THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
RIVERSIDE
Ex Libris
ISAAC FOOT <
HISTORY
CHARLES THE FIRST
ENGLISH Rl'YOLUTIOK
HISTORY
OF
CHARLES THE FIRST
ENGLISH REVOLUTION,
FKOM THE ACCESSION OF CHARLES THE FIRST
to his execution.
By M. GUIZOT.
TEAT^SLATED BY ANDEEW R. SCOBLE.
NEW EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREEi;
^^ublisficr in (Prtfinnr!) to Tbcx Jttajcsip.
1854.
D ^ 3 9 5
ADVERTISEMENT.
In the Appendix to this Volume will be found some
valuable despatches from the Dutch Ambassadors in
London to the States-General, in reference to the
trial and execution of Charles I. His Majesty the
King of the Netherlands had the goodness to direct
that the Archives of his kingdom and family, at the
Hague, should be thrown open to me, and that I
might take copies of any documents I might need. I
envy the friends of truth and learning the pleasure
of paying due homage to this act of royal liberality :
for my own part, I must rest content with merely
expressing my gratitude— anything more would be
considered flattery. Though I have not yet reached
that epoch of the English Revolution— the reign of
James IL— of which the true history is assuredly
contained in the Archives of the Hague, I hastened to
consult them, and have already obtained from them
much valuable information, and many documents of
Vi ADVERTISEMENT.
the highest interest. His Excellency M. Tan (xob-
belscroy, Minister of the Interior, and M. de Jouge,
Keeper of the Archives, kindly gave me every facility
and assistance in pursuing these researches. Let me
here offer them my most sincere and hearty thanks :
but my gratitude is not disinterested ; for in the
further portions of my Work, I shall frequently have
recourse to their kindness, which will need to be as
inexhaustible as the rich treasure confided to their
care.
GuizoT.
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
BOOK IV.
Commencement of the Civil War — The King sets up his Standard
at Nottingham — Battle of Edgehill — Alarm in London — Action
at Brentford — -Attempts at Negociation — Character of the
Civil War — The Queen returns from the Continent — Negocia-
tions at Oxford — Distrust of the Earl of Essex — Internal Dis-
sensions of the Parliament — lloyalist Plot in the City — Death
of Hampden — Defeats of the Parliament — The King proposes
to march on London — Failure of the project — Siege of Glou-
cester — Essex raises the Siege — Battle of Newbury — Death of
Lord Falkland — Alliance of the Parliament with the Scots —
Essex returns to London in triumph .....
BOOK V.
State of Parties — Rise of the Independents — Proceedings of the
Court at Oxford — The King concludes a Treaty with the Irish
— Parliament at Oxford — -Death of Pym — Campaign of 1644 —
Battle of Marston Moor — Reverses of Essex in Cornwall —
Misunderstanding between Cromwell and the Presbyterian
Leaders — Attempts at Negociation — Self-denying Ordinance —
Trial and Death of Laud — Negociations at Uxbridge — Reor-
ganization of the Parliamentarian Army — Fairfax is appointed
General — Essex fenders his Resignation .....
BOOK VI.
Formation of the Army of the Independents — Cromwell retains
his Command — Campaign of 1645 — Alarms of the Parliament —
Battle of Naseby — The Parliament captures and publishes the
King's private Correspondence — Decline of the Royalist party
in the West — Flight and anxiety of the King — Victories of
Montrose in Scotland — The King makes an unsuccessful attempt
to join him — Defeat of Monti'ose — Residence of the King at
Newark — His return to Oxford, and attempt to renew Negocia-
169
Vlll CONTENTS.
tions with the ParHainent— His Overtures are rejected by the
Parhament— New Elections— The King's Treaty with the Irish
Insurgents— Its discovery— Defeat of the last Eoyahst troops—
The King escapes from Oxford, and takes refuge in the Scottish
Camp ........ ...
BOOK VIZ.
Anxieties and Intrigues of the Independents — Residence of the
King at Newcastle — He rejects the propositions of the Parlia-
ment — Negociations of the Parliament with the Scots to induce
them to give up the King and leave the Country — Consent of
the Scots — The King is conducted to Holmby — Outbreak of
Discord between the Parliament and the Army — Conduct of
Cromwell — He procures the King's removal from Holmby —
The Army marches ujjon London, and impeaches eleven
Presbyterian Leaders — They retire from Parliament — The King
at Hampton Court — Negociations of the Army with him — Eiot
in the City in favour of Peace — Secession of a large number of
Members of both Houses to the Army — Their return to
London — Defeat of the Presbyterians — Outbreaks of the Re-
publicans and Levellers — Cromwell becomes suspected by the
Soldiers — They mutiny against the Officers — Cromwell's pru-
dent conduct — The King's terror, and flight to the Isle of Wight 223
BOOK VIII.
The Rendezvous at Ware — Cromwell suppresses the Agitators,
and afterwards reconciles himself with them — Parliament sends
to the King, in four Bills, the prehminaiy conditions of Peace —
The King rejects them, and secretly treats with the Scots —
The Parliament determines to discontinue Negociations with
the King — General discontent and reaction in favour of the
King — Embarrassment of CromweU and the Independents —
Breaking out of the Second Civil War — Campaign under Fairfax
in the East and around London, under CromweU in the West,
under Lambert in the North — Siege of Colchester — The Scots
enter England — Cromwell marches against them — Battles of
Preston, Wigan, and AVarrington — Cromwell in Scotland — The
Presbyterians regain the ascendancy in London — Parliament
resumes Negociations with the King — Negociations at Newport
Changes in the condition of Parties — The Army removes the
King from the Isle of Wight — He is taken to Hurst Castle,
then to Windsor— Last eftbrts of the Presbyterians on his
behalf — The Army marches towards London — Purging of the
House of Commons — Trial and Death of the King — Abolition
of Kingship 320
HISTORY
CHARLES THE FIRST
AND THE
ENGLISH REVOLUTION.
BOOK IV.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE CIVIL WAR — THE KING SETS DP HIS STANDARD AT
NOTTINGHAM BATTLE OF EDGEHILL ALARM IN LONDON — ACTION AT
BRENTFORD — ATTEMPTS AT NEGOCIATION — CHARACTER OF THE CIVIL
WAR — THE QUEEN RETURNS FROM THE CONTINENT — NEGOCIATIONS AT
OXFORD DISTRUST OF THE EARL OF ESSEX — INTERNAL DISSENSIONS OF
THE PARLIAMENT — ROYALIST PLOT IN THE CITY — DEATH OF HAMPDEN —
DEFEATS OF THE PARLIAMENT — THE KING PROPOSES TO MARCH ON
LONDON — FAILURE OF THE PROJECT — SIEGE OF GLOUCESTER — ESSEX
RAISES THE SIEGE — BATTLE OF NEWBURY — DEATH OF LORD FALKLAND —
ALLIANCE OF THE PARLIAMENT WITH THE SCOTS — ESSEX RETURNS TO
LONDON IN TRIUMPH.
On being informed of these arrangements, the King,
relieved in his turn from all uncertainty, displayed a
greater amount of vigour. A small supply of stores
had been sent him from Holland, and the Queen pro-
mised further remittances.^ The Commissioners whom
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 102.
VOL. II. B
2 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
he had authorized to raise recruits in his name — the
Marquis of Hertford, the Earl of Northampton, Lord
Strange, Sir Ealph Hopton, and Sir Henry Hastings,
— had met with some success in the western and
northern counties/ Colonel Goring, the Governor of
Portsmouth, had declared in his favour.^ The Cavaliers
were rising in all directions ; they ranged the country
on every side, forcing an entrance into the houses of
the friends of the Parliament, and carrying off their
money, horses and arms, with which they hastened to
York, proud of the victories they had achieved, and
the booty they had so easily won. Charles felt that
such disorders would greatly injure his cause ; and, in
order to repress them, and at the same time to excite
the zeal of the Eoyahsts, he personally visited the
counties of York, Leicester, Derby, Nottingham and
Lincoln, calling the nobihty together wherever he
went, thanking them for their fidelity, and exhorting
them to act with prudence and good order ; during
this progress, he displayed greater energy and affabihty
than was usual with him, taking care to converse
even with the common people, and losing no oppor-
tunity of proclaiming his firm attachment to the
rehgion and laws of the country.^ These gathei'ings
and speeches — the gentry deserting or fortifying their
country-houses — the citizens rebuilding the walls of
their towns — the roads thronged by armed travellers
' May's History of the Loug Parliament, p. 224-227.
2 Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 172 ; ParHa-
mentary History, vol. ii. col. 1440.
'' May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 213 ; Clarendon's History
of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 189.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. d
— the militia exercising every day — all presented the
appearance of open war, and furnished pretexts and
incitements to it, at every moment, and in every part
of the kingdom. Blood had even been shed already
in several encounters, which had more closely resembled
riots than battles.^ By his two unsuccessful attempts
to gain possession of Hull and Coventry, the King
had abeady given the Parhament cause to charge him
with the first aggression.^ Both parties were in equal
dread of incurring this reproach ; both were ready to
risk all in the support of their rights ; but both
trembled at having to answer for the future. At
length, on the 23rd of August, 1643, Charles resolved
officially to call his subjects to arms, by setting up the
royal standard at Nottingham. At six o'clock in the
evening, on the brow of the hill which overlooks the
town, attended by eight hundred horse and a small
body of militia, he first ordered his proclamation to be
read. The herald had already commenced reading it,
when some scruples arose in the King's mind ; he
took back the paper, and slowly corrected several pas-
sages on his knee ; then returned it to the herald, who
had great difficulty in reading the corrections. The
trumpets sounded ; the standard was advanced, bearing
this motto, " Give Csesar his due ! " But no one
knew where to plant it, nor what were the precise for-
malities which had anciently accompanied this method
of the convocation of vassals by their sovereign. The
> May's History of the Long Parliament, p, 226 ; Whitelocke, p. 54.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 172 ; Parlia-
mentary History, vol. ii. col. 1456.
B 2
4 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
weather was gloomy, and tlie wind blew with violence.
The standard was at length set up within the walls of
the castle, on the top of a tower, in imitation of the
example set by Eichard III., the latest known pre-
cedent. On the following day, the wind had blown it
down. " It should have been placed," said the King,
"in an open place, where all men that would might
freely come in to it, and not in a prison ;" and he had
it taken out of the castle, into the adjoining park.
When the heralds attempted to fix it into the ground,
they discovered that the spot they had chosen was a
hard and solid rock. With their daggers they dug a
small hole in which they inserted the staff, but it
would not stand, and for some hours, it was held in its
place by the soldiers. The spectators withdrew, with
minds disturbed by sinister presentiments.^ The
King remained for some days at Nottingham, waiting,
but in vain, for the country to respond to his appeal.
The army of the Parliament was in process of forma-
tion at Northampton, no great distance from Notting-
ham, and already consisted of several regiments. " If
the rebels should make a brisk attempt to that pur-
pose," said Sir Jacob Astley, the major-general of the
royal forces, *' I could not give any assurance against
his Majesty's being taken out of his bed."^ Some
members of his council urged the King to make
another attempt at negociation. " Wliat, already ! "
said Charles, "at the beginning of the war, nay, even
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. i. p. 783 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. iii. pp. 190—192 ; Lilly's Observations on the Life and
Death of King Charles, in Maseres' Select Tracts, vol. i. p. 176.
^ Clarendon's Histoiy of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 194.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 5
before it has begun ! " His friends insisted, on the
ground of his weakness. On the 25th of August, four
deputies — the Earls of Southampton and Dorset, Sir
John Colepepper, and Sir Wilham Uvedale — were sent
to London, but returned without success ; one of them,
Lord Southampton, had even failed to obtain permis-
sion to deliver his message personally to the House. ^
About the middle of September, the King left Not-
tingham, and, in spite of his unwilhngness to remove
further from London, on being informed that the
western counties displayed the most zeal for his cause,
he transferred his head-quarters to Shrewsbmy.
For more than a week, the Earl of Essex had been
at the head of his army. On his departure from
London, on the 9th of September, an immense crowd
had accompanied him, with loud acclamations, and
much waving of orange streamers, the colour of his
house : whoever wore any other colour, was regarded
with suspicion, and insulted.^ At Northampton, he
found nearly twenty thousand men assembled. A
committee of both Houses was associated with him,
and was to reside near him, but it was to meet under
his presidency, and was invested with no superior
powers to his own.^ He had instructions to transmit
to the King a petition entreating him to return to
London, and on liis refusal to do so, he was to follow
him wherever he went, and " by battle or otherwise,
to rescue his Majesty's person, and the persons of the
' Parliamentary History, vol. ii. cols. 1458 — 1460.
^ May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 246 ; Whitelocke, p. 62.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. ii. col. 1473. The committee consisted
of twelve Lords, and twenty-four members of the House of Commons.
6 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, out of the
hands of those desperate persons who are now about
them."^
The petition was not even presented : the Eang
declared that he would receive no address from men
whom he had already proclaimed traitors.'^ At
Shrewsbury, he had gained fresh strength and confi-
dence. From the west and north, large bodies of re-
cruits had at length arrived. In order to provide them
with arms, he had, in spite of all resistance, appropri-
ated those belonging to the mihtia of several counties ;
and he had also seized on some supplies which were
on their way through the west to be shipped at Chester
for Ireland. The Catholics of Shropshire and Stafford-
shire had advanced him five thousand pounds ; a gen-
tleman had paid him six thousand pounds for a
peerage, and his partizans had secretly sent him
money, even from London. About twelve thousand
men had joined his standard.^ At the head of the
cavalry, his nephew Prince Rupert,* who had arrived
from Germany in the beginning of September, scoured
the surrounding country, and had already rendered
himself odious by his rapine and brutahty, but formi-
dable for liis courage and audacity. Essex advanced
but slowly, and as though it were his purpose to
follow rather than encounter his enemy. He reached
' Parliamentary History, vol. ii. col. 1472.
* October 16, 1642 ; Parliamentary History, vol. ii. col. 1484.
^ May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 246 ; Clarendon's History
of the EebeUion, vol. iii. pp. 217, 218 ; Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson,
p. 114.
* Second son of Frederick V , Elector Palatine, King of Bohemia, and
Elizabeth, sister of Charles I.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 7
Worcester, at no great distance from the King's head-
quarters, on the 23rd of September, and remained
there in complete inaction for three weeks. Embol-
dened by this behaviour, by his success in a few
skirmishes, and by the improved appearance of his
condition, Charles resolved to march upon London, to
terminate the war by one decisive blow ; and he had
already been three days on his march thither, when
Essex started in pursuit of him, to defend the Parha-
ment.
The alarm was great in London ; so imminent a
danger had not been anticipated ; the Parliamentarians
were filled with astonishment, the Royalists began to
bestir themselves, and the people were alarmed. But
the fear of the people may easily be turned into anger ;
and the Parliament did its best to effect this change
in popular feeling. Equally firm and passionate in its
acts and in its language, it suddenly took measures of
defence against the King, and of severity against the
malignants. All who had not subscribed to the
voluntary contributions were heavily taxed, and com-
pelled to pay at once ; the recusants were imprisoned,
and the suspected disarmed. Requisitions of every kind
were made ; all the stables in the city and suburbs
were visited, and all the horses fit for service were
seized. Fortifications were hastily thrown up ; men,
women and children laboured with equal zeal in their
construction ; chains were hung across the streets, and
barricades erected ; the militia were kept constantly on
foot, ready to march at a moment's notice.'
1 May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 254 ; Pai'liamentary
8 * HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Suddenly, on the morning of the 24th of October,
the report was spread that a great battle had been
fought, in which the Parliamentarian army had been
totally defeated, many officers killed, and large numbers
taken prisoners. This news came from Uxbridge, a
few miles from London, and had been announced, it
was said, by Sir James Eamsey, a Scotchman and
colonel of a regiment of cavalry, as he passed through
the town in his flight. Almost at the same moment,
other news arrived of a very different but equally un-
certain character ; the victory of the Earl of Essex was
stated to be complete, and the royal army in utter
rout. This intelligence had also been obtained from
persons who had been met, on the Uxbridge road,
galloping in all haste to announce this wonderful suc-
cess in London.^
Equally ignorant with the people as to the real state
of the case, the Parliament directed the shops to be
shut, ordered the militia to be at their posts and the
citizens to await further orders ; and required from each
of its members a personal declaration of firm adherence
to the Earl of Essex and his cause, whatever had hap-
pened or might happen.^ It was not until the next
day, the 26th of October, 1642, that Lord Wharton
and Mr. Strode arrived from the army with an official
account of the battle and its results.
It had been fought on the 23rd of October, near
History, vol. ii. cols. 1478 — 1485 ; Whitelocke, p. 63 ; Clarendon's
History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. j). 269.
' Whitelocke, p. 64 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii.
p. 300.
* Parhamentaiy History, vol. ii. col. 1494.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 9
Keynton, in Warwickshire, at the foot of Edgehill :
there only, after a march of ten days, during which
the two armies, thongh at a short distance from one
another, had been completely ignorant of each other's
movements, Essex had at length come up with the
King's troops. Though he had left behind liim a por-
tion of his artillery and several of his best regiments,
among others that led by Hampden, he determined to
fight without delay; and the King, on his side, had
adopted the same resolution. Both were desirous of an
engagement, Essex in order to save London, and Charles
to put an end to the obstacles which he met with in a
county so hostile to his cause, that the blacksmiths fled
from the villages, to avoid shoeing the King's horses/
The action began at about two o'clock in the afternoon,
and was kept up with great vigour until evening ; the
Parhamentarian cavalry, weakened by the desertion of
Sir Faithful Eortescue's regiment, wliich, when ordered
to charge, went over to the enemy, were routed by
Prince Eupert ; but, with his reckless impetuosity and
characteristic love of plunder, he pursued them for
more than two miles, heedless of what was going on
behind him. He was at length stopped by Hampden's
regiment, which came up with the artillery, and forced
him to return to the field of battle. On his return, he
found the royal infantry broken and dispersed; the
Earl of Lindsey was mortally wounded and a prisoner ;
the King's standard had fallen into the hands of the
Parhamentarians ; and the King himself had, at one
time, been left almost alone, and was in imminent
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 275.
10 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
danger of being taken. Essex's reserve alone remained
in good order on the field. Charles and his nephew
endeavoured in vain to encourage their squadrons to a
new charge ; they had returned in confusion ; the
soldiers were seeking their officers, and the officers their
soldiers ; the horses were ready to drop with fatigue ;
nothing could be done with them. The two armies
spent the night on the field of battle, both anxiously
awaiting the morrow, though both claimed the victory.
The Parliament had lost the greatest number of
soldiers, and the King most men of mark and officers.
At break of day, Charles rode tlirough the camp ; a
third of his infantry, and a great many cavahy, were
missing ; not that all had fallen, but the cold, the want
of provisions, and the violence of the first onset, had
disgusted a great many of the volunteers, and they had
dispersed.^ That he might freely continue his march
on London, the King would gladly have risked another
engagement ; but he soon saw that it was impossible.
In the Parliamentarian camp, the same question had
been debated; Hampden, Hollis, Stapleton, and most
of the officers of militia and members of the House of
Commons, implored Essex to recommence the fight
witliout delay: "The King," they said, "is unable to
maintain it ; three fresh regiments have joined us ; he
will either fall into our hands, or be forced to accept
our conditions ; the speedy termination of the war can
alone save the country from misfortunes, and the Par-
liament from risks, which it is impossible to foresee."
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 33 — 38 ; May's History of the Long
Parliament, p. 262 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 283.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 11
But the soldiers by profession, the officers trained in
the continental wars, Colonel Dalbier and others, op-
posed this suggestion ; in their opinion, it was a great
achievement to have fought so glorious a fight with
mere recruits ; London was saved, but their success
had cost them dear ; the soldiers, unused to battle,
were sui'prised and dispirited; they would not fight
again so soon with any heartiness ; the Parhament had
but one army, which they must train to war, and not
risk all in one day. They spoke with authority ;
Essex adopted their advice, and transferred his head-
quarters to Warwick, in the rear of the royal army,
but sufficiently near to enable him to follow its move-
ments,^ A few days after, the King, continuing his
march towards London, though without any intention
of proceeding thither, fixed his head-quarters at Oxford,
of all the large towns in the kingdom the most devoted
to his cause.
In London as well as at Oxford, public thanksgivings
were celebrated : for the Parliament, as its friends whis-
pered among themselves, had obtained a great dehver-
ance, though but a small victory. It soon perceived
that even this deliverance was far from complete.^
The royal troops, nearer London than those of Essex,
scoured the adjacent country ; most of the deserters
rejoined theu' regiments, having been cured of their
first terror by the hope of booty. Banbury, Abingdon,
and Henley, towns on which the Parhament believed
it could rely, opened their gates to the King, without
striking a blow. The garrison of Heading, com-
i Whitelocke s Memorials, p. 64. * Ibid.
12 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
manded by Henry Marty n, a cynical demagogue who
was one of CromweU's intimate friends, fled disgrace-
fully at the approach of a few squadrons ;^ and the
King removed his head-quarters to that town. Prince
Rupert overran and pillaged the country to the very
suburbs of London.^ The city grew alarmed; the
House of Lords welcomed pacific proposals.^ Essex
was ordered to draw near the metropolis with his
troops ; and in the meanwhile, it was resolved that a
safe-conduct should be requested of the King, for six
commissioners who were appointed to open negocia-
tions with him. He refused to include in it one of
their number, Sir John Evelyn, whom he had just
previously proclaimed a traitor.* The -House of Com-
mons now wished to break off* the whole affair. On the
7th of November, Essex had arrived. On the 8th, the
Lord Mayor called a general meeting of the citizens at
Guildliall. Two members of Parliament, Lord Brook
and Sir Harry Yane, attended the meeting, to arouse
their courage, and induce them to march out and join
the general's forces. Alluding to the battle of Edge-
hill, Lord Brook said : " Certainly it is the greatest
victory that was ever gotten ; near two thousand (I
love to speak with the least) on their side slain, and I
am confident not a hundred on our side, unless you
will take in women and children, carmen and dogs, for
they slew the very dogs and all ! If you take in women,
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 318.
^ Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 64.
^ October 29, 1642; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1.
^ November 2, 1642; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 2—5;
Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 322.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 13
cliildren, carmen, and dogs, then they slew about two
hundred The general's resolution is to go out to-
morrow, and do again as much as he hath done. All
tliis is for your sake ; for he can be a free man, he can
be a gentleman, he can be a great man, he can go where
he will ; therefore, it is only for your sake he is re-
solved to go out to-morrow. When you hear the
drums beat (for it is resolved that the drums shall beat
to-morrow) say not, I beseech you, ' I am not of the
trained band,' nor this, nor that, nor the other ; but
doubt not to go out to the work, and fight courageously,
and this shall be the day of your deliverance."^ The
hall rang with acclamations ; but the popular alarm
was not dispelled ; the King, whose partizans kept
him informed of all that happened, had hastened his
march, and was now at Colnbrook, fifteen miles from
London. The Parliament consented to send five of its
commissioners, without insisting on the admission of
Evelyn. Charles gave them a gracious reception, on
the 11th of November, and said that at anyplace, even
at the gates of the city, he would be ready to treat.^
When his answer was read in the House of Lords, on
the morning of the 12th of November, Essex rose in
his place, and demanded what he was to do, whether
he was to continue or to suspend hostilities. He was
ordered to suspend hostilities ; and Sir Peter KiUigrew
was despatched to treat of an armistice. On his arrival
at Brentford, seven miles from London, he found that
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 6 — 9.
2 Rusliwoi'th, part iii. vol. ii. p 58 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
cols. 9—11.
14 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the war had recommenced ah'eady. Notwithstanding
that negociations were pending, the King had conti-
nued to advance, and had fallen unexpectedly on
HoUis's regiment, which was quartered at Brentford,
in the hope of routing it without much difficulty, and
entering the city before any ejQfectual resistance could
be offered. But the gallant conduct of HoUis's men
gave time for the regiments of Hampden and Lord
Brook, which were in cantonment in the neighbour-
hood, to come to their rehef, and for several hours they
sustained alone the onslaught of the royal army. The
cannonading was heard in London, but no one under-
stood its cause. As soon as he heard the news, Essex,
who was in the House of Lords at the time, mounted
his horse, and hastened, with such troops as he could
collect, to bring off his regiments. On his arrival,
the action was at an end; the soldiers of Hampden
and Hollis, after great carnage, had retreated in dis-
order ; the King occupied Brentford, but there he had
halted, and did not seem disposed to push forward any
further.^
London was now filled with indignation, and this
feeling was the stronger because it was coupled with
an increase of fear. The King's perfidy and barbarity
formed the sole subject of conversation ; he intended,
it was said, to take the city by assault, during the
night, and to give up its inhabitants, with their
families and property, to the mercy of liis rutliless
' May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 274. This action at
Brentford has been a subject of great debate between Parhamentarian
and Royalist writers ; but I think that, by carefully weighing and com-
paring dates, I have been able to give a correct account of it.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 15
and licentious Cavaliers.^ Even the warmest advocates
of the war bitterly complained of liis having thus
brought it under their very walls, and exposed so
many thousands of his peaceful subjects to such hor-
rible danger. The Parliament immediately sought to
profit by this popular feehng. It invited the apprentices
to enhst, and promised that the time of their service
should count as part of their apprenticeship ; the city
offered four thousand of its militia, and appointed
Skippon to command them. " Come, my boys, my
brave boys," he said, as he placed himself at their
head, " let us pray heartily, and fight heartily. I
will rmi the same fortunes and hazards with you.
Eemember the cause is for God, and for the defence
of yourselves, your wives, and children. Come, my
honest, brave boys, pray heartily and fight heartily ;
and God will bless us."^ During a day and night,
these new levies of militia-men and volunteers,
marched successively out of London to join the ranks
of the army ; and on the 14th of November, two days
after the action at Brentford, Essex, accompanied by
nearly all the members of both Houses, and a vast
crowd of spectators, reviewed twenty-four thousand
men drawn up in battle array on Tm-nham- green, less
than a mile from tiie King's outposts.
Here the discussion which had arisen in the gene-
ral's council, after the battle of Edgeliill, was again
renewed. Hampden and his friends urgently de-
manded an immediate attack. " Never again," they
' Whitelocko's Memorials, p. 65.
* n>id., Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 14.
16 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
said, " shall we find the people so firmly confident of
victory, or under such an imperious necessity to con-
quer." Their opinion prevailed for a moment, and
some movements of the troops were ordered in con-
sequence. But Essex consented to action with great
unwilHngness ; his veteran ofiicers persisted in their
opposition : and an incident occurred to support their
objections. One day, while the army was drawn up
in order opposite the royal troops, either because the
King's forces appeared to make a movement of attack,
or from some other motive, two or three hundred
spectators, who had come from London on horseback,
suddenly turned round, and galloped at full speed
towards town. At this sight, great agitation pervaded
the Parliamentarian ranks, discouraging pln*ases were
uttered, and many of the soldiers seemed disposed
to desert their colours and return to their homes.
When the mistake became evident, their countenances
regained their serenity, and the ranks closed again :
abundant supphes of provisions, wine, tobacco, and
commodities of all sorts, sent by the women in the
city to their husbands and sons, restored confidence
and gaiety to the camp. But Essex firmly refused
to risk all, in rehance on popular enthusiasm ; he re-
called the troops which had been sent forward, and
put himself entirely in a postui-e of defence ; and the
King, who, on his side, was in great dread of an
attack, for he had neither powder nor ball, effected
his retreat without obstruction, first to Reading, and
then to Oxford, where he took up his winter quarters.^
' Whitelocke pp. 65, 66 ; Ludlow''s Memoirs, p. 24.
AND THE ENGLISH llEVOLUTION. 17
So much hesitation and delay, against which the
leaders of the Parliament struggled in vain, originated
in more powerful causes than the wavering attitude
of the soldiers or the prudence of the general. Even
the city was full of division and uncertainty : the
peace party there did not hesitate to proclaim its
principles, and was joined, especially among the liigher
class of citizens, by many men who had consented to
the war with fear and sorrow, only because they did
not know how to prevent it. Already, numerous
petitions, while protesting with the utmost vigour
against Popery and absolute power, called upon Par-
liament to put an end to the war.^ In vain were they
thrown aside, in vain were their authors menaced ;
other petitions arrived from the counties, addressed
to the Lords, who were considered more hkely to give
them a favourable reception.'^ Petitions of an opposite
character were not wanting ; on the one hand, the
magistrates and Common Council of the city (who had
been appointed by recent elections), and on the other,
the lower class of citizens and the populace, were
devoted to the boldest leaders of the Commons, and
eagerly availed themselves of every opportunity to
stimulate or support them. A tradesman, named
Shute, came almost daily to the bar of the House,
accompanied by a numerous train, to demand in the
name of " the most active and most rehgious part of
ths city," that the war should be carried on with
vigour.^ He was received with favour, and thanked
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 43. * Ibid., vol. iii. col. 46.
=* Ibid., vol. iii. cols. 12, 22, 37.
VOL, II. C
18 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
for his zeal ; but when his language became too im-
perious, when he spoke too insolently of the Lords
and officers of the army, it was judged necessary to
reprimand him ;^ for no one would have ventured to
say, or perhaps even to think, that the Parliament
would be obliged to separate from the nobles who
were engaged in its cause, or would be able to triumph
without their support. To give the friends of peace
some ostensible satisfaction, it was resolved that the
Common Council should officially put the question,
not to the Parliament, but to the King himself; on
him would thus devolve the embarrassment of giving
an answer, and the answer he was likely to give could
not fail to displease the citizens. With the consent
of both Houses, a deputation from the Common
Council proceeded to Oxford, on the 2nd of January,
1643. The King smiled when they urged him to
return to London, and promised to defend him from
tumults. " You cannot maintain peace and quiet
among yourselves," he said ; and he dismissed the
deputation with his answer, sending with them a
gentleman with orders to read it, in his name, to the
assembled citizens. The meeting was held on the
13th of January; an immense crowd filled Guildhall;
Lord Manchester and Mr. Pym attended, on behrlf of
the Parhament, to rebut any accusation the King
might bring against them. At sight of this eager
multitude, the Royal Commissioner became alarmed,
and wished to be excused from reading the message,
on account of the weakness of his voice. He was,
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 38.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 19
however, required to discharge his commission, and
obeyed ; but he was forced to read the message twice,
in different parts of the hall, that all present might
hear liim. At the second reading, some Royalists,
who were standing timidly near the door, ventm'ed to
cheer, but their cheers were immediately drowned by
^dolent murmurs. The King's letter was long, bitter
in tone, and full of recriminations, which indicated no
desire for peace. Pym and Lord Manchester spoke in
reply to it ; shouts of " We will Hve and die with
them!" greeted their words on every side; and for a
time at least, pacific petitions were discountenanced.^
The attempts of the Royahst party never produced
any other result ; but they were unceasingly renewed ;
they kept both Westminster and the City in a state of
continual anxiety ; but no one as yet thought of op-
posing them by those final excesses of tyranny, which
give parties a few days of uncontrolled power, for
which they have soon to pay by long reverses. The
Parhament, intent on its conflict with this internal
evil, was unable either to display its fnU energy out of
doors, or to direct it freely towards other contests.
In the counties it was otherwise. There, parties
were trammelled by no ties ; there, no general and
decisive responsibihty attached to their acts, and no
poHtical necessities or calculations interfered to regu-
late or intimidate their passions. Thus, whilst in the
neighbourhood of London, between the Parliament
and the King, the war seemed to languish, it was car-
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 110 — 116 ; Parliamentaiy History,
vol. iii. cols. 49 — 61.
c 2
20 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
ried on elsewhere, between the Parliamentarians and
the Eoyalists, with spontaneous energy and openness,
and was conducted in each locality on the account of
its inhabitants alone, and almost without reference to
what was going on between Oxford and London. A
few months had scarcely passed, and yet the kingdom
was covered with warlike confederations, freely formed,
either by men of the same opinion in a particular
county, or by neighbouring counties, for the common
maintenance of their common cause. As a preliminary
step, these confederations requested and received from
the Parhament or the King, as the case might be, a
general commission for their leaders, and authority to
levy soldiers, to impose taxes, and to take all such
measures as they might deem necessary to insure suc-
cess. They then acted separately and almost entirely
at their own discretion, except that from time to time
they sent accounts of their position and actions to
Oxford or London, and sohcited assistance or advice in
case of need.^ In the absence of such local leagues,
and sometimes simultaneously with their formation,
some wealthy and influential gentleman frequently
raised a small body of men, and carried on a partizan
warfare, either in the immediate vicinity of his town
' Of these confederacies, the two most important were, in the north,
that of Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, for
the Royal cause ; and in the east, that of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge,
Huntingdon, Bedford, Essex, Lincoln, and Hertford shires, for the Par-
liament. Next in importance was the league of the midland counties
of Northampton, Warwick, Leicester, Derby, and Stafford, for the Par-
liament ; and that of the south-western counties of Dorset, Somerset,
Devon, and Cornwall, for the King. — Rushworth, part. iii. vol. ii. pp. 66,
94—98, 119,381.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 21
or estate, or to a greater distance, as his boldness,
strength, or necessities dictated/ But if, in other
quarters, more pacific tendencies momentarily prevailed,
they were manifested with as much independence ; in
Yorkshire and Cheshire, the two parties, believing
themselves almost equally strong, and more capable of
injm^ing than of conquering one another, officially
concluded a treaty of neutrality -^ and almost at the
same time, at the opposite extremity of England, the
counties of Devon and Cornwall solemnly swore, by
commissioners, to remain at peace, and to leave the
King and the Parhament to fight out their quarrel
between themselves.^ But both the Parhament and
the King severely censured such conventions ;* and
the men who had entered into them had presumed too
much on their mutual forbearance, for they soon be-
came involved in the war, like the rest of their coun-
trymen. In the wealthiest and most populous counties,
those of the east, centre, and south-east of England,
the Parhamentarians had the predominance ; in the
northern, western, and south-western counties, the
Royalists were tlie strongest ; for in those counties
landed property was less divided, industry less active,
the nobihty more influential, and the Eoman Catholic
religion more prevalent. But in both these divisions
of the kingdom, especially in that in which the royal
cause prevailed, the weaker party was strong enough
to hold its enemies in check ; and the Parliament had
' See the Memoirs of Ludlow and of Mrs. Hutchinson.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 448.
^ Ibid., vol. iii. p. 434. ■* Ibid., vol. iii. p. 430.
22 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
this great advantage, that the counties devoted to its
interests were nearly all contiguous and compacted
together, so as to constitute a formidable belt round
London ; whereas the royahst counties, extending in a
long and narrow line from the south-west to the north-
east, from the Land's End in Cornwall to the northern
extremity of Durham, and intersected at several points
by districts of contrary opinions, were far less united
among themselves, found it very difficult to communi-.
cate with each other, were rarely able to act in con-
cert, and could only protect the rear of Charles's head-
quarters at Oxford, which, though a devotedly royalist
town, was too far advanced, and lay almost in isolation
amidst the enemy's territory.
A war of this kind, in midwinter, and with the two
main armies in a state of almost complete inactivity,
could not lead to prompt or decisive results. Sudden
and brief expeditions were made almost daily, small
toAvns were alternately occupied and abandoned, but in
these surprises and encounters, success and defeat were
very evenly balanced between the two parties.^ The
townsfolk were growing used to war, but without
becoming practised soldiers. Some leaders began to
earn distinction by their courage, ability, or good for-
tune ; but no one was yet known to the whole people,
and their influence was local, like their achievements.
Besides, though passions ran high, the manners of the
people were generous and mercifal ; although the aris-
tocracy were on the decline, and the new power of the
' See the Memoirs of Ludlow and of Colonel Hutchinson ; May's
History of the Long Parliament, pp. 242 — 275.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 23
Commons was the real cause of the national move-
ment, the country was in insurrection against the
King and his tyranny ; the various classes of society
were not at war, nor were they under any necessity of
oppressing one another, in self-defence or for self-eman-
cipation. On both sides, and in almost every locality,
the command was in the hands of men of almost equal
rank, trained to the same habits, and able to under-
stand and respect each other even while they fought.
Though hcentious, frivolous, and rapacious, the Cava-
liers were not bloodthirsty ; and with all their stern
fanaticism, the Presbyterians retained an amount of
respect for the laws and for humanity which has
seldom been paralleled in the annals of civil discord.
Relatives, neighbours, and friends, while serving under
opposite standards, did not break off all kindly inter-
course, but even lent each other assistance in case of
need ; when they met in arms, they treated one another
with courtesy, as persons who had been recently at
peace, and who were not yet irrevocably separated.^
Prisoners were usually hberated on giving a promise
not to serve again ; if it happened that they were left
in great destitution, even if the King saw them defile
before him with an air of cold indifference, the greatest
indignation was felt -^ and the frequently cruel bru-
tahty of Prince Rupert caused so much sui'prise and
scandal, that the very multitude spoke of him with
aversion and disgust as an unciviHzed foreigner. Thus
» Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, p. 114—119 ; Ludlow's Memoirs,
p. 19.
^ Lilly's Observations, in Maseres' Select Tracts, vol. i. pp. 144, 145 ;
Whitelocke, p. 64.
34 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the war, tliough everywhere present and maintained
with great enthusiasm, was unattended by that furious
violence which would have hastened it to a close ; the
two parties, though honest in their opposition, seemed
unwilling to strike each other with too much vigour ;
and fighting daily occurred in all parts of the kingdom,
without either accelerating the course of events, or
leading the King and Parliament to cease to lose time
in trivial debates or vain negociations.
Towards the middle of February, however, the
arrival of the Queen gave a more active character to
the progress of affau's. For more than a year she had
been in Holland, where she had displayed address and
activity of no common order, for the purpose of
obtaining assistance. The aristocratic party then
prevailed in the States ; and the Stadtholder, her son-
in-law, seconded her efforts with all his power. Con-
fident and adventurous when her mind was troubled
by no pressing danger, gracious and allm-ing to those
of whom she had need, she succeeded in interesting
the repubhcan and taciturn people of Holland in her
fate. In vain did the Parhament, in September,
1642, send Mr. Walter Strickland as their ambassador
to the Hague, to remind the Dutch of the services
which the English nation had rendered in past times
to the liberty of the United Provinces, and to demand
that they should at least observe a strict neutrahty.
Strickland, after having waited a long time for an
audience, had great difficulty in obtaining even an
equivocal declaration ; the people openly manifested
their ill-will towards him, and the Queen continued
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 25
without obstruction her preparations for departure.^
Four ships, laden with arms, ammunition, officers and
soldiers, sailed in her train : and Admiral Batten, who
had been ordered by the Parliament to intercept the
convoy, did not come up with it until it had reached
Burlington, on the 22nd of February, 1643. Batten
cannonaded the town. The Queen's lodgings were on
the quay, and some of the balls fell upon the house,
and even into the room in which she lay asleep : she
rose in all haste, and fled into the fields, where, it is
said, she remained concealed for several hours under a
bank,^ Soon the country rang with narratives of her
courage amid her dangers : Lord Newcastle came vdtli
a body of troops to conduct her to York ; the gentry
surrounded her with enthusiasm, burning with indig-
nation against the traitor Batten, who, they said, had
fired intentionally on the house which she occupied. A
host of Catholics tlrronged to serve under her
standard : in vain was this infraction of the laws of
the realm denounced in the strongest terms to the
King and the ParHament ; in vain, with a view to
discredit or intimidate Lord Newcastle, was his army
styled the Queen's army, and the Catholic army ;^ he
had long been formally authorized by the King to act
as he had done,* so he treated these complaints with
contempt, and retained his new soldiers. He soon
' Rush-worth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 157 — 163 ; Harris's Life of Oliver
Cromwell, p. 250, note.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 445 ; Memoires de
Madame de MotteviUe, vol. i. p. 273.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 444.
* See Appendix I.
26 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
found liimself at the head of a considerable force.
The Queen continued to reside at York ; her anxiety
to rejoin her husband yielding to her delight at hold-
ing the cliief command, and presiding supremely over
all the schemes which were already in agitation at her
court. Montrose and Hamilton came from Scotland to
consult with her on the means of engaging that
kingdom in the royal cause. Hamilton, with liis
habitual prudence and love of conciliation, maintained
that it was possible, notwithstanding the decidedly
hostile influence of the Marquis of Argyle, to gain
over the Scottish Parliament. Montrose, presump-
tuous and daring, proposed that a body of Irish, under
the command of the Earl of Antrim, (a powerful
nobleman in the north-east of Ireland, who had also
come to York to offer his services), should land on the
coast of Scotland, that the Highlanders should be
raised, and that the Presbyterian leaders should be
massacred ; and he offered personally to superintend
and execute the plot.^ The Queen listened to all these
propositions, and was secretly favourable to the most
extravagant, but she carefully strove to please all who
came to pay homage to her power. At the same time,
she entered into more effectual intrigues with some of
the Parliamentary leaders., who were either ah*eady
disgusted with their party, or shaken in their opposi-
tion by her proximity. Towards the end of March,
1643, Sir Hugh Cholmondeley, governor of Scar-
borough, who a month before had defeated a body of
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 353, 980 ; Baillie's Letters, vol. i.
p. 364 ; May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 304.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 27
Royalists, promised to place the town in her hands ;
and even Sir John Hotham did not seem disincHned
to open to her those gates of Hull which, before the
outbreak of the war, he had so boldly shut against the
King. In fine, throughout the north, the Eoyalists
were full of ardour and hopefulness ; the ParHament-
arians, anxious and silent, wrote letter after letter to
London, to beg for advice and support.
The Parhament itself grew anxious. At the com-
mencement of the war, it had hoped to obtain imme-
diate success. The increase of taxation excited mur-
murs •} there were rumours of conspiracies in the
City : notwithstanding the absence of so many members
who were friendly to peace, whenever the subject was
broached, it found numerous partizans, even among
the Commons. Negociations were not altogether
broken off; it was proposed that they should be re-
sumed, and that, as an evidence of their good faith, both
parties should disband their armies when they began
to treat. Sir Benjamin Rudyard supported the
motion. "I have long and thoughtfully expected,"
he said, " that the cup of trembling which hath gone
round about us to other nations, would at length come
in amongst us ; it is now come at last, and we may
drink the dregs of it — the worst, which God avert !
There is yet some comfort left, that our miseries are
not likely to last long ; for we cannot fight here as
they do in Grermany, in that great, large, vast conti-
» Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 77. The new taxes amounted
to 10,000/. a-week on the city of London, and 33,518/. a- week on the
whole of the country. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion vol iii
p. 493.
28 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
nent, where, altliough there be war ui some parts of
it, yet there are many other remote quiet places for
trade and tillage to support in. We must fight as in
a cockpit ; we are surrounded with the sea ; we have
no stronger holds than our own skulls and our own
ribs to keep out enemies ; so that the whole kingdom
will suddenly be but one flame. It hath been said in
this House, that we are bound in conscience to punish
the shedding of innocent blood ; but, Sir, who shall be
answerable for all the innocent blood which shall be
spilt hereafter, if we do not endeavour a peace by a
speedy treaty ? Certainly God is as much to be
trusted in a treaty as in a war ; it is He that gives
wisdom to treat as well as courage to fight, and success
to both, as it pleaseth Him. Blood is a crying sin ;
it pollutes a land. Wliy should we defile this land
any longer? Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, let us stint
blood as soon as we can."^ The motion was
rejected, on the 17th of February, 1643, by a majority
of only three votes f but the words of Sir Benjamin
Rudyard were in the mouths of most good men. The
leaders of the Commons secretly shuddered at finding
themselves thus forced to solicit a peace, which was
impossible except on conditions which would render it
fatal to themselves. They yielded, however ; for few
men, even among their friends, were violent enough to
admit the evils of civil war as inevitable ; and on the
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 80, 81.
* There were two divisions in the House : on the first, the motion
was supported by sixty-three votes against sixty-six ; on the second,
by eighty-three votes against eighty-six. — Parliamentary History,
vol. iii. col. 79.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 29
20tli of March, after some preliminary negociations,
five commissioners^ set out for Oxford, with instruc-
tions to discuss, during twenty days, first a suspension
of hostihties, and afterwards a treaty.
The King received them graciously ; their relations
with the Court were dignified and courteous ; the
Earl of Northumberland, as chief commissioner, affected
great magnificence ; he had brought with him all liis
household, his plate, and his wine ; supplies of pro-
visions were sent to him from London. The Eoyalists
visited him, and dined at his house ; the King even
deigned to accept some presents from him for his own
table. ^ Some of the earl's colleagues, though simple
members of the House of Commons, took pleasure in
appearing at Oxford with equal splendour. But when
they came to negociate, these briUiant demonstrations
were of no effect ; neither the Parhament nor the King
could accept the conditions which were proposed on
either side, for they were the same which, before the
war began, had been haughtily rejected, and they
would have given over the consenting party, in a
defenceless state, to its adversaries. One evening, the
envoys of the Parliament flattered themselves that
they had at length obtained from the King, in re-
ference probably to the militia, a concession of some
value : after a long conference, he had appeared to
yield, and he was to give them his answer in writing
on the following morning. To their great surprise, it
' The Earl of Northumberland, Sir John Holland, Sir William Armyn,
WiUiani Pierrepoint, and Bulstrode Whitelocke.
^ Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 68.
30 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
was utterly different from that which had been agreed
upon ; and they learned that when the King went to
bed, during the absence of his ministers, the gentlemen
of liis bedchamber, who were in the Queen's con-
fidence, had induced him to change his resolution.^
" If the King," said Mr. Pierrepoint, one of the com-
missioners, to the royal counsellors, " would at least be
induced to gratify some of the lords now attached to
the Parliament in their demands, their influence might
be of service to him." But Charles, haughty and
rancorous towards liis courtiers as well as towards liis
people, would hardly tolerate the suggestion that he
should one day restore the ofiice of Lord High Ad-
miral to the Earl of Northumberland ; and mtrigues
based on an appeal to personal interests were as vain
as their success would have proved futile.^ The King,
like the leaders of the Commons, was not desirous of
peace ; he had promised the Queen that he would
never make peace without her consent ; and she wrote
to him constantly from York to urge him not to do
so, expressing her displeasure that negociations should
have been opened in her absence, and declaring to her
husband that she would leave England, unless she
were officially provided vvdth a guard.^ A petition
from the officers in garrison at Oxford, which had been
secretly set on foot by the King himself, strongly
opposed any suspension of hostiUties.* In vain did
some of the commissioners of the Parliament endea-
' Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 69.
^ Clarendon's Life, vol. i. p. 183.
=* Ibid., vol. i. pp. 185—188. * Ibid., vol. i. p. 178.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 31
vour, in private conferences, to alarm Charles as to
the fature ;^ in vain did other commissioners, who had
been sent from Scotland to solicit the assembling of a
Parliament in that kingdom, volunteer their mediation.^
He rejected the offer as an insult, forbade them to
meddle with the affairs of England, and at length, as
his final answer to the negociators, offered to return
to the Parliament, if it would transfer its place of
meeting to some town at least twenty miles from
London. On receiving this message, the two Houses
suddenly recalled their commissioners by so peremptory
an order that they deemed it their duty to leave
Oxford that very day, though it was late, and their
travelling carriages were not ready.^
Their conduct at Oxford, and especially their in-
timacy with the King and his Court, had filled the
advocates of war with much distrust. On his arrival in
London, Lord Northumberland learned that one of his
letters to his wife had been opened by Henry Martyn,
one of the members of the Committee of Safety, who
was known only by the violence of his language,
and by liis flight from Eeading at the approach of the
royal troops. No nobleman was more tenacious of his
dignity than the earl, or more accustomed to be
treated with deference by his fellow- citizens. Meeting
Martyn at Westminster, he demanded an explanation
of liis outrageous conduct ; and as Martyn sneeringly
' Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 68.
2 Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 521 ; Clarendon's
Life, vol. i. p. 188.
^ Whitelocke, p. 69 ; Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 164 — 261 ;
Clarendon's History of the RebeUion, vol. iv. p. 17.
32 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
justified what he had done, the earl struck him with
his cane in the presence of several witnesses. The
quarrel, when brought before Parliament, was received
by the Commons with some embarrassment, by the
Lords with haughty indifference ; and it was hushed
up ahnost immediately/ Matters were in that state
in which every circumstance reveals and foments dis-
sensions which no one is willing to see developed.
Spring was near at hand ; whether peace were desired
or feared, it was necessary to prepare for war. On the
same day that the commissioners returned to London,
Essex again took the field.^ It was still Hampden's
opinion that he should march at once upon Oxford, to
besiege and reduce the King.^ At Oxford, it was
feared this might be done, and it was proposed that
the King should rejoin the Queen and Lord Newcastle
in the north. But Essex, still distrustful of his troops,
or already uneasy at his success, again rejected tliis
bold advice, and encamping between Oxford and
London, remained satisfied with laying siege to Read-
ing, a place which, in his opinion, was indispensable
to the safety of the Parliament.
Reading surrendered on the 27th of April, after a
siege of ten days. Hampden again demanded that
Oxford should be attacked ; but Essex persisted in his
refusal.* Notliing was further from his thoughts than
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 109 : Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 51.
^ On the 15th of April, 1643, according to Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii-
p. 265 ; on the 17th, according to May's History of the Long Parlia-
ment, p. 278.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 39.
" Ibid., vol. iv. p. 40.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 33
treachery or fear; but he carried on the war with
regret, and no longer enjoyed the pleasures of popu-
larity to dispel his melancholy forebodings. Even
before the opening of the campaign, some dissatisfac-
tion had been expressed against him in the House of
Commons, and particularly in the Committee of Safety,
which was the real focus of the revolutionary party.
The more violent had even gone so far as to inquire
whether it would be impossible to supersede him, and
the name of Hampden, it is said, was mentioned as his
successor.' Hampden was too wise a man to entertain
the mere idea of holding a power for which he felt no
desire : whether he was capable or not of commanding,
he had merely served as a colonel under Essex. Since
the outbreak of the war, and particularly during the
winter, other officers had won more independent and
more extensive celebrity. In the north, Fairfax and
his father, notwithstanding the superior forces of Lord
Newcastle, had daily, with the most brilliant courage,
disputed with him the possession of that part of the
country at every point. ^ At the head of the associa-
tion of the eastern counties. Lord Manchester^ had
had, it is true, no royalist leader of any renown to con-
tend with; but he had frequently sent valuable aid
to the Parliamentarians in the northern and midland
districts ; well-organized bodies of militia were ready
to follow him, and his frankness, liberality, and kindly
' Wood's Athenre Oxonienses, sub voce Hampden.
2 See the first part of Fairfax's Memoirs.
^ Lord Kimbolton, known also as Lord Mandeville, had borne the
title of Lord Manchester since the death of his father, which occurred
on the 9th of November, 1642.
VOL. II. D
34 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
disposition had endeared him to all the inhabitants of
the surrounding country. In the same counties,
Colonel Cromwell, already famous for many gallant
exploits, as skilful in their arrangement as they were
successful in their issue, exercised over many men of
bold spirit, earnest piety, and easy fortune, an influence
which already gave evidence of great genius and great
power. Finally, in the south and west, the rout of
numerous royalist bands, and the capture of seven
towns in tliree months,^ had won for Sir William
Waller the surname of William the Conqueror.^ The
Parliament, it was said, was therefore not deficient
either in generals or in armies ; and if Lord Essex
refused to conquer, it would be easy to find him a
successor.
These tlireats and complaints, notwithstanding their
bitterness and frequency, were followed by no definite
proposition, no pubhc suggestion. Essex was not a
mere officer in the service of a discontented party ;
around him rallied not only all the noblemen who
were engaged in the war, but the moderate men who
were desirous of peace, and the more clear-sighted
Presbyterians, who were already apprehensive of the
designs of bolder sectaries. Hampden himself, and
the leaders of the political party, while pressing the
earl to act with greater vigour, liad no intention of
separating from him. Their dissensions, therefore,
were not openly manifested ; but though hidden, the
' Chichester, Chepstow, Winchester, Malmesbury, Tewkesbury, Here-
ford, and Monmouth.
^ Clarendon's History of the Kebellion, vol. iv. p. 114.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 35
discord already possessed the mastery, and it was not
long before Essex was made to feel its effects. Those
who were obliged to treat him with outward respect,
secretly used every effort to injure him; and his
defenders, thinking they had done enough in support-
ing him when attacked, took but little pains to render
him further assistance. Before a month had elapsed,
he had to complain of the bad state of his army ; pay,
provisions, and clothing, all were wanting ; suffering
and sickness decimated his soldiers, who not long
before had been so abundantly cared for by the City.
He made his wants known to the various committees
which had been appointed to supply them; but liis
opponents, far more active and energetic than his
friends, exercised the chief influence in those bodies ;
their untiring zeal had obtained for them the chief
oflS.ces in the executive government, and the subor-
dinate agents were nearly all of their selection. All
the general's appeals were in vain.^ The second cam-
paign had but just commenced : there seemed to have
been no change in the state of affairs ; but already that
party which had deprived the King of his sovereign
power felt it escaping from their hands ; already a
new party, though still obliged to conceal its true cha-
racter, had gained power enough to reduce the great
army of the Parliament to impotence, and had enough
enthusiastic confidence to risk aU by giving this ad-
vantage to the common enemy.
Already also, under the sway of similar passions, a
» May's History of the Long Parliament, pp. 276, 279, 294, 295 ;
Memoirs of Denzil HoUis, p. 9,
D 2
3G HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
new army was silently in process of formation. In
those slight skirmishes which, notwithstanding the
delays and negociations between Oxford and London,
were of almost daily occurrence in other parts of the
country, the Parliamentarians, since the action at
Brentford, had frequently suffered defeat. The royal
cavalry, more especially, filled the Parliamentary troops
with dread, and the cavalry were still, as in feudal
times, the most efficient and respected force. Hampden
and Cromwell were conversing one day on this infe-
riority of their troops: "How can it be otherwise?"
said Cromwell ; " our troops are most of them old
decayed serving-men and tapsters, and such kind of
fellows ; their troops are gentlemen's sons, younger
sons, and persons of quality. Do you think that the
spirits of such base and mean fellows will be ever able
to encounter gentlemen, that have honour, and courage,
and resolution in them ? Take it not ill what I say —
I know you will not — you must get men of a spirit
that is likely to go on as far as gentlemen will go, or
else I am sure we shall be beaten still," " Your
notion is a good one," said Hampden, " but it is im-
practicable." " I can do somewhat in it," replied
Cromwell ; "I will raise such men as have the fear of
Grod before them, and make some conscience of what
they do ; and I warrant you they will not be beaten."^
He accordingly went through the eastern counties,
recruiting young men, most of whom were already
known to him, and he to them ; all freeholders, or the
• CromweH's Letters and Speeclies, vol. iii. pp. 307, 308 ; Somers
Tracts, vol. vi. p. 369.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 37
sons of freeholders, to whom pay was not an object, or
mere idleness a pleasure ; all stern and bold fanatics,
who engaged in the war from conscientious motives,
and served under Cromwell because they had con-
fidence in him. " I will not cozen you," he told them,
" by perplexed expressions in my commission about
fighting for King and Parliament. If the King chanced
to be in the body of the enemy, I would as soon dis-
charge my pistol upon liim as upon any private man ;
and if your consciences will not let you do the like, I
advise you not to enlist yourselves under me."^ Few
hesitated to accept these conditions ; and no sooner were
they enrolled, than all the comforts of domestic life,
and all the licence of military life, were alike forbidden
them : they were subjected to the strictest discipline,
and required to tend their own horses and clean their
own arms : they often slept in the open air, and they
passed almost without any interval of relaxation from
their military duties to the exercises of rehgion ;
for their leader was determined that they should be as
devoted to their profession as to their cause, and that
they should combine the rigid punctuality of the
soldier with the free energy of fanaticism.^ When the
campaign reopened, fourteen squadrons of such volun-
teers, forming a body of about a thousand men,
marched under the command of Cromwell.^
A month passed almost without any incident. The
capture of Reading, though held of little accovmt in
• Noble's Memoirs of the Protectoral House of Cromwell, vol. i. ji. 271.
* Whitelocke, p. 72 ; Mercurius Pragmaticus, May ;3(), l(i48 ; Bates,
Elenchus Motuum Nuperorum, part ii. p. 220.
^ May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 319.
38 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
London, had thrown Oxford into consternation, and
the King, far from determining to act, was deliberating
whether he should not take to flight. The Parliament,
embarrassed by its own dissensions, paid more atten-
tion to them than to its enemies. At one time, it
endeavoured to give some satisfaction to all its ad-
herents, both violent and moderate, pohticians or
pietists; at another time, decisive resolutions, carried
with great diflB.culty by one party, were left without
effect, and seemed to be abandoned by common consent.
The Presbyterians had long demanded, and had long
been promised, that an Assembly of Divines should
be held for the purpose of reforming the Church. This
Assembly was convoked by resolution of Parliament,
on the 12th of June, 1643, and held its first meeting
on the 1st of July following ; but the Parliament itself
appointed the hundred and twenty-one members of
whom it was composed : thirty laymen,, ten of whom
were Lords, and twenty members of the House of
Commons, were associated with them, with the honours
of precedence ; theologians of the most various opinions
were summoned ; and the sole purpose of the Assembly,
which was destitute alike of authority and independ-
ence, seemed to be to give its opinion on such questions
as one or both of the Houses of Parhament might
think proper to submit to its consideration.^ An im-
peachment of higli treason was brought against the
Queen, and no one raised his voice to oppose it ; but
after Pym had carried it to the Upper House, on the
• Neal's History of the Purituua, vol. iii. p. 43.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 39
23rd of May, nothing more was heard of it/ The
absence of the Great Seal daily impeded the adminis-
tration of justice, and many matters of public and
private business. To put an end to this inconvenience,
and with a view more especially to appropriate the
legal attributes of sovereignty, the Commons, about the
middle of May, ordered that a new Great Seal should
be prepared ; but the Lords rejected the proposal, as
they were more fearful of usurping the symbols of
sovereign power, than of exercising it without that
sanction, and the Commons deemed it prudent to post-
pone the execution of their project.^ Sometimes the
various parties, voting together with different views,
combined in a deceptive and barren unanimity ; more
frequently, as their strength was almost equal, they
reduced one another to impotence, and seemed to be
waitinsT until some external occurrence should either
force them to unite, or separate them irrevocably.
The 3 1 st of May was a day of fasting, and both
Houses were attending divine service in St. Margaret's
church at Westminster, when a note was brought to
Mr. Pym, who rose immediately ; and, after a very
animated but whispered conversation with those around
him, without waiting for the conclusion of the service,
he left the church hastily with his principal colleagues,
leaving the rest of the congregation in a state of
agitation commensurate with tlieir ignorance and
curiosity.'*
" Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 321.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 115, 117 ; May's History of the
Long Parliament, pp. 288 — 291.
^ Clai'eudon's Histox-y of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 66,
40 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
As soon as the sermon was over, the Houses met,
and the public learned that a great conspiracy had just
been discovered ; several Lords, it was affirmed, several
members of the House of Commons, and a great many-
eminent citizens, were involved in it. They intended
to arm the Royalists, to seize upon the Tower, the
arsenals, and the principal military posts, to arrest the
leaders of both Houses, and to introduce the King's
troops into London. That very day, the 31st of May,
had been appointed for the execution of the plot. The
whole matter, however, would speedily be cleared up,
for a committee of inquiry had been nominated, and
several persons had already been arrested by its order.^
These rumours were correct : during the night, and
on the following day, Edmund Waller,^ a member of
the House of Commons, and a poet of some celebrity ;
Mr. Tompkins, his brother-in-law, who had formerly
been connected with the Queen's household ; Mr.
Challoner, a wealthy citizen, and several others, were
arrested and examined. All confessed, with more or
less detail, that a plot was really on foot, though all
the conspirators were not aware of its full extent and
design. Some had merely contemplated refusing to
pay taxes, in order to compel the Parliament to make
peace ; others proposed to present large numbers of
petitions in favour of peace to both Houses simulta-
neously ; others had only attended meetings, or assisted
in the preparation of certain lists on which the names
' State Ti-ials, vol. iv. col. 637 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
vol. iv. p. 67.
'^ Edmund Waller was born at Coleshill, in llei'tfordshire, on the
3rd of May, 1605, and died on the 21st of October, 1687.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 41
of all known citizens were inscribed, under three heads
— right men, or those of the King's party ; averse meriy
or those well affected to the Parliament ; and moderate
men, or neutrals. But though the actions of the con-
spirators were of such unequal importance, and their
motives of such different character, the plot, which had
long been formed, daily became more serious. It was
then remembered that, three months previously, in
one of those negociations which had been so frequently
attempted and abandoned. Waller had been one of the
commissioners sent to Oxford, and that, on the day of
their presentation, though he was the lowest in rank, the
King had received him with particular condescension,
and had said to him, " Though you are the last, yet
you are not the worst, nor the least in my favour."^
Ever since that period constant correspondence had
been maintained with Oxford; royalist merchants —
Sir Nicholas Crisp, Sir Gleorge Benyon, and others —
who had fled from London to escape prosecution by
the House, were the principal agents in the business ;
a person named Hall secretly resided at Beaconsfield for
the purpose of forwarding messages; and LadyAubigny,
whom the Parliament had permitted to visit Oxford
on business, had brought back with her, in a small
box, a commission from the King, authorizing some of
the conspirators to raise men and money in his name.
Information had very re( ently been sent to HaU,
" that the great ship was come into the Downs ;" in
other words, that all was ready ; and he had commu-
nicated the intelligence to Lord Falkland, who had
' Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 67.
42 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
replied, " that they should hasten it with all speed, for
delays made the war more difficult to be restrained."^
This was more than party justice required, and the
Parliament, if it had pleased, might have had further
proof. Moved by a craven desire to save his life.
Waller implored permission to ransom it, no matter at
what price ; money, confessions, and denunciations he
lavished profusely ; addressing himself to the obscurest
as well as to the most powerful for protection, beseech-
ing every influential fanatic to come and hear the
humble confession of his repentance, and as ready now
to exaggerate the gravity of the plot, as he had pro-
bably been at Oxford to extol the numbers and strength
of the conspirators. The Lords Portland and Conway
had received some confidential communications from
him. He denounced them ; and the Earl of North-
umberland and many others were also compromised
by his revelations.^ Although few persons had gone
so far as to commit any legally criminal action, many
had known and approved of what was in contemplar
tion. But the Parliament, with courageous wisdom,
refused to take advantage of the imprudence of their
enemies, or of the baseness of their accomplice ; and
prudently considered that strict justice would be suf-
ficient to secm-e their safety. Seven persons only were
brought before a court-martial for trial ; and though
five were condemned to death, Challoner and Tompkins
alone suffered their sentence. They were executed on '
' State Trials, vol. iv. cols. 626 — 631 ; Clarendon's History of the Re-
bellion, vol. iv. pp. 68 — 76.
* May's History of the Long Parhament, p. 286 ; Clarendon's History
of the llebelhon, vol. iv. p. 68.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 43
the 5th of July, 1648, and died like brave men, with-
out either beheving or affecting to be martyrs, but
expressing, \s^th toucliing sincerity, some uncertainty
as to the goodness of their cause. " My prayer to
God was," said Challoner on the scaffold, " that if this
design might not be honourable to Him, it might be
known. God hath heard me, and it is discovered."
" I am glad," said Tompkins, " this foohsh business
hath been discovered, because it might have occasioned
very ill consequences." As for Waller, though he also
had been condemned, his life was spared in recompense
for his avowals, at the instance of some of his relations,
liis cousin Cromwell among others ; and perhaps, also,
from the lingering respect wliich is felt for genius, even
when it only serves to render cowardice more glaring.*
For a few days the leaders of the Commons had
hoped that the discovery and punishment of this
plot would thj'ow Oxford into consternation, intimi-
date the EoyaHsts in London, put an end to dissen-
sions in the Parhament, and liberate their party at
length from those difficulties and embarrassments in
which it was fruitlessly wastmg its energy. But these
hopes were soon deceived ; the sounds of thanksgiving
had scarcely ceased in the chui'ches, the new oath of
union which had been resolved upon in the moment of
danger had no sooner been taken, than the Parliament
found itself exposed to greater reverses without, and
more violent debates within its own body.
The King had learned the failure of the plot in the
' state Trials, vol. iv. cols. G.32— 638 ; May's History of the Long
Parliament, pp. 283—286.
44 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
city with no great concern ; almost at the same
moment he had received intelligence that, in the
south, the west, and the north, liis generals had won
important advantages ; and he much preferred to owe
his triumph to the Cavaliers and to war, than to a
secret accommodation with citizens who had recently
opposed all his wishes. On the 19th of June, how-
ever, an unexpected occurrence directed his thoughts
once more to London and the Parhament. The
report spread that, on the previous evening, at Chal-
grove Field, some miles from Oxford, in a cavalry
action in wliich Prince Rupert had surprised and
defeated the ParHamentarians, Hampden had heen
wounded. " I saw him," said one of the prisoners,
" ride off the field before the action was done, which
he never used to do ; and with his head hanging down,
and resting his hands upon the neck of his horse ; by
which I concluded he was hui't." The news created
great excitement in Oxford, but the feehng was rather
of curiosity than of joy ; it was difficult to beheve that
so great a man could be so near falling by so unex-
pected a blow ; and the Cavaliers almost hesitated to
rejoice. The King himself, at first, thought only of
seizing this opportmiity for attempting to conciliate,
if possible, so powerful an adversary, in the hope of
obtaining a pacific settlement by his means ; for
although Hampden had done hun so much harm, he
believed him fully capable of repairing the past.
Dr. Giles, a country neighbour of Hampden, who still
continued on friendly terms with him, was at that
time at Oxford. " Send to him," said the King, " to
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 45
inquire how he is, as if from yourself, and if he has
no surgeon, I will send him my own." The doctor
hesitated to undertake this commission, " for," said he,
" I have seemed unlucky to him in several conjunc-
tures of time, when I made addresses to him in my own
behalf. Before I came to Oxford, my waggons were
robbed and plundered, and I addressed him for relief,
and my messenger came in that very instant in which
the news of his eldest son's death came to him. And
some good time after, falling into a like calamity, I
sent to him again ; but my messenger met there with
another, that brought the news of his beloved
daughter Mrs. Knightley's death ; so I seemed to
screech-owl him." The doctor, nevertheless, fidfilled
the King-'s commission. But on the arrival of his
messenger, on the 24th of June, Hampden was almost
lifeless : his shoulder had been shattered by two balls,
and for six days he had been suifering the most excru-
ciating agonies. He was, however, informed who it
was that had sent to inquire about him, and the
object of the inquiry was also intimated to him. A
strong agitation convulsed his frame ; he seemed about
to speak, but his strength failed him, and he died a
few moments after. As soon as he was assured of his
death, Charles was far more delighted than he would
have been to know that he was disposed to promote an
accommodation ; and Hampden was never again men-
tioned at the Court of Oxford, except to recall his
offences, or to remark with an air of triumph that he
had been slain in the very county, and near the very
place, where he had been the first to carry out the
40 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
ordinance of the Parliament with regard to the militia,
and to levy troops against the King/
In London, on the other hand, and throughout the
country generally, the deepest grief was felt at liis loss.
Never had any man inspired a nation with so much
confidence ; all who belonged to the national party, no
matter to what extent or from what motives, rehed on
Hampden for the attainment of their object ; the most
moderate had faith in his wisdom, the most violent in
his devoted patriotism, the most honest in his upright-
ness, and the most intriguing in his consummate
ability. Prudent and reserved at the same time that
he was ready to brave all dangers, he had hitherto
been the cause of no failure, he possessed the affection
of all, and his premature death dashed all hopes.
This wonderful good fortune has fixed his name for
ever on the height to which the admiration of his con-
temporaries had raised it, and may perhaps have saved
his virtue and renown from those quicksands on which
revolutions so often wreck their worthiest favourites.
His death seemed a presage of disaster to the Par-
liament; for more than two months it sufiered a
succession of defeats, which daily aggravated the still
liidden evils of wliich these continual reverses were the
consequence. The enemies of Essex, while neglecting
to supply the wants of his army, had reckoned, but
mistakenly, on the success of his rivals. Wliile the
Commander-in-chief and his Council of War were
vainly sending messenger after messenger to demand
' Warwick's Memoirs, pp. 241, 242 ; Clarendon's History of the Re-
bellion, vol. iv. pp. 87 — 95.
AND THE ENGLTSTI REVOLUTION. 47
money, clothes, ammunition and arms,^ news arrived
that, on the 30th of June, Fairfax had been defeated
at Atherton Moor, in the north of England;^ that
Sir John Hotham was on the point of surrendering
Hull to the Queen ; that Lord Willoughby was no
longer able to defend Lincolnshire against Lord New-
castle ; and that the association of the eastern counties,
that bulwark of the Parliament, would be thus thrown
open to the enemy. Matters were in a still worse
condition in the south-west ; in one week. Sir
William Waller had lost two battles ;^ the peasants of
Cornwall, hardy descendants of the ancient Britons,
defeated the Parhamentary recruits in every engage-
ment ; at Lansdowne, after having modestly requested
permission, they ran to attack a battery which had been
considered impregnable ; and a fortnight afterwards,
under the walls of Bristol, they mounted the breach
with equal intrepidity.* In Cornwall, the land had not
changed hands ; the same families of gentlemen had
Kved there for centuries, surrounded by the same families
of farmers and labourers; they were a people of pious and
simple character, ignorant of the new ideas which were
stirring society, and obedient, though with no slavish
fear, to the influence of the nobility ; and they felt for
their hereditary lords and time-honoured customs the
same enthusiasm which the most zealous Parliament-
arians entertained for their opinions and rights.*
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 144, 155.
* Fairfax's Memoirs, p. 36.
3 At Lansdowne, in Somersetshire, on the 5th of July, 1643, and at
Roundway Down, in Wiltshire, on the 13th of July.
"• Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 144.
^ Sir Edward Walker's Discourses, p. 50.
48 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Moreover, in that and the adjacent counties, were some
of the King's most judicious friends ; the Marquis of
Hertford, brother in-law of Essex, who had long lived
in retirement on his estates, from disgust with the
Court ; Sir Bevil Grreenville, the most popular of the
Cornish gentlemen, who were all popular ; and Sir
Ealph Hopton, a good man and valiant officer, who
asked no favours of Oxford, sternly repressed pillage,
protected the inhabitants wherever he went, and, as he
believed he was discharging the duty of a faithful sub-
ject, acted with the humanity of a good citizen. The
merit of these generals, and the bravery of their
soldiers, threw Waller and his troops into discredit
and alarm ; he soon became unable to maintain any
discipline in his army, and his men deserted in whole
companies. Even the Commissioners, whom the
Parliament had sent to arouse the zeal of the people,
allowed themselves to be overcome by the same appre-
hensions, and communicated their terror to aU around
them. The magistrates of Dorchester requested Mr.
Strode " to view their works and fortifications, and to
give his judgment of them ;" and after the survey, he
told them, " Those works might keep out the Cavaliers
about half an hour ; but that the King's soldiers made
nothing of running up walls twenty feet high."^
Dorchester accordingly surrendered at the first sum-
mons ; and during the same month of August, 1643,
Weymouth, Portland, Barnstaple, and Bideford followed
its example. Taunton, Bridge water, and Bath had
already done the same in July ; and Bristol, the second
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 212,
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 49
town in tlie kingdom, yielded to the first assault, on
the .26th of July, in consequence of the cowardice of its
governor, Nathaniel Fiennes, one of the leaders of the
most violent party. ^ Every day brought to London
the news of some reverse ; whilst at Oxford, on the
other hand, the strength of the Royalists increased with
their confidence. The Queen had at length rejoined
her husband, bringing with her three thousand men
and a train of artillery -^ their first interview took place
in the vale of Keynton, on the very ground on which,
during the previous 3'ear, the two parties had fought
their first battle ; and on the same day, the 13th of July,
almost at the same hour, Wilmot and Hopton gained a
brilliant victor}^ over the Parliamentarians at Round-
way Down in Wiltshire.^ Charles and his w^fe re-
turned to Oxford in triumph ; and Waller, who, on
his way to the army, had enjoined the constables of
the towns through which he passed to hold themselves
in readiness to receive his prisoners, returned to
London without soldier s."*
Essex, still inactive, and imputing his inactivity to
those who blamed him for it, took no share in these
defeats, and made no effort to prevent them. At
length, on the 9th of July, he wrote to the House of
Lords : " If it were thought fit to send to his Majesty
to have peace, with " the setthng of religion, the laws
' Eush worth, part ili. vol. ii. p. 284 ; State Trials, vol. iv. pp. 186 —
293 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebelhon, vol. iv. p. 145.
^ Eushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 274.
^ Clarendon s History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 134, 135 ; Eush-
worth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 285.
■* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 189.
VOL. II. E
50 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
and liberties of the subjects, and bringing to just trial
those chief delinquents that have brought all this mis-
chief to both kingdoms ; or else, if his Majesty shall
please to absent himself, there may be a day set down
to give a period to all these unhappy distractions by a
battle ; I shall be ready to perform that duty I owe
you, that, if peace be not concluded, the war may be
ended by the sword."^ Some days earlier this letter
might, perhaps, have been well received. At the news
of the first reverses, the Lords had made a solemn pro-
testation of their fidelity to the King, and had prepared
new propositions of peace : ^ the Commons, on the
contrary, in more irritation than discouragement, had
required the Upper House finally to adopt their reso-
lution with regard to the Great Seal ; and on their
refusal to do so, they had, on their own sole authority,
ordered one to be engraved, bearing the arms of Eng-
land on one side, and on the other a representation of
the House of Commons sitting at Westminster, with-
out any indication whatever of the Lords. ^ While the
relations between the two Houses were thus unfriendly,
the Lords would doubtless have fallen in with the
peaceful views of their General. But about the same
period, on the 20th of June, the King, emboldened by
his first successes, ofiicially declared that the persons
assembled at Westminster no longer formed two real
Houses of Parliament ; that the secession of so many
of their members, and the absence of hberty in their
' Jovii'nals of the House of Lords, July 11, 1G43 ; Rushwortli, part iii.
vol. ii. p. 290 ; Whitelocke, p. 70.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 132.
^ Whitelocke, p. 70 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 143.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 51
debates, had deprived tliem of all legal existence : that
for the futui-e he did not intend to give them the name
of Parhament; and, finally, that he forbade all his
subjects to render obechence to so traitorous and
seditious an assembly/ So general and violent a con-
denmation at once restored union between the two
Houses. On the 5th of July, they voted in concert
that Commissioners should be sent to request their
brethren the Scots to send an army to the assistance
of the Protestants of England, who were in danger of
falling under the yoke of the Papists -^ and when
Essex's letter reached the Lords, they resolved that
they would addi'ess no petition or proposals for peace
to the King, until he should have revoked his pro-
clamation declaring that the two Houses no longer
formed a free and legal Parliament.^
Essex did not insist : he was both honest and sin-
cere, and in advising peace he believed he was doing
his duty; but he felt great respect for the Parliament ;
and when he had given his opinion, so far from
assuming to dictate to it, he was quite ready to obey
its orders. For a few days, perfect harmony appeai-ed
to prevail betw^een all parties in London ,• all combined
to give proof of their esteem for Essex ; and he was
immediately supplied with ammunition and reinforce-
ments.* At the same time Waller, notwithstandinsf
the disasters of his last campaign, was thanked for his
courage, and treated with honour, as a man who might
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 331.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 144.
^ Journals of the House of Lords, July 11, 1643.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 144.
E 2
03 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
still do good service.^ On the 22nd of July, it was
ordered that a new army should be raised in the
eastern counties, under the command of Lord Man-
chester, with Cromwell for his Heutenant-general.'^
The Commons, who had received timely warning of
his intentions, had ordered Hotham's arrest in Hull,
before he could surrender the town to the King, and
he now lay in the Tower, awaiting his sentence.^ Lord
Fairfax was appointed to succeed him/ The Commis-
sioners to be sent to Scotland were named, two by the
Lords and four by the Commons,^ and strongly ui*ged
to expedite their departure. Most of the members of
the Assembly of Divines also left London, that each, in
his own parish, might calm the anxieties of the people,
and stimulate them to renewed exertions.* Every day,
in one or other of the City churches, in the presence
of a multitude of mothers, children and sisters, a special
service was held to implore the Divine protection on
all who had devoted themselves to the defence of their
country and its laws -^ and every morning, at beat
of drum, crowds of persons, men and women, rich and
" Clarendon's History of the Eebellion, vol. iv. p. 189.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1.56 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 190. This army was to consist of ten thousand
men.
* He was arrested on the 29th of June, 1643. — Rushworth, part iii.
vol. ii. pp. 275—277 ; Whitelocke, p. 71.
■* On the 3rd of July, 1643.— Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 280.
' They were the Lords Rutland and Grey of Wark, Sir WiUiam
Armyn, Sir Harry Vane, Mr. Hatcher, and Mr. Darley. — Rushworth,
part iii. vol. ii. p. 466.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 148 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 193.
'' Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii. p. 506.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 53
poor, came out to labour at the fortifications.^ Never
had so much energy been displayed with such prudence
and unanimity, both in the Houses and among the
people.
But the danger still increased ; the King continued
to gain successes on every hand. Notwithstanding
the public enthusiasm, several persons refused to run
greater risks than they had abeady incurred for the
ParHament. Lord Grey of Wark, one of the Commis-
sioners appointed by the Upper House to proceed into
Scotland, dechned the mission, and the Lords sent him
to the Tower ; the Earl of Eutland, who was to have
accompanied him, also excused himself, on the ground of
ill health.^ The Commissioners of the Commons were
forced to set out alone ; and they had to go by sea, as
the roads in the north were not safe, and Fairfax was
not strong enough to give them an escort. They
were twenty days on the voyage.^ In the mean time
the King, yielding to better advice, pubhshed a more
conciHatory proclamation. With the hope, returned
the desire for peace. On the 4th of August, on the
motion of the Earl of Northumberland, the Lords
adopted a series of propositions to the King, of a more
moderate character than any that had been previously
suggested : they required that both armies should be
immediately disbanded, restored to their seats those
members of Parliament who had been expelled for
' May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 254.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 148—150.
'■' They left London on the 20th of July, and did not reach Edin-
burgh until the 9th of August following.— Rushworth, part iii. vol ii
p. 466.
54 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
having joined the King, and left all questions relating to
the mihtia and the Church to be decided in fature, the
latter by a Synod, and the former by Parliament. On the
following day, they communicated these resolutions to
the Commons, and declared, in somewhat imperious lan-
guage, that it was time to put an end to the calamities
of the country.^ Surprised by this sudden attack, the
war party vainly insisted on the danger of thus losing
the fruit of the efforts and evils they had abeady un-
dergone, in order to obtain a few months' respite. In
vain did they demand that the negociation should at
least be postponed until an answer was received from
Scotland. " We have been punished for breaking
off the treaty of Oxford," replied their opponents.
*' Though the common and meaner sort of people in
the city of London may desire the continuance of the
distractions, yet it is evident the most substantial and
rich men desire peace, by their refusal to supply money
for carrying on the war. In any case, the sending
reasonable propositions to the King will either procm-e
a peace, and so we shall have no more need of an
army ; or, being refused, will raise more men and
money than all our ordinances without it." It was
resolved, by ninety-four votes against sixty-five, that
' In the conference wbicli took place between the two Houses on this
subject, on the 5th of August, 1643, the Speaker of the Upper House
began in these words : " Gentlemen, the Lords beheve it too visible to
the understanding of all persons that this kingdom, with all those
blessings of plenty and abundance, the fruits of our long and happy
peace, must be forthwith turned into that desolation and famine which
accompany a civil war, and that those hands and hearts that should
prosper this land, do now endanger it by unnatural divisions." — Parlia-
mentary History, vol. iii. col. 156.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 55
the propositions of the Lords should be taken into
consideration.^
The war party were in great consternation : peace,
when thus sought after in the midst of reverses, was not
a compromise but a defeat ; it left all pubHc and private
interests exposed to the utmost danger, and frustrated
the hopes of the patriots who desired a greater exten-
sion of reform, as well as thwarted the plans of the
ambitious men who longed for a revolution. It was
resolved to use every eflbrt to defeat the measm-e. On
the evening of the 6th of August, although it was
Sunday, the Lord Mayor Pennington, whom the
King's proclamations had excluded from all amnesty,
convoked the Common Council of the City ; and on the
following day, a menacing petition required the Com-
mons to reject the propositions of the Lords, and to
adopt in their stead a resolution, a draft of which
Alderman Atkins, the bearer of the petition, presented
at the same time.^ An immense mob, informed of
what was in progress by small pamplilets, which had
been distributed on the previous evening in all quar-
ters, came to support this demand by their clamour.
On arriving at Westminster thi'ough the crowd, the
Lords at once complained to the Commons of their
conduct, declaring that they would adjom-n to the next
day, and then adjourn again, unless such outrages
were punished. But the Commons had already re-
sumed the discussion of the proposals for peace : after
' Clarendon's History of the Kebellion, vol. iv. p. 186 ; Parliamentary-
History, vol. iii. cola. 156 — 158.
^ Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 336. See Appendix H.
56 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
a long debate, eiglity-one votes again decided on
adopting them, and seventy- nine only were given for
their rejection. The tumult was now at its height ;
the mob declared they would not go home without a
satisfactory answer ; the opponents of peace in the
House vehemently demanded another division, main-
taining that there had been some mistake, and that
they would not be thus trifled with. Their demand
was acceded to, the House again divided ; eighty-one
members persisted in voting for peace, but the tellers
for the noes declared their own numbers to be eighty-
eight ; the Speaker immediately announced this result,
and the advocates of peace left the House in surprise
and consternation.^
Two days after, on the 9th of August, they at-
tempted to take their revenge. A crowd of two or
three thousand women collected, early in the morning,
around Westminster Hall, wearing white ribbons em-
blematical of peace in their caps, and sent in a doleful
petition in support of their views. ^ Sir John Hippisley
came out and told them, " That the House were no
way enemies to peace, and that they did not doubt, in
a short time, to answer the ends of their petition ;
meanwhile he desired them to return to their habita-
tions." The women remained : at noon their nmnbers
amounted to more than five thousand ; some men in
women's clothing mingled in their ranks, and at their
instigation, a great many proceeded to the very doors
• Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 158—160 ; Clarendon's History
of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 188.
'^ See Appendix IH.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 57
of the House of Commons, shouting " Peace ! peace !"
The guard, a small body of militia, advised them to
withdraw, but their shouts only increased in violence :
" Give us those traitors that are against peace, that we
may tear them in pieces ! give us that dog Pym !"
They were forced to retreat to the bottom of the stairs,
and a few shots were fired in the air to intimidate
them. " Nothing but powder !" they said derisively,
and began to pelt the guard with stones. The men
then fired in among them : a squadron of cavalry
arrived at the same time, and charged the crowd,
sword in hand ; for a moment the women held their
ground, making room for the horsemen to pass, and
assailing them with blows and imprecations. They
were at length obhged to fly, and after a few minutes
of fearful tumult, there remained at Westminster only
seven or eight women wounded and weeping, and two
lying dead. One of these, well known to the people,
had fi-om her childhood been a ballad-singer in the
streets of London.^
The victory was complete, but it had been dearly
bought ; fraud and violence had been employed —
means which reflect discredit on their own success,
especially when reform is sought in the name of the
laws, and professes to restore them to vigorous opera-
tion. It was already a common saying that the Par-
liament had, in its turn, committed every offence with
which it charged the King. The Upper House was
irritated ; the blood of the people had been shed ; in-
' Eushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 357 ; Clarendon's History of the Re-
bellion, vol. iv. p. 189.
