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^  PRINCETON,  N.  J.  ^ 


BR   162    .R6    1875   v. 5 
Robertson,    James  Craigie, 

1813-1882. 

History  of  the  Christian 

church,  from  the  Apostoli(i 


HISTORY   OF    THE    CHRISTIAN   CHURCH. 


LIBRARY  OF  PRINCETON 


I  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


HISTORY    OF    THE 
CHRISTIAN  CHURCH 

FROM   THE   APOSTOLIC   AGE   TO   THE 
REFORMATION. 

A.D.    64—1517. 

v/" 
BY   JAMES   C.    ROBERTSON,   M.A., 

CANON   OF  CANTERBURY, 
AND  PROFESSOR  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL   HISTORY   IN    KING'S   COLLEGE,  LONDON. 

IN  EIGHT  VOLUMES.— VOL.   V. 


A  NEW  AND  REVISED  EDITION. 
NEW   IMPRESSION. 


LONDON : 

JOHN   MURRAY,   ALBEMARLE   STREET. 

1904. 


Ptiulcd  by  Hazell,  Watson  &  Viney,  Ld.,  London  and  Aylesbury. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  V. 


List  of  Popes  and  Sovereigns    .... 

BOOK  Vl.—contmued. 


Page  X. 


FROM   THE  DEPOSITION  OF  POPE  GREGORY  VI.  TO  THE  DEATH 
OF    POPE    CELESTINE    III.,    A.D.    IO46-II98. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

From  the  Death  of  the  Emperor  Henry  IV.  to  the  Con- 
cordat OF  Worms,  a.d.  i  106- i  122. 


Council  of  Guastalla     . 
Conferences  at  Chalons  and 

Troyes     .... 
Henry  V.  in  Italy 
Seizure    and    submission    of 

Paschal  II.        .         .         . 
Movements    of    the    Hilde- 

brandine  party . 
Henry  in  Germany 
His  second  Expedition  to  Italy 


Page 


Page 
Gelasius  II.,  pope;  Gregory 

VIII.,  antipope  .  .  14 
Calixtus  II. .  .  .  .16 
Council  of  Reims.  .  .  17 
Conference  with  Henry  I.  of 

England  at  Gisors  .  .  20 
Punishment  of  the  Antipope  23 
Dispositions  towards  peace  .  24 
Concordat  of  Worms    .         .       26 


CHAPTER  VII. 
Monasticism.— New  Orders— The  Templars  and  Hospitallers. 


State  of  Monasticism     . 

29 

V.  Canons  regular  of  St. 

William  of  Hirschau     . 

30 

Augustine     . 

50 

Cluniacs,    Camaldolites,   etc. 

32 

Premonstratensians   . 

51 

New  Orders  : — 

VI.  Canons  of  St.  Antony 

56 

I.  Order  of  Grammont . 

33 

Templars  and  Hospi- 

II.  Carthusians 

38 

tallers   . 

ib. 

III.  Order  of  Fontevraud 

42 

Increased  power  of  Monach- 

IV.  Cistercians 

46 

ism  .         ,         ,         ,         . 

61 

M 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

From  the  Concordat  of  Worms  to  the  Death  of  Pope 
Adrian  IV.,  a.d.  i  122- i  159. 


Page 

Death  of  the  Emp.  Henry  V.  65 

Election  of  Lothair  III.         .  67 

CaHxtus  II. — Honorius  II.  .  68 
Rival  Elections  of  Innocent  II. 

and  Anacletus  II.  .  .  69 
Innocent    leaves    Rome    for 

France     ....  72 

Bernard  of  Clairvaux    .         .  ib. 

Peter  the  Venerable,  of  Cluny  80 

Innocent  gathers  strength     .  81 

]\Ieeting  with  Lothair  at  Liege  83 

Council  at  Reims          .         .  85 

Innocent  visits  Clairvaux       .  86 

Innocent's  return  to  Italy      .  ib. 

Coronation  of  Lothair  .         .  87 

Council  of  Pisa    ...  88 

Bernard  at  Milan ...  89 

William  of  Aquitaine   .         .  90 

Roger  II.  of  Sicily  .  .  92 
Lothair's  second  visit  to  Italy, 

and  death  •  •  •  93 
Conrad    III.,    king   of    the 

Romans    ....  94 

Bernard  and  Peter  of  Pisa     .  95 

End  of  the  schism  .  .  96 
Second   General   Council  of 

Lateran    ....  ib. 

Roger  acknowledged  as  king  97 
Intellectual  movement,  of  the 

age ib. 

Nominalism — Roscellin  .  98 
Abelard       .         .         .         .100 

His  amour  with  Heloisa        .  104 

Abelard  a  monk  at  St.  Denys  107 

He  is  condemned  at  Soissons  108 

Foundation  of  the  Paraclete,  no 
Abelard  at  Ruys  .         .         .111 


His  correspondence  with  He 

loisa 
His  peculiar  opinions   . 
Council  at  Sens    . 
Last  days  of  Abelard    . 
Republicanism  in  Italy 
Arnold  of  Brescia 
Republicanism  at  Rome 
Celestine  II. 
Lucius  II.    . 
Eugenius  HI. 
The  Latins  in  the  East . 
Edessa  taken  by  the  Mussul 

mans         ... 
A  Crusade  projected     . 
Second  Crusade   . 
Suger,  regent  of  France 
Divorce  of  Lewis  VII.   and 

Eleanor    . 
Hildegard    . 
Council  at  Reims. 
Bernard's  book  "Of  Conside 

ration "    . 
Deaths  of  Conrad,  Eugenius, 

and  Bernard 
Frederick  Barbarossa    . 
His  first  visit  to  Italy  . 
Adrian  IV.,  pope 
Death  of  Arnold  of  Brescia 
Frederick   crowned    as   Em 

peror 
Affairs  of  Sicily    . 
Eskil  of  Lund 
Question  as  to  "beneficia 
Frederick  at  Roncaglia 
Differences  with  the  pope 
Death  of  Adrian  IV.    . 


Page 

112 

"3 
118 
120 
122 

ib. 

125 
126 
127 
128 
129 

131 

132 

149 

160 

162 
164 

166 
167 
169 
ib. 
172 

173 
176 


CHAPTER  IX. 
Alexander  III,,  a.d.  1159-1181. 


Rival  Election  of  Victor  I\'. 

and  Alexander  III.   .         .      177 
Council  of  PaviaandFrederick 

are  for  Victor  .         .         .180 


Alexander  generally  acknow- 
ledged by  other  powers      .      181 

Surrender  and  humiliation  of 
Milan        ....      183 


CONTENTS. 


Vll 


Page 

Alexander  in  Fiance  .  .185 
Council  of  Tours  .  .  .186 
Death    of  Victor  —  Paschal 

III.,  antipope  .  .  .  ih. 
Diet  at  Wiirzburg  .  .188 
Alexander  returns  to  Rome  .  189 
Battle    of  Monte   Porzio   or 

Tusadum  .         .         .191 

Frederick    crowned    by    the 

antipope  .         .         .         .192 


Pestilence  at  Rome  —  The 
Emperor  Frederick  forced 
to  leave  Italy   . 

The  Lombard  League  . 

Murder  of  Becket 

Treaty  of  Venice . 

Third  Council  of  Lateran 

Last  years  and  death  of  Alex 
ander        ... 


Page 


193 

195 
190 
198 
201 

202 


CHAPTER  X. 

From  the  Election  of  Pope  Lucius  III.  to  the  Death  of 
Celestine  hi.   a.d.  1181-1198. 


Lucius  III 

Frederick      conciliates      the 

Italians     . 
His  sixth  visit  to  Italy  . 
Urban  III.,  pope 
Marriage  of  Henry  with  Con 

stance  of  Sicily 
Death  of  Urban  . 
Kingdom  of  Jerusalem. 
Conquests  of  Saladin  . 
A  crusade  preached 
The  .  emperor  goes    on    the 

Crusade    . 
His  death    . 


204 

205 
206 
207 

208 
211 
ib. 
213 
217 

219 
225 


Richard  I.  of  England  .  .227 
The    kings    of    France    and 

England  join  the  Crusade.  229 
Surrender  of  Acre  .  .231 
Quarrels  of  the  Crusaders  .  232 
A  truce  concluded  .  .  235 
Return     and     captivity     of 

Richard  ....  ib. 
Celestine  III.  .  ,  .237 
Destruction  of  Tusculum  .  238 
Henry  VI.  in  Sicily  .  .  239 
Project  of  a  new  Crusade  .  241 
Death  of  Henry  .         .         .243 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The   Greek    Church  — Spain  — British    Churches— The 
North — Missions. 


I.  State  of  the  Greek  Church 

244 

Edmer  chosen  for  St.  Andrew's    260 

Manuel  as  a  Theologian 

247 

Claims  of  York  to  jurisdiction     26 1 

Attempts    at     reconciliation 

VI.  Ireland 

263 

with  Rome 

248 

Malachy  of  Armagh      . 

265 

II.    Nestorian     Missions    in 

English  conquest . 

269 

Asia          .... 

250 

VII.  The  Scandinavian  king 

Prester  John 

ib. 

doms 

274 

III.  The  Spanish  Church      . 

252 

VIII.  Pomerania .         , 

278 

IV.  England — Reign  of  Ste- 

Otho of  Bamberg 

279 

phen         .... 

254 

Rugen .... 

286 

V.  Scotland— St.  Margaret   . 

257 

North  Germany  .         , 

287 

David  I 

259 

Vicelin         .        ,        , 

2^8 

VIU 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XII, 

Sectaries— 

Visionaries. 

Page 

I'age 

I,  Easton  Sects   . 

289 

(4.)  Cathari 

304 

The  Bogomiles     . 

id. 

(5.)  Pasagini 

326 

II.  Western  Sects. 

295 

(6.)  Waldenses     . 

327 

(I.)  Tanchelm      . 

id. 

III.   Visionaries    . 

337 

(2.)  Eon  de  Stella 

296 

Hildegard    . 

id. 

(3.)  Peter  of  Bruis 

297 

Elizabeth  of  Schonau   , 

338 

Henry  .... 

300 

Joachim  of  Fiore  .        • 

339 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

Supplementary. 

I.  The  Hierarchy   . 

346 

(I.)  Carmelites    . 

384 

(I.)  Increase    of   the    papa 

I 

Humiliati 

385 

power 

id. 

Orders  of  Fiore  and  Sem 

Legates 

349 

pringham  . 

386 

Papal  claims  as  to  coun 

(2.)  Rivalry  of  Cluniacs  and 

cils    . 

351 

Cistercians 

id. 

Infallibility   . 

352 

Degeneracy  of  the  Cis- 

(2.) Election  of  bishops 

353 

tercians      . 

391 

Foundation  of  sees 

355 

(3.)  Monastic  exemptions     . 

393 

Investiture     . 

//;. 

St.  Augustine's,  Canter- 

Precistce 

356 

bury  .         .         .         . 

395 

Increase  of  royal  powe 

Christchurch,  Canterburj 

r     398 

and  rise  of  commune 

Monks  and  Canons 

402 

in  France  . 

357 

Decay  of  monastic  spiri 

403 

(3.)  Judicature     . 

358 

(4.)  Templars    and     Hospi- 

(4.) Archdeacons,      officials 

tallers 

405 

etc 

360 

Teutonic  order 

//;. 

(5.)  Wealth  of  the  church 

.    363 

Other  military  orders     . 

406 

Advocates  and  other  of 

(5.)  White  Hoods 

407 

ficers 

365 

III.  Rites  and  Usages    . 

409 

Regale  and  Jus  Exuvia 

(i.)  Number   of   the   Sacra 

rum  . 

366 

ments 

id. 

Taxation  of  the  clergy 

368 

(2.)  Doctrine  of  i.he  Eucharis 

I    4IC 

(6.)  Morals  of  the  clergy 

369 

(3.)  Administration    in    one 

Lay-  Patronage—  Plural  i 

kind . 

412 

ties    . 

371 

(4.)  Disuse    of    Infant-com 

Simony 

372 

munion    . 

413 

Warlike  bishops     . 

373 

(5.)  The  Lord's  Day    . 

414 

(7,)  Celibacy  and  marriage  0 

f 

(6.)  Trinity  Sunday 

416 

the  clergy . 

374 

(7.)  The  Blessed  Virgin 

id. 

(8.)  Canons 

.     381 

Festival   of  the  Concep 

II.  MONASTICISM — ReLIGI 

tion  . 

417 

ous  Associations 

.     383 

(8.)  Burlesque  Festivals 

419 

CONTENTS. 

(9.)  Relics. 

Page 
420 

Canon  Law — Gratian  . 

(lo.)  Pilgrimage. 

423 

University  of  Paris 

(II.)  Miracles 

424 

Oxford — Vacarius 

(12.)  Penance — Indulgences 

425 

Cambridge  . 

Confession  and  Absolu- 

Ignorance of  Greek 

tion  .... 

427 

Theology — Peter  Lombard 

IV.  State  of  Learning  . 

428 

School  of  St.  Victor     . 

Universities. 

ib. 

Faulty  methods  of  study 

Study  of  Roman  Law  . 

429 

IX 

Page 

433 
434 

436 
437 
439 


LIST  OF  POPES,  SOVEREIGNS,  ETC 

Popes. 

(The  names  in  brackets  are  those  of  anti-pope?.) 


105-1111.] 


A.D. 

1099.  Paschal  II. 

[Theoderic,  iioo.] 
[Albert,  1102.] 
[Sylvester  IV. 
1 1 18.  Gelasius  II.      . 

regory  VIII.  II19-1121. 
Calixtus  II. 
Honorius  II.     . 
Innocent  II. 
[Anacletus  II. 

1 143.  Celestine  II. 

1 144.  Lucius  II. 

1 145.  Eugenius  III. 


A.D. 

1118 


1 1 19. 
1 124. 
mo. 


130-1138.] 


1119 

] 

1 124 
1 130 
1 143 


1 144 
1145 
1153 


A.D. 

1 1 53.  Anastasius  IV. 

1 1 54.  Adrian  IV. 
1159.  Alexander  III. 

[Victor  IV.  1 1 59- 1 1 64.] 
[Paschal  III.  1164-1168. 
[Calixtus  III,  1 168- 1 1 78.: 
[Innocent  III.  1178-1180. 

1 181.  Lucius  III. 

1 185.   Urban  III. 

1 187.  Gregory  VIII.    (Oct. 
20 — Dec.  17) 

11S7.  Clement  in.     . 

1 191.   Celestine  III.   . 


"54 
"59 
1181 


] 
1185 

1187 

1187 
1191 
"98 


Eastern  Emperors. 


loSi.  Alexius  I.  (Comnenus)  11 18 

1 1 18.  John  (Kalojoannes)  .  1143 

1 143.  Manuel     .         .         .  iiSo 

1180.  Alexius  II.       .         .  1183 


1 183.  Andronicus  I. 
1 185.  Isaac  Angelus 
1 195.  Alexius  III. 


1185 

"95 
1203 


Emperors  and  Kings  of  the  Romans. 


(The  date  in  the  first  cohimn  is  that  of  election  or  succession  as  independent  king — 
election  as  colleague  of  a  reigning  emoeror  not  being  noticed.  The  date  in  the 
second  column  is  that  of  coronation  as  eniperor.) 


1 106 
II25 

im8 


nil.  Henry  V.         .     1125 

1 133.  LothairlLorllL  H37 

Conrad  III.     .     1152 


1152 

1190 


1 155.  Frederick     I. 

(Barbarossa)     1190 
1 191,  Henry  VI.     .     1197 


Kings  of  Fr-a.nce. 


1060.  Philip  I.  . 

lioS.  Louis  VI.  (the  Fat) 


1 108 

"37 


1 1 37.  Louis  VI I.  (the  Young)  11 80 
1180.   Philip  II.  (Augustus)     1223 


LIST    OF   POPES,    SOVEREIGNS,    ETC. 


x! 


Kings  of  England. 


AD. 

A.D. 

A.D. 

iioo.   Henry  1.  . 

•     "35 

1154. 

Henry  II. 

1 135.   Stephen   . 

.     i^S-l 

1189. 

Richard  I 

1 189 
1 199 


Kings  of  Scotland. 


1057.  Malcolm  III.    .         .  1093     1106. 

1093.  Donald  Bane    .         .  1094  [  1124. 

1094.  Duncan  .  .  .  1094  i  1153. 
1094.  Donald  Bane  (restored)  1097  i  1165. 
1097.  Edgar       .         .         .  1106  ! 


Alexander  I.     . 
David  I.  . 
Malcolm  IV.    . 
William  the  Lion 


1124 

1153 
1165 
1214 


1 104.  Alfonso  I. 
II 34.  Ramiro  II. 
II 37.   Petronillu 


Kings  of  Aragon. 


1 134 
1137 
1 162 


1 162.  Alfonso  II. 
1 196.   Peter  II.  . 


1196 


1072. 
1 109. 


Alfonso  VI. 

Urraca   and 

VII.     . 


Kings  of  Castile. 


.     1109  I  1126.  Alfonso  VIII. 
Alfonso  II 5 7.   Sancho  III. 

.     1 126     II ;S.  Alfonso  IX. 


"57 
115S 
1214 


105. 
1135. 


Nicolas 
Eric  II. 


1 137.  Eric  III. 


Kings  of  Denmark. 


1134 
1137 


147.  Sweyn  III. 
157.   Waldemar  I. 


147  I  1 182.  Canute  VI. 


1157 
1 182 
1202 


1095.  Coloman  . 
1 1 14.  Stephen  II, 
1131.  Bela  II.   . 
1141.  Geisa  II.  . 


Kings  of  Hungary. 


1114 
1131 
1141 
1161 


1 161.  Stephen  III. 
II 74.  Bela  III.  . 
1 196.   Emeric     . 


"73 

1 196 
1203 


Dukes  of  Bohemia. 


IIOO.  Borziwoi II. (expelled) 

1 107.  Swatopluk 

1 125.  Sobieslav  I. 

1 140.  Ladislav  IV. 

1 1 74.  Sobieslav  II. 

1 181.  Frederick 


1 107 
1125 
1140 
1174 
1178 
1190 


1 190. 

Conrad  II.        .          .     II91 

II9I. 

Wenceslav  II. .          .1 193 

1 193. 

Henry  Bretislav         .      1 196 

1 196. 

Ladislav  V.       .         .      1197 

1 197. 

Przemislav  II.  Otto- 

car,  King,  1 198,  died  120J 

Xll 


LIST   OF   POPES,    SOVEREIGNS,   ETC. 


Kings  of  Jerusalem. 


A.D. 

A.D. 

A.D. 

A.D. 

IIOO. 

Baldwin  I. 

.     1118 

II 85.  Baldwin  V. 

II85 

II18. 

Baldwin  11.      . 

.     1131 

1 186.  Guy  of  Lnsignan 

II3I. 

Fulk 

.     1144 

II 92.  Conrad     .    "    . 

II 92 

1 144. 

Baldwin  III.    . 

.     1 162 

1 192.  Henry      . 

.       1 197 

1 162. 

Amalric  1 

.     1173 

1197.  Amalric  II. 

.       1205 

II 73. 

Baldwin  IV.     . 

.     1 185 

Kings  of  Sicily. 

IIOI. 

Roger  II. 

.     1154 

1194.  Heniy    T.    (Emperor 

1 1 54. 

William  I. 

.     1166 

Henry  VI.)  . 

1 197 

1 166. 

William  II.       . 

.     1189 

1 197.  Frederick  I. (Emperor 

1 189. 

Tancred   . 

.     1194 

Frederick  II.) 

1250 

1194. 

William  III.     . 
Arc 

•     1 194 

[IBISHOrS  0 

F  Canterbury. 

1093. 

Anselm     . 

.     1109 

1 1 73.  Richard    . 

1 184 

1 1 14. 

Ralph  of  Lescuie 

s    .     1 122 

1 184.  Baldwin  . 

1 190 

1 123. 

William  of  Corbe 

il   .     1136 

1 191.   Reginald*  (Nov.    27 

1 138. 

Theobald 

.     1161 

to  Dec.  26)  . 

II9I 

1 162. 

Thomas  Becket 

.     1170 

1 193.   Hubert  Walter 

1205 

Archbishops  of  Mentz 


1088. 

Ruthard  . 

nil. 

Adelbert  I.,  Comit  of 

Saarbriicken 

1138- 

Adelbert  II.,  of  Saar- 

briicken 

TI4I. 

Marculf   . 

1 142. 

Henry  I.  (deposed)    . 

II53- 

Arnold  of  Selenhofen 

1 109 


II4I 

1142 

"53 
1 160 


1 161.   Conrad  I.  of  Wittels- 

bach  (dep.) 
1 165.   Christian  I. 
1 183.   Conrad  I.  (restored) . 
/'Leopold  I  I.ofSchon- 

i-'oo  }     ^^^^^  (ejected) 

i  Siegfried  II.  of  Ep- 
V     penstein       , 


1 165 
1 183 
1200 


•  Died  without  enthrcnlzaiion. 


HISTORY 

OF 

THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH. 


BOOK   VI.     (Continued.) 

FROM  THE  DEPOSITION  OF  POPE  GREGORY  VI. 
TO  THE  DEATH  OF  POPE  CELESTINE  III., 
A-D.    1046- 1 1 9S. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


FROM   THE    DEATH    OF   THE    EMPEROR    HENRY    IV.    TO 
THE   CONCORDAT    OF   WORMS. 

A.D.   1 106- 1 122. 

So  long  as  his  father  lived,  Henry  V.  had  been  un- 
measured in  his  professions  of  obedience  to  the  Roman 
see ;  and,  now  that  the  elder  emperor  was  removed, 
the  pope  supposed  that  he  might  make  sure  of  com- 
pliance with  the  claims  which  from  the  time  of  Gregory 
had  been  advanced  on  behalf  of  the  church.  In  Octo- 
ber 1 106,  Paschal  held  a  council  at  Guastalla,  which 
renewed  the  decrees  against  lay  investiture  ;  while,  with 
a  view  to  the  restoration  of  peace,  it  was  provided  that 
such  bishops  and  clergy  of  the  imperialist  party  as  had 
received  ordination  from  schismatics,  should,  unless 
VOL.  V.  I 


2  HENRY   V.    AND   PASCHAL  II.  Book  VI. 

guilty  of  simony  or  usurpation,  be  suffered  to  retain 
their  preferments.*  Before  the  opening  of  the  council, 
envoys  had  arrived  from  Henry,  requesting  the  papal 
confirmation  of  his  title,^  and  inviting  the  pope  to  spend 
the  Christmas  season  with  him  at  Augsburg.  The 
message  appeared  to  promise  the  fulfilment  of  all 
Paschal's  wishes;  but,  as  he  proceeded  towards  Ger- 
many,  some  expressions  reached  him  which  suggested  a 
suspicion  as  to  Henr/s  designs,  and  induced  him  to 
turn  aside  into  France,  in  the  hope  of  engaging  Philip 
and  his  son  Lewis,  who  for  some  years  had  been  asso- 
ciated in  the  kingdom,^  to  take  part  with  him  against 
the  German  sovereign.'^  He  was,  however,  unable  to 
obtain  from  the  French  princes  anything  beyond  vague 
promises,^  and  was  to  pay  severely  for  the  encourage- 
ment which  he  had  given  to  Henry's  rebeUion  against 
his  father.  The  new  king  was  bent  on  recovering  all 
the  authority  which  his  crown  had  lost  or  risked  in  the 
contests  of  the  preceding  years,  and  for  this  purpose  he 
was  ready  to  employ  all  the  resources  of  a  charactei 
bold,  crafty,  persevering,  and  utterly  unprincipled.*" 

In  April  1107,  a  conference  was  held  at  Chalons  on 
the  Marne  between  the  pope  and  some  ambassadors  of 
Henry,  headed  by  Bruno,  archbishop  of  Treves,  and 
Welf,  duke  of  Bavaria.  The  king  had  now  thrown  off 
all  disguise,  investing  bishops  and  compelling  the  pre- 
lates of  Germany  to  consecrate  them.^  The  envoys, 
emboldened  by  Paschal's  late  concessions  to  Henry  of 
England,^   demanded,    with    a   confident   air,    that   the 

»  Hard.  vL  1883 ;  Ekkehard,  240.  '  It  is  uncertain  whether  since  1099 

b  "  .  .  .  utjussibiregni  or  iioi.     Sismondi,  v.  u. 

Conct(ia.t."—/)ofizzo,  ii.  1091-2.  «*  Ekkeliard,  241 ;  Planck,  iv.  264. 

Luden,  in  supposing  this  to  mean  a  ®  Sugar.  Vita  Ludov.    Grossi,  c.  9 

demand  of  the  right  of  investiture  (ix.  (Patrol,  clxxxvi.  1269). 

352,  657),  infers  too  much  from  an  ex-  *  Stenzel,  i.  612,  720. 

pression  dictated  by  the  necessities  of  '^  Luden,  ix.  356. 

verse,  and  his  view  altogether  appears  ^  Giesel.  II.  ii.  54. 

too  subtle. 


Chap.  VI.  a.d.  1106-10.     CONFERENCE    OF   CHALONS.  3 

right  of  investiture  should  be  acknowledged,  and,  with 
the  exception  of  the  archbishop  of  Treves,  are  said  to 
have  behaved  as  if  they  intended  rather  to  frighten  the 
pope  by  clamour  than  to  discuss  the  question — especially 
Welf,  the  nominal  husband  of  Matilda,  a  large,  burly, 
noisy  man,  who  always  appeared  with  a  sword  carried 
before  him.^  The  argument  on  the  imperial  side  was 
left  to  archbishop  Bruno,  who  eloquently  and  skilfully 
contended  that  from  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great  it 
had  been  customary  that  the  vacancy  of  a  bishoprick 
should  be  notified  to  the  sovereign,  and  that  his  leave 
to  elect  a  successor  should  be  obtained  ;  after  which 
the  new  bishop  was  to  be  chosen  by  the  clergy  and 
people,^  and  invested  by  the  sovereign  with  ring  and 
staff. ^  The  bishop  of  Piacenza  replied,  on  the  part  of 
the  pope,  that  this  reduced  the  church  to  the  condition 
of  a  handmaid,  and  annulled  the  effect  of  the  Redeemer's 
blood.  At  this  speech  the  envoys  gnashed  their  teeth 
and  declared  that  they  would  waste  no  more  words; 
that  the  question  must  be  determined  at  Rome  and  with 
the  sword.™  A  few  weeks  later  a  council  was  held  at 
Troyes,  where  the  pope  condemned  simony  and  investi- 
tures, but  Henry's  representatives  declared  that  their 
master  would  not  be  bound  by  the  judgment  of  a  synod 
assembled  in  a  foreign  kingdom." 

It  was  not  until  mo  that  the  internal  troubles  of 
Germany,  and  the  wars  in  which  he  was  engaged  with 
his  neighbours  of  Poland,  Bohemia,  and  Hungary, 
allowed  Henry  to  attempt  the  fulfilment  of  his  threat. 
He  then,  after  having  concluded  a  treaty  of  marriage 

'  Suger,  1.  c.     Welf  is  described  as  course    of  proceeding  was    opposite, 

"vir    corpulentus,   et    tota  superficie  Stenzel  (i.  613)  and   Luden  (ix.  628) 

longi  et    lati    admirabilis,    et    clamo-  think  that  the  mistake  must  lie  with 

sus."  him?  rather  than  with  the  prelate  whost 

^  "  Petitione  populi,  electione  cleri."  speech  he  reports. 

'  Suger  (1270)  places  the  investiture  "  Suger,  1270. 

after  consecration  ;  but,   as  the  real  "  Stenzel,  L  6j6. 


4  HENRY    V.    IN    ITALY.  Book  VI. 

with  the  princess  Matilda  of  England,**  crossed  the  Alps 
at  the  head  of  30,000  cavalry,  with  a  great  number  of 
infantry  and  other  followers ;  and  for  the  purposes  of 
controversial  warfare  he  was  attended  by  a  body  of 
learned  men,  while  a  chaplain  named  David,  a  Scots- 
man by  birth  and  afterwards  bishop  of  Bangor,  was 
charged  with  the  task  of  writing  the  history  of  the 
expedition.?  The  cities  of  Italy,  which  had  shown  an 
insubordinate  spirit,  submitted,  with  the  exception  of 
Novara  and  Arezzo,  which  paid  dearly  for  their  resist- 
ance.*' Even  the  countess  Matilda  did  homage  by 
proxy  for  the  fiefs  which  she  held  under  the  crown,  and 
promised  to  support  the  king  against  all  men  except  the 
pope.""  Paschal,  who  in  the  two  preceding  years  had 
sent  forth  fresh  denunciations  of  investiture  as  a  sacri- 
lege, had  engaged  the  Normans  by  a  special  promise  to 
assist  him ;  but,  dispirited  as  they  now  were  by  the 
recent  deaths  of  their  leaders  Roger  of  Apulia  and 
Bohemund,  they  were  altogether  unable  to  cope  with 
so  overwhelming  a  force.  They  answered  the  pope's 
supplications  with  excuses,  and  were  even  afraid  lest 
they  should  be  driven  out  of  their  Italian  conquests.^ 
From  Arezzo  Henry  sent  envoys  to  the  pope,  requiring 
him  to  bestow  on  him  the  imperial  crown  and  to  allow 

»  The  marriage  took  place  in  1114.  478,  486,  ed.    Basil.   1580),  has  never 

Ekkeh.  in  am  been  printed,  and  is  generally  spoken 

P  Ekkehard,  243  ;  Order.  Vital,  iv.  of  as  lost,  although  I  have  somewhere 

7  ;    W.    Malmesb.    655-6.     Ekkehard  read  that  it  is  supposed  to  exist  in  the 

and  Malmesbury  call  David  Scotus  and  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna.     A  Ger- 

Scotigena,  which  Giesebrecht  (iii.  1047)  man  writer,  having  found   a   Life  of 

supposes  to  mean  an  Irishman;  but  such  Henry  V.  mentioned  in  the  catalogue 

words  seem  by  this  time  to  have  meant  of  an  Oxford  library,  assumes  that  it 

a  native  of  North   Britain.      In   the  must  be  the  book  in  question — forget- 

Worcester  Annals  he  is  styled  a  Welsh-  ting  that  the  emperor  is  not  the  only 

man— probably  for  no  other  reason  than  fifth  Henry  known  to  history, 

that  he  became  bishop  of  Bangor  (p.  1  Ekkeh.  244 ;  Donizo,  ii.  18. 

377,   ed.   Luard).      His  work,   which  '  lb.  1160-4. 

was  used  not  only  by  Ekkehard  and  •  Chron.   Casin.  iv.   40;   Schrockh^ 

Malmesbury,  but  in  the  16th  century  xxvi.  47  ;  Stenzel,  63a. 
by  Aventinus  (Annales   Boiorum,  pp. 


Chak  VI.  A.D.  iiio-ii.     PASCHAL^S    PROPOSALS.  5 

the  right  of  investiture.  In  reply  he  received  a  start- 
Hng  proposal  of  a  compromise — that,  in  consideration 
of  his  relinquishing  investiture,  the  bishops  and  abbots 
should  resign  all  the  endowments  and  secular  privileges 
which  they  had  received  from  his  predecessors  since 
Charlemagne,  and  on  which  the  royal  claim  was  founded.* 
The  pope  expressed  an  opinion  that,  as  the  corruptions 
of  the  clergy  had  chiefly  arisen  from  the  secular  business 
in  which  these  privileges  had  involved  them,  they  would, 
if  relieved  of  them,  be  able  to  perform  their  spiritual 
duties  better ;  while  he  trusted  for  their  maintenance  to 
the  tithes,  with  the  oblations  of  the  faithful,  and  such 
possessions  as  they  had  acquired  from  private  bounty  or 
by  purchase.  The  sincerity  of  this  offer,  so  prodigiously 
favourable  to  the  king,  has  been  questioned,"  but  ap- 
parently without  reason,  although  it  is  difficult  to  imagine 
how  the  pope  could  have  expected  to  obtain  the  consent 
of  those  whose  interests  were  chiefly  concerned.^  Henry 
foresaw  their  opposition — more  especially  as  the  pope,  in- 
stead of  employing  clerical  commissioners,  had  entrusted 
the  proposal  to  a  layman,  Peter,  the  son  of  a  convert 
from  Judaism  named  Leo  •/  and  at  Sutri  he  accepted 
the  terms  on  condition  that  the  cession  of  the  "royal- 
ties" should  be  ratified  by  the  bishops  and  the  church. 
The  engagements  were  to  be  exchanged  at  the  imperial 
coronation,  which  the  pope  was  to  perform  at  Rome.* 

*  ''Civitates,  ducatus,  marchias,  co-  forte  clericorum  aliquis  cujuslibet  laici 
mitatus,  monetas,  telonium,  mercatum,  possessionibus  usus  fuerit,  aut  vica- 
advocatias  regni,  jura  centurionum,  et  rium,  qui  debitum  reddat,  inveniat,  aut 
curtes  quEB  regni  erant,  cum  pertinen-  possessione  cedat,  ne  gravamen  eccle- 
tiis  suis,  militiam  et  castra."  Pertz,  siseinferatur."  Placidus  of  Nonantula 
Leges,  ii.  67;  Annal.  S.  Disib.  a.d.  contends  that  what  has  been  given  to 
iiio  (ib.  Scriptores,  xvii.  21).  the  church  may  not  be  alienated.     De 

"  As  by  Planck,  IV.  i.  273.  Hon.  Ecclesia,  Prsef.,  cc.  7-9  (Patrol. 

*  See  Schrockh,  xxvi.  49  ;  Gieseler,        clxiii.). 

II.  ii.  55,  who  considers  that  Urban  y  Luden,  ix.  388. 

had  prepared  the  way  for  it  by  the  nth  *  Ekkeh.  244  ;  Sigeb.  Gemblac.  373. 

canon  of  Melfi,  a.d.   1090:  "Quod  si 


6  SEIZURE    OF   POPE    PASCHAL.  feooK  Vl. 

Henry  reached  the  city  on  the  12th  of  February 
Tin,  and  was  received  with  great  magnificence.  In  St. 
Peter's,  as  if  to  throw  all  the  odium  of  the  proposed 
arrangement  on  the  pope,  he  declared  that  it  was  not 
his  wish  to  deprive  the  clergy  of  anything  which  his 
predecessors  had  given  them.  On  this  the  German  and 
Lombard  prelates  broke  out  violently  against  Paschal, 
whom  they  charged  with  sacrificing  their  rights,  while  he 
had  taken  care  to  secure  his  own  lordship  not  only  over 
the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  but  over  Apulia,  Calabria, 
and  Sicily.  The  nobles,  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of 
losing  the  fiefs  which  they  held  under  the  church,  were 
furious.  Long  conferences  and  delays  took  place.  The 
king  said  that,  as  the  pope  could  not  fulfil  his  part  of 
the  compact,  it  must  be  given  up,  and  required  to  be 
crowned  at  once.  A  German  started  forth  and  roughly 
told  the  pope  that  there  was  no  need  of  further  words  ; 
that  the  Germans  would  have  their  master  crowned,  like 
Pipin,  Charlemagne,  and  Lewis.  The  day  had  worn 
away,  and,  as  night  was  coming  on,  Henry,  by  advice  of 
his  chaplain  Adalbert,  arrested  the  pope  and  cardinals, 
with  a  number  of  clergy  and  others,  and  the  palaces  of 
the  high  ecclesiastics  were  plundered  by  the  soldiery.^ 
Immediately  Rome  was  in  an  uproar ;  the  people  mur- 
dered such  of  the  Germans  as  were  found  straggling 
about  the  streets;  and  on  the  next  day  bloody  fights 
took  place.  The  king  himself,  after  having  slain  five 
Romans  with  his  lance,  was  unhorsed  and  wounded  in 
the  face ;  a  Milanese  noble,  who  gave  up  his  horse  to 
him,  was  torn  in  pieces,  and  his  flesh  was  cast  to  dogs.^ 
Exasperated  by  these  scenes,  Henry  carried  off  the  pope 
and  cardinals,  and  for  sixty-one  days  kept  them  prisoners 
in  the  castles  of  the  neighbourhood,  while  the  country 

•  Chron.  Casin.  iv,  38  ;  Pertz,  Leges,  »>  Chion.  Casin.  iv.  39 ;  Card.  Aragon. 

ii.  6s,  seqq. :  Otho  Frising,  vii.  14.  361-2  :  Landulf.  jun.  c.  18,  ap.  l\Iarat.  v. 


Chap.  VI.  a.d.  iiix.  HIS   SUBMISSION.  7 

was  fearfully  devastated  by  the  German  troops.  Henry 
was  master  only  of  the  quarter  beyond  the  Tiber ;  the 
rest  of  Rome  was  held  out  by  the  inhabitants,  whom 
John,  cardinal  bishop  of  Tusculum,  animated  to  resist- 
ance by  the  offer  of  forgiyeness  for  all  their  sins.°  By 
some  it  is  said  that  the  pope  was  treated  with  personal 
respect ;  by  others,  that  he  was  stripped  of  his  robes, 
chained,  and  threatened  with  death  unless  he  would 
comply  with  Henry's  desires.^  It  was  in  vain  that  the 
king  endeavoured  to  bend  him  by  representing  that,  in 
granting  the  right  of  investiture,  he  would  not  bestow 
offices  or  churches,  but  only  royal  privileges. =  But  the 
cardinals  who  were  with  Paschal  urged  also  that  in- 
vestiture was  a  mere  external  ceremony ;  the  Romans, 
distressed  by  the  ravages  of  the  troops,  and  dreading  the 
capture  of  their  city,  earnestly  entreated  him  to  make 
peace  ;  and  at  last  he  yielded,  declaring  that  for  the 
deliverance  of  the  church  and  of  his  people  he  made  a 
sacrifice  which  he  would  not  have  made  to  save  his  own 
life.  He  swore,  with  thirteen  cardinals,  to  allow  investi- 
ture by  ring  and  staff,  after  a  free  election  and  as  a 
necessary  preliminary  to  consecration  ;  never  to  trouble 
the  king  either  on  this  subject  or  as  to  his  late  treatment 
of  him  ;  and  never  to  excommunicate  him.^  Henry  then 
released  his  prisoners,  and  on  the  13th  of  Aprils  was 
crowned  emperor  in  St.  Peter's — the  gates  of  the  Leonine 
city  being  shut  from  an  apprehension  of  tumults.  The 
pope  was  reluctantly  obliged  during  the  ceremony  to 
deliver  to  the  emperor  with  his  own  hand  a  copy  of 
his  engagement,  as  evidence  that  he  adhered  to  it  after 
the  recovery  of  his  liberty.  At  the  celebration  of  the 
eucharist  he  divided  the  host  into  two  parts,  of  which 

"  Luden,  ix.  394-8.  ®  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  71. 

"*  Chron.   Casin.   iv.   39-40 ;   Suger.  *"  Pasch.  Ep.  24 ;   Pertz,  Leges,  ii 

Vita  Ludov.  c.  9,  col.  1272 ;   Planck,  71-2 ;  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  40. 

IV.  i.  278  ;  Stenzel,  L  641.  «  See  Murat.  Ann.  VI.  ii.  134. 


8  DISCONTENT   OF   THE    CLERGY.  Book  VI. 

he  himself  took  one,  and  administered  the  other  to 
Henry,  with  a  prayer  that,  as  that  portion  of  the  life- 
giving  body  was  divided,  so  whosoever  should  attempt 
to  break  the  compact  might  be  divided  frem  the  kingdom 
of  Christ  and  of  God.^  The  courtly  historiographer 
David  found  a  precedent  for  his  master's  treatment  of 
the  pope  in  Jacob's  struggle  with  the  angel,  and  in  the 
speech,  *'I  will  not  let  thee  go  except  thou  bless 
me." » 

The  emperor  returned  to  Germany  in  triumph,  and  on 
the  way  spent  three  days  with  the  Countess  Matilda, 
whom  he  treated  with  high  respect  and  appointed 
governor  of  Lombardy.'^  He  signalized  his  victory  by 
nominating  and  investing  his  chaplain  Adalbert  to  the 
archbishoprick  of  Mentz  ;^  and  he  proceeded  to  celebrate 
the  funeral  of  his  father.  Urged  by  the  general  feeling 
of  the  Germans,  he  had  endeavoured  at  Sutri  to  obtain 
the  pope's  consent  to  the  interment ;  but  Paschal  refused 
on  the  ground  that  it  was  contrary  to  Scripture,  and  that 
the  martyrs  had  cast  out  the  bodies  of  the  wicked  from 
their  churches."^  The  pope,  however,  afterwards  found 
it  convenient  to  believe  an  assertion  of  the  late  emperor's 

repentance  :  and    the  body,  which   for  five 
Aug.  nil         ^        ,11  1    1    1     r  ^1    •    • 

years   had    been    excluded    from    Christian 

burial,  was  now  laid  in  the  cathedral  of  Spires  with  a 

magnificence  unexampled  in  the  funeral  of  any  fonner 

emperor." 

No  sooner  had  the  terror  of  Henry's  presence  been 

removed  from  Italy  than  voices  were  loudly  raised  against 

the  pope's  late  compliances.     The  Hildebrandine  party, 

•»  Chron.  Casln.  iv.  40;  Card.  Ara-  Petershausen  Annalist  says  that  the 

gon.  363.  hurial  was  allowed    in  consideration 

'  Ekkeh.  244  ;  W.  Malmesb.  655  6.  of  Henry's  submission   to  the  legate 

^  Donizo,  ii.  1250-9.  Gebhard  (Patrol,  cxliii.  347;  see  above, 

'  Ekkeh.  245.  c.  iv.).      The  family  burial  -  place  is 

™  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  36.  described  in  the  Chron.  Urspergense, 

»  Ekkeh.    245  ;    Stenzel,   652.     The  p.  207. 


Chap.  VL  a.d.  iiii-ia.     PERPLEXITY   OF    PASCHAL.  9 

headed  by  Bruno,  bishop  of  Segni  ^  and  abbot  of  Monte 
Cassino,  reproached  him  with  a  betrayal  of  the  church, 
and  urged  him  to  recall  his  unworthy  act ;  at  an  assembly 
held  in  his  absence  they  renewed  the  decrees  of  his 
predecessors  ag"ainst  investiture,  and  declared  the  com- 
pact with  the  emperor  to  be  void.  The  feeble  pleas 
which  Paschal  advanced,  in  conjunction  with  the  cardi- 
nals who  had  been  his  fellow-prisoners,  were  disallowed, 
and  in  a  letter  to  the  cardinal  bishops  of  Tusculum  and 
Velletri,  who,  as  they  had  themselves  escaped  captivity, 
were  conspicuous  in  the  agitation  against  him,  he  pro- 
mised to  amend  what  he  had  done.^  An  envoy  whom  he 
sent  into  Germany,  to  request  that  Henry  would  give  up 
investitures,  returned,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
without  success  ;i  and  at  the  Lenten  synod  of  1112, 
which  was  held  in  the  Lateran,  the  pope  found  himself 
obliged  to  condemn  his  own  engagement,  to  which  he 
said  that  he  had  consented  under  constraint,  and  solely 
for  the  peace  of  the  church.  He  asked  the  advice  of 
the  prelates  as  to  the  means  of  retrieving  his  error. 
They  loudly  declared  the  compact  to  be  condemned  and 
annulled,  as  contrary  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  to  the  laws 
of  the  church  ;  but  even  this  was  not  enough  for  the 
more  zealous  members  of  the  assembly,  who  urged 
Paschal  to  annul  it  by  his  own  authority.''  It  seemed 
as  if  the  papacy  were  to  be  set  up  against  the  pope. 
Paschal,  in  the  hope  of  weakening   Bruno's   influence, 

"  Bruno,  who  has  left  extensive  com-  Monte  Cassino.    Stenzel,648;  Watten- 

mentaries  on  Scripture,  is  said  to  have  bach,  Prolog,  in  Chron.  Casin. 

received  his  see  from  Gregory  VIL  for  'J  Stenzel,  648. 

having  overcome  Berengar  in  disputa-  ''  Ilard.  1899-1902;  W.  Malmesb.66i- 

tion  at  the  Roman  synod  of  1079.  Pa-  3  ;  Ekkeh.  a.d.   1112  ;  Hefele,  v.  285. 

trol.clxiv.  103;  Acta  SS.,  Jul.  18,  p.  479.  Godfrey  of  Viterbo  (a  writer  of  little 

P  Ep.  23.  The  right  reading  is  said  authority)  says  that  the  pope  stripped 
tobe  F^//;V;v«s^;«(Card.  Aragon.  363),  oft"  his  insignia,  and  that  the  council, 
not  Vercellensem.  As  Velletri  was  then  after  having  burnt  the  obnoxious  writ- 
joined  with  Ostia,  the  bishop  was  Leo,  ing,  desired  hmi  to  resume  them, 
the  author  of  the  earlier  Chronicles  of  Patrol,  cxcviii.  985. 


16  1>ERPLEXITY  OF    PASCHAL.  Book  VI. 

obliged  him  to  resign  the  great  abbacy  which  he  held  in 
conjunction  with  his  see;^  but  such  were  the  strength 
and  the  clamour  of  the  party  that  the  pope  thought  of 
hiding  his  shame  in  a  hermitage,  and  withdrew  for  a  time 
to  the  island  of  the  Tiber,  from  which  he  only  returned 
to  resume  his  office  at  the  urgent  entreaty  of  the  cardi- 
nals.* While  thus  pressed  on  one  side  by  the  high 
ecclesiastical  party,  he  had  to  resist,  on  the  other  side, 
the  desire  which  the  king  of  England  and  other  princes 
manifested,  that  the  same  privileges  which  he  had  granted 
to  the  emperor  might  be  extended  to  themselves." 

Paschal  was  determined  to  observe  his  engagement 
not  to  excommunicate  Henry,  although  he  complained 
that  the  emperor  had  not  been  equally  scrupulous  ;^  and 
on  this  head  he  withstood  all  importunities.  But  Guy, 
archbishop  of  Vienne,  who  in  the  end  of  mi  had 
obtained  from  him  a  letter  annulling  the  compact,^  and 
had  since  attended  the  Lateran  synod,  drew  him  into 
an  extraordinary  proceeding.  In  a  council  held  at 
Vienne,  within  Henry's  own  kingdom  of  Burgundy,  in 
September  1112,  the  archbishop  declared  investiture  to 
be  a  heresy,  renewed  the  Lateran  condemnation  of  the 
compact,  and  anathematized  the  emperor  for  extorting  it 
and  for  his  other  outrages  against  the  pope.  He  then 
wrote  to  Paschal,  asking  him  to  confirm  the  decrees,  and 
announcing  that,  in  case  of  his  refusal,  the  members  of 
the  synod   must   withdraw  their   obedience  from  him.^ 

•  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  42.  nor  ever  will  tolerate  it.     We  are  wait- 

*  Hildebert,  Ep.  ii.  22  (Patrol,  clxxi.  ing  until  the  ferocity  of  that  nation  be 
235) ;  Suger.  Vita  Ludov.  9  (ib.  clxxxvi.  subdued;  but  if  the  king  continue  in 
1272)  ;  Neand.  vii.  193  ;  Stenzel,  647.  the  path  of  his  father's  wickedness,  ha 

"  Giesel.  II.  ii.  59.     At  an  earlier  shall  without  doubt  feel  the  sword  of 

time  Anselm  had  written  to  him,  asking  St.  Peter,  which  we  have  already  begun 

whether  it  were  true  that  he  allowed  to  draw."     lb.  153. 

the  king  of  Germany  to  invest ;  and  ^  Hard.  vi.  1900. 

celling  him  that,  if  so,  the  king  of  Eng-  v  Ep.  24, 

land  intended  to  resume  the  practice  ^  Hard.  vi.  1913-14.     Cf  Hist.  Com 

(Ep.  iii.  152).  The  pope  replied,  on  Oct.  postell.  ii.  9  (Patrol,  clxx.  IC43). 
»2,  1008,  "We  neither  have  tolerated 


Chap.  Vi.  a.d.  1112-15.     ADALBERT   OF   MENTZ.  It 

Thus  threatened,  the  unfortunate  pope  answered  by 
granting  the  required  confirmation ;  yet  while  by  this 
sanction  he  made  the  excommunication  his  own,  he 
considered  that,  so  long  as  he  did  not  directly  pronounce 
it,  he  was  not  guilty  of  violating  his  oath.* 

In  the  meantime  Germany  was  a  scene  of  great  agita- 
tion.    Henry,  as  if  the  cession  proposed  at  Sutri  had 
taken  effect,  seized  on  the  revenues  of  many  churches 
and  monasteries,  assumed  an  entire  control  over  ecclesi- 
astical affairs,  and  excited  the  general  detestation  of  the 
clergy.^     Conon,  bishop  of  Palestrina,  a  cardinal  and 
legate,  who  was  at   Jerusalem  when  he  heard  of  the 
pope's  captivity,  immediately  pronounced  an        a.d. 
anathema   against    the    emperor,  which  he      1 114-15- 
repeated  in  many  cities  of  Greece,  Hungary,  Germany, 
and  France.^     The  new  primate,  Adalbert,  the  creature 
of  Henry  and  the  adviser  of  his  outrage  against   the 
pope,  turned  against  his  master  under  pretence  of  his 
being   excommunicate,   and   craftily  endea- 
voured to  undermine  him.     For  this  Adal- 
bert was  imprisoned  on  a  charge  of  treason,  but,  after 

he   had   been   kept   in   confinement   nearly    ^ 

T-T     J         •        Oct.  1115. 
three  years,  the  emperor  was  obliged  to  give 

him  up  to  the  citizens  of  Mentz,  when   his   miserable 

appearance  bore  witness  to  the  sufferings  and  privations 

which  he  had  endured,  and  excited  general  indignation. 

The  archbishop  was  bent  on  vengeance ;   although  he 

had  sworn  and  had  given  hostages  to  answer  to  a  charge 

*  Hard.  vi.  1915.  nobis  commissus,  nee deparochia  nostra 

*  Frideric.  Colon,  archiep.  ad  Otton.  esse  videtur."  The  e.xcommunication, 
Bamberg.  (Patrol,  clxxiii.  1325);  Sten-  he  says,  is  warranted  by  the  Holy 
rel,  658,  660.  Spirit  and  by  the    authority  of   the 

"=  Hard.  vi.  1899,  1925-30.    There  is  Fathers,  since  St.  Ambrose,  although 

a  letter  from  Conon  (who  was  a  German  neither  pope,  patriarch,  nor  legate,  ex 

by  birth)  to  Frederick  of  Cologne,  de-  communicated  Theodosius  for  a  crime 

siring  him  not  to  heed  some  persons  which  was  not  committed  within  his 

who  said  "  non  pertinere  ad  vos  [nos?]  diocese.     Patrol,  clxiii.  1438. 
exconununicare  regem,  quia  nee  rex 


12  DEATH    OF   COUNTESS    MATILDA.  Book  VI. 

of  treason,  he  cast  off  the  obligation,  and  became  the 
soul  of  the  anti-imperialist  party.^  Germany  was  dis- 
tracted by  a  civil  war,  and  such  was  the  exasperation  of 
feehng  that  when,  in  1115,  the  emperor  was  defeated  at 
Welfesholz,  the  bishop  of  Halberstadt  refused  to  allow  the 
burial  of  his  fallen  soldiers,  under  the  pretext  that  they 
had  fought  in  the  cause  of  an  excommunicate  person.® 

In  1 1 16  Henry  again  crossed  the  Alps,  in  order  to 
take  possession  of  the  inheritance  of  Matilda,  who  had 
died  in  the  preceding  summer,  and  to  counteract  some 
negotiations  which  aimed  at  the  acknowledgment  of 
Alexius  Comnenus,  or  of  some  prince  of  the  Byzantine 
family,  as  emperor  of  Rome/  His  appearance  put  an 
end  to  this  scheme,  and  he  seized  on  all  that  had 
belonged  to  the  great  countess — on  the  fiefs  in  his  cha- 
racter of  suzerain,  and  on  the  allodial  territories  as  heir,^ 
— while  the  pope  did  not  venture  even  to  raise  a  protest 
in  behalf  of  the  donations  by  which  her  possessions  had 
been  twice  bestowed  on  the  Roman  see.^ 

While  the  emperor  was  at  Venice,  in  March  11 16, 
Paschal  held  a  council  in  the  Lateran,^  at   which   he 

^  Ekkehard,  246  ;  Chron.  Halber-  on  her  death  ;  and  the  bull  by  which 
Etadt.  ap.  Leibn.  ii.  122 ;  Cod.  Udalrici,  Innocent  II.,  in  1133,  bestowed  her 
319 ;  Henr.  ap.  Hahn,  Monum.  i.  203  ;  inheritance  on  the  emperor  Lothair  for 
Chron.  Petersh.  iii.  42  (Patrol,  c.xliii.)  ;  Hfe  (Ep.  145,  Patrol,  clxxix.)  speaks 
Otho  Frising..  vii.  14.  Adalbert  was  onlyofrt://(;i;//«;«(Gregorov.  iv.  343  ;see 
not  consecrated  until  after  his  release  Hallam,  i.  242  3  ;  Stenzel,  668 ;  Luden, 
(Annal.  S.  Disib.  a.d.  1116).  Schmidt  ix.  455-8  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  60).  Sismondi 
calls  him  the  Becket  of  Germany,  ii.  contends  that  she  did  not  give  her  do- 
es.                           •  Ekkehard,  252.  minions  to  the  pope  in  sovereignty,  but 

'Chron.   Casln.   iv.   46  (a.d.   1112).  ovAy  jure  proprietario.     (Rep.  Ital.  i. 

See  Murat.  Ann.  VI.  ii.  141.  139.)    But  if  so,  where  was  the  sove- 

8  His  pretensions  to  this  character  reignty  of  her  allodial  estates  to  bef 

were  very  questionable.     Murat.  Ann.  There  is  an  essay  by  Cenni  on   the 

VI.  ii.  149  ;  Luden,  ix.  456.  donation  in  Patrol,  xcviii.  631,  seqq. 

•>  Schrockh,  xxvi.  65-7.     The  later  •  One  of  the  subjects  was  a  contest 

donation,  of  1 102,  is  in  Muratori,  v.  384.  for  the  see  of  Milan  between  Grosolanus 

It  ha.«i  been  a  question  whether  Matilda  and  Jordan,  in  which  Grosolanus,  who.se 

meant  to  make  over  her  fiefs  as  well  as  claim  was  evidently  the  better,  was  set 

her  other  terntories  to  St.  Peter.     In  aside.     See   Landulf.  jun.   in   PatroL 

strictness,  they  lapsed  to  the  suzerain  clxxiii.  ;  Murat.  VI.  ii.  151. 


Chap.  VI.  A.D.  iir5-i7.      HENRY   V.    AND    PASCHAL    II.  I3 

desired  the  bishops  to  join  with  him  in  condemning  the 
compact  which  he  had  executed  while  Henry's  prisoner. 
On  this  Bruno  of  Segni  burst  forth  into  triumph  at  the 
pope's  having  with  his  own  mouth  condemned  his  hereti- 
cal act.  **  If  it  contained  heresy,"  exclaimed  a  member 
of  the  council,  "then  the  author  of  it  is  a  heretic."  But 
cardinal  John  of  Gaeta  and  others  of  the  more  moderate 
party  reproved  Bruno  for  the  indecency  of  his  speech, 
and  declared  that  the  writing,  although  blamable,  was 
not  heretical.  Conon  of  Palestrina  detailed  the  anathe- 
mas which  he  had  pronounced  against  the  emperor  from 
Jerusalem  to  France,  and  asked  the  approbation  of  the 
pope  and  of  the  council,  which  was  granted.^ 

On  his  way  to  Rome  Henry  made  overtures  to  the 
pope — partly  in  consequence  of  the  impression  produced 
by  a  dreadful  earthquake  which  took  place  at  the  time.^ 
Paschal  replied  that  he  would  himself  observe  his  oath 
not  to  excommunicate  the  emperor;  that  he  had  not 
authorized  the  excommunications  which  Conon  and 
another  legate  had  pronounced  in  Germany ;  but  that 
decrees  passed  by  the  most  important  members  of  the 
church  could  not  be  annulled  without  their  consent,  and 
that  the  only  means  of  remedy  was  a  general  council."" 
At  the  emperor's  approach  he  fled  from  Rome,  and 
took  refuge  at  Monte  Cassino." 

Henry  arrived  at  Rome  in  March  1117.  The  people 
received  him  with  acclamations,  but  the  cardinals  and 
clergy  stood  aloof,  and  the  attempts  to  negotiate  with 
them  were  unsuccessful.  At  the  great  ceremonies  of 
Easter,  the  only  dignified  ecclesiastic  connected  with  the 
pope  who  could  be  found  to  place  the  crown  on  the 
emperor's   head  was   Maurice    Burdinus  or   Bourdin,  a 

k  Ekkehard,  a.d.    iii6  ;  Hard.  vL  "  Cod.  Udalr.  317-18;  Chron.  Hal- 

1933-6 ;  Hefele,  v.  300-1.  berst.  ap.    Leibn.   ii.    122 ;   Schrockh, 

•  Jan.  3,  1117  ;  Annal.  S.  Disib.  A.p.  xxvi.  68. 

JX17.  "  Chron.  Casin.  ir.  61. 


f4  GELASIUS    II.  Book  VI. 

Limousin  by  birth,  and  archbishop  of  Braga  in  Portugal, 
who  had  formerly  been  employed  by  Paschal  on  a  mission 
to  the  German  court. °  For  this  act  Burdinus  was  de- 
posed and  excommunicated  by  the  pope  in  a  synod  at 
Benevento.P  But  although  the  clergy  in  general  remained 
faithful  to  Paschal,  the  Romans  were  discontented  with 
him  on  account  of  an  appointment  to  the  prefecture  of 
the  city,  and  on  his  return,  after  Henry's  departure,  they 
/efused  to  admit  him.  He  was  only  able  to  get  posses- 
sion of  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  where  he  died  on  the 
2ist  of  January  iii8.<i 

The  cardinals  chose  as  his  successor  one  of  their  own 
Jan.  24,  number,  the  deacon  John  of  Gaeta,  who  had 
"  iS.  been  a  monk  of  Monte  Cassino,  and  had  held 
the  chancellorship  of  the  Roman  church  since  the  ponti- 
ficate of  Urban.'"  But  as  the  new  pope,  who  took  the 
name  of  Gelasius  II.,  was  receiving  homage  in  the  church 
of  a  monastery  on  the  Palatine,  Cencius  Frangipani,  one 
of  the  most  powerful  among  the  Roman  nobles,  broke  in 
with  a  troop  of  armed  followers,  seized  him  by  the  throat, 
struck  and  kicked  him,  wounding  him  severely  with  his 
spurs,  dragged  him  away  to  his  own  house,  and  loaded 
him  with  chains.  By  this  outrage  the  Romans  of  every 
party  were  roused  to  indignation.     Frangipani,  like  the 

«  Pandulf.  Pisan.  ap.  Murat.iii.  359;  '  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  64  ;  Pand.  Pisan. 

Bahtz.  Miscell.  iii.  472-7  ;  Pagi,  xviii.  378 ;   Gregorov.  iv.   358.     The  Hilde- 

286.     See  the  Hist.  Compostell.  book  brandine  party  had  no  great  hopes  of 

i.  (Patrol,  clxx.) ;  Roder.  Toletan,  vi.  John,  whose  behaviour  at  the  council 

26(Rerum  Hispan.  Scriptores,  Francof.  of  1116  has  been  already  related.     By 

»579,  t.  i.)-     The  Polde  Annalist  says  Ekkehard  he  is  reckoned  among  the 

that  Burdinus  had  been  convicted  of  emperor's  partisans  (a. D.  1116,  Patrol, 

necromancy  before  Paschal  II.    Pertz,  cliv.  1034).  The  biographer  of  Theoger, 

xvi.  72.  bishop  of  Metz,  relates  that  Conrad, 

P  Hard.  vi.  1940.    "  Burdinus,  dimi-  bishop  of  Salzburg,  on  hearing  of  the 

nutivum  a  burdo7ie,  quod  asinum  seu  election,    exclaimed,    "  Hem  !    nullus 

muium  significat."    Acta  SS.,  Jan.  6,  eorum  nequior  fuit  Joanne ;   forte   in 

p.  866.  Gelasio    poterit    aliquid   boni    esse?" 

«  Annal.  Rom.  ap.  Pertz,  v.  476-7  ;  But  he  adds  that  the  pope  changed  his 

Chron.  Casm.  iv.  60  ;  Falco  Benev.  in  ways  with  his  name.     Pertz,  xii,  470. 
Patrol,  cbcxiii.  1067  ;  Pand.  Pisan.  357. 


Chap.  VI.  a.d.  tii8.  BURDINUS   ANTIPOPE.  I J 

Cenciiis  of  Gregory  VII. 's  time,  was  compelled  to  release 
his  prisoner,  and  to  cast  himself  at  his  knees  with  an 
entreaty  for  pardon  ;  and  Gelasius,  mounted  on  a  horse, 
was  escorted  in  triumph  to  the  Lateran.^     Some  weeks 
later,  however,  in  the  dead  of  night,  the  rites 
of  his   ordination   to   the   priesthood   were        ^^^    '' 
interrupted  by  tidings  that  the  emperor  was  in  Rome, 
and  had  possession  of  St.  Peter's.     The  news  of  pope 
Paschal's  death  had  recalled  Henry  in  haste  from  the 
north  of  Italy,  with  a  view  to  the  exertion  of  the  prero- 
gative which  he  claimed  in  appointments  to  the  apostolic 
chair.*     Gelasius  fled,  and,  after  serious  dangers  both  by 
land  and  by  sea,  reached  his  native  city  of 
Gaeta,  where  the  ordination  and  consecration     ^^^  ^"^°' 
were  completed."     The  emperor  endeavoured  to  draw 
him  to  a  conference;   but  Gelasius,   who  had  been  a 
companion  of  Paschal's  imprisonment,  regarded  the  pro- 
posal as  a  snare,   and  suggested  that  their  differences 
should  be  discussed  in  a  council  at  Milan  or  Cremona, 
where  he  had  reason  to  hope  that  he  might  be  safe.^ 
The  proposal  to  transfer  the  important  business  to  these 
northern  cities  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  Romans,  to 
whom  Henry  caused  the  pope's  letter  to  be  read  in  St. 
Peter's ;  and  their  spirit  was  fostered  by  the  celebrated 
jurist  Irnerius,  the  founder  of  the  law- school  of  Bologna, J' 
who  urged  them  to  exert  their  rights  in  the  election  of 
a  pope,    agreeably   to    the  ancient  canons,  which  were 
publicly  recited  from  the  pulpit.     Under  the 
advice  of  Irnerius  and  other  lawyers,  Bur- 
dinus  was  chosen  by  the  people,  and  was  confirmed  by 

»  Pand.  Pisan.  384.  had  become    independent,   and  were 

*  lb.  ,  Stenzel,  i.  676.  devoted  to  the  papal  interest.     Murat. 

™  Pand.   Pisan.   389 ;    Faico  Benev.  Ann.  VI.  ii.  163. 
1169;  Annal.  Rom.  478.  y  See  hereafter,    c.    xiii.    sect. 

^  Gelas.  Ep.  i,  ap.  Hard,  vi,    Gela-  Hallam,   Hist.  Litt.    i.  83  ;    Savigny 

sjus  named  these  cities  because  they  iv.  9,  seqq. 


l6  CALIXTUS   II.  Book  VI. 

the  emperor,  on  whose  head  he  again  placed  the  crown 
at  Whitsuntide.^ 

Gelasius,  at  a  synod  at  Capua,  anathematized  the 
emperor  and  the  antipope,  who  had  assumed 
the  name  of  Gregory  VIII.  On  returning 
to  Rome  he  found  the  people  turbulent,  and,  while 
celebrating  mass  in  the  church  of  St.  Praxedes,  was  again 
attacked  by  the  Frangipanis.  He  declared  that  he 
would  leave  the  bloody  city — the  new  Babylon  and 
Sodom  ;  that  he  would  rather  have  one  emperor  than 
many ;  and  his  words  were  hailed  with  applause  by 
the  cardinals.  The  pope  made  his  way  into  France, 
where  he  was  received  with  honour ;  and,  after  having 
visited  several  of  the  principal  cities,  he  was  about  to 
hold  a  council  at  Reims,  when  he  died  at  the  abbey  of 
Cluny  on  the  29th  of  January  11 19.* 

Conon  of  Palestrina  had  been  selected  by  Gelasius 
as  his  successor,  but  had  suggested  to  him  that  Guy, 
archbishop  of  Vienne  and  cardinal  of  St.  Balbina,  should 
be  preferred,  as  more  likely,  from  his  character  and 
position,  to  serve  the  church  effectually.^  Guy  was  son 
of  a  duke  or  count  of  Burgundy,  and  was  related  to  the 
sovereigns  of  Germany,  France,  and  England.  The 
zeal  which  he  had  displayed  in  excomir.unicating  the 
emperor,  and  the  skill  for  which  he  was  noted  in  the 
conduct  of  affairs,  marked  him  out  as  a  champion  to 
whom  the  Hildebrandine  party  might  look  with  hope 
and  confidence.^     In  consequence  of  Conon's  suggestion, 

*  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  64  ;  Landulf.  jun.  •»  Falco  Eenev.  1.  c.     For  an  account 

c.  32  ;  Baluz.  Miscell.  iii.  490-3  ;  Sten-  of  Conon,  or  Conrad,  see  the  Hist.  Litt. 

zel,  678.  xiii.  30.     He  died  in  1122. 

»  Pand.  Pisan.  397-8,  414-15  ;  Hugo  •=  Suger.    Vita    Ludov.     in    Patrol, 

monach.  Cluniac.  in  Patrol,  clxvi.844;  clxxxvi.  1312 ;  Gesta  Gelasii  ap.  Bou- 

Jaffe,  526.     Falco  says  that  Gelasius  quet,  xv.  217  ;  Pand.  Pisan.  418  ;  Ord. 

received  presents    of   immense  value  Vital,  iv.  335  ;  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  64 ;  W. 

(Patrol,  clxxiii.    1172),  while   Orderic  Malmesb.  665.     Guy  has  been  charged 

tells  us  that  the  French  churches  felt  with  having  forged  the  chronicle  of  tl^« 

.severely  the  cost  of  entertaining  him.  Pseudo-Turpin,    for    t^e    purpose    o( 


^AP.  VI.  A.D.  IH9.  CALIXTUS   II.  I'/ 

the  archbishop  was  summoned  to  Cluny ;  but  he  did 
not  arrive  until  after  the  death  of  Gelasius.^  The 
cardinals,  five  in  number,  who  had  accompanied  the  late 
pope  from  Italy,  were  unanimous  in  choosing  Guy  for 
his  successor ;  but  it  was  with  the  greatest  unwillingness, 
and  only  under  condition  that  his  election  should  be 
ratified  by  the  Romans,®  that  he  was  persuaded  to 
accept  the  office ;  and  when  the  result  of  the  Feb.  2, 
election  became  known,  the  conclave  was  '"9- 
invaded  by  a  body  of  his  kinsmen,  retainers,  and  soldiery, 
who  tore  off  his  pontifical  robes,  and  drag^  -d  him  away, 
crying  out  that  they  would  not  part  with  their  arch- 
bishop— the  Romans  might  find  a  pontiff  for  themselves.* 
The  violence  of  these  adherents,  however,  was,  with 
some  difficulty,  appeased ;  the  consent  of  the  Romans 
was  readily  obtained,  and  Guy  was  inaugurated  as  pope 
Calixtus  II.  in  his  own  cathedral  at  Vienne.^ 

Calixtus  spent  the  spring  and  the  summer  of  11 19  in 

bringing  the  shrine  of  St.  James  at  have  forbidden  the  older  Carolingian 

Compostella  into  repute,  and  with  hav-  stories,   is   generally    regarded    as   a 

ing  afterwards,  as  pope,  anathematized  forgery.      See    Bayle,    Art.    Turpin, 

all  the  older  romances  about  Charle-  n.  C. 

magne,  "and  succeeded  in  thrusting  <*  Calixt.  Ep.  i,  ap.  Hard.  vi. 

his  own  forgery  on  posterity  as  a  real  •  The  chronicle  of  Maurigny  states 

historical  document."   (Quarterly  Rev.  that  the  cardinals  who   remained  at 

cxx.  323.)    I  have  not  been  able  to  see  Rome  had  authorized  those  who  accom- 

the  essays  in  which  MM.  Genin  and  panied  Gelasius  to  elect  a  pope  in  case 

Gaston  Paris  are  said  to  have  proved  of  a  vacancy.     Patrol,  clxxx.  143. 

this.     But  M.  Paris,  in  another  work,  f   Kist.    Compostell.    ii.    9,   Patrol, 

does  not  seem  to  have  confidence  in  the  clxx. 

theory  (Hist.  Poctiquede  Charlem.  58),  k  See  the  letters  which  passed  as  to 

and  the  evidence,  in  so  far  as  I  have  the  election  and  confirmation,  Martene, 

been  able  to  examine  it,  is  very  unsatis-  Thes.  i.  644-9.    There  seems  to  be  some: 

factory.    The  oldest  statement  that  can  mistake  in  Pandulf  and  Card.  Aragon 

be  adduced  in  favour  of  it  appears  to  be  (Murat.  iii.  418-19),  as  the  interval  be  • 

a  somewhat  indistinct  passage  of  Role-  tween  the  election  and  the  inauguration 

winck,  who  died  in  1502  (Chron.  a.d.  (Feb.  2-9,  according  to  Jafife)  allows  no 

1124,  inPistor.  ii.).   The  book  in  recom-  time  for  a  reference  to  the  Romans, 

mendation  of  Compostella  is  said  to  be  (See  Murat.  Ann.  VI.  ii.  172-3.)    Cha- 

wrongly  ascribed  to  Calixtus  (Hist.  Litt.  con  dates  the  inauguration, "  prid.  Idus 

in  Patrol,  clxiii.  1365);  and  the  docu-  Octobris,"  when  the  pope  wafccettainly 

ment  by  which  he  is  supposed  to  have  not  at  Vienne.     See  Jaffd,  534., 
sanctioned  the  pseudo-Turpin,  and  to 

VOL.  V.  a 


iB  COUNCIL  AT   REIMS.  Book  VI. 

France,  and  on  the  20th  of  October  he  opened  at  Reims 

the  synod  which  his  predecessor  had  projected.  Fifteen 
archbishops  and  more  than  two  hundred  bishops  were 
present ;  among  them  was  the  German  primate  Adalbert, 
with  his  seven  suffragans  and  a  briUiant  train  of  three 
hundred  knights.^  There  were  four  bishops  from 
England,  whom  the  king,  in  giving  them  permission  to 
attend,  had  charged  not  to  complain  against  each  other, 
because  he  was  resolved  to  do  full  justice  to  every  com- 
plaint within  his  own  kingdom,  and  had  warned  not  to 
bring  back  any  *'  superfluous  inventions."  ^  The  pope, 
although  elected  by  a  handful  of  exiles,  appeared  in 
splendid  state,'^  and  in  all  the  fulness  of  his  pretensions. 
Lewis  the  Fat,  who  since  1008  had  been  sole  king  of 
France,  brought  charges  before  the  council  against  Henry 
of  England  for  violations  of  his  feudal  duty  as  duke  of 
Normandy,  and  for  his  treatment  of  his  brother  Robert ; 
and  these  charges,  relating  purely  to  matters  of  seculai 
policy,  he  referred  to  the  pope  as  arbiter.^  The  Norman 
primate,  Godfrey  of  Rouen,  attempted  to  justify  his 
sovereign,  but  was  put  down  by  the  general  disapproba- 
tion of  the  assembly.™ 

During  the  emperor's  absence  in  Italy,  Germany  had 
been  a  prey  to  anarchy  and  confusion,  and  since  his 
return  it  had  been  immersed  in  the  horrors  of  civil  war." 
Conon,  after  having  passed  in  disguise  through  the 
territories    occupied    by    the    imperialists,    had    again 

*»  Ord.  Vital,  iv.  372.  Herman  of  Tournay  (De  Restaur.  S. 

'  lb.  373.  Martini  Tornac.  14,  Patrol,  clxxx.),  and 

^  lb.  374-5.  John  of  Salisbury  (Polycrat.  1.  vi.,  ib. 

lb.    376-8.      It  is  to  be  observed  cxcix.  614),  all  represent  him  as  treated 

that,  according  to  Orderic,  while  Lewis  with  the  greatest  indulgence,  and  make 

dwelt  strongly  on  Robert's  sufferings,  no  mention  of  blinding;  nor  does  Roger 

he  said  nothing  of  his  having  been  of  Wendover,  into  whose  chronicle  the 

blinded,   as  many  histories  represent  story  of  the  blinding  was  inserted  by 

him  to  have  been.  William  of  Jumi^ges  Matthew  Paris  (ed.  Coxe,  v  77)1 

(viii.    13,    Patrol,    cxlix.),   William  of  "»  Order.  Vital,  iv.  378. 

Malmesbury  (Gesta  Regum,  1.  iv.  fin.),  °  Stenzel,  i.  68i-6. 


Chap.  Vr.  a.d.  1119.        CALIXTUS    II.    AND    HENRY  V.  19 

appeared,  denouncing  excommunications  against  Henry 
and  deposition  against  all  prelates  who  refused  to  obey 
his  citations;  while  Adalbert  of  Mentz  stirred  up  the 
Saxons,  and  consecrated  bishops  in  contempt  of  the 
imperial  claims.^  Henry  had  made  overtures  for  a 
reconciliation  with  the  pope,  and  William  of  Champeaux, 
bishop  of  Chalons  on  the  Marne,  with  Pontius,  abbot  ot 
Cluny,  had  been  sent  by  Calixtus  to  confer  with  him  at 
Strasburg.  The  bishop  assured  the  emperor  that  he 
need  not  so  strongly  insist  on  the  privilege  of  investiture, 
since  in  France  no  such  ceremony  was  then  used,  and 
yet  he  himself  performed  the  duties  of  feudal  service  as 
faithfully  as  any  of  his  German  brethren.P  The  cases 
were  not  indeed  parallel ;  for  the  French  sovereigns  had 
always  retained  a  control  over  the  church,  which  rendered 
the  position  of  their  bishops  very  unlike  that  of  the  great 
German  prelates  since  the  minority  of  Henry  IV.  But 
the  emperor  professed  himself  satisfied,  and  a  second 
commission  arranged  with  him  the  terms  of  an  accommo- 
dation— that  he  should  give  up  investitures,  that  bishops 
should  do  homage  for  their  royalties,  and  that  he  should 
be  released  from  his  excommunication.^i 

The  pope  left  Reims  with  the  intention  of  meeting  the 
emperor,  and  sent  commissioners  before  him 
for  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty.  But  the 
report  that  Henry  had  with  him  a  force  of  30,000  men 
raised  a  feeling  of  distrust,  and  Calixtus  halted  at  the 
castle  of  Mousson  to  await  the  result  of  the  negotiations. 
A  dispute  arose  between  Henry  and  the  commissioners 
as  to  the  sense  of  certain  articles.     The  emperor,  find- 

"  Hard.  vi.   1947  ;   Ekkehaid,   257  ;  the  great  vassals,  to  whom  the  investi- 

Vita  Theogeri,    ii.    3,   in  Pertz,  xii.  ;  tures  more  commonly  belonged,  did  not 

Schrockh,  xxvi.  83.  combine  against  the  Roman  prohibi- 

P  Hesso,  ap.  Hard.  vi.  1993  (also  in  tions.  (Nat.  Alex.  xiii.  657-9 ;  Sismondl 

Pertz,  xii.).     Investiture  seems  to  have  iv.  54-5.)    Planck,  however,  thinks  thai 

fallen  into  disuse  under  Philip  I.,  as  the  the  disuse  was  probably  older.     IV.  ii- 

king  did  not  assert  his  privilege,  and  25.  1  Hesso,  1994. 


20  INTERVIEW    BETWEEN    CALIXTUS  Book  VI 

ing  himself  strong,  was  disposed  to  evade  his  engage- 
ments; he  pretended  a  wish  to  consult  the  princes  of 
Germany,  and  declared  that  he  would  not  stand  bare- 
footed to  receive  absolution.  The  commissioners  pro- 
mised to  do  theu-  utmost  that  this  point  might  be  waived, 
and  that  the  ceremony  should  be  as  private  as  possible.*" 
But  on  their  reporting  the  negotiations  to  the  pope,  he 
left  Mousson  in  indignation  at  Henry's  conduct,  and 
returned  to  Reims,  where  he  signalized  his 
arrival  by  consecrating  a  popularly- elected 
bishop  for  Liege,  in  opposition  to  one  who  had  been 
invested  by  the  emperor.^  The  council  passed  the 
usual  canons  against  investiture,  simony,  and  clerical 
marriage ;'  and  on  the  sixth  and  last  day  the  church's 
curse  was  denounced  in  the  most  solemn  manner  against 
the  emperor  and  the  antipope — each  of  the  bishops  and 
abbots,  427  in  number,  standing  up,  with  his  pastoral 
staff  in  one  hand,  and  with  a  lighted  taper  in  the  other. 
Henry's  subjects  were  declared  to  be  absolved  from  their 
allegiance  until  he  should  be  reconciled  to  the  church." 
In  fulfilment  of  an  intention  which  he  had  announced 
at  the  council,  the  pope  proceeded  into 
Normandy,  and  held  an  interview  with 
Henry  of  England  at  Gisors.^  One  subject  of  discussion 
between  them  related  to  the  employment  of  legates. 
Calixtus  himself,  while  archbishop  of  Vienne,  had  been 
sent  by  Paschal  with  the  character  of  legate  for  all 
England  in  iioo,  within  a  few  months  after  Anselm's 
return  from  his  first  exile.  His  visit  caused  a  great 
excitement;  for,  although  legates  had  before  appeared 
in  this  country,y  their  visits  had  been  very  rare, 
and  their  authority  had  been  limited  to  special  business, 
so  that  an  outcry  was  raised  against  the  new  commission 

'  Hesso,  1995-6,  »  Hesso,  1998. 

■  Id.  1997  :  Stenzel,  i.  686.  *  Order.  Vital,  iv.  38a. 

*  Hard.  vi.  1983-6.  y  See  vol.  iii.  p.  180. 


Chap.  VI.  A.D.  II19.    AND    HENRY    I.    OF    ENGLAND.  21 

as  a  thing  without  example,  and  it  was  declared  that  no 
one  but  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  could  be  acknow- 
ledged as  a  representative  of  the  pope.^     Anselm  asserted 
the  privilege  of  Canterbury  ;^  the  legate  returned  without 
obtaining  a  recognition  of  his  power ;  and  the  primate 
procured  from  the  pope,  although  for  his  own  person  only, 
a  promise  that  no  legate  should  be  sent  to  supersede 
him.''     At  a  later  time,  the  independent  character  of  the 
English   church,    and   its    disposition  to  settle  its  own 
affairs   without    reference    to    Rome,    were 
complained  of  by  Paschal  II.  on  the  transla- 
tion of  Ralph  from  Rochester  to  Canterbury  f  while  the 
king  was  offended  at  Conon's  having  ventured,  as  papal 
legate,  to  excommunicate  the    Norman  bishops  for  re- 
fusing to  attend  a  council.     William  of  Warelwast,  now 
bishop  of  Exeter,  was  once  more  sent  to  Rome  to  re- 
monstrate   against  Conon's  proceedings;  and  the  pope 
despatched   a   new    legate    into     England — the    abbot 
Anselm,  who  was  chosen  as  being  nephew  of  the  late 
archbishop,  and  as  being  himself  known   and   popular 
among  the  English.^     But  although  Henry  ordered  that 
the  legate  should  be  treated  with  honour  in  Normandy, 
he  would  not  permit  him  to  cross  the  sea,  and  sent  Ralph 
himself  to  Rome,  to  assert  the  rights  of  his  primacy. 
The  archbishop  was  prevented  by  illness  from  following 
the  pope,  who  had  withdrawn   to   Benevento;    but  he 
returned  with  a  general  and  vague  confirmation  of  the 
privileges  of  Canterbury.® 

Another  question  related  to  the  pretensions  of  the  see 

^  Eadmer,  59 ;  Lappenb.  ii.  256.  as  bishop  of  London ;  but  the  pope 

'  Ep.  iv.  2.            ^  Lappenb.  ii.  257.  (Innocent  II.)  annulled   the  election. 

«  Pasch.  Ep.  ad  Henric.  ap.  Eadmer.  See  Collier,  ii.  216-17. 

89;  Inett,  ii.  132-4.  "  Pasch.    Ep.  30  (Hard.   vi.   1795); 

d  Eadmer,  88-9.     The  younger  An-  Eadmer,    91  ;    W.     Malmesb.     Gesta 

selm  became  abbot  of  St.  Edmund's,  Pontif.    1508.     Wilkins  (i.  377,  seqq.) 

at  Bury,  and  in  1137  was  elected  by  a  misdates   some   documents   connected 

party  among  the  canons  of  St.  Paul's  with  this  affair 


22  CALIXTUS   AND    HENRY   OF   ENGLAND.  Book  VI. 

of  York.  Anselm,  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign,  had 
exacted  from  Gerard,  on  his  translation  to  the  northern 
archbishoprick,  a  promise  of  the  same  subjection  to 
Canterbury  which  he  had  sworn  when  consecrated  as 
bishop  of  Hereford/  The  next  archbishop  of  York, 
Thomas,  renewed  the  pretensions  which  his  predecessor 
of  the  same  name  had  raised  in  opposition  to  Lanfranc ;  s 
but  the  measures  which  Anselm  took  to 
defeat  him  were  successful,  although  Anselm 
did  not  himself  live  to  witness  their  success.^  Thurstan, 
who  was  nominated  to  York  in  1114,  declined  to  receive 
consecration  at  Canterbury,  from  an  unwillingness  to 
swear  subjection  to  the  archbishop ;  and,  in  violation 
both  of  his  own  solemn  promise  and  of  assurances  which 
the  pope  had  given  to  Henry,  he  contrived  to  get  him- 
self consecrated  by  Calixtus  at  Reims,  before  the  arrival 
of  a  bishop  who  was  specially  charged  to  prevent  his 
consecration,  although  the  English  bishops  who  were 
present  protested  against  it* 

The  pope  was  easily  satisfied  with  the  explanations 
which  Henry  gave  of  his  behaviour  towards  Robert  and 
the  king  of  France.^  He  promised  that  no  legate 
should  be  sent  into  England  except  at  the  king's  re- 
quest, and  for  the  settlement  of  such  things  as  could 
not  be  settled  by  the  EngHsh  bishops ;  *  and  he  re- 
quested that  Thurstan  might  be  allowed  to  return  to 
England.  The  king  replied  that  he  had  sworn  to  the 
contrary.     "  I  am  apostolic  pontiff,"  said  Calixtus,  and 

'  Rog.  Hoveden,  270.    The  Domini-  ^  W.  Malmesb.  634  ;  Order.  Vital, 

can  Stubbs,  writing  in  the  interest  of  iv.  400-4. 

York,  denies  that  Gerard  made  a  pro-  '  Eadmer,  94.   Lingard  (ii.  45)  affects 

fession    when    translated.       (Twysd.  to  question  this  compact.     But  his  only 

1710.)    See  Raine,  i.  159-61.  ground  is  that  the  pope  soon  broke  it. 

6  See  chap.  v.  William  Rufus  is  said  to  have  obtained 

*^  Eadmer,  80,  seqq.  ;  Raine,  i.  164-7.  "  "^  legatus  Romanus  ad  Angliam  mit- 

'  Eadm.  90,  94  ;  Flor.  Vigorn.  ii.  73 ;  teretur,    nisi  quem    rex    prseciperet." 

Rog.    Hoveden,   273.     For  the  York  Hugo  Flavin,  a.d.  1096  (Patrol,  cliv. 

Account  of  the  affair,  see  Stubbs,  1715.  353). 


Chap.  VI.  a.d.  iiig-ai.       FATE   OF   THE    ANTIPOPE.  2^ 

offered  to  release  him  from  the  oath ;  but  Henry,  after 
consideration,  dedined  to  avail  himself  of  the  absolution, 
as  being  unworthy  of  a  king,  and  an  example  which 
would  tend  to  produce  universal  distrust  between  men ; 
and  he  refused  to  readmit  Thurstan,  except  on  condition 
that  he  should  make  the  same  submission  to  Canterbury 
which  had  been  made  by  his  predecessors.™ 

Having  established  his  authority  to  the  north  of  the 
Alps,  the  pope  proceeded  into  Italy.  His  rival  Burdi- 
nus,  abandoned  by  the  emperor,  fled  from  Rome  at  the 
approach  of  Calixtus  and  took  refuge  within  the  walls 
of  Sutri."  St.  Peter's,  which  had  been  strongly  fortified, 
was  given  up  to  the  friends  of  Calixtus  in  consideration 
of  a  sum  of  money.^  Burdinus  himself  was  betrayed  into 
the  hands  of  the  pope,  and,  after  having 
been  paraded  about  Rome,  mounted  on  a 
camel,  arrayed  in  bloody  sheepskins  p  by  way  of  a 
pontifical  robe,  and  holding  the  cameFs  tail  in  his  hands, 

"  Eadmer,  95  ;  Sym.  Dunelm.  Ann.  province.     For   his    misbehaviour   in 

1 1 19,  ap.  Twysd.  242.     The  pope,  in  seating  himself  in  the  southern  arch- 

1121,  threatened  to  interdict  all  Eng-  bishop's  lap  at  a  council  held  by  a 

land,  unless  Thurstan  were  allowed  to  legate  in  1175,  see   Benedict.  Petrib. 

return  within  a  month ;  and  the  arch-  ed.  Hearne,  p.   106 ;  Gervas.  Dorob. 

bishop  was  admitted  on  condition  that  ap.  Twysden,  1433.     Many  letters  of 

he  should  refrain  from  officiating  be-  Alexander  III.  (Patrol,  cc.)  relate  to 

yond  his  diocese  until  he  should  have  these  disputes, 

satisfied    the    claims    of    Canterbury  "  Calixt.  Ep.  131  (Patrol,  clxiil.). 

(Eadm.  101).     The  next  archbishop  of  "  Gregorov.  iv.  373,  from  a  Vatican 

Canterbury,  William,  summoned  Thur-  MS. 

Stan  to  Rome,  where  the  question  be-  P  So  it  is  stated  in  the  Annal.  Rom. 

tween  the  sees  was  discussed,  but  with-  ap.  Pertz,  v.  479,  and  by  the  Cardinal 

out  any  decisive  result  (Sym.  Dunelm.  of  Aragon  (Murat.    iii.   420).      Suger 

250,  A.D.  1127;  Chron.  Mailros.  a.d.  .says  ^^rt/^>^z«j  (Vita  Ludov.  in  Patrol. 

1121,1123,1126).     AletterofHonorius  clxxxvi.  1 313),  William  of  Tyre  a  <5^ar- 

II.,  however,  dated  in  1125,  is  favour-  skin  (xii.   8,   Patrol,  cci.),  and  Dean 

able  to  York  (Ep.  29,  Patrol,  clxvi.).  Milman  a  hogskin  (iii.  212),  while  the 

The  history  of  the  controversy  need  not  Annalist  of  Polde  describes  the  antipope 

be  here  pursued.    Roger,  archbishop  of  as  riding  naked  (Pertz,  xvi.  72).     His 

York  from  1154  to  iiSi,  maintained  the  punishment  was  commemorated  by  a 

pretensions  of  his  see  against  Thomas  picture  in  the  Lateran  palace.    Joh. 

Becket  and  his  successor  in  the  arch-  Sarisb.  Ep.  59  (Patrol,  cxcix.  39) ;  GuIU. 

bishoprick    of   Canterbury,    Richard,  de  Nangis,  ap.  Dacher.  Spicil.  iii.  2 
claiming  some  dioceses  for  the  northern 


24  TENDENCIES   TOWARDS  Book  VI. 

he  was  thrust  into  a  monastic  prison.  He  lived  to  an 
advanced  age,  but  his  remaining  years  were  varied  only 
by  removals  from  one  place  of  confinement  to  another. i 

In  the  meantime  the  discords  of  Germany  were  un- 
abated. Hostile  armies  moved  about  the  country — 
the  one  commanded  by  the  emperor,  the  other  by  the 
primate  Adalbert,  to  whom  the  pope  had  given  a  com- 
mission as  legate  :  "*  and  it  seemed  as  if  their  differences 
must  be  decided  by  bloodshed.  But  circumstances  had 
arisen  which  tended  to  suggest  a  compromise.  The 
contest  of  fifty  years  had  exhausted  all  parties,  and  a 
general  desire  for  peace  began  to  be  felt.  The  princes 
of  Germany  had  come  to  see  how  their  own  interest  was 
affected  by  the  rival  pretensions  of  the  papacy  and  the 
crown.  While  desirous  to  maintain  themselves  against 
the  emperor,  and  to  secure  what  they  had  won  for  their 
order,  they  had  no  wish  to  subject  him,  and  conse- 
quently themselves,  to  the  pope — to  degrade  their 
nationality,  to  lose  all  hold  on  the  offices  and  endow- 
ments of  the  church.  Thus  patriotic  and  selfish  motives 
concurred  in  rendering  the  leaders  of  the  laity  desirous 
to  find  some  means  of  accommodation.*  And  from 
France,  where  the  difficulty  as  to  investiture  had  not 
been  felt,  persuasives  to  moderation  were  heard.  There 
the  learned  canonist  Ivo,  bishop  of  Chartres,  had 
throughout  maintained  the  lawfulness  of  investiture  by 
laymen,  provided  that  it  were  preceded  by  a  canonical 
election.  He  held  that  the  form  of  the  ceremony  was 
indifferent,  inasmuch  as  the  lay  lord  did  not  pretend  to 
confer  any  gift  of  a  spiritual  kind  ;  that,  although  it  was 
schismatical  and  heretical  to  maintain  the  necessity  of 
lay   investiture,  yet   such  investiture   was   in   itself  no 

«»  Chron.   Casin,   iv.   68,   86  ;    Will.  which  see  Mabill.  Annal.  iv.  315  17. 
Tyr.  xiL  8 ;   Baluz.   Miscell.  iii.  513.  '  Baron.  1121.  6. 

Burdinus  died  at  the  Benedictine  mon-  •  Planck,  IV.  i.  310 ;  Stenzel,  i.  688, 

astery  of  La  Cava,  near  Salerno,  as  to  701. 


Chap  VI.  a.u.  1119-21.    PEACE   OF   THE   CHURCH.  J5 

heresy.*  Ivo  strongly  reprobated  the  agitation  excited 
by  the  Hildebrandine  party  against  Paschal,  and  he  was 
able  to  persuade  the  archbishop  of  Sens,  with  other  pre- 
lates, to  join  him  in  a  formal  protest  against  the  councils 
which  took  it  on  themselves  to  censure  the  pope." 
Hildebert,  bishop  of  Le  Mans,  Hugh,  a  monk  of  Fleury, 
and  other  eminent  ecclesiastics  gave  utterance  to  some- 
what similar  views ;  ^  and  at  length  abbot  Godfrey  of 
Vendome — who  had  been  long  known  as  one  of  the 
most  uncompromising  asserters  of  the  ecclesiastical 
claims,  and  had  published  two  tracts  in  which  he 
declared  lay  investiture  to  be  heresy  J" — sent  forth  a 
third  tract,  composed  in  an  unexpected  spirit  of  con- 
ciliation. Laymen,  he  said,  may  not  confer  the  staff 
and  the  ring,  since  these  are  for  the  church  to  give ;  but 
there  are  two  kinds  of  investiture — the  one,  which  makes 
a  bishop,  the  other,  which  maintains  him;  and  princes 
may  without  offence  give  investiture  to  the  temporalities 
by  some  symbol,  after  canonical  election  and  consecra- 
tion.. Godfrey  speaks  strongly  against  the  mischief  of 
contentiousness  on  either  side,  and  (in  direct  contradic- 
tion to  the  Hildebrandine  principle  that  kings  ought  to 
be  treated  by  the  church  as  freely  as  other  men)  he 
quotes  St.  Augustine's  opinion  that  one  ought  seldom 
or  never  to  be  excommunicated  who  is  backed  by  an 
obstinate  multitude,  *'  lest,  while  we  strive  to  correct 
one,  it  become  the  ruin  of  many."  ^ 

The  effect  of  such  writings  was  widely  felt,  and  con 
tributed  to  swell  the  general  eagerness  for  peace.     As 

t  Ivo,  Epp.  60  (a.d.  1097  or  1099 ;  y  Opuscula,   ii.-iii.     The  ring   and 

see   Pagi,  xviii.  97,   190,   and  Juret's  staff,  he  says,  when  given  by  those  who 

notes),  233,  &c.  (Patrol,  clxii.).  are  entitled  to  give  them,  are  sacra- 

"  Ep.  236.    Ivo  died  in  11 17.    Pagi,  ments ;  therefore  the  giving  of  them  by 

xviii.  291.  lajinen  is  heretical.     Comp.  Ep.  iii.  n 

'^  Hildeb.  Ep.  ii.  22  (Patrol,  clxxi.) ;  (Patrol,  clvii.). 

Hugo  de  regia  Potestate  et  sacerd.  »  Opusc.  iv.  ibid.  2ao. 
Dignitate,  5(ib.  clxiii  );Giesel.  II.  ii.  50. 


26  CONCORDAT   OF   WORMS.  BookVL 

the  hostile  armies  of  the  Germans  were  encamped  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Wiirzburg,  negotiations  were  opened 
between  them.  The  preHminaries  were  settled  in  Octo- 
ber 1 1 2 1  ;  a  formal  compact  was  then  drawn  up  by 
commissioners  at  Mentz ;  and  on  the  23rd  of  September 
1 1 22,  the  terms  of  the  agreement  between  the  empire 
and  the  hierarchy  were  read  before  a  vast  multitude 
assembled  in  a  meadow  near  Worms.*  On  the  pope's 
part,  it  was  stipulated  that  in  Germany  the  elections  of 
bishops  and  abbots  should  take  place  in  the  presence 
of  the  king,  without  simony  or  violence ;  if  any  discord 
should  arise,  the  king,  by  the  advice  of  the  metropolitan 
and  his  suffragans,  was  to  support  the  party  who  should 
be  in  the  right.  The  bishop  elect  was  to  receive  the 
temporahties  of  his  see  by  the  sceptre,  and  was  bound 
to  perform  all  the  duties  attached  to  them.  In  other 
parts  of  the  emperor's  dominions,  the  bishop  was,  within 
six  months  after  consecration^  to  receive  the  temporalities 
from  the  sovereign  by  the  sceptre,  without  any  payment, 
and  was  to  perform  the  duties  which  pertained  to  them.^ 
The  emperor,  on  his  part,  gave  up  all  investiture  by  ring 
and  staff,  and  engaged  to  allow  free  election  and  con- 
secration throughout  his  dominions ;  he  restored  to  the 
Roman  church  all  possessions  and  royalties  which  had 
been  taken  from  it  since  the  beginning  of  his  father's 
reign,  and  undertook  to  assist  towards  the  recovery  of 
such  as  were  not  in  his  own  hands.*^  These  conditions 
were  solemnly  exchanged  at  Worms;  the  legate,  Lam- 
bert, cardinal  ot  Ostia,  celebrated  mass,  and  gave  the 
kisa  of  peace  to  the  emperor  ;^  and  in  the 
ar.  1 1 23.   fQii^^^-jjg  yg^j.  ^^  concordat  of  Worms  was 

ratified  by  the  first  council  of  the  Lateran,  which  in  the 

•  Ekkeh.  260  .  Stenzel,  i.  706.     AI-  appeared  at  the  council  of  Constance, 

though  this  agreeroent  is  usually  styled  a.d.  1418.     Mejer,  in  Herzog,  iii.  6». 
the  concordat  of  Worros,  that  word  was  ^  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  75.        "  lb.  76 

not  used  until  lonij  after,  having  first  •*  Ekkeh.  a6o. 


Chap.  VI.  a.d.  iiai^.         CONCORDAT  OF   WORMS.  9f 

Roman  church  is  reckoned  as  the  Ninth  General 
Council.®  The  contest,  which  for  half  a  century  had 
agitated  Italy  and  Germany,  was  ended  for  a  time. 

The  apparent  simplicity  of  the  solution — although, 
indeed,  its  terms  contained  the  seeds  of  future  differences 
as  to  their  interpretation  * — strikes  us  with  surprise,  as  con- 
trasted with  the  length  and  the  bitterness  of  the  struggle. 
But  in  truth  circumstances  had  disposed  both  parties  to 
welcome  a  solution  which  at  an  earlier  time  would  have 
been  rejected.  The  question  of  investitures  had  on 
Gregory's  part  been  a  disguise  for  the  desire  to  establish 
a  domination  over  temporal  sovereigns ;  on  the  part  of 
the  emperors,  it  had  meant  the  right  to  dispose  of  eccle- 
siastical dignities  and  to  exercise  a  control  over  the 
hierarchy.  Each  party  had  now  learnt  that  its  object 
was  not  to  be  attained ;  but  it  was  not  until  this  experi- 
ence had  reduced  the  real  question  within  the  bounds  of 
its  nominal  dimensions  that  any  accommodation  was 
possible.^ 

The  emperor  ceded  the  power  of  nomination  to  bishop- 
ricks,  and,  as  to  those  which  were  beyond  the  limits  of 
Germany,  he  appears  to  have  given  up  all  control  over 
the  appointments.  But  in  Germany  it  was  otherwise. 
The  imperial  claim  to  nominate  was,  indeed,  acknow 
ledged  to  be  unlawful ;  but  as  this  had  never  been 
defended  on  grounds  of  law,  and  as  the  provision  that 
bishops  should  be  chosen  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor 
or  of  his  commissioners  allowed  the  exercise  of  an  im- 
portant influence  in  the  choice,  the  emperor's  legal  pre- 
rogative was  really  rather  increased  than  lessened.  And 
as,  in  the  case  of  German  bishops,  the  investiture  was  to 
precede  consecration,^  there  was  thus  an  opportunity  of 

•  Hard.  vi.  1115-16 ;  or  Pertz,  Leges,  ''  This  appears  from  the  opposition 

ii.  between  electus  in  the  case  of  German 

'  See  Luden,  ix.  527.  bishops,   and  consecratus  in  that    of 

E  Stenzel,  i.  289-90 ;  Milraan,  iii.  si6.  others. 


28  CONCOl^DAT   OF   WORMS,  Book  VI. 

interposing  a  bar  to  the  promotion  of  any  person  unac- 
ceptable to  the  sovereign.  The  right  of  exacting  homage 
was  unquestioned,  and,  by  a  mere  change  in  the  outward 
symbol,  the  emperor  secured  the  substance  of  the  investi- 
ture— that  the  bishops  should  be  vassals  of  the  crown, 
not  of  the  papacy ;  that  they  should  be  subject  to  the 
feudal  obligations,  and  that  the  connection  of  the  church 
with  the  state  should  be  maintained.' 

On  the  part  of  the  pope,  the  concordat  appears  to  be 
a  serious  sacrifice.  Urged  by  the  representations  of  the 
German  estates,  both  lay  and  ecclesiastical,  who  told  him 
that,  if  peace  were  not  made,  the  responsibility  would 
rest  on  him,^  he  had  ceded  the  pretensions  of  Gregory 
and  Urban  as  to  investitures  and  homage;  the  con- 
dition on  which  Godfrey  of  Vendome  had  insisted  in  his 
conciliatory  proposals — that  consecration  should  precede 
investiture — was  relinquished  as  to  German  bishopricks ; 
and  the  party  of  which  Calixtus  had  hitherto  been  the 
foremost  representative  was  deeply  dissatisfied  with  the 
terms  of  the  compromise.^  But  his  consent  to  these 
terms  is  to  be  explained  by  the  change  which  had  taken 
place  in  the  position  of  the  papacy  since  Hildebrand 
entered  on  his  career.  The  imperial  claim  to  control 
elections  to  St.  Peter's  chair  was  abandoned,™  and  where- 
as Henry  HI.  had  aimed  at  making  himself  master 
of  the  hierarchy,  his  son  and  his  grandson  had  found 
it  a  sufficient  labour  to  defend  themselves  against  its 
encroachments."  The  bold  assertions  of  Gregory,  con- 
tinued by  his  successors,  and,  above  all,  the  great  move- 

*  Schmidt,  ii.    505  ;   Planck,    IV.    i.  from  the  sovereign,  and  draws  a  strange 

300  2  ;  Schrockh,  xxvi.  88-90  ;  Hallam,  parallel  with  the  restoration  of  the  ark 

M.   A.   i.    544-5,   Suppl.    Notes,   195 ;  by  the  Philistines.     De  ^dif  Dei,  2 

Raumer,  i.  203-5  ;  DoUinger,  ii.  167  ;  (Patrol,  cxciv.  1201). 

Stenzel,    i.    705-9 ;    Hcfele,   v.   335-8.  ^  Planck,  IV.  i.  365. 

Gerhoch  complains  that  the  emperor's  '  Giesel.  II.  ii.  65. 

concessions  were  useless  so  long  as  pre-  ■"  Stenzel,  i.  709. 

\ates  were  obliged  to  receive  the  regalia  °  Luden,  ix.  496. 


Chaf.  VII.  MONASTICISM.  29 

ment  of  the  crusades,  had  raised  the  pope  to  a  height 
before  unknown ;  and,  when  on  the  whole  his  substantial 
gain  had  been  so  great,  he  could  afford  to  purchase  the 
credit  of  moderation  by  yielding  in  appearance  and  in 
matters  of  detail.® 


CHAPTER  VII. 


MONASTICISM — NEW    ORDERS — THE   TEMPLARS    AND 
HOSPITALLERS. 

In  the  history  of  Monasticism,  decay  and  reformation  are 
continually  alternating.  This  alternation  is  a  natural 
result  of  laying  down  as  a  permanent  rule  for  a  numerous 
succession  of  men  the  system  which  has  been  found  to 
meet  the  particular  circumstances  of  a  few.  When  the 
rule  has  been  some  time  in  operation,  no  test  that  can  be 
established  by  requiring  a  profession  of  vocation  will  be 
found  effectual  for  the  exclusion  of  unqualified  persons  ; 
and,  even  where  there  are  the  same  dispositions  which 
orginally  gave  birth  to  the  rule  and  won  popularity  for  it, 
the  difference  of  times  or  circumstances  may  render  it  no 
longer  suitable  as  a  discipline  for  them.  Hence,  as  a 
great  monk  of  the  twelfth  century  remarked,  it  was  easier 
to  found  new  religious  societies  than  to  reform  the  old.^ 
Moreover,  as  the  poverty  and  devotion  of  monks  never 
failed  to  bring  them  wealth  and  honour,  the  effect  01 
these  was  too  commonly  a  temptation  to  abandon  the 
virtues  by  which  they  had  been  procured.^ 

0  Planck,  IV.  i.  311-13.  conversationem    attendentes,  plurima 

*  Pet.    Cluniac.    Ep.    i.    23  (Patrol.  bona  monasteriis  largiti  sunt  pro  redem- 

clxxxlx.).  tione    peccatorum    suorum.       Quibus 

•>  "  Devotio  nempe  peperit  divitias,  copiosissime  exuberantibus,  coeperunt 

nam  fideles  monachorum  devotionem,  fratres  his  uti  non  ad  solam  necessita- 

celibem  cultum,  sanctam  in  Domino  tem,  sed  ad  superfluitatera.  Inde  super* 


30  MONASTIC   REFORM.  Book  VI. 

The  spirit  which  produced  the  endeavour  to  reform  the 
church  led  at  the  same  time  to  a  reform  of  monachism  ; 
and  the  anarchy,  the  insecurity,  the  manifold  miseries  of 
the  age  tended  to  excite  an  enthusiasm  for  the  hfe  which 
promised  tranquillity  and  the  opportunities  of  conversing 
with  a  better  world.*'  Bernold  of  Constance  tells  us  that, 
in  the  great  distractions  between  the  papacy  and  the  em- 
pire, multitudes  rushed  into  the  monasteries  of  Germany; 
that  some  who  had  been  counts  and  marquises  chose  to 
be  employed  in  the  lowest  offices,  such  as  baking  and 
cooking;  that  many,  without  putting  on  the  monastic 
habit,  devoted  themselves  to  the  service  of  certain  mon- 
asteries ;  that  many  young  wom^n  renounced  marriage, 
and  that  the  whole  population  of  some  towns  adopted  a 
monastic  system  of  life.*^ 

Among  the  reformers  of  German  monachism,  the 
most  eminent  was  William,  who  in  1071  was  promoted 
from  the  priory  of  St.  Emmeran's,  at  Ratisbon,  to  the 

fluitas  ipsa  minime  resecata  neque  coer-  fectus  seu  defectus  in  monasteriis.  Sunt 

cita  fastum  generavit  atque  superbiam,  et  aliae  causae  quas  omitto,  non  tamen 

aliaque  quamplurima  mala,  quae  sunt  sine  ratione."   (Anonymus  Cartusiensis 

potius  reticenda  quam  dicenda :  quod  de  Religionum  Origine,  ap.  Martene, 

cernentes  fideles,  et  maxime  principes  Coll.  Ampl.  vi.    31-2.)     Dante   repre- 

ac    domini    temporales,    non    tantum  sents  St.  Benedict  as  saying  in  Para- 

manus  retraxerunt  ab  eleemosynis  ipsis  dise, — 

largiendis,  sad  et  ipsos  persequi  coeper-  "  La  carne  de'  mortali  e  tanto  blanda, 
unt,  eorum  possessiones  vi,  malitia,  cal-  Che  gm  non  basta  buon  cominciamento 

liditate,   fraude,   processu    dissipando,  Dal  nascer  della  quercia  al  far  la  ghianda. 

,        .  -r~,  •^..      ^        J  Pjer  comincib  senz' oro  e  senza  argento, 

hoc  ipsum  Deo  perraittente  ad  eorum  ^r  ;„  ^„„  ^,,,;„„„  „  ^„„  ^;„;„„„ 

'^  .  ^  .  .b  10  con  orazione  e  con  uigiuno, 

correctionem  ;   unde  quidam  coacti  et  e  Francesco  umilmente  il  sue  convento. 

inviti,    quidam    autem    voluntarii    ad  E  se  guardi  al  principio  di  ciascuno, 

amorem    redierunt    paupertatis,   rese-  Poscia  riguardi  a  dov"  6  trascorso. 

cantes   superflua   in   victu   et   vestitu,  Tu  vederai  del  bianco  fatto  bruno,"  etc. 
,        ..•           ,.£   ..              •     ^      .         ^     ,..  Paradiso,  xxii.  85-95. 

lautitus,  sedificus,  equitaturis,  et  alas  -^ 

monasticae  professioni  omnino  imper-  °  Luden,  ix.  190.    Hanno  of  Cologne 

tinentibus  ;    demum  in  humilitate   et  and  other  prelates  brought  monks  from 

simplicitate  degentes.     Quod  rursum  Fructuaria,  Cluny,  etc.,  for  the  reform 

cernentes  fideles,  pristinam,  quam  du-  of  German  monachism.    Lambert,  a. d. 

dum  erga  monasteria  habuerant,  re-  1075  (Patrol,  cxlvi.  1204-5). 

sumserunt  devotionem,  et  coeperunt  eis  **  a.d.  1083,  1091,  ap.  Pertz,  v.     As 

non  solum  benefacere,    sed    et    ipsos  to  the  anti-imperialist  turn  which  mon- 

contra    impugnantes  tueri    atque  de-  asticism  took  in  Germanyabout  the  time 

fendere.     Hajc  principalis  causa  pro-  of  Hildebrand,  see  Giesebr.  iii.  409. 


Chap.  VIT.'A.D.  I07I-9I-    WILLIAM   OF   HIRSCHAU.  31 

abbacy  of  Hirschau,  in  the  Black  Forest.  He  raised  the 
number  of  inmates  from  fifteen  to  a  hundred  and  fifty, 
founaed  some  new  monasteries,  reformed  more  than 
a  hundred,  and  united  his  monks  into  a  congregation 
after  the  pattern  of  Cluny,  adopting  the  system  of  lay- 
brethren  from  Vallombrosa.®  The  virtues  of  William 
were  not  limited  to  devotion,  purity  of  life,  and  rigour  of 
disciphne  ;  he  is  celebrated  for  his  gentleness  to  all  men, 
for  his  charity  to  the  poor,  for  the  largeness  of  his 
hospitality,  for  his  cheerful  and  kindly  manners,  for  his 
encouragement  of  arts  and  learning.  He  provided  care- 
fully for  the  transcription  of  the  holy  scriptures  and  of 
other  useful  books,  and  instead  of  locking  them  up  in  the 
library  of  his  abbey,  he  endeavoured  to  spread  the  know- 
ledge of  their  contents  by  presenting  copies  to  members 
of  other  religious  houses.  The  sciences  included  in 
the  quadi'lviutrii  especially  music  and  mathematics,  were 
sedulously  cultivated  at  Hirschau,  and  under  William  the 
monks  were  distinguished  for  their  skill  in  all  that  relates 
to  the  ornament  of  churches — in  building,  sculpture, 
painting,  carving  of  wood,  and  working  in  metals.  In 
the  general  affairs  of  the  church,  the  abbot  of  Hirschau 
was,  by  his  exertions  and  by  his  influence,  one  of  the 
most  active  and  powerful  supporters  of  the  hierarchical 
or  Hildebrandine  party  in  Germany.  He  died  in  109 1, 
at  the  age  (as  is  supposed)  of  sixty-five.* 

«  Heymo,  Vita  Will.  Hirsang.  22-3 ;  Petershusen  by  his  disciples,  see  Chron 

ap.    Mabillon,    Acta    SS.    Ben.    ix.  ;  Petersh.  53  (Patrol,  cxliii.). 

Mabill.  ib,  717-13 ;  Boliand.  Acta  SS.,  ^  Bernold.  a.d.  1091  ;  ap.  Pertz.  v. ; 

Jul.  4 ;  Kerker,  '  ^'iihelm  der  Selige,'  Trithem.      Chron.     Hirsang.     (Opera 

Tubing.   1863.     It  was  for  William's  Histor.  ii.  60,  seqq.) ;  Voigt,  'Hilde- 

use  that  Ulric,  a  monk  of  Cluny,  put  brand,'  140;  Maitland,    'Dark  Ages,' 

into  writings  the  customs  of  his  order  327-32;  Kerker;  Giesebr.  iii.  630, seqq. 

(Patrol,    cxlix.    635,    653).      William's  John  of  Trittenheim  tells  us  that  An- 

'  Constitutiones    Hirsaugienses,'    and  selm  of  Canterbury,  in  his  return  from 

his  work  on  music  are  in  the  Patrologia,  Rome,  spent  some  days  with  William 

vol.  cl.     His  treatise  on  astronomy  was  at  Hirschau,  and  afterwards  kept  up  a 

published  at  Basel  in  1531.     (See  Ker-  correspondence  with  him,  of  which  one 

''*'^>    333)'      For    the    reformation    of  letter  is  given  as  a  specimen  (Chroa. 


3»  CLUNIAC   ORDER.  n  .    '  Bov>K  VI. 

The  congregation  of  Cluny,  which  had  led  the  way  in 
A.D.  1049-    the  reformation  of  an  earUer  period,   main- 
^i°9-        tained  its  pre-eminence  under  the  sixty  years' 
abbacy  of  Hugh,  whose  influence  in  the  aflairs  of  the 
church   has   often   been    mentioned    in    the   preceding 
chapters.      The   Cluniacs    received   additions   to   their 
privileges  :  Paschal  exempted  them  from  the  operation 
of  such  interdicts  as  might  be  pronounced  against  any 
province  in  which  they  should  be ;  ^  Calixtus,  on  a  visit 
to  the  great  monastery  in  11 20,  conferred  on  its  abbots 
the   dignity   of   the   Roman   cardinalate.^      But   under 
Hugh's  successor,  Pontius,  to  whom    this  honour   was 
granted,  dissensions  and  scandals  arose   in   the   order. 
The  abbot,   on  finding  that  he  was  charged  at  Rome 
with  dissipating  the  property  of  his  monas- 
tery, hurried  to  the  pope,  resigned  his  office, 
and  went  on  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  with  the  intention, 
as  he  professed,  of  spending  the  remainder  of  his  days 
there ;  but  he  afterwards  returned  to  disturb  the  peace 
of  the  monastery.^     Another  Hugh  was  appointed  in  his 

Hirsaug.  a.d.  1077) ;  and  in  this  the  Anselm  when  abbot  of  Bee,  without 

fifteenth-century  writer  has  been  fol-  any  personal  knowledge  of  William  or 

lowed  without  suspicion  by  the  late  of  his  community ;  and  that,   if  the 

biographer  of  the  abbot  (Kerker,  98).  archbishop    visited  Hirschau, — which 

But    whereas  William  died   in   1091,  is  not  impossible,  as,  in  order  to  escape 

Anselm  did    not   become  archbishop  the  snares  of  the  antipapalists,  he  had 

until  1093,  and  his  return  from  Rome  to  make  his  way  from  Rome  to  Lyons, 

to  Lyons,  after  his  difference  with  Wil-  "per  montuosa  et  saltuosa  loca"  (W. 

liam  Rufus,  was  in  1099.     Moreover,  Malmesb.,     Gesta     Pontiff.,     PatroL 

on  comparing  the  letter  as  it  appears  clxxix.  1495  ;  cf  Eadm.,  ib  clviii.  104; 

in  Trithemius  with  the  copy  in  the  col-  clix.  421)— it  was  in  the  time  of  Wil- 

lection  of  Anselm's  epistles  (Ep.  i.  56),  Ham's  successor, 

we  find  that  it  has  been  altered  in  ^  Ep.  66,  ap.  Hard.  vi. 

favour  of  the  Hirschau  story.     Thus,  •»  Hugo  monach.  Cluniac.  in  Patrol, 

"frater    Anselmus"    becomes    "An-  clxvi.  845  ;  Hist.  Compostell.  ii.  14  (ib. 

selmus,  Cantuariensis  ecclesiae  minister  clxx.)  ;  Ciacon.  i.  949. 

indignus,"and  "dequa[congregatione  '  Pet.  Cluniac.  de  MiracuHs,  ii.  la ; 

vestra]  multa  bona  a  multis  concorditer  Chron.  Cluniac.  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.  313-15. 

audio"  becomes  "de  qua  multa  bona  According  to  the  'History  of  Compos- 

■vidi,  et  a  multis  majora  quotidie  con-  tella '  (ii.  9),  Pontius  had  been  recom- 

corditer  audio."    It  would  seem,  there-  mended  by  Gelasins  II.  at  the  same 

lore,  that  the  letter  was  written  by  time  with  Guy  of  Vienue  (Calixtus), 


Chap.  VII.  ORDER   OF   CRAMMONT.  ^3 

room,  but  died  within  three  months :  and  on  tlic  re- 
newed va,Gancy  the  order  again  chose  a  head  who  sus- 
tained the  greatness  of  its  reputation — Peter  Maurice, 
"  the  Venerable."  The  Vallombrosan,  CamaldoHte,  and 
other  communities  were  also  still  in  vigour;^  but  the 
piety  of  the  age  was  not  content  with  adding  to  the 
numbers  enrolled  under  the  rules  which  already  existed, 
and  during  the  fifty  years  which  followed  the  election 
of  Gregory  VII.  several  orders  took  their  beginning. 
Although  the  founders  of  these  were  not  all  of  French 
birth,  it  was  in  France,  which  had  become  the  centre  of 
religious  and  intellectual  movement,  that  the  new  insti- 
tutions arose. ^ 

I.  The  earliest  of  them  was  the  order  of  Grammont. 
The  founder,  Stephen,  son  of  a  count  of  Thiers  in 
Auvergne,  was  born  about  1045.™  His  parents,  who 
believed  him  to  have  been  granted  to  them  in  return  for 
many  prayers  and  other  exercises  of  devotion,  were  care- 
ful to  train  him  religiously  from  his  infancy,  and  at  the 
age  of  twelve  he  accompanied  his  father  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  relics  of  St.  Nicolas,  which  had  lately  been  tranc- 
lated  from  Myra,  in  Lycia,  to  Bari,  in  the  south  of  Italy." 
Stephen  fell  ill  at  Benevento,  and  was  left  there  in  the 
care  of  the  archbishop,  Milo,  who  was  his  countryman, 
and  perhaps  a  kinsman.''     The  praises  which  the  arch- 

whose  kinsman  and  godson  he  was,  as  242).     Comp.  Pet.  Clun.  1.  c.  ;  Honor. 

a  fit  successor  to  the  papacy.     On  his  II.   Epp.    44-6,  48  ;  Cliron.  Casin.  iv. 

return  from  the  east  he  attempted  to  75  ;  Rob.  de  Monte,  a.d.  1117  ;  Baron. 

recover  the  abbacy  of  Ciimy  by  means  Ann.    1125,  with  Pagi's  notes  ;   Sym 

of  an   armed   force,  was   e.xcommuni-  Dunelm.  Ann.  1122,  col.  245;  Mabill. 

cated,  and  died  under  the   sentence.  Annales,  v.  530,  vi.  78 ;  Hist.  Litt.  xi. 

