her 
daughter Mary, and the wife of Charles Stearns, 2 now living in 
Cambridge. The first thing that makes us suspect them is that 
after she had two extraordinary strange fits, which she never had 
the like before, Mary Holman asked her why she did not get 
some help for them, and she answered she could not tell what to 
do ; she had used means by physicians, and could have no help. 
And the said Mary said that her mother said, if she would put 
herself into her hands, that she would undertake to cure her with 
the blessing of God. Our daughter telling us of it, and we not 
suspecting them, we wished her to go and to see what she would 
say to her. And she said her daughter was a prating wench and 
loved to prate ; but yet she did prescribe some herbs to her that 
she should use in the spring. After this my daughter's child 
grew ill, and Mary Holman coming in often asked her what the 
child ailed ; and she said moreover that her mother and she took 

1 Court Files, 1660. left unchanged. Mrs. Stearns was daugh- 

2 The orthography of this testimony is ter of John Gibson, Sen., subject to fits, 
corrected, except that proper names are and partially demented. 


notice of it, that the child declined ever since the 5 of January, 
and will till it come to the grave ; but if you will put it into my 
hands I will undertake to cure it : I cured one at Maiden that 
had the ricketts, and if you will take a fool's counsel, you may ; 
if you will not, choose. She said also the child fell away in the 
lower parts, and yet she did not see the child opened. She said 
also that Mr. Metchelles child had the ricketts, and it was easy to 
be seen, for the face did shine ; but since Mr. Metchell sent to 
Linn for a skilful woman to look on it, and she could not see no 
such thing. After this, Mary Holman borrowed a skillet of her, 
and when she brought it home, the child was asleep in the cradle, 
and a boy a rocking it, and the mother of the child was gone for 
water ; and the boy said that Mary Holman came to the child as 
it was asleep, and took it by the nose, and made the blood come, 
and set it a crying, that the mother heard it ; and before she 
came in Mary was gone out over the sill. When she came in 
and saw the child in such a case, she chode the boy for making 
the child cry ; and he said it was Mary Holman that did it and 
went away as fast as she could. 

" After this, she was taken with her ordinary fits, two nights 
and two days, and was pretty well again and sensible one day ; 
and then she was taken with a strange raving and marvellous 
unquiet night and day, for three or four days and nights together, 
and took no rest ; and it was observed that all this time Mrs. 
Holman was walking about by her rails, stooping down and 
picking of the ground along as she went, and both of them walk- 
ing up and down, and to and again, that it was taken notice of 
by many ; arid all this time she raged, could not be quiet, till the 
last day of the week in the afternoon they were gone both from 
home ; and then she was quiet and was fast asleep till she came 
home, and suddenly she sprung up out of her sleep, and cried 
out with such rage against Mrs. Holman that she was a witch, 
and that she must be hanged. Her mother being amazed, she 
went out and see her a coming towards the house ; and the nearer 
she came the more she raged, and so she continued all night. 
And in the morning, Mary Holman came in for fire, as she did 
every morning, and sometimes twice in a day ; as soon as she 
came in she cried out on her that she was a witch, so that we 
could not still her till my wife shoved her out of door ; and when 
they were out, Mary asked my wife what her daughter ailed, and 
said she was a quiet woman. Another being by, my wife an- 
swered she thought she was bewitched. Then said Mary Hoi- 


man, my mother said that she was not light-headed, nor her head 
did not ache ; but she continued so still, and crying out to her 
mother, and said Mrs. Holm an she was working wickedness on 
the Lord's day. With that, my wife looked out and saw Mrs. 
Holman a pecking by the rails, as she did of other days. When 
folks were gone to meeting, about half an hour after two of the 
clock, she went to meeting, that is, Mrs. Holman ; and by that 
time she got to meeting as we guessed, she lay still about half an 
hour and then fell asleep. And of a sudden, she flings up and 
cried out of Mrs. Holman. My wife, not thinking they had been 
come home from meeting, looked out and saw her at home. 
Anon after, Mary Holman came to the house and said to my 
wife, your daughter had a sleep, had she not ? and she answered 
her, Why do you ask ? and she said, because she slept yesterday 
afore this time, and so she did, but how she should come to 
know it, we cannot tell ; for they were both times from home. 
On the second day in the morning, Mary came for fire ; and she 
cried out on her as before, and continued raging almost all that 
day. On the third day, Mary Holman was a coming again for 
fire, and my wife prayed me that, if I saw her come, that I would 
not let her come in ; and so I did ; I met with her at the sill, with 
a bright skillet in her hand, and she asked me how my daughter 
did, and I said, she is not well, and I asked her whither she went 
with that ; and she said, for fire. But I told her she should not 
have none here, but bid her go to some other house ; upon which 
we took notice that that day she was very quiet, and there was 
such a sudden alteration to admiration to all that saw it, and so 
continued ; but after she was more sensible of her weakness. 

" Some things were forgotten : that my daughter, before she 
was taken with her fits, put a pair of stockings to her, and she 
kept them a great while ; and upon the last day of the week at 
night she sent them home, and she wore them on the Sabbath, 
and that night she had her fits, being free from them a great 
while before ; and, as was said before, when she had had them 
two days and two nights, she fell into this strange condition, as 
before mentioned. And all this time she cried out of Mrs. Hol- 
man and her daughter Mary, that they were witches, and they 
must be found out, and said, you must not suffer a witch to live ; 
and she said Mr. Danford was chosen a magistrate to find out 
Mrs. Holman. And when my wife went to give her some re- 
freshing, she would not take it in, she was so troubled with Mrs. 
Holman, that she must be found out, that my wife told her that 


she would get the magistrate to find her out ; and it was taken 
notice of by my wife and others, that her countenance was 
changed and did eat. Thus she lay, taking on against Mrs. 
Holman and Mary to all that came to her, that they were witches 
and must be hanged ; and so she told them to their faces, and 
could not be stilled. And many times she flung up with such rage 
and cried out with exceeding earnestness that Mrs. Holman was 
at the rails, let me go out and I will show you her ; and it was 
so, for my wife and others looked out, and saw her there. It 
seemed to us very strange ; for it was not possible that she could 
see her, for she was kept so close on her bed, and a covering 
hanging before her, and another before the window. 

