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ilg^s'^'i^^ STATES OF AIVIERIC//:4f 

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"The History of a To-wm ia united -wifh that of the Country to -which 
it helongs, and with that of the ages through which it has stood." 

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The undersigned, a few years ago, prepared a series of commu- 
nicutions upon the history of Charlestown, intending them for the 
Bunker Hill Aurora; the advice of friends induced him to keep 
them, and add to them, until tliey will now appear in the more 
presumptive form of a volume. This work will be continued, so 
far as type and paper are concerned, as it has been commenced, 
as expeditiously as business engagements will permit, until the his- 
tory is brought down to the present time ; but the number of en- 
gravings that will be given must depend upon the encouragement 
it meets with. 

One great reason for choosing the mode of publication so much 
in favor with the public, — viz., in numbers, — is the hope that 
the early ones may fall into the hands of some who may have an- 
cient family manuscripts, and be willing to loan them for the pur- 
pose of making this work more complete. Communications of 
this nature will be gladly received. The undersigned is indebted 
to several for interesting papers and valuable assistance. Obliga- 
tions like these will hereafter be specially acknowledged. 

November, 18-15. 

N. B. An Engraving, representing a view of the Town, intended 
for the present number, will appear in a future one ; for the beau- 
tiful representation of the McLean Asylum, the author is indebted 
to the liberality of the Trustees of that Institution. 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1845, 


in tlie Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massacliusetts. 

2 School Sireet, Boston. 



■- '" 'ii iit"MlM#iH 



Introduction. — Sources of this History. — Character of the Town.— 
Value of Town Histories. 

Some account may be expected of the sources from which this 
History has been derived. These are : 

I. The Town Records. These are minute in relation to the 
local, municipal affairs, from the settlement of the town. But 
with the exception of a few pages at the beginning of the first vol- 
ume, and the period of the Revolution, they are singularly barren 
of matters of general or political interest. With tlie exception of 
a plan of a small portion of the town, presented to the Legislature 

1 " A Historical Sketch of Charlestown," by-Josiah Bartlett, M. D., 
was, in 1814, published in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society (2d Series, vol. ii. pp. 163 — 184) and in pamphlet form. It was 
an Address delivered Nov. 16, 1813, at the dedication of Washington Hall, 
prepared with notes for publication. Though fillmg but twenty-one 
pages, it contains, especially in the notes, much interesling matter rela- 
tive to the town. It gives, however, but slight notices of the town from 
1634 to 1781. 

In 1830, Hon. Edward Everett delivered a valuable Historical Discourse 
before the Charlestown Lyceum, commemorative of the arrival of Gov. 
Winihrop. It is chiefly a view of the general causes of the settlement of 
Massachusetts, with a short account of the settlement of the town. 

In 1838 copious extracts from the Town Records were printed in the 
Bunker Hill Aurora, understood to have been furnished by William 
Sawyer, Esq. 

These are the only accounts of the Town, of much length, that have 
been printed. 



in 1781, when the latter authorized an important alteration of the 
streets, there is no map of the town previous to 1818. Tliis 
renders it exceedingly difficult to locate, precisely, the residences 
of the first settlers. A plan was probably taken in 1794, which 
cannot be found. 

The original records, prior to 1(502, may be found in a volume 
made up of manuscript, some of it bearing date as early as 1593,^ 
and some of it as late as 1767, and bound without regard to mat- 
ter or date. Here may be found memorandums, on loose sheets, 
of selectmen, and town meetings, records of deeds, and of the 
possessions of the inhabitants in 1638. The latter is valuable so 
far as it goes. It does not give the value of the property, and is 
exceedingly loose in description. The original records commence 
with the year 1662, and with few exceptions, are perfect to the 
present day. 

In 1664 the first volume of the records was prepared, perhaps 
mostly from a large volume, frequently referred to but not now 
extant. This volume contains the history of the settlement of this 
town and the neighboring towns, that is quoted by Prince and 
others as a contemporary authority. It was written by John 
Greene, son of the ruling elder of the Church. He collected 
the facts from " known gentlemen that lived and were actors " in 
the events it relates, and read the relation to the selectmen, who 
consented that it should "remain" a part of the records. It occu- 
pies seven pages of the volume. Its traditionary character appears 
upon its face. It certainly cannot be relied upon as to dates. Nor 
can the remainder of this volume be depended upon as an exact 
transcript of the original. The selectmen ordered grants of land 
to be transcribed verbatim, but in " other things," the copyist was 
allowed to use his discretion and skill in reducing them " to the 
most brief and clear language." 

The first volume of the Registry of births, marriages and deaths, 
is not unlike, in character, to the volume of miscellaneous matter 

1 This MS. appears to be a part of a Leg^er, in which the accounts of 
one of the Guilds, or Trade Corporations of England, were kept. Each 
name, gfcnerally, has a debit and credit. The following is on the credit 
side of the book : 

" Stephen Woodcrate of Caufoulde in the County of Suffolk Clothier is 
dews to same this laste of November by Suffolke Clothes fifty and seaven 
poundes for his as journal 2, 57 00 00." 


already described. Its earliest date is 1658 — its latest 1797. 
The leaf at one end of the volume is dated 1663, that at the other 
1720. The middle of the volume contains the following record : — 

"A record of all births, deaths and marriages, that hath been 
in Charlestown since the death of Mr. Thomas Starr who departed 
this life the twentieth day of the eighteenth mo. 1658, herein 
recorded. — pr me Edward Burtt Clerk." 

One side of the sheet on which this is written, contains a descrip- 
tion of the horses shipped from tliis town in 1664. It was the 
Town Clerk's " Toll Book," wherein he recorded all the ages, col- 
ors, and make, of the horses presented for export. He filled up 
a few pages with these, and then went on with the births, marriages 
and deaths. This volume was bound in 1797. Some of the leaves 
of it are imperfect. 

II. Records of the first Church of this Town. These are origi- 
nal records, and commence with the gathering of the Church in 
1632. The first volume, a quarto of three hundred and eighty- 
six pages, is an interesting and valuable relic of the past. The 
entries in it were made by the ruling elder, John Greene, and the 
successive ministers. It commences as follows : " The Book that 
belongs unto the church of God in Charltowne : which church was 
gathered, and did enter into Church Covenant the 2d day of the 
9th month 1632." It contains records of baptisms, admissions into 
the Church, marriages. Church votes, proceedings against delin- 
quents, and ordinations of pastors and deacons. This volume is very 
minute in detail respecting the proceedings against the Baptists.' 

III. The Colony Records, the Probate and Registry Records, 
files of newspapers, the various public libraries, and the collection of 
manuscripts at the State House, recently arranged into volumes. 
The latter has supplied many documents of interest and impor- 
tance. These " Massachusetts Archives" constitute an invaluable 
magazine of materials for Town Histories. 

1 A fall and accurate description of this curiovts volume, with copious 
extracts from its contents, may be found in the American Quarterly Reg- 
ister, vol. xii. pp. 247, 250. Rev. S. Sewall, the author of this 
account, says : — " The records of this Church are, it is believed, the 
only records in existence of any Church in the county of Middlesex 
formed as early as the seventeenth century, which have been kept in reg- 
ular, and (in the main) unbroken series from the beginning, except the 
records of the Church of Lexington, gathered 1696." 


IV. Private collections of papers. Wherever these exist and 
have been called for, they have been most liberally supplied. But 
they are not very numerous. From many descendants of old 
inhabitants the same reply has been made, in answer to inquiries, 
viz : That the family memorials were probably destroyed when the 
Town was burnt in 1775. Two documents, both by two of its 
most prominent citizens, once in the possession of Prince, would 
have been of great value in making this compilation ; viz : " Two 
original books of Deputy Governor Willoughby and Captain 
Hammond, giving historical hints from 1G51 to 1G78 inclusive : 
And " An original journal of the late Capt, Lawrence Hammond 
of Charlestown and Boston, from 1G77 to 1694 inclusive." It is 
supposed that these were destroyed with other papers in Prince's 
Library, in the tower of the old South Church, Boston, at the 
commencement of the Revolution. Belknap cites a journal 
supposed to have been written by Capt. Hammond. 

The author, from such sources, has compiled a History of 
Charlestown. This place when first visited by Europeans, was 
known by the name of Mishawum, and was full of stately timber and 
hospitable Lidians. Here a colony, composed of men of mode- 
rate fortunes and of high character, founded a town. Many of its 
inhabitants were men of capacity and enterprise, and were called 
to fill important situations in the colonial government. Even while 
discharging these duties they took an active share in the municipal 
concerns of the town. The board of selectmen shows, for a 
century and a half, an uninterrupted succession of such men : ^ 

1 Increase Nowell, a leading character in Church and State, was at the 
head of the board of selectmen nineteen years, until his death in 1655. and 
during this period he had as associates, Francis Willouehby, Deputy Gov- 
ernor ; Kobert Sedgwick, Major General ; Francis Norton, a prominent 
military character ; Abraham Palmer, the Spragucs and others. After 
Mr. Nowell's decease, Richard Russell, for twenty years the Treasurer of 
the colony, was at the head of the board : he served on it twenty-six 
years in succession. After 107(5, Lawrence Hammond, another prominent 
military and civil character was selectman twelve years ; Richard 
Sprague, son of Ralph, fourteen years ; Joseph Lynde, fifteen years ; and 
James Russell, son of the Treasurer, fourteen years. From 1700 to 
17()'), the following, among others — John Phillips, Jonathan Dowse, 
Nathaniel Carey, Daniel Russell, Charles Ciiambers, Isaac Royal, Thomas 
Graves, Ezekiel Cheever, Chambers Russell, Edward Sheafe, James 
Russell (17G0), and Nathaniel Gorham — all holding high civil offices, as 
Councillors and Judges and leading men in the colony — appear for 


while the corporate action of the town affords evidence of a 
public spirit, that was acknowledged valuable on important and 
trying occasions. This is seen especially in the Revolutions of 
1G89 and 1775. It is not less decidedly seen in the support of 
religion and education. The Church and the School House 
stood side by side, quietly diffusing their beneficent influences, 
until the great day of sacrifice. The burning of their homes 
rather quickened, than cast down, the public spirit of the citizens. 
In May, 177G, they gathered in legal meeting, amid the yet smoul- 
dering ruins, to respond to a call to sustain a Declaration of 
Independence ; and then pledged their lives to the support of this 
great measure. 

And it is not too much to say, that, at the present day, Charles- 
town is doing faithfully its part in maintaining republican insti- 
tutions. Its appearance indicates a prosperous community. It 
has handsome streets and creditable public buildings. Its religious 
institutions and common schools are liberally supported. Nume- 
rous benevolent associations are constantly distributing their char- 
ities. It has a thoroughly furnished and efficient fire-department, 
and makes ample provision for its poor. Its police is vigilant. 
Its military corps patriotic. It bears the impress of the commer- 
cial enterprise of the day, and is rapidly' increasing in population, 
wealth and consequence. Nor have its inhabitants lost that public 
spirit that is so conspicuous in the early history of the town. 

A town history must necessarily consist mainly of local details, 
small in themselves, and chiefly interesting to the descendants of 
the actors of them, or to those who occupy their places. Yet this 
detail, these little things, if judiciously selected, " illustrate classes 
of men and ages of time; " and as they show the feelings, opinions, 
and action of a period, constitute its life. Such, indeed, was the 
unity of spirit that prevailed in the towns, those of New England 
especially, and so similar was their internal management, that a 
history of one will illustrate the history of all. And hence a work 

many years in succession, members of the board. The town clerks 
Avere generally particular to prefix their titles in full. As a sample take 
the record of the hoard for 1095, — at this time, " The most worshipful 
James Russell " was commonly moderator of the Town Meetings. James 
Russell, Esq., Col. Jno. Phillips, Esq., Lieut. Col. Joseph Lynde, Esq., 
Capt. Samuel Hayman, Esq., Mr. Jacob Greene, Jr., Capt. Jonathaa 
Call, Ensign Timothy Phillips." 


of this kind, if accurate, will be a useful contribution to general 

But there is, or ought to be, a peculiar interest attaching to 
each town, for each has its peculiar history and traditions. Each 
has some noted spot, where the Indian may have fought for his 
burial places, or the colonists for their freedom ; that may have 
sheltered a hermit or a regicide; that superstition may have 
invested with a fairy legend, or nature have robed with more than 
fairy magnificence. Each has had its Liberty Tree, its Green 
Drao-on, its Faneuil Hall, where its patriots may have counselled 
or acted. And each town has had citizens who laid its founda- 
tions, perhaps in hardship and danger ; who labored for its prosper- 
ity, or who went out to suffer in a common cause. Each has had 
its Man of Ross and village Hampdens. They acted as worthily 
in their sphere, and deserve as grateful remembrance, as those 
whose fame is on every tongue. It is for the local annalist to 
gather up these traditions and histories, for they are to a town, 
what common recollections are to the country. 