58 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
testine animosities were beginning to surmount all
other feelings. The leaders of the Commons were
informed that a certain number of members, under the
guidance of the principal lords, intended to leave
London and take refuge in the camp of Essex, there
to proclaim that they had withdrawn from a Parlia-
ment which was under subjection to mob-rule, and to
open negociations with Oxford. This project failed in
consequence of the honesty of Essex, who refused to
engage in it ; and it was a great consolation to the
national party to know that their general had no
thought of betraying them.^ But the Lords Portland,
Lovelace, Conway, Clare, Bedford, and Holland, left
London and joined the King ; the Earl of Northum-
berland retired to his residence at Petworth -^ and the
Parliament was thus deprived of many illustrious
names which, though they did not constitute its chief
strength, had served to protect and adorn its cause.
Astonished at finding themselves alone, some of the
untitled leaders began to feel apprehensive ; and on
the 9th of September, Pym himself was accused of
correspondence with the enemy.^ On the other hand,
the more violent demagogues and the more impetuous
sectaries now began to manifest their secret opinions.
John Saltmarsh, who afterwards became a chaplain in
Fairfax's army, publicly maintained : " That all means
should be used to keep the King and his people from
a sudden union ; and if the King would not grant
' Clarendon's History of the Kebellion, vol. iv. p. 207.
^ Ibid., vol. iv. p. 193.
^Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 165.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 59
their demands, then to root him out, and the royal
hne, and to collate the crown upon somebody else."
The pamphlet was excepted against in the House of
Commons, but Henry Martyn undertook its defence.
" I see no reason," he said, " to condemn Mr. Salt-
marsh ; it were better one family should be destroyed
than many." Sir Nevil Poole moved that Mr. Martyn
might explain what family he meant. " The King
and his cliildren," replied Martyn, unhesitatingly ;^ but
such violent language was then unprecedented, and his
party, though approving, were utterly unable to sup-
port him. No news had yet arrived from Scotland ;
it was even uncertain whether the Commissioners had
landed; and day after day the ParKament feared to
learn that the King was marching on London, or that
he had laid siege to Gloucester, the last town which
remained faitliful to the Parhament in the west of
England, and the only obstacle which, by intercepting
communications between the royal armies in the north-
east and south-west of the kingdom, prevented them
from acting everywhere in concert.^
Passion gave way in the presence of danger ; the
various parties took a sober view of their position.
Neither of them was strong enough to crush its adver-
sary at once, and remain in a position to carry on war
or make peace with advantage afterwards. Instead,
therefore, of seeking safety, the moderate in weakness,
and the fanatics in frenzied enthusiasm, the former
felt that before treating they must conquer, and the
latter that, in order to gain the victory, they must
' Whitelocke, p. 71. ^ Ibid., p. 72.
60 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
serve, and tlieii- rivals must command. All distrust
was temporarily laid aside, and all ambition postponed.
A committee, which included some of the most earnest
advocates of war/ waited on Lord Essex, on the 4th of
August, informed him of the measures which had just
been taken for recruiting and provisioning liis army,
inquii-ed whether he needed any further supphes, and
in a word, placed the fate of the country in his hands,
with every assurance of the full confidence of the Par-
liament in his wisdom and integrity.^ The earl and
his friends, on their side, now entered into the war
with as much energy as if they had never had any other
desire.^ Hollis, who had apphed for passports, that he
might retire to tlie Continent with his family, with-
drew his application and remained in England; in
every quarter, the men who had lately been accused of
cowardice or treason, were now foremost in making
preparations, eftbrts, and sacrifices; and their fiery
opponents, having learned a lesson of reserve and sub-
mission, gave them quiet but zealous assistance. They
even offered scarce any resistance to the expulsion of
Henry Martyn from the House, and his imprisonment
in the Tower, for his violent and incendiar}^ speeches j"*
so firm was their resolve to sacrifice everything to that
temporary unanimity of action, which was theii* only
means- of safety. Such wise conduct soon bore its
fruit; whilst Waller and Manchester were forming
' St. John, Strode, and Carew, to whom Pym was added, after some
opposition.
^ Commons' Journals, vol. iii; p. 15 ; Clarendon, vol. iv. p. 191.
3 Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 291.
■• August IH, 1643. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 161.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 61
armies of reserve in their respective districts, the levies
of men and money, and the supplies of all kinds, in-
tended for the army of Essex, the only one which was
able to enter the field at once, were raised with asto-
nishing rapidity ; four regiments of the London militia
volunteered to serve under him ; and on the 24th of
August, after a grand review on Hounslow Heath, in
presence of nearly all the members of both Houses of
Parliament, the Earl set out at the head of fourteen
thousand men, and hastened, by forced marches, to the
relief of Gloucester, which the King, as had been
feared, had closely blockaded for a fortnight previously.^
It was with great regret that Charles, after his late
victories, had given up the idea of making a more de-
cisive attempt on London itself. He had fully resolved
to do so, and had devised a plan which he thought
could not fail of success. While the King advanced
from west to east. Lord Newcastle, already victorious
in Yorkshire, was to march from north to south, and
the two great royalist armies were to meet beneath the
walls of the capital. After the taking of Bristol,
Charles hastened to send Sir Philip Warwick, one of
his most faithful servants, to Lord Newcastle, to ac-
quaint him with this design, and request him to begin
his march. But the noblemen attached to the King's
party were not generals to whom he could give' orders
as he pleased ; they had received from him their com-
mission, not their power; and resting satisfied with
maintaining his cause in the localities where their in-
' May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 339 ; Memoirs of HoUis,
p. 22.
02 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
fluence prevailed, tliey were by no means willing to
lose botli their independence and their means of success,
by changing their quarters. Newcastle was haughty
and magnificent in his tastes, fond of pomp and ease,
and indisposed to endure fatigue or brook contradic-
tion ; he had smTounded himself by a little court, to
which the elegance of his mind and manners attracted
men of similar disposition ; and he was unwilling either
to become lost in the crowd of courtiers at Oxford, or
to take a lower rank in the King's army than a rough
foreigner like Prince Rupert. After listening with
great coldness to the proposition brought by Warwick,
he told him, " with great savour, the story of the Irish
arch-rebel Tyrone, who, being taken prisoner by the
Lord Deputy Mount] oy, and brought to Queen Ehza-
beth, and perceiving the Deputy waiting in the Privy
Chamber, among the nobility and gentry there, with-
out any distinguishing character of the greatness he
held in Ireland, thus vented himself to a countryman
of his : " I am ashamed to have been taken a prisoner
by yon great man, who now in a crowd makes liimself
so low and common as to be watching for a woman's
coming out !" " Por my part," added Newcastle,
" so long as Hull remains in the hands of the enemy,
I cannot leave Yorkshire."^ Warwick communicated
this answer to the King, who did not venture to resent
it. Some of liis friends still advised him to march on
to London, and the Queen supported their recommenda-
tion ; but Charles had little taste for hazardous enter-
> Warwick's Memoirs, p. 243 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
vol. iv. p. 196.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 0)3
prises, less, however, from any fear of danger, than from
unwillingness to compromise his dignity; for already,
during the previous year, after the battles of Edgehill
and Brentford, when he had nearly reached the gates
of his capital, his pride had been severely wounded at
being compelled to retreat. Many good officers were
of opinion that he should lay siege to Gloucester, some
from disinterested motives, and others in the hope of
rich booty ; Colonel William Legge even boasted that
he had a certain understanding with the governor,
Edward Massey.^ The King at length adopted this
suggestion, and on the 1 0th of August, his army, which
he commanded in person, occupied the heights that
overlook the town, which was defended by a garrison
of only fifteen hundred men, besides the inhabitants.
No sooner had he arrived, than he summoned them
to surrender, giving them two hours to decide on their
answer. Before that time had elapsed, two deputies
from the town, Serjeant-Major Pudsey and a citizen,
presented themselves in the royal camp ; both were
thin and pale, with hair closely cropped, and dressed
entirely in black. "We have brought an answer,"
they said, " from the godly city of Grloucester to the
King." On being brought into the royal presence,
they read the following letter : " We the inhabitants,
magistrates, officers and soldiers, within this garrison
of Grloucester, unto his Majesty's gracious message re-
turn this humble answer : That we do keep this city,
according to our oaths and allegiance, to and for tlie
use of his Majesty and his royal posterity ; and do ac-
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 176.
64 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
cordingly conceive ourselves wholly bound to obey tlie
commands of his Majesty, signified by both Houses of
Parliament ; and are resolved, by God's help, to keep
this city accordingly." On hearing this brief message
read in a firm, dry, and clear tone, on noticing the sin-
gular appearance and attitude of the two deputies as
they stood motionless before the King awaiting his
answer, symptoms of astonishment, derision, and indig-
nation began to be manifested by the surrounding
courtiers ; but Charles, with as much gravity as his
enemies displayed, checked the movement with a ges-
tm-e, and dismissed the deputies with a few words ex-
pressive of his wonder at their great confidence, " for,"
he said, "from w^hat hope of relief can it proceed?
Waller is extinct, and Essex cannot come." No sooner
had they returned to the town, than the suburbs were
set on fire by the inhabitants themselves, that they
might have nothing to defend outside their walls. ^
For twenty-six days — from the 10th of August
to the 5th of September, 1643 — they defeated, by
their unwearied valour, all the efforts of the besiegers :
with the exception of a hundred and fifty men who
were held in reserve, the entire garrison was always
on duty ; in all their labours, in all their dangers, the
citizens took part wdth the soldiers, the women with
their husbands, and the children with their mothers.
Massey even made frequent sorties, and only three
of his men took advantage of the opportunity to
' Clarendon's History of the Eebellion, vol. iv. pp. 177-180 ; May's
History of the Long Parliament, pp. 33-1 — 330 ; Rushwortli, part iii.
vol. ii. pp. 286—294.
AND TITK ENGLISH RFAOLUTION. 65
desert.^ Enraged at so long a delay, which gained
them neither repose nor distinction, the royal troops,
in revenge, ruthlessly devastated the surrounding
country ; even the officers often employed their sol-
diers to capture some wealthy farmer or peaceable
freeholder of the other party, whom they put to
ransom for his liberty.^ Insubordination within the
camp, and popular hatred without it, daily increased.
An assault might have been attempted; but the
recent attack of Bristol had cost so dear that no one
ventured to propose it. The King, at length, had
given up all hope of success from any other cause
than the extremities to which a blockade must sooner
or later reduce the town, when he learned, to his
great surprise, that Essex was approaching. Prince
Kupert, detaching himself from the main army with a
strong body of cavahy, made vain efforts to arrest
his march ; the Earl advanced without allowing him-
self to be diverted from his route, and di-ove his
enemy before him. He was abeady within a few
miles of the royal camp ; already had the King's
Cavaliers fallen back on the outposts of his infimtry,
when Charles, in the hope of still delaying the Earl,
were it only for a single day, sent him a messenger
with propositions of peace. " I have no commission
to treat," replied Essex, "but to relieve Gloucester,
which I am resolved to do, or to lose my life there."
— "No propositions! no propositions!" shouted his
' May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 337 ; Rusliworth, part iii.
vol. ii. pp. 287 — 290 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebelhon, vol. iv.
p. 225.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 226.
VOL. II. F
CG HISTORY or CHARLES THE FIRST
soldiers, when they heard that a trumpeter had ar-
rived from the enemy. Essex continued his march,
and on the following day, the 5th of Septemher, as
he drew up his army on the Presbury hills, six miles
from Gloucester, he perceived that the King's quar-
ters were on fire, and knew that the siege was
raised.^
He hastened to enter the town, which he supplied
with provisions of every kind, loaded the governor
and liis soldiers with the highest praises, congra-
tidated the citizens on their courage, which, he said,
had saved the Parliament by giving liim time to come
to their rescue ; and received, in his turn, at church,
under his windows, and as he passed tlirough the
streets, the warmest demonstrations of gratitude and
thankfulness. After remaining two days at Grioucester,
on the 10th of September, he set out once more for
London, for his immediate mission was accomplished,
and it was indispensable that he should return without
loss of time to the Parliament, with the only army
capable of protecting it.^
Everything seemed to promise that his return
would be as successful as his expedition had been ;
dm-ing several days he had utterly misled his enemies
as to liis route ; Cirencester, with its rich stores of
provisions, had fallen into his hands ; and his cavalry
had in several skirmishes gloriously sustained the
terrible charge of Prince Rupert's horse ; when, on
' May's History of the Long Parliament, pp. 341 — 344 ; Clarendon's
History of the Eebellion, vol. iv. pp. 229, 230 ; Whitelocke, p. 72 ;
Rushworth, part iii. vol. it. p. 292.
* May's History of the Long Parliament, pp. 344, 34.5.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 67
approaching Newbury, on the 19th of September, he
perceived that the enemy had outstripped him, that
they occupied the town and the surrounding heights,
that the road to London was barred against him, and
that a battle alone could throw it open. The King
in person was at the head of his army, in a most
advantageous position, as he was easily able to draw
upon the garrisons of Oxford and WaUingford for any
supplies he might need. The country people were
not favourable to the Parhamentarians, and carefully
concealed their stores. Whatever might be the issue
of a general action, it was unavoidable, not only in
order to force a passage, but also to escape starvation.
Essex did not hesitate : at day-break the next
morning, the 20th of September, 1643, placing him-
self at the head of his vanguard, he attacked the prin-
cipal height, and dislodged the regiment which occu-
pied it. The battle lasted until evening ; all the
troops engaged in it successively, and every position
was stormed ; and the victory was so valiantly dis •
puted, that both parties, in their narratives of the
action, took pride in praising their enemies. The
Royahsts fought in the hope of repairing a defeat
wliich had interrupted the course of their triumplis ;
the Parliamentarians were animated by the desire not
to lose, when so near their object, the fruits of a
victory which had put an end to long previous re-
verses. The London militia especially distinguished
themselves by prodigies of valour. Twice, after hav-
ing broken the enemy's horse, Prince Rupert charged
them, without making the least impression on their
F 2
G8 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
serried ranks. The general officers, Essex, Skippon,
Stapleton, and Merrick, exposed themselves like com-
mon soldiers ; and even the domestics, workmen, and
camp-followers rushed to the field of battle, and
fought as well as the bravest officers. Night fell,
but each army remained in its position. Essex had
gained some ground, but the royahst troops still
barred his passage, and he expected he would have to
renew the fight on the next day, when, to his extreme
surprise, the first rays of dawn showed him the enemy
in full retreat, and the, road clear. He hastened to
take advantage of this opportunity, and pursued his
march with no other obstruction than a few fruitless
charges of Prince Rupert's cavalry ; and two days
after the battle, he halted at Reading, with his army
free from all danger.^
The violence of this engagement dispirited the
RoyaUsts, who, though not less brave, were far less
determined than their opponents, and as ready to des-
pair as to hope for success. Their losses, moreover,
had been great, and such as most deeply afiect the
imagination of a King's supporters. More than
twenty officers of mark had fallen, and among them
were several men not less illustrious for merit than for
rank ; Lord Sunderland, scarcely twenty-three years of
age, and lately married, but already dear to all the
wise men and good Protestants of his party for his
boldness in expressing his opinions -^ Lord Carnarvon,
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 293, 294 ; May's History of the Long
Parliament, pp. 345 — 353 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv.
pp. 235 — 237 ; Whitelocke, pp. 73, 74 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 29.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 239.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 69
an excellent officer, valued by the King for the strict
discipline he maintained, beloved by the soldiers for
his impartiality, and so scrupulous an observer of his
promise that nothing would induce him to remain
with the army in the west after Prince Maurice, its
Commander-in-chief, had violated the capitulations he
It ad made with Weymouth and Dorchester ;^ and
finally, Lord Falkland,^ the honour of the royalist
party, still a patriot though proscribed in London, and
still respected by the people though a minister at
Oxford. There was nothing to call him to the battle
field, and his friends had already more than once
upbraided him with his reckless temerity : " but he
would say merrily, that liis office could not take away
the privilege of his age, and that a secretary-at-war
might be present at the greatest secret of danger."
For some months, he had sought danger with passion-
ate eagerness ; the sufferings of the people, and the
still greater calamities which he foresaw, the anxiety
of his mind, the destruction of liis hopes, and the con-
stant disquietude of his soul while he remained among
a party whose successes and reverses he almost equally
dreaded, had combined to plunge him in the bitterest
melancholy ; his temper was clouded ; his naturally
cheerful and vivacious imagination had become stern
and gloomy ; though inchned by taste and habit to
more than usual elegance of dress, he had ceased to
pay any attention either to his person or clothing ; he
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 239, 240.
* Lord Falkland was born at Burford, in Oxfordshire, iu 1610 ; he was
therefore only thirty-three years of age at his death. %,
70 HISTORY or CHARLES THE FIRST
no longer took delight in either conversation or
employment; and frequently, while he sat, with his
head in his hands, after deep silence and frequent
sighs, he would, with a sad accent, reiterate the word
Peace. The hope of some negociation could alone
rekindle his animation. On the morning of the battle,
liis friends were surprised to find him more gay than
usual ; and he seemed to have bestowed extraordinary
attention on his dress : " being asked the reason of it,
he answered that, if he were slain, they should not
find his body in foul linen." He was entreated not to
expose himself; but liis features became more than
ordinarily expressive of sadness. " I am weary of the
times," he said, " and foresee much misery to my
country, but I beheve I shall be out of it ere night."
Jle then joined Lord Byron's regiment as a volunteer.
The action had scarcely commenced, when he was shot
in the lower part of the stomach ; he fell from his
horse, and died before any one had noticed his fall —
the victim of times too rough and rude for his pure
and delicate virtue. His body was not found until
the next day ; his friends, and particularly Hyde,
cherished his memory with inconsolable affection;
the courtiers learned with no great emotion the death
of a man who had kept constantly aloof from them ;
Charles manifested some decent regret, and felt more
at ease in his council.^
Soon after Essex arrived at Reading, on the 24th of
September, a deputation from both Houses came to
' (JJarciidou's History of tlicltubcUion, vol. iv. pp. 240 — 257 ; White-
locke, pp. 73, 74.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 71
assure him of tlieir gratitude, to provide for the wants
of liis army, and to inquire his wishes/ Not only
was the ParHament saved from immediate peril, but it
might thenceforward consider itself secure from similar
dangers. The same success had crowned its negocia-
tions and its arms : whilst Essex was raising the siege
of Gloucester, Vane had reached Edinburgh, and con-
cluded a close alHance with the Scots. Under the
name of a " Solemn League and Covenant," a pohtical
and religious treaty, which devoted the united forces of
both kingdoms to the defence of the same cause, had
been adopted, on the 1 7 th of August, by the Legisla-
ture and by the General Assembly of the Clim-ch of
Scotland f on the following day, Scottish Com-
missioners set out for London, where both Houses,
after having consulted the Assembly of Divines, also
adopted the Covenant;^ and a week after, on the 25th
of September, 1643, in St. Margaret's chm'ch at
Westminister, standing uncovered and raising their
hands to heaven, solemnly swore and subscribed an
oath to observe it.* The Covenant was received in the
City with the most fervent enthusiasm ; it promised
the reformation of the Church, and the speedy assis-
tance of twenty-one thousand Scots ; and thus the
Presbyterians found their fears dispelled at the same
» Commons' Journals, vol. iii. p. 636 ; Whitelocke, p. 74.
* Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltons, p. 239 ; Neal's History of the
Puritans, vol. iii. pp. 56 — 62 ; Baillie's Letters, vol. i. p. 381.
^ Parliamentaiy History, vol. iii. col. 169.
■* NeaFs History of the Puritans, vol. iii. p. 62 ; ParUamentary History,
vol. iii. eol. 173 ; Eushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 474 — 481. The Cove-
nant was signed by two hundred and twenty-eight members of the
House of Commons.
72 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
time that their wishes were fulfilled. On the day
after the ceremony, Essex made his entrance into Lon-
don ; the House of Commons, headed by the Speaker,
went in a body to Essex House to congratulate him ;
the Lord Mayor and aldermen, in their scarlet robes,
also waited on him, and complimented him " as the
protector and defender of their lives and fortunes, and
of their wives and children."^ The standards captured
from the royal army were exposed to public view ; and
one of them was particularly noticed, which repre-
sented the exterior of the House of Commons, with
the heads of two traitors standing on the top of it,
and this inscription : Ut extra, sic intra.^ The people
crowded to view these trophies ; the militia, who had
taken part in the expedition, gave ample details of the
battle ; and everywhere, in domestic conversations, in
religious services, and among the groups which
collected in the streets, the name of Essex was either
loudly applauded or piously blessed. The Earl and his
friends resolved to take advantage of his triumph.
He proceeded to the House of Lords on the 7th of
October, tendered his resignation, and requested per-
mission to retire to the Continent. No pubhc danger,
he said, rendered it his duty to remain any longer in
England ; he had already endured most bitter annoy-
ances in his command, and he foresaw the}' would
speedily be renewed, for Sir William Waller still
retained an independent commission ; and thus, whilst
' Whitelocke, p. 74 : Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv.
p. 257.
^ Whitelocke, p. 75.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 73
the title of General-in-cliief devolved on him the entire
responsibility, another had the right to refuse to pay
him obedience ; he had too long suffered the incon-
venience of such a position, and he was resolved to
subject himself to it no longer. Upon this declaration,
the Lords, with real or feigned surprise, voted that
they would demand a conference with the Commons ;
but, at that very moment, a message arrived from the
Commons which rendered a conference unnecessary.
Having been informed of the whole matter, they
hastened to announce to the Lords, that Waller was
willing to resign his commission, and to receive his
instructions for the future from the General-in-cliief,
and not from the Parhament ; and that he desired the
appointment ofa committee to arrange this unfortunate
incident to the Earl's satisfaction. The committee was
appointed without delay, and the matter was settled
before the House rose.' Waller and his friends sub-
mitted without a murmur ; Essex and his adherents
did not boast of their triumph ; and the reconcihation
between the two parties seemed complete, at the mo-
ment when they were about to renew their conflict.
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 177 ; Whitelocke, p. 75.
74 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
BOOK V.
bTATE OF PARTIES — RISE OF THE INDEPENDENTS — PROCEEDINGS OF THE
COURT AT OXFORD — THE KING CONCLUDES A TREATY WITH THE IRISH
— PARLIAMENT AT OXFORD — DEATH OF PYM — CAMPAIGN OF 1G44 —
BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR REVERSES OF ESSEX IN CORNWALL MIS-
UNDERSTANDING BETWEEN CROMWELL AND THE PRESBYTERIAN LEADERS
— ATTEMPTS AT NEGOCIATION SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE — TRIAL AND
DEATH OF LAUD — NEGOCIATIONS AT UXBRIDGE— REORGANIZATION OF
THE PARLIAMENTARIAN ARMY — FAIRFAX IS APPOINTED GENERAL — ESSEX
TENDERS HIS RESIGNATION.
The joy of the Presbyterians had now reached its
climax; the Parliament owed its safety to their
leader ; their enemies were silenced ; the Scottish
army, which would soon arrive, promised an imfailing
support to their cause ; they alone, therefore, were
likely to have the future disposal of both reform and
war, and might, at their pleasure, either prosecute or
suspend them.
Both in and out of Parliament, in London and
through the provinces, a spirit of rehgious fervour
and intolerance ere long made its appearance. The
Assembly of Divines received instructions,* on the 12th
' Neal's llistoi-y of the Puritaus, vol. iii. p. 123.
AND THE ENGLISH EEVOLUTION. 75
of October, 1643, to prepare a scheme of ecclesiastical
government; and on the 20th of November, four
Scottish theolog-ians were summoned to assist them in
carrying out the great design of their party — the
estabhslunent of uniformity of worship in the two
countries.' The committees which had been appointed,
in every comity, to inquire into the conduct and doc-
trine of the incumbents of benefices, redoubled the
activity and strictness of their investigations. Nearly
two thousand ministers were expelled from their
livings;^ and many others, on the ground that they
were Brownists, Anabaptists, or Independents, were
thrown into prison by the very men who, not long
before, had joined with them in cursing their common
persecutors. In the City, all persons who refused to
subscribe the Covenant, were declared incapable of
sitting in the Common Council, and even of voting at
the election of its members.^ From the commence-
ment of the war, the Parliament had closed all the
theatres, without banning them by any rehgious ana-
thematization, but merely stating that times of pubhc
affliction should be spent in repentance and prayer
rather than in the pursuit of pleasm-e.^ The same
interdict was now laid on all public amusements, on
' These were Henderson, Rutherford, Gillespie, and Baillie. — Baillie's
Letters, vol. i. p. 398 ; Godwin's History of the Commonwealth, vol. i.
p. 349.
^ Writers of the Ejjiscopalian party have swelled this number to
8000, and their opponents reduce it to less than 1600. I have adopted
an estimate based on the information supphed by Neal's History of the
Puritans, vol. iii. pp. Ill — 113.
3 December 20, 1643.— Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. iii. p. 66.
" September 2, 1642. — Parliamentary History, vol. ii. col. 1461.
76 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
all the popular games wliicli were customary through-
out the kingdom on Sundays and holidays ; the May
poles, which from time immemorial had been planted
in token of the national dehght at the return of spring,
were cut down in every village, and orders were given
that no new ones should be erected ; and if children
forgot the existence of these laws, their parents had to
expiate every mirthful demonstration of which they
were guilty by a fine of twelve pence.^ Finally, Arch-
bishop Laud, who for tln-ee years had lain forgotten
in the Tower, was suddenly called to the bar of the
House of Lords, and required to answer the im-
peachment of the Commons.^ Fanaticism counts the
gratification of hatred and revenge among its first
duties.
The same zeal was manifested for the prosecution of
the war. Proud at having borne so distinguished a
part in the recent victories, the Presbyterians of the
city of London no longer spoke of peace. A large
number of wealthy citizens equipped soldiers, and even
offered to serve in person. One of them, Eowland
Wilson, the heir expectant of an immense business, and
of 2000/. a-year in landed estate, joined the army of
Essex, at the head of a regiment which he had raised
at his own expense.^ Even some of the leaders, HoUis,
Glyn, and Maynard, who had lately been so friendly
to negociation, now harangued the Common Council,
in order to rouse it to the most strenuous efforts.''
' Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. iii. p. 139.
* Noveiubcr 13, 1643. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. p. 183.
' Whitclocke, p. 76. " Ibid. p. 86.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 77
Never had tlie party appeared more vigorous, or in
more secure possession of the chief power.
The downfal of the Presbyterians was, nevertheless,
close at hand. Pledged from the outset to a double
task, the reformation of both Church and State, they
liad not pursued these two objects in reliance on
the same principles, or for the attainment of the
same designs. In religious matters, their faith was
ardent, and their doctrines simple, firm, logical, and
connected; the Presbyterian system, or the govern-
ment of the Church by ministers equal in rank and
dehberating in concert, was not, in their eyes, a
human and alterable institution, which men might
modify at their will, to suit the circumstances and
requirements of the age ; it was the only legitimate
system of Church organization, a government resting
on divine right, and appointed by Christ himself.
Their party aimed at rendering tliis system unre-
servedly triumphant, at any cost, as a holy and indis-
pensable revolution. In politics, on the contrary,
notwithstanding the violence of their actions and
language, their ideas were vague and their intentions
moderate : no systematic belief, no really revolutionary
passion, swayed their conduct ; they loved monarchy
whilst they fought against the King; respected pre-
rogative whilst they laboured to bring the Crown
into subjection; trusted the Commons alone, though
they felt neither dislilve nor contempt for the Lords ;
and, in fact, they were as obedient to old habits as to
new necessities, had no precise understanding either
of the principles or consequences of their proceedings,
78 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
believed they were aiming only at a strictly legal
reform, and desired nothing more.
Thus actuated by contrary feelings, by turns im-
perious and irresolute, fanatical and moderate, the
Presbyterian party did not possess leaders who had
sprung from its own ranks, and who were invariably
animated by sentiments in conformity with those wliich
it entertained itself. It followed in the train of the
poHtical reformers, the earliest interpreters and the
true representatives of the national movement. Their
aUiance was natural and necessary to it ; natural, for,
like it, they sought to reform and not to destroy the
government; and necessary, for they were in posses-
sion of the chief power, which they held in virtue of
their superiority in rank, wealth, and intelligence —
advantages in which even the most ardent Presby-
terians did not dream of competing with them. But
while accepting, and even, in case of need, purchasing
by great concessions the support of the sectaries, the
majority of the pohtical reformers did not share in
their opinions or views in reference to the Church :
a system of moderate episcopacy, restricted to the legal
administration of ecclesiastical affairs, would have been
more to their taste ; they made use of the Presbyterian
system with great reluctance, and secretly strove to
impede its progress. The energetic action of the party
in the religious revolution was thus frustrated by
leaders whom it neither could nor would abandon ;
and their union was only complete and sincere on
tlie question of political reform — in other words, in
that cause in which neither leaders nor party had any
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 79
io flexible passions to gratify, or any absolute principles
to render triumpliant.
But at the close of 1643, political reform, in so far
at least as it was legal, had been consummated ; abuses
no longer existed ; all the laws which were deemed
necessary had been made, and institutions had been
modified to the fuU extent of the knowledsre of the
reformers ; nothing was wanting to complete the work
which the defenders of ancient liberties and the Pres-
byterian sectaries alike desired, and were able to ac-
complish by acting in concert. But the religious re-
volution had scarcely commenced, and political reform,
tottering on an insecure foundation, tlu-eatened to
become revolution. The moment was, therefore, at
hand, when the internal defects of the j)arty which had
until then been predominant, the incoherence of its
constituent elements, principles, and designs, could
not fail to come to Hght. Day after day it was forced
to pui'sue the most inconsistent com\ses, and to attempt
the most incongruous efforts. That which it demanded
for the Church, it rejected in the State; and, con-
stantly shifting its position and altering its language,
it was compelled by turns to invoke democratic princi-
ples and passions in opposition to the bishops, and to
enlist monarchical or aristocratic maxims and in-
fluences against the rising spirit of republicanism. It
was a strange sight to see the same men destroying
with one hand and sustaining with the other; some-
tmies advocating innovations, and sometimes anathe-
matizing innovators ; alternately reckless and timid,
at once rebels and tyrants ; persecuting the Episcopa-
80 HISTORY or CHARLES THE FIRST
Hans in tlie name of the rights of Kberty, and tlie
Independents in the name of the rights of power ;
arrogating to themselves the privileges of insurrection
and tyranny, whilst they daily declaimed against
tyranny and insurrection.
At the same time, the Pres1)yterian party found
itself deserted, disavowed, or compromised by several
of its leaders. Some, like Eudyard, caring most of all
for their honour and virtue, withdrew altogether from
the scene of strife, or returned to it only at long inter-
vals, to protect rather than to act. Others less honest,
like St. John, or bolder and more persevering, like
Pym, or chiefly anxious to provide for their personal
safety, courted or at least endeavoured to conciliate
the new party, whose speedy accession to power they
foresaw. Many, already disabused and corrupted, had
abandoned all patriotic hopes, and, aiming only to
preserve their own fortunes, formed rapacious coalitions
in the committees intrusted with the management of
affairs, and distributed all employments, confiscations,
and bounties among themselves. Of the noblemen
who had until then remained faithful to the national
cause, several, as we have seen, had lately left London
to sue for pardon at Oxford ; others, retiring altogether
from public life, withdrew to their estates ; and in
order to avoid pillage or sequestration, negociated by
turns with the Court and the Parliament. On the
22nd of September, ten lords only were in their places
in the Upper House ;^ and on the 5th of October, only
' The ten lords present on the 22nd of September were, the Earls of
Lincoln, Bolingbroke, Stamford, and Denbigh, Viscount Say, and Lords
Grey, Wharton, Howard, Hunsdon, and Dacre.
AND THF- ENGLISH REVOLUTION. Si
five were present. An order that the names should
be called over at the opening of every sitting, and the
fear of finding their absence thus legally registered,
brought back a few to Westminster ; but the aristocracy
daily became more suspected, or more ahenated from
the people, and served rather to embarrass than support
the Presbyterians ; and whilst their religious fanaticism
estranged from them the ablest defenders of pubhc
liberties, their political moderation prevented them
from abjuring uncertain and dangerous allies.
Finally, their party had been in power for three
years ; whether they had or had not accompHshed
their designs in Church or State, it was by their aid
and with theu' sanction that, for tliree years, public
business had been conducted : on this ground alone,
many persons were beginning to weary of them ; they
were made responsible for all the evils that had been
already endured, and for all the hopes that had been
frustrated ; they were considered to be as much given
to persecution as the bishops, and as arbitrary as the
King ; their acts of inconsistency and weakness were
bitterly enumerated : in a word, even in those not
actuated by factious or interested views, the mere pro-
gress of events and opinions awakened a secret longing
for new principles and other rulers.
Both were ready, and waiting only for an opportunity
to possess themselves of the empire. Long before the
commencement of the civil war, when the Presbyterians
were only beginning to manifest their intention to
impose a republican constitution on the national
Church, to maintain in it unity of power and creed
VOL. II. G
82 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
under tliat new form, and tlius to contend with Epis-
copacy for the inheritance of Popery — the Independents,
Brownists, and Anabaptists had abeady openly de-
manded whether there ought to be a national Church
at all, and by what right any power, whether Popery,
Episcopacy, or Presbyterianism, could claim authority
to bow Christian consciences beneath the yoke of a
lying unity. Every congregation of believers, they
said, dwelling in or near the same place, who freely
met, on the ground of their common faith, to worship
the Lord together, is a true Church, over which no
other Church can claim any authority, and which has
the right to choose its own ministers, to regulate its
own form of worship, and in a word, to govern itself
by its own laws.
On its first appearance, the principle of liberty of
conscience, thus proclaimed by obscure sectaries, amidst
the wild vagaries of blind enthusiasm, was treated as
a crime or as madness. Even the sectaries them-
selves seemed to advocate the principle without under-
standing it, and to uphold it less from reason than
from necessity. Both Episcopalian and Presbyterian
preachers and magistrates, united to condemn it ; the
question, in what way and by whom the Church of
Christ should be governed, continued to be almost
solely discussed ; men believed that they must choose
between the absolute power of the Pope, the aris-
tocracy of the bishops, and the democracy of the
Presbyterian clergy ; none took the pains to inquire
whether such forms of government were legitimate
in principle, irrespectively of their name or character.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 83
A great movement, however, was agitating all
tilings, even those which seemed not to be affected by
its influence ; every day brought with it some new
trial from which no system could escape, or some dis-
cussion which the dominant party strove in vain to
stifle. Daily called upon to consider some new aspect
of himian affairs, or to discuss opinions and reject pre-
tensions previously unknown, the minds of the people
gained freedom by this occupation ; and this hberty
led some to rise to loftier views of man and society,
and others boldly to cast away all prejudices and all
restraint. At the same time, practical liberty, in
matters of faith and worship, was almost absolute ; no
jmisdiction, no repressive authority, had as yet taken
the place of Episcopacy ; and the Parliament, occupied
with the necessity of conquering its enemies, took
small pains to check the pious vagaries of its partizans.
Presbyterian zeal sometimes obtained threatening de-
clarations against the new sectaries from the two
Houses ; and sometimes, when the fears and animo-
sities of the pohtical reformers coincided with those of
their devout allies, they united in adopting severe
measures against their adversaries. On the 11th of
June, 1643, an ordinance was passed " for suppressing
the great abuses and frequent disorders in prmtmg
many false, forged, scandalous, seditious, HbeUous, and
unlicensed papers, pamphlets, and books, to the great
defamation of rehgion and government." These were
the words of the preamble, but the Act abolished the
Hberty of the press which had until then been allowed,
and subjected all publications to previous censor-
G 2
84 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
ship/ But the ruhng power can never check those
who precede it in a movement in which it is itself
engaged. After the lapse of a few weeks, the Eo^^alists
and Episcopahans were the only persons on whom
these restrictions weighed ; the new sects either eluded
or defied them, and spread in every direction, daily
becoming more numerous, various, and zealous, under
the names of Independents, Brownists, Anabaptists,
Antipsedobaptists, Quakers, Antinomians, and Fifth-
monarchy-men. Under the very shadow of the
Presbyterian rule, the revolution raised up a host of
enthusiasts, philosophers, and freethinkers, to oppose
their sway.
All questions thenceforward took a new direction ;
the social agitation changed its character. Powerful and
respected traditions had hitherto guided and restrained
the views of political, and even of religious reformers ;
to the one party, the legal condition of old England,
or at least their idea of that condition ; and to the
other, the constitution of the Church as it already existed
in Scotland, Holland, and Greneva — served at once as a
model and a curb. However daring their enterprises
may have been, neither were actuated by vague desires
or boundless aspirations ; all was not innovation in
their designs, or conjecture in their hopes, and if they
mistook the tendency of their actions, they could at
least assign the object at which they aimed. No fixed
purpose regulated the progress of their rivals, no his-
torical or legal tradition set bounds to their theory ;
confident in its strength, and proud of its loftiness,
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 131.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 85
holiness, or boldness, they invested that theory with the
right to judge and rule all else ; and taking it alone as
their guide, they sought at any cost, — the philosophers
for truth, the enthusiasts for the Lord, and the free-
thinkers for success. Institutions, laws, customs, and
events, were all required to conform to the reason or
will of man ; all became the subject of new combina-
tions and ingenious speculations ; and in this daring
labour, everything appeared legitimate if based on a
principle or a vision, or called for by necessity. The
Presbyterians proscribed royalty and aristocracy in the
Church, why should they be retained in the State ?
The political reformers had hinted that, in the end, if
the King or the Lords persisted in refusing their
consent, the will of the Commons should carry the
point ; why should not tliis principle be proclaimed
aloud? Why invoke the sovereignty of the people
only because the case was desperate, and in order to
render resistance legitimate, when it should serve as
the bases of the government itself, and should confer
legitimacy on the ruKng power ? After having cast off
the yoke of the Eomish priesthood and of the Epis-
copal clergy, the nation was about to place itself in
subjection to the Presbyterian clergy ; what was the
use of a clergy at all ? By what right did priests
form a permanent, wealthy, and independent body,
with authority to command the assistance of the civil
power ? Let them be deprived of all juri^ction, and
even of the power to excommunicate ; let them retain
means of persuasion alone, preaching, teaching, and
prayer ; and all abuses of spiritual power, all difficulties
86 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
about reconciling it with the civil government, will cease
at once. Besides, it is in the general body of believers,
and not in the priesthood, that the legitimate power
in matters of faith resides ; the right of choosing and
instituting their ministers belongs to the believers, and
priests have no authority to appoint one another, and
then force themselves on the faithful. Moreover, is
not every believer himself a priest, to himself, to his
family, and to all Christians who, moved by his teach-
ing, may deem him inspired from on high, and consent
to unite with him in prayer ? Who would venture to
refuse the Lord the power of conferring His gift on
whomsoever he will, and as it may please Him ?
Whether it be necessary to preach or to fight, it
is the Lord alone who chooses and consecrates His
saints ; and when He has chosen them. He entrusts His
cause to their hands, and reveals to them alone the
means by which its triumph is to be achieved. The
freethinkers applauded these arguments ; so long as
the revolution were carried to its full extent, they
cared not by what means, or from what motives, it
was effected.
Thus arose the party of the Independents, far less
numerous, and far less popular throughout the country
than that of the Presbyterians, but already in posses-
sion of that ascendancy which accompanies adherence
to systematic and definite principles, ever ready to give
a reason fojj. their adoption, and to accept all the conse-
quences they might involve. England was then in one
of those glorious but formidable conjunctures, when
man, forgetting his weakness and remembering nought
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 87
but his dignity, is moved by a sublime ambition to
obey pure truth alone, and by an insane pride to
attribute all the rights of truth to his own opinions.
Whether politicians or sectaries, Presbyterians or
Independents, no party would have ventured to believe
itself relieved from the necessity of being right, and
proving that it was so. In this attempt the Presby-
terians failed, for their wisdom rested on the authority
of traditions and laws, and not upon principles ; and
they were therefore unable to refate the arguments of
then- rivals by reason alone. The Independents alone
professed a simple, though apparently severe doctrine,
which sanctioned aU their acts, sufficed for all the neces-
sities of their position, and reheved the strong-minded
from inconsistency, and the sincere from hypocrisy.
They alone also were beginning to utter some of those
mighty words which, whether rightly or wrongly under-
stood, arouse the strongest passions of humanity, in the
name of its noblest hopes ; they demanded equality
of rights, a just distribution of social advantages, and
the destruction of all abuses. There was no contradic-
tion betw^een their poHtical and religious systems, no
secret conflict between the leaders and their adlierents,
no exclusive creed or rigorous test to render admission
into the party a matter of difficulty. Like the sect
from which they derived their name, the Independents
held hberty of conscience as a fundamental maxim, and
the immensity of the reforms which they proposed, and
the vast uncertainty of their designs, allowed men of
the most various opinions to range themselves beneath
their banner. Lawyers joined them in the hope of
88 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
depriving their rivals, the clergy, of all jurisdiction
and authority ; popular theorists hoped to obtain from
them a new, clear, and simple system of legislation
which would deprive the lawyers of their enormous
profits and influence. Harrington could dream among
them of a society of sages, Sidney of the liberty of
Sparta or Eome, Lilburne of the restoration of the old
Saxon laws, and Harrison of the coming of Christ.
Even the cynicism of Henry Martyn and Sir Peter
Wentworth was tolerated in consideration of its
audacity. Whether repubhcans or levellers, reasoners
or visionaries, fanatics or ambitious men, all were
admitted to contribute their quota of animosities,
theories, chimeras, and intrigues ; it was enough that
all, animated by an equal hatred for Cavaliers and
Presbyterians, were ready to proceed with the same
ardour towards that unknown future which was expected
to realize so many desires.
No victory achieved by Essex and his friends, either
on the battle-field or in Westminster HaJl, could stifle
or even long repress such dissensions ; they were as
publicly known at Oxford as in London ; and all men
of sense, whether Parliamentarians or Royahsts, had
already adopted them as the basis of their combinations.
Information on the subject flowed in to the King from
every side, and he was most strongly urged to take
advantage of these divisions in the enemy's camp. All
his adherents, whether courtiers or ministers, intriguing
parasites or sincere friends, had their own private in-
telligence, propositions, and means of action to commu-
nicate ; some advised that the war should be carried on
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 89
with unremitting energy, as they were convinced that
the rival factions would soon be more wiUing to listen
to their mutual enmities than to their common dangers;
others suggested, on the other hand, tliat by means of
the noblemen who had sought refuge at Oxford, and
particularly of the Earls of Bedford and Holland, an
attempt should be made to conciliate Essex and his
party, who, in their inmost hearts, had never ceased to
desire peace ; others even went so far as to recommend
that advances should be made to the leaders of the
Independents, who, they said, might be purchased at
less cost ; and Lord Lovelace, with the King's sanction,
kept up a regular correspondence with Sir Harry Yane,
little thinking that Vane also was writing with the
consent of his colleagues, in order to obtain information
regarding the state of the Com't.' But neither of these
plans was fully adopted, or Hkely to be efficacious.
The Lords who had deserted the Parliament had found
it very difficult to obtain admission at Oxford : on the
first rumours of their expected arrival, general indig-
nation had been expressed against them; the Privy
Council had solemnly met, and deliberated at great
length on the reception to be given to them ; and in
spite of the prudent remonstrances of Hj^de, (who had
recently been appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer),
Charles, though consenting to receive them, had deter-
mined to treat them with coolness.^ In vain had
Lord Holland, the most elegant and adroit of courtiers,
succeeded, by the help of Mr. Jermyn, in regaining
' ParliameDtary History, vol. iii. col. 199 ; Whitelocke, p. 80.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p, 203.
90 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the favour of the Queen ;' in vain did he exert all his
ingenuity to recover his old familiarity with the King,
sometimes affecting to whisper in his ear, and some-
times succeeding in drawing him, under various pre-
texts, into the embrasure of a window, that he might
have an opportunity, or at all events the appearance,
of conversing privately with him -^ in vain had he
fought bravely as a volunteer in the battle of Newbury,
and offered his blood as the pledge of his renewed
fidelity -^ nothing could overcome the haughty reserve
of the King, or impose silence on the complaints of the
Court ; and far from finding their services thankftdly
welcomed, the refugee lords were already beginning to
consider how they might best escape from their un-
pleasant position. The advocates of a vigorous war
were hstened to with greater favour, but as httle effect;
the failure of the sieg^e of Grloucester had thrown
Oxford into a state of anarchy as destructive as it was
anno}dng ; each blamed the other for having advised
that fatal enterprise; the Council complained of the
insubordination of the army ; the army insolently
braved the complaints of the Council. Prince Eupert,
though not required, even in action, to obey any one
but the King himself,* was jealous of the General-in-
chief; the General and all the principal noblemen
loudly comjDlained of the independence and ill-behaviour
of Prince Rupert. The King, who respected the dig-
nity of his own blood in the persons of his nephews,
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 208.
^ Ibid , vol. iv. p. 265. ^ Ibid., p. 262.
" Ibid., vol. iii. p. 270.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 91
could not condescend to decide against tliem in favour
of a subject, and recklessly sacrificed the rights and
services of his most useful friends to this ridiculous
pride. Hyde alone offered really honest opposition to
these unwise proceedings, and sometimes succeeded in
dissuading the King from obeying the dictates of his
vanity ; but Hyde himself was a stranger in the Court,
with no dignity or power but that which he derived
from his office, and he had need of all the King's
favour to maintain his own position, against the Queen's
dislike, no less than against the intrigues of jealous
courtiers ; he kept up his reputation as an inffuential
councillor and wise man, but he exercised no real
ascendancy, and could obtain no important result.^ In
a word, dissensions were as rife at Oxford as in London,
and far more fatal, for in London they accelerated,
whilst at Oxford they paralysed, the progress of affairs.
It was in the midst of these embarrassments, and at
a time when, in his inmost heart, he was probably as
tired of his party as of liis people, that Charles received
information of the new aUiance between Scotland and
the Parliament, and learned that another of his king-
doms was preparing to make war against hmi. He
immediately sent orders to the Duke of Hamilton, who
had now regained his confidence, and acted as his
Commissioner in Edinburgh, to prevent this union at
any cost. The Duke was empowered, it is said, to
promise the Scots that, in futm-e, one-third of the
offices in the royal household should be conferred on
their countrjanen ; that the counties of Northumber-
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 259.
92 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
land, Westmoreland and Cumberland, which had for-
merly constituted part of their territory, should be
again annexed to Scotland ; that the King would fix
his royal residence at Newcastle ; and finally, that the
Prince of Wales should estabhsh his court permanently
among tliem.^ Such promises, even supposing that
they were made, could not have been performed, and
were utterly devoid of sincerity ; and had the Scottish
Parliament been walling to fall into the snare, a recent
occurrence rendered the delusion too palpable for them
to be deceived by it. The Earl of Antrim had just
been arrested in Ireland, by the Scottish troops quar-
tered in Ulster, a few hours after his landing ; and on
his person had been found ample evidence of the plan
which had been formed at York between Montrose and
himself, during their residence with the Queen, for con-
veying into Scotland a large body of Irish Catholics,
rousing the Higlilanders to revolt, and thus effecting a
powerful diversion in favour of the King. The enter-
prise was evidently to be undertaken without delay,
for Montrose had joined the King during the siege of
Gloucester, and Antrim had just come from Oxford.
The King, therefore, as at his last visit to Scotland,
was still meditating the most sinister designs against
his subjects, at the very moment when his Commis-
sioners were making them the most splendid proposals
on his behalf. The Parliament at Edinburgh hastened
to conclude its treaty with the Parhament at West-
minster, and sent it full information of all these details.^
' Burnet's History of his Own Time, vol. i. p. 64.
* Laing's History of .Scotland, vol. iii. p. 256.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 93
A flir more serious discovery had been made at the
same time, and was now communicated to the Enghsh
Parhament. The papers taken from Lord Antrim
made it plain that the King held frequent correspond-
ence with the Irish insurgents ; that he had received
many petitions and proposals from them ; that he was
even on the point of concluding a suspension of liostiH-
ties with them, from which he hoped to gain the
greatest advantages in the next campaign. These
indications were not erroneous ; for a long period,
Charles, while speaking in the bitterest terms of Ire-
land to the English, had been endeavouring to con-
cihate and treat with the Irish rebels.^ The war
kindled by the late insurrection had continued in that
unhappy country without intermission, but to no pur-
pose. Ten or twelve thousand soldiers, ill-paid and
rarely reinforced, were not strong enough to subdue
the insurgents, though sufficient to prevent them from
establishing their independence. In the month of
February, 1642, before the outbreak of the civil war,
the Parliament had resolved to make a great effort for
the suppression of the rebellion. A loan had been
opened to defray the expenses of a decisive expedition;
and the estates of the rebels, which by future confisca-
tions could not fail to lapse to the Crown, were appro-
priated by anticipation, upon a fixed scale, for the
repayment of the subscribers.^ Large sums had been
' His correspondence with Lord Ormond removes all doubt on this
subject. (See Carte's Life of Ormond, vol. iii. passim.) Mr. Brodie
has carefully arranged the evidence in a note to his History of the
British Empire (vol. iii. p. 459).
^ May's History of the Long Parliament, p. 155.
94 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
thus collected, and some supplies had been sent to
Dublin ; but the civil war broke out ; the Parliament,
under the overwhelming pressure of its own affairs,
turned its attention only at long intervals to Ireland,
and then with no great vigour and efficiency, merely
endeavouring to pacify the complaints of the Protest-
ants in that kingdom, when they became too clamorous?
and, above all, to render the King responsible, in the
eyes of England, for all the sufferings they endured,
Charles was equally disinchned to give them his atten-
tion or to make sacrifices on their behalf, and whilst
he reproached the Parliament with having appro-
priated a portion of the sum raised for their relief, he
himself intercepted the convoys destined to supply
them with provisions, and took from the very arsenals
of Dubhn the arms and ammunition of which they had
such urgent need.^ But the leading Protestants of
Ireland, aristocrats by position, were attached to
Episcopacy and to the Crown ; the army numbered
among its officers a great many of those Avhom the
Parhament had banished as Cavahers ; their general
was the Earl of Ormonde, a rich, brave, generous, and
popular nobleman, who defeated the rebels in two
battles,^ and ascribed to the King all the honour of
his success. The Parliamentarian party rapidly de-
clined in Ireland ; the magistrates who were devoted
to its cause were superseded by Royalists. In the
autiman of 1G42, the Parliament sent two members of
' Cai'te's Life of Ormonde, vol. ii. Appendix, pp. 3, 5.
2 The battle of Kilrush, on the 15th of April, 1642, and that of Ross,
on the 19th of March, 1643.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 95
the House of Commons, Messrs. Goodwin and Rey-
nolds, as its commissioners, in tlie hope they might
recover their lost influence ; but Ormonde refused
them admission into the council, and after the lapse of
four months, in February, 1643, he felt himself strong
enough to compel them to return to England. All
the civil and military power of the country was thence-
forward in the hands of the King, who, relieved from
an annoying though powerless surveillance, no longer
hesitated to carry out the design to wliich his embar-
rassments and inchnations alike impelled him. The
Queen had never ceased to maintain a correspondence
with the Irish Catholics, of w^hich her husband was
doubtless not ignorant : the insurrection was no longer,
as at the outset, the unrestrained gratification of the
hideous passions of a savage populace; a supreme
council of twenty-four members, which had been esta-
blished at Kilkenny since the 14th of November, 1642,
controlled the rebellion with great prudence and regu-
larity ; and they had already more than once addressed
dutiful messages to the King, entreating him to cease
to persecute, from complaisance towards his enemies,
faithful subjects whose only desire was to serve him.
Charles did not yet consider himself in sufficient
danger, or sufficiently independent of public opinion,
to accept such an alliance openly; but he might at
least, he thought, show the Irish some favour, and
recall to England the army which was fighting in his
name against the Cathohc insm^gents, in order to em-
ploy it against rebels still more hateful and formidable.
Ormonde received instructions to open negociations
90 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
with the Council at Kilkenny for this purpose ;' and
in the meanwhile, with a view to justify the proceed-
ing by vahd reason, or to secure the excuse of necessity,
reports were assiduously spread about the distress
(which in reality was very great) to which the Pro-
testant cause and its defenders were reduced in Ireland.
In a long and pathetic remonstrance, addressed to the
council in Dublin, the army set forth all its privations
and sujfferings, and expressed its resolution to abandon
a service which it was no longer able to discharge.
Petitions were sent at the same time to Oxford and
London to acquaint the King and the Parhament
with this declaration and complaint.^ Meanwhile, the
negociations made rapid progress : at the moment of
Antrim's arrest, they had almost reached their termina-
tion, and towards the middle of September, a few
days before the two Houses solemnly ratified at West-
minster the Covenant which had been concluded with
the Scots, England learned that, on the 5th of that
month, at Sigginstown, in the county of Kildare, the
King had signed a truce for a year with the Irish
rebels, that the English troops which had been sent to
quell the insurrection were under orders to return, and
that ten regiments would shortly land, five at Chester
and five at Bristol.^
Violent clamours arose on every hand ; the Irish
were regarded by the English with feelings of contempt,
aversion, and horror. Even among the Eoyalists, and
' Ormonde's commission is dated January 11, 1643 : the negociations
commenced during the month of March following.
^ Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 537.
* Godwin's History' of the Commonwealth, vol. i. p. 279.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 97
within the very walls of Oxford, discontent was unhesi-
tatingly expressed at tliis proceeding. Several officers
left Lord Newcastle's army, and made their submission
to the Parliament.' Lord Holland returned to London,
saying that the Papists were decidedly uppermost at
Oxford, and that his conscience would not allow him to
remain there any longer. Lords Bedford, Clare, and
Paget, Sir Edward Dering, and several other gentle-
men, followed his example, screening their fickleness
or cowardice by the same pretext.^ The ParHament
showed no unwillingness to pardon the penitents. The
King's conduct was the theme of popular invective and
sarcasm ; his recent protestations were called to mind,
and the haughty tone of liis apologies, when complaints
had been made of the intrigues of the Court with the
insurgents ; and whilst all rejoiced at having so saga-
ciously divined his secret practices, all were indignant
that he should have hoped to impose so grossly on his
people, and to reckon on such base faithlessness for
success. Popular indignation rose still higher when
it became known that a considerable number of Irish
Papists had been drafted into the recalled troops, and
that women, armed with long knives, and in the garb
of savages, had been seen among their ranks. ^ It
seemed, therefore, that, not content with ceasing to
avenge the massacre of the Protestants in Ireland,
the King was taking their ferocious murderers into his
service, in order to subdue the Protestants of England.
' Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 77.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 189, 297 ; Whitelocke, pp. 77,
79, 81.
* Whitelocke's Memorials, pp. 75, 81.
VOL. II. H
98 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Many persons, whose rank should have raised them
above the passionate prejudices of the multitude, enter-
tained a deep hatred for the King from this time forth,
— some on account of his duplicity, others because
of the favour he showed to the Papists ; and his name
was now often accompanied with insult, though pre-
viously it had seldom been mentioned without respect.
Wlien informed of this state of feehng regarding
him, and of the endeavours of the Parliament to fan
the flame, Charles, regarding it as an insult that any
one should presume to judge of his intentions by
his acts, and not by his speeches, was in his turn filled
with the utmost indignation. He sent for Hyde, and
told him : "I think there is too much honour done to
these rebels at Westminster in all my declarations, by
my mentioning them as part of the Parhament ; which,
as long as they are thought to be, they will have more
authority, by their continuing their sitting in the
place whither they were first called, than all the other
members, though so much more numerous, would have
when convened anywhere else. I know learned men
of an opinion that the act of the continuance of the
Parliament was void from the beginning, for it is not
in the power of the King to bar himself from the
power of dissolving Parliament, which is an essential
part of his sovereignty ; but even if the act were good
and valid in law, they have forfeited their right of
sitting there by their treason and rebellion. I wish,
therefore, that a proclamation may be prepared, to
declare them actually dissolved, and expressly forbid-
ding anybody to own them, or submit to them as a
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 99
Parliament." Hyde listened with surprise and anxiety,
for the mere idea of such a measure appeared to
him madness. " I perceive," he replied, " by your
Majesty's discourse, that you have very much con-
sidered the argument, and are well prepared in it;
which, for my part, I am not. But I beseech you to
think it worth a very strict reflection, and to hear the
opinion of learned men before you resolve upon it. It
is of a very nice and delicate nature, at which not only
the people in general, but those of your own party,
and even of your Council, will take more umbrage
than upon any one particular that has happened since
the beginning of the war. I cannot imagine that
3^our forbidding them to meet any more at Westminster
would make one man the less to meet there. As for
the invalidity of the Act, I am inclined to hope that
it may be originally void ; and the Parliament itself, if
this rebellion were suppressed, might be of the same
judgment, and declare it accordingly. But till then,
I think all the judges together would not declare any
such invalidity : and much less that any private man,
however learned, would avow that judgment. It was
the first powerful reproach they corrupted the people
with towards your Majesty, that you intended to
dissolve this Parliament, and, by the same power, to
repeal all the other Acts made by it, whereof some are
very precious to the people. And as your Majesty has
always disclaimed any such thought, such a proclama-
tion as you now mention would confirm all the
jealousies and fears which have been infused into the
people, and trouble many of your true subjects. I
H 2
100 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
therefore hope your Majesty will very thoroughly
consult it, before you do so much as incline in your
own wishes to this design."^
As soon as it became known that Hyde had spoken
thus frankly to the King, nearly all the members of
the Council expressed similar opinions. Notwith-
standing his haughtiness, Charles was irresolute and
timid in the midst of his advisers ; objections embar-
rassed him, and he generally gave way, either because
he knew not what to answer, or in order to put an end
to discussion, which he disliked to maintain even with
his own partizans. After some days of hesitation,
more affected than real, the project was abandoned.
Some decisive measure, however, appeared necessary,
were it only to keep the Eoyahst party on the alert,
and not allow the Parhament, in the intervals of peace,
the merit of engrossing the impatient activity of the
public mind. As the name of Parhament exercised so
powerful an influence upon the people, it was suggested
that all those members of the two Houses who had
been excluded from Westminster, should be summoned
to meet at Oxford, and that a legal and true Parlia-
ment, of which the King would form part, should thus
be set in opposition to a factious and mutilated Parha-
ment. This proposition was displeasing to Charles ;
he regarded every Parliament, even though Eoyalist,
with suspicion and impatience ; for he would be obliged
to listen to its counsels, to submit to its influence, and
perhaps to condescend to desires of peace which might
be incompatible with the honour of his tlirone. The
' Clarendon's Life, vol. i. pp. 206—209.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 101
Queen's opposition was still more violent ; an English
assembly, no matter how great its zeal for the royal
cause, would, she knew, be strenuously opposed to the
Catholics and to her favourites. However, when the
proposition had once become known, it was difficult to
reject it ; the Royalist party had welcomed it with
delight; even the Council strongly insisted on the
advantages it would afford, the subsidies which the new
Houses would vote for the King's service, and the
discredit in which the Westminster Parhament would
be involved, when it was seen how many members had
deserted it. Charles yielded, notwithstanding his
repugnance ; and such was the general tendency of
public feehng, that the intention to dissolve a rebel-
hous Parliament resulted only in the formation of a
second Parhament.'
This measure at first occasioned some dismay in
London. It was well known that, at the same time, the
Royalist party were renewing their effoi*ts in the City,
— that it was in contemplation to negociate a treaty of
peace directly between the King and the citizens,
without the intervention of the Parliament, — that the
basis of the treaty was already agreed upon, — and
that, among other things, the loans which had been
effected in the City by the Parliament, and the interest
on which was very irregularly paid, were to be acknow-
ledged and guaranteed by the King.^ Out of London,
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 352 ; Parliamentary
History, vol. iii. col. 194. The royal proclamation for assembling the
Parliament at Oxford is dated on the 22nd of December, 1643.
^ Parhamentary History, vol. iii. col. 196 ; Milton's History of
England, book iii. in Mitford's edition of his Prose Works.
102 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
another plot was also discovered ; set on foot, it was
said, by the moderate politicians and certain obscure
Independents, to prevent the entrance of the Scots
into the kingdom, and to cast off the yoke of the Pres-
byterian party, at any risk/ The Commons farther
had to deplore the loss of the oldest, and perhaps the
most useful, of their leaders : Pym died on the 8th of
December 1643, after a few days' illness. He was a
man of much less splendid renown than Hampden ;
but, both in the secret conclaves of his party, and in
the pubhc acts of the House, he had rendered no less
eminent services to his cause : firm, patient, and
adroit ; equally skilful in attacking an enemy, direct-
ing a debate, conducting an intrigue, exciting the
passions of the people, and securing or strengthening
the adherence of doubtftd partizans -^ an indefatigable
member of most committees, the usual reporter of
decisive measures, ever ready to undertake duties from
which others shrank ; — in a word, indifferent to labour,
disappointment, fortune or glory — it was his sole
ambition to promote the success of his party. A
short time before his last illness, he had published an
apology for his conduct, addressed especially to the
friends of order and peace -^ as though he felt some
regret for the past, and secretly feared that the future
might be laid to his charge. But death relieved him,
as it had reheved Hampden, from the embarrassment
of exceedmg his opinions or belying his life ; and far
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 200 ; Whitelocke, p. 79.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 436 — 440.
^ See Appendix. IV.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 103
from resenting the slight symptoms of hesitation
which had characterized the last days of this veteran
champion of national reform, the men who were pre-
pai'ing to turn reform into revolution, Cromwell, Vane,
and Haslerig, were the first to pay the utmost honours
to his memory. The body of Pym lay in state for
several days, not only in compliance with the wishes
of the people, who crowded to see it, but also in order
to refute the report spread by the Royalists that he
had died of a loathsome disease. A committee was
appointed to inquire into the state of liis fortune, and
to erect a monument to his memory in Westminister
Abbey. The entire House of Commons followed his
body to the grave, and a few days after, undertook
the payment of his debts, which had all been con-
tracted, it was said, in his country's service, and which
amounted to ten thousand pounds.^
At the same time that the Commons adopted these
resolutions, a deputation from the Common Council of
the city of London waited on the Lords to thank the
House for their energy, to compHment the Lord-
general on his courage, to renew their oath to hve and
die for the holy cause, and to invite them to a grand
banquet, in celebration of their union. ^
The Parhament recovered all its confidence. On
the 22nd of January, 1644, the day on wliich the
Assembly at Oxford was to meet, the names of the
members were called over at Westminster; only
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 186 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. iv. \). 441.
^ On the 13th of January, 1644. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
cols. 187, 198 ; Whitelocke, p. 80.
104 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
twenty-two Lords were in their places in the Upper
House ; but in the House of Commons, two hundred
and eighty members answered to their names, and a
hundred others were known to be absent on the pubhc
service, by order of the Parliament.^ It resolved not
to suffer its rights to be called in question, and to reject
with disdain all correspondence with the rivals who had
been set in opposition to it. An opportunity soon
occurred for carr3dng out tliis resolution. A week had
scarcely elapsed, before the Eai'l of Essex dehvered
to the Upper House an unopened packet which he had
just received from the Earl of Forth, Greneral-in-chief
of the King's army. A committee was appointed to
examine its contents ; their report was brief and
speedy; the packet, they said, contained nothing
addressed to the Houses, and the Lord-general had
nothing to do but to send it back again. Essex
immediately obeyed.^
It was to him alone, in fact, that the despatch was
addressed. Eorty-five Lords and a hundred and
eighteen members of the House of Commons,^ assem-
bled at Oxford, informed him of their installation, of
' Whitelocke, p. 80 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 198.
^ On the 1st of February, 1644. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 201.
® This list was headed by the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York,
and it was afterwards increased by the arrival of five lords and twenty-
three members of the House of Commons, who were absent from
Oxford when the letter was sent. More than twenty-two lords were
also absent on the King's sei vice, nine were travelling on the Continent,
and two were in prison in London as Eoyalists ; thirty-four members of
the House of Commons were also absent on the King's service, or on
leave, or from illness ; in all, eighty-three lords and a hundred and
sixty-five commoners formed the Parhament at Oxford. — Pai'liamentary
History, vol. iii. col. 218.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 105
tlieii' desires for peace, and of the favourable disposition
of the King ; and urged him to use his influence to
inchne to peace those whose confidence he possessed.'
Tliis was the only phrase used to designate the Houses
at Westminster, which Charles now persisted in refus-
ing to aclvQowledge as the Parliament,
On the 18th of February, Essex received a second
letter ; the Earl of Forth wrote to request a safe-
conduct for two gentlemen whom, he said, the King
wished to send to London with overtures for peace.
" My lord," replied Essex, " when you shall send for
a safe-conduct for those gentlemen mentioned in your
letter, from his Majesty to the Houses of Parliament,
I shall, with aU cheerfulness^ show my willingness to
further any way that may produce that happiness that
all honest men pray for ; which is, a true understand-
ing between his Majesty and his faithful and only
council, the Parhament."^
Charles was delighted to find his adversaries thus
unyielding, and hoped that his party would at length
consider itself under the necessity of appealing to war
to decide the quarrel. But the Assembly at Oxford
was not so haughty as the King ; it felt that its
strength was small; and that its right was doubtful ;
it had not dared to assume the name of Parliament,
and it regretted that the King, by refusing that title
to the Houses at Westminster, had tlirown so formid-
able an obstacle in the way of peace. It insisted upon
his taking one more step, and making some concession
calculated to appease the pubHc feeling against him.
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 209. ^ Ibid. vol. iii. col. 212.
106 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Charles consented to write to the Houses to propose a
negociation, and addressed his letter : "To the Lords
and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westmin-
ster ;" but in the letter, he spoke of " the Lords and
Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford," as their
equals.' A trumpeter was ere long sent by Essex
with the answer of the two Houses. " When we con-
sider," they said, "the expressions in that letter of
your Majesty's, we have more sad and despairing
thoughts of attaining peace than ever ; because thereby,
those persons now assembled at Oxford, who, contrary
to their duty, have deserted your Parhament, are put
into an equal condition with it. And this present
Parliament, convened according to the known and
fundamental laws of the kingdom — the continuance
whereof is established by a law consented unto by
your Majesty — is, in effect, denied to be a Parhament.
And hereupon we think ourselves bound to let your
Majesty know, that we must in duty, and accordingly
are resolved, with our lives and fortunes, to defend
and preserve the just rights and full power of this
Parliament."^
The Assembly at Oxford lost all hope of effecting a
reconciliation, and considered its continuance thence-
forward to be useless. It sat, however, until the 16th
of April, publishing long and gloomy declarations,
voting some few taxes or loans,^ assaihng with bitter
reproaches the Houses at Westminster, and giving the
' March 3, 1644. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 213.
•"' March 9, 1644.— Ibid., vol. iii. col. 214.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 225 ; Clarendon 'a History of the
Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 416, 468.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 107
King numerous proofs of devoted fideUty ; but it was
timid, inactive, and embarrassed by its own powerless-
ness, while, in order to retain at least some remnant
of dignity, it was careful to manifest to the Court its
earnest desire for the restoration of legal order and of
peace. The King, who had been in dread of the in-
fluence of such advisers, soon began to consider them
as troublesome as they were useless ; and they were
themselves tired of sitting in solemn conclave, without
any definite object or advantageous result. After the
strongest protestations that their wishes should regu-
late his conduct, Charles pronounced their adjourn-
ment;^ and scarcely were the doors of their place of
meeting closed, than he expressed his satisfaction to
the Queen at having at length got rid of " that mon-
grel Parhament, the haunt of cowardly and seditious
motions."^
The campaign, which was now about to open, seemed
likely to commence under unfavourable auspices. Not-
withstanding the inactivity of the two main armies,
the war had continued tln-oughout the winter in the
rest of the kingdom, generally to the advantage of the
Parhament. In the north-west, the regiments wliich
had been recalled from Ireland, after six weeks of
success, had been defeated and almost entu-ely de-
stroyed by Fairfax under the walls of Nantwich, in
Cheshire.^ In the north, the Scots, under the com-
mand of the Earl of Leven, had commenced their
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 243—247.
* He uses the words quoted in the text in a letter addressed to the
Queen on the 13th of March, 1645. See Ludlow^s Memoirs, p. 29.
^ On the 25th of January, 1644.— Fairfax's Memoirs, p. 71.
108 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
invading march into England, on the 19th of January,
1644. Lord Newcastle had hastened to encounter
them; but during his absence, on the 11th of April,
Fairfax had defeated a numerous body of Royalists at
Selby:^ and in order to secure York from attack,
Newcastle was obliged to take up his quarters in that
important city.^ In the east, a new army of fourteen
thousand men was in process of formation, under the
command of Lord Manchester and Ohver Cromwell,
who were ready to march wheresoever the necessities
of their cause might require their presence. In the
south, at Alresford, in Hampshire, on the 29th of
March, Sir WiUiam Waller had gained an unexpected
victory over Su' Ralph Hopton. A few advantages
obtained by Prince Rupert, in Nottinghamshire and
Lancashire,^ were insufficient to compensate for such
multiphed defeats. Insubordination and disorder were
on the increase in the royahst camps : honest men
were filled with sorrow and disgust, to find that most
of their comrades demanded unrestrained hcense as
the reward for a courage utterly devoid of virtue ; the
King's authority over his generals, and the authority
of liis generals over their soldiers, daily decreased. In
London, on the other hand, all the measures of the
Parhamentarians became at once more regular and
energetic ; complaint had often been made that the
action of the Houses was wanting in promptitude, that
no resolution could be kept secret, and that the King
* Fairfax's Memoirs, p. 78.
* Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 620.
^ On the 22nd of March he raised the siege of Newark, and during
the following April he took Paj^worth, Bolton, and Liverpool.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 109
was immediately informed of their intentions. Under
the name of the Committee of Both Kingdoms, a
council composed of seven lords, fourteen members of
the House of Commons, and four Scottish Commis-
sioners, was invested with almost absolute control,
not only over the war, but over the internal relations
between the two peoples, and their correspondence
with foreign States.^ Enthusiasm had led many
famihes to deprive themselves of one meal a-week, and
to give the cost of it to the Parhament. On the 20th
of March, an ordinance was issued converting this
voluntary gift into a compulsory tax, payable by all
the inhabitants of London and its neighbourhood.^
Excise duties, till then unknown, were imposed on
wine, cider, beer, tobacco, and many other commo-
dities.^ The Committee of Sequestrations redoubled
its severity.^ At the opening of the campaign, the
Parliament had five armies on foot : those of Essex,
Fairfax, and the Scots, which were paid out of the
public treasury ; and those of Manchester and Waller,
which were supported by local contributions, levied
weekly in those counties in which the troops were
raised and recruited.^ The entire force amounted to
' This committee was appointed on the 16th of February, 1644. —
Parliamentai'y History, vol. iii. col. 247.
* Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 748.
^ By ordinances of the 16th May, 1643, and the 8th July, 1644.— Par-
liamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 114, 276.
■• Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 174, 257 ; Rushworth, part iii.
vol. ii. p. 760.
* The seven associated counties of the east — Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk,
Hertford, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Lincoln, and Ely — were taxed 8,445/.
per week for the maintenance of Lord Manchester's army. The four
southern counties — Hampshire, Sussex, Surrey, and Kent — were taxed
110 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
more than fifty thousand men/ and the Committee of
Both Kingdoms had the whole body at their full
disposal.
Notwithstanding the presumption which prevailed at
Oxford, great anxiety was ere long manifested among
the Cavahers. Much astonishment was felt that they
no longer received any precise information from Lon-
don, and that the designs of the Parliament were kept
so secret ; it was only known that great prepara-
tions were making everywhere, that the supreme
power was becoming concentrated in the hands of the
boldest leaders, that decisive measures were in contem-
plation, and in a word, that matters were assuming a
most sinister aspect. Suddenly the report spread that
Essex and Waller had set their troops in movement,
and were marching to besiege Oxford. The Queen,
then seven months advanced in pregnancy, immediately
declared that she would leave the place : in vain did
some members of the Council venture to deplore the
disastrous consequences of such a resolution ; in vain
did Charles himself manifest his anxiety that she
should change her purpose : the mere idea of being
2,638Z. per week for the support of Waller's army. The army under
Lord Essex cost the public treasury 30,504?. per month. (Rushworth,
part iii. vol. ii. j)p. 621, 654.) The army of the Scots cost 31,000?. per
month. I have not been able to discover any precise estimate of the
cost of Fairfax's army ; there is, however, every indication that it was
more irregularly paid than the others — partly perhaps by local contri-
butions, and partly by the Parhament. See Fairfax's Memoirs.
' The Scottish army consisted of twenty-one thousand men ; that of
Essex of ten thousand five hundred ; that of Waller of five thousand
one hundred ; that of Manchester of fourteen thousand ; and that of
Fairfax of five or six thousand ; in all, about fifty-six thousand men. —
Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 603, 621, 654.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. Ill
shut up in a beleaguered town was, she said, unen-
durable, and she should die if she were not permitted
to retire towards the west, to some town where she
might be delivered in safety, far from the troubles of
war, and whence she might embark for France, in case
of pressing danger. Losing her temper at the shght-
est objection, she stormed, entreated, and wept. All
withdi-ew their opposition ; Exeter, the chief town of
Devonshire, was chosen as her place of residence ; and
towards the end of April, she left her husband, who
never saw her again. ^
The rumour which had filled her with such terror
was well founded : Essex and Waller were, in fact,
advancing to blockade Oxford. In the north, Fairftix,
Manchester, and the Scots were to unite their forces,
and lay siege to York. The two great Eoyalist towns
and the two great Royalist armies, the King and
Lord Newcastle, were thus to be attacked simul-
taneously, by all the forces of the Parhament, Such
was the bold and simple plan which the Committee of
Both Kingdoms had resolved to adopt.
Towards the end of May, Oxford was almost
entirely blockaded ; the King's troops had been driven
in succession from all the posts which they occupied in
the neighbourhood, and had been obliged to retire,
some into the town, and others to their last remaining
position outside the walls, on the northern side. It
was impossible for any succour to arrive in time ;
Prince Eupert was far away in Lancashire ; Prince
Maurice was besieging the port of Lyme, in Dorset-
' Clarendon's Histoiy of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 467.
112 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
shire ; Lord Hopton was at Bristol, struggling hard
to preserve that important city against the intrigues
of the enemy. A reinforcement of eight thousand
men, drafted from the London militia, enabled Essex
to complete the blockade. The danger appeared so
urgent that one of the King's most faithful councillors
advised him to surrender, upon conditions, to the Earl.
Charles indignantly rejected the proposal : " Possibly,"
he said, " I may be found in the hands of the Earl of
Essex, but I shall be dead first."^ A report, however,
spread in London, that, not knowing how to escape,
the King really intended to present himself abruptly
in the City, or to place himself under the protection of
the Lord-general. The alarm of the Commons was
now as great as the King's indignation had been.
Without loss of time, they wi'ote to Essex : " My
Lord, — There being here a general report of his Ma-
jesty's coming to London, we desire your lordship to
use your best endeavours to find the grounds of it ;
and if at any time you shall understand that his
Majesty intends to repair hither, or to your army, that
you presently acquaint the Houses, and do nothing
therein without their advice." Essex felt all the dis-
trust implied in these words : " How the general
report is come," he wrote, " of his Majesty's coming
to London, is utterly unknown to me. I shaU not
fail, with my best endeavours, to find the grounds of
it ; but London is the likeliest place to know it, there
being no speech of it in this army. As soon as I shall
have any notice of his intention of repairing to the
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 485.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 113
Parliament or the army, I shall not fail to give notice
of it ; and as I am your servant, I shall be ready at
all times to obey your directions. For the business
itself I cannot conceive there is any ground for it ;
but, however, I believe I shall be the last that shall
hear of it."^
A very different, but much more accurate report soon
filled the Parliament and the army v^ith surprise ; the
King had escaped their grasp. At nine o'clock in the
evening of the 3rd of June, his Majesty, accompanied
by the Prince of Wales, but leaving behind him the
Duke of York and all his court, had left Oxford, passed
through the two hostile camps, and, joining a body
of hght troops which awaited him on the northern
side of the city, rapidly placed himself beyond the
reach of his assailants.^
The surprise occasioned by this news was extreme,
and the necessity of prompt resolution evident. The
siege of Oxford had lost its importance ; there was no
longer any enterprise for the two armies to undertake
in concert ; now that he was at liberty, the King
would soon be formidable ; and it was particularly
essential to prevent his rejoining Prince Eupert.
Essex assembled a great council of war, and proposed
that Waller, who was less encumbered with heavy
artillery and baggage, should march in pursuit of the
King, whilst he would himself proceed into the west,
in order to raise the siege of Lyme, and to reduce
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 266. The letter from the
Speaker to Essex is dated ou May 15, 1644, and his answer on May 17.
^ Clarendon's Histoiy of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 486 ; Rushworth,
part iii. vol. ii. p. 671.
VOL. II. I
114 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
that part of the country to obedience to the Parlia-
ment. Waller opposed this plan ; such was not, he
said, the destination which the Committee of Both
Kingdoms had assigned to the two armies, in case they
should find it necessary to separate ; and the command
in the west devolved by right upon him. The
council of war concurred with the Lord-general ;
Essex haughtily demanded acquiescence ; Waller
obeyed, and even began his march without delay, but
not until he had written to the Committee to complain
bitterly of the contempt with which the Earl treated
their instructions.^
The Committee, in great irritation, brought the
matter at once before the House of Commons ; and
after a debate, of which no record has been preserved,
orders were despatched to Essex to retrace his steps in
order to resume the pursuit of the King, and to leave
Waller to advance alone into the west, as he should
have done in the first instance.^
The Earl had entered upon the campaign with no
very pleasurable feehngs. After having been intimi-
dated for awhile by their dangers and his victories, his
enemies had, during the winter, begun once more to
assail him with suspicions, and to vex him with a
thousand annoyances. A short time before his de-
parture, a popular petition had demanded the reforma-
tion of his army, and the Commons had received it
with no expressions of displeasure ;^ Waller's troops
' Whitelocke, p. 90 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv.
p. 488.
* Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 672.
' Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 80.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 115
were always better provided and more regularly paid
than liis own ;^ and it was evidently as a means of
enabling the Parliament to dismiss him in case of need,
that Lord Manchester had raised a new army in the
eastern counties.^ His friends in London and in his
camp were indignant that a set of men at Westminster,
utterly unacquainted with warfare, should presume to
regulate the operations of a campaign, and to dictate
the course to be pursued by their generals.^ Essex
wrote to the Committee, " that their directions were
contrary to the discipline of war and to reason ; and
that, if he should now return, it would be a great
encouragement to the enemy in all places." He sub-
scribed himself their " innocent, though suspected
servant," and continued his march towards the
west.*
The Committee, in surprise, postponed the quarrel
and dissembled their anger : the enemies of Essex did
not yet feel themselves strong enough to ruin him, or
even to dispense with his services; they remained
satisfied with inserting, in the answer which was sent
him, a few words of reprimand for the tone of liis
letter ;^ and he received orders to continue the expe-
dition which the previous message had enjoined him
to abandon.^
The news which had been received from Waller's
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 683 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 22.
2 Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 190.
^ Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 90.
■* Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 683 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 488.
^ Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 683.
« Ibid. ; Whitelocke, p. 91.
I 2
116 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
army had mainly dictated this prudent conduct. After
having vainly pm'sued the King, the favourite of the
Committee was, in his turn, menaced with the utmost
danger. As soon as Charles became aware that the
two generals of the Parhament had separated, and that
one only remained to encounter him, he halted in his
flight, wrote to Prince Eupert to hasten without delay
to the rehef of York,^ and with resolute boldness,
returned along the road which he had traversed in his
flight from Oxford. Seventeen days after he had
quitted it, he re-entered that city, placed himself at
the head of liis troops, and resumed the offensive
whilst WaUer was still seeking for him in Worcester-
shire. On the first report of the King's movement,
Waller hurried back in all haste, for he alone remained
to cover the road to London ; and ere long, having
received some slight reinforcements, he advanced, with
his usual confidence, to ofier or at least accept battle.
Charles and his troops, animated by that ardour
which is produced by unexpected success after great
peril, were even more eager to engage. The action
took place on the 29th of June, at Cropredy Bridge,
in Buckinghamshire ; and notwithstanding a brilliant
resistance, Waller was defeated, more completely than
even his conquerors at first ventured to believe.^
Success seemed to inspire Charles with unusual
boldness, and even with unexpected ability. Free
' His letter is dated on the 14th of June, 1644, from Tickenhall, near
Bewdley, in Worcestershire. It will be found in the Appendix to
Evelyn's Diary.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 500 — 505 ; Rush-
worth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 675.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 117
from anxiety on account of Waller, he suddenly re-
solved to march into the west, to force Essex to an
engagement, and thus to destroy, one after the other,
the two armies which had recently held him almost
prisoner. Essex, moreover, had appeared beneath the
walls of Exeter, and the Queen, (who was residing
there, and had given birth to a chikV only a few days
before,) as she was as yet unaware of her husband's
successes, was likely to fall again under the influence of
aU the terrors which had formerly beset her.~ Charles
began his march two days after his victory ; and at
the same time, rather with a desire to gain favour
with the people than from any sincere wish for peace,
he sent a message from Evesham to the two Houses,
in which he abstained from giving them the name of
Parhament, but was lavish of pacific protestations, and
oftered once more to open negociations.^
But wliilst he was hastening westward, and before
his message reached London, the Parliamentarians had
lost all fear ; the aspect of affairs had changed ;
Waller's defeat had become an unimportant incident ;
for news had reached the Parliament that, not far
from York, its generals had gained a most splendid
victory, that York itself must speedily surrender, and
that, in the north, the Royahst party was almost
annihilated.
' The Princess Henrietta, afterwards Duches'^ of Oi'leans, was born at
Exeter on the 16th of June, 1644.
■^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 507 ; Rushworth,
part iii. vol. ii. p. 6S6.
^ Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 687. The message is dated on the
4th of July, 1644.
118 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
On the 2nd of July, at Marston Moor, between the
hours of seven and ten in the evening, a battle, the
most decisive that had yet been fought, had brought
about these important results. Three days before, on
the approach of Prince Rupert, who was advancing
towards York mth twenty thousand men, the Pai'ha-
mentarian generals had determined to raise the siege,
hoping they would at least be able to prevent the
Prince from throwing reinforcements into the city ;
but Eupert defeated their manoeuvre, and entered York
without a battle. Lord Newcastle earnestly advised
him to rest satisfied with this success ; discord, he
said, was fermenting in the enemy's camp ; the Scots
were at variance with the Enghsh, the Independents
with the Presbyterians, and Lieut. -Greneral Cromwell
with Major-General Crawford ; at all events, if he were
determined to fight, he entreated him to wait for a re-
inforcement of three thousand men, which would arrive
in a few days. Eupert scarcely condescended to listen
to him, but bluntly rephed that he had orders from
the King,^ and commanded the troops to march in
' These orders were contained in the letter mentioned in a previous
note, which enjoined him to hasten to the rehef of York. It has been
much questioned whether this letter positively ordered Prince Eupert
to give battle, or whether he was left at liberty to avoid an action if he
pleased ; but the discussion is puerile, for assuredly if Rupei't had
thought, with Newcastle, that it was unwise to risk a battle, he would
have been wrong to obey general orders sent from a distance, without
any precise knowledge of the state of aftairs in the north. Moreover,
with aU deference to the opinions of Mr. Brodie (History of the British
Empire, vol. iii. p. 477), and Dr. Lingard (History of England, vol. x.
p. 252), I am far from thinking that the King's letter does contain any
positive order ; it was evidently ^vI•itten under the conviction that the
siege of York could not be raised without a battle ; and it is on this ground
only that a victory is declared to be indispensable. See Appendix V.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 119
pui'suit of the retreating enemy. They soon came up
with the Parhamentarian rear-guard; both armies
halted, concentrated their forces, and prepared to fight.
Though almost within musket-shot of each other, and
separated only by a few ditches, the two armies re-
mained motionless for two hours, each waiting silently
for the other to begin the attack. Lord Newcastle
asked the Prince what post he would assign him.