But  pope  Honorius  II.,  in  considera-  23;  Hefele,  v.  298. 

tioT\  of  the  dignity  which  he  had  held,  ''  Schrockh,  xxvii.  24J. 

allowed  him  to  be  honourably  buried  '  Giesebr.  iii.  ion. 

(Ep.  55,  Patrol,  clxvi.) ;  and  Orderic,  ™  Life,  by  Gerard,  seventh  prior  ol 

who  is  partial  to  him,  says  that  miracles  Grammont,  c.  i  (Patrol,  cciv.)  ;  Pagi, 

were  wrought  at  his  grave  (iv.  29S,  299,  xvili.  402.                "  Gerard,  i. 

386,  424-7).     Some  martyrologies  even  "  lb.   2-5.     There  are  chronological 

snake  him  a  saint !     (Schrockh,  xxvii.  difficulties  as  to  this.    See  n.  on  Gerard 

VOL.  V.  :? 


54  STEPHEN    OF   THIERS.  Book  VI. 

bishop   bestowed   on   an  ascetic    society  of  monks   in 

Calabria  excited  the  boy  to  resolve  on   embracing  the 

monastic  life,  and  he  steadily  adhered  to  his  resolution.'' 

After  having  spent  four  years  at  Rome,  he  obtained,  in 

the  first  year  of  GrcGfory's  pontificate,  the 
May  I,  1074.  ,         ^   .        ^        ,  ^  /       ^  .  ' 

papal  sanction  for  the  formation  01  a  new 

order — a  document  in  which  Gregory  bestows   on  him 

his  blessing,   and  expresses    a  wish    that  he   may  find 

companions  innumerable  as  the  stars  of  heaven. <i 

Before  proceeding  to  act  on  this  privilege,  Stephen 

paid  a  farewell  visit  to    his  parents,   but   ended  it  by 

secretly  leaving  his  home,  with  a  determination  never  to 

return,  and  took  up  his  abode  at  Muret,  near  Limoges, 

where  he  built  himself  a  hut  of  branches  of  trees  in  a 

rocky  and  wooded  solitude.     Here,  putting  on  a  ring, 

the  only  article  which  he  had  reserved  out  of  his  property, 

h-e  solemnly  devoted  himself  to  the  holy  Trinity  and  to 

tlie  virgin  Mother.'"     The  rigour  of  his  diet  was  extreme  ; 

he  wore  an  iron  cuirass,  like  Dominic  of  Fonte  Avellano, 

and  over  it  a  thin  dress,  which  was  alike  throughout  all 

the  changes  of  the  season  ;  his  bed  was  formed  of  boards 

sunk  in  the  earth,  so  that  it  resembled  a  grave,  nor  did 

he  allow  himself  even  straw  to  soften  it ;  his  devotional 

exercises  were  frequent,  and  such  was  his  fervour  that, 

while  engaged  in  them,  he   sometimes  forgot  food  and 

sleep  for  days  together.^     He  always  prayed  kneeling, 

and  his  prayers  were  accompanied  by  frequent  obeisances 

and  kissing  of  the  earth,  so  that  not  only  did  his  hands 

8;    Martene,    Coll.    Ampl.    vi.    Prsef.  dates  the  origin  of  the  order  so  late  as 

21;  Bouquet,  xiii.  456;  Hist.  Litt.  x.  about  1 100,  and  supposes  the  Calabrian 

411-12.  hermits,  from  whom  Stephen  took  his 

P  Gerard,    6-7  ;    Mablll.    Annal.    v.  impulse,  to  have  been  the  Carthusians 

65-7.  who  settled  in  Calabria  under  Urban 

1  Gerard,  8-10.     The  document  (ap.  II.  (see  below,  p.  40),  Coll.  Ampl.  vi. 

Mabill.  Acta  SS.  Ben.  IX.  xxxvi.)  is  Pref.  22-7,     But  his  reasoning  is  very 

not  unsuspected  (Mabill.  Annal.  v.  66 ;  unsatisfactory. 

Hist.    Litt.    X.   411  ;   Schrockh,   xxvii.  *■  Gerard,  11-13. 

198).     Martene  not  only  rejects  it,  but  '   lb.  16-19. 


Chap.  VII.  ORDER   OF   GRAMMONT.  ^t^ 

and  knees  become  callous  like  those  of  a  camel,  but  his 
nose  was  bent  by  the  effect  of  his  prostrations.' 

After  a  year,  during  which  he  was  known  only  to  the 
neighbouring  shepherds,  Stephen  was  joined  by  two 
companions  ;  and  the  number  was  soon  increased.  His 
disciples  were  treated  with  an  indulgence  which  he 
denied  to  himself,  and  he  desired  them  to  call  him  not 
abbot  or  master,  but  corrector."  It  was  believed  that 
he  had  the  power  of  reading  their  hearts;^  tales  are 
related  of  miracles  which  he  did,  and  of  the  wonderful 
efficacy  of  his  prayers ;  and  a  sweet  odour  was  perceived 
to  proceed  from  his  person  by  those  who  conversed  with 
him.y  After  having  spent  fifty  years  in  his  retirement, 
Stephen  died  in  1124.^ 

At  his  death,  the  place  where  he  had  so  long  lived 
unmolested  was  claimed  by  a  neighbouring  monastery. 
His  disciples,  unwilling  to  engage  in  any  contention, 
prayed  for  direction  in  the  choice  of  another  habitation  ; 
and  as  they  were  at  mass,  the  answer  was  given  by  a 
heavenly  voice,  which  thrice  pronounced  the  words — ■ 
"  To  Grammont  ! ''  The  new  home  thus  pointed  out 
v/as  but  a  league  distant,  and  the  monks  removed  to  it, 
carrying  with  them  the  relics  of  their  founder.*  They 
studiously  concealed  the  spot  where  the  body  was  de- 
posited; but  its  presence  was  betrayed  by  a  great 
number  of  miracles.  On  this  the  prior  addressed  the 
spirit  of  his  former  master  in  a  tone  of  complaint  and 

t  Gerard,  20-2.  it  open  with  eager  curiosity,  but  found 

"  Id.  23;  Schrockh,  xxvli.  302.  only  a  paper,  with  these  words,  "  Fra- 

"  Ger.  26.  y  Id.  20-31.  ter  Stephanus,  fundatorordinisGrandis 

*  Mabill.  Annal.  vi.  116;  Schrockh,  Montis,  salutat  fratres  suos,  et  suppH- 

xxvii.  303.     It  is  said  that  his  death  cat   ut    observent    se    a    ssecularibus. 

was  immediately  known  by  miracle  at  Quia  sicut  vos,  dum  nesclebatis  quid 

Tours  and  at  Vezelay  (Gerard,   44).  erat  in  cista,  habulstis  earn  in  honore. 

There  is  a  story    that    Stephen    left  sic  et  ipsi  vos."     Thorn,  de  Eccleston, 

behind  him  a  chest  which  no  one  had  in  Monum.     Franciscana,  ed    Brewej 

been  allowed  to  look  into  while  he  was  (Chron.  and  Mem.),  60. 

ulive.     The  monks  at  his  death  broke  *  Ger.  47-50. 


^6  RULE    OF   GRAMMONT.  Book  VI. 

reproach,  threatening  that,  if  Stephen  continued  to 
regard  his  own  fame  for  sanctity  so  as  to  turn  the  soli- 
tude of  his  disciples  into  a  fair,  his  relics  should  be 
thrown  into  the  river ;  and  from  that  time  the  saint  was 
content  to  exert  his  miraculous  power  in  such  a  manner 
as  not  to  expose  his  followers  to  the  distractions  which 
had  before  endangered  their  quiet  and  their  humility. 
Sixty-five  years  after  his  death,  he  was  canonized  by 
Clement  III.^ 

Although,  in  the  privilege  which  Gregory  had  granted 
to  Stephen,  it  was  supposed  that  the  Benedictine  rule 
would  be  observed  by  tlie  new  order,  the  discipline  of 
the  Grandimontans  was  more  severe  than  that  of  St. 
Benedict.  Stephen  professed  that  his  only  rule  was 
that  of  Christian  religion,*^  and  the  code  of  his  order  was 
unwritten  until  the  time  of  his  third  successor,  Stephen 
of  Lisiac  (a.d.  1141).'^  Obedience  and  poverty  are  laid 
down  as  the  foundations.^  The  monks  were  to  accept 
no  payment  for  Divine  oflices  :  they  were  to  possess  no 
churches,  and  no  lands  beyond  the  precincts  of  their 
monasteries/  nor  were  they  allowed  to  keep  any  cattle 
— "  for,"  it  is  said,  "  if  ye  were  to  possess  beasts,  ye 
would  love  them,  and  for  the  love  which  ye  would 
bestow  on  beasts,  so  much  of  Divine  love  would  be 
withdrawn  from  you."^  They  were  never  to  go  to  law 
for  such  property  as  might  be  bestowed  on  them.'^  The 
founder  assured  them  on  his  death-bed  that,  if  they  kept 
themselves  from  the  love  of  earthly  things,  God  would 
not  fail  to  provide  for  them  ;  when  reduced  to  such 
necessity  as  to  have  had    no  food  for  two  days,   they 

^  A  D.    1189.      Id.    55;     Schrockh,  there  (306)  and  in  Mabillon,  vi.  117, 

xxvii.  304-5.  that   it   was  written   by   the   founder. 

«  Prol.   in   Sententias  (Patrol,  cciv.  He  gives  other  statutes  of  the  order  in 

1085).  tha    vokime,  and  in  the  'Thesaurus,' 

''  Mabillon,  Annal.  V.  100.    Martene,  iv.  1231,  seqq. 

who  prints  the  rule  in  his  iv"'  volume  *  Cc.  1-3,  in  Martene,  or  Patrol,  cciv. 

De  Aiitiq.    Eccl.   Ritibus,'  maintains  '  Cc.  4-5.        e  C.  7.        ^  Cc.  23,  31. 


Chaf.  Vn.  ORDER    OF    GRAMMONT.  37 

might  send  out  brethren  to  beg,  but  these  were  bound 
to  return  as  soon  as  they  had  secured  one  day's  pro- 
visions.^  They  were  to  go  out  in  parties  of  two  or 
more ;  they  were  not  to  fall  into  company  with  travellers, 
and  were  to  avoid  castles>  They  must  not  leave  the 
wilderness  to  preach  ;  their  life  there  was  to  be  their 
true  sermon.^  Their  monasteries  were  to  be  strictly 
shut  against  all  but  persons  of  great  authority ;  they 
were  charged  altogether  to  shun  intercourse  with 
women. "^  Even  the  sick  were  forbidden  to  taste  flesh  ; 
but  they  were  to  be  carefully  tended,  and,  rather  than 
that  they  should  lack  what  they  needed,  even  the  orna- 
ments of  the  church  were  to  be  sold.^  The  members  of 
the  order  were  bound  to  silence  at  times,  and  were  to 
communicate  by  signs,  of  which  a  detailed  system  is 
laid  down  j°  and  it  was  directed  that  when  they  spoke, 
their  discourse  must  be  of  an  edifying  kind.  The  monks 
were  to  devote  themselves  entirely  to  spiritual  things, 
while  their  temporal  affairs  were  to  be  managed  by 
"bearded"  or  lay  brethren.P 

Under  Stephen  of  Lisiac  the  order  of  Grandimontans, 
or  "  Good  men,"  as  they  were  popularly  called,^  became 
numerous;  and  eventually  it  had  about  140  "cells," 
subject  to  the  "prior"  of  the  mother  community.  So 
long  as  the  austerity  of  its  discipline  remained,  it 
enjoyed  a  high  reputation;^"  but  the  relaxations  of  its 
rules,    although    sanctioned    by   popes,^    and    internal 

i  C.  13.  Cf.  Mabill.  Annal.  vi.  117;  Ducange, 

k  c.  52.  s.  vv.  Boiii  Hoiitines.     Their  monas- 

1  C   48.  teries  were  called  Bo/iihorniniee.     Pa- 

">  C.  39.                        "  Cc.  56-7.  troK  cciv.  1001  ;  ccxi.  368. 

°  Martene,  '  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.' iv.  «•  See,  e.g.,   Petr.    Cellens.    Ep.    54 

339,  seqq.  (Patrol,  ccii.)  ;  Joh.   Sarisb.   Polycrat. 

P  C.  54.    See  Ducange,  s.v  Barhati.  vii.  23  (ib.  cxcix.)  ;  Gir.  Cambr.,  Spec. 

«  "Si  ab  eis  quacsieris  cujus  ordinis  Eccles.  iii.  21. 

sunt,  respondent,  Peccatores  suinus ;  *  Especially  by  Innocent    IV.  ad. 

si  ab  aliis,  Bonoshomines  esse  dicunt."  1245.     See.  Martene,  '  De  Ant.   Eccl. 

Steph.  Tornac.  Ep.  6i  (Patrol,  ccxi.).  Rit.'  iv.  327,  scqq. 


38  BRUNO.  Book  VI. 

quarrels  between  the  monks  and  the  lay  brethren/  led 
to  its  decline." 

11.  Ten  years  later  than  the  order  of  Grammont,  that 
of  the  Carthusians  was  founded  by  Bruno,  a  native  of 
Cologne,  who  had  been  distinguished  as  master  of  the 
cathedral  school  at  Reims.^  The  popular  legend 
ascribes  his  retirement  from  the  world  to  a  scene  which 
he  is  supposed  to  have  witnessed  at  Paris,  on  the  death 
of  a  doctor  who  had  been  greatly  esteemed  for  piety  as 
v/ell  as  for  learning.  As  the  funeral  procession  was  on 
its  way  to  the  grave,  the  corpse  (it  is  said)  raised  itself 
from  the  bier,  and  uttered  the  words,  "By  God's  righteous 
judgment  I  am  accused  ! "  The  rites  were  suspended 
for  a  day ;  and  when  they  were  resumed,  the  dead  man 
again  exclaimed,  "  By  God's  righteous  judgment  I  am 
judged ! "  A  second  time  the  completion  of  the  cere- 
mony was  deferred  ;  but  on  the  third  day  the  horror  of 
the  spectators  was  raised  to  a  height  by  his  once  more 
lifting  up  his  ghastly  head,  and  moaning  forth,  in  a  tone 
of  the  deepest  misery,  "  By  God's  righteous  judgment 
I  am  condemned  ! "  Bruno,  struck  with  terror,  and 
filled  with  a  sense  of  the  nothingness  of  human  reputa- 
tion by  this  awful  revelation  as  to  one  who  had  been 
so  highly  venerated,  resolved,  as  the  only  means  of 
safety,  to  hide  himself  in  the  desert.^ 

*  Steph.   Tornac     Epp.    134-5,    138,  Schrockh,  xxvii.   306-9;  Baluz.    Vitse 

143-4;    Supplem.     Epp.    2-3    (Patrol.  Pontiff.     Avenion.    i.    137,   138;    Acta 

ccxi.  ;  Innoc.  III.  Ep.  iv.  3  (ib.  ccxiv.);  SS.  Feb.  8,  p.  201. 

Fleury's  last  DLscourse,  sect.  5;  Acta  ^  Hist.  Litt.  ix.  233.    Mabillon(Acta 

SS.,  Feb.  8,  pp.  201-2.     The  discords  SS.  Ben.  VIII.,  Pi-jcf.  3 ;  ix.  38)  holds 

of  this  order  became  a  byword  ;  thus  it  a  mistake  to  suppose  him  a  pupil  of 

Innocent  warns  the  Cistercians  against  Pcrcngar.     But  on  the  other  side,  see 

dissension,    "ne   forte,   sicut   Grandi-  the  Bollandist  Acta  SS.,  Oct.  6,  p.  504. 

montenses,  in  derisum  et  fabulam  inci-  >'  Vita  Antiquior,  1-8  (Patrol,  clii.); 

datis."  Ep.  V.  109  ;  cf.  Honor.  III.  ap.  Puteanus,  4-13  (ib.).     The  story  of  the 

Raynald.  1219-57.  doctor   is  told,  with  some  variety  of 

"  Anon.   Cartus.  (of    the   15th  cen-  circumstances,  by  Ca;sarius  of  Heister- 

tury)  ap.  Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  vi.  34  ;  bach  in  the  13th  century  (Dialog,  xi. 

Mabill.  Acta    SS.    Ben.    IX.   xxxv,  ;  49) ;   but  the  earliest  writer  who  con- 


Chap.  VII.  CARTHUSIAN    ORDER.  39 

Such  was  the  tale  which  was  adopted  by  the  Carthusian 
order  ;^  but  the  real  motives  of  Bruno's  withdrawal  ap- 
pear to  have  been  partly  a  conviction  of  the  unsatisfying 
nature  of  worldly  things/^  and  partly  a  wish  to  escape 
from  the  tyranny  of  Manasses,  archbishop  of  Reims,  a 
violent,  grasping,  and  ambitious  prelate,  whose  character 
may  be  inferred  from  a  saying  recorded  of  him — that 
"  The  archbishoprick  of  Reims  would  be  a  fine  thing,  if 
one  had  not  to  sing  masses  for  it."^  By  the  advice  of 
Hugh,  bishop  of  Grenoble,  Bruno  with  six  companions 
took  up  his  abode  among  the  wild  and  solemn  rocky 
solitudes  of  the  Chartreuse,  from  which  his  order  derived 
its  name  f  and  so  much  was  the  bishop  pleased  with  the 
system,  that  he  often  withdrew  for  a  time  from  the  world, 
to  live  with  the  Carthusians  in  the  strict  observance  of 
their  usages.^  The  community,  to  which  no  one  was 
admitted  under  the  age  of  twenty,  consisted  of  monks 
and  lay  brethren  j  the  number  of  the  former  being  limited 

nects  it  with    St.    Bruno  i«  John  of  VI.  iv.     The  Bollandists  (Oct.  6,  pp. 

Ypres,  in  the  14th  century  (Chron.  S.  532,  seqq.)  have  a  very  long  disserta- 

Bertini,   ap.  Martene,  Thes.  iii.  581 ;  tion,  and  seem  to  conclude  that  the 

Acta  S.  Brun.  in  Patrol,  clii.  130;  Hist.  story  is  edifying,  but  is  not  to  be  abso- 

Litt.  ix.  236).     The  tale  afterwards  be-  Uitely  believed,  p.  587. 

came  popular  through  the  mention  of  ^  Anon.    Cartus.    ap.     Mart.    Coll, 

it  by  Gerson  (De  Simpllfic.  Cordis,  23,  Ampl.  vi.  36  ;  Exord.   Ordin.  Cartus., 

Opera,  iii.  466),  and  was  expanded  and  ib.  152-3  ;  Hist.  Litt.  ix.  237 ;  Acta  SS. 

embellished  by  many  writers.     At  one  Oct.  6,  pp.  538,  seqq. 

time  it  was  in  the  Roman  Breviary,  but  »  This  appears  from  a  letter  of  his 

it  was  expunged  at  the  revision  under  own,  in  Mabill.  Annal.  v.  202,  or  Patrol. 

Urban  VIII.  Launoy  fully  exposes  it  clii.  422. 

in  his  tract,  'De  Vera  Causa  Secessus  ''  Guibert.  Novig.  de  Vita  sua,  i.  11 

S.  Brunonis  in  Eremum'  (Opera,  vii.  (Patrol,  clvi.  853);  Hist.  Litt.  \x.  236. 

ed.  Paris,  1662,  8vo.),  where  the  various  Manasses  figures  largely  in  the  letters 

forms  of  it  are  given  ;  he  makes,  how-  of  Gregory  VII.,  by  whom  he  was  at 

ever,  the  mistake  of  saying  (90)  that  length  deposed  in  1080.     Guib.  1.  c.  ; 

the  earliest  authority  for  it  is  Gerson.  Hist.  Litt.  ix.  655  ;  Acta  SS.  Oct.  6, 

See    Mabillon,   Annal.   v.    202;    Pagi,  pp.  516,  521. 

xvii.  577;    D'Achery,  in  Patrol,   clvi.  •"  Puteanus,  31-2,41  ;  Mabill.  Annal. 

loSi  ;  Alban  Butler,   Oct.  6  ;  and.  for  v.  203. 

the  history  of  the  controversy,  Helyot,  "^  Guigo,    Vita    Hug.     Gratianopol. 

vii.  376;  SchrGckh,  xxvii.  311.     There  ii-i2  (Patrol,  cliii.). 

's  a  metrical  version  in  Monast.  Anglic. 


40  CARTHUSIAN    RULE.  Bock VI. 

to  thirteen  (or  at  the  utmost,  to  fourteen),  and  that  of  the 
lay  brethren  to  sixteen,  on  the  ground  that  the  wilderness 
could  not  support  a  larger  company  without  the  neces- 
sity of  their  being  entangled  in  the  affairs  of  this  world.® 
They  were  forbidden  to  possess  any  land,  except  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  their  monastery,  and  the  number  of 
beasts  which  they  were  allowed  to  keep  was  limited.^  The 
object  of  their  retreat  was  declared  to  be  the  salvation 
of  their  own  souls, — the  part  of  Mary,  not  that  of  Martha; 
hence  the  intrusion  of  poor  strangers  into  their  wilder- 
ness was  discouraged,  and,  although  the  monks  were  not 
absolutely  forbidden  to  relieve  such  strangers,  they  were 
charged  rather  to  spend  any  superfluities  which  they 
might  have  on  the  poor  of  their  own  neighbourhood.^ 
Their  manner  of  life  was  extremely  rigid.  They  wore 
goatskins  next  to  the  flesh,  and  their  dress  was  altogether 
of  the  coarsest  kind.'^  For  three  days  in  the  week  their 
food  was  bread  and  water ;  on  the  other  days  they  added 
pulse ;  the  highest  luxuries  of  festivals  were  cheese  and 
flsh ;  and  the  small  quantity  of  wine  allowed  by  the 
Benedictine  rule  was  never  to  be  drunk  undiluted.^  The 
only  greater  relaxation  as  to  diet  was  at  the  periodical 
bleedings,  which  took  place  five  times  in  the  year.'^  They 
confessed  every  week,'  and  underwent  a  weekly  flagella- 
tion ;  but  it  was  a  part  of  their  obedience  that  no  one 
should  impose  any  extraordinary  austerity  on  himself 
without  the  leave  of  the  prior.™  They  ordinarily  spoke 
on  Sundays  and  festivals  only ;  the  lay  brethren  alone 
were  allowed  to  relieve  their  silence  by  signs  :  and  it  was 
required  that  these  signs  should  be  of  a  "  rustic  "  cha- 
racter, without  any  "  facetiousness  or  wantonness";  that 
they  should  not  be  taught  to  strangers,  and  that  no  other 

«  Consuetudines,  27,  78-9  (ib.).  ^  Pet.  Clun.  1.  c.       '  Consiiet.  33-4. 

f  Consuetud.   xli.    i  ;   Pet.   Cluniac.  ^  C.  39.  »  C.  vii.  2. 

de  Miraculis,  ii.  28.  ■»  C.  35  ;  li.  5. 
«  Consuetud.  c.  ao. 


Chap.  VII.  CARTHUSIAN    ORDER.  41 

code  of  signals  should  be  learnt."  V/hen,  however,  any 
monks  were  employed  together  in  copying  or  binding 
books,  or  in  any  other  common  labour,  they  were  at 
liberty  to  converse  among  themselves,  although  not  with 
others.°  Each  monk  was  to  cook  for  himself  in  his  cell,? 
which  he  was  very  rarely  to  leave ;  and  in  the  cells  most 
of  the  offices  of  religion  were  to  be  performed,  except 
on  Sundays,  when  the  brethren  met  in  the  church  and  in 
the  refectory.i  If  any  present  were  sent  to  a  member 
of  the  society,  the  prior  was  not  only  authorized  (as  in 
the  Benedictine  rule  ^)  to  give  it  to  another,  but,  in  order 
to  eradicate  the  idea  of  individual  property,  it  was  even 
ordered  that  the  present  should  not  be  given  to  the  person 
for  whom  it  had  been  intended."  In  the  service  of  their 
churches  everything  was  to  be  plain  and  severe  ;  no  pro- 
cessions were  allowed,*  and  all  ornament  was  forbidden, 
with  the  exception  of  one  silver  chalice,  and  a  silver  tube 
for  drinking  the  eucharistic  wine."  Notwithstanding 
their  poverty,  Guibert  of  Nogent  found  the  Carthusians 
possessed  of  a  valuable  library ;  and  much  of  their  time 
was  devoted  to  transcription  and  other  literary  labours.'^ 
After  having  spent  six  years  at  the  Chartreuse,  Bruno 
reluctantly  complied  with  an  invitation  to  Rome  from 
Urban  II.,  who  had  formerly  been  his  pupil 
at  Reims  ■/  but  he  soon  became  weary  of  the  '  '  ^°^^" 
city,  and,  after  having  refused  the  bishoprick  of  Reggio, 
he  founded,  under  the  patronage  of  the  grand  count 
Roger,  a  second  Chartreuse  (Sto.  Stefano  del  Bosco)  in 

"  C.  xxxi.  3  ;  xlv.  mns.   Fistula  ;    Augusti,    xii.    46-52  ; 

°  C.  32.                     P  C.  33.  Rock's    'Church    of   our    Fathers,'   i. 

'1  Cc.  29,  31.     Contrary  to  the  usual  165-8. 

custom  of  celebrating  the  mass  daily,  ^  Guib.  de  Vita  sua,  i.  n,  col.  854  ; 

the  Carthusians  seem  to  have  done  so  Consuetudines,  c.  xxviii.  2-4  ;  Mabill, 

only  on  Sundays  and  festivals.     Mar-  Annal.   v.   39,    205  ;   Schrockh,   xxvii. 

tene,  Coll.  Ampl.  vi.  Prsf.  35.  315-22.     Cf  Vit.  S.  Hugonis  Lincoln. 

'  See  vol.  ii.  p.  350.  .rd.  Dimock,  i.  7,  io(Chron.andMem.). 

•  C.  59-                    *  C.  6.  y  Vita  Antiq.  15-19 ;   Putean.  44-6 

"  C.  40.     Sec  Ducange,  s.  w.  Cala-  Pagi,  xvii.  634. 


42  ROBERT    OF   ARBRISSEL.  Book  VI. 

the  diocese  of  Squillace,^  where  he  died  in  iioi.*  In 
the  meantime  the  original  foundation  had  been  carried 
on  by  his  disciples,  who,  after  having  accompanied  him 
into  Italy,  had  returned  at  his  desire,  and  re-established 
themselves  under  Landuin  as  prior.^  The  "  customs  " 
of  the  order  were  digested  into  a  written  code  by  the 
fifth  prior,  Guigo  I.,  in  1128;^  the  founder  was  canonised 
by  Leo  X.  in  1513.^ 

The  rigour  of  the  Carthusian  institutions  rendered  the 
progress  of  the  order  slow ;  yet  it  gradually  made  its  way. 
There  were  also  Carthusian  nuns;  but  the  discipline  was 
too  severe  for  the  female  sex,  and  in  the  eighteenth 
century  only  five  convents  of  women  professed  the  rule.® 
Although  the  Carthusians  became  wealthy,  and  built 
magnificent  houses  (the  Certosa  near  Pavia  being  per- 
haps the  most  splendid  monastery  in  the  world ^),  they 
preserved  themselves  from  personal  luxury  more  strictly 
than  any  other  order;  thus  they  escaped  the  satire  which 
was  profusely  lavished  on  monks  in  general,  and  they 
never  needed  a  reformation.^ 

III.  The  next  in  time  of  the  new  orders  was  founded 
by  Robert,  a  native  of  Arbrissel  or  Albresec,  near 
Rennes.^      Robert    was   born   about    1047,    and,    after 

■  Urban.  Ep.  67  (Patrol,  cli.).    It  was  Ecclesise,'  while  he  is  hard  on  the  Clu- 

dedicated  in  1094.     Mabill.  Annal.  v.  niacs,  and  especially  on  the  Cistercians, 

293,  342  ;  Acta  SS.   Oct.  6,  pp.  647,  has  nothing  but  praise  for  the  Carthu- 

geqq.  sians(iii.2o).  Cf.Joh.Euschede Reform. 

*  Mabill.  Annal.  v.  444.  Monast.  Saxonias,  in  Leibnitz,  ii.  935. 
^  Vita  Antiq.  16,  20-23;  Putean.  47-8.  Erasmus  makes  a  character  in  one  of 
*=  Patrol,    cliii.    631,  seqq.  ;    MabilL  his  Colloquies  say,  with  regard  to  the 

Acta  SS.  ix.  39  ;  Plist.  Litt.  xi.  647.  effect  of  their  austerities,  "  Mihi  vix 

•*  Schrockh,  xxvii.  318.  contigit    ullum    ingredi    monasterium 

*  Mosh.  ii.  360.  Carthusianorum,  quin  illis  offenderim 
<■  Handb.  of  North  Italy,  186,  ed.  imum    atque   alterum    aut  simpliciter 

J854.  mentecaptumautdclirantem."    Opera, 

e  Mabill.  Annal.  v.  205;  Schrockh,  i.  807.     Duchesne, however,  inhisnotes 

xxvii.   320.     See   Sigeb.  contin.  Prse-  on  Peter  of  Cluny,  De  Mirac.  ii.  28, 

monstr.  A.D.  1131  (Patrol,  clx.)  ;  Job.  notices  some  points  in  which  they  had 

Sarisb.   Polycrat.  vii.    23  (ib.  cxcix.).  degenerated. 

Giraldus  Cambrensis,  in  his '  Speculum  ^  Helyot,  vi.  85. 


Chap.  VII.  ORDER    OF    FONTEVRAUD.  43 

having  studied  at  Paris,  where  he  became  a  teacher  ot 
theology,  he  accepted  in  1086  an  invitation  to  act  as 
vicar  to  Sylvester,  bishop  of  Rennes,  a  man  of  high 
birth,  who,  although  himself  illiterate,  respected  learning 
in  others.^  Here  he  for  four  years  exerted  himself  to 
enforce  the  Hildebrandine  principles  as  to  celibacy, 
simony,  and  emancipation  of  the  church  from  lay  con- 
trol ;  but  after  his  patron's  death  he  found  it  expedient 
to  withdraw  from  the  enmity  of  the  canons,  whom  he 
had  provoked  by  his  endeavours  to  reform  them.^  For 
a  time  he  taught  theology  at  Angers,  and  in  1091  he 
withdrew  to  the  forest  of  Craon,  on  the  confines  of  Anjou 
and  Brittany,  where  he  entered  on  a  course  of  extraor- 
dinary austerity.  Disciples  and  imitators  soon  gathered 
around  him,  and  for  these,  whom  he  styled  "  the  poor  of 
Christ,''  he  founded  in  1094  a  society  on  the  principles 
of  the  canonical  life.^ 

Pope  Urban,  on  his  visit  to  France,  in  1096,  sent  for 
Robert,  and,  being  struck  with  his  eloquence,  bestowed 
on  him  the  title  of  *'  apostolical  preacher,"  with  a  charge 
to  publish  the  crusade.™  The  zeal  with  which  Robert 
executed  this  commission,  in  cities,  villages,  and  hamlets, 
was  the  means  of  sending  many  to  fight  the  battles  of 
Christendom  in  the  east ;  while  others  were  persuaded 
by  his  discourse  to  forsake  their  homes  and  attach 
themselves  to  him  as  their  master."  In  1100  he  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  great  establishment  at  Fontevraud,  in  the 
diocese  of  Poitiers — then  a  rough  tract,  overgrown  with 
thorns  and  brushwood.  His  followers  were  of  both 
sexes  ;  the  men  were  committed  to  two  of  his  chief 
disciples,  while  he  himself  especially  took  care  of  the 
women.®     From  time  to  time  he  left  Fontevraud  for  the 

'  Baldric.    Dol.    Vita    Roberti,   ap.  >  Helyot,  vi.  87 ;  Bayle,  art.  Fonte- 

Bouquet,  xiv.   163  ;    Mabillon,  Annal.  vraud,  t.  vi.  p.  503. 

V.  314;  Hist.  Litt.  X.  153.  '"  Vita,  164. 

^  Vita  p.  164.  ■>  Schrockh,  xxvii.  331.       <>  lb.  333, 


44  ROBERT   OF   ARBRISSEL.  Book  VI. 

labours  of  his  office  as  apostolical  preacher,  which  gave 
him  opportunities  of  making  his  institutions  known,  and 
of  founding  similar  communities  in  various  parts  of 
France.  His  preaching  was  addressed  with  great  effect 
to  unhappy  women  who  had  fallen  from  virtue ;  among 
his  converts  was  the  notorious  queen  Bertrada,  whom 
he  persuaded,  after  the  death  of  Philip,  to  live  for  a  time 
at  Fontevraud  under  the  severe  disciphne  of  his  com- 
munity.P  He  had  three  nunneries — one  for  virgins  and 
widows,  one  for  the  sick  and  lepers,  and  the  third  for 
women  whom  he  had  reclaimed  from  a  life  of  sin.  The 
rule  was  very  strict;  the  female  recluses  were  not 
allowed  to  speak  except  in  the  chapter-house,  because,  it 
is  said,  Robert  knew  that  they  could  not  be  restrained 
from  idle  talk  except  by  an  entire  prohibition  of  speech. 'i 
But  it  was  rumoured  that  Robert  laid  himself  open  to 
scandal  by  reviving  a  kind  of  fanaticism  which  had  been 
practised  in  the  early  African  church.'"  Godfrey  of 
Vendome  remonstrates  with  him  on  this  subject,  anrl 
mentions  that  he  was  charged  also  with  partiality  in  his 
behaviour  towards  his  female  disciples — treating  some 
with  indulgence,  while  to  others  he  was  harsh  in  language, 
and  mercilessly  subjected  them  to  cold,  liunger,  and 
nakedness.     Marbod,    bishop   of  Rennes,   likewise  ad- 

P  Bayle,  1.  c.  note  F.  ;  Hist  Litt.  x.  Bayle,  notes  G,  L,  O,  P ;  Schrockh, 

164.  xxvii.  338  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  300.     In  any 

1  Regula  Sanctimon.,  Patrol,  clxii.  case,  the  indignation  which   some  of 

1079  :  W.  Malmesb.  673.  Robert's  advocates  affect  as  to  the  let- 

'  "  Foeminarumquasdam,  utdicitur,  ter  is  altogether  needless.     For  it  is  not 

nimis  familiariter  tecum  habitare  per-  immorality  but  indiscretion  that  God- 

mittis,  et  cum  ipsis  etiam,  et  inter  ipsns,  frey  imputes  ;  he  mentions  the  charges 

noctu   frequenter  cubare  non   erubes-  merely  as  matter  of  hearsay,  and  he 

ds,"  etc.     (Godefr.  Vindocin.  ad   Ro-  is  known  to  have  afterwards  treated 

berlum,    Ep.   iv.   47,   Bibl.  Patr.  xxi.  Robert  with  great  respect  (Hist.  Litt. 

49.)    The  genuineness  of  this  letter  has  x.    162;   xi.    190).     Mabillon  supposes 

been  questioned  (as  by  the  Bollandists,  that  both  Godfrey  and  Marbod  wrote 

Feb.  25,  pp.  606-8),  but  is  established  between   the  foundation  and   the  full 

by  Mabillon  (Anna!,  v.  424)  and  Pagi  establishment   of  Fontevraud.  Annal. 

(xvili.  294).     See  Nat.  Alex.  xiv.  23  ;  v.  424-5. 


Chap.  VII.  ORDER    OF    FONTEVRAUD.  45 

dressed  to  him  a  letter  of  admonition — censuring  him  for 
the  affectations  which  he  practised  for  the  sake  of  influ- 
ence over  the  simple,  but  which,  in  the  bishop's  opinion, 
were  more  likely  to  make  his  sanity  suspected — the  long 
beard,  the  naked  feet,  the  old  and  tattered  garments  ;  and 
telling  him  that,  by  attacking  the  clergy  in  his  sermons, 
he  excited  the  people  to  the  sin  of  despising  their  pastors. ^ 
It  appears  also  that  Roscellin  (whose  peculiar  opinions 
will  hereafter  engage  our  attention)  attacked  Robert  for 
receiving  into  his  society  women  who  had  fled  from 
their  husbands,  and  for  detaining  them  in  defiance  of 
the  Dishop  of  Angers.' 

The  institute  of  Fontevraud  was  confirmed  by  Paschal 
II.  in  1 106,  and  again  in  1113."  Robert,  finding  his 
strength  decay,  in  it  15  committed  the  superintendence 
of  his  whole  order — men  as  well  as  women — to  a  female 
superior — an  extraordinary  arrangement,  for  which  he 
alleged  the  precedent  tliat  the  Saviour  on  the  cross 
commended  St.  John  to  the  care  of  the  blessed  Virgin 
as  his  mother.^  At  the  founder's  death,  in  11 17,  the 
number  of  nuns  at  Fontevraud  already  amounted  to 
3,000  ;  and  soon  after  it  was  between  4,000  and  5,ooo.y 
The  order  spread,  so  that  it  had  establishments  in  Spain 
and  in  England,  as  well  as  in  France,^  and  some  smaller 


■  Marbod,  Ep.  6,  ap.  Hildebert.  ed.  (Annal.  v.  423).     But  there  is  the  evi- 

Beaugendre,  Paris,  1708,  pp.   1404-10.  dence  of  Abelard  (Ep.  i.  14,  fin.,  Patrol. 

The  editor,  without  apparent  ground,  clxxviii.)  for  it,  immediately  after  Ro- 

doubts  whether  it  was  addressed   to  bert's  time  (although  the  reference  to 

Robert.     See  Hist.  Litt.  x.  556.  Fontevraud  appears  somewhat  indis- 

*  Roscell.    ap.    Abselard.    Ep.     15,  tinct),  and  the  order  continued  to  be 

Patrol,  clxxviii.    361.  Cf.  Abzel.     Ep.  governed  by  women.     See  Eugen.  III. 

14.  Ep.    364  (ib.    clxxx.);   Hist.    Litt.    x. 

"  Eayle,  vi.  504.  163-4  ;    Helyot,   vi.    93-4  ;    SchrocLh, 

^  Vita   Altera,    5-9   (Patrol,    clxii.) ;  xxvii.  334-5. 

Bayle,  1.  c.    Bysome  writers  the  female  y  Mabill.  Annal.  vi.  17.     See  Suger. 

headship  has  been  defended  with  argu-  Ep.  88  (Patrol,    clxxxvi.) ;   Pet.   Cell 

ments  which,  as  reported  by  Bayle  and  Ep.  i.  4  (ib.  ccii.). 

Schrockh,  appear  nowise  happy.     On  *  Schrockh,  xxvii.  340. 
the  other  hand,  Mabillon  denies  the  fact 


46  ROBERT    OF    MOLESME.  Book  VI. 

orders,  as  those  of  Tiron   and    Savigny,  branched    oft 
from  it.^ 

IV.  Of  the  orders  which  had  their  origin  about  this 
time  the  most  widely  extended  and  most  powerful  was 
the  Cistercian.  The  founder,  Robert,  was  son  of  a 
nobleman  in  Champagne,  and  entered  a  monastery  at 
fifteen.^  After  having  lived  in  several  religious  houses 
without  finding  any  one  sufficiently  strict  for  his  idea  of 
the  monastic  profession,  he  became  the  head  of  a  society 
at  Molesme,  in  the  diocese  of  Langres.  They  were  at 
first  excessively  poor,  and  underwent  great  privations ; 
but  the  sight  of  their  rigid  life  soon  drew  to  them 
a  profusion  of  gifts,  which  led  to  a  relaxation  of  their 
discipline,  and  Robert,  after  having  in  vain  remonstrated, 
left  them  in  indignation.  In  compliance  with  their 
urgent  requests  he  consented  to  return  ;  but  he  soon 
had  the  mortification  of  discovering  that  their  invitation 
had  been  prompted  by  no  better  motive  than  a  wish  to 
recover  the  popular  esteem  and  bounty  which  had  been 
withdrawn  from  them  in  consequence  of  his  departure.*' 
Discords  arose  on  the  subject  of  dispensations  from  the 
Benedictine  rule  ;  and  in  1098,  Robert,  with  the  sanction 
of  the  legate  Hugh  of  Lyons,  withdrew  with  twenty 
companions  to  Cistercium  or  Citeaux,  a  lonely  and 
uncultivated  place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dijon. ^ 
The  duke  of  Burgundy  bestowed  on  the  infant  com- 
munity a  site  for  buildings,  with  land  for  tillage,  and 
contributed  to  its  support.  In  the  following  year,  Robert 
was   once   more  desired  to  return  to   Molesme  by  the 

*  See  Martene,  Coll.  Arnpl.vi.  Prscf.  (ib.  civ.  1167):    "  Relatio  qualiter  in- 

"  Vita  (by  a  monk  of  Molesme  in  ccpit  ordo  Cisterciensis,"  in  Monast. 

tbe  i2th  century),  2-3  (Patrol,  clvii.) ;  Anglic,    v.    221:    W.    Malmesb.    513; 

Hist.  Litt.  X.  2.  Mabill.  Annal.  v  394  ;  Maitland,  'Dark 

«  Vita,   8-9 ;   Order.  Vital,    iv.    435-  Ages,'  352,  seqq.     Gir.ddus  Cambren- 

41  ;  Mabill.  Ann.  v.  93-4.  sis  gives  a  different  account.       Spec. 

<*  Exord.  jMagnum,  Patrol.  cl.\x.\v.  ;  F.ccL  ii.  34. 
Hugo  Lugd.  Ep.  22 (ib.  clvii.);  Notilia 


Chap.  VII.  CISTERCIAN    ORDER.  47 

authority  of  Urban  II.,  on  the  representation  of  the 
monks  that  their  society  had  fallen  into  disorder  and 
that  they  were  persecuted  by  their  neighbours;*^  and  he 
continued  to  govern  his  earlier  foundation  until  his 
death,  in  inc.* 

His  successor  at  Citeaux,  Alberic,  laid  down  the  rule 
for  the  new  order,s  and  it  was  afterwards  carried  out  with 
greater  rigour  by  the  third  abbot,  Stephen  Harding,^  an 
Englishman  and  one  of  Robert's  original  companions, 
whose  code,  entitled  the  "  Charter  of  Love,"  was  sanc- 
tioned by  pope  Calixtus  in  1119.^  The  Cistercians  were 
to  observe  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  without  any  glosses 
or  relaxations.^  Their  dress  was  to  be  white,  agreeably 
to  a  pattern  which  the  blessed  Virgin  had  shown  to 
Alberic  in  a  vision.^  They  were  to  accept  no  gifts  of 
churches,  altars,  or  tithes,"^  and  were  to  refrain  from 
intermeddling  with  the  pastoral  office."  From  the  ides 
of  September  to  Easter,  they  were  to  eat  but  one  meal 
daily.°  Their  monasteries,  which  were  all  to  be  dedicated 
to  the  blessed  Virgin,P  were  to  be  planted  in  lonely 
places;^  they  were  to  eschew  all  pomp,  pride,  and 
superfluity ;  their  services  were  to  be  simple  and  plain, 

«  Urban.  II.  Ep.  21,  ap.  Hard.  vi.  ;  seqq.;  ActaSS.Apr.  17;  Mabill.  Annal. 

Hugo,  Ep.  23.  William  of  Malmesbury  vi.   35;    Life   of  Stephen,    158-6X,   in 

says  that  the  monks  of  Molesme  re-  'Lives   of   EngHsh    Saints,'    London, 

called  Robert  because  they  knew  him  1844.     The  'Carta  Caritatis'  relates  to 

to  be  tired  of  the  strictness  of  Citeaux  c^rganization  ;    in    other    matters    the 

(515).     But  this   story   is   rejected  as  order  was  governed  by  the  '  Usus  Anti- 

a  calumny.     Mabill.   Annal.    v.    405 ;  quiores,'   of  which   the   date  and  the 

Schruckh,  xxvii.  253.  authorship  are  unknown.     Both  docu- 

^  Vita,  11-12  ;  Order.  Vital,  iii.  442  ;  ments  are  in  Patrol,  clxvl. 

Mabill.  Annal.  v.  395,  404,  546  ;   Mo-  ^  Carta  Carit.  i. 

nast.  Angl.  v.  222.  '  Vita  Alber.  c.  2,  Acta  SS.  Jan.  26 : 

s  Exordium  Cisterc.  (Patrol,  clvi.  9).  Mabill.  Annal.  v.  531. 

•>  It  would  seem   that  his  original  ™  Exord.  15. 

name  was   Harding,  that  of  Stephen  "  See  extracts  from  the  statutes  of 

having  been    assumed    at    Molesme.  their  chapters,  in  Giesel.  II.  ii.  311. 

Joh.  Petrib.  ap.  Sparke,  57.  "  Order.  Vital,  iii.  445. 

'  Calixt.  Ep.  2,  ap.  Hard.  vi.  1949;  ^  Instituta,  c.  18  (Patrol,  clx.xxi.). 

W.  Malmesb.  516  ;  Hist.  Litt.  xi.  213,  1  Exord.  15. 


48  CISTERCIAN    RULE.  Book  VI. 

and  all  vocal  artifices  were  forbidden  in  their  chanting ;» 
some  of  the  ecclesiastical  vestments  were  discarded,  and 
those  which  were  retained  were  to  be  of  fustian  or  linen, 
without  any  golden  ornaments.  They  were  to  have  only 
one  iron  chandelier  ;  their  censers  were  to  be  of  brass  or 
iron;  no  plate  was  allowed,  except  one  chalice  and  a 
tube  for  the  eucharistic  wine,  and  these  were,  if  possible, 
to  be  of  silver  gilt,  but  not  of  gold.^  Paintings,  sculp- 
ture, and  stained  glass  were  prohibited,  as  being  likely  to 
distract  the  mind  from  spiritual  meditation ;  the  only 
exception  as  to  such  things  was  in  favour  of  painted 
wooden  crosses.^  The  monks  were  to  give  themselves 
wholly  to  spiritual  employments,  while  the  secular  affairs 
of  the  community  were  to  be  managed  by  the  "bearded" 
or  lay  brethren.  No  serfs  were  allowed,  but  hired  ser- 
vants were  employed  to  assist  in  labour."  In  the  simpli- 
city of  their  church-services  and  furniture  the  Cistercians 
differed  from  the  Cluniacs,  whose  ritual  was  distinguished 
for  its  splendour ;  the  elder  order  regarded  the  principle 
of  the  younger  as  a  reproach  against  itself,  and  a  rivalry 
soon  sprang  up  between  them.^  The  white  dress,  which, 
although  already  adopted  at  Camaldoli,  was  a  novelty 
in  France,  gave  offence  to  the  other  monastic  societies, 
which  had  worn  black  habits  as  a  symbol  of  humility 
and  regarded  the  new  colour  as  a  pretension  to  superior 
righteousness ;  but  the  Cistercians  defended  it  as  expres- 
sive of  the  joy  which  became  the  angelic  life  of  the 
cloister.y 

In  1 113  the  order  of  Citeaux  received  the  member 
from  whose  reputation  it  was  to  derive  its  greatest  lustre 

'105111013,71.  349  ;  Maitland, 'Dark  Ages,' 358.    See 

'  Exord.  17.  *  Instit.  20,  81.  hereafter,  ch.  xiii.  ii.  2. 

"  Exord.  15;  Monast.Angl.  V.  222-5;  *'  Order.  Vital,  iii.  434-5  ;  Pet.  Clu- 

Mabill.  Annal.  V.  431 ;  Schrockh,  x.xvii.  niac.  Ep.  i.  28  (Patrol,  clx.xxix.  n6); 

254-5.  Mabill.  Annal.  v.  531  ;  Life  of  Stephen 

-■'  Helyot,  iv.  349  ;  Scliruckh,  xxvii.  Harding,  55. 


Chap,  VII.  CISTERCIAN    ORDER.  4O 

and  popularity — St.  Bernard.^  The  same  year  saw  the 
foundation  of  La  Ferte',  the  eldest  daughter  society; 
Pontigny  followed  in  in 4,  Clairvaux  (of  which  the 
young  Bernard  was  the  first  abbot)  and  Morimond  in 
1115.^  The  rule  of  the  Cistercians  was  approved  by  the 
bishops  in  whose  dioceses  these  monasteries  were  situ- 
ated; and  Stephen  Harding  required  that,  before  the 
foundation  of  any  monastery,  the  bishop  of  the  place 
should  signify  his  assent  to  the  rule,  so  that  no  difficulty 
might  afterwards  arise  from  a  conflict  between  the  duties 
of  the  monks  towards  their  order  and  that  obedience  to 
episcopal  authority  which  was  an  essential  part  of  the 
system.^  While  the  government  of  the  Cluniacs  was 
monarchical,  that  of  the  Cistercians  was  aristocratic ; 
the  four  chief  *'  daughters  '' — those  which  have  just  been 
named — were  allowed  a  large  influence  in  the  affairs  of 
the  order;  their  abbots  took  the  lead  in  electing  the 
abbot  of  Citeaux,^  who  was  subject  to  their  visitation 
and  correction. <i  But  the  most  remarkable  feature  in 
the  system  was  that  of  the  annual  general  chapters,  the 
first  of  which  was  held  in  1116.^  For  these  meetings 
every  abbot  of  the  order  was  required  to  appear  at 
Citeaux,  unless  prevented  by  illness,  in  which  case 
he  was  represented  by  a  deputy.  From  the  nearer 
countries,  the  attendance  was  to  be  every  year;  from 
the  more  remote,  it  was,  according  to  their  distance, 
to  be  once  in  three,  four,  five,  or  seven  years. ^  Such 
meetings  had  been  held  occasionally  in  other  orders,  as 
in  that  of  Grammont ;  but  it  was  among  the  Cistercians 

*  See  the  next  chapter.  Giesel.  II,  ii.  311. 

*  In  1.3.11X1  Firmitas  (a  fortification),  ^  Carta  Car,  4-1 1,  19,  27-30  ;  Caesar, 
Ducange,  s,  v.                                                   Heisterb,  i.  i ;  Mabill.  Annal.  v.  595  ; 

''  Mabill.  Annal.  v,  587,  594,  603-5.  Helyot,  v.  251, 

<=  See  Calixt.  II.  Ep.  2  (Hard,  vi.)  ;  •  Mabill,  Annal.  v.  617. 

Eugen.  Ill,  Ep,  521  (Patrol,  clxxx.);  f  Carta  Car,  12-16;  Mart,  DeAntiq. 

Prolog,  in  Cart.  Caritat.  ib,  clxvi.  1377;  Eccl,  Rit.  iv.  172, 

VOL.    V.  4 


50  AUGUSTINIAN    CANONS.  Rook  VI. 

that  they  were  for  the  first  time  organized  as  a  part  of 
the  regular  government,  and  from  them  they  were  copied 
by  the  Carthusians  and  otliers.  The  effect  of  this 
arrangement  was  found  to  be  beneficial,  not  only  in 
securing  a  general  superintendence  of  the  community, 
but  as  a  means  of  preventing  jealousies  by  allowing  the 
aftiliated  societies  a  share  in  the  administration  of  the 
whole.  ^ 

After  having  thrown  out  its  first  swarms,  the  Cistercian 
order  rapidly  increased.  At  the  general  chapter  in  1151 
it  numbered  upwards  of  500  monasteries,  and  it  was 
resolved  that  no  further  additions  should  be  admitted.^ 
But  in  the  following  century  the  number  had  advanced 
to  1800,  and  eventually  it  was  much  greater.^  The 
Cistercians  grew  rich,  and  reforms  became  necessary 
among  them ;  but  until  the  rise  of  the  mendicant  orders, 
they  were  the  most  popular  of  all  the  monastic  societies. 

V.  The  canonical  life  had  fallen  into  great  decay. 
Nicolas  II.,  in  the  council  of  1059,  attempted  a  reforma- 
tion, by  which  canons  were  to  have  a  common  table 
and  a  common  dormitory,  and,  although  they  were  not 
required  to  sacrifice  their  private  property,  were  enjoined 
to  hold  their  official  revenues  in  common.^  But  a  new 
system,  which  resembled  that  of  monasticism  in  the 
renunciation  of  all  individual  property,  was  also  intro- 
duced during  the  eleventh  century,  the  first  example  of 
it  having  apparently  been  given  by  some  clergy  of 
Avignon,  who  in  1038  established  themselves  at  the 
church  of  St.  Rufus.^  The  canons  of  this  system  were 
styled  regular,  and  took  their  name  from  St.  Augustine, 

8  Planck,  IV.  ii.  515-17.     The  want  much  information  as  to  the  order. 

of  such  an  institution  among  the  Clu-  ''  Rob.  de  Monte,  in  Patrol,  clx.  472. 

niacs  is  deplored  by  Herbord,  one  of  '  Schrockh,  xxvii.  259. 

the  biographers  of  St.  Otho  of  Bamberg  ''   Epp.     7-9    (Patrol,    cxliii.).     See 

(Pertz,  xii.  764).     In  Martene's  '  The-  Mosh.  ii.  361. 

saurus,'  vol.  iv.,   are  the  statutes  of  ^  Martene,  Coll.  Ampliss.  vi.  Praef 

many  Cistercian  chapters,  which  give  p.  vii. 


Chap.  VII.  NOR  BERT. 


51 


who  had  instituted  a  similar  mode  of  hfe  among  his 
clergy,  and  from  whose  writings  their  rule  was  compiled.™ 

In  the  twelfth  century  a  new  order  of  canons  was 
founded  by  Norbert,  who  was  born  of  a  noble  family  at 
Xanten,  on  the  lower  Rhine,  about  1080."  In  early 
life  he  obtained  canonries  both  at  his  native  place  and 
at  Cologne.  He  attached  himself  to  the  court  of  Henry 
v.,  with  whom  he  enjoyed  great  favour,  and  his  life  was 
that  of  a  courtly  ecclesiastic,  devoted  to  the  enjoyments 
of  the  world,  and  altogether  careless  of  his  spiritual  duties. 
In  1 1 1 1  he  accompanied  the  emperor  to  Italy,  where  the 
first  impulse  to  a  change  was  given  by  his  horror  at  the 
outrages  and  imprisonment  to  which  the  pope  was  sub- 
jected. A  scruple  as  to  investiture  led  him  soon  after 
to  refuse  the  see  of  Cambray ;  °  and  his  conversion  was 
completed  by  a  thunder-storm,  in  which  he  appears  to 
have  been  thrown  from  his  horse,  which  was  startled  by  a 
flash  of  lightning,  and  to  have  been  rendered  for  a  time 
insensible ;  while  the  voice  which  he  is  said  to  have  heard 
from  heaven,  and  other  circumstances  more  closely  assi- 
milating his  case  to  that  of  St.  Paul,  may  be  ascribed 
either  to  his  imagination  or  to  invention.? 

After  this  Norbert  withdrew  for  a  time  to  a  monas- 
tery ;  and,  as  he  was  yet  only  a  subdeacon, 
he  presented  himself  before  the  archbishop 
of  Cologne,  with  a  request  that  the  orders  of  deacon  and 
priest  might  be  conferred  on  him  in  one  day.  The  arch- 
bishop, finding  that  this  request  proceeded  from  an  excess 
of  zeal,  consented  to  dispense  with  the  canons  which 
forbade  such  ordinations ;  and  Norbert,  exchanging  his 
gay  dress  for  a  rough  sheepskin,  girt  around  him  with  a 

"'  See  Nat.  Alex.  xiii.  340,  seqq. ;  "  Hermann.  Tornac.  de  Restaur.  S. 

Schrockh,  xxvii.  223-5.  Martini,  85  (Patuol.  clxxx)  ;  Vita,  6. 

^  Vita,  I,  ap.  Pertz,  xii.  See  Brockie,  P  Vita,    i  ;     Schrockh,    xxvii.    346 

iv.  220-1  ;  Murat.  Antiq.  v.  256  ;  Hel-  Neand.  vii.  339. 
yot,  ii.  67  ;  Acta  SS.  Jun.  6. 


52  NORBERT.  BookVL 

cord,  set  out  on  the  career  of  a  preacher  and  a  reformer.*! 
His  appearance  in  this  character  displeased  his  brethren, 
and,  at  a  council  held  by  the  legate  Conon  at  Fritzlar  in 
1118,  some  of  them  charged  him  with  turbulence,  as- 
sumption, and  eccentricities  unbecoming  both  his  birth 
and  his  ecclesiastical  station/  As  the  attempt  to  do 
good  in  his  own  country  seemed  hopeless,  he  resigned 
his  benefices,  sold  all  that  he  possessed,  gave  away  the 
price,  and  went  forth  with  two  brethren  to  preach  the 
gospel  in  apostolical  poverty.^  At  St.  Giles,  in 
Provence,  he  became  known  to  pope  Gelasius, 
who  wished  to  retain  him  in  his  company ;  but  Norbert 
was  bent  on  continuing  his  labours,  and  obtained  from 
the  pope  a  licence  to  preach  wheresoever  he  would. ^  He 
made  his  way  through  France,  barefooted  and  thinly  clad, 
disregarding  the  roughness  of  the  ways,  the  rain,  the  ice 
and  the  snow.  At  Valenciennes,  finding  that  his  know- 
ledge of  French  was  insufficient  for  preaching,  while  the 
people  could  not  understand  his  German,  he  prayed  for 
the  gift  of  tongues,  and  we  are  told  that  his  prayer 
was  heard."  At  Cambray,  the  city  of  which  he  had 
refused  to  be  bishop,  he  fell  dangerously  ill,  and  his  two 
original  companions,  with  a  third  who  had  joined  him 
at  Orleans,  died ;  but  he  found  a  new  associate  in  the 
bishop's  chaplain,  Hugh.-''  The  effect  of  his  preaching 
was  heightened  by  miracles,  and  wherever  he  appeared 
he  was  received  with  veneration.y 

In  company  with  Hugh,  Norbert  repaired  to  the  council 
of  Reims,  with  a  view  of  soHciting  from  Calixtus  a  renewal 

<»  Vita,  2  ;  Schrockh,  xxvii.  349.  Pertz,  xii.  666,  by  whom  the  original 

"  Vita,  4.                                *  lb.  Life  has  been  published  for  the  first 

'  Hermann.  Tornac.  de  MiraculisS.  time. 

Mariae   Laudunensis,    iii.   2.     (Patrol.  ?  Vita,  6-8  ;  Herm.  iii.  8.     The  Pre- 

clvi.)  monstratensian  continuer  of  Sigebert 

"  Vita  Posterior,  ap.  Pertz,  xii.  674.  places   the   death  of   Norbert's    com- 

^  That   it   is  a  mistake   to   ascribe  panions  and  Hugh's  adhesion  after  the 

the  /ater  Life  of  Norbert  to  Hugh,  see  council  of  Reims.     Pertz,  vi.  448. 


Chap.  VII.  PREMONSTRATENSIAN   ORDER.  53 

of  the  general  licence  to  preach  which  had  been  bestowed 

on  him  by  Gelasius.      On   account  of  their 

.  11  A.D.  1119. 

mean    appearance,    they    were    unable     to 

obtain  an  audience  of  the   pope ;  and  they  left  the  city 

in  despair.     But  on  the  road  they  met  with  Bartholomew, 

bishop  of  Laon,  who  persuaded  them  to  return  with  him 

to  Reims,  and  not  only  obtained  for  them  the  licence 

which  they  sought,  but,  by  the  pope's  permission,  carried 

them  with  him  to  Laon,  with  a  view  of  employing  them 

in  a  reform  of  his  canons.     Norbert,  however,  found  the 

task  of  reform  beyond  his  power  ;^  he  refused  an  abbac)- 

in  the  city  of  Laon,  but,  at  Bartholomew's  entreaty,  he 

consented  to  remain  within  the  diocese  ;  and,  after  having 

been  conducted  by  the  bishop  from  one  spot  to  another, 

with  a  view  of  fixing  on  a  site,  he  at  length   chose  Pre- 

montre',  a  secluded  and  marshy  valley  in   the  forest  of 

Coucy,  from  which  his  order  took   the  name  of  Frenwn- 

stratensian.     A  little  chapel  was  already  built  there,  and 

Norbert,   on  passing  a  night  in  it,  had  a  vision  of  the 

blessed  Virgin,  who  showed  him  a  white  vv'oollen  garment, 

as  a  pattern  of  the  dress  which  his  order  was  to  assume.'' 

Having  chosen  a  situation,  Norbert  went  forth  in  the 

beginning  of  Lent  to  gather  companions,  and  by  Easter 

he  returned  to  Premontrewith  thirteen,^  whose  number  was 

'  Herm.    iii.    2-3  ,    Robert.    Autis-  271  ;  Mabill.  Annal.   vi.   48  ;   Helyot. 

siodor.  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.  291.  ii    156-7.     For  charters  relating  to  Pre- 

"  Biblioth.  Prsemonstr.  pp.  16-18,  ed.  montre,  see  Patrol,  clxx.  1359-64.     The 

Le  Paige,  Paris,  1633  ;  Herm.  iii.  3  ;  original  site  was  soon  after  exchanged 

Bouquet,  xii.   271,  291  ;  Alberic.  III.  for  one  on  au  adjoining  hill,  which  had 

Font.   ib.  xiii.  694;   Monast.   Anglic.  been  bestowed  by  a  hermit  named  Guy 

vi.    858-63.     There  is  a  contest  as  to  on  St.  Bernard,  and  bj'  him  was  given 

the    derivation   of    PrcE7nonstratit.7n.  up   to   the   Premoustratensians.      Sec 

Some  derive  it  from  the  vision  in  which  Bern.   Ep.   253   (Patrol,  clxxxii.)  and 

the  blessed  Virginyt'r^^/z^w^^/ the  spot ;  the  Bollandist  Acta  S.  Bern.  c.  ix.  (ib. 

but  it  would  seem  that  the  name  was  clxxxv.).      There  is   a   long  mystical 

before  given  to  some  place  in  the  im-  commentary, 'DeordineethabituPra> 

mediate  neighbourhood,  if  not  to  the  monstratensium,'  by  Adamus  Scotus 

very  site  of  Norbert's  monastery.    See  in  Patrol,  cxcviii. 

the  Life,  9,  p.  679  ;  Bibl.  Praem.  14-15  ;  ^  Sigeb.    Contin.    Praem.   ap.  Pertz, 

Monast.  Angl.  vi.  86o-i  :  Bouquet,  xii.  vi.  448. 


54  PREMONSTRATENSIAN   ORDER.  Book  VI. 

speedily  increased.     For  a  time,  like  Anthony  and  Bene- 
dict, he  was  much  vexed  by  the  devices  of  the 
A.D.  II20.      ,      '       ,         ,  .         .         .       , 

devil ;  but  he  was  victorious  m  the  contest.*^ 

Thus  we  are  told  that  once,  when  the  enemy  was  rushing 
on  him  in  the  shape  of  a  bear,  he  compelled  him  to 
vanish  ',^  and  that  by  a  like  power  he  obliged  the  wolves 
of  the  neighbourhood  to  perform  the  duty  of  sheepdogs.^ 
In  the  rule  of  the  Premonstratensians  the  rigid  life 
of  monks  was  combined  with  the  practical  duties  of  the 
clerical  office.^  The  Cistercian  system  of  annual  chapters 
was  adopted,  and  the  three  houses  of  the  order  which 
ranked  next  in  dignity  after  Premontre  were  invested 
with  privileges  resembling  those  enjoyed  by  the  four 
"  chief  daughters "  of  Citeaux.s  The  order  was  not 
allowed  to  possess  tolls,  taxes,  or  serfs ;  and  the  members 
were  specially  forbidden  to  keep  any  animals  of  the 
more  curious  kinds — such  as  deers,  bears,  monkeys, 
peacocks,  swans,  or  hawks  .^  The  new  establishment  met 
with  favour  and  liberal  patronage,  and  Norbert  founded 
other  monasteries  on  the  same  model  in  various  parts  of 
France  and  Germany.  Theobald,  count  of  Champagne, 
was  desirous  to  enter  into  the  society  of  Premontre ; 
but  the  founder  told  him  that  it  was  God's  will  that  he 
should  continue  in  his  life  of  piety  and  beneficence  as 
a  layman,  and  that  he  should  marry  in  the  hope  of  raising 
offspring  to  inherit  his  territories.^  The  fame  of  Norbert 
was  increased  by  the  victory  which  he  gained  in  1124 

<=  Vita,  9,  13-14.                   ^  lb.  17.  diendum."    Innoc.      III.    1.     c.      col, 

®  Vita  Poster,  ap.  Pertz,  xii.  692.  302,  A. 

f  Schrockh,  xxvii.  356.  '  Vita,    15.    p.    688.       Theobald  is 

E  Institut.  Prasm.  iv.  i,  8.  ap.  Mar-  styled  by  Robert  of  Auxerre  "pater 

tene,  De  Ant.  Eccl.  Rit.  iii.  334 ;  Innoc.  orphanorum  et  judex  viduarum,  czeco- 

III.  Ep.  i.  331.     (Patrol,  ccxiv.).  rum  oculus,  pes  claudorum,  in  susten- 

h  Institut.   iv.    16.     It  would   seem  tandis  pauperibus   singulariter  muni- 

that  they  attempted  to  evade  this  rule  ficus,  in  extruendis  coenobiis  et  erga 

by  pretending  that  beasts  or  birds  of  religiosos  quosque  incomparabili  largi- 

the  forbidden  kinds  had  been  entrusted  tate  "  (Chron,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.   293). 

to  them   "ad  nutriendum  sive  custo-  He  was  a  great  friend  of  St.  Bernard. 


Ckaf.  VII.         NORBERT  AT  MAGDEBURG.  55 

over  the  followers  of  a  fanatic  of  Antwerp  named  Tan- 
chelm,  whose  system  appears  to  have  been  a  mixture  ot 
impiety  and  immoraUty;'^  and  in  1126  the  discipline  and 
the  possessions  of  the  Premonstratensians  were  confirmed 
by  Honorius  11.^ 

In  the  same  year,  Count  Theobald  married  a  German 
princess.  Norbert  was  invited  to  the  nuptials,  and  had 
proceeded  as  far  as  Spires,  where  the  emperor  Lothair 
III.  and  two  papal  legates  happened  to  be.  The  clergy 
of  Magdeburg,  being  unable  to  agree  in  the  choice  of  an 
archbishop,  had  resolved  to  be  guided  by  the  advice  of 
these  legates ;  and  on  Norbert's  entering  a  church  where 
their  deputies  were  in  conference  with  the  representatives 
of  Rome,  his  appearance  was  hailed  as  providential,  and 
the  legates  recommended  him  for  the  vacant  dignity. 
The  emperor,  who  had  been  struck  by  his  preaching, 
confirmed  the  choice,  and  it  was  in  vain  that  Norbert 
endeavoured  to  escape  by  pleading  that  he  was  unfit  for 
the  office,  and  that  he  was  involved  in  other  engage- 
ments.°^  At  Magdeburg  he  was  received  with  great 
pomp ;  but  he  had  altered  nothing  in  his  habits,  and 
when  he  appeared  last  in  the  procession,  barefooted  and 
meanly  dressed,  the  porter  of  the  archiepiscopal  palace 
was  about  to  shut  him  out  as  a  beggar.  On  discovering 
the  mistake,  the  man  was  filled  with  dismay;  but  Norbert 
told  him  that  he  had  understood  his  unfitness  better 
than  those  who  had  forced  him  to  accept  the  see."  As 
archbishop,  Norbert  took  an  active  part  in  the  affairs 
of  the  church.  Notwithstanding  much  opposition,  he 
estabhshed  a  college  of  Premonstratensians  instead  of 
the  dissolute  canons  of  St.  Mary  at  Magdeburg.°     In 

•^  Vita,  16.     See  hereafter,  ch.  xii.  Lothair  was,  strictly  speaking,  not  yet 

'  Ep.  37  (Patrol,  clxvi.).  emperor,  as  he  had  not  been  crowned 

"'  Herm.    iii.   9,      There    are  other  at  Rome.  *•  Vita,  18. 

versions  of  the  story.      (Vita,  17-18  ;  «  lb.  ;    Honor.    II.  Ep.  99  (Patrol 

Hist.  Litt.  xi.  247  :  see  Luden,  x.  30.)  clxvi,). 


56  CANONS   OF   ST.    ANTONY. 


Book  VI. 


1129  he  resigned  the  headship  of  his  order  to  his  old 
companion  Hugh ;  and,  on  revisiting  Premontre  two 
years  later,  in  company  with  pope  Innocent  IL,  he  had 
the  satisfaction  of  finding  that  his  rule  was  faithfully 
observed  by  a  brotherhood  of  about  500.P 

Norbert  died  in  1134.'!  The  Premonstratensians 
spread  widely  ;  even  in  the  founder's  lifetime  they  had 
houses  in  Syria  and  Palestine  ', ""  and  the  order  was 
divided  into  thirty  provinces,  each  of  which  was  under 
a  superintendent,  styled  circator.^  They  long  kept  up 
their  severity ;  but  in  the  course  of  years  their  discipline 
was  impaired  by  wealth,  and  the  order  has  become 
extinct  even  in  some  countries  of  the  Roman  com- 
munion where  it  was  once  established.'  The  founder 
was  canonized  by  Gregory  XIII.  in  1582." 

VI.  Some  orders  were  established  for  the  performance 
of  special  acts  of  charity,  as  the  canons  of  St.  Antony, 
founded  in  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century  by  Gaston,  a 
nobleman  of  Dauphiny,  in  thankfulness  for  his  recovery 
from  the  pestilence  called  St.  Antony's  fire.^  And  to  such 
an  institution  is  to  be  traced  the  origin  of  one  of  the 
great  military  orders  which  are  a  remarkable  feature  of 
this  time. 

A  monastery  for  the  benefit  of  Latin  pilgrims  had 
been  founded  at  Jerusalem  about  the  middle  of  the 
eleventh  century,  chiefly  through  the  bounty  of  mer- 
chants of  Amalfi.  To  this  was  attached  a  hospital  for 
each  sex — that  for  men  having  a  chapel  dedicated  to 

P  Herm.  iii.  6  ;  Sigeb.  Contin.  Prae-  burg — the  bishops  of  these  places  being 

monstr.  450.                      '^  Vita,  22.  usually  chosen  from  the  order.     lb. 

■■  Sigeb,   Contin.    Prsemonstr.    a.d.  *  Helyot,  ii.    163;  Schrockh.  xxvii. 

1131.  364-9.     There  is  a  letter  of  Alexandei 

»  Herzog,  xii.  83.     The  Provost  of  III.  severely  rebuking  the  Premonstra- 

Magdeburg,  who  was  circator  of  Sax-  tensians.     Ep.  923,  Patrol,  cc. 

ony,  had  authority,  not  only  over  the  »  Alb.  Butler,  June  6. 

Premonstratcnsian  monasteries  of  his  "  See      Brockie,     v.     119,     seqq.  , 

province,   but    over    the    chapters  of  Schrockh,  xxvii.  337. 
Biandenburg,  Havelberg.  and  Ratze- 


Chap.  VII.  ORDER    OF    THE    HOSPITAL.  57 

St.  John  the  Almsgiver,y  who  ^vas  afterwards  superseded 
as  patron  by  the  more  venerable  name  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist;  and  reUef  was  given  to  pilgrims  who  were  sick, 
or  who  had  been  reduced  to  destitution,  whether  by  the 
expenses  of  their  journey  or  by  the  robbers  who  infested 
the  roads.^  From  the  time  of  the  conquest  by  the 
crusaders,  the  brethren  of  the  hospital  became  inde- 
pendent of  the  monastery,  and  formed  themselves  into 
a  separate  order,  distinguished  by  a  black  dress,  with  a 
white  cross  on  the  breast,  and  living  monastically  under 
a  rule  which  was  confirmed  by  Paschal  II.  in  1113.''^ 
The  piety  and  charity  of  these  brethren  attracted  general 
reverence ;  they  were  enriched  by  gifts  and  endowments, 
both  in  Asia  and  in  Europe,  from  kings  and  other  bene- 
factors; and  many  knights  who  had  gone  to  the  Holy 
Land  as  crusaders  or  as  pilgrims  enrolled  themselves 
among  them.  Among  these  was  Raymond  du  Puy,  v/ho 
in  1 1 18  became  master  of  the  hospital,  and  soon  after 
drew  up  a  rule  which  was  sanctioned  by  pope  Calixtus  in 
1120.  The  Hospitallers  were  to  profess  poverty,  obedi- 
ence, and  strict  chastity ;  they  were  to  beg  for  the  poor, 
and,  whenever  they  went  abroad  for  this  or  any  other 
purpose,  they  were  not  to  go  singly,  but  with  com- 
panions assigned  by  the  master.  No  one  was  to  possess 
any  money  without  the  master's  leave,  and,  when  travel- 
ling, they  were  to  carry  a  light  with  them,  which  was  to 
be  kept  burning  throughout  the  night. ^ 

About  the  same  time  arose  the  military  order  of  the 

y  See  vol.  ii.  p.  410.  ^  Helyot,  iii.  75  ;  Vertot,  i.  54,  580  ; 

*  Will.  Tyr.  vii.  23  ;  xviii.  4-5  (Pa-  Wllken,  ii.  543.     There  is  a  letter  of 

trol.  cci.)  ;  Jac.  Vitriac.  ap.  Bongars,  Calixtus,  recommending  the  Hospital 

1082-3  ;  Monast.  Angl.  vi.  793-4  ;  Acta  lersto  the  charity  of  western  Christians, 

SS.  Jan.  23, pp.  146-8;  Pagi  and  Mansi,  "  Non  enim,"  says  the  pope,  "  Hiero- 

in  Bar.  xviii.  107-9  ;  Vertot,  '  Hist,  des  solymitan^   peregrinationis    mercedis 

Cheval.  de  Malte,'ed.  4to,  i.  15;  Hel-  vacuus   est,   qui   in    Hierosolymitanis 

yot,  iii.  73  ;  Wilken,  ii.  539-40.  peregrinis  rerum  suarum  adminicuhim 

»  Pasch.  Ep.  357  (Patrol,  clxiii.) ;  subministrat."  Ep.  239  (Patrol,  clxiii.). 
Will.  Tyr.  xviii.  6  ;  Wilken,  ii.  541-2. 


58 


ORDERS    OP   THE   HOSPITAL  Book  VI 


Temple.  In  1118,  Hugh  des  Payens  and  seven  other 
French  knights,  impressed  by  the  dangers  to  which 
Christianity  was  exposed  in  the  east,  and  by  the  attacks 
to  which  pilgrims  were  subject  from  infidels  and  robbers,^ 
vowed  before  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  to  fight  for  the 
faith  against  the  unbeHevers,  to  defend  the  highways,  to 
observe  the  three  monastic  obligations,  and  to  live  undor 
a  discipline  adopted  from  the  canons  of  St.  Augustine.'^ 

By  the  formation  of  this  society  the  Hospitallers  were 
roused  to  emulation.^  The  martial  spirit  revived  in 
some  of  the  brethren,  who  had  formerly  been  knights  ; 
and  as  the  wealth  of  the  body  was  far  more  than  suffi- 
cient for  their  original  objects,  Raymond  du  Puy  offered 
their  gratuitous  services  against  the  infidels  to  king 
Baldwin.  The  Hospitallers  were  now  divided  into 
three  classes — knights,  clergy,  and  serving  brethren — 
the  last  consisting  of  persons  who  were  not  of  noble 
birth.  Both  the  knights  and  the  servitors  were  bound, 
when  not  engaged  in  war,  to  devote  themselves  to  the 
original  purposes  of  the  order.  They  soon  distinguished 
themselves  by  signal  acts  of  valour,  and  in  1130  their 
institution  was  confirmed  by  Innocent  11.^  But  by 
degrees  they  cast  off  the  modesty  and  humility  by  which 
they  had  been  at  first  distinguished ;  they  defied  and 
insulted  the  patriarchs  of  Jerusalem,  and  claimed  im- 
munity from  the  payment  of  ecclesiastical  dues.s  When 
expelled  from  the  Holy  Land,  they  settled  successively 
in  Cyprus,  Rhodes,  and  Malta ;  and  in  the  last  of  these 
seats  they  continued  almost  to  our  own  time. 

The  career  of  the  Templars  was  shorter,  but  yet  more 
brilliant.     At  first  they  were  excessively  poor,^  although 

<=  See  Vertot,  i.  72.  284,  a.d.  1137  ;  Anast.  IV.  Ep.  83,  A.D. 

^  Will.  Tyr.  xii.  7  ;  J.  Vitr'ac.  1083  ;  1154  (ib.  clxxxviii.). 

Wilken,  ii.  9,  546.  s  Will.    Tyr.    xviii.  3  ;   Wilken,    Hi. 

e  See  Wilken,  ii.  549.  550-i  ;  III.  ii.  35  ;  Monast.  Anglic.  v\. 

f  Ep.    30  (Patrol,  clxxi.x.);   cf.    Ep.  794-5               ^  Will.  Tyr.  xiL  7. 


Chap  VII.  AND    OF   THE   TEMPLE.  59 

the  seal  of  the  order,  which  displays  two  knights  seated 
on  one  horse,  may  perhaps  be  better  interpreted  as  a 
symbol  of  their  brotherly  union  than  as  signifying  that 
the  first  grand  master  and  Godfrey  of  St.  Omer  pos- 
sessed but  a  single  charger  between  them.*  In  1127, 
Hugh  des  Payens  and  some  of  his  brethren  returned 
to  Europe.  St.  Bernard,  who  was  nephew  to  one  of  the 
members,  warmly  took  up  their  cause,  and  addressed  a 
letter  to  Hugh,  in  which  he  enthusiastically  commended 
the  institution,  exhorted  the  Templars  to  the  fulfilment 
of  their  duties,  and  dilated  on  the  holy  memories  con- 
nected with  Jerusalem  and  Palestine.^  At  the  council 
of  Troyes,  held  by  a  papal  legate  in  11 28,  Hugh 
appeared  and  gave  an  account  of  the  origin  of  his 
order  ;^  and  he  received  for  it  a  code  of  statutes,  drawn 
up  under  the  direction  of  Bernard.  These  no  longer 
exist  in  their  original  form,  but  their  substance  is 
preserved  in  the  extant  rule,  which  is  divided  into  72 
heads.'"  The  Templars  were  charged  to  be  regular  in 
devotion,  self-denying,  and  modest.  Each  knight  was 
restricted  to  three  horses — "  the  poverty  of  God's  house 
for  the  time  not  allowing  of  a  greater  number.""  No 
gold  or  silver  was  to  be  used  in  the  trappings  of  their 
horses ;  and  if  such  ornaments  should  be  given  to 
them,  they  were  ordered  to  disguise  the  precious  metals 
with  colour,  in  order  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  pride.° 
They  were  to  have  no  locked  trunks  ;p  they  were  not  to 

«  This  is  the  common  interpretation  '  W.  Tyr.  xii.  7. 

(Wilken,  ii.  552;  see,  e.£:,  M.  Paris,  '"  "RegulapauperumCommilitonum 

Hist.  Angl.  i.  223  ;  Barthol.  de  Cotton,  Christi,  Templique  Salomoniaci,"  Pa- 

p.  60)  ;  but  Wilcke  (Gesch.  des  Tern-  trol.  clxvi.  857,  seqq.     See  ib.  853-6  ; 

pelhen-en-Ordens,  i.    11,   Leipz.  1826)  Schrockh,  xxvii,  99-101;    Wilken,  ii. 

remarks  that,   as  bemg  knights,  they  5S8  ;  Wilcke,  i.  19 ;  Patrol,  clxvi.  857, 

must  have  possessed  horses.  seqq.  ;  Acta  S.  Bern.  i.  15  (ib.  clxxxv.) ; 

^  Liber  ad  Milites  Templi  (Patrol,  Neander,    '  Der  heil.     Bernard,'  42  : 

clxxxii.).     In  Ep.  175  he  strongly  com-  Maillard  de  Chambures,  52, 

mends  them  to  the  patriarch  of  Jeru-  "  C.  30. 

salem.  °  C.  37.                       P  C.  40. 


6o  ORDER    OF   THE    TEMPLE.  Book  VL 

receive  letters,  even  from  their  nearest  relations,  without 
the  master's  kPiOwledge,  and  were  to  read  all  letters  in 
his  presence.'J  They  weie  to  receive  no  presents  except 
by  leave  of  the  master,  who  was  entitled  to  transfer 
presents  from  the  knight  for  v/hom  they  were  intended 
to  another/  They  were  forbidden  to  hawk  and  to 
hunt,  nor  might  they  accompany  a  person  engaged  in 
such  amusements,  except  for  the  purpose  of  defending 
him  from  infidel  treachery.^  They  were  charged 
''always  to  strike  the  lion" — a  charge  which  seems  to 
mean  that  they  were  bound  to  unceasing  hostility  against 
the  enemies  of  the  faith.*  Individual  property  in  lands 
and  men  was  allowed."  iManied  brethren  might  be 
associated  into  the  order;  but  they  were  not  to  wear 
its  white  dress,  and  they  were  bound  to  make  it  their 
heir.^  The  Templars  were  forbidden  to  kiss  even  their 
mothers  or  sisters,^  and  were  never  to  walk  alone. ^ 
The  habit  of  the  order  was  white,^  to  which  Eugenius 
III.  added  a  red  cross  on  the  breast  ;^  the  banner,  the 
Beauseaiit,  was  of  black  and  white,  inscribed  with  the 
motto,  "  Non  nobis,  Domine,  non  nobis,  sed  nomini  tuo 
da  gloriam."^ 

Although  at  the  time  of  the  council  of  Troyes  the 
order  had  already  been  nine  years  in  existence,  the 
number  of  its  members  was  only  nine;'^  but  when  thus 
solemnly  inaugurated,  and  aided  by  the  zealous  recom- 
mendations of  the  great  saint  of  Clairvaux,  it  rapidly 
increased.  There  were  soon  three  hundred  knights,  of 
the  noblest  families,  a  large  body  of  chaplains,  .and  a 
countless  train  of  servitors  and  artificers. «  Emperors, 
kings,  and  other  potentates  enriched  the  order  with  lands 

q  C.  41.  •■  C.  43.        '  Cc.  46-7.               '  Wllken,  ii.  559. 

t  C.  42.  "  C.  sr-                              "  W.  Tyr.  1.  c.  ;  See  Pagi,  xviii.  405. 

«  C.  55-  y  C.  72.         "  C.  35.                      "^  W.  Tyr.   1.  c.  ;  J.  Vitriac.  1084  ; 

•  C.  20.  Wilken,  ii.  567-4. 

fc  W.  Tyr.  xii.  7. 


Cmaf.  VII.  MONASTICISM.  6l 

and  endowments,  so  that,  within  fifty  years  after  its  found- 
ation, it  already  enjoyed  a  royal  revenue,  derived  from 
possessions  in  all  parts  of  Europe/  But,  according  to 
the  writer  who  states  this,  it  had  even  then  begun  to 
display  the  pride,  insolence,  and  defiance  of  ecclesiastical 
authority  which,  afterwards  rendered  it  unpopular,^  and 
prepared  the  way  for  its  falling  undefended  and  un- 
lamented,  although  probably  guiltless  of  the  charges  on 
which  it  was  condemned. 

By  the  rise  of  the  new  orders  the  inilaence  of  mona- 
chism  in  the  church  was  greatly  increased.  They  were 
strictly  bound  to  the  papacy  by  ties  of  mutual  interest, 
and  could  always  reckon  on  the  pope  as  their  patron  in 
disputes  with  bishops  or  other  ecclesiastical  authorides.^ 
A  large  proportion  of  the  papal  rescripts  during  this  time 
consists  of  privileges  granted  to  monasteries.  Many 
were  absolutely  exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of 
bishops  ;i  yet  such  exemptions  were  less  frequently 
bestowed,  as  the  monastic  communities  became  better 
able  to  defend  themselves  against  oppression,  and  as, 
consequently,  the  original  pretext  for  exemptions  no 
longer  existed.^^  If  bishops  had  formerly  found  it  diffi- 
cult to  contend  with  the  abbots  of  powerful  individual 
monasteries,  it  was  now  a  far  more  serious  matter  to  deal 
wnth  a  member  of  a  great  order,  connected  with  brethren 
everywhere,  closely  allied  with  the  pope,  and  having  in 
the  abbot  of  Cluny  or  of  Citeaux  a  chief  totally  inde- 
pendent of  the  bishop,  and  able  to  support  his  brethren 

^  W.  Tyr.  1.  c.     Henry  I.   of  Eng-  Monasticon,   however,   rests    in    part 

land  was  among  the  princes  who  con-  on  a  confusion   between  Chester  and 

tributed  to  it  (Lappenb.  ii.  279)  ;  but  Chichester.                 s  W.  Tyr.  1.  c. 

it  is  a  mistake  to  ascribe  to  him  the  *>  Greg.  VII.  Ep.  ii.  9  ;  Planck,  IV. 

gift  of  its  property  in  London,  which  ii.  543. 

was   really   bestowed    by   Henry  II.  '  See,  ^.^.,Urban's  grant  to  La  Cava, 

See  Wilken,   ii.    Anhang,    47 — whose  Ep.  x.  Hard.  vi.  1637. 

argument  as  to  a  document   in    the  ''  Planck,  IV.  ii.  557. 


02  MONASTICISM.  Book  VI. 

against  all  opposition.  The  grievance  of  which  bishops 
had  formerly  complained,  therefore,  was  now  more  rarely 
inflicted  by  the  privileges  bestowed  on  monasteries ; 
yet  the  monks  were,  although  without  it,  in  a  higher 
position  than  ever.^ 

The  monastic  communities  not  only  intercepted  the 
bounty  which  would  otherwise  have  been  bestowed  on 
the  secular  clergy,"'  but  preyed  very  seriously  on  the 
settled  revenues  of  the  church.  Laymen,  who  were 
moved  by  conscience  or  by  compulsion  to  resign  tithes 
which  they  had  held,  were  inclined  to  bestow  them 
on  monasteries  rather  than  on  the  parish  churches  to 
which  they  rightfully  belonged.'^  And  as,  by  an  abuse 
already  described,*^  it  had  often  happened  that  a  layman 
possessed  himself  of  the  oblations  belonging  to  a  church, 
assigning  only  a  miserable  stipend  to  the  incumbent, 
these  dues,  as  well  as  the  tithes,  were,  in  case  of  a  resti- 
tution, transferred  to  the  monks.  Although  some  abbots 
refused  to  enrich  their  monasteries  by  accepting  tithes 
or  ecclesiastical  dues,P  and  although  some  of  the  new 
monastic  rules  contained  express  prohibitions  on  the 
subject,  it  was  with  little  effect  that  synods  attempted 
to  check  such  impropriations ;  ^  nor  did  they  perfectly 

'  Planck,  IV.  ii.  513,  540.  »  Vol.  iii.  p.  198. 

"»  There  is  a  letter  of  Leo  IX.  to  p  B.g:,    Godefr.    Vindoc.    Ep.    i,   9 

the  Italian  bishops,  complaining  that  (Patrol,  clvii.). 

monks  persuaded  people  to  give  every-  1  Thomassin,  II.  i.  36.   6;  Planck, 

thing  to  monasteries.    The  pope  orders  IV.    ii.    526-31;    Cone.    Westmonast. 

that  any  person  wishing  to  turn  monk,  a.d.  1102  ;  Cone.   Lateran.  a.d.  1123, 

whether  in  life   or  on  his  death-bed,  c   19  ;  Cone.   Lond.    a.d.   1125,  c.   4, 

shall  give  half   of  what  he    intends  etc.     Acquisitions  of  this  kind,  if  al- 

"  pro  salute  animae  "  to  the  church  to  ready  made,  were  always  reserved  ((?.^-. , 

which  he   belongs.      Ep.    66  (Patrol.  Urban  II.  Ep.  167,  Patrol,  cli.),  and 

cxliii.).  sometimes  popes  sanctioned  future  ac- 

°  See  Ducange,  s.  v.  Ecclesia,  p   6.  quisitions  also  {e.g.  Calixt.  II.  Ep.  20: 

There  is  a  letter  of  St.  Bernard  (316)  Regula  Templar,  c.  66,  etc.),     Celes- 

entreating  an  archbishop  to  consent  tine  III.  forbade  the  practice  in  1195. 

that  a  nobleman  should  bestow  on  a  See  the  Chronicon  Monast.  de  Bello, 

monastery  some  church  property  which  27,  note.     (Anglia  Sacra  Society.) 
he  was  disposed  to  give  up. 


Chap.  VII.  MONAbTICISM.  63 

succeed  in  forbidding  monks  to  interfere  with  the  secular 
clergy  by  undertaking  pastoral  and  priestly  functions."" 

The  monks  of  MonCe  Cassino,  the  "  head  and  mother 
of  all  monasteries,"^  claimed  liberties  even  against  the 
papacy  itself  An  abbot  named  Seniorectus  (Signoretto), 
elected  during  the  pontificate  of  Honorius  II.,  refused 
to  make  a  profession  of  fidelity  to  the  pope,  and,  on 
being  asked  why  he  should  scruple  to  comply  with  a 
form  to  which  aK  archbishops  and  bishops  submitted, 
the  monks  replied  that  it  had  never  been  required  of 
their  abbots — that  bishops  had  often  fallen  into  heresy 
or  schism,  but  Monte  Cassino  had  always  been  pure. 
Honorius  gave  way ;  but  when  Reginald,  the  successor 
of  Seniorectus,  had  received  benediction  from  the  anti- 
pope  Anacletus,  the  plea  for  exemption  could  no  longer 
be  plausibly  pretended,  and,  notwithstanding  the  vehe- 
ment opposition  of  the  monks.  Innocent  II.  insisted  on 
an  oath  of  obedience  as  a  condition  of  their  reconcilia- 
tion to  the  Roman  church.' 

New  privileges  were  conferred  on  orders  or  on  parti- 
cular monasteries.  According  to  the  chroniclers  of  St. 
Augustine's,  at  Canterbury,  the  use  of  the  mitre  was 
granted  to  Egilsin,  abbot  of  that  house,  by  Alexander  II. 
in  1063,  although  they  admit  that,  through  the  "sim- 
plicity" of  the  abbots  and  the  enmity  of  the  archbishops, 
the  privilege  lay  dormant  for  more  than  a  century."     The 

'  E.g.,  Cone.   Later.   a.d.  1123,  c.  having  been  irregularly  elected  ;  but, 

17  ;  Planck,  IV.  ii.  534.  although  the   investiture   of  his  suc- 

s  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  120.  cessor,  Wibald  of  Stablo,  by  the  im- 

*  lb.  95,  104-115;  Mablll.  Acta  SS.  perial   sceptre   is  mentioned,   it  does 

Ben.  VIII.  ix.-x.  ;  Annal.  vi.  138,  261-  not  appear  whether  the  pope  exacted 

2,  ed.  Lucca.     The  question  was  de-  a  profession  of  obedience   from  him. 

bated  for  many  days  before  the  em-  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  124 ;  Tosti,  ii.  72-8, 

peror  Lothair,  cardinal  Gerard  (after-  146. 

wards  pope   Celestine   II.)  acting  as  "  Goscelm.  Transl.    S.   Aug.  iii.  5. 

advocate  for  the  pope,  while   Peter,  Patrol,  civ.  ;  W.  Thorn,  ap.  Twysden, 

the  chronicler  who  reports  the  affair,  1785,  1824;  Tho.  Elmham,  89  (Chron. 

was  the  champion  of  the  monastery.  and  Mem.). 

Reginald  was  afterwards  set  aside,  as 


64  MONASTICISM.  Book  VI. 

earliest  undoubted  grant  of  the  mitre,  however,  is  one 
which  was  made  to  the  abbot  of  St.  Maximin's,  at  Treves, 
by  Gregory  Vll.^  Among  other  privileges  granted  to 
monasteries  were  exemption  from  the  payment  of  tithes 
and  from  the  jurisdiction  of  legates  ;y  exemption  from 
excommunication  except  by  the  pope  alone,^  and  from 
any  interdict  which  might  be  laid  on  the  country  in 
which  the  monastery  was  situated  ;  ^  permission  that  the 
abbots  should  wear  the  episcopal  ring,  gloves,  and  san- 
dals, and  should  not  be  bound  to  attend  any  councils 
except  those  summoned  by  the  pope  himself.^  The 
abbots  of  Cluny  ^  and  Vendome  ^  were,  by  virtue  of  their 
office,  cardinals  of  the  Roman  church. 

In  addition  to  the  genuine  grants,  forgery  was  now 
very  largely  used  to  advance  the  pretensions  of  monastic 
bodies.^  Thus  we  are  told  that  Leo  IX.,  on  visiting 
Subiaco  in  105 1,  found  many  spurious  documents  and 
committed  them  to  the  flames.^  Even  Monte  Cassino 
did  not  disdain  to  make  use  of  the  forger's  arts.s  The 
monks  of  St.  Medard's  at  Soissons  were  notorious  for 
impostures  of  this  kind ;  one  of  them,  named  Guerno, 

«  Giesel.  II.  ii.  304.  mitre  or  gloves,  "ne  forsan  ex  ipsis 

y  Alex.  II.  Ep.  13  (Patrol,  cxlvi.) ;  supercilium  elationis  assumat,  aut  sibi 

Callist.  II.  Ep.  10,  ap.  Hard.  vi.  (for  videatur  sublimis,"  and  the  pope  con- 

Vendome).     Abbot  Samson  of  St.  Ed-  firmed    this    resolution.      Ep.    i.    197 

mund's   Bury  resisted   the   power    of  (Patrol,  ccxiv.). 

archbishop  Hubert  Walter  as  legatus  "  See  p.  32. 

natus,  and  got  a  letter  from  the  pope  ^  "Concedimusetiamomnibushujus 

declaring  that  he  was  subject  only  to  loci  abbatibus  ecclesiam  Beatae  Pris- 

legates  de  late7-e.     Joscel.  de  Brake-  cae."      Alex.    II.    Ep.    13.     See  Nat. 

londa,  61-3  (Camden  Soc).  Alex.    xiii.    383  ;    Mabill.    Annal.    iv. 

z  Alex.  II.  Ep.  14;  Calixt.  II.  Ep.  645;  vi.   166;   Thomass.   III.  xli.  20; 

2-'  (for  Cluny).  Ducange,  s.  vv.  Ablates  Miti-ati. 

»  Paschal  II.  Ep.  66,  ap.  Hard.  vi.  «  As  to  mediaeval  forgeries  in  general 

(for  Cluny).  see   Muratori,    Dissert.,   34.      (Antiq. 

t>  Alex.  II.  Ep.  13,  in  Patrol,  cxlvi.  iii.). 

(for  Vend6me) ;   Godefr.   Vindoc.  ap.  '  Chron.    Sublac.  ap.   Murat.  xxiv. 

Hard.    vi.    1148-     See   Launoy,    tom.  932. 

iii     In  the  pontificate  of  Innocent  I H.,  s    See   the   Preface   to    the   Chron. 

the  Premonstratensians  resolved  that  Casin.  in  Pertz,  or  in  Patrol,  clxxiii 

no  abbot  of  their  order  should  use  the  468. 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  1125.      DEATH    OF    HENRY    V.  65 

confessed  on  his  death-bed  that  he  had  travelled  widely, 
supplying  monasteries  with  pretended  "  apostolic  "  privi- 
leges, and  that  among  those  who  had  employed  him  in 
such  fabrications  was  the  proud  society  of  St.  Augustine's, 
at  Canterbury.^ 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

FROM    THE    CONCORDAT    OF    WORMS    TO    THE    DEATH    OF 
POPE    ADRIAN    IV. 

A.D.   II22-II59. 

Although  the  concordat  of  Worms  had  been  welcome 
both  to  the  papal  and  to  the  imperialist  parties  as  put- 
ting an  end  to  the  contest  which  had  long  raged  between 
them,  the  terms  of  the  compromise  embodied  in  it  did 
not  remain  in  force  beyond  the  death  of  Henry  V., 
which  took  place  at  Utrecht  in  May  1125.^  Henry 
had  not  taken  the  precaution  of  providing  himself  with  a 
successor  to  the  empire  or  to  the  German  kingdom,  nor 
was  there  any  one  who  could  pretend  to  election  as  being 

''  Wharton,  Ang.  Sac.  ii.  Praef.  v.,  William  of  Nangis  says  that  he  en- 

or  Patrol,   cc.  141 1.     See  Hist.  Litt.  tered  a  hospital  at  Angers,  and  men- 

xiv.    21.     The  forger  was  paid   with  tions  a  pretender  who  rose  up  in  his 

some    church    ornaments,    which    he  name  (Chron.  A  D.   1126,  in  Dacheiy, 

transferred  to  St.  Medard's.    We  shall  Spicileg.    iii.).      GIraldus    Cambrensis 

see   hereafter  that  the  monks  of  that  makes  him  turn  hermit  in  Cheshire — 

house  were  not  more  scrupulous  as  to  Works,   i.    186,   ed.    Brewer   (Chron. - 

relics  than  as  to  documents  (ch.  xiii.  Mem.)— and  hence  infers  that  Henry 

iii.  9).     See  too  as  to  forgery,  Steph.  II.  of  England  was  illegitimate,  inas- 

Tornac,  Ep.  214  (Patrol,  ccxi.).  much  as  his  mother  was  not  a  widow 

»  Ekkehard  in  ann.    (Patrol,  cliv.).  when  she  married  Geoffrey  of  Anjou. 

There    are    stories    which    represent  (Cf.  Chron.  Monast.  de  Melsa,  i.  152.) 

Henry  as  withdrawing  from  the  world  The  Premonstratensian  continuator  of 

as  a  penitent— in   remorse,   according  Sigebert  mentions  another  pretender 

to  some  writers,  for  having  killed  his  who  appeared  in  1138,  and,  on  being 

father  in  battle  !     See  R.  Hoveden,  i.  detected,   became  a  monk  at  Climy. 

163,  181,  ed.   Stubbs   (Chron.-Mem.),  Patrol,  cix.  372. 
and  the  editor's  Introduction,  p.  xxxiv. 

VOL.    V.  S 


66  ELECTION    OF    KING    OF   THE    ROMANS.        Book  VI. 

his  natural  heir ;  and  the  princes  of  Germany  saw  in  the 
circumstances  of  the  vacancy  an  opportunity  for  gaining 
advantages  at  the  expense  of  the  crown.  A  letter 
is  extant,  addressed  by  such  of  them  as  had  assembled 
for  the  emperor's  funeral  at  Spires  to  their  absent 
brethren,  whom  they  exhort  to  remember  the  oppressions 
under  which  both  the  church  and  the  kingdom  had 
suffered,  and  to  take  care  that  the  future  sovereign 
should  be  one  under  whom  both  church  and  kingdom 
might  be  free  from  "so  heavy  a  yoke  of  slavery."'^  It 
is  supposed  that  this  letter  was  drawn  up  by  Archbishop 
Adalbert  of  Mentz,  the  bitter  and  vindictive  enemy  of 
the  late  emperor;''  and  in  the  election  of  a  new  king 
this  prelate's  influence  was  exerted  in  the  spirit  which 
the  document  had  indicated.  For  this  election  sixty 
thousand  men  of  the  four  chief  nations  of  Germany — 
the  Franconians,  the  Saxons,  the  Swablans,  and  the 
Bavarians — assembled  near  Mentz,  in  the  month  ot 
August,  encamping  on  both  sides  of  the  Rhine,  while  the 
conferences  of  their  leaders  were  held  within  the  city. 
The  attendance  of  prelates  and  nobles  was  such  as  had 
not  been  seen  within  the  memory  of  living  men  ;  and 
under  the  direction  of  a  papal  legate,  who  was  present,  it 
was  settled  that  the  election  should  be  conducted  in  a 
form  analogous  to  that  of  a  pope — that,  as  the  pope  was 
chosen  by  the  cardinals,  and  the  choice  was  ratified  by 
the  inferior  clergy,  so  the  king  should  be  elected  by  ten 
representatives  from  each  of  the  four  chief  nations,  and 
their  choice  should  be  confirmed  by  the  rest.^^  Three 
candidates  were  proposed — Frederick,  duke  of  Swabia, 

*  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  79.     Henry  in  his  '  Schmidt,  ii.  531 ;  Luden,  x.  n.  13. 

last  days  had  rendered  himself  very  As  to  Adalbert,  see  above,  p.  11. 

unpopular  by  intending,  in  accordance  •*  Anon,  de  Electione  Lotharii,   ap. 

with  a  suggestion  of  Henry  I.  of  Eng-  Pertz,  xiii.  510-12;  Order. Vital,  xii.  20; 

land,  to  tax  the  whole  kingdom.     Otto  Raumer,  i.  201. 
Frising.  vii.  16. 


Chap.  VIII.     a.d.  1125.  LOTHAIR    III.  67 

Lothair,  duke  of  Saxony,  and  Leopold,  marquis  of 
Austria  ;  to  whom  some  authorities  add  the  name  of  a 
fourth — Charles  "  the  Good,"  count  of  Flanders.«  Both 
Lothair  and  Leopold,  however,  professed,  with  strong 
protestations,  a  wish  to  decline  the  honour;  and  it  ap- 
peared as  if  the  election  were  about  to  fall  on  Frederick, 
the  son  of  Frederick  of  Hohenstaufen,  who  in  the  reign 
of  Henry  IV.  had  suddenly  emerged  from  the  undistin- 
guished crowd  of  German  nobles,  and  had  been  rewarded 
for  his  services  with  the  dukedom  of  Swabia  and  the  hand 
of  the  emperor's  daughter.*  But  the  younger  Frederick 
was  obnoxious  to  the  hierarchical  party  on  account  of  his 
connexion  with  the  Franconian  emperors,  whose  family 
estates  he  had  inherited ;  while  many  of  the  lay  princes, 
as  well  as  the  clergy,  were  unwilling  to  give  themselves 
a  king  who  was  likely  to  assert  too  much  of  inde- 
pendence. Through  Adalbert's  artful  policy 
it  was  contrived  that  the  election  should  fall  "^' 
on  Lothair,  who,  while  he  still  protested,  struggled,  and 
threatened,  was  raised  on  the  shoulders  of  his  partisans 
and  proclaimed  as  king.^ 

Lothair,  who  was  already  advanced  in  life,^  had  been 
conspicuous  for  the  steadiness  of  his  opposition  to  the 
late  dynasty,  and  on  that  account  was  popular  with  its 
enemies  ;  he  was  respected  for  his  courage  and  honesty; 

«  Godefr.  Viterb.  in  Patrol,  cxcviii.  8  Electio  Lotharii,  1.  c. ;  Schmidt,  ii 

986.    The  anonymous  writer  who  is  534-7;  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Fr.,  v.  213 

the  chief   authority  for  the  election  Luden,  x.  4-16;  Raumer,  i.  210-11.   Cf. 

omits  Charles  (see  Wattenbach's  note  Albert.   Stadens.   a.d,    1126,     (Pertz, 

in  Pertz  ;  Busk,  i.  175) ;  and  one  of  xvi.) 

the  count's  biographers  states  that  he  h  Peter,    the    chronicler  of   Monte 

declined  to  become  a  candidate  (Patrol.  Cassino,  who  had  seen  much  of  him  in 

elxvi.   947-8).     He  was   murdered  in  his  last  days,  describes  him  as  a  huH- 

II 27.  dred  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death 

Raumer,  i.  186.     Otto  of  Freising  (iv.   124,  Patrol,  clxxiii.   168.  A.).     If 

says  that   Frederick  drew  his  origin  so,  he  was  eighty-eight  at  his  election  ; 

"ex  nobilissimis   Sueviae   comitibus."  but  others  make  him  much  younger 

De  Gestis  Frederici,  i.  8,  in  Urstis.  ;  See  Raumer,  i.  23? 
cf.  Chron.  Ursperg.  209. 


68  LOTHAIR   III.  Book  VI. 

and,  after  a  slight  display  of  opposition  in  some  quarters, 
his  election  was  received  with  general  acquiescence.' 
But,  although  he  had  always  professed  himself  a  cham- 
pion of  the  church,  the  clerical  party,  which  had  borne 
so  large  a  part  in  his  advancement,  held  it  necessary 
to  bind  him  by  new  conditions.  It  was  stipulated  that 
the  church  should  have  full  liberty  of  election  to  bishop- 
ricks,  without  being  controlled,  "  as  formerly,"  by  the 
presence  of  the  sovereign,  or  restrained  by  any  recom- 
mendation;^ and  that  the  emperor,  after  the  consecration 
of  a  prelate  so  elected,  should,  without  any  payment, 
invest  him  with  the  regalia  by  the  sceptre,  and  should 
receive  of  him  an  oath  of  fidelity  "  saving  his  order" — a 
phrase  which  was  interpreted  as  excluding  the  ancient 
feudal  form  of  homage.^  No  mention  was  made  of  the 
concordat  of  Worms,  by  which  the  presence  of  the  prince 
at  elections  had  been  allowed,  and,  while  the  formality 
of  homage  had  been  left  untouched,  it  had  been  provided 
that,  in  the  case  of  German  bishops,  investiture  should 
precede  consecration ;  ^  and  this  disregard  of  the  reser- 
vations made  at  Worms  in  behalf  of  the  crown  was 
justified  by  the  hierarchical  party  under  the  pretence 
that  they  had  been  granted  to  Henry  V.  alone,  and  not 
to  his  successors."  A  further  proof  of  the  change  which 
had  taken  place  in  the  relations  of  the  papal  and  the 
imperial  powers  is  furnished  by  the  circumstance  that 
two  bishops  were  sent  to  Rome,  with  a  prayer  that  the 
pope  would  confirm  the  election  of  the  king.° 

The  pontificate  of  Calixtus  II.  was  distinguished  by 
the  vigour  of  his  home  administration.     At  the  Lateran 

'  Ekkehard,    A.D.    1123-4;    Order.  "  See  above,  p.  26.     Yet  it  would 

Vital,  xii.  20  ;  Luden,  x.  6.  seem    that    the    matter    virtually  re- 

''  "  Petitione."  mained   as  before.     See  Schmidt,  iii. 

•  Electio  Loth.  c.  6.     (Cf.  c.  7.     "A  233.             "  Otto  Frising.  vii.  16. 

nullo    tamen    spiritualium,    ut    moris  °  Annal.     S.     Dislbod.     a.d.     1125 

crat,  hominium  vel  accepit  vel  coegit.")  (Pertz,  xvii.) ;  Schmidt,  ii.  539 ;  Planck, 

Schmidt,  ii.  538-9  ;  Luden,  x.  18.  iv.  334-6. 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  1123-30.       HONORIUS    II.  69 

Council  of  ii23,P  he  enacted  canons  against  the  invasion 
of  ecclesiastical  property  and  the  conversion 
of  churches  into  fortresses.^  He  suppressed 
the  practice  of  carrying  arms  within  the  city,  which  had 
grown  up  during  the  long  contest  with  the  empire,  and 
had  become  the  provocation  to  continual  and  bloody 
affrays ;  and  in  other  ways  he  exerted  himself  successfully 
against  the  lawlessness  and  disorder  which  had  prevailed 
among  the  Romans.""  On  the  death  of  Calixtus,  in 
December  1124,  a  cardinal  named  Theobald  Buccapecus 
(or  Boccadipecora)  was  chosen  as  his  successor,  and 
assumed  the  name  of  Celestine  ;  but,  after  he  had  been 
invested  with  the  papal  robe,  and  while  the  cardinals 
were  engaged  in  singing  the  Te  Dcum  for  the  election, 
Robert  Frangipani,  the  most  powerful  of  the  Roman 
nobles,^  burst  with  a  band  of  armed  men  into  the  church 
where  they  were  assembled,  and  insisted  that  Lambert, 
cardinal  bishop  of  Ostia  (a  prudent  and  learned  man,^ 
who  had  acted  as  the  late  pope's  legate  at  Worms), 
should  be  chosen.  Theobald,  although  his  election  was 
unimpeachable,  and  although  he  had  received  the  vote 
of  Lambert  himself,  thought  it  well  to  prevent  a 
schism  by  voluntarily  withdrawing  from  the  contest ;  and 
Lambert,  having  some  days  later  been  elected  in  a 
more  regular  manner,  held  the  papacy,  under  the  name 
of  Honorius  IL,  until  1130."  But  on  his  Feb.  14, 
death  a  serious  schism  arose,  through  the  "3o- 
rival  elections  of  Gregory,  cardinal  of  St.  Angelo,^  and 
Peter  Leonis,  cardinal  of  St.  Mary  in  the  Trastevere,  the 

P  See  above,  p.  26.  certo  scire,  quod  plenus  esset  litteris  a 

^  Cc.  8,  9,  II,  15.  capite  usque  ad  pedes."     Chron.  Casin. 

•■  Will.  Malmes.  667 ;  Gibbon,  vi.  335  iv.  83. 

»  For  the  origin  of  the  family,  see  "  Pandulph.  Pisan.  in  Murat.   III. 

Gregorovius,  iv.  383-4.  i.    421;  Murat.    Anna!.    VI.    ii.    190; 

^  Oderisius,  abbot  of  Monte  Cassino,  Jaffe,  549-50  ;  Milman,  iii.  324  ;  Gre- 

on  being  asked  by  his  monks  as  to  the  gorov.  iv.  386. 

pope's  parentage,  answered,  "  Ignorare  ^  As  to  his  family,  s«e  GregoroviMS, 

se,  cujus  filius  esset ;  unum  tamen  pro  iv.  40T. 


yo  RIVAL    ELECTIONS   OF  Book  VL 

grandson  of  a  wealthy  Jew,  who  had  been  baptized 
under  the  pontificate  of  Leo  IX.,  and  had  taken  at  his 
baptism  the  name  of  that  pope.  The  "  Leonine  family," 
or  Pierleoni  (as  they  were  called),  had  since  risen  to  great 
power  in  Rome ;  y  their  wealth  had  been  increased  by 
the  continued  practice  of  those  national  arts  which  they 
had  not  renounced  with  the  faith  of  their  forefathers ; 
while  their  political  ability  had  been  displayed  in  high 
offices,  and  in  the  conduct  of  important  negociations. 
For  a  time  the  Jewish  pedigree  seems  to  have  been 
almost  forgotten,  and  their  genealogy  (like  that  of  other 
great  mediaeval  families,  and  probably  with  equal  truth) 
was  afterwards  deduced  from  the  illustrious  Anicii  and 
the  imperial  Julii  of  ancient  Rome.^  The  future  anti- 
pope  himself  had  studied  at  Paris,  had  been  a  monk  of 
Cluny,  had  been  raised  to  the  dignity  of  cardinal  by 
Paschal  IL,  and  had  been  employed  as  a  legate  in 
England  and  in  France — on  one  occasion  as  the  col- 
league of  his  future  rival,  Gregory.^  The  circumstances 
of  the  election  are  variously  reported  ;  but  from  a  com- 
parison of  the  reports  it  would  appear  that  Gregory  (who 
styled  himself  Innocent  II.)  was  chosen  in  the  church  of 
St.  Gregory  on  the  Coelian,  immediately  after  the  death 
of  Honorius,  with  such  haste  that  the  proper  formalities 
were  neglected;  whereas  the  election  of  Peter,  which 
took  place  in  St.  Mark's  at  a  later  hour  of  the  same  day, 
vvas  more  regular,  and  was  supported  by  a  majority  of 
the  cardinals.^  And  the  inference  in  favour  of  Peter  (or 
Anacletus  II.)  is  strengthened  by  the  circumstance  that 

y  Chron.  Mauriniac.  in  Patrol,  clxxx.  Anon.  Vatican,    ap.   Baron.    1130.   3; 

157.  Suger,  in  Patrol,  clxxxvi.  1330  ;  Chron. 

^  Gregorov.    iv.     393-6.      Ciaconius  Maurin.    I.    c.  ;  Will.    Malmesb.  695  ; 

derives  them  from  the  Julii.     i.  1005.  Muratori,  Annali,  VI.  ii.  212-13 ;  Nean- 

*  Eadmer.    Hist.   Novorum,   1.   vi.  ;  der's   '  Bernard,'  87 ;    Luden,   x.    52  ; 

Mabillon  in  Patrol,  clxxxii.  33-4.  Raumer,   i.    221;    Milman,    iii.    326; 

^  See  the  letters  in  Patrol,  clxxix.  Gregorov.  iv.  39S-9. 
37,  seqq.  ;  Card,   de  Aragon.  ib    31  ; 


Chap.  VIII.     a.i>.  1130.     INNOCENT  II.  AND  ANACLETUS  II.       7 1 

liis  opponent's  partisans,  while  they  continually  insist  on 
the  question  of  personal  merit,  are  studious  to  avoid  that 
of  legality  as  to  the  circumstances  of  the  election. 

The  rival  popes  were  not,  as  in  former  cases,  repre- 
sentatives of  opposite  principles,  but  merely  of  the  rival 
interests  of  the  Frangipani  and  the  Leonine  factions. '^ 
Each  of  them,  at  his  election,  had  gone  through  the  pre- 
tence of  professing  unwillingness  to  accept  the  papacy ;  ^ 
and  each  of  them  now  endeavoured  to  strengthen  him- 
self for  the  assertion  of  his  title  to  it.  In  Rome  itself 
Anacletus  prevailed.  His  enemies  tell  us  that  not  only 
was  he  supported  by  the  power  and  wealth  of  his  family, 
but  that  he  had  formerly  swelled  his  treasures  by  all  the 
corrupt  means  which  were  open  to  him  as  a  cardinal  or 
a  legate ;  that  he  plundered  the  treasury,  that  he  com- 
pelled pilgrims  by  imprisonment  and  hunger  to  submit 
to  merciless  exactions,  that  he  melted  down  the  plate  ot 
churches,  even  employing  Jews  to  break  up  chalices  and 
crucifixes  when  Christian  tradesmen  shrank  from  such 
impiety.®  His  connection  with  the  hated  and  unbe- 
lieving race  is  eagerly  caught  up  as  matter  of  reproach ; 
and  he  is  charged  with  scandalous  and  even  revolting 
dissoluteness.^     That  Innocent  is  not  assailed  by  similar 

<=  Sismondi,  Rep.  Ital.  i.  290.  the  laudatory  language  of  these  letters, 

^  See  Innoc.  Ep.  4  (Patrol,  clxxix.);  the  fact  of  the  confidence  placed  in  him 

Neander's  '  Bernard,'  88.  by  Calixtus  II.  tells  in  his  favour  (see 

^  Henr.  ep.  Lucensis,  in  Patrol.  Luden,  x.  50;  Milman,  iii.  327).  It  is 
clxxix.  40-2 ;  Pandulf.  Pisan.  ib.  31  ;  said  that  in  his  youth  Peter  was  sup- 
Bernard.  Guidonis,  ib.  27 ;  Innoc.  posed  to  be  the  anti-Christ  (who  was 
epp.  4,  5  (ib.);  Vita  Bernardi,  ii.  i  (ib.  traditionally  expected  to  be  of  Jewish 
XXXV.);  Codex  Udalr.  ep.  345.  origin),  and  even  that  he  prided  himself 

f  Arnulf.  Lexov.  in  Patrol,  cci.  181-3.  on  this  (Arnulf,  180 ;  Chron.  Mauriniac. 