But besides such local details, the memorable events that have 
occurred within its limits, may render a history of Charlestown of 
much general interest. Salem excepted, it is the oldest town of 
the Massachusetts Colony. Here the founders of the latter 
wrestled fearfully with famine and mortality. Yet, when enduring 
the keenest anguish that can rive the human heart, they persevered 
in their work in the highest faith that can mark the christian life. 
The dead " were buried about the Town Hill." ^ They were 
" the first victims to the cause of liberty." ^ The other heights 
are redolent with Revolutionary associations. " All are the altars 
of precious sacrifice,"- where patriots, to maintain liberty, acted 
with a heroism kindred to that which their ancestors displayed in 
planting it. In consequence of this, how wide has become their 
fame ! Under the rule of the Red Man, Bunker Hill may have 
been noted as a favorite spot on which to light his council fires. 
But, in the order of Providence, the council fires are to die away, 
and, under a new dominion, a new fire is to be kindled, that is 
to go onward and upward, until it culminates upon its sumn)it. 
The deeds which the good and the brave here performed for their 

1 Town Records. 2 Edward Everett. 


country and their race, have made Bunker Ilill to America what 
Marathon was to Greece. 

These events will be traced, as much as possible, from contem- 
porary authorities. Although, where so many have gleaned before, 
but little may be presented that will be new, in relation to the mil- 
itary transactions, yet the nature of this work will justify a narra- 
tive more minute, than, perhaps, can be elsewhere found. 

Still, it must be borne in mind, that these pages purport to be, 
not a history of the Country, or of Massachusetts, but simply a 
memorial of Charlestown. They will contain but little that is not 
considered necessary to exhibit the condition of its inhabitants, or 
the events that have transpired within its limits. It will be com- 
piled, mostly, from manuscripts, and it will be the author's aim to 
set down no fact without an authority for it. Still, errors are 
almost unavoidable. He will cheerfully correct, in the best manner 
he is able, those that friends will have the kindness to point out. 


1614 to 1628. — Early Boundaries of the Town. — Discovery by Smith. 
— Visit of Plvmouth Settlers. — The Fishermen. — Grant to Robert 
Gorges. — His Colony. 

Charlestown is a peninsula, formed by the Mystic and Charles 
rivers and a small tract on the main land, with which it is con- 
nected by a narrow isthmus. So far as it regards territory, it is 
the smallest town in the State. 

But, originally, Charlestown was far more extensive. It included 
Maiden, Woburn, Stoneham, Burlington, and Somerville, a large 
part of Medford, and a small part of Cambridge, West Cambridge 
and Reading. 

Woburn, comprising Burlington, was incorporated in 1642 ; 

1 The dates in this work are altered, so far as it respects the months 
and years, to correspond with the new style. Up to 1752 the year began 
March 25. It was altered that year to January 1. To bring the days into 


Maiden, in 1649 ; Stoneham, in 1725; Somerville, in 1842. In 
1724 and 1725, a large tract called "North Charlestown," was set 
off, part to Maiden and part to Reading. In 1754, another tract, 
includinor several large farms, was set off to Medford, and now forms 
the eastern part of that town. A tract was set off to Cambridge 
in 1802, and to West Cambridge in 1S42. The only one of these 
towns whose history, to the present day, is connected with 
Charlestown, is Somerville. 

The first Englishman who is known to have visited its shores, 
was the celebrated navigator, John Smith. In 1G14, he sailed on 
a voyage from London, and while his men were engaged in fish- 
ing, he spent three months exploring the coasts. He entered 
Charles River and named it.^ On his return, he wrote a glowing 
description of the places he had discovered, and pronounced "the 
country of the Massachusetts the paradise of all those parts, for 
here are many isles, all planted with corn, groves, mulberries, 
salvage gardens, and good harbors." He found the natives " very 
kind, but in their fury no less valiant." 

In 1621, Sept. 20, ten of the infant colony of Plymouth were 
sent on an expedition, partly to trade, and partly to conclude 
peace with the Massachusetts Indians. They landed under a 
cliff, supposed to be Copp's Hill, where they met with a kind re- 
ception from the natives. Though they touched at several places 
in the harbor, they do not appear to have landed here. Having 
been absent four days from Plymouth, and collected a considerable 
quantity of beaver, they returned home with so good an opinion 
of the country, as to wish it had fallen to their lot to have occu- 
pied it. 

At this early period, fishermen were frequent visitors to the 
harbor. In 1622, thirty-five of their vessels were on the coasts of 
New England. Though they may have run up the Bay, yet there 
is no account existing of their having landed at this place. 

new style, add for the seventeenth century ten days to the date, and for 
the eighteenth, up to 1752, eleven days. A full and interestino; account 
of old and new style, double datmg, &c., may be found in the American 
Quarterly Register, vol. xiv. 

1 Smith, in Mass. Hist. Collections. " I look the fairest reach in this \ 

bay for a river, whereupon I called it Charles River." Hutchinson, vol. \ 

i. p. 410, says that Prince Charles " gave the name of Charles River to j 

what had been before called Massachusetts River." Wood, N. E. Pros- ' 
pect, mentions " Mishaum" River among the Indian names of rivers. 


In 1G20, King James granted to the Council of Plymouth 
the territory lying between forty and forty-eight degrees north 
latitude, and in length by all this breadth throughout the main 
land, from sea to sea. This was the foundation of all the grants 
in New England. 

In 1G23, Dec. 30, this Company granted to Robert Gorges, all 
that part of the main land "commonly called or known by the 
name of the Messachusiack,"i situate " upon the north-east side of 
the Bay, called or known by the name of the Messachusett." 
This included the shores and coast, " for ten English miles towards 
the north-east," and " thirty English miles unto the main land, 
through all the breadth aforesaid," with all the rivers, islands, 
minerals, &c. This grant included the limits of Charlestown. 

In 16'23, the Plymouth Council appointed Robert Gorges, Lieu- 
tenant-General of New England. He came over that year to 
establish a colony, and thus secure his patent. With him came 
William Morrill, an Episcopal clergyman, who had a commission 
to superintend the Ecclesiastical affairs. Gorges arrived in the 
Massachusetts Bay about the middle of September, with "passen- 
gers and families," and selected the place that Weston had 

Morton, in the N. E. Memorial, relates a difficulty Gorges had 
at Plymouth, after which he took his leave, gratified with the 
hospitality of the colonists, and " went to the Massachusetts by 
land."=^ Gorges, for about a year, endeavored to promote the 
success of his colony. No supplies however reached him from 
England, and his friends " advised him to return home until better 
occasion should offer itself unto him." He left his rights to the 
care of his agents."^ 

Hutchinson, writing of 1626, says : " I find mention made of 
planters at Winnissemit about the same time, who probably re- 
moved there from some other plantation." It is not improbable 

1 The territory known as Massachusetts was, in the early days of the 
Colony, confined to the region about Boston harbor, fronn Nahant to Point 
Alderton. Thus, Governor Winthrop writes that, June 17, 1630, he 
went from Salem to " Massachusetts, to find out a place for our sitting 
down." — Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 27. 

2N. E. Memorial, p. 106. 

^Gorges, chap 27; Hazard, vol. i. p. 91 ; Hubbard, p. 86. 


that these were a part of the colony of Gorges. William Black- 
stone, the first settler of Boston, is named three years later, as 
being in the agency of John Gorges; so also is Jeffries, afterwards 
one of the first settlers of Ipswich. These individuals may have 
held their lands under the authority of this patent ; and this may 
have been the case, also, with Thomas Walford, the smith, — the 
European found here by the first settlers. 

Hutchinson remarks, that the patent of Robert Gorges was 
loose and uncertain, and no use was ever made of it.^ It covered 
a part of the territory afterwards granted to the Massachusetts 
Company. The conflicting claim thence arising, was the imme- 
diate cause of the settlement of Charlestown. 


1628. — John Oldham's Lease. — Grant to Massachusetts Company. — 
Controversy respecting Claims. — Arrival of Endicott. — TheSpragues. 

Robert Gorges died soon after his attempt to occupy his 
patent. His right descended to his eldest brother, John Gorges. 
The latter probably in 1G28, leased a portion of the territory that 
fell to him to John Oldham and John Dorrill. The former ap- 
pears to have managed the negotiations. He was an intelligent 
and enterprising planter, who had acquired an intimate knowledge 
of the natives, and had a high opinion of the country. He is the 
same person whose murder, by the Indians, in 1G3G, was the imme- 
diate cause of the Pequofwar. He had been entrusted by the 
Governor of Plymouth with the charge of Morton, the Merry 
Mount rioter, and went to England in the summer of 1628. This 
lease included the limits of Charlestown, and reads as follows : — 

" All the lands within the Massachusetts Bay, between Charles 
River and Abousett^ River, containing in length, by straight line, 
five miles up the Charles River into the main land, north-west from 

iHist. Mass., vol. i. p. 14. sSaugus River. 


the border of said Bay, including all creeks and points by the 
way ; and three miles in length from the mouth of the foresaid 
river Abousett, up into the main land, upon a straight line south- 
west, including all creeks and points: and all the land in breadth 
and length between the foresaid rivers, with all prerogatives, 
royal mines excepted." 

And on the sight of this grant, " Mr. Blackstone, clergyman, and 
William Jeifryes, gentleman," were authorized to put Oldham in 
possession of this territory.^ 

The riymouth Council, whose only source of revenue was the 
sale of patents, on the 19th of March, 1628, sold this same terri- 
tory over again to the Massachusetts Company, bounding their 
grant to a territory three miles north of the river Merrimack, and 
three miles south of the river Charles, and extending from the 
Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea.^ This was the Company that 
colonized Massachusetts. It took immediate steps to occupy its 

On his arrival in England, 1G28, Oldham first endeavored to 
obtain from this Company an important agency in its concerns, 
holding out as the inducement, the prospect of large profits from 
his management. Having failed in this, he next appears engaged 
in a controversy with the Company respecting his lease, — the 
question being the validity of his title ; he contending that it was 
good, — the Company, by the advice of counsel, that it was "voyd 
in law." Oldham is characterized in the records as obstinate 
and violent — "so affected to his own opinion, as not to be re- 
moved from it neither by reason, nor by any persuasion." They 
state that, " unless he cculd have his own way, there would be but 
little hope of quiet or comfortable subsistence, where he should 
make his abode." ^ 

About the time this controversy commenced, John Endicott, in 
the ship Abigail, Henry Gauden, master, arrived at Salem. This 
was September 6, 1G2S. After this arrival, three brothers, Ralph 

1 Hazard, vol. i. p. G8. 

2 This sale Sir Ferdinando Gorpfes says, had his approbation only " so 
far forth as it might not be prejudicial to his son's interests, whereof he 
had a patent under the seal of the charter." — Gorges, chap. 26, Mass, Col. 

•^Hazard, vol. i. p. 808. 


Sprague, Richard Sprague, and William Sprague, with three or 
four others, with Endicott's permission, " travelled through the 
woods" to this peninsula. The Town Records give the following 
relation of this event, preceded by a history of the discovery and 
settlement of the country. It forms the beginning of the first 
volume, and was written by John Greene, in 1(JG4. 

" Captain John Smith having (in the reign of our sovereign 
Lord James, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, 
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith,) made a discovery of 
some parts of America, lighted, amongst other places, upon the 
opening betwixt Cape Cod and Cape Ann, situate and lying in 
315 degrees of longitude, and 42 degrees 20 min. of north latitude, 
where by sounding and making up, he fell in amongst the islands, 
and advanced up into the Massachusetts Bay, till he came up into 
the river, between Mishaum, (afterwards called Charlestown,) and 
Shawmutt, (afterwards called Boston,) and having made discovery 
of the land, rivers, coves, and creeks in the said bay, and also 
taken some observations of the natures, dispositions, and sundry 
customs of the numerous Indians, or natives, inhabiting the same; 
he returned to England, where (it was reported that) upon his 
arrival, he presented a map of the Massachusetts Bay to the king, 
and that the prince (afterwards King Charles the First,) upon in- 
quiry and perusal of the aforesaid river, and the situation thereof 
upon the map, appointed it to be called Charles River. 

" Now, upon the fame that then went abroad of the place, both in 
England and Holland, several persons of quality sent over several 
at their own cost, who planted this country in several places, but 
for want of judgment, care, and orderly living, divers died, others 
meeting with many hazards, hardships, and wants, at length being 
reduced to great penury and extremity, were so tired out, that they 
took all opportunities of returning to England, upon which several 
places were altogether deserted, and by only some few that upon a 
better principle, transported themselves from England and Hol- 
land, came and settled their plantation a little within Cape Cod, 
and called tie same Plymouth: these, notwithstanding all their 
wants, hazards, and sufferings, continued several years in a man- 
ner alone, at which time this country was generally called by the 
name of New England. 