Eupert replied that he should not fight that night;
and Newcastle retired to his carriage to rest. He had
scarcely reached it, when a volley of musketry informed
him that the battle had begun ; and he hastened to the
scene of action, without any command, at the head of
a few gentlemen who, like himself, had been slighted
by the Prince, and fought as volunteers. In a few
moments, the Moor presented a terrible aspect ; the
two armies attacked and charged each other almost at
hap-hazard; Parliamentarians and Royalists, cavalry
and infantry, officers and soldiers, wandered over the
battle-field, singly or in bands, asking for orders, seek-
ing their regiments, and fighting whenever they fell in
with the enemy, but with no general design or advan-
tageous result. Suddenly the right whig of the Par-
liamentarians was put to rout; broken and panic-
stricken by a vigorous charge of Eupert's horse, the
Scottish cavalry turned to fly. Fairfax strove in vain
to rally them ; the Scots fled in every direction, crying:
" Wae's us ! we're a' undone 1" And they spread the
news of their defeat so rapidly through the country,
that, from Newark, a courier rode with the intelligence
to Oxford, where bonfires were kept burning for some
120 HISTORY OV CHARLES THE FIRST
hours, in celebration of the victory. But on their
return from the pursuit, the E-oyalists, to their great
surprise, found the ground they had so recently occu-
pied, in the possession of a victorious enemy ; wliilst
the Scottish cavalry was flying before them, the right
wing, though commanded by Rupert in person, had
met with a similar fate ; after a desperate conflict, it
had yielded to the dogged intrepidity of Cromwell and
his squadrons ; Manchester's infantry had completed
its defeat ; and satisfied with having routed the Prince's
horse, Cromwell, skilfully rallying his own men, had
returned at once to the field of battle, to make sure of
the victory before he indulged in its results. After
a moment's hesitation, the two victorious armies re-
newed the fight ; but at ten o'clock, not a Royahst re-
mained on the Moor, except three thousand slain and
sixteen hundred prisoners.^
Rupert and Lord Newcastle re-entered York in the
middle of the night, without having interchanged a
word, or even seen each other ; but no sooner had they
reached the city, than each sent the other a message.
" I am resolved," stated Rupert, " to march away this
morning with my horse, and as many foot as I have
left." " I shall repair this instant to the sea-side,"
said Newcastle, " and transport myself beyond the
seas." Each kept his word ; Newcastle embarked at
' Eushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 631 — 640 ; Clarendon's History of
the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 509—513 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 53 ; Fair-
fax's Memoirs, p. 84 ; Hutchinson's Memoirs, p. 229 ; Whitelocke,
pp. 93, 94 ; Carte's Ormonde Letters, vol. i. p. 56 ; Baillie's Letters,
vol. ii. pp. 36, 40 ; Warburton's Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the
Cavaliers, vol. ii. pp. 445 — 460.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 121
Scarborough for Hamburgh ; Eupert marched towards
Chester with the wreck of his army ; and York capitu-
lated within a fortnight.^
The Independent party were filled with joy and
hope ; it was by their generals, and by their soldiers,
that this brilliant success had been achieved ; Crom-
well's genius had decided the victory; for the first
time, the Parliamentarian squadrons had broken the
ranks of the Cavaliers, and this had been done by the
saints of the army, the CromweUian horse. With their
general, they had received the aame of Ironsides on
the field of battle. Prince Eupert' s own standard,^
publicly exhibited at Westminster, bore witness to
their triumph ; and they might have sent the Parlia-
ment more than a hundred Eoyalist flags, if they had
not torn them in pieces, in their enthusiasm, to deco-
rate their helmets and arms.^ Essex had gained two
victories, but he had seemed to fight from compulsion,
in order to save the Parliament from imminent destruc-
tion, and with no other result ; the saints had sought
battle, and were not afraid of victory. Should the
Scots, who had displayed such cowardice on that great
day, presume henceforward to subject all believers to
their Presbyterian tyranny? Would any one now
» On the 16th of July, 1644. — Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
vol. iv. p. 513.
* In the middle of this standard was a couchant Uon, and behind him
a mastiff attempting to bite him ; from the mastiff's mouth came a
streamer on which the name of KimboUon was written ; at his feet were
several little curs, before whose mouths was written Pym, Pym, Pym;
from the lion*s jaws these words issued, Quousque tandem ahuteris pa-
tient ia nostra f
* Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 635.
122 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
venture to speak of peace as a necessity ? Victory
and liberty were alone necessary ; tliey must be pur-
chased at any price ; and that blessed work of reform
must be carried to its full extent, wbich had been im-
perilled so often by selfish or timid men, and so often
saved by the strong arm of the Lord. Such language
was everywhere to be heard ; everywhere did the Inde-
pendents, whether freethinkers or fanatics, citizens,
preachers, or soldiers, give open expression to their
passions and aspirations ; and in all their speeches the
name of Cromwell was introduced, for he was more
vehement than all others in his expressions, and was
already regarded as most skilful in the contrivance of
deep designs. " My Lord," he said one day to Man-
chester, in whom his party still reposed great confi-
dence, " be wholly one of us ; say no more that we
must hold ourselves open to peace, keep on good terms
with the Lords, and fear the refusal of Parliament ;
what have we to do with peace and the Lords ? It will
never be well with England till you are plain Mr.
Montague, and there is ne'er a lord or peer in the
kingdom ; if you will stick firm to honest men, you
shall soon find yourself at the head of an army which
shall give the law to both King and Parliament."^
But, notwithstanding the audacity of his hopes,
Cromwell himself had no idea how near at hand
was the triumph of his party, or how sad a fate
was speedily to befal the adversary whom he most
dreaded.
' Ilollis's Memoirs, p. 18. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
vol. V. p. 14.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 123
Essex had continued to advance into the west,
unaware of the dangers that were collecting behind
him, and led onwards by constant and easy victories.
In three weeks, he had raised the siege of Lyme, occu-
pied Weymouth, Barnstaple, Tiverton, and Taunton,
and dispersed, almost without a conflict, the various
Royalist bodies which attempted to impede his pro-
gress. As he drew near to Exeter, the Queen sent to
request a safe-conduct, that she might go to Bath or
Bristol, to regain her strength, after her confinement.
" If your Majesty pleases," rephed Essex, " I will not
only give you safe-conduct, but wait upon you myself
to London, where you may have the best advice and
means for restoring your health ; but as for either of
the other places, I cannot obey your Majesty's desire,
without directions from the Parliament."^ Filled with
terror, the Queen fled to Falmouth, where she embarked
for France, on the 14th of July ; and Essex continued
his march. He was still within sight of Exeter, when
he learned that the King, having defeated Waller, was
advancing rapidly against him, and collecting on his
road all the forces at his command. A council of war
was immediately called ; the question to be decided was,
whether they should continue their march and estabhsh
their position in Cornwall, or turn back to meet the
King, and offer him battle. Essex inchned towards
the latter alternative ; but several officers, among
others Lord Roberts, a friend of Sir Hai'ry Vane,
possessed large estates in Cornwall, from which they
had long been unable to derive any income ; and they
' Rusliworth, part iii. vol ii. p. 684 ; Whitelocke, p. 93.
124 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
reckoned on this expedition to obtain payment from
their tenants. They, therefore, opposed all idea of
return, declaring that the people of Cornwall, who had
long been oppressed by the RoyaHsts, would rise at
the approach of the army, and that Essex would thus
have the honour of depriving the King of a county
which had hitherto been his firmest support.^ Essex
allowed himself to be persuaded, and plunged into the
wilds of Cornwall, sending, at the same time, to
London for reinforcements. The people did not rise
in his favour, provisions were scarce, and the King was
already close upon him. He wrote again to London,
that his position was becoming dangerous, and that it
was absolutely necessary that Waller, or some other
commander, by falling on the rear of the King's army,
should enable him to extricate liis troops. The Com-
mittee of both kingdoms loudly lamented his misfor-
tune, and appeared to be animated by an earnest desire
to succour him ; public prayers were offered up on his
behalf;^ orders were sent to Waller, to Middleton, and
even to Manchester, who had returned from the north
with part of his army, to hasten to the Earl's assistance.
The generals, in their turn, manifested the utmost
ardour. Waller wrote to desire that supplies of men
and money might be sent him without delay : "I
call the God of heaven to witness," he said, " that it
is not my fault that I am not gone already to assist
the Lord-general ; and I wish the blood and infamy
• Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv. p. 524 ; Rushworth,
part iii. vol. ii. p. 690.
^ On the I3th of August, 1644. — Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. ]>. 697.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 125
may rest on the heads of them that lay obstructions in
my way. If money cannot be had, I will march with-
out it." But he did not march. Middleton used
similar language, and put his troops in motion, but
halted at the first obstacle. No corps was detached
from Manchester's army.^ Rendered confident by the
victory of Marston Moor, the Independent leaders,
Vane, St. John, Ireton, and Cromwell, were willing
to purchase, by a signal defeat, the ruin of their
enemy.
They had no conception that, at that very moment,
in his deep distress, Essex probably held their fate in
his hands. On the 6th of August, at his head- quarters
at Lostwithiel, a letter from the King was delivered to
liim, expressive of the utmost esteem, full of the fairest
promises, and urging him to restore peace to his
country. Lord Beauchamp, the Earl's nephew, was
the bearer of the message ; and several colonels in his
army seemed favourable to it.^ But Essex would give
no answer : " The best advice I can give the King,"
he said, "is to go to his Parliament." Charles did
not insist ; perhaps even, notwithstanding the disaster
of Marston Moor, he was stiU far from desiring the
intervention of such a mediator. But he was sur-
rounded by many earnest advocates of peace ; a spirit
of independence and inquiry was spreading among the
Royalists ; the kingly name no longer exercised its old
influence over them ; and m their private meetings,
' Whitelocke, pp. 101, 102 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 55.
2 Among others, Colonels Weare and Butler. — Rush worth, part iii.
vol. ii. p. 710.
126 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
many officers freely discussed public affairs, and gave
expression to their own wishes. Persuaded that Essex
had rejected every overture merely because he put no
faith in the King's promises, they resolved to make
pro230sals to him in their own name, and to invite him
to treat with them. The Lords Wilmot and Percy,
who commanded the cavalry and artillery in the
King's army, were at the head of this design; the
former was a reckless and witty Cavalier, an inveterate
drinker, and a favourite with the army on account of
the jovial affability of his disposition ; the latter was
cold and haughty, but he was bold in speech, and kept
a good table, to which his brother officers were always
welcome. On being informed of their project, and
that a letter was circulating in their name, Charles
was exceedingly indignant ; but the intention found
favour even with those who blamed the means
adopted for effecting it. The King, not daring to
prohibit, thought it best to approve ; the letter became
an official document, authorized by his sanction, and it
was signed by Prince Maurice and the Earl of Brent-
ford, Greneral-in-chief of his army, as well as by its
original authors. On the 9th of August, a trumpeter
was despatched with it to the enemy's camp. " My
Lords," wrote Essex in reply, " in the beginning of
your letter, you express by what authority you send it.
I, having no power from the Parliament, who em-
ployed me, to treat, cannot give way to it without
breach of trust. Your humble servant, Essex." This
dry refusal greatly irritated the Eoyahsts ; all further
attempts at negociation were abandoned. Wilmot
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 127
and Percy were deprived of their commands; and
hostilities resumed their course.^
Essex soon found liimself in a desperate position ;
he renewed the fight every day, but he fell daily into
gTeater dangers ; his soldiers were thoroughly weary,
and conspiracies were rife in then- ranks -^ the King
pressed nearer and nearer to his lines, and threw up
redoubts in every direction. Abeady the Earl's
cavalry had not space enough to collect forage ; he
retained scarcely any free communication with the sea,
the only way by which he could procure supplies of
provisions ; and at last, towards the end of August,
he was so closely surrounded that, from the neigh-
bouring heights, the Eoyalists could see all that was
passing in his camp. In this extremity, he gave orders
to his cavalry, under the command of Sir William
Balfour, to make their way as they best could, through
the enemy's lines ; and with the infantry, he began
his march towards Fowey harbour. Under favour of
the night and a thick fog, the cavalry succeeded in
passing between two Eoyalist divisions ; but the in-
fantry, proceeding along narrow and heavy roads,
pursued by the King's whole army, and compelled
to abandon their artillery and baggage, soon lost
all hope of safety. A capitulation was loudly recom-
mended. In great dejection and perplexity, anxious
to escape so bitter a humiliation, Essex, without
consulting any one, and accompanied by two officers
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 69J — 697 ; Clarendon's History of
the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 537 — 539.
^ Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii, p. 698.
128 HISTORY or CHARLES THE FIRST
only/ suddenly quitted his camp, gained the coast,
and embarked for Plymouth, leaving his army under
the command of Major-Greneral Skippon.^
As soon as his departure became known, Skippon
called a council of war. *' Gentlemen," he said, " you
see our general and some chief ofiftcers have thought
fit to leave us, and our horse are got away ; we are
left alone upon our defence. That which I propound
to you is this, that we, having the same courage as
our horse had, and the same God to assist us, may
make the same trial of our fortunes, and endeavour to
make our way through our enemies, as they have
done; and account it better to die with honour and
faithfulness, than to live dishonourably." But Skippon
was unable to animate the council with his own
heroism. Many officers in that army, though brave
and faithful, were moderate Presbyterians, and, like
Lord Essex, were melancholy and despondent. The
King proposed to them a capitulation, on better terms
than they had ventured to hope for ; he required only
that the artillery, arms, and ammunition should be
given up ; all the men, both officers and soldiers, were
to remain at liberty, and were even to be conducted in
safety to the nearest Parliamentarian quarters. These
conditions were accepted on the 1st of September ; and
under the escort of the Royahst horse, the Parha-
mentarian battalions retraced their steps, without a
> These were Sir John Merrick, who commanded the artillery, and
Lord Eoberts, who had persuaded Essex to enter Cornwall.
* Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 699 — 703 ; Clarendon's History of
the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 545 — 547 ; Whitelocke, p. 102.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 129
general and without arms, through those counties
which they had so recently traversed as conquerors.^
In the meanwhile, Essex had landed at Plymouth,
and written to inform the Parliament of his disaster.
" It is the greatest blow," he said, " that ever befel
our party ; I desire nothing more than to come to the
trial ; such losses as these must not be smothered up."^
A week after, he received the following answer from
London : " My Lord, the Committee of both king-
doms having acquainted the Houses of Parliament
with your Lordship's letters from Plymouth, they
have commanded us to let you know that, as they
apprehended the misfortune of that accident, and
submit to God's pleasure therein, so their good affec-
tions to your Lordship, and their opinion of your
fidelity and merit in the public service, is not at all
lessened. And they have resolved not to be wanting
in their best endeavours for repairing of this loss, and
drawing together such a strength under your command
as may, with the blessing of God, restore our affairs
to a better condition than they are now in ; to which
purpose they have written to the Earl of Manchester
to march with all possible speed towards Dorchester,
with all the forces he can of horse and foot. Sir
Wilham Waller is hkewise ordered to march speedily
unto Dorchester, with all his horse and foot. The
House have appointed six thousand foot-arms, five
hundred pairs of pistols, and six thousand suits of
' Riishworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 704—709 ; Clarendon's History of
the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 547, 548.
* Essex to Sir Philip Stapleton ; Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 703.
VOL, II. K
130 HISTORY OP' CHARLES THE FIRST
clothes, shirts, &c. to meet your Lordship at Ply-
mouth, for the arming and encouragement of your
forces. And they are confident your Lordship's pre-
sence in those parts, for bringing the forces together
into a body, and disposing of them, will very much
conduce to the public advantage."^
The Earl's surprise was extreme ; he had expected
impeachment, or at all events, severe censure ; but his
fidelity had so recently been proved, the extent of the
disaster was so great, and the necessity of presenting
an imposing front to the enemy was so imperious, that
all the waverers joined his partizans, and his opponents
abstained from attacking him. Essex, embarrassed by
misfortune and mistake, no longer seemed to them a
formidable antagonist ; they knew him well, and fore-
saw that ere long, in order to spare his dignity such
violent assaults, he would voluntarily resign his office.
Until that moment arrived, by treating him with
honour, they manifested their own energy ; an awk-
ward inquiry into the secret causes of the disaster would
be avoided, and the most earnest advocates of peace
would now be engaged in a new effort for continuing
the war. As politic as they were earnest, the Inde-
pendent leaders remained silent ; and the Parliament
seemed unanimous in bearing this great reverse with
courageous dignity.
This activity and firmness of attitude at first checked
the King's movements ; he sent a pacific message to
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 708 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 289. The letter is dated on the 7th of September, 1644, and
signed by the Speakers of both Houses.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 131
both Houses, and then spent three weeks in present-
ing himself before various towns, Plymouth, Lyme,
and Portsmouth, which refused to surrender ; but
towards the end of September, he learned that Mont-
rose, who had long promised him a civil war in
Scotland, had at length succeeded in kindling it, and
was ah'eady advancing from triumph to triumph.
After the battle of Marston Moor, in the disguise of
a servant, and with only two companions, Montrose
had crossed the Scottish frontier on foot, and pro-
ceeded to Strathern, the residence of his cousin,
Patrick Grrahame of Inchbrackie, at the entrance of
the Higlilands, there to await the landing of the
Irish auxilaries whom Antrim had promised to send
him. By day he remained in concealment ; at night
he wandered through the neighbouring mountains,
personally collecting, from place to place, the reports
of his confidants. Ere long, news reached him that
the Irish bands had landed on the 8th of July,
and were advancing into the country, pillaging and
ravaging as they went, but not knowing whither
to march, and seeking anxiously for the general who
had been promised them. They had nearly reached
Athol, when Montrose, in Highland costume and
with a single attendant, suddenly appeared in their
camp ; they immediately acknowledged him as their
leader. At the news of his arrival, several clans
hastened to join him. Without losing a moment, he
led them on to battle, expecting everything from
their courage, and withholding nothing from their
rapacity. In a fortnight, he had gained two bat-
K 2
132 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
ties/ occcupied Perth, taken Aberdeen by storm,
raised most of the northern clans to revolt, and spread
terror to the very gates of Edinburgh.
On hearing this news, Cliarles believed that the dis-
aster of Marston Moor was repaired, that the Parlia-
ment would soon meet once more with a powerful adver-
sary in the north, and that he might himself fear-
lessly pursue the course of his successes in the south.
He resolved to march upon London ; and to give his
expedition the appearance of a popular and decisive
measure, at the moment of his departure, he issued a
proclamation caUing upon all his subjects in the
southern and eastern counties to rise in arms, to
choose their own officers, and to join him on his road,
that they might aid him in requiring the Parliament
to accept propositions of peace.^
But the Houses had taken their measures ; the
combined forces of Manchester, Waller, and Essex
already covered the western approaches to London ;
never had the Parhament possessed so large a force
at one single point ; and on the first rumour of the
King's approach, five regiments of the London militia,
under the command of Sir James Harrington, marched
out to join the main army. At the same time, new
taxes were imposed ; the Commons resolved that the
royal plate, which until then had been preserved in the
Tower, should be melted down for the public service.
And when it was known that the two armies were in
• At Tippermuir, on the 1st of September, and at Dee Bridge, on the
12th of the same month.
* This proclamation is dated from Chard, September, 1644. — Rush-
worth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 715.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 133
presence, the shops were shut, the people thronged
to the churches, and a solemn fast was ordained to
invoke the blessing of the Lord on the impending
battle/
In the camp as in the city, a battle was daily
expected ; Essex alone, from illness and dejection,
remained motionless in London, though he was still
invested with the command. On learning that he
had not left town, the House appointed a committee
to wait upon him, and assure him of their undi-
minished confidence and affection. Essex thanked the
Commissioners, but did not join his army.^ The battle
was fought in his absence, on the 27th of October, at
Newbury, almost on the same ground where, during
the previous year, on his return from Gloucester, he
had won so glorious a victory. Lord Manchester
commanded in his stead. The action was long and
bloody ; the soldiers of Essex, in particular, performed
prodigies of valour ; at sight of the cannon which
they had recently lost in Cornwall, they rushed upon
the royal batteries, recaptured their guns, and as they
brought them back to their own lines, kissed them
with transports of joy. Some of Manchester's regi-
ments, on the other hand, suifered a rather severe
repulse. For a moment, both parties claimed the
victory ; but, on the next morning, the King, giving
up his designs upon London, commenced his retreat,
in order to take up his winter-quarters at Oxford.^
> Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 719, 720; Parliamentary History,
vol. iii. cols. 294, 295, 308.
"^ Whitclocke, p. 108 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 293.
^ Whitelocko, pp. 108, 109; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
134 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Meanwhile the Parliament was almost silent about
its victory ; no thanksgiving service was celebrated ;
and on the 30th of October, the day after the news of
the victory had reached London, the monthly fast
appointed by both Houses took place as usual, as
though there had been no ground for public rejoicing.
The people were astonished at this want of enthusiasm.
Ere long, however, unsatisfactory rumours began to
spread : the victory, it was said, might have been
made much more decisive ; but dissensions prevailed
among the Generals ; they had allowed the King to
retreat unopposed, almost within sight of their army,
on a clear moonlight night, when the slightest move-
ment would have been sufficient to prevent it. Soon,
further intelligence arrived that the King had appeared
again in the neighbourhood of Newbury, and that, on
the 9th of November, he had been allowed to remove
his artillery from Donnington Castle, and had even
offered to renew the battle, without rousing the Par-
liamentarian army from its shameful inactivity.^ The
clamour now became general ; the House of Commons
ordered an inquiry. Cromwell eagerly seized this
opportunity to break out : " All the blame," he said,
" must be kid on the Earl of Manchester. He has
betrayed the Parliament out of cowardice. Since the
taking of York, he hath declined whatever tended to
further advantage upon the enemy, as if he thought
vol. iv. pp. 582 — 589 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, pp. 55 — 57 ; Parliamentary
History, vol. iii. col. 29(5; Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 721 — 730.
' Ivushworth, part iii. vol. ii. p[). 729 — 732; CIareudon'.s History of
the Eebellioii, vol, iv, jip, 590. 591.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 135
the King too low and the ParUament too high. At
the King's being last at Newbury, when he drew off
his cannon, he might very easily have defeated his
whole army. I went to the Earl, and showed him
evidently how it might be done ; and desired him that
he would give me leave, with my own brigade of horse,
to charge the King's army in their retreat. But,
notwit] I standing all importunity used by me and other
oflB.cers, he positively and obstinately refused to con-
sent ; giving no other reason but that, even if we
overthrew the King's army, he would soon have
another to keep up the war ; whereas, if we were
overthrown, there was an end of our pretensions, we
should all be rebels and traitors, and be executed and
forfeited by law." These last words produced a great
sensation in the House, for it could not endure the
lawfulness of its resistance to be called in question.
On the next day, in the Upper House, Manchester
answered the attack, explained his conduct and lan-
guage, and accused Cromwell, in his turn, of insub-
ordination, falsehood, and even treachery or perfidy ;
for, he said, on the day of battle, neither he nor his
regiment had appeared at the post assigned to them.
Cromwell took no notice of this recrimination, but
merely repeated his accusations with additional violence.'
The Presbyterians were in great agitation ; for a long-
while they had regarded Cromwell's policy with feelings
of alarm. First of all, they had seen him flattering and
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 732 — 736 ; Paiiiamentary Histoi-y,
vol. iii. col. 297 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 58 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 18 ;
Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 13—15.
136 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
fawning upon Manchester, losing no opportunity of
extolling him at the expense of Essex, and gradually
acquiring more influence in his army than the earl
himself possessed. He had made it the resort of the
Independents and other sectaries, who were equally
hostile to the Covenant and the King: under his
protection, fanatical license prevailed in its ranks ; all
taught, prayed, and preached as they pleased, and with
no authority but their own caprice. In vain, with a
view to counterbalance Cromwell's influence, had
Colonel Skeldon Crawford, a rigid Presbyterian, and a
Scotsman by birth, been appointed Major- General of
the army. AU Crawford had done had been foolislily
to accuse Cromwell of cowardice ; and Cromwell, ever
watchful to discover the faults of his opponent, to
render him unpopular with the soldiers, and to
denounce him to the people and Parliament, had soon
rendered liim incapable of doing him injury.^
Emboldened by this success, and by the evident
progress of his party, he had openly declared himself
the advocate of liberty of conscience, and had even
obtained from the House, with the help of the free-
thinkers and philosophers, the appointment of a com-
mittee for the purpose of inquiring how they might best
unite with the Dissenters, or how "tender consciences,
who could not in all things submit to the common
rule which might be established, might be borne with
consistently with Scripture, and the public peace."^
' Baillie's Letters, vol. ii. jip. 40, 41, 42, 49, 57, 60, 66, 69; Hollis's
Memoirs, p. 15.
'^ On the 13th of September, 16-14. -Eailhe'.s Letters, vol. ii. pp. 57, 61 ;
Commons' Journak, vol. iii. p. 6^5.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 137
He now attacked Manchester himself, spoke msiiltingly
of the Scots, boasted that he would triumph without
their aid, and even that he would drive them from
England, if, in their turn, they ventured on oppressive
measures ; in a word, he carried his audacity so far, as
to attack the throne, the Lords, indeed, all the ancient
and legal institutions of the country/ Irritated and
alarmed, the Presbyterian leaders, the moderate
politicians, the Scottish Commissioners — Hollis,
Stapleton, Merrick, Glynn, and their adherents — met
at Essex House to devise means for defeatino* so
dangerous an enemy. After a long conference, they
resolved to consult Wliitelocke and Maynard, two
eminent lawyers of great reputation in the House, and
whom they had reason to believe favourable to their
cause. They were sent for by the Lord-General, late
at night ; and no intimation was given them of the
business on which they were summoned. They came
in some anxiety, for the whole affair was to them
surrounded with great mystery. After some pre-
liminary compliments, Lord Loudoun, the Chancellor
of Scotland, thus addressed them : " Gentlemen, you
know very well that Lieutenant-General Cromwell is
no friend of ours ; and since the advance of our army
into England, he hath used all underhand and cunning
means to take off from our honour and merit in this
kingdom. He is also no well-wisher to his Excellency
the Lord-General, whom you and we all have cause to
love and honour ; and if he be permitted to go on in
' Whitelocke, p. 116; Lords' Journals, vol. vii. p. 76; Clarendon's;
History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 27.
138 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
his ways, it may, I fear, endanger the whole business.
You are well acquainted with the accord between the
two kingdoms, and the union by the Solemn League
and Covenant ; and if any be an incendiary between
the two nations, how is he to be proceeded against?
By our law in Scotland, we call him an incendiary who
kindleth coals of contention, and raiseth differences in
the State to the public damage ; and we desire your
opinions, whether your law be the same or not, and
whether Lieutenant- Greneral Cromwell be not such an
incendiary, and what way would be best to proceed
against him, if he be proved to be so."
The two lawyers looked at each other in surprise ;
aU were anxious for their answer. After waiting in
silence for a few moments, Wliitelocke spoke. " I see
none of this honourable company," he said, " is pleased
to discourse further on these points, and therefore, not
to detain you longer, I shall, with submission to your
Excellency and to these honourable Commissioners of
Scotland, declare freely and humbly my opinion upon
those particulars which have been so clearly proposed
by my Lord Chancellor. The sense of the word
incendiary is the same with us as by the law of Scot-
land ; but whether Lieutenant-Greneral Cromwell be
such an incendiary, cannot be known but by proofs of
his particular words or actions, tending to the kindhng
of the fires of contention betwixt the two nations, and
raising of differences between us. In the first place, I
take it that my Lord-Greneral and my Lords the Com-
missioners of Scotland, being persons of so great
honoui' and authority, must not appear in any business.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 139
especially of an accusation, unless you see beforehand
it will be clearly made out. Next, as to the person
who is to be accused, I take Lieutenant-General Crom-
well to be a gentleman of quick and subtle parts, and
one who hath (especially of late) gained no small inte-
rest in the House of Commons ; nor is he wanting of
friends in the House of Peers, nor of abilities in him-
self to manage his own part of defence to the best
advantage. I have not yet heard any particulars
mentioned by his Excellency, nor by my Lord Chan-
cellor or any other, nor do I know any in my private
observations, which will amount to a clear proof of
such matters as will satisfy the House of Commons
that Lieutenant-General Cromwell is an incendiary,
and should be punished accordingly. I apprehend it
to be doubtful, and therefore cannot advise that, at
this time, he should be accused ; but rather that direc-
tion may be given to collect such particular passages
relating to liim, by which your Lordships may judge
whether they will amount to prove him an incendiary
or not. And this being done, we may again wait on
your Excellency, if you please ; and upon view of those
proofs we shall be the better able to advise, and your
Lordship to judge, what will be fit to be done in this
matter."
Maynard concmTed with Whitelocke, adding that
the word iyicendiary was seldom used in English law,
and would give rise to much uncertainty. Hollis,
Stapleton, and Merrick strongly m-ged their plan,
stating that Cromwell had not so much intluence in
the House as was supposed, and that they would will-
]40 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
ingly undertake to impeach him ; and they quoted
many actions and sayings of his, which, they said,
clearly proved his designs. But the Scottish Commis-
sioners refused to engage in the quarrel. At about
two o'clock in the morning, Maynard and Wliitelocke
withdrew, and the conference had no other result than to
lead Cromwell to hasten his measures, for " some false
brethren," says Wliitelocke, though it probably was
Wliitelocke himself, " informed him of all that passed." *
Essex and his friends now sought another remedy
for the evil which threatened them : all their thoughts
turned towards peace. The Houses had never posi-
tively ceased to discuss the possibility of a pacific
arrangement : at one time, a formal motion had pro-
duced a debate in which the fate of the country was
decided by the single vote of the Speaker -^ at other
times, the ambassadors of France and Holland, who
were incessantly travelling between Oxford and London,
had offered tlieu' mediation ; but the offer, made with-
out sincerity, had always been evaded, and had only
caused embarrassment to both parties.^ So many
persons were desirous of peace, that no one would have
' Whitelocke, jjp. 116, 117; Wood's Athence Oxonienses, vol. ii.
col. 546.
* On the 29tli of March, 1644, on a motion that a committee should
be appointed to examine the offers of mediation by the Dutch Ambas-
sador, the House divided equally, and the Speaker gave his casting
vote in the negative. — Parliamentaiy History, vol. iii. col. 253.
^ The Dutch ambassadoi's ofFei-ed the mediation of the States
General on the 20th of March, the 12th of July, and the 7th of Novem-
ber, 1644. The Count d'Harcourt, ambassador of France, who arrived
in London in July, 1644, had audience of the Parliament on the 14th of
August, and left England in February, 1645. — Parliamentary History,
vol iii. cols. 252, 263, 278, 285, 293, 298, 314 ; Clarendon's History of
the Rebellion, vol. iv. pp. 325 — 328.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 141
ventured to oppose it openly ; and for more than six
months, a committee of" members of both Houses
and Scottish Commissioners, had been engaged in
frammg propositions on the subject. The Presby-
terian party suddenly became anxious to bring the
labours of this committee to an end : in a few days,
the propositions were laid before the Houses for dis-
cussion, and adopted ;^ and on the 20th of November,
nine commissioners set out to present them to the
King, They believed that he was at WaLLingford,
and proceeded thither accordingly ; but after keeping
them waiting for two hours, during which he raised
all sorts of quibbling objections to their mission, safe-
conduct, and retinue, the governor, Colonel Blake, at
last admitted them, to tell them that the King was
not there, and that they would probably find him at
Oxford. They wished to remain at Wallingford for
the night ; but so angry a conversation soon sprang
up between Blake and Lord Denbigh, the president of
the commission, Blake's language was so violent, and
the attitude of the garrison so threatening, that they
considered it advisable to withdraw without delay.
The next day, on arriving near Oxford, they halted on
a small eminence, at a short distance from the city,
and sent a trumpeter to announce their arrival to the
governor. Some hours passed, but no answer was re-
turned. Meanwhile the King, walking in his garden,
perceiving the group formed by the Commissioners and
their retinue on the hill, inquired who they were, and
I On the 8th of November, 1644 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 299.
142 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
on being informed, sent Mr, Killigrew at once with
orders to bring them into the town, to provide them
with suitable accommodation, and to express his regret
that they had been kept waiting so long. As they
passed through the streets of Oxford, under the escort
of a few Cavaliers, the mob crowded around them,
loaded them with insults, and even pelted them with
stones and mud. They were taken to a miserable inn,
but they had scarcely estabhshed themselves in their
new quarters, before a violent tumult arose near their
apartments. Hollis and Whitelocke went out at once
to mquire the cause, and found that some Royalist
officers had entered the hall of the inn, and begun to
quarrel with the Commissioners' servants, calling them
and their masters " rogues, rebels, and traitors," and
refusing to allow them to come near the fire. Hollis
seized one of the officers by the collar, shook him
roughly, and pushed him out of the hall, telling him
he ought to be ashamed of his conduct. White-
locke did the same ; the doors of the inn were closed ;
and the governor sent a guard to prevent further dis-
turbances. During the evening, several members of
the council, Hyde among others, called upon the
Commissioners, apologized for the disorderly conduct
of the Eoyalists, and expressed their earnest desire to
co-operate with them in obtaining peace ; and the
King sent word that he would give them audience on
the following day.^
The audience was of short duration. Lord Denbigh
1 On the 2nd of November, 1644; Whitelocke, pp. I] 2, 113 ; PaHia-
nientary History, vol. iii. col. 310.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 143
read aloud, in presence of the Council and Court, the
propositions agreed on hy the Parhament ; they were
of such a character that the King could not have
been expected to accept them ; he v^as called upon to
submit his authority to the control of a suspicious
Parhament, and to surrender his party to its vengeance.
More than once an angry murmur broke from the
assembled Cavaliers ; and especially when Lord Den-
bigh named Prince Eupert and Prince Maurice, who
were standing near the King, as excluded from any
amnesty, the courtiers could hardly restrain their
laughter ; but the King, turning towards them with a
severe look, imposed silence on all, and continued to
listen with great patience and gravity. When Lord
Denbigh had finished reading, the King inquired :
"Have you power to treat?" "We have not," re-
plied the Earl : " our commission was to present the
propositions, and to desire your answer in writing."
" You shall have it as soon as possible," said Charles ;
and the Commissioners returned to theu' lodgings.^
On the same evening, with the consent of their col-
leagues, Holhs and Whitelocke paid a visit to Lord
Lindsey, a gentleman of the King's bed-chamber^ and
an old friend of theirs, whose wounds had prevented
him from calling upon them. They had scarcely been
with him a quarter of an hour, when the King entered,
and saluted them with great pohteness : " I am sorry,
gentlemen," he said, " that you could bring me no
better propositions for peace, nor more reasonable than
these are." " They are such, sir," returned Holhs,
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 310.
144 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
" as the Parliament thought fit to agree upon, and I
hope a good issue may be had out of them." The
King : "I know you could bring no other than what
they would send ; but I confess I do not a little
wonder at some of them. Surely you yourselves
cannot think them to be reasonable, or honourable for
me to grant." HoUis : " Truly, sir, I could have wished
that some of them had been otherwise than they are ;
but your Majesty knows that those things are all
carried by the major vote." The King : " I know they
are, and am confident that you who are here, and your
friends (I must not say your party) in the House,
endeavoured to have had them otherwise ; for I know
you are well-wiUers to peace." Whitelocke : "I have
had the honour to attend your Majesty often hereto-
fore upon this errand, and am sorry it was not to
better effect." The King : " I wish, Mr. Wliitelocke,
that others had been of your judgment and of Mr.
HoUis's judgment, and then, I believe, we had had
an happy end of our differences before now. I do
earnestly desire peace myself; and in order to it, and
out of the confidence I have in you two that are here
with me, I ask your opinion and advice, what answer
will be best for me to give at this time to your pro-
positions, which may probably further such a peace as
aU good men desire." HoUis : " Your Majesty will
pardon us if we are not capable in our present condi-
tion to advise your Majesty." Whitelocke : " We
now by accident have the honour to be in your
Majesty's presence ; but our present employment
disables us from advising your Majesty, if we were
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 145
otherwise able to do it, in this particular." The King:
" For your abilities, I am able to judge ; and I now
look not on you in your employments from the Parlia-
ment ; but as friends and my private subjects, I
require your advice." Hollis : " Sir, to speak in a
private capacity, your Majesty sees that we have been
very free ; and touching your answer I shall say further,
that I think the best answer would be your own
coming amongst us." The King: " How can I come
thither with safety?" Hollis : " I am confident there
would be no danger to your person to come away
directly to your Parliament." The King : " That may
be a question ; but I suppose your principals, who
sent you hither, will expect a present answer to your
message." Whitelocke : " The best present and most
satisfactory answer, I humbly believe, would be your
Majesty's presence with your Parliament." The
King : " Let us pass by that, and let me desire you
two, Mr. HoUis and Mr. Wliitelocke, to go into the
next room, and a little to confer together, and to set
down somewhat in writing which you apprehend may
be fit for me to return in answer to your message, and
which in your judgments may facilitate and promote
this good work of peace." Hollis : " We shall obey
your Majesty's command."
They then proceeded into an adjoining room ; and
after some hesitation, Whitelocke, carefally dis-
guising his handwriting, drew up the opinion which
the King had requested of them ; then, leaving the
paper on the table, they retu.rned into the other room.
The King then went alone into the room they had
VOL. II. L
146 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
just left, took the paper, came back with it, and then,
bidding the Commissioners farewell " with much
favour and civility," left them with Lord Lindsey.
They returned soon after to their inn, and carefully
abstained from informing their colleagues of what had
passed.^
Tlii'ee days after, on the 27 th of November, the
King sent for the Commissioners, and gave Lord
Denbigh a sealed paper, without any address. " This
is my answer," he said ; " you may deliver it to them
that sent you." Surprised at this unusual form of
proceeding, and at finding the King so obstinate in
his refusal to give the name of Parliament to the
Houses at Westminster, the Earl requested permission
to retire for a moment with his colleagues, to dehbe-
rate on the course they would have to pursue. " Why
deliberate?" said the King; ''^ you have no power to
treat ; you told me so when you arrived, and I know
you have had no post from London since." Lord
Denbigh persisted in his demand, alleging that the
Commissioners might possibly have some observations
to make to his Majesty on his answer. " I will hear
anything you have to deliver from London," said the
King sharply, " but by your favour, none of the
fancies and chimeras you have taken up at Oxford ;
you shall put no tricks on me." " Sir," replied the
Earl, " we are not persons to put tricks upon any,
much less upon your Majesty." *' I mean it not to
you," said Charles, apologetically. Lord Denbigh
' Whitelocke, p. 113; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 38.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 147
then begged the King to inform him to whom the
paper was adcbessed. " It is my answer/' said Charles,
" I give it to you, and you must take it, though it
were a haUad, or a song of Robin Hood." " The
business about which we come," said the Earl, " is of
somewhat more consequence than that song." '' I
know it," replied the King ; " but you told me twice
you had no power to treat ; my memory is as good as
yours ; you were only to deliver the propositions ; a
postilion might have done as much as you." " That
is not our condition," returned Lord Denbigh,
" though I would be glad, in these distracted times,
to do service to your Majesty and the kingdom in any
condition." " I mean it not to your persons," ex-
plained Charles ; " but once more, this is my answer ;
you must take it ; I am not bound to answer anything
more." The conversation became warmer every
moment. HolHs and Pierrepoint endeavoured in vain
to induce the King to say that his message was
addressed to the two Houses. The Commissioners at
length determined to receive it in the form in which
it was offered, and took their leave. In the evening,
Mr. Ashburnham, one of the King's attendants,
came to them. " His Majesty," he said, " is sensible
some words may have fallen from him in his passion
that might give discontent ; it was not so mtended by
him, and he desires that the best construction may be
made of it." The Commissioners assured him they
would pay the most respectful deference to the words
of the King, and returned to London, accompanied by
a trumpeter, who was sent to receive the answer of the
L 2
148 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Parliament to the sealed paper of wliicli they were the
bearers.'
It merely contained a request for a safe-conduct for
the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Southampton,
by whom the King promised to send an express and
detailed answer in a few days. The safe-conduct was
immediately granted ; the two lords arrived in London
on the 14th of December; and on the 16th, they had
an audience of the Parliament. They brought no
answer as yet ; their official mission was limited to a
request that conferences should be opened, and com-
missioners appointed on both sides to treat of peace.
But after they had delivered this message, they re-
mained in London ; the report spread that large
numbers of suspected persons were arriving ; and
several members of both Houses had frequent inter-
views with the two lords. The Common Council, in
which the Independents were predominant, manifested
the utmost alarm. The two lords were urged to
leave London ; but they still lingered under frivolous
pretexts. The general agitation increased; the pas-
sions of the people threatened to break loose before
party intrigues could be brought to a successful issue.
At length, at the entreaty of even the friends of peace,
the two lords returned to Oxford, on the 24th of
December ; and three weeks after their departure, it
' Rusliworth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 843 ; Parliamentaiy Histoiy, vol. iii.
cols. 309 — 312 ; Whitelocke, pp. 114, 115. Lord Denbigh's report and
Wliitelocke's narrative, though both were eye-witnesses, differ on
several important points ; but these may be explained by the official
character of the former of the documents, which was evidently prepared
by the Commissioners to suit the House and the occasion. Parlia-
mentary History, vol. iii. col. 309.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 149
was agreed that forty commissioners — twenty-three to
represent the Parliaments of the two kingdoms, and
seventeen to be appointed by the King — should meet
at Uxbridge formally to discuss the conditions of a
treaty.^
But whilst the Presbyterians were thus preparing
the way for peace, the Independents were rendering
war inevitable. On the 9th of December, the House of
Commons met to take into consideration the sufferings
of the kingdom, and to devise some means of relief.
No one rose to speak ; aU seemed to await some
decisive measure, for which none were willing to be
responsible. After a long period of silence, Cromwell
stood up, and spoke to this effect : " It is now a time
to speak, or for ever hold the tongue. The important
occasion now is no less than to save a nation out of a
bleeding, nay almost dying condition, which the long
continuance of this war hath already Ijrought it into ;
so that without a more speedy, vigorous, and effectual
prosecution of the war, — casting off all lingering pro-
ceedings like those of soldiers-of-fortune beyond sea,
to spin out a war, — we shall make the kingdom weary
of us, and hate the name of a Parliament.
" For what do the enemy say ? Nay, what do many
say that were friends at the beginning of the Parha-
ment ? Even this, That the members of both Houses
have got great places and commands, and the sword
into their hands ; and, what by interest in Parhament,
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 844—846 ; Parliamentary History,
vol. iii. cols. ;U5 — 320 ; Clarendon's History of the Eebellion, vol. v.
p. 36.
150 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
what by power in the army, will perpetually continne
themselves in grandeur, and not permit the war
speedily to end, lest their own power should determine
with it. This that I speak here to our own faces, is but
what others do utter abroad behind oiu- backs. I am
far from reflecting on any. I know the worth of those
commanders, members of both Houses, who are yet in
power; but if I may speak my conscience without
reflection upon any, I do conceive, if the army be not
put into another method, and the war more vigorously
prosecuted, the people can bear the war no longer, and
wiU enforce you to a dishonourable peace.
" But this I would recommend to your prudence :
not to insist upon any complaint or oversight of any
Commander-in-Chief upon any occasion whatsoever ; for
as I must acknowledge myself guilty of oversights, so
I know they can rarely be avoided in military affairs.
Therefore, waiving a strict inquiry into the causes of
these things, let us apply ourselves to the remedy,
which is most necessary. And I hope we have such
true Enghsh hearts, and zealous affections towards the
general weal of our mother country, as no members
of either House will scruple to deny themselves, and
their own private interests, for the public good ; nor
account it to be a dishonour done to them, whatever
the Parhament shall resolve upon in this weighty
matter."
Another member rose and said, " Whatever is the
matter, two summers are past over, and we are not
saved. Our victories, (the price of blood invaluable,)
so gallantly gotten, and, which is more pity, so gra-
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 151
ciously bestowed, seem to have been put into a bag
with holes ; for what we won one time, we lost at
another. A summer's victory has proved but a winter's
story; the game, shut up with autumn, was to be
new played again next spring, as if the blood that has
been shed were only to manure the field of war, for
a more plentiful crop of contention. I determine
nothing ; but tliis I would say — it is apparent that,
the forces being under several great commanders, want
of good correspondency among the chieftains has often-
times hindered the public service."
" There is but one way to put an end to these
evils," said Zouch Tate, an obscure fanatic, whom the
importance of his proposition has not rescued from his
obscui-ity ; "we must all honestly deny ourselves. I
move that no member of either House of ParHament
shall, during the war, enjoy or execute any office or
command, military or civil, and that an ordinance be
brought in to that purpose."^
This proposition was not altogether new ; on the
12th of December in the previous year, a similar idea
had been expressed in the Upper House, but the
matter was mentioned only casuaUy, and led to no
result.^ Still more recently, on the 14th of November,
1644, in obedience doubtless to popular clamour, the
House of Commons had ordered an inquiry into the
number and value of offices of every kind held by
' Eush worth, part iii. vol. ii. pp. 3 — 5 ; Parliamentary History,
vol. iii. col. 326 ; Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, vol. i. pp. 217, 218 ;
Clarendon's History of the RebeUion, vol. v. pp. 21 — 24. Clai'endou's
account is manifestly inaccurate.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 187.
152 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
members of Parliament. Either designedly or from
embarrassment, the Presbyterians hesitated at first to
oppose Tate's motion, and it passed almost without an
objection. But two days after, when it was brought
forward again in the form of a regular ordinance, the
debate was long and violent, and was resumed four
times within eight days.^ It was evident that the
intention was to deprive the Presbyterians and
moderate pohticians, the first leaders of the Revolu-
tion, of all share in the executive power, to confine
their action to Westminster Hall, and to create an
army independent of the Parliament. The resistance
to the measure was renewed with greater vehemence
at every meeting of the House. Even some of those
men who generally voted with the Independent party
opposed this bill. "You know, sir," said White-
locke, " that^ amongst the Greeks and Romans, the
greatest offices, both of war and peace, were conferred
upon their senators ; and their reasons were, because
having the same interest with the Senate, and being
present at their debates, they understood their
business the better, and were less apt to break their
trust. Our ancestors did the same ; they thought the
members of Parliament fittest to be employed in the
greatest offices. I hope you will be of the same judg-
ment, and not pass this ordinance, and thereby dis-
courage your faithful servants."^ Other speakers went
still farther, and boldly denounced the secret ambition
of their rivals, saying that, far from being a self-
' On the 11th, 14th, 17th, aud 19th of December.
2 Whitelocke, p. 120.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 153
denying ordinance, it was intended only to secure
the triumph of " envy and self-ends."^ But the public
put little trust in these predictions ; the Presbyterian
party was effete and unpopular ; all but its adherents
witnessed its fall without regret. Although the
Independents were far from possessing a majority in
the House, their motion was carried triumphantly
tlirough all its stages. In vain, as a last effort, did
the friends of Essex request that he alone might be
excepted from the disability it entailed ; their amend-
ment was rejected/ and on the 21st of December, the
ordinance was finally adopted, and sent up to the
House of Lords.
All the hopes of the Presbyterians rested on the
Lords. It was imperatively the interest of the Upper
House to throw out the bill : nearly aU its members
were affected by it ; and by passing it, they would
lose aU their remaining power. But^ as far as public
opinion was concerned, this was an additional source
of discredit and weakness. To diminish this unpopu-
larity, to clear themselves of all suspicion of connivance
with the Cornet at Oxford, to discourage the Eoyalist
plots which were ever ready to break out, and above
all, to gratify the passions of the Presbyterian popu-
lace, the leaders of that party, at the very moment that
they were attempting to arrest the course of the
Eevolution^ offered it further concessions and new
victims. Four prosecutions, which had been com-
menced long previously, but allowed to drop, were
' Whitelocke, p. 120.
* On the 17th of December, by a hundred votes against ninety-three.
154 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
now resumed and hastened with unremitting vigour ;
these were, the trial of Lord Maguire, for complicity in
the Irish insm'rection ; that of the two Hothams,
father and son, for having consented to surrender Hull
to the King ; that of Sir Alexander Carew, for similar
conduct with regard to the island of St. Nicholas, of
which he was governor; and, finally, that of Laud,
which had already been commenced, postponed, and
resumed more than once. Maguire, the two Hothams,
and Carew were guilty of recent offences, which were
legally proved, and, if left unpunished, might be imi-
tated. But Laud, an infirm old man, who had been
four years a prisoner, had only to answer for giving
his support to a despotism which had been overthrown
four years previously. As in the case of Strafford, it
was impossible to prove him guilty of high treason
according to law. To condemn him, as Straff'ord had
been condemned, by a bill of attainder, the King's
consent was necessary; but theological hatred is as
subtle as implacable. Foremost in the ranks of his
prosecutors was that same Prynne whom Laud had
formerly ordered to be so barbarously mutilated, and
who was now, in his turn, eager to humiliate and
crush his enemy. After a long trial, during which
the archbishop manifested greater adroitness and pru-
dence than was to have been expected of him, sentence
was pronounced against him by an ordinance of both
Houses, which was voted by only seven Lords, and
which, even according to the traditions of parlia-
mentary tyranny, was illegal.^ He died with pious
' According to the Journals of the House of Lords, twenty peers
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUriON. 155
courage, expressing utter contempt for his adversaries,
and the deepest sohcitude for the King's future fate.
The other trials had a similar issue; and during six
weeks, the scaffold was erected five times on Tower
Hill^ ; more frequently than had yet happened since
the commencement of the Eevolution.^ The measures
adopted for the maintenance of general order were
dictated b}^ the same spirit. On the 3rd of January,
1645, a week before Laud's execution, the liturgy of
the Church of England, which had until then been
tolerated, was abolished; and, at the suggestion of
the Assembly of Divines, a work entitled, " Directions
for Public Worship," received the sanction of Parlia-
ment in its stead.^ The leaders of the Presbyterian
party well knew that this innovation would meet with
strenuous resistance, and they cared little about its
success ; but in order to retain the power which they
felt was about to escape from their hands, they needed
all the support of the fanatical Presbyterians, and
denied them nothing. The Independents, on their
side, used every exertion to indtice the Upper House
wei'e in their places on the day when Laud was condemned ; but
several probably left without voting ; for it is certain that the majority
who condemned him consisted of seven only — the Earls of Kent, Pem-
broke, Salisbury, and Bolingbroke, and Lords North, Grey of Wark, and
Bruce. — (Somers' Tracts, vol. ii. p. 287.) Lord Bruce subsequently
denied that he had voted.
' Sir Alexander Carew was executed on the 23rd of December, 1644 ;
Captain Hotham, on the 1st of January, 1645 ; Sir John Hotham, his
father, on the 2nd of January ; Laud on the 10th of January ; and Lord
Maguire on the 20th of February.
2 State Trials, vol. iv. cols. 31.5 — 626, 653 — 754 ; Parhamentary His-
tory, vol. iii. cols. 315, 319—322 ; Whitelocke, pp. 72, 112, 121—123.
^ Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. iii. p. 127.
156 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
to adopt the decisive ordinance : petitions were poured
in in vast numbers, some of tliem menacing in tlieir
tone, and demanding that the Lords and Commons
should sit together in one single assembly/ A solemn
fast was appointed for the 18th of December, to
invoke the Divine guidance in so important a delibe-
ration; the two Houses alone were present at the
sermons preached at Westminster on that day, doubt-
less in order to give the preachers greater hberty ; and
Vane and Cromwell had taken care to select their men.^
At length, after repeated conferences and messages,
the Commons proceeded in a body to the Upper
House, on the 13th of January, 1645, to demand the
adoption of the ordinance, but the Lords had taken
their resolution, and on the very day of this extra-
ordinary proceeding, the ordinance was rejected.^
The victory seemed great, and the moment favour-
able for taking advantage of it. The Uxbridge nego-
ciations were shortly to commence. At the instance
of the refugee members, who had just opened their
second session in gr6at obscurity at Oxford, Charles
had at length consented to give the name of Parlia-
ment to the Houses at Westminster. " If there had
been but two, besides myself, of my opinion," he
wrote to the Queen, on the 2nd of January, " I had
not done it."* He had, at the same time, appointed
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 5 ; Lingard's History of England
vol. X. p. 282; Whitelocke, p. 118.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 88, 131 ; White-
locke, p. 119.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 333 — 337 ; Rushworth, part iv.
vol. i. p. 7 ; Whitelocke, p. 123.
■» Halliwell's Letters of the Kings uf England, vol. ii. p. 358.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 157
his Commissioners -^ nearly all of tliem were desirous
of peace. Among the Commissioners of the Parlia-
ment,^ Yane, St. John, and Prideaux alone enter-
tained opposite views. On the 29th of Januarj'-, the
negociators arrived at Uxbridge, full of friendly inten-
tions and animated by the brightest hopes.
The meeting was friendly and courteous on both
sides. The Commissioners had all known each other
for a long time ; and several, before the outbreak of
the war, had been united by the closest ties of friend-
ship. On the very evening of their arrival, Hyde,
Colepepper, Palmer, Whitelocke, HoUis, and Pierre-
point exchanged visits, and congratulated themselves
on having to work together to restore peace to their
country. It was remarked, however, that the West-
minster Commissioners exhibited greater embarrass-
ment and reserve, for they were the servants of a
sterner and more distrustful master. The ne2"ociations
were to last for twenty days, and the principal matters
to be settled were religion, the militia, and Ireland.
^ The King's Commissioners were, — the Duke of Richmond, the
Marquis of Hertford, the EarLs of Southampton, Kingston and Chiches-
ter, the Lords Capel, Seymour, Hatton and Colepepper, Mr. Secretary
Nicholas, Sir Edward Hyde, Sir Edward Lane, Sir Orlando Bridgmau,
Sir Thomas Gardiner, Mr. John Ashburnham, Mr. Geoffrey Palmer,
Dr. Stewart, and their attendants ; in all, a hundred and eight persons.
^ The Earls of Northumberland, Pembroke, Sahsbury and Denbigh,
Lord Wenmau, Messrs. Denzil Holhs, Wilham Pierrepont, Ohver St.
John, Bulstrode Whitelocke, John Carew, Edmund Prideaux, and Sir
Harry Vane, represented the English Parliament. The Earl of Loudoun,
the Marquis of Argyle, the Lords Maitland and Balmerino, Sir Archi-
bald Johnston, Sir Charles Erskine, Sir John South, Messrs. George
Dundas, Hugh Kennedy, Robert Berkeley and Alexander Henderson,
represented the Scottish Parliament. With their attendants, they
numbered one hundred and eight persons.
158 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
It was agreed that three days should be devoted to
the discussion of each of these questions, and that
they might be taken up alternately. So long as these
preliminary arrangements were the only business in
hand, all went on smoothly ; entire confidence was
felt, and the utmost politeness manifested on both
sides. But when at length, on the 30fch of Januar^^
1645, the official discussion commenced around the
long table at which ihe Commissioners were seated, aU
the old. difficulties reappeared. Each of the parlia-
mentary factions had its own fundamental interest, of
wliicli it refused to yield a jot ; the Presbyterians
claimed the privileged establishment of their form of
Church government, the politicians required the com-
mand of the militia, and the Independents demanded
liberty of conscience ; and the King, while obliged to
yield to them all, could obtain from each only such
concessions as the others absolutely refused to grant.
Each party, moreover, was perpetually anxious to
ascertain whether, when peace was made, the power
would remain in its hands ; for neither would have
consented to treat, except on this understanding.
Beginning with the question of religion, the discussion
soon assumed the character of a theological contro-
versy ; argument took the place of negociation ; and
the disputants seemed more anxious to prove that
they were logically right than to make peace. Ere
long the friendliness of their relations ceased, and acri-
monious feeling found its way even into those familiar
conversations in which some of the nesrociators occa-
sionally endeavoured to remove those obstacles which
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 159
had impeded their public discussions. Among the
Oxford Commissioners, Hyde was especially courted by
those from Westminster, who knew him to be a man
of sense and influence with the King. Lord Loudoun,
the Chancellor of Scotland, and the Earls of Pembroke
and Denbigh, had long interviews with him, in which
they candidly informed him of the dangers which
were looming in the future, the sinister designs which
were fermenting in the Parhament, and the absolute
necessity for the King to concede much in order to
save the State. Hyde gladly welcomed these commu-
nications, but the captiousness of his self-love, the
haughty inflexibility of his reason, his dry and sar-
castic tone, and his disdainful honesty, almost invaria-
bly offended and repelled those who desired to treat
him with friendship. Any shght incident was suffi-
cient to disclose all these difficulties, and to exhibit
the impotence of the pacific wishes of the negotiators.
On a market-day, in Uxbridge church, before a nume-
rous audience, a fanatical preacher, named Love, who
had recently arrived from London, inveighed against
the Eoyalists and the treaty with the most offensive
violence. " Expect no good from that treaty," he
said ; " they are men of blood who are employed in it
from Oxford ; they intend only to amuse the people
with the expectation of peace, till they are able to do
some notable mischief to them : there is as great
distance between the treaty and peace as between
heaven and hell." The King's Commissioners de-
manded that Love should be punished for tliis seditious
language, but the deputies from Westminster did not
160 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
venture to do more than send liim away from Ux-
bridge.^ Unsatisfactory reports were current with
regard to the King's real intentions. Though he had
yielded, it was said, to the wishes of his council, he
was not desirous of peace, but had renewed his promise
to the Queen to make no final arrangement without
her consent, and was far more intent upon fomenting
the internal dissensions of the Parliament than upon
coming to an honest understanding with it. He was
even suspected of treating secretly with the Irish
Papists, in order to obtain an army from them ; and
the most solemn assurances of his Commissioners
were not able to remove the distrust of the City on
this point.
Meanwhile the period assigned for concluding the
negociations was drawing near, and the Parliament
showed very little inclination to prolong them. In
despair at finding themselves about to separate without
having obtained any beneficial result, the friends of
peace, towards the middle of February, resolved to try
a last eflTort. It was their opinion that some conces-
sion on the part of the King with regard to the
militia — for instance, an off'er to place it for some years
under the command of leaders, of whom one half
should be appointed by the Parliament — would not be
altogether inefiectual. Lord Southampton hastened
to Oxford to obtain this concession from the King.
Charles at first refused ; the Earl insisted ; others
joined him in his entreaties, beseeching the King, on
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 44 ; Rushworth,
part iii. vol. ii. pp. 848—926 ; VVhitelocke, pp. 127—130.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. IGl
their bended knees, in the name of his crown and
people, not to reject this means of prolonging the
negociation. Charles yielded at last, and the desire
for peace among his councillors was so strong that, in
their joy, they imagined all difficulties were now
removed. Fairfax and Cromwell were to be among
the Commissioners to whom the King was himself
to propose that the command of the militia should be
intrusted. In the evening, at supper, gaiety reigned
at the royal table ; the King complained that his wine
was not good. " I hope," said one of the guests,
laughingly, " that before a week is over, your Majesty
will drink better at Gruildhall with the Lord Mayor."
On the following morning Lord Southampton, before
starting on his return to Uxbridge, waited on the
King to receive his instructions in writing, but, to his
extreme surprise, Charles revoked his promise, and
utterly refused to make any concession.^
A letter which had arrived dui'ing the night from
Montrose, who had despatched it with almost unpre-
cedented rapidity from the interior of Scotland, had
produced this sudden change of purpose. A fortnight
previously, on the 2nd of February, at Inverlochy, in
Argyleshire, Montrose had gained a splendid victory
over the Scottish troops, under the command of Argyle
himself. After having given an account of the battle
to the King, he went on to say : " Now, sacred Sir,
let me humbly entreat your Majesty's pardon if I pre-
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 77 — 79 ; Wel-
wood's Memoirs, pp. 62, 63 ; Banks's Critical Review of the Life of
Ohver Cromwell, pp. 108—112.
VOL. II. M
162 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
sume to write you my poor thoughts and opinions
about what I heard from a letter I received fi'om my
fi'iends in the south last week, as if your Majesty was
entering into a treaty with your rebel Parliament in
England. The success of your arms in Scotland does
not more rejoice my heart, as that news from England
is hke to break it. Wlien I had the honour of waiting
on your Majesty last, I told you at full length what I
fidly understood of the designs of your rebel subjects
in both kingdoms. Your Majesty may remember
how much you said you were convinced I was in the
right in my opinion of them. I am sure there is
nothing fallen out since to make your Majesty change
your judgment in all those things I laid before your
Majesty at that time. The more your Majesty grants,
the more will be asked, and I have too much reason
to know that they will not rest satisfied with less than
making your Majesty a king of straw. Forgive me,
sacred Sovereign, to tell your Majesty that, in my poor
opinion, it is unworthy of a king to treat with rebel
subjects while they have the sword in their hands ; and
though God forbid I should shut your Majesty's
mercy, yet I must declare the horror I am in when
I think of a treaty, while jom- Majesty and they are
in the field with two armies, unless they disband and
submit themselves entirely to your Majesty's goodness
and pardon. And give me leave, with all humility,
to assure your Majesty that, through God's blessing,
I live in the fairest hopes of reducing this kingdom to
your Majesty's obedience ; and if the measm-es I have
concerted with your other loj'-al subjects fail me not.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 103
which they hardly can, I doubt not but, before the end
of this summer, I shall be able to come to your
Majesty's assistance with a brave army ; which,
backed with the justice of your Majesty's cause, will
make the rebels in England, as well as in Scotland, feel
the just rewards of rebellion. Only give me leave,
after I have reduced this country to your Majesty's
obedience, and conquered from Dan to Beersheba, to
say to your Majesty then, as David's general did to
his master, ' Come thou thyself ^ lest this country he
called by my name ,•' for in all my actions I aim only
at your Majesty's honour and interest."^
This letter had jfilled the King with the highest
hopes. Lord Southampton, though less confident,
ceased to urge concession ; and returned to TJxbridge
with a refusal, of which he would give no explanation.
The conferences were broken off on the 22nd of
February, and the Presbyterian leaders returned to
Westminster, almost heartbroken at a failure wdiich
involved them only more deeply in all the dangers to
which they had previously been exposed.^
In their absence, their position had become worse.
Though they had been compelled to abandon the self-
denying ordinance, at least for the moment, the Inde-
pendents had suddenly devoted their utmost efforts to
carrying the measure for the reorganization of the
army, which was to have accompanied that ordinance.
In a few days, everything had been prepared, arranged,
and settled ; the plan, the form, the cost, and the
' Welwood's Memoirs, pp. 302—308.
* Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 133.
M 2
164 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
means of paying it/ One army alone was hence-
forward to be kept on foot ; it was to consist of twenty-
one thousand men, and to be commanded by one
general, who was to have the right of appointing all
his officers, subject to the approval of Parliament.
Fau'fax was entrusted with this command. His dis-
tinguished valour, the frankness of his character, the
success which attended his expeditions, and the warlike
enthusiasm with which he animated his soldiers, had
long fixed popular attention upon him ; and Cromwell
had publicly assured the House, and privately satisfied
his party, that he was in every way wortliy of the
appointment. Essex retained his title, and Waller
and Manchester their commissions, but without even
a shadow of authority. On the 28th of Januar}^ the
ordinance regulating the execution of this measure
was sent up to the Lords. They endeavom-ed at least
to delay its adoption, either by suggesting amend-
ments, or by tediously prolonging their debates. But
on this point resistance was difficult, for the ordinance
was viewed with approbation by the people, who were
convinced that the multiplicity of armies and generals
was the true cause of the protraction and inefficacy of
the war. Strong in this popular support, the Com-
mons insisted, the Lords yielded, and the ordinance
was adopted on the 15th of February. On the 19th
of the same month, two days before the cessation of
negociations at Uxbridge, Fairfax was introduced into
the House, and standing by the seat which had been
' The new army was to cost 56,135?. per month, to be levied on
nineteen comities. — Riishworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 8 — 13.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 165
prepared for liim, received with a simple and modest
air, the official compliments of the Speaker.^
On their retmni to Westminster, the Presbyterian
leaders endeavoured to redeem this defeat. The Upper
House complained bitterly of certain outrageous and
threatening speeches which had recently been made
against it, and of the report which was current every-
wliere that the Commons meditated the abolition of
the peerage. The Commons replied by a solemn de-
claration of their profound respect for the rights of the
Lords, and of then- firm resolution to maintain them.^
On the 3rd of March, the Scottish Commissioners
addressed to both Houses, in the name of the Covenant,
a remonstrance at once petulant and timid.^ The
Commons, without taking any notice of it, commu-
nicated to the Lords a new ordinance for the further
extension of Fairfax's .powers, and for omitting from
his commission the order for the preservation of the
King's person, which had until then been repeated in
all similar documents. The Lords voted for its reten-
tion, on the 29th of March ; but the Commons refused
to consent to it, on the ground that it would " dis-
hearten their soldiers, and encourage the King to
adventure his person to come at the head of his army
into danger." The Lords persisted; and in three
successive debates, notwithstanding the anxious efforts
of the Commons, the votes of the Upper House were
' Whitelocke, pp. T30, 132 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 340
— 344 ; Kushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 7 — 13 ; HoUis's Memoirs, p. 34,
■-' Ou the 24tli of March, 1645. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols.
348—350.
3 Ibid. vol. iii. col. 346.
166 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
equally divided on this question.^ The matter thus
remained in suspense; but on the 31st of March, the
Commons declared that, as they had now done every-
thing in their power, if the delay occasioned any dis-
aster, the Lords alone would be responsible to the
country for it. The latter were beginning to grow
weary of a resistance which they saw was not only
futile, but must speedily end.
While matters were in this condition, the Marquis
of Argyle arrived from Scotland. Though a Presby-
terian in religion, he was inclined politically towards
bolder views ; and the Independents, particularly Vane
and Cromwell, soon contracted intimate relations with
him. Argyle, moreover, had recent injuries to avenge ;
a man of deep and elastic intellect, and of restless
activity, but firmer in the council than on the field,
he had witnessed the defeat of his troops by Montrose
at Inverlochy, only from the middle of the lake, and
had taken to flight as soon as he saw his soldiers give
way.^ From that day forth, both in England and
Scotland, the Cavaliers never spoke of him without
insult, and their complete overthrow could alone wipe
out the stigma they had put upon liim. He employed
all his influence to dissuade the Scottish Commissioners
and some of the Presb34erian leaders from ofl'ering
further opposition, not only to the new model of the
army, but to the self-denying ordinance itself; for, he
said, their opposition was productive only of ill con-
sequences, and must sooner or later be overcome by
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii, cols. 350, 351.
^ Laiug's History of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 294.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 167
necessity/ Essex found that his Mends daily grew
weaker in their resolution. Determined to anticipate
their change of purpose, he announced his intention
to tender his resignation ; and on the 1st of April, he
rose in his place in the House of Lords, and read the
following statement, for he was by no means a ready
speaker : —
"My Lords, — Having received this great chai-ge
in obedience to the commands of both Houses, and
taken their sword into my hand, I can with confidence
say that I have, for this now ahnost three years, faith-
fully served you, and I hope, without loss of honour
to myself, or prejudice to the public. I see, by the
now coming up of these ordinances, that it is the
desire of the House of Commons that my commission
may be vacated ; and it hath been no particular respect
to myself (whatever is whispered to the contrary), that
hath made me thus long omit to declare my readiness
thereto : it being not unknown to divers men of honour,
that I had resolved it after the action of Gloucester,
but that some importunities (pressed on me with argu-
ments of public advantage, and that by those of un-
questionable afiection), overruled me therein. I now
do it, and retm'n my commission into those hands that
gave it me ; wisliing it may prove as good an expedient
to the present distempers, as some will have it believed.
I think it not immodest, that I entreat both Houses
that those officers of mine which are now laid by,
might have their debentures audited, some consider-
able part of their arrears paid them for their support,
' Clareudon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 131.
168 HISTORY Oi*' CHARLES THE FIRST
and the remainder secured them by the public faith.
My Lords, I know that jealousies cannot be avoided
in the unhappy condition of our present affairs, yet
wisdom and charity should put such restraints thereto,
as not to allow it to become destructive. I hope that
this advice from me is not unseasonable, proceeding
as it does from my affection to the Parliament, the
prosperity whereof I shall ever wish from my heart,
what return soever it bring me : I being no single
example, in that kind, of that fortune I now undergo."^
This speech, so melancholy and dignified in its tone,
was regarded by the Upper House as a deliverance. It
hastened at once to inform the Commons that it adopted
their new ordinance for the remodelling of the army,
without any amendment. At the same time, the Earls
of Manchester and Denbigh, following the example of
Essex, resigned their commissions. In acknowledgment
of this patriotic sacrifice, the House of Lords voted
them thanks and promises, which the Commons will-
ingly ratified. On the 3rd of April, a self-denying
ordinance, differing slightly from the first, but tending
to produce the same results, passed through the UiDper
House without difficulty;^ and many persons con-
gratulated themselves on having, at length, witnessed
the termination of a conflict which had caused them
so much anxiety and alarm.
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 352.
' Ibid. vol. iii. cols. 353, 355. See Appendix VI.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 169
BOOK VI.
FORMATION OF THE ARMY OF THE INDEPENDENTS — CROMWELL RETAINS
HIS COMMAND — CAMPAIGN OF 1645 — ALARMS OF THE PARLIAMENT —
BATTLE OF NASEBY — THE PARLIAMENT CAPTURES AND PUBLISHES THE
king's PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE — DECLINE OF THE ROYALIST PARTY IN
THE WEST — FLIGHT AND ANXIETY OF THE KING — VICTORIES OF MONTROSE
IN SCOTLAND — THE KING MAKES AN UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT TO JOIN
HIM — DEFEAT OF MONTROSE — RESIDENCE OF THE KING AT NEWARK —
HIS RETURN TO OXFORD, AND ATTEMPT TO RENEW NEGOCIATIONS WITH
THE PARLIAMENT — HIS OVERTURES ARE REJECTED BY THE PARLIAMENT
NEW ELECTIONS — THE KING'S TREATY WITH THE IRISH INSURGENTS —
ITS DISCOVERY — DEFEAT OF THE LAST ROYALIST TROOPS — THE KING
ESCAPES FROM OXFORD, AND TAKES REFUGE IN THE SCOTTISH CAMP.
Essex and Manchester had no sooner resigned their
commissions than Fahfax left London/ and, establish-
ing his head-quarters at Windsor, set diligently to
work to organize, from their two armies, the new
army which he was himself to command. It had been
predicted that violent opposition would be offered to
this important proceeding ; but Cromwell, who, like
Essex and Manchester, was deprived of his command
by the self-denying ordinance, had scouted such appre-
hensions, protesting that " his own soldiers looked not
' On the 3rd of April, 1645.
170 HISTORY or CHARLES THE FIRST
upon him, but upon the Parliament ; and for the Par-
liament they would fight, and live and die in its
cause."^ Some mutinies, however, broke out, especially
at Reading, where five regiments of Essex's infantry
were quartered, and in Hertfordsliire, where eight
squadrons of his cavalry were stationed, under the
command of Colonel Dalbier. The presence of Skip-
pon, who had been appointed Major-Greneral of the new
army, and his rough but effective eloquence sufficed
to persuade the regiments at Reading to return to
their duty. Dalbier's troops were not so easily
quieted; a report was even current in London that
they were preparing to march to Oxford; and St.
John, ever prone to suspicion and violence, wrote to
the Parliamentarian leaders in Hertfordshire, that they
would do well to fall suddenly on these mutineers,
sword in hand. But, by the influence of some of the
officers who had been already cashiered, and at the
entreaty of Essex himself, Dalbier at length submitted,
and proceeded to head-quarters. In reality, the feeling
of discontent among his soldiers was not very strong,
and they enrolled themselves, without a murmur,
under their new leader. The Parliament gave them
a fortnight's pay, and ordered that the sequestrated
estates of a number of delinquents should be sold to
supply the most pressing demands. But Cromwell's
soldiers also mutinied, notwithstanding his assurances,
and declared that they would serve under no other
commander ; and Cromwell alone had sufficient power
over them to induce them to submit. On the first
' Cromwelliaua, p. 12.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 171
rumour of their insubordination, he set off in all
haste to render, he said, this last service to the Parlia-
ment, before resigning his command. About the 20th
of April, the work was almost effected ; all the new
corps were organized without difficulty ; and in London
alone, the agitation was prolonged by the crowds of
cashiered officers who all flocked thither, either to
solicit the payment of their arrears, or to watch the
course of events.^
At Oxford, the King and his Court were full of hope.
After the rupture of the negociations at Uxbridge,
notwithstanding the brilliant news he had received
from Scotland, Charles had felt considerable uneasi-
ness. Though by no means desirous of peace, he was
anxious that the peace party should be uppermost at
Westminster, and their defeat had, for a moment,
alarmed him. He now resolved to part from his son
Charles, Prince of Wales, who was nearly fifteen years
of age, and to send him, with the title of Greneralis-
simo, into the western counties, for the double pur-
pose of giving those faithful counties a leader whose
presence would serve to rekindle their devotedness, and
of dividing the dangers which might threaten the
royal cause. Hyde and Lords Capel and Colepepper
were appointed to attend the prince, and direct affairs
m his name. So great was the melancholy of the
King's thoughts at this time, that he frequently con-
versed with Hyde as to what would happen if he
should fall into the hands of the rebels, and employed
Lord Digby to sound him as to whether, in case of
'■ Hollia's Memoirs, p. 31 ; Rushwortb, part iv. vol. i. p. 17.
172 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
necessity, lie would, without orders, or even in spite
of apparent orders, determine on taking the prince out
of England, and accompany him to the Continent.
" Such questions," rephed Hyde, "cannot be answered
until the time of need arrives." On the 4th of March,
the Prince and his councillors took their leave of the
King, whom they never saw again. ^ But, a month
afterwards, when news reached Oxford of the obstacles
thrown in the way of the reorganization of the Parlia-
mentarian army, when it became known that whole regi-
ments had mutinied, and that the most distinguished
ofi&cers had been dismissed, confidence and gaiety
appeared once more among the Cavahers. They soon
began to speak derisively of that mob of peasants and
preaching mechanics, who were so insane as to cashier
the generals whose names and abihty had constituted
their chief strength, and to raise to the command
oJBicers as obscure and raw as their soldiers. Songs,
pasquinades, and jokes were poui-ed forth every morning
against the Parhament and its defenders; and the
King, in spite of his gravity, allowed himself to be
persuaded by these convenient arguments.^ He had,
however, secret hopes, arising from intrigues of which
even his most intimate confidants were ignorant.
Towards the end of April, Fau'fax announced that,
in a few days, he would open the campaign. Crom-
well went to Windsor, for the purpose, he said, of
kissing the general's hand, and tendering his resigna-
' Clarendon's Life, vol. i. pp. 215 — 220 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 114, 123.
^ May's Breviary of the Parhament, p. 124 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 65.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 173
tion. As soon as he saw him, however, Fairfax
informed him that he had received from the Committee
of both kingdoms, instructions for him to proceed at
once, with a body of horse, along the road from Oxford
to Worcester, in order to intercept communications
between Prmce Eupert and the King/ CromweU set
out that very evening ; and in five days, before any
other corps of the new army had set itself in motion,
he had beaten the Royalists in three encounters,^ taken
Blechington House,^ and written to inform the Par-
liament of his success.'* " Who wiU bring me this
CromweU, dead or ahve ?" exclaimed the King -^ whilst,
in London, all were rejoicing that his resignation had
not yet been accepted.
Before another week had elapsed, the Parhament
had determined that he should retain his command
The campaign had commenced on the 30tli of April.
The King had left Oxford on the 7th of May, and
rejoined Prince Eupert ; he was now advancing rapidly
towards the north, either to raise the siege of Chester,
or to give battle to the Scottish army, and regain his
former preponderance in that part of the country ; if
he succeeded in this attempt, he would be able to
threaten either the east or the south, as he pleased;
and Fairfax, who was on his way towards the west, to
reheve the important town of Taunton, which was
' Sprigge's Anglia Rediviva, p. 10 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 23.
^ At Islip Bridge on the 24th of April, at Witney on the 26th, and
at Bampton-in-the-Bush on the 27th.
3 On the 24th of April.
* Parhauientary History, vol. iii. col. 359 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. i.
p. 24.
•■' Banks' Critical Review, p. 23.
174 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
closely invested by the Prince of Wales, would be
unable to oppose liis progress. Fairfax was recalled
on the 6th of May ; but in the meanwhile, Cromwell
alone was in a position to watch the King's move-
ments. Notwithstanding the ordinance, orders were
sent him to continue his services in the army for forty
days.'^ Sir WiUiam Brereton, Sir Thomas Middleton,
and Sir John Price, distinguished officers who were at
the same time members of the House of Commons,
received similar instructions,'^ either from analogous
reasons, or that Cromwell might not appear the only
exception.
Fairfax hastened his return ; the King had continued
his march towards the north ; in London, from no
assignable cause, less alarm prevailed. Oxford, at all
times the focus of war in the heart of the kingdom,
was no longer protected by any royalist army; the
Parliament believed that it had numerous friends in
that city ; and on the 17th of May, orders were sent to
Fairfax to invest it.^ If he should take the town, it
would be an eminent success ; if the siege were pro-
tracted, he might march from thence without impedi-
ment to any place threatened by the King. Cromwell
joined him beneath the waUs of Oxford.
They had no sooner met than fresh alarms spread
through London, with greater intensity than ever.
Unfavourable news arrived daily from the north ; the
' On the 10th of May. — ParUamentary History, vol. iii. col. 361 ;
Whitelocke, p. 145.
* Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 146.
^ The siege began on the 22nd of May. — Rushworth, part iv. vol. i.
p. 33 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 364, 369 — 373.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 175
Scottish army, instead of marching to meet the King,
in order to check his progress or give him battle, had
fallen back towards the Scottish border, — from neces-
sity, said some, and in order to be ready to oppose the
still-increasing victories of Montrose in that kingdom ;
from pique, said others, because the English Parha-
ment had refused to submit to the yoke of Presby-
terians and foreigners.^ However this may be, the
King, favoured by their retreat, had been able to raise
the siege of Chester without the slightest difficulty; and,
free from anxiety as to that town, his best means of
communication with Ireland, he was marching towards
the associated eastern counties, which had hitherto
been the stronghold and bulwark of the ParHament.
At any risk, it was essential to protect them against
this invasion. No one could do this so well as Crom-
well, for there his influence was especially predomi-
nant; there he had raised his Ironsides, and com-
menced his military achievements. He received orders
to proceed, without delay, towards Cambridge, and
to take measures for the defence of the associated
counties.^
A more pressing danger soon led to his recal. A
week after his departure, news arrived that, on the 1st
of June, the King had taken Leicester by storm, and
that, in the west, Taunton, which had been temporarily
reheved by a detachment of Fairfax's army, was now
again closely blockaded.^ Great consternation was
' Old Parliamentary History, vol. xiii. pp. 474, 488.
* Rusliworth, part iv. vol i. p. 35 ; May's Breviary of the Parliament,
p. 126 ; HoUia's Memoirs, p. 35. ^ Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 149.
17C HISTORY OF CHARI;ES THE FIRST
felt at this intelligence ; the Presbyterians were
triumphant. " See," they said, " the consequences of
your boasted new model; since it has been effected,
what has it produced? Nothing but failures and
reverses. The King reduces our strongest garrisons
in a day ; but your new general has only faced Oxford
at a distance, to try whether the ladies would prevail
for the giving up of the town, to pacify their fears. "^
In answer to these reproaches, a petition from the
Common Council was presented to the Upper House
on the 5th of June ;^ it laid all the blame on the
inactivity of the Scottish troops, on the delays which
were still thrown in the way of the recruitment of the
army, and on the assumption of the conduct of the
war by the Parliament; and it demanded that the
General should be allowed greater liberty, that more
stringent orders should be sent to the Scots, and that
Cromwell should be restored to his former command.
At the same time, instructions were sent to Fau'fax to
abandon the siege of Oxford, to pursue the King, and
to give him battle at any risk. Before he set out on
this mission, he wrote to both Houses to request that
Cromwell might be appointed to command the horse,
in which capacity his services were indispensable ; and
sixteen colonels signed the letter with him.^ The
Lords deferred their answer, but the sanction of the
Commons was given at once, and deemed sufficient.
Fairfax sent word to Cromwell immediately ;* all the
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 178.
'^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 365.
3 Ibid., col. 368.
* On the 11th of June. — Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 39.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 177
contingents hastened their march ; and on the 12th of
June, a little to the west of Northampton, some ParHa-
mentarian cavalry, who had been sent out to reconnoitre,
suddenly came upon a detachment of the royal army.
The King was far from expecting their approach :
informed of the blockade of Oxford, and yielding to
the terrified entreaties of his besieged Court,' he had
given up his expedition into the northern and eastern
counties, in order to hasten to the relief of his head-
quarters. But his confidence was unshaken : a new
victory gained by Montrose at Auldearn, in Nairn-
shire, in the north of Scotland, on the 4th of May,
had recently given fresh elation to his hopes. " Since
this rebellion," he wrote to the Queen, on the 9th of
June, " my affairs were never in so fair and hopeful a
way."^ He was accordingly pursuing his march
slowly, halting at every place that pleased him, sjDend-
ing his days in the chase, and allowing his Cavaliers,
who were even more confident than himself, almost
equal liberty.^ On the first report of the appearance
of the Parliamentarians, he fell back towards Leicester
in order to raUy his troops, and wait the arrival of the
reinforcements which he expected shortly to receive
from Wales and the western counties. On the follow-
ing day, the 13th of June, at supper, his feeHng of
security was equally strong, and he had no thought of
giving battle." But he was soon after informed that
' Memoirs of King James IL vol. i. p. 32.
'-= Halliwell's Letters of the Kings of England, vol. ii. p. 382.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 40 ; Clarendon's History of the Re-
bellion, vol. V. p. 178.
* Evelyn's Diary and Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 151 : a letter from
the King to Mr. Secretary Nicholas.
VOL. II. M
178 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
some of tlie Parliamentarian squadrons were harassing
his rear-guard. For some hours, Cromwell had been
with the army.^ A council of war was immediately-
assembled; and towards midnight, notwithstanding
the opposition of several officers who urged the King
to wait the arrival of reinforcements, Prince Rupert
persuaded him to decide on turning back at once and
engaging the enemy. ^
The battle took place on the following day, the
14th of June, at Naseby, to the north-west of North-
ampton. At daybreak the King's army was drawn up
in battle array on a slight eminence, in an advan-
tageous position. Scouts were sent out to reconnoitre,
but returned in two hours with a report that the Par-
liamentarians were not to be seen. Rupert, impatient
for the fight, rode out with some squadrons to look for
them ; and it was agreed that the army should remain
stationary until his return. He had scarcely gone a
mile when the enemy's vanguard appeared, in full
march towards the CavaHers, In his excitement, the
Prince fancied they were retreating, and pushed on-
ward, sending word to the King to join him. with all
speed, lest the enemy should escape. At about ten
o'clock the Royalists came up, somewhat disordered
by the rapidity of their movement; and Rupert, at
the head of the cavalry of the right wing, immediately
charged the left wing of the Parliamentarians, com-
manded by Ireton, who soon after became Cromwell's
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 41 ; May's Breviary of the Parliament,
p. 127.
'■^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 182.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 179
son-in-law/ Almost at the same moment, Cromwell,
whose squadrons formed part of Fairfax's right wing,
attacked the King's left mng, wliich was composed of
the Cavahers from the northern counties, under the
command of Sir Marmaduke Langdale; and shortly
after, the main bodies of infantry, the one commanded
by Fairfax and Skippon, and the other led by the King
in person, also engaged. No previous action had be-
come so rapidly general, or been so fiercely contested.