In  the  controversies  of  that  age,  such  Patrol,  clxxx.  157").     Arnulf  of  Lisieux 

charges  were  matters  of  course,  so  that  describes  him  as  one  "qui  Judaicam 

the  mere  statement  of  them  carries  no  facie  reprsesentet  imaginem"  (1.  c.)  ; 

weight.    There  are  three  letters  of  ear-  but   M.    Le   Prevost    is    mistaken    in 

Her  date  from  St.  Bernard  (Epp.  17-19)  identifying  him  with  a  son  of  the  elder 

to  a  cardinal  named  Peter,  whom  Dean  Peter  Leonis,  described  by  Orderic  as 

Milman,    notwithstanding    Mabillon's  having  been  a  hostage  at  Reims  in 

doubts  (Patrol,  clxxxli.  35),  supposes  to  1119 — "  nigrum  et  pallidum  adolescen- 

be  Peter  Leonis ;  and,  in  addition  to  tern,  magis  Judaeo  vel  Agareno  quam 


72  INNOCENT   IN    FRANCE.  Book  VI. 

reproaches  may  have  been  the  effect  either  of  superior 
character  in  himself  or  of  greater  forbearance  in  the 
party  which  opposed  him.  The  wealth  of  Anacletus 
was  employed  in  raising  soldiers  and  in  corrupting  the 
venal  Romans;  he  got  possession  of  St.  Peter's  by 
force;  and  in  no  long  time  the  nobles  who  had  ad- 
hered to  Innocent,  and  had  sheltered  his  partisans  in 
their  forti6ed  houses — even  the  Frangipani  themselves 
— were  gained  over  by  the  rival  pope  or  were  terrified 
into  submission.  Finding  himself  without  support  in  his 
own  city,  Innocent  resolved  to  throw  himself  on  that 
kingdom  which  had  lately  afforded  a  refuge  to  his  pre- 
decessor Gelasius ;  he  therefore  left  Conrad,  cardinal- 
bishop  of  Sabina,^  as  his  representative  at  Rome,  sailed 
down  the  Tiber  in  the  end  of  May,  and  after  having 
spent  some  time  at  Pisa  and  at  Genoa,  he  landed  in 
September  at  St.  Gilles  in  Provence.^  The  course  which 
the  king  and  the  church  of  France  were  to  take  in  the 
dispute  as  to  the  papacy  was  mainly  determined  by 
two  abbots,  who  stood  in  the  highest  repute  for  sanctity, 
Bernard  of  Clairvaux  and  Peter  of  Cluny. 

Bernard,  the  third  son  of  a  knight  named  Tesselin,  was 
born  at  Fontaines,  near  Dijon,  in  1091.*  His  mother, 
Aletha,  or  Alice,  was  a  woman  of  devout  character,  and 

Christiano  similem,   vestibus  quidem  Marsi,  as  the  bishop,  having  no  proper 

optimis   indutum,  sed  corpore   defor-  cathedral,  made  use  of  a  church  of  St. 

mem  " — whom  the  French  derided  out  Sabina,  near  the  eastern  shore  of  the 

of  hatred  for  his  father,   "that  most  Lake  of  Celano.    Clement  VIII.,  about 

wicked  usurer."     Ord.  Vital.,  ed.  Le  the  year  1600,  sanctioned  the  transfer 

Prevost,  iv.  384-5.  of  this  see   to   Pescina,   in   the  same 

6  It  may  be  well  to  note  that,  while  neighbourhood,     lb.  883,  914-15. 

the  church  of  St.  Sabina,  on  the  Aven-  ^  Pand.  Pisan.  in  Patrol,  clxxix.  31  ; 

tine,  gave  the  title  to  a  cardinal-pres-  Card.  Aragon.,  ib.  31-3  ;  Anacl.  ep.  9, 

byter,    the    "  Episcopus    Sabinensis,"  ib.  ;  Vita  Bernardi,  ii.  i,  3  ;  ib.  clxxxv; 

who  was  one  of  the  cardinal-bisliops,  JafTe,  561-2. 

took  his  title,  not  from  any  town,  but  '    Alan.  Altissiod.  Vita  Bern,  i  (Pa- 

from  the  province  of  Sabina,  his  see  trol.  clxxxv.)  ,  Vita  Prima,  i.  i  (ib.); 

being  at  Magliano  (Ughelli,  i.    154).  Chifflet,    '  S.    Bernardi  Genus  illustre 

The  name   of  Sabina  was  also   con-  assertum '  (ib.);  Acta  Sanctorum  (ib.) 

nected    with    the    bishoprick    of   the  643  ;  Neander's  '  Bernard,'    . 


Chap.  VIII.  BERNARD    OF   CLAIRVAUX.  73 

dedicated  her  children — six  sons  and  one  daughter — in 
their  infancy  to.  God ;  but  Bernard — a  gentle,  thoughtful, 
studious,  and  silent  boy — was  the  one  in  whom  she  placed 
the  strongest  hope  of  seeing  her  desire  fulfilled.^  As  he 
was  entering  on  youth,  Aletha  died,  taking  part  to  the 
last  moment  of  her  life  in  the  devotions  of  the  clergy 
who  were  gathered  around  her  bed;^  but  her  influence 
remained  with  him.  The  earnestness  of  his  resistance  to 
the  temptations  of  youth  was  shown  by  standing  for  hours 
up  to  the  neck  in  chilling  water;  and  other  stories  to  the 
same  purpose  are  related  of  him.  He  believed  that  his 
mother  often  appeared  to  him  in  visions,  for  the  purpose 
of  warning  him  lest  his  studies  (like  those  of  many  others 
in  that  time)  should  degenerate  into  a  mere  pursuit  of 
literature,  apart  from  the  cultivation  of  religion;  and, 
after  much  mental  distress,  the  crisis  of  his  life  took  place 
as  he  was  on  his  way  to  visit  his  brothers,  who  were 
engaged  in  a  military  expedition  under  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy. Entering  a  church  by  the  wayside,  he  "poured 
out  his  heart  like  water  before  the  sight  of  God'';  he 
resolved  to  devote  himself  to  the  monastic  state,  and 
forthwith  endeavoured  to  bring  his  nearest  relations  to 
join  in  the  resolution.™  The  first  of  his  converts  was  his 
uncle  Waldric,  a  distinguished  and  powerful  warrior ;  and 
one  by  one  his  five  brothers  also  yielded.  The  eldest, 
Guy,  who  was  married  and  had  children,  was  restrained 
for  a  time  by  his  wife's  unwillingness ;  but  a  sudden 
illness  convinced  her  that  it  "was  hard  for  her  to  kick 
against  the  pricks."  To  another  brother,  Gerard,  who 
was  strenuous  in  his  refusal,  Bernard  declared  that  no- 

^  Vita  I""*,  i.  2,  3  ;  Alan,  i.  litanise  supplicationes,  cum  diceretnr, 

'  "  Obclormivit   psallentibus  clericis  '  Per  passionem  et  crucem  tuam  libera 

qui  coiivenerant,et ipsa pariterpsallens,  earn,   Domine,'   elevans    manum   sig- 

ut  in  extremis  quoque,  cum  jam  vox  navit  se,    et   emisit    spiritum,    ita  ut 

ejus  audiri  non  posset,  adhuc  moveri  manum  non    posset    deponere    qiiam 

labia  viderentur,   et   lingua   palpitans  levaverat."     Vita  I'"\  i.  5.     Cf.  Alan. 

Dominum    confiteri.      Demum    inter  6.                      "*  Vita  I.,  i.  6-9. 


74  BERNARD.  Book  VI 

thing  but  affliction  would  bring  him  to  a  right  mind,  and, 
laying  his  finger  on  a  certain  place  in  his  side,  he  told 
him  that  even  there  a  lance  should  penetrate.  The  pro- 
phecy was  fulfilled  by  Gerard's  being  wounded  and  made 
prisoner ;  and,  on  recovering  his  liberty  (not  without  the 
assistance  of  a  miracle)  he  joined  the  company  which 
Bernard  was  forming.^  As  Bernard  at  the  head  of  his 
converts  was  leaving  the  family  mansion  in  order  to  fulfil 
their  resolution,  the  eldest  brother  observed  the  youngest, 
Nivard,  at  play,  and  told  him  that  the  inheritance  would 
now  all  fall  to  him ; — "  Is  it,  then,  heaven  for  you  and 
earth  for  me  ?  "  said  the  boy,  "  that  is  no  fair  division ; " 
and  he  too,  after  a  time,  broke  away  from  his  father  to 
join  the  rest.°  The  old  man  himself  followed,  and  at 
length  the  devotion  of  the  family  to  the  monastic  life  was 
completed  by  the  adhesion  of  the  sister,  who  renounced 
the  married  state,  with  the  wealth  and  the  vanities  in 
which  she  had  delighted,  p  For  six  months  the  brothers 
resided  in  a  house  at  Chatillon,  for  the  purpose  of  settling 
their  worldly  affairs  before  entering  the  cloister. '^  Others 
in  the  meantime  were  induced  to  join  them,  and  in  1113 
Bernard,  with  more  than  thirty  companions,  presented 
himself  for  admission  at  Citeaux — a  monastery  which  he 
chose  for  the  sake  of  its  rigour,  and  as  offering  the  best 
hope  of  escaping  the  notice  of  men.'"  The  progress  of 
the  Cistercian  order  had  been  slow,  on  account  of  the 
severity  of  its  discipline,  so  that  Stephen  Harding,  the 
third  abbot,  had  almost  despaired  of  spiritual  offspring 
to  carry  on  his  system.  But  the  vision  by  which  he 
had  been  consoled,  of  a  multitude  washing  their  white 
garments  in  a  fountain,^  was  now  to  be  rapidly  fulfilled. 

"  Vita  I.,  i.  10.  adhucinsaeculocommorantisconversio 

0  lb.  17  ;  Alan,  14,  prassciretur."    Vita  I.,  i.  15. 

P  Vita  I.,  i.  30 ;  Alan,  22.  '  lb.  i.  8,  15,  19. 

<i  This  is  noted  as  a  singularity —  ■  lb.  18.     The  vision  is  attributed  to 

"  Hoc  enim  illis  temporibus,  et  in  illis  the  second  abbot,  Alberic,  by  his  bio 

erat  partibus  inauditum,   ut  alicujus  grapher,  c.  3,  Acta  SS.  Jan.  26. 


Chap.  VIII.  A.D.  III3  15-     FOUNDATION    OF    CLAIRVAUX.  715 

By  the  accession  of  Bernard'  and  his  company,  the 
original  monastery  became  too  narrow  to  contain  its 
inmates,  and  in  the  same  year  tlie  "  eldest  daughter,"  the 
monastery  of  La  Ferte',  was  founded.  This  was  followed 
in  1 1 14  by  the  foundation  of  Pontigny;  and  in  1115 
Bernard  himself  was  chosen  to  lead  forth  a  fresh  colony 
to  a  place  which  had  been  the  haunt  of  a  band  of 
robbers,  and  known  as  "The  Valley  of  Wormwood,"^ 
but  which  now  exchanged  its  name  for  that  of  Clairvaux 
— The  Bright  Valley.  For  a  time,  the  hardships  which 
the  little  community  had  to  bear  were  excessive.  They 
suffered  from  cold  and  from  want  of  clothing ;  they  were 
obliged  to  live  on  porridge  made  of  beech-leaves ;  ^  and 
when  the  season  of  necessity  was  past,  their  voluntary 
mortifications  were  such  as  to  strike  all  who  saw  them 
with  astonishment.  Their  bread,  wrung  by  their  labour 
from  an  ungracious  soil,  was  "  not  so  much  branny  as 
earthy  " ;  their  food  (it  is  said)  had  no  savour  but  what 
was  given  to  it  by  hunger  or  by  the  love  of  God ;  every- 
thing that  could  afford  pleasure  to  the  appetite  was  re- 
garded as  poison. y  A  monk  of  another  order,  who  visited 
Clairvaux,  carried  off  a  piece  of  the  bread  as  a  curiosity, 
and  used  to  show  it  with  expressions  of  wonder  that  men, 
and  yet  more,  that  such  men,  could  live  on  such  provi- 

*  The  Cistercians  were  often  called  the  French  Revolution — "  He  had  the 
Eernardines  ;  but  any  member  of  the  disposal  of  ;i^is,ooo  or  ;^2o,ooo  a  year, 
order  who  spoke  of  it  by  any  other  had  very  nice  carriages,  and  never 
than  its  proper  name  was  liable  to  a  stirred  without  four  horses  and  an  out- 
day's  penance  on  bread  and  water.  rider.  He  caused  himself  to  be  called 
Stat.  General,  a.d.  1197,  in  Martene  Your  Grace  by  his  monks  and  the  per- 
Thes.  iv.  1289.  sons  who  composed  his  court,  and  also 

"  This  name  is  referred  both  to  its  by    the   numerous  applicants   for  his 

production  of  that  herb   and   to   the  favours.   .   .    .   When  despoiled  of  all 

fact  of  its  having  been  inhabited  by  this  by  the  Revolution.  .  .  he  retired 

robbers.     See  Vita,  i.  25.  to  Bar-sur-Aube,  with  a  housekeeper 

^  lb.  ;  Joh.  Eremita,  Patrol,  clxxxv.  and   a  daughter  by  her."     Mem.    of 

670.     See  Mabillon,  Prjef.  34.  Count   Beugnot,    translated   by   Miss 

y  Vita,  i.  36.     Compare  the  account  Yonge,  i.  70-1  (Lond.  1071). 
of  the  last  abbot  of  Clairvaux  before 


76  ST.    BERNARD.  Book  VL 

sions.''  But  we  are  told  that  miracles  came  to  the  aid  of 
the  monks.  When  they  were  in  the  extremity  of  need, 
opportune  supplies  of  money  unexpectedly  arrived;  in 
a  famine,  when  they  undertook  to  feed  the  poor  of  the 
neighbourhood,  their  corn  was  miraculously  multiplied ; 
and  from  these  assistances  they  drew  a  confidence  in  the 
Divine  protection,  so  that  they  ceased  to  disturb  their 
abbot  with  anxieties  about  worldly  things.^ 

Bernard  himself  carried  his  mortifications  to  an  ex- 
treme of  rigour.  He  prayed  standing,  until  his  knees  and 
his  feet  failed  him  through  weariness ;  he  fasted  until 
his  digestion  was  so  deranged  that  to  eat  was  a  torture 
to  him  ;  he  grudged  the  scanty  time  which  he  allowed 
himself  for  sleep,  as  being  wasted  in  a  state  of  death.^ 
He  shared  beyond  his  strength  in  the  ruder  labours  of 
the  monks,  such  as  the  work  of  the  fields  and  the  carry- 
ing of  wood.  "It  was,"  says  one  of  his  biographers, 
"  as  if  a  lamb  were  yoked  to  the  plough  and  compelled 
to  drag  it."*^  Much  of  his  time  was  spent  in  study  ;  but, 
although  he  read  the  orthodox  expositors,  he  declared 
that  he  preferred  to  learn  the  sense  of  Scripture  from 
itself,  that  his  best  teachers  were  the  oaks  and  beeches 
among  which  he  meditated  in  solitude. 'i  By  the  severity 
of  his  exercises,  it  is  said  that  he  had  extinguished  his 
bodily  senses ;  for  many  days  together  he  ate  blood, 
supposing  it  to  be  butter ;  he  drank  oil  without  knowing 
it  from  water ;  after  having  spent  a  year  at  Citeaux,  he 
could  not  tell  whether  the  roof  of  the  novices'  chamber 
was  vaulted  or  not,  nor  whether  the  east  end  of  the 
church  had  two  windows  or  three  ;  and  for  a  whole  day 

«  Vita  I.,  i.  25.           '  lb.  27,  49.  York) — "  Experto  crede  ;  aliquid  am- 

•"  lb.  5,  21,  22,  23,  39 ;   Rob.  Antis-  plius  invenies  in  silvis  quam  in  llbris. 

siod.  in  Bouquet,  xii.  290.  Ligna  et  lapides  docebunt  te  quod  a 

<=  Vita,  i.  39.  magistris    audire    non    possis."      See 

•1  lb.    23  ;    cf.    Ep.    106  (to   Henry  Mabillon  in  Patrol,  clxxxii.  27  ;  Nic. 

Murdach,    afterwards    archbishop    of  de  Clemangis,  Ep.  lo,  p.  19. 


Chap.  VIII.  ST.    BERNARD. 


77 


he  walked  along  the  shore  of  the  Leman  lake  without 
being  aware  that  any  water  was  near.«  Hearing  that 
his  life  was  in  danger  from  his  excessive  mortifications, 
William  of  Champeaux,  bishop  of  Chalons  on  the  Marne, 
by  whom  he  had  been  ordained,  repaired  to  Citeaux, 
and,  prostrating  himself  before  the  abbots  of  the  order, 
who  were  assembled  in  a  general  chapter,  requested  that 
Bernard  might  be  committed  to  his  care  for  a  year.  The 
request  was  granted,  and  the  bishop  placed  the  abbot  in 
a  small  hut  outside  his  monastery,  "  like  those  usually 
made  for  lepers  at  the  crossings  of  the  highways,"^  with 
orders  that  he  should  not  be  disquieted  with  business 
or  allowed  to  indulge  in  his  usual  austerities.  By  this 
(although  the  bishop's  orders  were  but  imperfectly  obeyed) 
Bernard's  life  was  probably  saved  ;  but,  when  the  year 
was  at  an  end,  he  plunged  into  ascetic  exercises  more 
violently  than  before,  as  if  to  compensate  for  his  forced 
relaxations.^  In  later  years,  Bernard  expressed  disap- 
probation of  such  excess  in  morti€cation  as  that  by 
which  he  had  weakened  his  own  body  and  impaired  his 
vigour  ;^  yet  the  appearance  of  his  pale  face  and  mace- 
rated form,  the  contrast  of  bodily  weakness  with  inward 
strength,  contributed  greatly  to  enhance  the  effect  of 
his  powerful  voice  and  his  gushing  flow  of  language,  his 

•  Vita,  i.  20,  33  ;  iii.  2,  4.  treatise  is  addressed),  consulted  him 

<■  lb.    i.    33.      Megliiiger,  a    monk  at  an   earlier  time   as   to   the  use   of 

of   Wettingen    in    Switzerland,     who  medicine,   in  order  to  counteract  the 

visited  Clairvaux  in  1667,  tells  us  that  unwholesome  air  of  the  Tre  P'ontane 

this  hut  was  preserved  with  reverence,  near  Rome,    the   abbot   of  Clairvaux 

as  was  also  the  original  monastery,  replied  by  forbidding  all  other  remedies 

having  its  chapel,  its  dormitory,  and  than  such  simple  herbs  as  were  within 

its    refectory,    with    a  bare    earthen  the  reach  of  the  poor  (Ep.  345).     Ma- 

tloor,    all    under    one    roof.      Patrol.  billon,  in  his  note  on  the  passage,  and 

clxxxv.  1605-8.  ^Iso  in  his  Annals,  professes  himself 

g  Vita  I.,  i.  31-3,  38.     See  Maitland,  unable   to   enter    into    such  scruples. 

*  Dark  Ages  '  406.  "  Haec  communera  mortalium  captum 

''  'De  Consideratlone,' i.  c.  8.     Yet  a^eo  suparant,    ut  homines    ccelestes 

when  his  pupil,    Bernard  of  Pisa  (to  f^isse  oporteat  qui  sic  se  gesserint." 

whom,  as  Pope  Eugenius   III.,  that  ^nnal.  Beaed.  vi.  323. 


78  ST.    BERNARD.  Book  VI. 

Strong  conviction,  and  the  burning  fervour  with  which  he 
spoke.^  To  persons  of  every  class  he  knew  how  to  ad- 
dress himself  in  the  style  most  suitable  to  their  under- 
standing and  feelings  ;^  and  over  all  kinds  of  men,  from 
the  sovereign  to  the  serf,  he  exercised  an  irresistible 
power.  Whenever  he  went  forth  from  his  solitude, 
says  a  biographer,  he  carried  with  him,  like  Moses,  from 
his  intercourse  with  heaven,  a  glory  of  more  than  mortal 
purity,  so  that  men  looked  on  him  with  awe,  and  his 
words  sounded  to  them  as  the  voice  of  an  angel^  To 
his  other  means  of  influence  was  added  the  reputation 
of  prophetic  visions  and  of  miraculous  gifts.  Not  only  is 
it  said  that  he  healed  by  his  touch,  but  there  are  many 
such  stories  as  that  bread  which  he  had  blessed  produced 
supernatural  effects  both  on  the  bodies  and  on  the  minds 
of  those  who  ate  it ;  that  water  in  which  he  had  washed 
his  hands  cured  the  ailment  of  a  man  who  had  been 
charged  in  a  vision  to  drink  it ;  that  his  stole  cast  out  a 
devil ;  and  that  a  blind  man  recovered  his  sight  by  plac- 
ing himself  on  a  spot  where  the  saintly  abbot  had  stood. "^ 
Of  the  reality  of  his  miracles  Bernard  himself  appears 
to  have  been  convinced,  and  we  are  told  that  they  were 
a  matter  of  perplexity  to  him  ;  but  that,  after  much  con- 
sideration, he  concluded  that  they  were  granted  for  the 
good  of  others,  and  were  no  ground  for  supposing  himself 
to  be  holier  or  more  favoured  than  other  men."     When 

*  Wibald.  Ep.  147,  in  Patrol,  clxxxix.  dscmonia  ejicit,  Unguis  novis  loquitur, 

1255  ;    Odo   de    Deogilo,    ib.    clxxxv.  serpentes  tollit  ?  Quid  ergo  ?    Si  nemo 

1207  ;  Anselm.  Havelberg.    'Apol.  pro  hsec  habet,  aut  perpauci  nostris  viden- 

Clericis  Regularibus,'  Patrol,  dxxxviii,         tur  habere  temporibus." (Sermo 

J12S.  in  Ascensione  Domini,  i.  2.)     But  this 

^  Vita,  i.  29  ;  iii.  6.            '  Ib.  i.  28.  passage  does  not  warrant  the  statement 

™  Ib.  i.  43,  seqq.,  55  ;  ii.  46;  iii.  17  ;  which  has  been  founded  on  it,  that  he 

iv.  24-5,  30,  37  ;  vii.  27,  etc.  supposed  "miracles  to   be  no  longer 

"  Ib.  iii    20.     On  the  miracles,  see  wrought  in  the  Church "  (Robins,  on 

Schrockh,     xxvii.     265-9;    Neander's  '  The  Claims  of  the  Rom.  Ch.',  469), 

'  Bernard,'  1 10-13;  Ch.  Hist.  vii.  355-7.  as  he  evidently  speaks  of  one  class  of 

Bernard  himself  says,  in  preaching  on  miracles  only,    and    even  as  to  that 

St.  Mark,  xvi.  17-18,  "Quis,  inquam,  makes  the  reservation  "aut  perpauci." 


Chap.  VIII.  ST.    BERNARD.  jg 

recommended  by  such  a  man^  th:;  rigour  which  at  first 
had  deterred  from  the  Cistercian  order  became  a 
powerful  attraction ;.  Clairvaux  was  beset  by  candidates 
for  admission ;  the  number  of  its  inmates  rose  to  seven 
hundred,  among  whom  the  king's  brother  Henry,  after- 
ward archbishop  of  Reims,  was  to  be  seen  submitting 
to  the  same  severe  discipUne  as  the  rest ;  and  the  number 
of  monasteries  founded  by  Bernard,  in  person  or  through 
his  disciples,  amounted  to  a  hundred  and  sixty,  scattered 
over  every  country  of  the  west,  but  subject,  as  was  be- 
lieved, to  a  preternatural  kncwledge  of  their  affairs  which 
enabled  him  to  watch  over  all.°  Wives  were  afraid  for 
their  husbands,  and  mothers  hid  their  sons,  lest  they 
should  fall  under  the  fascination  of  Bernard's  eloquence, 
and  desert  the  world  for  the  cloister.P  As  the  chief  re- 
presentative of  the  age's  feelings,  the  chief  model  of  the 
character  which  it  most  revered,  he  found  himself,  ap- 
parently without  design,  and  even  unconsciously,  elevated 
to  a  position  of  such  influence  as  no  ecclesiastic,  either 
before  or  since  his  time,  has  attained.  Declining  the 
dignities  to  which  he  saw  a  multitude  of  his  followers 
promoted,^  the  abbot  of  Clairvaux  was  for  a  quarter  of 
a  century  the  real  soul  and  director  of  the  papacy ;  he 
guided  the  policy  of  emperors  and  kings,  and  swayed 
the  deliberations  of  councils  ;  nay,  however  little  his 
character  and  the  training  of  his  own  mind  might  have 
fitted  him  for  such  a  work,  the  authority  of  his  sanctity 
was  such  as  even  to  control  the  intellectual  development 
of  the  age  which  owned  him  as  its  master. 

In  the  schism  which  had  now  arisen,  Bernard  zealously 
espoused  the  interest  of  Innocent."^  At  a  council  which 
king  Lewis  summoned  at  liitampes  for  the  consideration 

0  Vita,  1.  62-3;  V.  13  ;  Neander,  vii.  "■  See  his  Epistle,  124,  to  Hildebert 
352.                                                                   of  Tours,  who  for  a  time  was  unde- 

p  Vita,  i.  IS,  61  ;  Alan,  12.  dded. 

1  Alan,  i.  25 ;  Vita,  ii.  37. 


8o  PETER   THE   VENERABLE.  Book  VL 

of  the  question,  the  abbot  of  Clairvaux  is  said  to  have 
spoken  as  if  by  the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Ghost ;  and 
the  assembly,  in  accordance  with  his  opinion,  pronounced 
in  favour  of  Innocent — not,  apparently,  as  having  been 
the  most  regularly  elected  (for  it  is  said  that  the  notorious 
disorderliness  of  Roman  elections  led  them  to  pay  little 
regard  to  this  point),^  but  mainly  on  the  ground  of  his 
superior  personal  merit.' 

Unequalled  as  Bernard's  influence  became,  however, 
perhaps  that  of  Peter  "  the  Venerable  "  was  at  this  time 
yet  more  important  to  Innocent.  For  Anacletus  had 
himself  been  a  monk  of  Cluny,  and  had  reckoned  on  the 
support  of  his  order  ;  so  that  the  ready  and  spontaneous* 
declaration  of  the  abbot  in  behalf  of  Innocent  inflicted 
the  severest  blow  on  the  rival  claimant  of  the  papacy." 
And  the  character  of  Peter  was  such  as  to  give  all 
weight  to  his  decision.  Elected  to  the  headship  of  his 
order  at  the  age  of  thirty,  he  had  recovered  Cluny  from 
the  effects  of  the  disorders  caused  by  his  predecessor, 
Pontius,^  and  had  once  more  established  its  reputa- 
tion as  a  seat  of  piety,  learning,  and  arts.y  In  him  the 
monastic  spirit  had  not  extinguished  the  human  affec- 
tions, but  was  combined  with  a  mildness,  a  tolerance, 
and  a  charity  which  he  was  able  to  reconcile  with  the 
strictest  orthodoxy.^  The  reputation  of  the  "  venerable  " 
abbot  was  such  that  emperors,  kings,  and  high  eccle- 
siastical personages  revered  his  judgment ;  and  when  it 
became   known  that  Innocent  had  reached  Cluny  with 

»  Suger,  Patrol,  clxxxv.  1351.  Ven.,  c.  4  (ib.);  Order.  Vital,  xiii.  3  ; 

t  Vita   Bern.    ii.  3  ;  Arnulf.  Lexov.  Daunou  in  Hist.  Litt.  xiii.  243. 

de  Schismate,  5  (Patrol,  cci.);  Chron.  ^  See  above,  p.  32. 

Maurin.  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.  79  ;  Hefele,  ^  See  Ord.  Vital,  in  Patrol,  clxxxviii. 

V.   363.     The  date   of  this  council  is  935,  as  to  his  reforms  in  discipline, 

supposed  to  have  been  before  May  i,  *  See  Schrockh,  xxvii.  242-3 ;  Nean- 

1130.     See  Luden,  x.  533.  der,  Ch.  Hist.  vii.  346-7,  and  '  Bernard,' 

"  See  Anacl.  Ep.  6  (Patrol,  clxxix.);  71-2. 
Pet.  Ep.  ii.  3  (ib.  clxxxix.) ;  Vita  Pet. 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  1130-1.     INNOCENT    II.    IN    FRANCE.  81 

a  train  of  sixty  horses,  provided  by  the  abbot  for  his 
conveyance,  the  eftect  of  this  signal  declaration  against 
the  Cluniac  antipope  was  widely  and  strongly  felt.**  At 
Cluny  Innocent  spent  eleven  days,  and  on  the  25th  of 
October,  the  anniversary  of  the  dedication  of  the  high 
altar  by  Urban  II.,  he  consecrated  the  new  church  of 
the  monastery.^  There  he  was  welcomed  in  the  name 
of  the  French  king  by  Suger,  abbot  of  St.  Denys  ;  and  in 
the  beginning  of  113 1  he  was  received  by  Lewis  himself 
at  Fleury,  with  the  deepest  demonstrations  of  respect.*^ 

With  a  view  of  enlisting  Henry  of  England  in  the  same 
cause,  Bernard  had  undertaken  a  journey  into  his  con- 
tinental territory ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  opposition 
of  many  prelates,  who  are  said  to  have  represented  that 
Innocent,  as  a  fugitive,  would  be  a  burden  to  the  king 
and  to  his  people,^  the  abbot  had  met  with  his  wonted 
success.  On  Henry's  hesitating, — "Are  you  afraid," 
asked  Bernard,  "  that  you  may  sin  by  giving  your 
obedience  to  Innocent  ?  Think  how  you  may  answer 
for  your  other  sins,  and  let  this  rest  on  me  ! "  The 
king's  reluctance  was  overcome,  and  he  accompanied 
Bernard  to  Chartres,  where  Innocent  re- 
ceived his  assurances  of  support,  with  the  •^^"'  ^' 
magnificent  presents  which  accompanied  them.« 

Anacletus  had  proposed  that  the  question  between 
himself  and  his  rival  should  be  decided  by  an  ecclesias- 
tical council  or  by  the  emperor;  but  the  proposal  was 
declined  by  Innocent,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  already 
rightful  pope.^  Each  party  continued,  by  strenuous 
exertions,  to  endeavour  to  enlist  adherents.  The  car- 
dinals who  supported   Innocent  wrote  to  Lothair,  that, 

*  Vita  Pet.    4  ;    Ord.    Vit.    xiii.   2  ;  158  ;  Suger,  ib.  clxxix.  1331. 
Mabill.  Annal.  Bened.  vi.  171.  **  Arnulf.  Lexov.  de  Schism.  6. 

^  Epp.  89,  91  (Patrol,  clxxix.);  Pagi,  «  Vita  Bern.  ii.  4  ;  Suger,  1331. 

xviii.  439 ;  Jaffe,  568.  ''  See  Ord.    Vit.  xiii.  4  ;    Neander's 

«  Chron,     Maurin.,    Patrol,    clxxx.  '  Bernard,' 95-6. 

VOL.  V.  6 


g2  INNOCENT   II.    AND   ANACLETUS    II.  Book  V 

after  their  election  had  been  made  at  the  third  hour,  the 
Jewish  antipope  was  chosen  at  the  sixth — the  hour  when 
the  Redeemer  was  crucified  by  the  Jews,  and  when  a 
thick  darkness  overspread  the  world.  They  dwell  on 
his  alleged  impieties  and  other  misdeeds;  they  assure 
Lothair  that  the  whole  East  joins  in  anathematizing  the 
pretender,  and  they  entreat  the  king  of  the  Romans 
himself  to  support  their  cause.^ 

With  no  less  eagerness  and  confidence,  Anacletus 
endeavoured  to  make  interest  in  all  quarters.  He 
insisted  on  the  validity  of  his  election,  which  he  de- 
scribed as  unanimous,*^  although  he  admitted  that  he  was 
opposed  by  a  few  sons  of  Belial,  on  whom  he  lavishes 
all  the  treasures  of  ecclesiastical  abuse.^  He  reminds 
some  to  whom  he  writes  of  their  ancient  friendship  with 
his  father;^  toothers  he  recalls  his  own  friendly  relations 
with  them ;  to  the  Cluniacs,  his  connexion  with  their 
order  and  its  chief  monastery.^  He,  too,  boasts  of  his 
powerful  supporters — that  he  is  acknowledged  throughout 
the  whole  of  Rome,  and  that  the  East  is  with  him  ;""  and 
it  would  seem  that  he  endeavoured  to  verify  this  boast 
by  a  letter  to  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  in  which  he  vaguely 
promises  to  do  great  things  for  the  holy  city."  But  the 
success  of  these  endeavours  was  very  small.  For  a  time 
bishops  of  the  opposite  parties  contended  in  dioceses, 

G  Patrol,  clxxix.  37.  simoniis    publicis    et    privatis    lepram 

^  Ep.  10,  ib.  Naaman  et  maledictionem  Dei  est  vere 

'  E.g.,      "Verum      quidam      falsi  sortitus .  ..  Latrant  in  nos  canes  im- 

fratres,    filii    Belial,    filii    pestilentise,  pudentissimi,  et  ore  vipereo  detrahunt, 

filii  Agar,   sapientiam    quae  de  terra  et  foetentem  crapulam  eructantes,   in 

est  exquirentes,   inebriati    calice    irse  Dei  ecclesia  de  sua  pessima  conscientia 

Domini,  Dei  dispositioni   et  constitu-  multa  ore  fcetidissimoevomunt."    (Ep. 

tioni  ecclesiasticae  cursu  improbo  visi  6.)    The  Hebrew  pope  even  ventures 

sunt    contraire.      Quorum    caput    est  to  speak  of  one  opponent  as  "uncii> 

Aimericus,      quondam      cancellarius,  cumcised."     Ep.  9. 

avaritiae  servus,  histrionum  et  scurra-  ^  Ep.  5. 

rum  delirus  incentor,  ecclesiarum  ex-  *  Epp.  6,  9. 

•ppliator  [tf/.  expilator],  servorum  Dei  ™  Epp.  9,  4a 

improbus    exactor,    alter    Giezi,    qui  ■  Ep.  2a. 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  11301.       ASSEMBLY   AT    LIl^^GE.  83 

and  rival  abbots  disputed  the  headship  of  monasteries  ;« 
but  the  great  orders  all  declared  in  favour  of  Innocent.? 
The  letters  which  Anacletus  addressed  to  princes  and 
prelates  remained  without  acknowledgment,^  and  the 
only  secular  power  which  he  was  able  to  secure  to  his 
side  was  that  of  the  southern  Normans.  The  position 
of  the  rivals  was  expressed  by  a  verse  which  spoke  of 
Peter  as  having  Rome,  while  Gregory  had  the  whole 
world/ 

Although  Anacletus  had  declared  himself  in  favour  of 
Lothair,  instead  of  throwing  himself  into  the  interest 
of  the  Hohenstaufen  family,^  and  although  Lothair  had 
been  importuned  in  his  behalf  by  a  letter  written  in  the 
name  of  the  Romans,^  Germany  was  won  to  the  side 
of  Innocent  by  legates  who  appeared  before  a  diet  at 
Wiirzburg,  and  it  was  arranged  that  the  king  should  meet 
the  pope  at  Liege.  The  assemblage  collected  in  that 
city  for  the  occasion  was  imposing  from  the  number  of 
prelates  and  nobles  who  attended.  Lothair  March  22-9, 
received  the  pope  with  the  greatest  rever-  1131- 
ence,  held  the  rein  of  his  horse  while  he   rode  through 

»  Ord.    Vit.    xiii.    3.     Hugh,   arch-  vero  diu    a   Cisalpina,    imo    fere   ab 

bishop  of  Capua,  who  had  been   con-  universa  ecclesia  discordantes,  exosse 

secrated     by     Anacletus,      on     being  memorise  Petroleoni  et  apostasiae  ejus 

ejected,  married  and  practised  physic  nimium  favisse  videbantur"  (Twys- 

at  Rome.     Hist.  Pontificahs  in  Pertz.,  den,  325)— where,  with   the  strongest 

XX.  520.  wish  to  make  out  his  hated  neighbours 

P  See  his  complaints,  Epp.  10-12,  18,  to  have  been  schismatics,  the  chroni- 

47.  cler  does  not  go  so  far  as  to  state  posi- 

1  Amulf.     Lexov.,    in    Patrol,    cci.  lively  that  they  were  such.     On  the 

193-4  ;  Bern.  Ep.  cxxvi.  9,  10.  other  hand  the  chronicle  of  Melrose 

'  Romain  Petrus  habet,  totum  Gregorius  mentions  Innocent  as  the  successoi  of 

erbem."— i2<7*.  de  Monte,  A.D.  1130.  Honorius  (a.d.  1130),  and  records  the 

It  has  been  very  commonly  said  that  death     of     Anacletus     thus — "  Obiit 

Scotland  was  with  Anacletus,  and  did  Petrus  Leo  antipapa"  (1138);  and  St. 

not  submit  to  Innocent  until  after  the  Bernard,  as  early  as   1131,   expressly 

death  of  his  rival  (Mosh.  ii.  448  ;  Grub,  mentions  Scotland  as  adhering  to  In- 

i.  262  ;  E.  W.  Robertson,  i.   10  ;  Jos.  nocent.     Ep.  cxxv.  2. 

Robertson,  Introd.  27).     But  the  only  »  Anacl.  Epp.  i.  2,  18  (Patrol.  clxxixX 

authority  for  this  seems  to  be  a  passage  *  Baron.  1130.    24. 
in  Richard  of  Hexham—"  lUi  [Scoti] 


84  INNOCENT   AND    LOTHAIR.  booK  VI. 

the  streets,"  and,  with  his  wife  Richenza,  was  crowned 
by  his  hands  in  the  cathedral.^  The  king  promised  to 
go  into  Italy,  and  to  seat  Innocent  in  St.  Peter's  chair ; 
but  when,  in  consideration  of  this  aid,  he  desired  that 
the  privilege  of  investiture  should  be  restored  to  him, — 
representing,  it  is  said,  that  the  weakening  of  the  impe- 
rial power  by  the  cession  of  this  was  a  weakening  of 
the  papacy  itself,^ — a  serious  difference  arose.  To  the 
Romans  who  were  present,  the  proposal  appeared  to 
involve  evils  even  worse  than  the  ascendency  of  the 
antipope  in  Rome;^  but  their  repugnance  might  have 
been  unavailing  if  it  had  not  been  reinforced  by  the 
authority  of  Bernard,  to  whose  firm  opposition  Lothair 
found  himself  obliged  to  yield.*  But  in  questions  which 
soon  after  arose  as  to  various  sees — especially  those  of 
Treves  and  Verdun — he  showed  that  he  was  no  longer 
disposed,  as  at  the  time  of  his  election,  to  give  up  the 
privileges  which  had  been  reserved  to  the  crown  by  the 
concordat  of  Worms,  but,  agreeably  to  the  terms  of  that 
treaty,  he  insisted  that  the  bishops  should  receive  in- 
vestiture before  consecration.^ 

Returning   into    France,    Innocent   spent   the   Easter 

"  Suger,  Vita  Ludov.  Grossi,  Patrol.  imminens  mucro  barbaricus  compulit 

clxxxvi.  1331.  acquiescere    importunis    improbisque 

X  Anselm.  Gemblac,  a.d.   1131  (Pa-  postulationibus    iracundi    atque    iras- 

trol.  clx.).  centis  regis."     Peter  of  Monte  Cassi- 

y  Otto  Frising.  vii.  18  ;  Chron.  Urs-  no  is  certainly  wrong  in   saying  that 

pcrg.  212.  the    pope    granted    to   Lothair   "vir- 

*  Vita  Bern.  ii.  5.  gam  et  annulum  juxta  morem  anti- 

»  The  amount  of  what  Lothair  asked  quum,"  and  also  the  inheritance  of  the 

is  variously  stated.     Some,  as  Hefele  Countess  Matilda  (Patrol,  clxxiii  919). 

and  Luden,  think  that  he  did  not  wish  See  Card,  de  Aragon.,  33  (ib.  clxxix.); 

to  get  rid  of  the  terms  agreed   on  at  Schrockh,     xxvii.    loi  ;     Planck,     iv. 

Worms,  but  only  to  be  released  from  336-8  ;  Patrol,  clxxxv.  727  ;  Lr.den.  x. 

he  further  concessions  which  he  had  67-8,  79;  Gieseler,  IL  ii.  67  ;  Ilefele, 

made  at    his    election  ;    but  that  his  v.  367. 

object  was  really  nothing  less  than  to  ^  Gesta    Alberonis    Trevir..  Patrol, 

recover  the  power  of  investiture  seems  cliv.  1317-22  ;  Gesta  Epp.  Virdun.,  ib, 

probable    from    Bernard's    language,  cciv.  955-6  ;  Planck,  iv.  339  ;  Gieseler, 

Ep.  150— "Sed  aec  Leodii  cervicibus  TL  ii.  68. 


Chap.  VIII.   a.d.  1131.      COUNCIL   AT   REIMS.  g- 

season  at  Paris  and  St.  Denys,  where  he  was  received 
with  splendid  hospitality ;  <=  and  in  October  he  held  a 
council  at  Reims,  which  was  attended  by  thirteen 
archbishops  and  two  hundred  and  sixty-three  bishops.'i 
Norbert,  the  founder  of  the  Premonstratensians,  and 
now  archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  appeared  on 
the  part  of  the  German  king,  to  renew  his  ^  .  i  . 
promises  of  assistance,  and  to  efface  the  remembrance 
of  the  late  disputes.®  The  kings  of  England,  of  Aragon, 
and  of  Castile  were  also  represented  by  prelates  who 
tendered  in  their  names  assurances  of  obedience  and  sup- 
port. Lewis  of  France  was  present  in  person  ;  and,  as  his 
son  and  colleague,  Philip,  had  lately  been  killed  by  a  fall 
from  his  horse  in  a  street  of  Paris,^  a  younger  son,  Lewis, 
at  that  time  ten  years  old,  was  crowned  in  his  stead. ^ 

Bernard  had  by  his  personal  intercourse  acquired  an 
unbounded  influence  over  Innocent,  so  that  although 
the  pope  still  appeared  to  consult  in  public  with  his 
cardinals,  it  was  known  that  he  was  really  under  the 
guidance  of  the  abbot  of  Clairvaux,  to  whom  all  who 
desired  any  favour  from  the  pope  addressed  themselves.^ 
From   Reims   Innocent   proceeded    to   visit   Clairvaux, 

'  Suger,   in   Patrol,   clxxxvi.    1332.  quence  of  a  threat  which  Bernard  had 

Orderic  says  that  the  expense  of  enter-  uttered  on  account  of  the  king's  mis- 

taining  the  pope  was  severely  felt —  behaviour  in  some  ecclesiastical  affairs. 

"  Immensam      gravedinem      ecclesiis  (Vita  Bern.  iv.  11.)     Robert  of  Dreux, 

Galliarum    ingessit,    utpote    qui    Ro-  who  was  older  than  Philip,  had  been 

manos  officiales  cum  multis  clientibus  set  aside  on    account  of   incapacity, 

secum  habuit,  et  de  redditibus  apos-  Joh.  Iper.  in  Md.rt.  Thes.  iii.  635. 

tolicse    sedls    in    Italia  nihil    adipisci  e  A  sermon  on  the  faults  of  bishops 

potuit."    xiii.  3.  and  clergy,  said  to  have  been  delivered 

•*  Ord.  Vital.  1.  c.     By  some  writers  by    Bernard    before    this    council,    is 

this  council  is  placed  before  the  meet-  printed  in  Patrol,  clxxxiv.  1079,  seqq., 

ing  at  Liege.     Butsee  Mabillon,  Praef.  but  appears   to  be  a  reminiscence  of 

in  Bern.  c.  43  ;  Pagi,  xvlii.  476.  what  he  really  said,  written  down  by  a 

®  Chron.    Maurin.,    Patrol,    clxxx.  hearer  fifteen  years  after  (see  Pez,  VI. 

162.  i.  337).  Mabillon  (not.  in  loc.)  tl  Inks  it 

*■  Suger,    1333  ;   Ord.    Vit.    xiii.    3  ;  too  insolent  and  coarse  to  be  genuine. 

Chron.  Sithiens.  ap.  Bouquet,  xiii.  469.  See  Theiner,  ii.  346 ;  Hefele,  v.  369. 

This  is  said  to  have  been   the  coni;-  ^  Vita  Bern.  ii.  5. 


86  INNOCENT  AT  CLAIRVAUX.  Boo*  VI. 

where  he  was  the  more  deeply  impressed  by  the  austerity 
of  the  Cistercian  system  from  its  contrast  with  the 
magnificence  of  Cluny.  The  "  poor  of  Christ/'  according 
to  Bernard's  biographer,  received  him,  not  in  purple  and 
fine  linen,  not  with  the  display  of  gilded  books  and 
splendid  furniture,  not  with  the  loud  blare  of  trumpets ; 
but  their  coarsely-attired  procession  carried  a  cross  of 
stone,  and  greeted  him  with  a  low  chant  of  psalms. 
The  pope  and  his  attendant  bishops  were  moved  to 
tears  at  the  sight,  while  the  monks,  with  their  eyes 
fixed  on  the  ground,  would  not  allow  themselves  to  look 
at  their  visitors.  It  was  with  awe  that  these  beheld 
the  simple  oratory  with  its  naked  walls,  the  refectory 
with  its  bare  earthen  floor,  the  rude  and  scanty  pro- 
visions of  the  brotherhood— even  fish  being  served  up 
for  the  pope's  table  only.  The  solemnities  of  the  choir 
were  painfully  disturbed  by  a  monk  who  suddenly 
exclaimed,  "  I  am  the  Christ !  "  but  we  are  told  that  the 
demon  who  had  prompted  this  outbreak  was  immedi- 
ately quelled  by  the  prayers  of  Bernard  and  his  brethren.^ 
In  April  1132,  Innocent  crossed  the  Alps  on  his  re- 
turn to  Italy,  having  addressed  from  Lyons  a  letter  to 
Bernard,  by  which,  in  acknowledgment  of  his  services, 
the  pope  bestowed  exemptions  and  other  privileges  on 
Clairvaux  and  on  the  whole  Cistercian  order>  After 
having  spent  the  summer  in  Lombardy,  he  met  Lothair 
in  the  plains  of  Roncaglia  in  November.^  Since  the 
election  of  the  German  king,  the  interest  of  the  Hohen- 
staufen  had  been  strengthened  by  the  return  of  Frede- 
rick's brother  Conrad  from  the  Holy  Land ;  and  as 
Conrad  had  taken  no  oath  of  fealty  to  Lothair,  he  was 
now  set  up  as  the  head  of  the  party.™  In  11 28  he  was 
crowned  as  king  of  Italy  at  Monza  by  Anselm,  archbishop 
of  Milan,  who,  on  the  ground  of  his  church's  independ- 

'  Vita,  ii.  6,  ^  Bem.  Ep.  352.  '  Jafife,  568-70.       "  Luden,  x,  21,  97. 


Chap,  VIII.  a.d.  1131-3-      LOTHAIR   AT   ROME.  87 

ence,  had  refused  the  pall  from  pope  Honorius.  In  con- 
sequence of  having  officiated  at  the  coronation,  Anselm 
had  been  declared  by  Honorius  to  be  deposed,  and, 
having  afterwards  accepted  the  pall  from  Anacletus,  he 
«vas  excommunicated  by  Innocent  and  driven  from  his 
city,"  while  Conrad  was  excommunicated  by  both  the 
claimants  of  the  papacy."  Yet  the  opposition  of  the 
Hohenstaufen  was  still  so  formidable  in  Germany  that 
Lothair,  when  he  proceeded  into  Italy,  in  fulfilment  of 
the  promise  which  he  had  made  at  Liege,  could  only 
take  with  him  a  body  of  1,500  or  2,000  horse,  which 
excited  the  mockery  of  the  Italians.?  With  this  small 
force,  however,  he  conducted  the  pope  to  Rome,  where 
they  arrived  on  the  30th  of  April  1133. 

Attempts  were  made  by  Anacletus  (who  still  held  pos- 
session of  a  great  part  of  the  city)  to  obtain  an  inquiry 
into  his  pretensions  ;  but  Lothair,  under  the  influence  of 
the  opposite  party,  rejected  his  overtures,  and  issued  an 
edict  in  condemnation  of  him.<i  On  the  4th  of  June, 
Lothair  and  Richenza  were  crowned  in  the  Lateran  by 
Innocent ;  for  St.  Peter's,  the  usual  scene  of  the  imperial 
coronations,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  antipope.  Before 
entering  the  church,  the  emperor  swore,  in  the  presence 
of  the  Roman  nobles,  to  defe-nd  the  pope's  person  and 
dignity,  to  maintain  those  royalties  of  St.  Peter  which 
Innocent  already  possessed,  and  to  aid  him  with  all  his 
power  towards  the  recovery  of  the  rest.^  A  compromise 
was  arranged  as  to  the  inheritance  of  the  countess 
Matilda,  which,  in  consequence  of  Henry  V.'s  refusal  to 
admit  her  donation,^  had  become  a  subject  of  dispute 

■  Landulf.  jun.  38-40  (Patr.  clxxiii.);  1  Patrol,  clxxix.  47-8. 

Muratori,  Ann.  VI.  ii.  205;  Luden,  x.  '  lb.    50;   Card.    Aragon.,    jb.    34; 

^g-44  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  223.  Otto  Fris.  vii.  18  ;  Chron.  Maurin.  ap. 

•  Innoc.  Ep.  i  ;  Anacl.  Ep.  18.  Bouquet,  xii.  84  ;  Gregorov.  iv.  409. 

p  Otto  Fris.  vii.  18  ;  Raumer,  i.  225;  •  See  above,  p   12. 
Luden,  x.  570. 


SS  COUNCIL   AT    PISA.  BobtcVl. 

between  the  papacy  and  the  empire,  Lothair  was  in 
vested  with  the  lands  by  the  ceremony  of  the  ring,  and 
was  to  hold  them  under  the  Roman  see  on  payment  of  a 
hundred  pounds  of  silver  yearly ;  and  after  him  they  were 
to  be  held  on  like  terms  by  his  son-in-law  Henry,  duke  of 
Bavaria,  at  whose  death  they  were  to  revert  to  the  papacy.^ 
In  this  arrangement  it  is  evident  that  Lothair  was  more 
eager  to  secure  the  interest  of  his  own  family  than  that  of 
the  elective  imperial  crown.  But  beyond  the  temporary 
settlement  of  this  question  and  his  formal  acknowledg- 
ment as  emperor,  Lothair's  expedition  to  Italy  had  no 
results.  His  declaration  in  favour  of  Innocent  was  not 
supported  either  by  the  force  which  would  have  sup- 
pressed opposition,  or  by  the  wealth  which  would  have 
bought  over  the  Romans  ;  and  he  found  himself  obliged 
to  retire  before  the  dangers  of  the  climate,  leaving  Rome 
a  prey  to  its  exasperated  factions."  Innocent  was  speedily 
again  driven  out,  and  withdrew  to  Pisa,  where  he  re- 
mained until  the  beginning  of  1137.^ 

At  Pisa  a  great  council  was  held  in  May  ii36,y  when 
Anacletus  was  excommunicated,  and  the  sentence  ol 
deposition,  without  hope  of  restoration,  was  pronounced 
against  his  partisans.^  At  this  assembly  Bernard  was 
the  person  most  remarkable  for  the  influence  which  he 
exerted,  and  for  the  reverence  which  was  paid  to  him ; 
but  we  are  assured  by  his  biographer  that  he  remained 
unmoved  by  all  the  honours  which  were  pressed  on  him.^ 
From  Pisa  he  proceeded  to  Milan,  in  order  to  complete 
the  work  of  reclaiming  the  citizens  from  their  adhesion 
to  the  antipope  and  Conrad.     When  his  approach  was 

*  Innoc.    Ep.    145  ;    Planck,   IV.     .  ^  Chron.  Pisan.  in  Murat.  Rer.  lul 

339 ;  Luden,  x.  571.  Scriptores,    vi.     170.     The   date    1134 

"  Card.   Arag.,   Patrol,  clxxix.   34  ;  is  often  wrongly  given.       See  Jaffe, 

Anselm.    Gemblac.     A.D.     1133    (ib.  573. 

clx.).  *  Hardouin,  VI.  ii.  1197-8. 

«  lb.;  Jaffi^  ;  Innoc.  Ep.  155  ;  Anacl.  '  Vita,  ii.  8. 
Ep.  47. 


Chaf,  Vtli.  A.D.  1133-6.      BERNARt)    AT    MILAN.  89 

known,  almost  the  whole  population  poured  forth  to 
meet  him  at  a  distance  of  some  miles.  They  thronged 
to  touch  him  ;  they  pulled  out  threads  from  his  clothes, 
to  be  treasured  as  relics  or  employed  for  the  cure  of  the 
sick.  Bread  and  water  were  brought  from  a  distance  for 
his  blessing,  from  which  they  were  believed  to  derive 
a  sacramental  virtue ;  and  a  vast  number  of  miracles 
was  wrought,  which  were  ascribed  by  the  Milanese  to 
his  sanctity,  and  by  himself  to  the  willing  and  eager 
faith  of  the  people.  The  turbulent  city  submitted  im- 
plicitly to  his  words ;  the  ornaments  of  the  churches 
were  put  away,  sackcloth  and  coarse  woollen  garments 
were  generally  worn,  and  women  as  well  as  men  mani- 
fested their  repentance  by  submitting  to  be  shorn  ot 
their  hair.  Bernard  was  entreated  to  accept  the  arch- 
bishoprick,  which  he  did  not  absolutely  refuse  ;  but  he 
declared  that  he  would  leave  the  matter  to  be  decided  by 
the  course  which  his  palfrey  should  take  on  the  morrow, 
and  in  obedience  to  this  sign  he  rode  away  from  Milan.^ 
A  new  archbishop,  Robald,  was  soon  afterwards  elected, 
and,  at  Bernard's  persuasion,  the  Milanese  consented  to 
his  accepting  the  pall  from  Innocent,  and  taking  an  oath 
to  the  pope  by  which,  in  the  words  of  the  chronicler 
Landulf,  "  he  turned  the  liberty  of  the  church  of  Milan 
into  the  contrary."*^  The  jurisdiction  of  the  see  had 
lately  been  diminished  by  the  erection  of  an  archbishop- 
rick  of  Genoa,  with  metropolitan  authority  over  some 
dioceses  which  were  withdrawn  from  the  province  ot 
Milan.d 

On  Bernard's  return  to  France,  his  influence  was  again 
remarkably  manifested.     Gerard,  bishop  of  Angouleme, 

•»  Vita,  ii.  9-15  ;  vii.  25  ;  Epp.  131-3,  xvii.  973.)    At  the  same  time  Pisa  wa» 

137,    314  ;    Landulf.   jun.    42  (Patrol.  made    an    archbishoprick,    with    thtj 

clxxiii.)  ;  Alan.  51.  primacy  of  Sardinia  annexed.     Bern. 

'  Liern.  Ep.  141  ;  Land.  jun.  42-3.  Guiaonis,  29  ;  Pand.   Pisan.  in  Patrol 

**  A.D.  1133.     (G.   Stella,  in  Murat.  clxxix.  32;  Card.  Arag.  ib.  34. 


90  feERNARD   AND  Book  VI 

who  had  taken  a  prominent  part  m  forcing  Pope  Paschal 
to  recall  his  compact  with  Henr^  V.,«  had  been  employed 
by  successive  popes  as  legate  for  Aquitaine  and  the  ad- 
joining provinces  of  Spain.  He  had  written  to  the  council 
of  Etampes  a  letter  in  favour  of  Innocent,  but,  having  been 
unable  to  obtain  from  that  pope  a  renewal  of  his  legation, 
he  had  espoused  the  party  of  Anacletus,  and  had  received 
from  him  a  fresh  commission/  It  was  in  vain  that  he 
attempted  to  draw  Henry  of  England  and  some  princes 
of  Spain  and  Brittany  into  the  antipope's  interest;  but  he 
was  able  to  secure  the  adherence  of  William  IX.,  count 
of  Aquitaine,^  and,  relying  on  the  count's  support,  he 
seized  on  the  see  of  Bourges,  and  ejected  several  bishops 
and  abbots,  filling  their  places  with  men  whose  birth  is 
said  to  have  been  their  only  qualification  for  such  office.^ 
Peter  of  Cluny  had  endeavoured  to  reclaim  the  count 
of  Aquitaine,  but  without  success ;  but  at  the  request  of 
Innocent's  legate,  Geoffrey,  bishop  of  Chartres,  Bernard 
undertook  the  task.  After  having  listened  to  his  argu- 
ments, the  count,  who  was  really  indifferent  as  to  the 
claims  of  the  rival  popes,  professed  himself  willing  to  join 
the  party  of  Innocent.  But  as  to  the  deprived  bishops, 
he  declared  that  he  would  not  and  could  not  restore 
them,  because  they  had  ofi'ended  him  beyond  forgiveness, 
and  he  had  bound  himself  by  an  oath  to  the  contrary ; 
nor  could  he  be  persuaded  by  Bernard's  assurances  that 
such  oaths  were  not  to  be  regarded  as  valid.^    The  abbot 

•  Will.  Malmesb.  427-8 ;  Ekkehard,  it  is  supposed  that  he  has  been  too 

A.D.  1112.     See  above,  p.  10.  hardly  treated  by  Innocent's  partisans. 

^  Vulgrinus  Bituric.  in  Patrol,  clxxix.  Col.  1311. 

41-6;  Bern.  Epp.  126-8;  Anacl.  Epp.  s  Arnulf  styles  William  "voluptatum 

7-9  ;  Vita  Bern.  ii.  32  ;  Arnulf.  Lexov.  vir,  animalis  homo,  arcana  spiritualium 

de     Scaismate    (a    violent     invective  non  attingens,  ob  repulsam  petitionis 

against    Gerard),     5     (Patrol,     cci.);  illicita;    mancipatus    errori."     Patrol. 

Chron.     Maurin.,     ib.     clxyx.    167-9.  cci.  193. 

Gerard's  remains  are  in  the  Patrologia,  ^  Arnulf.  5-8  ;  Bern.  Ep.  cxxvi,  3,  7 ; 

vol.  clxxii.,  with  an   account   of  him  Vita  Bern.  ii.  33,  36. 

from  the  'Gallia  Christiana,'  in  which  '  lb.  34-7. 


CHAP.  Vlil.    A.i».  x»30.     WILLIAM    OF    AQUITAINE.  9T 

proceeded  to  the  celebration  of  mass,  while  William,  as 
an  excommunicate  person,  remained  without  the  church- 
door,  until  Bernard  again  came  forth,  with  a  sternness  of 
countenance,  a  fire  in  his  eyes,  and  an  awful  solemnity 
in  his  whole  demeanour,  which  appeared  more  than 
human, ^  and  bearing  the  consecrated  host  in  his  hands. 
"  Often,"  he  said,  "  have  we  entreated  thee,  and  thou 
hast  despised  us,  the  servants  of  God.  Lo,  here  cometh 
to  thee  the  Son  of  the  Virgin,  the  Lord  and  Head  of  the 
church  which  thou  persecutest.  Here  is  thy  Judge,  at 
whose  name  every  knee  shall  bow  of  things  in  heaven 
and  things  on  earth  and  things  under  the  earth — thy 
Judge,  into  whose  hands  thy  soul  will  fall.  Wilt  thou 
despise  Him  too,  as  thou  hast  despised  His  servants  ?  " 
At  these  words,  while  all  around  were  in  trembling 
expectation  of  the  event,  the  count  fell  on  the  earth, 
foaming  at  the  mouth,  and  apparently  senseless.  He 
was  raised  up  by  some  soldiers  of  his  guard,  but  his 
hmbs  refused  to  support  him,  until  Bernard,  touching 
him  with  his  foot,  desired  him  to  stand  up,  and  hear 
God's  sentence.  The  demand  that  he  should  restore 
the  ejected  prelates  was  immediately  obeyed,  and  his 
reconciliation  with  the  church  was  signed  with  the  kiss 
of  peace.  Gerard  of  Angouleme  still  resisted  all  attempts 
to  gain  him  ;  but  it  is  said  that  he  was  soon  after  found 
lifeless  in  his  bed,  having  died  excommunicate  and  with- 
out the  last  sacraments.  His  body  was  torn  from  the 
grave  by  order  of  the  legate  Geoffrey  of  Chartres,  the 
altars  which  he  had  consecrated  were  thrown  down,  all 
who  had  been  promoted  by  him  to  ecclesiastical  offices 
were  ejected,  and  the  schism  was  suppressed  in  France.^ 

*  "  Jam  non  se  agensut  hominem."  It  is  said,  however,    in    the    'Gesta 

Vita  Bern.  ii.  38  ;  cf.  Acta  SS.,  Feb.  Episcoporum    Engolismensium,'   that 

10,  pp.  440,  455.  Gerard  repented,  confessed,  and  died 

1  Vita  Bern.  ii.  39;  Chron.  Maurin.  Christianly.      N.     in     Bern.,     PatroL 

167-9.      See  Pet.  Cluniac.  Ep.  ii.  30.  clxxxii.  272. 


92  ROGER    II.    OF   SICILV.  fiooK  VI 

In  1 137,  Bernard,  in  compliance  with  a  request  from 
Innocent  and  his  cardinals,  undertook  another  journey 
into  Italy,  for  the  purpose  of  labouring  against  the 
antipope.  The  interest  of  Anacletus  had  by  this  time 
greatly  declined ;  his  money  was  exhausted,  his  state 
was  diminished,  even  the  service  of  his  table  had  fallen 
into  a  condition  of  meanness  and  neglect ;  and  Bernard, 
on  arriving  at  Rome,  discovered  that  most  of  the  anti- 
pope's  adherents  were  inclined  to  a  reconciliation  with 
Innocent,  although  many  of  them  were  withheld  by 
oaths,  by  family  ties,  or  by  other  private  considerations.™ 
The  whole  strength  of  the  party  now  rested  on  Roger 
II.  of  Sicily. 

Roger,  an  able,  stern,  and  ambitious  prince,  had 
undertaken,  on  the  extinction  of  Robert  Guiscard's  line 
by  the  death  of  William  of  Apulia  in  1127,  to  unite 
under  his  own  power  the  whole  of  the  Norman  ac- 
quisitions in  Italy,"  and,  in  addition  to  the  possessions 
both  of  the  Hauteville  family  and  of  the  earlier  settlers 
in  Campania,  he  had  seized  on  the  duchy  of  Naples, 
which  until  then  had  been  connected  with  the  Greek 
empire.**  Pope  Honorius,  after  having  thrice  de- 
nounced him  excommunicate,  and  after  having  vainly 
endeavoured  to  resist  his  progress  by  an  armed  alli- 
ance, was  compelled  in  1228  to  invest  him  in  his  new 
conquests  with  the  title  of  duke  ;  p  and  two  years  later, 
Roger,  having  assumed  the  title  of  king,  received  a 
confirmation  of  it  from  Anacletus,  by  whom  he  was 
crowned  at  Palermo. <i 

»  Vita  Bern.  ii.  41.  etc,  0^.  cci.  193).     Giannone,  in  con 

"  Chron.     Casin.    iv.    96-7  ;    Faico  sideration  of  his  anti-papalism,  boldly 

Eenev.     in     Patrol,     clxxiii.     1194-5  ;  justifies  him  in  all  points,  ii.  428-31. 

Gibbon,  V.  358.     On  Roger's  cruelty,  °  Falco,  1195  ;  Giannone,  1.  x.  c.  10. 

see    Falco,    1223-6  ;   Order.  Vital,    ib.  P  Falco,  1201-2  ;  Muratori,  Ann.  VI 

938.     Arnulf   of    Lisieux    styles    him  ii.  199-204  ;  Sismondi,  R.  I.  ii.  18-19. 

"Tyrannusille  quern  altrixtyrannorum  1  Anaclet.    Ep.    39;     Falco,    1204. 

Sicilia.  sustinet,    Dionysii  successor,"  On  the  question  whether   Roger  was 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  1137-8.     DEATH    OF    LOTHAIR   III.  93 

The  pope  had  jomed  with  the  dispossessed  princes  of 
the  south  in  entreating  the  emperor's  intervention ;  and 
Lothair,  after  having  estabUshed  peace  in  Germany  by 
a  reconcihation  with  Frederick  and  Conrad 
of  Hohenstaufen  (in  which  Bernard's  medi-  ^'^-  ^^35- 
ation  was  added  to  that  of  the  empress  ^.d.  1137. 
Richenza)/  again  crossed  the  Alps  at  the  head 
of  a  powerful  force.  In  a  single  campaign,  with  the  aid 
of  the  fleets  of  Genoa  and  Pisa,  he  deprived  Roger  of  all 
his  late  acquisitions  on  the  mainland.^  But  dissensions 
arose  between  the  allies.  In  a  question  as  to  the  recon- 
ciliation of  the  abbey  of  Monte  Cassino,  which  had  been 
drawn  by  the  Sicilian  power  into  the  antipope's  interest, 
the  emperor  bitterly  reproached  the  pope's  representa- 
tives for  their  master's  ingratitude  to  him,  and  even 
threatened  to  forsake  his  party ; '  and  when  a  new 
prince,  Rainulf,  was  to  be  invested  at  Salerno,  after  a 
month's  discussion  whether  the  suzerainty  belonged  to 
the  pope  or  to  the  emperor,  the  difficulty  was  for  the 
time  overcome  by  an  arrangement  that  both  should  at 
the  ceremony  hold  the  banner  by  means  of  which  the 
investiture  was  performed."  Having  restored  Innocent 
to  Rome,  and  apparently  pacified  Italy,  Lothair  set 
out  homewards ;  but  at  Trent  he  fell  sick,  and  on  the 
3rd  of  December  he  died  at  Breitenwang,  an  obscure 
place  between  the  rivers  Inn  and  Lech.^  A  diet  was 
summoned  to  meet  at  Whitsuntide  1138  for  the  election 
of  a  successor,  and  it  was  expected  that  the  choice  of 

crowned  once  or  twice,  see  note  on  vi.  170. 

Falco  ;  also  Giannone,  ii.    326  ;   Pagi  »  Chron.    Casin.    iv.    112,    115.    124. 

and  Mansi,  in  Baron,  xviii.  452-3  ;  note  See  above,  p.  63. 

in  Fazello,  ii.  378  ;  Raumer,  i.  377.  "  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  117  :  Otto  Fris- 

•■  Otto  Frising.  vii.  19 ;  Annal.  Mag.  ing.    vii.    22  ;    Romuald.    Salern.    in 

deb.  A.D.  1134,  ap.  Pertz,  xvi.;  Chron.  Murat.  vii.  189. 

Ursperg.  211.  ^  Otto  Fris.  vii.  4;  Luden,  x.  576; 

*  Falco,    1234-6 ;   Otto   Frising.  vii.  Raumer,   i.    232.     Lothair    is    highly 

19 ;    Card,    de    Aragonia,    in    Patrol.  eulogised    by    the    Cologne    annalist, 

clxxix.   35  ;  Chron.   Pisan.   in   Murat.  Eccard,  i.  930. 


94  ELECTION    OF   CONRAD    III.  Book  VI 

the  Germans  would  fall  on  Henry,  duke  of  Bavaria,  the 
son-in-law  and  representative  of  the  late  emperor.  But 
Henry,  by  conduct  which  had  gained  for  him  the 
epithet  of  "The  Proud,''  had  offended  many  of  the 
electors,  and  the  influence  of  the  pope,  who  dreaded  a 
too  powerful  emperor,  was  exerted  in  opposition  to  the 
family  which  had  restored  him  to  the  possession  of  his 
capital.  Without  waiting,  therefore,  for  the  appointed 
diet,  a  small  party  of  the  electors,  headed  by  the 
archbishops  of  Treves  and  Cologne  (Mentz  being 
vacant  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  Adalbert),  chose 
Conrad  of  Hohenstaufen — once  an  excommunicated 
pretender  to  the  Italian  kingdom— as  king  of  Germany, 
and  he  was  crowned  by  the  papal  legate,  cardinal 
Theotwin,  at  Aix-la-Chapelle-^  For  some  years  which 
followed,  Germany  was  again  a  prey  to  the  contests  of 
parties  struggling  for  supremacy,  and  it  is  said  that  in 
the  course  of  these  contests — at  the  battle  of  Weinsberg, 
in  1 140 — the  names  of  Welf  and  Waiblingen  (Guelf 
and  Ghibelline),  "  those  hellish  names,"  as  a  Genoese 
chronicler  calls  them,^  which  afterwards  became  so 
notorious  in  the  feuds  of  Italy,  were  first  heard  as 
the  rallying  cries  of  the  opposite  parties.* 

While  Lothair  was  yet  on  his  way  towards  the  Alps, 

y  Murat.  xxii.  1003.  supposed  by  the  Italians  to  have  been 

»  Otto  Fris.  de  Gestis  Frederici,  i.  derived  from  two  brothers  who  took 

22;  Gesta  Alberonis  Trevir.  15  (Patrol.  opposite  sides  (Ptolom.    Luccnsis,  in 

cliv.) ;  Luden,   x.    133-9  :    Raumer,   i.  Murat.  xi.  1133),  and  this  is  repeated 

233-6.  by   the   Greek   Nicephorus  Gregoras, 

»  Chron.  Weingart.  in   Leibnitz,   i.  VIII.  i.  47.     A  still  more  absurd  ac- 

789.     See  JEn.    Sylvius,    Hist.     Frid.  count  is  given  by  John  Malvecius,  in 

III.,  in  Kollar,    ii.    54,  and    Boeder's  Murat.  xiv.  919.     See  too  Manetti,  ib. 

note,    ib.   499  ;  Muratori,   Dissert.    51  xix.  1016.    Muratori  remarks  that  it  is 

(Antiq.  Iial.  t.  iv.) ;  Schmidt,  iii.  226  ;  no  wonder  if  writers  even  of  the  14th 

T.uden,    x.     587 ;     Raumer,     i.     241  ;  century  were  at  a  loss  for  the  origin 

Herzog,   xvii.    667.    It   seems    to  be  of   them,    "quum    unde    Hugonottae 

doubtful   from  which    of   two    places  sectae  nomen  prodierit,  vix   ipsi  Galli 

named  Waiblingen  the  cry  of  the  Ho-  noverint,   et  unde  nomina    IVigks  e< 

hcnstaufen  party  was  taken  (Raumer,  1.  Torris,    Angli    vix    intelligant."     iv. 

c).    The  names  were  at  a  later  time  000. 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  1138-40.    DEATH    OF  THE   ANTIPOPE.  95 

Roger  again  appeared  in  Italy,  and  speedily  recovered  a 
large  portion  of  his  conquests.  In  answer  to  overtures 
from  Innocent,  which  were  made  through  Bernard,  he 
proposed  a  conference  between  representatives  of  the 
rival  popes, — in  the  hope,  it  is  said,  that  Peter  of  Pisa,^ 
one  of  the  ablest  partisans  of  Anacletus,  would  by  his 
learning  and  rhetorical  skill  prove  superior  to  the  abbot 
of  Clairvaux.  After  Peter  had  stated  the  claims  of 
Anacletus,  Bernard  began  his  reply  by  insisting  on  the 
unity  of  the  church,  and  then  proceeded  to  apply  the 
doctrine  by  asking  whether  it  could  be  thought  that  Roger 
alone  was  in  the  one  ark  of  salvation,  while  all  other 
Christian  nations,  and  all  the  holy  orders  of  monks,  were 
to  perish  ?  Then,  seeing  the  impression  which  his  words 
had  made  on  his  hearers,  "  Let  us,"  he  said  to  Peter, 
taking  him  by  the  hand,  "  enter  into  a  safer  ark."  The 
antipapal  champion,  whether  really  convinced,  or  gained 
by  a  promise  that  his  dignities  should  be  secured  to 
him,  yielded  to  the  appeal,  and  returned  with  Bernard  to 
Rome,  where  he  professed  his  submission  to  Innocent ; 
but  Roger  still  held  out  with  a  view  of  making  conditions 
as  to  some  property  of  the  Roman  see  which  he  had 
seized.*^ 

The  death  of  Lothair  was  followed  within  a  few  weeks 
by  that  of  Anacletus,  who,  notwithstanding     jan.  25, 
the  decay  of  his  power,  had  to  the  last  kept       "38- 
possession   of  the   Vatican. ^^      His   body  was   secretly 
buried,  lest  it  should  be  treated  hke  that  of  Pope  For- 

*  Cljioa.  Maurin.  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.  complaining  that  the  promises  made 
79  ;  Giannone,  ii.  350.  Peter  was  the  to  him  had  not  been  fully  kept.  Ep. 
author  of   the   Life    of   Paschal   II.,         213. 

which  is  commonly  quoted  as  the  work  "^  "  Ille,    .ille    iniquus,   qui  peccare 

of  his  countryman  Pandulf.  Gregorov.  fecit  Israel,"  writes  Bernard  to  Peter 

iv.  604  ;  Potthast,  Bibl.  Hist.  422.  of   Cluny,    "  morte  absorptus   est,   et 

•  Vita  Bern.  ii.  43-6 ;  cf.  Falc.  traductus  in  ventrem  inferi."  (Ep. 
Benev.  1243-4.  Bernard  afterwards  147.)  Cf.  Ba.ron.  1038.  i ;  Gregorov. 
wrote  to  Innocent  in  behalf  of  Peter,  iv.  41;;^. 


96  COUNCIL   OF  THE   LATERAN.  Book  VI 

mosus ;®  and,  although  a  successor  was  set  up,  under  the 
name  of  Victor  the  Fourth,  this  was  rather  with  a  view 
to  making  favourable  terms  of  reconciliation  than  with 
any  serious  hope  of  prolonging  the  schism.  Innocent 
spent  large  sums  in  buying  over  the  adherents  of  Ana- 
cletus, — among  them  the  members  of  the  late  antipope's 
own  family,^  who  humbled  themselves  at  his  feet,  and 
took  the  oath  of  fealty  to  him ;  and  such  was  Bernard's 
influence   that  the   new  antipope   went   to   his  lodging 

May  29,  by  night,  renounced  his  claims,  stripped  off 
^^38-  his  insignia,  and  was  led  by  the  abbot  in 
triumph  to  prostrate  himself  at  the  feet  of  Innocent. 
The  joy  of  the  Romans  at  the  restoration  of  peace 
was  unbounded ;  but  Bernard,  to  whom  they  ascribed 
the  merit  of  it,  escaped  with  all  sj>eed  from  their  demon- 
strations of  gratitude,  and  returned  to  resume  in  the 
quiet  seclusion  of  Clairvaux  his  mystical  exposition  of 
the  Canticles.^ 

In  April  1139,  Innocent,  now  undisputed  master  of 
Rome,  assembled  at  the  Lateran  a  general  council,  which 
was  attended  by  a  thousand  archbishops  and  bishops. 
The  pope  in  his  opening  speech  asserted  the  feudal 
authority  of  St.  Peter's  successor  over  all  other  members 
of  the  hierarchy,  as  the  superior  under  whom  all  eccle- 
siastical power  is  held.^  The  ordinations  and  other 
acts  of  Anacletus  and  his  partisans,  such  as  Gerard 
of  Angouleme,  were  annulled,  and  some  bishops  who  had 
received  schismatic  consecration  were  severely  rebuked 
by  the  pope,  who  forcibly  snatched  their  pastoral  staves 
from  their  hands,  plucked  off  their  robes,  and  took  from 
them  their  episcopal  rings.^  Roger  of  Sicily,  although  he 
had  given  in  his  adhesion  to  Innocent,  was  denounced 

e  See    vol.    in.    p.    15;    Card,   de  130 ;  Gregorov.  iv.  417. 
Arag.   clxxix.   36  ;  Order.   Vital,  xiii.  ^  Serm.  24,  in  Cantic. ;  Vita,  ii.  47. 

17    Vita  Bern.  ii.  47.  **  Chron.  Maurin.  Patrol,  clxxx.  268. 

f  Bern.  Ep.  317  ;  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  '  5b.  169  :  Cone.  Lat.  II.  c.  30. 


Chap.  VHI.  a.d.  1138-9.    INNOCENT  II,  AND  THE  NORMANS.     9) 

excommunicate,  with  all  his  followers  ;^  canons  relating 
to  discipline  were  passed ;  and  the  Truce  of  God,  in  its 
fullest  extent,  was  re-enacted.^  Yet  the  remainder  of  the 
pope's  own  life  was  almost  entirely  spent  in  war — partly 
against  his  immediate  neighbours,  and  partly  against  the 
Sicilian  king.  Roger  was  carrying  on  the  war  in  the  south 
with  great  barbarity — slaughtering  defenceless  people, 
plundering,  destroying  trees  and  crops,  tearing  from  the 
grave  and  treating  with  the  basest  indignities  the  body 
of  Bruno,  archbishop  of  Cologne,  who  had  accompanied 
Lothair  on  his  last  expedition,  and  that  of  duke  Rainulf, 
of  Salerno,  who  had  died  at  Troja  about  the  time  of 
the  Lateran  council.*"  In  June  1139  Innocent  set  out 
against  the  invader,  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force, 
accompanied  by  Robert,  prince  of  Capua,  who  had 
been  again  dispossessed  of  his  territories.  But,  like 
Leo  IX.,  the  pope  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Aug.  22-5, 
Normans,  and,  as  in  Leo's  case,  the  victors  1139. 
contented  themselves  with  exacting  the  papal  sanction 
for  their  conquests,  with  the  confirmation  of  Roger's 
kingly  title." 

The  contest  for  the  papacy  had  long  diverted  Ber- 
nard's attention  from  the  studies  in  which  he  most 
delighted.  We  shall  next  find  him  engaged  in  a 
conflict  of  a  different  kind  ;  but  before  proceeding  to 
this,  it  is  necessary  to  trace  in  some  degree  the  intel- 
lectual movements  of  the  age,  and  the  history  of  the 
celebrated  man  to  whom  Bernard  was  now  to  be 
opposed. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  eleventh  century,  a  fresh 
impulse  had  been  given  to  intellectual  activity  by  the 

^  Falco,  1249.  Falco,  1251-3 ;  Godef.  Viterb.  in  Patrol. 

'  Can.  u.     See  vol.  iv.  p.  202.  cxcviii.  988  ;  Giannone,  ii.  354-7  ;  Sis- 

""  Falco,  1254;  Chron.  Casin.  iv.  126.  mondi,  Rep.  Ital.  ii.  ii,?9.     See  vol 

"  Innoc.  Kp.  416  (Patrol,   clxxix.) ;  iv.  p.  233. 
Roinuald.  Sa'.ern.  in  Mnnit.  vii.   190; 

VOL.  V.  7 


98  NOMINALISM.  Book  VI. 

labours  of  Lanfranc,  Berengar,  Anselm,  and  other 
eminent  teachers.  The  old  cathedral  schools  were  de- 
veloping into  seminaries  of  general  learning,  frequented 
by  numbers  beyond  the  example  of  former  times,  and 
exercising  an  important  influence.  And  the  monastic 
discipline,  which  for  some  was  merely  a  mechanical  rule, 
while  for  spirits  of  a  mystical  tendency  it  offered  the 
attractions  of  contemplation  and  devotion,  stimulated 
minds  of  a  different  character  to  exercise  themselves 
in  speculations  which  often  passed  the  boundaries  of 
orthodoxy.** 

The  question  as  to  the  existence  of  universals — such 
as  ge;i?is,  species,  differentia,  proprium,  accidens, — which 
had  divided  the  schools  of  ancient  philosophy,  had  been 
generally  ruled  in  the  church  by  the  authority  of  St. 
Augustine,  who  held  with  Plato  the  real  existence  of 
universals ;  yet  there  had  been  some  who,  with  Aristotle, 
asserted  that  they  were  mere  names  or  ideas.P  This  no 
minalism  (as  it  was  styled)  was  now  taken  up  by  Roscellin, 
a  canon  of  Compiegne,  and  perhaps  a  Breton  by  birth,i 
who  is  said  to  have  taught  that  universals  were  nothing 
more  than  words,'  and  to  have  denied  the  existence  of 
anytliing  but  individuals — of  collective  wholes,  because 
they  are  made  up  of  individuals  ;  of  parts,  because  they 
are  not  entire    individuals.®     It  was,  however,  by  the 

"  Milman,  iii.  240-2.  lini]  taminsana  sententia"  (Dialectica, 

V  SchriJckh,  xxiv.  355-6  ;  Ritter,  vii.  in    '  CEuvres   Inedits,*  ed.   Cousin,  p. 

110.     See  Gunzo   (about  a.d.  960)  in  471).     Thus,  says  M.  de  Remusat,  ac- 

Patrol.  cxxxvi.  1294.  cording  to  Roscellin,  real  individuals 

^  See  Haureau,  i.  187.     Aventinus,  composed  imaginary  wholes,  and  ima- 

in  the  15th  century,  is  said  to  be  the  ginary  parts  composed  real  individuals, 

first  writer  who  calls  him  a  Breton.  But  M.  Haureau  thinks  that  he  has  been 

(Annal.    Boiorum,    1.    vi.    p.    496,   ed.  misrepresented  (i.  185,  seqq.).   See  also 

Basil.  1580)  Herzog,  xiii.  117.  the  elaborate  article  Roscellin,  in  Her- 

■■  "  Flatus  vocis,"  Anselm.  de  Fide  zog's  Encyclopaedia,     His  works  (if  he 

Tiin.  2  (Patrol,  clviii.  265).  wrote  any,  which  M.  Haureau  doubf?, 

•  lb.  ;  Abelard,  Ep.  14  ;  Ritter,  vii.  i.  177)  are  lost,  with  the  exception  of 

313 ;  Remusat,  'Abelard,'  ii.  15.  Abel-  one    letter  which   will    be   tueuiioned 

ard  calls  this  "magistri  nostri  RFoscel-  hereafter. 


Chap.  VIII.    ad.  1092-7.  ROSCELLIN.  99 

application  of  his  system  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity 
that  RoscelUn  became  most  famous.  If,  he  said,  we 
would  avoid  the  error  of  supposing  the  Father  and  the 
Holy  Ghost  to  have  been  incarnate  with  the  Son,  we 
must  believe  the  divine  Persons  to  be  three  real  beings, 
as  distinct  from  each  other  as  three  angels  or  three  souls, 
although  the  same  in  power  and  in  will*  This  propo- 
sition, although  advanced  not  in  opposition  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  church,  but  with  a  view  to  explain  and 
support  it,"  naturally  gave  rise  to  a  charge  of  tritheism, 
for  which  Roscellin  was  cited  to  answer  before  a  council 
at  Soissons,  in  1092.  Anselm,  then  abbot  of  Le  Bee,  on 
being  informed  by  a  monk  named  John  ^  that  Roscellin 
claimed  for  his  opinion  the  authority  of  Lanfranc  and 
his  own,  strongly  denied  the  imputation,  declaring  that 
Roscellin  either  was  a  tritheist,  or  did  not  understand 
his  own  words ;  y  and  he  requested  Fulk,  bishop  of  Beau- 
vais,  who  was  about  to  attend  the  council,  to  clear  both 
himself  and  Lanfranc  from  the  charge.^  He  also  began 
a  treatise  on  the  subject,  but  broke  it  off  on  hearing 
that  Roscellin  had  retracted  at  Soissons;  although  he 
afterwards  completed  it  on  being  told  that  Roscellin,  like 
Berengar,  had  only  yielded  for  a  time  out  of  fear,  and 
had  since  resumed  the  profession  of  his  old  opinions.** 
Finding  himself  unsafe  in  France,  Roscellin  withdrew 
into  England;  but  his  opposition  to  Anselm,  who  was 
now  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  his  maintenance  of 
the  strict  Hildebrandine  view  as  to  the  unfitness  of  the 

*  "  Tres  res."    Joannes,  ap.  Ealuz.  "  Ritter,  ii.  315. 

Miscellanea,  iv.  478,  ed.  8vo.   Angulos  ^  The    same    who   was    afterwards 

(which  Schrockh,  xxviii.  395,  translates  abbot  of  Telese  (see  above,  ch.  v.),  and 

by  Winkel)  seems  to  be  a  mistake  for  eventually  a  cardinal.     Herzog,  xiii. 

Angelas.     See  Anselm.  de  Fide  Trin.,  117. 

coll.  262,  268,  270  (who  justly  says  that  ^  Ep.  ii.  35 ;  De  Fide  Trin.  c.  3,  col. 

perhaps  the  illustration  may  not   be  266. 

Roscellin's  own,  but  may  have  been  *  Ep.  ii.  41 

added  by  the  reporter);  Roscellin.  in  '  Anselm.  de  Fide  Trin.  c  \. 
Patrol,  clxxviii.  365. 


ICO  ABELARD.  Book  VI. 

sons  of  clergy  for  ordination,  combined  to  render  him 
unpopular,  so  that  in  1097  he  was  compelled  to  leave 
the  country.^  He  was,  however,  kindly  received  by  Ivo 
of  Chartres,  who  appears  to  have  reconciled  him  with  the 
church,  and,  probably  through  his  interest,  he  became 
a  canon  of  St.  Martin's  at  Tours ;  ^  but  his  unfortunate 
application  of  nominalism  to  theology  had  excited 
such  a  prejudice  against  the  theory  altogether,  that 
John  of  Salisbury  speaks  of  it  as  having  almost  dis- 
appeared with  Roscellin.^i 

Among  Roscellin's  pupils  was  Peter  Abelard,®  born 
in  1079  at  Palais  or  Le  Pallet,  near  Nantes/  In  the 
"  History  of  his  Misfortunes "  (an  autobiographical 
epistle  which  abundantly  displays  his  vanity  and  in- 
discretion), he  tells  us  that,  although  the  eldest  son  ot 
Berengar,  who  was  lord  of  the  place,  he  very  early 
preferred   "  the  conflicts  of  disputation  to  the  trophies 

^  Theobald.   Stampens.   in    Patrol.  Abelard's  works  (Ep.  15),  throws  light 

clxiii.  767  ;  Abelard,  Ep.  14  (who  says  on  a  letter  against  Roscellin,  addressed 

that  he  was  banished  by  the  English  to  the  bishop  and  clergy  of  Paris  by 

king  for  insolence  ["  contumelias  "]  to  "  P."  (ib.  Ep.  14),  who  is  thus  proved 

Anselm).     See  Herzog,  xiii.  118.  to  be  Peter  Abelard  (comp.  Remusat, 

*=  Ivo,  Ep.  7  (Patrol,  clxii.);  Roscell.  i.  81  ;  Herzog,  118).     For  the  history 

ib.  clxxviii.  359;  Herzog,  118.  of  Abelard  I  have  used  the  edition  of 

•*  Metalog.  iL  17  (ib.  cxcix.);  Polj'cr.  his  works  in  Migne's  '  Patrologia,'(vol. 

vii.  12,  col.  665.  elxxviii.),  with  occasional  references  to 

«  The  sts.tenient  that  Abelard  studied  that  by  MM.  Cousin  and  Jourdain  (2 

under  Roscellin  was  formerly  supposed  vols.  4to.  Paris,  1849-59)  and  to  Cousin's 

to  rest  on  the  authority  of  Otho   o^  'CEuvres  Ined.  d'AbelarJ  (1836)';  Let- 

Freising  alone  (De  Gestis  Friderici,  i.  tres  d'Abailard  et  d'Heloise,  precedees 

47),  and  therefore  was  denied  by  some  d'un  Essai  par  M.  et  M™*  Guizot  (ib. 

(as  by  Schrockh,  xxiv.  368).     But  it  is  1839);  Ch.  de  Remusat,  'Abelard '  ib. 

now  established  by  the  publication  of  1845):  Tosti,  '  Storia  di  Abelardo  e  del 

Abelard's 'Dialectica,' where  he  speaks  suoi  Tempi,' Napoli,  1851.     As  to  the 

of  Roscellin  as  hi.s  master  (sea  above,  origin  of  the  name  Abelard,  see  Re- 

p.  98,  n.  s,),  and  of  Roscellin's  letter,  in  musat,  i,  13-14. 

which  he  reproaches  Abelard  as  un-  ^  Abaci.     Historia  Calamltatum,  i  ; 

grateful  for  kindnesses,  "quae  tibi  tot  Tosti,  36.     From  his  birthplace,  John 

et  tanta  a  puero  usque  ad  juvenem  of  Salisbury  styles  him  "  peripateticus 

sub  maglstri  nomine  et  actu  exhibui."  Palatinus  "  (Metalog.  ii.  10,  17).     For 

(Patrol,  clxxviii.  357.)    This  letter,  dis-  an  account  of  Le  Pallet,  see  Remusat, 

covered   by  Schmeller   in   the   Royal  i.  1-2. 
l.ibrary  at  Munich,  and  reprinted  with 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  io7g-ii02.      ABELARD.  lOl 

of  arms,"  and,  resigning  the  family  inheritance  to  his 
brothers,  he  betook  himself  to  the  life  of  a  scholar. e  He 
had  already  travelled  over  many  provinces  of  France, 
displaying  his  dialectical  skill  in  disputes  with  all  who 
chose  to  encounter  him,  when,  at  the  age  of  twenty-one, 
he  became  a  pupil  of  William  of  Champeaux,  archdeacon 
of  Paris  and  master  of  the  cathedral  school,  who  was 
in  enjoyment  of  the  highest  reputation  as  a  teacher. 
William  was  at  first  charmed  with  the  pupil's  abilities ; 
but  when  Abelard  began  to  question  his  doctrines,  to 
argue  with  him,  and  sometimes  to  triumph  over  him, 
both  the  master  and  the  other  scholars  were  not  un- 
naturally disgusted.^  Notwithstanding  the 
endeavours  of  WiUiam  to  prevent  him, 
Abelard  opened  a  school  of  his  own  at  Melun,  then  a 
royal  residence,  and,  after  a  time,  removed  to  Corbeil, 
with  a  view  of  being  nearer  to  the  capital.  The  fame 
and  the  popularity  of  William  began  to  wane  before  the 
new  teacher,  whose  eloquence,  boldness,  clearness  of 
expression,  and  wit  drew  crowds  of  admiring  hearers.* 
An  illness  brought  on  by  study  compelled  Abelard  to 
withdraw  to  his  native  province ;  and,  on  returning  to 
Paris,  after  an  absence  of  some  years,  he  found  that 
William  of  Champeaux  had  resigned  his  archdeaconry 
and  school,  and  had  become  a  canon  regular  at  the 
abbey  of  St.  Victor,  without  the  city  walls,  where,  how- 
ever, he  had  resumed  his  occupation  as  a  teacher.^ 
Notwithstanding  their  former  rivalry,  Abelard  became  a 
pupil  of  William  in  rhetoric;  but  the  old  scenes  were 

8  Hist.  Calam.  i.  Essay  by  Hugonin  in  Patrol,  clxxv. 

»'  lb.  1-2.  M   de  Remusat's  conjecture  that  Abe- 

*  lb.  2;  Otto  Prising.  (leGestlsFrid.  lard's  connection  with  Roscellin  was 

47  ;  Remus,  i.  15  ;  Ritter,  vii.  406.  during  this  absence  from  Paris  (i.  16), 

'^  Hist.   Calam.    2 ;   Hildebert.  Ep.  seems  inconsistent  with  the  quotation 

8  (Patrol,  clxxi.);  Bouquet,  xiii.  729  ;  given    above    from    Roscellin's  letter 

Crevier,  i.  117  ;  Rerausat,  i.   17.     For  (which  was    unknown    when    J*!,    de 

the  foundation  of  3t.  Victor's,  sec  aa  Kt'musat  wrote) 


I02  ABELARD   AT   PARIS.  Book  VI. 

renewed ;  for  Abelard  not  only  controverted  an  opinion 
of  his  master  on  the  subject  of  universals,  but  obliged 
him  to  renounce  it,  or,  at  least,  the  form  in  which  it  was 
expressed.^  By  this  defeat  William's  credit  was  greatly 
impaired ;  many  of  his  pupils  deserted  to  Abelard,  who 
now  gained  a  more  regular  position,  being  invited  by 
William's  successor  to  teach  in  the  cathedral  school; 
but  through  the  envy  of  William  (as  the  case  is  repre- 
sented to  us),  this  master  was  ejected,  and  Abelard  was 
again  driven  to  teach  independently  at  Melun.  After  a 
time,  William  retired  to  the  country,  and  Abelard  there- 
upon returned  to  Paris,  where  (in  his  own  language)  he 
"  pitched  his  camp  on  the  Mount  of  St.  Genevieve,  with- 
out the  city,  as  if  to  besiege  the  teacher  who  had  taken 
possession  of  his  place."  On  hearing  of  this,  William 
again  began  to  lecture  at  Paris ;  the  cathedral  school 
was  deserted;  and  the  students  were  divided  between 
William  and  Abelard,  while  both  the  masters  and  the 
pupils  of  the  rival  schools  engaged  in  frequent  conflicts. 
Abelard,  however,  was  again  obliged  to  go  into  Brittany, 
in  order  to  take  leave  of  his  mother,  who  was  about  to 
enter  a  cloister,  as  her  husband  had  done  before ;  and 
on  his  return  to  Paris,  as  the  old  rivalry  had 
''*  been  ended  by  the  promotion  of  William  to 
the  bishoprick  of  Chalons  on  the  Marne,  he  resolved  to 
turn  from  the  study  of  philosophy  to  that  of  theology.*" 

'  "Erat  autem  in  ea  sententia  de  Haureau,  i.  222,  224,  seqq.,  who  vindi- 

communitate  universalium,  ut  eandcm  cates  Abelard  against  the  censures  of 

esscntialiter  rem  totam  singulis   suis  M.  Cousin. 

inesse   astrueret    individuis  ;    quorum  •"  Hist.  Calam.  2.    There  is  a  some ■ 

quidem  nulla  esset  in  essentia  diversi-  what  apocryphal  story  that  a  young 

tas,  sed  sola  multitudine  accidentium  logiclun     named    Goswin,    afterwards 

varietas.     Sic  autem  istam  suam  cor-  aLbot   of  Anchin,    in  Flanders,  chal- 

rexit  sententiam,  ut  deinceps  rem  ean-  lenged  Abelard  when  surroimded  by 

dem  non  esscntialiter,  sed  indifferenter  his  scholars  on  Mont.  Ste.  Genevieve, 

diceret."    (Hist.   Calam.   2,  col.  119.)  and  beat  him  in  disputation.    Bouquet, 

See   liayle,  art  AMlard;  Hist.    Litt.  xiv.  443.     See  Acta  SS.,  Oct.  9  ;  R^- 

vii.  88  ;  Rittcr,  vii.  356-8  (who  thinks  musat,  i.  24-6. 
little  of  the  change);  Remusat,  i.  19; 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  1103-13.      ABELARD    AT   LAON.  I03 

For  this  purpose  he  repaired  to  the  school  of  Laon, 
which  had  long  flourished  under  Anselm,  a  pupil  of 
Anselm  of  Canterbury.  It  was  said  of  Anselm  of  Laon 
that  he  had  argued  a  greater  number  of  men  into  the 
catholic  faith  than  any  heresiarch  of  his  time  had  been 
able  to  seduce  from  it ;  ^  pupils  flocked  to  him,  not  only 
from  all  parts  of  France  but  from  foreign  countries ;  and 
among  them  were  many  who,  like  Abelard,  had  them- 
selves been  teachers  of  philosophy  before  placing 
themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  theologian  of  Laon.**  But 
to  Abelard  the  plain,  solid,  and  traditional  method  of 
Anselm  appeared  tame  and  empty.  It  seemed  to  him 
that  the  old  man's  fame  was  founded  rather  on  his  long 
practice  than  on  ability  or  knowledge  ;  that  he  had  more 
of  smoke  than  of  light ;  that  if  any  one  came  to  him  in 
uncertainty  as  to  any  question,  the  uncertainty  was  only 
increased  by  Anselm's  answer;  that  he  was  like  the 
barren  fig-tree  which  the  Saviour  cursed.  "Having  made 
this  discovery,"  he  adds,  "  I  did  not  idle  away  many 
days  in  lying  under  his  shadow";  and  the  rareness  of 
his  attendance  at  Anselm's  lectures  began  to  be  noted 
as  disrespectful  towards  the  teacher.  In  consequence  of 
having  expressed  contempt  for  the  traditional  glosses 
on  Scripture,  he  was  challenged  by  some  of  his  fellow- 
students  to  attempt  a  better  style  of  exposition ;  where- 
upon he  undertook  the  book  of  Ezekiel,  as  being 
especially  obscure,  and,  declining  the  ofl'er  of  time  for 
preparation,  began  his  course  of  lectures  next  day.  The 
first  lecture  found  but  few  hearers ;  but  the  report  which 
these  spread  as  to  its  brilliancy  drew  a  greater  audience 
to  the  second,  and  tlie  few  soon  became  an  eager  multi- 
tude, p     Anselm,  on  receiving  reports  as  to  the  lectures 

•  Guib.   Novig.   Procem.  in  Genes.  180. 

(Paliol.  clvi.  20).     He  was  the  author  "  Hist.  Litt.  in  Patrol,  clxii.  1176. 

of  the  "Glossa  Interlinearis  "  on  the  P  Hist.  Calam.  3. 
whole  of  the  Scriptures.    Patrol,  clxii. 


104  ABELARD  AT  PARIS.  Book  VI. 

from  two  of  his  chief  pupils,  Alberic  ^  and  Letulf,  was 
alarmed  lest  he  should  be  held  accountable  for  any 
errors  which  might  be  vented  in  them,  and  made  use  of 
a  privilege  which  belonged  to  his  office  by  forbidding 
Abelard  to  teach  at  Laon  ;  whereupon  Abelard  once 
more  returned  to  Paris.  He  now  got  uncontrolled 
possession  of  the  principal  school,  from  which  he  had 
formerly  been  ejected,  and  his  theological  lectures  be- 
came no  less  popular  than  those  which  he  had  before 
delivered  in  philosophy."^  Even  Rome,  it  is  said,  sent 
him  pupils.^  Wealth  as  well  as  fame  flowed  in  on  him  ; 
his  personal  graces,  his  brilliant  conversation,  his  poetical 
and  musical  talents,  enhanced  the  admiration  which  was 
excited  by  his  public  teaching  ;  but  now,  when  all  went 
prosperously  with  him,  the  passions  which  he  represents 
himself  as  having  before  kept  under  strict  control,'  began 
to  awake.  He  tells  us  that  he  might  have  won  the 
favour  of  any  lady  whom  he  might  have  chosen  ; "  but  he 
coolly  resolved  on  the  seduction  of  Heloisa,  a  beautiful 
maiden  of  eighteen,  whose  extraordinary  learning  and 
accomplishments  were  already  famous.^    With  a  view  to 

«J  For    Alberic,    see    Joh.     Sarisb.  Sens,   or  Tours,   is  uncertain.      The 

Metalog.  ii.  lo ;  Enthetic.  55.    There  office  did  not  involve  the  necessity  of 

is,  however,  some    doubt   as  to  the  his  being  in  any  of  the  higher  orders 

identitj'.     He  eventually  became  arch-  of  the  ministry  ;  but  it  appears  from 

bishop  of  Bourges.    Hist.  Litt.  xil  74.  his  'Epitome'  (c.  31),  that  he  would 

•■  Hist.  Cal.  4,  5.  not  have  considered  priesthood  as  a 

»  Fulco  ap.  Abel.  Ep.  16,  col.  371.  bar  to  marriage.     S-se  Hist.  Litt.  xii. 

'  Hist.  Cal.  5.    An  opposite  account  9^  =  Remusat,  i.  39,  40,  64  ;  Cousin  in 

of  his  earlier  life  is,  however,  given,  Abel.  i.  46. 

not  only  by  Roscellin  (ap.  Abel.  Ep.  "  Hist.  Cal.  6 ;  Pet.  Clunlac.  Ep.  21 

15),  but  by  Fulk  of  Deuil  (ib.,  Ep.  16,  (Patrol,  clxxxix.).     She  is  said  to  have 

coll.  372-3).    See  Bayle,  art.  Foulques,  been  "  apprime  erudita,"  not  only  in 

note  D  ;    Remusat,  i.  46  ;  Guizot,  In-  Latin,  but  in  Greek  and  Hebrew  (Rob. 

trod,  xlvi.;  Morison's  Life  of  St.  Ber-  Antissiod.  in  Bouquet,  xii.  294).    Abe- 

nard,  ed.  i.  p.  296.  lard,  however,  says  more  moderately 

"  Hist.  Cal.  6,  col.  127  ;  Helois.  ap.  — "  Non  solum  Latinae,  verum  etiam 

Abel.  col.  186.    His  ecclesiastical  posi-  tarn  Hebraicae  quamGrsecae  7ion  expers 

tion  at   this   time   is  not  clear.      He  litteraturae,   sola    hoc    tempore    illam 

was  a  clerk  and  canon  (col.  132,  B);  triumlinguarum  adepta  peritiam"(Ep. 

but  whether  his  canonry  was  at  Paris,  9,  col.  333).     It  is  probable  that  her 


Chap.  VIII.   A.D.  IH8-I9.  HELOISA.  IO5 

this,  he  insinuated  himself  into  the  confidence  of  her 
uncle,  with  whom  she  lived, — a  canon  named  Fulbert ; 
and,  by  lamenting  to  Fulbert  the  troubles  of  housekeep- 
ing, he  drew  him  into  an  arrangement  agreeable  both  to 
the  canon's  love  of  money  and  to  his  affection  for  his 
niece — that  Abelard  should  board  in  Fulbert's  house, 
and  should  devote  his  spare  hours  to  the  culture  of 
Heloisa's  mind,  for  which  purpose  he  was  authorized  to 
use  even  bodily  chastisement.  "  I  was  no  less  astonished 
at  his  simplicity,"  says  Abelard,  "  than  if  he  were  to 
entrust  a  tender  lamb  to  a  famished  wolf;  "y  and  the 
result  was  such  as  might  have  been  expected. 

In  the  meantime,  Abelard's  scholars  could  not  but 
remark  a  change  in  their  master.  The  freshness  and  life 
of  his  teaching  were  gone ;  he  contented  himself  with 
listlessly  repeating  old  lectures ;  and  his  mental  activity 
was  shown  only  in  the  production  of  amatory  verses, 
which,  as  he  complacently  tells  us,  were  long  afterwards 
popular.^  At  length  the  rumours  which  had  been  gene- 
rally current  reached  Fulbert  himself.  The  lovers  were 
separated ;  but  on  Heloisa's  announcing  to  Abelard, 
"  with  the  greatest  exultation,"  that  she  was  pregnant,  he 
contrived  to  steal  her  from  her  uncle's  house,  and  sent 
her  to  his  sister  in  Brittany,  where  she  gave  birth  to 
a  son,  Astrolabius.*  Fulbert  furiously  insisted  on  a  mar- 
acquaintance  with  Greek  and  Hebrew  Switzerland,  at  a  date  which  would 
was  limited  to  the  letters,  and  such  suit  the  Astrolabius  of  the  story, 
words  as  were  commonly  cited  in  (Cousin,  i.  46).  But  there  was  also  a 
Latin  writings  ;  nor  did  Abelard  him-  canon  of  Nantes  named  Astrolabius,  in 
self  know  more.  See  below,  c.  xiii.  1150,  and  this  was  probably  the  son  of 
.sect.  iv. ;  Bayle,  art.  Hiloise,  note  B  ;  Heloisa,  who  had  asked  Peter  of  Cluny 
Remusat,  i.  30,  48  ;  Ritter,  vii.  407  ;  to  assist  her  in  the  endeavour  to  obtain 
Tosti,  73.  a  canonry  for  him.     (Pet.  Clun.  Epp. 

y  Hist.  Cal.  6;  Ep.  5,  col.  206.  vi.   21-2;  Remusat,  i.  269.)    A  poem 

*  Hist.  Cal.  6  ;  cf.  Helois.  ap.  ascribed  to  Abelard,—"  Monlta  ad 
Abael.  Ep.  2,  col.  186.  Astrolabium," — is    reprinted    in     tlie 

"  Hist.  Calam.  6.  This  remarkable  Patrologia,  clxxviii.  1699,  seqq.,  from 
name  occurs  among  the  abbots  of  Messrs.  Wright  and  Halliwell's  *'  Re- 
Hauterive,  a  Cistercian  monastery  in        liquise  Antiquie." 


Io6  ABELARD   AND   HELOISA.  Book  VI 

riage,  to  which  Abelard  consented,  on  the  condition  that, 
for  the  sake  of  his  reputation  and  of  his  prospects,  it 
should  be  kept  secret.  But  against  this  Heloisa  remon- 
strated vehemently  and  in  an  unexpected  strain.  She 
assured  Abelard  that  her  uncle  would  never  be  really 
appeased.  She  entreated  her  lover  not  to  sacrifice  his 
fame,  in  which  she  considered  herself  to  have  an  interest. 
She  strongly  put  before  him  the  troubles  of  married  life 
—the  inconveniences  which  children  must  cause  in  the 
modest  dwelling  of  a  philosopher — fortifying  her  argu- 
ment with  a  host  of  quotations  from  writers  both  sacred 
and  profane.  For  herself,  she  said,  she  would  rather  be 
his  friend,  having  no  hold  on  him  except  by  favour,  than 
connected  with  him  by  the  bonds  of  wedlock.  She  was, 
however,  brought  back  to  Paris,  and  the  marriage  was 
secretly  performed.  But  no  sooner  was  the  ceremony 
over  than  Fulbert  broke  his  promise  of  silence,  while 
Heloisa  with  oaths  and  even  with  curses  denied  the 
marriage ;  and  Abelard,  in  order  to  withdraw  his  wife 
from  her  uncle's  cruelty,  placed  her  in  the  convent  of 
Argenteuil,  where  she  had  been  brought  up.  Here  he 
continued  to  carry  on  his  intercourse  with  her ;  ^  but  as 
she  wore  the  monastic  dress,  Fulbert  began  to  fear  that 
Abelard  might  rid  himself  of  her  by  persuading  her  to 
take  the  vows,  and  resolved  on  a  barbarous 
A.D.  1 1 19.  j.g^gj^gg^  Abelard's  servant  was  bribed  to  ad- 
mit into  his  lodging  some  ruffians  whom  the  canon  had 
hired  ;  and  entering  his  chamber  at  night,  they  inflicted 
on  him  a  cruel  and  disgraceful  mutilation.^ 

b  Ep_  ^^  col.  205.  lard  ;  and  see  what  he  himself  says  as 

*=  Hist.  Cal.  7.     Dean  Milman  says  to  the  difference  between  his  own  case 

(iii.   365)  that  this  was  meant  to  dis-  and  Origen's,  Ep.  5,  col.  208.    Heloisa 

qualify  him  for  ecclesiastical  honours.  afterwards     calls     him     "monk    and 

liut    surely  the  first   Nicene    canon,  priest"    (Ep.    4,  init.)  ;  and   it  would 

which  makes  exceptions  In  favour  of  seem  that  his  ordination  to  the  priest 

those  whose  mutilation  has  not  been  hood   was  after  this    time  -  probably 

voluntary,  would  have  protected  Abe-  when  he  became  abbot  of  Kuys. 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  1118-19.    ABELARD   AT   ST.  DENYS.  107 

The  report  of  this  atrocity  excited  a  general  feeUng  of 
indignation.  Two  of  the  agents  in  it,  who  were  caught, 
were  subjected  to  a  like  penalty,  with  the  addition  of  the 
loss  of  their  eyes  ;  and  Fulbert  was  deprived  of  his  prefer- 
ments, although  sheltered  by  his  clerical  character  from 
further  punishment. <^  Abelard,  overwhelmed  with  shame 
and  grief,  retired  to  St.  Denys,  where — more,  as  he 
confesses,  from  such  feelings  than  from  devotion — he 
took  the  monastic  vows ;  Heloisa  having  at  his  com- 
mand already  put  on  the  veil  at  Argenteuil.* 

But  although  Abelard  profited  by  the  opportunities  of 
study  which  his  monastic  retirement  afforded/  it  was  not 
to  give  him  peace.  He  soon  made  himself  unpopular  by 
censuring  the  laxity  of  the  abbot  and  his  brethren,^  and 
by  their  contrivance  he  was  removed  to  a  dependent  cell, 
where  he  resumed  his  occupation  of  teaching  both  in 
philosophy  and  in  theology^  with  such  success  that,  as 
he  tells  us,  "  neither  the  place  sufficed  for  their  lodging, 
nor  the  land  for  their  support."  The  audiences  of  other 
professors  were  thinned;  their  envy  was  aroused,  and 
they  beset  bishops,  abbots,  and  other  important  persons 
with  complaints  against  their  successful  rival — that  the 
cultivation  of  secular  learning  was  inconsistent  with  his 
duty  as  a  monk,  and  that,  by  teaching  theology  without 
the  sanction  of  some  accredited  master,^  he  was  likely 

"  See  Abasl.    Ep.    x6,  col.   375— a  Quis  potuit  sacculis  cupiditatis  earuin 

letter  written  by  Fulk,  prior  of  Deui!,  sufficere  crumenis?"  p.  222,  ed.  1616. 

to  Abelard,  for  the  purpose  of  consol-  *  Hist.  Cal.  8  ;   Helois.  ap.  Abaci, 

ing  him,  and  of  dissuading  him  from  Ep.  2,  col.  186  ;  Ep.  4,  col.  193 ;  Hist, 

going  to  Rome  in  order  to  solicit  fur-  Litt.  xii.  632  ;  Remusat,  i.  70,  144. 

ther  vengeance  against  Fulljert.     M.  *"  His  pupil  Otho  of  Freising  says 

Migne,  whose  ultramontane  feelings  that  at  St.   Denys  he  became    "de 

become  more  delicate  as  his  '  Patro-  acuto  acutior,  de  literato  literatior." — 

logia'  draws  towards  an  end,  omits  De  Gestis  Frid.  i.  47. 

some  remarkable  words— "O  miserum  s  Hist.  Calam.  8.     Duchesne  (not. 

valde  consilium,  et   omni   destitutum  in  loc.)  questions  the  truth  of  such 

utilitate  !    Numquid    non  audisti  ali-  charges ;  but  see  Cousin,  i.  47  ;  Remus, 

quando  de  Romanorum  avaritia  et  ini-  i.  72. 

puritate  ?      Quis  unquam  suis  potuit  1  "  Quod  sine  magistro  ad  magis- 

opibus  meretricum  voraginem  satiare  ?  terium  divine  lectionis  accedere  pric 


Io8  COUNCIL   AT   SOISSONS.  Book  VI. 

to  lead  his  pupils  into  error.  And  in  no  long  time  an 
opportunity  for  attacking  him  was  given  by  an  "  Intro- 
duction to  Theology,"  drawn  up  at  the  desire  of  his 
pupils,  who  had  requested  him  to  illustrate  the  mystery 
of  the  Trinity  in  words  which  might  be  not  only  pro- 
nounced, but  understood.^  Roscellin,  who  had  made 
his  own  peace  with  the  church,  denounced  Abelard  as  a 
Sabellian,  and  in  the  grossest  terms  reflected  on  him  for 
the  errors  and  misfortunes  of  his  life,  while  Abelard  in 
his  turn  reproached  his  former  master  as  alike  infamous 
for  his  opinions  and  for  his  character.^  At  the  instance 
of  his  old  opponents,  Alberic  and  Letulf,  who  were  now 
established  as  teachers,  at  Reims,^  he  was  cited  by  the 
archbishop  of  that  city  before  a  council  at 
Soissons.  At  this  assembly  he  delivered  his 
book  ™  to  the  legate  Conon  of  Palestrina,  who  presided, 
and  professed  himself  willing  to  retract  anything  in  it 
which  might  be  regarded  as  contrary  to  the  catholic 
faith.  The  book  was  handed  to  his  accusers  for  exami- 
nation, and  in  the  meantime  Abelard  daily  expounded 
his  opinions  in  public,  with  such  effect  that,  although  he 

sumpsissem."    (Hist.  Cal.  8.)    In  the  ii8 ;    Tosti,   104;    Hcrzog,  xiii.    119. 

University  of  Paris   somewhat   later,  INI.  de  Remusat  refers  to  this  time  Ep. 

a  bachelor,  after  having  been  licensed  13,  addressed   "To  one  ignorant   of 

to  teach,  gave  his  lectures  for  a  time  Dialectics  "  (i.  78) ;  but  see  below,  p. 

under  the  superintendence  of  a  doctor;  121,  note  ^.      Abelard  differed   from 

and  from  this  passage  it  appears  that  Roscellin  in  being  a  conceptualist — 

a  similar  rule  was  already  in  force.  i.e.,  holding  the  real  existence  of  uni- 

Abelard  had  had  no  master  in  Theo-  versals  as  matters  of  conception — a 

logy  except  Anselm    of   Laon,   with  middle  view,  but  rather  inclining  to 

whom,  after  a  very  short  connexion,  nominalism.    (Remus,  ii.  15,  34;  Tosti, 

he  had  quarrelled  ;  and  he  now  taught  62  ;    Haureau,   i.  270.)    M.   Haureau 

without    any   superintendence.      See  seems  to  think   that  this  was  really 

Crevier,  i.   135-6  ;  Hist.  Litt,  xii.  89  ;  Roscellin's  own  opinion. 