"At length divers gentlemen and merchants of London obtained 



a patent and charter for the Massachusetts Bay, (from our sovereign 
Lord King Charles the First,) gave invitation to such as would 
(transport" themselves from Old England to New England) to go 
and possess the same : and for their encouragement, the said pa- 
tentees, at their own cost, sent over a company of servants, under 
the government of Mr. John Endicott, who, arriving within this 
bay, settled the first plantation of this jurisdiction, called Salem : 
under whose wing there were a few also that settle and plant up 
and down, scattering in several places of the bay : where, though 

they met with the dangers, difficulties, and attending 

new plantations in a solitary wilderness, so far remote from their 
native country, yet were they not left without company : for in 
the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight, 
came over from England several people at their own charge, and 
arrived at Salem, after which, people came over yearly in great 

numbers; in years many hundreds arrived, and settled not 

only in Massachusetts Bay, but did suddenly spread themselves 
into other colonies also." 

"Amongst others that arrived at Salem at their own cost,i were 
Ralph Sprague, with his brethren Richard and William, who with 
three or four more, by joint consent and approbation of Mr. John 
Endicott, Governor, did the same summer of Anno 1628, under- 
take a journey from Salem, and travelled the woods above twelve 
miles to the westward, and lighted of a place situate and lying on 
the north side of Charles River, full of Indians called Aberginians.^ 
their old Sachem being dead, his eldest son, by the English called 

1 In a letter of the Company to Governor Endicott, dated May 28, 1629, 
this description of settlers is alluded to as follows: " We desire that 
Thomas Beard may have fifty acres of land allotted to him, as one that 
transports himself at his own charge, but as well for him as all others 
that shall have land allotted to them in that kind, and are no adventurers 
in tlie common stock, which is to support the charge of fortifications, as 
also for the ministry, and divers other affairs, we hold it fit., that these 
kind of men, as also such as shall come to inherit lands by their service, 
should, by way of acknowledgment to such from whom they receive these 
lands, become liable to the performance of some service certain days in 
the year, and by that service they, and their posterity after them, to hold 
and inherit these lands, which will be a good means to enjoy their lands 
from being held in capite, and to support the plantation in general and 
particular." — Hazard, vol. i. p. 283. 

9 Aberginians was not the name of a tribe, but a general name for In- 


John Sagamore, was their chief, and a man naturally of a gentle 
and good disposition, by whose free consent they settled about 
the hill of the same place, by the said natives called Mishawum, 
where they found but one English pallisadoed and thatched house, 
wherein lived Thomas Walford, a smith, situate on the south end 
of the westermost hill of the East Field, a little way up from 
Charles River side, and upon survey, they found it was a neck of 
land generally full of stately timber, as was the main, and the land 
lying on the east side of the river, called Mystick River, from the 
ftirm Mr. Craddock's servants had planted called Mystick, which 
this river led up unto ; and indeed generally all the country round 
about, was an uncouth wilderness, full of timber." 

This interesting relation is immediately succeeded by a record 
of the names of the inhabitants that " first settled in this place, and 
brought it into the denomination of an English town." The re- 
cord places this also in 1628. But it includes among these names 
Mr. Graves, who " this year built the Great House," and Mr. 
Bright, " minister to the Company's servants." Now it is certain 
that neither Graves nor Bright sailed from England until 1029. 
Hence there is evidently an error at this point in the date of the 
records. This error continues for two years, making the arrival 
ofWinthropto be 16:29, when it ought to be 1630. Does the 
error begin with the account of the journey of the Spragues ? 
They, with their companions, may have arrived here in the sum- 
mer or fall of 1628, and encouraged by the friendly reception they 
met with from the Indians, and a desire of the Company, (that may 
have been already known to them,) to take immediate possession of 
the country, have here built their huts, and remained through the 
winter of 1628-9.^ Yet it appears probable that the Company 
that came with Endicott would have kept together the first winter. 
If the Spragues came over after Endicott, unless they came in a pri- 
vate vessel, it would bring it to 1629, as no other ship came over in 
1628. The same authority states that it was not until Mr. Graves 
had laid out the town, that the lots of these pioneers were located, 
or that they began to build. To understand why so many of the 

iFelt (Annals of Salem) says the Spragues came with Endicott. E. 
Everett (Orations) concludes, i'rom the records, they were not of his com- 



Company occupied tliis place the succeeding year, it is necessary 
to glance briefly at some of its proceedings in England. 


1629. — John Oldham. — Sir William Brereton. — Thomas Graves. — 
Emigration with Higginson. — Instructions to Endicott. — Arrival at 

In 1629, the controversy between Oldham and the Massachusetts 
Company was concluded by the following vote of the latter. May, 
11 : " Mr. Oldham propounded unto Mr. White that he would 
have his patent, &/C., and it is agreed by the Court, not to have 
any treaty with him about it, by reason, it is thought, he doth it not 
out of love, but out of some sinister respect." ^ 

But the Company, by this time, were engaged with another 
claimant to the land about Massachusetts Bay, who is, throughout, 
treated with marked respect, — Sir William Brereton. John 
Gorges, by a deed dated January 10, 1G20, conveyed to Sir William 
Brereton of Handforth, in the county of Chester, Bart, and his 
heirs, " all the land in breadth lyeinge from y' East side of Charles 
River to the easterly parte off the cape called Nahannte and all 
the lands lyeinge in length 20 miles north east into y" maine land 
from the mouth the said Charles River lyeinge also in length 29 
miles into the maine land north east from y^ said cape Nahannte : 
also two Islands lyeinge next unto the shoare betweene Nahannte 
and Charles River the bigger called Brereton and the lesser 
Susanna." ^ 

Negotiations with Sir William Brereton were continued for a 
year. His object was to make such an arrangement with the 
Company, in relation to the settlement of a contemplated colony, 
as would preserve the title he acquired of Gorges. In this he was 

1 Colony Records. 

2 Massachusetts Archives. — Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 14. The two islands 
were, East Boston and Belle Isle. — Lewis's Lynn. 


not successful. Nor would the Company, by purchase, acknowledge 
the validity of his claim. On the 10th of February, 1 030, it voted 
a respectful invitation to him to join it " according to the Charter," 
and that such servants as he might send over should "receive all 
courteous respect, and be accommodated with land, and what else 
shall be necessary as other servants of the Company." At the same 
time that this decision was formally communicated to him, a com- 
mittee of two were appointed to " signify the Company's affection 
and respect unto him." ^ 

While these negotiations were pending, the Company were taking 
efficient steps to further improve their patent. On the 4th of 
March, 16"2'J, a Royal Charter constituted the "Associates" a body 
politic. This charter, cherished with so much care for half a cen- 
tury, was regarded as a confirmation of their grant from the 
Plymouth Council. On the 10th of March, the Company signed 
a contract with an engineer of high reputation, — Thomas Graves, 
— who laid out Charlestown. This commenced as follows : — 

"This 10th March 1G38-9, I, Thomas Graves of Gravesend, 
in the County of Kent, gent, and by my profession skillful and 
experienced in the discovery and fynding out of Iron mynes, as 
also of lead, copper, mineral : salt, and in fortifications of all sorts 
according to the nature of the place, in surveying of buildings and 
of lands and in measuring of lands, in describing a country by 
mappe; in leading of water to pp (proper) uses for millers or 
other uses ; in fynding out * * * sorts of Lyme stone and mate- 
riels for building ; in manufacturing, have this present day agreed 
to serve the New England * * * and in theire employment to take 
my passage for newe England in such shippe as they shall appoynt 
me, and during my stay there according to the conditions heere- 
after expressed to doe my true and uttermost indeavour in all or 
any the particulars above mentioned for the most good and benefit 
of said companie." 

The compensation of Mr. Graves was to be, his passage out and 
back, five pounds a month while in New England, in case he 
remained but eight months. If he remained three years, the 
passage of his family, their support until the harvest after their 
arrival, a house, one hundred acres of land, fifty pounds a year, 

1 Colony Records. 


and the same proportion of land as those who have families. 
After this time, Mr. Graves was often consulted in relation to the 
operations of the Company. 

In April, the preparations for a large emigration were completed. 
Rev. Francis Higginson and about two hundred persons, embarked 
in April and May, 16'29. At this time, the Company sent a long 
letter to Gov. Endicott, which shows how solicitous they were to 
have the territory claimed by Oldham and Brereton immediately 
improved. This letter is dated April 17, 1G29. It says, in refer- 
ence to Oldham : — 

" We fear that as he hath been obstinate and violent in his 
proceedings here, so he will persist and be ready to draw a party 
to himself there, to the great hindrance of the common quiet : we 
have therefore thought fit to give you notice of his disposition, to 
the end, you may beware how you meddle with him, as also you 
may use the best means you can to settle an agreement with the 
old planters so as they may not hearken to Mr. Oldham's danger- 
ous though vaine propositions." 

This letter also gives Governor Endicott the following positive 
instructions to occupy Massachusetts Bay : — 

" We pray you and the council there, to advise seriously 
together for the maintenance of our privileges and peaceable gov- 
ernment, which, if it may be done by a temperate course, we 
much desire it, though with some inconvenience so as our gov- 
ernment and privileges be not brought in contempt, wishing rather 
there might be such an union as might draw the heathen by our 
good example to the embracing of Christ and his Gospel, than that 
offence should be given to the heathen, and a scandal to our 
Religion through our disagreement amongst ourselves. But if ne- 
cessity require a more severe course, when fair means will not 
prevail J we pray you to deal, as in your discretions you shall think 
fittest for the general good and safety of the plantation and preser- 
vation of our privileges. And because we would not omit to do 
any thing which might strengthen our right, we would have you 
(as soon as these ships, or any of them arrive with you, whereby 
you may have men to do it) send forty or fifty persons to Massachu- 
setts Bay to inhabit there, which we pray you not to protract, but 
to do it with all speed; and if any of our Company in particular 
shall desire to settle themselves there, or to send servants thither, 



we desire all accommodation and encouragement may be given 
them thereunto, whereby the better to strengthen our possession 
there against all or any that shall intrude upon us, which we would 
not have you by any means give way unto; with this caution not- 
withstanding — That for such of our countrymen as you find 
there planted, so as they be willing to live under government, you 
endeavor to give them all fitting and due accommodation as to any 
of ourselves ; yea, if you see cause for it, though it be with more 
than ordinary privileges in point of trade." ^ 

In this letter Mr. Graves is highly recommended, " as much for 
his honesty as for his skill." Express instructions were given to 
the Governor to consult Avith him in relation to the proposed set- 
tlement. He had been " a traveller in divers forraigne parts to 
gaine his experience." Therefore say the Company, " we pray you 
take his advice touching the premises, and where you intend to sit 
down in, to fortify and build a town that it may be qualified for 
good air and water, according to your first instruction, and may 
have as much natural help as may be, whereby it may with the 
less labor and cost be made fit to resist an enemy." 

This letter, dated April 17, was sent by the George Boneven- 
ture.2 This ship arrived at Salem, June 22.^ The Talbot and 
Lion's Whelp, with Higginson and Bright, arrived June 29. Dur- 
ing the last week of June, or the first week of July, 1629, Mr. Graves, 
Rev. Francis Bright, with a part of the emigrants, settled in Charles- 
town. Describing the colony this year, Higginson says : — *' There 
are in all of vs both old and new planters about three hundred, 
whereof two hundred of them are settled at Neihum-kek, now 
called Salem : and the rest have planted themselves at Masathulets 
Bay, beginning to build a towne there which wee doe call Cher- 
ton, or Charles Towne." '^ 

1 Hazard vol. i. p. 259. 2 Felt's Salem, 2d ed. p. 86. 

3 Higginson in Hutch. Coll. "* Higginson in Force's Tracts, vol. i. 




1629 to 1630. — Foundation of the Town.l — First Settlers. — Winter of 
1629-30. — Indian Conspiracy. — Francis Bright. — Thomas Craves. 
— Descriptions of tlie Country. — Charlestown in 1629. — Time's 

In 1629, when Graves and Bright arrived here, a few settlers 
had located themselves in the neighborhood. Samuel Maverick, 
early noted for his hospitality, had a residence at Noddles Island. 
"William Blackstone, an Episcopal clergyman, lived at Shawmut, 
now Boston. At Mishawum, now Charlestown, Thomas Walford 
had built his "pallisadoed and thatched house." The precise 
date when these pioneers of civilization first pitched their tents, 
is not known. 

1 Dr. Bartlett (2 Mass. Coll. vol. ii. p. 163,) and Hon. E. Everett, (Ora- 
tions p. 210, 213) place the foundation of the town in 1628. So do Prince 
and other writers. The only authority for this date however is the t >wn 
records. Prince (p. 250) erroneously supposed these written by Increase 
Nowell ; they state Endicott's arrival correctly, but are otherwise erro- 
neous as to dates previous to 1632. Besides : 

1. The records indicate that the Spragues eame over after Endi- 
cottcame, yet they say, "in the same summer " of 1628 — which must 
have been after Sept. 6 — they, with three or four more, settled about the 
Town Hill. And furthermore, they expressly state that Graves, Bright 
and the Palmers, were of those " who first settled in this place." But some 
of these did not come over until 1629. 