The two armies were almost equal in strength ; the
Cavaliers, intoxicated with confidence, shouted Queen
Mary for their war-cry ; the Parliamentarians, firm in
their faith, marched onward with cries of God is our
strength ! Prince Pupert made his first charge with
his usual success ; after a desperate contest, Ireton's
squadrons gave way ; and Ireton himself, severely
wounded in the shoulder and thigh, fell for a moment
into the hands of the Cavaliers. But whilst Pupert,
with his habitual recklessness, was pursuing the enemy
to their baggage-waggons, which were well defended
by artillery, and was losing time in attacking them in
the hope of booty, Cromwell, with that same command
over himself and his men which he had so conspicu-
ously displayed at Marston Moor, had put Langdale's
squadrons to rout, and, leaving two of his ofiicers to
prevent them from rallying, had hastened to return to
the field, where tlie main bodies of infantry were hotly
engaged. The battle there raged with greater violence
and bloodshed than anywhere else. The Parliamenta-
rians, charged by the King in person, had at first been
^ Ireton married Bridget Cromwell on the 16th of January, 1647.
N 2
180 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
thrown into great disorder ; Skippon was severely
wounded, and Fairftix m-ged liim to withdraw. " No,"
he said ; " so long as a man will stand, I will not
stir ;" and he ordered his reserve corps to advance.
Fairfax lost his helmet by a blow from a sword ; and
Charles Doyley, the colonel of his body-guard, seeing
him ride bareheaded through the fray, earnestly en-
treated him to take his own helmet. "It is well
enough, Charles," said Fairfax, declining the generous
oJfTer ; and, pointing to a corps of the royal infantry
which still maintained its ground," he asked Doyley if
he had charged that body. " I have charged them
twice," answered Doyley, " but cannot break them."
" Charge them once again in the front," said Fairfax ;
" I will charge them in the rear at the same time, and
we may meet together in the middle." This was
done ; the RoyaHsts *were utterly scattered ; Fairfax
killed the standard-bearer with his own hand, and
gave the standard to one of his troopers : upon which
the man boasted that he had won it himself. Doyley
overheard this, and indignantly upbraided him with
his falsehood. " Let him alone," said Fairfax ; "I
have honour enough ; let him take that honour to
himself." The Royalists were now giving way on
every side, when Cromwell appeared with his vic-
torious squadrons. At this sight, Charles, in despair,
placed himself at the head of his regiment of guards,
his only remaining reserve, and prepared to charge
this new enemy. The order was already given, and
the troops in motion, when the Earl of Carnwarth, a
Scotsman, who was riding by tlie King's side, sud-
m
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 181
denly seized his horse by the bridle, and exclaiming
with an oath : " Will you go upon your death in an
instant?" turned him abruptly to the right. The
Cavaliers who were nearest to the King followed his
example, without understanding the object of the
movement ; the others did the same, and in a moment
the whole regiment had turned its back to the enemy.
The surprise of the Eoyahsts now became terror ; all
scattered through the plain, some to seek refuge in
flight, others to stay the fugitives. Charles, in the
midst of a group of officers, in vain called to them to
halt. The rout continued, until Prince Eupert at
length returned to the field of battle with his squadi'ons.
A considerable body then formed around the King;
but the Cavaliers were disordered, weary, anxious, and
despondent. Charles, sword in hand, with flashing
eyes^ and despair in every feature, twice dashed for-
ward, shouting : " One charge more, and we recover
the day!" But none followed him; the infantry,
thrown into complete disorder, were either in fuR
flight, or had already been taken prisoners. Flight
was unavoidable ; and the King, with about two thou-
sand horse, retreated towards Leicester, leaving his
artillery, ammunition, and baggage, more than a hun-
dred pair of colours, the royal standard, five thousand
men, and his cabinet of letters, in the hands of the
Parliament.'
This victory exceeded the most sanguine hopes of
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 42—44 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 183—186 ; Whitelocke, pp. 150, 151 ; May's Bre-
viary, p. 128.
182 HISTOKY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the conquerors. Fairfax hastened to send the news to
the Parliament, in a calm and simple tone, and with-
out any political allusion or advice. Cromwell also
wrote, but to the Commons, as he held his commis-
sion from tliem alone. His letter ended with these
words : " This is none other but the hand of Grod ;
and to Him alone belongs the glory, wherein none
are to share with Him. The Greneral served you with
all faithfulness and honour ; and the best commend-
ation I can give him is, that I dare say he attributes
all to Grod, and would rather perish than assume to
himself: and yet as much for bravery may be given
to him, in this action, as to any man. Honest men'
served you faithfully in this action. They are trusty :
I beseech you, in the name of God, not to discom-age
them, I wish this action may beget thankfulness
and humility in all that are concerned in it. He that
ventures his life for the liberty of his country, I wish
he may trust God for the liberty of his conscience, and
you for the liberty he fights for."^
Some persons were offended that a subordinate
officer, a servant of the Parliament, as they said,
should presume to offer them advice and praise in
this independent tone ; but their displeasure could
effect nothing amidst the popular enthusiasm ; and on
the 1 Oth of June, the day on which Cromwell's letter
reached London, the Lords themselves voted that he
should retain his command for another three months.'^
' That is to say, the Independent enthusiasts.
** Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, vol. i. p. 234 ; Rushworth, part iv.
vol. i. pp. 45, 46.
^ Parhauicntary History, vol. iii. col. 374.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 183
At the same time, they voted that it would be well
to take advantage of this victory to address reasonable
propositions to the King ;^ and the Scottish Commis-
sioners expressed a similar desire for negociation.^
But the conquerors were far from entertaining any
such idea. Instead of giving any answer to the re-
commendation of the Lords, the Commons demanded,
on the SOtli of Jmie, that all the citizens should be
assembled at Guildhall, to hear the papers read which
had been found among the King's baggage, and par-
ticularly his letters to the Queen, that they might
themselves judge how much confidence was thence-
forward to be placed in any negociations. Fairfax
had hesitated to open these papers, but Cromwell
and Ireton had lost no time in combating his scruples,
and the House did not think of sharing them. The
papers were read on the 3rd of July, in the presence
of an immense multitude, and with prodigious effect.'
It was evident that the King had never desired
peace ; that in his eyes no concession was final, and
no promise binding ; that, in reality, he relied on
force alone, and still laid claim to absolute power ;
and lastly, that, notwithstanding his repeated pro-
testations, he had applied to the King of France,
to the Duke of Lorraine, and to all the princes of
the Continent, to introduce foreign soldiers into the
country. Even the name of Parhament, which, not
long previously, in order to obtain the conference at
' On the 20tli of Juue ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 375.
'' On the 2Sth of July ; ibid. vol. iii. col. 389.
^ Parhamentary History, vol. iii. col. 377 ; May's Breviary, p. 129.
184 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Uxbridge, he had appeared to bestow "on the Houses
at Westminster, was a mere falsehood on his part ; for
while giving it, he had secretly protested against his
official proceeding, and had entered his protest on the
minutes of the Council at Oxford.^ All the citizens
were allowed to examine these letters with their own
eyes, that they might have no doubt that they were
in the King's handwriting f and after the meeting at
Guildhall, the Parliament ordered their publication.^
The indignation excited by these letters was uni-
versal; the friends of peace were reduced to silence.
Some endeavoured vainly to protest against their
publication, as an unwarrantable violation of domestic
secrets. Was it possible, they asked, to believe in their
perfect authenticity ?* Was it not probable that many
of the letters had been mutilated, and others entirely
suppressed? They even went so far as to insinuate
that, in the Parliament itself, certain persons had
negociated with a similar absence of sincerity, and were
equally undesirous of peace. But no explanation or
' Letters from the Eaug to the Queen, in Evelyn's Diary, vol. iv. pp.
156 — 161, See also Appendix VII.
* May's Breviary, p. 129.
^ Under this title : " The King's Cabinet Opened, or certain Packets
of Secret Letters and Papers, written with the King's own hand, and
taken in his Cabinet at Naseby field, June 14, 1645, by victorious Sir
Thomas Fairfax : wherein many mysteries of State, tending to the
justification of that cause for which Sir Thomas Fairfax joined battle
that memorable day, are clearly laid open ; together with some annota-
tions thereon."
" The King never disputed the authenticity of these letters ; he even
formally admitted it in a letter to Sir Edward Nicholas, written on the
4th of August, 1645, only a few weeks after their pubhcation (Evelyn's
Diary, vol. iv. p. 156) ; and the text pubhshed by the Parliament in
1645, exactly corresponds with that of Royston's edition of the Works
of King Charles I. published in London in 1660.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 185
excuse was admitted by the people, as soon as they
became aware that an attempt had been made to deceive
them. Besides, were even all that was urged in his
defence true, the King's bad faith remained evident ;
and in order to make peace, it would be necessary to
place full reliance upon him. Nothing was now spoken
of but war ; troops were levied, taxes collected, and
the estates of delinquents sold, with increased expedi-
tion ; aU the troops received their pay, and all the
important towns were supplied with abundant stores.
On the 2nd of July, the Scots at length consented to
advance into the interior of the kingdom:' and on
the 20th of June, Fairfax finding no longer any
fugitives to pursue, set out for the western counties to
resume the expedition which the siege of Oxford had
compelled him temporarily to abandon.^
A great change had meanwhile taken place in those
counties, which had hitherto been the bulwark of the
royal cause ; not that the opinion of the people had
become more favourable to the Parliament, but it was
alienated from the King. He still possessed several
bodies of troops, and nearly all the towns, in the west,
but the war there was no longer conducted, as it had
been at the outset, by honourable, respected, and
popular men, such as the Marquis of Hertford, Sir
Bevil Greenville, Lord Hopton, Trevannion, Slanning,
and other disinterested friends of the Crown ; some
of them were dead, others had retired in disgust, or
had been removed by Court intrigues, and sacrificed
' Parliamentary Histoi'v, vol. iii. col. 377.
^ Old Parliamentary History, vol. xiv. p. 6.
186 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
by the King's weakness. In their place, two in-
triguers held the command, Lord Goring and Sir
Richard Grreenville, one the most debauched, and the
other the most rapacious, of the Cavahers ; they were
attached to the royal cause by no principle or affection ;
in fighting for it, they found the means of gratifying
their passions, oppressing their enemies, revenging
affronts, procuring diversions, and amassing wealth.
Goring was brave and beloved by his friends ; on the
battle-field, he lacked neither abihty nor energy ; but
nothing could equal his recklessness, or the insolent
intemperance of his conduct and language. Even his
loyalty was not free from stain ; he had already betrayed
both the King^ and the Parliament,^ and he seemed
ever on the point of committing some fresh act of
treachery.^ Sir Richard Greenville was less irregular
in his hfe and more influential with the gentry of
his county, but he was harsh and insatiable, and his
courage, if not doubtful, was certainly slow to manifest
itself He spent his time in levying contributions for
the payment of troops which he never collected, or for
the execution of enterprises which he did not even
take the pains to commence. The army had altered
with its leaders ; it no longer consisted of men who
fought in defence of their affections and interests, and
who, though frivolous and licentious, were sincerely
' In 1641, at the time of the first conspiracy of the army against the
Parhament. See vol. i. p. 280.
* In August, 1G42, at the commencement of the civil war, by surren-
dering Portsmouth to the King, though he hehl his appointment of
governor of the town from the Parliament.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 2.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 187
devoted to their cause ; it was a rabble of loose fellows,
who cared little for whom they fought, but indulged
daily and nightly in the most shameful disorders, and
revolted by their vices a country which they had
ruined by their exactions. The Prince of Wales, or
rather his council, compelled to make use of such men,
strove in vain to satisfy or control them, sometimes
to protect the people against their violence, and some-
times to induce them to join their standard.^
The people, however, no longer responded to this
summons; and ere long, they did more than refuse
their assistance. Thousands of peasants collected
together, and under the name of Clubmen, ranged the
country in arms. They had no intention of joining
either party, and did not declare in favour of the Par-
liament; their sole object was to rescue their fields
and villages from the ravages of war, and they attacked
all who gave them cause for alarm, without caring to
inquire under whose banner they fought. During the
previous year, some similar bands had been formed in
Worcestershire and Dorsetshire, to resist the violence
of Prince Rupert. In the month of March, 1645,
the Clubmen became, in the western counties, a per-
manent, regular, and well-supported confederation,
commanded by gentlemen who had, ui many cases,
served in the King's armies, and constantly engaged
in the defence of their lives and property, and in the
assertion of peace and good order. They treated with
the troops and garrisons of both sides, undertook to
supply them with provisions, on condition that they
' Clareudou's History ot the llebellioii, vul. v. p. 14:i
188 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
should not seize them by force of arms, even pre-
vented them sometimes from coming to blows, and
had these words written on their rustic banners :
" If you offer to plunder our cattle,
Be assured we will give you battle." '
So long as the Royalists were predominant in the
west, the Clubmen resisted them, and seemed disposed
to ally themselves with the Parliamentarians. Some-
times they threatened to burn the dwelhngs of all who
refused to join with them to exterminate the Cavaliers ;
and at other times they invited Massey, who com-
manded for the Parliament in Worcestershire, to march
with them to besiege Hereford, from whence the Cava-
liers infested the country.^ On the 2nd of June, at
Wells, six thousand of them presented a petition to
the Prince of Wales, complaining of Lord Groring's
rapacity, and notwithstanding the Prince's order, they
refused to separate.^ In the beginning of July, Fairfax
arrived in the west as a conqueror ; the Cavahers were
intimidated, and ceased to devastate the country ; the
Clubmen immediately turned against Fairfax and his
soldiers.^ But Fairfax had a good army, well paid and
provided, and in which enthusiasm and discipline lent
each other mutual support. He treated the Clubmen
considerately, entered into negociations with them,
personally attended some of their meetings, promised
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 380 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. v. p. 197 ; Whitelocke, p. 136 ; Neal's History of the
Puritans, vol. iii. p. 90.
2 Whitelocke's Memorials, pp. 136, 138, 140.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 198.
" Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 380 — 386 ; May's Breviary,
p. 130.
AND THP] f]NGLISH REVOLUTION. 189
them peace, and carried on the war with vigour. In a
few days, the campaign was decided. On the 10th of
July, Goring was surprised and defeated at Langport,
in Somersetshire, and his few remaining troops were
left to disperse in all directions. Sir Richard Green-
ville returned his commission as field-marshal to the
Prince of Wales, and complained, with the utmost
effrontery, that he had heen obliged to carry on the
war at his own expense.^ In short, three weeks after
the arrival of Fairfax, the Cavaliers, who had so recently
overrun the west as almost absolute masters, were
nearly all shut up within various towns, which Fairfax
was preparing to besiege.
Meanwhile, in every direction, the question was
asked, what the King was about, nay, where was he,
for scarcely any one knew. After the disaster of
Naseby, he had fled from town to town, scarcely allow-
ing himself any time for repose, and sometimes tra-
velling north, and sometimes west, in order to join
Montrose or Goring, as his changing fears and plans
suggested. On reaching Hereford, he finally deter-
mined to proceed into Wales, where he hoped to recruit
some infantry; so he despatched Prince Pupert to
Bristol, and betook himself to Pagland Castle, the seat
of the Marquis of Worcester, the head of the Catholic
party, and the wealthiest nobleman in England.
Secret designs, in which the Catholics alone could
co-operate, led him to take this step. Moreover, for
three years the Marquis had given the King proofs of
inexhaustible devotedness ; he had lent him a hundred
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 212.
190 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
thousand pounds, had raised i,wo regiments at his own
expense, under the command of his son. Lord Herbert
(afterwards created Earl of Glamorgan), and notwith-
standing his age and infirmities, personally commanded
a strong garrison in his own castle. He received the
King with respectful pomp, assembled the neighbouring
nobles to meet him, and provided for him, with lavish
munificence, all the sports, festivities, homage, and
amusements of a Court. The fugitive monarch breathed
freely for a time, as though restored to his natural
state of being ; and for more than a fortnight, forget-
ting his misfortunes, his dangers, and his kingdom,
his only thought was to enjoy his recovered royalty.'
The news of his disasters in the west, however, soon
roused him from this pleasing illusion. At the same
time he learned that, on the 28tli of June, the Scots
liad taken Carlisle, and were marching southward, with
a view to besiege Hereford. He left Ragland at once,
to hasten to the relief of Goring ; but when he reached
the banks of the Severn, the unsatisfactory condition
of his new levies, the dissensions among his officers,
and a host of unexpected difficulties, threw him into
discouragement, and he returned into Wales. He was
at Cardiff, uncertain what course to take, when a letter
was given to him, written by Prince Rupert to the
Duke of Richmond, with a request that he would show
it to the King. The Prince beheved that all was lost,
and recommended peace at any price. As soon as his
honour seemed in danger, Charles was filled with an
' Walker's Discourses, p. 132 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
vol. V. pp. 221, 222.
AND THE EXGLT?«n REVOLUTION. 191
energy which considerations of personal safety could
never insj^ire. He wi'ote at once to his nephew : " If
I had any other quarrel but the defence of my religion,
crown, and friends, you had full reason for your advice.
For I confess that, speaking as a mere soldier or states-
man, I must say there is no probability but of my
ruin ; 3^et as a Christian, 1 must tell you that God will
not suffer rebels and traitors to prosj)er, nor this cause
to be overthrown : and whatever personal punishment
it shall please Him to inflict upon me, must not make
me repine, much less give up this quarrel. I must
aver to all my friends, that he that will stay with me
at this time must expect and resolve either to die for
a good cause, or (which is worse) to Hve as miserable
in maintaining it as the violence of insulting rebels
can make him. Therefore, for God's sake, let us not
flatter ourselves with vain conceits, and believe me, tlie
very imagination that you are desirous of a treaty will
but lose me so much the sooner." ^ Then, to raise the
courage of his despondent party, summoning all his
resolution, he suddenly left Wales, passed unperceived
through the lines of the Scottish army, which already
lay encamped under the walls of Hereford, travelled
rapidly tlirough Sliropshire, Staffordshire, Derbyshire,
and Nottinghamshire, and on his arrival in Yorkshire,
summoned all his faithful northern Cavaliers to meet
him at Doncaster, and march with him to join Mont-
rose, who, like them, was faithful and still victorious.^
The Cavaliers hastened to obey the summons. The
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 225 — 227.
"' Ibid. vol. V. p. 247 ; Walker's Discourses, pp. 134, 135.
192 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
presence of the King, who had so long been their
guest, excited the strongest enthusiasm throughout
the county ; proposals were made for levying a body of
infantry ; the garrisons of Pontefi'act and Scarborough
had been recently forced to surrender from want of
provisions; these formed the nucleus, and in three
days, nearly three thousand men had offered their ser-
vices to the King, promising to be in readiness to
march, within twenty-four hours, whithersoever he
might please to order them. Charles only awaited a
letter from Montrose, to decide whether he would
march to meet him in Scotland, or give him a rendez-
vous in England. Suddenly news arrived that David
Lesley, at the head of the Scottish cavalry, had broken
up the siege of Hereford, and was already at Rother-
ham, ten miles from Doncaster, seekmg the King. The
defeat at Naseby had irretrievably affected the minds
of the Royalists ; their confidence disappeared at the
approach of danger. Many of them left Doncaster ; no
fresh recruits arrived ; and even in the opinion of the
bravest, it was too late to attempt to join Montrose,
or, in fact, to do more than provide for the King's
safety. He accordingly left Yorkshire, with about
fifteen hundred horse, traversed the midland counties
without difficulty, even defeated some Parliamentarian
detachments on his road, and re-entered Oxford on the
29th of August, not knowing what to do with the
small force which he now had at his command.^
He had been two days in Oxford when news reached
p. 116
Walker's Discourses, pii. 135, 13G ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. i.
16.
AND THE KNGLISH REVOLUTIOX. 193
him of Montrose's recent and prodigious successes in
Scotland. It was not only in tlie north of that king-
dom, and among the Highland clans, that the royal
cause was now triumphant ; Montrose had advanced
southwards into the Lowlands ; and on the 1 5th of
August, at Kilsyth, not far from the ruins of the
great Eoman wall, he had gained, over the Cove-
nanters commanded by Baillie, the seventh and most
splendid of his victories. The enemy's army had
been destroyed; all the neighbouring towns. Both-
well, Grlasgow, and even Edinbm'gh, had opened their
gates to the conqueror ; all the Royalists whom the
Scottish Parliament had detained in prison, were
Hberated ; all the timid men, who had waited for some
such success before declaring themselves, the Marquis
of Douglas, the Earls of Annandale and Linlithgow,
the Lords Seaton, Drummond, Erskine, Carnegie, and
others, now hastened to outvie each other in offers of
service, fearing they might be too late. The Parlia-
mentarian leaders had fled on every side, some into
England, and others into Ireland.^ And, finally, the
cavalry of the Scottish army, which was besieging
Hereford, had been recalled in all haste, under the com-
mand of David Lesley, to defend its native land. Some
even stated that when Lesley had recently appeared
in the neighbourhood of Doncaster, far from seeking to
encounter the King, he was on his march towards Scot-
land, and that the Royalists had been groundlessly
alarmed at his approach.^
' Rushworth, part iv. vol i. p. 230 ; Guthrie's Memoii-s, p. 189 et seq.
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v, pp. 247, 248 ; Rush-
VOL. II. O
194 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
On hearing this glorious news, Charles at once reco-
vered all his courage, and left Oxford on the 31st of
August, intending to march against the Scottish army,
to take advantage of its diminished numbers, and
compel it at least to raise the siege of Hereford. On
his way, as he passed Eagland, he was informed that
Fairfax had just invested Bristol, the most important
of his possessions in the west ; but the place was
strong ; Prince Rupert was there with a good garrison
to defend it, and promised to hold out for four
months. The King was, therefore, free from anxiety
regarding it. When at a day's march from Hereford,
he learned that, at the news of his approach, the Scots
had raised the siege, and were retreating precipitately
towards the north. His officers urged him to pursue
them ; they were perplexed, fatigued, and in disorder,
and the country through which they had to pass was
ill-disposed towards them ; to harass them would
probably be sufficient to destroy them. But Charles
was himself fatigued by an activity which exceeded his
strength. He declared that he must march to the
relief of Bristol, and, pending the arrival of some
troops which had been recalled from the west for this
purpose, he returned to Eagland Castle, attracted by
the charms of that residence, or in order to arrange
with the Marquis of Worcester that great and mys-
wortli, part iv. vol. i. p. 231. — Lesley had left the siege of Hereford in
the early part of August, and the battle of Kilsyth did not occur until
the 15th. He had, therefore, evidently heen detached from the Scot-
tish army in order to pursue the King, and could not have been so
soon recalled to defend his country.
AXD THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 195
terious business which they had been so long medi-
tating together.'
No sooner had he arrived at Eagland than he re-
ceived some most unexpected intelligence. Prmce
Rupert had surrendered Bristol, on the 11th of Sep-
tember, at the first assault, almost without offering
any resistance, and before he had felt any lack of either
ramparts, provisions, or soldiers. Charles was filled
with consternation ; his affairs were now utterly
ruined in the west, and his hopes most bitterly dis-
appointed. He wrote at once to the Prince from
Hereford, on the 14th of September:^ " Nej)hew, —
Though the loss of Bristol be a great blow to me, yet
your surrendering it as you did is of so much affliction
to me, that it makes me not only forget the considera-
tion of that place, but is likewise the greatest trial of
my constancy that hath yet befallen me. For what is
to be done after one that is so near me as you are,
both in blood and friendship, submits himself to so
mean an action (I give it the easiest term) ? such —
I have so much to say, that I ^vill say no more of it ;
only, lest rashness of judgment be laid to my charge,
I must remember you of your letter of the 12th of
August, whereby you assm-ed me that, if no mutiny
happened, you would keep Bristol for four months.
Did you keep it four days ? Was there anything like
a mutiny ? More questions might be asked, but now,
I confess, to little purpose. My conclusion is to desire
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 249 — 251 ; Walker's
Discoui'ses, p. 136 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol, i. pp. 121 — 123.
* Rushworth, part iv. vol. i, pp. 65 — 68.
o 2
196 IIISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
you to seek your subsistence, until it shall please God
to determine of my condition, somewhere beyond
seas ; to which end I send you herewith a pass ; and I
pray God to make you sensible of your present condi-
tion, and give you means to redeem what you have
lost ; for I shall have no greater joy in a victory than
a just occasion, without blushing, to assure you of
my being, your loving uncle and most faithful friend,
C. R."^
On the same day he wrote to Oxford, whither the
Prince had retired, to order the Lords of the Council
to require liim to give up his commission, to watch all
his movements, to dismiss Colonel William Legg, the
governor of Oxford, who was a particular friend of
Rupert, and, finally, to arrest both the colonel and the
prince if any tumult were excited. His letter was
addressed to Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary of State,
and terminated with this postcript : " Tell my son
that I shall less grieve to hear that he is knocked on
the head, than that he should do so mean an action as
is the rendering of Bristol castle and fort upon the
terms it was."^
One resource still remained to the King — his old
plan, which he had already attempted without success,
— to join Montrose. It was, moreover, necessary that
he should march towards the north to relieve Chester,
which was again besieged, and which, since the loss of
Bristol, was the only port to which succour could be
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 252.
^ Evelyn's Diary and Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 165 ; Clarendon's
History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 253.
AND THE E^TGLISH REVOLUTION. 197
sent him from Ireland, now his only hope. After
spending a week at Hereford in deep despondency, he
set out on his march across the mountains of Wales,
the only road by which he could escape a body of
Parliamentarians who, under the command of Major-
general Poyntz, were watching all his movements.
His own army consisted of about five thousand men,
chiefly Welsh infantry, and Cavaliers from the northern
counties. He was already within sight of Chester
when the Parhamentarians, who had begun their
march later, but had come by an easier and more
direct road, came up with his rear-guard.' Sir Mar-
maduke Langdale, who commanded it, charged the
enemy with such vigour, that they were forced to fall
back in disorder. But Colonel Jones, who was direct-
ing the siege, detached a body of troops, and fell sud-
denly on the royalist rear. Poyntz rallied his men. The
King, placed between two fires, saw his best officers
fall aroimd him, and was soon compelled to fly. He
returned to Wales in utter despair, separated once
more, as by an insurmountable barrier, from the camp
of Montrose, which was now his last hope.
But even this hope was now a mere delusion ; for
ten days, Montrose, like the King, had been a fu-
gitive, in search of a hiding-place and soldiers. On
the 13th of September, at Philiphaugh, in Ettrick
Forest, not far from the English border, Lesley had
surprised him in a weak position, and before he sus-
pected his approach. Notwithstanding all his efibrts
' At Rowton Heath, on the 24th of September, 1645 ; Ru.sh\vt>rth,
part iv. vol. i. p. 117 ; Clareudou's Rebellion, vol. v. p. 284.
198 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
to keep them together, the Highlanders had left him to
return home and deposit their booty in a place of
safety. Several noblemen, among others the Earl of
Aboyne, envious of his renown, had also left him with
their vassals ; and others, such as the Lords Traquair,
Hume, and Eoxburgh, distrustful of his good fortune,
had not kept their promises to join him/ Brilliant
and headstrong in his character, he filled mean spirits
with envy, and inspired the timid with no feeling
of security. A tendency to boastfulness disfigured
his genius and diminished his influence ; though his
friends served him with passionate ardour, and his
soldiers followed him with enthusiasm, he was not
respected by his equals. His power, moreover, rested
solely upon his victories ; and the prudent men, who
daily became more numerous, regarded him with sur-
prise, as a meteor whose course nothing can check, but
which must quickly pass out of sight. One reverse
sufficed to obhterate all his successes ; and the day
after his defeat, the conqueror of Scotland was looked
upon as no better than an audacious outlaw.
On hearing of this terrible blow, Charles looked
around him with terror, uncertain where to rest his
hope. Nor did he know whom to consult in his
emergency. His wisest advisers, Capel, Colepepper,
and Hyde, were with his son. Lord Digby was
almost the only one who remained with him, and he
was still adventurous and confident, ever ready to meet
reverses with new schemes, but, notwithstanding the
sincerity of his zeal, chiefly anxious to maintain his
' Rushw'orth, part iv. vol. i. p. 231 ; Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 198.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 199
own influence. The King's idea was to retire at
once to the Welsh coast, and spend the winter in
the Isle of Anglesey, which was not far from Ireland,
and could easily be defended. But he was without
difiiculty dissuaded from thus forsaking his kingdom,
in which he still possessed many strong towns, Wor-
cester, Hereford, Chester, Oxford, and Newark. The
majority were in favour of his proceeding to Worcester,
but nothing could have been more unpalatable to Lord
Digby than such a step. He was the declared enemy
of Prince Eupert, and it was he who, after the sur-
render of Bristol, had fomented the King's anger, and
urged him, it was said, to treat his nephew with such
severity. Rupert was furious, and was resolved, at all
risks, to see the ELing, justify himself, and revenge the
injury. At Worcester, he would easily have found an
opportunity for doing so, for his brother. Prince
Maurice, was governor of the town. Of all places to
which the King, coidd retire, Newark was the one
which Rupert would find it most difficult to reach,
and obtain a hearing. To the great surprise of all
around him, the King decided on going to Newark.^
The prince was soon informed of his resolution, and
notwithstanding all orders to the contrary, set out at
once to see the King. Charles reiterated his determina-
tion not to receive him ; but Lord Digby was uneasy.
Either from chance or design, the report suddenly
spread that Montrose had repaired his defeat, beaten
Lesley, and made his way to the borders. Without
waiting for further information, the King set out with
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 2b8.
200 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Lord Digby and two thousand horse, to make a thh'd
effort to join him. His error was soon dispelled ; after
two days' march, it became undeniably certain, that
Montrose, w^ithout soldiers, was still wandering through
the northern Highlands. The King could do nothing
but return to Newark, as Digby himself admitted.
But for his own part, he was fully resolved not to
return thither, at the risk of meeting Prince Rupert ;
he therefore persuaded the King that it was indis-
pensably necessary to send assistance to Montrose,
and undertook to convey it himself. They parted ;
Digby, with fifteen hundred horse, nearly all the
King's remaining army, continued his march towards
the north ; and Charles returned to Newark, with
three or four hundred horse under his command, and
John Ashburnham, his valet, for his only councillor.^
On his arrival, he learned that Rupert was at Bel-
voir Castle, nine miles from Newark, with his brother
Maurice, and an escort of a hundred and twenty
officers. He sent him word to remain there until
further orders, as he was already offended at his
having come so far without permission. But the
prince continued to approach, and many officers of
the garrison of Newark, including even the governor,
Sir Richard Willis, went out to meet him. He ar-
rived, and presented himself before the King, un-
announced, and with his whole retinue. 'Sire," he
said, " I am come to render an account of the loss of
Bristol, and to clear myself from those imputations
which have been cast on me." Charles, equally per-
' Clarendon's History of the Rebelliou, vol. v. j). 294.
AND TIIK ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 201
plexecl and irritated, returned him scarcely any answer.
It was supper time ; the prince's escort withdrew, and
the royal party sat down to table ; the King con-
versed with Maurice, ^vithout saying a word to Rupert,
and when supper was over, retired to his own room.^
Rupert took up his abode at the governor's house.
The next day, however, the King consented that a
council of war should be called ; and after dehberating
three hours, it adopted a declaration that the prince
had been wanting neither in courage nor fidehty. No
entreaties could obtain any further concession from the
King.
This was not enough for the prince and his parti-
zans. They remained at Newark, giving unrestrained
expression to their ill humour. The King, on his side,
determined to put a stop to the constantly-increasing
disorders of the garrison. For two thousand men,
there were twenty-four general officers or colonels,
whose pay absorbed nearly aU the contributions of
the country.^ The gentlemen of the neighbom-hood,
even those most devoted to the King, complained
bitterly of the governor. Charles resolved to remove
him, but in order not to lose his services, to give him
some office about his person. He therefore announced
to Willis his appointment as colonel of the Royal Horse
Gruards. Sir Richard declined, saying, that this pro-
motion would be regarded as a disgrace, and that he
was too poor to live at Court. " I will take care
and provide for your support," said the King, dis-
' Clarcudon'a History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 296.
' Ibid. vol. V. pp. 298, 299.
202 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
missing liim. On the same day, Charles had just sat
down to dinner, when Sir Eichard Willis, with the
two princes, Lord Grerrard, and about twenty officers
of the garrison, abruptly entered the room. " Wliat
3^our Majesty said to me in private," said WiUis, " is
now the pubhc talk of the town, and very much to my
dishonour." " Sir Kichard is to be removed from his
government," added Eupert, " for no fault that he has
committed, but for being my friend." " It is the
plot of the Lord Digby," said Lord Gerrard, " who is
a traitor, and I will prove him to be so." Surprised
and perplexed, Charles rose from table, and moving
towards his own room, ordered Willis to foUow him.
" No," replied Willis, " I have received a public injury,
and I therefore expect a public satisfaction." At this
refusal, Charles, losing all self-command, darted towards
them, pale with anger, and with a loud voice and threat-
ening gestures, ordered them " to depart from his pre-
sence, and come no more into it." Agitated in their
turn, they all left the room hurriedly, returned to the
governor's house, sounded to horse, and left the town
with about two hundred Cavaliers.
All the garrison, and all the inhabitants, hastened
to offer the King fresh assurances of their undimi-
nished devotion and respect. In the evening, the
malcontents sent to him to request passes, and be-
sought him not to consider their conduct mutinous.
" I will not now christen it a mutiny," said the King,
" but it looks very like one. As for the passes, they
shall be immediately prepared for as many as desire to
have them." Before he had recovered from the
AND THE ENGLISH KEVOLUTIOX. 203
emotion into which he had l)een thrown by this scene,
news readied him that Lord Digby, on his march to
Scotland, had been encountered and defeated by a body
of Parhamentarians at Sherburne, hi Yorkshire, that
his Cavahers were utterly dispersed, and that no one
knew what had become of Digby himself/ The north,
therefore, now offered the King neither soldiers nor
hope. Even Newark had ceased to be a place of
safety ; Poyntz had approached with his troops,
taking possession of all the neighbouring places one
after another, and drawing his lines every day closer
and closer around the town, so that it was already
doubtful whether the King would be able to pass.
On the 3rd of November, at about eleven o'clock in
the evening, four or five hundred horse, the surviving
remnant of several regiments, were assembled on the
market-place ; the King made his appearance, took
the command of one of the squadrons, and left
Newark by the Oxford road. He had shaved off his
beard to avoid recognition; two small royalist gar-
risons, which lay on his route, were informed of his
design ; he rode night and day, with great difficulty
avoiding the troops and towns of the enemy ; and on
reaching Oxford, on the 6th of November, he be-
lieved himself once more in safety, for there he found
his Council and Court, and was able to resume his
old habits, and to take some repose.^
He was, ere long, pursued tliither by misfortune.
' Clarendon's History of the Eebellion, vol. v. pp. 292, 293 ; Rush-
worth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 128 — 134.
^ Clarendon's History of the RebeUiou, vol. v. pp. 301, 302 ; Walker's
Discourses, pp. 146, 147 ; Evelyn's Diary, vol. iv. pp. 170 — 172.
204 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Wliilst he had been wandering from county to county
and from town to town, Fairfax and Cromwell, fear-
ing no opposition on his part, and fully convinced
that the troops under Poyntz would be sufficient to
hold him in check, had pursued the course of their
triumphs in the west. In less than five months,
fifteen important places, including Bridgewater, Bath,
Sherborne, Devizes, Winchester, Basing House, Ti-
verton, and Monmouth, had fallen into their hands.
To those garrisons which manifested any willingness
to receive their overtures, they readily granted ho-
nourable conditions; but when a bolder answer was
given, they immediately stormed the place. ^ At one
moment, the Clubmen caused them some uneasiness.
After having dispersed them on several occasions by
fair words, Cromwell found it necessary to attack
them forcibly. He did so with his usual rapidity and
thoroughness ; for he well understood the art of
passing at once, as occasion required, from gentle-
ness to severity, and from severity to gentleness.
At his suggestion, the Parliament passed an Act,
on the 23rd of August, declaring all associations of
this kind to be treasonable -^ some of the leaders were
arrested ; the fears of the people were calmed by the
severe discipline maintained in the army ; the Club-
men quickly disappeared ; and when the King re-
entered Oxford, the position of his party in the west
was so desperate that, on the very next day, the
7th of November, he wrote to order the Prince of
1 Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 89.
^ Parliauieutai'y History, vol. iii. col. 390 ; Whitelocke, p. 266.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 205
Wales to hold himself m readmess to pass over to the
Continent.^
For himself, he had no plan, no idea what to do ;
sometimes he gave way to the most passionate an-
guish, and sometimes he strove to forget his power-
lessness in complete inaction. He urged his council,
however, to suggest to him some expedient or course
of action, from which he might hope to gain some
result. There was no alternative ; the council pro-
posed that a message should be sent to the Par-
liament to request a safe-conduct for four negociators.
The King consented to this without any objection.^
Never had the Parliament been less incHned to
peace, A hundred and thirty new members had
recently been admitted into the House of Commons,
in the place of those who had deserted their post to
follow the King. This measure had long been post-
poned, at first from motives of policy, afterwards from
the difficulty of carrying it into execution, and subse-
quently from design ; but it had, at length, been
adopted in compliance with the demand of the Inde-
pendents, who were eager to profit by their successes
on the battle-field, in order to strengthen their party
at Westminster.^ They used every exertion to carry
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 303.
* Ibid. vol. V. p. 337 ; Parliamentary History, vol. ii. col. 406. — The
message is dated on the 5th of December, 1645.
* On the 13th of September, 1644, the question of filHng up the
vacant seats was first mooted in the House of Commons. The propo-
sition led to no result until August, 1645. On the 21st of that month,
on the petition of the borough of Southwark, the House voted, by a
majority of three votes only, that new elections should take place in
Southwark, Bury St. Edmunds, and Hythe, in consequence of the
absence of the five representatives of those boroughs. In the last five
206 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the elections, appointing them separately one after
another ; sometimes delajing and sometimes hastening
them, as their likelihood of success varied, and em-
ploying alternately craft and violence, the usual tactics
of conquerors when in a minority. Many men, who
soon became eminent leaders of their party — Fairfax,
Ludlow, Ireton, Blake, Sidney, Hutchinson, and Fleet-
wood — now entered the House. The elections, how-
ever, did not everywhere lead to the same result :
many of the counties returned to Westminster men,
who, though opposed to the Coiu't, were strangers to
all faction, and friends to legal order and peace. But,
on theu' arrival at the seat of government, they were
destitute of experience, had no bond of union or
recognised leaders, and were but little disposed to rally
round the old Presbyterian chiefs, who had, for the
most part, lost their former reputation for uprightness,
energy, and ability. They created little sensation,
and exercised little influence ; and the first conse-
quence of this recruitment of the House was greatly
to increase the power and daring of the Independents.^
The acts of the Parliament, from this time forth,
assumed a more decisive character. It had been dis-
covered that, during their residence in London, the
King's Commissioners had been intriguing with a view
months of 1645, a hundred and forty-six new members were elected.
Of the fifty-eight members who signed the order for the execution of
Charles I., seventeen were persons elected at this period. In 1646
there were eighty-nine new elections. See the Journals of the House
of Commons for the above dates.
' HolUs's ]\Iemoii-s, p. 42 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, pp. 72, 73 ; White-
locke, pp. 166, 168 ; Old ParUamentary History, vol. ix. p. 12 ; vol. xiv.
pp. 306—309.
AND THE ENGLISH REV GLUTTON. 207
to form plots and rouse the people; on the lltli of
August, it was resolved that no more Commissioners
should be received, that no further negociations should
he carried on, but that the Houses should prepare
their propositions of peace in the form of bills, and
that the King should be required simply to adopt or
reject them, as he would have done, if resident at
Whitehall, and acting according to regular practice.^
On the 20th of September, the Prince of Wales offered
to act as mediator between the Eang and the people,
and Fairfax transmitted his letter to the Parliament,
saying that he thought it "a duty not to hinder the
hopeful blossom of the young peace-maker." But no
answer was sent him.^ The term assigned for Crom-
well's continuance in his command was on the point
of expiring: on the 12th of August, his commission
was again renewed for four months, without any
reason being assigned for the step.^ The Eoyalist party
were treated with redoubled severity : a former ordi-
nance had allowed the wives and children of dehn-
quents a fifth part of their sequestrated estates ; on
the 8th of September, this ordinance was repealed.*
Another ordinance, which was long resisted by the
Lords, enacted the sale of a considerable portion of
the property of the bishops and other delinquents.^
A similar revolution took place in the camp, and in
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 390.
^ Clarendon's History of the Kebellion, vol. v. p. 339 ; Parliamentary
History, vol. iii. col. 392.
^ Parliamentary History, vol, iii. col. 390.
* Eusliworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 209.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 391 ; Whitelocke, p. 172.
208 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the conduct of the war. Orders had been issued on
the 24th of October, 1644, that no quarter should be
given to the Irish who were taken in England with
arms in their hands ;^ they were now shot by hun-
dreds,^ or tied back to back, and thrown into the sea.^
Even among Englishmen, there no longer existed that
gentleness and courtesy which had so frequently been
manifested in the earlier campaigns, and which re-
vealed a similarity of condition, education and man-
ners in the two parties, and their retention of peaceful
habits and desires even in the midst of war. In the
Parhamentarian ranks, Fairfax was almost the only
leader who retained this feeling of refined humanity ;
the of&cers and soldiers who surrounded him had, for
the most part, risen from the ranks, and though brave
and able men, were rough in their manners, or fanatics
of violent and sombre disposition, whose only thought
was victory, and who regarded the Cavaliers in the
light of enemies alone. The Cavaliers, on their part,
feeling it almost an insult to be overcome by such
adversaries, sought their consolation or revenge in
ridicule, epigrams, and songs, which daily grew more
insolent in their character.* Thus the war became
* Rushworth, part iii. vol. ii, p. 783.
* Ibid, part iv. vol. i. p. 231 ; Baillie's Letters, vol. ii. p. 164.
Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 122,
* The most remarkable of these songs are those which were composed
in ridicule of David Lesley and his Scots, when he broke np the siege
of Hereford to march to the defence of Scotland, which had been almost
entirely subjugated by Montrose, whom he defeated on the 13th of
September, 1645, at the battle of Philiphaugh. No defeat had yet
robbed the Cavaliers of such brilliant hopes, and their auger was there-
fore vented with unusual vigour. One of the most spirited of these
songs will be found in Appendix VIII.
AND THE KNGLISli REVOLUTION. 209
stern, and sometimes even cruel, in its nature, as
though it were carried on between men whose know-
ledge of each other had produced only mutual con-
tempt and hatred. At the same time, the misunder-
standing between the Scots and the Parliament, which
had hitherto been kept in check, broke out unre-
strainedly ; the former complained that their army
was not paid ; the latter expressed its indignation
that an army of allies should, like a hostile force,
pillage and devastate the counties which it occupied.^
In a word, the increase of the national excitement all
over the country, the deepening of all feelings of
enmity, and tlie harsher and more decisive measures
adopted by the Parliament, left but little probability
that peace would terminate, or a truce suspend, the
already rapid course of events.
The King's overtures were rejected, and all safe-
conduct refused to his negociators. He repeated his
demand in two other messages, with no greater success ;
he was told that the past intrigues of his courtiers in
the City rendered it impossible to allow them to come
again. ^ He oftered to repair to Westminster in person,
to treat directly with the Parliament -^ but notwith-
standing the remonstrances of the Scots, this propo-
sition was also rejected.* He renewed his entreaties,^
less in the hope of succeeding in his suit, than in
order to discredit the Parliament in the opinion of the
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 393, 394—398, 405.
'^ December 26, 1645 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 414.
•■• December 26—30, 1645 ; ibid. vol. iii. cols. 415—417,
* Januaiy 13, 1646 ; ibid. vol. iii. cols. 418 — 421.
' January 15, 1646 ; ibid. vol. iii. col. 421.
VOL. II. P
210 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
people, who were anxious for peace. But his enemies
had recently become possessed of a surer means of
casting discredit upon himself. They solemnly an-
nounced that they had at length discovered certain
proof of the duplicity of his language ; that he had
just concluded with the Irish, not a mere cessation of
arms, but a treaty of alliance ; that ten thousand of
those rebels, under the command of the Earl of Gla-
morgan, were soon to land at Chester ; that the price
of this abominable assistance was the complete abolition
of all penal laws against the Catholics, full hberty in
the exercise of their worship, and the acknowledgment
of their right to the churches and lands of which they
had taken possession, — in other words, the triumph of
Popery in Ireland, and the ruin of the Protestants.
A copy of the treaty, and several letters relating to it,
had been found in the carriage of the Archbishop of
Tuam, one of the leaders of the insurgents, who had
been accidentally killed in a skirmish, on the 17th of
October, mider the walls of SHgo. The Committee of
both kingdoms, which, for three months, had kept
these documents in reserve for some important occa-
sion, now laid them before Parhament, which ordered
their immediate publication.^
The King's discomfiture was extreme ; the facts
were undeniable ; the Parhament did not even know
all. For nearly two years,^ Charles had been personally
conducting this negociation, without the knowledge of
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 428 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. i.
p. 238.
2 The King's fir.st commission to Glamorgan is dated on the 1st of
April, 1644.
AND THE ENGLISH llEVOLUTION. 211
his party or council, and sometimes even without com-
municating his plans to the Marquis of Ormonde, his
lieutenant in Ireland, although he had no doubt of his
zeal, and could not dispense with his co-operation. A
Catholic nobleman, Lord Herbert, the eldest son of the
Marquis of Worcester, who had recently been created
Earl of Grlamorgan, alone possessed the King's entire
confidence in this business. Brave, generous, reckless,
and passionately devoted to the cause of his imperilled
sovereign and his oppressed rehgion, Gflamorgan
travelled incessantly between England and Ireland,
between Dublin and Kilkenny, undertaking all that
Ormonde declined to do, and alone knowing how far
the King's concessions might be extended. It was he
who conducted the correspondence of Charles with
Einuccini, the Pope's nuncio, who had arrived in
Ireland in October, 1645, and with the Pope himself.
Finally, the King had formally authorized him, by an
act dated on the 12th of March, 1645, signed with
his own hand, and known to themselves alone, to
concede to the Irish all that he might deem necessary,
in order to obtain from them effectual help ; and had
promised to approve and ratify all, however illegal
the concessions might be; merely desiring that
nothing should transpire, until he could usefully avow
the whole transaction. The treaty had been concluded
on the 20th of August preceding, and Glamorgan, who
still remained in Ireland, urgently pressed its execu-
tion. This was the secret of the frequent visits and
long sojom-ns of the King at Eagland Castle, the
residence of the Marquis of Worcester, and of those
212 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
mysterious hopes to which he sometimes vaguely
alluded in the midst of his reverses.^
News reached Oxford and Dublin almost at the
same time, that this treaty had become known in
London. Ormonde at once perceived the great injury
which would accrue to the Bang's affairs from this
discovery, even among his own party. Either because
he was really unaware, as he himself states, that
Charles had authorized such concessions, or, more
probably, because he was anxious to put the King in a
position to disavow them, he ordered the instant arrest
of Glamorgan,^ on the ground that he had exceeded
his powers, and gravely compromised his sovereign by
granting the rebels privileges which all the laws
denied them. Steadfast in his devotion to the King's
service, Glamorgan remained silent, and did not pro-
duce the secret acts signed Charles, which he had in
his hands, but stated that the King was not bound to
ratify all that he had thought it his duty to promise
in his name. Charles, on his side, hastened to dis-
avow his conduct, in a proclamation addressed to the
Parliament on the 29th of January, 1646,^ and in an
official letter to the Council at DubHn on the 31st of the
same month. ^ According to his statement, Glamorgan
had instructions merely to raise troops, and to second
the efforts of the Lord Lieutenant ; but, among both
* Dr. Lingard has collected and stated with great clearness all the
facts relating to this negociation, in his History of England, vol. vi.
pp. 537—541, 655—664.
On the 4th of January, 1646.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 435.
* Carte's Life of Ormonde, vol. iii. pp. 445—447.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 213
parties, mendacity was now only an old and useless
practice ; and no one, not even among the common
people, was deceived by the falsehood. On the 1st of
February, Grlamorgan was released from arrest, and
immediately recommenced his negociations for the
introduction of an Iiish army into England, on the
same terms as before. The Parhament voted, on the
31st of January, that the King's justification was un-
satisfactory ;^ on the 27th, Cromwell was, for the last
time, continued in his command ;^ and Charles found
himself compelled once more to seek safety in war,
though he was no longer in a position to carry
on warlike operations.
Two bodies of troops alone remained at his dis-
posal : one in Cornwall, under the command of Lord
Hopton, the other on the frontiers of Wales, under
Lord Astley. Towai'ds the middle of January, the
Prince of Wales, who was still governor of the west,
though he had been forsaken by Goring and Greenville,
his former generals, had sent for Lord Hopton, long
the leading man in the western counties, and
besought him to resume the command of the wreck
of an army which still remained about him. " My
lord," answered Hopton, " it is a custom now, when
men are not willing to submit to what they are en-
joined, to say that it is against their honour, that their
honour will not suffer them to do this or that. For
my part, I could not obey your Highness at this time,
without resolving to lose my honour. I shall have to
' Parliamentary History, vol. ill. col. 438.
'"■ Ibid. vol. iii. col. 428.
214 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
command men whom only their friends fear and their
enemies laugh at, who are only terrible in plunder and
resolute in running away. But since your Highness
has thought necessary to command me, I am ready to
obey, even with the loss of my honour." And he
placed himself at the head of seven or eight thousand
men.' But he soon became as hateful to them as their
excesses were offensive to him ; even the brave could not
endure his discipline and vigilance, after having been
accustomed under Groring to a less troublesome and
more profitable mode of warfare. Fairfax, still bent
on reducing the west to submission, lost no time in
marching against them ; and on the 1 6th of February,
at Torrington on the borders of Cornwall, Hopton
suffered a defeat, more disastrous in its consequences
than bloody in its character. As he retreated from
town to town, he strove in vain to rally his army ;
but both officers and soldiers ahke failed him. " From
the hour I undertook this charge," he said, " to the
hour of their dissolving, scarce a party or guard
appeared with half the number appointed, or within
two hours of the time."^ Fairfax daily pressed him
more closely. At the head of the small corps which
still remained faithful to him, Hopton soon found
himself driven to the furthest extremity of Cornwall.
At Truro, he was informed that, weary of the war, the
people of the country contemplated putting an end to
it by seizing the Prince of Wales and giving him up
to the Parliament. The critical moment had now
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 307.
'^ Ibid. vol. V. p. 316.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 215
arrived ; the Prince put to sea, with his council, but
retired only to the island of Scilly, where he was still
on Enghsh soil, and almost within sight of the coast.
Free from anxiety on his account, Hopton wished to
try the fortune of battle once more; but his troops
loudly demanded that he should capitulate. Fairfax
sent to offer him honourable conditions ; Hopton evaded
compliance ; his officers declared that, if he would not
consent to terms, they would treat without him ; he
then allowed them to treat on their own account, but
neither he nor Lord Capel would be included in the
capitulation. When the articles had been signed and
the army disbanded, these two noblemen embarked to
join the Prince at Scilly; and a few insignificant
garrisons were now all that remained to the King in
the south-west.^
Lord Astley had no better fate ; he was at Wor-
cester with three thousand men ; the King sent him
orders to join him at Oxford, and marched out himself,
with fifteen hmidred horse, to meet him. He was
anxious to have about him a sufficient body of men to
wait for the reinforcements from Ireland, which he
still expected. But on the 22nd of March, before
they had been able to effi3ct a junction. Sir William
Brereton and Colonel Morgan, at the head of a body
of Parliamentarians, came up with Astley, whose
movements they had been watching for more than a
month, at Stow, in Grloucestershire. The Cavaliers
were completely routed; eighteen hundred of them
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 321, 322 ; Rush-"
worth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 99 — 115.
21G HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
were killed or taken prisoners, and the rest fled.
Astley himself, after a desperate resistance, fell into
the hands of the enemy. He was old, wearied by the
fight, and found it painful to walk ; the soldiers, moved
by his grey hairs and his courage, brought him a
drum ; he sat down on it, and addressing Brereton's
officers, said : " Gentlemen, you may now sit down
and play, for you have done all your work, if you fall
not out among yourselves."*
That his enemies might thus be made to quarrel was
now the King's only hope, and he attempted at once
to sow discord among them. For some time already,
and even whilst he was loading man}" of the Presby-
terian leaders with dangerous attentions, he had main-
tained a secret correspondence with the Independents,
and particularly with Vane, who was no less active in
intrigue than passionate as an enthusiast. Very
recently, on the 2nd of March, his Secretary of State,
Sir Edward Nicholas, had written to urge Vane to use
his influence to obtain leave for the King to come to
London, and treat in person with the Parliament, and
had promised him that, if the Houses insisted on the
predominance of Presbyterian discipline in the Church,
the lioyalists would join with the Independents " in
rooting out of the kingdom that tyrannical govern-
ment, that my master may not have his conscience
disturbed, yours also being free."^ It is not known
what answer was sent by Vane to this letter; but,
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 139 — 141 ; Old Parliamentary His-
tory, vol. xiv. pp. 297—302.
* Evelyn's Diary and Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 173.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTTON. 217
after Astley's defeat, the King himself wrote to Vane :
" Be very confident that all things shall be performed
according to my promise. By all that is good, I
conjure you to dispatch that courtesy for me with all
speed, or it will be too late ; I shall perish before I
receive the fruits of it. I may not tell you my neces-
sities, but if it were necessary so to do, I am sure you
would lay all other considerations aside, and fulfil my
desires. This is all; trust me, I will repay your
favour to the full. I have done. If I have not an
answer within four days after the receipt of this, I
shall be necessitated to find some other expedient.
God direct you! I have discharged my duty."^ At
the same time, he sent a message to the Parliament,
offering to disband his troops, to throw open his garri-
sons, and to take up his residence once more in White-
hall.^
At this proposal, and on the supposition that the
King, without waiting for an answer, might suddenly
make his appearance in the capital, the greatest alarm
prevailed in Westminster ; whether politicians or fana-
tics, Presbyterians or Independents, all were fully con-
scious that, if the King were at Whitehall, riots would
not break out in the City against him ; and all were
equally resolved not to place themselves at his mercy
They at once took the most violent measures to avert
this danger ; aU persons were forbidden, on the severest
penalties, either to receive the King, or to go out to
' Evelyn's Diary and Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 174 ; Clarendon's
State Papers, vol. ii. p. 227. — The letter was neither dated nor signed.
* On the 23rd of March, 1646 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col
451.
218 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
meet him if he came to London, or to supply any one
with the means of approaching his person. The com-
mittee of militia received authority to prevent any
concourse of people, to arrest all who came with the
King, to liinder any procession to welcome him, and
even, in case of need, to secure his person from all
danger. All papists, delinquents, reformado officers,
soldiers of fortune, or other persons who had taken
part against the ParHament, were ordered to quit
London within three days/ Finally, on the 8rd of
April, a court-martial was instituted, and the punish-
ment of death decreed against all persons who should,
either directly or indirectly, maintain any correspond-
ence with the King, or come without a pass from any
camp or town in the King's hands, or harbour or con-
ceal any person who had borne arms against the
Parliament, or voluntarily allow any prisoner of war
to escape, and so forth.^ Never had any act of the
Parliament borne the impress of so much terror.
Yane, on his side, left the King's letter unanswered,
or at all events, made no attempt to comply with his
request.
Meanwhile, Fairfax's troops were advancing rapidly
to blockade Oxford; and already Colonel Eains-
borough had encamped, with three regiments, within
sight of the town. The King sent an offer to surrender
to Eainsborough, if he would pledge his word to take
him at once to the Parliament. Eainsborough refused
' By Acts of the 31st March and 3rd April, 1646 ; Parliamentary
History, vol. iii. cols. 452, 453 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 249.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 252.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 219
to do so. In a few days, the blockade could not fail to
be complete ; and however long it might be continued,
the result was inevitable — the King must fall as a
prisoner of war into the hands of his enemies.^
One only refage remained accessible to him, and
that was the camp of the Scots. For more than two
months, M. de Montreuil, the French ambassador in
England, from pity of the King's distresses, rather
than in obedience to any instructions he had received
from Mazarin, had been labouring to secure him this
last asylum. Eebuffed at first by the Scottish Com-
missioners who were residing in London, and con-
vinced by a visit to Edinburgh that nothing was to be
expected from the Scottish Parhament, he had finally
addressed himself to some of the leaders of the army
which was besieging Newark ; and they had seemed to
him so favom-ably disposed that, on the 1st of April,
1646, he had felt himself justified in promising the
King in the name and under the guarantee of the
King of France, that the Scots would receive him as
their legitimate Sovereign, would guard himself and
his family from all danger, and would even co-operate
with him to the utmost of their power in procuring
the re-estabiishment of peace. The irresolution and
frequent retractions of the Scottish officers, however,
who, though willing to save the King, had no wish to
quarrel with the Parhament, soon made it evident to
Montreuil that he had gone too far, and he hastened
to send information of his too great precipitancy to
Oxford. But in the meanwliile, the daily -increasing
• Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 393.
220 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
pressure of necessity had rendered both the King and
Montreuil himself less exigent ; and the Queen, who,
though resident in Paris, had many friends and agents
in the Scottish army, urged her husband to place
entire confidence in its loyalty. In subsequent con-
ferences, the officers made some few promises to Mon-
treuil. He at once informed the King of this, but
carefully impressed upon him, at the same time, that
the step was fraught with great danger, and that any
other refuge would be preferable ; and merely stated
that, if he had no other asylum, he would be sure to
find full security, for his person at least, in the camp
of the Scots. ^
Wliether he had made up his mind or not as to the
wisdom of the step, Charles was no longer able to
wait. Fairfax was already at Newbury, and in three
days the blockade of Oxford would be complete. At
midnight, on the 27th of April, attended only by
Ashburnham and Dr. Hudson, a clergyman who was
well acquainted with the road, the King left Oxford
on horseback, disguised as Ashbm'nham's servant, and
carrjdng a valise behind him. At the same time, in
order to mislead all suspicions, three men rode out at
every other gate of the town. The King took the
road to London. On reaching Harrow hill, within
sight of his capital, he halted in great anxiety : he
might have gone on, re-entered Whitehall, and ap-
peared suddenly in the midst of the City, which would
in all probability have welcomed his return. But
» Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 383 — 391 ; Cla-
rendon's State Papers, vol. ii. pp. 211 — 226.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 221
nothing was more repugnant to him than any bold or
unusual resolve, for he was sadly deficient in presence
of mind, and was most fearful of those contingencies
which might compromise his dignity. After pro-
longed hesitation, he turned away from London, and
proceeded northwards, but slowly and carelessly, Kke
a man who was still uncertain what to do. Montreuil
had promised to meet him at Harborough, in Leices-
tershire, but did not keep his appointment. The
King, in great uneasiness, sent Hudson in search of
him, and fell back into the eastern counties, wan-
dering from town to town — from house to house —
chiefly along the coast, incessantly changing his dis-
guise, and inquiring everywhere for news of Montrose,
whom he still earnestly desired to join. But this also
was too long and difficult an enterprise for him to
attempt. Hudson returned, and announced that no
change had taken place in the aspect of affairs ;
Montreuil still promised him a safe, if not an agree-
able, retreat in the Scottish camp. Charles at length
decided on going thither, from weariness rather than
from choice ; and early on the morning of the 5th of
May, nine days after his departure from Oxford,
Montreuil conducted him to KeDiam, the head-
quarters of the Scots. ^
On seeing the King, the Earl of Leven and his
officers affected extreme surprise ; information of his
arrival was sent immediately to the Parliamentary
' Kushworth, part iv. vol. i. {). 267 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. v. p. 394 ; Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. i>. 228 ;
Whitelocke, p. 203.
222 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Commissioners ; and expresses were despatched with
the news to Edinburgh and London. Both officers
and soldiers treated the King with extreme respect ;
but, in the evening, under the pretext of paying him
the honours due to his rank, a strong guard was
placed at his door ; and when, in order to ascertain
his real position, he attempted to give the watchword
for the night, Lord Leven "told him, in his homely
manner, that he, being the older soldier, would save
his Majesty that trouble."^
' Laing's History of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 352.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 223
BOOK VII.
ANXIETIES AND INTRIGtTES OP THE INDEPENDENTS— RESIDENCE OF THE
KING AT NEWCASTLE — HE REJECTS THE PROPOSITIONS OF THE PARLIA-
MENT— NEGOCIATIONS OF THE PARLIAMENT WITH THE SCOTS TO INDUCE
THEM TO GIVE UP THE KING AND LEAVE THE COUNTRY — CONSENT OF
THE SCOTS — THE KING IS CONDUCTED TO HOLMBY — OUTBREAK OF DISCORD
BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENT AND THE ARMY — CONDUCT OF CROMWELL —
HE PROCURES THE KING'S REMOVAL FROM HOLMBY — THE ARMY MARCHES
UPON LONDON, AND IMPEACHES ELEVEN PRESBYTERIAN LEADERS— THEY
RETIRE FROM PARLIAMENT — THE KING AT HAMPTON COURT — NEGOCIA-
TIONS OF THE ARMY WITH HIM — RIOT IN THE CITY IN FAVOUR OF PEACE
— SECESSION OF A LARGE NUMBER OF MEMBERS OF BOTH HOUSES TO THE
ARMY — THEIR RETURN TO LONDON — DEFEAT OF THE PRESBYTERIANS —
OUTBREAKS OF THE REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS — CROMWELL BECOMES
SUSPECTED BY THE SOLDIERS — THEY MUTINY AGAINST THEIR OFFICERS —
CROMWELL'S PRUDENT CONDUCT — THE KING'S TERROR, AND FLIGHT TO
THE ISLE OF WIGHT.
It became known in London, on the 2nd of May, that
the King had escaped from Oxford, but no clue had
been obtained either as to where he was, or whither it
was his intention to proceed. A report was spread
that he was in concealment in the City, and all who
harboured him were again threatened with death,
without mercy. Fairfax sent word that he had gone
into the eastern counties, and two officers of approved
fidelity, Colonels Russell and Wharton, were sent
224 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
thither immediately, with orders to search for him in
all quarters, and take him at all risks/ All parties,
both Parliamentarians and Royalists, were harassed by
the same uncertainty, and bore their hopes and fears
with equal impatience.
On the evening of the 6th of May, the news at
length arrived that the King was in the Scottish
camp. On the following day, the Commons voted
that the two Houses alone possessed the right of dis-
posing of the King's person, and that he should be
conducted without delay to Warwick Castle. The
Lords refused to ratify the vote ; but they agreed
that Poyntz, who was quartered near Newark, should
be ordered to watch all the movements of the Scottish
army ; and Fairfax himself was directed to hold him-
self in readiness to march in case of need.^
The Scots, on their side, were anxious to return
home. On the very day of his arrival among them,
they induced the King to send orders to Lord
Bellasis, the governor of Newark, to open to them the
gates of the town ; they then gave up the place to
Poyntz and his troops, and a few hours afterwards,
with the King in their advanced guard, began their
march towards Newcastle, on the borders of their own
country.^
The Independents were animated by mingled
feelings of anxiety and irritation. For more than a
year they had succeeded in all their undertakings :
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 267 ; Whitelocke, p. 203.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 465, 466.
'■' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 267 — 271 ; May's Breviary, p. 135 ;
Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 467.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 225
masters of the army, they had been everywhere victo-
rious, and had produced, by their victories, a strong
impression on the imagination of the people : under
their banners were enlisted all the men of bold spirit,
restless ambition, and lofty hopes — all who had their
fortunes to make, or entertained immoderate desires,
or meditated great designs. Genius itself could find
scope and freedom only in their ranks. Milton,^ still
young, but ah-eady remarkable for the elegance and
extent of his learning, had recently asserted, in nobler
language than had ever before been used for the pur-
pose, liberty of conscience, hberty of the press, and
freedom of divorce;^ and the Presbyterian clergy,
filled with indignation at his boldness, had vainly
denounced his writings to the Pai'liament, and placed
the toleration of such works on the hst of its sins.^
Another man, already well known by liis determined
resistance to t^a-anny, John Lilburne, had begun his
unwearied warfare against lords, judges, and lawyers,
and the noisiest popularity ah'eady attached to his
name.* The number and confidence of the Dissenting
congregations,^ all of whom made common cause with
' Born in London, on the 9th of December, 1608.
* In five pamphlets against Prelacy, and upon Reformation of the
Church, pubhshed in 1641-2 ; in a pamphlet on ' The Doctrine and
Discipline of Divorce,' pubhshed in 1644 ; and in a ' Speech for the
Liberty of Unlicensed Printing,' also published in 1644.
^ Milton's Prose Works, vol. Hi., j'cissim.
* Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. pp. 19—28.
* The number of Anabaptist congregations, for instance, was fifty-
four in 1648. Thomas Edwards, a Presbyterian Minister, pubhshed in
1645, under the title of Gaiignvna, a list of these sects, with a view to
call down upon them the anger of Parliament ; he enumerated sixteen
principal denominations, and yet had omitted several. — Neal's History
of the Puritans, vol. iii. pp. 310—31.3.
VOL. II. Q
226 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the Independents, daily increased. In vain had the
Presbyterians at length obtained from the Parliament
the official and exclusive establishment of their
church :^ with the help of the lawyers and free-
thinkers, the Independents had succeeded in main-
taining the supremacy of the Parliament in religious
matters;^ and the measure, thus robbed of its
strength, was carried out slowly and imperfectly.^ At
the same time, the personal influence of the leaders of
the Independent party, and of Cromwell especially,
was visibly on the increase. When they came from
the army to Westminster, the Houses welcomed them
with solemn demonstrations of respect;* and when
they returned to the army, the gifts of money and
lands, gratuities and offices, which were lavished on
their creatures, attested and augmented their im-
portance.^ Throughout the country, in London and in
the provinces, in all matters involving politics or reli-
gion, interests or ideas, the social movement pro-
nounced itself more and more openly in favour of the
1 By various ordinances or votes of the 23rcl August, 20tli October,
and 8th November, 1645, and the 20th February and 14th March,
1646.— Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 205, 210, 224.
* Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. iii. pp. 231 — 270 ; Commons
Journals, vol. iv. pp. 287, 303 ; Baillie's Letters, vol, ii. pp. 194, 196,
198 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 159.
^ The Presbyterian Church was completely established only in
London and Lancashire. — Laing's History of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 347.
■* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 463, 529.
^ On the 7th of February, 1646, the Parliament granted Cromwell
lands of the annual value of 2500L, from the sequestrated estates of
the Marquis of Worcester. Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 439.
Some mouths later, an annuity of 5000?. was conferred on Fairfax. In
October, 1646, Sir William Brereton received a gratuity of 5000Z. ; and
in December, 1646, 2000?. was presented to Sir Peter Killigrew. —
Whitelocke, pp. 224, 231.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 227
Independent party. And in the midst of all this
prosperity, when on the verge of obtaining the reins of
power, they found themselves threatened with ruin ;
for they could not fail to lose all if the King and the
Presbyterians should combine together against them.
They used every effort to ward off this blow. Had
they been free to follow the bent of their own inclina-
tion, they would probably have ordered the army to
march at once against the Scots, and recapture the
King by main force ; but, notwithstanding their suc-
cess in the recent elections, they were compelled to
act with greater reserve ; for they were in a minority
in the Upper House, and in the House of Commons
they possessed only a precarious ascendancy, derived
rather from the inexperience of the new members
than from their real sympathy. They consequently had
recourse to indirect measures. By all possible means,
boldly and craftily, openly and secretly, they endea-
voured either to offend the Scots, or to incense the
people against them, in the hope of bringing about a
rupture. The Scottish couriers were arrested, and
their despatches intercepted at the very gates of
London, by subalterns whom they vainly strove to
bring to punisliment ; ^ and petitions were poured in
against them from the northern counties, in which
loud complaints were made of their extortions and
disorders, and of the sufferings entailed upon the
country by their presence.^ On the 26th of May,
Alderman Foote presented a petition from the Cit}^ in
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 469 ; Whitelocke, p. 205.
^ Whitelocke, pp. 207, 209, 21G, 217, 221.
Q 2
2:28 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
their favour, and pra3^ed the ParHament to take mea-
sures to repress the new sectaries, who were the pro-
moters of all disturbances in Church and State •} the
Lords thanked the Common Council for their address,
but the Commons would hardly condescend to return
a brief and dry answer. Some regiments of Essex's
old army still remained, in which Presbyterian
opinions prevailed ; among others, a brigade quartered
in Wiltshire, under the command of Major-General
Massey, the valiant defender of Gloucester : com-
plaints of every kind were got up against it, and it
was finally disbanded.^ In the Parliament, in tlie
newspapers, in all public places, and, most of all, in
the army, the Independents never mentioned the
Scots without insult, sometimes expressing indigna-
tion at their rapacity, sometimes ridiculing their par-
simony ; appealing with coarse, but effectual artfulness,
to national prejudices and popular suspicions, and neg-
lecting no opportunity of awakening contempt or
hatred for their enemies.^ At length, on the 11th of
June, the Commons voted that there was no longer
any need of the Scottish army, and that, after paying
it a hundred thousand pounds, and obtaining an
account of the whole sum due to it, it should be
requested to return home.*
These intrigues did not produce the effect which
was anticipated : the Scots manifested neither vexation
nor anger ; but their conduct was stolid and hesitating,
» Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 474 — 480 ; Ludlow's Memoirs
p. 77.
^ Whitelocke, pp. 209, 216, 222, 225. ^ HoUis's Memoirs, p. 45.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 484.
AND THE ENGLISH HEVOLUTION. 229
which suited their enemies still better. The embar-
rassment of the leaders, who were inclined to serve
the King, was extreme. With incurable duphcity,
because he believed himself released from all moral
obhgations towards rebel subjects, Charles was medi-
tating their ruin even while he implored their help.
" I am not without hope," he wrote to Lord Digby,
on the 26th of March, a few days before he left
Oxford, — " I am not without hope that I shall be able
so to draw either the Presbyterians or the Independ-
ents to side with me for extirpating one the other,
that I shall be really King again. "^ The Presby-
terian body, on their side, both in Scotland and
England, swayed by their ministers, were as zealous
as ever for the Covenant and for the triumph of their
chm'ch, and would hear of no accommodation or alli-
ance with the King, except on those terms ; so that
the more moderate men, who looked anxiously to-
wards the futm*e, could neither repose confidence in
the King, nor abate their pretensions in the slightest
degree in their dealings with him. In this per-
plexity, assailed at once by the accusations of their
adversaries and the requirements of their party, their
speeches were always contradictory, and their actions
neutralized each other ; they were desirous of peace,
promised the King that they would obtain it, and
were constantly telling his friends of the horror they
felt for the Independents ; and yet their declarations
of zeal for the Covenant, of firm attachment to the
Piirliament, and of inviolable union with their English
' Carte's Life of Ormonde, vol. iii. p. 452.
230 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
bretliren, had never been more frequent or empbatic/
and never had they displayed greater distrust and
severity towards the King and his Cavahers. Six of
the most illustrious companions of Montrose, who had
been taken in the battle of Philiphaugh, were con-
demned and executed; an act of rigour which could
have been prompted only by revenge, and for which
the civil war in England had as yet furnished no pre-
cedent.^ Before leaving Oxford, Charles had written
to the Marquis of Ormonde, that he was proceeding to
the Scottish camp solely in rehance on their promise
to support him and his just rights in case of need f
and although their language had probably been less
explicit than his own, it can scarcely be doubted that
they had really given him reason to hope for their
support. Ormonde pubhshed the King's letter on the
21st of May; the Scots lost no time in contradicting
it, and declared it to be " a most damnable untruth."''
His person was guarded more strictly every day ; all
who had borne arms on his side were forbidden access
to liim, and his letters were almost invariably inter-
cepted.^ Finally, to give signal proof of their fidehty
to the cause of the Covenant, the Scottish leaders
required the King to receive instruction in the true
doctrine of Christ; and the most celebrated of their
preachers, Henderson, proceeded to Newcastle, offi-
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 471, 473, 488 ; Old Parlia-
mentai-y History, vol. xv. p. 8.
'^ Laiiig's History of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 334.
'* Carte's Life of Ormonde, vol. iii. p. 455.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 480 — 483.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. pji. 407, 408 ; White-
l(xke, pp. 206, 208.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 231
cially to undertake the conversion of the captive
monarch/
Charles maintained the controversy with great
addi'ess and dignity, professing unalterable attach-
ment to the Anglican Church, and arguing without
acrimony against his adversary, who was himself
temperate and respectful. During the course of the
discussion, the King wrote to order those Eoyalist
governors who still held out to surrender, and to
request the Parliament to hasten the despatch of their
propositions -^ but 'at the same time, he sent instruc-
tions to Ormonde to continue his negociations with
the Irish, although he had ofiiciaUy ordered him to
break them off ;^ and, on the 20tli of July, he wrote
to Glamorgan, who was stiU the only person to whom
he had confided his secret designs : "If you can raise
a large sum of money by pawning my kingdoms for
that pm-pose, I am content you should do it ; and if I
recover them, I will fully repay that money. And
tell the nuncio that, if once I can come into his and
your hands — since all the rest, as I see, despise me — I
will do it."^
At length, on the 23rd of July, the propositions of
the Parliament reached the King ; the Earls of Pem-
broke and Sufiblk, with four members of the House of
Commons, were deputed to lay them before him.
* The controversy began on the 29th of May, and lasted until the
16th of July ; all the notes which passed between the king and Hen-
derson are printed in the folio edition of the ' Works of King Charles
the Martyr,' pp. 155—187. (London. 1662.)
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 486, 487.
^ Ibid. vol. iii. col. 487 ; Lingard's History of England, vol. vi. p. 361.
"* Birch's Enquiry into Glamorgan's Transactions, p. 245.
282 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Mr. Goodwin, one of the deputation, was about to
read them, when the King interrupted him by asking
whether they had powder to treat. "No, Sire," was
the answer, " Then," said Charles, " saving the ho-
nour of the business, an honest trumpeter might have
done as much." Goodwin finished reading. " I am
sure," said the King, " you cannot expect a present
answer from me, in a matter of this consequence."
Lord Pembroke told him they had but ten days
allowed them to wait for his Majesty's answer.
" Very weD," replied Charles, " mtliin that time you
shall receive it."'
Several days elapsed, but the Commissioners re-
ceived no communication from the King. He was
reading the propositions over and over again, in great
despondency, for they were harsher and more humili-
ating than those which he had hitherto scornfully-
rejected. He was required to adopt the Covenant,
completely to abolish the Episcopal Church, to intrust
the command of the army, navy, and militia to the
Parhament for twenty y^ears, and to consent to the
exception, by name, of seventy-one of his most faith-
ful friends from any amnesty, and to the exclusion of
his entire party — of all persons who had borne arms in
his cause — from all public emplo3^ments dm'ing the
pleasure of Parliament."^ Yet he was urged on every
side to accept these hard conditions. M. de BeUicvre,
the French ambassador, who arrived at Newcastle on
the same day as the message from the two Houses,
Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 513 ; Whitelocke, p. 218.
^ Ibid., vol. iii. cols. 499—512.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 233
strongly advised him to do so, in the name of his
Court.' Montreuil brought him letters from the
Queen, who earnestly advocated compliance :^ at the
suggestion of Bellievre, she even despatched from
Paris a gentleman of her household, Sir William
Davenant, with orders to tell the King that his re-
sistance was disapproved by all his friends. " By
what friends?" asked Charles, angrily. "Lord Jer-
myn, Sire." " Jermyn does not understand anything
of the Church." " Lord Colepepper is of the same
mind." " Colepepper has no religion ; is the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer of this mind?" "We do not
know, Sire ; the Chancellor is not at Paris ; he has
deserted the Prince, and chosen to remain in Jersey,
instead of accompanying the Prince to the Queen ; so
that her Majesty is much displeased with him."
" My wife is mistaken," said the King ; " the Chan-
cellor is an honest man, who will never desert me, nor
the Prince, nor the Church; I am sorry he is not
with my son." Davenant urged the point with all
the vivacity of a poet and the levity of a courtier,
until the King grew angry, and ordered him to leave
his presence.^ On the part of the Presbyterians,
equally strong efforts were used ; several towns in
Scotland, Edinburgh among others, addressed friendly
petitions to the King on the subject;* and the City
of London wished to do the same, but was prevented
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 512; Clarendon's History of
the Rebellion, vol. v. pp. 409-411.
* Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 216,
3 Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol, v. p. 412.
■* Whitelot-ke's Memorials, j)p. 214, 220.
234 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
by a formal order from the House of Commons/
Menace was at last added to entreaty : the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland demanded that,
if the King refused the Covenant, he should not in
any case be allowed to enter Scotland ; ^ and in solemn
audience, in presence of the Scottish Commissioners,
the Chancellor, Lord Loudoun, declared to him that,
if he persisted in his refusal, he would certainly be
denied admission into Scotland ; and that, in England,
he would probably be deposed, and another Govern-
ment instituted.^
But threats and prayers alike failed to overcome the
King's pride, sustained by his religious scruples, and
the secret hopes with which he was still inspired by
credulous or intriguing friends.* After having de-
layed his answer from day to day, he sent for the
Commissioners on the 1st of August, and gave them a
written message, in which, without absolutely re-
jecting the propositions, he again demanded to be
received in London, in order that he might treat
personally with the Parliament.^
The Independents were unable to restrain their
delight. On the return of the Commissioners, the
customary vote of thanks to them was proposed.
"AVe owe more thanks to the King than anybody!"
exclaimed one of the members. " What will become
of us, since the King refuseth these propositions ? "
anxiously inquired a Presbyterian. " Nay, what had
' Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. pp. 5 — 7 ; Ludlow's Memoirs,
p. 78. '^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 419.
'^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 319. " Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 79.
* rarliamcntary History, vol. iii. cols. 513 — 616.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 235
become of us, if he had granted them ? " replied an
Independent/ On the iOth of August, a message
arrived from the Scottish Commissioners, offering to
evacuate all the places they occupied, and to withdraw
their army from England.^ The Lords voted that
their Scottish brethren had deserved well of the
country : the Commons would not join in tliis vote,
but, on the 14th of August, they passed an ordinance,
forbidding all persons to speak evil of the Scots, or to
print anything to their discredit.^ For a moment,
both parties, one of which had been disheartened and
the other delighted by the King's refusal, seemed
desirous only to regulate their interests and debates in
harmonious concert.
But the truces which prudence or spite may effect
between antagonistic passions are necessarily short-
Hved. The offer of the Scots to withdraw gave rise
to two questions : how the arrears which were due to
them, and which they had long been claiming, were
to be settled? and who was to have the disposal of
the King's person ? As soon as these questions were
mooted, the struggle recommenced.
On the first point, the Presbyterians gained an
easy victory : the demands of the Scots were, it is
true, exorbitant ; after deducting all that had been
already paid them, they still demanded nearly seven
hundred thousand pounds, exclusive of " the great
' Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltons, p. 283.
" Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 516.
^ Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. pp. 61 — 63. This ordinance
was carried in the Commons by a majority of a hundred and thirty
votes only, against a hundred and two.
236 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
losses of the kingdom of Scotland, sustained through
its engagement to England," the estimate of which
they left " to the consideration of the honourable
Houses."' The Independents protested, with bitter
irony, against so costly a brotherhood, and, in their
turn, prepared a detailed account of the sums levied
and exactions practised by the Scots in the north ;
according to which statement, Scotland was more
than four hundi-ed thousand pounds in England's
debt.^ But such recriminations could not be ad-
mitted, or even seriously discussed, by sensible men ;
the withdrawal of the Scots was evidently necessary ;
the northern counties clamorously demanded relief:
in order to induce them to retire, it was indispensable
to pay them ; for a war would have been far more
costly, and would have involved the Parliament in
much greater difficulty. The troublesome obstinacy
of the Independents appeared to be nothing more
than blind j)assion or party manoeuvre : the Presby-
terians, on the other hand, promised to make the
Scots lower their claims. All the wavering, or dis-
trustful, or reserved men, who belonged to no par-
ticular party, and who, more than once, from disgust
for Presbyterian despotism, had joined to give the
Independents a majority, ranged themselves, on this
occasion, on the side of their adversaries. Four
hundred thousand pounds were voted^ as the utmost
' Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. pp. 66 — 71.
^ Ibid. vol. XV. pp. 71 — 75.
'■* In four votes of 100,000?. each, voted on the 13th, 21st, and 27th
of August, and the 1st of September. Old Parliamentary History,
vol. XV. pp. 61. 65, 76.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 287
concession the Scots might hope to obtain ; half of
which was to be paid on their departure, and half at
the expiration of two years. They accepted the offer,
and a loan, on mortgage of Church lands, was imme-
diately negociated in the City, to provide the means
of payment.'
But when the disposal of the King's person was
brought in question, the position of the Presbyterians
became very embarrassing. Even had they desired
that he should remain in the hands of the Scots, they
could not venture to suggest such an idea, for it was
absolutely repugnant to the national pride. All
agreed in mamtaining that it was the privilege and
honour of the English people alone to dispose of their
sovereign ; and what jurisdiction could the Scots
claim to exercise on the soil of England ? They were
merely auxiliaries, paid auxiliaries, and, moreover,
men who evidently cared only for their pay ; let them
take their money and return home ; England neither
needed nor feared them. The Scots, on their side,
notwithstanding their desire to avoid a rupture, could
not quietly endure such contemptuous treatment.
Charles, they said, was their King as well as the
King of the Enghsh; they had an equal right to
watch over his person and destiny ; and the Covenant
made it their duty to do so. The quarrel became
very animated; conferences, pamphlets, declarations,
and mutual accusations, daily became more numerous
and vehement; the people, without distinction of
parties, daily expressed themselves more strongly
' lUishworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 376 ; HoUis's Memoirs, p. 6G.
238 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
against the pretensions of the Scots; national pre-
judices and antipathies rapidly revived; and the
avariciousness, narrow-minded prudence, and theo-
logical pedantry of the Scots daily became more dis-
tasteful to their more liberal-minded and boldly-
fanatical allies. The political leaders of the Presby-
terian j)arty, HoUis, Stapleton, and Glynn, weary of a
struggle in which they felt they were subject to
constraint and subordination, impatiently sought
means to bring it to a conclusion. They persuaded
themselves that, if the Scots surrendered the King
into the hands of the Parliament, it would become
easy to disband that fatal army, which was the sole
support of the Independents, and the true enemy of
both Parliament and King. They therefore advised
the Scots to yield, as the best way to advance the
interests of their cause ; and at the same time, influ-
enced, doubtless, by the same arguments, the Lords
gave their consent to the voie which the Commons
had passed five months previously — " That his Ma-
jesty shall be disposed of as both Houses of the
Parhament of England shall think fit."^
The Scottish Presbyterians, at least for the most
part, were quite willing to believe in the wisdom of
this advice, and to pursue it, as they were embar-
rassed by their own resistance, and could neither
abandon nor continue it satisfactorily. But the
King's friends among the party had recently acquired
* The Lords adopted this vote on the 24th of September, 1646. —
Piushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 329 — 372 ; Holhs's Memoirs, pp. 92—94 ;
Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 420 ; Baillie's Letters,
vol. ii. p. 257 ; Laing's History of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 369, 560.
AND TEE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 239
a little more boldness and power. The Duke of
Hamilton was at "their head ; he had been imprisoned
for tlu-ee years at St. Michael's Mount in Cornwall,
in consequence of the distrust with which his
wavering conduct had inspired the Court at Oxford,
and even the King himself; but when that fortress
fell into the hands of the Parliamentarians, he had
obtained his liberty, and had spent several days in
London, paying the most assiduous visits to the
influential members of both Houses ; after which, he
proceeded to Newcastle, where Charles had just
arrived with the Scottish army, speedily regained his
former favour, and, on his return to Edinburgh, made
the sincerest efforts to insure the King's safety/
Around him immediately rallied nearly all the higher
nobihty of the kingdom, and the moderate Presby-
terians of the burgher class ; all the sensible men who
were disgusted by the blind fanaticism of the mul-
titude and the insolent domination of the ministers,
and all the honest and timid men, who were ready to
make any sacrifice for the sake of a little repose. They
obtained the despatch of a new and solemn depu-
tation, who waited on Charles, at Newcastle, and be-
sought him on their knees to accept the propositions
of the Parliament. The earnest entreaties of these
suppliants, all of whom were his fellow-countrymen,
and nearly all companions of his youth, shook the
King's resolution : " Upon my word," he said to
them, " all the dangers and inconveniences which you
» Clarendon's History of tlxe Eebellion, vol. v. pp. 527, 528 ; Eush-
worth, part iv. vol. i. p. 327.