Remusat,  L  21,  74:  Tosti,  55.  *  Abelard  had  provoked  Alberic  by 

'  Hist.  Cal.  9 ;  Prolog,  in  Introd.  ad  speaking    of   him,    although  without 

Theologiam ;  Remus,  i.  75.  naming  him,  as  a  master  who  taught 

•'  Abael.  Ep.  14;    Rose.  ap.  Abasl.  that  God  had  generated  Himself,     iu- 

Ep.  15.     As  to  these  letters,  see  above,  trod,  ad  Theol.  ii.  6;  Tosti,  107-8. 

p.  100,  note  ■;  Cousin,  ii.  150  ;  Remu-  "  See  Hefele,  v.  321. 
sat,  i.  14,  81-3  ;  Neander's  '  Bernard, 


Chap.  VIII,     A.r.  1121.     ABELARD   CONDEMNED.  I09 

and  his  disciples,  on  their  arrival,  had  been  in  danger  of 
being  stoned  as  tritheists,  a  great  reaction  took  place  in 
his  favour. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  council,  to  which  the  further 
consideration  of  the  case  had  been  deferred,  Geoffrey  of 
Chartres,  the  most  eminent  of  the  bishops  present,  after 
having  reminded  the  assembly  of  Abelard's  fame,  and 
of  the  necessity  of  dealing  cautiously,  proposed  that  the 
charge  against  him  should  be  clearly  stated,  and  that  he 
should  be  allowed  to  reply.  On  this  an  outcry  was 
raised  that  no  one  could  withstand  such  a  sophist ;  that 
his  book  deserved  condemnation,  if  it  were  only  because 
he  had  allowed  it  to  be  copied  without  the  sanction  of 
Rome.  He  was  condemned,  not  for  tritheism,  but  for 
the  opposite  error  of  Sabeilianism ;  he  was  required  to 
read  aloud  the  Athanasian  creed,  which  he  did  with  a 
profusion  of  tears,  and  to  throw  his  book  into  the  fire. 
The  bishop  of  Chartres  in  vain  endeavoured  to  obtain 
that  he  might  be  sent  back  to  St.  Denys ;  the  accusers 
insisted  that  he  should  be  detained  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Reims,  and  he  was  committed  to  the  custody  of 
Goswin,  abbot  of  St.  Medard's,  at  Soissons.  But  the 
severity  of  this  judgment  excited  such  general  reproba- 
tion, that  those  who  had  shared  in  it  endeavoured  to 
excuse  themselves  by  throwing  the  blame  on  each  other, 
and  after  a  time  Abelard  was  allowed  to  return  to  St. 
Denys." 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  he  again  brought 
himself  into  trouble  by  denying,  on  the  authority  of  a 
passage  in  Bede's  works,*'  the  identity  of  Dionysius  the 
Areopagite  with  the  patron  saint  of  the  monastery.    Such 

■  Hist.  Calam.  9-10;  Otto  Frising.  <>  Comment,  in  Acta  Apost.,  Patrol, 

de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  47  ;  Bouquet,  xiv.  xcii.  981.    Bade,  however,  confounded 

445  :   Remusat,   i.  92,  seqq.     For  the  the  Areopagite  with  Dionysius,  bishop 

doubtful  story  of  an  earlier  collision  of  Corinth, 
with  Goswin,  see  p.  102,  note  ">. 


no  MONASTERY   OF  THE   PARACLETE.  BookVL 

an  opinion,  after  the  labours  of  abbot  Hilduin,  who  was 
supposed  to  have  settled  the  matter  by  long  inquiries  in 
Greece,P  was  regarded  as  not  only  profane  but  treason- 
able ;  for  St.  Denys  was  the  patron  of  the  whole  king- 
dom, and  Abelard  was  even  denounced  to  the  king.  It 
was  in  vain  that  he  addressed  to  the  abbot  a  letter 
intended  to  reconcile  the  different  accounts  :  ^  he  was 
placed  under  guard,  and,  "almost  in  desperation,  as 
if  the  whole  world  had  conspired  against  him,"  he 
escaped  from  the  abbey  by  night,  and  found  refuge  with 
a  friend,  who  was  prior  of  a  cell  near  Provins.     Abbot 

Jan.  19,  Adam  of  St.  Denys  refused  to  release  him 
1 122.'"  from  his  monastic  obedience  ;  but  as  the  old 
man  died  soon  after,  a  release  was  obtained  from  his 
successor,  Suger,  on  condition  that  Abelard  should  not 
attach  himself  to  any  other  monastery ;  for  St.  Denys  was 
proud  of  so  famous  a  member,  and  wished  to  retain  the 
credit  of  reckoning  him  as  its  own.* 

He  now  fixed  himself,  in  company  with  a  single  clerk, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nogent  on  the  Seine,  where,  on  a 
site  granted  to  him  by  Theobald,  count  of  Champagne, 
he  built  himself  an  oratory  of  reeds  and  straw.  But  even 
in  this  retreat  he  soon  found  himself  surrounded  by 
disciples,  who,  for  the  sake  of  his  instructions,  were 
willing  to  endure  all  manner  of  hardships.  By  their 
labour  the  little  oratory  was  enlarged  into  a  monastery, 
with  its  church,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Divine 
Comforter  or  Paraclete — a  novelty  which,  in  addition  to 
his  popularity  as  a  teacher,  excited  his  enemies  afresh, 
as  it  had  not  been  usual  to  dedicate  churches  to  any 

P  Hist.  Cal.  10,  col.  154.    See  vol.  i.  Areopagite  lately  brought  from  Greece, 

p.  217  ;  vol.  iii.  p.  358.     There  is  a  that,  having  "  utrasque  reliquias,"  they 

curious  letter  of  Innocent  HI.  to  the  may  be  sure  of  having  something  of 

monks  of  St.  Denys,  a.d.  1215.     He  the  scriptural  Dionysius.  Patrol,  cxvii, 

declines  to  decide  whether  the  bishop  241.                                1  Ep.  la. 

of  Paris  was  the  same  with  the  Areo.  ""  Hist.  Litt.  xiL  365. 

pagite,  but  sends  them  a  relic  of  the  •  Hist.  Gal.  la 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.ii2i-6.      ABELARD    AT   RUYS.  Ill 

Other  Person  of  the  Trinity  than  the  Second. «  Among 
those  enemies  he  mentions  two  ''new  apostles,  in  whom 
the  world  very  greatly  trusted  " — Bernard  and  Norbert. 
These,  he  says,  talked  and  preached  against  him  every- 
where, and  such  was  the  obloquy  raised  that,  whenever 
he  heard  of  a  synod,  he  apprehended  that  it  might  be 
summoned  for  his  own  condemnation.  He  declared  that 
he  often  thought  even  of  withdrawing  into  some  country 
of  unbelievers,  in  the  hope  of  finding  that  toleration 
which  was  denied  him  by  his  fellow  Christians," 

At  this  time  he  was  chosen  abbot  of  the  ancient 
monastery  of  St.  Gildas,  at  Ruys,  on  the  coast 
of  Morbihan,^  and,  with  the  consent  of  Suger  ^'^'  "^^  ' 
of  St.  Denys,  he  accepted  the  office  as  promising  him  a 
quiet  refuge.  But  his  hopes  were  bitterly  disappointed. 
The  country  was  wild  and  desolate,  and,  with  the  ocean 
filling  the  whole  view  beyond  it,  appeared  to  be  the 
extremity  of  the  world.  The  very  language  of  the  people 
was  unintelligible ;  the  monks  were  utterly  disobedient 
and  unruly,  and  met  his  attempts  at  reform  by  mixing 
poison  for  him,  even  in  the  eucharistic  cup,  and  by 
setting  ruffians  in  ambush  to  murder  him.  There  were 
quarrels,  too,  with  a  rude  and  powerful  neighbour,  who 
had  invaded  the  property  of  the  monastery;  and  such 

*  Hist.  Cal.  ii;  Remusat,  i.  113.  M.  for  Walter  (who   eventually  became 

de  Remusat  remarks(i3i)that  within  a  bishop  of  Laon),  Hist.  Litt.  xiii. ;  Hau- 

few  years  Innocent  II.  is  found  using  reau,  i.  252. 

the  name  without  scruple.     Ep.  504,  =^  There  is  a  question  as  to  the  iden- 

(l^atrol.  cl.xxix.).  tity  of  the  Gildas  to  whozi  this  abbey 

"  Hist.  Cal.  12.     It  was  about  this  was  dedicated,  with  the  author  of  the 

time    that  Walter   of  Mortagne    (de  book   'De   Excidio  Britannise.'    See 

Mauretania)  addressed  to  him  a  letter  Acta  SS.,  Jan.  29,  pp.  569,  570;  T. 

of  remonstrance  (Dacherj',  iii.  524-6),  Innes,     ed.     Spalding    Club,    120-1  ; 

grounded  partly  on  passages  in  the 'In-  Hardy,  Pref.  to  Mon.  Hist  Brit.  59, 

troductio,'  and  partly  on  the  rumours  and  Catal.   of  Materials    for  British 

spread  by  Abelard's  disciples,  that  he  History,  i.   156.     For  an  account  of 

professed  thoroughly  to  understand  the  the  present  state  of  the  monastery,  see 

mystery  of  the  Trinity,  and  that  he  de-  Jephscn's  Tour    in    Brittany,    Loud, 

nied  the  merits  of  Christ.     See  Tosti,  1859. 
140;  Neandcr's  'Bernard,'  209;  and 


112  ABELARD'S    correspondence  Book  VI. 

was  the  lawlessness  of  the  country  that  no  redress  of 
wrongs  was  to  be  had.  In  such  circumstances,  more- 
over, Abelard  could  not  but  feel  that  his  intellectual  gifts 
were  altogether  useless  and  wasted.^ 

Abbot  Sugar,  of  St.  Denys,  on  the  authority  of  old 
documents,  brought  forward  a  claim  to  the 
nunnery  of  Argenteuil,  which  was  also 
denounced  as  a  place  of  gross  licentiousness;  and  his 
claim  was  admitted  by  a  council  held  at  Paris  under  a 
legate,  whose  decision  was  confirmed  by  Honorius  II., 
and  also  by  his  successor  Innocent.^  The  charges 
against  the  nuns,  however,  do  not  appear  to  have  ex- 
tended to  Heloisa,  who  had  become  prioress  and  was 
held  in  general  veneration ;  and  Abelard,  on  hearing  that 
she  was  about  to  lose  her  home,  offered  the  deserted 
Paraclete  to  her  and  such  of  her  sisters  as  she  might 
choose  for  companions.  The  gift  was  confirmed  by 
Innocent  II.,  and  the  Paraclete  received  privileges  from 
other  popes,  and  became  the  mother  of  a  small  order.'^ 

Abelard  had  drawn  up  the  History  of  his  Calamities, 
in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  a  (perhaps  imaginary)  friend ;  ^ 
and  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  Heloisa,  who  was  thus 
induced  to  write  to  him.  Her  letters  are  full  of  the  most 
intense  and  undisguised  passion ;  the  worship  of  genius 
mingles  in  them  with  the  glow  of  carnal  love.  In  the 
freest  language  she  reminds  her  husband  of  their  former 
intercourse;  she  declares  that  by  him  she  and  all  her 
family  had  been  raised  to  eminence ; «  she  charges  her- 
self with  having  caused  his  ruin,  and  declares  that  she 
would  rather  be  his  friend  than  his  wife  —  rather  his 

r  Hist.  Cal.  13,  15.  i44-S- 

«  Suger,  de  Rebus  in  Administ.  sua  •  Innoc.  Epp.  70,  188,  504  ;  Patrol, 

gestis,  3  (Patrol,  clxxxvi.);  Vita  Lud.  clxxviii.  1847;   Aba;l.   Hist.  Cai.   13: 

Grossi,   ib.    1317  ;    Testamentum,   ib.  Tosti,  147-8, 

1443  ;  Ludov.  VI.,  ib.  1463  ;  Hard.  vi.  "  Re'musat,  i.  137. 

1145-8;    Innoc.    11.    Ep.    15    (Patrol.  <=  Ap.  Abal.  Ep.  4,  col.  105. 
clxxix.):    Remusat,    i.    124-7;    Tosti, 


Chaf.  VIII.  A.D.  JI26-34.    WITH   HELOISA.  I  33 

concubine,  his  harlot,  than  an  empress.*'  She  avows 
that,  however  those  who  know  her  not  may  think  of  her, 
she  is  at  heart  a  hypocrite ;  that  she  still  cares  more  for 
her  lover  than  for  God  ;  that  beneath  the  monastic  dress 
there  burns  in  her  an  unabated  and  unquenchable  passion 
which  disturbs  her  in  her  dreams,  at  her  prayers,  even 
at  the  most  solemn  devotion  of  the  mass.®  Abelard's 
replies  are  in  a  very  different  strain ;  he  coldly  points 
out  to  her  the  sinfulness  of  her  former  life,  and  urges  her 
to  seek  for  pardon  and  peace  in  the  duties  of  the  cloister.* 
He  furnished  her  and  her  sisterhood  with  prayers  and 
hymns,  with  a  rule  which  as  to  externals  was  conceived 
in  a  spirit  of  Cistercian  severity,  and  with  directions  for 
their  studies  borrowed  in  a  great  part  from  St.  Jerome. s 
From  time  to  time  he  visited  the  Paraclete ;  but  as  even 
these  visits  excited  scandal,  they  became  infrequent.^ 
In  1 134,  apparently,  he  finally  quitted  Ruys,*  although 
he  still  retained  the  abbacy ;  and  once  more  he  taught 
on  the  Mount  of  St.  Genevieve,  where  John  of  Salisbury 
afterwards  famous  for  his  achievements  in  literature  and 
for  his  connexion  with  Becket,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
was  one  of  his  pupils.^ 

On  many  important  subjects — the  mutual  relations  of 
the  Divine  Persons  and  other  points  connected  with  the 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity ;  the  Divine  attributes ;  the  work 
and  merits  of  the  Saviour;^  the  operations  of  the  Holy 

*•  Ep.  2,  coll.  184-5.    Pope,  however,  '  Chron.  Rug.  ap.   Bouq.  xii.  564; 

has  grievously  misrepresented  her  in  Remus,  i.  139. 

his    poetical   Epistle.      (See   Hallam,  ^  Joh.  Sarisb.  Metalog.  ii.  10,  17  ; 

Hist.  Litt.  i.  44.)    And  the  genuine-  iii.  i  ;  Remus,  i.  141  ;  Schaarschmidt, 

nessof  the  letters  between  her  and  Abe-  'Johannes  Saresberiensis,'Leipz.  1862, 

lard  has  been  much  questioned.     See  p.  13. 

]Jelepierre,    'Historical    Difficulties,'  '  liellnaiid (Patrol. ccxii.i035)quotes 

c.  5  (Lond.  186S)  ;  and  in  defence  of  as  fuUows  from  Godfrey  of  Aiixerre, 

them,  Haure'au,  Art.    Ililolse,  in  the  \\\\o,  after  having  been  a  disciple  of 

Nouv.  Biographic  Gene'rale.  Abelard,     became    secretary     to    St. 

*  Ep.  4,  coll.  196-7.         *"  Ep.  5.  Bernard,  one  of  the  saint's  biographers, 

s  Epp.  7-g.  and    abbot   of   Clairvaux    (see    Hist. 

''  Hist  CaU  14.  Littxiv.  432)— "Pretiumredemptionis 

VOL.  V.  8 


114  ABELARD'S   opinions.  Book  VI. 

Ghost ;  the  sinfulness  of  man ;  the  gift  of  prophecy  ;  ™ 
the  inspiration  and  the  integrity  of  the  Scriptures ;  the 
eucharistic  presence ;  the  character  of  miracles  alto- 
gether, and  the  reality  of  those  which  were  reported  as 
of  his  own  time ; "  the  relations  of  faith,  reason,  and 
church  authority;  the  penitential  system,  and  the 
absolving  powers  of  the  priesthood — Abelard  had  vented 
opinions  which  were  likely  to  draw  suspicion  on  him." 
To  this  was  added  the  irritation  produced  by  his  un- 
sparing remarks  on  the  faults  of  bishops  and  clergy,  of 
monks  and  canons  ;p  and,  in  addition  to  the  books  which 
he  had  himself  published,  the  circulation  of  imperfect 
reports  of  his  lectures  tended  to  increase  the  distrust  oi 
him  which  was  felt.  Yet  while  he  bitterly  complained 
of  this  distrust,  it  seems  as  if  he  even  took  a  pride  in 
exciting  it.  Without  apparently  intending  to  stray 
from  the  path  of  orthodoxy,  he  delighted  to  display  his 
originality  in  peculiarities  of  thought  and  expression  ;  '^ 
and  hence,  instead  of  a  harmonious  system,   there  re 

evacuans,  nil  aliud  nobis  in  sacrificio  evacuanti  haeretico  nil  prodesse  caetera 

pas5ionisDominic£E(PetrusAbselardus)  poterant."    (Cf.  Bern.  Ep.  190,  c.  9.) 

commendabat  nisi  virtutis  exemplum  Yet,  according  to  some  late  authori- 

et    amoris    incentivum.      Quod  enim  ties,   the    doctrine  which   is   thus   so 

Scripturse  perhibent,  de  potestate  dia-  unequivocally  stated  as  the  established 

boli  pretioso  illo  sanguine  humanum  orthodoxy  of  the  time,  had  been  in- 

genus    esse    redemptum,   in    eo    solo  vented    by    Anselm    of    Canterbury 

constare    dicebat,     quod     exemplum  about  a  quarter  of  a  century  before  ! 
nobis  exhibitum  est  usque  ad  mortem  •"  '  Sic  et  Non,'  Prolog.,  col.  1345. 

pro  veritate  et  justitia  certaiidi ;  et  ad-  "  "  Prseterierunt  miracula."— Theol. 

hibitum  est  velutquoddam  incentivum  Christ,  iii.,  col.  1212. 
amoris,  cum  ex  impenso  amore  occasio  "See   Neander's   'Bernard,'  171-5, 

data   est  redamandi."    On   the   other  225,   229,  234,  240-1,  245;  Ch.  Hist., 

hand,  Godfrey's  later  master,  Bernard,  viii.  31,  33,  52,  147-9,  161,  190-6,  206- 

is  described  as  "Sic  imitandum  prae-  11  ;  Cousin,  ii.  152;  Ritter,  vii.    407, 

dicans    dominum    patientem,    et    sic  411,  428-9  ;  Tosli,  233,  seqq.  ;  Remus, 

redamandum  amantem,  ut  princlpalem  ii.  278,297;  1.  iii.  c.  6;  Gieseler,  II. 

hujus  sacriticii  causam  redemptionem  ii.  390-1  ;  Hefele,  v.  411-23. 
ineoprolitereturetadorarethumanani.  P  See,  e.^^.,  his  sermon  on  St.  John 

Tria  namque  specialia    nobis  in  sua  the  Baptist  (Serm.  33),  especially  the 

passione  Christus  exhibuit ;  exemplum  attack  on  Norbert's  miracles,  col.  605. 
virtutis,   incentivvun   amoris,  rcdcmp-  "i  Remus,  ii.  259  ;  Ritter,  vii.  408. 

tionis    sacramenlum.      Quod    tertium 


Chap.  Viri.  HIS    "  SIC    ET   NON.''  115 

suited  a  collection  of  isolated  opinions,  which,  stated 
as  they  were  without  their  proper  balances  and  com- 
plements, were  certain  to  raise  misunderstanding  and 
obloquy/  Ignorant  as  he  was  of  Greek  (for  he  owns 
that  on  this  account  he  was  unacquainted  with  Plato's 
writings),^  and  having  little  knowledge  of  antiquity  even 
at  second  hand,  he  idealized  the  sages  of  heathenism,* — 
not  only  the  Greek  philosophers,  but  the  Brachmans  of 
India — whom  he  invidiously  contrasted  with  the  monks 
and  clergy  of  his  own  day."  While  he  regarded  the 
knowledge  of  the  Saviour  as  necessary  for  all  men,  he 
held  that  the  ancient  sages  had  received  this  knowledge 
through  the  Sibyls ;  ^  and  he  supposed  them  to  have 
attained  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  partly  by  the 
exercise  of  their  reason,  and  partly  as  the  reward  of  their 
pure  and  self-denying  lives.y  He  supposed  them  to 
have  had  saving  faith,  and  all  but  a  historical  knowledge 
of  Christianity ;  he  supposed  their  philosophy  to  have 
been  nearer  akin  than  Judaism  to  the  gospel  ;^  and  he 
supposed  the  rites  of  the  old  law  to  have  been  needless 
for  them,  because  these  were  not,  like  the  gospel,  in- 
tended for  all  mankind.*  In  a  book  which  bore  the 
title  of  **  Yes  and  No,"  ^  he  had  arranged  under  158  heads 
the  opinions  of  earlier  Christian  writers  on  a  like  number 
of  subjects  ;  not  (as  had  been  usual)  for  the  purpose  of 
exhibiting  their  agreement,  or  of  harmonizing  their  differ- 
ences, but  in  order  that,  by  displaying  these  differences, 

••  Neander,  168  ;  Ritter,  vii.  426-7.  '  Theol.  Christ.  1.  ii.  col.  1180. 

•  Abaci,  ed.  Cousin,  ii.  54-5;  Neand.  "  Introd,  col.  1173. 

viii.  3.     See  below,  ch.  xiii.  sect.  4.  •"  '  Sic  et  Non.'     'I'his  was  first  pub- 

*  Remus,  ii.  261.  lished    by    Cousin,    (' GEuv.     Ined.,' 
»  Theol.    Christ.    1.    i.    coll.    1144,         Paris,    1836),    and    is    reprinted     by 

1160,  1164  ;  ii.  coll.  1179-80,  1189  ;  iii.  Migne  from  the  more  complete  edition 

coll.  1215,  1221,1235-40;  Introd.  i.  17.  of   Henke  (Marburg,    1851).       Until 

^  lb.  15,  col.  1008  ;  Neand.  viii,  35.  known,  it  was  supposed,  from  the  old 

y  Introd.    i.    15 ;    Theol.    Christ,    i.  accounts  of  it,   to   be  far   more  daa- 

Col.  1139  :  Rcmusat,  ii.  267.  gerous  than  it  is. 


Il6  WIIXIAM    OF    ST.    THIERRY.  ftooK  Vl. 

he  might  claim  for  himself  a  like  latitude  to  that  which 
the  teachers  of  older  times  had  enjoyed  without  ques- 
tion. It  was  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  such  a  claim, 
with  the  novelty  and  strangeness  of  the  opinions  which 
he  had  advanced,  should  excite  a  general  alann.  This 
feeling  found  expression  through  William,  formerly  abbot 
of  St.  Thierry,  and  now  a  Cistercian  monk  in  the  diocese 
of  Reims,  who  addressed  a  letter  to  Bernard,  and  to 
Abelard's  old  patron,  Geoffrey  of  Chartres,  who  was  now 
papal  legate  for  France.*^  William  professes  much  affec- 
tion for  Abelard,  but  desires  to  draw  attention  to  his 
errors — errors  (he  says)  the  more  dangerous  on  account 
of  his  vast  reputation,  which  is  described  as  such  that 
his  works  were  carried  across  the  Alps  and  the  seas,  and 
even  in  the  Roman  court  were  regarded  as  authoritative.^ 
He  also  mentions  the  "Yes  and  No,"  and  a  work  entitled 
"  Know  Thyself" ;  but,  as  he  had  not  seen  these,  he 
could  only  conjecture  that  their  contents  were  probably 
as  monstrous  as  their  names.^ 

Bernard  and  Abelard  were  not  unacquainted  with  each 
other.  They  had  met  in  1131,  at  the  consecration  of  an 
altar  for  the  abbey  of  Maurigny  by  Pope  Innocent  ;^  and 
somewhat  later,  in  consequence  of  a  visit  which  Bernard 
had  paid  to  the  Paraclete,  and  of  some  remarks  which  he 
was  reported  to  have  made  on  usages  which  struck  him 
as  novel  in  that  place,  Abelard  had  addressed  to  him  a 
letter,^  which  by  its  want  of  deference  to  the  popular 

«  Ap.    Bern.   Ep.   326.     In  Patrol.  •  Ap.  Bern.  Ep.  326.     See  Remusat, 

clxxx.  is  William's  '  Disputatio  ad ver-  1.    186.     It   is   remarkable   that  seme 

sus  Abaelardum,'  and  also  a  treatise,  of   the   censured  propositions  are  to 

ascribed  to  the  same  author,  in  which  be   found  only  in   these    two    books. 

the  fathers  are  set  in  opposition  to  William  must  therefore  have  got  them 

Abelard.  fiom     notes.      Neander,     viii.     250 ; 

•*  That  cardinals  had  been  among  Hefele,  v.  403. 

his   pupils,   and  that    he   boasted  of  '  Chron.    Maurin.,    Patrol,     clxxx. 

their   favour,   is  often    dwelt    on  by  159. 

Bernard,  e.£^.,  Epp.  188,   c.   2,   192,  »«  Ep.  lo^ 
»93.  ."J3»' 


Chap.  VIII.    a.d.  1140,    BERNARD   AND   ABELARD.  II7 

•saint,  and  by  its  somewhat  satirical  tone,  was  not  likely 
'to  be  acceptable.  The  old  enmities  between  Abelard 
and  some  of  Bernard's  friends — William  of  Champeaux, 
Anselm  of  Laon,  Alberic — and  the  fact  that  Arnold  of 
Brescia,  who  had  become  notorious  as  the  agitator  of 
Rome,  had  once  been  Abelard' s  pupil — may  have  con- 
tributed to  increase  the  abbot's  dislike  of  him.^  The 
two  men  were,  indeed,  representatives  of  opposite  ten- 
dencies. Bernard  felt  none  of  Abelard's  intellectual 
cravings.  Although  not  an  enemy  of  learning,  he  valued 
knowledge  only  with  a  view  to  practical  good ;  he  dis- 
trusted and  dreaded  speculation;  and,  while  Abelard 
taught  that  "  by  doubt  we  come  to  inquiry,  and  by  in- 
quiry we  ascertain  the  truth," ' — thus  making  doubt  his 
starting-point, — it  was  Bernard's  maxim  that  "The  faith 
of  the  godly  believes  instead  of  discussing."^  We  may, 
therefore,  easily  understand  that  he  was  ready  to  Hsten 
to  charges  against  a  man  so  different  from  himself  as 
Abelard;^  he  felt  instinctively  that  there  was  danger,  not 
so  much  in  this  or  that  individual  point  of  his  teaching, 
as  in  the  general  character  of  a  method  which  seemed 
likely  to  imperil  the  orthodoxy  of  the  church. °» 

On  receiving  William  of  St.  Thierry's  letter,  Bernard 
sought  an  interview  with  Abelard,  and  endeavoured  to 
persuade  him  to  a  retractation.  Abelard,  according  to 
Bernard's  biographer,  consented  to  retract,  but  was  after- 
wards induced  by  his  disciples  to  depart  from  his  promise;^ 
in  any  case,  he  requested  that  the  matter  might  be  brought 
before  a  council  which  was  to  meet  at  Sens  in  the  Whit- 
sun-week  of  1 140.     The  king  of  France  was  present, 

>»  Remus,  i.  117  ;  TostI,  2i5-x6.  i.  193-4.  "•  355:  Tosti,  187-8,  212. 

i  'Sic   et    Non,'    coi.    1349.      See  °  Vita,  iii.  13.    The  story  is  impro- 

Gieseler,  vi.  452.               ^  Ep.  338.  bable,    as   neither    Bernard    nor    the 

'  Otto'  Prising,  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  47.  council  of  Sens  say  anything  of  the 

°»  Neander's  '  Bernard,'  146-8  ;  Ch.  alleged    promise.      Remus,     i.     15a ; 

Hist.  viii.  '^C ;  Ritter,  vii.  408 ;  Re'mus.  Tosti,  211 ;  Hefele,  v.  404. 


Il8  COUNCIL   AT   SENS.  Book  VT. 

with  a  great  number  of  bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics  ; 
and  the  chief  occasion  of  the  meeting — the  translation  of 
the  patron  saint's  relics — was  of  a  nature  to  produce  an 
excitement  against  any  one  who  was  supposed  to  impugn 
the  popular  religion,  so  that  Abelard's  life  seems  to  have 
been  in  danger  from  the  multitude.**  Bernard  had  at  first 
declined  a  summons  to  attend,  on  the  ground  that  the 
question  did  not  especially  concern  him,  and  also  that  he 
was  but  as  a  youth  in  comparison  with  such  a  controver- 
sial Goliath  as  Abelard.P  He  wrote,  however,  to  the  pope 
and  to  the  Roman  court,  in  strong  denunciation  of  Abe- 
lard,  both  for  his  particular  errors  and  for  his  general 
enmity  to  the  established  faith  of  the  Church  ;<i  and  at 
length  the  urgency  of  his  friends  prevailed  on  him  to 
appear  at  the  council.  The  representatives  of  intellect 
and  of  religious  feeling,  of  speculative  inquiry  and  of 
traditional  faith,  were  now  face  to  face.  Seventeen 
articles  were  brought  forward  against  Abelard,  and  Ber- 
nard, as  the  promoter  of  the  charge,  desired  that  they 
might  be  read  aloud.  But  scarcely  was  the  reading 
begim  when  Abelard, — losing  courage,  it  would  seem,  at 
the  thought  of  the  influence  and  the  prejudices  arrayed 
against  him, — surprised  and  disappointed  the  spectators 
by  appealing  to  the  pope.""  Such  an  appeal,  from  judges 
of  his  own  choosing,  and  before  sentence,  was  a  novelty 
unsanctioned  by  the  laws  of  the  church  ;s  but  the  bishops 
admitted  it,  lest,  by  contesting  the  papal  privileges,  they 
should  create  a  prejudice  in  favour  of  the  appellant.^ 
While,  however,  they  refrained  from  condemning  Abelard's 
person,  they  proceeded  to  examine  the  propositions  im- 

•  Bern.   Ep.  189  ;  Hard.   vi.  1221  ;  the  council,  v.  405. 

O.  Fris.   de  Gestis  Frid.  48;  Remus.  «■  Bern.  Ep.  1S9,  c.  4;  Vita  Bern., 

i.  200-3  ;  Mllman,  iii.  370-2.  Patrol,     clxxw.     800 ;    Tosti,     222  : 

P  Epp.  187 ;  189,  c.  4.  Remus,  i.  209. 

<  lb.    188,   190.      Hefele   supposes  •  Bern.  1.  c.  ;  Ep  3:8,  c.  4. 

fhese  letters  ;o  hi^ve  been  written  after  '  Ne*nd.  viiL  58. 


Cha.?.  VIII.   A.D.  X140.     ABELARD    CONDEMNED.  II9 

puted  to  him,  and  pronounced  fourteen  out  of  the  seven- 
teen to  be  false  and  heretical."  A  ludicrous  account  of 
the  scene  is  given  by  one  of  Abelard's  disciples  named 
Berengar,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Bernard  himself,  and 
marked  throughout  by  the  ostentatious  contempt  with 
which  Abelard  and  his  followers  appear  to  have  regarded 
the  most  admired  saint  and  leader  of  the  age.  Berengar 
treats  Bernard  as  a  mere  idol  of  the  multitude — as  a 
man  gifted  with  a  plentiful  flow  of  words,  but  destitute  of 
liberal  culture  and  of  solid  abilities  ;  as  one  who  by  the 
solemnity  of  his  manner  imposed  the  tritest  truisms  on 
his  votaries  as  if  they  were  profound  oracles.  He  ridi- 
cules his  reputation  for  miraculous  power ;  he  tells  him 
that  his  proceedings  against  Abelard  were  prompted  by 
a  spirit  of  bigotry,  jealousy,  and  vindictiveness,  rendered 
more  odious  by  his  professions  of  sanctity  and  charity. 
Of  the  opinions  imputed  to  his  master,  he  maintains  that 
some  were  never  held  by  Abelard,  and  that  the  rest,  if 
rightly  interpreted,  are  true  and  catholic.  The  book,  he 
says,  was  brought  under  consideration  at  Sens  when  the 
bishops  had  dined,  and  was  read  amidst  their  jests  and 
laughter,  while  the  wine  was  doing  its  work  on  them. 
Any  expression  which  was  above  their  understanding 
excited  their  rage  and  curses  against  Abelard.  As  the 
reading  went  on,  one  after  another  became  drowsy ;  and 
when  they  were  asked  whether  they  condemned  his 
doctrines,  they  answered  in  their  sleep  without  being 
able  fully  to  pronounce  their  words.^     The  council  re- 

"  Bern.  t.  i.  1049,  seqq.  ;  Ep.  337,  c.  quidam    vix    ad   extremam  syllabara 

4  ;  Vita  Bern.  iii.  14.     M.  dc  Remusa'  expergefacti,  somnolenta  voce,  capite 

says  that  the  propositions  were  not  pendulo,  'Damnamus'  aiebant.     Alii 

unfairly  charged  on  Abelard,  although  vero    damnantium    tumultu    excitati, 

they  are   not   to  be   found   word   for  decapltata  prima  syllaba,    '.     .     .     . 

word  in    his  works    (i.    214-15).     Cf.  namus,'    inquiunt.     Vere    natis  ;    sed 

Mabillon  in  Bern.  1.  1045 ;  Hefele,  v.  natatio  vestra  procella,  natatio  vestra 

423,  seqq.  mersio  est."    (Pf.trol.    clxxviii.  1859.) 

*  "Lector  surdis  exclara'tkit  auri-  The  tract  is  truly  described  by  Petrarch 

bus   pontificum    'Damnatia?'      Tunc  (Contra   Galli   Calumnias.   ed.    Basil. 


T20  AEELARD    CONDEMNED    AT    ROME.  Book  VI, 

ported  the  condemnation  to  the  pope,  with  a  request 
that  he  would  confirm  it,  and  would  prohibit  Abelard 
from  teaching  -/  and  a  like  request  was  urged  by  Bernard 
in  letters  addressed  to  Innocent  and  to  some  of  the  most 
important  cardinals.'' 

Abelard's  hopes  of  finding  favour  at  Rome  were  dis- 
appointed. His  interest  in  the  papal  court  was  far 
inferior  to  Bernard's,  and  his  connexion  with  the  revolu- 
tionary Arnold  of  Brescia,  who  had  attended  him  at  the 
council — a  connexion  which  Bernard  had  carefully  put 
forward  * — could  not  but  weigh  heavily  against  him.*^ 
On  reaching  Lyons,  on  the  way  to  prosecute  his  appeal, 
he  was  astounded  to  find  that  the  pope,  without  waiting 
for  his  appearance,  without  any  inquiry  whether  Abelard 
had  used  the  language  imputed  to  him,  or  whether  it  had 
been  rightly  understood,  had  condemned  him,  with  aP 
his  errors  (which,  however,  were  not  specified),  and  had 
sentenced  him  and  Arnold  to  be  shut  up  in  separate 
monasteries.**  But  in  this  distress,  the  "venerable" 
Peter,  a  man  of  wider  charity  than  Bernard,  not  out  of 
indifference  to  orthodoxy,  but  from  respect  for  Abelard's 
genius  and  from  pity  for  his  misfortunes, *i  offered  him  an 
asylum  at  Cluny,  where,  with  the  pope's  sanction,  Abe- 
lard lived  in  devotion,  study,  and  in  the  exercise  of  his 
abilities  as  a  teacher.®  Here  he  drew  up  two  confes- 
sions (one  of  them  addressed  to  Heloisa),  in  which  he  dis- 

1554.  P»  1185)  as  "non  magni  quidem  ''  Neand.  viii.  61. 

corporis,     sed     ingentis     acrimonise."  "  Innoc.     Epp.     447-8      (July     16, 

From  a  second  letter  it  appears  that  11 40).     See   Berengar  on    this  treat- 

Berengar  got  into  trouble  on  account  ment,  Patrol,  clxxviii.  1181. 

of  it,  so  that  he  was  obliged  to  make  a  **  Tosti,  267  ;  Remus,  i,  249,    There 

retractation,   and  did  not  venture  to  are  some  letters  from  the    abbot  of 

publish  (as  he  had  intended)  a  further  Cluny  to  one  Peter,  whom  Mabillon 

defence  of  Abelard,     See  as  to  him,  and  Tosti  (135-8)  identify  with  Abelard, 

Hist.  Litt.  xii,  254-60.  but    Duchesne  (Patrol,    clxxxix.    77), 

y  Bern.  Epp.  191,  337.  and   Neander  (Bern.   284)  suppose  to 

*  lb.   192-3,  330-8.     Some  of  these,  be  another  person, 

however,  were,  perhaps,  earlier  than  •  Pet.  Cluniac.     Ep.  iv.  4  ;  Re'mus. 

the  council.               •  Epp,  189,  195.  L  256. 


Chap.  VIII.  a. d.  1 140-2.    HIS   LAST   DAYS   AND    DEATH.  121 

owned  some  of  the  things  imputed  to  him,  "  the  words  in 
part,  and  the  meaning  altogether,"  *  and  strongly  declared 
his  desire  to  adhere  to  the  catholic  faith  in  all  points.^ 
Yet  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  he  would  not  have 
admitted  himself  to  have  erred,  except  to  the  extent 
of  having  used  words  open  to  misconstruction ;  ^  and, 
although  he  had  been  reconciled  with  Bernard  through 
the  good  offices  of  the  abbots  of  Cluny  and  Citeaux,* 
he  still  blamed  him  for  interfering  in  matters  which  he 
had  not  been  trained  to  understand,'^  and  declared  that 
the  charges  against  himself  had  been  brought  forward 
out  of  malice  and  ignorance.^ 

Finding  that  his  guest's  health  was  failing,  Peter  re- 
moved him,  in  the  hope  of  recovery,  from  Cluny  to  the 
dependent  monastery  of  St.  Marcel,  near  Chalons  on  the 
Saone  ;  and  there  Abelard  ended  his  agitated  life  in  1142. 
His  body,  in  compliance  with  the  desire  which  he  had  ex- 
pressed, was  sent  to  the  Paraclete  for  burial.  At  Heloisa's 
request,  the  abbot  of  Cluny  pronounced  him  absolved  from 
all  his  sins,  and  the  absolution  was  hung  on  his  tomb ; 
and  Peter,  who,  in  announcing  his  death  to  Heloisa,  had 
highly  praised  his  piety,  humility,  and  resignation,  com 

*  Otto  Frising.  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  49.  the  same  place  he  says  that  he  had 

K  Patrol,  clxxviii.  105-8  ;  Ep.  17.  been  surprised  to  find  charges  against 

''  Neand.   viii.  63.     See  Remus,   i.  him   founded   on  a  book   which  was 

304.  called  his  '  Sentences,'  inasmuch  as  he 

'  Pet.  Cluniac.  Ep.  iv.  4.  had  never  written  any  book  "  qui  Sen- 

^  An  anonymous  writer,  quoted  by  tentiarum    dicatur."      This    may    be 

Neander,  viii.  63,  from  the  '  Bibliotheca  accounted  for  by  supposing  either  that 

Cisterciensis,'  blames  him — "quod  ab-  the  book  was  put  together  by  one  of 

batem  literatissimum,  et  quod  majus  his  disciples,  from  his  works  or  from 

est,  religiosissimum,  vocat  inexpertum  liis  oral  teaching;  or  that  it  was  one 

artis  illius  quae  magistra  est  disseren-  of  his  own,  but  cited  under  a  different 

di."    This  seems  clearly  to  show  that  title  from  that  which  he  had  given  it. 

Ep.  13 — "  Against  one  who  was  igno-  In  either  case  it  seems  to  be  the  same 

rant  of  dialectic,  yet  found  fault  with  which  has  been  published  by  Rhein- 

the  study  of  it,"— was  addressed   to  wald  with  the  title  of  *  Epitome  Theo- 

Bernard,  and  not,  as  some  have  sup-  logiae   Christianas.'     See   Rheinw.    in 

prsed,  to  Roscellin.  Patrol,  clxxviii.  1685,  seqq.  ;  Neand, 

'  Apol.  in  Patrol,  clxxviii.  108.     ^a  yiii.  54;  Cousin,  ii.  567. 


122  STATE   OF   ITALY.  Book  VI. 

posed  an  epitaph  in  which  he  was  celebrated  at  once  for 
his  intellectual  gifts  and  for  that  better  philosophy  to 
which  his  last  days  had  been  devoted."*  Hcloisa  sur- 
vived her  husband  until  the  year  1163. 

Ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  contest  between  the 
papacy  and  the  empire  a  spirit  of  independence  had 
been  growing  among  the  Italian  cities.  The  emperors 
were  rarely  seen  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Alps,  and 
although  their  sovereignty  was  admitted,  it  was  practically 
little  felt.  Most  of  the  Lombard  cities  set  up  govern- 
ments of  their  own,  under  a  republican  form ;  and,  with 
that  love  of  domination  which  generally  accompanies  the 
republican  love  of  liberty,  the  stronger  endeavoured  to 
reduce  the  weaker  10  subjection."  In  this  movement 
towards  independence,  the  claims  of  the  bishops  were 
found  to  stand  in  the  way  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  ; 
and  this,  with  other  circumstances,  had  prepared  the 
people  to  listen  to  any  teachers  who  might  arise  to  de- 
nounce the  hierarchy.**  Such  a  teacher^  named  Arnulf,^ 
had  appeared  at  Rome  in  11 28,  professing  a  divine 
commission  to  preach  against  the  pride  and  luxury,  the 
immorality  and  greediness,  of  the  cardinals  and  of  other 
ecclesiastics.  Arnulf,  after  having  disregarded  warnings, 
met  with  the  death  which  he  had  expected  and  courted — 
being  seized  and  thrown  into  the  Tiber  by  night ;  ^  but 
in  no  long  time  a  more  formidable  successor  arose  in 
Arnold  of  Brescia. 

Arnold  was  born  at  Brescia,  probably  about  the  year 

»"  Pet.  Ep.  iv.  21 ;  Patrol,  clxxvili.  seine  Zeit,'  pp.  12,  57,  Zurich,   1827. 

103.  Platina,  who  speaks  of  him  with  great 

"  Otto    Prising,  vii.  29 ;   Muratorl,  praise,   says    that    it    is    not    certain 

Annali  VI.  ii,  115  ;  Hal  am,  M.  A.  i,  whether  he  was  a  priest,  a  monk,  or  a 

230-3.  hermit.    193. 

"  Giesel.  II.  ii.  69.  q  Trithem.    Chron.    Hirsaug.    a.d. 

P  By  some  he  is  called  Arnold.    See  1128,   pp.   120-1,   ed.    Francof.    1601; 

Francke,    '  Arnold    von    Brescia  und  Platina,  193. 


Chap.  VIII.  ARNOLD   OF   BRESCIA.  1 23 

1 105,  and  grew  up  amid  the  agitations  and  struggles 
which  marked  the  rise  of  Lombard  independence,  and  in 
which  his  native  city  largely  shared/  That  he  was  a 
pupil  of  Abelard  appears  certain,  although  the  time  and 
the  place  are  matters  for  conjecture.^  But  although  the 
master  and  the  scholar  were  both  animated  by  a  spirit  of 
independence,  it  would  seem  that  Arnold  had  nothing  of 
Abelard's  speculative  character  (for  he  is  not  even  dis- 
tinctly charged  with  any  heresy),  but  was  bent  entirely  on 
practical  measures  of  reform.^  After  having  officiated 
for  a  time  as  a  reader  in  the  church  of  Brescia,  Arnold 
separated  himself  from  the  secular  clergy,  embraced  a 
strict  monastic  life,  and  began  to  inveigh  unsparingly 
against  the  corruptions  of  both  clergy  and  monks  in  a 
strain  which  resembled  at  once  the  extreme  Hildebrand- 
ine  party  and  their  extreme  opponents,"  There  had  been 
much  in  the  late  history  of  Brescia  to  produce  disgust 
at  the  assumption  of  temporal  power  by  ecclesiastics; 
and  Arnold,  filled  with  visions  of  apostolical  poverty  and 
purity, — of  a  purely  spiritual  church  working  by  spiritual 
means  alone, — imagined  that  the  true  remedy  for  the  evils 

'  Guadagninl,  in  Append,  to  NIcco-  "  Articulos  etiam  fidei  certumque  tenorein 
llni's  tragedy,   *Arnoldo  da  Brescia,'  Non  satis  exacta  stolidus  pietate  fovebat. " 

Marseilles,  1843.  pp.  1, 9,11;  Milman,  ^       .  „^       (!"•  292-4.) 

;;;   .,«?.,  <^ .  T?,o.,^b«.   ,.  ^"^  "«  ^^^^  never  called  to  account 

lu.  383-0 :  Irancke,  14.  rt,  jiuuz-vur 

for   heresy ;    and    although    Otho  of 

•  Otto  de  Gestis  Frid.  ii.  20.  etc.  Preising  tells  us  that  he  was  said  to  be 

See  Pagi,  xviii.  S94 :  Neander,  Bern.  unsound  as  to  infant-baptism  and  the 

39:    Ch.   Hust.   vii.   203;    Giesel.   II.  eucharist  (ii.  20),  this  had  probably  no 

ii.   71  ;  Guadagnini,   5  ;   Milman,   ui.  ^^her  foundation  than  his  opposition 

484 :   Francke,  30-1  :  Hefele,  v.  393 ;  ^^     sacerdotal    claims     in     general. 

C.  Schmidt,  in  Herzog,  1.  545-     Gun-  (Francke,   1.    c.  ;    Milman,    iii.    384-) 

her  says  of  him,  '  tenui  nutrivit  Gallia  .p,^^^  ^^  ^^^  connected  with  sectaries, 

sumptu"  (Ligurmus,  111.   264.  Patrol.  ^^^^  ^^  ^^e   Cathari  and  Waldenses. 

ccxii.):  but  as  this  book,  instead  of  j^    ^    groundless    fancy   of   Francke. 

being  the  work  of  a  contemporary,  is  Qiesel   II   ii   71 

now  ascribed  to  Conrad  Celtes,  who  „  q^^^'  ■{   ^^  .    Cunther,   iii.   265, 

died  in  1508  (Potthast,  357  :  Gregoro-  ^^^^  .  francke,   82-3  ;  Gregorov.   iv. 

vius,  iv.  454).   »t  cannot  be  reckoned  ^^^     Compare  with  the  accounts  of 

Rs  an  authority.  Arnold's  preaching,  Gerhoh.  de  vEdi- 

»  Pseudo-Gunther  says  of  him—  ficio  Dei,  10  (Patrol,  cxciv.). 


1 2 J.  ARNOLD   OF    BRESCIA.  Book  VI 

which  had  been  felt  would  be  to  strip  the  hierarchy 
of  their  privileges,  to  confiscate  their  wealth,  and  to  re- 
duce them  for  their  support  to  the  tithes,  with  the  free- 
will offerings  of  the  laity.-''  These  doctrines  were  set 
forth  with  copious  eloquence,  in  words  which,  as  Bernard 
says,  were  "  smoother  than  oil,  and  yet  were  they  very 
swords."  y  Nor  can  we  wonder  that  they  were  heard 
with  eagerness  by  the  multitude,  who,  according  to  the 
preacher's  scheme,  were  both  to  be  enriched  with  the 
spoils  of  the  church  and  for  the  future  were  to  hold  the 
clergy  in  dependence.  The  bishop  of  Brescia  complained 
to  the  pope;  and  the  Lateran  council  of  1139,  without 
having  called  Arnold  before  it,  condemned  him  to  silence 
and  to  banishment  beyond  the  Alps.^  On  this  he  with- 
drew into  France,  and  in  the  following  year  he  appeared 
at  Sens  as  Abelard's  chief  supporter—'*  the  shield-bearer 
of  that  Goliath,"  as  Bernard  styles  him.*  Although, 
however,  he  was  sentenced  by  the  pope  in  consequence 
to  imprisonment  in  a  monastery,^  it  would  seem  that  the 
French  bishops  did  not  feel  themselves  concerned  to 
carry  out  the  sentence  ;  and  for  some  years  Arnold  lived 
and  taught   at  Zurich  unmolested,^  being  tolerated  by 

^  Otto  and  Gunther,  11.  cc.     Com-  noticed  by  Oiho  of  Freising :  "rudis 

pare  the  proposal  made  by  Paschal  II.  populi  animos  pramolli  dogmate  ad 

to  Henry  V.,  above,  p.  5.     Luden  ob-  animositatem  accensis,"  ii.  20. 

serves   that  Arnold    had    no  idea  of  ^  lb.  ;  Gunth,  iii.  300,  seqq.     Pagi 

property  except  as  held  feudally  under  (xvili.  582),   Francke  (86),  and  others 

the  sovereign,  x.  593.  are  mistaken  in  supposing  Arnold  to 

y  Ep.  195.     "  MoUiti  sunt  sermones  be  one  of  those  who  are  condemned 

ejus  super  oleum,  et  ipsi  sunt  jacula."  in    the    council's    23rd    canon.      See 

[Psalm    liv.    22.    Lat.    Vulg.]     This  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  71  ;  Guadagnini,  27. 

scriptural  sarcasm  on  the  inconsistency  *  Ep.  189,  c.  3.     Cf.  Epp.  195,  330. 

between  the  manner  and  the  substance  ^  Seep.  120.  The  Hist.  Pontif  states 

of  Arnold's  discourses   (cf.   Ep.    196)  that  when  Abelard  had  retired  to  Cluny, 

becomes  something  very  different  in  Arnold   taught   in    his    school   at   St. 

Dean  Milman's  account :     "  His  elo-  Genevieve,  and  was  dislodged  by  the 

quence  was  singularly  sweet,  copious,  king  at  Bernard's  desire.     Pertz,  xx. 

and  flowing,   but  at    the  same  time  537. 

vigorous  and  awakening,  sharp  as   a  =  Otto,  ii.  20;  Guijther,  iii.  304-ia; 

sword,  and  soft  as  oil"  (iii.  387).     The  7rancke,  12^.. 
softness  of   Arnold's  manner  is  also 


CHAr.  VIII.  A.D.  1139  43.    REPUBLICANISM   AT   ROME.  12$ 

Herman,  bishop  of  Constance,  and  even  admitted  as  an 
inmate  into  the  house  of  the  papal  legate,  Guy  of  Castello, 
although  Bernard,  by  applications  both  to  the  legate  and 
to  the  bishop,  endeavoured  to  dislodge  him.^ 

In  the  meantime  his  principles  had  made  way  at 
Rome — although  rather  in  their  political  than  in  their 
religious  character — and  the  more,  perhaps,  on  account 
of  the  attention  which  had  been  drawn  to  him  by  the 
Lateran  condemnation.  Provoked  by  the  pope's  having 
concluded  peace  with  Tivoli  in  his  own  name  alone,  and 
having  granted  too  favourable  terms,  the  Romans  in 
1 143  burst  into  insurrection,  displaced  the  government, 
and  established  in  the  Capitol  a  senate  on  the  ancient 
Roman  model.®  They  resolved  that  their  city  should 
resume  its  ancient  greatness — that  it  should  be  the 
capital  of  the  world,  as  well  in  a  secular  as  in  a  religious 
sense ;  but  that  the  secular  administration  should  be  in 
different  hands  from  the  spiritual.  As  the  popes  were 
connected  with  the  southern  Normans,  the  revolutionary 
party  felt  themselves  obliged  to  look  for  an  alliance  in 
some  other  direction.  They  therefore  turned  towards 
Conrad,  king  of  the  Romans  ;  and  perhaps  it  was  at  this 
time  that  they  addressed  to  him  a  letter  in  which  they 
profess  themselves  devoted  to  his  interest,  represent 
their  services  in  opposition  to  his  and  their  common 
enemies, — the  clergy  and  the  Sicilians, — and  entreat 
him  to  receive  the  imperial  crown  at  Rome,  and  to 
revive  the   glories  of  the  empire  by  ruling  as   a  new 

•*  Bern.  Epp.  195-6.     Guy  had  been  and  later ;  but  it  is  not  known  what 

a  pupil  of  Abelard,   possibly  at  the  its  power  then  was,  nor  when  it  was 

same  time  with  Arnold.      Guadagn.  superseded    by  the  popes.     (Murat. 

100;  Francke,  122.  Aniial.  VI.,  ii.  274.)    The  name,  in- 

*  Otto  Fris.  vii.  27  ;  Card.  Arag.  in  deed,  seems  rather  to  have  been  used 

Patrol,  clxxix.   36;  Gerhoh.  in  Psal.  to  designate  the  nobles  than  a  delibera 

Ixiv.  56 ;  Francke,  161  ;  Sismondi,  R.  tive    body.     Gregorov.    IV.    b.    viii, 

I.  i.  295.    The  senate  is  often  men-  c.  4. 
tioncd  in  the  time  of  Charlemagnt, 


126  CELESTINE   II.  Book  VI. 

Constantine  or  Justinian,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
senate,  in  **  the  city  which  is  the  capital  of  the  world." ^ 
Conrad,  however,  would  seem  to  have  suspected  that 
these  proposals  were  not  so  much  intended  for  his 
interest  as  for  that  of  the  party  from  which  they  came  ; 
and  he  preferred  an  alliance  with  the  pope,  whose 
envoys  waited  on  him  at  the  same  time.s 

The  revolt  of  the  Romans  was  fatal  to  Innocent  II., 
who  died  in  September  1143,''  and  was  succeeded  by 
Celestine  the  Second,  the  same  who,  as  Cardinal  Guy 
of  Castello,  had  been  the  pupil  of  Abelard  and  the 
protector  of  Arnold.  Celestine  was  a  man  of  high 
character,  both  for  learning  and  for  moderation ; '  but 
his  pontificate  of  less  than  six  months  was  marked  by  no 
other  considerable  act  than  the  removal  of  an  interdict 
under  which  Lewis  "the  Young"  of  France  had  lain  for 
some  years  on  account  of  some  differences  as  to  the 
archbishoprick  of  Bourges.^  The  royal  power  had  been 
rapidly  growing  in  France.  The  number  of  the  great 
fiefs  had  been  diminished  through  the  failure  of  male 
heirs,  in  consequence  of  which  many  of  them  had  passed 
into  new  famiHes  by  the  marriage  of  the  heiresses ;  the 
kings  had  made  it  their  policy  to  raise  the  commons, 
and  had  strengthened  themselves  by  allying  themselves 
with  them  against  the  nobles;   agriculture  was    greatly 

*  Otto,  deGest.  Frid.  i.  28  ;  Wibald,  tori,  Ann.  1146;  Schriickh,  xxvi.  121  ; 

Epp.  211-13  (Patrol.  cLxxxix.).      The  Planck,  IV.  ii.   328;  Neander's  '  Ber- 

mention  of  Constantine  implies  a  dis-  nard,'  315;   Sismondi,  R.    I.,  i.   296; 

belief  in  the  "Donation,"  which  also  Milman,  iii.  393.     Gieseler  (II.  ii.  72) 

appears  in  the  letter  of  the  Romans  to  places  it  in  1143. 

Frederick  I.,  some  years  later.     See  e  Otto,  de  Gest.   Frid.   ii.   24;  Sis- 

below.       (That   it  was  generally  dis-  mondi,  R.  I.,  i.  298.       *•  Otto,  vii.  27. 

believed     by    the     imperialists,     see  *  Chron.  Mauriniac,  Patrol,  clxxx. 

(jodefr.  Viterb.  1.  xvi..  Patrol,  cxcviii,  173. 

883  :  and  see  a  question  as  to  it  in  the  ''  See   Martin,  iii.  421.     The  inter- 

'  Chron.   Farfense,' a.u.  1105,  Murat.  diet  was  against  the  king's  person,  so 

II.   637.)     This    letter  to  Conrad   is  that,  in  all  places  which  he  entered, 

dated  by  some  as  early  as  1138  ;  by  divine  ofiices  ceased.     R.   de  Diceto, 

others,  as   late  as   11 50.     See  Mura-  500. 


CHAP.  VIII.    A.D.  II43-4.  LUCIUS    II.  127 

extended ;  population,  industry,  and  wealth  were  in- 
creased.^ Lewis  VJI.,  who  had  become  sole  king  by 
the  death  of  his  father  m  1137,  had  very  greatly  extended 
the  royal  territory  by  his  marriage  with  Eleanor,  heiress 
of  Aquitaine,  and  the  successful  outset  of  his  reign  had 
gained  for  him  a  reputation  which  was  ill  maintained 
by  his  conduct  in  later  years.  For  a  time  he  showed 
himself  indifferent  to  the  ecclesiastical  sentence  which 
had  been  pronounced  against  him;  but  in  11 43  a 
change  was  produced  in  him  by  a  terrible  incident  which 
took  place  in  the  course  of  a  war  between  him  and 
Theobald,  count  of  Champagne — the  burning  of  1300 
men,  women,  and  children,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  a 
church  at  Vitry.  Deeply  struck  with  horror  and  remorse 
on  account  of  the  share  which  he  considered  himself  to 
have  had  in  their  death,  he  solicited  absolution,  which 
Celestine  readily  bestowed — the  questions  in  dispute 
between  the  crown  and  the  church  being  settled  by  a 
compromise.™ 

Under  Celestine's  successor,  a  Bolognese  who  ex 
changed  his  name  of  Gerard  de'  Caccianemici  for  that 
of  Lucius  II.,  the  republicans  of  Rome  ventured  further 
than  before.  Arnold  himself  appears  to  have  been 
now  among  them,  having  perhaps  repaired  to  Rome  in 
reliance  on  Celestine's  kindness,  although  the  time  of 
his  arrival  is  uncertain."  The  constitution  was  developed 
by  the  creation  of  an  equestrian  order,  and  by  the 
election  of  tribunes.  A  "patrician  "  named  Jordan,  who 
appears  to  have  been  a  brother  of  the  late  antipope 
Anacletus,  was  substituted  for  the  papal  prefect  of  the 

'  Rob.  Antlsslod.   in  Bouq.  xii.  2^*9  :  "  Otho  of  Freising  says,  "Comperta 

Sismondi,  v.  256,  286.  niurte  Innocentii,  circa  principia  pon- 

""  Sigebert,Contin.Pr2emonstr.,A.D.  tificatus    Eugeiiii    urbein    ingressus  " 

1143;  Chron.    Maurin.    173;   Martin,  (ii.  20),   passing  over  the  two  inter- 

iii.  422-3.     Several  of  Bernard's  letters  mediate  popes.     See   Muratori,  Ann, 

relatetothisaftair,^.^.,  116-17, 119-26,  VI.,  ii.  282;   Luden,  x.   197;  Nicco- 

aiQ,  226.    Sec  R.  de  Diceto,  509.  lini,  278  ;  Milman,  iii.  390 


128  EUGENIUS   III.  Book  VI. 

city,  and,  as  a  matter  of  policy,  this  patrician  was  theo- 
retically regarded  as  a  representative  of  the  emperor, 
whose  lordship  the  revolutionary  government  affected  to 
acknowledge.*^  The  palaces  and  houses  of  cardinals 
and  nobles  were  destroyed  ;  some  of  the  cardinals  were 
personally  assaulted ;  and  the  pope  was  required  to 
surrender  his  royalties,  and  to  content  himself  and  his 
clergy  with  tithes  and  voluntary  offerings.?  Lucius,  who 
was  supported  by  a  powerful  party  of  nobles  (among 
whom  were  the  patrician's  own  brothers),  resolved  to  put 
down  the  republic,  and,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  force, 
proceeded  to  the  Capitol  with  the  intention  of  dispersing 

Feb.  15,  the  senators;  but  the  senate  and  the  mob 
1 145.  combined  to  resist,  and  in  the  tumult  which 
ensued  the  pope  was  wounded  by  a  stone,  which  caused 
his  death.*! 

The  vacant  throne  was  filled  by  the  election  of  Peter 
Bernard,  a  Pisan  by  birth,  who  had  been  a  pupil  of 
Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  and  had  been  appointed  by 
Innocent  II.  to  the  abbacy  of  St.  Anastasius  at  the  Three 
Fountains,  near  Rome — a  monastery  which  that  pope 
rebuilt,  and,  in  gratitude  for  Bernard's  services,  bestowed 
on  the  Cistercian  order.^  The  character  of  the  new 
pope,  who  styled  himself  Eugenius  III.,  had  been  chiefly 
noted  for  an  extreme  simplicity,  go  that  his  old  superior, 
while  he  congratulated  him  on  his  election  and  expressed 
the  fullest  confidence  in  his  intentions,  thought  it  neces- 
sary almost  to  blame  the  cardinals  for  the  choice  which 
they  had  made,  and  to  bespeak  their  forbearance  and 
assistance  for  him;^  but  Eugenius,  to  the  surprise  of  all 

0  This  they  did  the  more  readily  1  Godefr.  Viterb.,  in  Patrol,  cxcviii. 

because  there  was  at  the  time  no  em-  988  ;  Pagi,  xviii,   640 ;   Sismondi,  R. 

peror,  Conrad  not  having  received  the  I.,  i.  296  ;  Jafl'J. 

crown.     Gregorov.  iv.  461.  "■  Vita  liern.  ii.   50 ;  Gregorov.    iv. 

P  Otto,  Fris.   vii.  31  ;  de  G.  Fr.  ii.  418,  463.     See  above,  p.  77,  n.  •". 

20  :  Lucius  ad  Conrad.  Ep.  83  (Patrol.  "  Epp.  237-8. 
dxxix.)  ;  Sismondi,  R.  I.,  i.  295,  300. 


Chai>.  VIII.  A.D.  1145-  EUGENIUS   III.  1 29 

who  had  known  him,  now  displayed  an  eloquence  and 
a  general  ability  which  were  referred  to  miraculous  illumi- 
nation.^   The  rites  of  his   consecration  were  disturbed 
by  an  irruption  of  the  citizens,  demanding     Feb.  iS, 
that  he  should  acknowledge  their  repubHcan       iHS- 
government ;  and  he  withdrew  to  the  monastery  of  Farfa, 
where  the   ceremony  was  completed."     The  anathemas 
which  he  pronounced  against  his  contumacious  people 
were  unheeded;  but  after  residing  for   some   time   at 
Viterbo,  he  was  enabled  to  effect  a  re-entrance 
into  Rome,  where  he  agreed  to  acknowledge 
■the   senate  on  condition   that  its  members   should   be 
chosen  with  his  approval,  and  that  he  should  be  allowed 
to  nominate  a  prefect  instead  of  the  patrician.^     But  the 
Romans,  finding  that  he  refused  to  gratify  their  enmity 
against  the  inhabitants  of  Tivoli,  to  whom  he  had  been 
chiefly  indebted  for  his  restoration,  drove  him  again  from 
the   city,   and   the   people,  excited   by   the  ■^T  . -,     ^  ^ 
harangues  of  Arnold,  who  had  brought  with 
him   a   body   of  two   thousand  Swiss, ^  continued  their 
attacks  upon  the  nobles  and  the  clergy ;  they  fortified  St. 
Peter's  and  plundered  the  pilgrims,  killing  some  of  them 
in  the  church  itself^     Bernard  strongly  remonstrated  with 
the  Romans  on  the  expulsion  of  Eugenius,  and  urged 
the  emperor  elect  to  interfere  for  his  restoration.*     But 
during  the  pope's  residence  at  Viterbo  tidings  had  been 
received  from  the  East  which  for  the  time  superseded 
all  other  interests. 

The  Latins  had  kept  their  footing  in  the  East  chiefly 

*  Joh.  Petrlb.  in  Sparke,  75.  Casinensis,'   in    Murat.   v.    142  (a.d. 

"  Ouo  Fiis.  vii.  3.  ^145),  says  that,  for  the  sake  of  peace 

^  lb.  21.  Avith  tlie   Runiaiis,    Eugenius  ordered 

y  J.  voiiMuller,  Gesch.  d.Schweizer  the  w.alls  of  Tivul'   to   be  destroyed. 

Eidgenossenschaft,     in     Works,    xix.  Uut  Muratori  rejects  this  story.     An- 

315,  Tubing.  1810-19.  nali,   VI.,    ii.    284.      See    Ludcn,   x. 

^  Otto,  vii.  31,  34.     An  '  Anonymus  203-4.  "  Epp.  243-4- 

VOL.  V.  9 


130  THE   LATINS    IN   THE   EAST.  Book  VI. 

in  consequence  of  the  dissensions  of  their  enemies,  but 
had  failed  to  learn  from  them  the  necessity  of  union 
among  themselves.  The  great  feudatory  princes  of 
Antioch,  Edessa,  and  Tripoli  quarrelled  with  the  kings  of 
Jerusalem  and  with  each  other.  The  barons  were  defiant 
and  unruly,  and  their  oppressive  treatment  of  their  in- 
feriors rendered  them  more  hateful  to  the  Christians  than 
they  were  to  the  infidels.  The  patriarchs  quarrelled  with 
the  kings  and  with  the  popes;  the  patriarchs  of  Jerusalem 
quarrelled  with  those  of  Antioch;  while  the  archiepiscopal 
province  of  Tyre,  which,  on  the  acquisition  of  that  city  in 
1127,  had  been  assigned  by  Pope  Honorius  to  Jerusalem, 
but  was  claimed  by  Antioch,  sufi:ered  under  the  tyranny  of 
both.*^  The  military  orders  already  began  to  display  an 
intolerable  pride  and  a  contempt  of  all  external  authority. 
The  relations  of  the  Latins  with  the  Greek  empire,  although 
improved  since  the  days  of  Alexius  Comnenus,  were  still 
uneasy.*^  The  religious  motive  which  had  given  birth  to 
the  Latin  kingdom  was  forgotten,  so  that  pilgrims  were 
objects  of  mockery  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  were  dis- 
liked as  intruders.  The  successors  of  the  crusaders  had 
in  general  settled  down  into  a  life  of  ease  and  luxury,  in 
which  the  worst  features  of  oriental  life  were  imitated; 
and  a  mongrel  race,  the  offspring  of  European  fathers 
and  of  eastern  mothers,  had  grown  up,  who  were  known 
by  the  name  of  Poiilains^^  and  are  described  as  utterly 
effeminate  and  depraved — "more  timid  than  women,  and 
more  perfidious  than  slaves.'"® 

•>  See  Honor.  II..  Epp.  69-71  (Patrol.  sunt;  vel  quia  principaliter  de  gente 

clxvi.);    Innoc.    II.,   Epp.    302,   321,  Apuliae    matres     secundum     carnem 

323,  348,  351,  etc.  (ib.  clxxix.) ;  Ful-  liabuerunt."      (Jac.     Vitriac.      1086.) 

clier.  Carnot.  ill.   34  (ib.   civ.)  ;  Will.  Professor  Palmer,  of  Cambridge,  pro- 

Tyr.  \iii.   1-14,  23;  .\iv.  ii.  11-14  (ib.  poses  an  Arabic  derivation — "perhai)S 

cci.)  ;  Wilken,  III.  ij.  511,  697,  seqq.  /ulCmi,  anybodies."  Jerusalem,  p.  200. 

<=  See  Will.  Tyr,  xii.  5;  Innoc.  II.,  '  Will.   Tyr.   xi.   28;  x.\i.  7;  Jac. 

Ep.  309  ;  Wilken,  ii.  642,  656.  Vitriac,    1086-8;    Wilken,    ii.    205-7, 

"i  "Vel  quia  recentes  et  novi,  quasi  234,  593-6,  619;  Sismondi,   Hist,   des 

pulli,    respectu    Surlanorum    reputati  Fr.  v.  298. 


CriAP.  VIIJ.  A.D.  it44.        DEStkUCTION    Of    EDliSSA.  l^t 

In  December  1144,  Zenghis,  prince  of  Mosul  and 
Aleppo,  taking  advantage  of  the  enmity  between  the 
Frank  rulers  of  Edessa  and  Antioch,  made  himself  master 
of  Edessa,  chiefly  through  the  assistance  of  an  Arme- 
nian whose  daughter  had  been  debauched  by  the  count, 
Jocelin.  The  archbishop,  who  is  said  to  have  allowed 
the  capture  to  take  place  rather  than  expend  his  treasures 
in  the  payment  of  soldiers,  was  crushed  to  death.  A 
frightful  slaughter  of  the  Christian  inhabitants  was  carried 
on,  until  it  was  stopped  by  the  command  of  Zenghis,  and 
a  multitude  of  captives  were  sold  as  slaves.^  Zenghis 
himself  was  soon  after  assassinated,^  and  during  the 
absence  of  his  son  Noureddin  the  Christians  regained 
possession  of  the  place  through  an  agreement  with  the 
Armenian  inhabitants;  but  when  they  had  held  it  a 
few  days,  Noureddin  recovered  it  with  great  slaughter, 
punished  the  inhabitants  with  terrible  severity,  and,  after 
having  enriched  himself  by  the  plunder  of  the  city, 
utterly  destroyed  it.^' 

The  exultation  of  the  Mussulmans  at  this  great  success 
was  boundless ;  ^  and  not  less  intense  were  the  feelings 
of  grief  and  indignation  with  which  the  tidings  of  their 
triumph  were  received  among  the  Christians  of  the  west. 
The  city  of  King  Abgarus,  who  had  been  honoured  by  a 
letter  from  the  Saviour  himself;  the  city  where  the  miracu- 
lously-impressed image  of  the  Saviour's  countenance, 
his  gift  to  Abgarus,  had  been  preserved  for  centuries,  and 
had  served  as  a  protection  against  the  attacks  of  infidel 
besiegers ;  ^  the  city  where  the  apostle  St.  Thaddeus  had 

*■  W.  Tyr.  xiv.  3 ;  xvi.  4-5  ;  Wllkcn,  that  he  was  son  of  a  Saracen  by  Ida, 

ii.  724-7;  Midland,  iii.  84;  Bihl.  dcs  the  mother  of  Leopold  of  Austria,  210. 

Croisades,  iv.  73-6,  499  (from  eastern  e  Michaud,  Bibl.  iv.  78. 

sources).     For  the  history  of  Zenghis  ''  W.  Tyr.  xvi.  7,  14-16 ;  Micliaud, 

(wliom  the  Latins  called  Siiuguiniits)  IJibl.  iv.  90-3;  VVilken,  ii.  730-3. 

see  Gibbon,   v.  477  ;  Wilken,  ii.   576,  •  I^Lichaud,  Bibl.  iv.  76-7. 

seqq.  ;  jSIichaud,  Bibl.    d.  Cr.   iv.   57,  ^  See  vol.  iii.  p.  ^o 
seqq.     The  Auersperg  chronicler  savs 


132  A   CRUSADE   PROJECTED.  Book  VI, 

preached,  which  still  possessed  his  body,  and  that  of 
St  Thomas,  the  apostle  of  the  Indies ;  *  the  city  which 
had  maintained  its  Christianity  while  all  around  it  fell 
under  the  Mussulman  yoke,  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the 
unbelievers  ;  thousands  of  Christians  had  been  slain,  and 
the  enemy  of  the  cross  was  pressing  on,  so  that,  unless 
speedy  aid  were  given,  the  Latins  would  soon  be  alto- 
gether driven  from  the  Holy  Land.™  Eugenius  resolved 
to  stir  up  a  new  crusade;  and  on  the  ist  of  December 
1 145  he  addressed  to  the  king,  the  princes,  and  the 
people  of  France,  a  letter  summoning  them  to  the  holy 
war.  The  privileges  formerly  offered  by  Urban  IL  were 
renewed — remission  of  sins  for  all  who  should  engage 
in  the  expedition  ;  the  protection  of  the  church  for  their 
families  and  property ;  no  suits  were  to  be  brought 
against  them  until  their  return  ;  those  who  were  in  debt 
were  discharged  from  payment  of  interest,  and  it  was 
allowed  that  the  possessors  of  fiefs  should  pledge  them 
in  order  to  raise  the  expenses  of  the  war." 

It  was  natural  that  such  a  call  should  be  first  addressed 
to  France,  the  chosen  refuge  of  expelled  popes,  the 
country  which  had  given  princes,  and  lav/s,  and  language 
to  the  crusading  colonies  of  the  East.°  And  Lewis  VIL, 
then  about  twenty-six  years  of  age,  was  ready  to  take  the 
cross — from  feelings  of  devotion,  from  remorse  for  the 
conduct  which  had  drawn  on  him  the  censures  of  the 
church  and  for  his  guilt  in  the  calamity  of  Vitry,  from  a 
behef  that  he  was  bound  by  a  promise  which  his  brother 
Philip  had  been  prevented  by  death  from  fulfilling; 
perhaps,  too,  by  the  hope  of  sharing  in  the  saintly  glory 
which  crowned  the  names  of  Godfrey  and  Tancred.P    At 

1  Will.   Tyr.   xvl.   5  ;  Chron.   Mail-  date,  see  Luden,  x.  598. 

ros.,  A.D.  X148.  o  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Fr.  v.    301, 

'"  Eugen.   Kp.   48  ;  Sigeb.    Contin.  315. 

Pncmonstr.,   A.D.    1145;    Gerhoh.    in  P  Otto,  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  34  ;  Sigeb. 

Pi.  xxxix.,  Patrol,  cxciii.  1436.  Coiuin.  Prsemonstr.,  a.u,  1143,  ii^6; 

■  Ep.  48  (Patrol,  clxxx.).     On  the  Wilken,  iii.  37. 


Chap.  VIII.   a.d.  1145.      MEETING   AT   VEZELAY.  I33 

a  parliament  ^  which  was  held  at  Bourges,  at  Christmas 
1 145,  he  proposed  the  subject  to  his  nobles,  and  the 
bishop  of  Langres  excited  them  by  a  description  of  the 
scenes  which  had  taken  place  in  the  East ;  but  as  the 
number  of  those  who  were  present  was  not  great,  the 
business  of  a  crusade  was  adjourned  to  a  larger  meeting, 
which  was  to  be  held  at  Vezelay  at  the  following  Easter/ 
To  this  Lewis  summoned  all  the  princes  of  Gaul,  and,  as 
neither  the  abbey  church  nor  the  market  place  of  Vezelay 
could  hold  the  assembled  multitude,  they  were  ranged 
along  the  declivity  of  the  hill  on  which  the  little  town  is 
built,  and  in  the  valley  of  the  Cure  below.^  The  pope 
had  been  requested  to  attend,  but  had  been  compelled 
by  the  renewed  troubles  of  Rome  to  excuse  himself,  and 
had  delegated  the  preaching  of  the  crusade  to  Bernard, 
who,  although  for  some  years  he  had  been  suffering  from 
sickness,  enthusiastically  took  up  the  cause.'  At  Vezelay, 
Bernard  set  forth  with  glowing  eloquence  the  sufferings 
of  the  eastern  Christians,  and  the  profanation  of  the  holy 
places  by  the  infidels.  His  speech  was  interrupted  by 
loud  and  eager  cries  of  "  The  cross  !  The  cross  !  " 
Lewis  and  his  queen  were  the  first  to  take  the  sign  of 
enrolment  in  the  sacred  cause ;  princes,  nobles,  and  a 
multitude  of  others  pressed  forward,  until  the  crosses 
which  had  been  provided  were  exhausted,  when  the  abbot, 
the  king,  and  others  gave  up  part  of  their  own  dresses  in 
order  to  furnish  a  fresh  supply."  It  was  agreed  that  the 
expedition  should  be  ready  to  set  out  within  a  year,  and 
the  great  assembly  of  Vezelay  was  followed  by  meetings 
in  other  towns  of  France,  at  which  Bernard's  eloquence 
and   the  prophet-like  authority  which  he  had  gained^ 

•»  The  word  is  said  to  occur  for  the  Odo  de  Deogilo,  Patrol,  clxxxv.  1207. 

first    time    in  the   '  Gesta    Ludovici,'  «  lb.  ;  Wilken,  iii.  43-4. 

where  it  is  applied   to  this  meeting.  "  Odo  de  Deog.  1207 ;  Nicolaus  ap. 

Luden,  x.  601.            '  Hefele,  v.  443.  Bern.,  Ep.  467  ;  Sismondi,  v.  306. 

•  Cbroa.  Anon.  ap.  Bouq.  xii.  lao  ;  "^  Otto  Fris.  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  3.,. 


T34 


BERNARD    PREACHES  Book  VI 


were  everywhere  triumphant,  and  enUsted  crowds  of 
zealous  followers.  At  Chartrcs  he  was  urged  to  become 
the  leader  of  the  crusade ;  but,  warned  by  the  failure  of 
Peter  the  Hermit,y  he  felt  his  unfitness  for  such  a  post, 
and  told  the  assembly  that  his  strength  vv^ould  not  suffice 
to  reach  the  distant  scene  of  action ;  that  they  should 
choose  a  leader  of  a  different  kind.^  "There  is  more 
need  there,"  he  told  the  abbot  of  Morimond,  "of  fighting 
soldiers  than  of  chanting  monks."  ^ 

The  scenes  of  the  first  crusade  were  renewed.  Miracles, 
prophecies,  prouiises  of  success  drawn  out  of  the  Sibyl- 
line oracles,  contributed  to  stir  up  the  general  enthusiasm.^ 
Bernard  tells  us  that  cities  and  castles  were  emptied;  that 
the  prophecy  of  "  seven  women  taking  hold  of  one  man  " 
was  almost  fulfilled  among  those  who  remained  behind.'^ 
Many  robbers  and  other  outcasts  of  society  embraced 
the  new  way  of  salvation  which  was  opened  to  them ; 
hymns  took  the  place  of  profane  songs ;  violence  ceased, 
so  that  it  was  considered  wrong  even  to  carry  arms  for 
the  sake  of  safety.**  Yet  amid  the  general  excitement  and 
zeal,  many  bitter  complaints  were  raised  (especially  from 
the  monastic  societies)  against  the  heavy  taxation  by 
which  the  king  found  it  necessary  to  raise  money  for  his 
expedition. « 

From  France  Bernard  proceeded  into  Germany,  where 
an   ignorant  and   fanatical   monk,  named  Rudolf,  had 

>■  Epp.  363-8.  homme,"  says  M.  Michelet  (iii.  129) ; 

^  Ep.    256.      Peter  of    Cluny  was  and  M.  de  Sismondi  (v.  30S)  is  equally 

obliged  unwillingly  to  decline  an  in-  unaware    of   the    scriptural    allusion, 

vitation  to  Chartres.     Epp.  vi.  18,  20  ;  Gibbon,  who  probably  understood  the 

Bern.  Ep.  364.  matte-better,  treats  it  more  offensively, 

*  Ep.  359.  V.  476. 

*•  Annal.  S.  Jac.  Leod.,  a.v>.  1146.  "  Otto,   de  Gestis   Frid.  i,  29,  40; 

ap.  Pertz,  xvi.     For  pretended  mira-  Gerlioh.   in  Psalm.   39  (Patrol,  cxciii. 

cles,     see      Annal.    Reichersperg.    in  i434-'5)- 

Pertz,  xvii.  463,  "  R-   de  DIceto,  509  ;  Sismondi,  v. 

•^  Ep.  247.     (Isa.  iv.  I.)    "  St.  I5er-  317-18  ;  Wilken,  iii.  86-8.    Seeastothe 

nard  e-vagere  visiblemcnt,  quand  il  nous  case  of  the  abbey  of  Fleurj',   Bou<j. 

Uit  que  pour  sept  femmes  il  restait  un  xii-  g 


Chap.  VIII.  a.d.  1145-6.    THE   SECOND    CRUSADE.  135 

been  preaching  the  crusade  with  mucli  success,  l)ut  had 
combined  with  it  a  denunciation  of  the  Jews,  of  whom 
great  numbers  had  been  slaughtered  in  consequence.' 
At  such  times  of  excitement  against  the  enemies  of 
Christ  the  Jews  were  generally  sufferers.  Even  Peter 
of  Cluny  on  this  occasion  wrote  to  the  French  king, 
denouncing  them  as  more  distant  from  Christianity  and 
more  bitter  against  it  than  the  Saracens,  and  advising 
that,  although  they  ought  not  to  be  slain,  their  wealth 
should  be  confiscated  for  the  holy  enterprise.-  But 
Bernard  was  against  all  measures  of  violence  towards 
them,  and  wished  only  that  they  should  be  forbidden, 
as  the  pope  had  forbidden  all  Christians,  to  exact  usury 
from  the  crusaders.^  He  therefore  reprobated  Rudolf's 
preaching  in  the  strongest  terms,  and,  as  the  monk 
disowned  submission  to  any  ecclesiastical  authority,^ 
Bernard,  at  the  request  of  the  archbishop  of  Mentz, 
undertook  a  journey  into  Germany  for  the  purpose  of 
counteracting  his  influence.^  In  an  interview  at  Mentz, 
Rudolf  was  convinced  of  his  error;  filled  with  shame 
and  sorrow  for  the  effects  of  his  preaching,  he  withdrew 
into  a  cloister ;  and  although  such  was  the  exasperation 
which  he  had  produced  among  the  people  that  Bernard 
was  almost  stoned  on  attempting  to  dissuade  those  of 
Frankfort  from  violence  and  plunder  against  the  Jews, 
the  abbot's  humane  exertions  were  successful  in  arresting 
the  persecution.^ 

»  Otto  Fns.  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  37.  tineat,  quse  nonvult  mortem  peccatoris, 

e  Ep.  iv.  36.    Peter,  however,  wrote  sed    ut   magis  convertatur  et  vivat,' 

a  controversial  book  against  the  Jews,  c.  i.  •*  Ep.  363. 

which  shows  a  real  desire  for  their  '  He  is  described   as  of  Bernard's 

good.     In  another  work,  he  contrasts  own  order  in    the  Annal.    Rodenses 

the  unreasoning  fanaticism  of  the  Sara-  (Pertz,  xvi.  718);   but  if  so,   his  dis- 

cens  with  the  toleration  which  Chris-  avowal  of  the  episcopal  authority  was 

tians  shewed  to  Jews  (Adv.  Sect.  Sarac.  contrary  to  the  Cistercian  professions. 

i.    12).     A  Council  at  Tours  in  1236  See  above,  p.  49.  ^  Ep.  365. 

forbids  crusaders  to  kill,  beat,  or  plun-  '  Otto  Fris.  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  39.   Jo- 

def  Jews,  "cum  Ecclesia  Judacos  sus-  seph  Ben  Meir,  a  Jewish  writer  <?f  th? 


136  BERNARD  IN  GERMANY.  Book  VI. 

At  Frankfort  Bernard  had  interviews  with  Conrad, 
whom  he  endeavoured  to  draw  into  the  crusade.  In 
Germany,  where  there  was  not  that  special  connection 
with  the  eastern  Latins  which  had  contributed  to  rouse 
the  French  to  their  assistance,  less  of  sympathy  was  to 
be  expected  than  in  France ;  and  the  king's  age,  his 
knowledge  of  the  difficulties,  acquired  in  an  earlier 
pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land,™  and  most  especially  the 
political  state  of  Germany,  of  Italy,  and  of  Rome,  com- 
bined to  dissuade  him  from  the  expedition."  Although, 
therefore,  Bernard  was  able  to  remove  some  of  the 
obstacles  by  reconciling  him  with  princes  who  might 
have  been  likely  to  take  advantage  of  his  absence, 
Conrad  steadily  resisted  his  solicitations,  and  Bernard 
was  about  to  return  to  Clairvaux,  when  he  was  invited 
by  Herman,  bishop  of  Constance,  to  wait  for  a  diet 
which  was  to  be  held  at  Spires,  and  in  the  meanwhile  to 
preach  the  crusade  in  the  diocese  of  Constance.^ 

The  fame  of  Bernard  and  his  reputation  for  miracles 
were  already  well  known  in  Germany,  and,  as  he  jour- 
neyed up  the  Rhine,  crowds  everywhere  flocked  to  him, 
entreating  his  pity  for  the  cure  of  the  sick,  the  blind,  the 
lame,  and  the  possessed.  His  own  enthusiasm  (for, 
although  he  disavowed  all  credit  on  account  of  his 
miracles,  he  believed  them  to  be  real,  and  to  be  attesta- 
tions of  his  cause) P  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people 
were  raised  to  the  highest  degree;  every  day,  says  a 
biographer  who  had  accompanied  him  on  his  mission, 
he  did  some  miracles,  and  on  some  days  as  many  as 
twenty.^    As  he  was  unacquainted  with  the  language  of 

16th  century,  gives  an  account  of  the  11 24  (Patrol,  cliv.). 

persecution  from  a  Jewish  narrative  of  °  Luden,  x,  213,  223, 

the  time.     "  Bernard,"  he  says,  "  took  »  Wilken,  iii.  65. 

no  ransom  for  the  Jews,  for  he  had  i"  Alan.,  Vita  Bern.  27.     See  above, 

from  his  heart  spoken  good  for  Israel."  p.  78. 

See  Wilken,  III.  i.;  Beilage,  i.  '»  Vita,  iii.  9.     Books  v.  to  vii.  are 

•"  See  above,  p.  86  ;  Ekkehard,  A.D.  filled  with  accounts  of  these  and  other 


Chap,  VIII.   a.d.  1146.    CONRAD   TAKES   THE    CROSS.  I37 

the  country,  his  discourses  were  explained  by  an  in- 
terpreter; but  his  looks  and  tones  and  gestures  pene- 
trated to  the  hearts  of  the  Germans  far  more  than  the 
chilled  words  of  the  translator ;  they  wept  and  beat  their 
breasts,  and  even  tore  the  saint's  clothes  in  order  that 
they  might  take  the  cross/     Returning  to  Spires,  Bernard 

there  again  urged  his  cause  on  Conrad  with     _ 

Dec   27 
such  force  that  the  king  promised  to  consult  * 

his  advisers,  and  to  answer  on  the  morrow.  But  at  the 
mass  which  followed  immediately  after  this  interview, 
Bernard,  contrary  to  custom  and  without  notice,  intro- 
duced a  sermon,  which  he  wound  up  by  a  strong  personal 
appeal  to  Conrad — representing  him  as  standing  before 
the  judgment-seat,  and  as  called  by  the  Saviour  to  give 
an  account  for  all  the  benefits  which  had  been  heaped 
on  him.  The  "  miracle  of  miracles,''  as  Bernard  styled 
it,s  was  wrought.  Conrad  burst  into  tears,  and  declared 
himself  ready  to  obey  the  call  to  God's  service ;  and,  amid 
the  loud  shouts  of  all  who  were  present,  Bernard,  taking 
the  banner  of  the  cross  from  the  altar,  delivered  it  to 
the  king  as  the  token  of  his  engagement.  Among  the 
chiefs  who  followed  Conrad's  example  in  taking  the 
cross  were  his  nephew  Frederick  of  Hohenstaufen,  Welf 
of  Bavaria,  Henry,  marquis  of  Austria,  and  the  chronicler 
Otho,  bishop  of  Freising,  uterine  brother  of  Conrad,  and 
formerly  a  pupil  of  Abelard.^     The  Saxons  declined  the 


miracles  done  by  Bernard.  Cf.  Gerhoh.  Peter  of  Cluny  strongly  maintains  the 

in  Patrol,  cxciii.  1434;  Odo  de  Deog.,  miracles  of  his  own  time.  Adv.  Judaeos, 

ib.  clxxxv.  1207  ;  Wilken,  iii.  70,  note,  c,  4. 

Bernard's  miraculous  power,  although  "■  Vita,iii,7;Wilken,iii,  67,  "Never." 

generally  believed  in  by  his  contempo-  says  Fuller  (Holy  War,  78),  "  could  so 

raries,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  subject  much  steel  have  been  drawn  into  the 

of  satire  in  Abelard's  school  (p,   119).  east,  had  not  this  good  man's  persua 

Walter  Map, who  hated  the  Cistercians,  sions  been  the  loadstone." 

also  throws  ridicule  on  Bernard's  mira-  •  Vita,  vi.  4. 

cles,  and  says  that  he  sometimes  failed  '  Ibid,  ;  Otto,  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  .^0- 

in  the  attempt  to  perform  them,     De  40  ;  Will.  Tyr,  xvii.  3. 

Nugis  Curialium  (Camden  Soc),  41-3. 


13S  PREPARATIONS    FOR 


Book  VT. 


expedition,  on  the  ground  that  their  duty  called  them 
rather  to  attack  their  own  idolatrous  neighbours,  and  for 
this  purpose  they  engaged  in  a  home  crusade  against  the 
pagans  on  their  northern  border.*^  But  from  all  other 
parts  of  Germany  recruits  poured  in ;  and  Bernard  left 
the  abbot  of  Eberach  to  take  his  place  in  organising  the 
expedition.-^ 

Returning  home  by  way  of  Cologne,  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
and  Cambray,  Bernard  everywhere  produced  tlie  greatest 
effect  by  his  eloquence  and  his  miracles ;  and  he  re- 
appeared at  Clairvaux  with  thirty  followers,  whom,  with 
an  equal  number  of  others,  he  had  persuaded  to  embrace 
the  monastic  life/  In  February  1147  a  great  meeting 
was  held  at  ttampes,  and  Bernard  was  eagerly  listened 
to  as  he  reported  the  success  of  his  late  journey.^  On 
the  second  day  of  the  meeting,  the  question  of  the  route 
which  should  be  taken  by  the  French  crusaders  was 
discussed.  Letters  or  envoys  had  been  received  by  the 
king  from  various  sovereigns  to  whom  he  had  announced 
his  expedition.  Roger  of  Sicily  advised  him  to  proceed 
by  sea,  and  offered  him  a  resting-place  by  the  way. 
Conrad  of  Germany  and  Geisa  of  Hungary,  wishing  to 
divert  the  stream,  from  their  own  territories,  advised  that 
the  French  should  take  ship  ;  but  Manuel  of  Constanti. 
nople  made  flattering  promises  of  aid  and  furtherance ; 
and  Lewis,  disdaining  the  doubts  which  were  raised 
as  to  the  Greek's  sincerity,  and  the  representations  which 
were  offered  as  to  the  difficulties  of  the  way,  decided 
on  making  the  journey  by  land.* 

On  the  following  day  the  question  of  a  regency  was 
proposed.  The  king  left  the  choice  to  his  nobles  and 
prelates,  and  Bernard  announced  that  it  had  fallen  on 

"  Otto,  i.  40.     See  TakIcii,  x.  606;  '  Vita,  vi.  13.  *  Id.  14. 

and  below,  c.  xi.  sect.  «.  •  Odo  de  Deog.    1207-8  ;  Bouquet. 

*  Otto,  i.  40.  xvi.  9. 


Chap.  VIII.   a.d.  1147.       THE    SECOND    CRUSADE.  139 

the  count  of  Never.s,  and  Suger,  abbot  of  St.  Deny.s. 
*'  Behold,"  he  said,  "  here  arc  two  swords  ;  it  is  enough." 
The  count,  however,  decUned  the  office  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  about  to  become  a  Carthusian;  and  the 
regency  was  committed  to  Suger,  with  two  colleagues 
whose  share  in  it  was  little  more  than  nominal.^ 

Eugenius  now  appeared  in  France,   and  was  met  at 

Dijon  by  Lewis,  who  displayed  the  greatest  ,,     , 

11-/    Vtm  1       March  1 147. 

reverence  towards  hmi.^  ihe  two  cele- 
brated Easter  at  St.  Denys,  where  the  pope  overruled 
Suger's  reluctance  to  undertake  the  regency.^  The 
king  took  from  the  altar  the  oriflammc — the  banner  of 
the  county  of  the  Vexin,  which  he  held  under  the 
great  abbey — and,  as  a  feudal  vassal,  received  Suger's 
permission  to  engage  in  the  crusade,  with  the  pope's 
blessing  on  his  enterprise.^ 

It  had  been  agreed  that  the  forces  of  France  and  of 
Germany  should  proceed  separately,  as  well  for  the  sake 
of  avoiding  quarrels  among  the  soldiers  as  for  greater 
ease,  in  obtaining  provisions.^  In  the  spring  of  1147, 
Conrad  set  out  from  Ratisbon,  after  having  endeavoured 
to  secure  the  peace  of  Germany  by  the  election  and 
coronation  of  his  son  Henry  as  king  of  the  Romans.^ 
His  force  consisted  of  70,000  heavy-armed  cavalry, 
with  a  huge  train  of  lighter  horsemen,  footmen,  women 
and  children  ;  and  Lewis  was  to  follow  with  an  equal 
number.*^  The  Germans  embarked  on  rafts  and  in  boats 
which  conveyed  them  safely  down  the  Danube ;  but  in 

•"  Odo  de  Deog.   120S-9  ;  Sismondi,  patron  of  the  kingdom.     See  Patrol. 

V.  323-4.  cl.\x.\vi.  1461  ;  Suger.  de  Rebus  in  Ad- 

^  Steph. Paris.  ap.Boiiquet.xii.  89,91.  niin.  sua  Gestis,  4  (ibid.);  Hist.  Litt. 

«•  Vita  Suger.  iii.  i.  (PaiTol.clxxxvi.)  .\ii.  306  ;  RIartiu,  iii.  205. 

*  Odo  de  Deog.  1219  ;  Sismondi,  v.  '  V/ill.  Tyr.  xvi.  19. 

325.     The  county  of  the  Vexin   was  ^  Otto  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  43  :  Conr. 

united  with  the  crown  of   France   in  ap.  Wibald.  Ep.  20  (Patrol,  clxxxix.). 

1077,  whereby  the  king  became  advo-  ''  Will.  Tyr.  xvi.  19;  Wilken,  iii.  94. 

cate  of  the  abbey  of  St.   Denys,  and  Gibbon  reckons  the  whole  at  400,000. 

the  saint  superseded  St.  Martin  as  the  v.  46S. 


r40  THE   SECOND    CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

Hungary  they  were  met  by  envoys  from  the  Greek 
emperor,  who  required  them  to  swear  that  they  had  no 
designs  against  him;»  and  on  entering  the  imperial 
territory  they  found  difficulties  on  every  side.  Manuel 
is  accused  by  the  Latins  of  treachery,^  and  the  Greek 
Nicetas  joins  in  the  charge,^  while  other  Greeks  charge 
the  crusaders  with  the  blame  of  the  differences  which 
arose.™  There  was  plundering  by  the  strangers,  and 
attacks  were  often  made  on  them  by  the  Greek  soldiery. 
Although  markets  for  provisions  had  been  promised,  the 
Greeks  shut  themselves  up  in  their  towers,  and  let  down 
their  supplies  over  the  walls  in  buckets;  they  insisted 
on  being  paid  beforehand,  and  it  is  complained  that 
their  provisions  were  shamefully  adulterated,  that  some- 
times they  gave  nothing  in  return  for  the  payment,  and 
that  in  exchanges  they  cheated  the  Latins  by  means  of 
false  money  which  Manuel  had  coined  for  the  purpose.^ 
By  a  sudden  rising  of  the  river  Melas  in  the  night,  a 
considerable  part  of  Conrad's  force  was  swept  away,  with 
his  tents  and  camp  equipage.**  On  reaching  Constanti- 
nople, the  scenes  of  the  first  crusade  were  renewed. 
The  Byzantines  were  shocked  by  the  rudeness  of  the 
Germans,  and  especially  by  the  sight  of  women  armed 
and  riding  in  male  fashion,  *'more  masculine  than 
Amazons."P  There  were  quarrels  about  markets;  the 
Germans,  in  indignation  at  the  treatment  which  they 
met  with,  plundered  and  destroyed  many  splendid  villas 
near  the  city ;  there  were  irreconcilable  and  interminable 
disputes  as  to  matters  of  precedence  and  ceremony. 
Although  the  two  emperors  were  brothers-in-law,^  Con- 

•  CInnamus,  ii.  12.  ii.  4-5  ;  Cinnamus,  ii.  14  ;  Wilken,  iii. 

^  The  Wiirzburg  Annals,  in  Pertz,  115-21. 

xvi.  are  aa  exception  to  the  usual  tone  °  Otto,  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  45,  gives  a 

of  the  Latins.          '  De  Manuele,  i.  4.  vivid  account  of  this.     Cf.  Nicet.  ii.  5. 

°»  Cinnamus,  ii.  13.     See  Finlay,  ii.  P  lb.  4. 

202.  ''  They  had  married  two  daughters 

"  Odo  de  Deog.  1215-16  ;  Nicetas,  of  Bernard  of  Sulzbach. 


Chap.  VIII,  a.d.  1147.      THE   SECOND   CRUSADE.  I41 

rad  left  Constantinople  without  having  seen  Manuel,  and 
crossed  the  Bosphorus  with  a  host  which,  after  all  the 
reduction  that  it  had  suffered,  was  still  reckoned  to 
exceed  90,000  men."" 

In  the  meantime  a  force  composed  of  men  from  Flan- 
ders, England,  and  other  northern  countries,  assembled 
in  the  harbour  of  Dartmouth,  and  sailed  for  Portugal, 
where  they  wrested  Lisbon  from  the  Saracens  in  October 
1 147.  But  it  would  seem  that  they  were  content  with 
their  successes  in  the  Spanish  peninsula,  and  did  not 
proceed  onwards  to  join  in  the  attempts  to  deliver  the 
Holy  Land. 3 

The  French  crusaders  assembled  at  Metz,  where  a  code 
of  laws  was  drawn  up  for  their  conduct  in  the  expedition ; 
but  a  chronicler  declines  to  record  these  laws,  inasmuch 
as  they  were  not  observed  by  the  nobles  who  had  sworn 
to  them.*^  The  host  passed  through  Germany  and  Hun- 
gary without  any  considerable  misfortune,  although  even 
from  the  Hungarian  frontier  the  king  found  it  necessary 
to  write  to  Suger  for  a  fresh  supply  of  money;"  and  at 
Constantinople  their  superior  refinement  at  once  made 
them  more  acceptable  than  the  Germans,  and  „ 
enabled  them  better  to  conceal  their  dislike 
and  distrust  of  the  Greeks.  But  the  hollowness  of  the 
oppressive  civilities  with  which  Manuel  received  Lewis 
was  deeply  felt ;  the  Greeks  were  found  to  be  false  and 
fraudulent  in  all  their  dealings  ;  and  the  exasperation  of 
the  crusaders  was  increased  by  religious  differences,  so 
bitter  that  the  Greek  clergy  thought  it  necessary  to  purify 
the  altars  on  which  the  Latins  had  celebrated,  and  even 

'  Otto,  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  23  ;  Odo  de  S.  Disibodi  (which,  as  a  whole,  have 

Deog.  1218  ;  Nicetas,  i.  5  ;  Cinnamus,  Ijeen  mistakenly  called  after  his  name), 

ii.  12  ;  Arnold.  Lubec.  i.  10,  ap.  Leib-  Pertz,  .wii.  27 ;  Osbeni,  published  Ijy 

iiitz,  ii.  ;  Finlay,  202-3.  Prof.  Stubbs  in  Memorials  of  Richard 

"  See  the  letter  of  a  priest  named  1.,  i.  cxlii.  seqq. ;  Wilken,  III.  i.  c.  12. 

Aruulf,  who  was  in  the  expedition,  Pa-  *■  Odo  de  Deog.  uoy. 

trul  clxxix.  :  Dodechin,  in  the  Aniialcs  "  Ap.  Sug.  Ep.  6.    (Patrol,  clxxxvi.j 


142  THE   SECOND    CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

to  rebaptize  a  Latin  before  allowing  him  to  marry  a  wife 
of  the  Greek  communion.^  The  bishop  of  Langres  pro- 
posed to  seize  the  city,  by  way  of  punishing  them  for 
their  schism  and  their  perfidy  ;  and  but  for  the  eagerness 
of  the  crusaders  to  go  onwards,  his  counsels  would  pro- 
bably have  been  acted  on.y  After  reaching  the  Asiatic 
shore,  Lewis  did  homage  to  the  eastern  emperor ;  but 
an  eclipse  of  the  sun,  which  took  place  on  the  same  day, 
was  interpreted  as  portending  some  diminution  of  the 
king's  splendour.^ 

Lewis  had  reached  Nicsea  in  safety  when  he  was  met 
by  Frederick  of  Hohenstaufen  with  tidings  of  disasters 
which  had  befallen  the  Germans.  The  main  body  of 
these,  under  Conrad,  had  intended  to  march  by  Iconium, 
while  the  rest,  under  the  bishop  of  Freising,  were  to  take 
the  less  direct  way  by  the  coast ;  but,  before  Conrad  and 
his  division  had  advanced  far,  it  was  found  that  they  had 
miscalculated,  and  had  been  deceived  by  the  Greeks, 
both  as  to  the  distance  and  as  to  the  difficulties  of  the 
way.*  Encumbered  as  they  were  by  helpless  women  and 
children,  they  advanced  but  slowly.  Their  provisions 
were  nearly  exhausted,  and  no  more  were  to  be  procured  ; 
the  Greek  guides  who  had  led  them  into  the  desert  coun- 
try, after  having  deluded  them  with  falsehoods  of  every 
kind,  deserted  them  during  the  night,  and  returned  to 
deceive  the  French  with  romantic  fables  as  to  the  triumphs 
of  the  crusading  arms.  Squadrons  of  Turks,  lightly  armed 
and  mounted  on  nimble  horses,  hovered  about  them, 
uttering  wild  cries,  and  discharging  deadly  flights  of 
javelins  and  arrows,  while  the  Europeans,  worn  out  with 
hunger  and  toil,  loaded  with  heavy  armour,  and  having 
lost  their  horses,  were  unable  to  bring  them  to  close 

*  Otlo  de  Deog.   1211,  1217,  1220  ;  *  lb.  ;  Append,  ad  Odon.  124S-O. 

Will.  Tyr.  xvi.  23;  Cinnamus,  ii.  17;  •  •  Uio,  1218,  122S  ;  Will.  Tyr.  xvL 

Wilki^n,  iii.  105,  136-49.  33  ;  Wilken,  iii.  157-9. 
Odo  cle  Deog.  1223. 


Chap.  VIIl.  a.d.  1147-8.    THE  SECOND   CRUSADE.  14-^ 

combat :  and,  as  they  were  still  within  the  imperial  tern- 
tory.  there  was  reason  to  believe  that  the  enemies  of  the 
cross  had  been  incited  to  attack  them  by  the  treachery 
of  Manuel.''  At  Nicsea  Conrad  himself  appeared  in 
retreat,  with  less  than  a  tenth  of  the  force  which  he  had 
led  onwards  from  that  city.  The  Greeks  refused  to 
supply  his  hungry  followers  with  food,  except  in  exchange 
for  their  arms  :  and  most  of  them  returned  in  miserable 
condition  towards  ConstantinopL;,  whence  a  scanty  rem- 
nant found  its  way  back  to  Germany.''  In  order  that 
Conrad  might  not  appear  without  a  respectable  force, 
Lewis  ordered  the  Lorrainers,  Burgundians,  and  Italians, 
who  were  feudally  subject  to  the  empire,  to  attach  them- 
selves to  him ;  and,  having  resolved  to  proceed  by  the 
longer  but  less  hazardous  road,  the  army  reached  Ephesus. 
But  quarrels  had  arisen  between  the  nations  of  which  it 
was  composed  ;  '^  a  coolness  took  place  between  the  two 
leaders  ;  and  Conrad,  under  pretext  of  illness,  gladly 
accepted  an  invitation  from  his  imperial  brother-in-law, 
and  returned  to  winter  at  Constantinople.® 

After    having    spent    Christmas    at    Ephesus,    Lewis 
directed    his    march    towards    Attalia    (Satalia).      The 

•»  Odo,   1230-2;   Will.  Tyr.  xvi.  19-  sion  with  one  which  W'alter  Map  writes 

22:    Annal.     Reichersperg.    in   Pertz,  "  Tpwrut  Aleman  !"  and  describes  as 

xvii.  462  ;  Ludov.  ap.  Suger.  Ep.  39  ;  the  most  grievous  insult  that  could  be 

Sismondi,  v.  335-6.  offered   to  a  German,  on  account  of 

•=  Odo,   1230;  Annales  Herbipol.   in  which  "multoe  frequenter  inter  eos  et 

Pertz,  xvi.  7  ;  Will.  Tyr.  xvi.  23.  alios   ri.\a2    fiunt."    (De  Nugis  Curi- 

•1  Cinnamus,  ii.  18  :  comp.  Odo,  1216.  alium,  219.)  John  of  Montreuil  (in  the 
Cinnamus  tells  us  that  the  French  used  15th  century)  speaks  of  a  king  of  France 
to  jeer  the  Germans  by  saj'ing,  7rovTi>j  as  having  answered  a  communication 
'AAttjuave.  Ducange  (n.  in  loc.)  sup-  from  an  emperor  by  the  words,  "  Proht 
poses  this  to  mean  "  Pousse  Allemand !"  Alemant  ! "  (Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  ii, 
and  to  refer  to  the  slowness  of  the  Gcr-  1406).  Perhaps  the  Greek  0  is  a  mis- 
mans  ;  Wilken  thinks  that  the  meaning  take  for  p. 

is  "  Fusse,  Alamann  !  "  and  that  it  re-  «  Odo,  1228-32  ;  Conrad,  ap.  Wibald. 

lates  to  a  German  custom  of  dismount-  Epp.  31,80;  Cinnam.  ii.  18-19:  W',\\. 

ing  in  battle  and  lighting  on  foot  (iii.  'J'yr.   xvi.   23  ;   Annal.    }\ c-h'vj'j\.  6  7  • 

t7s).     Perhaps  we  need   not  seek   a  Wilken,  iii.  169-74. 
Die;aihig,  but  may  identify  the  expres- 


144  THE  SECOND   CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

crusaders  crossed  the  Mseander,  after  a  victory  over  a 
Turkish  force  which  opposed  their  passage.*  But  as 
they  advanced  they  found  themselves  unable  to  obtain 
food,  and  the  treachery  of  the  Greeks  became  continually 
more  manifest.  In  a  narrow  defile,  where  the  van  and 
the  rear  had  been  accidentally  separated,  the  anny  was 
attacked,  and  suffered  heavy  loss  both  in  slain  and  in 
prisoners;  the  king's  own  life  was  in  great  danger.^  The 
survivors  continued  their  march  in  gloomy  apprehension, 
and  dangers  seemed  to  thicken  around  them.  In  their 
extremity,  it  was  proposed  by  Lewis  that  a  brotherhood 
of  five  hundred  horsemen  should  be  formed  for  the 
protection  of  the  rest.  A  knight  named  Gilbert,  of 
whom  nothing  is  known  except  the  skill  and  valour 
which  he  displayed  on  this  occasion,  was  chosen  as  its 
head,  and  even  the  king  himself  served  as  a  member  ot 
the  band.  By  Gilbert's  generalship,  two  rivers  were 
successfully  crossed  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  who  were 
afterwards  attacked  and  routed  with  great  slaughter  ;  and, 
although  the  crusaders  were  in  such  distress  for  provi- 
sions that  they  were  obliged  to  eat  most  of  their  horses, 
they  reached  Attalia  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  their  march 
from  Ephesus.'^ 

From  Attalia  Lewis  embarked  for  Syria,  by  advice  of 
his  counsellors,  taking  with  him  part  of  the  force,  and 
having,  as  he  thought,  secured  a  safe  advance  for  the  rest 
under  the  protection  of  an  escort.  But  the  Greeks  who 
had  been  hired  for  this  purpose  abandoned  them ;  and 
the  crusaders,  after  having  fought  bravely  against  an 
assailing  force  of  Turks,  were  driven  to  fall  back  on 
Attalia.  There,  however,  the  inhabitants  who,  during 
tlie  king's  stay  in  the  city,  had  used  every  kind  of  extor- 

'  Nicetas  in  Manuel,  i.  6  (who,  how-  p  lb.  123S  ;  Will.  Tyr.  xvi.  2^. 

ever,  wrongly  ascribes  the  victory  to  •'  Odo,  1238-40  ;  Will.  Ty.-.  xvi.  yt ; 

Conrad);  Odo,  1235.  WilUcn,  ill.  185-6. 


Chah.  VIII.    A. D.  1 148.      DISASTERS    OF  THE    CRUSADERS.       145 

tion  against  the  Franks,^  shut  the  gates  on  them,  and 
they  found  themselves  obhged  to  crouch  under  the  walls, 
hungry  and  almost  naked,  while  violent  storms  of  wind 
and  rain  increased  their  misery.  At  length,  in  utter  des- 
peration, they  attempted  again  to  march  onward.  But 
the  Turks  surrounded  them  in  overpowering  numbers, 
and  the  whole  remnant  of  the  unhappy  force  was  cut  off, 
with  the  exception  of  three  thousand,  who  surrendered 
themselves  into  slavery.  Some  of  them  apostatized, 
although  their  masters  did  not  put  any  force  on  them  as 
to  religion.'' 

Lewis  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Orontes,  and 
proceeded  to  Antioch,  where  he  was  received  by  his 
wife's  uncle,  prince  Raymond;  but  he  declined  the 
prince's  invitation  to  join  in  an  expedition  against 
Noureddin,  and  continued  his  way  to  Jerusalem,  where 
he  arrived  towards  the  end  of  June,  in  a  guise  be- 
fitting a  penitential  pilgrim  rather  than  a  warrior  who 
had  set  out  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  and  with 
an  assured  hope  of  victory  and  conquest.^  In  July,  a 
meeting  of  the  Frank  chiefs,  both  lay  and  ecclesiastical, 
was  held  at  Acre,  and  among  those  present  was  Conrad, 
who,  after  having  been  hospitably  entertained  at  Con- 
stantinople through  the  winter,  had  reached  Jerusalem  at 
Easter,  with  a  very  few  soldiers  in  his  train.™  An  expe- 
dition against  Damascus  was  resolved  on,  and  the  siege 
of  that  city  was  begun  with  good  hope  of  success.  But 
jealousies  arose  among  the  Franks,  and  some  of  them 
— it  is  said  the  Templars — were  bribed  by  the  enemy's 
gold,  so   that   the  expedition  was   defeated."     Sick   in 

'  "  Haec  enim,"  says  Odo  of  Deuil,  35. 

"nostra  fuit    cum    Gr^cis    conditio,  ^  Otto  Fris.   1.   c;  Will.   Tyr.  xvi. 

vendere  sine  pretio  et  chare  emere  sine  28 ;  xvii.  i  ;  Sismondi,  v.  349-53. 

modo."     1242.  "  Conr.  ap.  Wibald.  Ep.  127  ;  Will. 

^  lb.  1240-4  ;  Wilken,  i.  192-3.  Tyr.    xvi.    2-6;    Annal.     He.  hip.    ap. 

'  Otto   Fris.  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  58;  Pertz,    xvi.    7;    Wilkon,    iii.    235-52.' 

Will.  Tyr.  xvi.   27  ;  Wilken,  iii.    225-  Micluiud,  iii.  137. 

VOL.  V.  10 


146  FAILURE    OF   THE   CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

body,  depressed  in  mind,  and  utterly  disgusted  with  the 
Christians  of  the  Holy  Land,  Conrad  embarked  for  Con- 
stantinople in  September,  and  thence,  by  way  of  Greece 
and  Istria,  made  his  way  to  Ratisbon,  where  he  arrived 
in  Whitsun  week  1149°  Lewis,  ashamed  and  penitent, 
lingered  in  the  Holy  Land  until  July  of  that  year,  when, 
yielding  at  length  to  Suger's  earnest  solicitations,?  he 
took  ship  for  Sicily — his  queen  following  separately. <i  In 
passing  through  Italy  he  had  an  interview  with  the  pope,"^ 
and  he  soon  after  reached  his  own  dominions.  But  of 
the  vast  numbers  which  had  accompanied  him  towards 
the  East,  it  is  said  that  not  so  many  as  three  hundred 
returned. 

The  miserable  and  shameful  result  of  this  expedition, 
which,  while  it  had  drained  Europe  of  men  and  treasure, 
had  only  rendered  the  condition  of  the  Christians  in  the 
Holy  Land  worse  than  before,^  excited  loud  murmurs 
against  Bernard,  as  the  man  by  whose  preaching,  pro- 
phecies, and  miracles,  it  had  been  chiefly  promoted ;  and 
all  his  authority  was  needed  in  order  to  justify  himself 
We  are  told  that,  when  the  dismal  tidings  from  the  East 
were  filling  all  France  with  sorrow  and  anger,  a  blind  boy 
was  brought  to  him  for  cure.  The  abbot  prayed  that,  if 
his  preaching  had  been  right,  he  might  be  enabled  to 
w^ork  the  miracle ;  and  this  attestation  of  his  truth  was 
granted.*^     He  referred  to  his  earlier  miracles  as  certain 

°  Wibald,  Epp.  162,  177-8  ;  Eugen.  was  taken,  or  all  but  taken,  by  Greeks, 

Ep.  354  (Patrol.   clx.\-.\.)  :   Will.  Tyr.  and  was  delivered  by  the  Sicilian  fleet, 

xvii.  8  ;  Cinnamus,  ii.  19 ;  Luden,  x.  But  this  seems  inconsistent  with  his 

279.  own  letters,  in  Suger,  Epp.  94-6.    (Sis- 

i-  Sug.   Ep.   57 :  Vita   Suger.  iii,    6  mondl,  iii.  355.     Cf.  Eugen.  Ep.  357.) 

(Patrol,  clxxxvi.).  Romuald  of  Salerno,  although  he  re- 

^1  Some  writers  (as  Cinnamus,  ii.  19,  kites  that  Conrad  was  received  with 

the  author  of  the  Hist.  Pontif.,  c.  28,  great  honour  by  Roger,  says  nothing 

the  Premonstratensian  continuator  of  of  his  deliverance  from  the   Greeics. 

Sigebert,  a.d.    1149,   and  ^\'illiam  of  Wurat.  vii.  192. 

Nangis,  a.d.  1150,  followed  by  Mura-  ''  Ludov.  ap.  Suger,  Ep.  ob. 

tori,  Aiinnl.  VI.,  ii.  297,  Gibbon,  v.  361,  *  W'ill.  Tyr.  xvi.  ly, 

and  \\  ilkcn,  iii.   25C)  say  that  L<?\vis  '  Vita,  iii.  10, 


Chap.  VIII.   A. D.  1148-9.  SUCF.R.  T47 

signs  that  his  prccaching  of  the  crusade  had  been  sanc- 
tioned by  Heaven ;  he  declared  himself  willing  to  bear 
any  blame  rather  than  that  it  should  be  cast  on  God." 
He  regarded  the  failure  of  the  expedition  as  a  fit  chastise- 
ment for  the  sins  of  the  crusaders  ;  and  an  Italian  abbot 
assured  him  that  St.  John  and  St.  Paul  had  appeared  in 
a  vision,  declaring  that  the  number  of  the  fallen  angels 
had  been  restored  from  the  souls  of  those  who  had  died 
in  the  crusade.^ 

During  the  absence  of  Lewis  in  the  East,  his  kingdom 
had  been  successfully  administered  by  Suger.  Suger 
was  born  of  humble  parents  in  1081,  and  at  an  early  age 
entered  the  monastery  of  St.  Denys,  where  he  became 
the  companion  of  Lewis  VL  in  his  education,  and  so  laid 
the  foundation  of  his  political  eminence.y  His  election 
as  abbot  in  1 1 2  2  was  at  first  opposed  by  Lewis,  because 
the  royal  permission  had  not  been  previously  asked ;  ^ 
but  this  difficulty  was  overcome,  and  Suger  became  the 
king's  confidential  adviser.  In  the  midst  of  the  political 
employments  which  continually  increased  on  him,  not- 
withstanding his  endeavours  to  withdraw  from  them,  he 
performed  his  monastic  duties  with  the  most  scrupulous 
attention.*  He  reformed  the  disorders  which  Abelard 
had  censured  ^  among  the  monks  of  the  abbey  ;  he  skil- 
fully improved  its  finances,  and  extended  its  property;  he 
rebuilt  the  church  and  furnished  it  magnificently,''     In 

"  De  Consideratione,  il.  i.  663. 

^  Joh.  Casse-Marii,  ap.  Bern.   Ep.  '  Vita   Sugerii,   by  William  of  St. 

3S6;  Bern.   Ep.    2S9  ;  Vita,  iii.  9-1 1  ;  Denys,  in  Patrol,  clxxxvi.  ;  Hist.  Litt. 

Mabill.   Annal.   Bened.   vi.   418.     See  xii.  361-2. 

Fuller's  quaint  vindication  of  Bernard  '  Suger.  Vita  Lud.   Grossi,  Patrol. 

(Holy  War,  82-3) ;  and  for  the  causes  clxxxvi.  1315. 

of  the  failure,   Otto   Fris.  de  Gestis  •  Vita,  i.  4-5.            i>  See  p.  107. 

Frid.  i.  60;  Rob.  de  IMonte,  a.d.  1147  ;  =  Vita,  ii.  6-10;  Suger,  De  Rebus 

Hoveden,   276,   b.  ;  Annal.    Herbipol.  in  administratione  sua  gestis  (perhaps 

in  Pert^,  xvi.  3  ;  Walt.  Hemingburg,  a  work  of  his  biographer,  William)  24, 

i.   72;  Chron.  Andrense,  ap.  Dacher.  seqq. ;  Libellus  de  Consecr.  Ecclesix; 

ii.  808  ;  Henr.Huntingd.,  Patrol,  cxcv.  Bernard.  Ep.  78,  c.  4;  Mabill     Ana 

970-1 ;  Vincent.  Pragens.  in  Pertz,  xvii.  Bened.  vi.  347. 


1^8  SUGER.  Book  VI, 

his  own  person  he  had  ahvays  been  rigidly  monastic ; 
and  although  it  is  supposed  that  he  was  the  abbot  whom 
Bernard  censures  for  going  about  with  upwards  of  sixty 
horses,  and  a  train  more  than  sufficient  for  two  bishops, ^^ 
he  aftervvardb  reformed  his  pomp,  and  received  Bernard's 
warm  congratulations  on  the  change.^  Under  Lewis  VII. 
Suger's  influence  became  greater  than  ever.  While  left  as 
regent  of  the  kingdom,  he  employed  not  only  his  secular 
authority,  but  the  censures  of  the  church,  which  the  pope 
authorized  him  to  wield,^  in  checking  the  violent  and 
lawless  tendencies  of  such  nobles  as  had  remained  in 
France.  He  defeated  the  attempts  of  Robert  of  Dreux, 
who  had  returned  from  the  crusade  before  his  brother 
Lewis,  to  supplant  the  absent  king,  and  he  exerted 
himself  diligently  to  raise  and  transmit  the  supplies  of 
money  for  which  Lewis  was  continually  importuning  him 
by  letters.^  When  the  unhappy  expedition  was  projected, 
Suger  had  opposed  the  general  enthusiasm  for  it.  But 
after  its  failure,  the  tidings  which  arrived  from  the  East 
stirred  him  with  new  feelings.  Raymond  of  Antioch  had 
been  slain,  and  other  chiefs  were  taken  prisoners.  Jeru- 
salem itself  was  threatened  by  the  infidels,  while  within 
its  walls  a  bitter  contest  for  power  was  raging  between 
the  young  king  Baldwin  III.  and  his  mother  Melisenda. 
It  seemed  as  if  the  Latins  were  about  to  be  swept 
from  the  Holy  Land.  Suger  w^as  excited  to  attempt 
to  raise  a  fresh  crusade,  which  Bernard  advocated  with 
his  old  enthusiasm.  Meetings  for  the  purpose  were  held 
at  Laon  and  at  Chartres  ;   but  both  nobles 


■*  *   and  bishops  received  the  project  with  cold- 
ness, and  when  it  was  proposed  that  Bernard  himself 

<•  Apologia,   II.     Pontius  of  Cluny  bill.  Ann.  Bened.  vi.  172. 

is  described  as  having  a  hundred  mules  •'  See  Eiigen.  Epp.  229,  355-7. 

In  his  train.     Joh.  Iperius,  ap.    Mar-  e  Vita   Suger.    iii.    i,  6;   Lud.    ap. 

ten;,  Thes.  iii.  608.  Suger.  Epp.  6,  2t,  29,  5-?,  ,52  sS.  etc. 