2. Though the Spragues may have explored this peninsula previous to 
the arrival of Graves, yet they, the records, expressly say, did not begin to 
build until he had laid out their lots, which must have been in 1629. 

3. Danforth's Almanac, the entries of which were made in 1647, sev- 
enteen years before this relation was written, places the foundation of the 
town in 1629. 

The precise date may reasonably be fixed as the day of Graves's arri- 
val. The Talbot, with Higginson, did not arrive at Salem until June 29. 
But " the George," he writes, (Hutch. Coll. p. 33) " having the special 
and urgent cause of hastening her passage, set sail before the rest about 
the middle of April." The imperative nature of the instructions she car- 
ried (see p. 17) will explain the " urgent cause." She arrived June 22. 
Endicott would not be likely to " protract," but to send some of the em- 
igrants to inhabit at Massachusetts Bay. That most accurate of early 
writers. Prince, (p. 261) places the arrival here of Thomas Graves, under 
the date of June 24. Add ten days, to bring this to new style, and it will 
give July 4, 1629, as the only date for the foundation of Charlestown, for 
which good authority can be adduced. 



Several of the early towns had no special acts of incorporation. 
This was the case with Salem and Lynn. It was also the case 
with Cluirlestown. It was the original purpose of the colonists to 
build a large town, and the Company voted, May 1, 1G29, when 
in England, that, when a site had been decided upon, " no man 
shall presume to build his house in any other place," — making 
however the exception, " unless it be in the Massachusetts Bay, and 
then according to such direction as shall be thought meet for that 
place." ^ The Spragues and their associates, who this year found- 
ed the town, acted under the immediate direction of an agent of 
the Company, — Thomas Graves; and before there appears on 
record any precise grant, or the boundaries were defined, proceeded 
to occupy the land, and the next year even to build in the country 
towards Cambridge. But they had, undoubtedly, permission from 
the Company, as an order of September 7, 1G30, prohibited any 
"to plant at any place within the limits" of their patent without 
leave from the governor and assistants, or the major part of 

The following is the record of their first proceedings : — 
" The inhabitants yt : first settled in this place and brought it 
into the denomination of an English Towne was (were) in Anno 
1628 (1629) as follows, viz: 
Ralph Sprague, Abra. Palmer, 
Richd. Sprague, Walter Pamer, 

Nicholas Stowers, 

John Stickline, 

Tho. Walford smith 

yt lived heere alone 


William Sprague, 
John Meech, 
Simon Hoyte, 

Mr. Graves 

who had charge of 
some of the servts. of 
the Company of Pa- 
tentees with whom hee 
built the great house 
this yeare for such cf 
the sd Company as are 
shortly to come over 
which afterwards be- 
came the Meeting 
And Mr, Bright Minister to the Companies Servants." 

By whom it was jointly agreed and concluded, that this place 
on the north side of Charles River, by the natives called Misha- 

Colony Records. 


wum, shall henceforth from the name of the river, be called Charles- 
town, which was also confirmed by Mr. John Endicott, governor. 

It is jointly agreed and concluded by the inhabitants of this 
town, that Mr. Graves do model and lay out the form of the town, 
with streets about the Hill, which was accordingly done and 
approved of by the Governor. 

It is jointly agreed and concluded, that each inhabitant have a 
two acre lot to plant upon, and all to fence in common; which 
was accordingly by Mr. Graves measured out unto them. 

Upon which Ralph Sprague and others began to build their 
houses, and to prepare fencing for their lots, which was (were) 
afterwards set up almost in a semi-circular form on the south and 
south-east side of that field laid out to them, which lies situated on 
the north-west side of the Town Hill. 

Walter Pamer and one or two more, shortly afterwards began to 
build in a straight line upon their two acre lots on the east side of 
the Town Hill, and set up a slight fence in common, that ran up to 
Tho, Walford's fence, and this was the beginning of that east field." 

Some account may be expected of these founders of the town. 
Ralph Sprague was a farmer and the oldest of the three brothers. 
Their father, Edward Sprague, was a fuller of Upway, in the 
County of Dorset, England. Ralph Sprague was about twenty- 
five years of age when he emigrated. In 16:30, he was chosen 
constable and made freeman, and in 1G32, one of the founders of 
the church. He was selectman several years, and representative 
nine years, — first in 1637. He was a member of the Boston 
Artillery Company 1637. In 1639, he was elected Lieutenant. 
He died in 1650. He was a prominent and valuable citizen, — 
active in promoting the welfare of the town and of the colony. 
The General Court, in 1639, granted him one hundred acres of 
land " having borne difficulties in the beginning." He left four 
sons : John and Richard, born in England ; Samuel born 1631 ; 
and Phineas. Also a daughter Mary, who married Daniel 
Edmands. His widow, Joanna, married Edward Converse and 
died about Nov. 16S0. Of his sons, Richard became a prominent 
citizen, and Samuel had a daughter who married Ebenezer Austin, 
— the ancestor of Benj. Austin of Boston and Gen. Nathl. Austin 
of this town.^ 

1 Genealogy of tlie Sprague Family, 


Richard Sprague was a merchant, and the third son of Edward 
Sprague. He was made freeman 1G31, one of the founders of the 
church, 1632, Captain of the Charlestown Military Company, a 
member of the Artillery Company, Boston, several years select- 
man, and a representative from 1659 to 1666. He died Nov. 25, 
1668, leaving to Harvard College thirty-one sheep and thirty lambs, 
and thirty pounds, in value, to the church of this town. His 
estate was valued at c£2357, 16s. 8c?. of which one item was .£600 
in money. He left the greatest part of this to his widow, Mary. 
He bequeathed to Ralph's son, Richard, a wharf and warehouse, 
and other property; and to his brother William, of Hingham, his 
sword, which, in 1S28, was in the possession of his descendants. 
He left no children. His widow, Mary, died 1674. 

William Sprague was the youngest of the three brothers. In 
1629, he visited Hingham, in a boat, and afterwards became one 
of its founders. His name appears repeatedly as an inhabitant of 
Charlestown until 1635. In 1636, he obtained a grant of land at 
Hincrham, removed there, and continued to live there, sustaining 
important town offices, until his death, Oct. 26, 1675. His wife's 
name was Millesaint. He had eleven children. 

Abraham Palmer, a merchant, was one of the prominent men 
of the colony. He signed the instructions to Gov. Endicott, May 
30, 1628. He probably came over in Higginson's fleet in 1629, 
and arrived in this town with Graves. He was freeman in 1631, 
and selectman several years, and elected six years a representative, 
first in 1634, the last time in 1646. His name appears on the rec- 
ords in connection with the most important business. He was 
sercreant in the Pequot war, in which he is mentioned as doing 
efficient service, being ordered with twelve men to surround a part 
of the swamp in the great fight, to prevent the Indians from escap- 
ing. In 1638, he is styled Ensign Palmer, and was chosen town 
clerk, and to make a record of the possessions of the inhabitants. 
In 1638, he was a member of the Artillery Company, and in 1642, 
" clerk of the writs." He died at Barbadoes, about 1653. His 
wife's name was Grace, who died about 1660. He was, probably, 
a brother to Walter Palmer. 

Waiter Palmer is mentioned in a jury, Sept. 28, 1630, called to 
hold an inquest on the body of Austin Bratcher. It found " that 
the strokes given by Walter Palmer, were occasionally the means 
of the death of Austin Bratcher, and so to be manslaughter. Mr. 


Palmer was tried at the next Court in October, and acquitted. lie 
was freeman 1G31, elected selectman in 1G35, and constable in 
1636. His son Benjamin was baptized in this town in 1642. 
Soon after he removed to Rehoboth, of which he was one of the 
founders. He there appears to have been an influential citizen. 
He died about 1662, leaving property to his sons John, Jonas, 
William, Gersham, Elihu, Nehemiah, Moses, Benjamin ; and 
daughters Grace, Hannah, and Rebecca. He left to Jonas his 
" lot at Seaconke," who resided there. His son John remained in 

Nicholas Stowers was freeman in 1631, and herdsman in 1633. 
His duties were " to drive the herd forth to their food in the main 
every morning, and to bring them into town every evening, and 
to have fifty bushels of Indian corn for keeping the milch cows till 
Indian harvest be taken in." He was also to have the benefit of 
keeping such other cattle as came into town during the summer. 
He died May 17, 1646, leaving property to his wife Amy, to sons 
Joseph and Richard, to daughters Jane and Abigail, and daughter 
Starr. Richard Stowers, named as arriving in 1628, died July 8, 

John Meech may have emigrated to Connecticut. Simon Hoyte 
and John Stickline, were admitted freemen 1631. 

Thomas Walford, the smith, remained in town but two years. 
If he held his land originally from Robert Gorges, or one of his 
agents, and reluctantly acknowledged the validity of the Massa- 
chusetts patent, it will account for the severity of the Court 
towards him. In 1631, the following order appears upon the rec- 
ords : Thomas Walford of Charlton is fined ,£10, and is enjoined, 
he and his wife, to depart out of the limits of this patent before 
the 20th day of October next, under pain of confiscation of his 
goods, for his contempt of authority and confronting officers." 
A month later, he was again fined <£2, and " paid it by killing a 
wolf" Even after he had left the town, the government distrust- 
ed him. On the 3d of September, 1633, it was ordered, " that 
the goods of Thomas Walford shall be sequestered and remain in 
the hands of Ancient Gennison, to satisfy the debts he owes in the 
Bay to several persons." 

" This severity, Mr. Savage writes, must be regretted." He was 
the first English inhabitant of the town. And it is not improbable, 


that to the good offices he rendered to the Indians, the Spragues and 
their companions were indebted for their friendly reception. 

Walford removed to Piscataqua, now Portsmouth. Here his 
conduct goes far to show that the severity with which he was 
treated was undeserved, for he became a prominent and valuable 
citizen. In 1G40, he was one of two trustees or wardens for the 
church property, one of the grand jury in 1G54, and died about 
1667. His enterprise was rewarded by a competent estate, for he 
left property to the amount of .£1433, 35. 8d. 

John Walford, probably a son of Thomas Walford was, in 
1693, one of the council of Gov. Allen of New Hampshire. 
Jane Walford, perhaps the wife of Thomas, was in 1656, present- 
ed by her neighbors as a witch, and, ten or twelve years later, 
recovered damages against one for calling her by that odious 
name." ^ 

This little band are all that are recorded as inhabitants in 1629. 
These had wives and children. But the "servants of the Com- 
pany of patentees," under the charge of Mr. Graves, — mentioned 
by Higginson as those who " began to build at Cherton," — are to 
be added to this list of early residents. Their names are not 
known. These, until more convenient lodgings could be pre- 
pared, lived in wigwams and huts.- The work of building went 
on slowly. By the succeeding June, if Roger Clapp may be cred- 
ited, there was but one house in town.^ This is not improbable, 
as the infant colony experienced more than the common hardships 
of early settlements. During the following winter, provisions became 
scarce, and disease so thinned their numbers, that, by April, eighty 
had died, and those that were alive were " weak and sick." In 
this situation they were alarmed by rumors of hostile Indians. 
The early residents of Charlestown shared in these hardships ; 
at one time " all hands, men, women and children " were engaged 
in providing for self-defence. The town records contain the fol- 
lowing significant relation : 

" About the months of April and May, in the year of our Lord 

1 Savage's Winthrop, 53. Adams's Portsmouth. I have not been able 
to locate precisely the spot of Walford 's residence- It is usually fixed on 
the Town Hill. But the " weatermost Hill of the East Field," was 
probably, Breed's Hill. He lived on the south side of it, a short distance 
trom the water. 

2 R. Clapp. He refers to the Great House, as the only habitation 
worthy of the name. 


1629, (1G30) there was a great design of the Indians, from the 
Narragansetts, and all round about us to the eastward in all parts 
to cut off the English, which John Sagamore (who always loved 
the English) revealed to the inhabitants of this town ; but their 
design was chiefly laid against Plymouth (not regarding our pau- 
city in the bay) to be effected under pretence of having some 
sport and pastime at Plymouth, where after some discourse with 
the Governor there, they told him if they might not come with leave 
they would without, upon which the sd. Governor sent their flat 
bottomed boat (which was all they had) to Salem for some powder 
and shot : At which time, it was unanimously concluded by the 
inhabitants of this town, that a small fort should be made on the 
top of this Town Ilill, with palisadoes and flankers made out, 
which was performed at the direction of Mr. Graves by all 
hands of men, women and children, who wrought at digging and 
building, till the work was done: But that design of the Indians 
was suddenly broke up by the report of the great guns at Salem, 
only shot off to clear them, by which means they were so frighted, 
that all their companies scattered and ran away, and though they 
came flattering afterwards, and called themselves our good friends, 
yet were we constrained by their conspiracies yearly to be in 

During this time the work of the Gospel was not neglected. 
The Company had instructed the three ministers they had engaged 
to come over, namely, Messrs. Higginson, Skelton and Bright, that 
in case they could not agree who should " inhabit at Massachu- 
setts-Bay," they should " make choice of one of the three by lot," 
and he, on whom the lot should fall, should " go with his family to 
perform that work." 