240 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
have laid before me, do not so much trouble me as
that I should not give satisfaction to the desires of
my native country, especially being so earnestly
pressed upon me. I desire to be rightly understood ;
I am far from giving you a negative, nay, I protest
against it; my only desire is to be heard, and that
you will continue to press those at London to hear
reason. If a King should refuse this to any of his
subjects, he would be thought a tyrant." On the
very next day, probably after fresh entreaties, he
offered to reduce the establishment of the Episcopal
Church to five dioceses — those of Oxford, Bath and
Wells, Winchester, Bristol, and Exeter ; and to allow
the Presbyterian system to prevail throughout the
rest of the kingdom, merely reserving liberty of con-
science and worship for himself and his friends until,
in concert with the Parliament, he had put an end to
all their differences. But no partial concession could
satisfy the Presbyterians ; and the greater his willing-
ness to yield, the more they doubted his sincerity.
His proposal was scarcely listened to. Hamilton, in
discouragement, talked of retiring to the Continent :
a report was spread, at the same time, that the Scot-
tish army was about to return home. The King
wrote at once to the duke : — " Hamilton, I have so
much to write, and so little time for it, that this
letter will be suitable to the times, without method or
reason. Those at London think to get me into their
hands, by telling our countrymen that they do not
intend to make me a prisoner. 0, no, by no means !
but only to give me an honourable guard forsooth, to
A\D THE EXGLISII llEVOLl TIOX. 241
attend me continually, for the security of my person.
AVherefore I must tell you (and 'tis so far from a
secret that I desire every one should know it) that 1
will not be left in England when this army retires,
unless clearly, and according to the old way of under-
standing, I may remain a free man, and that no
attendant be forced upon me on any pretence what-
soever." He therefore entreated Hamilton not to
leave the country, and ended his letter with these
words : " Your most assured, real, faithful, constant
friend."' Hamilton remained; the Scottish Parlia-
ment met in November, 1646, and its first sittings
seemed to indicate feelings of strong and active good-
will towards the King. On the 16th of December, it
declared that it would maintain monarchical govern-
ment in the person and descendants of his Majesty, as
well as his just rights to the crown of England ; and
that instructions should be sent to the Scottish Com-
missioners in London to make arrangements for the
King to repair thither with honour, safety, and
liberty. But on the next day, the Standing Com-
mittee of the Greneral Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church addressed a public remonstrance to the Parlia-
ment, accusing it of listening to perfidious counsels,
and complaining that it imperilled the union between
the two kingdoms, the only hope of true believers, in
order to serve a prince who obstinately rejected the
Covenant of Christ.^ Against such intervention,
' The letter is dated September 26, 1646. — Rushworth, part iv. vol. i.
pp. 327—329.
" Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 390 ; Laing's History of Scotland,
vol. iii. pp. 364—368.
VOL. II. R
242 HISTORY OF CHARLER THE FIRST
Hamilton and his friends were powerless. The docile
Parliament retracted its previous vote, and all that
the moderate men could obtain was, that new efforts
should be made to induce the King to accept the
propositions. Charles, in his turn, replied by another
message, demanding to treat in person with the
Parliament.^
At the moment that he gave expression, for the
fifth time, to this unavailing wish, the Houses were
signing the treaty which regulated the withdrawal of
the Scottish army and the method of its ^jayment.^
The loan opened in the City had been immediately
taken up : on the 16th of December, the two hundred
thousand pounds, which the Scots were to receive
before their departure, were enclosed in two hundred
boxes, sealed with the seal of both nations, packed on
thirty-six waggons, and conveyed from London under
an escort of infantry.^ Skippon, who commanded the
detachment, issued a proclamation that any officer or
soldier who should, either by word or deed, give any
just occasion of offence to any officer or soldier of the
Scottish army, should be immediately and severely
punished.* The convoy entered York on the 1st of
January, 1647, amid the firing of cannon from the
town to celebrate its arrival ;^ and three weeks after,
the Scots received their first payment at Northal-
' Rusliwoi'th, part iv. vol. i. p. 393.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 532 — 536.
^ Rusliwortli, part iv. vol. i. p. 389 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 533.
•» Whitclocke, p. 23C.
* Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. p. 217 ; Drake's History of
York, p. 171.
AXD THE ENGLISH REYOLTITTON 248
lerton. The King's name was not mentioned in tlie
course of this negociation ; but, on the 31st of
December, eight days after the treaty had been signed,
the two Houses voted that he should be taken to
Holmby House, in Northamptonshire;^ and his per-
son constituted so essential a part of the bargain, that
the Commons debated the question whether Commis-
sioners should be sent to Newcastle to receive him
solemnly from the hands of the Scots, or whether they
should merely require him to be given up, without
ceremony, to Skippon, together with the keys of the
town and the receipt for the money. The Inde-
pendents insisted strongly on the latter plan, as
they would have been delighted to humble the King
and their rivals, both at the same time; but the
Presbyterians succeeded in obtaining its rejection;^
and on the 12th of January, nine Commissioners,
three Lords and six Commoners,^ with a numerous
retinue, set out from London for the purpose of
respectfully taking possession of their sovereign's
person.*
Charles was playing at chess when he first received
information of the vote of Parliament, and of his own
approaching removal to Holmby House; he quietly
finished his game, and merely answered that, when
the Commissioners arrived, he would acquaint them
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 538.
2 On the 6th of January. — Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. p. 264.
=* The Earls of Pembroke and Denbigh, Lord Montague, Sir John
Coke, Sir Walter Earl, Sir John Holland, Sir James Harrington,
Mr. Carew, and Major-General Brown.
* Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. p. 265 ; Herbert's Memoirs,
p. 7.
R 2
244 HISTORY OF CHAr.LES THE FTRPT
with his pleasure.^ Meanwhile, the anxiety of those
about him visibly increased ; his friends and servants
sought help or refuge for him on every side — now
meditating his escape, and now endeavouring to
kindle a new insurrection in some part of the king-
dom.^ Even the populace began to show some com-
passion for his fate. A Scottish minister, who
preached before him at Newcastle, gave out the fifty -
second Psalm, beginning \\ath these words : —
" Why dost thou, tyraut, boast thyself
Thy wicked works to praise ?"
But the King rose up suddenly, and began to sing
the fifty-sixth Psalm : —
" Have mercy, Lord, on me, I pray,
For men would me devoui* — "
and the whole congregation, with one voice, joined
with him in the prayer.^ Ihit popular compassion is
slow to manifest itself, and long remains ineffectual.
The Commissioners arrived at Newcastle on the
23rd of January, and, on the 10th, the Scottish Par-
liament had officially consented to surrender the
King.'' " I am bought and sold," said Charles, when
he heard this.^ Yet he received the Commissioners
with apparent calmness, talked cheerfully with them,
congratulated Lord Pembroke on having been able, at
his age and in such inclement weather, to take so
' On the 15th of January. — Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltons
p. 307 ; Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. p. 278.
* Whitelocke, p. 233 ; Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. pp. 269,
307.
» Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 230.
•• Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 541.
•' Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 236.
AND THE ENGLISH KEVOLITION. 245
long a journey without fatigue, inquired into the state
of the roads, and seemed, in short, desirous to con-
vince them that he was glad to be restored to the
ParHament.' Before taking leave of him, the Scot-
tish Commissioners, and particularly Lord Lauderdale,
the most clear-sighted of them all, made a last effort
to induce him to sign the Covenant : " If the King
will adopt it," they said, " instead of giving him up to
the English, we will take him to Berwick, and obtain
reasonable conditions for him." They even offered a
large sum to Montreuil, who still acted as their inter-
mediary, if he could only obtain a promise from the
King." Charles persisted in his refusal, making no
complaint of the conduct of the Scots towards him,
but treating the Commissioners of both nations with
equal courtesy, and evidently striving to avoid any
manifestation of distrust or irritation.^ Tired at
length of their useless delay, the Scots took their
departure ; on the 30tli of January, Newcastle was
given up to the English troops ; and on the 9th of
February, the King left the town, under the escort of
a regiment of cavalry. They travelled slowly ; eager
crowds tlu-onged to see him as he passed ; persons
afflicted with the Kinoj's evil were brou<rht to him,
and ranged round his carriage or near his door, that
he might touch them. The Commissioners grew
alarmed, and forbade these gatherings;* but their
' Herbert's Memoirs, ]i. 8.
"^ Letter from M. de Montreuil to M. de Brieiiue, February 2, 1647 ;
ill Thurloe's State Papers, vol. i. p. 87.
^ Thurloe's State Papers, \ol. i. p. 87.
* By a declaratiou published at Leeds, on the 9th of February, 1647.
— Pai'liaiiienlHry History, vol. iii. col. 541).
246 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
efforts were unavailing, for no one was as yet accus-
tomed to exercise or fear oppression, and even the
soldiers did not venture to drive back tlie people too
rouglily.' Wlien near Nottingham, Fairfax, whose
head-quarters were in the town, went out to meet the
King, dismounted as soon as he perceived him, kissed
his hand, and then, remounting his horse, rode by his
side through the streets, in respectful conversation.
'' The General is a man of honour," said the King, as
he left him, " he has kept his word with me."^ And
on the ICth of February, on entering Holmby, where
a number of gentlemen and other persons from the
neighbourhood had assembled to celebrate his arrival,
he openly expressed his satisfaction at the reception
he had met with from his subjects.^
• At Westminster, even the Presbyterians felt some
disquietude at these expressions of public feeling ; but
their anxiety was soon banished by their joy at
finding themselves, at length, masters of the King's
person, and free to attack their enemies undisguisedly.
Charles arrived at Holmby on the 1 6th of February ;
and on the 19th, the Commons voted that the army
should be disbanded, with the exception only of a
sufiicient force to carry on the war in Ireland, to
garrison important towns, and to maintain order
throughout the kingdom.* The dismissal of Fairfax
' Herbert's Memoirs, p. 11.
* Whitelocke, p. 238. It is unknown to what promise Charles
alluded ; perhaps to a promise of meeting and talking with him as
Fairfax did.
^ Herbei-t's Memoirs, p. 11.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii col. 558. This motion was carried
by a hundred and fifty-eight votes against a hundred and forty-eight.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 247
from the command of the troojDS which were to be
retained was ahuost carried ; ^ but, though he was not
removed, it was resolved that no member of the
House should serve with him, that he should have no
officer above the rank of colonel under his orders, and
that his officers should all be required to conform to
the Presbyterian Church, and to adopt the Covenant.^
The Lords, on their side, to relieve, as they said, the
counties near London which were most devoted to the
popular cause, demanded that the army, until dis-
banded, should remove its quarters to a greater dis-
tance from the capital.^ A loan of two hundred
thousand pounds was opened in the City, in order to pay
the disbanded troops a portion of their arrears/ And
finally, a Special Committee, including Hollis, Sta-
pleton, Grlynn, Maynard, Waller, and nearly all the
Presbyterian leaders, was appointed to superintend the
execution of these measures, and, more particularly, to
hasten the despatch of the succour for which the un-
fortunate Irish Protestants had so long been waitino-.^
This attack was not unforeseen; for two months,
the Independents had felt their influence decline in
the House, as most of the newly-elected members,
who had at first voted with them on account of their
' This motion was rejected by a majority of twelve votes only — a
hundred and fifty-nine against a hundred and forty-seven, — Old Parha-
meutary History, vol. xv. p. 331 ; Whitelocke, [). 239.
2 This motion was carried by a hundred and thirty-six votes against
a hundred and eight. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 558.
3 On the 24th of March, 1647.— Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv.
p. 335.
■* lUishworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 449 ; Old Parliamentary History,
vol. XV. p. 348.
■'' Hollis's Memoirs, p. 75 ; Uushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 450.
348 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
dread of Presbyterian despotism, were now beginning
to turn against them.' "It is a miserable thing,"
said Cromwell, one day, to Ludlow, " to serve a Par-
liament ; to whom let a man be never so faithful, if
one pragmatical fellow amongst them rise up and
asperse him, he shall never wipe it off; whereas,
when one serves under a Greneral, he may do as much
service, and yet be free from all blame and envy. If
thy father were alive, he would let some of them
hear what they deserve."^ Ludlow was a sincere
republican, who had hitherto kept aloof from the
intrigues of his party, though he fully shared in its
passions ; he did not understand Cromwell's meaning,
and made no return to his advances ; but others were
more easily deceived and gained over. Cromwell
already had many able accomplices and blind tools in
the army : Ireton, who soon after became his son-in-
law, who had been bred to the bar, but was now
Commissary-General of the cavalry, a man of bold,
obstinate, and subtle mind, capable of pursuing the
most daring designs noiselessly and with deep crafti-
ness, though under an appearance of frankness and
rough honesty ; Lambert, one of the most dashing
officers in the army, a vain and ambitious man, who,
like Ireton, had been educated for the bar, and had
derived from his legal studies a fluent and insinuating
eloquence, which he loved to display before his
soldiers ; Harrison, Hammond, Pride, Eicli, and
Eainsborough, all of them colonels of tried valour and
popular reputation, and all personally attached to
' Hollis's ]\[einoir.s, {>. 74. '' Ludlow'.s Memoirs, p. 79.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 249
Cromwell — Harrison, because they had sought the
Lord together in devotional meetings ; Hammond,
because he had obtained for him the hand of one of
Hampden's daughters;' and the others, eitlier be-
cause they acknowledged the ascendancy of his genius,
or expected to rise with him, or simply obeyed him as
soldiers. By their means, Cromwell, although, since
the conclusion of the war, he had resumed his seat at
Westminster, maintained all his influence in the
army, and made his indefatigable activity felt even
during his absence. As soon as the question of dis-
banding was mooted, his friends were loudest in their
murmurs , to them, intelligence, hints, and advice,
were constantly sent from London, which they imme-
diately circulated throughout the army, privately
exhorting the soldiers to insist on the payment of the
whole of their arrears, to refuse to go to Ireland, and
not to allow themselves to be separated from their
comrades. In the meanwhile, Cromwell, in order to
disarm suspicion, remained inactive in London,
deplored the disaffection of the army from his place in
the House, and was lavish in his protestations of
devotedness to the Parliament.^
The first symptom of resistance was a petition,
which arrived on the 25th of March, signed only by
fourteen officers, and written in a respectful and con-
ciliatory tone.^ They promised to proceed to Ireland
as soon as ordered, and contented themselves with
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 489.
^ Hollis's Memoirs, p. 84 ; Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. p. 34 ;
Sir John Berkley's Memons, p. 39.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 560.
250 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
modestly suggesting that it would be advisable, first
of all, to pay their arrears, and to furnish those gua-
rantees which the troops had a right to expect. The
House replied to them with thanks, but haughtily
intimated that it became no one to give instructions to
the Parliament.' No sooner had their answer reached
the army, than a new petition was prepared, in much
firmer and more definite language. It demanded that
the arrears should be speedily liquidated ; that no one
should be forced to go to Ireland against his will;
that disabled soldiers, and the widows and children of
those who had fallen in action, should receive pen-
sions ; and that immediate supplies should be sent to
prevent the troops from becoming a burden on their
cantonments. The petition was drawn up in the
name, not of a few individuals, but of the entire body
of ofiicers and soldiers, and addressed, not to the
Houses of Parliament, but to Fairfax, the natural
representative of the army, and guardian of its rights.
It was read to all the regiments, and threats were
used to those ofiicers who declined to sign it.~
Upon the first intelhgence of these proceedings, the
Houses sent orders to Fairfax to prohibit them, de-
claring that all who should persist in such conduct
would be considered enemies of the State and dis-
turbers of the public tranquilhty ; and, further, re-
quiring certain of the officers to come to London to
give explanations.^
• Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 562,
^ Ibid., cols. 562—567 ; Wliitelockc, p. 240.
" This declaration is dated on the 30th of March, 1647. — Parlia-
mentary History, vol. iii. col. 567.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 251
Fairfax promised obedience ; Hammond, Pride,
Lilburne, and Grimes, went to Westminster on tlie
1st of April, and positively denied the charges
brought against them. " There was no petition read
at the head of each regiment," said Pride. It had
been read at the head of each company ; but the
House did not insist : it was enough, they said, that
the scheme was abandoned and disowned.'
The preparations for disbanding the army were now
resumed ; the loan opened in the City was taken up
slowly, and proved insufficient ; a general tax of sixty
thousand pounds a month was established to supply
the deficiency.^ The formation of the army intended
for Ireland was especially hastened ; all who were
wiUing to enlist were promised great advantages ;
Skippon and Massey were appointed to command it.^
Five Commissioners, all of them of the Presbyterian
party, proceeded to head-quarters to announce these
resolutions.
On the very day of their arrival, the 1 5tli of April,
1647, two hundred officers met in Fairfax's house to
confer with them. Lambert inquired who was to
have the command in Ireland. " Major-Greneral
Skippon and Major-Greneral Massey are named by
both Houses," was the reply. " If we had assurance
that Major-General Skippon would go," said Ham-
mond, " I doubt not but a great part of the army
would engage with him, such is the endeared respect
• Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. j). 444 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 80.
^ This ordinance, though proposed early in April, was not finally
carried until the 23rd of June following. — Rushworth, \ art iv. vol. i.
p. 582. The tax was voted for a year,
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 462 ; Holhs's Memoirs, p. 8L
252 HISTOKY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
and high esteem we all have of the worth and valour
of that great soldier ; but let us also have the General
officers, of whom we have had so much experience."
"Yes, yes!" cried the assembled officers; "Fairfax
and Cromwell ! and we all go." The Commissioners,
quite disconcerted, left the room, requesting all who
were willing to volunteer for Ireland to come to them
at their lodgings ; but only about twelve or fifteen
responded to this appeal.'
A few days after, on the 27th of April, a hundred
and forty-one officers addressed a solemn justification
of their conduct to the Parliament. " AVe hope,"
they said, "by being soldiers, we have not lost the
capacity of subjects, nor divested om'selves thereby of
our interests in the commonwealth — that in pur-
chasing the freedoms of our brethren, we have not
lost our own. For our liberty of petitioning, we hope
the House will never deny it unto us ; you have not
denied it to your enemies, but justified and com-
mended it in a special declaration. For the desire of
our arrears, necessity, especially of our soldiers, en-
forced us thereunto ; and we hoped that the desires of
our hardly-earned wages would have been no unwel-
come request, nor argued us guilty of the least dis-
content or intention of mutiny. But since the false
suggestions of some men have informed you that the
army intended to enslave the kingdom, we cannot but
earnestly implore your justice in the vindication of us,
as in your wisdom you shall think fit.""
' Rusliworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 4.57 ; Whitelocke, p. 24u.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 568 ; Rii.shworth, part iv. vol. i.
pp. 469—472.
A\D THE EXaLTSII REVOU'TIOX. 253
This letter liad scarcely been read to the House,
when Skippon rose, and presented another petition,
which had been brought to him on the previous
evening- by three private soldiers. In it, eight regi-
ments of horse positively refused to take service in
Ireland, on the ground that " they saw designs were
upon them, and many of the godly party in the
kingdom," and that " there was an intention to dis-
band and new model the army, which was a plot con-
trived by some who had lately tasted of sovereignty,
and being lifted up above the ordinary sphere of
servants, endeavoured to become masters, and were
degenerated into tyrants." At this personal attack,
the Presbyterian leaders, in equal surprise and irrita-
tion, required that all business should be suspended,
in order that the three soldiers might be brought to
the bar of the House and examined. They presented
themselves, with resolute countenances and unembar-
rassed demeanour ; their names were Edward Sexby,
William Allen, and Thomas Sheppard. " Where was
this letter got up?" inquired the Speaker. " At a
rendezvous of several regiments." "Who wrote it?"
" A council of agents for each regiment." " Are your
officers engaged in it?" "Very few of them know of
it." "Surely this letter came by promotion of
Cavaliers in the army : were you ever Cavaliers ?"
" We have been engaged in the Parliament's service
ever since Edgehill battle," said the troopers, and one
of them added : " When I was upon the ground, with
five dangerous wounds, Major-General Skippon came
by, and, pitying m}^ sad condition, gave me five shil-
254 HISTORY OF CnARLEP THE FTEST
lings to procure some relief; the General knows
whether I lie or not." " It is true," said Skippon,
looking with interest at the soldier. " But what is
the meaning of this clause, wherein the word ' sove-
reignty ' is expressed ?" demanded the Speaker. " We
cannot give a punctual answer, being only agents ;
but, if we may have the queries in writing, we will
send or carry them to our regiments, and return our
own and their answers."^
A violent tumult now arose in the House; the
Presbyterians were loud in their threats. Cromwell,
leaning towards Ludlow, who was sitting next to
him, said, " These men will never leave, till the army
pull them out by the ears."^
Anger, however, soon gave way to uneasiness : the
House had made an alarming discovery ; it no longer
had a few discontented soldiers to hold in check ; the
whole army had leagued together, was erecting itself
into an independent and, possibly, rival power, and
already possessed its own peculiar government. Two
councils, composed, the one of officers, and the other
of agents or agitators appointed by the soldiers, regu-
lated all its proceedings, and were preparing to nego-
ciate in its name. Every precaution had been taken
for the maintenance of this growing organization ;
each squadron or company elected two agitators :
whenever it became necessary for them to meet, every
soldier contributed fourpence towards their expenses ;
and the two councils were pledged to act always in
' Eushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 474 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 89 ;
Lucllow's Memoirs, p. 81 ; Whitelocke, p. 245.
* Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 81.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 255
common.' At the same time, a report was spread,
and not altogether groundlessly, that propositions had
been sent to the King by the army ; and that it had
offered to reinstate him in his just rights, if he would
place himself at its head, and under its protection.^
Even in the Parliament itself, on the appearance of
this new power, and in dread of its strength rather
than of its triumph, prudent men became timid ;
some of them left London ; others, like Whitelocke,
allied themselves with the Generals, and particularly
with Cromwell, who eagerly welcomed their over-
tures.^ The House resolved to try what could be
done by concession, and to conciliate the army by
means of its own leaders. Instead of the six weeks'
pay which had at first been voted, pay for two months
was promised to the troops which were to be dis-
banded ;■* an ordinance of general indemnity was pre-
pared, to cover all the disorders and illegal acts that
had been committed during the war ;^ and a fund was
set apart for the relief of the widows and children of
soldiers.'' Finally, Cromwell, Ireton, Skippon, and
Fleetwood, the four Grenerals who were members of
the House of Commons, and who possessed the confi-
' Eushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 485 ; Fairfax's Memoirs, p. 106 ;
Hollis's Memoirs, p. 89.
* At the beginning of April, propositions of this nature had actually
been made to the King by several officers ; but Charles rejected them.
— Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 3G5.
^ Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 249.
* On the 14th of May, 1647.— liushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 484.
■■' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 484, 489. This ordinance was
finally adopted on the 21st of May.
•^ Hollis's Memoirs, p. 91.
256 UTSTOEY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
dence of the army, were directed to restore liarmon}'-
between it and the Parliament/
A fortnight elapsed before their presence at head-
quarters appeared to have produced any beneficial
effect. They wrote frequently to the Speaker, but
their letters announced no progress : at one time, the
council of officers liad refused to give an answer
without the concurrence of the agitators ; at another,
the agitators themselves had demanded time to con-
sult the soldiers.^ Even under the eyes of the Par-
liamentary Commissioners, this hostile government
dail}^ acquired greater consistency and strength : but
Cromwell, nevertheless, continued to write that he was
exhausting his energies in vain efforts to appease the
army, that his own popularity had suffered greatly in
consequence, and that he would soon incur the sus-
picion and hatred of the soldiers.^ Some of the Com-
missioners at length returned to London, bringing
with them the same proposals and refusals which had
previously been made on the part of the army.*
The Presbyterian leaders expected this ; and, taking
advantage of the feeling in the House, which was
irritated at finding all its hopes disappointed, they
obtained in a few hours the adoption of more decided
resolutions. On the motion of Hollis, it was voted
that those troops which would not engage for Ireland
' They went down to head-quarters at Saffron Walden, in Essex, on
the 7th of May, 1647.
* Rnshworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 480, 485, 487 ; Huntington's Memoirs,
p. 12.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol, v. p. 43.5.
* Rnshworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 491.
AND TIIK EXGLIPH REYOLFTION. 257
should be immediately disbanded ; and the time,
place, and means, indeed, all the details of this mea-
sure, were arranged. The various corps were to be
dissolved suddenly and separately, each in its own
quarters, almost at the same moment, or at very short
intervals, that they might neither concert a plan of
resistance or assemble together. The money neces-
sary for carrying out this operation was forwarded to
different points ; and Commissioners, all of them Pres-
byterians, were sent to superintend its execution.'
They found the army in a state of the most violent
confusion. Aware of the blow which threatened them,
most of the regiments had mutinied ; some, after
expelling the officers whom they distrusted, had put
themselves in motion, with flying colours, to join their
comrades ; others had entrenched themselves in
churches, declaring that they would not separate ;
some had seized upon the money intended for the
payment of the disbanded troops ; and all loudly
demanded a general rendezvous, at which the whole
army might make known its desires. A letter was
immediately despatched to Fairfax, in the name of the
soldiers, declaring that if their officers refused to lead
them, they would combine together to defend their
rights without them. Fairfax, in great grief and dis-
quietude, exhorted the officers, appealed to the soldiers,
and wrote to the Parliament ; but, though sincere,
he was powerless with all parties, and equally inca-
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 582 ; Piushworth, part iv. vol. i.
pp. 493, 494, 490 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 91. These resolutions were
adopted by the House of Lords, on the 22nd of May, 1647.
VOL. II. S
258 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
pable of renouncing popularity or exercising authority.
On the 29th of May, he convoked a council of war,
at which all the officers, with the exception of six,
voted that the resolutions of the two Houses were not
satisfactory ; that the army could not separate without
obtaining better guarantees ; that its quarters should,
in the meanwhile, be brought closer together ; that a
general rendezvous should be appointed to calm the
fears of the soldiers ; and that an humble representa-
tion from the council should inform the Parliament of
what they intended to do.^
Further illusion was impossible. After its authority
had been thus set at defiance, the Parliament could no
longer rely on its own resources *. to meet such enemies,
it needed other strength than the power of its name,
and other support than the majesty of the law. This
could be furnished only by the King on one hand,
and on the other by the City, which still continued
Presbyterian, and seemed hkely soon to become
Eoyalist. Some measures had aheady been taken
with a view to this contingency. With the consent of
the Common Council, the command of the militia had
been taken from the Independent party, and intrusted
to an exclusively Presbyterian committee ; ^ a more
numerous guard was stationed at the doors of the two
Houses ; and an additional sum of twelve thousand
pounds had been voted for its maintenance,^ while
numbers of Peformado officers, faithful survivors of
• Kiishworth, part v. vol. i. pp. 496 — 500 ; Parliamentary History,
vol. iii. cols. 584 — 588 ; Hollis's Memoirs, pp. 92, 93.
2 By an ordinance of the 4th of May, 1647. IJuKshwortli, part iv.
vol. i. lip. 472, 478. ^ Ibid, part iv. vol. i. p. 496.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 259
Essex's army, were allowed to reside unmolested in
the City. To the great grief of his party, Essex
himself was no longer Hving ; he had died suddenly
on the 14tli of September in the preceding year, on
liis return from a hunting-party, just at the time
when he was said to be preparing to make a decided
effort in favour of peace ; and his loss had seemed so
fatal a blow to the Presbyterians, that reports were
current of his having been poisoned by their enemies.'
But Waller, Poyntz, and Massey were still full of zeal,
and read}'- to declare themselves. As for the King, the
Parliament had reason to fear that he was less favour-
ably disposed towards it : twice,^ with the stern rigour
of theological animosity, they had refused to permit his
chaplains to visit him ; and two Presbyterian minis-
ters, Marshall and Caryll, solemnly conducted divine
worship at Holmby, though Charles invariably re-
fused to attend their ministrations.^ His most faith-
ful servants had also been removed from attendance
on his person ; ^ all attempts at correspondence with
his wife, children, or friends, were severely prohibited ; ''
and it was with great difficulty that even Lord Dun-
fermline, one of the Commissioners of the Scottish
Parliament, had obtained permission to visit him."
Finally, he had recently addressed to the Parliament
a detailed answer to the propositions he had received
' Old Parliamentary History, vol. xv. p. 97 ; Whitelocke, p. 228 ;
Clareiulon's History of the Itebellion, vol. v. p. 429.
■^ Oil the 19th of February and <sth of March, 1647.
^ ParHamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 557—559 ; Herbert's Memoirs,
p. 11. ■* Herbert's Memoirs, pp. 13 — 16.
■■* Piushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 453, 482 ; Herbert's Memoirs, p. 12.
« On the 13th of May ; Rushwoi-th, part iv. vol. i. p. 483.
260 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
at Newcastle, and more than a fortnight had elapsed
before any disposition was shown to take it into con-
sideration.' After all this vexatious rigour, a recon-
cihation seemed difficult. Meanwhile, the necessity
was pressing ; if the King had cause to complain of
the Presbyterians, he knew at least that they did not
desire his ruin. Even at Holmby, notwithstanding
the strict surveillance to which he was subjected, he
received all the honours usually paid to royalty ; his
household was maintained with splendour, and Court
etiquette was rigidly observed. By the Presbyterian
Commissioners who resided with him, he was treated
with the utmost deference and respect. They accord-
ingly lived on very good terms together : sometimes
the King would invite them to accompany him in his
walks, and sometimes he would play with them at
chess or bowls ; always treating them with attention
and politeness, and seeking their society."'^ Certainly,
Ifiought the Presbyterians, he could not fail to per-
ceive that the enemies of the Parliament were his
enemies also, nor could he refuse the only chance of
safety which was offered him. On the 20th of May,
the Lords voted that his Majesty should be invited to
take up his residence nearer London, at Oatlands
Hoase -^ the Commons, without positively joining in
the vote, intimated a similar wish ; the correspondence
with the Commissioners in charge of the King, and
particularly with Colonel Greaves, the commander
of the garrison, became active and mysterious ; and
' On the 12th of May ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cola 577—681.
* Herbert's Memoirs, p. 12.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 581.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 261
men had already begun to talk, in Westminster and
the City, of their hope that the King would soon be
reconciled to his Parliament, when, on the 4th of
June, news suddenly arrived that, on the previous
evening, he had been carried off from Holmby by a
detachment of seven hundred men, and that the army
now had him in its power.
In fact, on the 2nd of June, as the King was play-
ing at bowls, after dinner, on Althorpe Down, two
miles from Holmby, the Commissioners who accom-
panied him remarked with surprise, among the by-
standers, a stranger in the uniform of Fairfax's
regiment of Gruards. Colonel Greaves asked him who
he was, whence he came, and what news he brought
from the army ; the man replied with somewhat
haughty bluntness, as though conscious of his own
importance, but not a braggart. Soon afterwards a
report spread among the King's attendants that a
numerous party of horse was drawing near Holmby.
" Did you not hear of them ?" asked Greaves of the
stranger. " I did more than hear of them," he re-
plied, " for I saw them yesterday within thirty miles
of Holmby." This created great alarm ; all returned
at once to Holmby ; arrangements were made for
resisting any attack ; and the garrison promised to re-
main faithful to the Parliament. Towards midnight
a body of cavalry arrived under the walls of the place,
and demanded admission. " Who is your com-
mander?" inquired the Commissioners. "We all
command," was the answer. One of them, however,
came forward, the same person who had been seen
262 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
some hours before on Althorpe Down. " My name
is Joyce," he said ; "I am a cornet in the General's
Life Guard, and my business is to speak to the King."
" From whom ? " asked the Commissioners. " From
myself," he replied. The Commissioners laughed.
" It's no laughing matter," said Joyce ; " I came not
hither to be advised by you, nor have I any business
with the Commissioners ; my errand is to the King,
and speak with him I must and will, presently."
Greaves and Major-General Brown, one of the Com-
missioners, ordered the garrison to hold themselves in
readiness to fire ; but the soldiers had been talking
with the new comers ; the portcullis was lowered,
the gates were opened, and Joyce's troopers were
already in the court-yard, dismounting from their
horses, shaking hands with their comrades, and stating
that they had come, by order of the army, to take the
King to a place of safety, as there was a plot to
carry him off, conduct him to London, raise fresh
troops, and kindle a second civil war ; and Colonel
Greaves, the commander of the garrison, had, they
said, promised to execute that treacherous deed. On
hearing this, the soldiers shouted that they would
stand by the army ; Greaves disappeared, and fled in
all haste. After parleying for some hours, the Com-
missioners saw that they must abandon all hope of
resistance. It was now noon. Joyce took possession
of the house, posted sentinels in every direction, and
retired till evening, in order to give his men some
repose.
At ten o'clock he returned, and demanded to be
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 263
taken at once to the King. He was told that the
King was in bed. " No matter," he said ; " I have
waited long enough ; I must see him ;" and, with a
cocked pistol in his hand, he proceeded towards the
apartments which Charles occupied. "I am sorry,"
he said to the gentlemen in attendance, "I should
disquiet the King, but I cannot help it, for speak with
him I will, and that presently." He was asked
whether he had obtained permission from the Com-
missioners to speak with his Majesty. " No," he
replied ; " I have ordered a guard to be set at their
chamber doors, and I have my orders from those that
fear them not." They urged him to lay aside his
arms ; but he absolutely refused to do so. They
hesitated to admit him, and he became angry. The
King, awakened by the noise of the dispute, rang his
bell, and gave orders that he should be admitted at
once. Joyce entered, hat in hand, but still carrying
his pistol, and with a determined, though not insolent
air. The King sent for the Commissioners, and had
a long conference with him in their presence ; after
which he dismissed him, saying, " I will willingly go
with you^ if the soldiery will confirm what you have
promised me."
The next morning, at six o'clock, Joyce's troopers
were drawn up on horseback in the com't-yard. The
Kitig made his appearance in the doorway, attended
by the Commissioners and his servants. Joyce ad-
vanced to the foot of the steps. " Mr. Joyce," said
the King, " I desire to know what commission you
have to secm-e my person ?" "I am sent by authority
264 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
of the army," said the cornet, " to prevent the designs
of our enemies, which, if not prevented, might have
caused another war, and involved the whole kingdom
in blood again." " I know no lawful authority in
England," returned the King, " but my own, and
next under me, the Parliament. Have you nothing
in writing from Sir Thomas Fairfax, your General?"
" I have authority from the army," said Joyce, " and
Sir Thomas Fairfax is a member of the army." " I
am not answered," replied Charles ; " Sir Thomas
Fairfax, being your Greneral, is not properly a member,
but the head of the army." " At all events, he is
included in the army," said the cornet ; " but I pray
your Majesty not to ask me such questions^ for I con-
ceive I have sufficiently answered you already." " I
pray, Mr. Joyce," said the King, " deal ingenuously
with me, and tell me what commission you have."
"Here is my commission." "Where?" "Behind
me," he said, pointing to his soldiers. The King
smiled, and answered, "It is as fair a commission,
and as well written, as any I have seen in my life.
Your instructions are in fair characters, legible with-
out spelling ; a company of proper men, well mounted
and armed. But what if 1 should yet refuse to go
with you ? I hope that I may be used with honour
and respect, and that you would not force me to do
anything contrary to my conscience or my honour ?"
The soldiers shouted that they would not ; and Joyce
added, " Our principles are not to force any man's
conscience, much less your Majesty's." " Now, gentle-
men," said the King, " for the place you intend to
AND THE PJNGLISH REVOLLTION. 285
have me to ?" " If it please your Majesty, to Oxford."
" That is no good air." " Then, to Cambridge."
The King said he would prefer Newmarket, as " it
was an air that did very well agree with him." Joyce
consented, and the King was about to witlidraw, when
the Commissioners stepped forward, " Gentlemen,"
said Lord Montague to the soldiers, " we are here in
trust from both Houses, and desire to know whether
all the party do agree to what Mr. Joyce hath said ?"
" All ! all !" shouted the troopers. " All that are
willing," said Major- General Brown, " that the King
shoidd stay with us, the Commissioners of Parliament,
let them speak." " None ! none !" was the reply.
After this proof of their utter powerlessness, the Com-
missioners gave way ; three of them got into the car-
riage with the King, the others mounted on horseback,
and Joyce gave orders to march. ^
A messenger set out at the same moment for London,
bearing a letter from Joyce to Cromwell, announcing
the complete success of their enterprise. If he did
not find Cromwell in London, the letter was to be
dehvered to Sir Arthur Haslerig, and in his absence,
to Colonel Fleetwood. Fleetwood was the person
who received it -^ Cromwell was at head-quarters, with
Fairfax, who was filled with consternation when he
heard of what had happened. " I do not like it," he
said to Ireton. " AVho gave those orders?" " I
' Eushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 502, 513 — 517 ; Parliamentary His-
tory, vol. iii. cols. 588 — 601 ; Herbert's Memoirs, pp. 17 — 19 ; Ludlow's
Memoirs, p. 82 ; Clarendon's History of the Eebellion, vol. v. p. 437.
* Hollis's Memoirs, \). 97 ; Whitelocke, p. 250; Huutiugtoa's Reasons
for laying down his Commission, p. 4.
266 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
gave orders only for securing the King," answered
Ireton, " and not for taking him away from Hohnby."
" If it had not been done," said Cromwell, who had
just arrived from London, " the King would have been
fetched away by order of Parliament."^ Fairfax at
once sent Colonel Whalley with two regiments of
horse, to meet the King and take him back to Holmby.
Charles refused to return thither, protesting against
the violence to which he had been subjected, but really
very glad to change his place of confinement, and to
notice the prevalence of discord among his enemies.
Two days later, on the 7tli of June, at Childersley,
near Cambridge, Fairfax himself, with Cromwell,
Ireton, Skippon, Hammond, Lambert, Eich, and all
his staff, came to meet him. Most of them, following
the example of Fairfax, kissed his hand respectfully ;
Cromwell and Ireton alone stood aloof. ^ Fairfax pro-
tested to the King that he had had nothing to do
with his removal. " I'll not believe it," said Charles,
"unless you hang Joyce." Joyce was summoned.
" 1 told his Majesty," he said, "that I had not the
Greneral's commission. I had the commission of the
whole army. Let it be drawn to a rendezvous, and if
three or four parts of it do not approve what I have
said, I will be content to be hanged at the head of my
regiment." Fairfax said something about having him
tried by court-martial, but did nothing of the kind.
" Sir," said the King to him as he left him, " I
have as good interest in the army as you ;" and he
' Huntington's Reasons, pp. 4, 5,
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 445.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 267
repeated liis request to be taken to Newmarket.
Colonel Wlialley was sent thither with him, to guard
him against any further surprise ; Fairfax returned to
head-quarters, and Cromwell to Westminster, where
his four days' absence had occasioned great astonish-
ment.^
He found both Houses a prey to the most sudden
alternations of rage and fear, firmness and cowardice.
At the first news of the King's captm-e, the alarm had
been general; Skippon, whom the Presbyterians still
persisted in regarding as one of their own party, pro-
posed, in a lachrymose tone, that a solemn fast should
be ordained, to implore the Lord to re-estabhsh har-
mony between the Parhament and the army ; and in
the meanwhile it was voted, on the one hand, that a
large instalment of arrears should be paid forthwith ;
and, on the other, that the declaration in which the
first petition from the officers had been termed sedi-
tious, should be rescinded, and expunged from the
journals.^ Further information, by awakening anger,
restored some degree of courage to the Parliament : a
detailed account of the proceedings at Holmby was
received from the Commissioners ; it became known
that Joyce had written at once to Cromwell ; and
many even thought they knew exactly on what day,
at head-quarters, in a conference between several
officers and the principal agitators, and at the instiga-
tion of Cromwell, tliis audacious coup-de-main had been
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 545, 549 ; Herbert's Memoirs, p. 25 ;
Warwick's Memoirs, p. 299; Fairfax's Memoirs, p. 116.
^ On the 5th of June, 1647. — Parliameutai'y History, vol. iii. cols.
592, 597 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 105.
268 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
suggested and planned.^ When the Lieutenant-general
reappeared in the House, these suspicions were ex-
pressed ; but he vehemently repelled them, calling
God, angels, and men to witness that, until that day,
Joyce had been as unknown to him as the light of the
sun is to the child in its mother's womb.^ But Hollis,
Glynn, and Grimstone, firmly convinced of his guilt,
sought for proofs in every quarter, and were resolved
to avail themselves of the slightest ground for demand-
ing his arrest. One morning, a short time before the
House met, two officers came to Grimstone, and in-
formed him that, at a recent meeting of officers, the
question had been discussed, whether it would not be
well to purge the army, so as to leave in it none but
men in whom full confidence could be placed ; and
that the Lieutenant-general had said, " I am sure of
the army ; but there is another body that has more
need of purging, namely, the House of Commons, and
I think the army alone can do that." Grimstone
asked them whether they would repeat this statement
to the House. They expressed their readiness to do
so, and accompanied him to Westminster. The House
was sitting, and a debate in progress. As soon as he
entered, Grimstone moved the adjournment of the
debate, saying that " he had a matter of privilege of
the highest sort to lay before the House," involving
its very existence and liberties ; and he then accused
Cromwell, who was present, with a design to employ
the army to coerce the Parliament. " My witnesses
' On the 30th of May, according to HolHs's Memoirs, p. 96.
* Harris's Life of Cromwell, p. 07, note.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 269
are at the door," he said. " I demand that they be
admitted." The two officers were brought in, and re-
peated their statement. As soon as they had with-
drawn, Cromwell fell on his knees, burst into tears,
and, with a vehemence of words, sobs, and gestures,
that filled all beholders with surprise or emotion, he
poured forth a flood of pious entreaties and fervent
prayers, imprecating on himself all the curses of God
if any man in the kingdom were more faithful than he
was to the Parliament. Then, rising from his knees,
he spoke for more than two hours, of the Parliament,
the King, the army, his enemies, his friends, and him-
self; mingling all these topics together without the
slightest attempt at arrangement ; assuming by turns
a haughty and a humble tone ; sometimes verbose and
sometimes vehement, but making it his chief endeavour
to persuade the House that there was no reason for
alarm, no cause for anxiety, and that, " except a few
that seemed inclined to return back to Egypt," all the
officers and soldiers were devoted to its service, and
might easily be retained in its allegiance. In short,
his success was so great, that when he resumed his
seat, he had secured such an ascendancy for his friends,
that, " if they had pleased," said Grimstone, thirty
years afterwards, " the House would have committed
me and my witnesses to the Tower as calumniators." '
But Cromwell was too sensible to care for revenge,
and too clear-sighted to deceive himself as to the real
value of his victory. He perceived at once that such
scenes could not be repeated ; and on the evening of
' Burnet's History of his Own Time, vol. i. pp. 82, 83.
270 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
this great triumph, he secretly left London, and joined
the assembled army at Triploe Heath, near Cambridge;'
and laying aside the disguise, which he now felt it
impossible even for his hypocrisy to maintain any
longer, in his conduct towards the Presbyterians and
the House, he openly placed himself at the head of the
Independents and the soldiers.
A few days after his arrival, the army was on its
march towards London : a solemn engagement to
maintain their cause to the last, had been subscribed
by all the regiments. On the 14th of June, under the
title of An Humble Representation, they had sent to
both Houses, not a mere enumeration of their own
grievances, but an imperious statement of their views
on public affairs, the constitution of Parliament, the
election of its members, the right of petition, and the
general reform of the State. ^ Finally, to these unpre-
cedented demands, they added articles of impeachment
against eleven members of the House of Commons,^
who they said, were enemies of the army, and the sole
authors of the fatal errors into which the Parliament
had fallen respecting it.
The Presbyterians had expected this blow, and en-
deavoured to provide themselves with means of defence
against it. For a fortnight, they had used every effort
to curry favour with the city of London ; complaints
' On the lOtli of June.— Hollis's Memoirs, p. 99.
^ Piiishworth, pai't iv. vol. i. p. 564.
^ The eleven naembers wei-e — Denzil Hollis, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir
William Lewis, Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, Sir John
Maynard, Serjeant Glynn, Anthony Nichols, Major-General Massey, and
Colonels Harley and Walter Long, — JJushworth, part iv. vol. i. ]i. 670.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 271
had been made of the taxes on salt and meat — they
were abolished ;^ the apprentices had protested against
the suppression of religious holidays, and particularly
of Cliristmas, which had formerly been a day of enjoy-
ment all over England, — days of public recreation
were instituted in their stead. ^ A general outcry con-
tinued to be made against the rapacity of many mem-
bers, who had accumulated to their own advantage,
employments, indemnities, and profits on sequestra-
tions ; the Commons voted that no member of their
House should, in future, receive any lucrative office, or
gift, or assignment of the lands of delinquents; but
that they should even restore to the public treasury
the sums which they had already received, and that
their estates should be subjected to the common law
with respect to the payment of their debts. ^ Finally,
the committee wliich had been appointed to receive the
complaints of private individuals against members of
the House, had fallen into desuetude ; it was restored
to vigorous operation/
But that time had now arrived when concessions
only serve to prove distress, and parties acknowledge
their faults only to expiate them. The citizens de-
tested, but feared, the Independents ; while, notwith-
standing their attachment to the Presbyterian leaders,
they regarded them with neither respect nor confidence,
' On the lltli and 25th of June. — Whitelocke, p. 252; Rushwoi'th,
part iv. vol. i. j). 592.
^ On the 8th of June. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 594 ;
Whitelocke, p. 239, 251 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 460, 548.
^ On the 10th of June.— Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 603 ;
Whitelocke, p. 252.
■* On the 3rd of June. — Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 500.
272 HISTORY OF CHAKLES THE FIRST
as unpopular and vanquished patrons. For a short
time, these measures appeared to produce some effect ;
the Common Council declared its firm intention to
stand by the Parliament ;^ some squadrons of cavalry
were formed among the citizens ; the militia was re-
cruited ; and crowds of Eeformado officers sent offers of
service to Massey, Waller, and HoUis. Preparations
of defence were made round London;^ on the 11th of
June, the Houses voted that the army should be called
upon to retire, and to surrender the King to their Com-
missioners, and that his Majesty should be invited to
take up his residence at Eichmond, under the protec-
tion of the Parhament alone. ^ But the army still con-
tinued to advance. Fairfax wrote in its name to the
Common Council, to complain that recruits were being
raised by its permission/ The Council sent an un-
meaning apology, alleging fear as an excuse for its
conduct, and protesting that if the army would retire,
or consent to remain quartered at a distance of forty
miles from London, all dissensions would quickly cease.'
Fairfax replied that this answer had come too late,
that his head-quarters were abeady established at St.
Alban's, and that a month's pay was absolutely indis-
pensable.'' The Parliament granted the pay, and in-
« On the 10th of June. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 601 ;
Whitelocke, p. 251.
2 Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 552 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 614, ^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 614.
" On the 11th and 14th of June.— Ibid. vol. iii. cols. 608, 628.
* On the 12th and 15th of June. — Ibid. vol. iii. col. 630 ; Rushworth,
part iv. vol. i. p. 557.
« Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 500 ; ParUamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 613.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 273
sisted on a retrograde movement/ The army de-
manded that, first of all, the eleven members who were
hostile to its interests, should be expelled from Parlia-
ment.^ The Commons could not consent to deal them-
selves so fatal a blow with their own hands : the matter
had already been discussed on several occasions ; and a
majority had always replied that a vague accusation,
with no facts to support the charge, and no proofs to
establish the facts, could not be allowed to deprive
members of Parliament of their rights.^ In answer,
the army stated that the original accusation against
Lord Strafford had been equally vague and general ;
and that, as the House had done in that case, it would
be ready to furnish proofs as the trial advanced.* And
it continued its march. On the 26th of June, its head-
quarters were at Uxbridge. The City sent commis-
sioners to it, but in vain. The alarm increased every
day ; the shops were shut ; and the eleven members
were severely censured for an obstinacy fraught with
so much danger to both Parliament and City. They
at once understood this language, and voluntarily
offered to resign their seats. ^ This patriotic offer was
accepted with eager gratitude ; and on the very day of
their retirement, the Commons voted that the army
had their full approval in all it had done, and that
' On the 15th and 21st of June. — ParUamentary History, vol. iii.
cols. 631, 639.
* On the 23rd of June. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 640 —
650.
^ Hollis's Memoirs, p. 119 ; Parhamentary History, vol. iii. col. 653.
* Kushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 594.
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 654 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 124 ;
Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii., Appendix, p. 38.
VOL. II. T
274 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
they would provide for its support ; that commissioners
should be appointed to regulate the affairs of the king-
dom, in concert with delegates from the army ; that,
in the meanwliile, the King should be requested not to
come to Richmond, as he had lately been desired to
do ; and that, in no case, should he reside nearer
London than the head-quarters.' On these conditions,
Fairfax fell back a few miles, ond appointed ten com-
missioners to treat with those of the Parliament.^
At the time when the King was informed of these
resolutions, he was preparing to set out for Richmond,
in accordance with the wish of the Parliament, or, at
least, to endeavour to do so ; for, ever since the ex-
pression of that wish, he liad been subjected to the
strictest surveillance, and as he was dragged from
town to town in the train of the army, he found his
lodgings surrounded by numerous guards as soon as
he arrived at any halting-place. He loudly expressed
his displeasure at this treatment. " If any man
should hinder my going," he said, " now my two
Houses have desired me, it shall be done by force, by
laying hold of my bridle ; which, if any one were so
bold as to do, I would endeavour to make it his last
act."^ When he learned that the Houses themselves
were opposed to his departure, that they had yielded
all the army demanded, and were negociating with it
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 656.
■^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 596 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 661. The commissioners of the ai'my were — Cromwell, Ireton,
Fleetwood, Eainsborough, Sir Hardress Waller, Harrison, Rich, Ham-
mond, Lambert, and Desborough.
^ Huntington's Reasons for laying down his Commission, p. 5.
AND THE EXGLTRH KE VOLITION. 275
as with a conqueror, lie smiled disdainfully at this
humiliation of his first adversaries, and hastened to
give another direction to his intrigues. With the
exception of the measm'es which had been taken to
prevent any attempt at escape, he had no cause to
complain of the army ; the officers were quite as
respectful, and far more yielding in their behaviour
towards him, than the Parliamentary Commissioners
had been. Two of his chaplains, Drs. Sheldon and
Hammond, had been permitted to reside with him,
and to conduct Divine worship according to the
Anglican ritual, without molestation. His old ser-
vants, and even Cavaliers who had recently borne
arms in his cause, were no longer indiscriminately
banished from his presence ; the Duke of Richmond,
the Earl of Southampton, and the Marquis of Hert-
ford, obtained leave to visit him ; for the leaders of
the army took delight in thus exhibiting their gene-
rosity and power to eminent Royalist noblemen ; and
even in the lower ranks, the military spirit shrank
from those subtle precautions and annoying severities
from w^hich the King had so frequently suffered at
Newcastle and Holmby.^ Since the surrender of
Oxford, his youngest children, the Duke of York, the
Princess Elizabeth, and the Duke of Grioucester, had
resided either at St. James's Palace or Sion House,
near London, under the care of the Earl of North-
umberland, to whose keeping the Parliament had in-
trusted them. Charles expressed a strong desire to
• Herbert's Memoir.s, p. 14 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
vol. V. p. 442.
T 2
276 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
see them, and Fairfax at once urged liis request in an
official letter to botli Houses : " Who," he said, " if
they can imasrine it to be their own case, cannot but
be sorry if his Majesty's natural affection to his
children, in so small a thing, should not be complied
with?"^ The interview took place at Maidenhead,
on the 15th of July, in the presence of an immense
concourse of people, who strewed evergreens and
flowers along the roads by which the royal family
were to pass ; and, far from feeling any anger or
suspicion, the officers and soldiers, moved, hke the
populace, by a father's joy at the sight of his children,
made no objection to his taking them to Caversham,
where he then resided, and keeping them with him
for two days.^ Some of them, however, and par-
ticularly Cromwell and Ireton, who were too clear-
sighted to imagine that their struggle with the Pres-
byterians was at an end, and their victory secure, were
filled with anxiety for the future, and, on carefully
calculating all the chances, put it to one another
whether the favour of the King, restored by their
means to his throne, would not be the best guarantee
for their party, and the surest means of fortune and
power for themselves.^
Rumours of this state of feeling, of the courtesy
with which the King was treated by the army, and of
the steps which some of its leaders were taking
towards a reconciliation with him, soon spread
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 679.
^ Kushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 625 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. v, p. 471.
' Huntington's Reasons for laying down his Commission, p. 7.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 277
through the country. Many even went so far as to
mention the conditions which had been offered to the
King, and pamphlets were cu'culated, some in praise,
and others in censure, of the Independent party. Its
leaders thought it necessary officially to contradict
these reports, and, in angry tones, to demand the
punishment of their authors.^ But their negociations
with the King were, nevertheless, continued ; many
officers were assiduous and respectful in their atten-
tions to him ; famihar, and almost friendly relations
sprang up between them and the Cavaliers, as be-
tween men wlio had fought honourably, and were
now desirous only to live in peace. The King him-
self Avrote to the Queen on this subject with con-
siderable confidence. Ere long, among the few exiles
who had accompanied her to Paris, or who had taken
refuge in Normandy, at Rouen, Caen, or Dieppe,
these new hopes became the topic of general conversa-
tion. Two men, more especially, endeavoured to
foster them, making it appear that they knew more
about the matter than they chose to explain, and that
no one could render the King such important ser-
vices, at this juncture, than themselves. One of
these, Sir John Berkley, had distinguished himself by
his valiant defence of Exeter, and had not surrendered
the town until three weeks before the King's flight to
the Scottish camp ; the other, John Ashburnham, had
left Charles only at Newcastle, and then from sheer
necessity, in order to escape from the clutches of the
Parliament : both of them were vain, intriguing, and
' Old Parliamentary Histury, vol. xvi. pp. 60 — 62.
278 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
talkative, but Berkley had most courage, and Ash-
burnham more craftiness and greater influence with
the King. Both of them — Berkley, by chance, and
Ashburnham, by order of Charles himself — had had
enough intercourse with some of the principal officers
of the army to believe themselves entitled to boast of
it, and able to turn it to advantage. The Queen
unhesitatingly believed all their assurances ; and, by
her command, about the beginning of July, they
both set out, at an interval of a few days, to offer
their services as negociators between the King and
the army.^
Berkley had no sooner landed than a Cavalier of
his acquaintance, Sir Allen Apsley,^ came to meet
him, with a message from Cromwell_, Lambert, and
some other officers, to assure him that they had not
forgotten their conversations with him after the
taking of Exeter, nor his excellent advice, and that
they were quite ready to profit by it ; they, therefore,
begged him to come to them with all speed. On re-
ceiving this message, proud to find himself of more
importance than even his own vanity had led him to
imagine, Berkley, without making any stay in
London, hastened to head-quarters, which ^were then
at Reading. Before he had been there three hours,
Cromwell had sent to apologize for not being able to
pay him an immediate visit ; and at ten o'clock on
the same evening, he called upon Berkley, with
Colonel Bainsborough and Sir Hardress Waller. All
' Berkley's Memoirs, pp. 12 — 16 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebel-
lion, vol. V. p. 447.
^ The brother of Mrs. Lucy Hutchinson.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 279
three made protestations of their good intentions
towards the King ; Rainsborough somewhat drily,
but Cromwell with great earnestness. " T have
lately seen," he said, " the tenderest sight that ever
my eyes beheld, the interview between the King and
his children. Never was man so abused as I was in
my sinister opinions of the King, who, I think, is the
uprightest and most conscientious man in his three
kingdoms. We of the Independent party have in-
finite obligations to him for not consenting to the
Scots' propositions at Newcastle, which would have
totally ruined us. 1 wish that Grod would be pleased
to look upon me according to the sincerity of my
heart towards his Majesty!" Moreover, he stated, all
the ofiicers were convinced that, if the King were not
restored to possession of his just rights, no one in
England would be able securely to enjoy his Hfe or
property ; and a decisive step on their part would, ere
long, leave his Majesty in no doubt with regard to
their true sentiments. Berkley was deUghted. On
the following day, he obtained an audience of the
King, and gave him an account of this interview.
Charles listened coldly, as a man who had already
frequently received such overtures, and either put no
faith in them, or desired, by his reserve, to obtain a
higher price for his belief. Berkley witlidrew in con-
fusion, but thought, not without some feeling of re-
sentment, that the King, who knew him little, might
perhaps have some prejudice against him, and that
Ashburnham, who was expected speedily to arrive,
would be more successful in persuading him. In the
280 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
meanwhile, he continued his negociations with the
army ; the officers came to him in crowds, and so did
the mere agitators — some of them were friends and
instruments of Cromwell, hut others distrusted him,
and warned Berkley to be on his guard ; " For," they
said, " he is one who will always make his advantages,
and he is resolved to prosecute his ambitious ends
through all means whatsoever ; for he not only dis-
sembles, but really changes his way to those ends, so
as he may be always the leader." Ireton, however,
Cromwell's most intimate confidant, appeared to
Berkley to deal honestly with him ; for he communi-
cated to him the propositions which the general
council of officers had in preparation, and even
adopted some alterations which he suggested in them.
Nothing so moderate had previously been offered to
the King ; they demanded that he should resign the
command of the militia and the right of appointing to
great offices of State for ten years ; that seven of his
principal counsellors should remain banished from the
kingdom ; that all civil and coercive power should be
withdrawn from the clergy, whether bishops or Pres-
byterian ministers ; that no peer created since the
commencement of the civil war should be allowed to
take his seat ; and that no Cavaher should be elected
a member of the next Parhament. " As we have pre-
vailed in the war," said Ireton to Berkley, " we must
make some distinction between ourselves and the
worsted." Moreover, these conditions, less rigorous in
themselves than those proposed by the two Houses,
were not accompanied by any obligation to abolish
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 281
the Episcopal Cliurcli, or to ruin nearly all the
Royalists by enormous fines, nor did they establish the
legal incapacity, as it were, of the King and his party,
during the pleasure of Parhament. The army, it is
true, demanded, on the other hand, new reforms which,
in reahty, were of a more serious character ; such as a
more equal distribution of electoral rights and public
taxes ; a great change in civil procedure ; the destruc-
tion of a host of political, judicial, and commercial
privileges ; and, in sliort, the introduction, into social
order and the laws, of many principles of equality
until then unknown. But, even in the idea of their
authors, these demands were not directed against the
King, or intended to diminish his dignity and power ;
and no one believed the royal prerogative to be in-
terested in the maintenance of rotten boroughs, the
scandalous profits of lawyers, or the frauds of debtors.
Berkley, therefore, considered these conditions far less
harsh than he had ever ventured to hope ; and never,
he thought, had a crown so nearly lost, been recovered
at so cheap a rate. About the 28th of July, he
sohcited and obtained permission to communicate
them to the King, before they were officially presented
to him by the army. His surprise was even greater
than at the first interview : Charles thought the con-
ditions very harsh, and said indignantly ; "If they
had a mind to close with me, they would never impose
so hard terms upon me." Berkley ventured to remon-
strate, and insisted on the danger of refusal ; but the
King abruptly broke off the conversation by saying,
" They cannot subsist without me, and, therefore, I
282 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
do not doubt but that I shall very shortly see them
glad to condescend farther, and accept more equal
terms." ^
Berkley was vainly endeavouring to discover a
reason for this confidence, when news arrived at head-
quarters that the most violent excitement prevailed in
the City, that Westminster was closely surrounded by
bands of citizens and apprentices, and that the Par-
liament might, at any moment, be forced to vote the
King's return, the readmission of the eleven members,
and other resolutions equally fatal to the army and its
partizans. During the last fortnight — and especially
since leave of absence for six months had been sent to
the eleven members,^ so as to deprive their friends
of all immediate hope, — symptoms of the most
menacing character, mobs, petitions, and tumultuous
cries, had preceded this outbreak ; it had been finally
occasioned by a measure which both parties regarded
as decisive. The Presbyterian Committee, which for
two months had had the command of the London
militia, was dissolved on the 23rd of Jul^-^, and the
Independents resumed possession of that important
branch of authority. The City could not consent to
allow itself to be thus represented and commanded by
its enemies ; in a very few hours, the excitement
became general ; a paper was posted up in Skinners'
Hall, containing an engagement to make every effort
to enable the King to return to London mth honour
» Berkley's jMemoirs, pp. 23, 25, 28, 30, 32.
2 On the 20th of July. — Parhamentary History, vol. iii. col. 712 ;
Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 628.
AND THK ENGLISH RKVOLU'I'ION. 283
and freedom, and it was instantly covered with an im-
mense number of signatures : on the departure of the
courier for head-quarters, copies of it were sent to
all parts of the kingdom ; the Eeformado officers made
common cause with the people ; and everything seemed
to indicate a movement as general as it was earnest.^
The army immediately resumed its march towards
London; Fairfax wrote a threatening letter in its name;
in both Houses, the Independent party, relying on its
support, declared all persons who should sign the
City engagement, to be guilty of treason. But the
threat came too late to restrain the pubhc excite-
ment. On the 20th of July, two days after this de-
claration was issued, numerous bodies of apprentices,
Reformados, and boatmen, thronged round West-
minster Hall, with loud and insulting cries, making it
evident that they had come to execute some audacious
pm'pose. On taking their seats, the Commons, in
alarm, ordered that the doors should be shut, and
that no member should leave the House without
permission. A petition arrived from the Common
Council, in moderate and respectful language, demand-
ing that the command of the militia should be restored
to the officers who had just been displaced, and informing
the Parliament of the irritation of the people, but in no
respect braving its authority. While this petition was
under discussion, the Speaker was informed that the
assembled multitude had another to present ; two mem-
bers went out to receive it ; it was read without delay,
and was found to express the same wishes as that of the
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 712 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. i.
p. 635 ; Whitclocke, p. 258 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 144.
284 HISTORY OP CHARLES THE FIRST
Common Council, in much less intemperate language
than had been anticipated. But the debate was pro-
tracted ; the answer was delayed ; the day was draw-
ing to a close ; the mob, instead of growing weary,
grew angry ; all the approaches to the House were
occupied ; and the noise of footsteps and voices was
heard in the hall. Shouts for admission soon became
audible, and the door was assailed with violent blows.
Many of the members drew their swords, and for a
moment drove back the intruders. The House of
Lords was in equal danger : some apprentices had
scaled the windows, and were throwing down stones,
quite ready to proceed to greater violence if they were
not attended to. The members still resisted ; but at
length the door of the House of Commons f^s broken
open, and forty or fifty of the most furious rioters
rushed in, with their hats on their heads, and the
most menacing gestures, exclaiming, " Vote ! vote ! "
The crowd pressed on behind them ; the House gave
way ; the obnoxious ordinance was rescinded, and the
command of the militia restored to the Presbyterian
Committee. The tumult seemed at an end ; the
members rose to depart : the Speaker had left the
chair, but a band of rioters seized him, and forced him
to resume his seat. "What further would you
have ? " he asked. " That the King be desired to
come to London forthwith." The proposition was
immediately put to the vote and adopted. Ludlow
alone opposed it by a loud negative.^
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 717 ; Eusliworth, part iv. vol. i.
pp. 640—644; Wliitelockc, pp. 260, 261; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 144;
Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 88.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 285
At this news, almost equal excitemeut prevailed in
the arm}?-, especially in the lower ranks, among the
agitators and soldiers ; the King was accused on all
sides of complicity and perfidy. Lord Lauderdale,
who had come from London to confer with liim on
the part of the Scottish Commissioners, was regarded
w4th so much distrust that, one morning, before he
was up, a body of soldiers abruptly entered his bed-
room, and forced him to leave immediately, without
revisiting the King.' Ashburnham, who had arrived
three days previously, excited great irritation and
suspicion by his disdainful insolence ; he utterly
refused to have any dealings with the agitators.
" I was always bred in the best company," he said to
Berkley, "and therefore cannot converse with such
senseless fellows ; if we can gain the officers over to the
King, there is no doubt but they will be able to com-
mand their own army, and, therefore, I am resolved
to apply myself totally to them;"^ and, in fact, the
Generals were almost the only persons whose acquaint-
ance he sought. But even among those officers who
had made advances to the King, several now began to
hold themselves apart. " Sir," said Ireton to him,
"you have an intention to be the arbitrator between
the Parhament and us, and we mean to be it between
your Majesty and the Parliament." ^ Feeling some
anxiety, however, at what had taken place in London,
they resolved, on the ist of August, to lay their pro-
positions officially before him. Ashburnham and
Berkley were present at the conference. Charles was
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 737.
* Berkley's Memoirs, pp. 32, 33. » Ibid. p. 15.
286 HTSTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
haughty and ungracious, Hstened to the propositions
with an ironical smile, and rejected nearly all of them
in brief and bitter words, as though he were confi-
dent of his own strength, and glad to give expression
to his displeasui'e. Ireton bluntly urged the matter
on him, saying that the army would make no further
concessions ; Charles interrupted him, and said, " You
cannot be without me ; you will fall to ruin if I do
not sustain you." The officers looked at Berkley and
Ashburnham with surprise, as if to ask the meaning
of this reception ; and Berkley, in his turn, attempted,
but in vain, by anxious glances to warn the King of
his imprudence. At length he went up to him, and
whispered, " Your Majesty speaks as if you had some
secret strength and power that I do not know of; and
since your Majesty hath concealed it from me, 1 wish
you had concealed it from these men too." ^ Charles
perceived that he had said too much, and hastened to
lower his tone ; but the officers, or at least most of them,
had already taken their resolution. Rainsborough,
indeed, who was more opposed than the rest to any
accommodation, had quietly left the room to proclaim
it through the army that it was impossible to put any
confidence in the King ; and the conference ended
listlessly and unsatisfactorily, as between persons who
could no longer agree with or delude one another.
The officers had but just returned to head-quarters,
when a number of carriages arrived from London, and,
to the great astonishment of the crowd, more than
sixty members of Parliament alighted from them,
' Berkley's Memoirs, pp. 34, 35.
AXD THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 287
headed by the Speakers of the two Houses, Lord
Manchester and Lenthall/ who stated that they had
fled from the fury of the populace, and come to the
army to seek Hberty and safety. The delight of the
soldiers was equal to their surprise : they had dreaded
a violent rupture with the Parliament, and now the
Parliament itself, its legal leaders and faithful mem-
bers, had come to them for protection. Both officers
and soldiers thronged round the fugitives, listened
with indignation to the narrative of the dangers and
insults to which they had been exposed, loaded them
with thanks and offers of service, and praised the
Lord for their patriotic resolution. Cromwell and his
friends alone feigned surprise ; for the last five days,
by means of their correspondents in London, and
particularly by the intervention of St. Jolin, Haslerig,
Vane, and Ludlow, they had been labouring to effect
this schism in the Parliament.^
Berkley hastened to communicate this melancholy
news to the King, and conjured him to write without
delay to the leaders of the army, to give them reason
to hope a better reception for their proposals, or at
least to rebut all suspicions, and lessen the ill effect
of their last interview. This, he said, was the advice
' This number is very uncertain. Hollis (p. 145) positively enume-
rates eight Lords and fifty eight members of the House of Commons.
Rush worth (part iv. vol. i. p. 750) mentions fourteen Lords, and about
a hundred members of the House of Commons ; and Whitelocke,
(p. 263) makes the same statement. When the names were called
over in the House of Lords on the 30th of July, twenty peers were
absent (Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 727). All the fugitives,
however, did not leave London simultaneously.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 723 — 731 ; Rushworth, part iv.
vol. i. p. 646 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 88.
288 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
of Cromw'ell and Ireton, who, on these terms, would
still answer for the friendly disposition of the army.
But Charles had also received news from London :
the riot had broken out with his full consent ; and he
w^as informed that, on the very daj of the departure
of the fugitives, the remaining members, who were far
m.ore numerous, had elected two new Speakers, Mr.
Pelham for the House of Commons, and Lord Wil-
loughby of Parham for the House of Lords ; that the
eleven excluded members had resumed their seats ;
and that the Houses, thus reconstituted, had imme-
diately given orders that the army should suspend its
march, that the City shoidd prepare all its means of
defence, and that Massey, Bro\vn, Waller, and Po}Titz
should raise regiments with all possible haste. The
ardour of the Londoners was, it was said, extreme : at a
meeting of the Common Council, thousands of appren-
tices had presented themselves, and sworn to do their
utmost in its defence, against any enemies, and in
spite of all risks. The inhabitants of the borough of
Southwark alone had expressed opposite sentiments ;
but when they brought their petition to Guildliall,
Poyntz, with some of his officers, had driven them
back so roughly, that it was not expected they would
venture to return. Money was being raised, and
cannon had been placed on the ramparts. Finally,
the King was formally invited to retm-n to London ;
and this request, after being proclaimed by sound of
trumpet through all the streets, was to reach him in a
few houi's, or at latest, on the following day.^
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. pp. 652 — 656; Parliamentary History,
vol. iii. col. 728 ; Whitelocke, p. 262.
A\D THE ENGLISH REYOLUTION". r289
The King told Berkley that he would wait, as
there would alwa3^s be time enough to write such a
letter. Meanwhile, a messenger arrived from head-
quarters ; new fugitives from Westminster had come
to join their colleagues ; others had written word
that they intended to retire into the country, and that
they utterly disavowed the pretended Parliament.
Even in London, the Independents, who, though not
numerous, were bold, had lost neither time nor
courage ; they obstructed, delayed, and weakened all
the measures that they could not positively prevent ;
the money raised was slowly turned to use ; Massey's
recruits were scantily provided with arms ; some Pres-
byterian ministers, Marshall among others, gained over
by the army, spread alarm and suggested compromise
wherever they went; and many honest members of both
the Parliament and the Common Council ah-eady wel-
comed every proposal of reconcihation, and rejoiced in
the hope of having the honour of restoring peace.
Finally Cromwell sent word to Ashburnham that,
within two days, the City would be in the power of
the army.^
Charles still hesitated : he assembled his most
trusted servants ; the letter was drafted, discussed, set
aside, and resumed; at length he signed it.^ Ash-
burnham and Berkley set out with it to head-quarters ;
on their road they met a second messenger, who had
been sent by two friendly officers to urge its imme-
' Berkley's Memoirs, p. 38 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 90 ; Whitelocke,
p. 263 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 148.
* On the 4th of August. — Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 753,
VOL. IL U
290 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
diate transmission ; and when they reached the camp,
'they found that the submission of the City had arrived
before them. On the 3rd of August, the fugitive
members had reviewed the army on Hounslow Heath
amidst the loudest acclamations ; and it was now
marching with them to London, in the certainty of
entering the City without any obstacle. The King's
letter and proffer of alliance were no longer of any
value to the conquerors.^
Two days afterwards, on the 6th of August, a
brilliant and formidable cavalcade proceeded from Ken-
sington to Westminster ; three regiments formed the
vanguard, and a fourth brought up the rear ; between
them rode Fairfax and his staff, with the fugitive
members in their carriages ; and behind them thronged
vast crowds of their partizans, eager to share in their
triumph. The road was lined by a double file of
soldiers, all with branches of laurel in their hats, and
shouting, '' Grod save the Parliament ! the free Par-
liament !" At Hyde Park, the Lord Mayor and
aldermen were waiting to congratulate the general on
the restoration of peace between the army and the
City ; but Fairfax scarcely vouchsafed them any answer
as he passed. Further on, at Charing Cross, the
Common Council also presented themselves in a body,
and met with an equally unfavourable reception. On
reaching Westminster Hall, it was found that the
Presbyterian leaders had either fled or hidden them-
selves ; Fairfax restored the patrons of the army to
their seats, listened modestly to their pompous thanks,
' Berkley's Memoirs, p. 39 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 750.
AND THE P^NGLISH REVOLUTION 291
heard them vote a month's pay for his troops, and
then went to take possession of the Tower, of which
he was at once appointed Governor.'
Two days afterwards, with Skippon in command of
the centre, and Cromwell heading the rear, the whole
army marched through London in serious silence and
the strictest order ; no excess was committed, no citizen
received even the slightest insult;^ the leaders were
anxious at once to quiet and intimidate the City.
Their object was fully gained ; on seeing the troops
pass on with such exact discipline and haughty bearing,
at once so docile and so dangerous, the Presbyterians
shut themselves up in their houses, the Independents
resumed undivided possession of power, and the timid
rallied confidently round the victors. The Common
Council invited Fairfax and his officers to a public
dinner : he declined the invitation ; but the only
resiilt of his refusal was to induce them to hasten the
completion of a richly-chased golden ewer which they
intended to offer him.^ A number of the apprentices
even came to present him theu' congratulations, and
he received them in solemn audience, as he was
dehghted to make it appear that the army had many
partizans among that formidable body.* The two
Houses, on their side, and especially the Lords, made
a great parade of servile gratitude : they voted, on the
' Rushworth, part iv. vol, ii. p. 756 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 736 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 169.
^ Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 90 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
vol. V. p 469 ; Whitelocke, p. 264.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 761 — 764; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 178.
* Rushwoi'th, part iv. vol. ii. p. 778.
u 2
292 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
6tli of August, that all that had been done in the
absence of the members who had fled to the army was
absolutely null and void, and did not need to be
rescinded/ This vote caused the Commons some
alarm; they were ready to revoke any act, and to
prosecute the authors of the riot which had caused the
secession ; but most of the members had remained at
Westminster, and had concurred in those very acts
which they were now called upon to declare abso-
lutely null, and they thrice refused to yield tliis point.^
On the next day, the 20th of August, a body of
cavalry encamped in Hyde Park ; picquets were sta-
tioned round the House of Commons, and at all its
approaches ; in the House itself, Cromwell and Ireton
supported the resolution of the Lords with arguments
and threats ;^ it was at length adopted ; and now
nothing was wanting to complete the triumph of the
army, for even those who had been brought into
subjection by it, joined in proclaiming the legitimacy
of its conduct.
After this great and facile success, the revolutionary
movement, which, even among the Independents, had
hitherto been restrained and regulated by the neces-
sities of the conflict, took free course ; all passions,
hopes, and dreams, grew bolder, and were manifested
with less reserve. In the higher ranks of the popular
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 745.
^ On the lOth and 19th of August, the proposition was rejected by
ninety-six votes against ninety- three, eighty-five against eighty- three,
and eighty -seven against eighty-four. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 756-773.
3 HoUis's Memoirs, p. 172; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 758 —
773 ; Whitelocke, p. 264.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 293
party, in the House of Commons, and in the general
council of officers, repubhcan schemes assumed a
positive and definite shape ; for some time previously,
Vane, Ludlow, Haslerig, Martyn, Scott, and Hutchin-
son, had scarcely attempted to answer when accused
of hostility to monarchy; they now spoke of it with
undisguised contempt : the sovereignty of the people,
represented by one sole assembly appointed by the
people, was the ruling principle of theii* actions and
speeches ; and in their private conversations, all idea
of an accommodation with the King, no matter on what
terms, was treated as treason. In the lower ranks both
of the army and people, the fermentation of the public
mind was no less general and intense ; unprecedented
reforms of every kind were demanded ; reformers
sprang up on every side, on whose impetuous desires no
law could impose respect, and to whom no obstacle
seemed insurmountable ; for they were all the more con-
fident and imperious, in projDortion to the profundity
of their ignorance and obscurity, and their pamphlets
and petitions daily hurled fresh defiance at all who op-
posed them. When cited before the judges, they called
in question the authorit}^ of the judges themselves, and
required them to leave seats which they had usurped ;
when attacked by Presbyterian ministers in the
churches, they dashed suddenly towards the pulpit,
tore the preacher from his place, and preached in their
turn, with sincere enthusiasm, though they artfully
turned their wild creed to the advantage of their
passions. No clear and complete doctrinal system,
no precise and general purpose, characterized this
294 HISTOKY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
movement ; and though these popular champions
were all republicans, their ideas and aspirations ex-
tended far beyond a mere revolution in the Govern-
ment ; they hoped to effect a change in society itself,
and to alter the mutual relations, manners, and feeHngs,
of the community. But in this respect, their notions
were crude and confused. Some spent their daring
in noisily promoting some important but partial inno-
vation, such as the destruction of the privileges of the
peerage or of the lawyers ; others were content with
indulging in some pious reverie, such as expecting
the speedy reign of the Lord. Some, under the name
of Rationalists, claimed absolute sovereignty for the
reason of each individual ; ^ others talked of intro-
ducing a strict equality of rights and property among
all men, and their enemies took advantage of this
circumstance to give them all the name of Levellers.
But neither this unpopular name, which they always
indignantly rejected, nor any other generic appellation
could properly be applied to them, for they neither
formed a sect devoted to any systematic behef, nor a
faction eager to attain a definite object. Whether
citizens or soldiers, visionaries or demagogues, an
earnest though unintelligent craving for innovation,
a vague instinct of equality, and a rude spirit of inde-
pendence, animated them all ; and, inspired by a blind
but disinterested ambition, and inexorable towards all
whom they deemed weak or selfish, they communicated
strength or alarm to all parties in turn, as all were
successively compelled to use and to dupe them.
' Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 40.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 295
No one had succeeded so well as Cromwell in his
treatment of them ; no one lived on terms of such
trustful intimacy as he did with these obscure but
powerful enthusiasts. Everything about him had
pleased them at first sight : — the irregular flights of his
imagination, his readiness to become the equal and
companion of the meanest friends, his mystic and
famihar language, the alternate triviality and enthu-
siasm of his manner, which passed in tmm for soldierly
frankness and heavenly inspiration, and even the supple
freedom of liis genius, which seemed to employ all the
resources of worldly ability in the service of a holy
cause. He had, accordingly, sought and found his
most useful agents among this class — Ayres, Evanson,
Berry, Sexby, Sheppard, and Wildman ; all of whom
were leading members of the Council of Agitators,
and always ready, at a word from the Lieutenant-
general, to raise the army against either Parliament
or King. Even Lilbui-ne himself, the most indomitable
and least credulous of these men, who had lately left
his regiment because he found it impossible to obey
orders, felt great confidence in Cromwell. " I have
looked upon you," he wrote to him on the 25th of
March, 1647, " as the most absolute, single-hearted
great man in England, u.ntainted and unbiassed with
ends of your own ;" and Cromwell had more than once
turned Lilbm-ne's courage to account, in his conflicts
with the Presbyterians. But when the ruin of the
Presbyterians seemed to be complete, when the Inde-
pendents had the King, the Parliament, and the City,
in their power, when all the revolutionary passions
296 HISTOKY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
and pretensions burst forth insatiably, blindly, and
ungovernably, — the position of the leaders of the
victorious party, and particularly of Cromwell, who
was already the object of universal attention, soon
became affected. In their turn, they incuiTed suspicion
and felt alarm. Many of their friends had viewed
with disapprobation the negociations which had been
commenced with the King ; necessity alone, the danger
of falling beneath the sway of the Presbyterians, had
overcome their repugnance, and silenced their distrust.
But now all necessity had disappeared ; the Lord had
dehvered all their enemies into the hands of His
servants. Yet, instead of securing and completmg
the triumph of His cause, they continued to hve on
friendly terms, and even to treat, with the delinquents.
The first and most guilty of all, the man on whose
head some voices had, two years before,^ called down
pubhc vengeance, and who lately, in his insane pride,
had rejected propositions which, perhaps, ought never
to have been presented to him — the King, far from
having lost anything by the late events, had almost
recovered his former power and splendour. By the
consent of the Generals, he had taken up his abode in
his palace of Hampton Court, on the 24th of August ;
and there he was still served with idolatrous pomp,
and surrounded by a court more arrogant than ever.
His former advisers, Eichmond, Hertford, Capel, and
Southampton, had hastened to rejoin him, as though
' As early as the month of May, 1646, sevei'al Independents de-
manded that the King should be punished as the greatest delinquent.
— Bailhe's Letters, vol. ii. pp. 209, 213, 225.
AND THE ENGLISH REYOLLTIOX. 297
he had been on the point of resuming and exercising
sovereign power.' Ormonde himself, the most dan-
gerous leader of the Irish Eoyalists, who had recently
withstood the Parliament so boldly in that kingdom,
and hardly consen,ted to surrender Dublin in obedi-
ence to the King's orders — even Ormonde, on his
return to England, had been received by the General,
the Lieutenant-general, and nearly all the chief officers
of the army, with assiduous pohteness,^ and was allowed
free access to the King, with whom he was doubtless
meditating some fresh insurrection in Ireland. At
the same time, the King's most active confidants,
Berkley, Ashburnham, Ford, and Apsley, were con-
tinually passing to and fro between the Court and
head-quarters ; the doors of Cromwell and Ireton
were always open to them, whilst numbers of godly
men were unable to gain admission.^ Ireton and
Cromwell, in their turn, maintained a constant corre-
spondence with the King, either personally or by
their messengers ; they had been seen walking alone
with him in the park, and were known to be often
closeted with him. Even their wives, Mrs. Cromwell,
Mrs. Ireton, and Mrs. "WhaUey, had been presented
at Hampton Court, and the King had received them
with great honours.* So much familiarity was scanda-
lous ; so much parleying must be preliminary to
some act of treason. This language daily gained
ground among the repubhcans and enthusiasts, more
especially in the private meetings of the soldiers.
' Herbert's Memoirs, p. 27 ; Hutcliinson's Memoirs, p, 305.
« Whitelocke, p. 267. ' Berkley's Memoirs, p. 40.
* Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 40.
298 HISTORY OP CHARLES THE FIRST
From his prison in the Tower, where he had been
confined by the House of Lords, in order, if possible,
to stifle his inflammatory speeches and pamphlets,
Lilburne loaded Cromwell with the most violent
reproaches, in a letter which terminated in these
words : "If you shglit this as you have done all my
preceding addresses, the uttermost of my strength
and influence shall speedily be among you, to produce
such changes in your fortune as you little look for."'
Cromwell gave Httle heed to Lilbui-ne's counsels
and threats ; but they became formidable when backed
by the anger of many of his hitherto devoted ad-
herents. Though ready to plunge, often rashly, into
intrigues which promised a hopeful issue, he never-
theless had a keen and unerring instinct of dangers
and obstacles, and was always sure, whatever his aim
or passion might be, to look around him on every side,
to ascertain his true position, and to act accordingly.
He now requested Berkley and Ashburnham to visit
him less frequently, and begged the King to permit
him to act towards him with greater reserve. " If I
am an honest man," he said, " I have said enough of
the sincerity of my intentions ; if I am not, nothing
is enough."^ At the same time he went to the Tower,
paid Lilburne a long visit, talked earnestly of his zeal
for their common cause, vehemently insisted on the
danger of the least disunion, inquired what he in-
tended to do when he was set at liberty, and, on
taking his leave, promised to use his influence with
' The letter is dated on the 13th of August, 1647.
* Berkley's Memoirs, p. 42.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 299
the Committee to whom his complaint had been re-
ferred, to obtain liis speedy release.^
Lilbume was not set at liberty ; the Committee, of
which Henry Mai'tyn was chairman, even postponed
their report on his case; and Cromwell's dealings
with the King, though more reserved, were not less
active. Though free from the blind presumption of
his party, and harassed by ambition and doubt, his
mind was disturbed by the most opposite calculations
and anticipations, and he was unwilling thoroughly to
adopt or reject any plan. The success of the repub-
hcans appeared to him to be doubtful, and the desires
of the enthusiasts, chimerical; the disputatious and
passionate insubordination of the soldiers threatened
his o^vn authority ; his spirit revolted from disorder,
even while he promoted it ; the name of the King was
still a power, liis alliance a means of success, and his
restoration a chance of fortune : he kept this and other
possibilities in reserve, ready to abandon any one of
them for a better, pushing his own advancement by
all means, and daily turning towards that course of
action which seemed to promise the greatest and most
immediate success. The King, on his side, well aware
of the state of feehng in the Parhament and araiy,
gave a new direction to his negociations : he now
addressed himself less to the dominant party than to
its leaders, and promised individual favours rather than
pubHc concessions. Ireton was offered the govern-
ment of Ireland; Cromwell was promised the chief
command of the army, the colonelcy of the King's
' Biographia Britaniiica, vok v. p. 2950.