•  Bern   Ep  78      Cf.  Ep.  ^loq  ;  Ala- 


Chap.  VIII.  A.D.  iX45>-52-         QUEEN    ELEANOR.  149 

should  go  to  Jerusalem,  in  order  to  provoke  others  to 
emulation,  the  Cistercians  refused  to  allow  him.^  Suger, 
however,  resolved  to  devote  to  this  purpose  the  treasures 
with  which  St.  Denys  had  been  enriched  by  his  adminis- 
tration. He  sent  large  sums  of  money  to  the  East,  and 
intended  to  follow  with  a  force  of  his  own  raising.^  But  his 
death  in  1151  ^^  put  an  end  to  the  projected  expedition. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  the  queen  of  the  French 
accompanied  her  husband  to  the  crusade,  and  that  she 
returned  in  a  separate  vessel.  Eleanor's  haughty  and 
unbending  character  was  ill  suited  to  that  of  Lewis,  and 
she  scornfully  declared  that  she  had  married,  not  a  king, 
but  a  monk.^  Differences  had  broken  out  between  them 
at  Antioch,  and  had  been  fomented  by  her  uncle  Ray- 
mond, who  was  provoked  by  the  king's  refusal  to  assist 
him  in  his  designs  against  Aleppo.  She  is  charged  with 
infidelity  to  her  husband,  whom  it  is  even  said  that  she 
had  intended  to  desert  for  the  embraces  of  an  infidel 
chief."*  The  marriage  was  open  to  a  canonical  objection, 
of  which  Bernard  had  spoken  strongly  during  the  quarrel 
between  the  king  and  the  church ;  "•  and 
although  the  pope  had  overruled  this  objec-  '  '  ^"' 
tion,  it  was  now  brought  before  a  council  at  Beaugency, 
which  pronounced  for  a  separation  on  the  ground  of 
consanguinity."     Immediately  after,  Eleanor  entered  into 

•"  W  de  Nangis,  A.D.  1151.  27;  Will.  Nang.  a.d.  1149:  Wilkcn, 

'  Sug,  Epp.  133-S,  15s,  166;  Eugen.  iii.  228. 
III.  Epp.  382,  390;  Vita  Sug.  iii.  8;  "  Ep.  124,  c.  4.     The  Anchin  con- 
Bern.  Ep.  256  ;  Hist.   Litt.  xiii.   143  ;  tinuation  of  Sigebert  says  that  Lewis 
Wilken,  IIL  i.  279  ;  Michaud,  iii.  149.  divorced  his  wife  by  Bernard's  advice. 

''    Patrol,    clxxxvi.    1208  ;    Testam.  Patrol,  clx.  294.     Prof.  Stubbs  thinks 

Suger.,   ib.   1439,   seqq.  ;    Hist.    Litt.  that  Eleanor  desired  the  separation, 

xiii.  373.            *  W.  Neubrig.  i.  31.  and  that  hence  arose  the  notion  of  her 

""  Gervas.  Dorobern.  ap.  Twysden,  infidelity.     Introd.  to  Walt.  Coventr. 

1371  ;    Suger.     Ep.    57,    fin.  ;     Hist.  ii.  p.  xxix. 

Pontif.    ap.  Pertz,  xx.    534;    Bernard  "  Hist.  Ludov.  VIL,  ap.  Bouq.  xii. 

Guid.  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.  231 ;  Fragm.  127  ;   Hist.  Pontif.  in  Pcrtz,  xx    537. 

ib.   286  ;   Hist.    Franc,    ib.   117,  220 ;  See  Pagi,  xix.  53.     For  the  relation- 

Chron.  Anon.  ib.  220;  Will.  Tyr.  xvi.  ship,  see  Bouq.  xii.  117. 


150  HILDEGARD.  Book  VI. 

a  second  marriage  with  Henry,  duke  of  Normandy, 
count  of  Anjou,  and  afterwards  king  of  England,  who 
thus  became  master  of  her  extensive  tenitories ;  and, 
by  this  marriage,  the  foundation  was  laid  for  a  life-long 
jealousy  and  rivalry  between  Lewis  and  the  great  vassal 
whose  territory  in  France  exceeded  the  king's  own.P 

The  presence  of  the  pope,  and  the  good  understanding 
between  him  and  Suger,  had  contributed  greatly  to  the 
preservation  of  peace  in  France  during  the  crusade  ;  and 
by  corresponding  with  the  archbishop  ot  Mentz,  and 
VVibald,  abbot  of  Stablo,  whom  Conrad  had  left  as 
guardians  of  his  son,  Eugenius  conferred  a  like  benefit 
on  Germany.^  In  November  1147  he  was  induced  by 
an  invitation  from  Albero,  archbishop  of  Treves,  to  visit 
that  city,  where  he  remained  nearly  three  months/ 
Among  the  matters  there  brought  before  him  were  the 
prophecies  of  Hildegard,  head  of  a  monastic  sisterhood 
at  St.  Disibod's,  in  the  diocese  of  Mentz.  Hildegard, 
born  in  1098,  had  from  her  childhood  been  subject  to 
tits  of  ecstasy,  in  which  it  is  said  that,  although  ignorant 
of  Latin,  she  uttered  her  oracles  in  that  language ;  and 
these  oracles  were  eagerly  heard,  recorded,  and  pre- 
served.* With  the  power  of  prophecy  she  was  believed 
to  possess  that  of  miracles  ;  ^  she  was  consulted  on 
all  manner  of  subjects,  and  among  her  correspondents 
were  emperors,  kings,  and  popes.  Her  tone  in  address- 
ing the  highest  ecclesiastical  personages  is  that  of  a 
prophetess  far  superior  to  them,"  and  she  denounces  the 

P  Ricard.  Pictav.  ap.  Bouq.  xii.  417.  manner  of  her  visions,  see  Praef.  ad 

Suger's  biographer  ascribes  the  loss  of  Scivias,   383-6.     Cf.    Vit.    S.    Hildeg. 

Aquitaine  to  the  abbot's  death  (i.  5).  2,  5,  6,   14  (ib.);  Acta  S.  Hildeg.  ib. 

As   to  the  feeling  with  which  Lewis  20  ;  Rob.  Antissiod.   in  Bouquet,  xiu 

regarded  Henry's  power,   see  RIapes  294  ;  Joh.    Sarisb.    Ep.    199  ;   Neand. 

de  Nugis  Curialium,  215.  vii.  301-4,  357,  seqq. ;  Dijllinger  on  the 

«>  T.uden,  x.  257.  Prophetic  Spirit,  transl.  by  Pliimmer, 

»■  Gesta  Alberonis,  23  (P:itrol.  cliv.).  p.  86. 

■  Hildegard's  letters,   visions,  etc.,  '  Vita,  iii.  i. 

aie  in  the  Patrol,  cxcvii.     As  to  the  "  E.g.,  Epp.  2,  j.t. 


Chap.  Vm.   a. i?.  1147-8-     COUNCIL   At   RELMS.  15! 

corruptions  of  the  monks  and  clergy  in  a  strain'^  which 
has  made  her  a  favourite  with  the  fiercest  opponents  of 
the  papal  church.y  Bernard,  when  in  Germany,  had 
been  interested  by  Hildegard's  character,^  and  at  his 
instance  the  pope  now  examined  her  prophecies,  be- 
stowed on  her  his  approval,  and  sanctioned  her  design 
of  building  a  convent  in  a  spot  which  had  been 
marked  out  by  a  vision,  on  St.  Rupert's  Hill,  near 
Bingen.* 

From  Treves  Eugenius  proceeded  to  Reims,  where, 
on  the  2 1  St  of  March  1148,  a  great  council  met  under 
his  presidency.  This  council  is  connected  with  English 
history,  not  only  by  the  circumstance  that  Theobald, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  attended  it  in  defiance  of  a 
prohibition  from  king  Stephen^  (for  whom,  however,  he 
charitably  obtained  a  respite  when  the  pope  was  about  to 
pronounce  a  sentence  of  excommunication),  but  because 
among  the  matters  which  came  before  it  was  a  contest 
for  the  see  of  York  between  William,  a  nephew  of  the 
king,  and  Henry  Murdac.  abbot  of  Fountains.  In  this 
question,  Bernard,  influenced  by  partiaUty  for  Henry,  as 
a  member  of  his  order  and  formerly  his  pupil,  took  a 
part  which  is  universally  acknowledged  to  have  been 
wrong ;  for  William  had  been  elected  by  a  majority  of 
votes,^  and  had  been  consecrated  by  his  uncle,  Henry, 
bishop  of  Winchester.  The  aftair  had  already  been 
discussed  at  Paris  in   1147,  and  was  now,  through  Ber- 

^  E.g^.,  Ep.  52.  Acta,  29. 

y  Such  as  Flacius  Illyricus,  '  Catal.  »  Eugen.   ap.    Hlld.    Ep.  i  ;    Acta 

Testium,'   1487,   ed.   i6o3  ;  and   Fox,  Hild.  26,  28-9  :  Vita,  5  ;  Alb.  Staden- 

'  Acts  and  Mon.,'  i.   294-5,  ed.    1684.  sis  in  Pertz,  xvi.  330. 

Fuller  has  an  account  of  her  in  his  ^  Gervas.  Dorob.  in  Twysden,  1364; 

'  Holy  State,'  b.  i.  c.    13.     She  con-  Hist.  Pontificalis,  in  Pertz,  .xx.  519. 

demns  excessive  asceticism.     Epp.  98,  *  It  was  objected   to  him  that  he 

105.  had  been  nominated  by  the  king  be- 

^  Hild.  Ep.  29.     Her  letter  to  Ber-  fore  being  canonically  chosen.     Angl. 

nard  is  said  to  be  the  only  one  of  her  Sacr.  i.  71. 
letters    which    contains    no    reproof. 


15a  CONTEST    FOR   YORK.  Book  VI. 

nard's  influence,  decided  by  the  pope  against  William, 
who  was  excommunicated  ;  ^  but  he  found  a  refuge  with 
the  bishop  of  Winchester,  until,  after  the  death  of  his 
rival,  he  was  again  elected  to  York,  and,  with  the 
sanction  of  Anastasius  IV.,  resumed  possession  of  the  see 
in  1 154.  His  return  was,  however,  opposed  by  some  of 
his  clergy,  and  his  death,  which  took  place  in  the  same 
year,  is  said  to  have  been  caused  by  poison  adminis- 
tered in  the  eucharistic  chalice.®  William's  sanctity  was 
attested  by  miracles  at  his  tomb,^  and  in  the  next 
century  the  archbishop  whom  Bernard  had  branded  as 
a  simoniac,  and  whom  Eugenius,  at  Bernard's  dictation, 
had  deposed,  was  canonized  by  Nicholas  111.^ 

Another  question  which  came  before  the  council  at 
Reims  related  to  the  opinions  of  Gilbert  de  la  Porree, 
who,  after  having  been  long  famous  as  a  teacher,  had 
been  raised  in  1 141  to  the  bishoprick  of  Poitiers.  Gilbert 
was,  like  Abelard,  one  of  those  theologians  who  paid  less 
than  the  usual  reverence  to  the  traditions  of  former  times. 
Otho  of  Freising,  his  pupil  and  admirer,  tells  us  that  his 
subtlety  and  acuteness  led  him  to  depart  in  many  things 
from  the  customary  way  of  speaking,  although  his  respect 
for  authority  was  greater  than  Abelard's,  and  his  character 

<*  Joh.  Sarisb.  Ep.  265;  Job.  Hagu-  Stubbs,   in  Twysden,  1722;  Godwin, 

staid,  in  Twysden,  260,  268,  272,  275-  672.     Alberic  of  Trois  Fontaines  (in 

6;  Stubbs,  ib.  1721  ;  Collier,  ii.  240;  Bouquet,   xiii.   698)  says  that  he  re- 

Inett,  ii.  189  ;  Rainc,  Lives  of  Abps.  fused   an  antidote,  out  of  reverence 

of  York,  i.  216,  224.     Bernard  is  very  for  the  sacrament.     See  Joh.   Sarisb. 

violent  against  William  (Epp.   235-6,  Epp.  loS,  122    Baronius(n4i.  15)  and 

239,  240,  252,  346-7,  353,  360),  and  is  Alban  Butler  (June  8)  make  the  best 

supposed   to  allude   to   him    in   '  De  they  can  of  the  story;  Cf.  Acta  SS., 

Consideratione,' iii.  13— "  Quid  ille  de  Jun.  8.   William  of  Newburgh  declares 

transmarinispartibus,"etc.     Baronius,  it  to  be  a  vulgar  fiction,  and  brings 

after  much  abuse  of  him,  retracts  on  evidence  against  it,  i.  20. 

finding  that  he  had  been  canonized  as  ^  Alberic.  in  Bouquet,  xiii.  698. 

a  saint.     1140.  15,  seqq.     Cf.  Pagi,  in  ^  The  canonization  had  been  before 

loc.  attempted  under  Honorius  III.,  and 

«  Rob.  de  Monte,  a.d.  1154  (Patrol.  is  said  to  have  been  at  last  promoted 

clx.);  Wendover,  ii.  272  ;  Chron.  Mail-  by  the  money  of  Antony  Beck,  bishop 

ros.  A.D.  1154;  Hovcd.  in  Savile,  281 ;  of  Durham.    Sec  Raiue,  i.  227. 


Chap.  VIII.   a.d.  1148.      GILBERT   DE   LA    PORREE.  1 53 

was  free  from  the  vanity  and  the  levity  which  had  con- 
tributed so  largely  to  Abelard's  misfortunes.'* 

Gilbert  had  been  present  at  the  council  of  Sens  in 
1 1 40,  and  it  is  said  that  Abelard,  after  having  heard 
himself  condemned,  turned  to  the  theologian  of  Poitiers, 
and  warned  him  in  a  well-known  verse  of  Horace  that 
his  turn  of  persecution  would  come  next.^  The  pope, 
when  on  his  way  to  France,  was  met  at  Siena  by  two 
archdeacons  of  Gilbert's  diocese,  who  presented  a  com- 
plaint against  their  bishop ;  but  when  he  attempted 
to  investigate  the  charge  at  the  council  of  Paris  in  1147, 
Gilbert  was  saved  from  condemnation  by  the  obscurity 
of  the  subject  to  which  his  alleged  errors  related,  and  by 
his  own  dialectical  acuteness.''  The  inquiry  was  adjourned 
to  a  greater  assembly,  but  the  difficulties  which  had 
baffled  the  council  of  Paris  were  equally  felt  at  Reims. 
The  chief  errors  imputed  to  Gilbert  related  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Godhead.  He  was  charged  with  deny- 
ing that  the  Divine  essence  is  God,'  and  consequently 
with .  denying  that  it  could  have  been  incarnate ;  with 
holding  that  God  is  pure  Being,  without  any  attributes, 

^  De  Gestis  Frid.  i.  46,50.     There  correct  it,   "ad   ipsorum  arbitrium." 

is    much   on  the  affair  of   G.    de   la  (ii.  n.)     In  Martene's  '  Collectio  Am- 

Porree  in  the  '  Historia  Pontificalis,'  plissima,'  i.  839,  is  a  letter  of  Waller 

published  for  the  first  time  by  Pertz  of  Mortagne  against  an  alleged  opinion 

(Scriptores,  xx.)  since  the  first  edition  of  Gilbert,  that  abbots  and  abbesses 

of  this  volume.     The  writer  speaks  of  might    marry    notwithstanding    their 

Gilbert  as  perhaps  unequalled  among  vows. 

his    contemporaries  for  the  extent   of  i  ..Tunc  [Nam]  tua  res  a^itur,  paries qiuim 

his  learning  ;  as  familiar  with  writings  proximus  ardet."— (//or.  i:>.  I.  xviii.  84.) 

of   fathers  which  were  seldom  read.  Vita  Bern.  iii.  15. 
so   that    many  things  which   in    him  ^  Otto  Fris.  de  G.  Frid.  1.  46,  51-4. 

seemed  to  be  profane  novelties  became  '  This  denial  is  said    to  have  been 

afterwards    common    in    the    schools  in  his  Commentary  on  Boethius,  '  De 

(522).      For  the    contrast   of   Gilbert  Trinitate,' where,  on  the  words  "  Sub- 

with    Bernard,  see  p.  526.      Radevic  stantia  g7(a   Deus    est,"  Gilbert  had 

says    that    Otho    of    Freising,    when  drawn     the    distinction,     "  non    ^ucx 

dying     at    the    Cistercian    ablDcy    of  Deus"  (Otto  Fris.    i.  56).     The  pas- 

Morimond,  begged  the  monks,  if  there  sages  seem  to  be  in  Boeth.  c.  iv.,  and 

were  anything    as    to    Gilbert  which  the  commentary  on   it,    Patrol.    Ixiv. 

could  give  offence  in  his  writings,  to  1253  B,  1290  B.     See  Hefele,  v.  447. 


154  GILBERT   DE   LA   PORREE.  Book  VL 

although  including  in  his  perfect  Being  all  that  we  con- 
ceive of  as  His  attributes  :^  and  to  this  it  was  added 
that  he  denied  the  efficacy  of  the  Sacraments — main- 
taining that  none  were  really  baptized  but  such  as  should 
eventually  be  saved."  Gilbert  defended  himself  at  great 
length,  and  cited  many  passages  from  the  fathers  in  behalf 
of  his  opinions.  "  Brother,"  said  the  pope  at  last,  "you 
say  and  read  a  great  many  things  which  perhaps  we 
do  not  understand  ;  but  tell  us  plainly  whether  you  own 
that  supreme  essence  by  which  the  three  Persons  are 
God  to  be  itself  God."  Gilbert,  wearied  with  the 
disputation,  hastily  answered  "  No,"  and  his  answer  was 
recorded,  after  which  the  council  adjourned."  On  the 
following  day,  Gilbert,  who  in  the  meantime  had  held 
much  earnest  conference  with  such  of  the  cardinals  as 
favoured  him,  endeavoured  by  distinctions  and  expla- 
nations  to  do  away  with  the  effect  of  his  hasty  reply. 
Bernard,  in  speaking  against  him,  made  use  of  some 
words  which  gave  offence  to  the  cardinals — "  Let  that, 
too,  be  written  down,"  said  Gilbert.  "Yes,"  cried  the 
abbot,  ''let  it  be  written  down  with  an  iron  pen,  and 
with  a  nail  of  adamant !  "  p  As  Gilbert's  party  among 
the  cardinals  was  strong,  Bernard  endeavoured  to 
counteract  their  influence  by  assembling  a  number  of 
French  prelates  and  other  ecclesiastics,  and  producing  at 
the  council  a  set  of  propositions  on  which  these  had 
agreed  in  opposition  to  the  errors  imputed  to  the  bishop 
of  Poitiers.  On  this,  the  jealousy  of  the  cardinals,  who 
had  long  been  impatient  of  his  ascendency  over  Euge- 
nius,  burst  forth.     They  denounced  the  French  clergy  as 

•"  See  RItter,  vii.  444,  451-2.  »  Otto   Fris.  1,   56.     See   Bern,   in 

°  Otto    Fris.    i.    50.      Rittcr   thinks  Omtica,   Ixxx.    8  (Patrol,    clxxxiii.) ; 

that  Gilbert  was  orthodox,   but   that  ISIabill.  Prsef.  in  Bern.,  ib.  clxxxii.  44, 

his  obscure  language  gave  fair  cause  scqq.  ;  ib,  clxxxv.  587,  seqq.  ;  Argen- 

for  suspicion  (vii.  439).     M.  Haurcau  tre,  i.  38,  seqq. 

speaks  highly  of  him  (c,  xi.).  P  "  Ungue  adamantine" 


Chap.  VIII.    a. d.  1148-9.      EUGENIUS   AT   ROME.  I55 

attempting  to  impose  a  new  creed — a  thing,  they  said^ 
which  all  the  patriarchs  of  Christendom  could  not 
presume  to  do  without  the  authority  of  Rome ;  they 
loudly  blamed  the  pope  for  preferring  the  French  church 
to  the  Roman — for  preferring  his  private  friendships 
before  the  advice  of  those  legitimate  counsellors  to  whom 
he  owed  his  elevation.  Eugenius,  unwilling  to  offend 
either  party,  desired  Bernard  to  make  peace ;  whereupon 
Bernard  declared  that  he  and  his  friends  had  not  intended 
to  claim  any  undue  authority  for  their  paper ;  but  that, 
as  Gilbert  had  demanded  a  written  statement  of  his 
belief,  he  had  desired  to  fortify  himself  by  the  consent  of 
the  French  bishops. 'i  Gilbert  was  at  length  allowed  to 
depart  unharmed,  on  professing  his  agreement  with  the 
faith  of  the  council  and  of  the  Roman  church ;  he  was 
reconciled  with  his  archdeacons,  by  whom  the  charges 
had  been  brought  against  him;  and  his  friends  represented 
the  result  of  the  inquiry  as  a  triumph."" 

Eugenius  was  now  able,  by  the  assistance  of  the 
Sicilian  king,  to  return  to  Rome,  where  he  arrived  in 
November  1149,  and  he  requested  Bernard,  as  their 
personal  intercourse  could  no  longer  be  continued,  to 
draw  up  some  admonitions  for  his  benefit.^  The  result 
was  a  remarkable  treatise  "  On  Consideration,"  ^  which 
shows  how  far  Bernard's  reverence  for  the  papacy  was 

1  Otto   Fris.    i.    56-7,   or  Hard.  vi.  Litt.  xiii.  550)— wrote  to  Hildegard  on 

1299  ;  Vila  Bern.  iii.  15.  the  question  of  Gilbert's  opinions,  and 

■■  Gaufrid.  Clarjevall.,  Patrol,  clxxxv.  she  received  a  revelation  condemning 

582  ;    Hist.   Pontif.  526  ;    Otto  de   S.  them.     Ep.  127  (Patrol,  cxcvii.). 

Blasio,  4  (ap.    Urstis.);  see  Gieseler,  •  Bern,  dc  Consid.,  Prolog. 

II.  ii.  401.     Otho  of  Freising  declines  *  Consideration  is  thus  distinguished 

judging  "utrum  abbas  Clarsevallensls  \iY^t.xr\2ixAixora.  contemplation — "Po- 

in  hoc  negotio  ex  humance  infirmitatis  test     contemplatio     quidem     defmiri, 

fragilitate    tanquam     homo    deceptus  verus    certusque    intuilus    animi    de 

fuerit,  vel  episcopus  tanquam  vir  litte-  quacunque   re,   sive  apprehensio  veri 

ratus  propositum  astute  cel.indo   ec-  iiondubia ;  consideratioautem,  intensa 

clesije  judicium  evaserit."    (i.  57.)    A  ad  investigandum  cogitatio  velint'^iULo 

theologian  of  Paris — perhaps  the  fa-  animi  Investigantis  verum  "  ii.  a. 
mous  Walter  of  St.  Victor  (see  Hist. 


156  BERNARD   ON    CONSIDERATION.  Book  VI. 

from  implying  an  admiration  of  the  actual  system  of 
Rome,  and  how  nearly  in  some  respects  the  views  of  the 
highest  hierarchical  churchmen  agreed  with  those  of  such 
reformers  as  Arnold  of  Brescia.*^  With  professions  of 
deep  humility  and  deference,  the  abbot  writes  as  if  the 
pope  were  still  a  monk  of  Clairvaux.  The  great  object 
of  the  book  is  to  exhort  Eugenius  to  the  spiritual  duties 
of  his  office,  and  to  warn  him  against  the  dangers  of 
secularity.  Bernard  complains  of  the  manifold  business 
in  which  popes  were  engaged ;  of  their  employment  in 
hearing  of  suits  which  were  rather  secular  than  eccle- 
siastical, and  fell  rather  under  the  laws  of  Justinian  than 
under  those  of  the  Saviour.  These  engagements,  he 
says,  were  so  engrossing  as  to  allow  no  time  for  con- 
sideration ;  ^  and  the  pope  is  advised  to  extricate  himself 
from  them  as  far  as  possible  by  devolving  some  part  of 
his  jurisdiction  on  others,  by  cutting  short  the  speeches 
and  the  artifices  of  lawyers,  and  by  discouraging  the 
practice  of  too  readily  appealing  to  Rome.y  There  is 
much  of  earnest  warning  against  pride  and  love  of  rule  ;  ^ 
Bernard  declares  that  the  pomp  of  the  papacy  is  copied, 
not  from  St.  Peter,  but  from  Constantine  ;  *  that  the 
Roman  church  ought  not  to  be  the  mistress  of  other 
churches,  but  their  mother ;  that  the  pope  is  not  the 
lord,  but  the  brother,  of  other  bishops.^  He  denounces 
the  frequent  exemption  of  abbots  from  the  authority  of 
bishops,  and  of  bishops  from  the  authority  of  their  arch- 
bishops;*^ the  greed,  the  venality,  the  assumption  of  the 
papal  court ;  ^  he  desires  Eugenius  to  be  careful  in  the 
choice  of  his  officials  and  confidants,  to  avoid  all  ac- 
ceptance of  persons — (as  to  money,  he  acknowledges  the 

"  See  Lechler,  i.  6g.     Luther,  in  a  1562.  ^  De  Consid.  i   1-5. 

letter  to  Leo  X.,  prefixed  to  his  tract,  y  lb.  1.  10-12  ;  iii.  2. 

'De  Libertate  Christiana,'  speaks  of  '  lb.  ii.  ;  iii.  i. 

this  book  as  "omni  pontifici  memoriter  *  lb.  iv.  6.  ''lb.  7. 

noscendus."  Opera,  ii.  3,  ed.  Vileberg.  •=  lb.  iii.  4.  "^  lb.  iv.  i,  9,  4. 


Chap.  VIIL  a. d.  1150-2.    DEATH   OF   CONRAD.  I  57 

pope's  Utter  indifference) — and  to  advance  resolutely, 
although  gradually,  towards  a  reformation  of  the  pre- 
vailing abuses.^  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  this 
treatise  was  received  by  Eugenius  with  the  respect  which 
he  always  paid  to  Bernard;  but  the  abuses  which  it 
denounced  were  too  strong  and  too  inveterate  to  be 
cured  by  the  good  intentions  of  any  pope.  In  it,  how- 
ever, the  great  saint  of  Clairvaux,  by  the  unreserved 
plainness  of  his  language  and  by  the  weight  of  his 
authority,  had  supplied  a  weapon  which  from  age  to 
age  was  continually  employed  by  those  who  desired  to 
reform  the  church  and  the  court  of  Rome.* 

Although  Eugenius  was  received  by  the  Romans  with 
submission  to  his  spiritual  authority,  his  temporal  claims 
were  not  admitted,  and  after  a  few  months  he  was  again 
compelled  to  leave  the  city.  In  the  hope  of  aid  against 
the  rebels,  he  entreated  Conrad  to  come  to  Italy  and 
receive  the  imperial  crown,  while  the  Romans  requested 
the  king  to  take  part  with  them  against  the  clergy,  and 
Manuel  of  Constantinople  urged  the  fulfilment  of  an 
agreement  which  had  been  made  as  Conrad  was  return- 
ing from  the  East,  for  a  joint  expedition  against  the 
pope's  Sicilian  allies.^  To  each  party  Conrad  replied 
that  he  was  preparing  for  an  Italian  expedition,  and  he 
assured  the  pope  that  no  evil  was  intended  against  the 
Roman  church.^  But  in  the  midst  of  his  preparations 
he  was  seized  by  an  illness,  which  carried  him  off  in 
February  1152.'  In  the  end  of  that  year,  Eugenius, 
whose  bounty  and  mildness  had  done  much  to  conciliate 
the  Romans,  was  allowed  to  return  to  his  capital ;  but 

•  De  Consid.  i.  9  ;  ii.  14     iv.  4.  x.   266-8.      See  Gregorov.    iv.   475-6, 
'  Schrackh,    xxvi.    147.      See    Ber-       To  this  time  some  refer  the  Roman 

nard's  remonstrances  as  to  a  legate  in  letters  in  Wibald,  211-13.     See  above, 

T152,  Ep.  290.  P-  126. 

*  Engen.  Epp.  395,  484  (Patrol.  **  Wibald,  Epp.  2t8.  225,  3^0,  322-4: 
cNxx.):  Wibald,  Epp.  187-8,  224  (ib.  P'-rt^,  Leges,  ii.  87-^. 

Ciaxxix.)  ;  Hist.  Pontif.  c.  27  ;  Luden,  '  Raumer,  i.  354. 


158  DEATHS    OF    EUGENIUS   AND    BERNARD.        Book  VI 

he  Jiur/ived  little  more  than  six  months,  dying  on  the 
8th  of  July  iiS3-^  And  on  the  20th  of  August  in  that 
year  Bernard  died  at  Clairvaux — "ascending,"  says  a 
chronicler  of  the  time,  "  from  the  Bright  Valley  to  the 
mountain  of  eternal  brightness."  ^ 

Henry,  king  of  the  Romans,  had  died  about  a  year  and 
a  half  before  bis  father ;  and,  although  Conrad  still  had 
a  son  surviving,  his  feeling  for  the  public  good  induced 
him  to  choose  an  heir  of  maturer  age,  his  nephew 
Frederick,  son  of  that  Frederick  of  Hohenstaufen  who 
had  been  Lothair's  competitor  for  the  empire."^  A  week 
after  his  uncle's  death,  Frederick  was  elected  at  Frank- 
fort, and  five  days  later  he  received  the  German  crown 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle  from  Arnold,  archbishop  of  Cologne." 
On  the  very  day  of  his  coronation  the  stern  determi- 
nation of  his  character  was  remarkably  displayed.  In 
the  minster,  where  the  ceremony  took  place,  one  of  his 
officers,  who  had  been  dismissed  for  misconduct,  threw 
himself  at  his  feet,  in  the  hope  that  the  circumstances 
of  the  day  might  secure  his  pardon.  But  Frederick 
declared  that,  as  he  had  disgraced  the  man  not  out  of 
hatred  but  for  justice  sake,  neither  the  festive  occasion 
nor  the  intercessions  of  the  princes  who  were  present 
could  be  allowed  to  reverse  the  sentence.*'  Frederick, 
who  was  now  thirty-one  years  of  age,  had  distinguished 

•  JafFe,  647-52;  Schrockh,  xxvi.  149.  laid  on  his  breast,  (v.  14-15.)    He  was 

'  Rob.      Antissiod.     ap.     Bouquet,  canonized  by  Alexander  III.   in  1174 

xli.  295  ;  Vita  Bern.  v.  ic-13.    He  had  (Patrol,  clxxxv,  622);  and  In  iSsoPius 

done  miracles  on   his  death-bed,  and  VIII.   confirmed   to  him   the  title  of 

continued  to  do  them  after  death,  until  Doctor  (ih.  1543-S). 

the  abbot  of  Citeaux,  like  Abbot  Hil-  ""  Otto  Fris.  de  Gestis  Frid.  i.  63  ; 

dulf  in    an  earlier  time  (see  vol.    iii.  Chron.    Ursperg.    213;    Gunther,    i. 

p.  244),  charged   him  for  the  sake  of  324,  seqq.   (Patrol,  ccxii.);  Luden,  x. 

the  brotherhood   to  desist.     (Vita,  v.  295. 

14  ;  vii.  59.)    He  was  buried  privately,  °  Frid.  ad  Eugen.     (Patrol,  clxx.v. 

in  order  to  avoid  an  inconvenient  con-  1637). 

course,  and  by  his  own  desire,  some  "  Otto  Fris.   ii.  3 :  Gunther,  i.  450- 

relics  of  St.  Thaddeus,  which  had  been  80, 

lately  brought  from  Jerusalem,   were 


Chap.  VIII.  A.D.  II52-3-     FREDERICK    BARBAROSSA.  159 

liimself  in  the  Jate  crusade  ;  he  was  a  prince  of  extraor- 
dinary abihty  and  indomitable  perseverance,  filled  with  a 
high  sense  of  the  dignity  to  which  he  had  been  elevated, 
and  with  a  firm  resolution  to  maintain  its  rights  accord- 
ing to  the  model  of  Charlemagne.?  Yet,  although  his 
struggle  for  the  assertion  of  the  imperial  privileges  was  to 
be  chiefly  against  the  hierarchy,  he  appears  to  have  been 
sincere  in  his  profession  of  reverence  for  the  church, 
and  not  immoderate  in  his  conception  of  the  relations 
between  the  secular  and  the  ecclesiastical  powers. *! 
Descended  as  he  was  from  the  houses  of  both  Welf 
and  WaibHngen,  the  feud  of  those  houses  was  dormant 
throughout  his  reign,  although  it  afterwards  revived, 
when  the  names  became  significant  of  the  papal  and  the 
imperial  parties  respectively.^ 

In  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  Frederick  was  drawn 
into  a  collision  with  the  papacy  with  regard  to  the  see  of 
Magdeburg,  Some  of  the  clergy  had  wished  to  elect  the 
dean  as  archbishop,  while  others  were  for  the  provost ; 
but  Frederick  persuaded  the  dean  and  his  partisans  to 
accept  Wichmann,  bishop  of  Zeitz,  as  their  candidate, 
and,  by  the  power  which  the  Worms  concordat  had 
allowed  to  the  sovereign  in  cases  of  disputed  elections, 
he  decided  for  Wichmann,  and  invested  him  with  the 
regalia.^  The  provost  on  this  carried  a  complaint  to 
Eugenius,  who,  in  letters  to  the  chapter  of  Magdeburg 
and  to  the  German  bishops,  ordered  that  Wichmann 
should  not  be  acknowledged  as  archbishop ;  it  is,  how- 
ever, remarkable  that  he  rested  his  prohibition  on  the 
canons  which  forbade  translation  except  for  great  causes 
(such  as,  he  said,  did  not  exist  in  this  case),  but  did  not 

P  Wilbald.  Ep.  344 ;  Raumer,  ii.  3  ;  first    communication  with    the  pope. 

Milman,  iii.  411.  Ep.  59,  Patrol,  cxci.x.  39. 

^  Ep.   ad  Eugen.   23 ;    of.  Eugcn.  '  Otto  Fris.  ii.  2. 

Ep.  504.    John  of  Sah'sbury  takes  a  •  lb,  6;  Schmidt,  ii.  5/^ 
Strongly  prejudiced  view  of  Frederick's 


t6o  state   of   ITALY.  Book  VI. 

hint  as  yet  that  the  translation  of  bishops  was  a  matter 
reserved  to  the  Roman  see.*  Frederick  continued  firm 
in  the  assertion  of  his  pretensions,  against  both  Eugenius 
and  his  successor,  Anastasius  IV.  A  legate  whom  Anas- 
tasius  sent  into  Germany  for  the  settlement  of  the  ques- 
tion found  himself  resisted  in  his  assumptions,  and  was 
obliged  to  return  without  having  effected  anything ;  and 
Wichmann,  whom  Frederick  soon  after  sent  to  Rome, 
received  from  Anastasius  the  confirmation  of  his  election, 
with  the  archiepiscopal  pall.  By  the  result  of  this  affair 
Frederick's  authority  was  strengthened  in  proportion  to 
the  loudness  with  which  the  Roman  court  had  before 
declared  itself  resolved  to  abate  nothing  of  its  pretensions." 

The  long  absence  of  the  emperors  from  Italy  had  en- 
couraged the  people  of  that  country,  which  was  continu- 
ally advancing  in  commerce,  manufactures,  and  agriculture, 
in  wealth  and  in  population,  to  forget  their  allegiance  to 
the  imperial  crown.  The  feudatories  came  to  regard 
themselves  as  independent ;  the  cities  set  up  republican 
governments  of  their  own,  under  consuls  who  were 
annually  elected,^  and  the  right  of  investing  these  magis- 
trates was  the  only  shadow  which  the  bishops  were 
allowed  to  retain  of  their  ancient  secular  power.  The 
cities  were  engaged  in  constant  feuds  with  each  other,  and 
each  subdued  the  nobles  of  its  neighbourhood,  whom 
the  citizens  in  some  cases  even  compelled  to  reside 
within  the  city  walls  for  a  certain  portion  of  the  year.y 

Frederick  was  resolved  to  reassert  the  imperial  rights, 

'  Eugen.  Epp.  522-3,  or  Otto  Fris.  Savignj',  iii.  114,  seqq.  ;  Schmidt,  ii. 

ji.  8  ;  Schmidt,  ii.  580.  582-3.    The  marquis  of  Montferrat  was 

"  Otto  Fris.  ii.  10.  almost  the  only  noble  of  North  Italy 

*  The  number  of  consuls  varied  from  who  preserved  his  independence.  (Otto 

two  to  sixty.      Murat.   Antiq.  iv.   49,  Fris.  ii.  12.)    The  feelings  of  the  citi- 

seqq.  ;  Savigny,   iv.  116;    Raumer,  v.  zcns  towards  such  nobles  arc  expressed 

90,105-6.  by    a    Genoese    annalist  — "  Mos    cm 

>■  Frid.    ap.    Urstis.    i.    403 ;    Otto  marchionum  magis  velle  rapere  quaoi 

Fris.  ii.  12  ;  Gunther.  ii.  141,  seqq. ;  juste  vivere."     Murat.  vi.  265. 


Chap.  VIII.   a.d.  1152-4.     FREDERICK    AT    RGNCAGLIA.  161 

and  applications  from  various  quarters  concurred  with 
his  own  inclination  in  urging  on  him  an  expedition  into 
Italy.  With  the  Greek  emperor  he  formed  a  scheme  of 
combination  against  the  Sicilian  Normans  ;^  and  while 
Eugenius  entreated  his  aid  against  the  republican  and 
Arnoldist  faction,  which  the  pope  represented  as  intendin;^ 
to  set  up  an  emperor  of  its  own,^  another  writer  addressed 
him  on  the  part  of  the  Romans,  assuring  him  that  the 
story  of  Constantine's  donation  had  now  lost  all  credit 
even  among  the  meanest  of  the  people,  and  that  the  pope 
with  his  cardinals  did  not  venture  to  appear  in  public.'' 
At  his  first  German  diet,  in  1152,  Frederick  proposed  an 
expedition  into  Italy,  for  which  he  required  the  princes 
to  be  ready  within  two  years;  and  in  October  11 54  he 
entered  Lombardy  by  way  of  Trent,  at  the  head  of  the 
most  splendid  army  that  had  ever  crossed  the  Alps.''  A 
great  assembly  was  summoned  to  the  plains 
of  Roncaglia,  the  place  in  which  the  German 
kings,  on  their  way  to  receive  the  imperial  crown,  had 
been  accustomed  to  meet  their  Italian  subjects.'^  The 
vassals  who  failed  to  appear — among  them,  some  eccle- 
siastics— were  declared  to  have  forfeited  their  fiefs. «  The 
mutual  complaints  of  the  Italian  cities  were  heard,  and 
severe  sentences  were  pronounced  against  those  who 
were  found  guilty,  especially  against  the  powerful  and 
turbulent  Milanese,  who  had  treated  Frederick's  admoni- 
tions with  contempt,  and  had  now  added  to  their  offences 
by  offering  to  bribe  him  into  sanctioning  their  tyranny 
over  their  neighbours.*     Tortona,  which  had  shown  itself 

«    Wibald,     Epp.      387-8     (Patrol.  •*  Otto  Fris.   ii.  12 :  Gunth.  ii.  10 ; 

clxxxix.).            »  Eug.  Epp.  504,  524.  Otto  Morena  in  Murat.  vi.  977.     See 

"  This  letter  is  froni  one  Wetzel,  ap.  Giesebr.  ii.  513  ;  iii.  804. 

Wibald.  Ep.  384.     His  reasons  against  *  Gunth.  ii.  14. 

the    donation    are  certainly   not  well  *"  Otto  Fris.  ii.  12-13  ;  Otto  Morena, 

chosen.  976-8,  980-1  ;  Chron.  Ursperg.  317-18  ; 

"  Otto  Fris.  ii.  7.  11  ;  Gunth.  i.  634,  Guntli.  ii.  232,  seqq.  :  Sismondi,  R.  I., 

seqq.  ;  Raumer,  ii.  12.  ii.  304-10  :  Luden,  x    173. 

VOL.  v.  II 


a62  ADRIAN    IV.  Book  VI 

contumacious,  was  taken  after  a  siege  of  two  months, 
and  destroyed  ;^  and  at  Pavia  the  king  was  received  with 
a  magnificence  which  expressed  the  joy  of  the  citizens  in 
the  humiliation  of  their  Milanese  enemies.^ 

In  March  1153  Frederick  had  entered  into  a  compact 
with  Eugenius,  binding  himself  to  make  no  alliance  with 
the  Romans  or  with  Roger  of  Sicily  unless  with  the  pope's 
consent,  and  to  maintain  the  privileges  of  the  papacy ; 
while  the  pope  promised  to  support  the  power  of  Frede- 
rick, and  to  bestow  on  him  the  imperial  crown,  and  both 
parties  pledged  themselves  to  make  no  grant  of  Italian 
territory  to  "the  king  of  the  Greeks."^  Since  the  date 
of  that  compact,  Eugenius  had  been  suc- 
ju  y  53-  ceeded  by  Anastasius  IV.,  and  Anastasius,  in 
December  1 154,  by  Nicholas  Breakspear,  an  Enghshman, 
who  took  the  name  of  Adrian  IV.  Break- 
spear, the  son  of  a  poor  clerk,  who  had  after- 
wards become  a  monk  of  St.  Albans,  is  said  to  have  been 
refused  admission  into  that  house  on  account  of  his  insuffi- 
ciency in  knowledge,  and  was  driven  to  seek  his  fortune 
in  France,  where  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  diligence 
in  study  at  Paris,  and  rose  to  be  abbot  of  the  regular 
canons  of  St.  Rufus,  near  Avignon.  In  this  office  he 
became  unpopular  with  his  canons,  who  carried  their 
complaints  against  him  to  Eugenius  III. ;  and  the  pope 
at  once  put  an  end  to  the  strife  and  marked  his  high 
sense  of  the  abbot's  merit  by  appointing  him  cardinal- 
bishop  of   Albano.'^     As  cardinal,   he  was  sent   on  an 

B  Gunth.  ii.  393,  seqq.  (Schrockh,  xxiv.  149),  but  is  now  gene- 

''  lb.   It  has  been  said  that  Frederick  r?lly   acknowledged   as  to  substance. 

was  crowned  king  of  the  Lombards  at  See  Pertz.  1.  c.  ;  Gicseler,  II.  ii.  79 ; 

Pavia.     But  the  meaning  of  "corona-  Luden,  x.  324,  624. 

tur"in  Otto  of  Freising(ii.  20)  is  merely  ^  Will.  Neubrig.  1.6;  Matt.  Paris, 

that  at  the  festivities  there  he  v^rore  a  Vitae  Abbatum,  p.  66.     These  authors 

crown.     Mur.  Ann.  VI.  ii.  326.  do  not  entirely  agree  as  to  the  cause  of 

'  P?.trol.    clxxx.    163S-9,     or    Pertz,  his  leaving  England.     As  to  St.  Rufus, 

i-eges,  ii.   92-4.     The  genuineness  of  see  above,  p.  30. 

this   document  has    been    questioned 


Chap.  VIU.   a.u.  1153-5.  ADRIAN    IV.  163 

important  legation  into  the  Scandinavian  kingdoms,  from 
which  he  returned  during  the  pontificate  of  Anastasius  ;' 
and  now  the  poor  EngUsh  scholar,  whose  Saxon  descent 
would  probably  have  debarred  him  from  any  considerable 
preferment  in  his  native  land,  was  elected  to  the  chair  of 
St.  Peter.  "  He  was,"  says  a  biographer,  '*  a  man  of  great 
kindness,  meekness,  and  patience,  skilled  in  the  English 
and  in  the  Eatin  tongues,  eloquent  in  speech,  polished 
in  his  utterance,  distinguished  in  singing  and  an  eminent 
preacher,  slow  to  anger,  quick  to  forgive,  a  cheerful  giver, 
bountiful  in  alms  and  excellent  in  his  whole  character."™ 
If,  however,  we  may  judge  by  his  acts,  it  would  seem 
that  Adrian's  temper  was  less  placid  than  it  is  here  repre- 
sented ;  and  his  ideas  as  to  the  papal  dignity  were  of  the 
loftiest  Hildebrandine  kind.  Immediately  after  his  elec- 
tion, he  refused  to  acknowledge  the  republican  govern- 
ment, and  issued  an  order  that  Arnold  of  Brescia  should 
be  banished  from  Rome.  To  this  it  was  answered  that 
the  pope  ought  to  confine  himself  to  spiritual  aff'airs; 
and  the  insolence  of  Arnold's  partisans  increased  until 
it  reached  a  height  which  gave  the  pope  an  advantage 
against  them.  A  cardinal  was  attacked  and  mortally 
wounded  in  the  street ;  Adrian  placed  the  city  under  an 
interdict ;  and  the  severity  of  this  sentence,  which  had 
never  before  been  known  at  Rome,  was  the  more  strongly 
felt  from  its  being  issued  in  Lent,  a  time  when  the  Romans 
had  been  accustomed  to  the  pomp  and  the  religious  con- 
solations of  especially  solemn  services.  By  the  absence 
of  these  the  people  were  so  intensely  distressed  that,  in 
the  holy  week,  they  compelled  the  senators  to  submit  to 
the  pope,  who  consented  to  take  off  his  censure  on  con- 
dition that  Arnold  should  be  driven  out."^  On  this  Arnold 
fled  from  the  city,  and,  after  having  wandered  for  a  time, 

•  Card.  Aragon.  in  Patrol,  clxxxix.  "»  Card.  Arag.  L  c  135«« 

1351  ;  Baron,  1148.  40.     See  below,  c.  "  Ibid, 

xi.  sect.  7. 


164  END    OF   ARNOLD    OF    BRESCIA.  Book  VI. 

he  found  a  refuge  among  the  nobles  of  the  Campagna, 
by  whom  he  was  regarded  as  a  prophet.  But  Frederick, 
as  he  advanced  towards  Rome  with  a  rapidity  which 
excited  Adrian's  suspicions,  was  met  by  three  cardinals, 
who  in  the  pope's  name  requested  that  he  would  take 
measures  against  an  incendiary  so  dangerous  to  the 
crown  as  well  as  to  the  church  ;  and  in  consequence 
of  the  king's  demand  Arnold  was  surrendered  by  those 
who  sheltered  him.  Frederick  delivered  him  over  to  the 
pope,  and,  under  the  authority  of  the  prefect  of  Rome, 
the  popular  leader  was  hanged,  after  which  his  body  was 
burnt,  and  his  ashes  were  thrown  into  the  Tiber,  lest 
they  should  be  venerated  as  relics  by  the  multitudes  who 
had  followed  him.°  "  Bad  as  his  doctrine  was,"  says 
Gerhoh  of  Reichersperg,  "  I  wish  that  he  had  been 
punished  with  imprisonment,  or  exile,  or  with  some  other 
penalty  short  of  death,  or  at  least  that  he  had  been  put 
to  death  in  such  a  manner  as  might  have  saved  the 
Roman  church  from  question."  p 

The  negotiations  which  Adrian  had  opened  through  his 
cardinals  were  satisfactorily  settled  by  Frederick's  swearing 
that  his  intentions  were  friendly  to  the  pope,  and  receiv- 
ing in  turn  a  promise  of  the  imperial  crown.i  Having 
thus  assured  himself,  Adrian  ventured  into  the  camp 
at  Nepi,  where  he  was  received  with  great  honour ;  but, 
although  Frederick  threw  himself  at  his  feet, 
'  the  pope  took  offence  at  the  king's  omitting 
to  hold  his  stirrup — an  act  of  homage  which,  although  the 
first  example  of  it  had  been  given  little  more  than  half 

o  Otto  Fris.  ii.  20;  Annal.  Palid   ap.  (Rep.  Ital.  ii.  316),  although  followed 

Pertz.   xvi.  89  ;  Gerhoh.   de  Investig.  by  Raumer  (ii.   24),  is  chiefly  drawn 

Antichristi,  quoted  by  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  from    imagination.       See     Niccolini's 

70;  Gunther,  iii,  344-8  ;  Auctar.  Sigeb,  '  Arnaldo.'    364;    Milman,     iii.     413; 

Afflighem.,    Patrol,    clx.    2S8 ;    Card.  Gregorov.  iv.  509. 

Arag.,  ib.  clxxxviii.  1353  ;  Gibbon,  v.  P  Ap.  Giesel.  1.  c.     (The  treatise  is 

339;    Francke's   'Arnold  v.  Brescia,'  not  in  Migne's  Patrologia.) 

192,  seqq.;  Milman,  iii.  413.  Sismondi's  >*  Card.  Arag.  1^3. 
romantic    account  of  Arnold's  death 


CHAP.  VIII.   A.D.  H5S.      FREDERICK    I.    AND    ADRIAN    IV.       1 65 

a  century  before,  by  Conrad,  the  rebellious  son  of  Henry 
IV.,'"  was  already  deduced  by  the  papal  party  from 
Constantine  the  Great,  who  was  said  to  have  performed 
it  to  Pope  Sylvester.^  Adrian  declared  that  he  would 
not  give  the  kiss  of  peace  unless  he  received  the  same 
honour  which  his  predecessors  had  always  received, 
while  Frederick  declared  that  the  omission  was  purely 
the  effect  of  ignorance,  but  that  he  must  consult  his 
nobles  on  the  subject.  The  cardinals  in  alarm  with- 
drew to  Civita  Castellana,  and  a  long  discussion  was 
carried  on,  which  was  at  length  settled  by  the  evidence 
of  some  Germans  who  had  accompanied  the  emperor 
Lothair  to  Rome;  and,  as  this  evidence  was  in  the 
pope's  favour,  Frederick  next  day  submitted  to  do  the 
service  which  was  required,  although  it  Avould  seem  that 
in  the  performance  he  intentionally  gave  it  the  character 
of  a  jest.^  Having  overcome  this  difficulty,  the  king  pro- 
ceeded onwards  in  company  with  the  pope,  who  strongly 
represented  to  him  the  disorders  of  Rome,  and  endea- 
voured to  draw  him  into  an  expedition  against  the 
Sicilians,  with  a  view  to  recovering  Apulia  for  the 
apostolic  see."  Frederick  contrived  to  defer  the  con- 
sideration of  this  proposal ;  but  it  may  be  supposed  that 
the  pope's  representations  had  some  share  in  producing 
the  reception  which  the  king  gave  to  a  deputation 
from  the  citizens,  which  waited  on  him  near  Sutri.     After 

'  See  vol.  iv.  p.  383;  Luden,  xi.  635.  Conrad   seems  to  have  been   the   first 

»  Gerhoh.     Syntagma,   24     (Patrol.  who  extended  the  "officium  stratoris" 

c.xciv.  1469)  ;  Eckhart.  Schonaug.,  ib.  to  holding  the  stirrup. 

cxcv.  22 ;  see  Vittorelli,  in  Ciacon.  i.  '  Card.     Arag.    1354-5  ;    Otto    Fris. 

1061.    The  donation  of  Constantine  re-  ii,   20;    Helmold,    i.    80   (in    Leibnit. 

presented  him  as  having  performed  the  Script.    Rer.    Brunsv.).    Schmidt,    ii. 

"office  of  a  groom"  to  Sylvester  (Pa-  587;    Luden,   xi.    370,   635.     Helmold 

trol.  Ixxiii.  524).    Pipin  in  754  had  set  says    that    the    offence     consisted    in 

the  example  of  leading  the  pope's  horse  Frederick's   holding   the    left    stirrup, 

(vol.  iii.  p.  93,  and  from  this  the  forger  instead  of  the  right. 

of  the  Donation  probably  took  a  hint  °  Helmold,  1.  c.  ;  Otho  Fris.  ii.  91  j 

(DoUinger,     '  Papstfabeln '    65);     but  Gunther,  iii.  242,  seqq.,  590,  seqq. 


1 66  CORONATION    OF    FREDERICK.  Book  VI 

listening  for  a  time  to  the  bombastic  oration  which  one 
of  the  envoys  addressed  to  him  in  the  name  of  Rome, 
dwelHng  on  her  glories,  and  endeavouring  to  make 
terms  for  the  Romans  in  exchange  for  their  consent  to 
the  imperial  coronation,  the  king  indignantly  cut  him 
short — "  These,"  he  said,  pointing  to  his  German  nobles 
and  soldiers,  "are  the  true  Latins — the  consuls,  the 
senators,  the  knights.  The  glory  of  Rome  and  the 
Romans  has  been  transferred  to  the  Franks.  Our 
power  has  not  been  conferred  by  you,  as  you  pretend, 
but  has  been  won  by  victory.  Your  native  tyrants,  such 
as  Desiderius  and  Berengar,  have  been  overcome  by  my 
predecessors,  and  died  as  captives  and  slaves  in  foreign 
lands.  It  is  not  for  subjects  to  prescribe  laws  to  their 
sovereign.  It  is  not  for  a  prince  at  the  head  of  a  power- 
ful army,  but  for  captives,  to  pay  money ;  I  will  submit 
to  no  conditions  of  your  making."  ^ 

On  reaching  Rome,  Frederick  took  possession  of  the 
Leonine  suburb,  while  the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo,  the  only 
means  of  communication  with  the  opposite  bank,  was 
guarded  by  his  soldiery;  and  on  the  i8th  of  June  he 
was  crowned  by  Adrian  in  St.  Peter's  amid  the  loud 
acclamations  of  the  Germans.y  But  after  the  ceremony, 
while  the  troops  had  withdrawn  from  the  oppressive  heat 
of  the  day,  and  were  refreshing  themselves  in  their  tents, 
a  body  of  Romans  sallied  across  the  bridge,  attacking 
such  of  the  Germ.ans  as  they  found  in  the  streets  or  in 
the  churches,  and  appeared  to  have  a  design  of  seizing 
the  pope.  The  noise  of  this  irruption  penetrated  to  the 
emperor's  camp,  and  Frederick  immediately  ordered  his 
troops  to  arms.  A  fierce  conflict  raged  from  four  in  the 
afternoon  till  nightfall ;  the  assailants  were  driven  back 

'  Otto  Fris.  ii.  20-1  ;  Gunth.  iii.  360-  r  Quo  Fris.  ii.  2a  :  Gunth.  iv.  init 

581  ;  Helmold,  i.  79:  Gibbon,  v.  348-      Card.  Arag.  1355. 
50. 


Chap.  VIlI.   a.d.  1155  DIET    AT    WORMS.  1 67 

as  far  as  the  Forum ;  the  Tiber  ran  with  blood,  and  it  is 
said  that  a  thousand  of  the  Romans  were  slain,  and  two 
hundred  taken  prisoners,  while  only  one  of  the  imperial- 
ists was  killed  and  one  captured.  At  the  pope's  inter- 
cession the  Roman  captives  were  given  up  to  the  prefect 
of  the  city  ;  and  on  St.  Peter's  day  Adrian  pronounced 
the  absolution  of  all  who  had  taken  part  in  the  late 
slaughter.^  Frederick  was  soon  after  compelled  by  the 
pestilential  air  of  the  Roman  summer  to  withdraw  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  city,  and,  as  the  time  for  which 
his  troops  were  bound  to  serve  was  drawing  towards  an 
end,  he  retired  beyond  the  Alps — on  the  way  taking  and 
destroying  Spoleto,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  pro- 
voked him  by  their  insolence.*  At  Christmas  1 155-6  a 
diet  was  held  at  Worms,  where  Arnold,  archbishop  of 
Mentz,  Hermann,  count  palatine,  and  others  were 
brought  to  trial  for  disturbing  the  peace  of  Germany 
during  the  emperor's  absence.  The  archbishop  was 
spared  in  consideration  of  his  age  and  profession;  but 
.the  count  palatine  and  ten  of  his  partisans  were  sen- 
tenced to  the  ignominious  punishment  of  "  carrying  the 
dog."b 

Frederick's  attention  was  soon  again  demanded  by  the 
affairs  of  Italy.  William  "  the  Bad,"  the  son  and  suc- 
cessor of  Roger  of  Sicily,  had  in  1155  refused  to  enter 
into  a  treaty  with  the  pope,  or  to  admit  his  ambassadors 
to  an  interview,  because  Adrian,  by  way  of  claiming  him 
as  a  vassal,  had  styled  him  not  king,  but  lord.  He  be- 
sieged the  pope  in  Benevento,  laid  waste  the  surrounding 

-  Frid.    ap.  Urstis.   i.    404  :    Annal.  "  Otto  Fris.  ii.   28.     See  as  to  the 

Colon.  A.D.  1155  (Pertz,  .xvii.);  Vincent.  "ritus  canem  ferendi,"  Hoffman,  Lexi- 

Prag  ib.  665  ;  Otto  Fris.  ii.  22  ;  Gunth.  con  Univ..  i.  681 ;   Ducange,  11.    96 ; 

iv   73-123,  158-176:  Card.  Arag.  1355;  Grliiim.  '  Rechtsalterthuiner,'  715-     U 

Helmold,  i.  80.  was  commonly  inflicted  as  a  degrada- 

"  Otto'  Fris.'  ii.   23  :  Gunth.  iv.  179.  tion  on  nobles  condemned  to  death  lor 

seqq.  ;  Card.  Arag.  1356  :  Helmold.  i.  such  crimes  as  robbery  or  arson. 
81  ;  O.  Morena,  gig. 


l6&  AFFAIRS   OF    SIClL^.  Book  V I. 

territory,  and  was  denounced  excommunicate.  This  sen- 
tence was  not  without  its  effect  on  the  minds 
of  William's  allies,  and,  in  addition  to  the  fear 
that  these  might  desert  him,  the  dread  of  a  combination 
between  the  Greek  emperor  and  the  pope  inclined  him 
further  to  peace.  His  first  overtures  were  refused,  but 
Adrian,  after  having  seen  his  own  troops  and  allies  defeated, 
was  fain  to  sue  in  his  turn,  and  received  the  most  favour- 
able terms.  The  king  fell  at  his  feet,  and,  on  swearing 
fealty  to  the  Roman  see,  was  invested  by  Adrian  with 
the  kingdom  of  Sicily  and  the  Italian  territories  of  the 
Normans  (including  some  which  the  popes  had  never 
before  affected  to  dispose  of) ;  while,  in  consideration  of 
this,  he  promised  to  aid  the  pope  against  all  enemies, 
and  to  pay  a  yearly  tribute  for  Apulia,  Calabria,  and 
his  other  continental  dominions. <=  Frederick,  who  had 
been  exerting  himself  with  energy  and  success  to  reduce 
Germany  to  tranquillity,  was  greatly  displeased  that  the 
pope  had  without  his  concurrence  entered  into  an  alliance 
with  the  Sicilians — an  alliance,  moreover,  which  involved 
the  disallowance  of  the  imperial  claims  to  suzerainty  over 
Apulia.  He  signified  his  displeasure  to  Adrian,  who  on 
his  side  was  dissatisfied  on  account  of  the  emperor's 
having  divorced  his  wife  under  pretext  of  consanguinity, 
and  having  entered  into  another  marriage,  which  was 
recommended  to  him  by  political  considerations.^  At  a 
diet  at  Wiirzburg,  in  1157,  a  fresh  expedition  into  Italy 
was  resolved  on  ;  but  it  was  delayed  by  the  necessity  of 
attending  to  the  affairs  of  Poland,  and  in  the  meantime 
an  incident  took  place  which  led  to  a  violent  collision 
between  the  pope  and  the  emperor.^ 

«  Adrian,  Ep.  102 (Patrol,  clxxxviii.);  "^  Renter,  i.  23.     See  Innoc.  III.  in 

Will.  Tyr.  xviii.   7-8  (ib.  cci.) ;    Otto  Patrol,  ccxiv.  1015. 

Fris.  ii.  29  ;  Card.  Arag.  1353-7  >  Baro-  •  Otto  Fris.  ii.   30-1  ;  Radevic.  i.  i- 

pius,  xix.  p.  99  ;  Giannone,  ii.  444-5  ;  5  •  Luden,  x.  449  ;  Raumer,  ii.  36,  49 
Gibbon,  vi  363-5  ;  Gregorov.  iv.  516. 


tHAP.  Vill.   A.t>.  X156-7.    MEETING   AT    BESANCOiJi  tSg 

Eskil,  archbishop  of  Lund,  in  that  part  of  modern 
Sweden  which  was  then  subject  to  Denmark/  in  return- 
ing from  a  visit  to  Rome,  had  been  attacked,  plundered, 
and  imprisoned  with  a  view  to  the  exaction  of  ransom, 
by  some  robber  knights  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Thion- 
ville.s  No  notice  had  been  taken  of  this  by  Frederick, 
to  whom  Eskil  had  probably  given  offence  by  his  exer- 
tions to  render  the  Danish  church  independent  of  the' 
metropolitans  of  Bremen  and  Hamburg.^  But  Adrian, 
on  hearing  of  it,  addressed  to  the  emperor  a  letter  of 
indignant  remonstrance  against  the  apathy  with  which  he 
had  regarded  an  outrage  injurious  to  the  empire  as  well 
as  to  the  church — reminding  Frederick  of  his  having  i; 
conferred  the  imperial  crown  on  him,  and  adding  that,  if  it 
had  been  in  his  power,  he  would  have  bestowed  on  him 
yet  greater  favours/  The  letter  was  presented  to  the 
emperor  by  two  cardinals  at  a  great  assembly  at  Besan9on, 
where  it  was  read  aloud,  and  was  interpreted 
by  the  chancellor  Reginald  of  Dassel  (who 
soon  after  became  archbishop  of  Cologne).'^  But  the 
word  bc?ieficia,  which  the  pope  had  used  to  signify  favours 
or  benefits,  was  unluckily  misunderstood  by  the  Germans 
as  if  it  had  the  feudal  sense  of  benefices  or  fiefs.'  The 
pope  was  supposed  to  have  represented  the  empire  as  a 
lief  of  the  papacy;  and  it  was  remembered  that  Frederick, 
at  his  first  visit  to  Rome,  had  been  offended  by  a  picture 

*■  Eskil,  a  very  active,  political,  and  ''  iMiinter,  ii.  313  ;  Dahlniann,  i.  276. 

splendid    prelate,    figures    largely  in  Adr.  Ep.  143  ;  or  Radevic.  ii.  9. 

northern  historj'.      See    Saxo   Gram-  ^  Radev.     ii.     10.      Reginald    was 

maticus,    1.    xiv.  ;     Miinter,    ii.    285,  elected  in  1 159,  his  predecessor  having 

seqq.  ;    and  c.    xi.   below.     He   after-  died  at  Pavia  in  1158.     Annal.  Colon, 

wards  resigned  his  see,   went  on  pil-  in  Pertz,  xvii.  770. 

grimage  to  the  Holy  Land,  and  died  a  '  Adrian,    Ep.    148  ;   Annal.    Colon. 

monk  at  Clairvaux  (Saxo,  pp.  355-6;  a. d.  1157,  where  one  copy  saj^s  that  the 

Petr.  Cellens.  Ep.   108,  Patrol,  ccii.).  Germans  took  the  word  "  pro  feudo," 

Pseudo-Gunther  (vi.  26),  and  Baronius  and  another,  that  they  took  it  "  iisuali- 

(1157-8),  confound  Lund  with  London.  ter  "  See  Luden,  xi.  452  ;  Reuter.i.  21S 

«  Otto  de  S.  Bias.  8 


lyo  MEETING   AT   BESAN^ON.  Boox  VI. 

which,  with  its  inscription,  represented  Lothair  as  receiv- 
ing his  crown  from  the  pope's  gift,  and  as  performing 
homage  for  it.™  A  loud  uproar  arose  at  the  supposed 
insolence  of  the  pontiff,  and  the  general  feeling  was  still 
further  exasperated  when  Cardinal  Roland  dared  to  ask 
"  From  whom,  then,  does  the  emperor  hold  his  crown,  if 
not  from  the  pope?"  The  palsgrave  Otho  of  Wittelsbach, 
who  carried  the  naked  sword  of  state,  was  with  difficulty 
prevented  by  the  emperor  from  cleaving  the  audacious 
ecclesiastic's  head  with  it.°  "  If  we  were  not  in  a 
church,"  said  Frederick  himself,  "  they  should  know  how 
the  swords  of  the  Germans  cut."**  He  burst  forth  into 
violent  reproaches  against  the  legates  and  their  master  ; 
they  were  abruptly  and  ignominiously  dismissed,  and 
were  charged  to  return  home  at  once,  without  staying 
more  than  one  night  in  any  place  of  the  imperial 
dominions,  or  burdening  bishops  or  monasteries  by  their 
exactions. P  Frederick,  whose  exasperation  was  increased 
by  some  strong  rebukes  which  Adrian  had  addressed  to 
him   on  account  of  his   divorce  and  second  maciage,<J 

m  "  Rex  venit  ante  fores,  jurans  prius  urbis  clares  strongly  against  such  pictures 

honores,  (De  Investig.   Antichristi,  quoted  by 

Post,  homo  fit  paps,  sumit  quo  dante  Dollinger,  '  Papstfabeln,'  86).     John  of 

coron^m."-Rad,vic.u.zo.  Salisbury  speaks  of  paintings  in  the 

Adrian  had  promised  to  destroy  the  Lateran  palace,  setting  forth  the  glories 

picture,  but  had  not  kept  his  promise  of  the  Roman  see  (Ep.  59,  col.  39  C) ; 

(ib.  ;    Gunther,   vi.    291).      From  the  and  the  reader  need  hardly  be  told  how 

pope's  bestowing  the  imperial  crown,  the  genius  of    Raphael  was   in  later 

which  had  been  allowed  since  the  time  times  employed  in  the  Vatican  for  the 

of  Charles  the  Bald  (see  vol.  iii.  p.  406  ;  same  purpose,  or  how  large  a  proportion 

Luden,  xi.  452),  the  Italians  had  come  of  the  chief  scenes  which  he  and  his  as- 

to  suppose  the   empire  a  fief  of  the  sociates  have  represented  is  altogether 

papacy  (see  Baron.  1157.  5-7)  ;  while  fabulous, 

the  Germans,  entangled  in  their  feudal  °  Otto  de  S.  Bias.  8. 

notions,  could  only  meet  this  by  deny-  °  Innoc.  Ill   in  Patrol,  ccxvi.  1029. 

ing  that  it  was  given  by  the  pope.     In  P  O.  Sanblas,  1.  c.  ;  Adrian.  Ep.  148. 

the  picture,  the  relation  which  Lothair  1  Some  writers  say  that   the  pope 

had  entered  into  with  regard  to  countess  went  so  far  as  to  excommunicate  him 

Matilda's  inheritance  was  transferred  on  this   account.      See   Chron.  Aqui- 

to  the  tenure  of  the  empire  (Gicseler,  cinct.    a.d.    1156,   1158;  Chron.  Affli 

II.  ii.  81).     Gerhoh  of  Reichersperg,  ghem.  1156;  Joh.  Yperius,  ap.  Martenc, 

although  devoted  to  the  papacy,  de-  Jlies.  iii.  648  ;  Raumer,  ii.  50. 


Chap.  VIII.  A.D.  H57-8.     ADRIAN    AND    FREDERICK.  171 

forthwith  sent  forth  a  letter  to  his  subjects,  in  which  he 
protested  that  he  would  rather  hazard  his  life  than  admit 
the  pope's  insolent  assumptions  ;  that  he  held  his  king- 
dom and  the  empire  by  the  choice  of  the  princes  and 
under  God  alone,  agreeably  to  our  Lord's  saying,  that  two 
swords  are  necessary  for  the  government  of  the  world/ 
Orders  were  issued  that  no  German  ecclesiastic  should 
go  to  Rome  without  the  imperial  license,  and  the  passes 
into  Italy  were  guarded  in  order  to  prevent  all  com- 
munication.^ 

On  hearing  from  his  legates  of  the  indignities  to  which 

they  had  been  subjected,  the  pope  wrote  to  ,, 

.  Dec  "^o  1 1 15  7 

the  German  bishops,  urging  them   to  bring 

die  emperor  to  a  better  mind,  and  to  persuade  him  to 
exact  from  archbishop  Reginald  and  the  palsgrave  signal 
and  public  atonement  for  their  "blasphemies"  against 
the  Roman  church.'  But  on  this  occasion  the  German 
prelates  preferred  their  national  to  their  hierarchical  alle- 
giance. They  told  the  pope  that  they  had  admonished 
the  emperor,  and  had  received  from  him  ''such  an 
answer  as  became  a  catholic  prince,"  declaring  his  firm 
resolution,  while  paying  all  due  reverence  to  the  pope,  to 
admit  no  encroachment  of  the  church  on  the  empire  ;  and 
they  entreated  Adrian  to  soothe  the  high  spirit  of  their 
sovereign."  The  pope  began  to  be  alarmed,  and,  at  the 
instance  of  Henry,  duke  of  Bavaria,  he  dispatched  two 
envoys  of  a  more  politic  character  than  the  last,  with  a 
letter  of  explanation  composed  in  a  moderate  and  con- 
ciliatory style.  The  word  beneficium,  he  said,  g 
meant,  not  a  fief,  but  simply  a  good  deed 
(boniim  factum),  and  surely  the  emperor  would  admit  that 
to  crown  him  was  such  a  deed ;  and  by  confcrrmg  the 


•■  Radev.  10.  "  Id.   16,  or  Ep.  i,  ad  Adr.  (Patrol. 

■  Adr.   Ep.  148.  clx.xxviii.     1641) ;    Gunther,    vi.    569, 

*  lb.,  Radev.  15.  senq. 


t^2  f-REDERICK    IN    itALV.  B6ok:  VI. 

crown  nothing  more  had  been  meant  than  the  act  of 
placing  it  on  Frederick's  head.^  The  letter  was  delivered 
at  Augsburg,  and  was  well  received  ;  and  the  picture 
which  had  given  offence  at  Rome  was  removed,  if  not 
destroyed. y 

At  length  the  projected  expedition  was  ready,  and 
Frederick,  having  settled  the  affairs  of  Germany,  Hun- 
gary, and  Poland,  crossed  the  Alps  in  July  1158,  at  the 
head  of  a  force  composed  of  many  nations,  and  which  is 
reckoned  at  100,000  infantry  and  15,000  horse. ^  Milan 
and  other  insubordinate  cities  were  compelled  to  sur- 
render, and  felt  his  severity,  while  the  enmity  of  the 
Italian  towns  against  each  other  was  shown  in  acts  of 
cruelty  committed  by  those  in  the  imperial  interest,  to 
the  astonishment  and  disgust  of  the  Germans.^  Milan 
was  deprived  of  the  privileges  which  were  known  under 
the  name  of  royalties^  and  was  required  to  submit  the 
choice  of  its  consuls  to  the  emperor  for  confirmation.*' 
At  Martinmas,  a  great  assembly  was  held  in  the  Ron- 
caglian  plains,  where  a  city  of  tents  was  erected,-  the 
Germans  and  Italians  encamping  on  the  opposite  banks 
of  the  Po.'^  As  the  extent  of  the  imperial  powers  in 
Italy  had  been  hitherto  undefined,  Frederick,  in  an 
address  to  his  assembled  subjects,  declared  himself 
resolved  that  it  should  now  be  duly  ascertained  and 
determined,  professing  that  he  would  rather  govern  by 
law  than  by  his  own  caprice  ;  and  the  matter  was  com- 
mitted to  four  eminent  professors  of  Bologna,  together 
with  twenty-eight  judges  of  the  Lombard  cities.     Filled 


»  Ep.  181  ;  Rad.  i.  i6  ;  Otto  Sanblas.  '  Radev.  i,  13,  25  ;  Raumer,  ii.  62. 

Q  »  Radev.  i.  39  ;  Gunther,  viii.  57-70  ; 

y  Radev.  i.  22-3;  Gunther,  vii.  119,  Otto  Morena,  1011-15  ;  Vincent.  Pra- 

seqq.     Schrcickh  is  mistaken  in  saying  gens,  in  Pertz,  xvii.  659-74. 
(xxvi.  174)  that  Rasponi  describes  the  ''  See  above,  vol.  iv,  p.  137. 

picture  as  existing  in  1656.     See  his  *  Radev.  i.  41-2. 

book,  '  De  BasiUca,  etc.,  Lateranensi/  "*  lb.  46  ;  Gunther,  viii.  403,  seqq 

pp.  193,  296-7. 


Chap.  VIII.   a.d.  1158.  RONCAGLIA. 


X73 


with  the  lofty  notions  of  the  imperial  dignity  which  had 
lately  been  produced  by  the  revived  study  of  ancient 
Roman  law,  these  authorities  declared  that  the  emperor 
possessed  autocratic  power,  and  was  entitled  to  exact  a 
capitation  from  all  his  subjects.®  The  rights  of  the 
Italian  cities  to  the  possession  of  royalties  were  investi- 
gated, and  those  for  which  no  authority  could  be  shown 
were  confiscated ;  ^  a  general  tribute  was  imposed ;  and 
by  these  measures  a  revenue  of  30,000  pounds  of  silver 
was  added  to  the  imperial  treasury. s  A  few  cities  were 
allowed  by  special  favour  to  retain  their  consuls,  who 
were  to  be  appointed  with  the  emperor's  consent;  but 
the  ordinary  system  of  government  was  to  be  by  officers 
bearing  the  title  oi podestd,^  who  were  to  be  nominated  by 
the  emperor,  and  were  also  to  be  chosen  from  among 
strangers  to  the  place  over  which  they  were  appointed.^ 
Measures  were  also  taken  to  bind  the  cities  to  mutual 
peace,  to  prevent  them  from  combining  into  parties,  and 
to  suppress  the  private  wars  of  the  nobles.^ 

On  hearing  of  these  proceedings,  Adrian  was  greatly 
excited.  The  idea  of  tlie  imperial  prerogative  which 
had  been  sanctioned  at  Roncaglia  conflicted  with  the 
Hildebrandine  pretensions  of  the  papacy.  The  resump- 
tion of  royalties  which  had  been  held  not  only  by  cities 
and  by  nobles,  but  by  bishops  and  abbots — rthe  imposition 
of  a  tribute  from  which  ecclesiastics  were  not  exempted — 
the  investiture  of  Frederick's  uncle,  Welf  VI.  of  Bavaria, 

e  Radev.  ii.  3-5  ;  O.  Morena,  1017-1S;  ''  Vincent.  Prag.  in  Pertz,  xvii.  675  ; 

Otto  Sanblas.  14  ;  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  no-  Murat.  Antiq.  Ital.  iv.  64,  seqq.  ;  Gib- 

II ;  Gunth.  viii.  475,  seqq.  ;  Luden,  x.  boo,  vi.  344-5  ;  Radev.  ii.  5  ;  Hallam, 

504-6 ;  Acerb.  Morena,  1113.     On  the  M.A.  i.  235,  259  ;  Sismondi,  Rep.  Ital. 

Four   Bolognese    Doctors    CBulgarus,  ii.  340-2  :   Raumer,    v.    79,   no.     The 

Martin  Gosia,  etc.),  see  Savigny,  iv.,  name    had    been    used   to    designate 

who  thinks  it  a  mistake  to  regard  them  magistrates  in  classical  days— 

as  pupils  of  Imerius  (67);  see  also  ch.  '•AuFidenarumGabiorumqueessepotestas." 

xiii.  sect,  iv.,  below.  -Juvenal,  x.  100. 

*■  Radev.  ii.  5 ;  Savigny,  iv.  157.  '  Radev.  i.  7  ;  Sismondi,  R.  I.,  342  ; 

«  Radev.  li.  s  ;  Gunth.  viii.  585.  Luden,  x.  509. 


174  DIFFERENCES    BETWEEN  Book  VI. 

in  the  inheritance  of  the  countess  Matilda — were  circum- 
stances which  might  well  produce  alarm  and  irritation  in 
the  pope's  mind  ;  ^  "  it  seemed  to  him,"  says  a  writer  of 
later  date,  "  as  if  all  that  the  emperor  gained  were  taken 
from  himself."'  While  engaged  in  settling  the  quarrels 
of  the  Lombard  cities,  Frederick  received  from  the  pope 
a  letter  peremptorily  forbidding  him  to  arbitrate  in  a 
difference  between  Bergamo  and  Brescia  ;  and  instead  of 
being  committed,  as  was  usual,  to  an  envoy  of  honour- 
able station,  this  letter  was  delivered  by  a  man  of  mean 
and  ragged  appearance,  who  immediately  disappeared.™ 
About  the  same  time  Adrian  gave  additional  provo- 
cation to  the  emperor  by  refusing  to  allow  the  promo- 
tion of  Guy  of  Blandrata  to  the  see  of  Ravenna,  on  the 
evidendy  trifling  ground  that  he  could  not  be  spared 
from  Rome,  where  he  was  a  subdeacon  of  the  church." 
Indignant  at  these  slights,  the  emperor  ordered  his 
secretaries,  in  addressing  the  pope,  to  use  the  singular 
instead  of  the  plural  number,  and  to  reverse  the  custom, 
which  had  prevailed  since  the  time  of  Leo  IV.,  of  plac- 
ing the  pope's  name  before  that  of  the  sovereign  in  the 
heading  of  letters.^  These  changes  drew  forth  a  strong 
remonstrance  from  Adrian,  who  declared  them  to  be  a 
breach  of  the  commandment  that  we  should  honour  our 
parents,  and  of  the  fealty  which  Frederick  had  sworn  to 
the  see  of  St.  Peter ;  and  he  further  complained  that  the 
emperor  exacted  homage  as  well  as  fealty  from  bishops, 
that  he  took  their  consecrated  hands  between  his  own 
hands,  that  he  closed  not  only  the  churches  but  the 
cities  of  his  dominions  against  the  legates  of  the 
apostolic  see.P  An  embassy  was  also  commissioned  to 
demand  redress  of  alleged  encroachments  on  the  papacy 

*  Radev.  ii.   14;  Gunther,  viii.  65,  "  lb.  15-17  ;  Adrian,  Ep.  197  (No». 

seqq.  24,  1158)  ;  Ep.  ad  Adr.  2. 

'  lb.  107-8.  •*  Radev.  ii.  i8.     See  vol.  iii.  p.  341 

"  Radev.  ii.  15,  19  P  Adrian,  June  24,  iisgV 


Chap.  VIIL   a.d.  1158-9-    ADRIAN    AND    FREDERICK.  I75 

— that  the  emperor  sent  messengers  to  Rome  without 
the  knowledge  of  the  pope,  to  whom  all  power  in  the 
city  belonged  ;  that  his  envoys  claimed  entertainment  in 
the  palaces  of  bishops;  that  he  exacted  the  allowance 
known  by  the  name  oifodrum  from  the  pope's  subjects 
on  other  occasions  besides  that  on  which  it  was  admitted 
to  be  lawful — the  expedition  to  receive  the  imperial 
crown;  that  he  detained  Matilda's  inheritance,  and 
other  territories  which  rightfully  belonged  to  the  apostolic 
see.i  To  these  complaints  Frederick  replied  that  he 
had  been  driven  by  the  pope's  new  assumptions  to  fall 
back  on  the  older  forms  in  writing  to  him ;  that  he  had 
no  wish  for  the  homage  of  bishops,  unless  they  cared  to 
retain  the  royalties  which  they  had  received  from  the 
crown  ;  that  the  palaces  of  bishops  stood  on  imperial 
ground,  and  therefore  his  ambassadors  were  entitled  to 
enter  them ;  that  if  he  shut  out  cardinals  from  churches 
and  from  cities,  it  was  because  they  were  false  to  their 
profession,  and  were  intent  only  on  plunder;  that  if  the 
pope  were  sovereign  of  Rome,  the  imperial  title  was  a 
mockery :  and  he  inveighed  in  strong  terms  against  the 
pride  and  rapacity  of  the  Roman  court.^' 

The  exasperation  of  both  parties  rose  higher  and 
higher.  A  proposal  of  Frederick,  that  the  matters  in 
dispute  should  be  left  to  the  decision  of  six  cardinals  to 
be  named  by  the  pope,  and  six  German  bishops  to  be 
chosen  by  himself,  was  rejected  by  Adrian,  on  the  ground 
that  the  pope  could  be  judged  by  no  man.^  The  em- 
peror, indignant  at  the  discovery  of  letters  exhorting  the 
Lombard  cities  to  revolt,*  received  favourably  a  fresh 
embassy  from  the  Roman  senate  and  people,  and  entered 
into  negotiations  with  them." 

°L  Eberh.   Bamberg,   ap.    Radev.  il.  ■  Radev.  ii.  31  ;  Gunth.  ix.  310,  seqq. 

30 :  Gunther,  ix.  280,  seqq.  '  Radev.  ii.  18. 

'  Radev.   ii.    18-20,   30;    Frid.   ap^  »  lb.  41  ;  Helmold.  i.  79.     There  i 

Urstis.  i.  563.  a  letter  purporting  to  have  been  ad- 


176 


ELECTION    OF   ALEXANDER    III. 


Book  VU 


A  rupture  of  the  most  violent  kind  between  the  papacy 
and  the  empire  appeared  to  be  inevitable,  when,  on  the 
I  St  of  September  1159,  Adrian  died  at  Anagni.^ 


CHAPTER    IX. 


ALEXANDER    III. 


A.D.    II59-I1S1. 


The  higher  clergy  of  Rome  had  during  the  late  pontifi- 
cate been  divided  into  two  parties,  of  which  one  adhered 
to  the  imperial,  and  the  other  to  the  Sicilian  interest ;  * 
and  at  the  death  of  Adrian  a  collision  took 
ep  •  7>  1159- pig^^g  between  these  parties.  The  cardinals 
of  the  Sicihan  faction  elected  Roland  Bandinelli  or 
Paparo,^  cardinal  of  St.  Mark  and  chancellor  of  the 
Roman  see — the  same  who  had  defied  Frederick  at 
Besan9on  ;  while  the  imperialists  set  up  cardinal  Octa- 
vian,  of  St.  Cecilia,  who  is  said  to  have  been  at  one  time 

dressed  by  Adrian,  on  March  i8,  to        consultation  as  to  excommunicating  the 


Hillin,  archbishop  of  Treves,  in  which 
the  superiority  of  the  ecclesiastical  to 
the  secular  power  is  asserted  in  ex- 
travagant terms,  and  (with  some  con- 
fusion between  Popes  Zacharias  and 
Leo  III.)  a  second  transference  of  the 
empire  is  threatened  (Ep.  258  ;  cf. 
Hahn,  *  Collectio  Monumentorum,'  i. 
122).  But  this  and  two  similar  letters 
are  considered  to  be  mere  school 
exercises  of  some  mediaeval  writer. 
Jaffe,  950  ;  Hefele,  v.  489,  seqq.  Sec 
Schrockh,  xxvi.  180  ;  Milman,  iii.  425. 
*  The  Auersperg  Chronicle  says  that 
he  had  excommunicated  Frederick  a 
few  days  before  (221)  ;  but  that  this  is 
a  mistake  appears  from  Radevic,  ii.  52. 
The  Cologne  annalist  tells  us  that  he 
died  on  the  night  after  having  held  a 


emperor  (Pertz,  xvii.  767).  John  of 
Salisbury  had  been  very  intimate  with 
Adrian,  and  reports  a  remarkable  con- 
versation with  him  on  the  corruptions 
of  the  Roman  court  (Polycrat.  vi,  24). 
Five  years  after  his  death,  John  writes 
of  him  as  "  Cantuariensis  ecclesiae 
amator  Adrianus,  cujus  mater  apud 
vos  algore  torquetur  et  inedia."  (Ep. 
T34,  Patrol,  cxcix.  114.)  But,  although 
this  is  addressed  to  Abp.  Becket,  '  'apud 
vos  "  seems  to  mean  in  Ejigland  rather 
than  (as  some  have  understood  it  to 
mean)  at  Canterbury. 

*  Albert.  Stadensis,  ap.  Pertz,  xvL 
344. 

"  On  his  name  see  Ciacon.  i  xo44« 
1072. 


Chap.  IX.  a.d.  1159.  RIVAL    ELECTIONS. 


177 


excommunicated  by  the  late  pope,  but  had  since  rendered 
important  services  to  the  emperor.*^  That  Roland, 
although  unsupported  by  the  lower  clergy,  by  the  nobles, 
or  by  the  people,  had  the  majority  of  the  cardinals  with 
him,  is  allowed  by  the  opposite  party ;  but  while  these 
represent  their  own  strength  to  have  been  nine  against 
fourteen,  the  adherents  of  Roland  claim  for  him  all  but 
three. ^  The  partisans  of  Octavian  (who  styled  himself 
Victor  IV.)  assert  that,  after  the  death  of  Adrian,  the 
cardinals  agreed  at  Anagni  that  no  one  should  be 
declared  pope  except  with  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
whole  college  ;  but  that,  on  removing  to  Rome  for  the 
late  pope's  funeral,  the  Sicilian  party,  trusting  in  their 
superior  numbers,  resolved  to  set  this  compact  aside,  and 
to  elect  from  among  themselves  a  pope  hostile  to  the 
emperor ;  that  they  themselves  proposed  Octavian,  as  a 
man  of  religious  character,  who  would  study  to  promote 
the  good  of  the  church,  and  its  agreement  with  the 
empire  ;  that  the  Sicilian  faction  cried  out  for  Roland, 
and  were  about  to  invest  him  with  the  papal  mantle,  but 
that,  while  he  strove  to  avoid  it,  the  act  was  prevented, 
and  Octavian  was  solemnly  invested  and  enthroned  in 
St.  Peter's  chair;  whereupon  Roland  and  his  partisans 
withdrew  without  making  any  protest,  and  shut  them- 
selves up  in  the  fortress  of  St.  Peter.®  According  to  the 
other  party,  Roland  (who  assumed  the  name  of  Alexander 
III.)  had  been  duly  invested  with  the  mantle,  when 
Octavian  plucked  it  from  his  shoulders,  and,  after  a 
struggle,  huddled  it  on  himself  with  the  assistance  of  two 

<=  Card.  Aragon.  Vita  Adrian!  (Pa-  492. 

trol.    clxxxviii.    1354)  ;  Niccolini,   Ar-  ''  Compare,  on  Octavian's  side,  Ra- 

naldo  da  Brescia,  323-4.     But  Otho  of  dev.  ii.  50.  52  ;  on  the  other,  Alex.  III. 

Freising  says  nothing  of   his  alleged  Ep.  i  (Patrol,  cc);  Card.  Arag.,  ib.  col. 

disgrace  (ii.  21).     On  his  character,  see  12  ;  Radev.  ii.  53  ;  Joh.  Sarisb.  Ep.  59 

Gregorov.  iv.  529.     Perhaps  Bernard,  (Patrol,  cxcix.  41).    See,  too,  Reuter,  i 

bishop  of  Porto,  was  also  at  first  a  can-  487-92  ;  Gregorov.  iv.  530-2. 

didate,  but  soon  set  aside.     Reuter,  i.  ^  Radev.  ii.  52,  66. 

VOL.    V.  12 


178  RIVAL    ELECTIONS  Book  VI 

clerks,  but  so  awkwardly  that  the  back  part  appeared  in 
front  ;^  and  that  thereupon  his  partisans,  rushing  in  with 
swords  in  their  hands,  drove  out  Alexander  and  his 
supporters.  It  is  remarkable  how  much  the  formality  as 
to  the  mantle  is  insisted  on  by  the  same  party  which,  in 
the  earlier  schism  between  Innocent  and  Anacletus,  had 
been  careful  to  avoid  all  questions  of  form,  and  to  rest 
its  candidate's  claims  on  his  character  alone  ;s  and  in 
the  present  case  the  representations  which  are  given  by 
friends  and  by  enemies  as  to  the  character  of  the  rivals 
are  utterly  irreconcilable.^ 

After  having  been  kept  as  a  prisoner  beyond  the 
Tiber  for  eleven  days  by  some  senators  in  Victor's 
interest,  Alexander  and  his  cardinals  were  delivered  by 
the  Frangipani  faction,  and  passed  through  the  city — in 
triumphant  procession,  as  they  assert,  while  they  tell  us 
that  the  antipope,  on  appearing  in  the  streets  of  Rome, 
was  jeered  and  hooted  by  women  and  boys.^ 

On  the  1 8th  of  September  Alexander  was  invested 
with  the  mantle  at  Cisterna — a  name  from  which  his 
opponents  took  occasion  for  sneers  as  to  "  cisterns  that 
could  hold  no  water  ;"^  and  on  the  following  Sunday  he 

was  consecrated  by  the  cardinal  of  Ostia,  at 
Sept  20 

Ninfa.^  The  rival  pope  had  also  been  com- 
pelled to  leave  Rome,  and  his  consecration  was  performed 
at  Farfa  on  the  4th  of  October  by  the  cardinal  of 
Tusculum,  with  two  other  bishops,  whom  Alexander's 
friends  describe  as   banished  from  their  sees.™     Victor 

'  Alex.   Ep.   I  (Patrol,  cc.)  ;   Card.  66. 

Arag.,  ib.  13  ;  Letter  of  cardinals,  ib.  'The    description  of    Ninfa— "ein 

63  ;  Gerhoh.  Ep.  22  (ib.  cxciii.).  reizendes  Pompeii  des  Christenthums," 

8  See  above,  p.  71.  — in  Gregorovius,  iv.  528,  excites  a  wish 

•"  E.g.,  Joh.  Saresb.  Ep.  59,  col.  41,  to  visit  that  little-known  place.     C£ 

D  ;  Chron.  Palith.  ap.  Pertz,  xvi.  91,  etc.  Cartwright,  15. 

'  Alex.  Ep.  I ;  Card.  Arag.,  in  Pa-  "^  Letter  of  Alexander's   cardinals, 

trol.  cc.  13-14.  Patrol,  cc.   63-4 ;    Radev.  ii.  50 ;  se« 

^  (Jerem.  ii.  13.)     Radev.  ii.  50,  52,  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  126. 


Chap.  IX.  A.D.  1159.  TO   THE    PAPACY.  1 79 

was  supported  in  his  pretensions  by  the  imperial  com- 
missioners Otho  of  Wittelsbach  and  Guy  of  Blandrata, 
and,  while  Alexander's  partisans  complained  of  this,  his 
rival  appealed  to  the  emperor  for  a  decision.^ 

Frederick,  on  attempting  to  carry  out  the  decrees  of 
the  Roncaglian  assembly,  had  met  with  an  obstinate 
resistance.  In  many  cities  the  podestks  appointed  by 
him  had  been  turned  out  by  the  people ;  at  Milan 
admittance  was  denied  to  them,  although  the  Milanese 
had  advised  at  Roncaglia  that  such  magistrates  should 
be  appointed  for  the  Italian  cities;  and  the  imperial 
chancellor,  Reginald,  archbishop  elect  of  Cologne,  was 
grossly  insulted  and  driven  from  the  city.°  Sieges  and 
other  military  operations  were  carried  on  with  fierce 
exasperation  on  both  sides,  and  the  imperialists  reduced 
the  country  around  Milan  to  a  desert.?  It  was  while 
engaged  in  the  siege  of  Crema^  that  Frederick  received 
the  letter  by  which  Alexander  announced  his  election  ; 
and  such  was  his  indignation  at  the  contents  that  he 
tossed  it  from  him,  refused  to  make  any  answer,  and 
was  with  difhculty  restrained  from  hanging  the  bearers 
of  it.''  After  advising  with  his  bishops  and  his  lawyers, 
he  resolved  to  submit  the  question  of  the  papacy  to  a 
council;  and  the  rival  claimants  were  summoned  to 
appear  before  it.^  By  writers  of  Alexander's  party  it  is 
asserted  that,  while  Frederick  continued  to  address  him 
as  chancellor  Roland,  Octavian  was  already  acknow- 
ledged in  the  imperial  letters  as  pope ;  *  but  this  seems 
very  questionable." 

"  Alex.  Ep.  19;  Radev.  ii.  53;  Letter  in  Muratori,  vi.  1032,  s€qq.  ;  Vincent, 

of   cardinals.   Patrol,    cc.    64  ;    Card.  Prag.  677-8. 

Arag.,  ib.  15.  '  Card.  Arag.  15. 

°  Radev.   ii.   21  ;    O.    Sanblas.    -« .  ■  Radev.  ii.  54,  56. 

Vincent.  Prag.  676.  •  Cardinals,  in  Patrol,  cc.  64  ;  Card. 

P  Radev.  ii.  33 ;  Sismondi,  R.  I.,  ii.  Arag.,  ib.  15 ;  Joh.  Saresb.  Ep.  59,  col. 

345-62.  39- 

1  Radev.  ii.  40,  seqq. ;  Otto  Morena,  "  Schrockh,  xxvi.  igi 


l8o  COUNCIL   Al'   PAVIA.  Book  VI. 

The  council,  which  nad  been  originally  summoned  to 
meet  in  October,  but  had  been  delayed  until  after  the 
fall  of  Crema,^  assembled  at  Pavia  in  February  ii6o.y 
The  emperor  had  invited  the  kings  of  France,  England, 
Hungary,  Spain,  and  other  countries  to  send  bishops  as 
representatives  of  their  churches  ;  ^  but  the  prelates  who 
appeared,  about  fifty  in  number,  were  almost  all  from 
his  own  German  and  Lombard  dominions.**  Alexander, 
although  a  homeless  fugitive  from  his  city,  had  refused 
in  the  loftiest  style  of  papal  dignity  to  attend,  asserting 
that,  as  lawful  pope,  he  could  be  judged  by  no  man ; 
that  Frederick,  by  calling  a  council  without  his  sanction, 
and  by  citing  him  to  it  as  a  subject,  had  violated  the 
rights  of  the  holy  see.  A  second  and  a  third  summons 
were  addressed  to  him,  but  met  with  the  same  disregard 
as  the  first. ^ 

At  the  opening  of  the  council  the  emperor  appeared, 
and,  after  a  speech  in  which  he  asserted  his  right  to 
convoke  such  assemblies,  agreeably  to  the  examples  of 
Constantine,  Theodosius,  Justinian,  and  Charlemagne, 
declared  that  he  left  the  decision  of  the  disputed  election 
to  the  bishops,  as  being  the  persons  to  whom  God  had 
given  authority  in  such  matters. '^  An  objection  was 
raised  by  the  Lombard  prelates  against  proceeding  in 
the  absence  of  Alexander;  but  this  was  overruled  by 
their  German  brethren,  who  pleaded  the  length  and  the 
cost  of  their  own  journeys  to  attend  the  council,  and 
said  that,  as  Roland's  absence  was  wilful,  he  must  bear 
the  consequences  of  it.^  The  question  was  therefore 
debated,^  and  at  the  end  of  seven  days  the  council  pro- 
nounced in  favour  of  Victor,  who  thereupon  received  the 

^  (Jan.  27,  T160.)    O.  Morena,  1051,  »  Radev.  ii.  55,  70,  71  ;  O.  Morena, 

y  Radev.  ii.  60-2.  1057  ;  Card.  Arag.  16. 
'  lb.  55  ;  O.  Sanblas.  14.  <■  Radev.  ii.  63-5. 

»  O.    Morena,   1059  :  Radev.   i.  72.  <*  Vine.  Prag.  679  ;  Raumcr,  ii,  88. 

See  Luden,  xi.  25,  and  notes.  «  See  Reuter,  i.  115. 


Chaf.  IX.  A.D.  ii6o.     ALEXANDER    III.    AND    VICTOR    IV.  l8l 

homage  of  all  who  were  present,  the  emperor  holding 
his  stirrup,  leading  his  horse  by  the  rein,  and  showing 
him  all  other  usual  marks  of  reverence/  Victor  renewed 
an  excommunication  which  he  had  pronounced  against 
Alexander,  to  which  Alexander  replied  by  a  counter- 
excommunication ; «  and  while  the  emperor  declared  that 
the  meeting  at  Pavia  had  been  a  full  and  legitimate 
council  of  the  church,  Alexander  and  his  party  spoke  of 
it  as  a  mere  secular  court.  They  dwelt  on  the  small 
number  of  the  bishops  who  had  attended ;  on  the  in- 
timidation which  was  said  to  have  been  practised,  but 
which  had  been  unable  to  prevent  some  show  of  dissent 
from  the  decrees ;  on  the  refusal  of  the  English  and 
French  envoys  to  commit  themselves  to  the  decision ; 
and  they  asserted  that  the  antipope  had  abased  himself 
by  the  unexampled  humiliation  of  stripping  off  his 
insignia  in  the  emperor's  presence,  and  receiving  in- 
vestiture by  the  ring.^ 

Although  the  partisans  of  Victor  professed  at  the 
council  of  Pavia  to  have  the  support  of  England,  Spain, 
Hungary,  Denmark,  Bohemia,  and  other  countries,' 
Alexander  was  soon  acknowledged  almost  everywhere 
except  in  the  empire.  The  kings  of  France  and  of 
England,  with  their  bishops,  after  a  separate  recognition 
of  his  title  in  each  country,  combined  to  acknowledge 

<■  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  125-7  J  Vine.  Prag.  his  partisans  with  having  conspired  to 

679  ;  Radev.  ii.  65-70  ;  Otto  Morena,  elect  a  pope   while   Adrian   was  still 

1057-9  ;  Chron.   AUersbach.   in  Canis.  alive  (763-6).     Compare  the  letter  of 

III.  ii.  260  ;  Martene,  Thesaur.  i.  447.  Victor's  partisans  in  the  council,  which 

g  Radev.  ii.  72.  is  given  most  fully  by  Brown,  '  Fascic. 

»>  Alex.  Ep.  19 ;  Radev.  ii.  71;  Cardi-  Rerum  Exp.  et  Fugiend.'  ii.  552. 
nals,  in  Patrol,  cc.  65  ;  Fastredus,  Ep.  '  Radev.  ii.  70  ;  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  127, 

ad.    Alex.    4  (ibid.)  ;    Vita   Eberhardi  129.     It  would  seem  that  Scotland  for 

Salzburg.,  in  Canis.  III.  ii.  302  ;  Joh.  a  time   adhered   to   the   antipope,  as 

Sarisb.  Ep.  59,  col.  39  B  ;  Gerhoh.  in  Samson   of   St.    Edmund's    Burj-,   in 

Ps.  cxxxiii.,  Patrol,  cxciv.  893  C.     Vic-  passing  through  the  antipapal  parts  of 

tor,  in  a  letter  written  from  Pavia,  and  Italy,  affected  the  character  of  a  Scot. 

published  in  Liverani's  '  Spicilegium'  Joe.  de  Brakelonda,  35. 
(Florent.  1864),  charges  Alexander  and 


l82  ALEXANDER    III.  Book  VI. 

him  at  a  council  at  Toulouse,  to  which  Alexander,  being 
assured  of  his  ground,  had  condescended  to  send  repre- 
sentatives to  confront  those  of  his  rival.^  The  Lombard 
cities,  engaged  in  a  deadly  struggle  with  the  emperor,  were 
Alexander's  natural  allies.  The  strength  of  the  great 
monastic  orders  was  with  him,  although  for  a  time  the 
Cluniacs  held  with  his  opponent.^  By  means  of  envoys 
he  was  able  to  win  the  favour  of  the  Byzantine  court ;  ^ 
the  Tatins  of  the  East,  in  a  council  at  Nazareth,  agreed 
to  acknowledge  him,  and  to  anathematize  the  antipope ; " 
and  Spain,  Denmark,  and  others  of  the  less  import- 
ant kingdoms  gradually  adhered  to  the  prevailing  side." 
Each  party  employed  against  the  other  all  the  weapons 
which  it  could  command ;  the  rival  popes  issued  mutual 
anathemas ;  Alexander  released  the  emperor's  subjects 
from  their  allegiance,  while  Frederick  ejected  bishops  of 
Alexander's  party,  and  banished  the  Cistercians  from  the 
empire  for  their  adhesion  to  him.P  In  Alexander  the 
hierarchical  party  had  found  a  chief  thoroughly  fitted  to 
advance  its  interests.  While  holding  the  highest  views 
of  the  Hildebrandine  school,  the  means  which  he  em- 
ployed in  their  service  were  very  different  from  those  of 
Hildebrand.  He  was  especially  skilful  in  dealing  with 
mei^  and  in  shaping  his  course  according  to  circum- 
stances ;  and  above  all  things  he  was  remarkable  for  the 

^  Hard.  VI.  ii.  1585-8  ;  Will.  Neu-  Letter  of  Manuel  to  Lewis,  in  Bouquet, 

brig.   i.   108  ;  Henr.  ad  Alex.  Ep.  26  xvi.  82. 

(Patrol,    cc.) ;  Fastredus,   ib.    Ep.    4 ;  "  Alex.   Ep.    31  ;  Ep.    3   ad  Alex.  ; 

Job.  Sarisb.  Epp.  44,  48,  59  fin.,  63-5  ;  Hard.  VI.  ii.  1581;  Will.  Tyr.  xviii.  29. 

Alex.  Ep.  29  ;  Renter,  i.  166-9.     Lewis  °  Card.  Hyacinth,  ap.  Gerhoh.  Ep. 

appears  to  have  been  decided  in  favour  22  (Patrol,  cxciii.).     As  to  Denmark, 

of   Alexander  by   the   English  king.  see  Saxo  Grammat.  1.  xiv.  pp.  299-304  ; 

Pet.  Bles.  Ep.  144  (Patrol,  ccvi.).  iMiinter,  ii.  482.     Bohemia  held  to  the 

'  See  Alex.    Epp.    40-1.    59  ;    Gilb.  emperor  throughout  (Chron.   Sazaw., 

Foliot,    Ep.    479  (Patrol,   cxc).     The  Patrol,  clxvi.  292).  For  Victor's  council 

Templars  were  also  with  Victor  until  at  Lodi,  in  June,  n6i,  see  O.  Morena, 

1 161,   when   they  joined    Alexander.  1090-1. 

Wilcke,  ii.  185.  P  Card.  Arag.  17-18;  Helmold,  i.  90; 

""  Card.    Arag.    in    Patrol,    cc.    18;  Reuter,  i.  131. 


Chap.  IX.  A.D.  ii6o-2.    SURRENDER   OF    MILAN.  1 83 

calm  and  steady  patience  with  which  he  was  content  to 
await  the  development  of  affairs,  and  for  the  address 
with  which  he  contrived  to  turn  every  occurrence  to  the 
interest  of  his  cause.i 

In  consequence  of  its  renewed  offences,  Milan  had 
been  laid  under  the  ban  of  the  empire,  and  Frederick  had 
sworn  never  to  wear  his  crown  until  the  rebellious  city 
should  be  reduced/     The  siege  had  lasted  three  years, 
when,  in  the  end  of  February  1162,  the  Milanese  found 
themselves  brought  to  extremity  by  the    exhaustion  of 
their  provisions,  while  the  emperor's  strength  had  been 
lately   increased  by  powerful   reinforcements  from  Ger- 
many.    The  besieged  attempted  to  make  conditions,  but 
Frederick  would  admit  nothing  less  than   an  absolute 
surrender;    and   in    his   camp   at   Lodi   ^^e  ^^^^^^^  ^^^^^ 
gratified    himself  by  beholding    the   abject 
humiliation  of  their  representatives,  who  appeared  before 
him  in  miserable  guise,  barefooted,  with  ropes  around 
their  necks,  and  holding  naked  swords  to  their  throats,  m 
acknowledgment  that  their  lives  were  forfeit.^    Four  days 
later  a  more  numerous  deputation  appeared,  having  with 
them  the  carroccio,  or  waggon  on  which  the  standard  of 
Milanese  independence   had  been  displayed  m  battle.* 
The  great  brazen  war-trumpets  were  laid  at  the  emperor's 
feet ;  and  at  his  command  the  mast,  to  which  the  flag 
was 'attached,  was  lowered,  and  the  carroccio  was  broken 
up  in  his  presence.     Frederick"  told  the  deputies  that 
their  lives   should  be   spared,  but   declared  himself  re- 
solved to  root  out  their  city  from  the  earth.     The  inhabit- 

.  Asaspecimenofhispolicy.seeEp.  xx 63  (Patrol,  clx.);  S- I^-';  ^I""'; 

ro5x,  to  Henry,  archbishop  of  Reims.  vi.  xxS;  ;  Gunther  vxu.  .39.  seqq      For 

r  O     Morcna.   1022  ;     Schmidt,   ii.  the  custom  of  holding  swords  to  the 

(J.    iviorcna,    10  ^^^^^^^  ^^^  Grimm,  Deutsche  Rechts- 

'^Frider.   ap.   Martene,  Thesaur.  i.  alterthumer,  714. 

.„•  O    Morena,  1087,  X099.  "ox  ;  O.  '  See  vol.  iv.  p.  62. 

Sanbks.  X5  •  Anna!.  Colon'xxe.  (Pertz.  »  Otto  Morena.  xxox  ;  Annal.  Colon, 

xvii.) ;  Auctar.  Afflighem.  Sigeb.  a.d.  1162  ;  Luden.  xu  67. 


184  DESTRUCTION    OF   MILAN. 


Book  VI, 


ants  were  marched  out  at  the  gates,  and,  after  having 
endured  much  misery  from  the  want  of  shelter,  were 
distributed  into  four  open  villages,  which  they  were 
compelled  to  build,  each  two  leagues  apart  from  the  rest ; 
and  in  these  villages  they  lived  under  the  inspection  of 
imperial  officers.  The  houses  of  the  city  were  doomed  to 
destruction,  which  was  zealously  and  effectually  executed 
by  the  men  of  Lodi  and  other  hostile  towns,  to  whom 
the  work  was  entrusted.  Churches  and  monasteries 
alone  remained  standing,  amid  masses  of  rubbish  sur- 
rounded by  shattered  fragments  of  the  walls  which  had  so 
long  defied  the  imperial  power.^  Immense  plunder  was 
carried  off;y  and  among  the  losses  which  were  most 
deplored  by  the  Milanese  was  that  of  some  relics  of 
especial  sanctity — the  bodies  of  St.  Felix  and  St.  Nabor 
(famous  in  the  history  of  the  great  archbishop  Ambrose),^ 
and  above  all  those  of  the  Three  Kings  of  the  East, 
which  were  believed  to  have  been  presented  by  St. 
Helena  to  archbishop  Eustorgius,  and  were  now  trans- 
ferred by  the  imperial  chancellor,  Reginald  of  Cologne, 
to  be  the  chief  treasure  of  his  own  cathedral.* 

All  Lombardy  was  subdued;  the  fortifications  of  some 
cities  were  destroyed,  and  all   were  put  under  the  ad- 

^  Frid.  in  D'Achery,  iil.  536  ;  Burk-  »  Annales   Egmond.    in   Pertz,  xvi. 

hard,  de  Excidio  Mediol  ,  in  Freher,  i.  465  ;  Annal.  S.  Disebod.  1162;  Annal. 

236  ;  Chron.  Allerspach.,  in  Canis.  III.  Colon.    1164  ;  Annal.    Isingrimi,    ii6c 

li.     260  ;    Otto    Sanblas.     16  ;    Sigeb.  (ib.  xvii.)  ;  Will.  Neubrig.  ii.  8  ;  Rob. 

Auctar.   AfHigh.  a.d.  1163  ;  Otto  Mo-  de  Monte,  Patrol,  clx.  498  ;  Sire  Raul, 

rena,     iioi ;     Chron.    Ursperg.    223;  1190.     The  annotator  of  Otto  Morena, 

Pagi,  xix.  200  ;  Ranmer,  ii.  96-7  ;  Lu-  in  Muratori,  vi.  1153,  calls  the  removal 

den,  X.    72,   seqq.      Luden   does   not  "  execrabile   sacrilegium."      A   Liege 

agree  with   Raumer  in  thinking  that  chronicler  says  that  the  relics  of  the 

the   accounts  of  the   destruction  are  Magi   had  been  promised  to   Henry, 

exaggerated.  bishop  of  Liege,  but  in  consequence  of 

>■  The  chronicler  of  Petershusen  (Pa-  his  death  were  secured  by  Reginald, 

trol.    cxliii.  375)  says  that  out  of  the  (Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  iv.  1089.)    The 

money  got  from  Milan  and  from  other  sarcophagus  which  formerlj'  contained 

cities  which  were  terrified  by  its  fall,  these  relics  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the 

the  emperor  gave  a  tenth  to  German  church  of  St.  Eustorgius  at  Milan.    See 

and  Italian  monasteries.  Handbook  of  N.  Italy,  176,  ed    i860. 

■  Sec  vol.  i.  p.  384. 


Chap.  IX.  a.d.  1162.  FREDERICK    I.    AND    LEWIS    VII.  185 

ministration  of  podestas,  who,  except  in  cases  of  special 
favour,  as  at  Lodi,  were  always  chosen  from  families 
unconnected  with  the  places  which  they  were  to  govern. ^ 
Alexander  in  the  meantime,  after  a  residence  of  six- 
teen months  at  Anagni,  had  returned  to  Rome  in  April 
1 1 61;  but,  finding  his  residence  there  unsafe,  he  soon 
withdrew  to  Terracina ;  and  at  length  he  resolved,  like 
so  many  of  his  predecessors,  to  seek  a  refuge  in  France. <^ 
In  April  1162  he  landed  at  Montpellier,  where  he  was 
-^■•eceived  with  great  enthusiasm ;  and  there  he  held  a 
'  council,  at  which  he  renewed  his  excommunication  of  the 
antipope  and  the  emperor,  with  their  adherents.^  The 
conquest  of  Milan  now  enabled  Frederick  to  return  to 
Italy,  and  he  invited  the  French  king — whose  adhesion 
to  Alexander  was  still  believed  to  be  wavering® — to  a 
conference  at  St.  Jean  de  Losne,  in  Burgundy,  with  a 
view  to  the  settlement  of  the  question  as  to  the  papacy. 
It  was  proposed  that  each  sovereign  should  be  accom- 
panied to  the  place  of  meeting  by  the  pope  whose  cause 
he  espoused,  and  that  the  decision  should  be  committed 
to  an  equal  number  of  laymen  and  ecclesiastics.  Alex- 
ander, however,  as  before,  refused  to  submit  to  any 
judgment,^  and  he  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  meeting. 
In  this,  indeed,  he  was  unsuccessful ;  but  through  his 
influence  Lewis  went  into  the  negotiations  with  a  dis- 
position to  catch  at  any  occasion  for  withdrawing.  On 
one  occasion,  after  having  waited  for  some  hours  on 
the  bridge  of  St.  Jean  de  Losne,  while  Frederick  was 
accidentally  delayed,  the  king  washed  his  hands  in  the 
Saone,  and  rode  off,  declaring  that  his  engagement  was 

*>  O.  Morcna,  1 109-12.    Itwasneces-  tion  at  Genoa,  see   CafTFari  in   Pertz, 

sary  that  a  podesta  should  be  of  high  xviii.  31. 

birth,  and  a  knight.     He  brought  with  ^   Epp.    64,    73;    Card.   Arag.    19; 

him  his  own  legal  and  military  staff.  Renter,  i.  193-6. 
Fauriel  on  Dante,  i.  79,  seqq.  *  lb.  200. 

«  Ep.  46 ;  Jaff4  683.     For  his  recep-  '  Ep.  91. 


I  86  COUNCIL    AT   TOURS.  Book  VI. 

at  an  end;  and,  although  he  was  persuaded  by  the 
emperor's  representations  to  resume  the  negotiations, 
they  ended  in  mutual  dissatisfaction. ^ 

The  pope  was  visited  at  the  monastery  of  Dole  in 
Aquitaine  by  Henry  of  England,  who  kissed  his  feet, 
refused  to  be  seated  in  his  presence,  except  on  the  ground, 
and  presented  him  with  rich  gifts  ;^  and  soon  after  he 
had  an  interview  with  Lewis  and  Henry  at  Toucy,  on  the 
Loire,  where  both  kings  received  him  with  the  greatest 
reverence,  and  each  held  a  rein  of  his  horse  as  they  le  1 
him  to  his  tent.^  It  was  agreed  that  a  council 
should  be  held  at  Tours  in  the  following  year; 
and  at  Whitsuntide  this  assembly  met.  Seventeen  cardi- 
nals, a  hundred  and  twenty-four  bishops,  and  upwards  of 
four  hundred  abbots  were  present ;  among  the  most  con- 
spicuous of  whom  was  Thomas  Becket,  lately  promoted  by 
Henry  to  the  archbishoprick  of  Canterbury.^  Alexander 
was  solemnly  acknowledged  by  this  great  assembly,  and 
among  its  canons  was  one  which  annulled  the  ordinations 
of  Octavian.^  Both  by  Henry  and  Lewis  the  pope  was 
requested  to  choose  for  himself  a  residence  within  their 
dominions  ;  and  having  fixed  on  the  city  of  Sens,  he 
settled  there  in  October  1163.™ 

The  antipope  Octavian  or  Victor  died  at  Lucca,  in 
1 164."  It  is  supposed  that  Frederick  was  incHned  to  take 
advantage  of  this  event  in  order  to  a  reconciliation  with 
Alexander,  but  that  a  fresh  election  was  urged  on  by  the 
chancellor,  Reginald  of  Cologne,  whom  Alexander  de- 

£■'  Alex.   Ep.   96 ;    Hcnr,    Rem.    in  >  C  9. 

Bouquet,   xvi.   30;     Frider.     ib.   690,  „  Card.  Arag.  25.     For  his 

segq.  ;   Card.  Arag.  21-2  ;    Helmold,  1.  ^^^^^^  ^^^  Bouquet,  xv.  721.  seqq., 

90  ;   Aiinal.  Colon,  p.  777  ;  Raumer,  li.  Jaffe. 

102-4;  Sismondi,  V.  441-2;  Reuter,  i.  „  April  20  (Jaffe').     Miracles  are  said 

'2*  to  have  been  done  at  his  tomb  (Acerb. 

*'  Card.  Arag.  22.  Morena,  in  Murat.  vi.  1125;  Annales 

'  Rob.  de  Monte,  Patrol,  clx.  496.  paiith.  in  Pcrtz,  xvi.  92),  to  the  great 

"  Hard.  VI.  ii.  1589,  seqq.  indignation  of  Baronius  (1164.  32). 


move- 


212, 


i87 

scribes  as  "the  author  and  head  of  the  church's  troubles."  ° 
Two  only  of  the  cardinals  who  had  sided  with  Octavian 
survived ;  and  one  of  them,  Guy  of  Crema^  was  chosen 
by  the  single  vote  of  the  other,  and  was  con-  April  22, 
secrated  by  Henry,  bishop  of  Liege.  It  was  1164. 
noted  by  the  opposite  party,  as  a  token  of  Divine  judgment, 
that  the  bishop  who  had  ventured  to  perform  this  unex- 
ampled consecration,  although  he  himself,  as  well  as  Hillin, 
archbishop  of  Treves,  had  refused  to  be  set  up  as  antipope, 
died  within  the  year.?  Whatever  the  emperor's  earlier 
feelings  may  have  been,  he  now  resolved  to  give  a  strenu- 
ous support  to  the  antipope,  who  styled  himself  Paschal 
III.  It  seemed  likely  that  Henry  of  England,  the  most 
powerful  sovereign  in  Europe,  whose  territories  in  France 
exceeded  those  of  Lewis,  might  be  won  to  the  imperialist 
side;  for  archbishop  Becket,  in  consequence  of  having 
set  up  in  behalf  of  the  clergy  pretensions  to  immunity 
from  all  secular  jurisdiction,  had  found  himself  obliged 
to  flee  from  England,  and  had  been  received 
with  open  arms  by  Lewis  and  Alexander.  In 
the  hope,  therefore,  of  profiting  by  the  English  king's 
resentment  at  the  favour  displayed  towards  one  whom  he 
regarded  as  the  enemy  of  his  royal  rights,  Frederick  de- 
spatched Reginald  of  Cologne  into  England,  with  proposals 
for  a  matrimonial  alliance  between  the  families  of  the  two 
sovereigns,  and  also  with  a  charge  to  negotiate  in  order 
to  detach  Henry  from  Alexander's  party.  But  although 
Henry  was  willing  to  consider  such  proposals, 
the  envoys  found  the  English  in  general  zeal-  ^^ ' 
ous  for  the  cause  of  Becket  and  of  the  pope  to  such  a 
degree  that,  in  token  of  abhorrence  of  the  schism,  the 
altars   on  which  the  imperialist  clergy   had   celebrated 

°  Ep.  254  ;  Chron.   Pisan.  in  Murat.  470  ;    Annal.  Colon,    a.d.    1164  (ib.)  ; 

vi.  175;  Schmidt,  ii.  619;  Luden,  xi.  Card.  Arag.  25.     See  Luden,  xi.  626; 

627.  Reuter,  ii.  15-16. 

P  Annal.    Relcheisp.  in  Pertz,  xvii. 


l88  DIET   AT   WURZBURG.  Book  VI. 

mass  were  thrown  down,  or  were  solemnly  purified  from 
the  contamination  of  their  rites.i  The  king,  however, 
agreed  to  send  representatives  to  a  great  diet  which  was 
to  meet  at  Wiirzburg,  under  the  emperor's  presidency, 
at  Whitsuntide  1165.  At  the  second  session  of  this  diet 
Reginald  appeared,  with  the  English  envoys,  and  his 
counsels  swayed  the  judgment  of  the  assembly.  An  oath 
of  adhesion  to  Paschal  was  exacted ;  and  not  only  were 
those  present  required  to  swear  that  they  would  never 
acknowledge  Alexander  or  any  of  his  line,  and  would 
never  accept  any  absolution  from  their  oaths,  but  it 
was  provided  that,  at  the  emperor's  death,  his  successor 
should  be  obliged  to  swear  in  like  terms  before  receiving 
the  crown.  This  oath,  however,  was  not  taken  so  com- 
pletely as  Frederick  had  designed.  A  few  only  of  the 
laity  swore ;  of  the  prelates,  some  were  absent,  some 
refused  it,  some  took  it  with  qualifications  which  destroyed 
its  force.  And  although  the  English  envoys  bound  them- 
selves by  it,  their  act  was  afterwards  disavowed  by  their 
master,  as  having  been  done  in  excess  of  his  instructions/ 
Reginald  of  Cologne,  who  had  hitherto  remained 
in  the  order  of  deacon — apparently  lest,  by  accepting 
consecration  from  schismatics,  he  should  put  a  hin 
drance  in  the  way  of  reconciliation  with  Alexander,^ — 
was  now  compelled  to  pledge  himself  to  the  schism  by 
receiving  ordination  to  the  priesthood  at  Wiirzburg,  and 
to  the  episcopate  a  few  months  later,  in  his  own  city  ;  * 
and  other  elect  dignitaries  were  required  to  commit 
themselves   in   like  manner.'^     But  Conrad,  archbishop 

'  R.  de  Diccto,  539.  col.  41  C.     See,  as  to  the  similar  case 

'  Hard.  VI.  ii.   1613,  seqq.  ;  Ep.  94  of  Theodoric  of  Metz,  Annal.  Mettens. 

ad  Alex.  (Patrol,  cc.)  ;  Wii..  Cantuar.,  (Patrol,  clxiii.  600)  ;  also  Chron.  Plil- 

ib.  cxc.  241  ;  Frider.  ap.   Hard.  1614  ;  desheim.  in  Leibnitz,  ii.  748. 