In accordance with these instructions, Rev. Francis Bright, of 
Roily, Essex, " trained up under Mr. Davenport," came to Charles- 
town. The Company had engaged to give him twenty pounds 
towards the expenses of his journey, his passage out and back, and 
a salary of twenty pounds a year : Also, ten pounds for the pur- 
chase of books and a dwelling-house and land, to be used by him, 
and left to his successor in the ministry. If he remained seven 
years he was to have one hundred acres of land for his own use." ^ 

1 His contract is printed in Felt's Annals of Salem, vol. i. p. 570. 


Mr. Bright resided in town over a year, and is termed on the 
records, " minister to the Company's servants." He was named 
as one of the council for the government of the colony. But he 
was a moderate, rather than a thorough Puritan, and affection for 
the church of England restrained him from going with his brethren 
in their increasing non-conformity. Hence, his labors would be 
likely to grow daily more unsatisfactory to the people. He sailed 
for England in the ship Lyon, in July, 16:30. Hubbard says, that 
he was " a godly minister." On mentioning his departure, he 
quotes the character another gave him, "that he began to hew 
stones in the mountains wherewith to build, but when he saw all 
sorts of stones would not suit in the building, as he supposed, he, 
not unlike Jonah, fled from the presence of the Lord, and went 
down to Tarshish." ^ If he was an Episcopalian, he would not 
be permitted to " hew stones" for the building of the new Eccle- 
siastical temple of Congregationalism. Mather classes him with 
Rev. R. Smith, a clergyman of opposite tendencies, and then buries 
" all further mention of them among the rubbish in the foundation 
of the colony." ^ 

There is no record of the gathering of a church, though it is 
not probable that the people remained a year without the enjoyment 
of the ordinances. But this brief notice of Mr. Bright is interesting, 
as it shows, that the institutions of religion were coeval with the 
foundation of the town. 

Of Thomas Graves, the distinguished engineer, there is little 
that is authentic. He is spoken of as a person of eminent skill, and of 
extensive travel. He was named one of the council, and consulted 
often respecting the division of land. Li lG:i9, he had a wife and five 
children. These circumstances indicate a person somewhat ad- 
vanced in years. 

The papers in the possession of the descendants of " Rear Ad- 
miral Thomas Graves," who died in 105:3, make the two identical. 
They state, however, that the admiral was born in 1G05, which 
would make him too young a person to be the engineer. It is 
probable the latter soon returned to England. But he may have 
been connected with the family that became so prominent in the 
town and the colony. 

This year, 1(3-29, Mr. Graves sent to England a flattering 
description of the country. He writes as follows : — 

1 Hubbard, p. 113. 2 Magnalia, vol. i. p. 64. 


"Thus much I can affirme in gnnerall, tliat I never came in a 
more goodly country in all my life, all things considered : If it 
hath not at any time been manured and husbanded, yet it is very 
beautifull in open lands, mixed with goodly woods, and again open 
plaines, in some places five hundred acres, some places more, 
some lesse, not much troublesome for to cleere for the j)l()ugh to 
goe in, no place barren, but on the tops of the hils ; the grasse 
and weeds grow up to a man's face, in the lowlands and by fresh 
rivers aboundance of grasse and large meddowes without any tree 
or shrubbe to hinder the sith. I never saw, except in Hungaria, 
unto which I always paralell this countrie, in all our most respects, 
for every thing that is heare eyther sowne or planted prospereth 
far better then in Old-England : The increase of come is here 
farre beyond expectation, as I have seene here by experience in 
barly, the which because it is so much above your conception I 
will not mention. And cattle doe prosper very well, and those 
that are bredd here farr greater than those with you in England. 
Vines doe grow here plentifully laden with the biggest grapes that 
ever I saw, some I have seene foure inches about, so that I am 
bold to say of this countrie, as it is commonly said in Germany of 
Hungaria, that for cattel, corne, and wine it excelleth. We have 
many more hopefull commodities here in this country, the which 
time will teach to make good use of: In the mean time wee 
abound with such things which next under God doe make us sub- 
sist : as fish, fowle, deere, and sundrie sorts of fruits, as musk- 
millions, water-millions, Indian pompions, Indian pease, beanes, 
and many other odde fruits that I cannot name ; all which are 
made good and pleasant through this maine blessing of God, the 
healthfulnesse of the countrie which far exceedeth all parts that 
ever I have beene in : It is observed that few or none doe here 
fal sicke, unless of the scurvy, that they bring from aboard the 
ship with them, whereof I have cured some of my companie onely 
by labour." ^ 

1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i. This is an extract from a letter writ' 
ten by Mr. Graves in 1629. There is said to be in the British Museum 
" A coppie of a letter from an ingineer sent out to New England, writ- 
ten to a friend in England, A. D. 1629, giving- an account of his landing 
with a small company at Salem, and tlience going and making a set- 
tlement at Massachusetts Bay, laying the foundation of a town, to which 
the Governour gave the name of Charlestown, with apleasuig description 


This commendation of the country was even exceeded by Higgin- 
son. " Experience doth manifest," he wrote, " that there is hardly 
a more healthfull phace to be found in the world that agreeeth bet- 
ter with our English bodyes. Many that have been weake and 
sicklie in Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly 
healed and growne healthfull strong. For here is an extroar- 
dinarie cleere and dry aire that is of a most healing nature to all 
such as are of a cold, melancholly, flegraatick, rheumatick temper 
of body." " A sup of New England's aire is better than a whole 
draught of Old England's ale." 

But these accounts were by far too flattering. They raised 
expectations in England that were doomed to sad disappointment. 
Deputy Governor Dudley, two years later, writes, that " honest 
men out of a desire to draw over others to them, wrote some- 
what hyperbolically of many things here." 

Such were the events, such the hopes and fears, attending the 
foundation of Charlestown. It is not difficult to imagine the ap- 
pearance of the peninsula and the occupation of its inhabitants, 
during this first year of settlement. The latter, numbering per- 
haps a hundred souls, arrive here in one of the Company's ves- 
sels, and bring with them materials for building. They find 
Thomas Walford, living "alone," — that is the only Englishman 
in the place, — in his rude palisaded residence on the south side 
of Breed's Hill ; having a wife, and, probably, children ; cultiva- 
ting his grounds and trading with the Indians. He receives them 
with coldness and jealousy; but "the gentle and good" Sagamore, 
the owner of the soil, gives them his "free consent" to commence 
a settlement. Accordingly they set up huts or tents, for a tempo- 
rary shelter, about the Town Hill; and then the accomplished 
Graves proceeds to lay out the streets and divide the ground. Soon, 
Walter Palmer and a few others, begin to fence in their lots, and 
prepare for building on the east side of Main-street, not far 
from Walford's " thatched " residence; while the Spragues and 

of the exceedintr Pleasantness and Fruitfulness of the country, and of 
the civility of the natives. In one sheet MS. Ex dono Rev. Alexandri 
Young, S. T. B." 

The author has made two ineffectual attempts to get this letter. It 
appears to contain interesting historic matter. But it is not in its place 
in the British Museum and cannot be found. It is not improbable that a 
part of this letter is quoted in the text. 


Others, do the same on Bow-street around the Hill. But the most 
important work is going on in the S(iuare, where Mr. Graves, with 
a crowd of workmen, is building the " Great House," — anxious, 
that, when the Governor comes to live in it, and the Court to sit 
in it, it may be pronounced worthy of his reputation. Such are 
the six-days' occupations. But as each Sunday comes round, the 
echoes of the axe and the hammer cease to reverberate in the 
" uncouth wilderness ; " and all join with that " godly man," Rev. 
Francis Bright, in praise and prayer. At first, health blesses the 
laborious pioneers ; their boards are crowned with plenty, and they 
rejoice in being at peace. But winter approaches, and brings 
with it sickness and a dearth of provisions. Spring opens, 
and their faithful friend, the Sagamore, starts them from their 
dream of security, by revealing to them the " conspiracy " of the 
hostile tribes to cut them off. The duty of self-preservation then 
supersedes all other duties. They all, — " men, women and chil- 
dren," — repair to the Town Hill, and there work at " digging 
and building," until they complete a fortification. 

But the peninsula " is full of Indians," who are attentive specta- 
tors of this infant colonization. With what wonder do they re- 
gard each note of preparation ! They follow the engineer as he 
goes from point to point with his curious instruments, " model- 
ing " the town ; and then carry tidings of the strange things they 
see, to the Saunks of the late King Nanepashemit. She, in all her 
Queenly dignity, with the Powwow of the Tribe in her train, 
comes down from her residence in the woods, to verify for herself 
the wonderful reports. The " Squa Sachem " gazes curiously 
upon each household implement; while her son, Wonohaquaham, 
notes each timber in the construction of the "Great House." As 
he watches these things his countenance is unmoved, and he ut- 
ters only the customary " ugh." But as he beholds the white 
man's stated and simple sacri-fice to the Great Spirit, another feel- 
ing is awakened ; until at length, Indian stoicism relents into the 
confession, that an answering chord is touched in his own undis- 
ciplined breast. Ere he dies, his spirit longs for communion with 
the "Englishman's God." ^ 

And as, at intervals of their labors, the founders of the town 

^ New England's First Fruits. 


survey the surrounding scenery, it is not strange that they kindle 
into admiration and enthusiasm. Nature blooms in its virorin 
freshness and magnificence. The peninsula, with its fine eminen- 
ces sloping gently to the river side, is " generally filled with stately 
timber;" and over it roam freely the wild tenants of the forest: 
but it presents to the scientific observer, a site for one of the most 
beautiful towns in the world. ^ And the prospect from its hill-tops 
is one, that, for beauty accompanied with variety, is seldom equal- 
led. If the eye turns towards the sea, the harbor ^ reflects like a 
mirror from its polished surface, the emerald isles that gem its 
bosom: 3 if toward the land, the hills all around, crowned with 
forests, form a natural amphitheatre of unsurpassed loveliness. 
But the only traces to be seen of man are the fortified abode of 
Maverick on the neighboring island, the cottage of Blackstone by 
the hills of Shawmut, the smoke from the wigwams of the natives, 
and their birch canoes gliding over the waters. How changed has 
become the scene from these summits ! The same sky spreads 
over them ; the same waters flow below them ; there is the same 
splendid amphitheatre. But now the works of man mingle with the 
vesture of nature. Immediately about them are the hum of in- 
dustry, and the dwellings, school-towers, and churches, of a free 
population. Where theie was the solitary residence of Maverick, 
there is a thriving city. Tri-mountain is a forest of human 
abodes, and far-famed for its triumphs of art, and commerce, and 
freedom ; and, nestling among the surrounding hills, are the 
halls of learning, the asylums of benevolence, and circles of 
flourishing towns, with their altar-spires pointing towards Heaven. 
The old trails of the savage are crossed by the iron paths of the 
steam car. In place of his frail skifls dancing upon the waves, 
there are sails from every clime moving among the islands, 
and among them, the giant forms of our National war-ships, 
riding in their splendid repose ; while, on the Mount of 
Sacrifiice, sublimely rising " over the land and over the sea," 

1 Dwight's Travels, vol. i. p. 466. 

2 Hubbard, p. 17, writes that Charles River, " affords as gallant an 
harbor near the mouth of it, as any river of that bigness in all Christen- 

3 A. H. Everett. 


stands the solemn monumental pile, speaking continually of 



The Indians; their connection with the town. — The Massachusetts. — 
The Pawtuckets. — Wood's Description. — The Tarratines. — Nan- 
epashemit. — Squa Sachem. — Webcowit. — Wonohaquaham. 

The Spragues found Mishawum^ full of Indians who were 
called Aberginians.- Their chief gave them his free consent to 
settle in the peninsula. To follow this friendly reception, there 
are none other than friendly relations to detail between the early 
inhabitants and the fading red man. The former took care to 
satisfy the original owners of the soil before they divided the land ; 
if injury was done, by a reckless citizen, to their corn, or swine, or 
property, the law ordered prompt restitution; no Indian was 
allowed to be held inbondage, and their old fishing-places were 
respected. The inhabitants, on their stated training days, mus- 
tered about their wigwams. Though thus intimately connected, 

1 The records name a spring in the peninsula that was overflowed by 
the tide, which became so brackish that the prevalent mortality was 
ascribed to its use ; and that the inhabitants, in 1630, were informed by 
Blackstone that there was plenty of water at Boston. After analyzing a 
a few Indian names for springs, and remarking upon the customs of the 
natives in relation to them, a writer in Muss. Hist. Soc. Coll., (vol. xx. 
p. 173,) comes to the conclusion, that Mishawumut (meaning the Indian 
name of Charlestown) ''meant "a large spring:" and that Shaw- 
mut, (the Indian name of Boston,) meant, "fountains of living waters." 
He says: " The result seems almost conclusive, that when the spring 
at Mishawumut (Mishawum) " a great spring," was overflowed by the 
tide, the aborigines were probably in the daily habit of crossing over in 
their canoes to the opposite peninsula to procure fresh water, where springs 
were excellent and abundant. Hence the name Shawmut, " fountains of 
livmg water." Tradition and the town records, — " west side of the 
north-west field," — locates this " large spring," not far from the site 
of the Winthrop Church, on the shore to the south of the State Prison, 

2 " Abergenymen," a name given by the English to the natives.-— 
Roger Williams Key. 


there is no tale of blood to rehearse, of encounters between the 
citizens and the natives. The "gentle" cliief died in peace: the 
widow of their late King, Nanepasheniit, " old and blind," proba- 
bly here ended her days. A few pages of this work may surely be 
properly devoted to a remembrance of the first occupiers of the soil. 