300 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Guard, the title of Earl of Essex, and the order of the
Garter ; advantages of a similar nature were to be
conferred on their principal friends. Meantime, two
Royalists, Judge Jenkins and a Cavalier named Sir
Lewis Dives, who were prisoners in the Tower with
Lilburne, were constantly telling him of the treaty
which, they said, had already been concluded between
the Generals and the Court ; and by specifying its con-
ditions, they awakened his suspicions, and encouraged
him to spread them abroad. If suspected, such a
transaction would throw the republican party into
confusion ; if accepted, it would either secure the
King the support of the leaders, or deprive them, in
their turn, of all support.^
These manoeuvres could not escape the notice of the
two Generals : they had surrounded the King with
their spies ; Colonel Whalley, whose regiment had
been appointed to guard him, was Cromwell's cousin
and creature; the slightest incidents in the King's
life, his walks and conversations, the visits and pro-
ceedings of his counsellors, and the indiscretions of his
servants, were minutely reported to them;^ and they
more than once complained that reports from Hampton
Court, disseminated as it were by design, by destroy-
ing their influence with the army, disabled them from
serving the King in that quarter. Ireton particularly,
a man of sterner mind and less tolerant of falsehood,
was so much displeased, that he was on the point of
» Berkley's Memoirs, p. 40 ; Whitelocke, p. 269.
* In Kushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 795, will be found a letter from
Whalley, giving an account of the manner in which the King passed
his time, and of all that occurred at Hampton Court.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 301
breaking off the negociations. Tliey were, however,
continued; and soon even the public conduct of the
Generals seemed to confirm the suspicions of the sol-
diers. At the instance of the Scots, and in order to
give some satisfaction to the pacific portion of the
pubHc, the Parhament had decided, on the 27th of
August, that the Newcastle propositions should be
presented once more to the King ;^ and the Earls of
Lauderdale and Lanark, who had recently arrived at
Hampton Com-t, again conjured him to accept them,
and to unite with the Presbyterians, who alone were
sincere in their desire to save him.^ Alarmed at this
danger, Cromwell and Ireton redoubled their protesta-
tions and promises of fidelity to him, urged him to re-
ject the propositions of the Parliament, and to demand
that those of the army should be taken as the basis of
any new negociation ; and they promised to sustain
his demand by all means in then* power. " We will
purge, and purge, and purge," said L-eton, " and never
leave purging the Houses till we have made them of
such a temper as shall do his Majesty's business ; and
rather than fall short of what is promised, I would
join with French, Spaniard, Cavaher, or any that will
join with me to force them to it."^ Charles followed
the advice of the Generals; and on receipt of liis
answer,* a violent debate arose in the House of Com-
mons. The irritated Presbyterians would not abandon
then- propositions, and the enthusiasts demanded that
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols, 774, 775.
2 Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 478.
^ Huntington's Reasons for laying down his Commission, p. 13.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 777 — 779.
302 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
no further offers should be received or made. In
accordance with theii- promise, Cromwell and Ireton
urged that the King's desii'e should be granted, and
a treaty made between him and the Parhament, on
the terms offered by the army ; but this step, though
bold, proved unavailing, as both Presbyterians and
enthusiasts combined to defeat it/
The distrust and ill-feeling among the soldiers now
began to assume a menacing character; throughout
the cantonments of the army meetmgs were held,
sometimes tumultuously, and sometimes secretly ; the
words ambition, treachery^ and falseliood were every-
where heard in connection with Cromwell's name ; and
any unguarded expressions he had used were carefully
treasured up, to be commented upon with angry vehe-
mence. He had been heard suggesting the necessity
of putting an end to severities against the Cavaliers ;
he had said, " Now that I hold the King in my hand,
I have the Parliament in my pocket ;"^ and at another
time he had remarked, " Wliat a sway Stapleton and
HolHs had heretofore in the kingdom! I know nothing
to the contrary but that I am as well able to govern
the kingdom as either of them."^ Finally it was
Cromwell who, in the committee appointed to con-
sider Lilburne's case, had brought forward a thousand
little incidents to obtain his detention in prison.*
Lilburne formally denounced him to the agitators,
' Berkley's Memoirs, p. 44 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 81 ; Huntington's
Eeasons, p. 14 ; Commons' Journals, September 22, 1647.
* Banks' Critical Review, p. 83.
^ Huntington's Reasons for laying down his Commission, p. 14.
■* Biogi-aphia Britannica, vol. v. p. 2950.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 303
and enumerated all the offices wliicli lie and his adhe-
rents had engrossed.^ The agitators, in their turn,
petitioned the Parliament for Lilburne's liberation,^
and apphed to Fairfax for the release of four soldiers
who, they said, had been confined for merely speaking
in insolent and threatening language of the King.^
It was even proposed by Wildman, Lilburne, and
some others, to get rid of Cromwell by assassination.'*
No such attempt, however, was made ; but either on
this ground, or for some other cause, the council of
agitators itself incurred the suspicion of the soldiers ;
and it was said that the Lieutenant-general had spies
among its members who informed him of all that
occm-red. To escape this danger, several regiments
appointed, under the name of new agents, agitators of
a more reHable character, who were instructed to
watch traitors and to serve the good cause, in all
places and at any cost. Some of the superior officers,
and several members of the House of Commons —
Eainsborough, Ewers, Harrison, Eobert Lilburne,' and
Scott — placed themselves at the head of this insur-
rectionary movement; and the most violent faction,
thus separated from the general council of officers and
from the Parliament, began openly to proclaim their
maxims and designs.^
Cromwell became alarmed ; he saw disunion in the
' Biographia Britannica, p. 2949.
^ rtushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 790.
^ Ibid. pp.. 808, 811.
* Hollis's Memoirs, p. 185 ; Berkley's Memoirs, p. 44.
* The brother of John Lilburne, and colonel of an infantry regiment.
^ At the beginning of October, 1647.— Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 91 ;
Journals of the House of Lords, vol. ix. p. .52G-531.
304 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
army, while the RoyaUsts and Presbyterians were
eagerly watching for an opportunity to profit by its
dissensions ; and at the same time he found himself
attacked by men of inflexible resolution, who had
hitherto been his most faithful allies and his most use-
ful instruments. The King's intentions, too, daily be-
came more open to suspicion : "I shall play my game
as well as I can," said Charles to Ireton, who pressed
him to join them pubHcly ;^ and Lords Lauderdale and
Lanark, who were still assiduous in their attendance
on the King, promised him the support of a Scottish
army, if he would accept their alliance. The con-
ditions of the treaty, it was said, had already been
agreed on ; and even in Scotland, where Hamilton's
influence was superior to that of Argyle, troops were
marching towards the border.^ The Enghsli Cavahers,
on their side, Capel, Langdale, and Musgrave, were
secretly preparing to rise once more in arms. " Rest
assured," the King said to Capel, " it cannot be long
before there will be a war between the two nations,
in which the Scots promise themselves an universal
concurrence from all the Presbyterians in England.
In such a conjuncture, I wish my own party would
put themselves in arms, as otherwise I cannot expect
great benefit by the success of either."^ Meantime,
the position of the army, which was quartered round
London, became critical ; the City met all demands
for money to pay the troops, with the utmost apathy ;
- Memoira of Colonel Hutchinson, p. 305.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 478 ; Rushworth,
part iv. vol. ii. pp. 786, 810.
* Clarendon's History of the RebeUion, vol. -v. p. 477.
AXD THE ENGLISH REYOLUTION. 805
^nd the officers found it difficult to govern troops
whom the}^ were unable to pay.^ Pamphlets were
everywhere in circulation, containing the most damag-
ing revelations, both of the designs of the soldiers to
overthrow the King, and of the King's negociations
with the Generals. In vain had Fairfax demanded
and obtained the establishment of a rigorous censor-
ship;^ in vain had Cromwell represented to the City
the urgent necessities of the army ; in vain had he
displayed all the resources of reason and cunning, to
persuade the fanatics that they must curb their zeal
if ih.ej mshed to be paid by the moderate men, and
to convince the moderate men that, in order to check
the fanatics, they must pay them ;^ in vain, even, had
he obtained the appointment of several of his trustiest
adherents, among the new agents of the soldiers :*
his efforts produced no result ; his prudence even
turned against him ; he had contrived to obtain
sources of information and means of action in all
parties ; and, on every side, an impetuous and irre-
sistible excitement threatened to frustrate his calcula-
tions, and to ruin his influence. All his precautions
had ended only in involving him in increased diffi-
culties and dangers.
While in this state of perplexity, one of the nume-
rous spies whom he had at Hampton Court, even in the
* Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 804, 815, 829, 837—840 ; Whitelocke,
p. 272.
* By an ordinance of the ;30th of September, 1647. — Parliamentary
History, vol. iii. cols. 779 — 781 ; Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 799.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 883, 884.
* Huntington's Reasons, p! 15.
VOL. II. X
306 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
King's bedchamber, sent him word that, on that very-
day, a letter was to be sent to the Queen, explaining
the King's real intentions with regard to the army
and its leaders. The letter was sewn np in the skirt
of a saddle, and the bearer of it, who was not in the
secret, was to come with the saddle on his head, at
about ten o'clock at night, to the Blue Boar inn in
Holborn, where a horse was prepared to carry him to
Dover, from whence the letter was to be transmitted
to France. Cromwell and Ireton took their resolution
at once ; in the dress of common troopers, and
attended by one trusty soldier, they left Windsor,
and proceeded to the inn in question. On arriving,
they posted their man at the gate, and entering the
inn, called for cans of beer, and sat drinking for some
time. About ten o'clock, the messenger appeared,
with a saddle on his head ; their sentinel immediately
gave them notice of his arrival ; on which they went
out, sword in hand, seized his saddle on the pretext that
they had orders to search everything, carried it into
their room, cut it open, found the letter, and then
returned the saddle to the terrified messenger, telling
him good-hum ouredly that he was an honest fellow,
and might now continue his journey.
Their information proved correct; Charles had, in
fact, written to the Queen that both factions courted
him with equal assiduity, and that whichever bid
fairest for him should have him, but that he thought
he would rather close with the Scottish Presby-
terians than with the army. "Leave me to manage,"
he added, " I am better informed of all circumstances
AXD THE EXGIJSH RRVOLUTTOX. 307
than you can be ; but you may be entirely easy as to
whatever concessions I shall make them ; for I shall
know, in due time, how to deal with the rogues,
who, instead of a silken garter, shall be fitted with a
hempen cord." The two Generals looked at each other
in amaze ; and, with all their suspicions thus confirmed,
they returned at once to Windsor, feeling as determined
in their intentions towards the King as they were
certain of his views with regard to themselves/
It was full time that their conduct sliould cease to
be perplexed and doubtful ; for the irritation of the
enthusiasts was finding vent, and had thrown the
army into the most violent confusion. On the 9th of
October, in the name of five regiments of cavalry, one
of which was Cromwell's own regiment, the new
agitators prepared, under the name of The Case of
the Army^ a long statement of their suspicions, prin-
ciples, and wishes. On the 18th, this document was
solemnly presented to the General; and on the first
of November, a second pamphlet, entitled. An Agree-
merit of the people for a Firm and Present Peace, on
the ground of Common Right, was addressed to the
whole nation in the name of sixteen regiments. In
both of these pamphlets, the soldiers accused their
officers of treason and the Parliament of oppression,
exhorted their comrades to join them, and demanded
that the existing Parliament should be speedily
dissolved ; that, in future, no individual or body of
' This happened in the month of October. — Clarendon's State Papers,
vol. i. Appendix, p. 38 ; Forster's Statesmen of the Commonwealth,
vol. iv. pp. 229—232.
X 2
308 HISTORY OK CHARLES THE FIRST
men should share the sovereign power with the House
of Commons ; that it should be elected triennially ;
that the right of suffrage should be equally distributed
all over the land, with a due regard to population and
taxes, that no member of Parhament should be capable
of immediate re-election, and that no citizen should
be imprisoned for debt or forced to perform mili-
tary service, or be excluded from public employments
on account of his religion ; that the people, in the
counties, should elect all their own magistrates ; that
the civil laws, which extended equally to all, should
be reformed and recast in a single code ; and finally,
that certain rights, and particularly liberty of con-
science, should be proclaimed inviolable, and superior
to all human authority/
At this declaration of popular ideas and hopes, the
leaders were thrown into great disquietude. Many
of them, and those not the least sensible, although
hostile to the Court and to the Presbyterians, never-
theless regarded kingship and the House of Lords
as so powerful, and so deeply rooted in the institu-
tions, laws, and manners of the country, that the
establishment of a republic, when it was thus dis-
tinctly mooted, appeared to them only a dangerous
absurdity. Among the republicans themselves, the
majority, though sincere and daring in their views,
were far from sharing all the desires of the soldiers ;
some, who could now command the elections in their
town or county, were afraid of losing their influence
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 845, 859 ; Whitelocke, pp. 276, 277 ;
Godwin's History of the Commonwealth, vol. ii. pp. 445 — 450.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 309
by the adoption of a new system ; others, who had
purchased Church property, were alarmed to find that
the people were mdignant that it had been sold at so
low a price, and demanded that all such sales should
be annulled ; tlie lawyers, too, were anxious to retain
their old position and its profits ; and all earnestly
rejected the idea of a speedy dissolution of the House,
and the exposure of the Parliamentarian cause to the
risks of a new election. Their good sense, moreover,
revolted at the social unimportance, the insane mysti-
cism, and the arrogant insubordination of the reform-
ing soldiers. How was it possible to establish a
government, in opposition to both Royalists and
Presbyterians, with an ungovernable faction, so
insensate as daily to imperil the union of the army,
for its sole support ? Was it wise to attack, in fur-
therance of the wild reveries of obscure fanatics, all
the ancient and venerable institutions and rights of
the country ? And yet, throughout nearly the whole
of the kingdom, these same reveries had produced an
unprecedented excitement in the minds of the lower
orders ; all the noble but confused notions of absolute
justice, all the passionate cravings after equality of
happiness, which, though often dormant, are never
extinguished in the heart of man, now burst forth on
every side with blind and furious confidence ; and
even those leaders who refused to listen to them,
knew not how to answer them, for, in their souls,
they cherished the principles which prompted the
utterance of these desires.
Their first proceedings were consequently feeble and
310 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
undecided. Both Houses voted that the two pamphlets
were an offence against the government of the king-
dom, and that their authors should be prosecuted and
punished ; but at the same time, out of complaisance
to the republicans, they declared that the King was
bound to adopt whatever the Parliament might propose
to him.^ The general council of officers met at Putney
on the 22nd of October, invited the principal agitators
to join them, and directed a committee, of which
several agitators were members, to prepare a statement
of their demands with the least possible delay.^ On
the 2nd of November, the committee presented to
Parliament a series of propositions, embodying most of
these demands, but admitting at the same time the
title and essential prerogatives of the King.^ The
agitators protested against this ; and they were pro-
mised, that at an early meeting of the council, the
question of the continuance of monarchy should be
freely discussed. But, when the day arrived, Ireton
abruptly left the council, declaring that he would
never resume his seat in it, if such matters were so
much as ventilated by its members. The discussion
was postponed to the following Monday, the 6th of
November ; and either with a view still to evade it, or
because greater complaisance was expected from the
entire body of soldiers, it was agreed that the army
should be summoned to a general rendezvous, at which
it might give expression to its sentiments.^
' On the 6th of November. — Parhamentary History, vol. hi. col. 785.
'^ Rushworth, pai't iv. vol. ii. p. 849.
^'Ibid. p. 861.
* Clarendon's State Papers, vi^l. ii. Appendix, p. 41 ; Letter of several
AND THE ExNGLISH REVOLUTION. 311
But Cromwell, who had suggested this remedy, at
once perceived the danger with which it would be at-
tended. Each fresh debate would increase disunion in
the army ; and the more it was consulted, the more it
would neglect its leaders, and fall into anarchy/ In
order to make use of it, and even to save it, it was
necessary, without delay and at any risk, to restore
discipline among its ranks, and regain authority for its
commanders. Unavoidable conditions regulated the
attainment of this object. It was evident that the
soldiers, or at least the most active among them, the
leaders and fanatics, were determined to get rid of the
King ; that they would abandon, and even attack all
who appeared favom-able to him ; and that that man
alone would possess their obedience and command then-
strength, who should adopt their common resolution
on this point, and become the executor of their will.
Cromwell made up his mind. When the council met,
all discussion was forbidden ; the superior officers de-
clared that, in order to restore harmony in the army,
both officers and agitators must all return to their
regiments ; that, instead of one general rendezvous,
three partial meetings should be held at the quarters
of the principal brigades ; and that, in the meanwhile,
the council would suspend its meetings, and allow the
Greneral and the Parliament to act as they thought fit.^
At the same time, the King's position at Hampton
agitators to their respective regiments ; Godmn's History of the
Commonwealth, vol. ii. pp. 451, 452.
' Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 40.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 866.
312 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Court suddenly changed; his advisers, Richmond,
Southampton and Ormonde, received orders to depart ;
his iftost trusted servants, and among the rest Berkley
and Ashburnham, were withdrawn from attendance on
his person ^ his guards were doubled : and he was no
longer allowed the same liberty in his walks. Sinister
rumours reached him from every side ; it was stated
that the soldiers intended to seize his person, and re-
move him from the custody of the officers, just as the
officers had taken him out of the hands of the ParHa-
ment. Cromwell himself wrote in some anxiety on
this point to Colonel Whalley, either because he really
feared some attempt of the kind, or because he merely
wished to alarm the King, or more probably because,
with his constant anxiety to provide against all emer-
gencies, he was desirous stiU to deceive him as to his
intentions, and to feign a wish to do him service/
These changes and reports, the additional restric-
tions to which he was subjected, the rumours which
constantly reached him of treachery, unprecedented
designs, and even assassination — aU plunged the un-
happy Charles into a state of anxiety which daily be-
came more poignant. His imagination, which was
vivid and sensitive, although sombre, was deeply
affected by the alteration in his condition ; a bad day's
sport, an unpleasant dream, the extinction of his lamp
during the night,^ were all regarded by him as sinister
omens ; he beheved anything possible on the part of
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p 842 ; Hollis's Memoirs, p. 187 ; Hunt-
ington's Reasons, p. 15 ; Berkley's Memoirs, p. 48 ; Clarendon's History
of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 479 ; Hutchinson's Memoirs, p. 305.
* Herbert's Memoirs, ]). 88.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 313
his enemies, although his pride refused to believe that
they would ever venture to dare their utmost. He
was advised to fly, and the temptation was strong to
do so ; but whither ? how ? and with what help ? The
Scottish Commissioners offered to favour his escape ;
one day, while he was hunting, Lord Lauderdale sent
him word that he was close at hand with fifty horse,
and that, if he would join them, they would ride with
all haste towards the North. ^ But sudden resolutions
bewildered the King ; and besides, what asylum could
he expect to find in Scotland, which had already sold him
to his enemies, and where it would be no longer possi-
ble for him to reject Presbyterianism and the Covenant ?
He refused to go. Others recommended him to take
ship and retire to Jersey, where the facilities he would
have for passing to tlie Continent would force all par-
ties to treat him with consideration. But in reliance
on their secret promises, he stiU reckoned on the good-
will of the officers ; he flattered himself that their
coolness was only assumed and temporary, and that, at
the ensuing rendezvous of the army, they would crush
the agitators, restore discipline, and resume negociations
with him. He was unwilling to leave England until
this hope proved illusory/'^ Yet the idea of flight daily
became more familiar and urgent : he was told that a
German prophet had presented himself before the
council of agitators, announcing that he was sent to
reveal to them the will of heaven ; but that, when he
' Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltons, p. 324.
* Berkley's Memoirs, p. 47 ; Warwick's Memoirs, p. 307 ; Burnefs
Memoirs of the Hamiltons, p. 326; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 92.
314 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
mentioned reconciliation with the King, they refused
to hsten to him. By every possible means, Cromwell
insinuated to the King that he must fly. Some one,
it is uncertain who it was, recommended the Isle of
Wight as a safe and convenient place of refuge ; it was
close to the mainland ; its population was Royahst ;
and quite recently, Colonel Hammond, nephew of one
of the King's most faithful chaplains, had been ap-
pointed its governor. Charles paid more attention to
this suggestion than to any other, collected information
about the island, and even made some preparations for
flight.^ But he still hesitated, and sought reasons for
deciding on every side. An astrologer, named William
Lilly, was then famous in London ; and though he in-
clined towards the popular party, he refused predictions
and advice to none who would pay for them. The
King commissioned a woman, Mrs. Whore wood, to
consult him, on his behalf, with respect to the place to
which it would be best for him to retire ; and of a
thousand pounds which the King had lately received
from Alderman Adams, a devoted Eoyalist, Mrs.
Wliorewood obtained five hundred for her mission.
' This evidently appears from a narrative of the King's residence in
the Isle of Wight, addressed to Charles II., after his restoration, by Sir
John Bowring, an otherwise obscure man, who was busily employed at
this period in the secret manoeuvres of Charles I. I am surprised that
this little work, which, in spite of its errors, and though it was written
by a man whose sole anxiety was to magnify his own services, never-
theless contains many curious and characteristic details, should
hitherto have escaped the notice of historians. Mr. Godwin is, I
think, the only one who has mentioned it. It was taken from among
the papers of Lord Halifax, and printed in a small volume of Miscel-
laiiiefy, Historical and Philolor/ical (pp. 78 — 162), published in London in
1703. See also Rushworth, part iv. vol, ii. p. 951 ; Hollis's Memoirs,
p. 187 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 92.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 315
After solemnly consulting the stars, Lilly replied that
the King- had better retire towards the east, into Essex,
about twenty miles from London; and Mrs. Whorewood
hastened to Hampton Court with the answer.' But
Charles had not waited for her return : on the 9th of
November, an anonymous letter, written apparently by
a sincere friend, warned him that the danger was press-
ing ; that, on the previous evening, in a nocturnal
meeting, the agitators had resolved to make away with
him; and that the worst was to be feared if he did
not immediately place himself beyond their reach. ^
Another communication besought him to beware of
the guard, which, in two days, was to be posted in the
palace.^ Filled with dismay, Charles resolved on flight;
on the 11th of November, at nine o'clock in the even-
ing, leaving several letters on his table, and attended
by only one servant, William Legg, he left the palace
by a back staircase, and hastened to a small door lead-
ing from the park into the forest, where Ashburnham
and Berkley, whom he had informed of his design,
were waiting for him \vith horses. They directed
their course towards the south-west; the night was
dark and stormy ; the King alone was acquainted with
the forest, and served as a guide to his companions ;
but they lost their way, and it was daybreak before
they reached the little town of Sutton in Hampshire,
where Ashburnham had ordered a relay of horses to be
' Lilly's History of his Life and Times, p. 60 (London, 1715) ; Bio-
graphia Britannica, vol. v. -p. 2966.
^ Old Parliamentary History, vol. xvi. p. 328 ; Clarendon's State
Papers, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 41.
^ Berkley's Memoirs, p. 50.
316 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
prepared. At the inn at which they halted, a com-
mittee of Parliamentarians had already assemhled, to
discuss the affairs of the county. The royal party left the
place without loss of time, and rode in the direction of
Southampton, towards that part of the coast which lies
opposite the Isle of Wight, although the King had
not yet expressly declared to what place he intended to
go. When they reached the brow of a hill near the town,
Charles proposed that they should dismount, and con-
sult on what was best to be done. First, it is said, they
inquired about a ship which Ashburnham was to
have secured, but of which they had received no
intelligence ; then they proposed to go into the
western counties, where Berkley assured the King
he would find numerous and devoted friends ; finally,
they suggested the Isle of Wight as the most con-
venient course to pursue, which would put an end to
the perplexities of their position, and which, from the
route they had taken, the King had evidently resolved
to adopt when he left Hampton Court. But the
governor was not aware of their coming — could he be
trusted with security ? It was resolved that Ash-
burnham and Berkley should go into the island, and,
after sounding Hammond's fidelity, inform him of the
confidence about to be reposed in him by his sove-
reign ; and that the King should await their return
at Titchfield, the residence of the mother of the Earl
of Southampton. They parted ; and on the following
morning, the two Cavaliers landed in the island, and
proceeded at once to Carisbrooke Castle, the residence
of the governor. Hammond was not there ; he was
AND THE ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 317
at Newport, the chief town of the island, but was
expected to return that evening. Ashburnham and
Berkley rode out to meet him, and when they came
up with him, informed him, without preamble, of the
object of their visit. Hammond turned pale, the
reins fell from his hands, and his whole body trembled.
" Oh, gentlemen !" he said, " you have undone me by
bringing the King into this island, if, at least, you
have brought him ; and if you have not, pray let
him not come : for what between my duty to his
Majesty, and my gratitude for this fresh obligation of
confidence, and my observing my trust to the army, I
shall be confounded." They endeavom-ed to calm
him, pointing out the immense service he would
render the King, and the engagements which the
army itself had contracted towards his Majesty, and
' assuring him that if he were not of their opinion, the
King would certainly not force himself upon him.
Hammond continued to lament ; but when the two
Cavaliers, in their turn, appeared to distrust him, and
were on the point of withdrawing their proposition,
he manifested less irresolution, asked them where the
King was, and whether he was exposed to any danger,
and he even expressed some regret that he had not
suddenly and entirely trusted himself to his fidelity.
The conversation continued for some time in this
tone ; both parties were filled with anxiety, both
acted with craft, and both were almost equally afraid
either to break oif the negociation, or to commit
themselves. At length, Hammond appeared to yield.
" I believe," he said, " that his Majesty relies on me
318 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
as a person of honour and lionesiy, and, therefore, T do
engage myself to perform whatever can be expected
from such a person : let us go to the King, and
acquaint him with it." Berkley was still doubtful,
and wished to reject this proposal, but Ashburnham
accepted it, and they went off together. Hammond
was accompanied by only one of his captains, named
Basket. In a few hours, they reached Titchlield, and
on their arrival, Ashburnham went alone to the King,
leaving Berkley, Hammond and Basket in the court-
yard. On hearing, his story, Charles exclaimed,
" What ! have you brought Hammond with you ?
Oh, Jack ! thou hast undone me, for I am, by this
means, made fast from stirring." In vain did Ash-
burnham m-ge that Hammond had promised fidelity,
dwell upon the good feeling he had displayed, and
even adduce his hesitation as a proof of his sincerity.
The King, in despair, strode hurriedly up and down the
room, sometimes with folded arms, sometimes raising
his hands and eyes to heaven, with an expression of
the utmost anguish. Ashburnham burst into tears,
and offered to go down and kill Hammond. " No,"
replied the King, " it would be said that he ventured
his life for me, and that I unworthily took it from
him. It is too late now to think of anything but
going through the way you have forced me upon ; and
we must leave the issue to Grod." Meanwhile,
Hammond and Basket were growing impatient ;
Berkley sent word to the King, and they were
requested to go to him. Charles received them with
an open and trustful air. Hammond renewed his
AND THE ENGLISH REVOTXTION. 319
promises to a greater extent than before, though he
still spoke vaguely and with embarrassment. Night
was beginning to fall when they embarked for the
island. A report had already spread that the King
was coming, and many of the inhabitants went out to
meet him ; as he passed through the streets of
Newj)ort, a young woman advanced towards him, and
presented him with a red rose in full blow, notwith-
standing the severity of the season, and accompanied
the gift with a prayer for his Majesty's dehverance.
Charles was assured that the whi^le population were
devoted to him ; that Carisbrooke Castle was garrisoned
by only twelve soldiers ; and that, if he pleased, he
would always be able easily to escape. His fears
gradually diminished *, and on the following morning,
when, from the windows of the castle, he contemplated
the smiling aspect of both land and sea, when he
breathed the fresh air of the morning, when he found
himself treated by Hammond with every demonstra-
tion of respect, and enjoyed full liberty to ride about
the island, to retain his servants, and to receive
whatever visitors he pleased, a feeling of security
once more entered his mind ; and he told Ashburnham
that, after all, the governor was an honest man, that
he was, at all events, out of the reach of the agitators,
and that he believed he would have no reason to
regret having come thither.^
^ Berkley's Memoirs, p. 57 ; Herbert's Memoirs, p. 38 ; Ludlow's
Memoirs, p. 94; Clarendon's History of the Kebellion, vol. v. p. 491.
320 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
BOOK VIIT.
THE RENDEZVOUS AT WARE — CROMWELL SUPPRESSES THE AGITATORS, AND
AFTERWARDS RECONCILES HIMSELF WITH THEM — PARLIAMENT SENDS TO
THE KING, IN FOUR BILLS, THE PRELIMINARY CONDITIONS OF PEACE —
THE KING REJECTS THEM, AND SECRETLY TREATS WITH THE SCOTS —
THE PARLIAMENT DETERMINES TO DISCONTINUE NEGOCIATIONS WITH THE
KING GENERAL DISCONTENT AND REACTION IN FAVOUR OF THE
KING — EMBARRASSMENT OF CROMWELL AND THE INDEPENDENTS —
BREAKING OUT OF THE SECOND CIVIL WAR — CAMPAIGN UNDER FAIRFAX
IN THE EAST AND ABOUND LONDON, UNDER CROMWELL IN THE WEST,
UNDER LAMBERT IN THE NORTH — SIEGE OF COLCHESTER — THE SCOTS
ENTER ENGLAND — CROMWELIi MARCHES AGAINST THEM — BATTLES OF
PRESTON, WIGAN, AND WARRINGTON — CROMWELL IN SCOTLAND — THE
PRESBYTERIANS REGAIN THE ASCENDANCY IN LONDON — PARLIAMENT
RESUMES NEGOCIATIONS WITH THE KING NEGOCIATIONS AT NEWPORT —
CHANGES IN THE CONDITION OF PARTIES — THE ARMY REMOVES THE
KING FROM THE ISLE OF WIGHT — HE IS TAKEN TO HURST CASTLE,
THEN TO WINDSOR — LAST EFFORTS OF THE PRESBYTERIANS ON HIS
BEHALF — THE ARMY MARCHES TOWARDS LONDON — PURGING OF THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS — TRIAL AND DEATH OF THE KING — ABOLITION OF
KINGSHIP.
The Parliamentary Commissioners and the officers of
the garrison at Hampton Court waited until the
King appeared at supper, at the usual hour. Sur-
prised at not seeing him, they at last entered his
room, and only found there three letters addressed,
one to Lord Montague, President of the Committee,
another to Colonel Whalley, and a third to the
Speaker of the House of Lords. In this last, the
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTIOlSr. 321
King gave as the reason of his flight the plots of the
agitators, and his right to live in freedom and security-
like any other citizen. The two other letters were
merely written in order to express to Montague and
Whalley his appreciation of their attentions, and to
give directions with regard to the disjDosal of his
horses, his dogs, his pictures, and the small articles of
furniture that he had left in his apartments. Not the
shghtest indication, however, was given of his route,
nor of the place of his retreat.'
Grreat consternation was caused "at Westminster on
the arrival of this intelligence from Hampton Court,
and still more by a letter which, at the same time,
arrived from head-quarters at Windsor, written at
midnight, by Cromwell, w^ho also hastened to convey
the information.^ He had, therefore, been the first to
know it, before the House, perhaps before the King's
departui-e ; for a report had spread that the strict
surveillance of the garrison at Hampton Court had been
relaxed on the day of his flight, and even that the
sentinels had been withdrawn from the posts which
they had been accustomed to guard. ^ Letters from
Hammond followed soon after,* who informed the
House of the King's arrival, protested his devotion to
their service, and requested directions from them.
All fears were not, however, dissipated. Cromwell
also had received letters from Hammond, as if all the
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 786.
* P.vish worth, part iv. vol i. p. 871 ; Carlyle, Cromwell's Letters and
Speeches, vol. i. p. 314.
^ Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 94.
* November 13th, 1647. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 789.
VOL. II. T
322 HISTORY OP CHARLES THE FIRST
servants of the Parliament felt themselves bound to
give him information, and to consult him on every
occasion ; all which he reported to the House with a
gaiety which astonished even those who were least
suspicious/ for it seemed an alarming symptom of
some success, or some expectation, the nature of which
they in vain attempted to discover.
Scarcely two days had elapsed before he filled his
enemies with new and still greater alarm. On the
1 5th of November, the first of the three meetings ap-
pointed for the army, in order to put an end to its dis-
sensions, was to take place at Ware, in Hertfordshire.
Cromwell proceeded thither with Fairfax, and sur-
rounded by those officers on whom he could best rely.
Only seven regiments had been summoned that day —
those which had shown the least excitement, and among
which there seemed the greatest probability that dis-
cipline might be re-established. It was supposed that
their submission would intimidate, or their example
calm, the more passionate. But on their arrival on the
common at Ware, the generals found nine regiments
instead of seven ; Harrison's troop of horse, and Eobert
Lilburne's regiment of infantry, had come without
orders, and in a state of the most violent excitement.
The latter had expelled all its officers above the rank
of heutenant, except Captain Bray, who was in com-
mand of them. The soldiers all wore in their hats a
copy of " The Agreement of the People," with the
inscription, " England's freedom ! Soldiers' rights ! "
From time to time, as if seized by a common impulse,
» Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 503.
AND THE EXGLTSH REVOLUTION'. 323
their shouts re-echoed across the plain ; Rainsborough,
Ewers, Scott, and John Lilburne himself, who had re-
cently been allowed by the Commons to leave the Tower
every morning for the benefit of his health, galloped
about, going from troop to troop, encouraging the
most animated, reproaching the moderate with
cowardice, and repeating everywhere that, as the sword
was in their hands, they were in conscience bound
so to use it as fully and finally to secure liberty for
theu" country. In the midst of this tumult Fairfax,
Cromwell and their staff", advanced towards the quieter
regiments ; and there read to them, in the name of
the general council of officers, a calm and firm remon-
strance, reproaching the new agitators with their
seditious intrigues, and the dangers which, they caused
to the army, reminding them of the proofs of affection
and fidehty which their chiefs had given to them, and
the success that they had obtained under their com-
mand ; and promising moreover to support in Parlia-
ment the just demands of the soldiers, both for them-
selves and for their country, if they on their part
would sign an engagement to submit to the laws of
discipline, and to respect henceforward the orders of
their officers. Seven regiments received this address
with joyous acclamations. Fairfax then turned to-
wards Harrison's regiment. The troopers no sooner
heard his voice and his promises than they tore away
from their hats " The Agreement of the People," ex-
claiming that they had been deceived, and that they
wished to live and die with their general. Lilburne's
regiment only remained rebellious and violently agi-
Y 2
324 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
tated ; it had already begun to answer Fairfax's words by
seditious cries, when Cromwell advanced. " Take that
paper from your hats," said he to the soldiers ; the
soldiers refused ; he strode unceremoniously into their
ranks, pointed out forty of the most mutinous, and
had them arrested; a court-martial was held on the
spot, and three soldiers were condemned to death.
The council ordered that one should be selected by
lot, and that he should be shot immediately. The
lot fell on Richard Arnell, a vehement agitator, who
was accordingly shot at once before the regiment ; the
two others who had been condemned, were removed
with their eleven companions. Major Scott and
Captain Bray were also arrested ; profound silence
prevailed over the common ; all the divisions returned
to their quarters ; the two other meetings were held
without the least murmur, and the entire army seemed
once more under the control of its chiefs.^
But Cromwell did not allow himself to be deceived
respecting the uncertainty, and even the danger of
such a triumph. When he announced it to the
Commons,^ while the majority, delighted at the defeat
of the agitators, voted him their thanks, the Presby-
terian leaders did not disguise their coldness, nor the
Republicans their anger. Every success of Cromwell was
a matter of suspicion to the former, whatever might be
its apparent result, while the latter regarded his conduct
- Rushworth, part iv. vol. i. p. 875 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 791 ; Clarendon's History of the Eebellion, vol. v. p. 505 ; Mazere's
Select Tracts, vol. i. p. 33 ; Godwin's History of the Commonwealth,
vol. i. pp. 462—468.
2 November 19, 1647.— "Whitelocke, p. 279.
AND THE ENULISU REVOLUTIOX. 325
at Ware as a new proof of his treaclieiy. In the House,
Ludlow opposed the vote of thanks ;^ the preacher
Saltmarsh came up from the country, as he said, by an
express command from Grod, in order to declare to the
Generals that the Lord had forsaken them, since they
had imprisoned his saints ;^ and, indeed, as soon as
they had recovered from their momentary stupor, a
crowd of subaltern and non-commissioned officers and
soldiers, including nearly all the revolutionary agents
of the regiments, declared to Cromwell and Ireton that
no rigour or obstacle should induce them to abandon
their designs; that they were resolved to rid them-
selves of the King, and to establish a republic ; that
at the risk of losing all, they would divide the army,
two-thirds at least of which would follow them, and
prosecute their enterprise alone, rather than allow them-
selves to be put down. Cromwell bad no intention
of reducing them to this extremity ; he had merely
desired, by a signal example, to cut short the progress
of anarchy in the arp^y ; but he knew the power of
the fanatics, and even now thought only of reconcilia-
tion with them. Without pronouncing definitely in
favour of a republic, he spoke ill of the King to all
those who visited him, acknowledged that they were
right in expecting nothing further from him, confessed
that the glories of the world had dazzled even himself
for a moment, that he had failed to discern clearly the
work of the Lord, and to confide solely in His saints ;
and humbled himself before them, and entreated the
assistance of their prayers that he might obtain pardon
from heaven. Among others, Hugh Peters, an in-
' Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 96. * Whitelocke, p. 285,
326 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
triguing and loquacious enthusiast, took upon himself
to circulate widely his professions and avowals. Even
to the soldiers in prison, he sent comforting as-
sm-ances. Only Cromwell insisted, and that in the
most decisive tone, on the necessity of maintaining
union and discipline in the army, as the sole means of
success, and even of safety.^ Many believed his
words, which were always impassioned and energetic ;
others who were less blind, felt how great need they
had of liis genius, and even while doubting the sin-
cerity of his repentance, could not persuade them-
selves to reject it. Moreover, most of them acknow-
ledged that the agitators had acted too hastily, and
gone too far, and that the soldiers owed to their
officers more submission and respect. Eainsborough,
Scott, and Ewers confessed that they had been to
blame, and promised to act with greater prudence for
the future. A grand gathering at last took place at
head- quarters ;^ officers, agitators, and preachers passed
ten hours together in conversation and prayer ; com-
mon interests prevailed over individual rancour and
mistrust, without entirely destroying them : it was
decided that the prisoners should be set at liberty, that
Captain Bray should return to his regiment, and that
the House should be entreated to restore to Eainsbo-
rough the office of vice-admiral, of which he had been
deprived ;^ and a solemn banquet was held to celebrate
this reconciliation, which was purchased by the ruin of
the King.^
' Berkley's Memoirs, p. 73—75. « December 22, 1647.
3 Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 943 ; Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii.
Appendix, p. 44 ; Whitelocke, p. 285.
■* January 9, 1648.— Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 959,
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 327
In the meanwhile^ there arrived at head-quarters
Sir John Berkley, whom Charles, on learning the
issue of the meeting at Ware, had sent with all speed
to the Generals, in order to congratulate them on their
victory, and to remind them of their promises.
Berkley, though he conveyed letters not only from
the King, but also from Hammond, for Fairfax,
Ireton, and Cromwell, was nevertheless not without
some anxiety. He had met Cornet Joyce on his way,
who had expressed astonishment at his confidence, and
had told him that the agitators, so far from entertain-
ing any apprehensions, had drawn over the Generals
to their views, and were preparing to bring the King
to trial. On his arrival at Windsor, the council of
officers was assembled; he presented himself before
them, and delivered his letters to the General. He
was ordered to withdraw immediately. In about half
an hour he was recalled. " The General," says Berkley,
" looked very severely upon me, and, after his manner,
said that they were the Parliament's army, and, there-
fore, could not say anything to his Majesty's motion of
peace, but must refer those matters to them, to whom
they would send his Majesty's letters." Berkley
looked towards Cromwell and Ireton ; they saluted him
very coldly, and with a smile of contempt. He with-
drew quite amazed ; the day passed without his being
able to obtain any explanation, or to learn anything
more ; at length, towards evening. Commandant
Watson, one of the officers with whom he had pre-
viously been on the most intimate terms, sent word to
' Towards the end of the month of November.
328 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
him to be at midnight in a close behind the Garter
Inn, where he would meet him. Berkley then learned
what had passed, and what kind of spirit animated the
army. " You know," said Watson, " that since the
tumults of the army, we did mistrust Cromwell, and
not long after Ireton, whereof I informed you. I
come now to tell you that we mistrust neither, but
know them and all of us to be the archest villains in
the world ; for we are resolved, notwithstanding our
engagements, to destroy the King and his posterity ;
to which end Ireton made two propositions this after-
noon, one that you should be sent prisoner to London,
the other that none should speak with you upon pain
of death ; and I do hazard my hfe now by doing of it.
And, therefore, if the King can escape, let him do it
as he loves his life." Berkley then asked him Avhether
he should not endeavour to deliver his letters from the
King to Cromwell and Ireton ; he rephed, " By all
means, lest they should mistrust you had discovered
them."'
As Watson had foreseen, Berkley obtained from the
two Generals neither interview nor reply. Cromwell
sent liim his assurance " that he would serve his
Majesty so long as he could do it without his own
ruin, but desu'ed him not to expect that he should
perish for the King's sake." Su' John hastened to
communicate these sad tidings to the King, and
conjui'ed him to escape without a moment's delay.
Chai'les, perhaps, might have succeeded in so doing ;
a ship sent by the Queen had been cruising for several
' Berkley's Memoirs, p]). 69 — 75.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 329
days, it was said, about tlie island.' But a new
intrigue had rekindled liis hopes : after a warm debate
in the House of Commons, it had been voted^ that
four propositions should be presented to the King in
the form of bills ; and that, if he accepted them, he
should be admitted, as he had several times demanded,
to treat personally with the Parliament. The pro-
positions were : 1 . That the command of the sea and
land forces should belong for twenty years to the Par-
liament, with power to retain it even longer if the
safety of the kingdom should seem to them to demand
it. 2. That the King should revoke all his declara-
tions, proclamations, and other acts published against
the House, charging it with being an illegal and
rebellious assembly. 3. That he should annul aU the
patents of peerage granted since his departure from
London. 4. Lastly, that the Houses should be em-
powered to adjourn when and where they should think
£t. Charles, notwithstanding his distress, had no inten-
tion of giving his assent to these bills, and thus recog-
nising the legitimacy of the war which had brought
all his misfortunes upon him; for he knew that the
Scottish Commissioners had vigorously opposed them
— that they had even shown bitter resentment of
the scorn with which the Houses had treated their
remonstrances.^ At the same time that he had re-
' Berkley's Memoirs, p. 76.
^ December 14, 1647. The motion took place in the House of Lords
on the 26th of November, and the Commons adopted it on the 27th,
by a majority of 115 against 106.— Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
cols. 803, 804, 823, 824.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 82.5, 826.
330 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
ceived Berkley's letter, he had received from them
secret encouragement to reject propositions of such
an offensive character, and a promise that they would
themselves come to him in the Isle of Wight, and
treat with him, in the name of Scotland, on far more
palatable conditions. The King told Berkley that, in-
stead of escaping, he thought it best " to conclude vsdth
the Scots before he left the kingdom, because from
their desire to have him out of the army's hands they
would take reason; whereas, if he went before, they
would never treat with him but upon their own terms."^
Lords Lauderdale, Loudoun, and Lanark did, in fact,
arrive at Carisbrooke Castle almost at the same time
with Lord Denbigh and his five colleagues, the Com-
missioners from Westminster.^ The negociations
already entered upon at Hampton Court were accord-
ingly renewed between them and the King, with great
mystery, for they had only come, they said, in order
to enter their protest in his presence against the pro-
positions of the Parliament. In two days, the treaty
was concluded, drawn up, signed,^ and concealed in a
garden in the island, until they could convey it away
without danger. It promised the King the assist-
ance of a Scottish army to reinstate him in his just
rights, on condition that he should confirm the Pres-
byterian system in England for three years, although
conformity to it would not be required of himself
and his friends ; and that, at the expiration of
' Berkley's Memoirs, p. 79, 80.
^ December 23, 1647. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 824, 827 ;
Bowring, p. 87.
» December 26, 1647.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 331
that term, having consulted with the Assembly of
Divines, he should finally settle, in concert with the
two Houses of Parliament, the constitution of the
Church. Several stipulations to the advantage of
Scotland, wliich would have been very offensive to
English honour, accompanied this general concession.
It was fui-ther agreed that the Cavaliers in all parts of
the kingdom should take up arms in conjunction with
the Scottish army; that Ormonde should at once
resume the command of the Eoyalist party in Ireland ;
and, lastly, that the King, as soon as he had rejected
the four propositions, should escape from the island,
and proceed to Berwick or some other place on the
borders of Scotland, and wait in liberty till the moment
of action arrived.^
AU being thus arranged, Charles sent word to the
Parliamentary Commissioners that his reply was ready
for them.^ He had resolved to give it to them in a
sealed paper, as he had done thi-ee years previously, after
the negociations at Oxford, fearing that, if they were
aware of his refusal, and perhaps even of his projects,
they might take measures against liim that would
entirely defeat his plans. But Lord Denbigh obsti-
nately refused to receive the Kiag's message in tliis
form, saying, " that though they had no authority to
treat with him, or to do anything but to receive his
answer, yet they were not to be looked upon as
common messengers, and to carry back an answer
that they had not seen ; and that they would return
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 529 ; Burnet's
Memoirs of the Hamiltons, p. 325,
« On the 27th of December,
332 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
without any, except they might see what they carried."
The King was obhged to yield, and to read his mes-
sage aloud. Charles rejected absolutely the four pro-
positions, and demanded permission to treat in person
without being pledged to accept any preliminary con-
ditions. The Commissioners retired, held a short
conference with Hammond, and returned to West-
minster. A few hours after their departure, while
the King was conversing with Berkley and Ashburn-
ham about the means of escape which had been pre-
pared for the following night, the gates of the castle
were closed, all strangers were forbidden to enter,
guards were everywhere doubled, and almost all the
King's servants, Ashburnham and Berkley among the
first, were ordered to quit the island immediately.'
Charles was filled with anger and grief. He sent for
Hammond. "Why do yon use me thus?" said the
King. " Where are your orders for it ? Was it the
Spirit that moved you to it ? " Hammond, who had re-
ceived no orders from the Parhament, but probably some
advice from the Commissioners, said nothing at first,
but afterwards referred to his Majesty's answer. King :
" Did you not engage your honour you would take no
advantage from thence against me ? " Hammond : " I
said nothing." Kmg : " You are an equivocating gen-
tleman. Will you allow me my chaplain? You
pretend for liberty of conscience ; shall I have none ?"
Hammond : " I cannot allow you any chaplain." King :
" You use me neither like a gentleman nor a Christian."
> Berkley's Memoirs, pp. 89, 90. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
cols. 828 — 830 ; Bowring, p. 92 ; Clarendon's History of the Eebelliou,
vol. V. p. 509.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTTOX. 333
Hammond : " I'll speak with you when you are in better
temper." King : " I have slept well to-night." Ham-
mond ; " I have used jo\i very civilly." King : " Why
do you not so now then ?" Hammond : " Sir, you are
too high." King : " My shoemaker's fault then ; my
shoes are of the same last as before." Twice or thrice
he repeated this, adding, " Shall I have liberty to go
about to take the air?" Hammond : "No, I cannot
grant it." His Majesty then charged liim with his
allegiance, and told him he must answer this. Ham-
mond burst into tears, but made no change in his
arrangements.^
Meantime the Parliamentary Commissioners arrived
at Westminster. Hardly had they given their report
of their journey and its results, when a member,
previously unknown, Sir Thomas Wroth, rose in the
House of Commons,' and said : " Bedlam was appointed
for madmen and Tophet for kings ;' our kings of late
«
> Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. Appendix, p. xliv. ; Eushworth,
part iv. vol. ii. p. 959, 960 ; Whitelocke, p. 287.
2 January 3, 1648.
3 That is to say, " Hell." Topliet is a Hebrew word which signifies,
generally, an abominable thing, worthy of execration (from a root signi-
fying " to spit out with disgust "). As a proper name, it designates a
place in the Valley of Ben Hinnom, the Valley of the Sons of Lamenta-
tion, where sacrifices had for a long time been ofifered to Moloch, where
the statues of the false gods were cast when their altars were destroyed
on the heights of Jerusalem, which was in after-time a kind of sewer to
receive the filth of the city, and where the bodies of executed criminals
were burnt. Thus the prophet Isaiah, threatening entire ruin to Sen-
nacherib and his army, says (chap. xxx. verse 33), " Tophet is ordained
of old ; yea it is prepared for the king." Some ancient divines, how-
ever, among others Saint Jerome and the Chaldaean paraphrast, under-
stood by Tophet simply " Hell," " Gehenna ;" and, following them,
Calvin and the reformed theologians of his school have not assigned to
the word any other meaning. This sense is assumed in the English
version of the Bible, and by Milton, in his " Paradise Lost " (book i.
334 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
have carried themselves as if they were fit for no place
but Bedlam ; and my humble motion shall consist of
three parts : 1 . To secure the King, and keep him close
in some inland castle with sure guards. 2. To draw
up articles of impeachment against him. 3. To lay
him by, and settle the kingdom without him. I care
not what form of government you set up, so it be
not by kings and devils." Then Commissary Ireton
rose and said : " The King had denied safety and
protection to his people by denying the four bills ;
that subjection to him was but in lieu of his protec-
tion of his people : this being denied, they might well
deny any more subjection to him, and settle the king-
dom without liim." Astonished at such a fierce attack,
and themselves irritated at the refusal of the King,
the Presbyterians appeared to be for an instant embar-
rassed and intimidated. Many voices, however, were
raised against the measure. John Maynard told the
Parliariient, " that by this resolution of making no
more addi-esses to the King, they did, as far as in
them lay, dissolve the Parliament . . . that his Majesty's
refasal at any time to receive their petitions, or to
admit their addresses, had always been held the highest
breach of their privilege, because it tended to their
dissolution without dissolving them ; and, therefore, if
they should now, on their parts, determine that they
lines 392, 493 — 495), and the writers of his time. Sir Thomas "Wroth, too,
thus understood the word, quoting the passage from Isaiah, which at
the time, as indeed every text in the sacred volume, was present to the
memory of his hearers. I owe this criticism to the erudition and
friendUness of one of the most enhghtened Protestant theologians of
the day, M. Stapfer.
AND TTIK ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 335
would receive no more messages from him (wliich was
likewise a part of their declaration), nor make any
more address to Mm, they did, upon the matter,
declare that they were no longer a Parhament ; and
then how could the people look upon them as such ?"
The debate became warm and protracted ; the Presby-
terians regained confidence; the House, which had
been at first little enough disposed to favour them,
seemed wavering. Then Cromwell rose. He said
" that the King was a man of great parts and great
understandmg ; but that he was so great a dissembler,
and so false a man, that he was not to be trusted.
That while he professed, with all solemnity, that he
referred himself wholly to the Parliament, and depended
only upon their wisdom and counsel for the settlement
and composing the distractions of the kingdom, he
had, at the same time, secret treaties with the Scottish
Commissioners how he might embroil the nation in a
new war, and destroy the Parliament. That it was
now expected the Parliament should govern and defend
the kingdom by their own power and resolution, and
not teach the people any longer to expect safety and
government from an obstinate man, whose heart God
had hardened ; that those men, who had defended the
Parliament from so many dangers with the expense of
their blood, would defend them herein with fidehty
and courage against all opposition. Teach them not,"
he added, " by neglecting your own and the kingdom's
safety, in which their own is involved, to think them-
selves betrayed, and left hereafter to the rage and malice
of an irreconcilable enemy whom they have subdued for
336 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
your sake, and, tlierefore, are likely to find liis future
government of tliem insupportable, and fuller of re-
venge than justice ; lest despair teach them to seek
their own safety by some other means than adhering
to you, who will not stick to yourselves. And how
destructive such a resolution in them will be to you
all, I tremble to think, and leave you to judge." And
he laid his hand on his sword as he resumed his seat.
No one ventured upon a reply ; the motion was imme-
diately passed,' and transmitted the next day to the
Upper House. ^ For a moment the Lords appeared to
hesitate; the debate lingered on;^ two declarations
came from the army,* one addressed to the Commons,
full of congratulations and of threats against their ene-
mies ; the other to the Lords, in mild and concihatory
terms, contradicting the reports that were circulating
with respect to the dangers of the peerage, and promis-
ing to support it in all its rights. Those who were
timid might, as they pleased, feel reassured or still
further alarmed; the discussion ceased to drag on
heavily, and when the vote was given,^ only Lords War-
wick and Manchester protested against its adoption."
On the other hand, a vigorous and formidable protest
was raised throughout the kingdom. " Here then is
the justification of our accusations and predictions,"
' By a majority of 141 against 92, ^ January 4, 1648.
3 It was adjourned first from the 4th to the 8th of Januaiy, then
from the 8th to the 13th.
* January 11. They are dated on the 9th.
5 January 15th, 1648.
® Parhamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 830 — 837 ; Clement Walker's
History of Independency, pp. 69 — 71 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. v. pj-). 514-518.
AXD THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 337
exclaimed the Cavaliers, " which have been so often
treated as chimerical or calumnious." And every-
where, numerous voices, but lately wavering, joined
with them in cursing this detestable act of treason.
Before the King had been able to give any reply to
the declaration of the Houses, several answers appeared,
which had emanated from the spontaneous zeal of pri-
vate citizens.^ Never had so many rumours of Eoyalist
plots, never had so many violent pamphlets, besieged
Westminster.^ In the Isle of Wight even, one Cap-
tain Burly, a retired naval officer, had a drum beaten
suddenly in the streets of Newport, and collecting
a band of workpeople, children and women, marched
at their head in order to release the King from prison.
The attempt was instantly crushed, and Burly was
hanged for the crime of having intended to make war
on the King as represented by his Parliament.^ But the
same feelings and desires disturbed the counties which
had hitherto been most adverse to the royal cause.
Some disbanded soldiers from Essex's army proceeded
tumultuously to the very doors of the House of Com-
mons, shouting " God save the King!" and stopping the
coaches in order to compel all who passed to join with
them in drinking his health.* The Eepublicans were
mortified at finding themselves thus disturbed in their
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 518.
* Rushworth, i)art iv. pp. 929, 974, 1002. Esj)ecially two pamphlets,
entitled " The ParUament's Ten Commandments," and " The New
Testament of our Lords and Saviours the House of Commons, sitting
at Westminster," excited great agitation.
^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. v. p. 510 ; Berkley's
Memoirs, pp. 91, 92.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 804.
VOL. II. Z
338 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
moment of triumph. In Vcain did tliey obtain from
some counties addresses of congratulation;^ in vain
Hid the Commons proclaim their intention to reform
the civil laws, and to render the administration of
justice less costly ; in vain even did they suspend their
own privileges in the matter of prosecutions and of
debts." These important improvements were eagerly
desired and appreciated only by their own party, or by
some few men of superior mind : many of them shocked
the prejudices of the people, others escaped notice on
account of the popular ignorance : the interested
intention which seemed to pervade all these measures,
entirely destroyed their effect. Tyranny had, there-
fore, to be substituted for popularity. The prosecutions
which had been already commenced against those
members of the two Houses, and those Cit}^ magis-
trates who were presumed to be the originators or
abettors of recent Presbyterian or Eoyalist outbreaks,
were actively continued.^ All who had borne arms
against the Parliament received orders to quit London,
-and were forbidden to reside within twenty miles of its
walls ;* a general revision of the hst of justices of the
peace throughout the kingdom was ordered, in order
to remove those whose sentiments were suspected ■,^
it was enacted that no delinquent — no man who had
been accused or convicted of having taken part in any
' Rushworth, part iii. vol. iii. p. 973.
2 January 4, 1648. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 830. Rush-
wortli, part iv. vol. ii. p. 985.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 922. Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
cols. 838—842.
■• December 17, 1647. — Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 933.
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 933.
AN"D THE ENGLISH REVOLUTIOX. 339
plot against the Parliament — should be eligible to the
office of Lord Ma3^or, or Alderman, or member of
the Common Council of the City of London, and
even that such persons should be incapacitated from
taking any part in the election of those officers ;^
and the same disqualification was soon extended to
the functions of jurymen, and to the election of
members of Parliament.^ The committee appointed
to restrain the license of the press had orders to
hold its sittings every day, and a sum of money was
placed at its disposal to reward any person who should
give such information as should lead to the seizure
of the presses of malignants.^ Finally, the army once
more marched through London, in a grand military
procession, and three thousand men were detached
from it, and quartered in the metropolis, at Wliite-
hall, and at the Tower.*
The fanatics, the men of narrow minds and stern
tempers, the populace of the party, spoke vauntingly
of these measures, as a striking proof of their strength ;
and they accordingly redoubled their ardour. Cromwell
alone, although he concurred in what had been done,
was uneasy, not from any scruple, or because he hesi-
tated to take any measm-es that promised success, but,
in spite of his resolution to crush the King, the hopes
and pretensions of the republicans and enthusiasts
appeared to him to be insane. He saw that throughout
' December 17. — Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 934.
* Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1252.
^ January 6, 1648. — Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 957.
* Journals of the House of Commons, January 27, 1648. Clement
Walker's History of Independency, p. 79.
z 2
340 HISTORY OF CHAKLES THE FIRST
*
the counties the principal freeholders, the wealthy
citizens, and almost all persons of note were retiring
from public affairs, abandoning committees of manage-
ment and local magistracies : and that the chief power
was passing into the hands of men of an inferior order,
who were ready enough to seize it, and able to use it
vigorously, but quite unqualified to retain it.^ He
could not believe that England would long consent
to be so governed, or that anything lasting could be
founded on the legal oppression of so many influential
citizens, or that the discord and anarchy, which were
constantly increasing both in the Parhament and
throughout the empire, could fail to have a fatal issue,
even to the conquerors. His unwearied imagination
busied itself in the search for some means of putting
an end to this dim and uncertain chaos, or at least
of discovering the speediest and safest road which it
afforded to greatness. One day he invited the prin-
cipal Independents and Presbyterians, both laymen
and ecclesiastics, to dine at his house, and passionately
urged upon them the necessity of reconciliation among
themselves, or at least of post23oning their quarrels,
in order to combine in fronting the new dangers
which it was easy to foresee were coming upon them.
But the Presbyterians were too unyielding in their
dispositions, and too exclusive in their theological
pretensions, to lend themselves to any such combina-
tions. The conference produced no result. Cromwell
arranged another conference among certain political
' Clarendon's History of the Eehellion, vol. v. pp. 544-549 ; Hollis's
Memoirs, p. 4 ; Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, passim.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 341
leaders, most of them General officers like himself,
and the Republicans. It was absolutely necessary,
he said, that they should unite in seeking what kind
of government was most suited for England, since
it had now fallen to them to determine it; but his
real and dominant wish was to learn who among
them were intractable, and what he had to expect or
fear from them. Ludlow, Hutchinson, Sidney, and
Haslerig, declared themselves openly, rejecting all
idea of a monarchy as condemned by the Bible, by
reason, and by experience. The Generals were more
reserved: in their view, a republic was a desirable
tiling, but the success of it was doubtful ; it would be
better for them not to commit themselves, but to
consult the state of affairs and the necessities of the
times, and to follow the leadings of Providence from
day to day. The Republicans insisted on an unre-
served declaration of their policy. The discussion
grew warm : Ludlow, among others, earnestly pressed
Cromwell to avow his intentions, for they wished, he
said, to know who were their friends. Cromwell
attempted by banter and evasion to dispose of their
questions ; but at last, finding himself hard pressed, he
relieved himself from his embarrassment by a jest, —
he went to the door, and as he left the room abruptly,
tln'ew a cushion at Ludlow's head, who immediately
returned the compliment.'
But danger was advancing ; the number and bold-
ness of the malcontents increased every day ; not only
in the west and north, but in the neighbourhood of
' Ludlow's Memoiit?, p. 103.
342 HISTORY OP CHARLES THE FIRST
London, in the counties of Middlesex, Essex, Surrey,
and Kent, sometimes at the table of some rich
gentleman, at other times at the assizes or in market-
places, wherever the Cavaliers could act in concert or
mix with the people, royalist petitions, plots, and
insurrections were concocted and openly displayed.
At Canterbury, on Cliristmas-day, as the Mayor was
endeavouring to enforce the decree suppressing that
festival, a violent tumult arose, amid shouts of " God !
King Charles! and the County of Kent!" The
arsenal of the city was broken into, the houses of
several Parliamentarians were attacked, the municipal
officers were roughly handled, and had it not been
for the prompt arrival of some troops, the peasants
of the neighbourhood, who were beginning to take
part in the outbreak, would have rendered the
disturbance even more serious and protracted/ At
London, on Sunday the 9th of April, 1648, during
the hour of divine service, some apprentices were
playing at bowls in Moorfields ; a body of mihtia
ordered them to disperse ; they resisted and repulsed
the mihtia ; and when overmastered in their turn by
a detachment of cavalry, they spread through the
City, calling to their aid their comrades and the
Thames watermen. Numerous bands were formed
in all quarters ; they met during the night, surprised
and took two of the City gates, threw chains across
the streets, and with beating of drums and cries
of " Grod and King Charles !" they attacked the
" Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. i?. 948 ; Whitelocke, p. 285 ; Clareudoa's
History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 25.
AND THE P:NGL1SH REVOLUTION. 343
Mansion-house, took possession of a piece of
cannon, and by claj^break seemed masters of the
City. A council of war had sat all night : they
hesitated about attacking the insurgents, doubting
whether the two regiments then quartered in London
would be sufficient, and whether it would not be
necessary to send for reinforcements. Fairfax and
Cromwell decided upon an immediate attack, and
their success was unequivocal — at the end of two
hours nothing was to be heard in the streets but the
regular step of the troops as they returned to their
quarters.^ But the people, though they had fled,
were not vanquished ; every day some unexpected
occurrence served to intensify their anger or revive
their courage ; the Presbyterian members and the
aldermen of the City, when brought by the Commons
before the Upper House, obstinately refused to recog-
nize its jurisdiction, to kneel at its bar, or even to take
off their hats and listen to the reading of the charges
brought against them ; and whenever they appeared
at Westminster, the crowd, as they left the House,
cheered them enthusiastically.^ Public meetings were
forbidden; the Committees of Management in each
county were empowered to arrest and imprison every
malcontent, every man even on whom suspicion
rested.^ But the agitation grew even more vigorously
than the tyranny : at Norwich, at Bury St. Edmunds,
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1051 ; Whitelocke, p. 299 ; Paiiia-
meutary History, vol. iii. col. 875.
2 Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 844, 874, 877, 880, 881.
' April 18, 1(J48. — liushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1062 ; Whitelocke,
p. 301.
344 HISTOEY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
at Tlietford, at Stowmarket, and at a multitude of
other places, the drums were beaten on the smallest
pretext, the inhabitants armed themselves, and the
troops did not always find that a threatening attitude
alone was sufficient to quell the disturbance.^ Soon,
also, they had something more to fear than mere
riots of citizens. In Pembrokeshire, South Wales,
towards the end of February, 1648, Colonels Poyer
and PoweU, and Major-Greneral Langhorn, officers of
distinction, who had earned renown in the Parlia-
mentarian army, withdrew from it,^ hoisted the royal
standard, and, sustained by a rising of the Cavaliers
in the neighbourhood, reduced the whole country
beneath their power in a few days. Almost at the
same moment, the Scottish Parliament assembled.^
Hamilton and the Eoyalists, under cover of an alliance
with the moderate Presbyterians, had prevailed in the
elections. In vain did Argyle and the most active
among the clergy attempt to hamper their proceed-
ings ; in vain did the Commissioners who had been
sent from London circulate both money and threats
throughout Edinburgh ; the Parliament, though cau-
tious and even humble in its language to the fanatics,
was at heart attached to the cause of the King,
and immediately voted the formation of a Committee
of Danger,^ invested with the executive power, and
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1071, 1119; Whitelocke, p. 302 ;
Journals of the House of Lords, May 19tli ; Journals of the House of
Commons, June 12th.
•^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1016, 1017, 1033, 1034, 103f3 ; White-
locke, p. 294 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. pp. 41, 42 ;
Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 106.
^ March 2, 1648. ' May 3, 1648.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 845
the raising of an army of forty thousand men for
the defence of the Covenant and Royalty against
the Repubhcans and Sectaries.^ The Cavaliers of the
north of England were waiting only for this signal to
rise. For more than a month their principal chiefs,
Ijangdale, Glenham, and Musgrave, had been hving
at Edinburgh, sometimes openly, sometimes in con-
cealment, concerting with Hamilton their plan of
insurrection.^ In Ireland also, Lord Inchiquin, the
Lord-Lieutenant of the province of Munster, and
hitherto the most trusted supporter of the Parliament
against the insurgents, enrolled himself under the
King's banners.^ Finally, when all these reports
reached London, the Presbyterian party, both in
Parliament and in the City, once more raised their
heads. A man named John Everard came to the
Common Council on the 23rd of April, 1648, and
declared to them, upon his oath, that two nights
before, when he was in bed at the Garter inn, at
Windsor, he had overheard in the adjoining room
several officers, among others, Quarter-Master-General
Grosvenor and Colonel Ewers, mutually pledge one
another that, as soon as the Scots set foot in the
kingdom, the army should enter the City, disarm all
the citizens, exact from them a million sterling on
pain of pillage, and moreover send, at the expense of
the City, all well-disposed persons to take their places
> Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. pp. 8 — 12 ; BaiUie's
Letters, vol. ii. p. 281 ; IJushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1040, 1047 ;
Malcolm Laing's History of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 394 — 400.
* Clarendon's History of the EebeUion, vol. vi. pp. 12 — 14.
^ Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1060, 1063 ; Lndlow's Memoirs, p.
108 ; Carte's Life of Ormond, vol. ii. p. 23 ; Clarendon's History of the
Eebellion, vol. v. ji. ■'rZ^).
346 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
in the regiments. According to Everard, Ireton
was aware of this design/ A petition was imme-
diately drawn up, and transmitted to both Houses of
Parliament, on the 27th of April. In it the Common
Council demanded that the City should again be put
in possession of its chains, of which they had been
deprived after the suppression of the last riot, that
the army should remove its head-quarters to a greater
distance, and that all the forces in London and its
suburbs should be placed under the command of Skip-
pon. These demands were instantly complied with,
and on the next day, the 28tli of April, after a debate of
which no record remains, the Commons voted: — 1. That
they would make no essential alteration in the govern-
ment of the kingdom by King, Lords, and Commons :
2. That the proposals made to the King at Hampton
Court should form the basis of the measures which
it was indispensable to adopt in order to re-establish
public tranquillity : 3. That, notwithstanding the vote
of the 3rd of January, which forbade all addresses
to the King, every member should be at liberty to
propose whatever might seem to him to be required by
the true interests of the country.^
For three weeks Cromwell had foreseen, and at-
tempted to prevent, this reverse ; in the name of the
leaders of the army and of the Independent party, he
had made an offer to the Common Council, on the 8tli
of April, 1648, to restore to the City the command of
its militia and of the Tower, and to set at liberty the
accused aldermen, provided it would engage to do
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 881.
^ Ibid. cols. 882, 883.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 347
nothing to assist the Scots in their approaching inva-
sion ; but his offers had been rejected.' Thus con-
strained to renounce all hope of reconcihation, when
he saw the Presbyterians regain their courage in the
City and then- influence in the ParHament, he was
seized with a passionate desu-e to risk a decisive blow.
He repaired to head-quarters, called together the
council of officers, and proposed that the army should
march on London, expel all its adversaries from the
Parliament, and take fuU possession of the goverment,
in the name of honest men and the public welfare.
For a time the proposal was adopted ; but so uncere-
monious an attack upon the rights of a Parliament
that had been so long the idol and ruler of the country,
presently startled even the most audacious. They
hesitated. Fairfax, who was beginning to feel uneasy
at what he had been doing, took advantage of this
hesitation, and opposed the wishes of the Lieutenant-
general, who was for giving orders immediately ; and
the project was accordingly abandoned.^ Annoyed at
this double disappointment, suspected by one class on
account of his attempts at accommodation, and by
another because of the rashness of his designs, unable
longer to endure this state of inactivity and perplexity,
Cromwell suddenly resolved to leave London, to go
and fight the insurgents in the west, and to regain by
war the ascendancy that seemed now to be on the
wane. He had httle difficulty in obtaining this com-
mission from the Parliament. Wliile the troops that
> Clement Walker's History of ludepeudeucy, pp. 82, 83.
* Fairfax's Memoirs, p. 110.
348 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
he was to lead were making preparations for their
departure, he one day complained to Ludlow of his
position, reviewed all he had done for the common
cause, enumerated the dangers and odium he had
braved, and exclaimed bitterly against the ingratitude
of his party. Ludlow listened to his complaints, re-
minded him in reply of the inducements and occasions
which he had given for mistrust, urged him to abandon
all further intrigues and ambitious designs, promised
him, on this condition, the sincere support of the
EepubUcans, and left him, delighted with the patient
attention with which his admonitions had been re-
ceived.^ A few days after, Cromwell, at the head of
five regiments, set out for Wales, and almost at the
gates of the City, according to previous arrangement,
some Presbyterian ministers had an interview with
him, from which they retired not less satisfied.^
He had no sooner gone, than the war which he went
to quell, broke out on all sides around the Parhament.
The Cavaliers had, indeed, promised to make no
attempt until the Scots entered the kingdom, but every
day, in some place, either the popular impulse, or a
favourable opportunity, or an unexpected and appa-
rently imperative occurrence, helped to precipitate their
insurrection. On the 4th of May, some inhabitants of
the county of Essex petitioned that negociations should
be reopened with the King, and the arm}^ be disbanded
after the payment of its arrears.^ Following their
example, seven or eight hundred gentlemen, free-
' Ludlow's Memoir.s, p. 105.
* Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, p. 317.
■' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1101.
AND THE ENGLISH KEVOIXTION. 349
holders, and farmers from Surrey, went to London on
the IGth of May, with a similar petition, couched in
still more haughty terms. They demanded that the
King should he recalled to Whitehall, and replaced on
his throne with the splendour of his ancestors. AVhen
they arrived at the House, as they were passing
through the various courts and rooms, some of them
began to quarrel with the guards, and asked them,
" Why they stood there to guard a company of rogues ?"
The soldiers warmly resented tliis insult, a riot began,
the soldiers on guard were disarmed, and one of them
was killed. A reinforcement of troops arrived, and
the petitioners were charged in their tm-n, and pursued
from one corridor to another, from room to room, from
street to street : they did not, however, fly till they
had made a vigorous resistance, leaving five or six of
their number dead at the door of the House. ^ On
hearing of this, the EoyaHsts in Kent, who were also
preparing a petition, organized themselves into different
bodies of infantry and cavalry, selected officers from
among their number, appointed places of rendezvous,
chose Lord Groring, Earl of Norwich, for their general,
took possession of Sandwich, Dover, and several other
forts, and on the 29th of May assembled at Rochester,
to the number of seven thousand, and agreed that they
would all go together, in arms, to present their petition
to the Parliament.^ As soon as the standard of revolt
was raised under this pretext, others hoisted it, without
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1110 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 886 ; Whitelocke, p. 306 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 106.
2 Journals of the House of Lords ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1130 ;
Whitelocke, p. 306 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 56.
350 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
troubling themselves to express in the form of petition
their griefs and their wishes. Sir Charles Lucas in
Essex, Lord Capel in Hertfordshire, and Sir Gilbert
Biron in the neighbourhood of Nottingham, openly
raised troops for the King's service. Kews arrived
on the 2nd and 8th of May, that Langdale and
Musgrave in the north, in order to open an entrance
for the Scots into the kingdom, had surprised and
occupied, the one Berwick, and .the other Carlisle.^
Some symptoms of disturbance appeared in the fleet
which lay in the Downs ; Vice-admiral Eainsborough
immediately set out to repress it, but the sailors re-
fused to receive him,^ put all their officers into a boat,
sent them on shore, declared themselves for the King,
and, without any leader above the rank of boatswain,
set sail towards Holland, where the Duke of York,
who had lately succeeded in escaping from St. James's,
and soon after the Prince of Wales himself, took the
command.^ Even in London, secret enlistments were
carried forward, Eoyalist oaths were circulated, and
armed bands traversed the City on their way to join
other bodies of insurgents.'' The houses of the Earl
of Holland and of the young Duke of Buckingham
were constantly filled with malcontents, who came to
inquire on what day and at what place hostilities were
1 Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1099, 1105 ; Clarendon's History of
the Rebellion, vol. vi. pp. 51, 52.
^ May 27th, 1648.
3 Clarendon's History of the EebeUion, vol, vi. p. 18 ; Parliamentary
History, vol. iii. cols. 896, 899, 906 ; Journals of the House of Lords ;
Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 102 ; Godwin's History of the Commonwealth,
vol. ii. p. 531—6.35, 551—556.
* Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1117, 1174 ; Parliamentary History,
vol. iii. cols. 892, 893.
iVXI) TITE EXGLTSH REVOLUTIOX. 351
to be commenced/ In fine, the insuiTection, like
an unquencliable conflagration, burst forth, extended,
and constantly drew nearer and nearer to Westminster;
and all the efforts of the committee at Derby House, in
which the Independents held sway, all the tactics of
Vane and St. John in bribing informers and unravel-
ling plots,^ could not prevent the cry of " God and
IGng Charles!" from resounding incessantly in the
ears of the Parliament.
Even the Presbyterians took the alarm : the Scots,
their main supporters, did not arrive; they found
themselves in danger of falling under the rule of the
Cavaliers, the sole leaders of the movement, who,
entertaining no greater regard for Presbyterian doc-
trines or intentions than for any other creed, instinc-
tively cursed the Houses of Parhament, demanded
that the laws and the king of old England should be
restored, insultingly defied the austere severities of the
new system of worship, engaged in forbidden pastimes,
celebrated suppressed festivals, and raised once more
the Maypoles wliicli had been thrown down.^ News
was received from Hammond that the King had nearly
succeeded in effecting his escape,* and the most mo-
derate shuddered with fear at the thought that he
might have appeared suddenly at the gates of London,
at the head of a host of insm-gents : party hatreds,
desires for peace, alarms respecting the futm-e, aU dis-
* Whitelocke, p. 317 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi.
p. 40.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 887, 892.
^ Whitelocke, p. 305,
* May 31.— Parliamentary History, vol. iii, cols. 899, 909—921, 928 ;
Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 192.
353 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
appeared before such an immediate danger. In order
to remove the most plausible pretexts for rebellion, it
was resolved to renew negociations with the King;^ the
City obtained the complete acquittal of its aldermen \
Skippon took the command of its militia, and Colonel
West that of the Tower, from which he had been dis-
missed by Fairfax \ while a decree against heresy and
blasphemy, which enjoined the infliction of death in
certain cases, attested the return of Presbyterian ascen-
dancy/ At the same time, every idea of concession or
forbearance towards the Cavahers was haughtily re-
jected. Papists and malignants were again banished
from London, under the severest penalties f the goods
of delinquents were seized for the payment of debts they
had contracted with friends of the good cause -^ the sale
of Church lands was hastened;^ reinforcements were sent
to the garrison of Carisbrooke ;^ the Common Council,
after having received communications which were, as
they declared, " like hght breaking through the clouds,"
solemnly protested that they were resolved to hve and
' May 6 and 24. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 885, 892.
« May 23. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 891.
^ May 18. — Uushwortli, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1118.
*■ May 2. — Journals of the House of Lords.
* May 23. — Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1124.
«May 11.— Ibid. p. 1110.
7 In the course of the years 1647, 1648, 1649, 1650, and 1651, pro-
perty was sold belonging to-
£. s.
(/.
The see of York, to the amount of
- 65,786 7
If
The see of Durham, „
-
- 68,121 15
9
The see of Carlisle, „
-
6,449 11
2
The see of Chester, „
1,129 18
4
Total
£141,487 12
4|
(Harris's Life of Cromwell' p. 306.)
» About the end of May. — Paishworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1130.
AND THE EXGI.IRH HEVOLIJTION. 858
die with the Parliament.^ Fairfax received orders
to take up arms immediately against the bands that
infested the neighbourhood of London ; Lambert was
directed to go to the northern counties, in order at
least to repress the insurrection that had been excited
by Langdale and Musgrave, while waiting for the
Scots ; and, with a severity previously unprecedented,
doubtless to prove the sincerity of their stern measures,
the Commons voted, on the 11th of May, that, since
the presence of the King no longer served as an excuse
to the rebels, no quarter should be granted tliem,^
Fairfax left Windsor on the 1st of June, and three
days afterwards, he reached Maidstone and defeated
the main body of the Kentish insurgents. In vain did
they attempt to evade such an unexpected encounter ;
in vain, when they found themselves obliged to fight,
did they maintain a long and sanguinary contest in the
streets of the town.^ The soldiers of Fairfax, who were
ever filled with the most ardent fanaticism, and had
been long accustomed to military service, hating the
Cavaliers and despising the new recruits, impatiently
hastened to have done with a war, the dangers of which
seemed almost beneath their contempt. They traversed
the county of Kent by forced marches, every day dis-
persing some assembly or recovering some town, using
the country roughly, but maintaining strict discipline,
and leaving to the Royalists neither refuge nor repose.
Goring, however, managed to collect three or four
' May 20. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 890.
■^ Journals of the House of Commons.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1137 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
col. 902 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 107.
VOL. II. 2 A
354 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
thousand men, who, on the 3rd of June, assembled at
Blackheath under his command. He was now almost
at the gates of London, and he flattered himself with
the expectation that an insurrection would break out at
his approach, or that he would at least receive some
secret aid. He even wrote to the Common Council,
requesting permission to pass through the City, in order
that he might, with his adherents, proceed into Essex
without difficulty. But the Common Council, instead
of answering him, sent his letter unopened to the Par-
liament, and professed themselves ready to act according
to its wishes in all things.' On learning this, disorder
and discouragement pervaded the ranks of the Cava-
liers ; they deserted in troops, and Goring had great
difficulty in collecting a sufficient number of boats to
enable him to cross the Thames at Greenwich with
seven or eight hundred men who followed him into
Essex. There he found the insurrection still vigorous
and flourishing under the direction of Sir Charles Lucas.
Lord Capel had joined them with a troop of Cavaliers
from Hertfordshire ; and they proceeded together to
Colchester on the 12th of June, with somewhat brighter
hopes, intending to repose there for two or three days,
and then to go through the counties of Suffolk and
Norfolk, raising the Eoyalists as they went, and return-
ing to London through Cambridgeshire, at the head of
a numerous army. But they had no sooner entered
the town, than Fairfax appeared beneath its walls, and
closely invested it.^ A fortnight's campaign had thus
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1130; Whitelocke, p. 309 ; Ludlow's
Memoirs,' p. 107. * June 13.
AXD THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 355
sufficed to sliut up in one feebly- defended town, the
shattered remains of an insurrection, which had recently
surrounded London on all sides. In some places, as
in E-utlandshire, Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire and
Sussex, attempts were made to revive it.^ Even in
the heart of the City, under the very eyes of the Parlia-
ment, Lords Holland, Peterborough and Buckingham
took up arms, and on the 5tli of July, followed by about
a thousand Cavaliers, marched out of the City, proclaim-
ing- that they had no intention of sacrificing public
liberties for the sake of the King, but wished only to
restore him to his legal rights. But while they were
still hovering about London, Sir Michael Livesey,
who had been sent against them from head-quarters,
suddenly attacked them,^ killed several of their officers,
among others young Sir Francis Villiers, brother of the
Duke of Buckingham ; and, on being reinforced the
next day by Colonel Scroop's regiment, pursued them
closely into Huntingdonshire, where, tired even of
flight, they dispersed in all directions, leaving Lord
Holland wounded in the hands of the enemy. ^ In
the east and south, other attempts had no better issue.
Letters were received from Cromwell, on the 16th of
June, promising that in a fortnight he would be master
of Pembroke Castle, the stronghold of the western
insurgents.* In the north, Lambert, although with
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1135, 1145, 1149, 1150, 1169.—
Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 112. * July 7.
3 July 10.— Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1178, 1180, 1182, 1187 ;
Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 925, 927.
•* Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1159; Commons' Journals, vol. v.
p. 608 ; Carlyle's Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, vol. i. p. 347.
2 A 2
356 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
inferior forces, valiantly sustained the honour and au-
thority of the Parliament against the Cavaliers under
Langdale.^ Colchester, lastly, notwithstanding the
indomitable resistance of the besieged, who were un-
moved either by invitations or attacks, was so reduced
by famine, that it could no longer hold out against
Fairfax, who was able to devote his whole energies to
the siege. ^
Relieved from their first anxieties, and certain of
not falhng into the hands of the Cavaliers, the Pres-
byterians now began once more to feel uneasy about
the Republicans and the army, and to meditate peace.
Petitions soliciting it,which were still numerous, though
less dictatorial in their tone, were better received.^ The
expulsion of the eleven members was revoked, and
they were invited to resume their seats/ It was sug-
gested that new proposals should be presented to the
King, of a less obnoxious character than the former ;
and there seemed to be a disposition to resume nego-
ciations with him, if he would previously consent to
three things : 1 . To recall all his proclamations against
the Parliament. 2. To give up to them for ten years,
the disposal of the sea and land forces. 3. To esta-
blish Presbyterianism for three years in England.^ A
special committee was appointed, on the 26th of June,
to investigate the best means of attaining this result ;
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1157 ; Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion, vol. vi. pp. 55, 75.
** Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1204 ; Whitelocke, p. .316.
•' Parliamentary History, "Vol. iii. col. 921.
■• June 8. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 907.
* June 6.— Ibid., col. 904.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 857
and to decide at what time, in what place, and in what
form it would be proper to treat with the King. One
member even inquired whether it would not be ad-
visable that the King should immediately return to
Windsor ;^ and, upon a petition from the City, dated on
the 27th of June, the Lords voted that any conference
that might be opened, should take place in London.^
Lastly, on the 80th of June, the resolution, forbidding
all addresses to the King, was formally repealed f and
three days aiter, a motion was made in the House of
Commons, that a new treaty should be offered to his
Majesty without delay.
But the Independents had, at the same time,
regained confidence : proud of the success of their
soldiers, they violently rejected the idea of renewing
negociations with the King. Thomas Scott said,
" He was of opinion that there could be no time
seasonable for such a treaty, or for a peace, with so
perfidious and implacable a prince *, it will always be
too soon or too late. He that draws his sword upon
the King, must throw his scabbard into the fire ;
and all peace with him will prove the spoil of the
godly " The Presbyterians did not undertake to
defend the King, but they opposed those self-styled
godly persons, who would, in reality, be ruined by
peace, because their fortune had been made by war.
" The people," said they, " who have been ruined by
this war, do not want to be fuel to a fire, in which
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1164.
* Journals of the House of Lords,
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 921.
358 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
only these salamanders can live; they do not wish
those vampires, called the army, to be fattened any
longer on their hlood and substance ; the army was
engaged to serve, not to devour them." In what place,
it was asked, should negociations be recommenced ?
The Presbyterians wished it to be in London, or some
neighbouring place ; the Independents preferred the
Isle of Wight, where Charles was in their power.