Alex.  Ep.  357;  Annal.  Ratispon.  1165  '  Annal.  Colon.,  a.d.  1165. 

(Pertz,    xvii.) ;    Append,    ad    Radev.  "  Chron.  Allersp.  in  Canis.   III.  iL 

558  :  Hefclc,  V.  575-9.  861. 
•  Luden,  xi.  194  ;  Joh.  Sar.  Ep.  59, 


Chap.  IX.  A.D.  ii6s.   THE   POPE    RETURNS   TO    ROME.  1 89 

elect  of  Mentz,  while  passing  through  France  on  a 
pilgrimage  to  Compostella,  was  reconciled  to  Alexander 
and  from  that  time  steadily  adhered  to  him.^  Eberhard, 
archbishop  of  Salzburg,  had  throughout  been  the  chief 
supporter  of  Alexander's  interest  in  Germany,  and  had 
received  from  him  at  once  a  reward  for  his  fidelity  and 
an  increase  of  influence,  in  being  invested  with  the  office 
of  legate.y  His  successor,  the  emperor's  uncle  Conrad, 
after  having  for  some  time  appeared  doubtful,  now 
declared  openly  in  favour  of  Alexander,  and  was  in 
consequence  denounced  as  an  enemy  of  the  empire  ;  his 
territory  was  laid  waste,  his  city  reduced  to  ashes,  and 
the  property  of  the  see  was  distributed  among  Frederick's 
followers.^ 

The  bishop  of  Palestrina,  whom  Alexander  had  left  as 
his  vicar  in  Rome,  was  dead,  and  his  successor,  cardinal 
John,  by  a  skilful  application  of  money,  which  had  been 
raised  by  long  and  urgent  begging  in  France,  England, 
and  Sicily,-'^  had  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Romans  to 
invite  his  master  back.^  Alexander  sailed  from  Maguelone 
in  September  1165,  and,  after  having  visited  the  Sicilian 
king  at  Messina,  landed  at  Ostia.*^  His  reception  at 
Rome  was  a  scene  of  extraordinary  enthusiasm.  The 
senate,  the  nobles,  the  clergy,  and  a  vast  multitude  of 
people  bearing  olive-branches  in  their  hands, 
pressed  forth  to  meet  him,  and  conducted  * 

him  to  the  city  with  the  liveliest  demonstrations  of  joy ; 
and  at  the  Lateran  Gate  he  was  met  by  almost  the  whole 
of  the   remaining  population,   among  whom   the   Jews, 

^  Annal.  Erphesfurd.  in  Pertz,  xvi.  Raumer,  ii.  136  ;  Hefele.  v.  580. 

23 ;  Raumer,  ii.  136.  *  See  Alex.  Epp.    165-6,  383,   458  ; 

y  Hist.  Calam.  Eccl.  Salisb.,  Patrol.  Rotrou,  archbishop  of  Rouen,  in  Bou- 

cxcvi.  1540,  seqq.     See  Alex.  Epp.  62,  quet,  xvi.  626  ;  and  many  letters  in  the 

97,  131,  etc.  ;  Chron.  Magni,  in  Pertz,  Becket  collection. 

xvu..  ^  Card.  Arag.,  Patrol,  ii.  18,  27 

'  Annal.     Ratispon.     1165    (Pertz,  "  Alex.  Ep.  373  ;  Card,  Arag.  27, 
xvii.) ;    Hist.    Calam.    Eccl.   Salisb.  ; 


190  FREDERICK    REVISITS    ITALY.  Book  VI. 

carrying  the  book  of  th-'ir  law  "  according  to  custom,"  are 
especially  mentioned  as  conspicuous.^  The  antipope, 
Paschal,  in  the  meantime  resided  at  Viterbo,  where  he 
is  described  as  making  use  of  the  emperor's  soldiers  to 
levy  exactions  from  passing  merchants  and  pilgrims.® 

The  measures  which  the  emperor  had  taken  on  his 
last  visit  to  Italy  had  produced  great  dissatisfaction. 
The  severities  exercised  against  the  Milanese  excited 
general  pity,  so  that  even  cities  which  had  jefore  been 
hostile  to  them  received  and  harboured  their  fugitives. 
The  podestas  harassed  the  people  by  a  system  of  vexations 
alike  cruel  and  petty,  and  are  said,  even  by  an  imperialist 
writer,  to  have  exacted  seven  times  as  much  as  they 
were  entitled  to.^  Some  of  these  hated  officials  were 
murdered.  Cities  which  had  adhered  to  the  emperor 
in  his  difficulties  now  found  themselves  subjected  to 
the  same  oppression  as  others ;  and  cries  of  discontent 
from  all  quarters  were  carried  to  the  imperial  court." 
Frederick  resolved  on  a  fresh  expedition  across  the  Alps, 
but  was  unprovided  with  a  sufficient  army,  and  found 
himself  obliged  to  pay  court  to  the  princes  of  Germany, 
who  were  more  and  more  disinclined  to  assist  him.^ 
But  at  length,  in  the  autumn  of  n66,  the  emperor  was 
able  to  lead  a  powerful  army  into  Italy. ^  After  having 
crossed  the  Alps,  he  found  himself  beset  with  petitions 
from  the  Lombards,  who  had  looked  to  his  arrival  as 
an  opportunity  for  obtaining  redress  of  their  grievances ; 
but  he  put  these  applications  aside,  and  advanced  towards 

^  Ep.  375 ;  Card.  Arag.  28.  Stadt  Aachen,  254,  seqq. 

•  Si.i;ebert.  Contin.  Aquicinct,  A.D.  *"  Acerb.  Morena,  in  Murat.  vi.  1127- 

1165  (Patrol,  clx.).     Compare  Peter  of  31  ;  Sismoixii,  R.  I.  i.  361-2;  Luden, 

lilois  as  to   the   preceding  antipope,  xi.  144-6,  2^3  ;  Raumer,  ii.  141. 

Patrol,  cvii.  143 ;  Jocel.  de  Brakelonda  e  Card.  Arag.,  Patr.  cc.  26 ;  Schmidt, 

(Camden  Society),  35.     Pascnal  had,  ii.  618  ;  Sismondi,  R.  I.  i.  362. 

in   the   end  of  1165,   granted  at  the  ''  Schmidt,  ii.  620. 

Emperor's  request  the  beatification  of  •  "  Ex  omnibus  regni  visceribus  con- 

Charlcmagne.       Sec  vol.  iii.   p.   269  ;  gregato  exercitu."     O.  SanLlas.  20. 
Raumer,  ii.  137  ;  Noppius,  Gesch.  der 


CHAP.  IX.  A.D.  n66-7.     BATTLE    OF   MONTE    PORZIO.  191 

Rome.^  The  Byzantine  emperor,  Manuel,  who  feared 
that,  if  the  western  kingdoms  were  at  peace,  some  cru- 
sading leader  might  be  able  to  employ  an  irresistible 
force  against  his  crown  and  the  Greek  church,  had  taken 
advantage  of  the  discords  between  the  papacy  and  the 
empire.  He  had  proposed  to  Alexander  that  the  im- 
perial sovereignty  of  Rome  should  be  united  with  that  of 
Constantinople,  and  had  held  out  a  prospect  of  reunion 
between  the  Greek  and  the  Latin  churches,  to  which  the 
pope  had  appeared  favourable.^  The  gold  of  Manuel 
had  established  a  strong  interest  in  Italy,  and  his  troops 
held  possession  of  Ancona."^  For  three  weeks  Frederick 
besieged  that  town ;  but,  while  he  was  detained  by  its 
vigorous  resistance,  a  great  success  was  achieved  by  a 
part  of  his  force  which  had  been  sent  on  before  him, 
under  the  command  of  Reginald  of  Cologne,  and  of 
Christian,  who  had  been  substituted  for  May  29, 
Conrad  in  the  see  of  Mentz."  These  war-  1167. 
like  prelates  encountered  at  Monte  Porzio  an  army  which 
the  Romans  had  sent  forth  against  their  feudal  enemies, 
the  imperialist  and  antipapal  citizens  of  Tusculum ;  and 
they  defeated  it  with  an  amount  of  loss  which,  although 
very  variously  reported,  is  spoken  of  as  the  greatest 
calamity  that  had  befallen  Rome  since  the  battle  of 
Cannae.°     On  hearing   of  this   victory,    Frederick   con- 

^  Acerb.  Morena,  1131.  at  2,000  slain  and  3,000  prisoners  by 

'  Card.  Arag.  (30)  agrees  with  Cinna-  Acerbus  Morena  (1147) ;  at  more  than 

mus  (vi.  4)  that  the  Pope  gave  Manuel  3,000  by  the   Ghibelline    annalist    of 

reason  to  believe  him  favourable.  Piacenza  (Pertz,    xviii.    462) ;   at   up- 

"  Acerb.  Morena,  ii.  33  ;  Gibbon,  v.  wards  of  6,000  by  Albert  of  Stade  (a.d 
363-4.  For  correspondence  with  the  1167,  in  Pertz,  xvi.)  ;  at  9,000  by  Lam- 
Greek  court,  see  Alex.  Epp.  197,  200,  bert  Waterlos  (ib.  540);  at  10,000  by 
112,  317;  Ep.  ad  Alex.  34,  etc.  the  Erfurt  annalist  (ib.  23);  at  12,000 

=  For  an  account  of  Christian,  see  by  Helmold  (ii.  10) ;  at  15,000  by  Otho 

Albert  of  Stade,   in   Pertz,  xvi.    347.  of  St.  Blaise  (20).      The  annalist  of 

Also   Mrs.   Busk's    Mediaeval  Popes,  Cologne  says  that  9,000  were  killed  and 

etc.,  ii.  79.  6.000  taken;    and   that    the   Romans 

°   Card.   Arag.      30;    Append,    ad  spokeof  only  2,000  out  of  42,000 as  ha v^ 

Radevic.  559.     The  loss  is  reckoned  ing  returned  (Chron.  a.d.  1166,  Pertz. 


1Q2  FREDERICK    AT    ROME.  Book  VI. 

eluded  an  accommodation  with  the  defenders  of  Ancona, 
and  advanced  to  Rome,  where  he  gained  possession  of 
the  Leonine  city,  while  Pisan  galleys  made  their  way 
up  to  the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo  for  his  assistance.?  The 
Romans  had  in  great  numbers  fled  for  refuge  to  St. 
Peter's,  which  in  those  unquiet  times  had  been  converted 
into  a  fortification.'^  For  several  days  the  emperor 
besieged  it  in  vain,  until  at  length  a  neighbouring  church 
was  set  on  fire.  The  flames  speedily  caught 
•  ^  ^  the  porch  of  the  great  basilica;  the  defenders 

were  driven  from  their  posts  by  smoke  and  heat ;  the 
gates  were  broken  in  with  axes,  and  within  the  holy 
building  a  slaughter  ensued  which  reached  even  to  the 
high  altar. ^'  The  antipope.  Paschal,  was  brought  froTTt 
Viterbo,  and  was  enthroned  in  St.  Peter's,  where,  on  the 
feast  of  St.  Peter  ad  Vincula,  the  emperor 
and  the  empress  were  crowned  by  his  hands.^ 
An  oath  of  fealty  was  exacted  of  the  Romans,  while 
Frederick  engaged  to  acknowledge  the  privileges  of 
their  senatorial  government* 

Alexander  had  taken  refuge,  under  the  protection  of 
the  Frangipanis,  in  a  fortress  constructed  within  the 
ruins  of  the  Colosseum.  It  was  proposed  by  the 
emperor  that  both  popes  should  resign,  on  condition 
that  the  orders  conferred  by  each  should  be  acknow- 
ledged, and  that  a  new  successor  of  St.  Peter  should  be 
chosen.  The  scheme  was  urged  on  Alexander  by  the 
Romans,  whom  both  parties  had  been  trying  to  con- 
ciliate by  bribes ;  but  he  again  declared  that  the  Roman 
pontiff"  was  subject  to  no  earthly  judgment,  and  refused 

xvii.).     Raumer  (ii.   144),  and  Luden  cxciv. 

xi.  236,  643)  follow  the  lowest  of  these  «■  O.   Sanblas.   20  ;  Acerb.   Moreiia, 

estimates.     See  Muratori,  Annali  VI.  1133,  1151  ;  Card.  Arag.31  ;  Helmold 

i.  406-7  ;   Gibbon,  vi.  352  ;  Gregorov.  ii.  10  ;  Gregorov.  iv.  545-7. 
iv.  541-2.  »  Helmold.  ii.  10. 

P  Chron.  Pisan.  in  Murat.  VI.  180.  '  Annal.  Colon,  in  Pert?,  xvii.  781 

t  See  Gerhoh.  in  Ps.  6-,  c.  52  (Patrol.  Acerb.  Morena,  1153. 


Chap.  IX.     a.d.  1167.      PESTILENCE    AT    ROME.  I93 

to  cede  the  office  which  God  had  conferred  on  him." 
At  this  crisis  two  SiciHan  vessels  arrived,  bearing  a  large 
sum  of  money  for  his  reUef,^  and  offering  him  the  means 
of  escape ;  but,  although  he  gladly  received  the  money, 
and  distributed  it  among  his  adherents,  he  declined  to 
embark,  and,  escaping  from  Rome  in  the  disguise  of  a 
pilgrim,  made  his  way  to  his  own  city  of  Benevento. 
There  the  scheme  for  reuniting  the  empires  and  the 
churches  of  East  and  West  was  again  proposed  to  him 
by  ambassadors  from  Manuel ;  but  he  declined  to  engage 
in  it  on  account  of  its  formidable  difficulties.y 

Scarcely  had  Frederick  established  himself  in  posses- 
sion of  Rome,  when  a  pestilence  of  unexampled  violence 
broke  out  among  the  Germans.^  In  one  week  the  greater 
part  of  his  army  perished.  Men  were  struck  down  while 
mounting  their  horses ;  some,  who  were  engaged  in 
burying  their  comrades,  fell  dead  into  the  open  graves. 
Unburied  corpses  tainted  the  air,  and  among  the  Romans 
themselves  the  ravages  of  the  disease  were  terrible.  The 
emperor's  loss  is  said  to  have  amounted  to  25,000  ;  and 
the  papal  party  saw  a  divine  ratification  of  Alexander's 
curses  in  a  visitation  which  destroyed  the  power  of  the 
"  new  Sennacherib,"  and  carried  off  the  chiefs  of  his 
sacrilegious  host — among  them,  the  indefatigable  Reginald 
of  Cologne,  Frederick  of  Rothenburg,  son  of  Conrad  III., 
the  younger  Welf  of  Bavaria,  and  a  multitude  of  other 
prelates   and  nobles.*     Stripped  of  his  strength  by  this 

"  Card.  Arag.  29-32.  Waterlos.,     ib.    540    (who,    however, 

*  See  Joh.  Sarisb.  Ep.  145,  Patrol.  reckons  the  loss  at  only  7,000) ;  Hist, 

cxcix.  138.  Calamit.  Eccl.Salisburg.,  Patrol,  cxcvi. 

y  Card.  Arag.  31,  34.  1548  ;  Joh.  Sarisb.  Epp.  201,  218,  220  ; 

'  The  Ghibelline  annalist  of  Piacenza  Thorn.  Cantuar,  Ep.  6  (Patrol,  cxc); 

ascribes  it  to  the  effect  of  a  rain-fall  Sicard.,  ib.  ccxiii.  513;  Acerbus  Mo- 

"quae  vocatur  bazobo."     Pertz,  xviii.  rena,  in  Murat.  vi.   1153.     The   last- 

462.  named  chronicler  himself  died  at  Siena 

"Otto    Sanblas.    20;    Append,    ad  in  consequence  of  the  plague  (ib.  1155). 

Radev.  559  ;  Annal.  Egmond.  in  Pertz,  It  is  said  that,  from  the  reduction  of 

xvi.  466  ;  Annal.  Colon.  782 :  Lamb.  the  male  population  by  the  slaughter 
VOL.  v.  13 


194  FREDERICK    LEAVES    ITALY.  Book  VI. 

calamity,    Frederick    withdrew   to   the   north    of    Italy, 

almost  as  a  fugitive,  and  death  further  thinned  his  ranks 

as  he  went  along.^     All  Lombardy  was  now  combined 

against  him ;  for  his  neglect  of  the  petitions  which  had 

been  presented  on  his  arrival  in  Italy  had  led  the  people 

to  charge  on  the  emperor  himself  the  oppressions  which 

they   endured  at  the  hands    of  his    officers ;    and    the 

exactions  of  these  officers  were  even  aggravated  beyond 

their   old   measure.     While  Frederick   was   engaged   in 

the  siege  of  Ancona,  the  chief  cities  of  Lombardy  had 

entered  into  a  league  for  twenty  years,  with  the  declared 

object  of  restoring  the  state  of  things  which  had  prevailed 

under  the  emperor  Henry.^     Even  the  imperialist  Lodi 

was  coerced  by  its  neighbours  into  joining  this  league, 

and   Pavia  alone  stood  aloof '^     The   confederates   had 

contrived  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  Milan  and  to  restore 

its  inhabitants ;  and  in  this  they  were  aided  with  money 

not  only  by  the  Greek  emperor,  but  (which  we  read  with 

some   surprise)  by  Henry  of  England.^      The  spirit  of 

revolt  was  fanned  by  the  tidings  of  the  emperor's  great 

disaster.     He  summoned  an  assembly  to  meet  at  Pavia, 

but  few   attended ;   and   in   token   of  defiance    to    the 

Lombards,  and  of  the  vengeance  which  he  was  resolved 

to  execute  on  them,  he  threw  down   his  gauntlet  as  he 

denounced   them  with   the  ban  of  the  empire.^     As  he 

moved  towards  the  Alps  the  people  rose  on  him,  and 

harassed  him  with  straggling  attacks  which  his  reduced 

force  was  hardly  sufficient  to  repel.     At  Susa  his  life  was 

in  danger,  and  he  was  driven  to  make  his  escape  across 

at  Monte  Porzio,  and  by  the  plague,  meant  (Rep.  Ital.   i.  376) ;  Hallam  is 
the  women  of  Rome  were  unable  to  for  Henry  V.  (i.  237).     See  on  the  sub- 
find  husbands.     Helmold.  ii.  lo  ;  App.  ject  Muratori,  Antiq.  Ital.  v.  261. 
ad  Radev.  559.  ci  q   ^Iq^   ^^^^ 

»>  A.  Morena,  Contin.  1155.  '  Job.   Sarisb.   Ep.   218;  Pagi,  xix. 

<=  Otto    Morena,    1133,    1143  ;    Sire  355  ;  see  Liverani,  Spicileg.  548. 

Raul,   1188,   1190;    Card.    Arag.   26.  •"  O.  Morena,  1157  ;  Sismondi,  R.  I 

bismondi  supposes  Herrv  IV.  to  be  L  385. 


Chap.  IX.     a.d.  1 167-8.      THE   LOMBARD    LEAGUE.  1 95 

the  mountains  in  disguise. ^^  After  this  withdrawal,  the 
confederate  cities,  with  a  view  of  keeping  in  check  his 
only  remaining  alHes — the  citizens  of  Pavia  and  the 
marquis  of  Montferrat — built  in  a  strong  position,  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Tanaro  and  the  Bormida,  a  town  to 
which,  in  honour  of  the  pope,  they  gave  the  name  of 
Alexandria.  The  population  was  brought  together 
from  all  parts  of  the  neighbouring  country,  and  a 
free  republican  government  was  organized.  Alexandria, 
although  at  first  derided  as  a  ''city  of  straw,'' ^^  made 
very  rapid  progress.  At  the  end  of  its  first  year  it 
could  boast  of  fifteen  thousand  fighting  men ;  and  in  its 
second  year,  Alexander,  at  the  request  of  its  consuls, 
erected  it  into  an  episcopal  see.  The  first  bishop  was 
nominated  by  the  pope,  but  he  apologized  for  this  on 
the  ground  of  necessity,  and  assured  the  clergy  that  it 
should  not  prejudice  their  right  of  election  in  future.^ 

Eager  as  Frederick  was  to  take  vengeance  on  the 
Lombards  for  his  late  humiliation,  seven  years  elapsed 
before  he  could  again  venture  into  Italy.  In  the  mean- 
time the  pope  was  strengthening  himself  greatly.  His 
alliance  with  the  growing  power  of  the  Lombard 
cities  was  drawn  closer,  and  he  was  careful  to  promote 
internal  unity  among  them.''  The  antipope  Paschal 
died  at  Rome  in  September  1168,  and,  although  an 
abbot  named  John  of  Struma  was  set  up  as  his  successor, 
under  the  name  of  Calixtus  III.,  there  was  little  reason 
to   fear   this  new   competitor.^     The    contest    between 

8  Otto  Sanblas.  20  ;  Joh.   Sar.  Ep.  See   Innocent   III.,   in   Potthast,   52. 

244  ;  cf.  Chron,  Ursperg.  226  ;  Luden,  Muratori  gives  a  document  by  which 

xi.  146-8.  the  people  of  Alexandria  bound  them- 

'*  "  Palearum  civitas."  Chron.  Urs-  selves  in  1169  to  pay  a  yearly  tribute 

perg.   226 ;  Sicard.    in   Patrol,    ccxiii.  to  the  pope.     Antiq.  Ital.  v.  831. 

514;  Romuald.  Salem,  in  Murat.  vii.  ^  Ep.  851. 

213.     The  Ghibellines  called  it  "  Ales-  '  Card.  Arag.  35;  Planck,  iv.    394. 

sandria  della  Paglia."  By  some  (but  wrongly,  as   it   would 

'  Card.   Arag.  33,  44;   O.  Sanblas.  seem)  he  is  described  as  bishop  of  Tus- 

9^,  Alex.  Ep.  1234;  Sismondi,  R.  I.33S.  culum  or  of  Albano  (Renter,  iii.  6-7) 


igS  MURDER   OF  BECKET.  Book  VI. 

Henry  II.  and  Becket  had  ended  in  the  archbishop's 
return  to  England,  after  an  exile  of  seven  years,  and  his 

Dec.  29,  murder,  in  his  own  cathedral,  by  four  knights 
1 1 70.  of  the  royal  household.  The  horror  excited 
by  this  crime  redounded  principally  to  the  advantage 
of  Alexander.  Popular  enthusiasm  was  arrayed  on  the 
side  of  the  hierarchy,  and  Henry's  enemies,  lay  as  well 
as  ecclesiastical,  beset  the  pope  with  entreaties  for 
vengeance  on  him.  The  king  was  fain  to  purchase  re- 
conciliation with  the  church  by  humble  messages,  and  by 
submitting  to  terms  dictated  by  two  legates  at  Avranches 
in  May  1172.  His  sons  were  stirred  up  by  Queen 
Eleanor  to  rebellion,  which  was  sanctified  by  a  reference 
to  the  wrongs  of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr  (for  Becket  had 
been  canonized  by  Alexander  in  Lent  11 73) ;  and  in  the 
extremity  of  his  danger  the  king  repaired  to  Canterbury 
as  a  penitent,  walked  barefooted  from  the  outskirts  of 
the  city  to  the  cathedral,  spent  a  night  in  prayer  at  the 
tomb  of  his  late  antagonist,  and,  after  protesting  his  deep 
remorse  for  the  hasty  words  from  which  the  murderers 
had  taken  occasion  for  their  crime,  submitted  to  be 
scourged  by  every  one  of  the  monks.™ 

Frederick,  although  he  had  required  a  profession  of 
obedience  to  the  antipope  Calixtus,  soon  after  made 
overtures  to  Alexander;  but  the  pope  steadily  refused 
to  enter  into  any  treaty  which  should  not  include  his 
Lombard  and  Sicilian  aUies.^  In  Germany  the  emperor 
proceeded  with  vigour,  and  succeeded  in  enforcing 
general  submission  to  his  will  ;<*  and  in  1174  he  was  able 

The  unimportance  of  Calixtus  may  be  of  the  penance,   see  Dean  Stanley's 

inferred  from  the  notice  of  him  in  the  Memorials  of  Canterbury. 
Chronicle  of  Melrose  (Gale  and  Fell.  °  Joh.   Sarisb.    Ep.   292,   col.   337  ; 

i.),   A.D.    n68  — "Tertius    antipapa,  Raumer,    ii.    155.      Alexander's    bio- 

cujus  nomen  ignoratur,  qui  et  ignorans  grapher  treats  the  emperor's  proposals 

ignorabitur,  elevatusest."  as  delusive   (Patrol,  cc.  35);  but  this 

"•  Gervas.  Dorob.  in  Twysden,  1427;  opinion  is  not  generally  followed. 
Hoveden,  308,  a.     For  a  full  account  «  Schmidt,  ii.  630  ;  Raumer,  ii.  152. 


Chap.  IX.     A. d.  1 170-6.      DIFFICULTIES    OF    FREDERICK.  I97 

to  cross  the  Mont  Cenis  at  the  head  of  an  army,  which 
was  in  great  measure  composed  of  mercenaries  or  (as 
they  were  then  styled)  Brabancons.  Susa,  the  first 
ItaUan  city  which  he  reached,  was  given  up  to  the  flames 
in  revenge  for  the  insults  which  it  had  formerly  offered 
to  him ;  and  for  four  months  he  closely  besieged  Alex- 
andria, from  which,  after  having  had  his  camp  burnt  by  a 
sallying  party  of  the  defenders,  he  was  at  lengtli  driven 
off  by  the  approach  of  a  Lombard  army.P  Archbishop 
Christian  of  Mentz,  who  had  been  sent  on  in  advance, 
was  equally  unfortunate  in  a  renewed  siege  of  Ancona; 
for  the  inhabitants,  after  having  been  reduced  to  the 
extremity  of  distress,  were  delivered  at  the  end  of  six 
months  by  allies  whom  the  money  of  the  Greek  emperor 
had  raised  up  to  their  assistance.^  Negotiations  were 
renewed  between  the  emperor  and  the  pope ;  but  each 
wished  to  insist  on  terms  which  the  other  party  refused 
to  accept.'"  Frederick  received  reinforcements  from  Ger- 
many ;  but,  through  the  refusal  of  his  cousin,  Henry  the 
Lion,  of  Saxony,  to  yield  him  active  support — although 
it  is  said  that  the  emperor  condescended  to  entreat  it  on 
his  knees  ^— he  found  himseif  unequally  matched  with 
his  enemies  ;  and  on  the  memorable  field  of  Legnano  the 
leagued  Italian  cities,  which  a  few  years  before  he  had 

P  Card.    Arag.    39-40;   Raumer,    ii.  Cremonens.,  in  Patrol,  ccxii.  514);  by 

163-5.     It  is  said  by  Italian  writers  others,  in  1174  (Chron.  Pisan.  in  Mu- 

that  Frederick  attempted  to  gain  pos-  rat.   vi.  ;  Albert.  Stad.  in   Pertz,  xvi. 

session  of   Alexandria    by  treachery  34  :  Raumer,  ii.  161)  ;  Muratori  avows 

during  a  truce  which  had  been  con-  a  change  of  opinion  in  favour  of  the 

eluded  for  the  solemnities  of  Easter  later  date.     Annali,  VII.  ii.  13. 

(Card.  Arag.  41  ;  Romviald.  Salern.  in  ■■  Card.    Arag.    43  ;    Murat.    Antiq. 

Murat.  vii.  213).     Notwithstanding  the  Ital.  v.  277  ;  Sismondi,  R.  I.  411. 

silence  of  the  German  chroniclers,  Lu-  '  Chron.     Ursperg.     226  ;    Arnold, 

den  is  inclined  to  believe  this  (xi.  662).  Lubec.  ii.  15  (Pertz,  xvi.)  ;  Alb.  Stad., 

On  the  other  side  see  Raumer  (ii.  165),  ib.  348.      Luden  denies  the  story  (xi. 

*nd  Mrs.  Busk  (ii.  128).     Comp.  Mura-  341-50).      The    annalist    of    Marbach 

tori,  vii.  189.  (a.d.   1180)  says   that   Henry  refused 

1  By  some  this  siege  is  placed   in  to  assist  the  emperor  except  on  con- 

1172  (Buoncompagni,   in    Murat.   vi.  dition  of  receiving  the  town  of  Goslar. 

925,  seqq.  ;  Chron.  Pisan.  ib.;  Sicard.  Pertz,  xvii. 


198  TREATY   OF    VENICE. 


Book  VI. 


despised  and  trampled  on,  were  victorious.  Frederick 
May  29,  himself  was  unhorsed  in  the  battle,  and  was 
1 176.  missing  until  after  some  days  he  appeared 
again  at  Pavia.^  By  this  humiliation,  and  by  the  exhaus- 
tion of  his  forces,  the  emperor  was  reduced  to  treat  for 
peace,  which  all  his  adherents  combined  to  urge  on  him. 
After  much  negotiation  certain  preliminaries  were  agreed 
on,  and  it  was  arranged  that  the  pope  should  meet  him  at 
Venice — the  Venetians  and  their  doge  being  required  to 
swear  that  they  would  not  admit  the  emperor  into  theii 
city  except  with  the  pope's  consent."  Alexander  em- 
barked at  Viesti  on  the  9th  of  March  1177,  and,  after 
having  been  carried  by  stress  of  weather  to  the  Dalmatian 
coast,  where  he  was  received  with  enthusiastic  reverence, 
he  arrived  at  Venice  on  the  24th  of  the  same  month. ^ 
From  Venice  he  proceeded  to  Ferrara,  but  on  the  nth 
of  May  he  returned,  and  in  July  Frederick  arrived  at 
Chioggia,  where  he  remained  until  the  terms  of  peace 
were  agreed  on.  By  these  it  was  provided  that  the 
emperor  should  abjure  the  antipope,  and  that  the  im- 
perialist bishops,  on  making  a  like  abjuration,  should 
be  allowed  to  retain  their  sees.  The  Lombards  were  to 
yield  the  emperor  the  same  obedience  which  they  had 
paid  to  his  predecessors  from  Henry  V.  downwards,y 
and  admitted  some  of  his  claims  as  to  allowances  due  to 
him  when  visiting  Italy;  while  the  emperor  acknowledged 

*  Otto    Sanblas.    23  ;    Card.   Arag.  of  Christ,  repeated  the  Saviour's  mir- 

45  ;  R.  de  Diceto,  591  ;  Annal.  Colon.  acle  of  stilling  the  winds  and  waves  ; 

A.D.    1175;  Annal.    Pegav.    in   Pertz,  and  that  the  emperor,  on  hearing  of 

xvi.  261.     For  the  date,  see  Muratori,  this,  was  awed  into  submission.     Hist. 

Ann.  VII.  ii.  25.  Minor,  i.  400  (Chron.  and  Mem.). 

"  Pertz,   Leges,    ii.    147-50  ;    Rom.  y  The    imperialists   had   wished    to 

Salem,  in.  Murat.  vii.  219-26  ;  Card.  bargain   for   the   relations   which  had 

Arag.    45-6  ;    Alex.    Epp.  1252,  1256  ;  existed  under  Henry  IV.     See  Mura- 

Hard.  VI.  ii.  1656-7.  tori,  Annali,  VII.  i.  13.     In  his  ^Sti 

'  Card.    Arag.    54  ;    Hard.    VI.    ii.  Dissertation  (Antiq.  Ital.  v.)  Muratori 

1655  ;   Jaff^.      Maitliew   Paris  has  a  gives  many  documents  relating  to  the 

story  that  the  pope,  being  in  a  storm  Lombard  League, 
at  sea,  put  on  his  robes  and,  as  vicar 


Chap.  IX.     a.d.  1176-7-      TREATY    OF   VENICE.  I99 

their  power  to  appoint  their  own  consuls,  to  fortify  their 
cities,  and  to  combine  for  the  defence  of  their  Uberties. 
Between  the  emperor  and  the  papacy  there  was  to  be  a 
perpetual  peace  ;  with  the  Lombards  a  truce  of  six  years, 
and  one  of  fifteen  years  with  the  king  of  Sicily/ 

The  emperor  was  then  allowed  to  approach  Venice, 
and  on  the  day  after    his  arrival    there,  he    ^^^^  ^^^ 
performed  his  abjuration  in  the  presence  of 
two  cardinals.     On  the  same  day  his  first  meeting  with 
the  pope  took  place  in  the  great  square  of  wSt.  Mark's, 
where  Alexander  and  his  cardinals  were  seated  in  front 
of  the  gates  of  the  church.     The  emperor,  laying  aside 
his  outer  robe,  prostrated  himself  and  kissed  the  pope's 
feet ;  after  which  he  led  Alexander  into  the  church,  and 
conducted  him  up  to  the  choir,  where  he  bowed  his  head 
and  received  the  pontifical  blessing.     On  St.  James's  day 
the  kissing  of  the  pope's  feet  was  repeated,  and  Frederick 
presented  him  with  valuable  gifts  ;  and  after  mass,  at  which 
he  himself  officiated,  Alexander  was  conducted     j^^^  ^^ 
to  the  door  of  the  church  by  the  emperor, 
who  held  his  stirrup  as  he  remounted  his  white  palfrey, 
and,  taking  the  bridle  in  his  hand,  would  have  led  the 
horse,  had  not  the  pope  courteously  excused  the  per- 
formance of  that  ceremony.''     It  is  said  that  through  the 
pressure  of  the  crowd  the  pope  was  thrown  off  his  horse, 
and  that  the  emperor  assisted  him  to  remount.^     These 
meetings  were  followed   by  interviews  of  a  less  formal 

.  Pertz?Leges.  ii.  153-61.  the  lion  and   the   adder.''     (Ps^  xcl. 

»  Hard   VI.  ii.  1657-8;  Card.  Arag.  13.)     Benven.   Imol.  in  Murat.  Antiq. 

„.,  •  Gervas.  Dorobem.,  in  Twysden.  Ital.  i.  1209  ;  Fo.x's  Acts  and  Mon   . 

T^io-R.  deDiceto.ib.  598;  Chron.  231,    ed.    1684.      But    this,    although 

Aquicinct     AD.    1176    (Patrol,   dx.);  maintained   by  Daru   (i.  209),  is  now 

Romuald."  Salem,    (who   was  himself  generally  rejected      See  Vittorelli^  in 

present,  as  representative  of  the  Sici-  Ciacon.  x.  1079  :  Muraton.  Ann  VII. 

Uan  king),  in  Murat.  vii.  232  ;  Hove-  1.    37:    Mosheim.   11.  45^;    Schrockh 

den   324.     A  story  of  the  14th  century  xxvi.    204-5:    Raumer     u.    176.    bis- 

rep;esents  the  pope  as  having  placed  niondi.  R   1   u.  417  =  .^^'^7"' '"j  "'• 
his  foot  on  the  emperor's  neck,  while  ^  Godef.  Viterb..  cited  by^  Milmau, 

the  choir  sang-"  Thou  shalt  go  upon  iii.  537.  from  Pertz.    Archiv. 


200        PEACE   OF   THE    EMPIRE   AND   THE   POPE.        Book  VI. 

kind,  at  which  the  two  unbent  in  familiar,  and  even 
playful,  conversation ;  °  and  the  peace  between  the 
empire  and  the  church  was  solemnly  ratified  at  a  council 
held  in  St.  Mark's  on  the  14th  of  August.^  At  his 
parting  interview  with  Alexander,  the  emperor  agreed  to 
give  up  all  the  property  of  St.  Peter  which  had  come 
into  his  hands,  except  the  territories  of  the  countess 
Matilda,  and  a  similar  but  less  important  legacy  which 
the  count  of  Bertinoro  had  lately  bequeathed  to  the 
papal  see.  Frederick  had  acquired  a  new  interest  in  the 
inheritance  of  the  great  countess  through  the  gift  of  his 
uncle  Welf,  marquis  of  Tuscany,  who,  after  having  lost 
his  only  son  by  the  Roman  pestilence  of  1167,  had 
made  over  to  the  emperor  the  claims  of  the  Bavarian 
house.®  It  had  been  agreed  in  the  treaty  that  he  should 
retain  these  territories  for  fifteen  years  longer;  with 
regard  to  Bertinoro,  he  maintained  that  a  vassal  was 
not  entitled  to  dispose  of  his  fief  except  with  the  consent 
of  his  liege  lord ;  and  Alexander,  at  their  last  meeting, 
acquiesced  in  his  proposal  that  this  and  other  questions 
should  be  referred  to  three  cardinals  chosen  by  the 
emperor,  and  three  German  princes  chosen  by  the  pope.' 
The  bishops  who  had  been  promoted  in  the  schism 
were  in  general  allowed  to  retain  their  positions,  on 
condition  of  submitting  to  Alexander.  Christian  of 
Mentz  burnt  the  pall  which  he  had  received  from  the 
antipope  Paschal ;  and  his  predecessor,  Conrad,  who 
had  been  deprived  by  Frederick  for  desertion  to 
Alexander,  was  provided  for  by  an  appointment  to 
Salzburg,  in    place    of  archbishop   Adalbert,    to   whose 

'  Card.  Arag.  53.  Henry   the   Proud,   had   the   German 

<*  lb.    54;    Pertz,    Leges,    ii.     155;  part.      He   lived   to   1195.      (Art.   de 

Alex.  Epp.  1304-8,  1310.  Ve'rif.  les  Dates,  xvi.  116;  xviii.  65.) 

_  •  See  pp.  174,  193,     This  Welf,   the  f  Card.  Arag.  56-7  ;  Hoved.  VI.  ii. 

VI«"  of  his  line,  had  the  Italian  part  of  1664;    O.   Sanblas.    21;    Schmidt,   il 

the  family  territories,  while  his  brother*  ^33. 


CHAP.  IX.    A.D.  1177-9.      ALEXANDER   AT   ROME.  201 

exclusion  by  the  emperor  Alexander  was  willing  to 
consent.^  Calixtus  was  now  generally  abandoned,  and 
in  August  1 1 78  submitted  to  Alexander,  by  whom  he 
was  received  with  kindness  and  presented  to  a  rich 
abbacy  at  Benevento.^  A  fourth  antipope,  Lando,  or 
Innocent  III.,  of  the  Frangipani  family,  was  set  up,  but 
after  having  borne  his  unregarded  title  somewhat  more 
than  a  year,  he  was  brought  to  Alexander  as  a  prisoner, 
and  was  confined  for  life  in  the  monastery  of  La  Cava.^ 

The  increased  power  of  Alexander,  and  the  triumph 
which  had  crowned  his  long  struggle  against  the  emperor, 
were  not  without  their  effect  on  the  Romans,  who 
despatched  a  mission  to  him,  praying  him,  in  the  name 
of  all  ranks,  to  return  to  the  city.  Alexander  received 
the  deputies  at  Anagni  with  visible  satisfaction,  but, 
reminding  them  of  his  former  experience,  required  that 
the  citizens  should  give  him  securities  for  their  future 
conduct.  It  was  therefore  agreed  that  the  senate  should 
dq  homage  and  swear  fealty  to  the  pope,  that  they 
should  surrender  the  royalties  to  him,  and  should  bind 
themselves  for  his  safety  and  for  that  of  all  who  should 
resort  to  him;  and  in  March  1178  he  re-entered  Rome 
amidst  an  unbounded  display  of  enthusiasm  on  the  part 
of  his  fickle  subjects.  The  crowds  of  people  who  eagerly 
struggled  to  kiss  his  feet  rendered  it  almost  impossible 
for  his  horse  to  advance  along  the  streets,  and  his  right 
hand  was  weary  of  bestowing  benedictions.^ 

In  March  1179  a  general  council,  attended  by  nearly 
three  hundred   bishops   and   by  about   seven  hundred 

8  Gervas.  inTwysden,  1439 ;  Annales  '  Chron.  Aquicinct.  a.d.  1179 (Patrol. 

Erphesfurdt.    in  Pertz,  xvi.  23  ;  Ben.  clx.)  ;  Chron.  Fossae  Novae,  a.d.  1178- 

Petrib.   Vita  Henr.    II.,   237 ;   Hard.  80    (Murat.    vii.).      Gregorovius    says 

VI.    ii.    166970.     Adalbert   had    sue-  that  Lando  was   of  a  family  of  little 

ceeded  an  earlier  Conrad  (see  p.  189)  tyrants  in  the    Campagna   (iv.   563). 

in  1168.  In  the  chronicle  of  Fossa  Nova  he  is 

''  Diceto,    601;    Romuald.    Salem.  called  "  Landus  Sitinus." 

244  ;  M«irat.  Annali,  VII.  i.  39.  ''  Card.  Arag.  60. 


202  THIRD    LATERAN    COUNCIL.  Book  VI. 

abbots  and  others,^  was  held  by  Alexander  in  the 
Lateran  church.  Among  the  most  important  of  its 
canons  was  a  new  order  as  to  the  election  of  popes. 
The  share  which  had  been  reserved  to  the  emperor  by 
Nicolas  11.™  had  already  been  long  obsolete,  and  it  was 
now  provided  that  the  election  should  rest  exclusively 
with  the  college  of  cardinals,  while,  by  adding  to  the 
college  certain  official  members  of  the  Roman  clergy, 
Alexander  deprived  the  remaining  clergy  of  any  chiefs 
under  whom  they  might  have  effectually  complained  of 
their  exclusion  from  their  ancient  rights  as  to  the 
election.^  It  was  enacted  that  no  one  should  be  de- 
clared pope  unless  he  were  supported  by  two-thirds  of 
the  electors ;  and  that,  if  a  minority  should  set  up  an 
antipope  against  one  so  chosen,  every  one  of  their  party 
should  be  anathematized,  without  hope  of  forgiveness 
until  his  last  sickness.^  At  this  council  also  a  crusade 
against  heretics  was  for  the  first  time  sanctioned. p 

During  the  last  years  of  Alexander  the  affairs  of  the 
churches  beyond  the  Alps  were  generally  tranquil.  The 
emperor  was  fully  occupied  in  political  business.  Henry 
of  England  was  disposed  to  maintain  a  good  understand- 
ing with  the  pope,  although  he  retained  a  virtual  power 
of  appointing  to  bishopricks,  and  used  it  in  favour  of 
persons  who  had  been  his  strenuous  supporters  in  the 
contest  with  Becket.^  He  pathetically  entreated  the 
aid  of  Alexander  against  his  rebellious  sons ;  *"  and  we 
find  the  pope  frequently  mediating,  by  letters  and  by  the 
agency  of  legates,  between  him  and  Lewis  of  France. 
Lewis  became  continually  more  and  more  absorbed  in 

'  See  Hefele,  v.  632.  where  a  simple  majority  of  electors  is 

">  See  above,  p.  256.  still   to   be    sufficient ;    because    such 

"  See   Mabillon  on  the    'Ordo  Ro-  churches  have  an  appeal  to  Rome  iq 

manus,'  Patrol.  Ixxviii.  916.  cases  of  dispute. 

"  Cone.  Lat.  III.,  c.  i.     The  canon  P  Can.  27. 

adds  that  this  rule  is  not  to  interfere  'i  See  Life  of  Becket,  ch.  xiv. 

with  the  custom  of  other  churches,  •■  Ep.  ad  Alex.  32  (Patrol.  ccX 


Chap.  IX.     ad.  i  179-81.    DEATH   OF   ALEXANDER    III. 


203 


devotion.  In  11 79  he  made  a  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine 
of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr  at  Canterbury,  in  obedience  to 
visions  in  which  he  had  been  warned  by  the  saint  himself 
to  seek  by  such  means  the  recovery  of  his  son  Philip 
from  an  illness  brought  on  by  exposure  for  a  night  in 
a  forest  where  he  had  been  hunting.'''  Soon  after  his 
return  the  king  was  seized  with  paralysis,  and  on  the 
1 8th  of  September  ieSo  he  died.* 

After  a  pontificate  of  twenty-two  years — a  time  rarely 
equalled  by  any  either  of  his  predecessors  or  of  his 
successors" — Alexander,  who  had  once  more  been  obliged 
to  leave  Rome,  died  at  Civita  Castellana  on  the  30th 
of  August  1181,^  leaving  a  name  which  is  only  not  in 
the  first  rank  among  the  popes  who  have  most  signally 
advanced  the  power  of  their  see.^ 


•  Will.  Armor.  Philippid.  i.  219, 
321;  Rigord.  Gesta  Philippi,  in  Bouq. 
xvii.  5  ;  Rob.  de  Monte,  a.d.  1179 
(Patrol,  clx.  529);  Bromton,  in  Twys- 
den,  1139-40. 

"■  Martin,  iii.  503. 

"  Robert  of  Mont  St.  Michel  reckons 
that  he  was  only  exceeded  by  St. 
Peter,  who  sat  25  years,  and  by  Syl- 
vester I.  and  Adrian  I.,  who  each  sat 
23  years  (Patrol,  clx.  537).  Three 
later  popes  have  exceeded  him— Pius 
VI.(i775-i799);  Pius  VII.  (1800-1823), 
and  Pius  IX.,  the  only  pope  who  has 
"  seen  the  years  of  Peter." 

*  Helinand     reports    a    speech    by 


which  it  would  appear  that  Alexander 
was  conscious  of  defects  in  his  quali- 
fications for  some  part  of  his  office — 
"  Cum  aliquando  a  quodam  appella- 
retur  bonus  papa,  respondit,  '  Bonus 
papa  essem,  si  scirem  praedicare,  judi- 
care,  et  pcenitentiam  dare.'  "  Chron. 
A.D.  1181,  Patrol,  ccxii.  1069. 

y  The  Anchin  continuator  of  Sige- 
bert  (Patrol,  clx.  317)  says  that  some 
"insipientes  Romani"  met  his  body 
on  the  way  to  the  city,  uttered  curses 
against  him,  threw  mud  and  stones  at 
the  bier,  and  would  hardly  allow  him 
to  be  buried  in  the  I.ateran. 


204  ^^^  ^^• 


CHAPTER  X. 

FROM  THE    ELECTION  OF   POPE  LUCIUS  III.  TO  THE  DEATH 
OF    CELESTINE    III. 

A.D.    II81-II98. 

The  successor  of  Alexander,  Humbald,  bishop  of  Ostia, 
Sept.  I,  was  chosen  by  the  cardinals  alone,  in  com- 
1181.  pliance  with  the  decree  of  the  late  council, 
and  styled  himself  Lucius  III.  The  Romans,  indignant 
at  being  deprived  of  their  share  in  the  election,  rose 
against  the  new  pope,  and  compelled  him  to  take  refuge 
at  Velletri.*  For  a  time  he  obtained  aid  against  his 
rebellious  subjects  from  the  imperial  commander,  arch- 
bishop Christian  of  Mentz  ;  but  this  warlike  prelate  died 
in  August  1 1 83 — it  is  said,  of  drinking  from  a  poisoned 
well,  which  proved  fatal  to  more  than  a  thousand  of  his 
soldiers  ;  ^  and  Lucius  was  never  able  to  regain  a  footing 
in  his  city.  The  enmity  of  the  Romans  against  him  was 
of  the  bitterest  kind.  In  1 184  they  took  twenty-six  of  his 
partisans  at  Tusculum,  and  blinded  them  all,  except  one, 
to  whom  they  left  one  eye  that  he  might  serve  as  guide  to 
the  rest;  they  crowned  them  with  paper  mitres,  each  bear- 
ing the  name  of  a  cardinal,  while  the  one-eyed  chief's  mock 
tiara  was  inscribed  "Lucius,  the  wicked  simoniac,"  and, 
having  mounted  them  on  asses,  they  made  them  swear  to 
exhibit  themselves  in  this  miserable  condition  to  the  pope.° 

•  Murat.  Ann.  VII.  i.  54.     Giraldus  *>  See  Bened.  Petrib.  402;  Hoveden, 

Cambrensis  reports  an  epigram  against  354  b  ;  Gregorov.  iv.  568.     There  is  a 

this  pope —  letter  trom    Lucius    to    the    German 

'•  Lucius  est  piscis  rex  atque  tyrannus  bishops,   desiring   them   to   pray   that 

aquarum,  Chnstian's  faults  may  be  blotted  out, 

A  quo  discordat  Lucius  iste  parum.  .              •  1         ■          /-    1               -            ,  .  , 

Devorat  hie  homines,  hie  piscibus  insidi-  '"  consideration  of  the  services  which 

atur ;  lie  had  rendered  to  the  church  in  his 

Esurit  hie  semper,  hie  aliquando  satur.  last  days.     Ep.  115,  Patrol,  cci. 

Amborum  vitam  si  lan.x  aequata  levaret,  c  Albert.   Stad.  in    Pertz,  xvi.   350  ; 

Plus  rationis  habet  qui  ratione  caret  1"  chron.  Aquicinct.    A.D.    1184  (Patiol! 

Spec.  Eccles.  iv.  15  ;  cf.  Mut.  Modofft, 


in  Pertz,  xviii.  462. 


clx.). 


Chap.  X.   a.d.  1181-4.   PEACE  OF  CONSTANCE.  205 

In  the  meanwhile  Frederick  made  a  skilful  use  of  the 
time  of  rest  allowed  him  by  the  treaty  of  Venice.  His 
behaviour  towards  the  Lombards  became  mild  and 
gracious.  By  prudent  acts  of  conciliation,  and  especially 
by  concessions  as  to  the  choice  of  magistrates,  he  won 
the  favour  of  many  cities — even  that  of  Alexandria  itself, 
which  in  1183  agreed  that  its  population  should  leave 
the  walls  and  should  be  led  back  by  an  imperial  com- 
missioner, and  that  its  name  should  be  changed  to 
Csesarea.*^  In  June  of  that  year,  when  the  truce  of 
Venice  was  almost  expired,  a  permanent  settlement  of 
the  relations  between  the  empire  and  the  cities  was 
concluded  at  Constance.  The  cities  were  to  retain  all 
those  royalties  which  they  had  before  held,  including 
the  rights  of  levying  war,  and  of  maintaining  their  league 
for  mutual  support.  They  were  to  choose  their  owii 
magistrates,  subject  only  to  the  condition  that  these 
should  be  invested  by  an  imperial  commissioner.  Certain 
dues  were  reserved  to  the  emperor;  and  an  oath  of 
fidelity  to  him  was  to  be  taken  by  all  between  the  ages 
of  fifteen  and  seventy.^  By  these  equitable  terms  the 
emperor's  influence  in  Italy  was  greatly  strengthened, 
while  that  of  the  pope  was  proportionally  diminished.^ 

At  Whitsuntide  T184  a  great  assemblage,  drawn  to- 
gether not  only  from  all  Frederick's  territories  but  from 
foreign  countries,  met  at  Mentz,  on  the  occasion  of  con- 
ferring knighthood  on  the  emperor's  two  sons,  Henry, 
who  had  reached  the  age  of  twenty,  and  Frederick,  who 
was  two  years  younger.  A  city  of  tents  and  wooden 
huts  was  raised  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  and  pre- 
parations were  made  for  the  festival  with  all  possible 

*  Reconciliatio   Caesareae,  in  Pertz,  a  precaution  against  the  influence  of 

Leges,  ii.    181 ;    Sismondi,    R.    I.,  ii.  local  factions.     Savigny,  iii.  133. 

426  ;  Luden,  xi.  453-4.     Some  cities  of  «  Pertz,  Leges,  li.  175  ;  O.  Sanblas. 

their  own  accord  substituted  podestas  27  ;     Schmidt,     ii.     639-41 ;    Hallam, 

for  consuls,  and  adopted  the  rule  that  M.A.  i.  239  ;  Sismondi,  R.  I.  ii.  427. 

the  podesta  should  be  a  stranger,  as  ^  Schrockh,  xxvi.  231. 


2o6  FREDERICK    I.    AND    LUCIUS    III.  Book  VI. 

splendour.  But  omens  of  evil  were  drawn  from  the 
circumstance  that  many  of  the  slight  erections  were 
blown  down  by  a  violent  wind,  and  a  quarrel  for  prece- 
dence, which  arose  between  the  archbishop  of  Cologne 
and  St.  Boniface's  successor,  the  abbot  of  Fulda,  excited 
a  fear  that  the  scenes  of  Henry  the  Fourth's  minority 
were  about  to  be  renewed.  I'he  difterence  was,  however, 
allayed  for  the  time  by  the  prudence  of  Frederick  and 
the  young  Henry,  who,  as  the  archbishop  was  withdraw- 
ing, hung  on  his  neck  and  entreated  him  to  return  ;  and 
notwithstanding  this  untoward  interruption,  the  festivities 
ended  peacefully.^ 

In  the  following  August  Frederick  proceeded  for  the 
sixth  time  into  Italy.  The  charm  of  his  appearance  and 
manner  was  universally  felt.  The  cities  were  all  eager 
in  their  welcome ;  even  Milan,  forgetting  its  old  animosi- 
ties and  sufferings,  received  him  with  splendid  festivities, 
and  was  rewarded  with  privileges  which  excited  the 
jealousy  of  its  neighbours.^  At  Verona  he  had  a  meet- 
ing with  the  pope,  who  requested  him  to  assist  in  reducing 
the  Romans  to  obedience.  But  Frederick,  who  now  had 
little  reason  to  dread  the  influence  of  the  pope  in  Lom- 
bardy,  and  was  not  attended  by  any  considerable  force, 
felt  no  zeal  for  the  cause ;  and  more  than  one  subject  of 
difference  arose.  On  being  asked  to  acknowledge  the 
clergy  who  had  been  ordained  by  the  late  antipopes, 
Lucius  at  first  appeared  favourable,  but  said  on  the 
following  day  that  such  recognition  had  been  limited  by 
the  treaty  of  Venice  to  certain  dioceses,  and  that  more 
could  not  be  granted  without  a  council.  The  old  ques- 
tion of  Matilda's  inheritance  was  again  discussed,  and 
documents  were  produced   on  both  sides,  without  any 

«  O.   Sanblas.   26;    Annal.   Colon.,        ii.  195-7. 
A.D.  1184;  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  9  (Pertz.  ^  O.  Sanblas.  28;  Luden,  xi.    471- 

xvi.);   Gislebert.    Montens.   in    Bouq.         2. 
xviii.  1573  :  Luden,  xi.  464-5  ;  Raumer, 


CHAP.  X,    A.D.  1184-5  URBAN    III.  207 

satisfactory  conclusion.'  Equally  fruitless  was  a  dispute 
as  to  the  pretensions  of  two  rival  candidates  for  the 
archbishoprick  of  Treves — Volkmar,  who  had  secured 
the  pope's  favour,  and  Rudolf,  who  had  been  invested 
by  Frederick,  agreeably  to  the  concordat  of  Worms. 
The  emperor's  son  Henry  had  exercised  great  severities 
towards  Volkmar's  partisans,^  and  it  would  seem  that 
reports  of  these  acts,  with  a  suspicion  of  the  designs 
which  Frederick  afterwards  manifested  as  to  Sicily,  com- 
bined in  determining  Lucius  to  refuse  to  crown  Henry 
as  his  father's  colleague;^  but  he  professed  to  ground 
his  refusal  on  the  inconvenience  of  having  two  emperors, 
and  added  a  suggestion  which  has  the  air  of  sarcasm — 
that,  if  Henry  were  to  be  crowned,  his  father  must  make 
way  for  him  by  resignation."^  The  breach  between  the 
pope  and  the  emperor  appeared  to  have  become  hopeless, 
when  Lucius  died  at  Verona,  on  the  25th  of  November 

1 185." 

On  the  same  day,  Humbert  Crivelli,  archbishop  of 
Milan,  gathered  together  twenty-seven  cardinals,  under 
the  protection  of  a  guard,  and  was  elected  pope,  with 
the  title  of  Urban  III.°  The  new  pope,  whose  name 
was  slightly  varied  by  his  enemies  so  as  to  express  the 
turbulence  which  they  imputed  to  him,P  was  of  a  Milanese 
family  which  had   suffered  greatly  in  the  late  contests ; 

'  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  lo ;  Luden,  xi.  have  his  son  crowned,  citing  the  By- 

475.  zantine  empire  as  a  precedent.     Ep. 

^  Arnold,  Lubec  iii.  lo ;  Gesta  Tre-  965. 

virorum,  in  Martene  and  Durand,  Coll.  "  Jaffe. 

Ampliss.   iv.   214,   seqq.  ;   Gervas.  in  ">    Urban.    Ep.    12    (Patrol,    ccii.)  ; 

Twysden,  1479  :  Luden,  xi.  476.  Ciaconins,   i.    1123;    Schrockh,  xxvi. 

'  Albert  of  Stade  says  that  Lucius  233. 

was  himself  willing,  but  was  dissuaded  p  They  called  him  Zurbanus — "eo 

by  his  cardinals,      a.d.   1184  (Pertz,  quod,  cum esset  Mediolanensisnatione, 

xvi.).  in  odium  imperatoris  volebat  turbare 

•"  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  10 ;  Luden,'  xi.  ecclesiam,  quae  jam  paulisper  quietem 

477  ;  Raumer,  ii.  214.     Yet  Alexander  acceperat."     (Chron.    Ursperg.   224.) 

in.  had  in  1171  urged  the  archbishop  The  same  witticism  had  been  employed 

of  Reims  to  persuade  Lewis  VII.  to  against  Urban  II.     See  vol.  iv.  p.  37* 


ioS  AFFAIRS    OF   SICILY.  booK  VI 

and  private  resentment  on  this  account  combined  with 
his  feelings  as  a  citizen,  and  with  the  hierarchical  opin- 
ions which  had  recommended  him  as  a  companion  to 
Thomas  of  Canterbury  in  his  exile,<i  in  producing  a  bitter 
hostihty  against  the  emperor/  The  disputes  between 
the  secular  and  the  spiritual  powers  became  more  and 
more  exasperated.  Urban,  in  contempt  of  an  oath  which 
he  had  sworn  to  the  contrary,  consecrated  the  anti-impe- 
rialist Volkmar  as  archbishop  of  Treves.  ^  As  archbishop 
of  Milan — for,  out  of  fear  that  an  imperialist  might  be 
appointed  as  his  successor,  he  still  retained  that  see — he 
refused  to  crown  Henry  as  king  of  the  Lombards  ;  he 
repeated  his  predecessor's  refusal  to  crown  him  as  a  col- 
league in  the  empire;*^  and  he  showed  himself  strongly 
opposed  to  those  designs  on  Sicily  which  Lucius  had 
suspected,  and  which  were  now  openly  declared. 

Roger  II.,  king  of  Sicily,  had  been  succeeded  in  1154 
by  his  son  William  "  the  Bad,"  and  this  prince  had  been 
succeeded  in  1166  by  his  son  William  "the  Good,"  then 
a  boy  of  fourteen."  The  kingdom  had  been  for  many 
years  a  prey  to  barbarous  and  cruel  factions.^  William 
the  Good  had  married  in  1177  a  daughter  of  Henry  ot 
England,  but  the  marriage  proved  childless,  and  the 
Norman  dominions  in  the  south  were  likely  to  fall  to 
Constance,  a  posthumous  daughter  of  king  Roger.  With 
this  princess  Frederick  formed  the  scheme  of  marrying 
his  son  Henry,  although  nine  years  her  junior, ^ — a  match 

'^  Herb.    Bosham.    in    Patrol,   cxc.  '  Arnold.  Lubec.  iiL  i6. 

1289.  "  Giannone,   ii.  425-7  ;  Gibbon,   vi. 

'  Gesta  Trevir.  in  Mart,  and  Dur.,  366-7. 

Coll.    Ampliss.    iv.    210  ;    Luden,   xi.  ^  See  Hug.  Falcand.  in  Murat.  vii. 

478  ;   Giesel.  II.    i.  96.     A  chronicler  f  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  14.      Godfrey 

of  Laon  (but  of  English  birth)  says  of  of  Viterbo  describes  her  as  "  speciosa 

him,—"  Hie  papa  in  tanta  execratione  nimis"(Pantheon,  xvii..  Patrol,  cxcviii. 

Tcutonicos  habuit,  ut  eos  a  communi  989)  ;    but  other  writers  give  a  very 

eleemosyna  sua  amovere  pracccperit. "  opposite  description  (Raumer,  ii.  215). 

Bouq.  xviii.  704.  Writers    in    the  Guelf  interest    exag- 

•  Gesta  Trevir.  217,  seqq.  gcrate  her  age.  making  her  55  or  60  at 


Chap.  X.     a.d.  1185-6.        FREDERICK   AND    URBAN    III. 


209 


which  promised  greatly  to  increase  tlie  imperial  territory 
and  power,  and  to  deprive  the  pope  of  his  chief  sup- 
porter. The  marriage  was  zealously  promoted  by  Walter, 
an  Englishman  of  obscure  birth  who  had  attained  to  the 
dignity  of  archbishop  of  Palermo ;  ^  Urban's  opposition 
was  vain,  and  his  threats  against  all  who  should  take 
part  in  the  celebration  were  unheeded.  At  the  request 
of  the  Milanese,  who  were  eager  to  signalize  their  new- 
born loyalty,  the  nuptials  were  celebrated  at  Milan  with 
great  magnificence^  in  January  1186,  when  Frederick 
was  crowned  as  king  of  Burgundy  by  the  archbishop 
of  Vienne,  Henry  as  king  of  Italy  by  the  patriarch  of 
Aquileia,  and  Constance  as  queen  of  Germany  by  a 
German  bishop.^ 

Other  causes  of  difference  concurred  to  inflame  the 
pope.  He  complained  of  the  emperor  for  detaining 
Matildi's  inheritance  ;  for  seizing  the  property  of  bishops 
at  their  death,*^  keeping  benefices  vacant,  and  appropriat- 
ing the  income ;  for  taxing  the  clergy  and  bringing  them 
before  secular  courts  ;  for  having  confiscated  the  revenues 
of  some  convents,  under  pretence  that  the  nuns  were  of 
vicious  life,  instead  of  introducing  a  reform;  and  he 
denounced,  apparently  with  justice,  the  cruelties  and 
other  outrages  which  the  young  Henry  had  committed 
towards  some  bishops.*^ 

Frederick  was  now  in  great  power,  while  the  pope  was 

the  time  of  her  son  Frederick's  birth,  ■  The  bride  brought  with  her  more 

and  telling  strange  stories  as  to  her  than  150  horses,  with  loads  of  gold, 

marriage,    in   order    that   Frederick's  silver,    "et  xamitarum,   et  paliorum, 

birth  may  appear  preternatural,   and  et  grisiorum,  et  variorum,  et  aliarum 

that  so  he  may  be  made  out  to  be  the  bonarum  rerum."    Chron.  Placent.  in 

antichrist.     See  Annal.  Stad.  in  Pertz,  Pertz,  xviii.  415. 

xvi.    357;   Benven.    Imol.   in  Murat.  *  O.  Sanblas.  28;  R.  de  Diceto,  629; 

Antiq.    Ital.  i.  1236  ;   Corn.  Zantfliet,  Murat  Ann.  VII.  i.  69-71 ;  Giannone, 

in  Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  i.  94 ;  Bianchi,  ii.  523,  seqq.  ;  Luden,  xi.  480-1. 

n.  on  Dante,  Parad  iii.  118  (Florence,  •=  See    as    to    the  jus   exuviarum, 

1854)  ;  Barlow  on  Dante,  338.  below  c.  xiii.,  1.  5. 

«  See  Pet.    Bles.    Ep.   66   (Patrol.  ^   Arnold.    Lubec.   iii.    i6 :    Urban, 

ccvii.).  Epp.  43,  119. 

VOL.  V.  14 


7IO  FREDERICK   AND    URBAN    III.  Book  VI. 

Still  an  exile  from  his  city.  It  was  in  vain  that  archbishop 
Philip  of  Cologne,  who  had  been  appointed  legate  for 
Germany,  endeavoured  to  assert  Urban's  pretensions, 
and  to  intrigue  against  the  emperor;  for  the  German 
bishops  in  general  were  on  the  side  of  their  temporal 
sovereign.^  At  an  interview  with  Philip,  Frederick 
declared  that  it  was  enough  for  the  clergy  to  have  got 
into  their  own  hands  the  choice  of  bishops — a  choice, 
he  added,  which  they  had  not  exercised  so  uprightly 
or  with  such  good  effect  as  the  sovereigns  who  in 
former  times  had  held  the  patronage ;  and  that,  although 
the  imperial  prerogative  had  been  greatly  curtailed  as  to 
the  affairs  of  the  church,  he  was  determined  to  maintain 
the  small  remnant  of  it  which  he  had  inherited.^  The 
legate  was  forbidden  to  appear  at  a  diet  which  was  to  be 
held  at  Gelnhausen  in  April  1186.  There  Frederick,  in 
a  forcible  speech,  declared  that,  in  his  differences  with 
the  pope,  the  pope  had  been  the  aggressor,  and  he 
inveighed  against  the  Roman  claims.  It  was,  he  said, 
ridiculous  to  pretend  that  no  layman  ought  to  hold 
tithes,  inasmuch  as  the  custom  of  thus  providing  for  the 
necessary  services  of  advocates  of  churches  was  so  old 
as  to  have  established  a  right.  He  asked  his  bishops 
whether  they  would  render  what  was  due  both  to  Caesar 
and  to  God  ;  to  which  the  archbishop  of  Mentz  (Conrad, 
who,  on  the  death  of  Christian,  had  recovered  the 
primacy)  replied,  in  the  name  of  the  rest,  that  they  owed 
a  twofold  duty  ;  that  it  was  not  for  them  to  decide  the 
matters  in  dispute,  but  that  they  would  write  to  the  pope, 
advising  him  to  proceed  with  moderation.^  They  wrote 
accordingly,  stating  the  emperor's  case  and  their  own 
view  of  the  question  ;  ^  and  the  pope,  on  receiving  the 
letter,  was  astonished  to  find  himself  opposed  by  those 

•  Arnold,  iii.  17.  t  ib.  iS. 

'  lb»<t  "  R.  de  Diceto,  632-4. 


Chap.  X.  a.d.  1186-7.   DEATH  OF  URBAN.  2II 

whose  rights  he  had  supposed  himself  to  be  asserting.' 
Frederick  refused  to  admit  Volkmar  as  archbishop  of 
Treves,  and  shut  up  all  the  ways  by  which  appeals  could 
be  carried  to  the  pope;  Henry  continued  his  savage 
outrages,  and  endangered  the  pope's  person— keeping 
him  almost  a  prisoner  within  the  walls  of  Verona  ;  ^  and 
Urban,  exasperated  to  the  utmost,  resolved  to  inflict  the 
heaviest  censures  of  the  church  on  him.  The  citizens  of 
Verona,  where  he  had  intended  to  pronounce  his  sentence, 
entreated  that,  "out  of  regard  for  their  present  service," 
he  would  choose  some  other  scene ;  and  at  their  request 
he  removed  to  Ferrara.^  But  while  he  was  there  pre- 
paring for  the  final  act,  tidings  arrived  from  the  East, 
which  once  more  set  all  Europe  in  commotion  ;  and 
Urban  died  at  Ferrara  on  the  20th  of  October  1187."^ 

The  course  of  the  Latin  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  had 
been  alike  discreditable  and  unprosperous."  The  sym- 
pathies of  western  Christians  for  their  brethren  of  the 
Holy  Land  had  been  greatly  cooled  by  the  experiences 
of  the  second  crusade ;  the  pilgrims  were  now  few,  and 
these  were  content  to  perform  their  pilgrimage  without 
attempting  or  wishing  to  strengthen  the  Latin  dominion, 
or  to  take  part  in  the  incessant  contests  with  the  infidels." 
In  1 167  king  Amaury  brought  disgrace  on  the  Christian 

'  Arnold,  lii.  i8.  known  as  the  work  of  G.  Vinisauf,  but 

^  lb.  16-17  ;  Rob.  Altissiod.  in  Bouq.  supposed    to    be   really  by   Richard, 

xviii.  252.  canon   of    Holy  Trinity,    London  (in 

'  Arnold,   iii.    i8 ;   Luden,    xi.   493.  Gale,  I.  ;  and  lately  republished,  with 

See  Pet.  Bles.  Ep.  211  (Patrol,  ccvii.).  a    very    valuable    preface,    by   Prof. 

>"    Alb.    Stad.     A.D.     1189;    Jaffe'.  Stubbs,  in  his  '  Memorials  of  Richard 

"NutuDeipercussusinteriit."  Chron.  I.');  the 'Anonymus' in  Canisius,  vol. 

Ursperg.  224.  iii.  ;  R.  de  Coggeshalle,  in  Martene, 

"  The  chief  authorities  for  the  ac-  Coll.  Ampliss.  v.  ;  Richard  of  Devizes, 

count  of  the    third   crusade    are  the  de   Gestis    Ric.    I.    (English    Histor. 

French  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre  Society);    Tageno,  in  Freher,  i.    (see 

(Patrol,    cci.  ;    the   so-called   Bernard  Pertz,  xvii.  499) ;  James  of  Vitry,  in 

the  Treasurer,  in  Murat.  vii.,  is  mainly  Iyengars,   '  Gesta  Dei  per   Francos"; 

a  Latin  translation  of  this);  the 'Itine-  Ansbertus,    ed.    Dobrowsky,    Prague, 

ruiium     Terr;e      Sanctae,'    commonly  1827.  "  Wilken,  III.  ii.  2. 


212  KINGDOM    OF   JERUSALEM.  Book  VI, 

name  by  attempting,  in  conjunction  with  a  Greek  force, 
to  seize  on  Egypt  in  violation  of  a  treaty ;  and  in  this 
treachery  he  was  abetted  by  the  knights  of  the  Hos- 
pital, although  the  Templars — whether  from  a  feeling  of 
honour  and  duty,  or  from  jealousy  of  the  rival  order — 
held  aloof P  Baldwin  IV.,  who  in  1174  succeeded  his 
father  Amaury  at  the  age  of  thirteen,  had  been  carefully 
educated  by  the  historian  William,  then  archdeacon  and 
afterwards  archbishop  of  Tyre  ;  but  this  young  king's  pro- 
mise was  soon  clouded  over  by  hopeless  disease,^  and  his 
sister  Sibylla  became  presumptive  heiress  of  the  kingdom. 
Sibylla,  then  a  widow,  was  sought  in  marriage  by  many 
princes  ;  but  she  bestowed  her  hand  on  Guy  of  Lusignan, 
an  adventurer  from  Poitou,  whose  personal  beauty  was 
unaccompanied  by  such  qualities  as  would  have  fitted 
him  to  maintain  the  position  which  it  had  won  for  him."" 
On  the  death  of  Baldwin  IV.,  in  11 85,  the  son  of  Sibylla's 
first  marriage  was  crowned  as  Baldwin  V. ;  but  this  boy 
died  within  a  year,  whereupon  his  mother  and  her  hus- 
band, who  before  had  met  with  much  opposition,  obtained 
possession  of  the  kingdom.^  The  princes  of  the  Latins 
were  distracted  by  jealousies  and  intrigues;  the  patriarchs 
and  bishops  were  in  continual  strife  with  each  other,  with 
the  chiefs,  and  especially  with  the  two  great  knightly 
orders,  which,  relying  on  papal  privileges  and  exemp- 
tions, defied  all  authority,  ecclesiastical  or  secular.*  The 
Templars  were  especially  detested  for  their  pride,  while 
they  were  charged  with  treachery  to  the  Christian  cause." 
The  general  state  of  morals  was  excessively  depraved. 
In  Acre  alone  it  is  said  that  there  were  16,000  professed 

P  Will.  Tyr.    XX.    4-iO';  Gibbon,  v.  •  Bernard.  Thesaur.  148-50  (Murat. 

480-1.  ■vii.)  ;  Raumer,  ii.  260. 

1  Will.  Tyr.  xxi.  1-2.  t  wiH.  Tyr.  xviii.  3  ;  Arnold  Lubec. 

'  lb.  xxii.  I  ;  Ben.  Petrib.  443  ;  Q.  iii.  24;  Wilken,  III.  ii.  35-7  ;  Raumer, 

Sanblas.  29;  Raumer,  ii.  253;  Wilken,  ii.  231,  256-7  ;  Vertot,  i.  182. 

Ill-  "•  196.  »  Wilken.  III.  ii.  263. 


<-«AP,  X.  SALADIN. 


213 


prostitutes.^  The  clergy  and  the  monks  are  described 
as  infamous  for  their  manner  of  life.y  Their  chief, 
Heraclius  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  been  recommended  to 
Sibylla  by  his  fine  person,  and  through  her  favour  had 
been  forced  into  the  patriarchal  throne,  lived  in  open  and 
luxurious  profligacy  with  a  tradesman's  wife  of  Nablous, 
who  was  generally  styled  the  patriarchess.^ 

The  power  of  the  Mussulmans  was  advancing. 
Noureddin,  who  died  in  1173,  was  succeeded  as 
their  most  conspicuous  leader  by  Saladin,  son  of  a 
Curdish  mercenary,  and  nephew  of  Siracouh,  a  distin- 
guished general,  who  under  Noureddin  had  been  vizier 
of  Egypt.*  Saladin,  born  in  1 137,  is  celebrated,  not  only 
by  Moslem  but  by  Christian  writers,  for  his  skill  in  arms, 
his  personal  bravery,  his  accomplishments,  his  justice,  his 
magnanimity,  generosity,  courtesy,  and  truth.  In  him, 
indeed,  rather  than  in  any  Christian  warrior  of  the  age, 
may  be  found  the  union  of  some  of  the  highest  qualities 
which  adorn  the  ideal  character  of  chivalry.  His  piety 
and  orthodoxy,  although  agreeable  to  the  strictest 
Mahometan  standard,  were  wholly  free  from  intolerance.^ 
Yet,   superior  as  he  appears    in    many  respects   to  the 

*  "Sedecimmillia  meretricum,  piae  years  after  the  alleged  date  of  this 
ter  alias  et  occultas  et  similes  in  matri-  crime.  Hist.  Litt.  xiv.  519;  Herzog, 
monio     constitutas,     quarum    statum        xviii.  149  ;  and  p.  218  below. 

solus  novit  Deus."     Descriptio  Terrae  •  Will.  Tyr.  xx.  12  ;  Gibbon,  v.  482; 

Sanctae,  MS.,  quoted  by  Raumer,  ii.  Wilken,  III.  ii.  153. 

258 ;  cf.  Will.  Tyr.  xxi.  7,  ''  Gibbon,  v.  482  ;  Raumer,  ii.  247. 

y  Bern,  Thes.  162  :  Rob.  Altissiod.  For   the   Oriental  accounts,   see   Mi- 

in  Bouq.  xviii.  254.  chaud,  Biblioth.  des  Crois.  iv.  §  68.  The 

*  Will.  Tyr.  contin.  xxiii.  11;  Ber-  writer  who  is  known  as  Alberic  of  Trois 
nard.  Thesaur.  142-3  (Murat.  vii.);  Fontaines  says  that  Saladin  bequeathed 
Wilken,  ii.  260  ;  Bayle,  art.  Heraclius.  money  to  the  poor,  Saracens,  Jews,  and 
William  of  Tyre  opposed  the  election  Christians,  in  order  that,  if  his  soul 
of  Heraclius,  and  is  said  to  have  been  derived  no  benefit  from  two  of  these 
poisoned  by  an  emissary  of  the  patri-  religions,  it  might  be  benefited  by  the 
arch  at  Rome,  where  he  was  endeavour-  third — "  Et  ex  hoc  ostendit  quod  non 
ing  to  get  it  annulled.  (Bernard,  142;  ex  toto  fiduciam  habuerit  in  lege  sua 
Will.  Tyr.  contin.  xxiii.  10.)  But  it  Saracenica."  Bouq.  xviii.  758. 
would  seem  that  he  was  .ilive   some 


214  BATTLE    OF    HITTIM.  Book  VI. 

Christians  of  his  time  in  general,  Saladin  will  not 
endure  to  be  measured  by  a  standard  which  should  make 
no  allowance  for  the  disadvantages  of  his  training  in  the 
creed  and  the  habits  of  Islam.  The  manner  in  which 
he  superseded  Noureddin's  minor  son  would  have  been 
unjustifiable,  except  on  Oriental  principles ;  <^  nor  did  the 
humaneness  of  his  general  character  prevent  him  from 
having  occasional  recourse  to  unscrupulous  bloodshed  for 
the  accomplishment  of  his  purposes.^ 

"  If  Noureddin  was  a  rod  of  the  Lord's  fury  against 
the  Christians,"  says  a  chronicler,  "  Saladin  was  not  a  rod 
but  a  hammer."®  In  his  earlier  career,  while  extending 
his  conquests  in  every  direction,  he  had  treated  them 
with  remarkable  forbearance ;  but  at  length  he  was  roused 
to  direct  hostilities  by  the  continual  attacks  of  some, 
who  plundered  the  borders  of  his  territory,  and  seized  on 
caravans  of  peaceful  travellers.'"  In  1187  he  invaded 
the  Holy  Land  at  the  head  of  80,000  men,  and  the 
Christians  sustained  a  terrible  defeat  at  the 
juy  D>  /•  ^^^^Iq  Qf  Hittim  or  Tiberias — fought  within 
sight  of  the  very  scenes  which  had  been  hallowed  by 
many  of  the  gospel  miracles.  The  cross  on  which  the 
Saviour  was  believed  to  have  died,  having  been  brought 
from  Jerusalem  as  a  means  of  strength  and  victory,  was 
lost.s     The  king  and  many  of  the  Frankish  chiefs  were 

•  See  Gibbon,  v.  482.  tion  (as  it  would  have  been  unsafe  to 
''  See  Dollinger,  "Ueber  Islam."  dig  by  day),  was  unable  to  point  out 

*  Will.  Neubrig.  iii.  10.  the  place  (Will.  Tyr.  contin.  xxiii.  13. 
'  Anon.  Canis.  500.  See  Wilken,  III.  ii.  285-7).  It  was 
►^  According  to  some,  it  fell  into  the  afterwards  said  that  the  sacred  wood 

liands  of  the  infidels  (Coggeshalle,  c.  7,  had  been  cut,  and  that,  while  part  of  it 

P-  553  ;  Vinisauf,  i.  5  ;  Arnold.  Lubec.  was  lost  at  Hittim,  the  rest  remained 

iii.  24  ;  Will.  Neubrig.  iii.  10;  and  the  in   the    possession   of  the    Christians 

oriental  accounts  in  Michaud,  Biblioth.  (Bern.     Thes.    186;    Hist.    Captionis 

iv.  195).    But  others  suppose  it  to  have  Damietse,  i,  in  Gale,  i.).     There  is  a 

been  lost  on  the  field;  and  there  is  a  curious  story  as  to  the  manner  in  which 

story  of  a  templar  who  professed  to  a  portion  of  it  found  its  way  to  Genoa, 

have  buried  it,  but,  although  men  were  in  Pertz,  xviii.  53. 
set  to  dig  three  nights  under  his  direc- 


ChAP.  X.     A.D.  1187.    SALADIN    TAKES    JERUSALEM.  21$ 

taken,  together  with  many  templars  and  hospitallers,  who, 
with  the  exception  of  the  grand  master  of  the  Temple, 
were  all  beheaded  on  refusing  to  apostatize  from  the  faith. 
Some  of  the  captives,  however,  became  renegades,  and 
betrayed  the  secrets  of  the  Latins  to  the  enemy.^  Ani- 
mated with  fresh  vigour  by  this  victory,  Saladin  rapidly 
overran  the  land.^  Jerusalem  itself  was  besieged,  and, 
after  a  faint  defence  had  been  made  for  a  fortnight  by  its 
scanty  and  disheartened  garrison,  it  was  surrendered  on 
the  3rd  of  October.^  The  cross  was  thrown  down  from 
the  mosque  of  Omar,^  amid  the  groans  of  the  Christians 
who  witnessed  its  fall,  and  the  building,  after  having 
been  purged  with  incense  and  rose  water,  was  restored  to 
Mahometan  worship.  Bells  were  broken  into  pieces, 
relics  were  dispersed,  and  the  sacred  places  were  pro- 
faned. *"  Yet  Saladin  spared  the  holy  Sepulchre,  and 
allowed  Christians  to  visit  it  for  a  fixed  payment;  he 
permitted  ten  brethren  of  the  Hospital  to  remain  for  the 
tendance  of  the  sick,  and  even  endowed  them  with  a 
certain  income;"  and  to  the  captives,  of  whom  there 
were  many  thousands,  he  behaved  with  a  generosity 
which  has  found  its  celebration  rather  among  Christian 
than  among  Mussulman  writers.^  The  terms  of  ransom 
offered  to  all  were  very  Hberal ;  fourteen  thousand 
were  set  free  without  payment ;  and  at  the  expense  of 
the  conqueror  and  of  the  Alexandrian  Saracens,   many 

h  R.     Coggeshalle,   cc.    11-14;    Id.  '  "Je  ne  di  pas,"  says  the  continu- 

Chronic.   p.    812  ;  Will.   Tyr.   contin.  ator  of  William  of  Tyre,  "  que  ce  fu 

xxiii.  12  ;  Otto  Sanblas.  30  ;  Vinisauf,  par  le  commandement  de  Salahadin." 

5  •  Ben.  Petnb.  472-7  ;  Hoveden,  362;  xxiii.  29. 

Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  24 :  Wilken,  III.  ""  Coggeshalle,  31-2 ;  Bened.  Petrib. 

ii.  282-91  ;  Michaud,  iv.  57-  S09  :  Vinisauf,  9  ;  Gibbon,  v. 


R.  Coggesh.  15-25. 


R.  Altissiod.  in  Bouq.  xviii.  256 ; 


k  Coggeshalle  (who  was  there  during  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  26  ;  Will.  Neubrig. 

the  siege),  cc.  26-9;  Id.  Chron.   a.d.  iii.    18;  Ben.  Petr.  509;  Raumer,  ii. 

1187  •,  Diceto,  640;  Bern.  Thes.  161-3:  275-6. 

Wilken,     III.    ii.    299-311;     Oriental  <>  Michaud.  iv.  64;  Bern. Thes.  163-5. 
accounts  in  Michaud,  Biblioth.  iv.  209. 


2l6  A   CRUSADE    PROJECTED.  Book  VI. 

Christians  received  a  passage  to  Europe,  when  their  own 
brethren  refused  to  admit  them  on  shipboard  except  on 
condition  of  paying  the  full  cost.P  The  Syrian  and  other 
oriental  Christians  were  allowed  to  remain  in  their  homes, 
on  submitting  to  tribute.*^  All  Palestine  was  soon  in  the 
hands  of  the  infidels,  except  the  great  port  of  Tyre, 
where  Conrad,  son  of  the  marquis  of  Montferrat,  arrived 
after  it  had  been  invested  by  the  enemy,  and,  by  his 
courage  and  warlike  skill,  aided  by  money  which  Henry 
of  England  had  remitted  for  the  defence  of  the  Holy  Land, 
animated  the  remnant  of  the  Christians  to  hold  out/  It 
was  noted  that  the  holy  cross,  which  had  been  recovered 
from  the  Persians  by  the  emperor  Heraclius,^  was  again 
lost  under  a  patriarch  of  the  same  name  ;  and  that  as 
Jerusalem  had  been  wrested  from  the  Saracens  under 
Urban  H.,  it  was  regained  by  them  under  Urban  HI.'- 

From  time  to  time  attempts  had  been  made  by  the 
princes  and  prelates  of  the  Holy  Land  to  enlist  the 
western  nations  in  a  new  enterprise  for  their  assistance  \ 
but  they  had  met  with  Httle  success.  The  emperor,  the 
king  of  France,  and  the  king  of  England,  were  all 
engrossed  by  their  own  affairs ;  and,  although  frequent 
conferences  took  place  between  Henry  and  Lewis  with 
a  view  to  an  alliance  for  a  holy  war,  these  did  not  pro- 
duce any  actual  result  beyond  contributions  of  money, 
in   which   Henry's    liberality   far   exceeded    that  of  the 

P  Vinisauf,   9;    Will.   Tyr.   contin.  that  the  representation  of  him  in  Scott's 

xxili.   26-8  ;   Bernard.   Thesaur.    165  ;  '  Talisman '  is  utterly  unlike  the  real 

Wilken,  III.  ii.  314-18.  character  of  this  warlike  and  ambitious 

*<  R.  Altiss.  1.  c.  adventurer.  Sicard  of  Cremona  bestows 

■^  Anon.  Canis.  501  ;  Vinisauf,  7,  10,  a  curious  collection  of  epithets  on  him 

12  ;  Will.  Neubrig.  iii.  19  ;  Sicard.  Cre-  — "  Vir  militaris  et  in  re  militari  peritus, 

mon.  in  Patrol,  cc.xiii.  517-18;  Will.  Tyr  cautus  et  strenuus,   fortis  et    audax, 

contin.  xxiii.   14,  30-1  ;  Hoveden,  362,  superbus,  magnanimus  et  devotus,  hu- 

h;  Jac.  Vitriac.  1119;  Gibbon,  v.  489.  millimiis."     Patrol,  ccxiii.  530. 

Although  it  is  needless  to  relate  here  »  See  vol.  ii.  p.  410. 

thestory  of  Conrad's  former  adventures  «  Sicard,  518  ;  Will.  Neubrig.  iii.  15, 

(see   Nicctas,   Manuel,    v.  8  ;  De.  Is.  p.  250. 
Ang.   i.   7),  it  may  be  well  to  remark 


Chap.  X.    a.d.  1187.  GREGORY   VIII.  21 7 

French  king."  In  1184  the  patriarch  Heraclius,  accom- 
panied by  the  grand  master  of  the  templars^  and  the 
prior  of  the  Hospital,  bearing  with  them  the  keys  of 
Jerusalem  and  of  the  holy  Sepulchre,  with  the  banner  of 
the  Latin  kingdom,  set  out  on  a  mission  to  enlist  Europe 
to  their  aid.  The  templar  died  at  Verona,  but  the 
patriarch  and  the  hospitaller,  fortified  with  a  letter 
from  pope  LucLus,y  went  on  to  Germany,  France,  and 
England.  The  general  feeling,  however,  was  lukewarm. 
King  Henry  was  told  by  his  prelates  and  nobles  that 
his  duties  lay  rather  at  home  than  in  the  East,  and  he 
could  only  offer  money;  whereupon  Heraclius  indig- 
nantly exclaimed  *'  We  want  a  man  without  money, 
rather  than  money  without  a  man!"^  But  the  events 
which  had  now  taken  place  aroused  all  Europe.  The 
tidings  of  the  calamity  which  had  befallen  the  Christians 
of  the  East  at  once  made  peace  between  the  emperor 
and  the  pope,  between  England  and  France,  between 
Genoa  and  Pisa,  between  Venice  and  Hungary.*  Urban 
III.  is  said  to  have  been  killed  by  the  report  of  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem.^  His  successor,  Gregory  VHI., 
issued  letters  urgently  summoning  the  faithful  to  aid 
their  brethren  in  the  East;*'  and  on  Gregory's  death,  after 

"  Rob.  de  Monte,  a.d,  1166  (Patrol.  Heraclius    consecrated    the    Temple 

clx.);  Ben.  Petrib.  244;  R.  de  Diceto,  church,  London,  in  1185.     Maitland, 

599.  Hist,  of  London,  967. 

*  This  title  looks  oddly  in  Greek— oi/  «  Murat.  Ann.  VII.  i.  80-1. 

Te/x7r\ovjaaitrTopa  AarlvoL  bvoixa^ov(Tt..  •*  It  is  doubtful  whether  he  lived  to 

Cinnamus,  iv.  22.  hear  of  it.     But  at  least  he  knew  that 

y  Ep.  182,  Patrol,   cci.     There  are  the  battle  of  Tiberias  was  lost,  that 

many    letters    of  Alexander    III.    in  Saladinwasadvancingwithoutacheck, 

favour  of  the  Holy  Land— ^.^.,  Epp.  and  perhaps  that  he  had  laid  siege  to 

588,  590,  626-7,  1047,  1233,  etc.  Jerusalem.     See  Ben.    Petrib.    473-7; 

'  Ben.  Petrib.  425,  429,  434-7;  Pet.  Chron.  Petrib.  A.D.   1188  (in  Sparke) 

Bles.    Ep.   98  (Patrol,  ccvii.) ;   R.  de  Jac.  Auriae  in  Pertz,  xviii.  54  ;  Murat.' 

Diceto,  622-6  ;   Girald.  Cambrens.  de  Ann.  VII.  i.  77  ;  Raumer,  ii.  277. 

Expugn.  HibcrniK,  ii.  26  ;  Rigord.  in  '^  Epp.  1,4  (Oct.  27,  29,  1187),  Patrol. 

Bouq.  xvii.  14  ;  Pauli,  iii.  175-6.    The  ccii.      Gregory     was     that     Cardinal 

patriarch's  speech  may  have  been  an  Albert  who  had  been  sent  as  one  of  the 

allusion     to    Walter     the    Pennyless.  legates  to  Henry  II.,  after  the  murder 


2l8  PREPARATIONS    FOR  Book  VI. 

a  pontificate  of  less  than  two  months,  the  cause  was 
vigorously  taken  up  by  Clement  IIL^^  The  cardinals 
bound  themselves  to  give  up  all  pomp  and  luxury,  to 
accept  no  bribes  from  suitors,  never  to  mount  on  horse- 
back *'so  long  as  the  land  whereon  the  feet  of  the  Lord 
had  stood  should  be  under  the  enemy's  feet,"  and  to 
preach  the  crusade  as  mendicants.^  The  king  of  Sicily 
vowed  to  assist  the  holy  enterprise  to  the  utmost  of  his 
power/  Henry  of  England,  Philip  of  France,  and  Philip 
count  of  Flanders,  met  at  the  "oak  of  conference" 
„^  between  Gisors  and  Trie,  on  St.  Agnes'  day, 

Jan.  21,  I186.        J        vt,  r  u     •     r  n  •      J 

and,  with  many  of  their  loUowers,  received 

the  cross  from   the  hands  of  the  archbishop  of  Tyre.s 

A  heavy  impost  was  laid  on  their  subjects,  under  the 

name  of  *'  Saladin's   tithe,"  ^  and  especial   prayers   for 

the    Holy  Land   were  inserted  into  the  church-service.' 

William  of  Scotland  offered  to  contribute    money,    but 

his   nobles   strongly   withstood    the   proposal   that  they 

should    be    taxed     in    the    same    proportion    as     the 

English.'^ 

In   Germany   also   the    crusade   was    preached    with 

great  success.     A  chronicler  tells  us  that,  at  an  assembly 

which  was  held  at  Strasburg,  in  December   1187,  the 

cause  of  the  Holy  Land  was  at  first  set  forth  by  two 

Italian  ecclesiastics,  but  that  their  words  fell  dead  on 

ofBecket.     He  is  said  to  have  had  the     historian    William,    and    conse- 

great  designs  of  reform,   but  had  no  quently  that  the  story  of  his  having 

time  to  act  on  them.     Chron.  Ursperg.  been  poisoned  some  years  before  (see 

23o;Chron  Turon.  in  Mart,  and  Dur.,  p.  213),    is   untrue,   see  Michaud,  iv. 

Coll.  Ampliss.  V.  1030  ;  R.  Altissiod.  69.     A  cross  is  said  to  have  appeared 

in  Bouq.  xviii.  257  ;  cf.  Ep.  23.  in  the  sky  on  the  occasion.     Hoveden, 

"I  Will.   Neubrig.    iii.    22 ;   Arnold.  365. 

Lubec.  iii.  27.  ''  Ben.  Petrib.   496-8  ;   Bern.  Thes. 

*  Pet.    Bles.    Ep.    219  ;    Hoveden,  169. 

362,/'.  '  Ben.  Petrib.  524.  Rigord  (25)  gives 

''  Pet.  Bles.  1.  c.  the  rules  for  the  crusaders,  drawn  up 

K  Vinisauf,  ii.  3  ;  Rigord.  in  Bouq.  by  a  council  under  Philip  at  Paris,  in 

xvii.  25  ;  R.  de  Diceto,  636;  Ben.  Pe-  March,  1188. 

trib.  495-6.     That  this  archbishop  was  ^  Id.  514-15. 


Chap.  X.     a. d.  1 186-8.        THE    THIRD    CRUSADE.  219 

the  hearers.  The  bishop  of  the  city  then  took  it  up,  and 
produced  a  general  emotion  ;  but  still  men  hesitated  to 
commit  themselves  to  the  enterprise.  When,  however, 
one  had  at  length  set  the  example  of  taking  the  cross, 
the  bishop  began  the  hymn  "  Veni  Sancte  Spiritus  "  ;  and 
forthwith  such  was  the  crowd  of  people  who  pressed 
forward  to  enlist,  with  an  enthusiasm  which  found  a  vent 
in  tears,  that  he  and  his  clergy  were  hardly  able  to  supply 
them  with  the  badges  of  the  holy  war.^  In  the  following 
Lent  a  great  diet,  known  as  the  "  Court  of  Christ,"  was 
held  at  Mentz,  where  cardinal  Henry  of  Albano  appeared 
as  the  preacher  of  the  crusade  ;  and,  although  he  was 
unable  to  speak  the  language  of  the  country,  his  words, 
even  through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter,  powerfully 
excited  the  assembly.™  The  emperor  and  his  younger 
son,  Frederick  of  Swabia,  were  the  first  to  assume  the 
cross,  and  were  followed  by  an  enthusiastic  multitude  of 
every  class."  Thus  the  three  greatest  princes  of  Europe 
were  all  embarked  in  the  enterprise.  Frederick  Barba- 
rossa  was  now  sixty-seven  years  of  age,  but  retained  his 
full  vigour  of  body ;  his  long  contests  had  been  brought 
to  a  peaceable  end ;  and  he  might  hope,  by  engaging  in 
the  holy  war,  to  clear  himself  of  all  imputations  which 
had  fallen  on  his  character  as  a  churchman,  and  even  to 
adorn  his  name  with  a  glory  like  that  which  rested  on 
Godfrey  of  Bouillon  and  his  comrades  in  the  first  crusade.° 
Having  accompanied  his  uncle  Conrad  on  the  second 
crusade,  he  was  resolved  to  guard  against  a  repetition  of 
the  errors  by  which  that  expedition  had  been  frustrated. 
He  ordered  that  no  one  should  be  allowed  to  join  his 
force  except  such  as  were  able-bodied,  accustomed  to 
bear  arms,  and  sufficiently  furnished  with  money  to  bear 

•  Annal.    Marbac.   in    Pertz,    xvii.  "  Clem.  III.  Ep.  105  (Patrol,  cciv. 

163.  Anon.  Canis.  503-4  ;  Ansbert,  18. 

'"  Henr.Alban.Ep.  32 (Patrol,  cciv.);  °  See  Ansbert,  6-7. 
Ansbert.  i^  :  Luden.  xi.  510. 


220  THIRD   CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

their  own  expenses  for  two  years  ;P  carriages  were  pro- 
vided for  the  sick  and  wounded,  that  they  might  not 
delay  the  progress  of  the  army  ;  ^  and  Frederick  endea- 
voured by  embassies  to  the  king  of  Hungary,  to  the 
Byzantine  emperor,  and  to  the  Sultan  of  Iconium  (whose 
adhesion  to  the  Mussulman  cause  was  supposed  to  be 
very  slight)  to  assure  himself  of  an  unmolested  passage 
and  of  markets  for  provisions  along  the  route.  From 
all  he  received  favourable  answers  ;  ^  and,  having  taken 
measures  to  secure  the  peace  of  his  dominions  during 
his  absence,*  the  emperor  was  ready  to  set  out  at  the 
appointed  time,  in  the  spring  of  1189.' 

From  Ratisbon,  where  the  forces  were  mustered,"  some 
proceeded  down  the  Danube  in  boats  into  Hungary, 
where  they  waited  for  the  emperor  and  the  rest.''  Through 
Hungary  their  passage  was  prosperous.  King  Bela 
welcomed  the  emperor  with  all  honour,  and  bestowed 
large  gifts  of  provisions  on  the  army ;  it  is,  however, 
complained  that  the  natives  took  unfair  advantages  in 


p  Otto  Sanblas.  31  ;  Annal.Marbac.  geshalle,  577-80;  Schrockh,  xxv.  129; 

1x88  ;  Anon.  Canis.  504  ;  Vinisauf,  20.  Luden,  xi.  70-2,  514;  Raumer,  ii.  282. 

Luden  blames  these  precautions,   as  Wilken  supposes  Saladin's  letter  to  be 

shutting    out    those    whose    motives  genuine,  but  the  other  to  be  a  forgery 

might  be  the  noblest,  cutting  off"  the  substituted  for  a  letter  which  is  lost. 

poor  from  the  source  of  grace,  etc.  !  iv.  59. 

(xi.  56.)  •  The  genuineness  of  the  letter  foi 

1  Vinis.  20.  the  peace  of  the  empire,  ascribed  to 

'  Nicet.  de  Is.  Angelo,  ii.  3  ;  Ans-  Frederick,  is  questioned  by  Luden,  xi. 

bert,  19  ;  Annal.  Colon,  in  Pertz,  xvii.  698-700. 

794-6 ;    Anon.   Canis.    504-5  ;    Annal.  *  Arnold.    Lubec.   iii.   28  ;    Chron. 

Pegav.   A.D.    1189  (Pertz,   xvi.    266);  Ursperg.  230-1. 

O.  Sanblas.  31  ;  Michaud,  iv.  81.     A  "  The  numbers  are  so  very  variously 

letter  addressed  in  the  name  of  Frede-  given  that  it  is  unsafe  to  place  any 

rick  to  Saladin,  and  one  which  is  sup-  reliance  on   the  statements.     See   R. 

posed  to  be  the  answer,  are  given  by  de  Coggeshalle,  53  ;  Sicard.  Cremon., 

many  writers  :    but  their  genuineness  Patrol,  ccxiii.  521  ;  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii. 

(or,  at  least,  that  of  the  former  letter)  29  ;     Muratori,    Ann.     VII.    ii.    84  ; 

is  for  the  most  part  disbelieved.     See  Luden,  xi.  518. 

Pet.   Kles.    Ep.    213  ;   Hoveden,   370 ;  »  Annal.  Pegav.  in  Pertz,  xvi.  266. 

Ben.  Pclrib.  535  ;  R.  de  Diceto.  640-1  ;  Frederick   left   Ratisbon   on   April  9. 

Vinisauf,  8  •  Anon.  Canis.  504-5  ;  Cog-  Tageno,  6. 


Chap.  X.    a.d.  1189.     THE    GREEKS    AND   THE    LATINS.  22  1 

the  exchange  of  money.y  In  Bulgaria  provisions  were 
refused  at  the  instigation  of  the  Greeks,  and  some  of 
the  crusaders  were  wounded  by  arrows ;  but  Frederick  by 
vigorous  measures  brought  the  Bulgarians  to  submission, 
while  he  restrained  his  own  followers  by  strict  discipline 
from  plunder  and  other  offensive  acts.^  But  on  entering 
the  Greek  territories,  more  serious  difficulties  arose. 

The  old  unkindly  feeling  between  the  Greeks  and  the 
Latins  had  not  been  lessened  by  late  events.*  The 
interest  which  Manuel  had  laboured  to  create  with 
the  pope  and  the  Italians  had  been  destroyed  by  their 
reconciliation  with  Frederick.^  Under  Andronicus,  who 
in  1 183  attained  the  Byzantine  throne  by  the  murder  of 
the  young  Alexius,  son  of  Manuel,  a  great  massacre  of 
the  Latin  residents  had  taken  place  at  Constantinople. 
In  this  atrocity  the  mob  was  aided  by  the  usurper's 
forces ;  the  clergy  were  active  in  urging  on  the  murderers, 
and  burst  out  into  a  song  of  thanksgiving  when  the  head 
of  the  cardinal-legate  was  cut  off  and  treated  with  in- 
dignity.*' Isaac  Angelus,  by  whom  Andronicus  was 
dethroned  in  1185,  had  carried  on  friendly  negotiations 
with  Saladin,  to  whom,  in  consideration  of  the  cession  of 
some  churches  in  the  Holy  Land,  he  granted  leave  to 
erect  a  mosque  in  Constantinople  itself. '^  The  Greeks, 
who  from  time  to  time  had  continued  to  attack  the  west- 
ern sojourners  at  Constantinople,^  were  naturally  uneasy 
at  the  approach  of  a  formidable  host,  under  a  commander 

y  Arnold.  Lub.  iii.  29;  Annal.  Colon.  and  hung  upon  trees.  Anon.  Canis.  509 

797  ;  Otto  Sanblas.    32  ;   Append,    ad  "  See,  e.g.,  Vinisauf,  i.  21. 

Radevic.  ap.  Urstis.  560  ;  Ansbert,  22,  *»  Gibbon,  v.  365-6. 

26-7.  *=  Nicet.  de  Alexio,  c.  11 ;  Rob.  de 

'  Dietpold.    Patav.    ap.   Tagen.   6  ;  Monte,  Patrol,  clx.  539,  542 ;  Will.  Tyr. 

Ansbert,    26-9  ;    Annal.    Colon.    797 ;  xxii.  10-12  ;  Gibbon,  vi.  7-8. 

Anon.    Canis.    506 ;    O.    Sanblas.    32  ^  Bohaeddin,  in  Michaud,  Biblioth. 

Some  crusaders  who  afterwards  over-  iv.  270 ;  Vinisauf,  21  ;   Gibbon,  vi.  9, 

took  the  main  force  reported  that  in  471. 

Bulgaria  they  had  seen  the  bodies  of  «  Ansbert.  38-40. 
their  dead  brethren  torn  from  the  grave 


222  THIRD    CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

SO  renowned  as  Jb'rederick.  Isaac  himself  was  especially- 
alarmed  in  consequence  of  predictions  uttered  by  one 
Dositheus,  who  had  acquired  a  strong  influence  over  him 
by  foretelling  his  elevation  to  the  empire  ;  ^  and,  with  a 
view  of  impeding  the  Germans,  recourse  was  had  to  the 
arts  which  had  already  been  tried  in  the  former  crusades. 
The  patriarch  had  excited  the  populace  beforehand  by 
denouncing  the  strangers  as  heretics  and  dogs.^  The 
bishop  of  Munster  and  other  ambassadors  whom  Frede- 
rick sent  to  Constantinople  were  treated  with  slights? 
and  committed  to  prison,  where  they  were  subjected  to 
hunger  and  other  sufferings  ;^  notwithstanding  the  as- 
surances which  had  been  given  as  to  supplies  and  other 
assistance,  cities  were  deserted  or  shut  up  as  the  crusaders 
approached  them;  and  they  were  harassed  by  frequent 
and  insidious  attacks  of  Greek  soldiery.'  It  appears  on 
Mussulman  authority  that  the  Greek  emperor  after- 
wards claimed  credit  with  Saladin  for  having  troubled 
the  Germans  on  their  expedition.^  Frederick,  from  a 
resolution  not  to  waste  his  strength  in  Europe,  was  de- 
sirous to  avoid  all  quarrels ;  but  finding  himself  reduced 
to  choose  between  perishing  by  hunger  and  the  employ- 
ment of  force  to  gain  the  needful  supplies,  he  took 
Philippople,  Adrianople,  and  other  towns,  in  which  he 
got  possession  of  great  wealth,  with  abundant  stores  of 
food.  The  Greek  emperor,  on  hearing  of  these  successes, 
changed  his  policy,  restored  the  bishop  of  Munster  and 
his  companions,^  and  sent  envoys  of  his  own  who  were 

'  Nicet.  ii.  4.    Dositheus  was  for  a  Is.  Ang.  ii.  3;  Ansbert,  69.     It  is  said 

short  time  patriarch,   ib.  that  in  churches  and  other  buildings 

K  Ansbert,  52.  the  crusaders    found    pictures  which 

''  Annah  Colon.   97  ;    Anon.   Canis.  represented  Greeks  as  trampling  on  the 

505,510  ;  Vinis.  21  ;  Nicet.  dels.  Ang.  necks  of  pilgrims.     Anon.  Cani.s.  514. 

ii.  5  ;  Ansbert,  41,  44,  52.  ''  Bohaeddin,  in  Michaud,  Biblioth. 

'  Frid.  ad  Henricum  in  Mart.,  Coll.  iv.  275. 

Ampl.    i.  909  ;   Anon.    Canis.    507-9,  '  Ansbert,  58-9.   Procuratum  seems 

511  ;  Arnold.  J>ubec.  iii.  31  ;  Nicet.  de  to  be  a  misreading  hv propinatum. 


Chap.  X     a. d.  1189-90.       FREDERICK    AND   THE   GREEKS.        223 

charged  to  offer  all  manner  of  redress  and  assistance  if 
Frederick  would  consent  to  hold  the  west  on  condition 
of  homage.™  The  Byzantines  renewed  the  old  war  of 
ceremony,  treating  Frederick  as  a  petty  prince  of 
whose  name  they  affected  to  be  ignorant — as  "king  of 
the  Germans,"  while  Isaac  was  styled  "emperor  of  the 
Romans."  "  Does  your  master  know  who  I  am  ?  "  said 
Frederick  indignantly  to  the  Greek  ambassadors  at 
Philippople  :  '*  My  name  is  Frederick  ;  I  am  emperor  of 
the  Romans,  crowned  in  the  city  which  is  mother  and 
mistress  of  the  world  by  the  successor  of  the  prince  of 
the  apostles,  and  have  held  without  question  for  more 
than  thirty  years  a  sceptre  which  my  predecessors  have 
lawfully  possessed  for  four  hundred  years,  since  it  was 
transferred  from  Constantinople  for  the  inertness  of  your 
rulers.  Let  your  master  style  himself  sovereign  of  the 
Romanians,"  and  cease  to  use  a  title  which  in  him  is 
empty  and  ridiculous ;  for  there  is  but  one  emperor  of 
the  Romans."  This  firmness  had  its  effect,  and  Isaac 
submitted  to  address  Frederick  as  "emperor  of  the 
Germans,"  and  at  length  as  "  most  noble  emperor  of 
old  Rome."° 

After  a  stay  of  fourteen  weeks  at  Adrianople,  where 
vigorous  measures  were  employed  with  imperfect  success 
to  counteract  the  enervating  influence  of  the  plenty 
which  had  succeeded  to  the  former  privations,?  the  army 
again  advanced,  and  at  Easter  it  was  conveyed  from 
Gallipoli  to  the  Asiatic  coast  in  vessels  furnished  by  the 

""  Nicet.  de  Is.  Ang.  ii.  5  ;  Ansbert,  the  Romans. 

41-50.  °  Ansbert,  54-5. 

"  Ansbert,  53  ;  Anon.  Canis.  511-14  ;  P  Any  person  of  either  sex  who  was 

Otto    Sanblas.     32-4 ;    Annal.    Colon.  caught  in  an  act  of  unchastity,  after 

798-9 ;   Dietpold  in   Tageno,    7-8.     It  having  been  paraded  about  the  town 

was  not  the  imperial  title  of  Isaac  that  in  very  shameful  guise,  was  ducked  in 

was  contested,  as  if  there  could  be  only  the  wintry  river  amid  general  derision, 

one  emperor  in  the  world  :   but  only  Ansbert,  65. 
his  right  to  style  himself  emperor  of 


224  THIRD    CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

Greek  emperor,  who  had  agreed  to  make  compensation 
for  all  injuries,  and  to  bestow  his  daughter  in  marriage 
on  Frederick's  son  Philip.  The  crossing  of  the  Helles- 
pont lasted  seven  days,  and  the  whole  number  of  those 
who  crossed  is  reckoned  at  83,000.^ 

The  first  (qw  days  of  the  march  through  Asia  Minor 
were  prosperous;  but  it  soon  appeared  that  the  Greek 
emperor  and  the  sultan  of  Iconium  (who  had  renewed 
his  friendly  assurances  by  ambassadors  who  waited  on 
Frederick  at  Adrianople)''  were  treacherous.  No  markets 
were  to  be  found;  the  interpreters  who  had  been  furnished 
by  the  Greeks,  and  the  sultan's  ambassadors  who  accom- 
panied the  army,  disappeared,  after  having  lured  the 
crusaders  into  a  desert.  The  horses  broke  down  from 
want  of  food,  and  their  flesh  was  greedily  eaten ;  while 
Turkish  soldiers  began  to  hover  around  in  ever-increas- 
ing numbers,  "  barking  around  us  like  dogs,"  says  one 
who  was  in  the  expedition ^ — threatening  and  harassing 
the  army,  but  always  declining  an  engagement.^  Yet 
Frederick  was  still  able  to  maintain  discipline.  The 
festival  of  Pentecost  was  kept  amidst  danger  and  distress. 
The  bishop  of  Wiirzburg  delivered  an  exhortation  to  the 
crusaders ;  all  received  the  holy  Eucharist,  and  on  the 
following  day  they  attacked  and  defeated  a  force  com- 
manded by  the  sultan's  son."  On  approaching  Iconium, 
the  emperor  found  that  his  advance  was  barred  by  a  vast 
force  of  Turks,^  who  refused  him  a  passage  except  on  the 
payment  of  a  bezant  for  every  soldier  in  his  army,  while 
the  city  was  closed  against  him.  But  although  his  cavalry 
were  now  reduced  below  a  thousand,  and  were  worn  out 

*»  Tageno,  lo ;  Ansbert,  70-5  ;  Annal.  Radev.     ap.     Urstis.     560-1 ;    Annal. 

Colon.    799  ;    Arnold.    Lub.    iii.    31  ;  Colon.  799 ;  Vinis.  i,  23  ;  Arnold.  Lu- 

Anon.  Canis.  515  ;  Vinis.  i.  22.      See  bee.  iii.  32. 

Raumer,  ii.  290.  "  Ansbert,  91 ;  Anon.  Canis.  520-1. 

"■  Tageno,  10.                •  Id.  11.  ^  The  Appendix  to  Radevic  reckons 

»  Ansbert,  82-85,  seqq.  ;  Anon.  Canis.  them  at  200,000,  p.  562  ;  Tageno  (la) 

517-18  ;  Otto  Sanblas,  34  ;  Append,  ad  at  600,000. 


Chap.  X.    a.d.  1190.  DEATH   OF    FREDERICK.  22$ 

with  severe  sufferings  from  hunger  and  thirst,  he  boldly 
attacked  the  Turks,  and  defeated  them  with  vast  slaughter, 
while  the  younger  Frederick  assaulted  the  city,  and  com- 
pelled the  perfidious  sultan  to  surrender  it.y  As  in  earlier 
days,  it  is  said  that  the  crusaders  were  aided  by  a  troop 
of  shining  warriors,  bearing  the  red  cross  on  their  white 
shields,  and  headed  by  the  martial  St.  George,^  whose 
protection,  with  that  of  God,  they  had  invoked  before 
the  fight.  By  these  successes  Frederick's  fame  was 
raised  to  the  highest  pitch  throughout  the  east.  The 
army,  refreshed  with  provisions  and  enriched  by  the 
spoil  of  Iconium  (although  even  there  he  compelled 
the  observance  of  order  and  moderation),^  made  its  way 
boldly  through  the  rocky  defiles  of  Cilicia,^  and  was 
pressing  onwards  with  hope  of  speedily  achieving  the 
object  of  the  expedition  ;  when  the  hopes  of  june  lo, 
Christendom  sank,  and  the  confidence  of  the  "9o. 
Moslems  revived,  as  tidings  were  spread  that  the  great 
leader  had  perished  in  attempting  to  cross  the  river  Salef 
or  Calycadnus,*=  near  Tarsus.^     The  loss  to  his  army  was 

y  Anon.  Canis.  523-5  ;  Ansbert,  93-7  ;  35  ;  Ben.  Petrib.  567  ;  Hoveden,  403  ; 

Sicard.  in  Patrol,  ccxiii.  524  ;  Arnold.  Nicet.  de  Is.  Angelo,  ii.S  ;  Wilkcn,  iv. 

Lubec.  iii.  33  ;  Vinis.  i.  23-4  ;  Append.  140-1.      Benedict  and   Hoveden  give 

ad  Radev.  562  ;  O.  Sanblas.  34  ;  Ta-  much  geographical  information  here, 

geno,  12-13.  The  Anchin  chronicler  saj's  that  Frede- 

^  Append,  ad  Radev.  561 ;  Sicard.  rick  was  taken  out  alive,  and,  although 

1.  c.  ;  Ansbert,  94.  speechless,  survived  three  days,  and 

»  Nicet.  de  Is.  Ang.  ii.  7.  received    the    last     sacraments.    A.D. 