" The first great trouble that she had, she was affrighted with 
Satan, and thought that she saw him stand by the bed's side, so 
that she cried out with a loud noise, all night, to the Lord, for 
help, saying Lord, help me, Lord, help me, that she was heard a 
great way off. The second great trouble she had, she was like- 
wise troubled with Satan appearing to her, that she was set of a 
great trembling that she shook the bed she lay on ; and striving 
mightily with her body, and fighting with her hands, that two 
men were fain to hold her. We asked her why she fought so ; 
and she said she fought with the devil. And ever and anon she 
called out of Mrs. Holman, and would have her sent for ; and 
one that sat by said, what would you say to her ? And she said, 
I will tell her that she is a witch. We then not suspecting her 
so to be, we reproved her, and wished her not to say so ; but the 
more we forbade her, the more violent she was in so calling her, 
and crying out of Mrs. Holman's black chest and Mrs. Holman's 
cake ; but what she meant by them, we cannot tell. But this 
last time, she was troubled with Mrs. Holman and her daughter 
Mary. And concerning the child, it does decline and fall away 
daily, according to Mary's words ; and yet we cannot perceive 
that it is sick at all, but will suck and eat ; and in the time of 
the mother's trouble, the child is set quite crooked in the body, 
which before was a straight, thriving child. Also it was taken 
notice of that, in the time of my daughter's trouble, that her 
hands were set crooked, that her husband could not get them 

" A while after we were at the Court, she had another raging 
fit, wherein she was carried with rage against her parents, and 
her brothers and sisters, and we desired one of our brethren to 
pray with her ; and she raged at him, and bade him get him 


home, or she would throw something at his head ; and she was 
so outrageous that we were fain to tie her hands. And she cried 
out and said a snake stung her under her arms. And when she 
was out of her distemper, she said she saw a thing like a great 
snake come into the house, with a something like a turtle upon 
the back, and came upon the bed to her. And another time when 
one of our elders was at prayer, she barked like a dog ; and though 
we held her mouth close with our hands, yet she would speak, 
saying that Mrs. Hoi man and Mary Holman were witches, and 
bewitched her and her child. And sometimes she cried out 
against blood, that it cried and that it stunk ; and we bade her 
hold her peace ; but she said she must speak, and conscience must 
speak ; and at last she said there was a hole of blood by the 
cradle." .... 

" The last winter before this, I was afflicted with Mrs. Hoi- 
man's hens, and could not keep them out of my barn from stroy- 
ing my corn. I being much troubled at it spake of it to my 
wife ; and she said, it may be the poor woman cannot keep them 
at home. I being thus afflicted with them, I flung a stone at one 
of them and killed it, and laid it upon a hovel that stood upon 
the common. When my wife saw it, she sent to Mrs. Holman, 
to see if it were one of hers, and her daughter fetched it home ; 
and after that they troubled me no more, though they went 
abroad still, which we wondered at, being so constantly there 
every day before. After this, my wife had a brood of chickens 
of fifteen, which were like to do well, and did thrive for the space 
of one fortnight ; "and then they were taken with fits, and they 
would turn their heads upward, and turn round many times, and 
run about the house as if they were mad ; and sometimes picking 
towards the ground, but not touch the ground, and sometimes 
they would be pretty well and eat their meat ; but they died, two 
or three at a time, till they came to four. Likewise Mrs. Holman 
had a white cock, that went a grazing about the common every 
day in the summer time, between the pond and the house, with- 
out any hens with him ; and we taking notice of him asked Mary 
Holman wherefore that cock went so alone ; and she said, that 
the hens did not care for him, nor he cared not for them ; and she 
said, moreover, that he was seven years old. Then we asked her, 
why they would keep him ; and she said, she could not tell ; her 
mother would keep him. And soon after that, we saw him no 
more. Also there was a bird that was taken notice of, not only 
of us but of some others ; such a one as they nor we ever saw be- 


fore. It was all milk-white, save only a little gray on the wings. 
My son, being told of such a bird, did look to see if he could see 
it, and did see it, and threw stones at it, but could not hit it, 
although it were very near him. And when it rose up, it would 
fly to Mrs. Holman's house. So likewise when those that saw it 
first flung stones at it, it would always fly thither ; and some- 
times they said they saw it fly into the house. They had taken 
notice of it a week before we did ; and when A son arid I went to 
mend up the fence that was before my daughter's house, the bird 
was skipping about the rails ; My son said, here is the devilish- 
est bird that ever I saw in my life ; and I asked him why he did 
so ; and he said, I never threw half so often at a bird in his life 
but he did hit it, but this I cannot hit ; and he flung again at it, 
but could not hit it ; and we both of us see it fly to Mrs. Hol- 
man's house. The same day my son and the other persons saw 
it again ; and they hunted it about and flung stones at it ; and 
it flying thither again, one of them called out, saying, the bird 
was gone home ; and two of them resolved the next day to get 
their guns and see if they could shoot it. Mrs. Holman came 
out of her house, and looked on them, and in likelihood heard 
what they said, for they were near the house ; but since that 
time the bird have not been seen. In this time, my daughter 
Starnes, going out of her house within evening, saw this bird 
under her house-sill. She thought at first it had been a cat ; but 
she, going towards it, perceived it was a white bird, and it did 
fly along by the house-side, and so away to Mrs. Holman's. It 
was seen another evening, when it was too late for birds to be 
abroad, between my daughter's house and the rails. 

" My wife have been much troubled with her wheel, when she 
have set herself to spin, for the necessity of her family. Some- 
times she could not make no work of it ; she thought at first it 
might be out of kilter, and we both used what means we could 
with it ; but it was never the better, but was fain to set it away, 
and go about some other work ; and when she took it again, it 
would go very well, and thus it was very often ; and sometimes, 
when she could make no work with it, she would set it away, 
and not so much as unband it, and take it again and not alter it 
at all, and it would go very well. One time amongst the rest, she 
set herself to work, and was much troubled that she could make 
no work of it, she began to fear that there might be something 
that might be the cause of it ; she set her wheel away, and went 
out, and saw Mary Holman at the oak, turning round ; and when 


she saw my wife, she catched up a chip ; and that caused her to 
fear that it might be by their means. Another time she was a 
spinning, and as it was wont so it did again, that she was so 
affected with it that she could have cried ; and sitting still, with 
her wheel before her, saying thus to herself, ' Lord, thou hast 
commanded me to labor, but I am hindered ; good Lord, if there 
be any hand of Satan in it, prevent it ; ' with some other words, 
and went to spinning again, and it went as well as ever. 

" At another time, when my daughter was not very well, my 
wife went out and saw Mary Holman sitting on her knees at a 
hole of water ; she took up water in a dish, and held it up a 
pretty height, and drained into another thing. My wife went 
presently to her daughter and found her crying so immoderately 
that the tears fell so fast from her eyes that my wife was fain to 
stand and wipe them off her face with her apron. And her 
mother asked her wherefore she cried ; and she said she could 
not tell, but she said she could not forbear it. Concerning what 
our daughter have seen and felt in the time of her affliction, she 
can declare, if she be called to it." 