A few years previous to the settlement of the country, the In- 
dians in this region were exceedingly numerous. Smith (1614) 
saw on the sea-coasts, "great troops of well-proportioned people," 
and " salvage gardens ; " and estimates the number inhabiting the 
islands of " the Massachusetts," at three thousand. ^ The mouth 
of Charles River was their general place of rendezvous. But 
wars among themselves and disease, so reduced their numbers, that 
at the time of the colonization of Massachusetts, they presented 
but the shadow of their former greatness. 

The two nations that governed the circle of territory around 
Boston harbor, and running back into the interior, were the Paw- 
tuckets, and the MAssAcnusETTS. The latter "were a numer- 
ous and great people." Their chief Sachem was, Chikataubut. 
His dominion was bounded on the north and west by Charles 
River, and on the south, extended to Weymouth and Canton." ^ 
It included Shawmut, whose Sachem's name was Obbatinua. 
Previous to the terrible mortality of about 1013, this tribe could 
bring into the field three thousand warriors. At the time of the 
settlement its mumbers were inconsiderable. 

The Pawtuckets had a dominion extending north and east of 
Charles River; " and they had under them several other smaller 
Sagamores, as the Pennakooks, (Concord Indians,) Agawomes, 
(at Ipswich) Naamkeeks, (at Salem) Pascatawayes, Accomintas 
(York) and others." ^ It extended as far east as Piscataqua, and 
north, as far as Concord on the Merrimack.'* It included Misha- 
wum. They were also a great nation, and could boast of their 
three thousand warriors ; but they were almost destroyed by the 
great sickness of about 1016. They generally lived in peace with 
the Massachusetts tribe.^ In 1021, the Boston Sachem, Obbatinua, 
was at enmity with the Squa Sachem of the Massachusetts tribe.^ 

1 Smith in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxvi. p. 119. 

2 Lewis's Hist. Lynn, p. 45. 

3 Gookin, Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 149. 

^ Lewis. 5 Gookin. ^ Young's Chronicles, p. 225. 



Wood, in his chapter "On the Aberginians," has furnished the fol- 
lowing description of this people : it may, perhaps, answer equally 
as well for the Indians of Canada or of Florida, so similar have 
been found their characteristics : ^ 

" First of their stature, most of them being between five and 
six foot high, straight bodied, strongly composed, smooth skinned, 
merry countenanced, of complexion somewhat more swarthy than 
Spaniards, black haired, high foreheaded, black eyed, out-nosed, 
broad shouldered, brawny armed, long and slender handed, out- 
breasted, small waisted, lank belleed, well thighed, flat kneed, 
handsome grown legs, and small feet : In a word, take them when 
the blood brisks in their veins, when the flesh is on their backs, 
and marrow in their bones, when they frolick in their antique de- 
portments and Indian postures ; and they are more amiable to 
behold (though only in Adam's livery) than many a compounded 
phantastic in the newest fashion. It may puzzle belief, to con- 
ceive how such lusty bodies should have their rise and daily sup- 
portment from so slender a fostering ; their houses being mean, 
their lodging as homely, commons scant, their drink water, and 
nature their best clothing." ^ 

The dreaded enemy of these tribes, was the tribe of Tarra- 
tines, who lived on the bay and waters of the Penobscot. They 
were more " brave, wise, lofty-spirited and industrious than many 
others," and on terms of intimate intercourse with the French.^ 
They were a " hardy and warlike people," writes Gorges.^ Their 
great sachem was Nultonanit.^ In 1G21, when the Plymouth 
men visited the Massachusetts' tribes, the latter dared not " to 
lodge a second night in the same place, for fear of them,*^ and 
after the settlement of the country, they would fly to the houses of 
the English for a shelter from their fury; for ths Tarratines were 
accustomed yearly, at harvest, to come down in their canoes, and 
reap their fields, and carry away their corn, and destroy their 
people."^ It was this warlike tribe that (1631, Aug. 8) in their 

1 Bancroft, vol. ill. p. 3. 2 N. E. Prospect, p. 54. 

3 Williamson's Maine, vol. i. p. 215. 
^ Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxvi. p. 91. 

5 Lewis's Lynn. 

6 Drake, Hist. Indians, b. ii. chap. 3. "^ Planter's Plea. 


canoes, one hundred strong, at night attacked Sagamores John 
and James, wounded them and others, and killed seven men.^ 

The great Sachem of the Pawtuckets was Nanepashemit, or 
the New Moon. He lived at Lynn until the war with the Tarra- 
tines in 1615. His dominion, at one time, extended to the Piscat- 
aqua River to the east, and to Concord on the Merrimack ; while 
the Nipmucks, as far as Pocontocook, now Deerfield, acknowl- 
edged his authority. He removed to the banks of Mystic Riv- 
er, after 1015, where he was killed in IGIO.^ When the Pil- 
grims of Plymouth visited Boston harbor, they heard of the fame 
of this chieftain and saw his grave. Winslow gives the following 
account of his residence and burial place (Sept. 21, 16'21). " On 
the morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched in 
arms up in the country. Having gone three miles, we came to a 
place where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, 
and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemit, their 
king, in his lifetime, had lived. His house was not like others, 
but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six 
foot from the ground, and the house upon that, being situated on 
the top of a hill. Not far from hence in a bottom, we came to a 
fort, built by their deceased king; the manner thus. There were 
poles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the ground, as thick 
as they could be set one by another ; and with them they enclosed 
a ring some forty or fifty feet over ; a trench, breast high, was 
digged on each side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. 
In the midst of this palisado, stood the frame of a house, wherein 
being dead, he lay buried. About a mile from hence, we came 
to such another, but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepash- 
emit was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his 
death." 3 

This sachem left a widow and four children. Their names are, 
1. Wonohaquaham, Sagamore John, of Mystic. 2. Montowam- 
pate, Sagamore James, of Lynn, who died in 1673. 3. Wenepoy- 
ken, Sagamore George, of Salem, who, after the death of his bro- 

1 Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 59. 

2 Lewis's Hist. Lynn ; Smith ; Hubbard. 

3 Young's Chronicles, p. 220. Shattuck, Hist. Concord, p. 2, locates 
his principal place of residence in Medford, near Mystic Pond. 


tliers and his mother, became Sachem of the Pawtuckets, He died 
in 1GS4. 4. A daughter, Yawata.^ 

The Saunks, or queen of Nanepashemit, Squa Sachem, con- 
tinued the government. In 1G2], she was at ejimity with the Sa- 
chem of Boston, and this year the latter made it one of the condi- 
tions of submission to the English, that they would grant them 
protection against her. 

Previous to 1G35, she married Webcowit, the physician of the 
tribe — " its powow, priest, witch, sorcerer, or chirurgeon." She 
continued to be the Q-ueen, and the Powow became King in right 
of his wife.- "It does not appear that he was much respected or 
thought of." 3 The apostle Elliot, in his "Clear Sunshine of the 
Gospel," gives the following account of some of the questions he 
asked, when the English were endeavoring to convert the Indians. 
This " old Powow's " question was " to this purpose :" " Seeing 
the English had been twenty-seven years (some of them) in this 
land, why did we never teach them to know God till now ? Had 
you done it sooner," said he, " we might have known much of 
God, by this time, and much sin might have been prevented, but 
now, some of us are grown old in sin, &c." ^ 

In 1637, the Squa Sachem, with Webcowit, deeded a large 
tract of land in Musketaquid, (Concord) — one of the principal 
villages of the Indians, — to the English. On this occasion, 
" Wibbacowitt," in particular, received a suit of cotton cloth, a 
hat, a white linen band, shoes, stockings, and a great coat, as a 
part of the consideration. In 1G39, the same Indian deeded to 
Charlestown the tract of land now part of Somerville ; also, ano- 
ther tract, to Jotham Gibbons, of Boston. At this time she styled 

1 Lewis's Hist. Lynn. Shattuck says, p. 2, the king left five children. 

2 The Powow is next the King, or Sachem, and commonly, when he 
dies, the Powow marries the Squa Sachem, that is, the Queen.— Lelch- 
ford. Morton, however libellous on the Colonists, is thought to have giv- 
en a good account of the Indians. Having stated their easy life, he con- 
cludes as follows. " They may be accounted to live richly, wanting no- 
thing that is needful ; and to be commended for leading a contented life, 
the younger being ruled by the elder, and tlie elder ruled by the Powahs, 
and the Powahs are ruled by the Devill, and then you may imagine what 
good rule is Uke to be amongst them."— New Enghsh Canaan. 

3 Drake. ^ Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiv. p. 55. 
^ Shattuck's Concord. 


herself " Squa Sachem of Mistick." In the deed to Charlestown, 
the Squa Sachem reserves to her use her old fishing-places and 
hunting grounds, until her death. ^ 

In 1(544, the Squa Sachem, and other Sachems, submitted them- 
selves to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. They promise to be 
true and faithful to the government, to give " speedy notice " 
of any conspiracy, attempt, or cruel intention, they may hear of 
against it, and to be willing to " be instructed in the knowledge 
of God." In relation to this, Winthrop writes, that "we causing 
them to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of 
God, and they freely assenting to all, they were solemnly received, 
and then presented the court with twenty-six fathom more of wam- 
pum ; and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards of 
cloth, and their dinner ; and to them and their men, every one 
of them, a cup of sack at their departure." They went away 
" very joyful." Having become old and blind, the Squa Sachem 
is supposed to have died in 1667.^ 

The only other sachem, whose history is immediately connect- 
ed with Charlestown, is Wonohaquauam, who lived at Mystic, 
" upon a creek which meets with the mouth of Charles Riv- 
er." ■* This was the Sagamore John, characterized in the Re- 

1 From the description in the deed, the Town Records, and tradition, 
it is probable that one of the residences of the Squa Sachem was near 
" Gardner's Row," now part of West Cambridge. 

2 Lewis's Hist. Lynn, p. 47. The following document, however, shows 
that the Squa Sachem died previous to this year. It is copied from the 
Registry ot Deeds, Middlesex, vol. ii, 

" Mr. Francis Norton and Nicholas Davison, do in the name of the in- 
habitants oi' Charlestown, lay claim to the tract of land, reserved to Squa 
Sachem during her life time, and which is at present possessed and im- 
proved by Thomas Gleison of Charlestown, this land bounded on the east 
by Mistick Pond, on the west by Cambridge Common, on the south by 
the land of Mr. Cooke, on tlie north i'ormerly in the possession of Mr. 
Increase Nowell. 

This demand and claim was made in the person of John Fennell, 
and Mr. Wm. Sims, the 25th of March, 1CG2, at the house of Thomas 

Entered 29th March, lCG2,by T, Danforth. John Fennell, 

Signed, W.M. SiMMEs. 

3 Hutchinson, vol. i. pp. 408. 410. Drake, b. ii. chap. 3, says, how- 
ever, that he lived at lUunney Marsh, (Chelsea). Rev. John Hig- 
ginson's deposition sustains Hutchinson. He lived, probably, at both 


cords as of "gentle and good disposition," who always "loved 
the English, and gave them permission to settle here, and who re- 
vealed to them the conspiracy of 1630." His limits included 
Winisemit. Dudley describes him as "young, handsome," "con- 
versant with us, affecting English apparrell and houses, and speak- 
ing well of our God." But he did not command more than thirty 
or forty warriors. 

In 1031, a servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall burnt two of his 
wigwams. Dudley gives the following relation of this event. 

" Before the depparture of the shipp (w'^i yet was wind bound) 
there came vnto vs Sagamore John and one of his subiects require- 
inge sattisfaction for the burning of two wigwams by some of the 
English which wigwams were not inhabitted but stood in a place 
convenient for their shelter, when vppon occasion they should trav- 
aile that wayes. By examination wee found that some English 
fowlers haueino- retired into that which beloncred to the subiect 
and leauing a fire therein carelessly which they had kindled to 
warm them were the cause of burninge thereof; ffor that which 
was the Sagamores wee could find noe certaine proofe how it was 
fired, yet least hee should thinke vs not scedulous enough to find 
it out and soo should depart discontentedly from vs, wee gave both 
him and his subiects sattisfaction for them both." 