Scott afiirmed " that the City was as obnoxious to the
King's anger as any part of the kingdom ; and if the
treaty should be in London, who could secure the
Parhament that the City would not make their peace
with the enraged King, by dehvering up their heads
to him for a sacrifice, as the men of Samaria did the
heads of the seventy sons of Ahab ?" It was further
proposed, that " if the King came not to London, but
to one of his houses about ten miles from thence, he
might be desired to give his royal word to reside
there till the conclusion of the treaty," a suggestion
which was slighted by Colonel Harvey, Sir Harry
Vane, and Su- Henry Mildmay, on the ground that the
King had so repeatedly perjured himself, that he
could no longer be trusted. Sir Symonds D'Ewes
then rose, " and declared himself to be of a contrary
opinion; for that the House not only ought, but
must trust his Majesty, and that they were not in a
condition to stand upon such high terms ; for," said
he, " Mr. Speaker, if you know not in what condition
you are, give me leave, in a word, to tell you. Your
silver is clipped, your gold shipped, your ships are
revolted, 3'ourselve8 contemned, your Scotch friends
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 359
enraged against you, and the affections of the City and
kingdom quite alienated from you. Judge, then
whetlier you are not in a low condition, and, also, if it
be not high time to endeavour a speedy settlement
and reconcilement with his Majesty."^ The Inde-
pendents protested ; but many members, unattached to
to any faction, and accustomed to take either side, as
the times seemed to indicate, silently approved of Sir
Symonds' words. The House voted that negociations
should be opened, but persisted, by eighty-six votes
against seventy-two, contrary to the wish of the Upper
House, in demanding of the King the adoption of the
three bills as a preliminary condition ; and no decision
was arrived at as to the place where the negociations
should be commenced.^
The Parliament were discussing with the Common
Council, what measures would need to be taken, in
order to conduct the negociations in London, without
danger to either the King or the Parliament,^ when
news arrived that the Scots had entered the kingdom
on the 8th of July,* and that Lambert was retreating
before them. Notwithstanding the intrigues of
Argyle, and the furious discourses of a large section
of the clergy, Hamilton had, at length, succeeded in
raising an army, and had begun his march. It did
not, certainly, carry out the original intentions of
' Clement Walker's History of Independency, pp. 108 — 112 ; Parlia-
mentary History, vol. iii. cols. 922—924.
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 924.
^ Piushworth, part iv. vol. ii pp. 1185, 1187.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 931 ; liushworth, part iv. vol. ii.
p. 1188.
360 HISTORV OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the Parliament ; instead of forty thousand, it scarcely
numbered fourteen thousand men ; the Court of France
had promised arms and ammunition, but none had
arrived ; the Prince of Wales was to have come over
to Scotland in order to take the command, but he still
remained in Holland ; even the Cavahers of Langdale
and Musgrave had not joined their new allies, for they
had refused to take the Covenant, and Hamilton could
not incorporate such unbelievers with his own soldiers,
without losing the confidence of his party ; they there-
fore formed a separate body, which seemed to act only
on its own account, and always kept at a distance from
the Scots. In fine, Hamilton's preparations, crossed
by so many obstacles, were exceedingly incomplete ;
his regiments had not their full complement of men ;
his artillery was not in proper order ; but the pre-
mature outbreak of royalist insurrections in England
had constrained him to hasten his departure, and he
left Scotland ill-provided and anxious, followed by the
invectives of a host of fanatics, who prophesied the
destruction of an army which was employed, they said,
to restore the King to his throne before Christ had
been put in possession of his rights.^
The news of the invasion caused great agitation
through all England. No one seemed strong enough
to oppose it : Fairfax was still busy at Colchester,
Cromwell was at Pembroke ; the insurrection, which
was hardly yet suppressed, might break out again in
' Rushwoi-th, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1196 — 1198 ; Clarendon's History of
the Kebellion, vol. vi. p. 71 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. Ill ; Bowring, p. 98 ;
Herbert's Memoirs, p. 57 ; Malcolm Laing's History of Scotland, vol. iii.
pp. 394-402.
AND THE EXOLISH REVOLUTIOX. 3G1
any place, at any time. The embarrassment of the
Presbyterians was extreme : even the people, who were
well disposed towards them, had resumed their ancient
aversion against the Scots, could not speak of them
without insult, called to mind how they had but re-
cently betrayed the King whom they now assembled to
deliver, and, indeed, made it their first wish that these
greedy and treacherous foreigners should be driven
out of the kingdom. A motion was made in the
House of Commons, on the 14th of July, declaring
them pubHc enemies, and denouncing as traitors all who
had had any share in inviting them :^ ninety members
protested against the motion, but feebly, and without
success ; but it was thrown out by the Upper House.'^
Moreover, the Lords voted that it was desirable to
hasten negociations with the King ;^ and this time, the
Presbyterians induced the Commons, on the 28th of
July, by a majority of seventy-one against sixty-four,
to cease to insist on the tlu-ee bills, which they had pre-
viously resolved to make the preliminary condition of
any treaty.* But without troubling themselves with
these vicissitudes in the daily fortune of parties, the
Derby House Committee, which was still in the power
of the Independents, sent money and reinforcements
to Lambert ; commanded Cromwell to despatch to the
North all the troops he could dispense with, and to
proceed thither, in person, as soon as he possibly could ;
and the Eepublican leaders themselves, humbling their
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 934.
"^ Ibid. vol. iii. col. 936.
^ Kushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1183.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 956.
302 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
distrust before liis genius, wrote secretly to him
urging liim to fear nothing, to act with vigour, and
to rely upon them, notwithstanding the opposition he
had hitherto experienced from them/
Cromwell had acted already without waiting for
either orders or promises. A month before, having
received information, possibly from Argyle, of the state
and movements of the Scottish army, he had sent word
to Lambert to retreat as soon as they should appear,
and to avoid an engagement, as he would soon be in a
condition to assist him : and, in fact, Pembroke Castle
capitulated on the 1 1th of July, 1648, three days after
the invasion commenced -^ and two days after, Crom-
well set out at the head of five or six thousand men,
ill-shod, ill-clothed, but proud of their glory, irritated
by their perils, full of trust in their leader, and of
disdain for their enemies, eager for an encounter, and
sure of victory. Cromwell wrote to the Derby House
Committee, "desiring that his poor wearied soldiers
may have shoes provided for them, the better to
enable them to take their long march to the north. "^
He passed first from east to west, then from south to
north, and so through nearly the whole of England,
with a rapidity previously unequalled, marking his way
with protestations and impulsive acts of piety, solely
bent on disarming suspicion, on gaining the hearts of
the bhndest fanatics, and on living in sympathy with
' Ludlow's Memoirs, p. Ill ; Godwin's History of the Common-
wealth, vol. ii. p. 591.
* Iiushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1190; Carlyle's Letters and Speeches
of Oliver Cromwell, vol. i. p. 357.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1200.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 363
his soldiers/ On the 27th of July, just thirteen days
after his departure, liis cavalry, which had been sent
on in advance of him, joined Lambert's army •, and he
himself arrived on the 7th of August at Knaresborough
in Yorksliire, where the combined forces amounted to
nine or ten thousand men. Meantime the Scots had
advanced by a western route across the counties of
Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Lancashire, but their
march had been uncertain, they had made long halts,
and were dispersed over an area of twenty or five-and-
twenty miles, busying themselves in religious, pohtical,
and mihtary discussions, and completely ignorant of the
enemy's designs and movements. All at once Lang-
dale, who, with the English insurgents, was marching
somewhat to the left, and in advance of the rest of
the army, sent word to Hamilton that Cromwell was
approaching ; that he had certain information of it ;
and that everything indicated on his part an intention
of giving battle. The duke replied that it was impos-
sible — they had not had time to reach them ; and that
if Cromwell was so near, he certainly could have only
a small body of men with him, and would take good
care not to attack them : accordingly, on the 1 7 th of
August, he removed his head-quarters to Preston.
Soon another message reached him, that Langdale's
cavalry were abeady engaged with Cromwell's. Lang-
dale seemed likely to hold his ground; his position
was favourable, and his men in good spirits : he only
wanted some reinforcements, a thousand men at least,
and he would give the whole army time to rally so as to
" Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, p. 320.
364 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
thoroughly demoHsh the enemy. Hamilton promised
reinforcements. Langdale continued the contest for
four hours : according to his own confession, Cromwell
had never met with such a desperate resistance. But
no assistance came, and Langdale was obliged to yield.
Leaving the vanquished Enghsh to fly whither they
would, CromweU marched straight against the Scots,
who were crossing the river Ribble with all haste, in
order to interpose a barrier to his pursuit ; most of
the regiments had already reached the left bank of the
river, and only two brigades of infantry, with Hamilton
himseh' and some squadrons of horse, remained on the
right bank to cover their retreat. Cromwell imme-
diately charged them, crossed the river with them, and,
scarcely giving his troops a few moments for repose,
continued the pursuit by daybreak the next day, the
1 8th of August. The course of their flight was towards
the south ; and even whilst in retreat, they continued
their invasion. He overtook them the same day at
Wigan, fifteen miles from Preston, and cut their rear-
guard to pieces. Their pride at thus gaining two
victories, the hope of a decisive triumph, and the very
impatience produced by fatigue, hourly augmented the
enthusiasm of his soldiers. The pursuit was renewed
the next day, August the 1 9th, with even more energy
and rapidity. The Scots, irritated in their turn at
being so hard pressed on by an enemy inferior to them-
selves, and meeting with an advantageous defile near
Warrington, at length turned and faced their pursuers,
and engaged them in a third battle, more protracted
and bloody than either of the two preceding, but ending
AND TUE EXULISH REVOLUTION. 365
in the same result. The English carried the defile,
and afterwards a bridge at Warrington, wliich the
►Scots attempted to break down in order to give them-
selves breathing-time. Confusion and dismay now
took possession of the Scottish army ; a council of war
determined that infantry without ammunition could
resist no longer, and they surrendered in a body.
Hamilton, at the head of his cavalry, attempted to
reach Wales in order to revive the royalist insurrection
in that country ; then, suddenly changing his purpose,
he turned towards the north-east, in the hope of re-
gaining Scotland : but everywhere on his passage the
peasantry rose in arms, and the magistrates summoned
him to capitulate. At Uttoxeter, in Staffordshire,
on account of a rumour that arose that he meditated
escaping with some officers, his own cavalry mutinied.
Lambert and Lord Grey of Grroby, who had been de-
spatched in pursuit of him, had now almost overtaken
him. Too fainthearted to struggle against such an
adverse fate, he allowed his followers to disband, and
betake themselves whithersoever they pleased. On
the 25th of August, he himself accepted the conditions
proposed by Lambert, and was carried prisoner to
Nottingham Castle. After a fortnight's campaign,
having removed all traces of the Scottish army from
the English soil, Cromwell marched towards Scotland
to invade it in its turn, and so to deprive the Presby-
terian Eoyalists of all means of action and safety.^
' lUishworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1237, 1239, 1241 ; Clarendon's His-
tory of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 75 ; Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson,
p. 320 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. Ill ; Parhamentary History, vol. iii. col.
997 — 1000 ; IMalcohn Laing's History of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 400 — 403 ;
366 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
But, in moments of extreme danger, parties, instead
of succumbing, often assume their loftiest bearing, and
deal their roughest blows. Even before this important
news reached Westminster, as soon as they found that
Cromwell had advanced against the Scots, the Presby-
terians had discerned that his triumjDh would be their
ruin, and that they could only be saved, either by
his destruction, or by the speedy restoration of peace.
Accordingly they used their most energetic efforts for
the attainment of these ends. HoUis, who, notwith-
standing the recall of the eleven members, had hitherto
continued to live in France, on the coast of Normandy,
now resumed his seat in the Commons.' Huntington,
who had formerly been major in Cromwell's own regi-
ment, in an address to the Upper House, dated on the
3rd of August, publicly denounced the intrigues of
the Lieutenant-general, his promises to the King, his
treacherous conduct, the boldness of his ambition, his
contempt of the Parhament, of the common laws, duties,
and rights of men, and the pernicious principles and
menacing designs which were sometimes visible in spite
of his hypocrisy, and sometimes openly expressed by
him in the freedom of conversation. The Lords ordered
the memorial to be read, and Huntington ajQfirmed its
truth on his oath, on the 8th of August. He intended
to present it also to the House of Commons ; but so
formidable had Cromwell's name now become, that no
Godwin's History of the Commonwealth, vol. ii. pp. 563-572 ; Baker's
Chronicle of the Kings of England, p. 606 ; Carlyle's Letters and
Speeches of Cromwell, vol. i. pp. 359 — 383.
' August 14. — Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1226.
AXD THE ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 3G7
member would risk the peril of introducing it. He sent
it under cover to the Speaker. Lenthall said nothing
about it to the House ; but he attempted to give it to
the serjeant-at-arms, who refused to receive it. The
Lords sent it officially to the Commons. Lord Wharton,
one of Cromwell's most intimate confidants, followed
the messengers, forewarned the Speaker of the object
of their message, and they were not introduced.^ The
Independents protested indignantly against such mea-
sures ; it was, they said, a criminal act of cowardice
thus to attack a man in his absence, when he was,
perhaps, at that very moment, deHvering his country
from foreign invasion ; and many of the Presb3rterians
themselves were intimidated by this argument. All
hopes of thus directly overthrowing the Lieutenant-
general had to be abandoned, and Huntington con-
tented himself with having his declaration printed.
Measures which aimed at the restoration of peace had
greater success. In vain did the leaders of the Inde-
pendents, especially Vane and St. John, exhaust all
their stratagems to protract the debates ; in vain did
others, who were more unscrupulous, such as Scott,
Venn, Harvey, and Weaver, denounce the Presby-
terians who were obnoxious to them in the wildest and
most outrageous terms : these violent demonstrations,
this continually augmenting disorder, the arrogance of
the soldiers, the imperious tone adopted in pamphlets
and petitions, even in those professing a pacific policy,
— all told the House that its own power was on the
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 965 ; Whitolocke, p. 327.
368 HISTORY OP CHARLES THE FIRST
decline, and led all who were not inextricably involved
in party intrigues to wisli earnestly for peace. " Mr.
Speaker," said Rudyard, one day, "we have sat thus
long, and are come to a fine pass, for the whole kingdom
is now become Parliament all over ; the army hath
taught us a good while what to do, and would still teach
us what we shall do; the city, country, and Eeformadoes
teach us what we should do ; and all is because we our-
selves know not what to do."^ And the majority agreed
with him in thinking that peace alone could release
them from tliis dishonourable state of embarrassment.
At last the resolution was taken, and a vote passed that
new negociations should be immediately commenced
with the King. It was agreed, in order to quiet the
Independents, that they should take place in the Isle
of Wight ;~ and three Commissioners were appointed*
to convey the proposal to the King, and ask him in
what part of the island he would wish to reside during
the treaty, and which of his advisers he would desire
to have with him.
The Independent leaders were not deceived : tliis
was an irrevocable reverse. Feeling that a crisis was at
hand, and more intimidated by their triumph than by
their threats, the majority were evidently passing over
to their enemies. Ludlow proceeded at once to head-
quarters, which were still at Colchester. He thus
relates his interview with Fairfax : — "I told him that
a design was driving on to betray the cause in wliich
' August 8. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 984 — 986.
^ July 29.— Ibid. vol. iii. col. 959.
^ August 2.— Ibid. vol. iii. cols. 964, 965.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 369
SO much of the people's blood had been shed ; that the
King, being under a restraint, would not account him-
self obliged by anything he should promise under
such circumstances; and I assured him that most of
those who pushed on the treaty with the greatest
vehemency, intended not that he should be bound
by the performance of it, but designed principally to
use his authority and favour in order to destroy
the army, — who, as they had assumed the power,
ought to make the best use of it, and to prevent
the ruin of themselves and the nation. He acknow-
ledged what I said to be true, and declared himself
resolved to use the power he had to maintain the
cause of the public, upon a clear and evident call,
looking upon himself to be obliged to pursue the work
which he was about." Ludlow then went to Ireton,
whom Cromwell, on his departure, had taken care to
leave with the General, and who, he expected, would
receive him more heartily. " We both agreed," writes
Ludlow, " that it was necessary for the army to interfere
in this matter, but differed about the time, he being of
opinion that it was best to permit the King and Par-
liament to make an agreement, and to wait till they
had made a full discovery of their intentions, whereby
the people, becoming sensible of their own danger,
would willingly join to oppose them."^ The Eepubli-
cans, in default of the army, sent threatening petitions
to Westminster, among others, one drawn up by
Henry Martyn, which set forth all the principles
of the party, and required the Commons to declare
' Ludlow's Memoirs, pp. 112, 113.
VOL. II. 2 B
370 ITISTOPvY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
themselves the sovereign power, and to respond at
length to the expectations of the people, by giving
them all the reforms which they had expected to
obtain when they took up arms on behalf of the Par-
liament. The House made no reply : two days after,
a second petition arrived, complaining bitterly of this
contemptuous neglect, and this time the petitioners
thronged to the doors in troops, exclaiming angrily,
" that they knew no use of a King or Lords any longer,
and that such distinctions were the devices of men ;
Grod made all alike; and there are many thousands
who would spend their blood in the maintenance of
these principles. Forty thousand had subscribed
this petition, but they conceived five thousand horse
would do more good in it."^ Some even of the mem-
bers, Scott, Blackiston and Weaver, went out of the
House, mixed familiarly with the crowd, and en-
com'aged these cries. The House persisted in its
silence ; but the greater firmness it displayed, the
more passionately did tlie Independent party hasten
towards its ultimate designs, and on the ISth of
September, five days after this scene, Henry Martyn
suddenly set out for Scotland, where Cromwell had
just arrived.^
About the same time, on the 13th of September,
fifteen Commissioners set out for the Isle of Wight.
The Commission was composed of five Lords and ten
' September 11. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii, cols. 1005 — 1013;
Whitelocke, p. 335 ; Kushwortli, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1257 ; Ludlow's
Memoirs, p. 114.
* Whitelocke, p. 337.
AND THE EXGLTRH REVOLUTTOX. 371
members of the House of Commons,' all of whom,
except Vane, and perhaps Lord Say, were favourable to
peace. Never before had any negociation excited such
Uvely interest ; it was to last forty days. The King
had eagerly accepted the proposal, giving his word
that, during that period, and for twenty days after-
wards, he would make no attempt to escape. Twenty
of his oldest servants, noblemen, divines, and lawyers,
had been admitted to aid liim by their counsels ; he
had even demanded and obtained permission that part
of his household and domestic retinue, pages, secre-
taries, chamberlains, grooms, equerries, and valets,
should be restored to him on tliis occasion.^ Ac-
cordingly on the arrival of the Commissioners, on the
1 5th of September, at the small town of Newport, the
crowd was so great, that three days elapsed before the
new comers could succeed in obtaining a lodging.
Meantime, the Commissioners presented themselves
every morning before the King, treating him with
profound respect, but great reserve, and not one of
them venturing upon a private interview. Most of
them, however, communicated freely with his counsel-
lors, and in this way conveyed their advice to him,
exhorting him above all things to accept the pro-
posals of Parliament promptly and almost without
questioning; for, said they, all is lost if the negocia-
tion is not concluded, and the King once more in
^ Lords Northumberland, Pembroke, Salisbury, Middlesex, and Say ;
Lord Wenman, HoUis, Pierrepoint, Vane, Grimstone, Sir John Potts,
John Carew, Samuel Brown, John Glynn, and John Bulkley.
'^ Parliamentary Histoiy, vol. iii. col. 1001 ; Journals of the House of
Lords, August 24.
T,
t^ O tJ
372 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
London, before Cromwell and his troops have time
to return.^ Charles seemed to believe in the sincerity
of their advice, and disposed to comply with it, but
he secretly entertained far different hopes : Ormonde,
who for the last six months had been a refugee in
Paris, whither he had gone in March, 1648, was
now about to reappear in Ireland, with the supplies
of money and ammunition that had been promised
him by the court of France. On his arrival, and in
concert with Lord Inchiquin, he was to conclude a
peace with the Catholics, and commence a vigorous
war against the Parliament ; so that the King, on
effecting his escape, would once more have a kingdom
and an army at his command.^ In a letter to Sir
William Hopkins, Charles stated these plans, and
made arrangements for his flight.^
The conference opened on the 1 8th of September ;
the King was seated under a canopy at the end of the
room ; before him, at a Httle distance, were the West-
minster Commissioners, seated round a table ; behind
his chair liis counsellors stood in silence, for it was
with the King personally that the Parliament wished
to treat, and any mediator would have seemed to com-
promise its dignity ; and, notwithstanding all their
punctilious submission, the Commissioners could hardly
be prevailed upon to allow the presence of any wit-
nesses. Charles therefore maintained the discussion
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 154 ; Herbert's
Memoirs, p. 72.
"'' Carte's Life of Ormond, vol. ii. pp. 20 — 38.
^ August 1648. — The king's letters to Sir Wilham Hopkins were
published in the third edition of WagstaflTs " Vindication of the Royal
Martyr."
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 37 '6
alone ; but whenever he wished, he might retire into
an adjoining room to receive the suggestions of his
counsellors/ At the sight of their King, thus single-
handed, and cast upon his own resources, silent
emotion stirred the hearts of all present. Charles's
hair had turned white ; an expression of habitual
sadness had tempered the haughtiness of his glance ;
his deportment, his voice, all his features bespoke a
mind still lofty, though vanquished, equally incapable
of struggling against his destiny, and of yielding to it ;
a singular and touching mixture of greatness without
strength, and of presumption without hope.^ The pro-
posals of the Parliament, which were unchanged, except
in a few unessential particulars, were successively read
and examined. Charles appHed himself with dignified
calmness to the discussion, answering every objection,
irritated by no resistance, able to make the best of all
the points of his case, indeed astonishing his most
prejudiced adversaries by the firmness of his mind, his
gentleness of demeanour, and his intimate acquaintance
with the affairs and laws of the kingdom. " The
King," said the Earl of Salisbury one day to Sir Philip
Warwick, " is wonderfully improved." " No, my
Lord," replied Warwick, " he was always so, but your
Lordship too late discerned it." Bulkley, one of the
Commons' Commissioners, urged him to accept all,
assuring him that, " the treaty once ended, the devil
himself could not be able to break it." " If you
' Herbert's Memoira, p. 72 ; Warwick's Memoirs, p. 324 ; Clarendon's
History of the Kebellion, vol. vi. p. 156.
'^ Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 157.
374 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
call this a treaty," replied Charles, " consider whether
it be not like the fray in the comedy, where the
man comes out and says, ' There has been a fray
and no fray,' and being asked how that could be,
' why,' says he, ' there hath been three blows given,
and I had them all.' Look, therefore, whether this
be not a parallel case; observe whether I have not
gra-nted absolutely most of your propositions, and with
great moderation limited only some few of them ; nay,
consider whether you have made me any concessions."^
He had, in fact, consented to comply with the demands
of the Parliament respecting the command of the sea
and land forces, the right of nomination to offices of
importance, the government of Ireland, and even the
legitimacy of the resistance which had led to the civil
war ; but, instead of yielding at once and without
hesitation, he had disputed foot by foot the ground
he could no longer maintain, now sending proposi-
tions of his own to the Parliament, now endeavouring
to evade his own concessions, obstinately determined
to maintain his rights even when he was surrendering
them, inexhaustible in subtleties and dissimulation,
and daily giving his adversaries some new reason to
think that the severest necessity was their only
security against him. Moreover, he jDcrsisted, as
much from the requirements of his conscience as
from the interests of his power, in rejecting the
abolition of episcopacy, and the severities which it was
proposed to inflict on his principal partisans. Finally,
after having solemnly promised that all hostilities in
' Wai'wicks Memoirs, p. 'S-2'i.
AM) THE ENGLISH IIEVOLIJTION. 375
[reland should cease/ he thus secretly wrote to Or-
monde r — " T must command you two things : first,
to obey all my wife's commands ; tlien not to obey
any pubHc command of mine, until I send you word
that I am free from restraint. Lastly, be not startled
at my great concessions concerning Ireland, for they
will come to nothing."^
The Parhament, though they had no certain infor-
mation, nevertheless suspected this treachery, and even
those most desirous of peace, those who felt most
deeply for the King and most earnestly longed to save
him, could not meet this accusation of the Inde-
pendents with a positive and unembarrassed denial.
The Presbyterian devotees, at the same time, however
moderate they might be in their political intentions,
were inflexible in their hatred to episcopacy, and were
determined to accept no compromise or delay which
did not involve the triumph of the Covenant. More-
over, this idea was firmly fixed in their minds, that
after so many evils had been brought upon the country
by the war, the conquered party must necessarily take
the responsibility, and that, in order to satisfy the
Divine justice which was manifested in the Holy Scrip-
tures by so many striking examples, the crime of those
who were actually guilty must be expiated by their
punishment. The number to be punished was dis-
puted : the popular enthusiasts wished that a multitude
of exceptions should be made in the amnesty that was
' Journals of the House of Lords. December 1.
- October lU. — Carte's Life of Ormond, vol. ii. Appendix, No. xxxi,
xxxii. p. 17. " October 9. — Parliamentary Historj^, vol. iii. col. 1048.
376 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
to be proclaimed on the restoration of peace ; the
Presbyterians only asked for seven/ but these they
demanded with implacable determination, for they
believed, that by sparing them, they would condemn
themselves. Thns did narrow prejudices and paltry
enmities, even in those most pacifically inclined, ob-
struct the successful prosecution of the negociations.
Five times during their course,^ it was voted that the
offers and concessions of the King were insufficient.
In this state of uncertainty, the period assigned for the
duration of the conference elapsed ; the term was three
times prorogued,^ and it was decided that Sundays
and hoHdays should not be counted,* but no further
concession was made, no new instructions, even involv-
ing the smallest extension of their power of free dis-
cussion, were sent to the agents in the negociation.
The King, on his part, declared that, for the sake of his
honour and his faith, he could not go further, " that
he should be like that captain that had defended a
place well, and his superiors not being able to relieve
liim, he had leave to smTender it ; but," he continued,
" though they cannot reHeve me in the time I demand
it, let them relieve me when they can ; else I will
hold out till I make some stone in this building my
tombstone. And so will I do by the Church of
England."^ Thus the negociation remained stationary,
' Lords Newcastle and Digby, Sir Marmaduke Langdale, Sir Richard
Greuville, David Jenkins, Sir Francis Doddington, and Sir John Byron.
* October 2, 11, and 27, and November 2 and 24.
3 November 2, 18, and 24.
* October, 20. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1058.
•• Warwick's Memoirs, p. 327.
AND THE ENGLISH EEVOLUTION. 377
serving only to give a striking exhibition of the
impotent anxiety of the two parties, both of whom
obstinately misunderstood and rejected that which was
demanded by necessity.^
Nevertheless, all things around them were hastening
to a crisis, and hourly assuming a more threatening
attitude. After two months of the most determined
resistance, Colchester at length surrendered,^ and the
next day a court-martial condemned to death three
of its bravest defenders, Sir Charles Lucas, Sir George
Lisle, and Sir Bernard Grascoigne, as an example,
they said, to rebels who might afterwards be tempted
to follow their example. In vain did the other
prisoners, with Lord Capel at their head, entreat Fairfax
to delay the execution of this sentence, or to decree
that they should all suffer the same fate, as they were
all equally guilty with their companions. Fairfax,
excited by the contest, or more probably intimidated
by Ireton, did not reply ; and orders were given that
the tliree officers should be shot immediately. Sir
Charles Lucas suffered first ; as he fell. Lisle ran up to
him and kissed him, and immediately standnig up,
called to the soldiers to come nearer, as they were too
far off. " Fear not, sir," one replied, " we shall hit
you." " My friends," answered Lisle, smiling, " I
have been nearer when you have missed me," and he
fell by the side of his friend. Gascoigne was taking
' Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 425 — 454 ; History of the
Rebellion, vol. vi. pj). 152 — 182 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols.
1002 — 1129, jHtssiiu; Warwick's Memoirs, p. 327, et seq.; Herbert's
Memoirs, p. 70 ; Bowring, p. 92.
'■" August 27, 1648.— liushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1241—1249.
378 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
off his coat, when a reprieve from the general arrived.'
Colchester having surrendered, no rallying place re-
mained for the Eoyalist party in the east. In the
north, Cromwell, who had conquered Hamilton, entered
Scotland without opposition on the 20th of September ;
the peasantry of the western counties rose in a body
at the first report of his victory ; and, each parish
under the conduct of its minister, marched towards
Edinburgh in order to expel the loyalists. ^ Six miles
from Berwick, at Lord Mordington's castle, Argyle,
who had come to meet him, had a long conference
with him ;^ both were far-sighted men, and their
success had not made them blind to their perils. The
Scottish Eoyahsts, powerful in spite of their defeat,
and still in arms in many places, apjDcared determined
not to succumb unresistingly to a sanguinary reaction,
and a treaty was speedily concluded with them,*
securing to them the undisturbed enjoyment of their
possessions on condition that they should disband
"^heir troops, abjure all their engagements in favour
of the King, and again swear fidelity to that holy
league which ought never to have ceased to be a
bond of union between the two kingdoms. Thus
' Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 101.
'^ This expedition was called in Scotland the insurrection of the
" Whigamores," from the word " whigam," used by the peasants to
urge on their horses while driving them. Thence the name of " Whigs "
came afterwards to be given to the party in opposition, as represent-
atives and heirs of the most zealous Scottish Covenanters. — Burnet's
History of his Own Times, vol. i. p. 78.
•' September 22. — Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1282.
* September 26. — Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltons, p. 367 ; His-
tory of his Own Times, vol. i. p. 64 ; Malcolm Laing's History of Scot-
land, vol. iii. p. 405.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 379
reinstated in the possession of the government, Argyle
and his party received Cromwell at Edinburgh with
great pomp; the Committee of Estates, the mmii-
cipal corporation, which had been either purged or
re-elected, the fanatical clergy and populace over-
whelmed liim every day with visits, harangues,
sermons, and banquets ; but, urged by the reports of
Henry Martyn, he retraced his steps towards England
as speedily as possible/ leaving Lambert with two
regiments to protect the newly-estabhshed govern-
ment. He had hardly reached Yorkshire, where
he appeared to be solely occupied in dispersing the
remains of the insurrection, before numerous petitions
were sent from that county, all addressed to the
Commons only, demanding prompt justice on the
delinquents, whatever might be their rank or name.
At the same time, similar petitions arrived from other
counties, and were always presented or supported by
Cromwell's friends.^ The Presbyterians opposed tliis
movement in the name of the Great Charter and the
laws of the kingdom. "Mr. Speaker," said Dennis
Bond, an obscure Republican, "we have had many
doctrines preached here by several gentlemen against
the power of this House ; such as that we cannot try
my Lord of Norwich but by his peers, because it is
against Magna Charta; but I trust ere long to see
the day when we may have power to hang the
greatest lord of them all, if he deserves it, without
trial by his peers ; and I doubt not but we shall have
' October 11.— raishworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 121)5, 12L>6.
'^ October 10 and November 6.
380 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
honest, resolute judges to do it, notwithstanding
Magna Charta."^ The House rejected the petitions ;
but others immediately followed, of a still more ex-
plicit and formidable character, for they came from the
regiments of Treton, Ingoldsby, Fleetwood, Wlialley,
and Overton, and formally demanded of the Commons
that justice should be done on the King ; at the same
time requiring of Fairfax the re-establishment of the
general council of the army " to consider of some effec-
tual remedies to existing evils, either by representing
the same to the House of Commons, or in such way
as your Excellency with your council shall think fit."^
Accordingly the council resumed its sittings, and on
the 20th of November, the Speaker informed the
House that officers were at the door, with Colonel
Ewers at their head, who had come in the name of
the General and the army to present a memorial. It
was a long Remonstrance, similar to that which the
Commons themselves had sent to the King on that very
day seven years before,^ in order to break effectually
with him. Following their example, the army in tliis
paper enumerated all the grievances and all the fears
of England, imputed them to the irresoluteness of the
Parliament, to their forgetfulness of public interests,
and their negociations with the King; and it called
upon them formally to deliver him over to justice, to
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1040 — 1042 ; Rushworth,
part iv. vol. ii. p. 1318 ; Whitelocke, p. 346.
^ October 18 and 30. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1056,
1077 : Piushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1297, 1311 ; Whitelocke, p. 343 5
Journals of the House of Commons.
3 November 21, 1641.
AISTD THE EXGLISH REVOLUTION. 381
proclaim the sovereignty of the people, to decree that
the King should, for the future, be elected by its repre-
sentatives, to bring their own session to a close, to
provide before they separated for the equal distribu-
tion of tlie right of suffrage, for the regular holding
of future parliaments, and for all reforms desired by
godly men ; and it finally threatened, though in dis-
guised language, that it would itself save the country,
if it continued any longer to be compromised by the
neglect or feebleness of men who were after all, like
the soldiers, the mere delegates and servants of their
fellow-citizens.'
As soon as this was read, a violent tumult arose in
all parts of the House ; Scott, Holland, Wentworth,
and the Independents loudly demanded that the army
should be instantly thanked for its frank and cou-
rageous counsels. The Presbyterians, some indig-
nantly, others in terms complimentary to the ofiicers,
urged the House to reject the Remonstrance, and, as a
mark of its displeasure, to abstain from replying to it.^
This expedient suited the timid as well as the brave ;
it was carried by a great majority — one hundred and
twenty-five votes against fifty-three —after two debates,
held on the 20th and 29th of November. But the
day was come when victories seemed only to precipitate
an ultimate defeat : excitement and confusion were at
their height at Westminster, both within doors and
without ; the approaching return of Cromwell was
' Pai'liameutary History, vol. iii. cols. 1077 — 1128 ; Whitelocke
p. 365.
* Mercurius Pragmaticus, No. 3o.
382 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
now spoken of;^ already had the army declared its
intention to march on London.^ The Royalists,
losing all hope, now thought only of avenging them-
themselves upon their enemies by any means they
could command. Several Republican members were
insulted and attacked in the streets.^ Warnings were
sent to Pairfax, even from France, that the Cavaliers
had resolved to assassinate him at St. Albans :^ at
Doncaster, a band of twenty men carried off Rains-
borough, the governor of the town, and three of
them stabbed him at the moment when he was
attempting to escape -^ report even stated that a
plot was on foot for massacring eighty of the most
influential members, as they left the House ;* and,
lastly, in the midst of this general anarchy, tidings
successively arrived, first, that in two days, that
is, on the 2nd of December, Cromwell would be at
head-quarters; then, that in the Isle of Wight, the
governor, Hammond, having been suspected of too
great leanings towards the King and the Parliament,
had,. on the 25th of November, received orders from
Fairfax to quit his post, to return to the army, and to
surrender to Colonel Ewers the charge of the King \^
that Charles, on learning this, had been seized with fear,
extended his concessions, and closed the conferences at
' Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1320.
* Whitelocke, p. 358 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1137 — 1141.
^ Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1279 ; Whitelocke, p. 339.
* Ibid, part iv. vol, ii. p. 1280.
'"* October 29. — Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. vi. p. 122 ;
Whitelocke, p. 346 ; Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1315.
* Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1279 ; Whitelocke, p. 33.).
^ Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1133 — 1137.
AND THE ENGLISH KEVOLUTTON. 3S3
Newport ; and that, on the same day, the 28th of
November, the Commissioners had set out on their
return to the Parliament, bearing with them his
definite offers.
In fact, they arrived on the next day, almost all of
them dee]Dly affected by the peril in which they had
left the King, and by his last farewell. " My lords,"
he said, " I believe we shall scarce ever see each other
again ; but God's will be done. I have made my
peace with Him, and shall undergo without fear,
whatever He may suffer them to do with me. My
lords, you cannot but know, that in my fall and ruin,
you see your own, and that, also, near you. I pray God
send you better friends than I have found. I am fully
informed of the carriage of those who plot against me
and mine ; but nothing affects me so much as the feeling
I have of the sufferings of my subjects, and the mis-
chief that hangs over my three kingdoms, drawn upon
them by those who, upon pretences of good, violently
pm*sue theii' own interests and ends,"' The report of
the Commissioners was received on the 1st of Decem-
ber, and although the new concessions of the King
differed little from those which they had so often
rejected, yet the Presbyterians immediately proposed
to the House that they should be declared satisfactory,
and sufficient to serve as a basis for peace. The motion
was even supported by Nathaniel Piennes, son of Lord
Say, and formerly one of the most impetuous of the
leaders of the Independent party. The debate had
lasted for several hours, when information reached the
' Works of King Charles the Martyr, p. 424. Loudon, IG62.
384 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
House, of a letter which had been sent by Fairfax to
the Common Council, to announce that the army was
on its march towards London. " Question ! question !"
immediately shouted the Independents, eager to profit
by the alarm excited by this intelligence ; but, contrary
to their expectations, and spite of all their efforts, the
debate was adjourned to the next day/ It was resumed
with greater vehemence than ever, amidst the move-
ments of the troops, which were pouring in on all sides,
and taking up their quarters at St. James's Palace, at
York House, and all around the Parliament and the
City. The Independents still expected that they
would succeed in consequence of the terror of their
opponents. " By this debate," said Vane, " we shall
soon guess who are our friends and who our enemies ;
or, to speak more plainly, we shall understand, by the
carriage of this business, who are the King's party in
the House, and who are for the people." " Mr. Speaker,"
was the spirited reply of a member, whose name is not
known, " since this gentleman has had the presump-
tion to divide the House into two parts, I hope it
is as lawful for me to take the same liberty in dividing
the House likewise into two parts upon this debate.
Mr. Speaker, you will find some that are desirous of
peace and a settlement, and those are such as have lost
by the war ; others you will find that are against
peace, and those are such as have gained by the war.
My humble motion, therefore, is this, that the gainers
may contribute to the losers, that we may all be
brought to an equal degree, for, till then, the balance
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. coLs. 1143 — 1145.
AND THE EXGLISH REVOLUTIOX. 385
of the Commonwealth will never stand right toward a
settlement." The Independents protested, but with
great embarrassment; for, on both sides, personal
interests exerted an influence which they themselves
could hardly venture to deny. Rudyard, Stephens,
Grimstone, Walker, Prideaux, Wroth, Scott, Corbet,
and many others, alternately supported and opposed
the motion, and still the debate did not appear likely
to terminate. Day declined; several members had
already retired ; an Independent proposed that candles
should be lighted, and the sitting be continued.
" Mr. Speaker," said a Presbyterian, " I perceive very
well that the drift of some gentlemen is to take
advantage not only of the terror now brought on us
by the present approach of the army, but also to spin
out the debate of this business to an unseasonable
time of night, by which means the more ancient
members of the House (whom they look upon as most
inclined to peace) will be tired out and forced to
depart before we can come to a resolution, and there-
fore, I hope the House will not agree to this last
proposal ;" and notwithstanding the clamours of the
Independents, the debate was again adjourned.*
The next day but one,^ when the sitting began, an
untoward rumour agitated the House. The King, it
was said on all sides, had been removed from the Isle
of Wight during the night, in spite of his resistance,
and conveyed to Hurst Castle, a sort of prison, situated
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1145 — 1147 ; Ludlow's Memoirs,
p. 115.
* December 4. —The debate was not continued on the 3rd, because
it was Sunday.
VOL. II. 2 c "
386 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
on the coast opposite the island, at the extremity of a
barren, deserted, and unhealthy promontory. The
Independent leaders, though vehemently urged to
explain, remained silent. The sitting commenced ; the
Speaker read letters from Major Rolph, addressed to
the House, from Newport, where Rolph had taken the
command in the absence of Hammond. The rumour
was confirmed, and, contrary to the inclination of the
Parliament, all relations between the King and the
Parliament were henceforth rendered impossible.^
On the 29th of November, towards evening, some
hours after the conferences at Newport had closed,
and the Commissioners had left, a man in disguise told
one of the King's servants, "that the army would that
night seize upon the King's person." Charles imme-
diately sent for the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of
Lindsey, and Colonel Edward Cook, an officer in his
confidence, and entreated them to take means to verify
the report. In vain did they attempt to obtain
information from Major Eolph; he gave only short
and obscure repHes : " You may assure the King from
me, that he may rest quietly for this night, for on my
life, he shall have no disturbance this night." Cook
offered to mount his horse, to ride along the coast,
and to go to Carisbrooke, where the troops, it was
said, had arrived, m order that he might himself
see what had happened. The night was dark, the
rain violent, the enterprise dangerous ; the King
hesitated to accept such a service ; Cook insisted, and
went. He found that the garrison at Carisbrooke had
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1147, 1148.
AND THE EXGLISH REVOLUTION. 387
been reinforced ; ten or twelve officers had lately ar-
rived ; Captain Bowerman, who was in command, was
almost openly guarded ; everywhere an air of mystery
and agitation prevailed. He returned as quickly as
possible, to convey this information to the King, and
arrived at Newport about midnight. On his return,
he found the house occupied by the King surrounded
by guards ; there were soldiers under every window,
and even inside the house up to the very door of the
room in which the King slept, into which the smoke
from their pipes penetrated through every crevice.
Doubt was no longer possible ; the two lords conjured
the King to attempt an escape that very hour, at all
hazards. This advice was displeasing to the timid gra-
vity of Charles ; he alleged the difficulty of the attempt,
and the irritation which it would produce in the army.
"Nay," he added, "what if the army should seize me,
they must preserve me for their own sakes, for no party
could secure their own interest without joining mine
with it." The Earl of Lindsey replied, " Take heed,
sir, lest you fall into such hands as will not steer by
such rules of policy. Remember Hampton Court,
where your escape was your best security." Rich-
mond asked Cook how he passed to and fro ; Cook
answered, he had the word. The duke asked whether
he could pass him too ; he answered, he made no
question but he could. Richmond put on a trooper's
cloak ; they went out, passed through all the posts,
and returned without hindrance. The two lords., who
were standing before a window with the Kmg,
passionately renewed their entreaties ; the colonel,
388 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
drenched with rain, stood alone before the fire. " Ned
Cook," said the King", suddenly turning towards him,
*' what do you advise in this case ?" Cook hesitated,
but answered, that his Majesty had his privy coun-
cillors with him. " Ned, I command you to give me
your advice," said the King. Cook begged leave that,
after he had premised some particulars, he might ask
his Majesty a question. The King told him to speak.
" Suppose," said he, " I should not only tell your Ma-
jesty that the army would very suddenly seize you,
but, by concurring circumstances, fully convince your
Majesty it would be so ; that I have the word, horses
ready at hand, a vessel attending me, and hourly expect-
ing me ; I am ready and desirous to attend you, and
this dismal dark night seems as if it were suited for
the purpose ; I can foresee no difficulty in the thing,
which I suppose to be the true state of this case ; the
only question now is, what will your Majesty do?"
After a small pause, Charles pronounced this positive
answer : " They have promised me, and I have pro-
mised them, and I will not break first." . ..." I
presume," said the colonel, "your Majesty intends,
by those words they and them, the Parliament ; if so,
the scene is now changed, your present apprehensions
arising from the army." .... The King replied,
however, he would not break his word, and bade
him and the Earl of Lindsey good night ; and said
he would go and take his rest as long as he could ; —
" That, sir," replied Colonel Cook, " I fear me, will
not be long." The King answered, " As God please."
It was now almost one o'clock ; thev withdrew, and
AND THE ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 389
Charles went to bed. Eichmond alone remained with
him.
In the morning, just at break of day, the King,
hearing a great knocking at his dressing-room door,
sent the Duke of Eichmond to ask what it meant ;
" who, inquiring who was there, was answered ....
that there were some gentlemen from the army, very
desirous to speak with the King ; which account the
duke gave to the King. But the knocking increasing,
the Kins commanded the duke to let them into the
dressing-room ; but before the King could get out
of his bed, the officers rushed into his chamber,
with Lieutenant-Colonel Cobbett at their head, and
abruptly told the King they had orders to remove
him. * From whom ? ' said the King. They
replied, * From the army.' The King asked whither
he was to be removed ? They answered, ' To the
castle.' The King asked, 'What castle?' again they
answered, 'The castle.' 'The castle,' said the King,
' is no castle ; I am well enough prepared for any
castle, and requu'e them to name it.' After a short
whisper together, they said, ' Hurst Castle.' The
King replied that they could not name a worse, and
then, turning to Cobbett, asked whether he was to
have any servants with him. Cobbett replied, ' Only
such as are most useful.' Charles named his two
valets-de-chambre Harrington and Herbert, and Mild-
may his esquire-carver. Eichmond went out to make
preparations for breakfast, but before it was ready the
horses had arrived. Cobbett told him they must go.
The King entered the carriage without saying a word,
390 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
taking Harrington, Herbert, and Mildmay with liim.
Cobbett came to the door to get in, but Charles barred
the way against him with his foot, and the door was
immediately closed. They drove off, escorted by a de-
tachment of cavalry ; a small vessel was awaiting them
at Yarmouth ; the King embarked, and three hours
after was shut up in Hurst Castle, denied all com-
munication with any one outside the castle, confined
in a room so gloomy, that lights were necessary at
midday, and placed under the guard of Colonel Ewers,
a far rougher and more exacting jailer than even
Cobbett had been.'
On hearing this news the Presbyterians gave ftdl
vent to their indignation. " The House," they ex-
claimed, " guaranteed to the King, during his sojourn
at Newport, respect, security, and hberty ; it is dis-
honoured and ruined if this insolent act of insubordi-
nation be not decisively rebuked." They voted,
therefore, that the King's imprisonment had taken
place without the cognizance or consent of the House ;
and the debate relative to peace was renewed with
redoubled earnestness. It had already lasted more
than twelve hours ; the night was far advanced ;
although the assembly was still numerous, fatigue had
begun to overmaster the zeal of the old and feeble,
when a member rose, who was illustrious among the
martyrs in the cause of public hberty, but who had not
sat in the House for more than three weeks, — the same
' Colonel Cook's Narrative iu Ilushworth, part iv. vol. ii. pp. 1344 —
1348 : Herbert's Memoirs, pp. 79 — 91 ; Parliamentary History, vol. iii.
cols. 1149 — 11.51 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol, vi. p. 202.
AND THE ENGLISH KEYOI.UTION. 391
Prynne who twelve years before had sustained a rough
contest against the tyranny of Laud and the Court.
He began his speech by denying the charge that he
was a royal favourite. " To that charge," said he, " I
return this short answer, — that all the royal favour I
ever yet received from his Majesty or liis party was
the cutting off my ears two several times, one after
another, in a most barbarous manner ; the setting me
upon three several pillories at Westminster and in
Cheapside in a disgraceful manner, each time for two
hours' space together; the burning of my licensed
books before my face by the hand of the hangman ;
the imposing of two fines of five thousand pounds
apiece ; expulsion out of the Inns of Court and Uni-
versit}^ of Oxford, and degradation in both ; the loss
of ni}^ calling almost nine years' space ; the seizing of
my books and estate ; above eight years' imprison-
ment in several prisons — at least four of these years
spent in close imprisonment at Caernarvon, in North
Wales, and in the Isle of Jersey, where I was debarred
the use of pen, ink, and paper, and all books almost
but the Bible, without the least access of any friend,
or any allowance of diet for my support Now if
any member or old courtier whatever shall envy my
happiness for being only such a royal or State favourite
as this, I wish he may receive no other badges of
royal favour from his Majesty, nor greater reward or
honour from the Houses than I have done, and then
I believe he will no more causelessly asperse or suspect
me for being now a royal favourite, or apostate from
the public cause." He continued speaking for several
392 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
hours, minutely discussing all the propositions of the
King, and all the pretensions of the army ; passing suc-
cessively under review the different aspects presented
by the condition of the Parliament and of the country ;
grave without pedantry, pathetic yet self-possessed,
evidently raised by the strength and disinterestedness
of his conscience above the passions of his sect, the
defects peculiar to his own character, and the ordinary
intellectual level of his mind. Alluding in the course
of his speech to the arguments of the Eepublicans, he
said, "They further object that, if we discontent the
army by voting the King's answer satisfactory, we
are undone ; they will all lay down their arms, as one
commander of eminency hath here openly told you he
must do, and serve us no longer ; and then what will
become of us and all our faithful friends ? I answer,
that I hope the army will not be so sullen as to desert
or turn against us for voting what our consciences and
judgments prompt us is most for theirs, ours, and the
kingdom's safety, and that without hearing or scan-
ning our debates : if they be, I shall not much value
the protection of such inconstant, mutinous, and un-
reasonable servants ; and I doubt not, if they desert
us on so shght a ground, God himself and the whole
kingdom will stand by us, who else, I fear, wiU both
unanimously rise up against us, to oiu's and the army's
destruction ; and if the King and we shall happily
close upon this treaty, I hope we shall have no great
need of their future services. However, Jiat justitia,
mat caelum ; let us do our duty, and leave the issue to
God." The House listened to this speech with the
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 393
most earnest attention and the deepest emotion. It
was now nine o'clock in the morning ; the sitting had
lasted twenty-four hours ; two hundred and forty -four
members were still present. At length the votes were
taken, and it was decided by one hundred and forty
voices against one hundred and four that the King's
concessions were sufficient grounds for settling the
peace of the kingdom.'
The Independents were rapidly losing their sway ;
even the resources supphed by fear were exhausted ; all
the members who could be reached by any such impres-
sion had either yielded or departed to a distance. In
vain did Ludlow, Hutchinson, and some others, in
order to embarrass the House, demand permission to
enter a protest against their decision. Their wishes
were repulsed as contrary to the usages of the House,
which scorned the obnoxious notoriety which these
members hoped would prove so formidable to its popu-
larity.^ After the rising of the House, the leaders
of the party held a meeting together ; a great number
of officers, who had that morning arrived from head-
quarters, joined them. Their cause was in imminent
danger ; but so long as they were masters of the army,
they had a power in their hands which could defy all
perils ; strong in their sincere fanaticism or ambitious
aims, neither institutions, customs, nor laws, awed them
any longer; anxiety to rescue their righteous cause
rendered them regardless of men — necessity suspended
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1151 — 1240; Cleraent Walker's
History of Independency, part. ii. p. 15.
* Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 116 ; Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, p.
330.
394 HISTORY OV CHARLES THE FIRST
their reverence for institutions. They agreed that the
day was come ; and six of their number, tliree mem-
bers of the House and three officers, were charged to
take measures accordingly. They passed several hours
together, with the list of members of Parliament on
the table before them, discussing the sentiments and
conduct of each member, comparing notes, and sending
commands to their confidants. The next day, December
6th, at seven o'clock in the morning, a body of troops
was in motion, by order of Ireton, and before Fairfax
was informed of their purpose. With Skippon's con-
sent, the City train-bands, appointed for the guard
of the Houses, had been withdrawn ; two regiments,
one of infantry, under Colonel Pride, and one of
cavalry, under Colonel liich, occupied Palace-yard,
Westminster Hall, the staircase, the lobby, and all
the approaches to the House. Pride had stationed
himself at the very door of the House/holding in his
hand the list of proscribed members, and by his side
were Lord Grey of Groby and an usher, who were
occupied in pointing out those members as they arrived.
" You must not go in," said Pride to each of them ; and
at the same time, he arrested and sent aw^ay in custody
those who were most suspected. A violent tumult
soon broke out all round the House ; the excluded
members attempted to enter at other doors, asserted
their rights, and claimed assistance from the soldiers,
who only laughed and ridiculed. Some members,
Prynne among the rest, obstinately resisted. " 1 will
not stir," he said, " of my own accord :" and some
officers pushed him insultingly down the stairs, de-
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 395
lighted to enhance the triumph of power by the
luxury of licensed brutaHty. Forty-one members were
thus arrested and conveyed temporarily to two neigh-
bouring courts ; many others were excluded, but not
ajrested. Only two of those included in Pride's list,
Stephens and Colonel Birch, succeeded in making
their way into the House ; they were drawn to the
door under false pretexts, and immediately seized by
the soldiers. " Mr. Speaker," cried Birch, endeavour-
ing to force his way back into the room, "will the
House suffer their members to be pulled out thus
violently before their faces, and yet sit still?" The
House sent its sergeant-at-arms to the members out-
side, to require them to come in and take their places.
Pride would not suffer them to do so. The serjeant-
at-arms was sent again ; but was not allowed to pro-
ceed to them. The House determined that it would
transact no business so long as those members were
not restored to theii- seats, and appointed a committee
to go immediately to the General, and demand their
release. The committee had no sooner left than a
message came from the army, presented by Lieut. -
colonel Axtell and some officers ; they demanded the
official exclusion of the arrested members, and of all
those who had lately voted in favour of peace. The
House did not reply, but awaited the result of the
proceedings of their committee. The committee, on
their part, brought back word that the General also
refused to reply, till the House had adopted some
resolution upon the message of the army. Meantime
the excluded members had been taken from West-
396 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
minster, and led from one quarter of London to
another, from tavern to tavern, sometimes crowded
into a few coaches, sometimes driven on foot through
the m\id, surrounded by soldiers demanding payment
of their arrears. Hugh Peters, the preacher, one of
Fairfax's chaplains, came solemnly, sword by side, to
take down their names, by order of the Greneral. When
called upon by several of them to say by what right
they were arrested, " By the power of the sword," he
replied. They supplicated Colonel Pride to hear them,
but he sent word " that he had other employment for
the present, and could not wait upon them." At
length Pau'fax and his council, who were sitting at
Whitehall, promised them an audience; but after
waiting several hours, three officers came to tell them
that the General was too busy, and could not receive
them. Some embarrassment seemed to be disguised
under all this contempt; a meeting was evidently
shunned ; it was feared that their indomitable stub-
bornness might provoke the army to too great severi-
ties. Notwithstanding the audacity of their acts and
intentions, the dominant party themselves cherished
in their inmost hearts a secret respect for ancient
and legal order, though they were themselves hardly
conscious of it. In drawing up their proscription
list they had rigorously kept themselves within
the limits of strict necessity, hoping that a single
purge would suffice to establish their triumph. It
was with uneasiness that they found the House ob-
stinately resolved upon the restoration of its members,
and their adversaries in possession of a powerful party,
AND THE EXGLISH REVOLUTION. 397
perhaps the majority. Hesitation, however, was im-
possible ; they resolved to repeat the experiment. The
next day, the 7th of December, troops a second time
occupied all the avenues to the House; the same
scene was repeated; forty more members were ex-
cluded ; and some others were arrested in their own
houses. They wrote to the House, indignantly
demanding to be set at liberty : but this 'time the
defeat of the Presbyterians was complete ; instead of
replying to them, the House carried, by fifty votes
against twenty-eight, a motion to take into considera-
tion the proposals of the army. This minority retired
of its own accord, protesting that they would not
enter the House again until justice had been done to
their colleagues. Thus, after the expulsion of a
hundred and forty- three members, most of whom were
either not arrested, or were released from their con-
finement one by one without any stir, the Eepubli-
cans and the army at length saw themselves in full
possession of power, both in Parliament and out of it.'
From this day they met with no opposition ; no re-
sistance ; not a single voice now remained to disturb
the party in the intoxication of its victory ; its voice
alone was heard, its acts alone were felt in the kingdom ;
it might easil}' persuade itself that the whole nation
either submitted to it, or approved of it. Accordingly,
the enthusiasm of the fanatics was at its height. " On
the 22nd of December," says Walker, " both juntoes of
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1240 — 1249 ; Rushwortli, part iv.
voLii. pp. 1.353—1356 ; Whitelocke, p. 360 ; Ludlow's ]\Iemoirs, p. 117 ;
Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, p. 331 ; Fairfax's Memoirs, p. 254 ;
Clement Walker's History of Independency, part iv. p. 29, ot fe<i.
398 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
four Lords and twenty Commons kept a mock fast at
St. Margaret, Westminster, where Hugh Peters, the
pulpit bufibon, acted a sermon before them. The sub-
ject of his sermon was ' Moses leading the IsraeUtes
out of Egypt,' which he applied to the leaders of this
army, whose design is, ' to lead the people out of
Egyptian bondage. But how must this be done ? that
is not yet revealed unto me,' quoth Hugh ; and then,
covering his eyes with his hands, and laying down his
head on the cushion, until the people faUing into a
laughter awakened him, he started up and cried out,
' Now I have it by revelation, now I shall tell you.
This army must root up monarchy, not only here, but
in France and other kingdoms round about ; this is to
bring you out of Egypt ; this army is that corner-stone
cut out of the mountain, which must dash the powers
of the earth to pieces. But it is objected, the way we
walk in is without precedent. What think you of the
Virgin Mary? was there ever any precedent before
that a woman should conceive a child without the
company of a man ? This is an age to make examples
and precedents in :' "^ and the people yielded themselves
with transport to this mystical flattery. On the 7th of
December, in the midst of this exultation, on the very
day when the last remnants of the Presbyterian party
were leaving the Commons, Cromwell returned to his
place in the House. He repeatedly " declared that he
had not been acquainted with this design ; yet, since it
was done, he was glad of it, and would endeavour to
' Walker's History of Independency, part ii. pp.49, 50; Parliamentary
History, vol. iii. col. 1252.
AXD THE ENGLISH REYOLUTIOX. 399
maintain it."' The House received him with the most
flattering' expressions of gratitude. Official thanks
were addressed to him, through the Speaker, for his
Scottish campaign ; and on leaving the House, he took
up his abode in Whitehall, in the same apartments
that the King had formerly occupied.^ The next day,
the army took possession of the money-chests of the
different committees, being compelled, as they said, to
provide for their own necessities, in order that they
might no longer be a burden to the country.^ Three
days after, on the 11th of December, they sent to
Fairfax a plan of republican government, drawn up,
it is said, by Ireton, under the title of " A new Agree-
ment of the People," and invited him to bring it
under discussion in the general council of officers, who
would afterwards present it to the Parliament.* Mean-
while, without troubhng themselves to ask for the con-
sent of the Lords, the Commons repealed all the acts
and votes that had recently been passed in favour of
peace, and which would have obstructed the revolu-
tion.^ Finally, petitions were again sent in, demand-
ing that justice should be done on the King, who alone
was guilty of so much bloodshed,^ and a detachment
of soldiers was sent from head-quarters with orders to
bring him from Hurst Castle to Windsor.
' Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 117.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1246 ; Clement Walker's His-
tory of Independency, part ii. p. 34 ; Whitelocke, p. 360.
* Eushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1356.
* Ibid., pp. 1358, 1365.
^ December 12 and 13. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. cols. 1247 —
1249.
' liiishworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1372.
400 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
At midnight, on the 1 7th of December, Charles was
awakened by the noise of the lowering of the draw-
bridge, and by the entrance of a troop of soldiers into
the castle-yard. Silence was speedily restored, but
Charles was uneasy; before day -break he rang for
Herbert, who was sleeping in an adjoining room.
Charles asked if he heard the noise about midnight ?
Herbert said that he had, also the falling of the draw-
bridge, but that he would not venture out at such a
time of night without his Majesty's order. The King
bade him go and learn what the matter was. "Mr.
Herbert speedily returning to his Majesty, told him it
was Major Harrison that came so late into the castle."
" Are you sure it was Major Harrison ?" said the King.
" May it please your Majesty," said Mr. Herbert,
" Captain Reynolds told me so." " Then I beheve it,"
said the King; "but did you see Major Harrison?"
" No, sir," said Mr. Herbert. " Would not Captain
Reynolds," said the King, " tell you what the major's
business is?" Mr. Herbert replied, he did what he
could to be informed, but all he could then learn from
the captain was, that the occasion of Harrison's coming
would be known speedily. The King said no more,
but bade him attend in the next room, and went to
prayer. In less than an hour, the King opened the
bedchamber door, and beckoned to Mr. Herbert to
come in, and make him ready. Mr. Herbert was in
some consternation to see his Majesty so much discom-
posed, and wept, which the King observing, asked him
the meaning of it. Mr. Herbert replied, " Because I
perceive your Majesty so much troubled and concerned
AXD THE EXGLISH REVOLUTION. 401
at the news I brought." " I am not afraid," said the
King ; " but do not you know that this is the man who
intended to assassinate me, as by letter I was informed
during the last treaty ? To my knowledge I never saw
the Major, though I have oft heard of him, nor ever
did him injury. ... I wonld not be surprised, this is
a place fit for such a purpose. Herbert ! I trust to
your care ; go again and make further inquiry into
the business." Herbert returned more cheerful tliis
time, having learnt that the Colonel intended to con-
duct the King to Windsor, in three days at latest,
of which he hastened to inform Charles ; and Charles
himself was pleased with the intelligence, inferring
from it that the army were becoming more tractable.
'' Windsor," he said, '* was a place he ever dehghtecl in,
and would make amends for what he had suffered at
Hurst."
Two days after this, Lieutenant-Colonel Cobbett
came and told his Majesty that he had received orders
for his immediate removal to Windsor Castle, and that
Harrison had already returned thither. Charles, so
far from complaining, wished to hasten his departure.
Three miles from Hurst, he was met by a body of
cavalry, with orders to convey him to Winchester.
On his arrival at every station in his journey, he was
surrounded by a numerous crowd of gentlemen, citizens,
and peasants ; some had come merely from curiosity,
and left as soon as they had seen him, others were
deeply afiected, and followed him with prayers for his
preservation and Hberty. Wlien he arrived at Win-
chester, the mayor and aldermen met him, and, observ-
voL. II. :2 D
402 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
ing the usual custom, delivered to him the mace and
the keys of the city, and presented him with an address
full of affection. But Cobbett abruptly appearing while
this was going on, told them " That the Parliament had
voted no more addresses to the King on pain of high
treason ; and that by this address they made to him,
they were within the danger of being traitors." The
mayor and his colleagues, alarmed by tliis threat, humbly
asked pardon, protested that they were not aware of
the vote of the Parliament, and begged Cobbett to
excuse them to the House. On the next day, the King-
resumed his journey. Between Alresford and Farnham,
they found another body of cavalry drawn up in order,
appointed to relieve the detachment that had hitherto
escorted the King. It was commanded by an officer
of prepossessing appearance, gallantly mounted and
armed ; a velvet cap was on his head, a new buff-
coat upon his back, and a crimson silk scarf about his
waist, richly fringed. Charles was struck by his ap-
pearance, as he passed by him at a leisurely pace, and
gave him a respectful salute, which he returned. On
rejoining Herbert, he asked the name of the officer,
and being told it was Major Harrison, the King viewed
him more narrowly, and fixed his eyes so steadily upon
him, that the Major was abashed, and fell back to his
troop sooner than probably he intended. The King
said, " He looked like a soldier, and that his aspect was
good, and not such a one as was represented; and
that, ha\'ing some judgment in faces, if he had observed
him so well before, he should not have harbom'ed
that ill opinion of him." That evening, when the
AND THE ENGHJSH REVOLUTIOX. 403
cavalcade stopped for the night at Farnham, the King
perceived the Colonel in a corner of the room, and
beckoned to him to approach. Harrison obeyed
deferentially and modestly, with an air at once rough
and retiring. "The King then taking him by the
arm, drew him aside towards the window, where for
half an hour or more they discoursed together; and,
amongst other things, the King reminded him of the
information concerning him, which, if true, rendered
him an enemy in the worst sense to his person. To
which the Major in his vindication assured his Majesty
that what was so reported of him was not true ; what
he had said he might repeat, ' that the law was equally
obliging to great and small, and that justice had no
respect to persons,' or words to that purpose, which his
Majesty finding affectedly spoken, and to no good end,
he left off further communication with him, and went
to supper," without, however, appearing to attach to
his words any unpleasant meaning.
He was to reach Windsor the next day. On leavuig
Farnham, he declared that he would stop at Bagshot,
and dine in the forest at the house of Lord Newburgh,
one of his most faithful Cavaliers. Harrison dared not
refase, though so much eagerness inspired him with
suspicion. His fears were well founded. Lord New-
bm-gh, who was a great breeder of horses, had one
which had the reputation of being the swiftest in all
England. A long time before, when secretly corre-
sponding with the King, he had entreated him, on his
journey, "to disable the horse which he was riding,
and had promised to give him one with which it
2 D 2
404 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
would be easy to escape suddenly from his escort, and
to baffle the most active pursuit in the byroads of
the forest, with which the King was well acquainted.
Charles, in fact, on the road from Farnham to Bagshot,
repeatedly complained of his horse, and said that he
would change it. But no sooner had he arrived than
he learned that the horse on which he counted had,
on the previous day, received so severe a kick in the
stable that it was unfit for use. Lord Newburgh was
greatly distressed at the circumstance, and offered
others to the King, which, he said, were excellent,
and would fuUy answer his purpose. But, even with
the fleetest horse, the attempt would have been
perilous, for the cavalry escorting him constantly kept
very near the King, and aU of them had loaded pistols
in their hands. Charles at once gave up the idea
of running such a risk; and, when he reached
Windsor that evening, he was so delighted to return
to one of his own palaces, to occupy his accustomed
room in it, and to find all things prepared to receive
him almost in the same manner as in the times when
he was wont to come, with his Court, to visit that
beautiful retreat, that, far from experiencing any
melancholy forebodings, he almost forgot that he was
a prisoner.^
On the same day, the 23rd of December, almost at
the same hour, the House of Commons voted that he
should be brought to trial, and appointed a committee
to draw up the impeachment. Notwithstanding the
' Herbert's Memoirs, pp. 93 — 104 ; Clarendon's History of the Rebel-
lion, vol. vi. p. 223 ; Rnsbworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1375 ; Whitelocke,
p. 3G5.
AND THE EVGLISH REVOLUTION. 405
small number of members present, several voices were
raised against the measure : some demanded that they
should limit themselves to deposing the King, as had
been formerly done in the case of some of his prede-
cessors ; others, though they did not openly express
their wish, would have liked to dispose of him secretly,
so as to gain the advantage of his death without
incurring its responsibility. But the daring free-
thinkers, the sincere enthusiasts, and the rigid Eepub-
licans, wished for a solemn, public trial, which should
at once prove their strength and proclaim their
authority.^ Cromwell alone, who was more bent
upon hastening the trial than any one else, yet
disguised his wishes by hypocritical expressions. " If
any one," he said, "had moved this upon design,
I should think him the greatest traitor in the world ;
but since Providence and necessity have cast it upon
us, I pray God to bless our counsels, though I am
not prepared on the sudden to give my advice."^ By
one of those strange but invincible scruples by which
iniquity is unmasked at the very time when it is
most anxious to disguise itself, the Commons, in order
that they might not bring the King to trial without the
existence of some law on the authority of which they
might condemn him, voted the principle that it was
treason on his part to make war against the Par-
liament ;■'' and, on the motion of Scott,* an ordinance
' Whitelocke, j). 364 ; Clareudou'hi History of the Rebelliou, vol. vi.
p. 225.
^ Walker's History of ludependency, part ii. p. 54.
•' January 2. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1263.
■* Walker's History of Independency, part ii. p. 55,
406 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
was immediately adopted, by which a High Court was
constituted and appointed to try him.^ One hundred
and fifty commissioners were to compose it, namely,
six peers, three chief justices, eleven baronets, ten
knights, six aldermen of London, and all the influential
men belonging to the Independent party, in the array,
the House of Commons, and the City, except St. John
and Vane, who formally declared that they disapproved
of the measure, and would not have any share in it.
When, on the 2nd of January, the ordinance was pre-
sented to the Upper House for sanction, some inde-
pendence once more appeared in that assembly, though
it had been hitherto so servile, that it seemed to have
consented to be treated as a nonentity. " There is no
Parliament without the King," declared Lord Man-
chester, "therefore the King cannot commit treason
against Parliament." " It has pleased the Commons,"
said Lord Denbigh, "to put my name to their ordi-
nance, but I would be torn to pieces rather than take
part in so infamous a business." " I do not like," said
the aged Earl of Pembroke, "to meddle with aflairs
of life and death; and for my part I shall neither
speak against the ordinance, nor consent to it ;"
and the twelve Lords who were present rejected it
unanimously.^ The Commons, receiving no message
from the Lords on the following day, despatched two
of their members to the Upper House to fetch its
journals,^ and to learn how then- ordinance had been
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. i2ii4.
^ Ibid. col. 126«.
^ Ibid.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. l()7
received. On learning their decision/ they immedi-
ately voted that the opposition of the Lords should not
check their proceedings ; that the people were, under
Grod, the origin of all just power ; that the Commons
of England, in Parliament assembled, being chosen by
and representing the people, had the supreme power
in the nation ; and by another ordinance,^ the High
Court of Justice was instituted in the name of the
Commons alone, reduced to one hundred and tliirty-
hve members,^ and ordered to assemble without
delay in order to make the necessary arrangements
preliminary to the trial. Accordingly they met
secretly for this purpose on the 8th, 10th, 12th,
13th, 15th, 17th, 18th, and 19th of January, under the
presidency of John Bradshaw, a cousin of Milton, and an
eminent barrister ; a man of grave and gentle manners,
but of narrow and bigoted mind; a sincere though
ambitious fanatic, incHned in some degree to avarice,
but ready to give his life in defence of his opinions.
Such was the public agitation that uncontrollable dis-
sensions broke out even in the midst of the Court ;
no summons, no effort could succeed in bringing to-
gether more than fifty-eight members at the pre-
paratory meetings. Fairfax came to the first meeting,
' January 4.
* January 6. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1257.
^ The refusal of the six peers and three chief justices had z-educed
the original number of commissioners to 141. To these were added
two lawyers, Bradshaw and Nicholas, which made it 143. But yet
the second ordinance contained only 135 names ; there were doubtless
withdrawals or omissions of which no explanation was given. Alder-
man Rowland Wilson, for example, refused to take part in the trial, and
his name is not found in the second hst.— Whitelocke, p. 30(3.
408 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
and did not again make his appearance. And even
among those who were present, some only came in
or 'er to testify then- disapproval ; this was the coui'se
taken by Algernon Sidney, among others, who, though
then young, nevertheless had great influence in the
republican party. He had for some time lived in
retirement at Penshurst Castle, the seat of his father,
the Earl of Leicester ; but when he heard that his
name had been included in the list of commissioners
constituting the High Court, he immediately set out
for London ; and at the sittings of the 1 3th, 1 5th,
and 19th of January, although the question seemed
settled, he opposed the trial with all the energy he
could command. He especially dreaded that the
people might conceive an aversion for the Kepublic^
and might perhaps even, by a sudden insurrection,
rescue the King and destroy all chance of its establish-
ment. When this was represented to Cromwell, he
replied, " I tell you we will cut off" his head with the
crown upon it." " You may take your own course,"
replied Sidne}^, " I cannot stop you, but I will keep
myself clean from having any hand in this business ;"
and he immediately left the room, and did not again
return.^ The Court now consisted of only those mem-
bers who acquiesced in their mission, and merely busied
itself in arranging the form of the trial. John Coke,
a barrister of some repute and an intimate friend of
Milton, was appointed SoHcitor - General, and, as
such, was to act as spokesman to the Court both in
' Sidney Papers, edited by Bleacowe, p. 237 ; Godwin's History of
the Commonwealth, voL ii. p. GfiO.
AXD THE ENGLISH REVOLUTIOX. 400
drawing up the iDclictment and in the course of the
proceedings. Elsynge, who had, up to this time, been
Clerk of the House of Commons, retired from his
office under the plea of illness, and Henry Scohell was
appointed to succeed him. It was carefully decided
how many and what regiments should be on service
during the course of the trial ; where sentinels should
be posted, and some were even to be placed oil the
leads, wherever there was any window to admit light
into the room ; what barriers should be erected to keep
the people at a distance not only from the tribunal
but also from the soldiers. It was at length appointed
that the King should appear before the Court on the
20th of January, at Westminster Hah ; and as early
as the 17th, as if his condemnation had been already
pronounced, the Commons appointed a committee
to go through all the palaces, castles, and residences
of the King, to draw up an exact inventory of his
furniture, which was henceforth to be the property of
the Parliament.^
When Colonel Whichcott, the governor of Windsor,
informed the King that, in a few days, he would be
removed to London, — " God is everywhere," answered
Charles, "alike in wisdom, power, and goodness."^
The news, however, struck him Avith sudden and
marked uneasiness. For three weeks, he had been
living in the strongest sense of security, rarely and
imperfectly aware of the resolutions of Parliament^
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 12.')9 ; State Trials, vol. iv.
col. 1045—1067.
^ Herbert's Memoirs, p. 108.
410 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
rejoicing- himself Avith certain rumours that had
reached him from Ireland, and which seemed to
promise him speedy assistance, and displaying more
confidence and light-heartedness than his servants had
known him to exhibit for a long time. " I doubt
not," he said, "but within six months, to see peace in
England ; and, in case of their not restoring me, to be
righted from Ireland, Denmark, and other places."^ He
treated his proposed trial as a jest, saying tliat " he
had yet three games to play, the least of which gave
him hopes of regaining all."^ Lately, however, one
circumstance had annoyed him. Until just before the
close of his residence at Windsor, he had been treated
and waited upon with all the etiquette proper to a
Court ; he had dined, in public, in a chair of state,
under a canopy ; the chamberlain, the esquire-carver,
and the steward, had all performed their duty, accord-
ing to the wonted forms ; the cup had been presented
by the attendant on his knees ; the dishes were brought
in covered ; the servants tasted them before presenting
them ; and he had enjoyed, with dignified satisfaction,
these respectful formalities. AU at once, on the recep-
tion of a letter from head-quarters, a change had taken
place : soldiers brought him his dishes uncovered ;
they were not tasted; no one any longer presented
him anything kneeling ; the customary compliment of
a canopy was abolished. Charles felt the bitterest
mortification at this, saying, " that the respect and
' Whitelockc, p. 366.
^ Godwin's History of the Commouwcultli, vol. ii. p. 661) ; Sidney
Papers, edited by Bleucowe, p. 237.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 411
honour denied him, no sovereign prince had ever
wanted, nor yet subjects of high degree, according to
ancient practice Is there anything more con-
temptible than a despised prince?" he asked ; and in
order to avoid this insult, he determined to take liis
meals in his own room, almost alone, liimself selecting
two or three dishes out of the list presented to him.^
On Friday, the 19th of January, a body of cavahy
appeared at Windsor, with Harrison at their head,
with orders to remove the King. A carriage with six
horses, was waiting in the castle-yard. Charles en-
tered it, and, in a few hours, was again in London, at
St. James's Pidace, everywhere surrounded by guards,
with two sentinels at the very door of his bed-room ;
Herbert was liis only attendant, and he slept by his
bedside.^
On the next day, the 20th of January, when it was
nearly noon, the High Court met first, privately, in the
Painted Chamber, and settled the final details of
their proceedings. The customary prayer had scarcely
finished, when it was announced that the King had
nearly arrived, carried in a sedan chair, and between
two files of soldiers. Cromwell ran to the window,
and soon returned, pale, but excited. " My masters,"
he said, " he is come ! he is come !....! desire
you to let us resolve here what answer we shall give
the King when he comes before us; for the first
question that he will ask us will be, by what authority
' Herbert's Memoirs, pp. 109 — 113.
* Ibid. p. 109 ; Kusliworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1395 ; State Trials^
vol. V. col. lOlO ; Nutley's evitleuce oii Hamsnu's trial.
412 HJSTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
and commission we do try him." To this, none
answered immediately. Then, after a little space,
Henry Martyn rose up, and said, " In the name of th^
Commons and Parliament assembled, and all the good
people of England."^ No objection was raised; the
Court proceeded in solemn procession to Westminster
Hall ; Lord-President Bradshaw walked at their head ;
the sword and mace were carried before him ; sixteen
officers, armed with halberds, preceded the Court.
The president took his place on a chair covered with
crimson velvet ; at his feet, the clerk was seated at a
table, with a rich Turkey cover, on which were placed
the mace and the sword ; on his right and left were the
members of the Court on seats of scarlet cloth ; at the
two extremities were men-at-arms, a little in advance
of the tribunal. As soon as the Court was duly seated,
all the doors were opened, and a crowd of people
rushed into the room : when silence was restored, the
Act of the House of Commons, instituting the Court,
was read, and the names were then called over ; sixty-
nine members were present. " Mr. Sergeant," said
Bradshaw, " bring in your prisoner."^
The King appeared under the guard of Colonel
Hacker and thirty -two officers : an arm-chair, covered
' State Trials, vol. v. col. 1201 ; Sir Purbeck Temple's evidence in
Henry Martyn's trial.
^ Most of the facts relating to this trial are taken from the two con-
temporary accounts in the State Trials, vol. iii. cols. 989 — 1154. I here
therefore refer to them once for all, and shall only give special re-
ferences when the incidents mentioned in the text are derived from
other sources. I have taken a great many facts, and those not the
least characteristic, from the report of the trials of the regicides after
the Restoration in 16<i(>. — State Trials, vol. v. cols. 947 — 1363.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 413
with crimson velvet, had been plax^ed for him at the
bar; he advanced, gazed on the tribunal mth a ong
and stern look, seated himself in the chan- without
taking off his hat, suddenly rose again, looked behind
Mm at the guard who stood on the left aiul a he
crowd of spectators on the right of the hall, fixed his
eyes once again on his judges, and then sat down,
amidst universal silence.
Bradshaw rose instantly, and said, " Charles Suart,
Kin., of England : The Commons of England being
deeply sensible of the calamities that have been brought
upon this nation, which are fixed upon you as the
piincipal author of them, have resolved to make
inquisition for blood ; and, aoeording to that debt and
duty they owe to justice, to God, the kingdom, and
themselves, they have resolved to bring you to trial
and judgment, and for that purpose, have consti-
tuted this High Coui-t of Justice, before which you
are brought." He then ordered the charges to be
Coke, the Solicitor-aeneral. then rose up to speak.
"Hold I hold!" said the King, touching him with
his cane on the shoulder ; in doing so, the gold hesid
dropped from the King's cane; a brief but most
significant change passed over his features ; no one of
hit servants was at hand to pick up the head for him ;
he therefore stooped, took it up liimseH, and sat down.
Coke read the bill of indictment which, after imputing
to the King all the evils that had sprung from Ins
tyranny, as well as those that had been caused by the
war, demanded that he should be bound to answer to
414 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
the charges, and that justice should be executed on
liim as a tyrant, traitor, and murderer.
While this was being read, the King still remained
seated, and looked quietly about, sometimes at the
judges, sometimes at the peoj)le ; once, for a moment,
he rose, turned his back to the tribunal, and looked
behind him, and then resumed his seat with an air
of unconcerned cui'iosity. Only at the words which
declared him to be '' a tyrant, traitor, and murderer,"
he smiled faintly, but said nothing.
The charge having been read, Bradshaw addressed
the King : *' Sir," he said, " you have now heard your
charge. The Court expects your answer."
The King. — "I would know by what power I am
called hither; I was, not long ago, in the Isle of
Wight, and there I entered into a treaty with both
Houses of Parliament, with as much public faith as it
is possible to be had of any people in the world ; and
we were upon the conclusion of the treaty. Now I
would know by what authority, I mean lawful — there
are many unlawful authorities in the world, thieves
and robbers by the highway — but I would know b}^
what authority I was brought from thence, and carried
from place to place, and I know not what ; and when
I know what lawful authority, I shall answer."
Bradshaw. — "If you had been pleased to observe
what was hinted to you by the Court at your first
coming hither, you would have known by what
authority ; which authority requires you, in the name
of the people of England, of which you are elected
king, to answer."
AND THE ENGLISH KEVOLFTION. 415
The King. — " No, sir, I deny that."
Bradsiiaw. — " If you acknowledge not the autho-
rity of the Court, they must proceed."
The King. — " I do tell them so ; England was never
an elective kingdom, but an hereditary kingdom, for
near these thousand years : therefore let me know by
what authority I am called hither. Here is a gentle-
man, Lieutenant-Colonel Cobbett, ask liim if he did not
bring me from the Isle of Wight by force. I will
stand as much for the privilege of the House of Com-
mons, rightly understood, as any man whatsoever. I
see no House of Lords here, that may constitute a
Parliament,^ and the King, too, should have been in it.
Is this the bringing of a King to his Parliament ?"
Bradshaw. — " The Court expects you should give
them a final answer. If you do not satisfy yourself,
though we tell you our authority, we are satisfied with
our authority, and it is upon God's authority and the
kingdom's."
The King. — " It is not my apprehension, nor your's
either, that ought to decide it."
Bradshaw. — " The Court hath heard you, and you
are to be disposed of as they have commanded."
The Court then adjourned till Monday, and the
King was removed, attended by the same escort as
he had when he entered. As he rose, he looked at the
sword which was placed on the table. " I do not fear
that," he said, pointing to it with his cane. As he
descended the staircase, some voices were heard crying
out " Justice ! Justice !" But most of the people
' state Trials, vol. v. col. 1081 ; Nvitley's evidence against TJook.
416 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
sliouted, " God save the King ! Grod save your Ma-
jesty."
When the Court resumed its sittings, on the follow-
ing day, sixty-two members were present, and it was
ordered that strict silence should be observed, under
pain of imprisonment. The King, however, on his
arrival, was received with loud acclamations. The
same dispute was resumed with equal obstinacy on both
sides. " Sir," said Bradshaw at last, " neither you nor
any man are permitted to dispute that point ; you are
concluded [overruled] ; j^ou may not demur to the juris-
diction of the Court. The}'' sit here by the authority
of the Commons of England, and all your predecessors
and you are responsible to them."
The King. — " I deny that, show me one prece-
dent."
Bradshaw sate down in an angry manner : " Sir,"
said he, " we sit not here to answer your questions.
Plead to your charge — guilty, or not guilty?"'
The King. — " You never heard my reasons yet."
Bradshaw. — " Sir, your reasons are not to be heard
against the highest jurisdiction."
The King. — " Show me that jurisdiction where
reason is not to be heard."
Bradshaw. — " Sir, we show it you here — the Com-
mons of England. Sergeant, take away the prisoner."
The King then tm-ned round to the people and said,
" Remember that the King of England suffers, being
not permitted to give his reasons, for the liberty of the
■ State Trials, vol. v. col. 1086 ; in the trials of the regicides : espe-
cially John Home's evidence against Cook.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 417
people." With that a great shout came from the
people — " Grod save the King ! "^
On the next day, the 23rd of January, the same
scenes were repeated : the sympathy of the people for
the King became stronger every day ; in vain did the
irritated officers and soldiers attempt to get up a
counter cry of " Justice ! Execution !" The intimidated
crowd were silent for a moment; but soon, on the
occurrence of any new incident, they forgot their terror,
and cries of " Grod save the King !" resounded from all
sides. They were even heard in the ranks of the army.
On the 23rd, as the King passed out on the rising of the
Court, a soldier of the guard cried loudly, " Grod bless
you, sir !" An officer struck him with his cane, on which
the King remarked, that " the punishment exceeded the
offence."^ At the same time representations came from
abroad, not very formidable in their character, it is true,
and often indeed not very urgent, but still sufficient to
sustain the popular indignation. On the 3rd of
January, the French minister forwarded to the Com-
mons a letter from the Queen, Henrietta Maria, who en-
treated permission to rejoin her husband, that she mio-ht
endeavour to induce him to yield to their wishes, or
minister consolation to him by her tenderness.^ The
Prince of Wales wrote to Fairfax and the coimcil of
officers, in the hope of awakening in their minds some
sentiment of loyalty." The Scottish Commissioners
' state Trials, vol. v. col. 1086 ; in the trials of the regicides ; espe-
cially John Home's evidence against Cook.
« Herbert's Memoirs, p. 118.
' Clarendon's History of the Rebelhon, vol. vi. pp. 213, 214
* Ibid.
VOL. II. 2 E
418 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
protested officially, in the name of that kingdom,
against the whole proceedings.^ The announcement
was received that an ambassador extraordinary from
the States-General of Holland would speedily arrive,
to interfere on behalf of the King. John Cromwell,
an officer in the service of Holland, and cousin to
Oliver, was already in London, overwhelming the Lieu-
tenant-General with reproaches which almost amounted
to threats.^ Proof impressions of a manuscript, en-
titled " Royal Sighs," said to be the work of the King
himself, and calculated to excite an insurrection in his
favour were discovered and seized.^ On all sides, great
obstacles, or new causes of excitement arose ; but
these would certainly disappear, so the Republicans
flattered themselves, as soon as the grand question
was settled, although so long as it remained unde-
cided, they daily increased the perils and embarrass-
ments of their party.