Following this long and tedious statement (with much more to 
the same purpose), is a recapitulation of the same facts, with the 
names of the witnesses by whom they might be proved. Their 
deposition is authenticated by the Recorder of the Court : " 4 
(2) 1660. Jn. Gibson, sen r ., Rebeccah Gibson, Jn. Gipson, 
jun r ., Rebecca Sternes, Martha Belsher, Bethia Michelson, 
Charles Sternes, Steven ffrances, sworn in Court to their respec- 
tive evidences ; as attests, TH. DANFORTH, R." 

In defence of her character as an honest, Christian woman, 
Mrs. Holman submitted two certificates, which yet remain on file, 
signed by two of the deacons, 1 and several members of the 
church : " We, whose names are underwritten, we do here 
testify that Winifret Holman, we having been acquainted with 
her this many years, she being near neighbor unto us, and many 
times have had occasion to have dealings with her, and we have 
not indeed in the least measure perceived, either by words or 
deeds, any thing whereby we could have any grounds or reason 
to suspect her for witchery or any thing thereunto tending. And 
this is evident unto us that she is diligent in her calling, and 
frequents public preaching, and gives diligent attention there- 
unto. John Palfery, Mathew Bridge, Richard Eccles, ffrancis 
Whitmor, John Greene, Nathaniell Green, William Diksone." 
1 John Bridge and Gregory Stone. 


" We, who have here subscribed our names, do testify that we 
have known this Winnefret Holman, widow, this many years, 
but never knew any thing in her life concerning witchery. But 
she hath always been a diligent hearer of and attender to the 
word of God. Mary Patten, Mary Hall, Jane Willows, Anna 
Bridge, Elizabeth Bridg, Elizabeth Green, Jeane Diksonne, 
Elizabeth Winship, Thomas Fox, Ellin Fox, William Towne, 
Martha Towne, Mary Eccles, Isobell Whittmor, John Bridge, 
Rebekka Wieth, Gregory Stone, Lidea Stone." 

The result of the trial is entered on the County Court Rec- 
ords : " Winifred Holman, Pit. against John Gibson sen r . and 
his wife, in an action of defamation ; the jury having heard their 
respective pleas and evidences presented in the case do bring in 
their verdict, finding for the defendants costs of court, fifteen 
shillings and ten pence. Winifred Holman, Pit. against 
Rebecca the wife of Charles Sternes, Def*., in an action of defa- 
mation ; the jury having heard their respective pleas and evi- 
dences presented in the case, and it appearing to the court that 
the defendant was by God's hand deprived of her natural reason 
when she expressed those words charged on her, do bring in their 
verdict for the defendant, costs of court, eight shillings and four 
pence." The decision in the other case I copy from the original 
verdict, preserved on file, as it is more full and circumstantial 
than the record : " Concerning the case between Marye Hol- 
man, plaintive and John Gibson, jun r . defendant, we find for the 
plaintive, that the said John Gibson shall make acknowledge- 
ment that he hath wronged and scandalously slandered Marye 
Holman, by speeches irregularly, rashly, and sudden spoken, for 
which he desire to be humbled and sorry for the same ; and if he 
refuse to make this acknowledgement in the present court, that 
then we do enjoin John Gibson to pay to the plaintive the full 
sum of five pounds ; and we also give the plaintive cost of court." 
To which the Recorder appended this memorandum : " John 
Gibson jun r . acknowledged in court that, whereas he is legally 
convicted of a slanderous speech concerning Mary Holman, he is 
heartily sorry for his evil thereby committed against God, and 
wrong done to the said Mary Holman and her friends, and doth 
crave forgiveness of the said Mary Holman of this trespass." 

It does not appear that either of these persons was ever after- 
wards disturbed on suspicion of practising the diabolical arts of 
witchcraft. Mrs. Holman died Oct. 16, 1671, aged 74 ; her 
daughter Mary died, unmarried, in 1673, aged 43. 



IN 1643, there was published in London a Tract entitled 
" New England's First Fruits ; in respect, first of the Conver- 
sion of some, Conviction of divers, Preparation of sundry, of 
the Indians. 2. Of the progresse of Learning, in the Colledge 
at Cambridge, in Massacusets Bay. With divers other speciall 
matters concerning that countrey." In regard to the "progresse 
of learning," the writer says, " After God had carried us safe to 
New England, and wee had builded our houses, provided neces- 
saries for our livelihood, rear'd convenient places for Gods wor- 
ship, and settled the Civile Government : One of the next things 
we longed for, and looked after, was to advance Learning and 
perpetuate it to posterity ; dreading to leave an illiterate Minis- 
tery to the Churches, when our present Ministers shall lie in the 
dust. And as wee were thinking and consulting how to effect 
this great work ; it pleased God to stir up the heart of one Mr. 
Harvard (a godly gentleman, and a lover of learning, there liv- 
ing amongst us) to give the one halfe of his estate (it being in 
all about 1700.) towards the erecting of a Colledge, and all his 
Library ; after him another gave 300Z. others after them cast in 
more, and the publique hand of the state added the rest ; the 
Colledge was, by common consent, appointed to be at Cambridge 
(a place very pleasant and accommodate), and is called (according 
to the name of the first founder) Harvard Colledge." 1 He adds, 
" And by the side of the Colledge a faire Grammar Schoole, for 
the training up of young Schollars, and fitting of them for Aca- 

1 New England's First Fruits, p. 12. A tories of the College have already been 

History of Cambridge may well be con- published, and there is no apparent neces- 

sidered incomplete, if it do not contain a sity to glean a field so recently and so 

full account of Harvard College. But thoroughly reaped. See History of Har- 

such an account must be omitted by me vard University, by Benjamin Peirce, Li- 

for two obvious reasons : (1.) The subject brarian, etc., 1833; History of Harvard 

is too important to be thrust into a corner University, by Josiah Quincy, President, 

and treated as merely subsidiary to a gen- etc., 1840; and Sketch of the History of 

eral history of the city. (2.) Three his- Harvard College, by Samuel A. Eliot, 1848. 


demicall Learning, that still as they are judged ripe, they may be 
received into the Colledge of this Schoole ; l Master Corlet is 
the Mr. who has very well approved himselfe for his abilities, 
dexterity and painfulnesse in teaching and education of the youth 
under him." 2 The precise date when the grammar school was 
established in Cambridge does not appear ; but before 1643 Mr. 
Corlett had taught sufficiently long to have acquired a high rep- 
utation for skill and faithfulness. He continued in office nearly 
half a century, until his death, Feb. 25, 1686-7, at the age of 78 
years. His services were commemorated by Cotton Mather, who 
knew him and his works : 

" 'Tis Corlet's pains, and Cheever's, we must own, 
That thou, New England, art not Scythia grown." 3 