Sir Richard was ordered to make satisfaction, " which he did 
by seven yards of cloth, and that his servant pay him, at the end 
of his time, fifty shillings sterling." 

In 1631, he was at Agawam, (Ipswich,) on a visit, when the 
Tarratines made their fierce attack on Mascononomo, when he 
was wounded. In 1032, with thirty of his men, he went with 
Chikataubut to aid Canonicus,chief of the Narragansetts, in a war 
against the Pequots. He died in 1032, at Winisemit, of the small 

In New England's First Fruits, there is the following interest- 
ing detail of his last hours : 

" Sagamore John, prince of Massaquesers, was from our very 
first landing more corteous, ingenious, and to tiie English more 
loving than others of them ; he desired to learne and speake our 
language, and loved to imitate us in our behaviour and apparrell, 
and began to hearken after our God, and his wayes, and would 
much commend English men, and their God, saying (much good 


men, much good God), and being convinced that our condition 
and wayes were better farre then theirs, did resolve and promise 
to leave the Indians, and come live with us ; but yet kept down 
by feare of the scoffes of the Indians, had not power to make good 
his purpose : yet went on not without some trouble of mind, and 
secret plucks of conscience, as the sequel declares; for being 
struck with death, fearfully cryed out of himselfe that he had not 
come to live with us, to have knowne our God better : ' But now, 
(said he) I must die, the God of the English is much angry with 
me, and will destroy me ; ah, I was afraid of the scoffes of the 
wicked Indians; yet my child shall live with the English, and 
learne to know their God when I am dead ; ile give him to Mr. 
Wilson, he is a much good man, and much loved me : ' so sent 
for Mr. Wilson to come to him, and committed his onely child to 
his care, and so died." ^ 

He left by will, all his wampum and coats to his mother, and 
his land about Powder-Horn Hill, to his son, and in case of his 
decease, to his brother George.^ 


1G30 to 1G31. -^Objects of the Puritans. — The Winthrop Emigration. 
— Roger Clap's visit. — Arrival of Winlhroj). — Situation of the Col- 
ony. — Deaths. — Samuel Fuller's Letter. — Fortitude of the Suffer- 
ers. — Removal. — Settlements. — Reflections. 

While the inhabitants were struggling through the winter, the 
Massachusetts Company ^ were making preparations to add largely 

1 Hubbard, p. 651, adds, " Whether the child answered the father's 
desire or no, is not known, hut the contrary feared." 

2 Felt's Annals of Salem, p. 17. 

3 In the Massachusetts Archives, Lands, p. 1., there is a document 
which asserts that Sir William Brereton also sent over several families. 
It gives the history of his title as follows : — " Sir Wilham Brereton dies 
leaving Thomas, his only son, afterwards Sir Thomas, and Susanna his 
daughter. Sir Thomas dies without issue. Susanna marries Edmund 
Lenthall, Esq., and dies leaving Mary, her only daughter and heir. 



to their number. The resolution hnd been taken, by Winthrop 
and his associates, to transform themselves, by the bold step of 
carrying the charter witli them, from a Commercial Corporation 
into a Provincial Government. The causes that led to this result 
will be found in the general histories : the motives that actuated 
the multitude that were about to people this then "terrible wilder- 
ness," are, perhaps, well and concisely stated by contemporary 
writers. " Necessitie," says one of them, " may presse some ; 
noveltie draw on others ; hopes of gaine in time to come, may pre- 
vail with a third sort : but that the most sincere and godly part 
have the advancement of the Gospel for their maine scope, I am 
cofident."- " The propagation of the Gospel," — the Company 
write, 1G29, — " is the thing we do profess above all to be our aim 
in settling this plantation." 3 But though the spread of the Gospel, 
in the stern form of Puritanism, became the main aim of the col- 
onists, yet both their eulogists and their denunciators admit, that 
they also looked, both here and in England, to a higher political 
liberty. "These men," said Laud, "do but begin with the 
Church, that they might after have the freer access to the State." 

The first vessel of the fleet that carried over those who emigra- 
ted with Winthrop, arrived at Nantasket on the 30th of May, 
1G30. Roger Clap, was in this ship, — the Mary & John, — and 
ffives the followino- account of his visit to this town : — 

" When we came to Nantasket, Capt. Sqiieh, who was Captain 
of that great ship of Four Hundred Tons, would not bring us into 
Charles River, as he was bound to do ; but put us ashore and our 
Goods on Nantasket Point, and left us to shift for ourselves in a 
forlorn place in this Wilderness. But as it pleased God, Ave got a 
boat of some old Planters, and laded her with Goods; and some 
able men well Armed went in her unto Charlestown : where we 

Mary is married tq Mr. Levett, of the Inner Temple, who claims the said 
lands in ritrht of Mary his wife, who is heir to Sir William Brereton and 
Sir Thomas Brereton. 

" Sir William Brereton sent over several families and servants, who 
possessed and improved several large tracts of the said land, and made 
several leases as appears by the said deeds." 

Brereton sided with the Parliament in its contest whh Charles I, and 
led its troops at the siege of Chester, in 1G44. In the History of Chester, 
may be found his summons to this city to surrender, with an account of 
the siege. 

1 Planter's Plea, written in 1630, p. 36. 2 Letter, April 17. 


found so7ne Wigwams and one House, and in the House there was 
a Man whicli liad a boiled Bass, l)iit no Bread that we see; but 
we did eat of his Bass, and then went up Charles River, until the 
River grew narrow and shallow, and there we landed our Goods 
with much Labor and Toil, the Bank being steep. And Night 
coming on, we were informed that there were hard by us T'liree 
Hundred Indians ! One English 3Ian that could speak the In- 
dian Language, (an old planter,) went to them and advised them 
not to come near us in the night ! And they hearkened to his 
counsel, and came not. I myself was one of the Centinels that 
first night : Our captain was a Low Country Souldier, one Mr. 
Southcot, a brave Souldier. In the Morning some of the Indians 
came and stood at a distance off, looking at us, but came not near 
us : but when they had been a while in view, some of them came 
and held out a great Bass towards us ; so we sent a man with a 
Bisket, and changed the cake for the Bass. Afterwards they sup- 
plyed us with Bass exchanging a Bass for a Bisket-Cake, and were 
very friendly unto us." 

On the 12th of June, the ship in which Winthrop embarked, 
arrived at Salem; on the 17th he sailed, in a boat, up Mystic 
River ; on the 18th he stopped at Maverick's Fort ^ on Noddle's 
Island ; on the next day he returned to Salem, and reported favor- 
ably for building at " Charlton." On the 1st of July he had ar- 
rived here, and during this month, the greater part of the fleet ar- 
rived safely into port. 

1 By this time, Samuel Maverick " had built a small fort with the help 
of Mr. David Thomson," Johnson, b. i. chap. 17, who was the first 
occupant of Thompson's Island in the harbor, where the Fann School 
is. Hon. James Savage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 27, concludes, from tlie 
language of this writer, that Maverick came either in 1628 or 1G29. 
Josselyn, 16.38, praises him for his hospitality, pronouncing him " the 
only hospitable m;.n in all the country, — giving entertainment to all com- 
ers gratis," Voyages in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiii., while Johnson 
sets him down " as an enemy to the reformation in hand, being strongly 
for the Prelatical power." However the latter might be, the General 
Court granted to him Noddle's Island. But he was obliged to pay " to 
the governor for the time bemg " " either a fat weather, a fat hog, or 
jClO in money." The Court also reserved to this town and Boston, the 
right " to fetch wood continually, as their need requires, froin the south- 
ern part of said Island." " Wmisemet Ferry, both to Charlestown and 
Boston, was also granted to him forever." — Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. 
p. 27. Oldmixon, 1741, says that "Nettles" Island, " within these 
few years was esteemed worth 2 or 300/. to the owner, Col. Shrimp- 
ton," vol. i. p. 194. 


The condition in which Winthrop found the Colony, was Scid 
and unexpected. Smith thus describes it. " They found three- 
score of their people dead, the rest sick, nothing done, but all com- 
plaining, and all things so contrary to their expectation, that now 
every monstrous humor began to show itself" ^ " All the corn 
and bread amongst them all hardly sufficed to feed them a fort- 
night." " But bearing these things as they might," ~ some began 
to look about them for places of settlement, while the multitude 
set up " cottages, booths and tents," about the Town Hill. The 
Records give the history of this arrival as follows : — 

" In the months of June and July, 1G29, (1630,) arrived at this 
town John Winthrop, Esq., Governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, 
Knt., Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Nowell, Mr. 
Pinchon, Mr. Broadstreete, who brought along with them the 
Charter, or patent, for this jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay, 
with whom also arrived Mr. John Wilson, and Mr. Phillips, Min- 
isters, and a multitude of people, amounting to about fifteen hun- 
dred, brought over from England in twelve ships. The governor 
and several of the Patentees dwelt in the Great House, which was 
last year built in this town by Mr. Graves, and the rest of their 

" The multitude set up cottages, booths and tents, about the 
Town Hill. They had long passage ; some of the ships were 
seventeen, some eighteen weeks a coming; many people arrived 
sick of the scurvy, which also increased much after their arrival 
for want of houses, and by reason of wet lodgings in their cot- 
tages; and other distempers also prevailed. And although peo- 
ple were generally very loving and pitiful, yet the sickness did 
so prevail, that the whole were not able to tend the sick as they 
should be tended ; upon which many perished and died, and were 
buried about the Town Hill. 

" By which means provisions were exceedingly wasted, and no 
supplies could now be expected by planting; besides, there was 
miserable damage and spoil of provisions by sea, and divers came 
not so well provided as they would, upon a report whilst they were 
in England, that now there was enough in New England, And 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiii. p. 40. 2 Dudley's Letter. 



unto all this, there were [some, imprudently selling much of the 
remainder] ' to the Indians, for beaver. All which being taken 
into consideration iiy the governor and gentlemen, they hired and 
dispatched away Mr. William Pearce, with his ship, of about two 
hundred tons, for Ireland, to buy more, and in the mean time went 
on with their work for settling. In order to which they, with Mr. 
John Wilson, one of tlie ministers, did gather a church, and chose 
the said Mr. Wilson pastor, — the greatest number all this time 
intending nothing more than settling in this Town, for which the 
governor ordered his house to be cut and framed here. 

" But the weather being hot, many sick and others faint after 
their long voyage, people grew discontented for want of water ; 
who generally notioned no water good for a town but running 
springs ; ^ and though this neck do abound with good water, yet for 
want of experience and industry none could then be found, to suit 
the humour of that time, but a brackish spring in the sands, by 
the water side on the west side of the northwest field, which could 
not supply half the necessities of that multitude. At which time 
the death of so many was concluded to be much the more occa- 
sioned by this want of good water." 

One witness writes, that " many died weekly, yea, almost 
daily;" ^ another says that, " almost in every family lamentation, 
mourning, and woe were heard, and no fresh food to cherish 
them." '^ There were, among the deaths, some of the most hon- 
ored and excellent of the Colonists. Rev. Francis Higginson was 
one of the victims. Early in August, the Lady Arbella, ^ wife of 

1 The words in brackets are supplied from Prince, p. 313, — the man- 
uscript being illegible. 

2 This "notion" respecting running springs operated, at one time, 
unfavorably for Roxbury. On the 6th of Dec, 1630, the governor and 
most of the assistants, and others, met there and agreed to build a town. 
And a committee was appointed to make the necessary arrangements. 
But when this committee met at Roxbury eight days later, it was con- 
cluded not to build a town there, and one reason that weighed against the 
place was, " There was no running water ; and if there were any spnngs, 
they would not suffice the Town." — Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 38. 

3 Johnson. "^ Dudley. 

5 " The Lady Arrabella, and some other godly women, abode at Salem, 
but their husbands continued at Charlestown, both for the civil govern- 
ment and gathering of another church." — Wonder-working Providence. 