*>  "  Qua;  solis  ibicibus  et  volatihbus  1190    (Patrol,     clx.).       According    to 

vix  accessibilia  erant."    Ansbert,  105.  Albert  of  Stade  (a.d.  1191,  in  Pertz, 

'  See  Milman,  n.  on  Gibbon,  v.  476.  xvi.),  he  exclaimed,  while  drowning, 

^  The  statements  as  to  the  cause  of  "  Benedictus  "^crucifixus     Dei    Filius, 

his  death  are  various — that  he  caught  quod  aqua  me  suscipitqua:  me  regene- 

a  chill  in  bathing,  that  he  was  carried  ravit,  et  me  martyrcm  facit  quae  fecit 

away  by  the  force  of  the  stream  while  Christianum."      On   the  other  hand, 

endeavouring  to  swim  his  horse  across,  Mutius  of  Monza  says  that  he  had 

etc.     See  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  34  ;  Ans-  taken  the  way  by  land  because  it  had 

bert,  103-4  ;  Conrad  Schyren.  in  Pertz,  been  foretold   tliat  he  was  to  die   by 

xvii.,    A.D.     1190  ;     R.    Coggeshaile,  water.  (Pertz,  xviii.  467.)  His  enemies 

Chron.    188  ;     Radulph.     Niger,    ed.  regarded  his  end  as  a  proof  that  his 

Anstruther,  Lend.  1851  ;  Anon.  Canis,  intention  in  undertaking  the  crusade 

526;  Annal.  Colou.  8c» ;  O.  Sanblas.  had  not  been  pure.     (Annal.   Stedin 

VOL.    V.  15 


226  THE   THIRD   CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

immense  and  irreparable.  Discipline  was  no  longer 
preserved.  On  reaching  Antioch,  multitudes  fell  victims 
to  the  heat  of  the  climate,  or  to  the  intemperance 
with  which  they  indulged  in  food  and  drink  after  their 
late  privations.  Many  of  the  survivors  abandoned  the 
crusade  and  returned  to  Europe;  and  the  younger 
Frederick  died  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Acre,<=  where  his 
appearance  at  the  head  of  a  force  reduced  below  5,000 
had  rather  brought  discouragement  than  hope  to  the 
beleaguered  garrison.^ 

In  the  meantime  some  of  the  Germans,  who  had  com- 
pleted their  preparations  early,  had  taken  ship  for  the 
Holy  Land  in  anticipation  of  Frederick's  march.^  As 
in  the  second  crusade,^  many  adventurers  from  Scandi- 
navia and  the  north  of  Germany  had  assembled  in  the 
English  port  of  Dartmouth,  from  which  they  sailed  again 
with  increased  numbers;  and,  although  these  for  the 
most  part  contented  themselves  with  some  adventures 
against  the  Moors  of  the  Spanish  peninsula,  some  of 
them  found  their  way  to  Palestine.*  William  of  Sicily 
despatched  a  fleet  to  share  the  expedition. ^  Henry  of 
England,  after  having  taken  measures  to  secure  himself 
a  safe  passage  through  Germany,  Hungary,  and  Greece, 
had  been  prevented  by  a  fresh  rebellion  of  his  son 
Richard,^  and  by  other  political  troubles,  from  carrying 
out  his  promise,"*  and  much  of  the  money  which  had 
been  collected  for   the  holy  war  was   spent  in  these 

burg,  in  Pertz,  xvi.  223  ;  see  Schmidt,  s  Annal.  Marbac.  a.d,  1188  (Pertz, 

ii.   649.)    Frederick  is  well  sketched  xvii.).     Ansbert  speaks  with  contempt 

by  Mackintosh,  i.  149-51.    The  Byzan-  of  those  who  thus  avoided  the  dangers 

tine    Nicetas   pronounces   a   remark-  of  the  land  journey,  25. 

able  eulogy  on  him  as  a  martyr,  ii.  8.  •»  P.  141. 

•  Jan.  20,  1191.     Magnus,  in  Pertz,  •  R.  de  Diceto,  645-6  ;  Vinis.  i.  27  ; 

xvii.  518.  Hoveden,  376;  Luden,  xi.  518. 

'  Arnold.   Lubec   iii.  34  *  Vinis.   i.  ^  Raumer,  ii.  279. 

24:  O.  Sanblas.  35;  Gibbon,  vi.  290;  '  13encd.  Petrib.  501-3;  R.  deDice?0, 

R.  Coggesh.  33  ;  Tageno,  14-15  ;  Mag-  636-9. 

nus,  in  Pertz,  xvii.  517.  •"  Wilkcn,  iv.  35, 


Chap.  X.    a.d.  nSg-gr.    RICHARD    I.    OF   ENGLAND. 


227 


unhappy  contests  at  home.°  But  Richard,  who  had  been 
the  first  of  all  the  western  princes  to  take  the  cross, 
on  succeeding  to  the  crown  in  July  1189,  embarked  in 
the  enterprise  with  all  the  eagerness  of  his  impetuous 
character.  He  submitted  to  penance  for  having  borne 
arms  against  his  father  after  having  bound  himself  to  the 
crusade.°  To  the  money  which  was  found  in  Henry's 
coffersP  he  added  by  all  imaginable  expedients,  in  order 
to  raise  means  for  the  expedition.  Bishopricks,  abbacies, 
earldoms,  and  all  manner  of  other  offices  and  dignities, 
were  sold.^^  The  late  king's  ministers  were  imprisoned, 
and  large  sums  were  extorted  for  their  ransom. "■  Some 
who  repented  of  having  taken  the  cross  were  made  to 
pay  heavily  for  license  to  stay  at  home.^  The  plate  and 
ornaments  of  churches  were  seized  and  were  turned  into 
money.  Some  fortresses  and  territories  which  had  been 
taken  from  the  Scots  were  restored  to  them  for  a  certain 
payment  3'  and  the  Jews  were  not  only  drained  by 
exactions,  but,  as  usual,  were  plundered  and  slain  in 
the  general  fury  against  misbelievers."    The  demesnes  of 

"  Andr.  Marclanens.  in  Bouq.  xviiL  *  Will.   Neubr.   iv.   s  ;  Lingard,  ii. 

556.  245-6. 

"  R.  de  Diceto,  646.  "  Henry,  it  is  said,  on  account  of 

P  See  Lingard,   ii.   244  ;  Pauli,   ill  their  money,  had  encouraged  the  Jews, 

303.  so  that  they  became  insolent  and  vexa- 

<i  Ric.  Divis.  12.  See  Stubbs,  Introd.  tious  to  Christians  (Will.  Neubrig.  iii. 

to  Hoveden,  vol.  iii.     "Omnia  erant  26,  p.   282).      Coggeshalle  speaks  of 

venalia,   scilicet   potestates,    domina-  them  as  having  houses  "  quasi  palatia 

tiones,  comitatus,  vicecomitatus,  cas-  rcgum"  (a.d.   1189).      For  the  mas- 

tella,    vilI^e,   prsedia,    et    caetera   his  sacres  of  Jews  at  London  (on  Richard's 

similia"  (Ben.    Petrib.    568).      Hugh  coronation  day),  York,  Stamford,  Lynn, 

de  Puiset,  bishop  of  Durham,  bought  Bury,  Lincoln,  see  Will.  Neubrig.  iv. 

an  earldom,  but  was  afterwards  forced  i.   7-10  ;  Ric.  Divis.  c.  3  :    Hoveden^ 

to   resign  it.    (Will.  Neubrig.  iv.  i.)  379  ;  Coggeshalle,  1.  c.  ;  R.  de  Diceto, 

This  bishop  was  excused  from  going  647,  seqq.  ;  M.  Paris,  HisL  Min.  ii.  9  ; 

on  the  crusade  in  consideration  of  pay-  Pauli,  iii.  180.     Jocelin  of  Brakelond 

ing  1,000  marks  to  the  Roman  court,  (p.  33  and  note— Camd.  Soc,  Lond. 

"  quae  nulli  deest  ptcuniam  largienti."  1S40),  tells  us  that  "  multi  per  Angliam 

M.  Paris,  Hist.  Min.  ii.  11.  tendere  Jerosolimam  properantes  prius 

'  Ricard.  Divis.  7.  in  Judaeos  insurgere  decreverant  quam 

•  lb.  Q.  invaderent    Sarracenos."      He  disap- 


228  THIRD  CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

the  crown  were  reduced  by  sales,  and  Richard  declared 
himself  ready  to  sell  London  itself  if  he  could  find  a 
purchaser.^  Both  in  England  and  in  France  the  '*  Sala- 
din's  tithe"  was  rigorously  exacted,  and  there  were  loud 
complaints  of  the  unfairness  with  which  the  collection 
was  managed. y  The  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Baldwin, 
was  zealous  in  preaching  the  crusade,  and  was  himself 
among  those  who  joined  it.^ 

The  kings  of  France  and  England  had  a  meeting  near 
Nonancourt  on  the  30th  of  December  1189,  when  they 
bound  themselves  by  oath  for  mutual  help  and  defence — 
Philip  swearing  to  defend  Richard's  territories  as  if  they 
were  his  own  city  of  Paris,  and  Richard  swearing  to  defend 
those  of  Philip  as  he  would  defend  the  Norman  capital, 
Rouen. ^  The  expedition  was  again  delayed 
for  a  time  by  the  death  of  Philip's  queen  ;  ^ 
but  at  midsummer  1 1 90  the  two  kings,  with  the  count  of 
Flanders  and  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  assembled  their 
forces  at  Vezelay,^  where  the  second  crusade  had  been 

proves  of  the  butchery,  because  David  had  enlisted  the  Germans  for  the 
had  said,  "Slay  them  not,  lest  my  second  crusade— " whence  it  is  mani- 
people  forget  it"  (Ps.  lix.  ii);  but  fest  that,  through  the  divine  pov/er  of 
Coggeshalle  thinks  that  they  were  not  the  Spirit,  working  within  and  search- 
unjustly  punished  for  their  insolence  ing  the  hearts,  the  effect  was  wrought 
and  oppressive  conduct  under  Henry  both  here  and  there  rather  by  things 
(I.  c).  For  the  state  of  the  Jews  in  than  by  words."  Gir.  Cambr.  ed. 
France  at  this  time,  see  Martin,  iii.  Brewer,  i,  76.  See  Mr.  Dimock's 
517-18  ;  Sismondi,  vi.  8.  Pref.  to  Giraldus,  vi.  p.  xlii. 

*  Will.  Neubrig.  iv.5;  Ric.  Divis.12.  '  Ben.  Petrib.  583  ;  Hoveden,  378. 

y  R.  de  Dicet.  650  ;  R.  Altissiod.  in  •'  Rigord,  29,  where  there  is  a  de- 

Bouq.  xviii.  257  ;  Vinisauf,  17;  Gervas.  scription    of   Philip's  taking  the  ori- 

Dorobem.   1529-30 ;   Michaud,  iv.  73.  flamme  at  St.  Denys  on  St.  John  the 

Peter  of  Blois  cries  out  against  Philip  Baptist's  day. 

Augustus  for  taxing  the  clergy,  from  "=  See  p.  133.     It  is  said  that  many 

whom,  he  says,  nothing  but  prayers  of  the  French  nobles  here  offered  to 

ought  to  be  expected.     Epp.  112,  etc.  place  themselves  under  Richard,   but 

*  In  the  Life  of  Giraldus  Cambrensis  that  he  answered,  "You  shall  not 
it  is  related  that  Baldwin's  preaching  make  me  a  cuckoo  to  bring  up  another 
had  little  effect  in  Wales  ;  but  that  bird's  chickens,  which  will  run  off  at 
Giraldus,  although  he  could  not  address  their  mother's  voice  and  leave  the 
the  people  except  in  Latin  and  French,  cuckoo  alone."  Chron.  Laudun.  in 
enlisted  great   numbers,   as  Bernard  Bouq.  xviii.  708. 


Chap.  X.     a.d.  1189-91.     RICHARD   AND    PHILIP.  229 

inaugurated  by  St.  Bernard,  and  where  Thomas  of 
Canterbury  had  since  made  the  great  abbey-church 
resound  with  his  denunciation  of  king  Henry's  counsel- 
lors. The  side  of  the  hill  which  is  crowned  by  the  town, 
and  the  broad  plain  below,  were  covered  by  the  tents  ot 
the  crusaders.  The  nations  were  distinguished  by  the 
colour  of  the  crosses  which  they  wore ;  the  French  dis- 
played the  sacred  symbol  in  red,  the  English  in  white, 
and  the  Flemings  in  green.<^  At  Lyons  the  host  separated, 
and  Richard  proceeded  to  embark  at  Marseilles,  while 
Philip,  who  had  no  Mediterranean  seaport  in  his  own 
dominions,  went  on  by  land  to  Genoa.®  On  landing  at 
Ostia  Richard  was  invited  by  the  cardinal-bishop  of  that 
place,  in  the  pope's  name,  to  visit  Rome ;  but,  smarting 
from  having  been  lately  compelled  to  pay  1,500  marks 
for  a  legatine  commission  in  favour  of  his  chancellor, 
William  de  Longchamp,  bishop  of  Ely,  he  scornfully 
declared  that  he  would  not  visit  the  source  of  so  much 
corruption,^  and  proceeded  by  land  along  the  coast  to 
Terracina.  The  kings,  as  had  been  agreed  between 
them,  met  again  at  Messina,  where,  during  a 
stay  of  some  months,  Richard's  impetuous  1190, 
and  overbearing  temper  continually  embroiled  to  Mar.  30, 
him  both  with  the  French  and  with  the  "^^* 
Sicilians — who,  indeed,  were  not  backward  in  offering 
him  provocation.^  At  one  time  he  even  made  himself 
master  of  the  city,  as  a  means  of  compelling  Tancred, 
who  had  shortly  before  seized  the  government  on  the 
death  of  William  the  Good,  to  carry  out  the  late  king's 

^  R.  de  Diceto,  636 ;  Vinisauf,  ii.  6.  for   his    interviews   with  Joachim  of 

•  Ben.  Petrib.   590;   R,  de  Diceto,  Fiore,  see  chapter  xii.,  sect.  3,  below. 

655.     The  kingdom  of  Aragon  at  that  s  RIc.  Divis.  20,  seqq.  ;  Ben.  Petr. 

time    extended    along    the    coast    to  603,  606,  seqq.,  638,  etc.  :   Hoveden, 

between  Nice  and  Ventimiglia,     Ben.  383-4.  39i-2  ;  Vinis.  ii.  12,  14,  seqq.  ; 

Petr.  602  ;  Hoveden,  380.  Coggesh.  818 ;  Wilken,   v.  167,   seqq. 

'  R.  de  Diceto,  655  ;  Hoveden,  380  ;  The  English  called  the  natives  j^ijfons, 

Pauli,  iii.  214  ;  Gregorov.  iv.  380.    For  and  in  return  were  accused  by  them  of 

Richard's  route,  see  Wilken,  v.  160-1 ;  having  tails.    R.  Divis.  21-2. 


'30 


SIEGE   OF   ACRE.  Book  VI. 


direction  as  to  a  provision  for  his  widow,  the  sister  of 
Richard,  and  as  to  a  legacy  bequeathed  to  Henry  II > 

In  the  end  of  March  1191  Richard  again  embarked, 
and  after  having  established  Guy  of  Lusignan  as  king 
of  Cyprus,  instead  of  a  petty  tyrant  of  the  Comnenian 
family,  who  styled  himself  emperor  of  the  island,  and  had 
behaved  with  inhospitality  and  treachery  to  the  crusaders, 
he  entered  the  harbour  of  Acre  on  the  8th  of  June.* 
Archbishop  Baldwin,  with  a  part  of  the  English  force, 
which  had  proceeded  direct  from  Marseilles,  and  others 
who  had  made  their  way  by  the  straits  of  Gibraltar,  had 
reached  Acre  long  before  ;^  and  the  king  of  France  had 
arrived  there  on  Easter-eve  (April  13).^ 

Acre  had  been  besieged  by  the  Christians  from  the  end 
of  August  1189,™  but,  placed  as  they  were  between  the 
garrison  on  the  one  hand  and  Saladin's  army  on  the 
other,  the  besiegers  had  suffered  great  distress  through 
want  of  food  and  shelter.  Horseflesh,  grass,  and  un- 
clean things  were  eaten  ;  ships  were  broken  up  for  fuel ; 
many,  unable  to  endure  the  miseries  of  the  siege,  had 
deserted  to  the  enemy  and  apostatized ;  and  scandalous 
vice  and  disorder  prevailed  throughout  the  camp." 

And  now  it  was  found  that  the  general  interest  of 
Christendom  was  insufficient  to  overpower  the  jealousies 

•»  Vinis.  ii.  16  ;  Ben.  Petr.  612  ;  R.  his  labours  to  bring  back  the  island  to 

Divis.   21-8.     It  is  said  that  Richard  Catholic  unity.     Ep.  296  iis. 

gave  Tancred  King  Arthur's  sword,  ^  R.    de   Diceto,   656  ;   Ben.    Petr. 

"  quern   Britones  Caliditme  vocant."  567,   595,   644  :    Hoved.  380-1  ;   Ric. 

Hoveden,  391  b.  Divis.  18. 

*  R.  de  Diceto,  660  ;  Nicet.  de  Is.  '  Rigord.  in  Bouq.  xvii.  33  ;  Wilkcn, 
Angel,  ii.  8  ;  Ben.  Petr.  644-50,  653 ;  iv.  324. 
Vinis.  ii.  35-41 ;  v.  37;  Arnold.  Lubec.  ■"  Wilken,  iv.  254. 
iii.  37  :  Bern.  Thes.  178  :  Hoveden,  ^  Vinis.  i.  66-7,  69-70 ;  Hoveden, 
393 :  Ric.  Divis.  60-1  ;  Stubbs'  Rich.  376  b  ;  Hubert  (bishop  of  Salisbury, 
].,  ii.  347  ;  Wilken,  iv.  199-218  ;  Fin-  and  afterwards  archbishop  of  Canter- 
lay's  Greece  and  Trebizond,  89-93.  bury),  in  Diceto,  65S  ;  Letter  from  a 
Cuiy  of  Lusignan  was  succeeded  as  chaplain  of  Abp.  Baldwin,  Oct.  21, 
king  of  Cyprus  by  his  brother  Amaury  1190,  in  Stubbs,  Rich.  I.,  ii.  328-9; 
(afterwards  king  of  Jerusalem),  to  Coggeshalle,  38  ;  Jac.  Vitriac.  iiaj  ; 
whom  Cclestine  wrote  in   1196  about  Michaud,  BIblioth.  iv.  2qq. 


Chap.  X.    a.d.  1189-91.        CAPTURE   OF   ACRE.  23 1 

of  those  who  had  allied  themselves  for  the  holy  war. 
Richard  and  Philip,  Leopold,  duke  of  Austria  °  (with 
whose  troops  the  scanty  remains  of  the  emperor  Frede- 
rick's army  had  been  united),  and  others,  all  refused  to 
act  in  concert,  or  to  submit  to  a  common  head;  the 
Genoese  and  the  Pisans  had  carried  their  mutual  hatred 
with  them  to  the  crusade;  and  to  these  elements  of  discord 
were  added  the  pretensions  of  the  templars  and  hospital- 
lers, and  the  rival  claims  which  Guy  of  Lusignan  and 
Conrad  of  Montferrat  set  up  to  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem 
on  the  strength  of  their  having  married  daughters  of  the 
royal  house,  whose  male  heirs  had  become  extinct.P 

The  siege  of  Acre  lasted  two  years,  during  which  it 
is  reckoned  that  120,000  Christians  and  180,000  Mus- 
sulmans perished.^i  At  length,  on  the  12th  of  July  1191, 
the  city  was  surrendered,  on  condition  that  the  lives 
of  the  inhabitants  should  be  forfeit,  unless  within  forty 
days  Saladin  should  restore  the  true  cross,  give  up  1500 
Christian  captives,  and  pay  a  large  sum  as  ransom.  The 
fulfilment  of  these  terms,  however,  was  found  impossible 
within  the  time,  and,  notwithstanding  Saladin's  earnest 
entreaties  for  a  delay,  it  was  decided  in  a  council  of  the 
princes  that  the  forfeiture  should  be  enforced.  On  the 
20th  of  August,  therefore,  the  prisoners — 8000  in  all,  of 
whom  Richard's  share  amounted  to  2600 — were  led  forth 
and  remorselessly  butchered  in  the  sight  of  Saladin  and 
his  army,  who  could  only  look  on  in  impotent  distress. 
A  few  only  of  the  more  important  Saracens  were  spared, 

°  Leopold  had  taken  the  route  by  Introd.  cxxvi.  211. 
sea,   not  venturing    to  pass    through  ^  Martin,   iii.   541.     Al   Eohaeddin 

Hungary,  with  which  he  was  at  vari-  says  that  in  all  600,000  Christians  were 

ance.    Annal.     Marbac.  a.d.  11S8,  in  engaged,  the  numbers  of  their  force 

Pertz,  xvii.  continually    changing.      (Gibbon,    v. 

P  Vinis.  1.  45  ;  Hoved.  396  7 ;  Jac.  491.)     For  details  of  the  siege,   see 

Vitr.  1121 ;  Bern.  Thes.  175  ;  Sismondi,  Vinisauf,  books  i.  and  iii. ;  Coggeshalle, 

Hist,  des  Fran^ais,  vi.  106.     As  to  the  34,  seqq.  ;  Gibbon,  v.  489-9CW 
date  of  Conrad's  marriage,  see  Stubbs, 


232 


DISCORDS   OF 


Book  VI. 


in  the  hope  that  they  might  be  the  means  of  recovering 
the  cross  or  the  captives/ 

The  EngHsh  king's  assumption,  and  his  continual  dis- 
plays of  contempt  for  his  associates,  produced  general 
irritation  and  disgust.^  To  Leopold  of  Austria  he  had 
offered  unpardonable  insults,  by  throwing  down  his 
banner  and  trampling  on  it,  as  unworthy  to  stand  beside 
those  of  kings,  and  even,  it  is  said,  by  kicking  him.'  By 
this  behaviour  to  their  leader,  all   the   Germans   were 


••  Ben.  Petrib.  663,  673-4  ;  Hoveden, 
396-7  ;  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  37  ;  Vinis, 
iii.  17  ;  iv.  2,  4  ;  Coggeshalle,  819  ;  R. 
Divis.  68 ;  Will.  Neubrig.  iv.  23  ; 
Chron.  Aquicinct.  A.D.  1191  (Patrol, 
clx.) ;  Annal.  Colon,  in  Pertz,  xvii. 
802  ;  Wilken,  iv.  390-3.  The  reason 
of  Saladin's  failure  to  perform  the  con- 
ditions is  variously  reported  ;  as,  that 
he  could  not  find  the  true  cross  (Chron. 
Ursperg.  229)  ;  or  that  he  would  not 
restore  it  (Ric.  Divis.  18).  But  an 
oriental  authority  says  that  the  diffi- 
culty was  as  to  raising  the  money  ; 
that  Saladin  had  the  cross  in  his 
camp ;  that  he  displayed  it  to  two 
English  envoys,  and  was  ready  to  give 
it  up,  but  that  after  the  massacre  he 
carried  it  back  to  Damascus  (Michaud, 
Biblloth.  iv.  sect.  59  ;  Wilken,  iv.  392). 
Richard's  share  in  the  massacre  is 
avowed  by  himself  in  a  letter  to  the 
abbot  of  Clairvaux — "  De  Sarracenis 
quos  habuimus  in  custodia  circa  duo 
millia  et  sexcentos,  siciit  decuit,  feci- 
mus  cxpirare."  (Hoveden,  39S.)  But 
it  is  unjust  to  represent  this  as  an  act 
of  extraordinary  ferocity  in  the  English 
king,  since  it  appears  that  the  butchery 
was  resolved  on  by  a  council  (although 
this  statement  is  said  to  rest  on  English 
authority  only),  and  other  chiefs  (as 
the  duke  of  Burgundy,  who  had  got 
the  French  king's  prisoners  into  his 
hands),  did  their  share  of  it  (Michaud, 
iv.  132:  Sismondi,  vi.  iii).  The 
atutement,  however,  of  Benedict  of 
Pcitrborough    (674),    and     Hoveden 


(397),  that  Saladin  had  two  days  before 
killed  all  his  captives,  in  consequence 
of  the  refusal  of  a  longer  time,  is 
extremely  improbable  in  itself,  and 
Richard's  omission  to  state  such  a 
circumstance  in  justification  of  his  own 
deed  is  conclusive  against  it.  (Pauli, 
iii.  232.  See  Stubbs,  Introd.  22.)  The 
Cologne  annalist  says  that  as  many  as 
2000  prisoners  were  spared.  Anselm 
of  Gemblours  (in  Pistor.  i.  1000)  speaks 
only  of  Richard's  2600  as  killed.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Cologne  annalist,  one 
of  the  prisoners,  an  Emir,  was — "homo 
mirae  antiquitatis,  ita  ut  tempore  vic- 
toriosi  ducis  Godefridi  extitisse,  et 
260  annorum  esse  diceretur."  If  so,  he 
must  have  been  nearly  i7oj'ears  old  in 
Godfrey's  time. 

'  Otto  Sanblas.  36.  The  Auersperg 
chronicler  describes  him  as  "  homo 
ferocissimus,  favorabilis  [inexorabilis  ?] 
glorise  cupidus,  pecuniae  liberalis,  quo- 
cunque  ipsum  trahebat  sequens  im- 
petum,  et  quem  ipsi  Sarraceni  et 
populus  Christianus  et  alii  timue- 
runt"  (230).  Cf.  Ansbert,  109,  m. 
Nicetas  styles  him  —  6  Tutv  weAe- 
icv(f)6p(iiv  KajapxuiV  BpeTravuVy  ofi? 
vvv  ifiacrlv  'lyy\Cvovi.  De  Is.  Ang.  ii. 
8. 

'  Ric.  Divis.  67 ;  Coggesh.  831-3 ; 
Annal.  Colon.  802  ;  Matth.  Paris,  ap. 
Wendover,  v.  116;  Hist.  Min.  ii.  30; 
Rigord.  in  Bouq.  xviii.  36 ;  Guill. 
Brito,  Philippid.  iv.  337-9.  See  Wilken, 
iv.  469-71. 


Chap.  X.     a.d.  1191-2.         THE   CRUSADERS.  233 

offended  ;  and  both  they  and  the  Italians  complained 
that  the  kings  of  France  and  England  divided  between 
themselves  the  spoils  which  had  been  taken,  without 
allowing  any  share  to  the  other  crusading  nations."  The 
Germans  and  Italians,  therefore,  left  the  army  in  disgust, 
shortly  after  the  taking  of  Acre.^  With  Philip  Augustus 
there  were  continual  differences.  The  French  king 
claimed  half  of  Cyprus,  on  the  ground  that  Richard 
had  agreed  to  share  with  him  whatever  they  might  win 
in  the  crusade,  while  Richard  denied  that  the  conquest 
of  the  island,  by  his  separate  adventure,  fell  within  the 
scope  of  the  contract.y  Philip,  jealous  of  his  great  vassal, 
not  only  for  his  superiority  in  prowess  and  in  personal 
renown,  but  on  account  of  the  greater  splendour  which  his 
hard-raised  treasures  enabled  him  to  maintain,^  found  an 
excuse  in  the  state  of  his  dominions  at  home  for  deserting 
the  enterprise;  and  on  the  31st  of  July — in  the  interval 
between  the  capture  of  the  city  and  the  slaughtering  of 
the  prisoners — he  sailed  for  Europe.*  On  his  way  home- 
wards he  visited  the  pope,  from  whom  he  solicited  abso- 
lution from  the  oath  which  he  had  taken,  and  had  lately 
renewed,  to  protect  the  English  king's  dominions ;  but 
Celestine  refused  to  release  him.  Yet  Philip,  on  his  return 
to  France,  invaded  Richard's  continental  territories,  en- 
couraged his  brother  John  to  intrigue  against  him,  and 
charged  him  with  having  caused  an  illness 
by  which  the  French  king  had  suffered  at  ^"  ^^  * 
Acre,  and  with  having  instigated  the  murder  of  Conrad 

»  Sicard,  in  Patrol,  ccxiii.  539.  sassins   et   les   Alides   plus    que    les 

*  Otto  Sanblas.  36.  Chretiens,"  ii.  424,  ed.  Paris,  1852. 

y  Will.  Neubrig.  iv.  21.  *  Coggeshalle,  819 ;  Ric.  Divis.  62, 

*  See  Ansbert,  109,  111-13.  Rigord  63,  69;  Rigord,  36;  O.  Sanblas.  36; 
says  that  Philip  was  jealous  of  Rich-  Ben.  Petrib.  670  ;  Hoveden,  394,  397  ; 
ard's  exchanging  messages  and  gifts  R.  de  Diceto,  662  ;  Pauli,  iii.  228-9. 
with  Saladin(Bouq.  xviii.  36).  "Rich-  Richard  of  Devizes  says  that  the 
ard,"  says  M.  Michelet,  "est  moins  summons  to  France  was  got  up  in 
ennemi  dc  Saladin  que  de  Philippe-  Philip's  chamber.  "Abraham  reina- 
Auguste  ;    et  celui-ci  deteste  les  As-  ncnte,  recessit  ab  eo  Loth."  69. 


234  THIRD  CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

of  Montferrat,  who,  immediately  after  having  been 
elected  to  the  throne  of  Jerusalem,  had  been  stabbed 
by  two  of  the  fanatical  body  known  by  the  name  of 
assassins.^ 

Richard  remained  in  the  Holy  Land  more  than  a  year 
after  Philip's  departure.  During  this  time  the  "  lion- 
hearted  "  king  displayed  the  valour  of  a  knight-errant  in 
a  degree  which  excited  the  fear  and  the  admiration  both 
of  Mussulmans  and  of  Christians."  A  large  part  of  the 
coast  was  recovered  from  the  infidels  ;  but  the  Christians 
were  thinned  by  disease  and  by  desertion  as  well  as 
by  war ;  their  internal  jealousies  continued,  and  were  so 
little  concealed  that  the  king  of  England  and  the  duke 
of  Burgundy  hired  ballad-singers  to  ridicule  each  other  ;^ 
and  the  object  of  the  crusade  became  more  and  more 
hopeless.  Richard  was  entreated  by  urgent  and  repeated 
messages  to  return  to  his  disturbed  kingdom,  while  fre- 
quent and  severe  illnesses  warned  him  to  quit  for  a  time 
the  dangerous  climate  of  Syria.®  The  necessity  of  aban- 
doning the  enterprise  became  manifest ;  and,  after  having 

**  Coggesh.   819  ;    Vinis.    iii.    21-2 ;  believed  to  be  a  forgery  ;  but  modern 

Will.  Neubrig.  iv.  22, 24,  34 ;  Hoveden,  writers  are  almost  unanimous  in  ac- 

397,  405  ;  Ben.  Petr.  669,  720  ;  Nicet.  quitting  Richard  of  a  crime  so  incon- 

de  Is.  Angelo,  ii,  i.     For  an  account  sistent  not  only  with  his  virtues,  but 

of  the  assassins  and  their  chief,   the  even  with  the  faults  of  his  character, 

"old  man  of  the  mountain,"  see  Will.  (See  Mackintosh,  i.  1S5-7  ;  Wilken,  iv. 

Tyr.   XX.    31.      Richard    is  generally  486;  Pauli,  iii.  235  ;  Michaud,  Biblioth. 

charged,  more  or  less  positively,  with  ii.  750.)    Rigord  says  that  Philip  sent 

the  murder  of   Conrad,    by  contem-  to  ask  the  old  man  of  the  mountain 

porary  writers  in  the  French  and  Ger-  whether  it  was  true  that  Richard  had 

man  interest,  as  the  annalist  of  Cologne  employed  assassins  to  kill  him  also  ; 

(a.d.  1192);  Amo!dof  Lubeck(iii.  37);  and  that,  on  receiving  an  answer  in 

Sicard    of   Cremona    (Patrol,    ccxiii.  favour  of  Richard,   he  dismissed  his 

531);    Albert  of   Stade  (a.d.    1193);  suspicions.  37. 

while  English  chroniclers  declare  the  =  For  a  sketch  of  his  achievements, 

charge  to  be  a  foul  invention  (Vinis.  v.  See  Gibbon,   492-3  ;   and  for  details, 

26  :  Hoveden,  407  b).    The  Auersperg  Vinisauf,  v.,  vi.  ;  Coggeshalle,  827-30. 

clironicler  states  various  theories  (250).  See  too  Wilken,  iv.  380-1. 

The  letter  professing  to  be  written  by  «»  Vinis.  vi.  8 ;  Ric.  Divis.  94  ;  Mi- 

the  old  man  of  the  mountain,  in  excul-  chaud,  iv.  159. 

pation  of  Richard  (R.  de  Diceto,  680 .-  «  Vinis.  v.  42  ;  vi.  a;. 
Will.    Neubrig.   v.   iC),    is    generally 


Chap.  X.    a.d.  1192.        RETURN   OF   RICHARD.  235 

advanced  within  one  day's  march  of  Jerusalem,  the  king 
found  himself  obliged  to  yield,  with  a  swelHng  heart 
which  vented  itself  in  loud  expressions  of  indignation, 
to  the  force  of  circumstances,  and  to  the  spiritlessness 
of  his  remaining  allies.^  A  truce  for  three  years,  three 
months,  three  days,  and  three  hours,  was  concluded  with 
Saladin  in  September  1192,  on  condition  that  pilgrims 
should  be  allowed  to  visit  the  holy  places,  and  that  the 
coast  from  Tyre  to  Joppa  should  remain  in  possession  of 
the  Christians.^  It  is  reckoned  that  in  the  crusade  which 
was  ended  by  this  compromise  more  than  half  a  million 
of  Christians  had  perished.^ 

On  the  9th  of  October  1192  Richard  sailed  for  Europe. 
From  unwillingness  to  run  the  risk  of  passing  through 
Philip's  dominions,  he  intended  to  take  his  route  through 
Germany ;  but  having  been  recognized  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Vienna,  he  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  by  his 
enemy  duke  Leopold,  who,  in  consideration  of  a  large 
sum  of  money,  made  him  over  to  the  emperor  Henry 
VI. — a  prince  who  with  much  of  his  father's  ability 
united  a  selfishness,  a  cunning,  and  a  cruelty  which  were 
altogether  foreign  to  Frederick's  lofty  character.^ 

f  Ric.  Div.  94,  97 ;  Coggesh.  822-3.  to  their  horses,  when  they  started  at 

Joinville,  in  the  next  century,  tells  a  anything—"  Do  you  think  that  king 

story    which    is   not    in    any  of  the  Richard  is  in  that  bush  ? "    (Bouq.  xx. 

contemporary  chronicles— that,  when  204-5).     A  "  Livre  de  la  Terre  Sainte  " 

Richard  was   prevented  by  the  jea-  is  cited  for  these  stories,  but  the  edi- 

lousy  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy  from  tors  say  that  they  do  not  know  what 

advancing  to  take  Jerusalem,  a  knight  book  is  meant. 

Dffered  to  point  out  the  holy  city  to  «  R.  de  Diceto.  668 ;  Will.  Neubrig. 

him  ;  "  et  quant  il  oy  ce,  il  geta  sa  cote  iv.  29 ;  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  37  ;  Bern, 

a  armer  devant  ses  yex,  tout  en  plorant,  Thes.  196 ;  Gibbon,  v.  494-5  ;  Wilken, 

et  dit  a  nostre  Seigneur,  *  Biau  Sire  iv.  569-71.     Sicard  of  Cremona  blames 

Diex,  je  te  pri  que  tu  ne  seuffres  que  him  for  having  omitted  to  stipulate  for 

je  voie  ta  sainte  cite,  puisque  je  ne  la  surrender   of  captives,    and    thereby 

puis  dellvrer  des  mains  de  tes  enne-  having  left  the  patriarch  Rudolf  in 

mis.'"  (Bouq.  XX.  274;  see  Stubbs,  In-  prison.     Patrol,  ccxiii.  531. 

trod,  cxxx.)    From  Joinville  also  come  ^  Wilken,  iv.  582-3. 

the  stories  that   the    Saracen  women  '  Coggesh.     833  ;    Gervas.    Dorob. 

used  to  threaten  their  children  with  1581  ;  Sicard  in  Patrol,  ccxiii.   530-1  ; 

king  Richard,  and  that  Saracens  said  M.  Par.,  Hist.  Min.  ii.  40.    Othoof  St. 


236  CAPTIVITY   AND  Book  VI 

After  months  of  severe  imprisonment,^  the  king  ol 
England  was  brought  by  Henry  before  a  diet  at  Worms^ 
on  charges  of  having  thwarted  the  emperor  in  his  claims 
on  Sicily,  of  having  instigated  the  murder  of  Conrad, 
of  having  wrongfully  seized  Cyprus,  and  of  having  in- 
sulted Leopold  and  the  Germans.  To  these  charges  he 
answered  in  a  strain  of  manly  and  indignant  eloquence, 
which  extorted  the  respect  and  pity  even  of  those  who 
were  most  hostile  to  him ;  ^  but  he  was  not  yet  set  at 
liberty.  Philip  of  France  used  all  his  influence  with 
Henry  to  prolong  his  rival's  captivity  ;*"  while  the  pope 
was  urged  by  the  importunities  of  the  queen-mother 
Eleanor  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  her  son."*  The  emperor 
demanded  a  large  sum  by  way  of  ransom,  and  in  order 
to  raise  this  Richard's  subjects — especially  the  clergy 
and  monks — were  again  severely  taxed.  Chalices  were 
melted  down,  shrines  were  stripped  of  their  precious 
coverings  and  jewels,  the  golden  ornaments  were  torn 
from  the  books  employed  in  the  service  of  the  church. 
The  impost  was  universal ;  even  the  Cistercians,  who  hadi 
until  then  been  exempt  from  all  taxes,  were  obliged  tc 

Blaise  (38),  Albert  of  Stade  (a.  d.  i  193),  304-8. 

and  Magnus  of  Reichersperg  (Pertz,  ''  Luden,  xi,  524-5 ;    Glesel.   II.  ii, 

xv'n.  549),  all  strongly  hostile  to  Rich-  102.     Ralph  de  Diceto  says  that,  al 

ard,  tell  strange  fables  as  to  the  cir-  though  not  in  chains,  Richard  suiferedi 

cumstances  of  his  capture,     Ansbert  greatly — "  Homines  siquidem  regionis 

says  only  that  he  was  taken  "  in  vili  illius,  barbariem  maxima  redolentes, 

hospitio"  (114).     See  Will.  Tyr.  con-  horrent  verbis,    habitu  squalent,   im- 

tin.  xxiv.  17  ;  Chron.  Petriburg.  a.d.  munditiis    feculescunt,     ut    intelligail 

1 193   (in    Sparke) :    Pauli,    iii.    250.  eorum  cohabitationem  fcrinam  potius) 

There  has  lately  been  some  dispute  quam  hunianam."    668. 

between  certain  German  writers  as  to  '  Coggeshalle,  833  :  Hoveden,  422  ; 

the  cause  of  his  arrest— Albert  Jager  Will.  Neubrig.  iv.  33. 

maintaining  that  the  alleged  insult  to  "^  Ansbert,  119-120;  Will.  Neubrig. 

Leopold  never  took  place,  and  that  iv.   40 ;   Pauli,   iii,   262 ;    Martin,    iii, 

Richard    was   seized   by   Leopold  in  550. 

consequence   of  an    order    from  the  "  Three  letters  written  in  her  name 

emperor  ;  while  Walmoser  supports  the  are  among  those  of  Peter  of  Blois.     See 

older  story  (Hcfele,  v.  662).     As  to  the  Patrol,  ccvi.  1262,  seqq.  ;  also  P.  Bles, 

emperor's  possible  motives,  see  Abel,  Epp-  64,  143, 

*  Philipp  der  Hohcnstaufe,'  19,  ao,  31, 


Chap.  X.    a.d.  1192-4.        RELEASE   OF   RICHARD.  237 

contribute  the  wool  of  their  flocks."  After  a  confinement 
of  nearly  fourteen  months,  the  king  was  able  to  return 
to  his  kingdom,  which  during  his  absence  March  13 
had  been  miserably  distracted  by  feuds  and  ii94- 
intrigues  ;  and  in  consequence  of  his  complaints  the  pope 
excommunicated  Leopold,  and  threatened  the  emperor 
and  the  French  king  with  a  like  sentence.?  The  miser- 
able death  of  Leopold,  which  took  place  soon  after  in 

consequence  of  a  fall  from  his  horse  at  a    ^ 

^  .  1  '    1  Dec.  1 194. 

tournament,  was  interpreted  as  a  judgment 

of  heaven  on  his  outrage  against  a  soldier  of  the  cross.  ^ 

While  Richard  vvas  in  captivity  the  Christians  of  the  east 

were  delivered  from  their  chief  terror  by  the  death  of 

Saladin  in  March  1193.^ 

Clement  III.  had  compromised  the  questioa  as  to  the 
see  of  Treves  by  agreeing  that  both  Volkmar  and  his 
opponent  should  be  set  aside,  and  that  the  canons  should 
proceed  to  a  new  election  ;s  and  in  1188  he  had  been 
able  to  establish  himself  in  Rome,  by  means  of  an  agree- 
ment with  the  citizens,  who  were  inclined  to  peace  by 
finding  that  without  the  pope  their  city  could  not  be  the 
capital  of  Christendom.'    But  one  condition  of  this  com- 

<»  Gervas.  1584  ;  Will.   Neubrig.  iv.  pope's  intervention  earlier. 

38;  Hoveden,  405,  n.  ;  Pauli,  iii.  261.  1  R.  de  Diceto,  678  ;  Ansbert.  122  ; 

Stubbs,  Introd.  to  Hoveden,  iv.,  Ixxxii.  Coggesh.    837  ;     Hoveden,    426 ;    M. 

The  emperor,  alarmed  by  the  general  Paris.  Hist.  Min.  ii.  53  ;    Will.  Neu 

reprobation  of  his  conduct,  afterwards  brig.   v.   8;  Joh.  Oxenedes,   88;    cf. 

offered  part  of  the  ransom  to  the  Cis-  Magn.  Reichersp.  in  Pertz,  xvii.  421- 

tercians,  in  order  to  provide  chalices  3.     Innocent  III.  endeavoured  to  get 

and  censers  for  their  churches;  but  they,  restitution  of  Richard's  ransom  from 

out  of  regard  for  Richard,  refused  to  the  representatives  both  of  Henry  and 

share  in  gain  iniquitously  gotten.     M.  of  Leopold.     Epp.  i.  230,  242. 

Paris.    Hist.    Min.    iL    58 ;   Joh.    de  '  Gibbon,  v.  49. 

Oxenedes,  89.  '  Clem.    Ep.    123    (Patrol,    cciv.)  ; 

P  Coelest.   Ep.   193 ;  R.  de  Diceto,  Gesta  Trevir.  in  Mart.  Coll.  Ampliss. 

670,  672,  675 ;  O.  Sanblas.  38 ;  Annal.  iv.  223. 

Egmond.,  in  Pertz,  xvi.  171 ;  Schrockh,  *  Concordia  inter  Clem.  Ill,  et  Sena- 

x.xvi.    246-8;    Giesel.    II.    ii.    102-3.  tores  Populumque  Rom.,  Patrol,  cciv. 

Hoveden    (413)    wrongly    places    the  1507-10 ;  Milman,  iii.  544. 


238  CELESTINE    III.  Book  VI. 

pact,  which  must  have  been  felt  as  especially  hard — that 
Tusculum,  the  city  so  faithful  to  the  popes  and  so  odious 
to  their  unruly  subjects,  should  be  given  up  to  the 
Romans — remained  unfulfilled  when  Clement  died,  in 
March  1191.  In  his  room  was  chosen 
Hyacinth,  a  man  eighty-five  years  old,  who 
had  been  a  member  of  the  college  of  cardinals  for 
nearly  half  a  century."  At  the  time  when  the  election 
took  place,  Henry  VI.  was  advancing  towards  Rome 
to  claim  the  imperial  crown,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
take  advantage  of  the  occasion  in  order  to  gain  some 
object  at  his  hands.  The  pope  deferred  his  own  con- 
secration, in  order  that  he  might  be  the  better  able  to 
negotiate;^  a  deputation  of  the  Romans  went  forth  to 
treat  with  Henry  as  he  approached  the  city ;  and  it  was 
agreed  that  Tusculum  should  be  given  up.  On  Good 
Friday,  Henry,  without  any  warning  to  the  Tusculans, 
withdrew  the  garrison  with  which,  at  their  request,  he 
had  furnished  them  ;  whereupon  the  Romans  rushed  in 
through  the  open  gates,  razed  the  castle,  destroyed  the 
town  so  completely  that  no  vestige  of  buildings  later 
than  the  old  imperial  times  is  now  to  be  seen,  and 
glutted  their  hatred  by  deeds   of  savage  cruelty. y     On 

^    .,        -   Easter-day  the  pope  was  consecrated  under 
April  14-16.    -  /.  ^  ,      .       T-r^ 

the  name  of  Celestme  III.,  and  on  the  two 

following   days    Henry   and   Constance   were    severally 

crowned  by  him  in  St.  Peter's.^ 

"  Ciaconius,  i.  1019.  the  name  repeatedly  occurs  in  Anasta- 

"  Arnold.  Lubec.  iv.  4  ;  Schrockh,  sius  the  Librarian,  a  writer  of  the  9th 

xxvi.  241  :  Luden,  xi.  547.  century    (see    the    index    to    Patrol. 

y  Otto  Sanblas.  33;  Arnold.  Lubec.  cxxviii.);  and  the  author  of  the 'Hand 

iv.   4 ;    Hoveden,    393  ;    Milman,   iii.  book  for  Rome '  (p.  362,  ed.    1862)  is 

547;  Gregorov.  iv.  584-5.     It  is  com-  probably  correct  in  saying  that  it  "was 

monly  said  that  the  few  inhabitants  given  to  the  hill  as  early  as  the  8th 

who  escaped    made    huts  of  boughs  century,  as  a  spot  covered  with  trees 

ifrasche)  and  that  hence  the  modern  and  bushes."      Cf.  Burn,  '  Rome  and 

town    of    Frascati    derives    its    name  the  Campagna,'  380. 

(Murat     Ann.  VII,    i.  95;   Sismondi,  »  Arnold.  Lubec.    iv.  4.     The  cere- 

R.  I.  ii.  41  ;   Raumer,  iu  357).     But  mony  is  described  at  great  length  in 


Chap.  X.    a.d.  1191  4.        HENRY    VI.    IN    ITALY.  239 

The  emperor  advanced  towards  the  south,  where, 
on  the  death  of  WilUam  the  Good,  in  1189,  the  in- 
heritance of  Constance  had  been  seized  by  an  illegiti- 
mate grandson  of  the  first  Norman  king,  Tancred,  count 
of  Lecce,  who  had  received  investiture  from  Pope 
Clement.'*  Henry  took  Naples  after  a  siege  of  three 
months,  and  reduced  the  continental  part  of  the  Norman 
territories ;  but  his  army  was  ravaged  by  a  pestilence, 
and  his  own  health  was  so  seriously  affected  that  he  was 
compelled  to  retire  to  Germany,  while  his  empress,  who 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  remained  in 
captivity  until  she  was  at  length  delivered  through  the 
intercession  of  the  pope.^  After  the  death  of  Tancred, 
who  kept  possession  of  his  crown  until  11 93,  Henry 
appeared  in  Sicily  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  hired 
with  the  king  of  England's  ransom,  and  chiefly  com- 
posed of  soldiers  who  had  been  enlisted  for 
^  A.D.  1 194. 

a  new  crusade.     A  Genoese  fleet  co-operated 

with  his  land  force ;  the  discords  between  the  Saracen  and 
the  Norman  inhabitants  favoured  his  enterprise  ;  and  after 
a  short  resistance  he  made  himself  master  of  the  island.^ 
His  triumphal  entry  into  Palermo  was  welcomed  with 
a  signal  display  of  the  wealth  and  luxury  of  the  Sicilian 
Normans.**    But  almost  immediately  after  this  a  fearful 

Pertz,  Leges,  ii.    187-93.     Roger   of  710,  etc. 

Hoveden  saj's  that  the  crowns  were  •  Arnold.  Lubec.  iv.  5;  Ric.  Sanger- 
placed  between  the  pope's  feet,   and  man.  in  Murat.  vii.  471 ;  Giannone,  ii. 
that  the  emperor  and  empress  bowed  439,  527  ;  iii.  2  ;  Raumer,  ii.  350-1. 
down  to  receive  them  ;  that  the  pope  ••  Annal.  Stederb.  in  Pertz,  xvi.  224 ; 
kicked  the  crown  off  Henry's  head,  O.  Sanblas.  37  ;  Alb.  Stad.  a.d.  1192 
"significans     quod    ipse    potestatem  Anselm.  Gembl.  in  Pistor.  i.  1000-1003 ; 
ejiciendi  cum  ab  imperio  habet,  si  ille  Raumer,  ii.  358-9  ;  Milman,  iii.  548. 
demeruerit ; "  and  that  it  was  picked  «  O.  Sanblas.  38-9  ;  Gesta  Innoccn- 
up  and  set  on  again  by  the  cardinals  tii,  18  (Patrol.  213);  Annal.  Genuenses, 
(392  l>).     But  the  tale  is  unsupported  in  Muratori,  vi.  368-70;   Pertz,  .wiii, 
by  any  other  writer  of  the  time,  and  108-10  ;  Giannone,  iii.  13,  seqq.  ;  Gib- 
is  universally  rejected.     See  Muratori,  bon,  v.  368-9. 

VII.  i.  94  ;  Gibbon,  v.  369 ;  Planck,  "  O.  Sanblas.  40  ;  Ludcn,  xii.  8-q. 
iv.  44;  :  Milman,  iii.  546 ;  Luden,  xi 


240  HENRY   VI.    IN   SICILY.  Book  VI. 

series  of  severities  began.  Letters  were  produced  which 
professed  to  impHcate  the  leading  men  of  the  island  in 
a  conspiracy  against  the  Germans  ;  and  Henry,  in  con- 
sequence, let  loose  without  restraint  the  cruelty  which 
was  one  of  his  most  prominent  characteristics.  Clergy 
and  nobles  in  great  numbers  were  put  to  death  by 
hanging,  burning,  and  drowning,  or  were  blinded  or 
barbarously  mutilated.^  William,  the  young  son  of 
Tancred,  after  having  been  deprived  of  his  eyesight,^ 
was  shut  up  in  a  castle  of  the  Vorarlberg,  where  he  died 
obscurely.^  His  mother  and  sisters  were  committed  to 
German  prisons.  The  bodies  of  Tancred  and  his  son 
Roger  were  plucked  from  their  graves,  and  treated  with 
revolting  indignity.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  pope,  the 
queen-mother  of  England,  and  other  important  persons, 
remonstrated  with  Henry,  and  even  (it  is  said)  that 
Celestine  denounced  him  excommunicate.'^  The  wealth 
of  the  Norman  kings  and  of  all  who  were  accused  as 
parties  in  the  conspiracy  was  seized ;  and  it  is  said 
that,  after  large  gifts  to  Henry's  numerous  soldiery,  the 
splendid  robes,  the  precious  metals,  and  the  gems  which 
remained  were  a  load  for  i6o  horses  and  mules.' 
By  means  of  this  treasure,  and  of  concessions  to  the 
princes  of  Germany,  Henry  formed  a  design  of  securing 

^     the  crown  as  hereditary  in  his  family.     But 
A.D,  1 196.      ,  ,        ,  ,  ,,.,.., 

although  he  succeeded  m  obtammg  the  con- 
sent of  the  electors  to  the  succession  of  his  son  Frederick, 
who  had  been  born  at  Jesi   in  December   1194,'^  and 

«  O.  Sanblas.  39  ;  Henr.  ad.  Walter.  The  biographer  of  Innocent  III.  says 

Kothom.  ap.  R.  de  Diccto,  678  ;  Gian-  that  Henry  had  decoyed  WilHam  by 

none,  iii.  16-17  ;   Luden,  xii.  10,  seqq.  swearing  to  give  him   the  county   of 

The  accusations  are  generally  supposed  Lecce  and  the  principality  of  Taranto. 

to  have  been    forged.     Murat.   Ann.  C.  18  (Patrol,  ccxiii.). 

Vll.  i.  114;  T.uden,  xii,  12.  •>  Giannone,  iii.  17;  Mihn.  iii,  551  ; 

'  'J'lie  stories  of  other  cruelties  exer-  Raumer,  ii.  371. 

tised  on  him  arc  doubtful.     Raumer,  >  Arnold,  Lubec.  iv.  20  ;  Luden,  xii. 

i.  378  ;  Luden,  xii.  13.  i.^ 

K  O.  dc  S.  I'lxs.  41  ;  Ludcv.,  xii.  13.  ^  Dec.  vi6.     Raumer,  ii.  378. 


Chap.  X.    ad.  i  193-6.    A   CRUSADE   PROJECTED.  241 

was  not  yet  baptized/  the  opposition  to  his  further 
project  was  so  strong  that  Henry  found  it  expedient  to 
withdraw  the  proposal."^ 

The  death  of  Salad  in  and  the  inferior  capacity  of  his 
successor,  Malek  al  Adel,  held  out  inducements  to  a  new 
crusade.  With  a  view  of  stirring  up  the  faithful,  Celestine 
wrote  letters  and  sent  legates  in  all  directions ;°  and  the 
emperor  actively  forwarded  the  enterprise,  in  the  hope, 
probably,  that  he  might  thus  clear  his  ecclesiastical 
reputation.  He  advocated  the  crusade  eloquently  in  diets 
at  Gelnhausen  and  Worms,  where  his  exhortations  were 
followed  up  by  speeches  from  cardinals  and  bishops; 
princes  and  prelates  responded  by  taking  the  cross,  and 
their  example  was  followed  by  knights,  burghers,  and 
men  of  humbler  condition.*^  In  France,  Philip  Augustus 
made  use  of  the  crusade  as  a  pretext  for  heavy  exactions, 
but  with  the  intention  of  converting  the  produce  to  his 
own  purposes.P  But  the  truest  crusader  among  the 
sovereigns  of  the  age,  Richard  of  England,  although 
he  had  never  laid  aside  the  cross,  and  burned  with 
desire  to  complete  the  work  which  he  had  before  so 
reluctantly  abandoned  by  a  fresh  campaign  against 
the  infidels,  found  himself  so  much  hampered  by  the 
exhaustion  of  his  people,   and   by   the  continual  petty 

»  Gesta  Innoc.   III.  c.   19  (Patrol.  Colon.  A. d.  1195. 

ccxiv.).     His  baptism,  which  had  been  *"  Arnold.  Lubec.  v.  i  ;  Michaud,  iv. 

deferred  in  order  that  he  might  receive  iQz-S- 

it  from  the  pope,  is  said  to  have  been  P  Sismondi,  v.   153-5.      William  of 

celebrated  at  Assisi,  on  St.  John's  eve  Newburgh    relates    that  John,   arch- 

119s,  in  the  presence  of  15  cardinals  bishop  of  Lyons,  an  Englishman,  who 

and  bishops.    (Albert.  Stad.  a.d.  1195  ;  had  been  one  of  Becket's  chief  confi- 

Murat.   Ann.  VII.   i.    113.)    But  the  dants,  on  re-visiting  his  native  country, 

date  is  doubtful.  checked   some  clergymen  who    were 

""  See  Luden,  xii.  28-9  ;  Schmidt,  ii.  complaining  of   their  king  by  telling 

660:  Raumer,  ii.  384-5;  Reiner,  a.d.  them  that  in  comparison  of  Philip  he 

ii96(Pcrtz,  xvi.);  Annal.  Colon,  a.d.  was  a  hermit;  and  added  that  Philip 

1:96;  Annal.  S.  Trudperti,  a.d.  1197  had  paid  the  whole  cost  of  his  war 

(Pertz,  xvii.).  against  Richard  in  the  preceding  year 

°  Celest.  Epp.  224,  238,  etc.  ;  Annal.  by  extortion  from  monasteries,  v.  3. 

VOL.  V.  16 


242  PROJECT   OF  A    CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

warfare  in  which  he  was  engaged  with  Philip,  that  he 
could  take  no  share  in  the  enterprise.'^  It  was  in  vain 
that  Celestine,  in  a  letter  to  the  English  bishops,  forbade 
the  tournaments  which  had  been  instituted  by  the  king 
with  a  view  to  military  training  ^'^  that  he  desired  those 
who  wished  for  martial  exercise  to  seek  it,  not  in  festive 
contests  unsuited  to  the  sadness  of  the  time,  but  in 
warring  against  the  enemies  of  Christ.^ 

In  his  ecclesiastical  policy  Henry  showed  himself 
resolved  to  yield  nothing  to  the  papacy.  He  forbade 
appeals  to  Rome,  and  prevented  his  subjects  from  any 
access  to  the  papal  court.^  He  attempted  to  revive 
the  imperial  privilege  of  deciding  in  cases  of  disputed 
election  to  bishopricks.  In  the  case  of  a  contest  for 
Liege,  he  is  supposed  to  have  instigated  the  murder 
of  a  candidate  who  was  favoured  by  the  pope  and  had 
been  consecrated  by  the  archbishop  of  Reims."  He 
refused  to  pay  the  homage  which  the  Norman  princes 
had  performed  to  the  pope  for  their  Italian  and  Sicilian 
territories,^  and,  returning  into  Italy,  he  invaded  tlie 
patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  up  to  the  very  gates  of  the 
city.y  The  pope  had  ceased  for  a  time  to  hold  cor- 
respondence with  him,  but  now  addressed  him  in  a 
strain  of  apology  mixed  with  complaint,  and  urged 
him  to  forward  the  crusade.^  At  Bari  the  emperor,  at 
Kaster  1195,  entered  into  an  engagement  to  maintain 
1500  cavalry  and  a  like  number  of  foot^  in  the  Holy 
Land  for  a  year  ;^  but  the   zeal  with  which  he   urged 

«>  Michaud,   iv.    189:    Sismondi,   v.  422  ;  Chron,  Aquicinct.  a.d.  1192  (Pa- 

169,  trol.  clx.);  Schmidt,  ii.  654-5  '>  Luden, 

'  Will.  Neubrig.  v.  4.  xi.  557-61. 

•  Ep.  102,  Jan.  II,  1193.  (Patrol.  '  Innoc.  III.,  Patrol  ccxvi.  1026,  C 
ccvi.).  '  lb.  1029  ;  Gesta  Innoc.  8  (PatroL 

*  Innoc.    III.    Ep.    29,   de    Ncgot.  ccxiv.). 

Imperii  (Patrol,  ccxvi.  1029);  Vita  S.  '  Ep.  207,  March,  1195. 

bernardi,  in  Leibnit.  i.  474.  '  "  Sarganti."     See  Ducangf,  s    v 

"       /Ko'd.  Aurcse-Vall.  in  Bouq.  xviii.  Serviens,  p.  209. 

047-51  ;    Gisleb.    Montensis,   ib.    413,  ''  Pertz,  Le^^es,  ii.  iq8. 


Chap.  X,   a.d.  1195-7.        DEATH    OF    HENRY   VI. 


243 


on  his  preparations  had  probably  other  objects — that  of 
diverting  the  crusaders,  as  before,  to  his  own  purposes, 
and  even  of  using  them  against  the  Byzantine  empire.*^ 
But  these  designs  were  unexpectedly  cut  short.  Henry, 
after  having  crossed  into  Sicily,  discovered  a  new  con- 
spiracy against  him,  and  in  vengeance  for  it  resumed  the 
cruelties  which  had  made  hirn  so  deeply  detested  in  that 
island;  but  on  the  28th  of  September  1197  he  suddenly 
died,  most  probably  in  consequence  of  a  chill  produced 
by  having  drunk  some  water  while  heated  by  hunting.^ 
But  as  it  is  certain  that  Constance  had  been  greatly 
shocked  and  offended  by  his  severities  towards  her 
countrymen,  and  even  towards  some  of  her  own  near 
relations,^  it  was  generally  believed  that  the  emperor 
fell  a  victim  to  poison  administered  by  his  own  wife.' 

The  crusade  which  Henry  had  contributed  to  set  on 
foot  was  carried  on  without  any  religious  enthusiasm. 
The  Germans  did  not  co-operate  with  the  Latins  of  the 
East,  but,  "  thinking  only  of  the  fertile  coasts,  and  not 
heeding  that  Jerusalem  should  be  trodden  down  of  the 

«  Otto  Sanblas.  43  ;  Arn.  Lubec.  v.  ously),  v.  i ;  Hoveden,  439,  n.  ;  Her- 
21.  Nicetas  tells  us  that  the  Byzantine  mann.  Altahens.  in  Bohmer,  Pontes, 
usurper  Alexius  endeavoured  to  buy  ii.  492 ;  Giannone,  iii.  21 ;  Luden,  xii. 
him  off;  that  in  order  to  raise  money  29-35;  Sismondi,  Rep.  Ital.  ii.  20-1; 
for  this  purpose  bodies  in  their  graves  Raumer,  ii.  390  ;  Milman,  iii.  552. 
were  stripped  of  their  ornaments,  and  Hoveden  (440),  and  Gualvaneus  Flam- 
that  even  the  tomb  of  the  great  Con-  ma  (c.  227,  in  Mur.  xi.)  say,  that  Henry 
stantine  would  have  been  thus  violated  died  excommunicate  ;  but  Muratori 
and  plundered,  but  for  the  tidings  of  shows  that  this  was  probably  at  most 
Henry's  death.    Pp.  627-34,  ed.  Bonn.  an  implicit  excommunication  (VII.  i. 

•*  Rob.  Altissiod.  in  Bouq.  xviii.  262 ;  125;  cf.    Gieseler,  II.    ii.  103;  Abel 

Annal.  Argentin.  in    Bohmer,   Fontes  'Philipp  d.   Hohenstaufe,'  315).     An- 

Rer.  Germ.  ii.  ico.     See  Coggesh.  in  selm  of  Gemblours  says  of  Henry^- 

Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  v.  842.  "Hie  statura  personalis  non  fuit,  sed 

*  Annal.  Colon.,  A.D.  1197;  Annal.  litteratura  ejus,  maguanimitas,  justitia 

Marbac,  A.D.  X197;  Arnold.  Lub.  v.  et  prudentia  pulchritudinem  Absalonis 

I ;  Giannone,  iii.  20-1,  superavit "  (Pistor.  i.  loio) ;  and  even 

'  The  Auersperg  chronicler  mentions  in  late  times  the  emperor  has  found 

this,  but  says  that  it  was  denied  by  champions,  who  were  perhaps  stimu- 

those  who  knew  best  (233).     See  Ar-  ated  by  the  difficulties  of  his  cause. 
nold.    Lubec.    (who   speaks    mystcri- 


244  FAILURE   OF   THE   CRUSADE.  Book  VI. 

Gentiles,"-  were  wholly  intent  on  gaining  advantages 
for  themselves.  They  achieved  considerable  successes, 
although  not  without  loss,  and  recovered  the  sea-coast.^ 
But  their  conquests  were  fruitless,  and  they  engaged  in 
fierce  quarrels  with  the  Templars,  each  party  charging 
the  other  with  having  sold  the  interests  of  Christendom.* 
On  receiving  the  tidings  of  Henry's  death  the  crusaders 
resolved  to  return  home;  and,  notwithstanding  the 
pope's  entreaties  that  they  would  not  abandon  the  holy 
enterprise,  they  carried  out  their  resolution,  after  having 
concluded  a  truce  of  six  years  with  the  infidels.'^  In 
endeavouring  to  make  their  way  homewards  by  way  of 
Sicily  and  Apulia,  many  of  them  were  slain  by  the 
inhabitants  on  account  of  their  connexion  with  the 
detested  emperor.^ 

Celestine  III.  survived  Henry  only  a  few  months,  and 
died  on  the  8th  of  January  1198. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  GREEK    CHURCH — SPAIN — BRITISH   CHURCHES — THE 
NORTH — MISSIONS. 

I.  The  Greek  Church  of  the  twelfth  century  hardly 
requires  notice,  except  in  so  far  as  it  was  brought  into 
contact  with  the  Christians  of  the  West.  Its  state  was 
generally  one  of  torpor.     The  clergy  were  held  in  strict 

K  O.  Sanblas.  42.  1198;  Innoc.  III.,  Ep.  336;  Michaud, 

*»  Bern.  Thes.  i8i ;  Michaud,  iv.  195-  iv.  214-19. 

9,   208-13,   217.     See  Wilken,  vol.   v.  ''  Will.  Tyr.  contin.  xxiv.  25 ;  MU 

cap.  t.  chaud,  iv.  217  ;  Hurter,  i.  2I8-ICt^ 

'  O.  S.-inblas.  41  ;  Annal.  Colon.  80=; :  '  O.  Sanblas.  42. 
Arnold.  Lubec.  v.  3  ;  Albert  Stad.  A.u. 


Chap.  XL  THE   GREEK   CHURCH.  245 

subjection  by  the  secular  power,  so  that  a  patriarch,  on 
attempting  to  withdraw  a  monk  from  secular  judgment, 
was  met  by  the  declaration  that  "the  emperor's  authority 
can  do  everything. "»  They  were  devoted  to  a  system 
of  forms  which  in  great  part  had  lost  their  significance. 
Among  the  monks  there  was  very  commonly  a  forge tful- 
ness  of  the  true  meaning  of  their  profession ;  yet  there 
was  much  of  fantastic  asceticism,  as  among  the  dendrites 
or  tree- monks,  the  pillar-monks  (who,  however,  were  not 
so  called  from  living  on  the  tops  of  pillars,  like  the 
stylites  of  earlier  days,  but  from  inhabiting  narrow  pillar- 
like cells,  or  from  carrying  little  columns  as  a  burden),^ 
the  fanatics  who  buried  their  living  bodies  in  the  earth, 
and  those  who  aimed  at  sanctity  by  a  profession  of  more 
than  the  ordinary  monastic  filthiness.*'  The  Gnosimachi 
denounced  all  endeavour  after  knowledge  in  religion, 
on  the  ground  that  God  requires  nothing  of  man  but 
good  works,  and  prefers  simplicity  to  curiosity. <i  And 
while  among  the  people  there  lingered,  by  the  side  of 
their  Christianity,  much  of  uneradicated  heathen  super- 
stition,® there  were  some  who,  by  the  study  of  classical 
literature,  were  led  back  into  an  adoption  of  the  old 
pagan  creed.'  Thus  we  are  told  of  an  Italian  named 
John,  who  in  the  reign  of  Alexius  Comnenus  became 
popular  as  a  professor  at  Constantinople,  and  taught  the 
transmigration  of  souls,  and  the  Platonic  doctrine  of 
ideas.  One  of  this  man's  disciples  is  said  •  to  have 
thrown  himself  into  the  sea,  exclaiming,  "  Receive  me, 
O  Poseidon!"  But  the  teacher  himself,  after  having 
been  subjected  to  the  pressure   of  both  ecclesiastical 


•  Balsamon  in  Bevereg.  Synodicon,  meres,  iv.  12. 

i.  531,  E.  ''  Nicetas,  Thesaur.   Orthodox,  iv. 

•>  The  formerwereo-TvAtTtti,  the  latter  39  (Bibl.  Patr.  Lugd.  xxv.  142). 

Kioj/crai.   Eustathius,  p.  189,  ed.Tafel.  '  lb.  c.  42,  p.  143. 

<:  avinTonoSe-;,  pvnS)VTe<;,  etc.     Ibid.;  '  Nicol.  Methon.,  Refutatio  Proch', 

Neander,   viii.   245-6;  cf.    G.    Pachy-  quoted  by  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  667. 


246  THE   GREEK   CHURCH.  Book  VI. 

and  imperial  authority,  consented  to  renounce  his 
errors,  s 

Those  revivals  and  reformations  of  monachism  which 
were  continually  renewed  in  the  West  had  no  parallel  in 
the  Greek  church,  where  the  only  measures  of  reform 
were  the  occasional  attempts  of  the  emperors  to  recall 
the  monks  to  their  spiritual  duties  by  means  which  had 
very  much  the  nature  of  confiscation.  Thus  Manuel 
found  fault  with  his  predecessors  for  having  enriched 
monasteries  with  lands,  and  revived  an  edict  of  Nicepho- 
rus  Phocas**  against  such  endowments.  And  in  order 
to  exemplify  what  monachism  ought  to  be,  if  freed  from 
secular  business,  he  removed  a  number  of  the  best  monks 
from  the  **  Siren-like"  temptations  of  Constantinople  to 
a  monastery  which  he  had  built  in  the  gorges  of  Pontus 
— allowing  them  merely  a  sufficient  supply  for  the 
necessities  of  food  and  clothing.* 

Yet  it  deserves  to  be  mentioned,  to  the  credit  of  the 
age,  that  under  the  Comnenian  emperors  a  spirit  of 
learning  revived.'^  A  college  of  twelve  professors  presided 
over  the  studies  of  Constantinople,  both  in  general 
literature  and  in  theology  :^  and  the  Greek  church  of 
the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  was  adorned,  if  not 
by  any  original  genius,  yet  by  the  industry  and  knowledge 
of  such  writers  as  the  commentator  Theophylact,  Nicetas, 
bishop  of  Chonse  or  Colosse,  Nicolas,  bishop  of  Methone, 
Euthymius  Zigadenus,  Michael  Psellus  the  younger,  and 
Eustathius,  archbishop  of  Thessalonica.™ 

The  imperial  system  had  a  tendency  to  encroach  on 
the  province  of  theology,  and  this  was  especially  danger- 

«  Anna  Comnena,  1.  v.   pp.    143-9,  "^  Anna  Comn.  I.  v.  p.  144. 

cd.  Paris;  Tafel,  Suppl.  ad  A.  Comn.,  '  Anselm.  Havelb.,  Patrol,  clxxxviii. 

Tiibing.  1832,  p.  xi.  ;  Nicetas,  ib.  2.  1141. 

•"  lialsamon,  in  Beveridge,  Synodic.  ""  Neand.    viii.  247 ;  Giesel.   II.  ii. 

i.  333-  663.     As  to  Eustathius,  see  Nicetas 

'  Nicet  de  Manuele,  vii.  j.  de  Andronico,  i.  9. 


Chap.  XI.  MANUEL  AS  A  THfiOLOGIAN.  247 

ous  under  those  emperors  who  supposed  themselves  to 
be  skilled  in  theological  questions.     They  were  not,  says 
Nicetas,"  content  to  enjoy  the   pomps  of  empire,  with 
the  unrestrained  power  and   privileges   of   despotism, 
unless  they  were  also  supposed  to  be,  like  Solomon, 
heaven-taught  authorities  on  things  divine  and  human. 
Thus,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  Alexius  I.  disputed  with 
the  Paulicians  and  with  the  Bogomiles.°     His  grandson 
Manuel,  in  addition  to  his  warlike  talents,  was  possessed 
of  eloquence   and    literary  accomplishments,?   and   al- 
though he  is  charged  with  adultery,  and  even  with  incest,^ 
was  especially  fond  of  mixing  in  theological  controversies. 
One  of  those  in  which  he  took  part  related  to  a  passage 
in  the  pubUc  liturgy,  where  Christ  was  said  to  be  at 
once  priest  and  sacrifice/    After  much  dis-  ^  ^  ^^^^ 
cussion,  the  emperor  was  persuaded  to  give 
his  adhesion  to  the  form,  and  many  eminent  ecclesiastics 
who  took  the  opposite  side  were  deprived.     At  another 
time  Manuel  started  a  question  as  to  the  words,  "  My 
Father  is  greater  than  I,"  which  he  maintained  to  relate 
to   the   Saviour's    created  humanity  alone.^      A  third 
question  arose  out  of  the  emperor's  requiring  the  with- 
drawal of  an  anathema  against  the  God  of  Mahomet 
from  the  catechetical  tables.*    The  patriarch  Theodosius 
replied  that  the  anathema  was  not  directed  against  the 
true  God,  but  against  the  imaginary  deity  whom  Mahomet 

.  De  Manuele,  vii.  5.  Nicet.  vii.  5-    On  this  affair  there  is 

o  See  the  next  chapter.  much  In  Tafel's  Supplement  to  Anna 

PCinnamus,vi.2.     He  was  also  skil-  Comnena.     The    proceedings    of   the 

ful  in  surgery  and  medicine.    lb.  iv.  22.  synod  at  which  it  was  discussed  are 

<«  Nicet.   de    Man.   i.   22;    Finlay,  given  by  Mai.  'Spicileg.  Romanum, 

•Gr.  and  Byz.  Empires,'  ii.  181.     For  x.  1-93.         ,.  . 

Manuel's  character  see  ib.  177.  seqq.  •  N.cet.  ^nu  5 :  Tafel.  p    xv..  .  He- 

The  tone  of  his  court  was  very  disso-  fele.  v.  604-6.    The  acts  of  the  synod 

lute.    The  words  which  impute  to  him  at  which  thiswas  discussed  m  1166  are 


lUie.          XllC   WU1U3  WIIK-"   "••K""-^   "•" .        ,  r->               -JT                              ■NT 

an  adulterous  intercourse  withhis  niece,  given  by  Mai,   'Scr.  Veterum  Nova 

e,  however,  wanting  in  some  copies  Coll.',  iv.  1-96. 

Nicetas.  *  Compare  the  opin 

noo^<i)tp€ivTeofiQVKa\nfiOS^ipta0a.i..  Spain,  vol.  iii.  p.  453' 


248  ATTEMPT   AT   UNION    BETWEEN  Book  VI. 

described  as  "neither  begetter  nor  begotten,  but  holo- 
sphyrous.""  On  this  the  emperor  drew  up  a  form  which 
he  violently  required  the  clergy  to  subscribe — threaten- 
ing them  with  a  council  to  which  the  pope  of  Rome 
should  be  invited;  and  some  of  them,  among  whom 
Eustathius  of  Thessalonica  was  conspicuous,  were  in 
danger  on  account  of  their  opposition.  But  at  length 
the  matter  was  compromised  by  the  subscription  of  an 
anathema  against  Mahomet  with  "  all  his  doctrine  and 
succession."^  A  later  emperor,  Andronicus,  was  so 
far  from  sharing  in  Manuel's  theological  tastes  that, 
on  hearing  a  discussion  as  to  the  words  "  My  Father 
is  greater  than  I,"  he  threatened  to  throw  the  disputants 
into  the  river.v 

From  time  to  time  attempts  were  made  to  bring  about 
a  reconciliation  between  the  Greek  and  the  Latin  churches. 
The  council  of  Bari,  under  Urban  II.,  at 
which  Anselm  of  Canterbury  played  the 
principal  part,  has  been  already  mentioned.'*  In  11 12 
Paschal  sent  Peter  Chrysolanus  or  Grosolanus,  the  dis- 
possessed archbishop  of  Milan,*  to  Constantinople,  for 
the  purpose  of  discussing  the  points  of  difference,^  and 
in  1 1 1 5  the  same  pope  addressed  to  the  emperor  Alexius 

"  Nicet.vii.  6-7  (Koran,  c.  112).  The  by  Ducange,  Gloss.  Graec.  in  voc.) 
word  oXotre^vpos,  derived  from  a^vpa,  a  says  that  oAocri^upos  has  the  same 
kammer,m&3Lnse)itirelymadebyhai>t-  meaning  with  (T^a.ipLKb<;  (with  which 
inering,  and  thence  solid.  Thus  the  it  is  etymologically  connected — see 
equivalent  holosphyratos  is  used  by  Passow,  s.  v.  <T<^vpa).  Gieseler  trans- 
Pliny  of  a  solid  statue  (Hist.  Nat.  lates  <T(f>ai.piKo^  by  "die  Weltkugel 
xxiv.  4),  and  is  defined  by  Facciolati  erfullend"  (II.  ii.  669);  but  it  seems 
as  meaning  "solida,  plena,  non  inanis,  rather  to  mean  globular,  and  thence 
quae  scilicet  non  conflata  est,  sed  mal  self-co7Hplete,  which  would  agree  with 
leoducta."  But  the  Arabic  word  which  Manuel's  contrast,  "neither  begetter 
was  thus  translated  by  the  Greeks,  is,  nor  begotten,"  Sylburg  (quoted  by 
when  applied  to  God,  understood  by  Ducange,  I.  c.)  says  that  Mahomet 
Arabic  commentators  on  the  Koran,  used  his  word  in  the  sense  of  noi'oirpocr- 
and  by  later  translators,  as  meaning  wttos.  *  Nicet.  1.  c. 
eternal  {S3^e,  in  loc.  ;  Schrockh,  xxix.  ^  Id.  de  Andron.  ii.  5. 
650  ;  Murdock,  n.  on  Mosheim,  *  Vol.  iv.  p.  458.  »  Vol.  v.  p  la. 
45) i).     Euthymius   Zigadenus  (quoted  **  See  Patrol,  c'lxii.  1007,  seqq. 


CMAr.  XI.  GREEK    AND    LATIN    CHURCHES.  249 

a  proposal  for  another  conference,  but  with  the  unaccep- 
table condition  that  the  primacy  of  Rome  should  be 
acknowledged  in  all  things.''  About  the  year  1135, 
Anselm,  bishop  of  Havelberg,  who  had  been  sent  by 
Lothair  III.  as  ambassador  to  the  emperor  John,  engaged 
in  discussions  with  Nicetas,  bishop  of  Nicomedia,  and 
one  of  the  twelve  principal  teachers  of  Constantinople ;  ^ 
and  in  1150,  at  the  request  of  Eugenius  III.,  he  drew 
up  a  report  of  the  conference. •=  The  chief  points 
debated  were  the  procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  the 
use  of  leavened  or  unleavened  bread  in  the  eucharist, 
and  the  authority  of  the  Roman  see.  On  the  first  of 
these  the  disputants  appear  to  have  approached  to 
an  agreement  by  means  of  mutual  explanations.*  On 
the  question  of  the  papacy,  Nicetas  is  represented  as 
strongly  protesting  against  the  Roman  pretensions  ;^  and 
he  proposed  a  general  council  as  the  most  hopeful  means 
towards  a  reconciliation.^  Although  Anselm's  report 
of  the  arguments  is  naturally  favourable  to  the  author 
and  his  cause,  the  Greek  champion  is  allowed  to  acquit 
himself  creditably ;  and  they  parted  with  expressions 
of  mutual  respect  Another  discussion  was  held  at 
Constantinople  about  1179,  by  Hugh  Eterianus,  a 
Tuscan,  whose  conduct  in  it  was  approved  by  Alexander 
III. ; »  a  Greek  abbot  named  Nectarius  maintained  the 
Greek  views  at  the  Lateran  synod  of  in 9,  and  on  his 
return  was  hailed  "like  another  Olympian  victor;"^ 
and  the  subject  of  reunion  often  engaged  the  attention 

"  Ep.  437  (Patrol,  clxili.).  Nilus  Doxopatrius,  '  Notitia  Patriar- 

<*  Anselm,  in  Patrol,  clxxxviii.,  Pro-  chatuum,*  in  Le  Moyne,  '  Varia  Sacra,' 

log.  col.  1162.  i.  242-3,  Lugd.  Bat.  1694;  Schrockh, 

e  Prolog.  xxix.   375,   377 ;    and    passages   from 

'  Anselm,  Dial.  ii.  27.  Greek  writers  against  the  Roman  ar- 

B  The  Greeks  now  often  maintained  rogance  in  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  672. 

that  Rome  had  lost  its  ecclesiastical  ''  Anselm,  Dial.  ii.  27 ;  iii.  19-20. 

with  its  political  greatness ;  and  that  •  Patrol,  ccii.  227,  230,  scqq.  ;  Alex. 

this  was  the  just  punishment  of  its  Ep.  1322  (ib.  cc). 

heterodoxy.      See   Cinnamus,   v.    10 :  "^  Hard.  vi.  1687-6. 


^SO  NESTORIAN    MISSIONS.  Book  VI. 

of  the  popes. ^  But  on  the  whole,  the  increasing  claims 
of  Rome,  the  invasion  of  the  East  by  Latin  patriarchs, 
bishops,  and  clergy,  the  collisions  between  the  eastern 
and  the  western  churches  which  took  place  in  the 
crusades,  and  other  political  causes,  contributed  to 
render  the  Greeks  less  and  less  favourable  to  such 
proposals;™  and  the  massacre  of  the  Latins  under 
Andronicus"  was  at  once  a  fearful  proof  of  the  bitter 
feeling  with  which  they  were  regarded  by  the  Greeks, 
and  a  pledge  of  further  hostilities.^ 

IL  The  Nestorians  continued  to  carry  on  their  mis- 
sionary work  in  the  East,  although  the  successes  which 
they  claimed  may  in  many  cases  have  been  only  nominal. p 
About  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  stories  began 
to  be  circulated  in  Europe  as  to  a  Christian  nation  of 
north-eastern  Asia,  whose  sovereign  was  at  the  same  time 
king  and  priest,  and  was  known  by  the  name  of  Prester 
John.  Amid  the  mass  of  fables  with  which  the  subject 
is  encumbered,  it  would  seem  to  be  certain  that,  in  the 
very  beginning  of  the  century,  the  khan  of  the  Kerait, 
a  tribe  whose  chief  seat  was  at  Karakorum,  between 
Lake  Baikal  and  the  northern  frontier  of  China,  was 
converted  to  Nestorian  Christianity — it  is  said,  through 
the  appearance  of  a  saint  to  him  when  he  had  lost  his 
way  in  hunting.^  By  means  of  conversation  with  Chris- 
tian merchants,  he  acquired  some  elementary  knowledge 
of  the    faith,  and,  on   the    application  of   Ebed-Jesu, 

■  E.g.,  Eugen.  III.,  Ep.  204 (Patrol.  nobiscum  sunt  et  nobiscum  non  sunt, 

clxxx.);    Adrian    IV.,    Ep.    198    (ib.  juncti  fide,  pace  divisi,  quamquam  et 

clxxxviii.).  in  fide   ipsa  claudicaverint  a   semitis 

""  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  672.  rectls."    De  Consideratione,  III.  i.  4. 

"  See  p.  221.  P  Neander.  vii.  62. 

*  St.  Bernard,  in  remonstrating  with  *•  SchrOckh,  xxv.  187.    Neander(vii. 

Eugenius  1 1 1,  on  the  lack  of  missionary  62)  points  out  the  likeness  of  this  story 

zeal  in  the  Roman  church,  says— "  Ego  to  that  of  the  conversion  of  the  Ibe- 

addo  et  de  pertinacia  Grxcorum,  qui  rians.    See  vol.  i.  p.  414. 


Ckap.  XI.  PRESTER  JOHN.  25 1 

metropolitan  of  Maru,  to  the  Nestorian  patriarch  Gregory, 
clergy  were  sent,  who  baptized  the  king  and  his  subjects, 
to  the  number  of  200,000.  Ebed-Jesu  consulted  the 
patriarch  how  the  fasts  were  to  be  kept,  since  the  country 
did  not  afford  any  corn,  or  anything  but  flesh  and  milk ; 
and  the  answer  was,  that,  if  no  other  Lenten  provisions 
were  to  be  had,  milk  should  be  the  only  diet  for  seasons 
of  abstinence.' 

The  earliest  western  notice  of  this  nation  is  given  by 
Otho  of  Freising,  from  the  relation  of  an  Armenian 
bishop  who  visited  the  court  of  pope  Eugenius  III. 
This  report  is  largely  tinctured  with  fable,  and  deduces 
the  Tartar  chiefs  descent  from  the  Magi  who  visited  the 
Saviour  in  His  cradle.^  It  would  seem  that  the  Nesto- 
rians  of  Syria,  for  the  sake  of  vying  with  the  boasts  of 
the  Latins,  delighted  in  inventing  tales  as  to  the  wealth, 
the  splendour,  and  the  happiness  of  their  convert's 
kingdom  ;*  and  to  them  is  probably  to  be  ascribed  an  ex- 
travagantly absurd  letter,"  in  which  Prester  John  is  made 
to  dilate  on  the  greatness  and  the  riches  of  his  dominions, 
the  magnificence  of  his  state  and  the  beauty  of  his  wives,^ 
and  to  offer  the  Byzantine  emperor,  Manuel,  if  he  be  of 
the  true  faith,  the  office  of  lord  chamberlain  in  the  court 
of  Karakorum.  In  1177  Alexander  III.  was  induced 
by  reports  which  a  physician  named  Philip  had  brought 
back  from  Tartary,  as  to  Prester  John's  desire  to  be 
received  into  communion  with  the  pope,  to  address  a 
letter  to  the  king,  recommending  Philip  as  a  religious 
instructor.^     But  nothing  is  known  as   to  the  result  ot 

'  Mosheim,  Hist.  Tartar.  Eccles.  23.  33.     See  Schrockh,  xxv.  190  ;  Oppert 

•  Otto  Fris.  vii.  32-3  ;  Mosh.  Hist.  '  Der  Presbyter  Johannes,  in  Sage  u. 
Tart.  25-6.  Geschichte,'  Berlin,  1864,  pp.  36,  167  ; 

*  Rubruquis(A.D.  1253)  in  '  Purchas,  Herzog,  vi.  765-7. 

his  Pilgrimes,'  iii.    14  (Lond.    1625) ;  ^  The  Christianity  of  Prester  John, 

Mosh.  Hist.  Tart.  16.  therefore,    was  not   inconsistent  with 

"  Mut.  Modoet.  in  Pertz,  xviii.  579,  polygamy.     Mosh.  Hist,  Tart.  33. 

seqq.  ;  Mosh.  Hist.  Tart.  Append.  29-  y  Epp.  1322  (Patrol,  cc.)  ;  Oppert 


252  PRESTER  JOHN. — SPAIN.  Book  VI. 

this;  and  in  1202  the  Kerait  kingdom  was  overthrown 
by  the  Tartar  conqueror  Genghis  Khan.^ 

In  explanation  of  the  story  as  to  the  union  of  priest- 
hood with  royalty  in  Prester  John,  many  theories  have 
been  proposed,  of  which  two  may  be  mentioned  here  : 
that  it  arose  out  of  the  fact  of  a  Nestorian  priest's  having 
got  possession  of  the  kingdom  on  the  death  of  a  khan  ;* 
or  that,  the  Tartar  prince's  title  being  compounded  of 
the  Chinese  wa7ig  (king)  and  the  Mongol  khati,  the  first 
of  these  words  was  confounded  by  the  Nestorians  of 
Syria  with  the  name  John,  and  the  second  with  coheti  (a 
priest).^ 

III.  Among  the  triumphs  of  Gregory  VII.  was  the  sub- 
mission of  the  Spanish  church,  which  had  until  then  been 
independent,  and  had  looked  to  no  higher  authority  than 
the  primate  of  Toledo.'^  The  Spanish  kings  were  induced 
to  favour  this  submission  by  the  wish  to  ally  themselves 
with  the  rest  of  Christendom,  as  a  means  of  strength 
against  their  unbelieving  neighbours;  and  it  was  for- 
warded by  the  influence  of  many  Frenchmen  who  had 
been  promoted  to  ecclesiastical  dignities  in  Spain.^  In 
consequence  of  the  union,  Gregory  wrote  to  Alfonso  VI. 
of  Castile  and  to  Sancho  of  Aragon,  exhorting  them  to 

53.     Oppert  says  that  the  pope  styles  •"  See  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  658  ;  Neander, 

him  "king  of  the  Indians,"  and  not  vii.  63-4;  Kauffer, iii.  170-1.    Theiden- 

"  Prester  John,"  and  would  hence  infer  tification  of  Prester  John's  kingdom 

that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  Khan's  with  Abyssinia  (Lobo,   in  Pinkerton, 

priesthood.     But  the  address  is,  "In-  xvi.  20)  was  a  mistake  of  Portuguese 

dorum  regi,  sacerdotum  sanctissivto."  explorers  some  centuries  later.     Seo 

■  Mosh.  Hist.  Tart.  27-33.    For  later  Oppert,   7-9.      For  this  writer's  own 

notices,  see  Book  VII.  c.  vi.  ;  Kauffer,  views,  see  pp.   120,   140,   etc.,  of  hia 

Gesch.  V.  Ost-Asien,  iii.  169, 172  (Leipz.  treatise. 

i860);   Marco  Polo,  ed.  Yule,  i.  209-  «  Hist.  Compostellana,  ii.  1  (Patrol. 

15.  Yule's  'Cathay'  (Hakluyt  Soc),  clx.x.  1032).     The  first  archbishop  of 

173,  seqq.  Toledo  who  received    the  pall    from 

»  This  is  the  opinion  of  Mosheim  Rome  was  Bernard,  in  10S7.     I^Iariana 

(Hist.  Tart.  20;  Ch.  Hist.  ii.  422),  who  (ed.  Sabau),  vi.  123. 

infers  it  from  Rubruquis  (in  Purchas,  "  Giesel.  II.  ii.  231. 
15),  and  some  other  old  writers. 


Chap.  XL  SPANISH   CHURCH. 


253 


adopt  the  Roman  ritual  as  a  symbol  of  unity ;  ®  and  it  is 
said  that  Alfonso  referred  the  question  to  an  ordeal,  by 
setting  up  champions  to  fight  for  the  Roman  and  the 
Mozarabic  liturgies  respectively.  The  national  champion 
was  victorious,  and  this  result  was  hailed  with  great 
delight  by  the  people ;  but  Alfonso,  at  his  queen's  insti- 
gation, declared  that  the  decision  must  be  made  by  fire, 
and  the  rival  books  were  placed  on  a  blazing  pile,  from 
which  the  Mozarabic  office  leaped  out  unhurt,  while  the 
Roman  or  Gallican  was  consumed.  But,  says  the  chroni- 
cler who  relates  this,  ''Laws  go  as  kings  will;"  and 
notwithstanding  its  double  victory,  the  national  liturgy 
was  abolished,  except  in  a  few  monasteries.*  On  the 
recovery  of  Toledo  from  the  Saracens  by  Alfonso,  Urban 
II.  bestowed  on  that  city  the  primacy  over 
all  Spain,  which  it  had  enjoyed  under  the 
Gothic  kings;  but  the  other  Spanish  metropolitans 
contested   this   primacy  until    the   Lateran   council   of 

I2l5.g 

The  popes  further  interfered  in  the  Spanish  peninsula 
by  acknowledging  Portugal  as  an  independent  kingdom, 
under  the  especial  protection  of  the  Roman  see,  and 
professing  to  grant  the  kings  a  right  over  all  that  they 
might  be  able  to  rescue  from  the  Saracens.  In  con- 
sideration of  the  connexion  with  Rome,  an  annual 
tribute  was  paid  to  St.  Peter's  successors.^ 

•  Ep.  i.  64  (a.  D.  1074);  cf.   Epp.  i.  537  (Patrol,   clxxx.).     See   Hard.   vi. 

63  ;  iii,  18  (Patrol,  cxlviii,).  1693  ;  Mariana,  1.  ix.  c.  18.     Compare 

'  Roderick  of  Toledo,  who  died  in  the  story  as  to  a  contest  between  the 

1247,  is  the  oldest  authority  for  this  Roman  and  the  Ambrosian  liturgies, 

story  in  its  complete  form  (vii.  26,  in  quoted  by  Jer,  Taylor  (v.  500)  from 

Rer.  Hisp.  Script,  t.  i.,  Francof.  1597);  Durandus,  Rationale,  v.  2. 

although,  as  the  Bollandists  (Jul.  t.  vl.  k  See  vol.  iii.  p.  5;  Urban  II.  Epp. 

p.  49)  and  Gudranger  (i.  289)  observe,  5-8,  etc.  (Patrol,  cli.);  Vita  Urb.,  ib. 

the  germ  of  it  is  found  in  the  Chron.  41 ;  Nat.  Alex.  xiii.  293-4 ;  Raynald. 

Malleacense,  which  ends  in  1134.     See  1215.16, 

Labbe,  Biblioth.  MSS.,  ii.  211.     Eu-  *»  Alex.  III.  Ep.   1424  (a.d.   1179) 

genius  III.  orders  the  partisans  of  the  It  is  said  that  the  title  of  king  was 

Mozarabic  liturgy  to  conform.      Ep.  assumed  in  1139,  and  was  sanctioned 


254  ENGLAND.  Book  VI. 

IV.  In  1 125  England  was  visited  by  a  legate,  John 
of  Crema,  cardinal  of  St.  Chrysogonus,  whose  exactions 
and  insolence  excited  general  disgust.*  The  primate, 
William  of  Corboyl,  feeling  himself  injured  by  the 
precedence  which  this  legate,  although  only  a  priest, 
assumed  over  archbishops  and  bishops,''  accompanied 
him  on  his  return  to  Rome,  with  a  view  of  vindicating 
the  rights  of  his  see  ;  and  the  matter  was  accommodated 
by  the  pope's  bestowing  on  the  archbishop,  for  his  own 
person,  a  commission  as  ordinary  legate  in  England.^ 

William  of  Corboyl,  in  1135,  sanctioned  the  usurpation 
of  the  crown  by  Stephen  ;  ^  and  it  was  remarked  as  a 
sign  of  the  Divine  displeasure  that  he  died  within  a  year." 
During  the  troubles  of  Stephen's  reign  much  invasion 
of  ecclesiastical  and  monastic  property  took  place. 
Churches  were  burnt  or  were  converted  into  fortresses, 
and  the  wealth  of  monasteries  was  violently  plundered 
by  the  irregularly-paid  mercenaries  who  held  the  country 

by  Innocent  II.  in  1141.     See  Lucius  792;   Lingard,  ii,  46.     Wharton's  re- 

II.  Ep.  26  (Patrol,  clxxix.)  ;  Ep.  i  ad  marks  as  to  the  archbishop's  having  be- 

Lucium  (ib.);    Schrockh,   xxvi.    120;  trayed  the  independence  of  his  church 

Gieseler.  II.  ii.  94.     The  archbishops  seem  too  strong  ;  but  Lingard's  citation 

of  Braga  were  disposed  to  claim  in-  from  Eadmer — ("inauditum  scilicet  in 

dependence,  but    are  ordered  to   be  Britannia  cunctis  saeculis,   quemlibet 

subject  to  Toledo.  Adrian  IV.  Ep.  80 ;  hominem  super    se  vices   apostolicas 

Lucius  II.  Ep.  36  ;  Eugen.  III.  Epp.  gerere  nisi  solum  archiepiscopum  Can- 

22,  370-1,  450.  tuarise)," — and  his  references  to  Wil- 

»  Sym.  Dunelm.  a.d.  1125  ;  Rob.  de  Ham  of  Malmesbury  do  not  fairly  meet 

Monte,  A.D.  1125;   R.  Wendover,  ii.  the  case.     The  peculiarity  was,  that 

205 ;  Collier,  ii.  193 ;  Inett,  ii.  153.     In  Abp.  William  took  out  a  special  and 

the  schism  of  a  later  date,  John  was  at  personal  commission  as  legate,  instead 

first  for  Innocent,  then  for  Anacletus,  of  resting  on  the  general  right  of  his 

then  for  Innocent  again.     See  Bernard,  see. 

Ep.  163  (Patrol,  clxxxii.);  Baron.  1135.  ■"  Gesta  Stephani,  edited  by  R.  C. 

8.     His  name  will  again  occur,  c.  xiii.  Sewell  (Eng.  Hist.  Soc),  7-8  ;  Gervas. 

sect.  i.  7.  1664  :  Lappenberg,  ii.  296-9. 

'^  Gervas.  Dorob.  1663:  Hen.  Hun-  °  Rob.  de  Monte,  a.d.  1135.    Others 

tingd.  1.  viii.  (Patrol,  cxcv.  956).  Twys-  who,  in  breach  of  their  oaths  to  Henry 

den,  Hist.  Vindication,  28.  I.,  joined  Stephen,   are  also  said   to 

»  Honor.  II.  Ep.   57,  Jan.  ii27(Pa-  have  ended  badly.    (Ib.)    Stephen  was 

trol.  clxvi.);  W.  Malraesb.  693:  Sym.  acknowledged  by  Innocent  II.  Ep.  250 

Dunelm.  253 ;  Gervas.  1663.  See  Twys-  (Patrol,  clxxix.). 
den,  1.  c.  30-2  ;  Wharton,  Ang.  Sac,  i. 


Chap.  XI.  REIGN    OF  STEPHEN. 


'35 


in  terror.^  "  Never  yet  had  more  wretchedness  been  in 
the  land,"  says  the  Saxon  chronicler,  in  his  striking 
description  of  the  miseries  of  Stephen's  reign,  "  nor  did 
heathen  men  ever  do  worse  than  they  did ;  for  every- 
where at  times  they  forbore  neither  church  nor  church- 
yard, but  took  all  the  property  that  was  therein,  and  then 
burned  the  church  and  all  together.  Nor  forbore  they  a 
bishop's  land,  nor  an  abbot's,  nor  a  priest's,  but  robbed 
monks  and  clerks,  and  every  man  another,  who  any- 
where could.  The  bishops  and  clergy  constantly  cursed 
them,  but  nothing  came  of  it ;  for  they  were  all  accursed, 
and  forsworn,  and  lost."  p  But  on  the  other  hand,  the 
clergy  were  in  such  times  a  body  whose  support  could 
not  but  be  very  valuable;  and  thus  they  were  able  to 
increase  their  privileges  and  their  power.  Henry,  bishop 
of  Winchester  and  brother  of  the  king,  had  obtained  the 
office  of  legate  after  archbishop  William,  and  was  the 
most  powerful  member  of  the  episcopate,  while  he  was 
devoted  to  high  hierarchical  principles.  It  is  said  that 
he  had  a  design  of  erecting  his  see  into  an  archbishop- 
rick,  with  seven  suffragans ;  <i  and  Stephen,  although 
greatly  indebted  to  him  for  assistance  at  the  outset  of  his 
reign,  found  it  necessary  to  balance  the  legate's  power  by 
promoting  Theobald,  abbot  of  Le  Bee,  to  Canterbury ; "" 
whereupon  Henry  in  disgust  transferred  himself  to  the 
party  of  the  legitimate  claimant  of  the  kingdom,  Matilda, 
daughter  of  Henry  I.,  and  widow  of  the  emperor  Henry 
v.,  pretending,  at  an  assembly  of  the  clergy  in  1141, 
that  the  right  of  electing  a  sovereign  belonged  chiefly  to 
that  order.^     The   new   primate   found  himself  greatly 

»  Will.  Malmesb.  707  ;  Gesta  Steph,  300 ;  R.  Wendover,  ii.  234 ;   Inett,  ii. 

97-8  ;  Hist.  Abendoniensis  (Chron.  and  200.     For  his  grandeur  and  assump- 

Mem.),  ii.  210 ;  Lingard,  ii.  96 ;  Lap-  tions,  see  Girald.  Cambr.  de  Vitis  vi. 

penb.  ii.  347.  Episcoporum,  in  Wharton,  ii.  425. 

P  A.D.  1137  (vol.  ii,  231,  ed.  Thorpe).  '  Gesta  Steph.  5-6  ;  Inett,  ii.  180, 

See  Mackintosh,  i.  135.  •  W.  Malmesb.  Hist.  Novell,  iii.  44  ; 

•i  Annal.   Winton.,   in  Wharton,     .  Gervas.  1248,     Mr.  Hallum  shows  the 


25C  ENGLAND. — STEPHEN.  Bock  VI. 

embarrassed  by  the  position  of  the  legate,  who,  although 
his  own  suffragan,  claimed  authority  over  him,  and 
presided  at  councils  as  his  superior,  until  Lucius  II.,  on 
succeeding  to  the  papacy,  instead  of  renewing  the 
bishop  of  Winchester's  legation,  gave  Theobald  a  com- 
mission by  which  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  for  the 
time  being  was  appointed  legatus  natus  of  the  pope.* 
By  these  legatine  commissions  the  English  church  was 
brought  into  more  direct  connection  with  Rome  ;  and  it 
is  to  the  time  of  Henry  of  Winchester's  legation  that  the 
frequency,  if  not  the  origin,  of  appeals  from  England  to 
the  pope  is  traced.*^ 

In  the  beginning  of  Stephen's  reign,  the  bishops,  on 
swearing  fealty  to  him,  *'  so  long  as  he  should  preserve 
the  liberty  of  the  church,  and  the  rigour  of  discipline," 
had  exacted  from  him  an  oath  that  he  would  redress  the 
grievances  which  had  been  inflicted  on  the  Church  by 
Henry  I.,  with  a  very  full  assurance  of  privileges  and 
immunities;  but  these  promises  were  ill  observed.^ 
The  clergy,  however,  continued  to  make  good  their 
interest.  When  the  bishops  of  Ely,  Lincoln,  and  Salis- 
bury had  built  themselves  strong  castles,  which  they  held 
out  against  the  king,  Henry  of  Winchester,  as  legate, 
declared  that  these  prelates  ought  not  to  be  liable  to  any 
other  than  ecclesiastical  judgment.  The  archbishop  of 
Rouen  maintained  that,  it  bishops  were  allowed  to 
possess  castles,  the  king  ought,  as  in  other  countries,  to 
hold  the  keys,  and  to  have  the  right  of  entering.  But 
Stephen,  in  fear  of  Matilda's  growing  power,  submitted 
to  appear  by  proxy  when  summoned  before  a  council  for 

groundlessness  of  this  pretension.     M.  (1369).     See  Inett,  ii.  195-6 ;  Lappenb. 

A.  i.  515.  ii.  363. 

'  Gervas.  1348 ;  Joh.  Hagustald.  a.d.  *  W.  Malmesb.  Hist.  Novella,  i.  15- 

1145  (Twysden,  col.  273).  16.  Comp.  Gesta  Steph.  i6 ;  Lappenb. 

"  Gervase  of  Canterbury  says  that  ii.  309. 
until  then  they  had  been  "  inusitatse  " 


Chap.  XI.  SCOTLAND — ST.    MARGARET.  257 

his  treatment  of  the  three  bishops,  and  did  penance  in 
obedience  to  its  sentence.y 

The  relations  between  Stephen  and  Theobald  be- 
came less  friendly  than  they  had  been  at  first.  At 
the  instance,  it  is  said,  of  his  brother,  who  had  again 
changed  sides,  the  king  forbade  the  archbishop  to  attend 
the  council  held  by  Eugenius  III.  at  Reims  in  1148. 
Theobald,  however,  resolved  to  disregard  this ;  and,  as 
the  coasts  were  guarded,  he  crossed  the  sea  in  a  small 
open  boat.  He  was  welcomed  by  the  pope  with  the 
remark  that  he  "  had  come  rather  by  swimming  than  by 
sailing; "2  but  on  attempting  to  return,  he  was  met  by 
a  sentence  of  banishment  and  confiscation,  to  which 
he  replied  by  pronouncing  an  interdict*  In  115  2  the 
primate  was  again  embroiled  with  the  king,  in  conse- 
quence of  having  refused  to  crown  his  son  Eustace ;  but 
peace  was  restored  by  the  death  of  Eustace,  and  by  the 
arrangement  which  secured  the  reversion  of  the  crown  to 
Henry  II.,  the  son  of  Matilda.** 

V.  In  Scotland  the  church  was  led  during  this  time 
to  discard  the  peculiarities  of  its  earlier  system,  and  was 
gradually  assimilated  to  the  church  of  southern  Britain — 
chiefly  through  the  influence  of  the  Cistercians  and  of 
the  Augustinian  canons.^'  The  beginning  of  this  change 
is  ascribed  to  the  influence  of  the  English  a.d.  1070- 
princess  Margaret,  sister  of  Edgar  Atheling,  io93- 
wife  of  Malcolm  Canmore,  and  mother  of  David  I.  of 
Scotland  and  of  ''Maud  the  Good,"  the  first  wife  of 
Henry  Beauclerc.     Margaret's  piety,  charity,  and  ascetic 

y  Gesta  Steph.   47-51,  63,  etc.  ;  W.  «  lb.  c.  15 ;  ^Elred,  in  Twysden.  509  ; 

Malmesb.  Hist.  Nov.  ii.  20-8;  Rob.  de  Gervas.  ib.  1364;  Collier,  ii,  240;  Inett, 

Monte,   A.D.    1139-40,    etc.;    Florent.  ii.  202 ;  Lingard,  ii.  92. 

Vieorn.  contin.  ii.  107  ;  Inett,  ii.  184  ;  ■>  Gervas.  1371, 1668  ;  Lingard,  ii.  92. 

Lingard,  ii.  76.  *  Bp.  Forbes,  Kalendar  of  Scottish 

*  Thorn.   Cantuar.    Ep.    37  (Patrol.  Saints,  xxii.  One  consequence  was  that 

cxc).     Cf.  Hist.  Poatif.  2  (Pertz,  xxi.).  old  native  saints  were  thrust  out.  Ib.  ;i(xi. 

VOL.  V.  17 


258  SCOTLAND — ST.    MARGARET.  Book  VI. 

life  are  celebrated  with  enthusiasm  by  her  confessor  and 
biographer,  Turgot,  a  monk  of  Durham  and  afterwards 
bishop  of  St.  Andrew's.**  She  built  churches,  redeemed 
captives,  and  provided  hospitals  for  the  use  of  pilgrims.® 
Her  husband's  affection  for  her  was  unbounded;  in 
token  of  it  we  are  told  that,  although  himself  unable  to 
read,  he  used  to  handle  her  books  with  interest,  to  kiss 
those  which  he  observed  that  she  loved  most,  and  some- 
times to  surprise  her  by  presenting  her  with  one  of  her 
favourite  volumes  in  a  new  and  splendid  binding.* 
Under  Margaret's  influence  the  Celtic  element  was 
depressed  in  Scotland,  while  the  court  took  an  English 
tone  and  character.^  Councils  were  assembled  for  the 
reformation  of  the  church ;  and  at  one  of  these  it  is  said 
that  Margaret,  almost  unaided  except  by  the  presence 
and  countenance  of  the  king,  who  acted  as  interpreter, 
maintained  for  three  days,  with  "  the  sword  of  the 
Spirit,  which  is  the  word  of  God,"  the  cause  of  opposition 
to  the  usages  or  abuses  which  prevailed  in  Scotland.^ 
The  beginning  of  Lent  had  been  reckoned  forty  days 
before  Easter,  without  excepting  Sundays  ; '  communion, 
even  at  Easter,  had  been  disused,  even  by  the  clergy,^ 

^  Acta  SS.,  June  10,  where  it  is  as-  contrary  to  the  practice  of  all  other 

cribed  to  one  Theodoric  ;  but  it  is  now  churches  ;  but  the  editor  remarks  that 

generally  regarded  as  the  work  of  Tur-  the  same  has  been  the  custom  of  Milan 

got.     See  also,  as  to  Margaret,  Pal-  from  St.  Ambrose's  time.    332, 

grave, '  Norm,  and  Eng.'  iv.  317,  seqq.  ;  ''  As  to  the  difficulties  connected  with 

K.  W.  Robertson,  i.  148;  Jos.  Robert-  this  statement,  see  Grub,  i.  196;  Bp. 

son,  xxi.  seqq.  ;  Stuart,  Introd.  to  Book  Forbes,  3S8.     Mr.  Joseph  Robertson 

of  Deer,  c.xi. ;  Bp.  Forbes,  Kalendar,  says,    "Obviously  nothing    more    is 

387,  seqq.  implied   than  that  from  a  scrupulous 

*  Vita,  CO.  17-23.  regard   for  the   sanctity  of   Easter  it 

f  lb.  ID.  was  the  practice  not  to  partake  of  the 

e  "  Moderniores     enim    Scottorum  Eucharist  on  that  day."    (Cone.  Scot. 

reges  magis  se  Francos  fatentur,  sicut  i.   23.)    But  the  general  plea  of  un- 

genere,    ita    moribus,    lingua,    cultu,  worthiness    ("  Quia    nos     peccatores 

Scottisque    ad    extremam    servilutem  recognoscimus.ne  judicium  nobis  m.in- 

redactis,   solos  Francos   in    familiari-  ducemus   et   bibamus,   ad  illud  mys- 

tatem  et  obsequium  adhibent."    Walt.  terium  accedere  formidanuis")  seeni;* 

Coventr.  ii.211  (a.d.  1212).         »•  lb.  13.  inconsistent  witli  tlii*, 

«  The  biogr.iphLT  speaks  of   this  iffi 


Chap.  XL  DAVID   I. 


259 


who  alleged  that  they  were  unworthy  to  receive  the 
sacrament ;  and  marriages  had  been  allowed  which  the 
general  law  of  the  church  denounced  as  incestuous. 
Against  these  and  other  irregularities  Margaret  contended, 
and  she  succeeded  in  doing  away  with  them.^ 

To  this  time  is  also  referred  the  more  thorough  and 
regular  division  of  the  country  into  dioceses,  which  seems 
to  have  been  in  progress  from  the  reign  of  Malcolm 
Canmore  (a.d.  1057-93)  to  that  of  David  I.  (a.d.  1124- 
54),"^  whose  munificence  in  the  endowment  of  bishop- 
ricks  and  abbeys  has  earned  him  the  zealous  praise  of 
the  monastic  writers,"  and  has  not  wanted  defenders  in 
later  times  against  those  who  have  censured  it  as  tending 
to  the  impoverishment  of  the  crown  and  the  oppressive 
taxation  of  the  people.°  Nor  did  David,  who  had  been 
educated  in  the  English  court,  neglect,  in  his  care  for 
religion,  to  use  other  means  of  advancing  the  civilisation 
of  his  subjects,  who,  notwithstanding  the  influence  of 
many  English  and  Norman  settlers,  were  generally  in  a 
very  rude  condition. p    Among  other  changes  which  took 

>  Vita,  13-1S  ;  Palgrave,  iv.  328-32.  pedite "    (Pertz,    xvi.    349).      Bishop 

She  died  in  1093,  three  days  after  her  Keith's  Catalogue  does  not  afford  the 

husband  had  been  killed  at  Alnwick,  means  of  identifying  these  bishops. 
and  was  canonized  by  Innocent  IV.  in  p  C.    Innes,    i.    86-9.      William  of 

1251.  Newburgh  highly  celebrates  the  wis- 

">  See  Spottiswoode,  i.  59  ;  Skinner,  dom  of  David,  as  well  as  his  piety  and 

i.  21213,  217,  241 ;  Grub,  i.  218.  bounty — "  Vir  propter  regni  negotia 

"  See  .^Ired,  in  Patrol,  cxcv.   713  ;  ad  divina  nequaquam  officia  segnior, 

Vita  Bernard.  Tiron.,  ib.  clxxii.  1426  ;  vel  propter    divina  quibus  insistebat 

W.  Malmesb.,  ib.  clxxix.  1357;  Sym.  officia  ad  negotia  regni  obtunsior  "  [w 

Dunelm.,  a.d.  1128;  Joh.  Hagustald.,  (i.  23;  cf.  W,  Malmesb.  1.  c.  ;  E.  W. 

p.  281  ;  Fordun,  v.  31,  seqq.  Robertson,  c.  viii.,  especially  p.  227). 

o  See  Spottisw.  i.  69-71,  in  reply  to  1"he  savage  ferocity  of  the  Scots  in 

Holinshed  ;  C.  Innes,  i.,  c.  iii.  ;  Grub,  tlieir    inroads    into    England    is    de- 

i.  260,  272-6  ;  Jos.  Robertson,  lx.\xix.  nounced  by  all  the  old  English  chroni- 

The  wealth  of  the  church  would  not  clers(^.^.,  Henr.  Huntingd.,  in  Patrol, 

seem  to  have  been  very  excessive  in  cxcv.  959;  Joh.  Hagustald.,  260,  268; 

this  century,  if  Albert  of  Stade  speaks  Ric  Hagustald.,  316-1S;  R.  de  Dicet(| 

truly  in  saying  that,  of  two  Scotch  573;  Order.   Vital,   xiii.  17,  fin.,  19; 

bishops  who  were  consecrated  at  the  W.  Neubrig.  ii.  32 ;  R.  Wendover,  ii, 

Lateran  council  of  1179,  "  unus  solo  221;  Bromton,  1090).    The  later  Scot* 

equo  venerat,  alter  pedes   cum  solo  tish  writers  are  indignant  in  their  pro- 


26o  SCOTLAND — EDMER.  Book  VI. 

place  during  this  period  may  be  mentioned  the  extinc- 
tion of  the  ancient  order  of  clergy  styled  Culdees,  who, 
although  not  without  a  struggle,  were  superseded  by 
canons  living  under  the  same  rules  as  those  of  other 
western  churches.<i 

After  the  death  of  bishop  Turgot,  in  1115,  a  remark- 
able case  of  difference  took  place  as  to  the  see  of  St. 
Andrews,  which  had  by  this  time  become  the  seat  of  the 
primacy,  so  that  its  bishops  were  styled  bishops  or  arch- 
bishops *'  of  the  Scots." '  Alexander  I.  of  Scotland  applied 
to  Ralph,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  on  the  groUnd  that 
the  bishops  of  St.  Andrews  had  always  been  consecrated 
either  by  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  or  by  the  pope, 
until  Lanfranc  allowed  them  for  a  time  to  be  consecrated 
at  York.s  The  vacancy  continued  until  1120,  when  Alex- 
ander again  wrote  to  the  archbishop,  requesting  that 
Edmer,  the  monk  of  Canterbury  to  whom  we  are  chiefly 
indebted  for  the  knowledge  of  St.  Anselm's  life  and 
character,  should  be  allowed  to  accept  the  see ;  and  to 
this  Ralph  assented,  and  obtained  the  consent  of  Henry 
I.'  But  after  Edmer  had  been  invested,  although  he 
was  not  yet  consecrated,  a  serious  disagreement  arose. 
The  Scottish  king,  who  had  intended  nothing  more  than 
to  evade  the  claims  of  York,  was  disgusted  at  finding 
that  the  monk  asserted  the  title  of  Canterbury  to  juris 
diction  over  all  Britain.  Edmer,  on  the  other  hand, 
declared  that  he  would  not,  for  St.  Andrews  or  for  all 
Scotland,  give  up  his  connection  with  Canterbury ;  and, 
although  a  friend  named  Nicolas  advised  him  to  solve 

tests  against  such  statements,  but  have  versis  Scotorum  episcopis  qui  a  locis 

unhappily  no  evidence  to  show  on  the  quibus  prsesunt  appellantur."    Chron. 

other  side.  of  Picts  and  Scots,  ed.  Skene,  190-1, 

1  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  232 ;  Palgrave,  iv.  See  vol.  iv.  p.  75. 

333;  Grub,  c.  xvi.  ;  E.  W.  Robertson,  »  Eadmer.  Hist.  Nov.  1.  v.  (Patrol. 

»•  336-7  :  Haddan-Stubbs,  ii.  177.  clix.  495).     See  Grub,  i.  207-9  '•  Had- 

■■  "  Summi  archiepiscopi  sive  summi  dan-Stubbs,  ii.  191,  seqq. 

episcopi  Scotorum.     Sic  et  dicti  sunt  *  Eadm.    510-19  ;    Spottiswoode,  i. 

ct  dicuntur   per  excellentiam  ab  uni-  65-8. 


Chap.  XL  CLAIMS   OlF   YOUK.  261 

the  difficulty  by  seeking  consecration  from  the  pope," 
it  seemed  to  Edmer  that  all  hope  of  usefulness  in  the 
northern  church  was  shut  out  by  his  difference  with  the 
king.  He  therefore  returned  the  episcopal  ring  to  Alex- 
ander, laid  his  cross  on  the  altar  from  which  he  had 
taken  it,  and  returned  to  England.'^  Robert,  prior  of 
Scone,  an  Englishman  by  birth,  who  was  appointed  in 
his  stead,  refused  to  profess  obedience  to  York  so  long  as 
Alexander  lived;  but  after  the  king's  death  _ 

he  submitted  to  be  consecrated  by  archbishop 
Thurstan,  with  the  understanding  that  there  should  be 
no  prejudice  to  the  rights  of  either  see.y 

The  claims  of  the  see  of  York  to  jurisdiction  over 
Scotland — claims  which  had  no  real  foundation  except 
in  so  far  as  concerned  that  part  of  Scotland  which  had 
formerly  been  within  the  Northumbrian  kingdom^ — were 
now  renewed  and  kept  up,  chiefly  perhaps  with  a  view 
of  counterbalancing  the  increased  greatness  of  the  south- 
ern metropolitan.*  But  as  to  the  details  of  this  question, 
there  is  a  difference  between  the  English  and  the  Scottish 
writers,  as  the  ancient  chronicles  of  Scotland  have  perished, 
and  the  later  Scottish  authors  charge  the  English  chroni- 
clers not  only  with  falsehood  but  with  forgery.^  On  a 
vacancy  in  the  see  of  Glasgow,  the  archdeacon  Ingelram, 
having  been  sent  by  Malcolm  IV.  to  Alexander  J 1 1.,  was 

»  See  his  letter  in  Wharton,  ii.  234-6.  (Lingard,  ii.  51).     For  their  gain  as  f.o 

^  Eadmer,  513-15.  Ireland,  see  the  next  section.     As  to 

y  Sym.  Dunelm.  a.d.  1224  :  Chron.  the  Orkneys.see  Lanfranc,  Epp.  n-12  ; 

of  Picts  and  Scots,   191  ;  Spottisw.  i.  Collier,  ii.  52.     On   the  question  bc- 

68  ;    Keith's   Catalogue,  6,  ed.  4to.  ;  tween  York  and  the  Scottish  church, 

Grub,i.  216-17.  David  attempted  to  get  see  Calixt.  II.  Epp.  165-6,  255  (Patrol. 

St.  Andrews  made  an  archbishoprick.  clxii.) ;    Innoc.   II.    Epp.   40,   71   (ib. 

Jos.   Robertson,  xxiv.     See  Haddan-  clxxix.) ;    Adrian.    IV.    Ep.    20    (ib. 

Stubbs,  ii.  212.  clxxxviii.)  ;  Alex.  III.  Ep.   1241,  (ib. 

»  See  Lloyd,  quoted  by  Skinner,  i.  cc.)  ;  Wilkins,  i.  480-1.     For  the  quar- 

264;  Russell,  i.    103-4;   Jos.  Robert-  rels  of  Cintcrbury  and  York,  see  Nat. 

ion,  xxvi.-ix.  Alex.  xiii.  295-9. 