Again, he calls " Mr. Elijah Corlet, that memorable old school- 
master in Cambridge, from whose education our colledge and coun- 
try have received so many of its worthy men, that he is himself 
worthy to have his name celebrated in .... our church his- 
tory." 4 In addition to his English scholars, he prepared several 
Indians for the College, though only one of the number gradu- 
ated. 5 By the records of the " Commissioners of the United 
Colonies," it appears that he was paid <6 9 4, in 1658, " for 
teaching the Indians at Cambridge and the charge of an Indian 
that died in his sickness and funeral;" also X22, in 1659, 
" for dieting John Stanton for some time not reckoned formerly, 
and for his extraordinary pains in teaching the Indian scholars 
and Mr. Mahews son about two years." Similar payments were 
made to him in 1660 and 1661. In their letter to the corpora- 
tion in England, dated Sept. 7, 1659, the Commissioners say, 
" there are five Indian youthes att Cambridge in the lattin 
schoole, whose dilligence and profisiency in theire studdies doth 
much encurrage us to hope that God is fiting them and prepar- 
ing them for good instruments in this great and desirable worke ; 
wee have good testimony from those that are prudent and pious, 
that they are dilligent in theire studdies and civell in theire car- 
riage ; and from the Presedent of the Colledge ; wee had this 
testimony in a letter directed to us the 23 of August 1659 in 

1 Rather, " they may be received into 8 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., xvii. 132. 

the Colledge : of this schoole, Master 2 New England's First Fruits, p. 13. 

Corlet is the Mr. " In the " Errata," 4 Magnolia, Book iii., Part i. App. 

without any more definite reference, is 27. 

found this direction : "At Colledge, put 6 Caleb Cheeshahteaumuck, 1665, died 

a colon." There is no other place in the 1666. 
tract where the change is so much needed. 


these words : the Indians in Mr. Corletts scoole were examined 
oppenly by my selfe att the publicke Commencement ; consern- 
ing theire growth in the knowledge of the lattin toungue ; and 
for their time they gave good satisfaction to myselfe and also to 
the honored and Reverent Overseers." 1 

Notwithstanding Mr. Corlett's well-earned fame, and his abil- 
ity to teach both English and Indians, his school seems never 
to have been large, nor were the stated fees for tuition adequate 
for his support. The town had frequent occasion to supply the 
deficiency by special grant. In 1648, " It was agreed at a meet- 
ing of the whole town, that there should be land sold of the com- 
mon, for the gratifying of Mr. Corlett for his pains in keeping a 
"school in the town, the sum of ten pounds, if it can be attained; 
provided it shall not prejudice the cow-common." Forty acres 
of land on the south side of the river were sold, for this purpose, 
to Mr. Edward Jackson. Again, Jan. 29, 1654-5, " The town 
consented that twenty pounds should be levied upon the inhabit- 
ants', and given to Mr. Corlett, for his present encouragement to 
continue with us." March 25, 1662: "The townsmen taking 
into their consideration the equity of allowance to be made to 
Mr. Corlett, for his maintenance of a grammar school in this 
town, especially considering his present necessity by reason of 
the fewness of his scholars, do order and agree that ten pounds 
be paid to him out of the public stock of the town." Nov. 14, 
1684 : " Voted on the aflfirmative, that Mr. Elijah Corlett shall 
be allowed and paid out of the town rate, annually, twenty 
pounds, for so long as he continues to be schoolmaster in this 
place." The colony also interposed for his relief ; and, having 
previously made similar grants, on the 7th of November, 1668, 
" In answer to the petition of Mr. Elijah Corlet, the Court 
having considered of the petition, and being informed the peti- 
tioner to be very poor, and the country at present having many 
engagements to satisfy, judge meet to grant him five hundred 
acres of land where he can find it, according to law." 2 The 
meagre number of scholars is more definitely stated in an official 
answer of the town to certain questions proposed by the County 
Court : " 30 (1) 1680. Our Latin Schoolmaster is Mr. Elijah 
Corlitt ; his scholars are in number nine at present." 3 Under 
all these discouragements, the veteran teacher seems to have per- 
severed bravely up to the close of his life ; for there is no evid- 

* Plym. Col. Rec., x. 217. 8 Middlesex Court Files, 1860. 

2 Mass. Col. Rec., iv., part ii., p. 406. 


ence that a successor was elected until after his death. Two 
manuscripts have been preserved, one containing a reference 
to him, and the other written by him, which seem worthy of 
publication : 1. In a letter from Thomas Danforth of Cam- 
bridge to Rev. John Cotton of Plymouth, dated Nov. 16, 1674, 
concerning the troubles which compelled Dr. Leonard Hoar to 
resign the Presidency of the College, the writer says, k ' As for 
the Dr.'s grievance, you do not I suppose wonder at it. I 
doubt not but he hath been told of his evill in that matter from 
more hands than yours, yet he does justifie his own innocency, 
and I perceive that Mr. Corlet, both elder and younger, 1 were so 
taken with hopes of a fellowship, that they strenuously sought to 
excuse the Dr. and lay the blame elsewhere ; but by this time I 
suppose are out of hope of what they expected, the Colledge 
standing in more need of students than of rulers." 2 2. Richard 
Cutter, brother-in-law to Mr. Corlett, felt aggrieved at a decision 
of the County Court in 1659, and Mr. Corlett united with him in 
petition to the General Court for relief; the petition was re- 
ferred to the County Court with a favorable result. At the same 
session, the General Court, upon his petition, granted to Mr. Cor- 
lett two hundred acres of land." 3 In acknowledgment of both 
benefactions, he presented his thank-offering to the magistrates 
of the County Court, who were also members of the General 
Court : " Much honoured, Mr. Deputie Governour, Major Wil- 
lard, Mr. Russell, and Mr. Danforth : Elijah Corlett, who was 
latelie your Wor ps humble petitioner at the Generall Court in my 
owne behalfe, for land ; very thankfull and humblie, I acknowl- 
edg the great favour and good will of that Court unto mee (and 
your Wor 1 * 8 my good friends therein) confering upon mee 200 
acres of land. As alsoe touching my petition in the behalfe of 
Ric. Cutter, referred to the full and finall decision of this hon- 
oured Court ; I most humblie and thankfullie acknowledg your 
Wor ps favour in your rernarkeable gentlenes and very tender 
dealinge with a sad, afflicted, weake man, inconsiderate and rash 
sometimes, &c., your goodnes towards him will, I hope, have a 
good effect upon him to mollifie his heart, and the influence of 
your good advice you left with him, to moderate his spirite. 
Soft meanes many times effects what rigour cannot ; and mercie 
rejoiceth against (exulteth over) judgement. Elijah Corlett 