Isaac Johnson, died, leaving an envied name ; and during this 
month, Mrs. Pynchon, Mrs. Coddington, x\Irs. Phillips, and Mrs. 
Alcock. On the 20th of September, William Gager died, " a 
right godly man, a skilful chyrurgeon," who had been chosen 
deacon ; and on the 30th, Isaac Johnson, the wealthiest of the 
company, and a warm friend of the Colony, followed his deceased 
partner. He died in Christian peace and resignation ; declaring 
his life better spent in promoting this plantation than it would 
have been in any other way. On the 23d of October, Mr. Ros- 
siter died, another highly esteemed associate, and one of the as- 

Among those present at this gloomy period, was Samuel Fuller, 
one of the fathers of Plymouth, and an eminent surgeon. He re- 
mained several weeks, sympathizing with the sufferers, but unable 
to supply requisite medicines. On the 2d of August, he writes 
to Gov. Bradford of Plymouth : " The sad news here is that 
many are sick and many are dead ; the Lord in mercy look upon 
them ! Some are here entered into church covenant, the first was 
four, namely, the Governor, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, 
Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Wilson ; since that five more are joined 
unto them, and others it is like will add themselves to them daily. 
The Lord increase them both in number and holiness, for his 
mercy's sake. I here but lose time and long to be at home : I 
can do them no good, for I want drugs and things fitted to work 
with." 1 

" It was admirable to see with what Christian courage many car- 
ried it amidst these calamities." ^ It was chiefly Winthrop's calm 
decision that sustained the courage of his associates.^ In the midst 
of the suffering, he wrote to Mr. Johnson, at Salem, " representing 
the hand of God upon them in the prevailing sickness," and ap- 
pointing July 30, a day of fasting and prayer. On the 9th of 
Sept. he wrote to his wife, then in England, in the following lan- 
guage : " I praise the good Lord, though we see much mortality, 
sickness, and trouble, yet (such is his mercy) myself and children, 
with most of my family, are yet living and in health, and enjoy 
prosperity enough, if the afflictions of our brethren did not hold 
under the comfort of it. * * * I thank God, I like so well to 

1 Mass, Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 76. 2 Johnson. 3 Bancroft. 


be here, as I do not repent my coming ; and if I were to come 
again, I would not have altered my course, though I had foreseen 
all these afflictions. I never fared better in my life, never slept 
better, never had more content of mind." ^ 

Immediately upon the arrival of the colonists, differences arose 
respecting places of settlement; for Salem, where they landed, 
" pleased them not." Several were sent " to the Bay," — Boston 
harbor, — " to search up the rivers for a convenient place." 
Oa receiving their reports, — some being in favor of Mystic, some 
of" Charlton," some of a place "three leagues up Charles River," 
— the goods were " unshipped into other vessels, and with much 
cost and labor, brought in July" to this town. But after this, 
they " received advertisements by some of the late arrived ships 
from London and Amsterdam, of some French preparations " 
against them. They changed their original intention of establishing 
themselves in one town, and for their "present shelter," resolved 
to "plant dispersedly." "^ "This dispersion," Governor Dudley 
writes, " troubled some of us, but help it we could not, wanting 
ability to remove to any place fit to build a Towne upon, and the 
time too short to deliberate any longer lest the winter should sur- 
prise us before we had builded our houses. The best council we 
could find out was to build a fort to retire to, in some convenient 
place, if any enemy pressed thereunto, after we should have for- 
tified ourselves against the injuries of wet and cold." The Town 
Records assign the want of water as the chief reason why the great 
body of those who had remained here through the months of July 
and August, determined to remove to Shawmut and other places. 
Immediately after the paragraph already printed, these Records 
furnish the following history of the " dispersion : " — 

" This caused several to go abroad upon discovery ; some went 
without the neck of this town, who travelled up into the main till 
they came to a place well watered, whither Sir Richard Saltonstall, 

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. 377. 

2 Dudley's Letter. As it was written March 12, 1631, it takes pre- 
cedent of the Town Records, where the two authorities differ. It was 
written at Boston. The author says, " haveing yet no table, nor other 
room to write in, than by the fireside upon my knee, in this sharpe win- 
ter ; to which my family must have leave to resorte, though they break 
good manners, and make mee many times forget what I would say, and 
say what I would not." 


Knt., and Mr. Phillips, minister, went with several others and set- 
tled a plantation, and called it Wattertowne. 

" Others went on the other side of Charles River, and there 
travelled up into the country, and likewise finding good waters, 
settled there with Mr. Ludlow, and called the plantation Dorches- 
ter, whither went Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham, who were their 

*' In the meantime, Mr. Blackstone,^ dwelling on the other side 
of Charles River, alone, at a place by the Indians called Shawmutt, 

1 William Blackstone was the eccentric Episcopal clergyman and the 
first Enj^lish occupant of Boston. He was at Shavvmut when Charles- 
town was founded : How long- had he been there? He had a cottage : 
Who built it 1 He claimed the whole peninsula, and the inhabitants ac- 
knowledged his right to it by buying it of him. On what was his claim 
founded 1 

Letchford says, Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. xxxiii. p. 97, he " went 
from Boston, having lived there nine or ten years." If ten years, it 
would bring his arrival to about 1625. Hopkins, Hist. Rehoboth, p. 3, 
who published ninety years after Blackstone's death, says he had been at 
Boston " so long as to have raised apple trees and planted an orchard," 
when the Mass. Colony came. Mr. Savage, Winihrop, vol. i. p. 45, con- 
cludes that he had occupied the peninsula seveial years before 1628. 
These authorities unite in establishing the time as far back as 1625, — pos- 
sibly a year earlier. 

It was about this time, or in 1624, that Robert Gorges left his interests 
here " to the charge and custody of his servants and certain other under- 
takers and tenants." — Hazard, vol. i. p. 191. Four years later, 1628, 
the inh eritor of these interests, John Gorges, authorized Blackstone, 
Hazard, vol. i. p. 268, to give Oldhain the possession of the land which 
had been leased to him. Does not this show that Blackstone was connect- 
ed with this patent 1 Is not the inference a just one, that he was one of 
the " undertakers " allvided to above ! And if so, that he came over with 
Gorges and occupied under a grant from him? 

Mather, Magnalia, vol. i. p. 226, and Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 26, say that 
Blackstone claimed the whole peninsula upon which Boston is built, be- 
cause " he was the first that slept upon it." See also. Snow's Hist. p. 
52. Perhaps Walford might have advanced such a claim in relation to 
Charlestown, when he " confronted the magistrates." Such claims could 
not be allowed : for however prodigal or avaricious the Plymouth Council 
might have been in selling patents, " all the right of soil which the gov- 
ernment at home could give, was, by the charter, given to the " Massa- 
chusetts Company." (Savage). But it may be asked; why should our 
ancestors have expelled Walford and bought out Blackstone ? Perhaps 
because of the friendly offices of the latter during the suflering of 1630. 

There is a tradition, current in the neighborhood where this eccentric 
individual last resided, that the Company were disposed at first to deprive 
him of his land, and that he made a characteristic and spirited resist- 
ance. — Hist. Rehoboth, p. 3. The early writers say, that he told the 
Puritans that " became from England because he did not like the Lord's 


where he only had a cottage at, or not far off, the place called 
Blackstone's Point, he came and acquainted the governor of an 
excellent spring there, withal inviting hiin and soliciting him thither. 
Whereupon, after the death of Mr. Johnson and divers others, the 
governor, vi'ith Mr. Wilson and the greatest part of the church 
removed thither : whither also the frame of the governor's house, 
in preparation at this town, was (also to the discontent^ of some) 
carried when people began to build their houses against winter, 
and this place was called Boston. 

"After these things, Mr. Pinchon and several others, planted be- 
twixt Boston and Dorchester, which place was called Roxbury. 

" Now, after all this, the Indians' treachery being feared, it was 
judged meet the English should place their towns as near together 
as could be, for which end Mr. Dudley and Mr. Broadstreete, with 
some others, went and built, and planted between Charlestown and 
Waterton, who called it Newtown (which was afterwards called 

" Others issued out to a place between Charlestown and Salem, 
called Saugust, (since ordered to be called Lynn.-) 

" And thus by reason of discouragements and difficulties that 

Bishops, but he could not join with them because he did not like the 
lord's brethren." 

Blackstone took the detjree of A. B. at Emanuel's College, 1617 : that 
of A. M. 1621 : (Mass. Hist. Coll.: vol. xxxviii. p. 247,) was assessed to 
pay for the campaign of Merry Mount, and named as an agent of Gorges, 
1G28 : was freeman 1631 : had fifty acres of land set out to him near his 
cottage 1633 : sold all but six acres to Boston and removed to Reholwth 
1634 : married Mary Stevenson, widow, July 4, 1059 ; and died May 26, 
1675, leaving a son. 

The learned commentator on Winthrop says, that of the exact time 
when he pitched his tent at Boston " we shall, probably, remain forever 
unmformed." I have been able to add but a fact and a suggestion to his 
valuai)le note. 

Full accounts of the latter part of his life, maybe found in Bliss's Hist. 
Rehoboth, Dagget's Attleborough, and Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. 
xxix. p. 174. 

1 In 1032, Savage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 82, there \vas also discontent 
at Newtown, because the governor removed a frame he had set up there, 
in accordance with a promise he had made to build there. Winthrop's 
explanation was, "that he had perlin-med the words of the promise, for 
he had a house up, and seven or eight servants abiding in it, by the day 
appointed." He gives good reasons for his removal to Boston. 

2 The interleaved Almanacs of Danforth, in Farmer and Moore's Coll., 
vol. iii. p. 292, give the annexed dates as the time when these towns 
" began : " 1628, Salem ; 1629, Charlestown, Lynn ; 1630, Dorchester, 


strangers in a wilderness at first meet withal, though as to some 
things but supposed, as in this case people might have found water 
abundant in this town and needed not to have perished for want, 
or wandered to other places for relief, would they but have looked 
after it. But this, attended with other circumstances, the wisdom 
of God made use of as a means for spreading his Gospel, and peo- 
pling of this great, and then terrible wilderness, and this sudden 
spreading into several townships came to be of far better use for 
the entertainment of so many hundreds of people that came for 
several years following hither, in such multitudes from most parts 
of old England, than if they had now remained altogether in this 

" But after their departure from this town, to the peopling and 
planting of the towns aforesaid, and in particular of the removal 
of the governor and the greatest part of our new gathered church 
with the pastor to Boston, the few inhabitants of this town re- 
maining, were constrained for three years after, generally to go to 
Boston on the Lord's day, to hear the word and enjoy the sacra- 
ments before they could be otherwise supplied." 

From April to December two hundred died : " It may be said 
of us almost as of the Egyptians, that there is not a house where 
there is not one dead and in some houses many." ^ It is not 
strange that some were disheartened and turned back — sailing 

Watertown, Roxbury, Boston; 1631, Marblehead, Cambridge, Wey- 
mouth : 1633, Ipswich ; 1634, Hingham. 

The Town Records date the settlement of Boston after the death of Mr. 
Johnson, which took place. Sept. 30. But in a rate levied by the Court of 
Assistants, Sept. 28, of £50, Charlestown was assessed only £1 while 
Boston was assessed £11. Mr. Savage says, Winthrop, vol. i p. 95, 
that, in September the greater part of the congregation lived at Boston. 
The first meeting of the Company at Boston was held Oct. 19 : the first 
Court of Assistants Nov. 9. Snow dates the foundation of Boston from 
Sept. 7, when Tn-mountain was ordered to be called Boston. Hubbard 
says, that " about November the Governor and Deputy Governor, with 
most of the assistants, removed their famiHes to Boston. 

The first Court of Assistants at Charlestown was held Aug. 23, on 
board the Arbella, Johnson says, which assertion, as to the place, Mr. 
Savage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 30, questions. It was then, however, 
specially ordered that the next Court should be held " at the Governor's 
House." (the Great House) Sept. 7. There was another Court held 
Sept. 28, probably at the same place : after which, Oct. 19, the meet- 
ings were held at Boston. 

1 Dudley. 


with Captain Peirce for England. But this, no more than their 
suffering, discouraged the survivors. They professed themselves 
glad so to be rid of them. This experience, however, gave a dif- 
ferent tone to the letters from the Colony to their friends in Eng- 
land. " I say this," nobly wrote Dudley to the Countess of Lin- 
coln, March, 1G31, "that if any come hither to plant for worldly 
ends, that can live well at home, he commits an error, of which he 
will soon repent him." " If there be any endued with grace, and 
furnished with means to feed themselves and theirs for eighteen 
months, and to build and plant, let them come into our Mace- 
donia, and help us, and not spend themselves and their estates in 
a less profitable employment : For others I conceive they are not 
yet fitted for this business." ^ 

Such were the scenes, as described in the simple and touching 
language of the sufferers, that marked the second year of the his- 
tory of Charlestown and the settlement of Boston. The dead, say 
the Records, were buried about the Town Hill.- It was chiefly 
about this hill that the emigrants first built their " cottages." It 
continued, until the Revolution, to be the most populous part of 
the town. And there, on another day of trial, the homes of the 
descendants of these " first victims," became an early sacrifice 
on the altar of American liberty. Eulogy has exhausted itself 
in treating of the day of Bunker Hill. But not less worthy of 
commemoration are the firmness, the self-sacrifice, the Christian 
resignation, of the men, who thus, in tears and faith, founded the 
Colony of Massachusetts. 

1 Dudley's Letter. 

2 There is a tradition that there was anciently a grave-yard on the Town 
Hill. Human bones have been dug up in various places upon it. The 
last instance of this was, in digging this year, 1845, the cellar for the 
stores built by Mr. Joseph Thompson on the Square. Some of the bones 
consisted of parts of sculls in which the teeth were in a state of perfect 
preservation. But no part of this hill was ever laid out as a regular bii- 
rying-place, and the tradition is probably founded on the single instance 
mentioned in the Records. 


On page 24, for " Clapp," read " Clap." 
On page 37, for the last time " 1632 " occurs, read " 1633." 
At the" foot of page 13, for " Indians," read " Northern Indians. 
There are a few other errors of minor importance.