They accordingly resolved to release themselves at
once from this position, to cut short all suspense, and
not to allow the King to appear any more, except
to receive his sentence. Whether from a lingering
respect for legal forms, or that they might, if need
were, produce new proofs of Charles's bad faith in his
negociations, the Court employed the 24th and 25th
of January in receiving the depositions of thirty-two
witnesses. On the 25th, at the close of their sitting,
almost without debate, they voted the condemnation
' January 6 and 22. — Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1277 etseq.
* Banks' Critical Review, p. 103 ; Mark Noble's Memoirs of the Pro-
tectoral House, vol. i. p. CO et seg.; Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 119.
•* The work known subsequently under the title of 'Elkw ^aa-iXiKrj.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 419
of the King as a tyrant, traitor, murderer, and enemy
to his country. Scott, Martyn, Harrison, Lisle, Say,
Ireton, and Love, were appointed to draw up the
sentence. Only forty-six members attended on that
day. On the 26th, sixty-two members being present,
the form of the sentence was debated and adopted,
with closed doors. The Court adjourned till the next
day before pronouncing judgment.
At noon, on the 27th, after two hours' conference
in the Painted Chamber, the sitting was opened, as
usual, by calling over the names. At the name of
Fairfax, a female voice in the gallery answered " that
he had too much wit to be there." After a moment's
surprise and hesitation,^ the reading of names was
proceeded with: sixty-seven members were present.
When the King entered the room, a \dolent cry of
" Execution ! Justice ! Execution !" was raised. The
soldiers were very energetic in their cries ; some of the
officers who were in command, Axtell especially, en-
couraged them to shout ; some scattered groups in
different parts of the room joined in these clamours,
but the crowd remained silent, terrified, and bewil-
dered.
" Sir," said the King to Bradshaw, before sitting
down, " I desire a word to be heard a httle, and I hope
I shall give no occasion of interruption."
Bradshaw. — " You may answer in your turn ; hear
the Court first."
The King. — "If it please you, sir, I desire to be
heard. It is only in a word. A sudden judgment — "
' state Trials, vol. v. cols. 114G— 1151 ; Axtell's trial.
2 E 2
420 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Bradshaw. — " Sir, you shall be heard m due time ;
but you are to hear the Court first/'
The King. — "Sir, I desire — it will be in order to
what I beHeve the Court will say. A hasty judgment
is not so soon recalled."
Bradshaw. — "Sir, you shall be heard before the
judgment is passed. In the meantime you may for-
bear."
On hearing this, an expression of serenity appeared
once more on the King's countenance ; he sat down,
and Bradshaw proceeded : —
" Gentlemen," said he, " it is well known to you all
that the prisoner at the bar hath been several times
convened and brought before this Court to make
answer to a charge of treason and other high crimes,
exhibited against him, in the name of the people of
England."
"It's a lie ! not one -half of them !" exclaimed the
same voice that had answered to the name of Fairfax.
" Wliere are they or their consent ? Oliver Cromwell
is a traitor !"
The whole assembly was startled ; all eyes were
tm*ned towards the gallery. "Down with the w — !"
cried Axtell. " Shoot them." The speaker was found
to be Lady Fairfax.^
General agitation now prevailed; the soldiers,
though numerous and threatening, had great difficulty
in suppressing it. At length order was somewhat
re-estabhshed. Bradshaw then referred to the King's
' State Trials, vol. v. col. 1150; Evidence of Sir Purbeck Temple;
Whitelocke, p. 371, erroneously represents this to have taken place at
the sitting of the 23rd of January.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 42l
obstinate refusal to reply to the accusation, the noto-
riety of the crimes imputed to him, and declared that
the Court, although agreed as to the sentence, would
yet consent to hear the prisoner's defence before they
pronounced it, provided he would refrain from dis-
puting its jurisdiction.
" I desire," said the King, "that I may be heard
by the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber ;
for it is not my person that I look on alone — it is the
kingdom's welfare and the kingdom's peace."
Intense agitation was caused in the Court and
throughout the assembly by tliis speech. All, whether
friends or enemies, were curious to learn what end the
King could have in requesting this interview with the
two Houses, and what he might have to propose to
them. A thousand different reports were spread ;
most persons seemed to think that he wished to abdi-
cate the crown in favour of his son. But whatever it
might be, the embarrassment of the Court was extreme.
The Eepublican party, notwithstanding its triumph,
did not feel itself in a position either to lose time or
to run new risks ; even among the judges themselves,
some hesitation was visible. In order to escape from
the difficulty, Bradshaw maintained that the request
of the King was only an artifice, to enable him to
evade for a longer time the jurisdiction of the Coui't ;
and a long and tedious debate arose on the subject.
Charles continued with greater vehemence to insist on
being heard ; but every time he did so, the soldiers
around him became more tumultuous and abusive ;
some lit their pipes and puffed the smoke in his face '>
422 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
others complained in coarse terms of the length of
the trial; Axtell laughed and joked aloud. In vain
did the King turn round repeatedly towards them,
and attempt by gesticulations or by speech to obtain
a few moments of attention, or at least of silence ;
they only answered him by cries of " Justice ! Exe-
cution !" At length, almost beside himself with per-
plexity, he exclaimed, in tones of passionate entreaty,
" Hear me ! hear me !" The same cries were re-
newed ;^ but an unexpected movement appeared among
the ranks of the Court. Colonel Downs, one of the
members, was struggHng to rise from his seat. Lawley
and Colonel Wauton, who were sitting on each side of
him, in vain attempted to restrain him. " Have we
hearts of stone?" said he. "Are we men?" His
friends remonstrated with him on the folly of his
proceeding. " No matter, " replied Downs ; " if I die
for it, I must do it." On hearing this, Cromwell, who
was sitting beneath him, suddenly turned round, and
vehemently asked, "Are you yourself? What do you
mean that you cannot be quiet?" " Sir," rephed
Downs, " I cannot be quiet ;" and he immediately
rose and said to the President, " My lord, I am not
satisfied to give my consent to this sentence, but have
reasons to offer to you against it ; and I desire the
Court may adjourn to hear me, and dehberate." " If
any one of the Court," gravely answered Bradshaw,
" be unsatisfied, the Court must adjourn;" and they
all passed immediately into an adjoining room.^
' state Trials, vol. v. cols. 1150 — 1151.
'' Ibid. col. 1213.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 423
They were no sooner there than Cromwell ronghl}'-
addressed the Colonel, and charged him with the respon-
sibility of the difficulty and embarrassment which he
had brought upon the Court. Downs defended himself
with agitation, urging that the proposals of the King
might possibly prove satisfactory ; that, after all, what
they had sought, and were still seeking, was good
and solid guarantees ; that tliey ought not to refuse
what the King wished to oiBTer without knowing what
it was ; and that the least they owed him was to hear
him, and to respect, in his person, the most ordinary
rules of common justice. Cromwell listened to him
with rude impatience, moving round him as he was
speaking, and interrupting him whenever he could
find an opportunity. When Downs had ended,
he said " That now he saw what great reason the
gentleman had to put such a trouble and disturb-
ance upon them ; sure he doth not know that he hath
to do with the hardest-hearted man that lives upon
the earth. However, it is not fit that the Com't should
be hindered from their duty by one peevish man.
The bottom of all this is known — he would fain
save his old master ;" and Cromwell desired the Court,
without any more delay, to do their duty. In vain
did Colonel Harvey and some others support Downs
in his proposition ; the discussion was promptly stifled.
At the end of half an hour, the Court resumed its
sitting, and Bradshaw told the King that they had
rejected his proposal.^
' State Trials, vol. v. cols. 1197, 1205, 1211, 1218; in the trials of
Harvey, Robert Lilburne, Downs, and Wayte, and according to the
account of the accused themselves. See also Whitelocke, p. 372.
424 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Charles seemed quite overcome, and could only
feebly repeat his request. " If you have nothing
more to say," said Bradshaw, " we shall proceed to
sentence." " Sir, I have nothing more to say," replied
the King ; " but I shall desire that what I have said
may be registered." Bradshaw, without answering,
told the King that he was now to hear his sentence.
Before reading it, he addressed to the King a long
discourse — a solemn apology for the Parliament's con-
duct : he recounted all the faults of which the King
had been guilty, and referred all the evils of the civil
war to him alone, since his tyranny had rendered
resistance a duty as well as a necessity. The language
of the speaker was severe and bitter, but grave, pious,
free from insult, and expressive of an evidently pro-
found conviction, although mingled with something of
a \'indictive character. The King listened to him
without interruption, and with equal gravity. Still, as
the discourse drew towards its close, visible agitation
took possession of him ; and as soon as Bradshaw
had finished speaking, he attempted himself to speak.
Bradshaw w^ould not permit this, but ordered the clerk
to read the sentence. Wlien it was finished, Brad-
shaw said, " The sentence now read and published is
the act, sentence, judgment, and resolution of the
whole Court;" and the whole Court rose in token of
assent.
" Sir," said the King, suddenly, " will you hear me
a word?"
Bradshaw. — " Sir, you are not to be heard after
sentence."
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 425
The King.— "No, sir?"
Bradshaw. — " No, sir ; by your favour, sir. Guards,
withdraw your prisoner !"
The King. — " I may speak after sentence ; by your
favour, sir, I may speak after my sentence, ever. By
your favour — "
" Hold !" said Bradshaw.
" The sentence, sir — I say, sir, I do — I am not suffered
to speak. Expect what justice other people will have !"
At this moment, the soldiers surrounded him, re-
moved him from the bar, and conveyed him with
violence as far as the place where his sedan-chair was
waiting for him. He had, while descending the stau'-
case, to endure the grossest insults : some tlu-ew their
lighted pipes before him as he passed ; others blew the
smoke of their tobacco into his face; all shouted in
his ears, "Justice! Execution!"^ Amid these cries,
however, others were still to be heard occasionally
from the people, " God save your Majesty ! God
deliver your Majesty out of such enemies' hands!"
And until he was seated in the chair, the bearers of it
remained with their heads uncovered, notwithstanding
the commands of Axtell, who even went so far as to
strike them for their disobedience. They set out for
Whitehall : on both sides, the way was hned with
' State Trials, vol. v. col. 1151 ; Axtell's trial. In the trial of Augustus
Garland, one of the judges, a witness stated that he had seen him spit
in the face of the King at the foot of the staircase (ibid. col. 1215).
Garland absolutely denied this, and the judges did not insist upon it.
Neither does Herbert, who accompanied the king, refer to it. I do not
therefore feel bound to regard it as authentic, although Warwick, who
had from Bishop Juxon nearly all the details which he has inserted in
his Memoirs, expressly affirmed it. — Memoirs, p. 291.
426 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
troops ; before all the shops, doors, and windows,
there were crowds of people, most of them silent, some
weeping, some praying aloud for the King. The
soldiers incessantly renewed their cries of " Justice !
justice ! Execution ! execution !" in order to celebrate
their triumph. But Charles had recovered his wonted
serenit}^ and, too haughty to believe in the sincerity of
their hatred, he said as he came out of his chair, " Poor
souls ! for a piece of money they would do so for their
commanders!"^
As soon as he reached Wliitehall, he said to Her-
bert, " Hark ye ! my nephew the prince elector will
endeavour to see me, and some other lords that love
me : which I should take in good part ; but my time
is short and precious, and I am desirous to improve
it as best I may in preparation. I hope they will not
take it ill that none have access now to me but my
children. The best office they can do me is to pray
for me." He then sent a request that his young
children, the Princess Ehzabeth and the Duke of
Gloucester, who remained under the care of the Par-
hament, might come to him ; he also sent for Juxon,
the bishop of London, whose assistance he had already
obtained through the intervention of Hugh Peters.
Both requests were granted. The next day, the 2Sth,
the bishop came to St. James's, whither the King had
just been transferred. When he first met the King
again, he bm'st into uncontrollable lamentations.
"Leave off tliis, my lord," said Charles, "we have
not time for it ; let us think of our great work, and
' State Trials, vol. iv. col. 1130.— Herbert's Memoirs, p. 118.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 427
prepare to meet that great God, to whom, ere long, I am
to give an account of myself; and I hope I shall do it
with peace, and that jou wiU assist me therein. We
will not talk of these rogues, in whose hands I am ;
they thirst after my blood, and they will have it ; and
God's will be done ! I thank God I heartily forgive
them, and I will talk of them no more." He passed
the rest of the day in pious conference with the
bishop : it was with great difficulty that he had
obtained permission to be left alone in his room,
in which Colonel Hacker had previously placed two
soldiers; and, during Juxon's visit, the sentinel on
guard before his door kept opening it every few
minutes, in order to assure himself that the King was
still there. As he had anticipated, his nephew the
Prince Elector, the Duke of Eichmond, the Marquis
of Hertford, the Earls of Southampton and Lindsey,
and some others of his oldest adherents, came with the
hope of seeing him, but they were not admitted.
Mr. Seymour, a gentleman in the service of the
Prince of Wales, arrived the same day from the Hague,^
bringing a letter from the prince; the King gave
orders that he should come in, read the letter, cast
it into the fire, gave the messenger his reply, and
dismissed him immediately. On the next day, the
29th, almost at daybreak, the bishop retm-ned to
St. James's. When morning prayers were over, the
King brought out a box containing broken crosses
• According to the deposition of Tomlinson (State Trials, vol. v.
col. 1197) it was on the day of his death, and at Whitehall, that the
King received Seymour, I have preferred to follow Herbert's account
in his Memoirs, p. 126.
428 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
of St. George and tlie order of the Garter : " You
see," said he to Juxon and Herbert, " all the wealth
now in my power to give to my two children." They
were brought to him. The Princess Elizabeth, who
was twelve years old, on seeing her father, burst into
tears; the Duke of Gloucester, who was only eight,
wept when he saw the tears of his sister. Charles
took them on his knee, shared his jewels among them,
comforted his daughter, gave her counsels as to the
books she should read in order to fortify her mind
against Popery, charged them to tell their brothers
that he had forgiven his enemies, and their mother
that his thoughts never wandered from her, and that
he would love her up to the last moment as he had
loved her on their marriage-day. Then turning to
the little duke, " My dear heart," he said, " they will
soon cut off thy father's head." The child looked
stedfastly at him, with a very serious air. "Mark,
child, what I say : they will cut off my head and
perhaps make thee King ; but mark what I say, thou
must not be king so long as thy brothers Charles
and James live ; but they will cut off thy brothers'
heads if they can catch them ; and thine, too, they
will cut off at last ! Therefore, I charge thee, do not
be made a king by them." " I will be torn in pieces
first," replied the child, with great fervoui". Charles
kissed him passionately; placed him on the ground,
kissed his daughter, blessed them both, and prayed
God to bless them ; then suddenly rising, " Have
them taken away," he said to Juxon. The children
sobbed. The King, standing upright, resting his
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 429
head against the window, repressed his tears ; the
door was opened, and the children were about to leave
him. Charles hastily left the window, took them
again in liis arms, blessed them once more, and,
tearing himself at length from then- caresses, fell on
his knees and prayed with the bishop and Herbert,
the sole witnesses of this affecting farewell.'
That same morning, the High Court had met again
and fixed the next day, Tuesday, January 30th,
between ten and five o'clock, as the time for the
execution. When it was necessary to sign the fatal
order there was great difiiculty in gathering the Com-
missioners together; in vain did two or three of
the most passionate station themselves at the door
of the room, stopping those of their colleagues who
were passing by on their way to the House of
Commons, and summoning them to sign their names.^
Several even of those who had voted for the King's
condemnation took care to keep out of the way or
expressly refused to sign. CromweU, who alone was
gay, noisy, and reckless, indulged in extraordinary out-
bursts of his accustomed buftbonery. After having
written his name third on the Hst, he smeared with ink
the face of Henry Martyn, who was sitting near him :
Martyn instantly returned the compliment. Colonel
Ingoldsby, his cousin, whose name was included in the
list of judges, but who had not attended the sittings of
the Court, came by chance into the room. " As soon
' Herbert's Memoirs, p. 123—130; Warwick's Memoirs, p. 292;
Rushworth, part iv. vol. ii. p. 1398 ; Journals of the House of Com-
mons, January 20.
- State Trials, vol. iv. col. 1219 ; Thomas Wayte's trial.
430 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
as Cromwell's eyes were upon liim, he ran to him, and
taking him by the hand, drew him by force to the
table, and said, though he had escaped him all the
time before, he should now sign that paper as well
as they ; which he, seeing what it was, refused with
great passion, saying he knew nothing of the business,
and offered to go away. But Cromwell and others
held him by violence; and Cromwell, with loud
laughter, taking his hand in his, and putting the pen
between his fingers, with his own hand wrote ' Richard
Ingoldsby,' he making all the resistance he could."'
Fifty-nine names were at length collected ; many of
the signatures were scrawled so obscurely, either
through agitation or from design, that it was impos-
sible to decipher them. The order was addressed to
Colonel Hacker, Colonel Huncks, and Lieutenant -
Colonel Phayre, who had been intrusted with the
execution of the sentence. Hitherto, Albert Joachim
and Adrian de Pauw, ambassadors extraordinary from
the States-Greneral, who had arrived in London five
days before, had in vain solicited an audience with the
Parliament ; neither their ofiicial request, nor their
visits to Fairfax, Cromwell, and other officers, had
enabled them to obtain an interview. They were now,
at one o'clock, suddenly informed that they would be
received at two o'clock by the Lords, and at three
by the Commons. They hastened to present them-
selves, and duly delivered their message ; a reply was
promised them, but on their way back to their
' Harris's Life of Cromwell, p. 206 ; Mark Noble's Memoirs of the
Protectoral House, vol. i. p. 118.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 431
lodgings they saw preparations for the execution
beginning to be made opposite AVliitehall. They had
received visits from the French and Spanish ministers,
but neither would join in their ^proceedings ; the
former contented himself with protesting that he
had for a long time foreseen this deplorable issue,
and had done all he could to avert it ; the second said
that he had not yet received from his Cornet any
directions to interfere, although he was every moment
expecting them. Next day, the 30th, about midday,
a second interview with Fairfax, at the house of his
secretary, had given the two Dutch ambassadors
some fresh gleams of hope ; he was moved by their
representations, and appearing resolved at length to
quit his neutral position of inactivity, had promised
to go down to the Parliament immediately, and solicit
at least a reprieve. But as they left him, in front of
the house in which they had been conversing with
him, the two ambassadors met a body of cavahy
clearing the way. All the approaches to Whitehall,
and all the adjoining streets were filled by soldiers ;
on all sides they heard the people say that everything
was ready, and that the King would not keep them
waiting long.^
' These particulars are taken from the Correspondence of the Am-
bassadors themselves with the States-General (in their despatches of
the 9th and ISth of February, new style), of which his Majesty the King
of the Netherlands has graciously permitted me to take a copj'. All
the documents of this important correspondence, will be found literally
translated, among the historical documents appended to this volume
(Appendix IX.). These documents prove how erroneous, notwith-
standing Herbert's testimony in his Memoirs (p. 143) — though Godwin
is wrong in suspecting Herbert in other matters (see Godwin's History
of the Commonwealth, vol. ii. p. 681) — is the narrative, which has
432 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
Early in the morning, in a room at Whitehall, by
the side of the bed in which Ireton and Harrison
were still tying together, Cromwell, Hacker, Huncks,
Axtell, and Phayre, had met to arrange and despatch
the last act of this tragical proceeding, — the order,
namely, which had to be given to the executioner,
" Colonel," said Cromwell to Huncks, " it is you who
must write and sign it." Huncks obstinately re-
fused. " Thou art a peevish fellow !" said Cromwell.
" Colonel Huncks," said Axtell, " I am ashamed of
you ; the ship is now coming into the harbour, and
will you strike sail before we come to anchor?"
Huncks persisted in his refusal ; Cromwell sat doTVTi,
grumbhng at his obstinacy, wrote the order himself,
and presented it to Colonel Hacker, who signed it
without objection.^
Almost at the same moment, after four hours'
profound sleep, Charles rose from his bed. " I have a
great work to do this day," said he to Herbert, " I
must get up immediately ;" and he commenced his
toilet. Herbert, in his agitation, combed liis hair
with less care than usual. " I pray 3"ou," said the
King, " though my head be not long to stand on my
shoulders, take the same pains with it as you were
wont to do. This is my second marriage-day. I
would be as trim to-day as may be ; for before night I
hope to be espoused to my blessed Jesus." As he was
been followed by nearly all historians, representing that Ireton and
Harrison passed this time in prayer with Fairfax, in order to conceal
from him what was going on.
' State Trials, vol. v. cols. 1148, 1180; trials of Axtell and Hacker.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 433
dressing, he asked to have an extra shirt : " The season
is so sharp," he said, "as probably may make me
shake, which some observers will imagine proceeds
from fear. I would have no such imputation ; I fear
not death ; death is not terrible to me. I bless my God
that I am prepared." Shortly after daybreak Bishop
Juxon arrived, and commenced the religious exercises
of the day. As he was reading the narrative of Christ's
passion, in the twenty-seventh chapter of the Gospel
according to St. Matthew, the King asked him " if he
had made choice of that chapter as being applicable to
his present condition." " May it please your Majesty,"
replied the bishop, "it is the proper lesson for the day,
as appears by the calendar." The King appeared
deeply moved, and continued his devotions wdth
renewed fervour. About ten o'clock, a gentle knock
was heard at the door of his room. Herbert did not
move ; the knock was repeated, and this time it was
louder, though still gentle. The King directed him
to go and see who was there. It was Colonel Hacker.
" Let him come in," said the King. The Colonel told
him, in a low faltering voice, " that it was time to go
to Whitehall, but he would have some fm-ther time to
rest there." Charles replied that he would go directly.
Hacker went out ; the King remained in meditation a
few minutes longer ; then, taking the bishop's hand,
" Come," said he, " let us go ; Herbert, open the door.
Hacker has given us a second warning ;" and he went
into the park, which he had to cross before reaching
Whitehall.'
Several companies of infantry were drawn up in the
' Herbert's Memoirs, p. 133—140 ; Warwick's Memoirs, p. 293.
VOL. IL 2 F
434 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
park, and formed a double line on his passage ; a
detachment of halberdiers marched in front, with
flying banners ; drums were beating, — their noise
drowned all other sounds. At the King's right hand
was the bishop ; on his left was Colonel Tomlinson,
the commander of the guard. His head was un-
covered, and Charles was so moved with the marks
of respect which he showed, that he requested him not
to move from his side till the last moment. Charles
conversed with him on the way, spoke of his funeral,
and of the persons to whom he desired the care of it
should be intrusted : his whole air was indicative of
calmness and serenity ; his look was steady and pene-
trating ; his step was firm, and he walked even more
quickly than the soldiers, expressing surprise at their
slow pace. One of the officers, doubtless expecting that
what he said would annoy the King, asked him if he
had not conspired with the late Duke of Buckingham
to procure the death of the king, his father. " Friend,"
answered Charles, with scomfal mildness, " if I had
no other sin, — I speak it with reverence to Grod's
Majesty, — I assure thee I should never ask Him
pardon." On arriving at Whitehall, he mounted the
stairs with a light step, passed along the great gallery,
and entered his bedroom, where he was left alone
with the bishop, who had prepared to administer the
Sacrament. Some Independent ministers, Nye and
Goodwin, among others, knocked at his door, saying
that they desired to offer their services to the King.
The bishop replied by telHng them that the King was
at his own private devotions. They still pressed their
services. " Then thank them fi-om me," said Charles
AND THE F-\G1,1SH REVOLUTION. 435
to the bishop, " for tlie tender of themselves ; but tell
them pltiinly that they, that have so often and cause-
lessly prayed against me, shall never pray with me in
this agony. They may, if they please, pray for me,
and I'll thank them for it." They retired. The
King kneeled, received the holy communion from the
bishop's hands, and rising from his knees, with a
cheerful and steady countenance, " Now," said he,
" let the rogues come ; I have heartily forgiven them,
and am prepared for all I am to undergo." His
dinner had been prepared, but he had resolved to
touch nothing after the Sacrament ; the bishop
expostulated with him, reminded him how long he
had fasted, how severe the weather was, and how
some fit of fainting might seize him upon the scaffold,
which he knew he would regret, on account of
the interpretation his murderers would put upon it.
The King yielded to these representations, and took a
piece of bread and a glass of claret. At one o'clock.
Hacker knocked at the door. The bishop and Herbert
fell upon their knees, weeping. The King gave them
his hand to kiss, and helped the bishop to rise, for he
was aged. Colonel Hacker still stood at the chamber
door ; the King took notice of it, and said, " Open the
door," and bade Hacker go forward, saying that he
would follow. A guard was placed all along the
galleries and in the banqueting-hall as he passed, but
behind the soldiers many men and women had crowded
in, though with some peril to their persons, and were
praying for the King as he passed ; the soldiers not
rebuking any of them, but, by their silence and
dejected faces, seeming afflicted rather than insulting.
2 F 2
436 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
At the end of the hall, an opening had been made
on the previous evening through the wall, which led
directly to the scaffold, which was hung with black ;
on it were standing, near the axe, two men in the
costume of sailors, with masks on their faces. The
King walked out of the hall to the scaffold, with his
head erect, looking about him on all sides for the
people, intending to speak to them ; but the space all
round was filled with troops, so that no one could
approach. He turned towards Juxon and Tomhnson,
and said, '' I shall be very little heard of anybody else ;
I shall, therefore, speak a word to you here," and
accordingly he addressed to them a short speech that
he had prepared ; it was grave and calm, even to
frigidity, its sole object being to maintain that he was
in the right, — that contempt for the rights of the
sovereign had been the true cause of the miseries of
the people, — that the people ought to have no share
in the government, — and that on this condition only
would the kingdom recover its liberties and tranquil-
lity. While he was speaking, some one touched the
axe. He tm-ned round hastily, saying, " Do not hurt
the axe that may hurt me." And after his address
was finished, some one again approached it. "Take
heed of the axe ! pray, take heed of the axe !" he
repeated in a tone of alarm. The profoundest silence
prevailed ; he put a silk cap on his head, and, address-
ing the executioner, said, " Does my hair trouble
you ?" The man begged his Majesty to put it under
his cap. The King so arranged it, with the help of
the bishop. " I have a good cause and a gi-acious
God on my side," said he, while doing this.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 437
" There is but one stage more," said Juxon ; "the
stage is turbulent and troublesome ; it is a short one ;
but you may consider it will soon carry you a very
great way ; it will carry you from earth to heaven."
" I go from a corruptible to an incorruptible crown,
where no disturbance can be," answered the King ;
and, turning towards the executioner, he said, " Is my
hair well?" He took ojff his cloak and Greorge, and
gave them to the bishop, saying at the same time
'' Remember !" It was never known to what this
injunction referred. He then took off his coat, put on
his cloak again, and looking at the block, said to the
executioner, " You must set it fast." " It is fast, sir,"
was the reply. The King told him to wait while he
offered up a short prayer ; " When I put out my hands
this way," said he, stretching them out, " then — ■ — ."
He passed a few minutes in meditation, uttering a few
words in a low tone of voice, raised his eyes to heaven,
kneeled, placed his head on the block : the executioner
touched his hair in order to j^ut it more completely
under his cap ; the King thought he intended to strike.
" Stay for the sign," he said. " Yes, I will, an't please
your Majesty," said the man. After an instant, the
King stretched out his hands ; the axe fell, and his
head was severed from his body at a single blow.
" Behold the head of a traitor !" cried the executioner,
holding it up to the view of the people ; a long, deep
groan rose from the multitude ; many rushed to the
foot of the scaffold in order to dip their handlterchiefs
in the King's blood. Two bodies of cavalry, advancing
in different directions, slowly dispersed the crowd.
The scaffold was cleared, and the body was taken away.
It was already enclosed in the coffin, when Cromwell
438 HISTORY OF CHARLES THE FIRST
desired to see it : he looked at it attentively, raised the
head with his own hands as if to assure himself that it
was really severed from the trunk, and remarked upon
the sound and vigorous appearance of the body, which
he said, promised a long life.^
The coffin remained at Wliitehall for seven days,
exposed to public view : an immense concourse of people
pressed to the door, but few obtained permission to
enter. On the 6th of February, by the order of the
Commons, it was dehvered to Herbert and Mildmay,
who were authorised to bury it in St. Greorge's Chapel,
in Windsor Castle, in a vault which also contains the
remains of Henry VIII. The funeral procession was
decent but not pompous. Six horses, covered with
black cloth, drew the hearse ; four carriages followed,
two of which, also covered with black cloth, carried
those faithful servants who had attended upon the
King in his last hours, and those who had accompanied
him to the Isle of Wight. On the next day, the 8th
of February, the Duke of Eichmond, the Marquis of
Hertford, the Earls of Southampton and Lindsey, and
Bishop Juxon, arrived at Windsor, having come with
the consent of the Commons to attend the funeral.
These words only were engraved on the coffin :
CHAELES, REX.
1648.'
As they were removing the body from the interior
' Warwick's Memoii's, p. 342, et seq. ; Herbert's Memoirs, p. 114, ct
seq. ; State Trials, vol. iv. cols. 1135 — 1142; Mark Noble's Memoirs of
the Protectoral House, vol. i. p. 118.
2 Old Style. The year in England began at that time on the 24th of
March, as it had not yet been arranged according to the Gregorian
calendar. Therefore the 30th of Januarj', 1648, the day of Charles's
death, corresponds to the 9th of February, 164f), in our year.
AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 489
of the castle to the chapel, the weather, which until
then had been clear and serene, suddenly changed -,
snow fell abundantly ; the black velvet pall was en-
tirely covered with it, and the servants of the King
were pleased to see, in the sudden whiteness that
covered their unfortunate master's coffin, a symbol of
his innocence. The procession arrived at the spot
selected for sepulture, and Bishop Juxon was pre-
paring to officiate according to the rites of the Anglican
church, when Whichcott, the governor of the castle,
objected " that it was improbable the Parliament would
permit the use of what they had so totally abolished,
and therein destroy their own act," and he would not
permit the ser\dce to be so performed. They sub-
mitted ; no religious ceremony took place, the coffin
was lowered into the vault, all left the chapel, and the
governor closed the doors. The House of Commons
had an account of the expenses of the funeral laid
before them, and allowed five hundred pounds to pay
them.^ On the very day of the King's death, before
any messenger had left London, they published an
ordinance declaring any one to be a traitor who should
proclaim in his place, and as his successor, " Charles
Stuart, his son, commonly called Prince of Wales, or
any other person whatever."^ On the 6th of February,
after a long debate, and in spite of the opposition of
twenty-nine voices against a majority consisting of
forty- four members, the House of Lords was formally
abolished.^ Finally, on the 7tli, a bill was adopted
' Herbert's Memoirs, p. 144 ; State Trials, vol. iv. col. 1142.
* Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1281.
» Ibid. col. 1284.
440 HISTORY 0¥ CHARLES THE EIRST.
which ran in these terms : " Whereas it hath been
found by experience, that the office of a king in this
nation and Ireland, and to have the power thereof in
any single person, is unnecessary, burthensome, and
dangerous to the liberty, safety, and public interest of
the people, and that, for the most part, use hath been
made of the royal power and prerogative, to oppress,
impoverish, and enslave the subject, and that, usually
and naturally, any one person in such power, makes it
his interest to encroach upon the just freedom and
.liberty of the subject, and to set up his own will and
power above the laws : Be it therefore enacted and
ordained. That the office of a king in this nation shall
not henceforth reside in, or be exercised by, any one
single person, and that no one person whatsoever shall
or may have or hold the office, style, title, dignity,
power, or authority, of the said kingdoms and domi-
nions, or any of them."' And a new Great Seal was
engraved,^ bearing on one side the map of England
and Ireland, with the arms of the two countries, and
on the reverse a representation of the House of
Commons in session, with this motto, suggested by
Henry Martyn — " The first year of hberty restored by
the blessing of Grod, 1 648,"
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii. col. 1285.
* The order was given on the 9th of January. — Parliamentary His-
tory, vol. iii. col. 1258.
APPENDIX.
( 443 )
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX I.
(Page 25.)
EMPLOYMENT OF CATHOLICS IX THE KING's ARMIES.
So early as the 23rd of September, 1642— that is to say
at the very commencement of the civil war, and before the
battle of Edgehill— the king wrote in the following terms to
the Earl of Newcastle : —
" Newcastle— This is to tell you that this rebellion has
grown to that height, that I must not looke what opinion
men ar who, at this tyme, ar willing to serve me. Therefore,
I do not only permit, but command you, to make use of all
my loving subjects, without examining their condenses, (more
than their loyalty to me,) as you shall finde most to con-
duce to the uphoulding of my just regal rights."— Brodies
History of the British Empire, vol. iii. p. 489, note.
APPENDIX II.
(Page 55.)
PETITION AGAINST PEACE PRESENTED TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
AUGUST 7, 1643, FROM THE COMMON COUNCIL OF LONDON.
" Showeth that your petitioners, having heard that such
propositions and offers have been lately sent from the House
of Peers to this honourable House, which (as we greatly fear),
if yielded unto, would be destructive to our religion, laws,
and liberties; and finding already by experience, that the
spirits of all the well-affected party in the city and counties
adjacent, that are willing to assist the Parliament, both in
person and purse, are much dejected thereat ; and the
444 APPENDIX.
brotherly assistance from Scotland, as well as the raising and
maintaining of forces ourselves, thereby likely to be retarded
(all which the petitioners refer to your serious considera-
tion) ; and considering our present sad condition lies upon
us in a special manner, through the incensed patience of the
Almighty, by delay and want of execution of justice upon
traitors and delinquents, and having an opportunity yet to
speak, our desires are :
" That you would be pleased so to persist in your former
resolutions, whereupon the people have so much depended,
and wherein you have so deeply engaged yourselves (though
you should perish in the work), that justice may be done
upon offenders and delinquents. And that since we are as
willing as ever to expose what' we are and have for the
crowning of so good a cause, you will be pleased, by speedy
passing the ordinance hereto annext, or one to this effect, to
put us into a probable way for our and your defence, wherein
your petitioners will, by the blessing of God, never be want-
ing."
To this petition was annexed the draft of an ordinance
for empowering a committee to enlist men and receive sub-
scriptions from such as might offer them. — RushwortJt, part iii.
vol. ii. p. 356.
APPENDIX III.
(Page 56.)
PETITION IN FAVOUR OF PEACE PRESENTED TO THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS, AUGUST 9, 1643, BY THE WOMEN OF LONDON.
" Showeth that your poor petitioners (though of the weaker
sex) do too sensibly perceive the ensuing desolation of this
kingdom, unless by some timely means your honours provide
for the speedy recovery hereof Your honours are the
physicians that can, by God's special and miraculous blessing
(which we humbly implore), restore this languishing nation,
and our bleeding sister, the kingdom of Ireland, which hath
now almost breathed her last gasp.
" We need not dictate to your eagle-eyed judgment the
way ; our only desire is, that God's glory in the true reformed
APPENDIX. 445
Protestant religion may be preserved, the just prerogatives
and privileges of King and Parliament mamtamed, the true
liberties and properties of the subjects, according to the known
laws of the land, restored, and all honourable ways and means
for a speedy peace endeavoured.
" May it therefore please your honours, that some speedy
course may be taken for the settlement of the true reformed
Protestant religion, for the glory of God and the renovation
of trade, for the benefit of the subjects, they bemg the soul
and body of the kingdom. r m- i- a
" And your petitioners, with many millions ot afflicted
souls, groaning under the burden of these times of distress,
shall ever ^YSiy:'—Rushivorth, part iii., vol. ii. p. 857.
APPENDIX IV.
(Page 102.)
A DECLARATION AXD VINDICATION OF JOHN PYM, ESQ.
" It is not unknown to all the world (especially to all the
inhabitants in and about London) with what desperate and
fame- wounding aspersions my reputation, and the integrity of
my intentions to God, my King, and my country, hath been
invaded by the malice and fury of malignants, and ill-affected
persons to the good of the Commonwealth. Some charging
me with being a promoter and patronizer of all the innovations
which have been obtruded upon the ecclesiastical government
of the Church of England. Others, of more spiteful and
exorbitant spirits, alleging that I have been the man, who
have begot and fostered all the so-lamented distractions,
which are now rife in the kingdom; and though such
calumnies are ever more harmful to the authors, than to
those whom they strive to wound with them, when they
arrive only to the censure of judicious persons, who can
distinguish forms, and see the difference betwixt truth^ and
falsehood : yet, because the scandals inflicted upon my inno-
cence have been obvious to people of all conditions, many of
which may entertain a belief of these reproachful reports,
though, in my own soul, I am far above those ignominies,
and so was once resolved to have waved them, as unworthy
440 APPENDIX.
of my notice : yet, at last, for the assertion of my integrity,
I concluded to declare myself in this matter, that all the
world, but such as will not be convinced, either by reason or
truth, may bear testimony of my innocency. To pass by*
therefore, the Earl of Strafford's business, in which some
have been so impudent as to charge me of too much partiality
and malice, I shall declare myself fully concerning the rest of
their aspersions ; namely, that I have promoted and fomented
the differences now abounding in the English Church.
" How unlikely this is and improbable, shall to every
indifferent man ])e quickly rendered perspicuous : For that I
am, and ever was, and so will die, a faithful son of the Pro-
testant religion, without having the least relation in my belief
to those great errors of Anabaptism, Brownism, and the like,
every man that hath any acquaintance with my conversation,
can bear me righteous witness. These being but aspersions
cast upon me by some of the discontented clergy, and their
factors and abettors, because they might, perhaps, conceive
that I had been a main instrument in extenuating the
haughty power and ambitious pride of the bishops and
prelates. As I only delivered my opinions as a member of
the House of Commons, that attempt or action of mine had
been justifiable, both to God and a good conscience ; and
had no way concluded me guilty of a revolt from the orthodox
doctrine of the Church of England, because I sought a refor-
mation of some gross abuses crept into the Government by
the cunning and perverseness of the bishops and their sub-
stitutes ; for was it not high time to seek to regulate their
power, when, instead of looking to the cure of men's souls
(which is their genuine ofiice), they inflicted punishment on
men's bodies, banishing them to remote and desolate places ;
after stigmatizing their faces, only for the testimony of a good
conscience, when, not contented with those insufferable inso-
lences, they sought to bring in unheard-of canons into the
Church, Arminian or Papistical ceremonies (whether you
please to term them, there is not much difference), imposing
burdens upon men's consciences, which they were not able
to bear, and introducing the old abolished superstition of
bowing to the altar ; and if it savoured either of Brownism or
APPENDIX. 447
Anabaptisra, to endeavour to suppress the growth of those
Romish errors, I appeal to any equal-minded Protestant,
either for my judge or witness ; nay, had the attempts of the
bishops desisted here, tolerable they had been, and their
power not so much questioned as since it hath ; for when
they saw the honouaable the High Court of Parliament began
to look into their enormities and abuses, beholding how they
wrested religion like a waxen nose, to the furtherance of
their ambitious purposes, then Troy was taken in, then they
began to despair of holding any longer their usurped authority ;
and, therefore, as much as in them lay, both by public declara-
tions and private councils, they laboured to foment the civil
differences between his Majesty and his Parliament, abetting
the proceedings of the malignants with large supplies of men
and money, and stirring up the people to tumults by their
seditious sermons. Surely, then, no man can account me an
ill son of the Commonwealth, if I delivered my opinion, and
passed my vote freely for their abolishment ; which may by
the same equity be put in practice by this Parliament, as
the dissolution of monasteries and their lazy inhabitants,
monks and friars, was in Henry the Eighth's time ; for
without dispute, they carried as much reputation in the
kingdom then, as bishops have done in it since ; and yet a
Parliament then had power to put them down ; why, then,
should not a Parliament have the power to do the like to
these, every way guilty of as many offences against the state
as the former ? For ray own part, I attest God Almighty,
the knower of all hearts, that neither envy, or any private
grudge to all or any of the bishops, hath made me averse to
their function, but merely my zeal to religion and God's
cause, which I perceived to be trampled under foot by the
too extended authority of the prelates ; who, according to the
purity of their institution, should have been men of upright
hearts and humble minds, shearing their flocks, and not
flaying them, when it is evident they were the quite contrary.
" And whereas some will allege, it is no good argument to
dissolve the function of bishops, because some bishops are
vicious : to that answer, since the vice of these bishops was
derivative from the authority of their function, it is very
448 APPENDIX.
fitting the function, which is the cause thereof, be corrected,
and its authority divested of its borrowed feathers; other-
wise, it is impossible but the same power which made these
present bishops (should the episcopal and prelatical dignity-
continue in its ancient height and \dgour) so proud and
arrogant, would infuse the same vices into their successors.
" But this is but a molehill to that mountain of scandalous
reports that have been inflicted on my integrity to his sacred
Majesty ; some boldly averring me for the author of the
present distraction between his Majesty and his Parliament,
when I take God, and all that know my proceedings, to be
my vouchers, that I neither directly nor indirectly ever had
a thought tending to the least disobedience or disloyalty to
his Majesty, whom I acknowledge as my lawful King and
Sovereign, and would expend my blood as soon in his service
as any subject he hath. 'Tis true, when I perceived my life
aimed at, and heard myself proscribed a traitor, merely for
my entireness of heart to the service of my country, was
informed that I, with some other honourable and worthy
members of Parliament, were against the privileges thereof
demanded, even in the Parliament House, by his Majesty,
attended by a multitude of men at arms and malignants, who,
I verily believe, had for some ill ends of their own persuaded
his Majesty to that excess of rigour against us ; when, for
my own part (my conscience is to me a thousand witnesses
in that behalf), I never harboured a thought which tended
to any disservice to his Majesty, nor ever had an intention
prejudicial to the State ; when, I say, notwithstanding my
own innocence, I saw myself in such apparent danger, no
man will think me blameworthy in that I took care of my
own safety, and fled for refuge to the protection of the Parlia-
ment, which, making my case their own, not only purged me
and the rest of the guilt of high treason, but also secured our
lives from the storm that was ready to burst out upon us.
" And if this hath been the occasion that hath withdrawn
his Majesty from the Parliament, surely the fault can in no
way be imputed to me, or any proceeding of mine ; which
never went further, either since his Majesty's departure nor
before, than so far as they were warranted by the known laws
APPENDIX. 449
of the laiid, and authorized by the indisi^utable and undeniable
power of the ParUament ; and so long as I am secure in my
own conscience that this is truth, I account myself above all
their calumnies and falsehoods, which shall return upon them-
selves, and not wound my reputation in good and impartial
men's opinions.
" But in that devilish conspiracy of Catiline, against the
state and senate of Rome, none among the senators was so
obnoxious to the envy of the conspirators, or liable to their
traducements, as that orator and patriot of his country,
Cicero, because by his council and zeal to the Common-
wealth, their plot for the ruin thereof was discovered and
prevented ; though I will not be so arrogant to parallel
myself with that worthy, yet my case (if we may compare
lesser things with great) has to his a very near resemblance :
the cause that I am so much maligned and reproached by ill-
affected persons, being because I have been forward in advanc-
ing the affairs of the kingdom, and have been taken notice
of for that forwardness, they, out of their malice, converting
that to a vice which, without boast be it spoken, I esteem as
my principal virtue, my care to the public utility. And since
it is for that cause that I suffer these scandals, I shall endure
them with patience, hoping that God in his great mercy will
at last reconcile his Majesty to his High Court of Parliament ;
and then I doubt not to give his royal self (though he be
much incensed against me) a sufficient account of my integrity.
In the interim, I hope the world will believe that I am not
the first innocent man that hath been injured, and so will
suspend their further censures of me." — RushAVorth, part iii.,
vol. ii. pp. 376-378.
APPENDIX V.
(Page 118.)
LETTER FROM THE KIXG TO PRINCE RUPERT, ORDERING HIM TO
RELIEVE YORK.
" Nephew " Ticknell (Tickenhall), 14 June, 1644.
" First I must congratulate with you for your good suc-
cesses, assuring you that the things themselves are no more
VOL. II. 2 G
450 APPENDIX.
welcome to me than that you are the means. I know the
importance of supplying you with powder, for which I have
taken all possible ways, and have sent both to Ireland and
Bristol. As from Oxford, this bearer is well satisfied that it
is impossible to have at present, but if he tell you that I may
spare them from hence, I leave you to judge, having but
thirty-six left ; but what I can get from Bristol (of which
there is not much certainty, it being threatened to be besieged)
you shall have.
" But now I must give you the true state of my affairs,
which if their condition be such as enforces me to give you
more peremptory commands than I would willingly do, you
must not take it ill. If York be lost, I shall esteem my
crown little less, unless supported by your sudden march
to me, and a miraculous conquest in the South, before the
effects of the northern power can be found here : but if York
be relieved, and you beat the rebels' armies of both kingdoms
which are before it, then, but otherwise not, I may possibly
make a shift (upon the defensive) to spin out time, until you
come to assist me. Wherefore, I command and conjure you,
by the duty and affection which I know you bear me, that
(all new enterprises laid aside) you immediately march (accord-
ing to your first intention) with all your force to the relief
of York ; but if that be either lost, or have freed themselves
from the besiegers, or that for want of powder you cannot
undertake that work, that you immediately march with your
whole strength to Worcester, to assist me and my army,
without which, or your having relieved York, by beating the
Scots, all the successes you can afterwards have, most infallibly
will be useless unto me ; you may believe that nothing but
an extreme necessity could make me write thus unto you,
wherefore, in this case, I can no ways doubt of your punctual
compliance with
" Your loving uncle and most faithful friend,
" Charles K."
" I commanded this bearer to speak to you concerning
Vavasour." — Evelyns Diary and Correspondence, vol. iv.,
p. J 40.
APPENDIX. 451
APPENDIX VI.
(Page 168.)
THE SELF-DENYIXG ORDINANCE, ADOPTED BY THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS, ON THE 3KD OF APRIL, 1645.
" Be it ordained by the Lords and Commons assembled in
Parliament, that all and every of the members of either House
of Parliament shall be and by the authority of this ordinance
are discharged at the end of forty days after the passing of
this ordinance, of and from all and every office or command,
military or civil, granted or conferred by both or either of the
said Houses of this present Parliament, or by any authority
derived from both or either of them, since the 20th Novem-
ber, 1640. And be it further ordained, that all governors
and commanders of any island, town, castle, or fort, and all
other colonels and officers inferior to colonels in the several
armies, not being members of either of the said Houses of
Parliament, shall, according to their respective commissions,
continue in their several places and command wherein they
were employed and entrusted, the 20th March, 1644, as if
this ordinance had not been made. And that the vice-
admiral, rear-admiral, and all other captains and other in-
ferior officers in the fleet, shall, according to their several and
respective commissions, continue in their several places and
commands, wherein they were employed and entrusted, the
said 20th March, 1644, as if this ordinance had not been
made. Provided always, and it is further ordained and
declared, that during this war the benefit of all offices, being
neither military nor judicial, hereafter to be granted, or any
way to be appointed to any person or persons, by both or
either House of Parliament, or by authority derived from
thence, shall go and enure to such public uses as both Houses
of Parliament shall appoint ; and the grantees and persons
executing all such offices shall be accountable to the Parlia-
ment for all the profits and perquisites thereof, and shall have
no profit out of any such office, other than a competent salary
2 G '2
452 APPENDIX.
for the- execution of the same, in such manner as both Houses
of Parhament shall order and ordain. Provided, that this
ordinance shall not extend to take away the j)Ower and
authority of any lieutenancy or deputy-lieutenancy in the
several counties, cities, or places, or of any custos-rotulorum,
or of any commissioner for justice of peace, or sewers, or any
commission of oyer and terminer, or gaol delivery. Provided
always, and it is hereby declared, that those members of either
House who had offices by grant from his Majesty before this
Parhament, and were by his Majesty displaced sitting this
Parliament, and have since by authority of both Houses
been restored, shall not by this ordinance be discharged from
their said offices or profits thereof, but shall enjoy the same,
anything in this ordinance to the contrary thereof notwith-
standing." — Parliamentary History, vol. iii., col. 355.
APPENDIX VII.
(Page 184.)
EXTRACT FROM THE MINUTES OF THE COUNCIL HELD AT OXFORD,
DECEMBER 5, 1644.
" PRESENT :
The King's Most Excellent Majesty,
Prince Eupert, Earl of Berksldre,
Prince Maurice,
Lord Keeper,
Lord Treasurer,
Lord Duke of Richmond,
Earl of Sussex,
Earl of Chichester,
Lord Digby,
Lord Seymour,
Lord Marquis of Hertford, Lord Colepepj^er,
Lord Great Chamberlain, [ Mr. Secretary Nicholas,
Earl of Southampton, Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Lord Chamberlain, j
" A letter was read, written by the Earl of Essex to his
highness Prince Pupert, general of his Majesty's armies, in
these words : —
*Sm,
'There being a message sent from his Majesty by the
committees of both kingdoms that were lately at Oxford, con-
APPENDIX.
453
cerning a safe conduct for the Duke of Richmond and Earl of
Southampton, without any direction, 1 am commanded by
both Houses of Parliament to give your highness notice, that
if the King be pleased to desire a safe conduct for the Duke
of Richmond and the Earl of Southampton, with their
attendants, from the Lords and Commons assembled in the
Parliament of England, at Westminster, to bring to the Lords
and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England, and
the Commissioners of the kingdom of Scotland, now at
London, an answer to the propositions presented to his
Majesty for a safe and well-grounded peace, it shall be
granted. This is all I have at present to trouble your high-
ness, being
' Your highness's humble servant,
' Essex.'
' Dec. 3, 1644.'
" This letter and the expressions therein being fully con-
sidered and debated, it was by the whole council unanimously
resolved, that his Majesty's desire of a safe conduct, in the
terms expressed in that letter, would not be any acknowledg-
ment or concession of the members of the two Houses sitting
at Westminster to be a Parliament, nor any ways prejudice his
Majesty's cause.
"Whereupon his Majesty declaring openly at the Board
that, since such was their lordships' opinion, that he did there-
fore and eo animo consent thereto, and accordingly his
Majesty desired his highness Prince Rupert, as his Majesty's
general, to return this answer : —
' My Lord,
' I am commanded by his Majesty to desire of your lord-
ship a safe conduct for the Duke of Richmond and the Earl
of Southamption, with their attendants, coaches and horses,
and other accommodations for their journey in their coming
to London, during their stay, and in their return, when they
shall think fit, from the Lords and Commons assembled in the
Parliament of England, in Westminster, to bring to the Lords
and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England, and
454 APPENDIX.
the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, now at
London, an answer to the propositions presented to his
Majesty for a safe and well-grounded peace. Resting
' Your lordship's servant,
' Rupert.'
* 0x011, 5 Dec, 1644.'
" Which answer was accordingly sent to London hy a trum-
peter.
" Edw. Nicholas."
{The following is in the handivriting of Sir Edivard
Nicholas.)
" Memorandum : — That the king and myself, of all the
council-board, were the only persons that concurred not in
opinion that it Avas fit to call those sitting at Westminster a
Parliament. Prince Rupert, though he was present, did not
vote, because he was to execute what should be resolved on
by this council ; but, by the order and practice of the council-
board, if the major part agree to any act or order, all the
councillors that are present at the debate, albeit they dissent,
are involved, and are to be named as if they consented. —
" E. N." Evelyns Diary and Correspondence, vol. iv., p. 143.
APPENDIX VIII.
(Page 208.)
MARCH OF DAVID LESLEY.
I.
March, inarch, piuks of election !
Why the devil don't you march onward in order ?
March, march, dogs of redemption :
Ere the blue bonnets come over the border.
You shall preach, you shall pray.
You shall teach night and day ;
You shall prevail o'er the kirk gone a whoring ;
Dance in blood to the knees.
Blood of God's enemies !
The daughters of Scotland shall sing you to snoring.
APPENDIX. 455
II.
March, march, dregs of all wickedness !
Glory that lower yoji can't be debased ;
March, march, dunghills of blessedness !
March and rejoice for you shall be raised :
Not to board, not to rope.
But to faith and to hope ;
Scotland's athirst for the truth to be taught her.
Her chosen virgin race.
How they will grow in grace,
Round as a neep, like calves for the slaughter !
III.
March, march, scourges of heresy !
Down with, the kirk and its whilieballeery !
March, march ! down with supi'emacy.
And the kist fu' o' whistles, that maks sic a cleary ;
Fife men and pipers braw.
Merry deils, take them a',
Gown, lace and livery, lickpot and ladle ;
Jockey shall wear the hood,
Jenny the sark of God,
For codpiece and petticoat, dishclout and daidle.
IV.
March, march, blest ragamuffins !
Sing, as ye go, the hymns of rejoicing !
March, march, justified ruffians !
Chosen of heaven ! to glory you're rising.
Ragged and treacherous,
Lousy and lecherous.
Objects of misery, scorning and laughter ;
Never, O happy race !
Magnified so was grace ;
Host of the righteous ! rush to the slaughter !
Hogg, Jacobite liclics of i^cotlani/, vol. i. p. 5.
APPENDIX IX.
(Page 431.)
I GIVE here certain unpublished documents and despatches
relative to the intervention of the States-General of the
United Provinces in favour of Charles I. I have literally
456 APPENDIX.
translated them from certified copies of the originals, made
by order of M. de Jouge, keeper of the records of the Nether-
lands, and sent to me from the Hague : —
" I. A SUMMARY OF WHAT HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE OF
WALES CAUSED TO BE REPRESENTED ON HIS PART AND IN
HIS PRESENCE TO THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES THE STATES-
GENERAL OF THE UNITED PROVINCES OF THE NETHER-
LANDS, BY MEANS OF THE RESIDENT OF THE KING OF
GREAT BRITAIN, ETC., JAN. 23, 1649.
" His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales has for a long
time had the intention of requesting a personal audience, to
acknowledge the honours and great courtesies he has received
from their lordships since his arrival in this country ; and
now he desires it with peculiar earnestness, on an occasion of
the greatest importance in the world to his Royal Highness,
and in which he presumes their lordships will fully sym-
pathise. Their lordships cannot be ignorant of the great
danger in which the life of the King, his father, now stands ;
how, after a personal treaty with his two Houses of Parlia-
ment, there was such progress made towards peace by the
concessions of his Majesty that the said Houses declared
themselves resolved to proceed on them to the establishment
of the peace of the kingdom ; which would indubitably have
taken place had not the army seized his Majesty's person,
and committed to prison several members of Parliament who
had shown themselves the most disposed for the said treaty
of peace.
" Such is, then, the state of that truly miserable kingdom ;
the King is so closely confined, that a gentleman, sent ex-
pressly by his Royal Highness only to see his Majesty, was
not admitted to his presence. The Parliament is so broken
up and dispersed, that there only remains about fifty out of
more than five hundred members in the House of Commons ;
and the House of Lords, who have unanimously refused their
concurrence in these violent proceedings, is practically anni-
hilated by a declaration of these few Commons that all
sovereign power in that kingdom belongs to them without
King or Lords. So that the members of Parliament do not
APPENDIX. 457
meet, except those who agree and submit to the orders of a
council of war, which has been constituted to govern the
kingdom ; having to this end published a remonstrance con-
taining the plan of a new government, which they desire to
establish on the ruin of the Parliament as well as of the King,
subverting the fabric and constitution of the kingdom, and of
all its laws, and exposing the Protestant religion to the inva-
sion of more heresies and schisms than ever in any century
infested the Christian Church.
" Not content with this confusion, they have passed a reso-
lution and appointed commissioners for a trial of the person
of his Majesty, apparently to depose him and take away his
life ; which his Royal Highness cannot mention without
horror, and which he is certain their lordships cannot hear
without equal detestation.
" What influence these unprecedented proceedings may
have on the interest and security of all kings, princes, and
states, and how much the extriivagant power which these
people have usurped may affect the tranquillity of neigh-
bouring countries, and how far the reformed religion may
suffer by these scandalous acts of those who profess it, it is
needless for his Roj^al Highness to urge their lordships to
consider ; but he contents himself with having given this sad
recital of the condition and misery in which the King and
Crown of England are at present placed ; convinced that
their lordships will act thereupon according to the esteem and
respect they have ever shown towards so good a friend and
ally. His Royal Highness therefore promises himself, from
the friendship and wisdom of their lordships, as soon as
possible, such assistance from their councils and otherwise, as
the present extreme necessity of the King, his father, and of
his Royal Highness, require, who by this will ever be really
and for ever feel obliged to contribute all in their power to the
support and advancement of the interest, grandeur, and hap-
piness of their lordships."
In consequence of these representations of the Prince of
Wales, the States resolved to send to London, as extraordinary
ambassadors, MM. Albert Joachim and Adrian de Pauw, with
the following instructions : —
458 APPENDIX.
" II. IXSTRUCTIONS FOK THE AMBASSADORS OF THELR HIGH
MIGHTINESSES, SENT TO LONDON IX THE YEAR 1640.
" The ambassadors will I'epresent to the Parliament of
England, that the consequence of the King's imprisonment
will turn to the advantage or disadvantage of the kingdom of
England, according to the moderation or severity that shall
henceforth he shown towards his person ; for all neutrals are
of opinion that the calamity in which he is at present, has
come upon him because he was of a contrary opinion to that
which has elsewhere prevailed, as to the means to be em-
ployed to remedy the evils which exist in the kingdom of
Great Britain, As there is yet time to find remedies for these
evils, the Parliament is requested not to suffer all sorts of pre-
texts to be seized upon to aggravate the grievances already
charged upon the prisoner, and thus render him more un-
happy than he is at present. Supposing that the party who
has been defeated had gained the day, it is possible he might
have judged with rigour the conduct of his adversaries, and
refused them all means of defence ; but the States -General
are persuaded that the good faith of all those who shall hear
the propositions of the ambassadors will make them admit
within themselves that this would not have been equitable,
and that they will approve the axiom : Politicum in civil-
ihus dissensionihus, quamvis scepe per eas status Icedatur,
non tamen in exitiwtn status contenditur, proinde qui in
alterutras "partes descendunt hostium vice non habendi.
" The States-General know that your Excellencies have
appointed commissioners-extraordinary to examine the King's
position ; they rely as much on the choice of your Excellencies
as on the sincerity and good faith with which the said com-
missioners will give, on the case in question, a judgment
which may be submitted to the examination of the whole
world, and be one day approved by the Supreme Judge to
whom they will be responsible. All Avell-disposed persons
expect that, in an affair of such importance, a wise and
Christian course will be pursued.
" The experience of all times has shown that distrust easily
introduces itself into governments ; that in those which are
APPENDIX. 459
composed of several bodies it is usually a powerful incite-
ment ; that, in short, there is neither shame nor dishonour to
be feared when the safety of the State is concerned, which
renders all fears legitimate and commendable. Yet nothing
can. be more lamentable than to give way to extravagant sus-
picions, which interpret everything in an evil sense.
" If your Excellencies thought that some calamity threat-
ened the kingdom of England, in preventing it, you have
attained your object. Every one knows that it happens to the
wisest of those who govern a commonwealth to mix up with
public affairs somewhat of their private affections ; and that
never to fail in the management of great concerns is a per-
fection above human nature, and the failing in which may
well be excused.
" This is what the States-General beg your Excellencies to
take into consideration, persuaded that you will do it with
the greatest wisdom. Notwithstanding the distrust your Ex-
cellencies have conceived respecting so great a personage, you
should take into account his long imprisonment (which, in
itself, is already, according to the common law, a great punish-
ment), and the gi'eat and notable services rendered to the
kingdom of England by him and his predecessors, kings and
queens. Your Excellencies will have compassion upon him,
and remember : Ut eximatiir 2)eTiculo qui est inter vos
celehri fania, ne i'psis opprobrio multi magis ac magis
alienentur.
"■ It is of great importcxnce to the welfare of the kingdom
of England that your Excellencies should proceed accordingly,
and follow the counsel of that Roman who advised his coun-
trymen, the better to assure the measures of Pompey's con-
sulship, not to annul anything that had been done under
preceding governments, but only to be prudent for the time
to come. One may with reason apply to the present circum-
stances that excellent precaution which one took to secure his
own statue, by preventing the overthrow of that of his enemy,
whom he had completely subdued. It is thus your Excellen-
cies are requested to act in an affair of such high importance,
which may be the source of many troubles, and to show your
goodness towards this great personage, in preserving him from
460 APPENDIX.
shame and ignominy ; for it is not sparing men to allow them
to be dishonoured. The Parliament is, then, entreated to
restore the king to liberty.
" The ambassadors are also, according to circumstances,
'mutatis mutandis, to lay the above considerations before
General Fairfax and the council of the army, adding, that
their distinguished merit has given them great authority in
the kingdom of England, and that all these things depend
principally on them, and will turn upon their intentions. On
which account the States- General recommend this affair to
their great wisdom, so that they may be to England (whose
greatest hopes are now placed in them), not only a shield and
a sword in time of war, but also a help to the King in his
unhappy situation, by directing public discussions towards a
good and moderate end, by which the kingdom will profit,
and which will bring on themselves immortal glory. By their
magnanimity, they will cause most of their fellow-citizens to
shed tears of joy, who are at this moment on the point of
weeping with sorrow. Of old, it was said that the Syracusans
were but the body and the limbs, and that Archimedes was
the soul which gave motion to all ; the same thing may be
said at present, with far more reason, of the kingdom of
England, and of his Excellency and the council of the army :
this body and these limbs will not act, in the present affair,
under any other direction than that which his Excellency and
the council of the army shall give them according to their wise
reflections. While thus setting forth their own eminent qua-
lities in fresh glory and grandeur, the benefit will be felt by
every inhabitant of the kingdom. The ambassadors will
moreover add, that there was a great captain and wise states-
man who gloried in having never caused any one of his
countrymen to shed a tear, regarding as the sweetest fruit of
his victories that he could every day dare to meet all his
fellow-citizens, following the proverb : ' That clemency wins
love and reverence for all those who practise it, and that
severity, far from removing obstacles and difiiculties, usually
augments and multiplies them.'
" Prudent physicians, also, fear to employ too powerful
remedies, because these often drive the disease and the life
APPENDIX. ^^ ^
from the body at the same time, and for greater safety's sake
thev orefer the use of gentler means.
^U his Excellency and the comicil of the army ac thus,
the hearts of the well-disposed subjects of England ^vrll unite
in reciprocal friendship, better and more powerful to con-
solidate a state than the heaviest chains of iron.
"The States-General think that the kmgdom of England
will be invincible, if his Excellency, as well as «» ^^^^ "^
the army will proceed on foundations so equitable to the
worldTnd so agr'eeable to God, and which are besides so con-
formable to the character of the English nation, and to the
sration of its affairs. Finally, the States-General entreat
hk Excellency and the council of the army to embrace and
employ the said means, so that the King may be enlarged
from his prison and restored to liberty."
Ill FIRST DESPATCH FROM THE AMEASSADORa-EXTRAOEDIMAEY
IN ENGLAND TO THE STATES-GENER.1L.
" High and Mightt Lords,
" On arriving here on the 5th instant, towards even-
ing, we were received by the Master of the Ceremomes of
Parliament with ma^y excuses, and we immediately recjuested
and insisted upon an audience for the next day. On the 6th
Lly in the morning, we requested, through o™ J-—
and the Master of the Ceremonies, to be presented to both
Houses of Parliament. In reply, the Speaker of the Uppe.
House sent word to us, that the said House had adjourned to
Monday, and the Speaker of the House o Commons inti-
mated that, notwithstanding some particular obstacles, he
would present our request, and endeavour to obtain ajent to
r Our secretaries having waited for the answer the Speaker
let us know in the afternoon that the House had not been
able to sit in the morning, because all the judges who form
part of it, had had to attend the high court of justice and
Lt for tliis reason the Lower House also had been obliged
to adioum to Monday next. Learmng afterwards, that on
the sle day the slid court of justice had pronounced
sentence of death against the King, in his own presence, we
462 APPENDIX.
succeeded, on Sunday the 7th instant (although all occupa-
tions that do not relate to religious worship are set aside
on this day), after much trouble, in obtaining in the morning,
first, a private audience of the Speaker of the Lower House,
then, one of that of the Upper House ; and, at last, in the
afternoon (but not without great difficulty), we were admitted
to the presence of General Fairfax, Lieutenant -General
Cromwell, and the principal officers of the army, who were at
the same time assembled at the General's house. We toade
all possible representations to the said Speakers, General,
and Lieutenant-General, as well in private as when assembled
together ; we supported our solicitations with the most
powerful arguments we could devise, to obtain a reprieve of
the King's execution (which, it was said, was fixed for Monday),
until we should have been heard by the Parliament ; but we
only received different answers, dictated by the disposition or
the temper of each of them.
" On Monday the 8th, early in the morning, we sent again
to the Speakers of both Houses, to urge them to obtain an
audience for us ; and after our secretaries, together with the
Master of the Ceremonies, had been kept waiting at West-
minster till the afternoon, we were all at once informed,
scarcely ten minutes before the time, that the two Houses
would receive us before they went to dinner, and that we were
to go at two o'clock to the Upper House, and at three to the
House of Commons. We acted according to this intimation,
and went to the Upper House, where there were very few
peers, as v/ell as to the House of Commons, where sat about
eighty Members. After having verbally stated and delivered
in writing the substance of our instructions, tending prin-
cipally to have the King's execution postponed until we
should, in a second audience, or in conferences, have had
opportunities to state more powerful grounds to induce them
to grant him his life, or at least not to proceed precipitately
to execute the sentence of death, we were answered by the
two Speakers that our proposal should be taken into con-
sideration.
" The members of the Upper House voted, that conferences
on this subject, between the two Houses should immediately
APFKNUIX. 463
take place ; but as the day was already far advanced, and as
the members of the House of Commons, as soon as our
audience was over, rose to depart, even before we had left the
anteroom, into which we had been conducted on our way out,
we with all speed had our proposal trauvslated into English,
and delivered to the Speaker of the Lower House, and after-
wards to the Speaker of the Upper House.
" Yet, having seen yesterday, as we passed by Whitehall,
that preparations were making, which were said to be for the
execution, and having conferred for a long time this morning
with the Commissioners of the Crown of Scotland, to save, if
possible, the King's life, we still continued to request of
Parliament, through our secretaries, either an answer or
another audience ; and endeavoured, by the intervention of
the Scottish Commissioners, to speak once more to the
General, and met him about noon at his secretary's house, at
Whitehall. The General was at length touched by our
animated and pressing entreaties, and declared that he would
go directly to Westminster, and recommend to Parliament to
grant the answer and the reprieve we requested, and that he
would take a few officers of note with him to support the
application.
" But we found, in front of the house in which we had just
spoken with the General, about two hundred horsemen ; and
we learned, as well on our way as on reaching home, that all
the streets, passages, and squares of London were occupied by
troops, so that no one could j)ass, and that the approaches of
the City were covered with cavalry, so as to prevent any one
from coming in or going out. We could not, and we knew
not in consequence, what further to do. Two days before, as
well previous to as after our audience, we had, by trustworthy
persons, been assured that no proceeding or intercession in the
world could succeed, and that God alone could prevent the
execution resolved upon ; and so the Scottish Commissioners,
with great pains, had also told us. And so it proved ; for,
the same day, between two and three o'clock, the King was
taken to a scaffold covered with black, erected before White-
hall. His Majesty, accompanied by the Bishop of London,
who, it is said, had that morning, at six o'clock, administered
46.4 APPENDIX.
to him the holy sacrament and consolations of religion, after
having said a few words, gave up the garter, the blue riband,
and his cloak, took his coat off himself, and showed a great
deal of firmness in all his conduct. The King, having laid
himself down, his head was cut off, and held up to the gaze of
the assembled crowd.
" This is what, to our great regret, we are obliged to
announce to your High Mightinesses ; and we declare that we
have employed all possible diligence, without intei-raission and
with all our power, to acquit ourselves of your High Mightinesses'
commission, in seeking to prevent the execution of this so
fatal sentence. Meantime, as in this country all kinds of
reports are put forth, for and against, according to every one's
fancy, and as they are often misinterpreted and embellished
or exaggerated, particularly now all minds are so excited, we
pray your High Mightinesses, in case you should receive
reports contrary to or more alarming than the present, to
place no faith in them ; and to believe us, who came hither
at the peril of our lives, and have neglected none of the duties
with which we were charged.
" We dare not send your High Mightinesses the further
particulars that we learn in many quarters, confidential or
public, on this event, as the passage is very difficult, all the
seaports being closed. We will only add that it is said the
King, on the scafibld, recommended that religion should be
strengthened by taking the advice of Koman Catholic divines,
and that the rights of the Prince, his son, should be respected;
adding, that he thought himself in conscience innocent of the
blood which had been shed, exce]3t of that of the Earl of
Strafford. Immediately after the King's death, it was
announced and proclaimed throughout the City by sound of
trumpet.
" We beg the Almighty to grant a long prosperity to your
High Mightinesses, and to your high and mighty Govern-
ment.
(Signed) " Alb. Joachim.
" London, Febmary Dth, 1649."
APPENDIX. 4G.J
IV. SECOND DESPATCH.
" High and Mighty Lokds,
" By our first dispatch of the 9th instant, we minutely
informed your High Mightinesses of all the proceedings we
had taken with the principal functionaries and other eminent
personages in this country, as well as of the solicitations we
addressed to them, and the proposals we transmitted publicly
and in writing to the two Houses of Parliament (of which
we herein insert a copy, not having had time to append it to
our preceding despatch, which was sent by an unexpected
opportunity), proposals which were left unanswered, as was
our request to be admitted to a second audience, and which
were followed by the immediate execution of the King, and
the prohibition to any one whomsoever, under pain of high
treason, to take upon himself any authority in the name of
monarchical power, or to acknowledge and favour the Govern-
ment of the Prince of Wales, or any other pretender to the
royal succession.
" Already, before this event, we apprehended, and our
fears have since been realized, that it had been resolved
among the authorities here to abolish entirel}'- the monarchical
Government, and to establish one of a quite different nature ;
for it is publicly said here that the descendants of the late
King will be, without any exception, excluded for ever from
any sovereignty in this country, though it is not ascertained
what sort of Government is to replace that which is abolished.
" We have also just heard that already commissioners are
appointed by Parliament to go with all speed to Scotland,
where they presume and annoimce being able to direct affairs
according to the system adopted in England. It is also said,
publicly as well as in private, that the members of the Tipper
House show themselves displeased at the King's execution,
and do not at all agree with the House of Commons on the
changes to be introduced in the Government ; on the other
hand, it is thought that Scotland wishes to remain faithful to
monarchical Government, and to its old institutiona It is diflfi-
cult to foresee what will be the issue of all these combinations
VOL. II. 2 H
466 APPENDIX.
and changes in the two countries ; and though pubhc tran-
quillity is nowise disturbed in this capital, in consequence of
the strict watch kept by the numerous military posts, we are
ignorant what, in this respect, is the situation of the provinces,
" Yesterday, we received a visit from the Lieutenant-
General Cromwell, who spoke to us with infinite respect of
the Government of your High Mightinesses ; among other
subjects, he introduced that of religion, giving us to under-
stand that, with the concurrence of your High Mightinesses,
it would be as possible as necessary to re-establish it here
upon a better system, and to give it a better organization.
" The Earl of Denbigh, who came also yesterday to see us,
spoke at great length on different questions relating to the
Government, past and to come ; whence we concluded that
there are still many affairs to arrange, and that the measures
they propose to take do not afford any probable conjecture
as to their issue and success. As the unhappy event of
the King's execution puts an end to the negociation with
which our extraordinary embassy was charged, we will jointly
use our endeavours that the affairs of our mission may suffer
as little as possible, and may continue to be treated according
to the interests and to the entire satisfaction of your High
Mightinesses.
" The high court of justice having terminated its functions,
other extraordinary tribunals have been instituted, to try the
peers and other illustrious state prisoners, such as the Duke
of Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, Lord Goring, &c. Those
of a lower rank will be tried by the ordinary tribunals, and
the prisoners of war by a court-martial.
" Among other matters that are at present treated of in
Parliament, it is proposed that our people should enjoy here
all the rights of navigation, commerce, manufacture, trades,
and market, equally and in common with the English nation.
We were not ignorant of these dispositions, and, moreover,
were given to understand that they would be disposed to
make more full and minute proposals to us on this subject-
We think we hereby give your High Mightinesses an evident
proof that people here are occupying themselves with questions
quite out of the ordinary track of affairs.
Al'l'KNDIX. 467
" We implore the Almighty to keep in long prosperity the
Government of your High Mightinesses.
(Signed) " Alb. Joachim,
" A. Pauw.
" Londou, February 12, 1649."
v. third despatch.
" High and Mjghty Lords,
" After the bloody catastrophe which put an end to
the King's life, an event of which our despatches of the 9th
and 1 2th instant informed your High Mightinesses, we resolved
to keep within our lodgings, after the example of other ambas-
sadors, and of the Scottish Commissioners. The French
ambassador and the Scottish Commissioners, however, having
paid us a visit before this event, and the Spanish ambassador
having repeatedly done us the same honour before and after,
we could do no otherwise than return these acts of kindness :
we accordingly acquitted ourselves of this duty on the 13th,
and we remarked that their excellencies were deeply affected
by this great event, though the French ambassador had assured
us beforehand of his perfect knowledge of the events which
would take place.
" The ambassador of Spain, Don Alfonso de Cardenas, told
us that the day after this fatal event he had received orders
from the King his master to intervene in the affairs of this
country : but at present he is of opinion, as well as the French
ambassador, that by the unexpected death of the King of
England, their diplomatic functions and character having
ceased, they cannot act any longer in their high office, nor
interfere in any respect until they have received fresh orders
from their Court. The Scottish Commissioners have sent two
despatches to their constituents, that is, to the Scottish Parlia-
ment at present assembled ; they expect an answer to their
first despatch in the course of the week, and will not act till
they are duly authorized.
" The general opinion is, that the Government will undergo
an entire change ; that the Royal Family will be set aside,
and another form of Government introduced ; that perhaps
they will imitate that of the Republic of Venice, of the
468 APPENDIX.
United Provinces, or some other Republican Government.
We are informed that, in fact, nine members of the House
of Peers and eighteen of that of the House of Commons are
to meet in commission to draw up conjointly the basis of a
fresh constitution. The 13th of this month was the day
appointed for the meeting of the King's judges, in a court of
justice at Westminster Hall ; but we have just been informed
that the meeting did not take place, the judges having alleged
that they were not sufficiently qualified for this, their functions
having expired at the King's death, and that they cannot
resolve to accept so suddenly their new nominations made by
Parliament, nor change the title of their acts of procedure
and other necessary formalities, such as those adopted by
Parliament on the 29th of January, 1648, and which we
transmitted to your High Mightinesses by our despatch of the
9th instant. We continue in the most complete uncertainty
as to the issue of the events which, from the diversity of
opinions and other fortuitous occurrences, may still undergo
vicissitudes that it is impossible to submit to any probable
conjecture ; we shall, therefore, merely remark, that hitherto
public tranquillity has not been in any way disturbed ; and
we pray your High Mightinesses to attach no other value to
our information than that which may be merited by our
efforts to discover truth in this maze of true and false reports
which we receive on all sides, and which only leave us the
satisfaction of confidentially informing your High Mightinesses
of what we have been able to collect in our zeal for your
service.
(Signed) " Adrian Pauw,
" Alb. Joachim.
" Londou, February 15th, 1649."
Vr. FOURTH DESPATCH.
" High and Mighty Lords,
" The information contained in our last despatch, of
the 15th of this month, having appeared sufficiently important
to us, we took care to forward it to your High Mightinesses
by a safe and speedy opportunity ; yet the wind having since
APPENDIX. 469
that time been very contrary, we fear it did not reach its
destination so speedily as we had hoped. Since that, we have
witnessed events of still greater importance. On the 16th of
this month, the House of Commons, notwithstanding the
expectation and the wish of the commissioners of both Houses,
sitting in committee, and which requested to be consulted on
all the measures to be taken, decreed that the House of
Lords should from that period cease its functions, and be no
longer consulted or looked upon as a deliberative body, or as
constituting an authority in anything concerning the affairs of
the kingdom ; so that, notwithstanding that the lords and
princes still retain their titles and dignities, and are qualified
to occupy any office whatever, there will in future be only one
sole House of Commons as the English Parliament ; and the
peers will no longer be admitted in it but as deputies elected
by the counties. Next day, the J 7th, the House of Commons
by a decree abolished for ever the office of King in England.
We are informed, moreover, that the Parliament, thus reduced to
one House of Commons alone, will meet once every two years
for a limited time ; and that permanent executive power will be
vested in a council of thirty or forty members, of whom about
twelve may be peers. The council thus organized will repre-
sent, during the recess of Parliament, the sovereign power of
the kingdom. This last measure is not, however, so definitely
resolved as the two above-mentioned. The House of Commons
is becoming, by degrees, complete, by the return of several
members, who resume their seats on signing an expurgatory
act, by which they declare that they renounce the opinions
which heretofore placed them in opposition to their colleagues.
It is also said that at an early day new judges for the higher
courts will be elected, and new justices of peace.
" The Earl of Denbigh, Speaker of the House of Lords, not
having been able to send us a message on the 1 7th, came to
pay us a visit on the 18th, to inform us in what manner had
been carried into effect the dissolution of this assembly, and
to deliver the last commands he had received from theu' lord-
ships, in transmitting to us their answer to our projDosals ; and
after having read them to us, he gave us the copy, which we
470 APPENDIX.
enclose in the present despatch, retaining to himself the
original manuscript as his personal quittance, adding that it
was, at the same time, the last deliberative act of the Upper
House, which had not wished to dissolve until it had given
this mark of respect to your High Mightinesses.
" The House of Commons also sent to ask us, by its own
messenger, when it would suit us to present ourselves to them
to receive their answer to our proposals. To which we replied,
that as soon as the House would acquaint us with the time
appointed for this audience, we would attend.
" Since the unhappy event of the King's death, we had not
insisted upon an answer ; and though we had heard no more
about it, we learn at this moment that an outline of this
answer has been published in the ' Gazette,' without any
official communication of it having been sent us. A report
had previously been spread, and even printed, that we had
requested that our proposals should not be made public.
Nothing can be more false than this assertion. Without
having in any way interfered in the matter, or having even
mentioned a word on the subject, we left it entirely to the
discretion of the two Houses, to each of which our proposals
were separately addressed in writing, with the necessary form.
We liave remarked, besides, that the reply made by us to the
Speaker of the House of Commons, when our proposals were
delivered, has not been inserted in the ' Gazette ' in its real
tenour, and it has been hitherto impossible for us to discover
whether such publications appear with or without the sanction
of the superior authorities.
" On the 16tli of this month, some troops of infantry and
cavalry marched hence to Bristol ; and there is a report that
in that town, as well as at Gloucester, some indignation has
been expressed against the proceedings of Parliament. Here,
however, and in the neighbourhood, all is quiet.
" To-day being the day appointed for the appearance of
the impeached lords before the newly- created High Court at
Westminster Hall, Goring, Capel, Hamilton, Holland, and Sir
John Owen, these lords, with the exception of the Earl of
Holland, who is ill, appeared before that Court, and after
APPENDIX. 471
having heard each in his turn, tlie charges brought against
him, and given in answers to them, were sent back to prison,
to await another summons for the continuation of their
trial.
(Signed) " Adrian Pauw,
" Alb. Joachim."
vii. fifth despatch.
" High and Mighty Lords,
" The Commissioners of the kingdom of Scotland,
having received despatches from their Parliament, sent word
of their contents to us last evening at a somewhat irregular
hour, and forwarded to us the proclamation, the decree, and
the letter, copies of which accompany this despatch. Your
High Mightinesses will learn by their contents, that the
Prince of Wales has just been proclaimed, by the Scottish
Parliament, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland. The
Commissioners, besides, informed us that a gentleman had
been immediately sent abroad with copies of these decrees ;
that the proclamation of them had been made in every
direction, and that they were preparing forthwith to send an
envoy, furnished with the largest instructions to his Majest}'.
It is rumoured here that the Parliament is much displeased at
this measure ; and particularly because the Scots did not
content themselves with proclaiming him King of Scotland
oidy, but had added to his titles ' King of Great Britain and
Ireland.' Levies of troops are going on here in secret, and
are constantly dispatched towards Scotland and other places,
which makes it to be presumed that in the latter engagements
many men were killed. The capital yet continues to enjoy
perfect tranquillity, and exhibits no appearance of sedition.
The complements of the men-of-war are being made up, one
after another, and we should not be surprised if in a very
short time there were nearly thirty vessels perfectly equipped
and ready for sea ; this number, it is confidently said, will
hereafter be increased to seventy, and it is added that three
commissioners of Parliament will take the command or
472 APPENDIX.
superintendence of this fleet : as to that, there seems no
longer any mention made of the Earl of Warwick as com-
mander. Last Monday, the 22nd instant, the gentleman-
usher came to inform us that on the Wednesday or Thursday
following, we should be requested to go to Parliament, to
receive, before the whole House, an answer to our proposals.
On Wednesday he informed us that the audience would take
place on Thursday evening ; and accordingly on that day we
were conducted in state to W^estminster Hall. Having been
immediately introduced into the House of Commons, we
sat down on the chairs placed for us, and the Speaker, having
read to us the answer of the House, gave us a copy of it.
Whereupon, we answered, in a few words, that when we had
read it, we would ourselves transmit it to our Government,
whom it was our intention, with the least possible delay, to
rejoin, and that we availed ourselves of the present oppor-
tunity to take leave of Parliament in our quality of ambas-
sadors-extraordinary. The House that day was much fuller
than at our first audience, on account of the return of several
of their absent members, and the restoration of many
dissentient members who had successively come to resume
their seats under the expurgatory Act. The nomination of a
greater number of members has been one of the first cares of
the new House ; after which they proceeded to elect the
thirty-eight members of whom the State Council of the king-
dom is to be composed, and whose names and qualities your
High Mightinesses will read in the enclosed ' Gazette.' The
judges of the kingdom also resumed their sittings last week,
and held their usual term.
" The day before our last audience, and consequently after
the notification we had received of it, we received the letters
of your High Mightinesses of the 22nd instant ; and having
already made preparations for our departure, we shall effect it
as soon as possible, wishing to return as soon as we can to
your High Mightinesses, to communicate the answer we have
received, and render a detailed account of our mission, which
has been accompanied and followed by a multitude of inci-
dents and circumstances, which, in the present precarious state
APPENDIX. 473
of affairs, we do not think proper to trust to paper. Contrary
winds and severe frosts having imj^eded the navigation of the
Thames, we cannot fix the day of our departure ; but we will
seize the first opportunity to return, either directly or by way of
Dover and Calais, notwithstanding the inconveniences which
this last passage is said to present.
" The state prisoners, viz., the Duke of Hamilton, Lord
Goring, Lord Capel, and Sir John Owen, have already
ajjpeared several times before the high court of justice. The
first put in a bill of exceptions, but it was rejected, and he
was ordered to prepare his defence, and counsel were assigned
to him. The three others have confined themselves within
the terms of their defence, particularly Lord Capel, against
whom, as to the capitulation and the quarter granted. General
Fairfax and Commissary-General Ireton were heard as wit-
nesses, appearing for this specially before the Court. All these
circumstances make one entertain fears as to the fate of these
noble personages, who are considered to be in imminent
danger. We think it proper to inform your High Mighti-
nesses, that the present is the sixth despatch we have sent
you, the two preceding ones being of the loth and 19th
instant; the delays occasioned by contrary winds and the
frost give us reason to fear that all may not have reached your
High Mightinesses.
(Signed) " Adrian Pauw.
"Alb. Joachim.
" London, February 26th, 1649."
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