1 The "younger" was Ammi-Ruha- 2 Harvard College Papers (MSS.),i. 11. 
mah Corlett, H. C. 1670, who obtained 8 Mass. Col. Rec., iv., part i., p. 397. 
th; coveted fellowship, and died 1679. 


humblie blesseth God for you: who cause judgment to run down 
our streets like water ; where mercie likewise has its current. 
Thus heartielie wishing and praying for your happienes and 
wellfare in the Lord, he ever remaines acknowledging himself 
your Wor ps most obliged humble servant, ELIJAH CORLETT." 1 

The successors of Mr. Corlett were generally young men fresh 
from College. 2 Very few of them appear to have selected teach- 
ing as a permanent employment ; only one indeed died in the 
service, namely, Nicholas Fessenden, Jr., H. C. 1701, who taught 
about eighteen years, and died of apoplexy Oct. 5, 1719. Wil- 
liam Fessenden, Jr., 3 H. C. 1737, taught the school eleven years, 
from 1745 to 1756, but left it two years before he also died of 
apoplexy, June 17, 1758. Samuel Danforth, H. C. 1715, seems 
to have chosen teaching as a profession. At a meeting of the 
selectmen, Oct. 26, 1719, it is recorded, that " Whereas, by 
reason of the death of Mr. Nicholas Fessenden, our late School- 
master, the school in our town is in an unsettled condition ; and 
whereas, Mr. Samuel Danforth of Dorchester has been pleased to 
manifest his inclinations to be a Schoolmaster amongst us, and to 
devote himself to said service : Voted and agreed, that the said 
Mr. Samuel Danforth take the care and charge of said school, on 
the same terms that our said late Schoolmaster kept it ; and that 
he forthwith provide some suitable person to manage said school 
until such time as he can remove amongst us himself ; which Mr. 
Danforth promised to comply with." After eleven years, how- 
ever, Mr. Danforth retired from the service, and for many years 
was Judge of Probate, Judge of Common Pleas, and member of 
the Council. All the others seem to have adopted teaching as a 
temporary expedient, while studying some other profession, or 
waiting for more desirable employment. 4 

1 Middlesex Court Files, 1660. Samuel Kendall, May, 1780; Asa Pack- 

2 John Hancock was elected teacher, ard, April, 1783; Lemuel Hedge, July, 
Jan., 1690-1; John Sparhawk, Feb., 1783. All these teachers were graduates 
1692-3; Nicholas Fessenden, Jr., about of Harvard College. I have not found 
1701 ; Samuel Danforth, Oct., 1719 ; John the materials for a consecutive list at a 
Hovey, April, 1730; Stephen Coolidge, later period. 

May, 1730; John Hovey, May, 1737; 8 Nephew of Nicholas Fessenden, Jr. 
Stephen Coolidge, May, 1741; William * There are now engaged in the service 

Fessenden, Jr., May, 1745 ; James Lov- of the city three veterans, whose lives 

ell, May, 1756 ; Antipas Steward, about have been devoted to this work, and whose 

1760 ; Ebenezer Stedman, Jr., about terms of service commenced as follows: 
1765; Thomas Colman, July, 1770; Jon- Aaron B. Magoun, Harvard Grammar 

athan Hastings, Jr., May, 1772; Jona- School, 1838. 

than Eames, May, 1 776 ; Elisha Parmele, Daniel Mansfield, Washington Gram- 
May, 1778; Aaron Bancroft, Aug. 1778; mar School, 1842. 


The first school-house known to have been erected in Cam- 
bridge stood on the westerly side of Holyoke Street, about mid- 
way between Harvard and Mount Auburn streets. 1 The lot was 
owned in 1642 by Henry Dunster, President of the College ; it 
contained a quarter of an acre of land, on which there was then 
a house, which was not his dwelling-house. There are reasons 
for believing that the " faire Grammar Schoole " had been estab- 
lished in that house, and that it remained there five or six years. 
It seems probable that the " school-house " mentioned in the 
following " agreement " was afterwards erected on that lot, and 
designed for that school : 

" Articles of agreement between Henry Dunster and Edward 
Goffe on the one party and Nicholas Withe and Richard Wilson, 
Daniel Hudson, masons, on the other party, witness as follow- 
eth: 2 

" 1. Impr. That we Nicolas Wite, Richard Wilson and Dan- 
iel Hudson, masons, have undertaken to get at Charlestowne 
Rock one hundred and fifty load of rock stone, and to lay them 
in convenient place whence they may be fetched with carts, and 
that betwene this present third month 1647 and the tenth of the 
ninth month next ensuing, for the which stones Henry Dunster 
and Edward Goffe covenant to pay to us sixe pence the load. 

" 2. Item. That we the foresaid three masons will wal or lay 
the said stones in wall for twelve pence the yard, so long as we 
lay any side of the said wall within the ground, and the other 
answering wals at the same price until they come to the hight 
of the wal that lieth within the grounde, albeit that these wals 
should ly both sides of the ground to the open ayre, and that 
wee will measure all this cellar or in ground wall within the 

" 3. Item. That we will lay in wal the saide stones above 
ground a foote and a halfe thick at the least, at the middle story, 
and soe proportionally gathering in until it end in the wal plats 

Benjamin W. Roberts, Allston Gram- until 1769 ; not many years later, a print- 
mar School, 1848. ing office was erected on nearly if not 

In addition to these should be men- precisely the same spot, which has thus 

tioned Dr. Alvah C. Smith, who was been devoted almost continuously to the 

compelled by the failure of his health in cause of literature. 
1872 to resign the office of Grammar 2 For a copy of these " articles of agree- 

Master, to which he was elected in 1845. ment," made by him from the original 

He served the city two years afterwards in 1845, I am indebted to John Wingatc 

as teacher of penmanship. Thornton, Esq., of Boston. 

1 This lot was used for a school-house 


or eaves, about a foote thick, for eighteene pence a yard, making 
n the said above ground wals, where Henry Dunster or Edward 
Goffe shal apointe, convenient dore ways, arched over head, and 
windowe spaces as we shal be ordered and directed for timber 
windowes to be put in as we goe up with the wall, one of which 
said dore ways, and as many window spaces as shal bee judged 
convenient, we will alsoe make in the cellar wall as we shall be 

" 4. Item. That we will erect a chimney below, ten foote 
wide within the jaumes, and another in the rome above, eight 
foote ^ wide within the jaumes, in the place where we shal be 
directed, whereof if the jaumes be different from the wal of the 
house we will receive eighteene pence a yard for as much as we 
wal with stone, and ten shillings a thousand for what square 
brickes we lay, and sixteene shillings a thousand for the bricks 
that appear out of the roofe. 

" 5. Item. The said Henry Dunster and Edward Goffe are to 
prepare and lay on the ground in redines, within forty or at the 
most fifty foote of the aforesaid cellar, al the aforesaid brickes 
and rock stones ; but the saide brickes. as many as shal need to 
be cut, are to be done by the sayde masons. The convenient 
planckes alsoe and poles for staging are to be laid in redines by 
the said Henry and Edward, and the stages to be made by the 
said masons. 

" 6. Item. The 2 gable erides of the foresaide wals or schole- 
house shall be wrought up in battlement fashion, at the prize of 
eighteene pence a yard, as above said. 

" 7. Item. The foresaid masons by these presents covenant 
that they wil lath the roofe of the aforesaid scholehouse and tile 
the same at sixe shillings the thousand the tile. 

" 8. Item. The said masons covenant to perfect the saide 
worke that is herein mentioned before the first of the sixth month 
that shal be in the yeare one thousand sixe hundred forty-eight, 
provided the said Henry Dunster and Edward Goffe procure all 
the materials requisite of stones, brick, timber, clay, lime, sand, 
and the sayde materials lay in convenient place. 

" 9. Item. It is the true intent and meaning of both partyes, 
that al pay specified in these writings should be such as is re- 
ceived of the inhabitants and neighbours of the town of Cam- 
bridge, provided it bee good and merchandible in its kind, whether 
corne or cattle, and to goe at such rates as now it is payable from 
man to man when the aforesaid masons take the aforesaid worke, 


that is to say, Wheat at 4*. Ry at 3* 6 d . Indian at 3*. Pease at 
3'. 6 d . Early mault at 4* 6 d . the bushell. 

u In witness of the premises wee for our parts subscribe our 
hands, HENRIE DUNSTER [L. s.] 


" Sealed, signed, indented and delivered 
in presence of RICHARD HILDRETH." 

It would seem from the Records, that the school-house was not 
erected by the town ; but that certain public-spirited individuals, 
Mr. Dunster being foremost in the enterprise, assumed the 
responsibility, and defrayed the expense. Under date of Feb. 
10, 1655-6, we find this record : " Whereas Mr. Dunster hath 
made proposition to the Townsmen for the acquitting and dis- 
charging of forty pounds upon the account of his outlaying for 
the school-house : the Townsmen hereby declare, namely, that 
as they cannot yield to the same, for the reasons before men- 
tioned, yet nevertheless, if Mr. Dunster shall please to present 
any proposition concerning his outlayings for the school-house to 
the town when met together, they shall be willing to further the 
same according to justice and equity." Perhaps inconsequence 
of some such proposition by Mr. Dunster, it is recorded that at a 
meeting, November 10, 1656, ' k The town do agree and consent 
that there shall be a rate made to the value of .108. 10 s . and 
levied of the several inhabitants, for the payment for the school- 
house ; provided every man be allowed what he hath already 
freely contributed thereto, in part of his proportion of such rate." 
Whatever Mr. Dunster may have received as his share of this 
assessment, his heirs renewed the claim for further renumeration, 
after his death, with partial success : Nov. 12, 1660. " As a 
final issue of all complaints referring to Mr. Dunster's expenses 
about the school-house, although in strict justice nothing doth 
appear to be due, it being done by a voluntary act of particular 
inhabitants and Mr. Dunster ; and also the town having other- 
wise recompensed Mr. Dunster for his labor and expenses therein ; 
yet the town, considering the case as its now circumstanced, and 
especially the condition of his relict widow and children, do agree 
that thirty pounds be levied on the inhabitants of the town, by 
the selectmen, and paid to Mr. Dunster's executors, and that 
on condition that they make an absolute deed of sale of the said 
house and land to the town, with a clear acquittance for the full 
payment thereof." A school-house, constructed as this appar- 


ently was, might be expected to stand much more than twenty 
years ; but the record shows that on the 4th of October, 1669, 
" at a meeting of the selectmen, Mr. William Manning and Fetter 
Towne was appointed to agree with workmen to take down the 
school-house and set it up again ; and to carry the stones in the 
cellar to the place where the house for the ministry is to be 
built." The town voted, June 24, 1700, to build a new school- 
house, twenty-six feet in length and twenty feet wide ; and in 
1769 it was ordered, that the old grammar school-house then 
standing on this lot, be demolished, and that a new house be 
erected on the southerly side of Garden Street, about a hundred 
feet westerly from Appian Way. This house was removed to 
Brighton Street, converted into a dwelling-house, and succeeded 
by a larger and more convenient edifice in 1832, in which the 
Grammar School was taught until, after a transitional state of a 
few years duration, it was merged into the High School. 

Besides the Grammar School, others of a lower grade were 
established ; but their scanty patronage affords slight ground for 
boasting. In March, 1680, when it was certified that Master 
Corlett had only nine scholars, it was added, " For English, our 
schooldame is good wife Healy ; at present but nine scholars. 
Edward Hall, English schoolmaster ; at present but three schol- 
ars." A school was also established at an early date in Menot- 
omy, now Arlington : Jan. 16, 1692-3. " It was voted whether 
the town would give to Menotomie people a quarter of an acre 
of land, upon our common, near Jasson Russell's house, near the 
highway, for the accommodation of a school-house; and it was 
voted on the affirmative, so long as it was improved for that 
use, and no longer." The earliest trace which I have seen of a 
school-house on the south side of the river, afterwards Brighton, 
is in 1769, in which year new houses were erected in three sec- 
tions of the town. At a meeting of the Selectmen, May 7, 1770, 
" Voted, To give an order on the Treasurer to pay for the new 
school-houses erected in the town the last year, viz. 

"In the body of the town, 107. 2. 4. 1 

In the northwest part, 50. 14. 6. 2 

In the south part, 42. 3. 1. 1 

200. 0. 0. 0" 

Dr. Holmes, writing in 1800, says, " A little to the westward 
of the Episcopal Church is the grammar school-house ; where a 


town school is kept through the year. Besides this, there are 
six school-houses in the town ; two in each of the three parishes." 1 
Of the two in the First Parish, one undoubtedly stood at the 
northeasterly corner of Winthrop and Eliot streets, and the other 
probably on the northeasterly corner of North Avenue and Rus- 
sell Street. The Second Parish is now Arlington, and the Third 
is the Brighton District of Boston. Before the incorporation of 
the second and third parishes as separate towns, another school- 
house was erected in 1802, at the northwesterly corner of Wind- 
sor and School streets, in Cambridgeport, on a lot of land given 
to the town by Andrew Bordman ; it cost about six hundred 
dollars, of which sum about one half was contributed by indi- 
viduals, and the remainder was paid by the town. Seven years 
later, in 1809, the population of Cambridgeport having rapidly 
increased, yet another school-house was erected on the southerly 
side of Franklin Street, about midway between Magazine and 
Pearl streets, on a lot of land given to the town by Chief Justice 
Dana ; it cost somewhat more than eight hundred dollars, of 
which sum the town paid about three hundred dollars, and the 
remainder was contributed by individuals. After the inhabitants 
of East Cambridge had become numerous, and had repeatedly 
petitioned therefor, the town, in 1818, appropriated four hundred 
dollars for a school-house on the easterly side of Third Street 
between Gore and Bridge streets ; the remainder of the expense 
was raised by subscription. In 1845, the School Committee de- 
scribed thirteen school-houses, then standing, and their cost, so 
far as it was paid by the town : 1. The NORTH School-house, 
corner of North Avenue and Russell Street, erected in 1841 on 
the site of a former house, at the cost of $2,477, exclusive of land. 
2. WASHINGTON, on Garden Street, erected in 1832 on the site 
of a former house, at the cost of $2,150.56, besides about $1,000 
contributed by individuals. 3. AUBURN, in School Court, erect- 
ed in 1838, at the cost of $4,171.67. 4. HARVARD, on the 
northerly side of Harvard Street, between Norfolk and Prospect 
streets, erected in 1843 (on the site of a similar house which was 
burned in March of that year), at the cost of $3,557.48, besides 
the land, which originally cost $500. 5. FRANKLIN, on a lot 
given by Judge Dana, erected in 1809, at the cost to the town of 
about $300. 6. MASON, on Front Street, opposite to Columbia 
Street, erected in 1835, at the cost of $3,901.89. 7. BOARDMAN, 
at the corner of Windsor and School streets, erected in 1802, on 
land given by Andrew Bordman, at the cost to the town of about 
1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 5. 


8. BROADWAY, at the southwesterly corner of Windsor 
Street and Broadway, "erected in 1838 for the accommoda- 
tion of a Classical or High School for the whole town," at the 
cost of $5,791.05. 9. BKIDGE, on the westerly side of Pioneer 
Street, between Main Street and Broadway, erected in 1836, at 
the cost of $1,055, besides the land. 10. OTIS, on Otis Street, 
erected in 1843, at the cost of $5,406.78, described as " quite a 
magnificent structure." 11. THORNDIKE, on Thorndike Street, 
erected in 1832, and enlarged in 1840, at the total cost of 
$2,585.31. 12. PUTNAM, on the southwesterly corner of Otis 
and Fourth streets, erected in 1825 at the cost of $550 to the 
town, besides about $800 contributed by individuals. 13. THIRD 
STREET, on the easterly side of Third Street, between Gore and 
Bridge streets, erected in 1818, at the cost to the town of $400. 
During the thirty years since the date of this Report, several of 
the school-houses then standing have disappeared ; but other 
spacious edifices have been erected, so that, instead of the thir- 
teen houses described in 1845 as having cost $32,646.67, besides 
individual subscriptions, or the sixteen houses, valued by the 
Committee on Finance in 1850 at $80,000, there are now in the 
city twenty-six school-houses, which have cost more than half a 
million dollars. 

The earliest record which I have found of the election of a 
School Committee is dated May 21, 1744, when it was " Voted, 
That the Hon. Francis Foxcroft and Sam 1 . Danforth, Esq 8 ., W m . 
Brattle, and Edm d . Trowbridge, Esq 8 ., also the Hon. Jona. Rem- 
ington, Esq., be a committee to inspect the Grammar School in 
this town, and to inquire (at such times as they shall think meet') 
what proficiency the youth and children make in their learning." 
Again, May 7, 1770, it was " Voted, That a committee of nine 
persons be and hereby are fully empowered to chuse a Grammar 
Schoolmaster for said town, the Hon. Judge Danforth, Judge 
Lee, Col. Oliver, Judge Sewall, Mr. Abraham Watson, Jr., Mr. 
Francis Dana, Major Vassall, Mr. Samuel Thacher, Jr., Mr. Pro- 
fessor Winthrop, they or the major part of the whole being noti- 
fied, and that said committee be a committee of inspection upon 
the said schoolmaster, and that said committee be and hereby 
are empowered to regulate said school." Generally, however, 
the schools were under the charge of the Selectmen until March 
23, 1795, when a committee, consisting of Caleb Gannett, 1 Rev. 
1 Mr. Gannett declined, and Josiah Moore was substituted. 


Abiel Holmes, Maj. John Palmer, William Locke, Jonathan 
Winship, Rev. John Foster, and Rev. Thaddeus Fiske, was 
" chosen for the purpose of superintending the schools in this 
town, and carrying into effect the School Act. The only mate- 
rial change since that period consists in the appointment of a Su- 
perintendent of schools, in 1868, who acts, however, under the 
general direction of the School Committee, and is their executive 

At a town-meeting, March 3, 1794, a committee was " ap- 
pointed to divide the town into school districts, as the law directs, 
and to put the schools into operation." Previously the school- 
money was distributed among the " wings "or " precincts " of 
the town : for example, twelve pounds were granted, in May, 
1737, to "each wing," for winter schools; and June 4, 1770, 
the Selectmen " voted to give an order on the Treasurer to pay 
the town's school-money for the year 1769, viz. : 

The Body of the Town's l proportion is 40. 0. 
The northwest Precinct, 2 18. 18. 11 

The southwest Precinct, 3 15. 14. 6 = 74. 13. 5 

and so for several years afterwards. Again, Aug. 4, 1777, in 
consideration of the diminished value of the currency, it was 
" agreed to make a present to our Grammar Schoolmaster for his 
encouragement to continue said school from the 4th day of last 
July to the 4th day of October next, being three months, the 
sum of four pounds, exclusive of the sum of 60, being the for- 
mer contract for one year ; he allowing the Hopkins money that 
he may receive for said term, as before. Also that the wings of 
the town shall have the same allowance in proportion." Subse- 
quently the present territory of Cambridge was divided into 
three, and still later into five districts : (1.) Old Cambridge, 
south of the Railroad : (2.) The section north of the Railroad ; 
(3.) Cambridgeport, west of Columbia Street ; (4.) East of Co- 
lumbia Street ; (5.) East Cambridge. It was ordered, March 1, 
1802, that in the first of these districts, there should be a Gram- 
mar School the whole year, and a school for female children four 
months ; in the second district, a school for four months ; and in 
the third, fourth, and fifth, then included in a single district, 
four months ; " being the quantity required by law, according to 
the number of families in the town." May 4, 1829, a committee 

1 What is now the City of Cambridge. 8 Now Brighton or Boston. 

2 Now Arlington. 



reported the amount of valuation, the number of children be- 
tween the ages of three and seventeen years, and the duration of 
the schools in each of the five districts before described, 12 
months of school taught by a female being reckoned as equiva- 
lent to 4 months of a master's school. 



No. of Children. 






















An entirely new system 1 was adopted Oct. 6, 1834, when the 
town voted to abolish the five school districts, or to merge them 
into three Wards, namely, the first and second districts into 
Ward One ; the third and fourth into Ward Two ; and the fifth 
into Ward Three. The schools were graded, and designated as 
Grammar, Middle, and Primary, in each ward. It was ordered 
that schools should be maintained in the several Wards as 
follows : Ward One to be in two sections, of which the first 
should have one Grammar School, one Middle, and one Primary, 
and the second, schools equivalent to one female school for the 
whole year ; Ward Two should have one Grammar School, one 
Middle, and three Primary ; Ward Three should have one Gram- 
mar School, one Middle, and one Primary. In addition to these 
a High School was established in 1839 for the whole town. 2 In 
this school since 1854, has been given the instruction contem- 
plated in the will of Governor Edward Hopkins, who died in 
England in 1657, namely, " to give some encouragement in those 
Foreign Plantations, for the breeding up of hopeful youth in a 
way of learning, both at the Grammar School and College, for 
the service of the Country in future times." Five hundred 
pounds of his donation were assigned to the College and School 
in Cambridge. " Three fourths of the income of this estate," 

1 Concerning this change from the dis- 
trict system to that of regular gradation, 
Hon. James D. Green, in his Inaugural 
Address, as Mayor of the City, in 1853, 
says : " I claim for the town of Cambridge 
the honor of having introduced it into 
this Commonwealth, and of having car- 

ried it to the greatest degree of complete- 

2 The first High School-house was on 
the corner of Windsor Street and Broad- 
way ; the second, on Summer Street, 
between Inman and Amory streets ; 
and the third on the northeasterly corner 
of Fayette Street and Broadway. 


says Dr. Holmes, in 1800, " are applied, according to the in- 
struction of the will of the donor, to the maintenance of five 
resident Bachelors of Arts at Harvard College, and the other 
fourth ' to the Master of Cambridge Grammar School, in consid- 
eration of his instructing in grammar learning five boys nomi- 
nated by the President and Fellows of Harvard College, and the 
Minister of Cambridge for the time being,' who are, by the will, 
4 Visitors of said School.' " l Some of the subsequent changes in 
the management of the "Hopkins Fund" are described in the 
Report of the School Committee of 1869 : 

" We sometimes hear complaints that our High School is essen- 
tially a classical school. This we deny ; it should, however, be 
remembered that it ought to be really more than a High School 
under our statutes. In 1839, the Legislature authorized ' the 
trustees of the charity of Edward Hopkins,' who was the second 
governor of the Connecticut colony, ' to establish in the town of 
Cambridge a classical school, the main object of which shall be to 
prepare boys for admission to Harvard University,' and ' to apply 
one fourth part of the net income of their funds to the support of 
said school.' This school was accordingly established. 2 It was 
provided, however, in the act above referred to, that at any time 
thereafter, when the school should ' cease to be supported in said 
town, the trustees shall annually pay over the said fourth part of 
the net income of their funds to the treasurer of the town of 
Cambridge, on condition that the said town of Cambridge shall 
provide and maintain a school, and perform and comply with the 
other duties and provisions contained in the next section of this 
act.' The next section is as follows : ' The town of Cambridge 
shall annually apply so much of said income as may at any time 
hereafter be paid to the treasurer thereof, in pursuance of the 
preceding section, to the instruction of nine boys in the learning 
requisite for admission to Harvard University ; the said instruc- 
tion to be furnished in a public school in said town, the instructor 
of which shall be at all times competent to give such instruction ; 
and said town shall, so long as said income shall continue to be 
paid, receive into said school, and admit to all the benefits, 
privileges, and advantages thereof, free of expense, any number 
of boys not exceeding nine at any time, who, being properly 
qualified, shall be selected and presented for admission thereto, 
by the President and Fellows of Harvard College, and the Min- 

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 22, 23. erly side of Main Street, a few rods west- 

2 In a house which stood on the south- erly from Dana Street. 


ister of the First Church in Cambridge, who shall be the visitors 
of said school for the purpose of seeing that the duties and pro- 
visions in this section are duly complied with and performed.' 
In 1854, the trustees proposed to the city to discontinue the 
Hopkins School, and, pursuant to the provisions of the statute 
above recited, to transfer to the city that portion of the income 
of their fund which had been previously applied to the support of 
that school ; this proposition was accepted by the city, which 
thereby assumed the obligations above quoted, and the school 
Committee of that year immediately acted in fulfilment of those 
obligations, by appointing a Hopkins classical teacher. It is not 
for us to pass upon the wisdom of the contract thus entered into 
by the city, but we will ask those who may be inclined to think 
our High School too much a classical school, whether it can be 
any less so without a violation of that contract." 

It has already been stated that the compensation paid to the 
pioneer master of the Grammar School was meagre. He prob- 
ably received about 1 10$. per annum from the Hopkins Char- 
ity, with a small tuition-fee for each scholar ; in addition to which 
occasional special grants from the town and colony served to eke 
out a precarious subsistence. His successors for more than a 
century, received a very moderate stipend. Nov. 9, 1691, "it 
was put to vote, whether there should be given by the town, in 
common pay, annually, to a schoolmaster, twelve pounds, and it 
was voted on the affirmative, to teach both Latin and English, 
and to write and cypher;" and June 27, 1692, "it was voted to 
pay the schoolmaster twenty pounds per annum in common pay." 
The Grammar School was made a Free School 1 May 16, 1737, 
and, in consideration, it would seem, of the discontinuance of a 
tuition-fee, the salary of the master was increased. It was then 
" put to vote whether the Grammar School in our town should 
be a Free School for the year ensuing, and it passed in the affir- 
mative. Also voted, that the sum of forty pounds be paid Mr. 
Hovey for his service as schoolmaster for the year ensuing. Also 
voted, that twelve pounds be paid each wing in our town, to de- 
fray the charge of their schools in the winter season." This 

1 Notwithstanding this vote, the schol- boy, not exceeding six shillings old tenor, 

iirs were not wholly exempt from expense, from time to time, as there shall be oc- 

At a town-meeting, Nov. 28, 1748, it was casion to purchase wood for the use of 

" Voted, that the Grammar Schoolmaster said Grammar School." If not paid, 

in this town be desired and is hereby em- delinquent pupils were to be excluded 

powered to make a tax on every school- from the school. 


salary remained stationary until 1777, when it was advanced to 
sixty pounds ; but as an offset the master was required to relin- 
quish all claim to the " Hopkins money." During the Revolu- 
tion, all values became unsettled and fluctuating. The school-