»  Pauli,  iii.   146.    The  archbishops  "  See   Spottisw.    i.  76 ;   Skmncr,   1. 

of  Canterbury  had  added   Wales   to  267-8. 

their    jurisdiction    under    Henry    I. 


262  CLAIMS   OF   YORK  Book  VI. 

consecrated  by  him  at  Sens,  notwithstanding  the  op- 
position of  envoys  from  the  archbishop  of 
York,  and  returned  with  an  acknowledgment 
that  the  Scottish  church  was  exempt  from  all  jurisdiction 
except  that  of  the  pope.*^  In  1175,  according  to  the 
English  writers,  when  William  of  Scotland  had  been 
taken  prisoner  at  Alnwick,  his  bishops  and  abbots  swore 
at  York  that  they  would  pay  such  submission  as  was  due 
and  customary  to  the  see  of  York,  and  that  the  bishops 
of  Scotland  should  repair  to  that  archbishop  for  con- 
secration.^ But  at  a  meeting  at  Northampton  in  the 
following  year,  under  the  legate  Uguccio  Pierleone,  the 
Scottish  bishops  denied  that  there  had  ever  been,  either 
by  right  or  in  fact,  any  such  subjection  as  was  claimed. 
Roger  of  York  produced  documents  in  proof  that  the 
bishops  of  Candida  Casa  (Whitherne)  and  Glasgow  had 
formerly  been  subject  to  York ;  but,  fortunately  for  the 
Scots,  a  dispute  arose  between  the  two  English  arch- 
bishops as  to  the  claims  of  their  sees  over  Scotland,  and 
the  matter  remained  undecided.^  Both  parties  appealed 
to  Rome,  and  in  11 76  Vivian,  cardinal  of  St.  Stephen's 
on  the  Ccelian  (who  had  formerly  been  employed  as  a 
commissioner  in  the  differences  between  Henry  II.  and 
Becket),  was  sent  as  legate  into  Scotland,  where  he 
is  described  by  the  Melrose  chronicler  as  *'  treading 
down  and  breaking  to  pieces  all  that  fell  in  his  way — 
alert  to  take,  and  not  slow  to  seize."  ^    The  bishop  of 

*  Spottisw.  (i.  73)  and  Keith  wrongly  483;  E.  W.  Robertson,  i.  377-9;  Jos. 

place  the  consecration  at  Rome.     See  Robertson,  xxxii.-v.     The  story  of  a 

a  letter  of  Alexander  in  Keith's  Cata-  young    canon    named    Gilbert  (after- 

logue,  139  (410.  ed.) ;  Haddan-Stubbs,  wards  bishop  of  Caithness,  see  Acta 

ii.  36-7.     Cf.  41-3,  45.  SS.,  Apr.  i.  p.  50),  standing  forward 

"*  Rob.  de  RIonte,  a.d.  1175;  Ben.  as  the  champion  of  the  Scottish  church, 

Petrib.    136;    Bromton,    1103;    Alex.  seems  to  be  an  invention  of   Fordun 

III.   Ep.   1241  ;  E.  W.  Robertson,   i.  (Annal.  xv.  p.  267,  ed.  Skene).     See 

375  ;  Jos.  Robertson,  xxxi.-ii.  Spottisw.  i.  77-8  ;  Skinner,  i.  268  ;  C. 

•Ben.    Petrib.    136;    R.    Hoveden,  Innes,  ii.  84  ;  Grub,  i.  291.     Haddan- 

S14  0.      Broniiun,    ijo8 ;   Wilkins,    .  Stubbs,  ii.  244.  '  A.o.  1176. 


Chap.  XI.  OVER   THE   SCOTTISH    CHURCH.  263 

Whitherne  declined  the  legate's  summons  to  a  council, 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  subject  to  the  see  of  York; « 
and  a  war  of  ecclesiastical  censures  followed,  without 
any  decisive  result.  Shortly  after  this  a  dispute  arose 
as  to  the  appointment  of  a  bishop  of  St.  _  _ 

.         ■,  f.     ,        ,  ,  ,  r,  -1        ,•  A.D.   1178-80. 

Andrews,  which  brought  the  Scottish  king 
into  collision  with  the  archbishop  of  York  and  with  the 
pope.  Roger  of  York,  who  had  received  a  commission 
as  legate  for  Scotland,  issued  a  sentence  of  excommuni- 
cation and  interdict  in  1181;  but  after  the  death  of  this 
turbulent  prelate  the  question  was  settled  by  an  arrange- 
ment favourable  to  William,  who  was  absolved  by  Lucius 
III.  in  1 182,  and  obtained  from  Clement  III.  and  Celes- 
tine  III.  an  acknowledgment  of  the  freedom  of  the 
Scottish  church  from  all  jurisdiction  but  that  of  the 
pope  himself,  or  of  legates  specially  commissioned  by 
him.^ 

VI.  In  Ireland  also  this  period  is  marked,  even  more 
strongly  than  in  Scotland,  by  changes  which  obliterated 
the  ancient  peculiarities  of  the  church,  and  reduced  it 
under  the  same  power  which  had  mastered  the  rest  of 
western  Christendom.  We  have  already  seen  that  the 
Danes  who  had  established  themselves  in  that  country 

s  Ben.   Petr.    211:    Hoveden,   324.  538;  Alex.  III.  Ep.  1470;  Luc.  III. 

The   see  of  Candida  Casa  had  been  Ep.  46  (Patr.  cci.) ;  Urban.  III.  Epp. 

thrice    founded,    the    last  foundation  49,  50  (ib.  ccii.) ;  Clem.  III.  Ep.  33 

having  been  by  King  David.     As  the  (ib.  cciv.)  ;  Coelest.   III.  Ep.  64  (ib. 

second  line  of  bishops  had  been  Eng-  ccvi.)  ;  Chron.  Mailros.  A.D.  117S-S0. 

lish,  those  of  the  third  regarded  them-  R.  Moved.  341,  350-2,  354,  360-1,  368- 

selves  as  subject  to  York  (Grub,   i.  9 :  Spoctisw.  i.  78-80 ;  Planck,  IV.  ii. 

268-9).     "The  bishops  of  Whitherne  60-3;  Pauli,  iii.  145;  Grub,  i.  292-5; 

received  consecration  from  the  metro-  Raine,   i.   250-1  ;    Jos.    Robertson,   i. 

politan  of  York,  even  after  they  were  39-40.     The  exemption  was  renewed 

permitted  to  take  their  seats  in  the  by   Honorius    III.    in    1218,   and  by 

Scotch  Parliament,  in  the  fourteenth  Gregory  IX.  in  1247.     See  Theiner, 

century."     C.    Innes,    ii.    207.      See  '  RIonumenta,'   8.   15-16,  49 ;  and  the 

Haddan-Stubbs,  ii.  56,  seqq.  fac-simile  of  Honorius's  bull  in  Na- 

•"  See  Ben.  Petrib.  331,  347-9,  362.  tional  MSS.  of  S:otland,  ed.  C.  Inncs, 

366.71,    379,  3S0,    384,  510-14,  52S-31,  vol.  I,  No.  47- 


264  IRELAND.  Book  VI. 

were  led,  on  embracing  the  Christian  faith,  to  seek  their 
pastors,  not  from  among  the  natives  whom  they  had 
dispossessed,  but  from  their  own  Norman  kindred  who 
had  become  masters  of  England.^  It  was  to  the  arch- 
bishops of  Canterbury  that  the  bishops  of  the  Danish 
cities,  Dublin,  Limerick,  and  Waterford,  repaired  for 
consecration,  and  made  profession  of  canonical  obe- 
dience ;  and  these  bishops,  although  sometimes  of  Irish 
birth,  were  generally  persons  who  had  been  trained 
in  English  monasteries.^  The  connexion  thus  begun, 
although  at  first  it  reached  no  further  than  England, 
could  not  fail  in  time  to  bring  the  Irish  church  into  new 
relations  with  Rome. 

A  letter  in  which  Gregory  VII.  appears  as  addressing 
the  Irish  king  Torlogh,  and  claiming  Ireland  for  the 
Roman  see,  would  seem  to  have  had  no  effect.^  But 
in  the  beginning  of  the  next  century,  Gille  or  Gilbert, 
bishop  of  Limerick  (who  had  known  Anselm  as  abbot  of 
Le  Bee,  and  had  renewed  his  intercourse  with  him  by 
letters  after  the  conclusion  of  his  struggle  with  Henry  I.),™ 
received  a  commission  as  legate   for    Ireland,    perhaps 


•  Vol.  iv.  p.  73  ;  Ussher,  '  Religion  of  opinion.     See  Lanigan,  iii.  457. 

Ancient  Irish,*  c.  viii.  (Works,  vol.  iv.  '  This  letter  was  printed   by  Arch- 

326)  ;  Lanigan,  iii.  336.  bishop  Ussher  ('  Sylloge,'  29),  from  a 

'^  See  the  letters  to  and  from  Lan-  MS.  at  Cambridge,  in  which  it  was 

franc,  Ansehn,  etc.,  in  Ussher,  'Syl-  annexed  to  the  pseudo-Isidorian  De- 

loge,'  Epp.  25,  seqq.  (Works,  iv.  488,  cretals,  and  it  also  exists  among  the 

seqq.)  ;  Eadmcr.  Hist.  Nov.  ii.  (Patrol.  Cotton    MSS.      It    contains    nothing 

ilix.   393)  ;   Bernard.  Vita  Malachiae,  improbable,  and  seems  to  be  received 

•'.  (ib.   clxxxii.)  ;    Lanigan,    iv.    146  ;  without  suspicion  by  writers  on  Irish 

Cing's  Primer,  420-1,  426-32.     Some  history  (see   King,   427) ;    yet  it  not 

Cf  the  letters  by  the  English  primates  only  is  missing  in  the  collections  of 

are  in  reproof  of  irregularities  in  the  Gregory's  letters,  but  the  date,  ' '  Su- 

Irish    church.      One    of    Lanfranc's  trii,  6  Kal.  Mart."  does  not  fall  in  with 

('Sylloge,'  28)  is    in  answer   to  the  his   movements    in  any  year   of  his 

enquiry   of   an    Irish    bishop    named  pontificate,    as    registered    by    Jaffe. 

Domnald,  whether  the  communion  of  He  was    certainly    not    at    Sutri   on 

infants  were  supposed  in  England  to  February  24,  1085,  the  year  to  uliiglj 

be  necessary  for  their  salvation.     Lan-  Ussher  refers  the  letter. 

franc  assures  him  that  there  is  no  such  '"  Patrol,  clviii,  sio-ij. 


Chap.  XI.  MALACHY   OB'   ARMAGH.  265 

through  Anselm's  influence  with  the  pope."  As  legate 
he  presided  over  a  synod  at  Rathbreasil,°  at  which  his 
influence  was  successfully  exerted  in  favour  of  Roman 
customs.  Ireland  was  to  be  portioned  out  into  regu- 
lar dioceses,  instead  of  having  bishops  unlimited  in 
number  and  without  local  jurisdiction ;  p  and  the  form 
of  discipline  and  divine  service  was  to  be  reduced  to 
the  Roman  model — an  object  which  Gille  had  before 
endeavoured  to  promote  by  a  treatise  which  is  still 
extant.'i  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  clergy  in 
general  were  glad,  in  the  fearful  miseries  of  their  country, 
to  catch  at  any  scheme  which  appeared  to  promise 
strength  to  the  Church ;  yet  it  would  seem  that  Gille's 
Romanizing  policy  was  not  universally  acceptable.'' 

In  this  policy  Gille  was  followed  by  Maolmaodhog  or 
Malachy,  whose  fame  has  been  greatly  enhanced  by  the 
circumstance  that  St.  Bernard  became  his  biographer. 
Malachy,  of  whom  Bernard  says  that  he  was  no  more 
aff"ected  by  the  barbarism  of  his  nation  than  fishes  are  by 
the  saltness  of  the  sea,^  was  born  about  the  year  1095 
at  Armagh,  where  his  father,  an  ecclesiastic,  was  chief 
lecturer.*  After  having  acted  as  vicar  under  Kellach 
(or  Celsus),  archbishop  of  Armagh,"  he  was  conse- 
crated to  the  see  of  Connor  in  1125.     *'  But,"  says  the 

"  King,  450.      Gille  has  been  sup-  Todd's  '  St.  Patrick,'  42. 

posed  by  some  to  have  been  an  Ost-  1  See  Ussher,  iv.  500-10,  or  Patrol 

man.     But  see  Laiiigan,  iv.  24-6.    Mr.  clix.   Lanigan,  unlike  the  Romanists  of 

King    is    inclined    to   think  him    "a  our  own  day,  is  strongly  against  Gille's 

foreigner."    Memoir  on  Armagh,  89.  opinion   as    to  the  necessity  of  uni- 

°  This  place  has  been  supposed  to  formity.    iv.  28. 

be  Mountrath,  in  Leinster.     Lanigan  ■•  King,  Primer,  454-5  ;  Memoir,  8j. 

dates  the  council  in  1118  (iv.  38);  Mr.  •  Vita  Mai.  i  (Patrol,  clxxxii.). 

King,  in  1 1 10  (Memoir,  83).  'King,   Memoir,    87.     Lanigan,  in 

P  In  the  latter  part  of  the  century,  the  interest   of  clerical   celibacy,  en- 
Richard  of  Canterbury  still  complains  deavours   ^o   argue  that  the  office  of 
of  "  pseudo-episcopi  Hibemienses,  aut  lecturer    did  not  imply  ecclesiastical 
Scoticae  linguae  simulantes  barbariem, '  orders,    iv.  52-4. 
as  invading  English  dioceses.     Pet.  "  Bern.  0-7. 
Bles.    Ep.    S3  (Patrol,    ccvii.).      See 


256  IRELAND.  Book  VI. 

biographer,  "  when  he  began  to  perform  the  duties  of 
his  ofifice,  then  the  man  of  God  came  to  understand  that 
he  had  been  destined  not  to  men  but  to  beasts.  No- 
where had  he  yet  experienced  such  people,  so  shameless 
as  to  manners,  so  savage  ^  as  to  rites,  so  impious  as  to 
faith,  so  barbarous  as  to  laws,  so  stiff-necked  as  to  dis- 
cipline, so  filthy  as  to  life."  But  by  the  zealous  labours 
of  Malachy,  who  went  throughout  his  diocese  on  foot, 
"distributing  even  to  the  ungrateful  the  measure  of 
heavenly  wheat,"  we  are  told  that  "  their  hardness 
ceased,  their  barbarism  was  stilled ;  the  barbaric  laws 
were  done  away  with,  the  Roman  were  introduced ; 
everywhere  the  customs  of  the  Church  were  received, 
and  those  contrary  to  them  were  rejected;  churches 
were  rebuilt,  and  clergy  were  ordained  in  them."y 

In  1 1 2  7  Celsus  of  Armagh  on  his  death-bed  recom- 
mended Malachy  as  his  successor.  But  for  five  years 
the  new  bishop  was  kept  out  by  Murtogh,  a  layman  of 
a  family  which  for  fifteen  successions  had  occupied  the 
temporalities  of  the  see — the  last  eight  holders  having 
moreover  been  married  men;^  and,  after  Murtogh's 
death,  he  had  for  two  years  longer  to  encounter  the 
opposition  of  one  Niall,  whose  influence  among  the 
Irish  was  rendered  formidable  by  the  possession  of  the 
episcopal  insignia.*  At  length  Malachy  obtained  peace- 
able possession  of  the  see;  and  he  then 
insisted  on  fulfilling  a  resolution  that,  when- 
ever this  should  be  achieved,  he  would  resign.^     Return- 

^  "  Ferales."      Bernard    seems    to  «  Bern.    19-20.       See    vol.    iii.    xx. 

have  derived  the  word  from  ferus,  as  The  abuse  of  such  lay  abbots  was  not 

Matthew  Paris  writes,    "  praeceptum  unknown    in    Scotland.     See    E.    W. 

ferale  regis  adimpleret "  {viz.,  by  burn-  Robertson,  i.  339. 

ins  down  an  abbey.   Hist.  Min.  ii.  189),  •  Bern.  20-7.     The  superstitious  at- 

and  John  of  Winterthur  (in  Eccard,  tachment  of  the  Irish  to  such  relics  is 

"•  1793X  speaks  of  "  naturam  feralem  mentioned  not  only  by  Bernard  (24), 

scu  bestialem."      See,   too,  Animian.  but  by  Giraldus   Cambrensis,    '  Hib. 

Marcellinus,  quoted  in  vol.  i.  p.  348.  Expugnata,'  iii.  33-4. 

y  Bern.  16-17.  **  lb.  31. 


Chap.  XI,  MALACHY    OF   ARMAGH.  267 

ing  to  his  old  diocese  of  Connor,  he  restored  the  ancient 
division  of  it  into  two,  and  chose  for  himself  the  inferior 
of  these,  the  bishoprick  of  Down.  Here  he  laboured 
with  the  same  zeal  and  energy  which  he  had  displayed 
elsewhere— preaching,  hearing  confessions,  founding 
monasteries,  and  endeavouring  to  enforce  the  observance 
of  the  regular  hours  and  manner  of  psalmody,  which 
in  Ireland  had  hitherto  been  unknown  beyond  the 
monasteries.^ 

The  government  of  the  church  was  still  but  imper- 
fectly organized.  The  see  of  Armagh  had  retained  a 
superiority  in  consideration  of  its  connexion  with  St. 
Patrick ;  but  there  were  no  regular  archbishops  in  other 
sees,  and  Malachy  resolved  to  remedy  the  defect  by 
asking  for  palls  in  favour  of  Armagh  and  the  newly- 
founded  see  of  Cashel.^  It  was  not  without  much 
difficulty  that  the  Irish  nobles  and  clergy  would  allow 
him  to  set  out  for  Rome ;  but  after  lots  had 
been  thrice  cast,  and  always  with  a  result  in  "  ' 
favour  of  the  expedition,  their  consent  could  not  be  with- 
held.'* At  Rome  he  was  received  with  great  honour  by 
Innocent  IL,  who  bestowed  on  him  the  legatine  com- 
mission which  Gille  had  resigned  on  account  of  age  and 
infirmity/  The  pope  also  confirmed  the  archiepiscopal 
dignity  of  Cashel ;  but,  in  answer  to  Malachy's  proposal 
as  to  the  palls,  he  said  that  it  was  a  matter  to  be 
managed  with  greater  solemnity — that  an  application 
ought  to  be  made  for  them  by  a  national  council  of 
bishops,  clergy,  and  nobles,  s  Malachy  requested  the 
pope's  leave  to  become  a  monk  at  Clairvaux,  which  he 
had  visited  on  his  way  to  Rome ;  but  was  told  that  he 
must  continue  his  more  active  labours.^  On  his  journey 
homewards  he  again  visited  the  abbey,  where   he  left 

«  GIrald,  Cambr.  '  Hib.  Expugnata.'  «  Bern.  34.  «  lb.  "  lb. 

Hi.  32.     Cf.  7-8.  lb.  38. 

•^  Bern.  33 ;  King,  Primer,  447,  473. 


268  DEAIH   OF   ST.    MALACHY.  Book  VI. 

some  of  his  companions  for  instruction  :  and  by  these, 
and  some  of  Bernard's  disciples  who  accompanied  them 
on  their  return,  the  Cistercian  order  was  introduced  into 
Ireland.* 

Malachy  carried  out  his  legation  rigidly  as  to  the 
enforcement  of  the  Roman  usages,  while  in  his  personal 
habits  he  still  retained  his  original  simplicity  and 
severity.'^  But  it  would  seem  that  Pope  Innocents 
caution  as  to  the  palls  was  borne  out  by  the  actual  result 
— that  the  legate  found  his  countrymen  reluctant  to 
submit  to  such  an  acknowledgment  of  the  Roman 
superiority ;  for  he  allowed  the  matter  to  rest  for  several 
years.  At  length,  in  1148,  he  resolved  to  take  advantage 
of  Pope  Eugenius's  visit  to  France  for  the  purpose  oi 
renewing  his  suit,  in  the  hope  that  his  friendship  with 
St.  Bernard  might  recommend  it  to  a  pontiff  who  had 
formerly  been  a  monk  of  Clairvaux.  The  consent  of  an 
Irish  council  was  obtained,  although  it  was  again  with 
difficulty  that  Malachy  was  allowed  to  go  abroad  in 
person.  In  passing  through  England  he  was  delayed 
by  the  suspicions  of  King  Stephen,  who  had  forbidden 
that  any  bishop  should  be  allowed  to  embark  for  the 
continent ;  and  thus  he  was  unable  to  reach  Clairvaux 
until  the  pope  had  already  returned  to  Rome.'  He  wasi 
received  at  Clairvaux,  says  St.  Bernard,  "like  a  reai 
day  spring  from  on  high  visiting  us ; "  but  soon  after 
his  arrival  he  fell  ill,  and  on  All-Souls'  day  1148  he 
died  in  the  arms  of  the  abbot — in  the  place  which  he 
had  desired,  and  on  the  day  which  he  had  foretold.™ 

It  would  seem  that,  notwithstanding  Malachy's  death, 
the  application  of  which  he  had  been  the  bearer  reached 
the  pope;  and  in  11 52  a  cardinal-legate,  John  Paparo, 
held  a  synod  at  Kells,  where  palls  were  bestowed,  not 

'  Bern.  39.    The  first  monastery  was  ^  Bern.  42-3,  •  lb.  67-9. 

Mellifont,  near  Drogheda,  founded  in  >"  lb.  69,  70-5  ;  Sermo  ii.  in  S.  Ma 

1142.     Lanigan.  iv.  117.  lach.,  Patrol,  clxxxiii.  482. 


Chap.  XI.  ADRIAN    IV.    AND    HENRY    II.  269 

only  on  the  archbishops  of  Armagh  and  Cashel,  but 
also  on  those  of  Dublin  and  Tuam."  "And  this,"  says 
Robert  of  Mont  St.  Michel,  "  was  done  contrary  to  the 
customs  of  the  ancients,  and  to  the  dignity  of  the  church 
of  Canterbury,  from  which  the  bishops  of  Irelar^d  had 
been  wont  to  ask  and  to  receive  the  blessing  of  con- 
secration." ° 

Amongst  the  earliest  acts  of  Adrian  IV. 's  pontificate 
was  the  grant  of  a  privilege  to  the  sovereign  of  his  native 
country,  bestowed  at  the  instance  of  John  of  Salisbury. 
In  this  document  the  pope  asserts  for  himself  a  right 
to  dispose  of  all  islands  "  on  which  Christ,  the  Sun  of 
righteousness,  hath  shined ; "  and  in  virtue 
of  this  right  (which,  as  John  of  Salisbury  in-    '  *       ^ 
forms  us,  was  grounded  on  the  donation  of  Constantine), 
he  authorizes  Henry  to  invade  Ireland  with  a  view  to 
the  extension  of  the  church,  and  the  increase  of  religion 
and  virtue,  on  condition  that  a  penny  shall  be  yearly 
paid  from  each  house  to  the  see  of  Rome.?    In  1155, 
accordingly,  the   project  of  an  expedition  against  the 
Irish — a  project  which  had  been  entertained  by  William 
the  Conqueror  and  by  Henry  I.^ — was  proposed  by  the 
king   to  his  council,  but,  out  of  deference 
to  the    objections   of  his   mother   Matilda, 
it   was    abandoned.""      Many   years  had   passed,   when 

°  Girald.  Cambrens.  *  Hibernia  Ex-  Lanigan,  iv.   159-60  (who  ventures  to 

pugnata,'  iii.  17  (in  Camden,  'Anglica,  speak,  of  "this  nonsense  of  the  pope's 

Normannica,'  etc.);  Hist.  Pontific.  ap,  being  the  head  owner  of  all  Christian 

Pertz,  XX.    540;    Joh.   Hagustald.    in  islands ");  Pauli,  iii.  95.    It  is  amusing 

Twysden,  279  ;  Pagi,  xix.  54  ;  Ware,  to  see  how  in  such  writers  as  Lanigan 

Antiq.  c.  16  ;  Lanigan,  iv.  142 ;  King,  the  feeHng  of  race  overpowers  the  reve- 

Primer,  482-4;   Memoir  on  Armagh,  rence  for  the  papacy  in  this  stage  of  the 

104-5.     The  place  of  this  synod  is  sup-  history. 

posed  to  have  been  in  Meath.     Ware,  "i  Ang.-Sax.  Chon.  A.D.  10S7  (transl. 

ii.  58  ;  Lanigan,  1.  c.  p.  189);  Lingard,  ii,  177;  Lappenberg, 

o  A.D.  1152,  Patrol,  clx.  470.  ii.  154. 

P  Adrian,  Ep.  76  (Patrol,  clxxxviii.);  '  Pauli,    iii.    95  ;    King,     '  Primer  ' 

Joh.  Sarisb.  Metalog.  iv.  42  (ib.  cxcix.).  4^2. 
See  Fleury,  Ixiv.  8;  Lingard,  ii.  177-8; 


270  IRELAND.  Book  VI. 

Dermod  Macmurrogh,  the  expelled  king  of  Munster, 
waited  on  Henry  in  Aquitaine,  and  entreated  aid  for  the 
recovery  of  his  kingdom.^  Henry,  although  too  much 
engaged  in  other  business  to  undertake  the  matter  on 
his  own  account,  gave  license  for  his  subjects  to  enlist 
under  Dermod;  and  a  body  of  adventurers,  under 
Richard  de  Clare,  earl  of  Strigul  or  Chepstow,  who 
was  known  by  the  name  of  Strongbow,  succeeded  in 
restoring  Dermod  to  his  throne,  and  in  winning  for 
themselves  a  footing  in  Ireland.'  On  the  death  of 
Dermod,  in  1171,  Strongbow,  who  had  married  his 
daughter  Eva,  succeeded  to  his  territories ;  but,  finding 
that  his  own  force  was  insufficient,  he  repaired  to  Henry, 
and  entreated  his  intervention,  offering  to  make  over  to 
him  part  of  his  acquisitions,  and  to  hold  the  rest  in  fee 
under  him."  In  October  1171,  accordingly,  the  king 
of  England  landed  with  an  army  at  Waterford.  A 
council  had  already  been  held  at  Armagh,  in  which  the 
Irish  bishops  concluded  that  the  success  of  the  English 
was  a  judgment  on  their  countrymen  for  the  practice  of 
buying  English  slaves,^  and,  in  the  hope  of  escaping 
the  full  retribution  of  being  themselves  enslaved  by  the 
English,  it  was  decreed  that  all  English  slaves  should 
be  set  free.  At  Waterford  Henry  received  the  homage 
of  many  princes,  and  of  almost  all  the  Irish  prelates  ;  y 
and  a  council  was  soon  after  held  at  Cashel,  under  the 
legate,  Christian,  bishop  of  Lismore,  at  which  the 
English  king  was  represented  by  two  ecclesiastics. 
This  synod,  says  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  endeavoured  by 
all  means  to  reduce  the  Irish  church  to  the  form  of  the 

•  Girald.  Camb.,  Hib.  Expugn.  i.  i.  the  statement  that  the  English,  whose 
See  Lappenberg  in  Ersch  and  Griiber's  chroniclers  are  so  severe  on  the  habits  of 
Encyclopaedia,  II.  xxiv.  63.  the  Irish,  were  themselves  accustomed 

♦  Girald.  i.  2-17.  Will.  Neubrig.  ii.  26.         to  sell  their  children.    See  Lanigan,  iv. 
"  Bromton,  io#o  ;  Trivet,  a.d.  1171;        197  ;  King,  '  Primer,'  502. 

Pavdi,  iii.  98,  y  lien.  Petrib.  28;  Girald.  i.  31;  Di- 

»  The  modern  Irish  writers  delight  in        ceto,  558. 


Chap.  XI. 


INVASION    BY    HENRY    II. 


271 


English.^  It  was  enacted  that  baptism  should  be 
administered  in  the  name  of  the  Trinity,  and  in  the 
fonts  of  baptismal  churches;  for  according  to  the 
English  chroniclers  it  had  been  the  custom  in  Ireland 
that  the  child,  immediately  after  birth,  should  be  dipped 
by  the  father  in  water  (or,  if  the  father  were  a  rich  man, 
in  milk),  and  that  the  liquid  should  aftenvards  be  thrown 
away  without  any  reverence.  The  payment  of  tithes, 
which  the  synod  of  Kells  had  before  ordered,  but  seem- 
ingly in  vain,  was  now  again  enacted.  Another  canon 
ordered  that  marriages  should  be  according  to  the  laws 
of  the  church ;  for,  it  is  said,  the  Irish  were  in  the  habit 
of  having  as  many  wives  as  they  thought  fit,  and  of 
disregarding  the  ecclesiastical   prohibitions  as  to  kin.* 


*  i.  33.  Throughout  the  account  of 
these  transactions,  Lanigan  (iv.  203, 
seqq.)  is  in  a  frenzy  of  anti-English 
zeal.  See  Mr.  King's  remarks  on  him, 
'  Primer,'  505-7. 

»  Girald.  i.  34 ;  Ben.  Petrib.  30 ; 
Eromton,  T077.  Lanigan  argues  that 
the  Irish  irregularity  had  not  reached 
beyond  a  disregard  of  the  prohibitions 
which  extended  to  the  seventh  degree; 
and  he  interprets  St.  Bernard's  state- 
ment that  St.  Malachy,  when  vicar  of 
Archbishop  Celsus,  restored  "  the  con- 
tract of  marriage,"  which  (with  other 
things)  the  people  "  were  ignorant  or 
negligent  of"  (Vita  Mai.  7),  as  meaning 
that  he  substituted  sponsalla  de  prce- 
senti  for  sponsalia  de  futuro  (iv.  70-2, 
83,  211).  But  the  old  writers,  whether 
truly  or  not,  meant  to  charge  the  Irish 
with  more  than  this.  (See  Lanfranc. 
Ep.  37,  and  D'Achery's  notes;  Anselm. 
Ep.  iii.  142.)  Giraldus  says  that  "  in 
some  parts  brothers  take  the  widows 
of  brothers,  in  this  adhering  not  to  the 
sap,  but  to  the  bark  of  the  old  Testa- 
ment." (Hib.Exp.iii.19.)  So  Alexander 
III.  had  been  Informed  that  "  novercas 
suas  publice  introducunt,  et  ex  eis  non 
crubescunt  filios  procreare;  frater  uxore 


fratris,  eo  vivente,  abutltur ;  unus  dua- 
bus  se  sororibus  concubinis  immiscet, 
et  plerique  illorum,  matre  relicta,  filias 
introducunt."  (Ep.  1002.)  See  also 
as  to  the  synod  of  Kells,  John  of  Hex- 
ham, in  Twysden,  279.  Similar  abuses 
are  imputed  by  Gregory  VII.  to  the 
"Scots"  (Patrol,  clxviii.  644), — i.e., 
apparently,  to  the  Irish  (see  vol,  ii. 
p.  256  ;  Haddan-Stubbs,  ii.  i6i) ;  and 
the  council  of  Westminster,  in  11 73, 
enacted  that  the  Welsh  "  non  consan- 
guineis  adhaereant,  vel  commutent  ux- 
ores."  Perhaps,  as  has  been  suggested 
(Smith's  Diet.  Geogr. ,  art.  Scott),  these 
later  charges  may  have  grown  out  of 
what  St.  Jerome  says  as  to  the  Scots  of 
his  day — "  Scotorum  natio  uxores  pro- 
prias  non  habet ;  et,  quasi  Platonis 
Politiam  legerit,  et  Catonis  sectetur 
exemplum,  nulla  apud  eos  conjux  pro- 
pria est,  sed  ut  cuique  libitum  fuerit, 
pecudum  more  lasciviunt."  (Adv. 
Jovinian.  ii.  7 ;  cf.  Ep.  Ixix.  3.)  Com- 
pare Caisar  as  to  the  manners  of  the 
Britons,  De  Bello  Gall.  v.  14  ;  and  the 
strange  stories  told  of  the  English  in 
the  middle  of  the  15th  century  by  the 
Byzantine  Laonlcus  Chalcocondyl.is, 
De  Rebus Turcicis,  1.  ii.  p.  49,  ed  Poiis. 


272 


IRELAND,  Book  VI. 


The  clergy  were  to  be  exempt  from  all  taxes  and  lay 
exactions,^  a  privilege  which,  in  combination  with  the 
wealth  provided  by  the  introduction  of  tithes,  had  the 
effect  of  raising  the  Irish  clergy  from  their  previous 
subordination  under  the  lay  chiefs  to  a  position  like  that 
of  their  brethren  in  other  parts  of  the  Latin  church.*^ 
The  payment  of  Peterpence  was  also  enacted  j  and  it 
was  ordered  that  the  service  of  the  church  should 
everywhere  be  conformed  to  that  of  England.^  The 
proceedings  of  the  synod  were  reported  to  the  pope,  who 
in  three  letters,  dated  in  September  1172,  expressed  his 
approval  of  them,  and  desired  the  princes,  nobles,  and 
clergy  of  Ireland  to  co-operate  for  the  reformation  of 
religion.® 

I'he  chroniclers  of  the  time  tell  us  that,  while  Henry 
was  in  Ireland,  all  communication  with  England  or  the 
continent  was  prevented  by  the  violence  of  the  winds ;  ^ 
but  it  has  been  suspected  that  this  stoppage  of  communi- 
cation was  partly  caused  by  the  king's  wish  to  shut  out 
the  risk  of  dangerous  missives  from  Rome,  on  account 
of  the  recent  murder  of  archbishop  Becket.s  On  Easter- 
day  1 172,  inconsequence  of  information  that  two  legates 
had  arrived  in  Normandy  with  a  commission  to  decide 
in  that  matter,  Henry  embarked  at  Cork,  and,  after  a 
rapid  journey  across  England,  proceeded  to  meet  them 
at  Avranches.  His  departure  was  followed  by  a  rising 
of  the  Irish ;  and  in  order  to  suppress  this  he  availed 
himself  of  the  papal  authority,  by  causing  to  be  pub- 
lished in  a  council  at  Waterford  the  long-neglected  letter 
of  Adrian  IV.,  together  with  a  bull  of  Alexander  III.  to 

•>  One  part  of  this  exemption  was  Bromton,  1071 ;  King,  *  Primer,' 521-5. 
"  quod  de  villis  ecclesiarum  cibus  ille-  «  Epp.  1002-4  (Patrol,  cc).    Lanigan 

detestabilis  qui  quater  in  anno  a  vicinis  vehemently  denies  that  the  synod  made 

conitibus    exigitur,  de  caetero  nulla-  a  report  to  the  pope ;  but  see  King, 

tcnus  exigntur."     Girald.  i   34.  '  Primer,' 525  ;  Pauli,  iii.  100. 

<■  Kin-,  '  Primer,'  559-60.  '  R.  de  Diceto,  559 ;  Girald.  i.  35 

•  Girald.   L  33  4  ;  Bon.   Petrib.  30  ;  «  Lingard,  ii.  igo. 


Chap.  XI.  CONQUEST  OF   IRELAND.  275 

the  same  effect.'^  The  insurrection  proved  unsuccessful ; 
in  1 1 75  Roderick  O'Connor,  king  of  Connaught,  made 
his  submission  to  Henry  at  Windsor/  and  Ireland  was — 
partly  through  the  influence  of  English  clergy  who  were 
put  into  the  highest  dignities  of  the  church^ — gradually 
reduced  to  the  same  ecclesiastical  condition  as  other 
countries  of  the  west  Many  of  the  old  Irish  monasteries, 
which  had  been  desolated  by  the  Danish  invasions,  were 
now  replaced  by  brotherhoods  of  Cistercians  and  of 
Augustinian  canons;^  and,  among  other  outward  changes, 
may  be  mentioned  the  abandonment  of  the  rude  style  of 
church-building  in  wood  and  wattles  which  was  known 
by  the  name  of  "Scottish  work,"""  and  to  which  the  Irish 
had  been  in  some  districts  so  exclusively  addicted  that, 
when  St.  Malachy  attempted  to  build  a  church  of  stone, 
he  was  met  by  an  indignant  cry  of  "  We  are  Scots,  and 
not  Frenchmen  !"° 

The  English  and  other  contemporary  writers  are 
very  strong  in  their  denunciations  of  the  Irish  national 
character,  and  of  the  alleged  barbarism  of  the  people ;  ^ 

^  Ussher,    'Sylloge,'   No.    47.     See  sed  de  robore  secto  atque  harundine 

King,  '  Primer,'  530.  conte.xuit "  (iii.  25,  init.).   Benedict  of 

*  Ben.  Petrib.  122  ;  Bromton,  1106.  Peterborough  states  that   Henry  II. 

•^  This  was  the  same  system  which  ordered  a  wattled  church  to  be  built 

the  Normans  had  followed  in  England.  in  honour  of  St.  Andrew,  "  ad  morem 

As  an  instance  of  it,  Mr.  King  remarks  patriae  illius."     31. 

that,    from   the   appointment   of  John  "  Bernard,  61.     There  were,  how- 

Cumine,  an  Englishman,  as  archbishop  ever,  stone  churches  (although  small) 

of  Dublin,  in  1181,  no  Irishman  held  m  some  parts  of  the  country,  as  will 

that  see  until    1663  !    ('  Primer,'  574,  appear  from  Mr.   Fergusson's  '  Hand- 

604-7.)     Honorius  III.,  in  1220,  desired  book'  (917,  seqq.,  ed.  i),  if  we  distrust 

his  legate  to  abolish  a  rule  that  no  Irish  Lanigan's  (iv.    128)  testimony  to  the 

clerk,   "  quantumcunque   litteratus   et  same  purpose. 

honestus  existat,"  should  be  admitted  °  ^5^.^.,  Bernard, Vita  Mai.  16-17,  and 

to  any  dignity  in  England.     Theiner,  elsewhere  ;  Girald.  de  Rebus  a  sc  ges- 

Monumenta,  16,  23.  tis,  i.  14  ;    Hibernia  Expugn.   iii.  10, 

'  King,  563,  573.  19-22,  27 ;  Bromton,  1075-7  ;  Will.  Neu- 

"'  "Opus  scotiaim"  (Bern.  Vita  S.  brig,    iii.    9,    p.    237.      Mr.    Diniock 

Mai.  14).     So   Bede  says  tliat  Finan  defends  the  Irish  bishops  against  tlie 

built  his  cathedral  in  Lindisfarne,  a.d.  charge  of  neglecting  their  duty.     PreC 

652—"  More  Scottorum,  non  de  lapide  to  Giraldus,  vol.  v.  p.  Ixvi. 

VOL.  V.  18 


2  74  IRELAND.  Book  VI. 

but,  without  rejecting  these  charges  so  entirely  as  the 
patriotism  of  the  more  injudicious  later  Irish  writers 
requires,?  we  cannot  doubt  that  they  are  much  ex- 
aggerated, while  it  seems  certain  that  the  calamities 
of  the  Danish  invasions  had  thrown  the  civilization 
of  Ireland  greatly  backward.^  Giraldus  expresses 
surprise  that  a  nation  which  had  professed  Christianity 
from  the  days  of  St.  Patrick  should  still  be  so  ignorant 
and  barbarous  ;  but  he  accounts  for  this  by  the  fact  that 
the  Irish  were  more  inclined  to  religious  contemplation 
than  to  such  work  as  required  courage  and  zeal,  and 
that  therefore  their  clergy  had  been  rather  monks  than 
evangelists.'"  Hence,  he  says,  it  is  remarkable  that  the 
saints  of  Ireland  are  all  confessors,  and  not  one  of  them 
is  a  martyr ;  and  he  reports  the  answer  which  Maurice, 
archbishop  of  Cashel,  made  to  this  remark  in  the  age 
of  the  EngHsh  invasions,  when  the  murder  of  Thomas 
of  Canterbury  was  fresh  in  all  memories.  "  Our  people, 
however  rude,  have  always  respected  the  church,  so  that 
there  has  been  no  opportunity  of  martyrdom.  But  now 
a  nation  is  come  into  the  realm  which  is  in  the  habit 
of  making  martyrs,  and  Ireland  will  have  its  share 
of  them."^  We  must,  indeed,  modify  Giraldus's  state- 
ment as  to  the  clergy  by  the  recollection  of  the  many 
missionaries  whom  the  Irish  church  sent  forth ;  but  it 
would  seem  that  the  zeal  which  sought  an  exercise  in 
foreign  missions  disdained  the  humbler  labours  of  the 
pastoral  office  at  home.* 

VII.  The  claims  of  the  archbishops  of  Hamburg  or 
Bremen  to  jurisdiction  over  the  Danish  church  had  been 
resisted  or  impatiently  endured."     Adalbert  of  Bremen, 

P  As  Lanigan,  Book  xxx.  *■  Hib.  PJxp.  iii.  28-30. 

'i  See   Lappeiiberg,    in    Erscli    and  »  lb.  32. 

Griiber's  Encyclopaedia,  II.  xxiv.  61  ;  '  Neander,  Ijern.  479. 

Pauli,  iii.  92.  ^  See  vol.  iv.  p,  98. 


Chap.  XI.  DENMARK.  275 

who  had  even  conceived  the  idea  of  erecting  his  see 
into  a  patriarchate,^  obtained  from  Leo  IX.  a.d.  1054. 
and  Alexander  II.  privileges  by  which  he  ^o^^. 
and  his  successors  were  authorized  to  consecrate  bishops 
for  all  the  northern  kingdoms,  even  against  the  will  of 
the  sovereigns,y  and  Alexander  forbade  the  king  of 
Norway  to  violate  the  rights  of  Bremen  by  getting 
bishops  consecrated  in  France  or  England.^  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  Danish  kings  entreated  that  their 
kingdom  might  have  an  independent  primate;*  and, 
at  the  council  of  Bari,  in  1097,  Eric  the  Good,  who 
was  present,  obtained  from  Urban  II.  a  promise  to  that 
effect — a  promise  which  was  the  more  readily  given 
because  archbishop  Liemar  of  Bremen  was  obnoxious 
to  the  pope  on  account  of  his  adherence  to  Henry  IV.** 
The  Danish  king  died  in  Cyprus,  on  his  way  to  the 
Holy  Land;  but  in  11 03  or  the  following  year  a  legate 
appeared  in  Scandinavia,  and  made  choice  of  Lund, 
in  Schonen  (which  then  belonged  to  Denmark),  as  the 
seat  of  a  primate  to  whom  the  northern  kingdoms,  with 
Iceland,  Greenland,  and  other  dependencies,  should 
be  subject.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  the  bull  for 
this  arrangement  was  not  completed  ;'^  and  through  the 
influence  of  the  emperor  Lothair,  who  wished  to  recover 
the  old  superiority  of  Germany  over  the  north.  Innocent 
II.,  in  1 1 33,  addressed  letters  to  the  archbishop  of  Ham- 
burg and  other  persons  concerned,  by  which  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  that  see  was  confirmed  in  all  its  former  extent, 
and  the  claims  of  Lund  were  in  no  way  recognized.'^ 

*  See  vol.  iv.  p.  269.  ij. 

y  Leo  IX.,  Ep.  77  (Patrol,  cxlili.);  "^  See  Miinter,  ii.  89;  Dahlmann,  i. 

Adam.  Brem.  iii.  Siipplein.  (ib.  cxlvi.  23S. 

620) ;  MiJnter,  ii.  81.  '^  Epp.  138-41  (Patrol,  clxxix.).     In 

*  Ep.  3  (Patrol,  cxlvi.).  addition  to  older  popes,  Innocent  refers 

*  See  Greg.  VII.,  Epp.  ii.  51,  75.  to  his  immediate  predecessors,  Calixtus 
''  Saxo  Grammaticus,  1.  xii.  pp.  227-  and  Honorius. 

9 ;  Miinter,  i.  84  ;  Dahlmann,  i.  aoii- 


276  SCANDINAVIA. 


Cock  VI. 


The  archbishops  of  Lund  afterwards  recovered  their 
independence  of  Hamburg,  but  the  Swedes  and  the 
Norwegians  were  discontented  on  account  of  their  sub- 
jection to  Lund.  The  mission  of  Cardinal  Breakspear 
(afterwards  Adrian  IV.)  under  Eugenius  IIL  resulted  in 
the  establishment  of  Nidaros  (or  Drontheim)  as  the  seat 
of  a  primate  for  Norway,  the  islands,  and  Greenland.® 
The  legate  provided  for  the  erection  of  a  primacy  of 
Sweden,  which  was  afterwards  fixed  at  Upsal ;  while 
Eskil  of  Lund  was  in  some  measure  consoled  for  the  loss 
of  his  metropolitan  rights  over  Sweden  and  Norway  by 
being  invested  with  the  office  of  legatus  natiis  for  the 
whole  north.*  It  was  also  ordered  by  Alexander  III. 
that  the  archbishops  of  Upsal  should  be  consecrated  by 
those  of  Lund ;»  and  this  became  a  subject  of  conten- 
tion which  lasted  even  into  the  fifteenth  century.^  The 
German  prelates,  however,  had  not  yet  relinquished  their 
pretensions  to  jurisdiction  over  the  Scandinavian  king- 
doms, as  appears  from  a  letter  of  Lucius  III.,  who  tells 
Hartwig,  archbishop  of  Hamburg,  in  1185,  that  the  con- 
sideration of  the  question  must  be  deferred,  because  the 
troubled  state  of  the  north  prevented  the  attendance  of 
the  bishops  in  order  to  an  investigation  of  it.^  And  in 
another  quarter  the  archbishops  of  Nidaros  were  involved 
in  contentions  with  those  of  York,  as  to  jurisdiction  over 
the  Orkneys,  the  Hebrides,  and  the  Isle  of  Man.^ 

The  gospel,  in  making  its  way  in  the  northern  king- 
doms, had  to  struggle  both  against  the  barbarism  of  the 
people  and  against  the  faults  of  its  own  ministers.     The 

«  Anast.    IV.,   Ep.   84,   Nov.    1154  kingdoms — e.g.,  415-16,  633-4,  636-7, 

(PatroL    clxxxviii.) ;    Saxo    Gram.    1.  973-7.  979,  984,  1447. 

xiv.  p.  263;  Snorro,  iiL  261 ;  Miinter,  s  Ep.  260,  Aug.  i,  1164. 

ii.  93-6,  105,  loS.  ''  Miinter,   ii.    109-22.      See    Innoc. 

•"  Saxo,  1.  xiv.  p.  264:  Anastas.  Epp.  III.  ICp.  419  (Patrol,  ccxiv.). 

86-7  ;  Alex.  III.,  Epp.  260-1  :  Miinter,  '  Ep.  231  (Patrol,  cci.). 

li.  102-7,  307-     There  are  many  letters  *  Miinter,  ii.  97-9;  Grub,  i.  251-5. 
of  Alexander  III.  as  to  the  northcta 


Chap.  XI.  SCANDINAVIA.  277 

cost  of  the  new  religion  gave  occasion  to  serious  troubles. 
In  Sweden  complaints  were  raised  that  dying  persons 
were  induced  to  make  bequests  to  the  church  without  the 
consent  of  their  heirs;  and  Alexander  III.  ordered  that 
the  amount  of  such  bequests  should  be  limited.^  In 
1087  the  imposition  of  tithes  in  Denmark  produced  a 
commotion  in  which  Canute  the  Good — afterwards  the 
patron  saint  of  the  kingdom — was  slain  ;  "» 
ana  a  v^ontury  later  the  impost,  with  the  en-  '  ' 
forcement  of  celibacy  on  the  clergy,  provoked  a  violent 
outbreak  in  Schonen,  where  it  was  demanded  that  the 
archbishoprick  should  be  abolished  as  a  matter  of  useless 
expense,  and  that  the  clergy  should  marry,  "  lest,  as 
heretofore,  they  should  abuse  the  wives  and  children " 
of  the  peasantry."  Breakspear,  on  his  legation,  suc- 
ceeded in  imposing  the  payment  of  Peterpence  in  Nor- 
way and  Sweden,*^  and  a  very  similar  exaction — although 
Danish  historians  indignantly  deny  that  it  was  the  same 
— appears  to  have  been  established  in  Denmark. p  To 
Absalom,  bishop  of  Roskield,  and  afterwards  arch- 
bishop of  Lund,  a  prelate  who  united  to  his  ecclesiastical 
function  the  characters  of  a  warrior  and  a  statesman,<i  is 
ascribed  the  reduction  of  the  Danish  church  to  uniformity 
in  the  celebration  of  divine  offices  J 

In  Denmark  and  Norway,  the  archbishops  and  bishops 
almost  rivalled  the  sovereigns  in  dignity,  in  the  secular 
pomp  and  state  which  they  maintained,  and  in  the 
privileges  which  they  enjoyed.     Among  the  evidences 

'  Alex.  Ep.  1147  ;  Geijer,  i.  144.     In  "  Geijer,  i.  138. 

this  and  another  letter  (975),  Alexander  P  Dahlmann,  i.  184-6.     See  Miinter, 

complains  of  strange  and  scandalous  ii.  455-67. 

disorders  in  the  Swedish  church.  1  *'  Non  minus  piratam  se  quam  pon- 

■"  Saxo  Gramm.  1.  xii.,  pp.  219-21  ;  tificem  gessit."    Saxo,  1.  xiv.  p.  281. 

Dahlmann,  201-3.  See  Dahlm.  i,  279,  seqq.,  348-9  ;  Mun> 

"  Saxo,   1.  XV.  pp.  366-8;  Gieseler,  ter,  ii.  349-51,     He  died  in  1 201. 

II.  ii.  284;  Miinter,  ii.  344-5  ;  Dahl-  '  Arnold,  Lubec.  iv.  18. 
mann,  317-21. 


278  FINLAND. — POMERANIA.  Book  VI. 

of  this,  it  is  recorded  that  Pope  Celestine  III.  in  1194 
renewed  to  Henry,  archbishop  of  Drontheim,  the  royal 
privilege  of  buying  falcons.^ 

The  Finns  were  subdued  by  Eric  IX.  of  Sweden  in  a 
About      war  to  which  a  religious  character  was  given, 
A.D.  1 157.  and  attempts  were  made  to  spread  the  gospel 
among  them.^     Alexander  III.  complains  that  their  pre- 
tence of  conversion  was  commonly  given  up  when  it  had 
served  the   purpose   of   saving    them   from 
danger."     Henry,  archbishop  of  Upsal,  an 
EngHshman,  who  met  his  death  among  this  people,  was 
canonized  by  Adrian   IV.,   and   is    celebrated   as  the 
apostle  of  Finland.^ 

VIII.  The  conversion  of  the  Pomeranians,  a  rude 
and  fierce  Slavonic  people,  who  were  at  continual  war 
with  their  neighbours  of  Poland,y  had  been  attempted  as 
early  as  the  year  1000  by  Boleslav,  king  of  Poland,  who 
founded  the  see  of  Colberg  with  a  view  to  this  work;^ 
but  the  attempt  was  fruitless,  the  bishoprick  ended  with 
its  first  holder,  Reinbern,  and  later  endeavours  on  the 
part  of  the  Poles  had  succeeded  only  in  producing  false 
and  transient  appearances  of  conversion.*  About  the 
year  11 20  a  Spaniard  named  Bernard,  who  had  been 
consecrated  by  Paschal  II.  (probably  in  the  room  of 
som^e  bishop  deposed  for  adhering  to  the  imperial  cause), 
on  finding  that  he  could  not  gain  possession  of  his  see, 
resolved  to  undertake  a  mission  to  the  Pomeranians. 
But  the  poverty  of  his  appearance  excited  the  contempt 

•  Patrol,  ccvi.  104 1  ;  Miinter,  ii.  26,  rived  (rom ^om mo,  nesir,  and  moriz,  the 

41.  sea.     Note  on  Herbord,  Vita  Ottonis, 

'  SchriJckh,  xxv.   279  ;    Hardwick,  ii.  i  (Pertz,  .\ii.). 

222.  '  Schrockh,    xxv.    221.      Thietmar 

"  Ep.  976.  (iv.  28)  mentions  Colberg  as  a  bishop- 

^  Acta  SS.,  Jan.    19,   pp.    613-14  ;  rick  suftVagan  to  Gnesen,  when  that 

Geijer,  ii.  142  ;  Schrockh,  xxv.  279-80.  archbishoprick  was  erected,  A.D.  1000. 

y  See  Chron.  Polon.   ii.-iii.  (Patrol.  *  ■^•^•>  Chron.   PoloQ.   ii.   44  (a.o. 

cU.),     The  name  of  Pomerania  is  de-  iioS). 


Chap,  XI.  OTHO  OF  BAMBERG. 


279 


of  the  people,  who  are  described  as  living  in  such  plenty 
that  no  poor  man  or  beggar  was  to  be  seen  among  them.*^ 
"How,"  they  asked,  "can  we  believe  that  a  man  so 
miserable  as  not  even  to  have  shoes  can  be  the  messen- 
ger of  the  God  to  whom  all  things  belong  ?  "  It  was  in  vain 
that  Bernard  offered  to  prove  his  truth  by  allowing  a 
house  to  be  burnt  over  him,  and  even  that  he  assailed  a 
sacred  pillar  with  an  axe ;  he  was  put  on  board  a  boat, 
and  dismissed,  with  a  charge  to  exercise  his  zeal,  if  he 
would,  in  preaching  to  the  fowls  and  to  the  fishes.^ 
After  this  failure  he  withdrew  to  a  monastery  at  Bam- 
berg ;  and  there  his  reports  as  to  Pomerania  were  heard 
with  interest  by  the  bishop,  Otho. 

Otho,  a  native  of  Swabia,  was  born  about  1060,  and 
in  his  youth  had  sought  a  livelihood  as  a  schoolmaster  in 
Poland,  where  he  learned  the  language  of  the  country.^ 
The  duke,  Wladislav  (for  this  prince  had  given  up  the 
roya]  title),^  made  him  his  chaplain,  and  em- 
ployed him  to  negociate  a  marriage  with  a 
sister  of  Henry  IV. ;  and  thus  Otho  became 
known  to  the  emperor,  who  invited  him  to 
his  court,  appointed  him  his  chancellor,*"  and  in  1102 
nominated  him  to  the  see  of  Bamberg.  The  canons  of 
the  cathedral  expressed  their  disappointment  that  a  clerk 
of  obscure  origin  was  recommended  to  them,  whereas 
they  had  expected  some  man  of  distinguished  family  and 
already  known  to  them.  "  If  you  wish,"  said  Henry, 
"to  know  who  he  is,  know  that  I  am  his  father,  and 

^  Herbord,  ii.  7,  who  tells  us  in  par-  [The  genuine  form  of  Herbord's  life 

ticular  that  "  carratam  pro  denario  re-  is  printed  in  vol.  xx.  of  Pertz's  coUec- 

centis  acciperes  allecis,  decujussapore  tion,  butmyreferencesaretothatinvol. 

vel  crassitudine  gulositatis  arguerer  si  xii.]    There  is  a  life  in  Patrol,  clxxiii., 

dicerem  quod  sentio."     ib.  40.  reprinted  from  Ussermann's  '  Episco- 

<=  Ebbo,  Vita  Ottonis,  ii.   i  (Pertz,  patus  Bambergensis,'  S.  Bias.  1802. 

xii.).  •  Roepell,  i.  206,  667. 

**  Herbord,  i.  i ;  RIonach.  Priefling.  *■  Herbord,  i.  2-3  ;  Ebbo,  i.  3  ;  Roc 

I  3  (Pertz,  xii.),    Giesebr.  iii.    1177.  pell,  i.  203. 


A.D.  1088? 


28o  OTHO   OF   BAMBERG.  Book  VI. 

that  your  church  must  be  his  mother." «  Otho  had 
already  refused  two  bishopricks,  from  a  scruple  that 
such  preferment,  being  intended  by  the  emperor  as  a 
reward  for  his  services,  might  involve  something  of 
simony ;  but  he  regarded  the  third  offer  as  a  sign  of 
God's  will,  and  accepted  it.^  He  received  investiture 
in  the  usual  form  from  the  emperor,  but,  not  being 
satisfied  with  this,  he  waited  on  Paschal  II.  at  Anagni, 
Whitsunday,  l^i^  ^^^  episcopal  ring  and  staff  at  his  feet, 
1106.  and  received  a  second  investiture  from  the 
pope,  who  then  proceeded  to  consecrate  him.^  In  the 
contests  between  Henry  V.  and  the  pope,  Otho  took  the 
hierarchical  side,  but  with  a  moderation  which  was  so 
unsatisfactory  to  the  zealots  of  his  party  that  Adalbert 
of  Mentz  even  threatened  him  with  excommunication.^ 
He  rebuilt  his  cathedral,  which  had  been  destroyed  by 
fire ;  he  was  distinguished  for  his  exemplary  life  and 
successful  labours  as  a  bishop,^  and  was  especially 
famous  for  an  unrivalled  power  of  preaching  to  the 
people  in  their  native  tongue.™  In  iiii  Paschal,  in 
acknowledgment  of  his  merits,  bestowed  on  him  and 
his  successors  the  privilege  of  using  the  archiepiscopal 
pall  and  crosier." 

Boleslav  III.  of  Poland,  a  prince  whose  zeal  for  religion 
was  quickened  by  remorse  for  having  put  to  death  his 
brother  and  competitor  Zbigniew,^  reduced  the  eastern 
part  of  Pomerania  to  tribute  in  1 1 2 1 .  Eight  thousand  ol 
his  prisoners,  with  their  wives  and  children,  were  settled 

K  Herb.  i.  7  ;  cf.  Ebbo,  i.  8.  note;  Ussermann,  c.29(Patrol.clxxiii.); 

•^  Otto.Epp.  8,  seqq.  (Patrol,  clxxiii.);  Giesebr.  iii.  983-4. 

Ebbo,  i.  II.  '  Innoc.  II.,  Epp.  58,  353  ;  Herb.  i. 

'  Otto,  Ep.  11;  Herb.  i.  9-10;  Kopke,  24-30,  41-2,  45,  etc.;  Ebbo,  i.  16-19  »  "• 

in  Pertz,  753.  14,  etc.;   Ekkeh.    1124  ;   Giesebr.    iii. 

^  Otto,  Epp.  17,  21,  34,  47  ;  Codex  984-5. 

Udalrici,  Epp.   33,  336,  337,  etc.  (in  *"  Herb.  i.  22. 

Eccard,    ii.)  ;    Ekkehard,   A.D.    1106,  "  Otto,  Ep.  13  ;  Monach.  Prlell.  L  7. 

1114;    Herbord,   i.    12,   and   Kopke's  •>  Roepell,  i.  260-1. 


Chap.XT.    A.D.  1124.     MISSION   TO   POMERANIA.  281 

on  the  Polish  frontier  and  compelled  to  profess  Chris- 
tianity ;  and  the  duke  conceived  the  design  of  converting 
the  whole  country.P  Finding  that  his  bishops,  discouraged 
by  the  failure  of  former  attempts,  hung  back,  the  duke 
bethought  him  of  the  bishop  of  Bamberg,  whom  he  had 
known  as  his  father's  chaplain ;  and  Otho,  with  the  con- 
sent of  pope  Calixtus  and  of  the  emperor,  gladly  under- 
took the  work,  although  he  had  already  passed  his  sixtieth 
year.^  Warned  by  Bernard's  experience,  he  resolved  to 
present  himself  to  the  Pomeranians  in  such  fashion  as 
should  prove  to  them  that  his  expedition  was  not  under- 
taken for  the  sake  of  gaining  by  them.  He  furnished 
himself  largely  with  horses,  splendid  vestments,  rich 
stuffs,  precious  vessels  for  sacred  uses,  and  with  various 
things  which  were  likely  to  be  acceptable  as  presents ; 
and  in  April  1124  he  set  out  attended  by  a  numerous 
body  of  clergy. •■ 

At  Gnesen  the  missionaries  were  received  with  great 
honour  by  Boleslav,  who  supplied  them  with  interpreters, 
a  military  guard,  and  provisions  ;  and,  after  having  over- 
come the  difficulties  of  the  journey  into  Pomerania,  they 
were  welcomed  by  the  duke,  Wartislav,  who  had  been 
baptized  when  a  prisoner  or  a  hostage  in  Poland,  although 
he  had  not  since  ventured  to  avow  himself  a  Christian. ^ 
At  Pyritz,  the  first  considerable  town  which  they  reached, 
seven  thousand  converts  were  speedily  made ;  and  these, 
after  a  week's  instruction  in  the  faith,  followed  by  a  fast 
of  three  days,  were  baptized  in  large  casks  or  troughs, 
which  were  sunk  into  the  earth,  and  were  surrounded 
by  curtains.  The  solemnity  and  decency  with  which  the 
rite  was  performed  is  said  to  have  made  a  great  impres- 
sion, and  this  was  doubtless  strengthened  by  the  presents 

v  Herb.  ii.  5  ;  Roepell,  i.  267-8.  '  Herb,  ii,  7-8  ;  Ebbo,  ii.  a-j. 

<J  Otto,  Ep.   25 :  Herb.   i.  5 ;  ii.  6  ;  •  Herb.  ii.  9-ix. 

Kbbo,  ii.  3  ;  Ekkeh.  a.d.  1154. 


282  OTHO   OF  BAMBERG.  Book  VI- 

which  were  bestowed  on  every  convert.  Among  the 
duties  which  Otho  inculcated  in  his  addresses  were  the 
abandonment  of  polygamy  and  of  the  custom  of  putting 
female  infants  to  death ;  the  doctrine  of  the  sacraments 
was  laid  down  ;  the  converts  were  charged  to  communi- 
cate three  or  four  times  a  year ;  and  they  were  exhorted 
to  devote  their  sons  to  be  educated  for  the  ministry  of 
the  church.* 

At  Camin  Otho  found  the  duchess,  a  Christian,  who 
eagerly  exerted  herself  for  the  furtherance  of  his  mission. 
The  duke  agreed  to  give  up  the  twenty-four  concubines  who 
had  shared  his  bed  ;  many  who  had  been  Christians  pro- 
fessed repentance  for  having  forsaken  the  faith  ;  a  church 
was  built,  and,  in  the  course  of  forty  days,  a  great  number 
of  converts  was  made."  A  wealthy  lady,  annoyed  at  find- 
ing that  labour  on  the  Lord's  day  was  forbidden,  broke 
out  into  blasphemous  words  against  the  new  religion, 
called  her  servants  to  reap  as  they  had  been  used  to  do 
under  the  gods  who  had  hitherto  prospered  the  country, 
and  proceeded  to  show  them  the  example ;  but  hardly 
had  she  begun,  when  she  suddenly  fell  down,  and 
"  breathed  forth  her  guilty  soul  into  the  fire  of  hell." 
This  judgment,  we  are  told,  produced  a  general  awe,  and 
served  to  procure  obedience  to  Otho's  precepts.^ 

At  Julin  the  bishop's  life  was  in  danger,  and  he  was 
driven  out  of  the  town  ;  but  he  afterwards  obtained  from 
the  chief  inhabitants  a  promise  that  they  would  be  guided 
by  the  example  of  the  capital,  Stettin.y  To  Stettin,^' 
therefore,  he  repaired,  but  for  some  time  his  preaching 
was  ineffectual.  The  Pomeranians,  it  is  said,  were  free 
from  the  vices  which  poverty  engenders ;  they  were  sur- 
prised that  the  missionaries  locked  up  their  property,  as 
among  themselves  no   such  protection  was   necessary.* 

♦  Herb.   ii.  14-17,  32:   Ebbo,  ii.  5  ;  *  Ebbo,  ii.  17.  *  lb.  23-4. 

Moil.  Priefl.  ii.  13.     "  Herb.  ii.  18-21.  '  Herb.  ii.  aa.  •  lb.  i  40. 


Chap.  XI.  a.d.  1124-5.      CONVERSION   OF   POMERANIA.  283 

"Why  should  we  turn  Christians?"  they  asked;  **  among 
Christians  there  arc  thieves  and  robbers,  men  arc  punislied 
by  loss  of  eyes  and  feet,  and  they  practise  all  manner  of 
cruelty  and  wickedness  towards  each  other."  It  was 
agreed,  however,  that  the  duke  of  Poland  should  be  con- 
sulted, and  in  the  meantime  Otho  preached  on  market- 
days  to  attentive  audiences  of  the  country  people.'^  His 
first  converts  were  two  youths,  the  sons  of  an  influential 
man  named  Domuzlav.  Their  mother,  who  had  been 
brought  up  as  a  Christian,  was  delighted  at  finding  that 
they  had  been  baptized,  and  by  her  the  servants  of  the 
family,  with  many  of  their  kindred  and  neighbours,  and 
at  length  Domuzlav  himself,  were  brought  over  to  the 
faith.  The  boys  themselves,  by  celebrating  the  kindness, 
munificence,  and  charitable  labours  of  the  bishop,  as 
contrasted  with  the  behaviour  of  the  heathen  priests, 
persuaded  many  of  their  own  age  to  become  converts,  and 
the  people  were  disposed  to  look  on  him  as  a  god  who 
had  descended  among  them  for  the  good  of  their  country.'^ 
An  answer  was  at  length  received  from  Boleslav,  who 
styled  himself  "  the  enemy  of  all  pagans,"  and  rebuked 
the  Stettiners  for  their  treatment  of  Otho,  but  declared 
that  for  his  sake,  and  as  an  inducement  to  receive  the 
yoke  of  Christ,  he  would  remit  one-half  of  the  tribute 
which  they  were  bound  to  pay.^  Fortified  by  this  assist- 
ance, Otho  told  the  people  that  he  would  prove  to  them 
the  impotence  of  their  gods.  After  having  received  the- 
holy  eucharist,  he  and  his  clergy  made  a  general  attack  on 
the  idols,  which  fell  without  resistance,  and  the  effect  of 
this  success  was  heightened  by  the  disinterestedness  with 
which  he  refused  to  accept  any  share  of  the  vast  wealth 
of  the  principal  temple.  The  triple  head  of  Triglav, 
the  Slavonic  Neptune,  was   sent  as  a   trophy  to  pope 

•>  Herb.  ii.  24.  Piiefl.  li.  9. 

"  lb.   26-8 ;    Ebbo,  li.  y  ;   Monach.  '^  Herb.  ii.  sy-3o 


jS4  OTHO   of   BAMBERG.  Book  VI. 

Honorius,  and  the  temple  was  converted  into  a  church, 
dedicated  to  the  martyr  St.  Adalbert.^  A  splendid  black 
horse,  which  had  been  employed  to  decide  questions  of 
peace  and  war  by  walking  over  nine  lances  laid  on  the 
ground,  was  sent  into  another  country  for  sale,  "  as  be- 
ing fit  rather  for  a  chariot  than  for  prophesying " ;  and 
the  priest  who  had  the  charge  of  him — the  only  person 
who  ventured  to  oppose  the  general  movement — was 
suddenly  struck  dead/  The  people  of  Julin — a  town 
which  claimed  Julius  Caesar  as  its  founder,  and  reckonec. 
among  the  objects  of  its  idolatry  a  rusty  spear  which 
was  said  to  have  been  his^ — fulfilled  their  promise  by 
conforming  to  the  example  of  Stettin.  Two-and-twenty 
thousand  of  the  inhabitants  received  baptism;  and 
Otho,  after  having  built  two  churches  there  and  having 
appointed  a  bishop,  returned  to  Bamberg,  where  he. 
arrived  on  Easter-eve  1125.^ 

Otho  again  visited  the  scene  of  his  missionary  labours 
in  1 127  or  1 1 28,^  when  he  sailed  down  the  Saale  and  the 
Elbe,  and  entered  the  country  from  the  west.  At  Demmin, 
he  ransomed  and  baptized  many  Leutician  captives  whon:i 
duke  Wartislav  had  taken,  and  thus  made  an  impression 
which  was  strengthened  by  the  duke's  commendations! 
of  his  wealth,  his  greatness,  and  his  disinterested  zeal.^ 
As  he  advanced  into  the  country,  he  found  that  the. 
rapid  successes  of  his  former  labours  had  not  been  last- 
ing. The  number  of  clergy  had  been  insufficient,  and 
the  heathen  party  had  used  all  possible  means  to  recover 
their    influence.      At   Wolgast    the    people    had   been 

•  Herb.  ii.  30-1;  Ebbo,  iii.  i.     See  •*  Herb.  ii.  36-40;  Ebbo,  ii.  11-18; 

as  10  another  image  of  Triglav,  Ebbo,  Ekkehard,  a.d.  1125. 

ii.  13.  '  1126,    according  to   Mosheim,   ii. 

''  Herb.  ii.  33.     Saxo  Grammaticus  418  ;  1127,  Mansi  in  Baron,  xviii.  419; 

tells   us  of  a  white   horse  on  which  Kopke,  in  Pertz,  >::i.  ;  1128,   Pagi,  in 

Swantevit,   the    god  of   Rugen,   was  Baron.  1.  c.  ;  Neand.  vii.  23 ;  Roepell. 

believed  to  ride  at  night.   1.  xiv.  p.  320.  i.  252. 

e  Mon.  Priefl.  ii.  6,  16.  "  Kerb,  ill  2 ;  Ebbo,  iil  6,  9. 


Chap.  XI.   a.d.  1125-8,      CONVERSION    OF   POMERANIA.  285 

exasperated  against  the  missionaries  by  the  trick  of  a 
priest  who  dressed  himself  up,  and,  showing  himself  to 
a  rustic  in  a  wood,  declared  himself  to  be  the  old  god 
of  the  country.'  At  Stettin  a  mixed  religion,  "  after  the 
manner  of  the  Samaritans,"  had  been  established.  A 
priest  had  taken  advantage  of  an  unfavourable  season, 
attended  by  disease  among  men  and  cattle,  to  assault 
the  altar  of  St.  Adalbert ;  but  the  hand  which  held  his 
hammer  fell  powerless.  On  this  he  exclaimed,  "It  is 
useless  to  strive  against  the  Germans'  god ;  let  us  wor- 
ship both  him  and  our  old  gods  "  ;  and  a  heathen  altar 
had  been  erected  beside  the  Christian  altar.  As  Otho 
was  preaching,  a  burly  and  loud-voiced  priest  excited  the 
people  to  fall  on  him ;  but,  as  they  lifted  up  their  spears, 
their  arms  were  stiffened  in  the  air.  Then  Otho  pro- 
ceeded to  discourse  on  the  power  of  the  true  God,  and 
at  his  blessing  the  use  of  the  stiffened  limbs  was  restored. 
The  pagan  altar  was  demolished ;  and  the  catching  of  a 
fish  so  large  that  all  the  people  of  Stettin  partook  of  it 
was  regarded  as  setting  the  seal  of  heaven  on  their  recon- 
version.™ At  Julin  a  man,  on  being  reproved  by  one 
of  the  missionaries  for  reaping  on  the  festival  of  the 
Assumption,  said,  "  Yesterday  we  were  forbidden  to  reap 
because  it  was  the  Lord's  day,  and  to-day  we  are  again 
told  to  be  idle.  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  religion, 
which  bids  us  cease  from  good  and  necessary  things  ?  or 
when  shall  we  get  our  harvest  in  ?  "  But  as  he  began  to 
cut  his  corn,  he  fell  down  dead,  and  his  wife,  who  had 
followed  his  example,  was  unable  to  unloose  her  hold 
either  on  her  sickle  or  on  the  corn  which  she  had  grasped, 
until  after  her  husband  had  been  buried."  In  addition 
to  the  effect  of  his  preaching  and  of  his  alleged  miracles, 
Otho  was  powerfully  aided  by  the  support  of  the  duke  of 

'  Ebbo,  iii.  S  ;  Heil).  iii.  4.  Mon-  PrJefl.  ii».  8. 

■"  lb.  13-20  :  Ebbo,  iii  \,  \y  i  "  Hcib.  iii.  ^o     KLbo.  iii  .-ca. 


286  RUEGEN.  Book  VI 

Poland,  and  by  prevailing  on  him  to  give  up  a  projected 
invasion  of  Pomerania  he  increased  his  own  influence 
among  the  people."  The  conversion  of  Pomerania, 
rapid,  wholesale,  and  in  part  effected  by  force,?  could 
not  but  be  very  imperfect ;  yet  from  the  time  of  Otho's 
second  mission  the  country  always  retained  its  profession 
of  Christianity.^  After  an  absence  of  somewhat  more 
than  a  year,  Otho  returned  to  Bamberg,  in  obedience  to 
a  summons  from  the  emperor, ""  and  he  died  in  1139. 

Among  the  designs  which  Otho  entertained  was  that 
of  a  mission  to  the  heathens  of  Riigen.  The  chief  idol 
of  these  people,  Swantevit,  was  worshipped  with  human 
sacrifices ;  no  merchant  was  allowed  to  trade  on  the 
island  until  after  having  made  some  offering  to  the  god ;  ^ 
and  so  strongly  were  the  Rugians  attached  to  their 
religion,  that,  on  being  informed  of  the  conversion  of 
Stettin,  they  broke  off  all  intercourse  with  the  traders  of 
that  city,  sank  such  of  their  ships  as  were  within  reach, 
and  threatened  to  kill  any  missionaries  who  should 
venture  to  land  on  their  shore.'  One  of  Otho's  com- 
panions, named  Ulric,  resolved  to  brave  the  danger ; 
but  he  was  thrice  driven  back  by  storms,  and  Otho 
himself  was  unable  to  make  any  attempt."  In  1135  the 
Rugians  agreed  to  receive  Christianity  from  the  Danes 
on  condition  that  Swantevit  should  be  spared ;  but  as 
soon  as  the  Danish  fleet  was  gone,  they  drove  out  a 
bishop  who  had  been  left  among  them,  and  resumed 
their  profession  of  paganism.^     It  was  not  until  1168 

"  Herb.  iii.    lo  ;  Ebbo,  iii.  13.  and  there  built  a  chapel  in  honour  of 

P  Id.  i.  18.  their  patron  St.    Vitus  ;  and  that  011 

<J  Neand.  vii.  23,  41.  tbe  expulsion  of  the  monks  Si.  latins 

'  Herb.  iii.  32 ;  Ebbo,  iii.  24.  was  turned  into  the  idol  Swantevit. 

•  Herb.  iii.  10;  Helmold,  i.  36,52;  Helmold,  vi.    12 ;   Saxo,  1.  xiv.  319; 

II.  12  :  Saxo  Gramm.  1.  xiv.  pp.  319-  Schrockh,  xxiii.  64-7;  Miinter,  ii.  765. 

21.     It  i^  said  that  in  the  ninth  cen-  '  Ebbo,  iii.  23  ;  Herb.  iii.  31. 

tury  Riigen  was  given  by  Lothair  I.  "  lb.   10  ;  Ebbo,  iii.  14. 

to  the  abbey  of  Corvey,  from  which  ^  Dahlmann,  i.  24S. 

some  monks  were  sent  into  the  island. 


Chap.  XI.  NORTH    GERMANY.  287 

that  the  paganism  of  the  islanders  was  overcome  by  the 
arms  of  Waldemar,  king  of  Denmark,  and  by  the  skilful 
management  of  Absalom,  then  bishop  of  Roskield,  to 
which  see  the  island  was  subjected  by  Alexander  111.^ 
But  the  annalist  of  Magdeburg  speaks  of  the  Christianity 
thus  '*  impressed  "  on  the  Rugians  as  "  a  shadow,  which 
in  a  short  time  was  done  away  with  by  Waldemar's 
avarice,  and  by  the  scantiness  and  inactivity  of  the 
teachers."^ 

In  the  neighbouring  country,  where  the  Christian 
king  Gottschalk  had  reigned  in  the  preceding  century,* 
the  progress  of  the  gospel  was  urged  on  by  the  power  of 
the  emperor  Lothair,  of  Albert  the  Bear,  marquis  of 
Brandenburg,  and  Henry  the  Lion,  of  Saxony,  while  it 
was  resisted  by  the  discontent  of  the  Slavonic  population 
at  the  sway  of  their  German  masters.'^  At  one  time  a 
formidable  insurrection  was  excited  by  the  exactions  of 
Norbert,  as  archbishop  of  Magdeburg;  churches  were 
destroyed,  the  Christians  were  slain  or  driven  out,  and 
the  people  loudly  declared  that  they  would  rather  die 
than  again  become  Christians.^  During  the  general 
fervour  against  infidels  in  1147,  while  Lewis  and  Conrad 
led  their  hosts  to  the  East,  and  other  crusaders  fought 
the  Moors  in  Spain,  a  crusade  was  set  on  foot  against 
the  pagans  of  north  Germany,  under  Henry  the  Lion, 
and  Albero,  archbishop  of  Hamburg.  The  country  was 
invaded  by  two  German  armies,  which  are  reckoned  at 
60,000  and  40,000  respectively ;  and  two  rival  claimants 
of  the  Danish  crown  combined  for  the  holy  cause.  But 
the  war  was  carried  on  with  little  spirit,  and  was  ended 

y  Helmold,  ii.  12-13;  Saxo,  1.  xiv.  291-6;  Neand.  vii.  42-4. 
324-6 (who  says  that  on  the  destruction  ^  A.D.  1169  (Peitz,  xvi.). 

of  Swantevit,  the  devil  was  seen  to  run  •'  See  vol.  iv.  p.  90. 

out  of  his  temple  in  the  shape  of  a  ^  Schrockh,  xxv.  250,  seqq. 

small  dark  animal);  Alex.   III.,  Ep.  '  Ebbo.VitaOttonis,  iii.  3;  Schriickh, 

632;   Pagi,  xix.    238;    Dahlmann,   i.  xxv.  232. 


288  VICELIN.  Book  VI. 

by  the  submission  of  the  Slaves  to  receive  a  nominal 
baptism.^ 

In  this  region  the  most  eminent  preacher  of  the  gospel 
was  Vicelin,*^  a  pupil  of  Anselm  of  Laon,  and  afterwards 
a  Prsemonstratensian,  who  was  consecrated  as  bishop  of 
Oldenburg,  and  laboured  v»^ith  single-minded  zeal  from 
1 12 1  until  disabled  by  palsy  two  years  before  his  death, 
which  took  place  in  1154.*  When  required  by  Henry 
the  Lion  to  do  homage  for  his  bishoprick,  Vicelin 
was  strongly  dissuaded  by  the  archbishop  and  clergy 
of  Hamburg.  "  We  submit  to  the  emperor,"  they  said, 
"  because  by  this  submission  to  one  we  gain  the  power 
of  ruling  over  many;  for  what  duke  or  marquis  is  there 
who  does  not  desire  to  become  the  church's  vassal, 
whether  it  will  or  no  ? " — but  they  urged  that  to  do 
homage  to  a  duke  would  be  a  degradation  of  the  church. 
After  some  hesitation,  however,  Vicelin  complied,  in 
order  to  ensure  Henry's  support  jS  and  Frederick  Bar- 
barossa  afterwards  bestowed  on  the  duke  authority  to 
nominate  and  invest  bishops  for  all  the  Slavonic  territory 
which  had  been  subdued  by  his  ancestors  or  himself. 
In  consequence  of  this  grant,  Vicelin's  example  was 
followed  by  his  successor,  Ceroid,  and  by  the  bishops  of 
Ratzeburg  and  Mecklenburg,  "  for  His  sake  who  humbled 
himself  for  us,  and  that  the  newly-planted  church  should 
take  no  damage  ; "  ^  but  on  the  fall  of  Henry,  in  1 1 80, 
Frederick  withdrew  the  three  bishopricks  from  their 
subjection  to  the  dukes  of  Saxony.^  As  great  numbers 
of  the  Slaves   had   perished   in   war,   many    Germans, 

•*  Eugen.  III.,Epp.  166,  214 (Patrol.  Leibnitz,  i.  774,  seqq.     See,  too,  Hel- 

clxxx.);  Annal.    Magdeb.,   in   Pertz,  mold,  i.  42,  seqq.;  M (inter,  ii.  776-80; 

xvi.  188-9 ;  Helmoid,  i.  62-5  ;  Wilken,  Herzog,  art.  Vicelin. 
iii.  89,  seqq.;  Luden,  x.  258-61  ;  Dahl-  •  Vita,  77S  ;  Hehnold,  i.  75,  78. 

niaiiii,  i.  238.  For  a  striking  description  «  lb.  69,  70,  73. 

of  the  country,  see  [PseudoJ  Gunther,  ''  lb.  70,  87,  89. 

1.  vi.,  init.  (Patrol,  ccxii.  404-5).  •  Arnold.  Lub.  ii.  24  ;  Albert  Stad, 

*  There  is  a  metrical  life  of  a..F    n  iu  Pcrtz,  xvi.  349;  Schrotkh,  xxv.  276. 


Chap.  XII.  EUCHITES.  289 

Hollanders,  and  Flemings,  were  brought  in  to  supply 
their  places ;  and  this  contributed  powerfully  to  establish 
the  profession  of  Christianity  in  those  regions.^ 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SECTARIES — VISIO  NARIES. 


I.  Alexius  Comnenus  receives  from  his  daughter  Anna 
the  title  of  "  thirteenth  apostle,"  *  for  his  zeal  against 
the  Paulicians  of  Thrace,  who,  in  addition  to  theii 
heterodoxy,  had  offended  him  by  deserting  him  in  his 
wars  with  the  Normans  of  Southern  Italy.b  Under  the 
same  emperor  another  remarkable  party  attracted  for  a 
time  the  attention  of  the  Byzantine  government. 

The  Euchites  or  Massalians,  who  derived  their  name 
from  their  practice  of  praying,^  are  mentioned  among 
the  sects  of  the  fourth  century  by  Epiphanius'^  and 
Theodoret,®  and  are  said  to  have  held  that  every  man 
has  within  him  from  his  birth  an  evil  spirit,  who  is  to  be 
kept  down  only  by  unceasing  prayer.*  The  party  had 
been  generally  supposed  to  have  been  long  extinct ; 
but  in  the  eleventh  century  it  either  emerged  again  from 
obscurity,  or  a  new  sect,  known  by  the  same  name  and 
holding  similar  opinions,  arose  independently. ^  These 
later  euchites,  being  persecuted  by  the  Greeks,  sought  a 

*  Helmold,  i.  83,  87.  ®  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  10 ;  Adv.  Haer.  iv. 

*  L.  xiv.  p.  453,  ed.  Paris.  14.     Cf.  Phot.  Biblioth.  cod.  52. 

*>  A.  Comn.  1.  v.  p.  131  ;  1.  xiv.  pp.  ^  Theodoret.  adv.  Haer.  iv.  11;  Gie- 

451-7  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  678.  sder,  I.  ii.  15  ;  II.  i.   401 ;  Theophil. 

<=  "Euxoftai   in  Greek,   and  ^Ss   in        Cpol.  de  Receptione  Haereticorum,  in 
Chaldee,  meaning  to  J>ray.     Petlv.  u.         Migne,  Patr.  Gr.  Ixxxvi.  48. 
In  Epiphan.  Haeres.  80.  ^  See  Neand.  vi.  345-7  ;  Gieseler,!!. 

1  Haer.  80.  >-  *°^- 

VOL.  V.  19 


290 


THE    BOGOMIT.es. 


Book  VI. 


vent  for  their  opinions  among  the  Bulgarians  and  Slaves 
who  bordered  on  the  empire ;  and  they  now,  perhaps 
with  opinions  somewhat  affected  by  contact  with  the 
Paulicians,^  attempted,  under  the  name  of  Bogomiles, 
to  regain  a  footing  at  Constantinople.^ 

The  new  name  of  these  sectaries  has  been  variously 
derived — from  Bulgarian  words  which  might  refer  to 
their  frequent  prayers  for  the  divine  mercy;  and  as 
meaning  in  Slavonic  "  Friends  of  God."^  In  many 
respects  their  opinions  resembled  those  of  the  early 
gnostics.  God,  they  said,  had  two  sons,  the  elder  of 
whom,  Satanael,  was  associated  with  Him  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  world,  until  for  rebellion  he  was  cast  down 
from  heaven,  with  a  third  part  of  the  angelic  host,  who 
had  shared  his  crime.  ^  Satanael,  like  the  demiurge  of 
gnosticism,    framed   the   world,    and   created   man,   on 


^  Anna  Comn.  1.  xiv.  p.  486. 

•  Among  the  authorities  as  to  the 
Bogomiles,  one  of  the  chief  is  Euthy- 
mius  Zigabenus  (or  rather  Zigadenus), 
in  c.  27  of  his  *  Panoplia  Dogmatica,' 
of  which  a  Latin  translation  may  be 
found  in  some  editions  of  the  BibHo- 
theca  Patrum,  and  in  D'Argentre's 
'  Collectio  Judiciorum,'  i.  2,  seqq.  The 
only  edition  of  the  original,  until  M. 
Migne  republished  it  in  his  '  Patro- 
logia,'  was  one  printed  at  Tergovist, 
in  Wallachia,  in  1710.  In  this  the  sec- 
tion on  Mahometanism  is  omitted,  for  a 
reason  like  that  which  caused  the  sec- 
tion against  the  papacy  to  be  omitted  in 
some  western  editions  of  the  Latin.  The 
copy  in  the  British  Museum  is  interest- 
ing, as  having  been  one  of  the  "four 
very  learned  books"  sent  by  the  eastern 
clergy  to  the  section  of  Nonjurors  who 
corresponded  with  them  under  the  name 
of  the  "catholic  remnant  of  the  British 
churches."  (See  Lathbury's  Hist,  of 
the  Nonjurors,  354.)  Euthymius  drew 
up  hi?  account  of  the  Bogomiles  at  the 
desire  of  Alexius  (p.   p^O',  2).     Anna 


Comnena  (1.  xv.  p.  590)  says  that  her 
feeling  as  a  woman  and  a  princess  for- 
bids her  to  report  the  doctrines  and 
practices  of  the  sect,  and  refers  to  this 
account.  For  Euthymius'  other  works 
against  them,  see  Gieseler,  IL  ii.  679, 
J.  C.  Wolf's  Historia  Bogomilorum 
(Witemb.  1712)  is  chiefly  founded  on 
Euthymius.  See,  too,  C.  Schmidt, 
Hist,  des  Cathares,  ii.  57,  seqq. 

^  Boy  /u,ev  yap  ■})  tw:/  Bov\yapiov 
■yXaxrcra  (caAet  tov  ©ebw,  /xt'Aovt  6e  to 
eyerjcroi'.  (Euthym.  Panopl.  27,  init.) 
Constantine  Harmenopulus  says  that 
this  is  in  the  language  of  the  Mysians. 
(De  Hseres.  19,  Patrol.  Or.  cl.)  But 
the  Slavonic  etymology  seems  to  be 
now  generally  received.  Gieseler,  IL 
ii.  680  ;  Neand.  viii.  277  ;  C.  Schmidt, 
ii.  285. 

'  Euthym.  Panopl.  p^0' — p6,  a;  Apo- 
crjrphal  Gospel  of  St.  John,  in  Thilo, 
Cod.  Apocryph.  885-7 :  Psellus  de 
Operatione  Daemonum,  3-4,  ed.  Bois- 
sonade,  Norimb,  1838  ;  Neand,  vi 
344-5- 


Chap.  XII.  THEIR    DOCTRINE.  29 1 

whom  God,  at  his  entreaty,  bestowed  a  living  soul."' 
But  Satanael  became  jealous  of  the  privileges  granted 
to  his  creature,  and  in  the  form  of  a  serpent  he  begat 
Cain ;  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  stripped  of  the 
divine  form  which  had  until  then  been  left  to  him,  and 
of  his  creative  power."  Continuing  his  enmity  against 
mankind,  he  gave  the  law  by  his  servant  Moses,  and 
deluded  the  Jews  into  the  belief  that  he  was  the 
supreme  God.  But  in  the  5500th  year  of  the  world, 
God  in  compassion  sent  forth  his  Son  or  Word,  the 
archangel  Michael,  as  to  whose  birth  and  humanity 
the  doctrine  of  the  sect  was  docetic.o  Satanael,  like 
the  demiurge,  instigated  the  Jews  to  persecute  and  slay 
the  Christ ;  and  after  the  Son's  resurrection  he  was 
punished  by  being  deprived  of  the  el,  which  he  had 
retained  as  part  of  his  name,  and  thus  was  reduced  to 
Satan.P  It  was  held  that  the  Son  and  the  Spirit  (who 
was  said  to  be  begotten  by  the  Son)  1  would  be  reabsorbed 
into  the  Godhead  when  their  work  in  relation  to  man 
should  be  completed  ;  but  that  in  the  meantime  respect 
should  be  paid  to  Satan  and  his  angels,  although  not 
out  of  love,  but  lest  they  should  do  hurf  It  was  said 
that  God,  although  immaterial,  had  the  form  of  an  old 
man  with  a  flowing  beard  ;  that  the  Son  appeared  as 
a  bearded  man,  the  Spirit  as  a  smooth-faced  youth  ;  and 
under  these  forms  the  bogomiles  professed  to  see  them 
in  dreams  and  visions.*  As  in  older  heretical  systems, 
it  was  taught  that  men  are  by  nature  of  various  classes;* 
and  it  was  held  that  at  death  the  body  is  to  be  shaken 

"  Euthym.  p6y  b;  Thilo,  888.  Ixx.x.  3  ;  Euthym.  '  Invectivus  contra 

"  lb.  p6,  c.  Fundagiatas,'   in    Foggini,   Anecdota 

°  lb.  p^ff ,  d,  pod,  a,  c;  Thilo,  838-        Litteraria,  iv.  43  (Rom.  1783);  Neand, 


9. 


viii.  282. 


P  The  el  had  been  left   to  him  tos  '  Invn-apaswellas  inorap.  Euthym. 

c-yyeAiKov.     Euth.  pvd,  a.  Panopl.  p^O',  c ;  poy',  c. 

1  lb.  p^6',  d.  '  lb.  pOy  d,  pod, 
••  Jb.  p^e',   c;  pojS,  d;  cf.  Epiphan. 


292  DOCTRINE    OF    THE    BOGOMILES.  Book  VI. 

off  as  an  unclean   garment,    and    is   to  be  annihilated 
for  ever.*^ 

In  their  worship  the  bogomiles  were  distinguished  by  a 
simplicity  which  has  in  later  times  raised  up  champions 
to  deny  their  manifest  heterodoxy.^  They  disparaged 
the  sacraments  of  the  church — maintaining  that  its  bap- 
tism was  but  the  baptism  of  John,  whom  they  despised 
as  a  teacher  of  legality ;  and  that  the  eucharist  was 
a  sacrifice  of  devils,  whom  they  supposed  to  dwell  in 
all  consecrated  buildings .^  They  professed  to  have  a 
true  baptism  of  their  own,  which  they  administered  to 
converts,  with  other  rites  of  gradual  initiation  into  their 
mysteries.^  For  the  Lord's  supper  they  substituted 
the  repetition  of  the  supplication  for  daily  bread;  and., 
while  they  objected  to  prayers  in  churches,  their  own 
devotions  consisted  of  repeating  the  Lord's  prayer  in 
stated  numbers  (as  two  or  fifteen)  and  at  stated  times.^ 
They  denounced  images  and  rehcs,  and  paid  honour  to 
the  memory  of  the  iconoclastic  emperors.^  They  dis- 
paraged the  saints  of  the  church,^  and,  although  they 
admitted  the  miracles  done  by  the  relics  of  saints,  they 
supposed  these  to  be  wrought  through  the  power  of  evil 
spirits.*^  They  were  enemies  to  all  learning,  classing 
"  grammarians"  with  the  Jewish  scribes.  They  rejected 
much  of  Holy  Scripture,  and,  when  pressed  with  texts 
from  those  books  which  they  admitted,  they  escaped  by 
allegorical  explanations  of  them.«  They  maintained  the 
lawfulness  of  disguising  their  tenets,  on  the  ground  that 

"  Neand.  viii.  286.  •  Euthym.  Panopl.  po/S',  b,  c,  d;  In- 

'  Such  as   Godfrey  Arnold,   Span-  vectiv.  40-1 ;  Thilo,  832. 

heim,  and  Beausobre.     See  Schrockh,  «>  Euthym.  Panopl.  poa',  t/;  po/3', «,  3. 

xxix.  468  ;  Foggini,  iv.  17;  Gieseler,  See  Neander,  viii.  283. 

II.  ii.  680.  c  Euthym.  Panopl.  pop',  b;  poy,  b. 

y    A.  Comncna,  p.   468;    Euthym.  Thus  they  called  St.  Chrysostom  (^vp- 

Panopl.  po^',  a,  3,  c,  a?;  po6',  «;  Thilo,  a-ofrroixov,  foul-mouth.     Euthym.   In« 

893-4.  vectiv.  37. 

'  Euthym.  Panopl.  po/3',  b,  c;  Thilo,  <*  Euth.  Panopl.  po)3',  a. 

832-6-  *  lb.  p^9',  c;  poy',  d. 


Chap.  XII.    a.d.  iii6(?)    PROCEEDINGS    OF   ALEXIUS.  293 

our  Lord  enjoined  on  us  an  outward  conformity  to  authori- 
ties which  we  disapprove,  and  that  his  own  parables  are 
instances  of  disguise.^  In  their  appearance  and  manners 
they  affected  a  monastic  solemnity  and  austerity ;  s  yet 
with  this  it  need  hardly  be  said  that,  as  in  all  similar 
cases,  their  enemies  accuse  them  of  combining  not  only 
abominable  rites,  but  gross  licentiousness.^ 

This  sect  had  made  great  progress  among  the  subjects 
of  Alexius,^  when  his  attencion  was  called  to  it  by  public 
rumour.  On  this,  he  ordered  some  suspected  persons 
to  be  seized ;  and  one  of  these,  Diblatius,  was  brought 
by  torture  to  avow  himself  one  of  twelve  apostles  sent 
out  by  Basil,  the  chief  teacher  of  the  bogomiles."^  Basil, 
who  is  described  as  a  physician, ^  was  a  man  far  advanced 
in  life ;  it  was  said  that  he  had  spent  fifteen  years  in 
learning  his  system,  and  fifty-two  in  teaching  it,™  The 
emperor,  having  caused  him  to  be  arrested,  affected  to 
treat  him  with  great  reverence,  admitted  him  to  his  own 
table,  and  professed  a  wish  to  receive  instruction  from 
him  ',  and  after  some  hesitation  Basil  fell  into  the  snare." 
In  a  secret  chamber  of  the  palace,  he  was  drawn  into 
unfolding  his  doctrines  to  Alexius  and  his  brother ;  and, 

*  Euth.  Panopl.  poy  ,  n.  and  Gieseler's   date,  11 16  (II.  ii.  679), 

e  A.  Comn.  1.  xv.  p.  486.  seems  preferable  to  11 10.     Mr.  Finlay 

h  Euthym.  Panopl.  poy',  c;  Invect.  supposes   the  Bogomile  movement   to 

28,  38,  40.     See  Gieseler,  II.    .  403.  have  been  national  on  the  part  of  the 

'  Euthym.,  Victoria  de  Massalianis,  Slaves  as  against  the  corrupt,   simo- 

quoted  by  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  685.  niacal,     ceremonial    church     of    the 

^  A.  Comn.  1.    XV.   pp.   486-8.     As  Greeks,  82. 

Anna  places  the  beginning  of  the  affair  '  Euthym.    Panopl.    p^fl',   2.      Wolf 

in  the  patriarchate  ofNicolas,  who  died  thinks  that  he  affected  this  character 

in  iiii,  Mr.  Finlay  dates  it  in  iiio(ii.  in  order  to  gain  opportunities  of  spread- 

85).    But  since,  from  the  way  in  which  ing  his  doctrine.  17. 

Nicolas   is  again   mentioned   (492)  it  «>  Zonaras,  xviii.  23,  p.  304  (Patrol, 

appears  as  if  the   death  of  the   Bo-  Gr.  cxxxv.). 

gomile  teacher  (which  Mr.  Finlay  him-  "Anna's    eulogies    on  her  father's 

selfdatesin  11 18)  were  under  the  same  craft  are  remarkable  (488).  Euthymius 

patriarch,  it  would  seem  that  Anna  is  professes  to  have  gained  his  knowledge 

mistaken  in  naming  him.    The  interval  of  the  Bogomile  doctrine  in  a  similar 

of  eight  years  is  also  improbably  long,  way.     Invectiv.  36. 


294  THE   BOGOMILES.  Book  VI. 

when  the  exposition  was  complete,  the  emperor,  drawing 
aside  a  curtain,  showed  him  a  scribe  who  had  noted 
down  his  words.  The  doors  of  the  room  were  then 
opened,  and  the  heresiarch  found  himself  confronted 
with  the  patriarch,  the  senators,  and  the  clergy  of  the 
city.  As  it  was  impossible  to  deny  the  truth  of  the 
written  report,  he  strongly  asserted  the  truth  of  his 
opinions,  and  declared  himself  willing  to  endure  in- 
numerable deaths  for  them.^  After  this  scene,  all  who 
were  suspected  of  heresy  were  seized,  and  were  brought 
before  the  emperor  in  a  place  where  two  great  fires  had 
been  made,  one  of  them  having  a  cross  beside  it. 
Alexius  told  them  that  they  were  all  to  be  burnt,  but 
desired  that  those  who  held  the  orthodox  faith  would 
range  themselves  under  the  cross,  since  it  would  be 
better  to  die  in  orthodoxy  than  to  live  under  suspicion 
of  heresy.  After  this  not  infallible  test,  all  who  had 
chosen  the  side  of  the  cross  were  set  free ;  the  others 
were  imprisoned,  and  were  plied  from  time  to  time  with 
inducements  to  recant.  Many  of  them  died  in  prison  ; 
but  Basil  alone,  on  whom  repeated  conferences  made  no 
impression,  was  condemned  to  the  flames,  and,  after  hav- 
ing in  vain  expected  an  angel  to  appear  for  his  deliver- 
ance,? suffered  in  the  hippodrome  of  Constantinople.^ 

The  opinions  of  the  bogomiles  did  not  die  out  with 
Basil.  In  the  reign  of  Manuel  similar  doctrines  were 
taught  by  Constantius  Chrysomalos,  and  by  a  monk 
named  Nephon,  whose  sway  over  the  patriarch  Cosmas 
was  such  that  for  his  sake  the  patriarch  submitted 
to   deprivation. "■      Bogomilism  was  secretly  spread    by 

»  Mvpiovs.     A.  Comn.    488-9.     The  "■  Cinnamus,    ii.    10 ;    Neand.    viii. 

princess  tells  us  that  after  this  Basil  293-4.     Nicetas  says  that  the  Emperor 

was  stoned  during  the  night  by  demons,  made    the    intimacy  with  Nephon  a 

enraged  at  his  betrayal  of  their  secrets.  pretext  for  removing  Cosmas,  WTio  had 

489-                        ^  A.  Comn.  489.  been  represented  to  him  as  disaffected. 

lib.  491-3.  De  RIanuele,  ii.  3, 


Chap.  XII.  WESTERN  SECTS  295 

teachers  of  both  sexes  ;^  it  found  adherents  among  the 
Greek  monks  ;^  in  Egypt,  although  it  does  not  appear 
to  have  made  any  progress,  it  excited  so  much  apprehen- 
sion that  the  patriarch  Eulogius  of  Alexandria  wrote  a 
treatise  against  it ;"  and  even  after  the  middle  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  the  patriarch  Germanus  of  Constanti- 
nople found  it  necessary  to  compose  discourses  in 
refutation  of  this  obstinate  heresy.^ 

II.  In  the  West  many  circumstances  concurred  to 
favour  the  growth  of  sectarianism.  Foremost  among 
these  was  the  corruption  of  the  clergy ;  and  the  very 
efforts  of  Gregory  VII.  and  others  at  a  reform  in  the 
interest  of  Rome  tended,  by  marking  out  the  defects  of 
the  clergy  for  reprobation,  to  encourage  a  spirit  of  oppo- 
sition to  them.y  Among  other  causes  which  contributed 
to  the  same  result  were  the  fierce  quarrels  between  the 
ecclesiastical  and  the  secular  powers ;  the  growing  pre- 
tensions of  the  hierarchy  to  authority  over  the  things  of 
this  world ;  the  narrowing  of  the  limits  of  thought  allowed 
within  the  church ;  the  frequent  and  scandalous  contests 
of  bishops  for  particular  sees ;  the  interdicts  and  curses 
which  inclined  the  minds  of  many  to  seek  from  some 
other  quarter  the  religious  ordinances  and  consolations 
which  the  church  denied  them.^  Accordingly,  we  now  meet 
with  sectaries  in  many  places,  and  of  various  characters. 

(i.)  The  name  of  Tanchelm  has  already  been  in- 
cidentally mentioned."  This  man  appeared  in  Flanders 
early  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  the  chief  scene  of  his 

•  A.  Comn.  487.  Gieseler,  II.  ii.   620,  685-6 ;  Schmidt, 

«  CInnamus.  ii.  10.  Hist,  des  Cathares,  i.  14. 

"  See  Neale's  Holy  Eastern  Church,  ^  See  vol.  iv.  p.  305. 

Patriarchate  of  Alexandria,  ii.  240-2.  '  Reinerlus  says  of  the  Waldenses, 

The  date  seems  to  have  been  about  "  Tempore  interdict!  exultant ;    quia 

J120.  tunc  plures  corrumpunt."    266. 

"^  Schrockh,  xxix.  475.      For  other  *  P.  55- 
traces,   see  Wolf,    Hist.   Bogom.   39; 


296  TANCHELM. — EON.  Book  VI. 

activity  was  Antwerp,  where  the  people  had  been  pre- 
pared to  welcome  irregular  teaching  by  the  circumstance 
that  their  populous  town  was  under  the  charge  of  a 
single  priest,  whose  life  is  said  to  have  been  scandalous. 
The  accounts  of  Tanchelm,  as  has  been  truly  remarked,^ 
have  much  in  common  with  those  of  the  anabaptists  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  He  affected  a  royal  state,  being 
attended  by  a  bodyguard  of  3,000  rufiEians,  wearing  a 
crown,  and  having  a  banner  and  a  sword  borne  before 
him  when  he  preached.  It  is  said  that  he  claimed  a 
divine  character ;  that  hymns  were  sung  to  him,  that  a 
church  was  dedicated  in  his  honour,  and  that  the  water 
in  which  he  had  bathed  was  drunk  or  treasured  up 
by  his  followers.  He  inveighed  violently  against  the 
priesthood  and  the  sacraments ;  and  it  is  said  that 
he  combined  with  his  lofty  pretensions  not  only  the 
practice  but  the  teaching  of  the  grossest  licentiousness. 
The  career  of  this  blasphemous  and  sanguinary  fanatic 
was  cut  short  by  a  blow  on  the  head  from  a  priest,  about 
the  year  11 16;  and,  although  the  sect  did  not  im- 
mediately come  to  an  end,  his  followers  were  reclaimed 
by  Norbert  about  1 124.<= 

(2.)  Another  fanatical  teacher  of  this  time  was  Eudo 
or  Eon  de  Stella,  who  spread  his  opinions  chiefly  in 
Brittany.  Although  not  sprung  from  the  lowest  class  of 
society,  he  is  said  to  have  been  almost  ignorant  of  the 
alphabet,  and  the  accounts  of  him  are  incredible  unless 
on  the  supposition  that  he  was  insane.  He  lived  in 
great  splendour,  ordained  bishops  and  priests,  distin- 
guished his  chief  followers  by  the  names  of  apostles  and 

Milman,   iv.    i8o  ;    Wilmans,    in  xviii.  395 ;  Hahn,  i.  439,  seqq.     Some 

Pertz.  xii.  690.  writers  (as  C.  Schmidt,  i.  45)  connect 

<=  Codex    Udalrici,    288  :    Sigebert.  Tanchelm    with    the    Catharists    and 

Contin.   Praemonstr.  A.D.   1124 ;  Abae-  other    sects;     but    against    this,    see 

lard.  Introd.  ad  Theologiam,  ii.  4  (Pa-  Hahn,  i.  462. 
trol.  clxxviii.);  D'Argentre,  i.  10;  Pagi, 


Chap.  XII. 


PETER    OF    BRUIS. 


297 


of  cardinal  virtues,  and  is  said  to  have  kept  his  party 
together  by  means  of  food  prepared  by  the  spirits  of 
the  air,  of  which  the  effect  was  such  that  they  who  had 
once  tasted  it  became  irrevocably  attached  to  the  sect.^ 
Eon  was  brought  before  Eugenius  III.  at  the  council  of 
Reims,  in  11 48,  and,  on  being  questioned,  avowed  his 
belief  that  he  was  He  who  should  come  to  judge  the 
quick  and  the  dead.®  At  the  request  of  the  bishop 
who  had  brought  him  to  the  council,  his  life  and  limbs 
were  spared ;  and  the  pope  committed  him  to  the  care 
c^.  Samson,  archbishop  of  Reims,  in  whose  custody  he 
soon  after  died.^ 

(3.)  A  sectary  of  a  more  respectable  kind  was  a  priest 
named  Peter  of  Bruis,  whose  followers  were  known  by 
the  name  of  Petrobrusians.s  After  having,  for  some  un- 
known cause,  been  deprived  of  a  pastoral  cure  which  he 
had  held,*^  Peter,  about  the  beginning  of  the  century,^ 


«  Will.  Neubrlg.  i.  19. 

*  It  is  said  that  he  identified  his  own 
name,  jEon  or  £un,  with  "  E^ivt  qui 
judicaturus  est,  etc."  So  Guibert  of 
Nogent  tells  us  that  a  heretic  at  Sois- 
sons,  on  being  questioned  by  Bishop 
Lisiard,  alleged  for  himself  the  words 
of  Scripture,  "  Beati  eritis" — "Cum 
esset  enim  illiteratus,  quod  ej-itis  signi- 
ficaret  hcereticos  aestimabat.  Putabat 
enim  quod  hseretici  dicerentur  quasi 
hsereditarii,  haud  dubium  quin  Dei." 
(De  Vita  sua,  iii.  17,  Patrol,  clvi.)  M. 
Henri  Martin  improbably  supposes  the 
story  as  to  Eon  to  have  arisen  out  of 
his  identifying  himself  with  a  Gnostic 
y^on.  iii.  458. 

*■  Sigeb.  Contin.  Gemblac.  a.d.  1146; 
Contin.  Praemonstr.  ad.  i  148  (Patrol, 
clx.) ;  Will.  Neubrig,  i.  19  ;  Pet.  Can- 
tor. Verb.  Abbrev.  78  (in  two  texts). 
Patrol,  ccv.  229,  546  (see  Gieseler,  II. 
"•  534) ;  Gesta  Eugenii  in  Bouq.  xv. 
425  ;  Otto  Prising,  de  Gestis  Fride- 
rici,  i.  54-5  (who  names  Suger  of  St. 
Denys  instead   of   the  archbishop  of 


Reims) ;  Anna!.  Magdeb.  in  Pertz,  xvi. 
190.  Gieseler  supposes  Eon's  sect  to 
have  been  that  against  which  Hugh, 
archbishop  of  Rouen,  wrote  in  1145 
(II.  ii.  532).  But  Hugh  indicates  a 
difference  of  opinion  among  the  secta- 
ries whom  he  combats  (I.  i.  13,  Patrol, 
cxcii.),  and  the  treatise  altogether 
seems  to  be  rather  directed  against  the 
Henricians  (see  below). 

e  Peter  was  probably  a  native  of 
Bruis,  near  Montelimar,  in  Dauphiny. 
He  is  mentioned  by  Abelard  in  com- 
pany with  Tanchelm  (see  p.  297, 
n.^). 

^  "  De  ecclesia  quam  tenebat,  scit 
ipse  quare  ejectus  "  (Pet.  Clun.  790). 

'  He  is  S£.id  to  have  taught  for 
twenty  years  (Pet.  Clun.  adv.  Petro- 
brusianos.  Patrol,  clxxxix.  722,  726) ; 
whence,  as  Abelard  (1.  c.)in  1121  speaks 
of  him  as  dead,  Neander  dates  his 
beginning  in  iioi  (viii.  338).  Schrockh 
(xxix.  515-17),  Gieseler(II.  ii.  535),  and 
Hahn  (i.  410-11)  place  it  in  1104 
Baronius  (1126.   15)  as  late   as   1126 


298  PETER    OF    BRUIS.  Book  VI. 

appeared  as  an  independent  teacher  in  the  Alpine 
dioceses  of  Embrun,  Gap,  Digne,  and  Aries ;  and,  on 
being  driven  from  that  region,  he  removed  into  Gascony. 
There  he  found  a  population  prepared  by  the  earlier 
prevalence  of  sectarian  opinions  to  receive  him;''  he  is 
described  as  "no  longer  whispering  in  hamlets,  but 
openly  preaching  to  multitudes  in  towns ; "  and  his 
success,  especially  in  the  important  city  of  Toulouse, 
was  such  as  to  astonish  those  who  had  been  disposed 
to  attribute  his  earlier  successes  to  the  ignorance  of 
the  mountaineers  whom  he  had  addressed.'  He  vehe- 
mently attacked  the  system  of  the  church  in  doctrine 
and  in  government;  his  aim  was  to  restore  a  nakedly 
scriptural  Christianity,  without  any  allowance  for  change 
of  circumstances,  or  any  consideration  for  the  historical 
development  of  ages.™  Yet  it  would  seem  that,  while 
professing  to  regard  scripture  as  the  only  source  ot 
religious  knowledge,  he  was  inclined  to  discard  the  Old 
Testament,  and  perhaps  to  retain  no  part  of  the  New 
except  the  Gospels." 

The  points  on  which  Peter  chiefly  insisted  were  live 
in  number:  (i)  That  infants  ought  not  to  be  baptized, 
inasmuch  as  conscious  personal  faith  is  necessary  in 
order  to  receive  the  benefits  of  the  sacrament.^  (2)  That 
there  ought  to  be  no  churches  or  other  places  hallowed 
for  worship,  forasmuch  as  the  true  Church  consists  of 
the  congregated  faithful,  and  God  hears  prayer  equally 
wherever  it  may  be  offered. p  (3)  That  crosses  ought 
not  to  be  reverenced,  but,  as  being  the  memorials  of 
the  Saviour's  sufferings,  ought  to  be  dishonoured,  broken, 
and  burnt.i     (4)  He  not  only  denied  the  change  of  the 

(which  is  inconsistent  with  Abelard's  °  Pet.  Clun.  728-9.     See  Neander's 

testimony).  Bernard,  431 ;  Hahn,  i.  436. 

•'  Hahn,  i.  412.         '  Pet.  Clun    727.  "  Pet.  Clun.  722,  752,  seqq. 

•"  Ncand.  viii.  338;  'Derheil.  Bern.'  ''  lb.  762,  seqq. 

429.  *  lb.    722,    771,    seqq.,    789.     "If," 


Chap.  XII.    a.d.  1101-21.     PETER   OF    BRUIS.  299 

eucharistic  elements  into  the  Lord's  body,  but  held  that 
the  sacrament,  having  been  celebrated  by  our  Lord  once 
for  all,  ought  not  to  be  repeated/  (5)  He  taught  that 
prayers,  alms,  and  masses  were  unavailing  for  the  dead.^ 

The  preaching  of  these  doctrines  was  attended  with 
great  effect.  Multitudes  who  had  been  baptized  in  in- 
fancy submitted  to  rebaptism  ; '  churches  were  profaned 
and  destroyed ;  altars  were  overthrown,  crosses  were 
burnt,  priests  were  beaten  by  excited  mobs,  and  monks 
were  compelled  by  torture  to  marry."  Once,  on  Good 
Friday,  Peter  caused  all  the  crosses  in  the  town  where  he 
was  to  be  thrown  into  a  bonfire,  at  which  he  roasted 
flesh,  and  then,  in  disregard  of  the  solemn  fast,  invited 
the  spectators  to  partake  of  it.^  But  the  feeling  which 
usually  waited  on  his  preaching  was  not  universal ;  for, 
after  a  career  of  twenty  years,  he  was  seized  by  the  popu- 
lace of  St.  Gilles  in  Provence,  and,  in  vengeance  for  his 
outrages  against  the  cross,  was  himself  burnt  to  death. y 

Peter  of  Bruis  was  still  alive,  when  the  "  venerable  " 
Peter  of  Cluny,  in  passing  through  his  original  haunts, 

the  Petrobrusians  used  to  ask,  amid  it  be  said  that  in   our  own  case  the 

the  applause  of  the  multitude,  "  one  form  is  changed,  look  at  the  change  of 

were  to  produce  for  your  adoration  the  w.iter  into  ice,  and  of  ice  into  crystal, 

rope  with  which  he  had  strangled  your  where    the  form   still   remains    (805). 

father,  or  the  sword  with  which  he  had  Hahn  (i.  431)  remarks  that  here  Peter 

pierced  your  friend   or  your  brother,  of   Cluny  says    nothing    of   miracles 

would  you  not  rise  against  him  with  wrought  on    the    Host,   although  he 

all  indignation?"     Peter  of  Cluny  re-  dwells  much  on  such  things  in  his  book 

plies,  that  in  such  a  case  the  indigna-  'De  Miraculis.' 

tion  ought  to  be  directed  against  the  ^  Pet.    Clun.    722,    819,    seqq.  ;   cf. 

slayer,  not  against  the  innocent  and  Abselard.  Introd.  in  Theolog.  ii.  4. 

unconscious  instrument  (773).     I  have  '  The  sectaries  denied  that  this  was 

not  seen  any  ground  for  Neander's  in-  rebaptism,  the  first  baptism  being  alto- 

ference  from  Peter  of  Bruis'  violence  gether  null  according  to  them  (Pet. 

against  the  cross,  that  he  denied  the  CI.  729).     Peter  of  Cluny  blames  them 

redemptive    effect    of   the    Saviour's  for  insisting  on  their  own  baptism  as 

aeath.     viii.  340.  indispensable,    whereas    the    church, 

'  Pet.  Clun.  722,  787,  seqq.  ;  Hahn,  agreeably  to  Scripture,  allowed  a  dis- 

i.  423.     Bread  and  wine,   argues  the  pensation  in  case  of  necessity  (754). 

abbot  of  Cluny,    are  daily  converted  "lb.  726 

into  our  own  bodies  ;  why,  then,  deny  *  lb.  j^i-a                     »  lb.  72a. 
the     eucharistic    change     (803)?      If 


300  SECTARIES.  Book  VI. 

found  his  opinions  largely  prevailing  there,  and  thus  was 
induced  to  compose  a  treatise,  which  is  almost  our  only- 
source  of  information  as  to  the  sect.  In  this  book  he 
defends  the  whole  system  of  the  church,  although  it  need 
hardly  be  said  that  his  arguments  are  often  of  a  question- 
able kind.  The  preface,  written  after  the  heresiarch's  death, 
is  addressed  to  the  four  prelates  whose  dioceses  were 
infected,  and  in  it  the  abbot  expresses  a  hope  that  they 
may  find  his  tract  useful  in  argument,  which  he  declares 
to  be  the  more  Christian  manner  of  dealing  with  heretics, 
although  he  holds  that,  in  case  of  necessity,  the  secular 
power  may  lawfully  be  called  in  to  coerce  them.* 

In  the  meantime,  as  the  abbot  of  Cluny  mentions,  the 
heresiarch  had  found  a  successor  in  one  Henry,*  whom 
some  suppose  to  have  been  an  Italian,  and  others  to  have 
been  a  Swiss. ^  Henry  was  a  deacon,  and  had  been  a 
member  of  the  Cluniac  order.  In  his  habits  he  still 
affected  the  severity  of  a  monk  or  a  hermit,  wearing  a 
long  beard,  walking  barefooted  even  in  the  depth  of 
winter,  living  on  alms,  and  professing  to  limit  himself  to 
such  things  as  were  merely  necessary.^  Yet  Hildebert 
and  Bernard  charge  him  with  licentiousness  of  life,  and 
especially  with  a  fondness  for  gaming.*^  His  eloquence 
was  said  to  be  such  that  nothing  but  a  heart  of  stone 
could  resist  it,  and  it  was  believed  that  by  his  mere  look 

»  Praef.  col.  721.  Peter  seems  to  the  manner  in  which  one  part  bears  wit- 
have  anticipated  the  argument  of  the  ness  to  another.  ^  Pet.  Clun.  150. 
'  Horse  PaulinEe,'  although  we  cannot  ^  See  Mabillon,  Prsef.  in  Bernard, 
suspect  Paley  of  having  borrowed  from  50  (Patrol,  clxxxii.).  Neander's  ac- 
him:  — "Cum  ergo  tanta  evidcntia  count  of  Henry  (viii.  341,  seqq.)  very 
evangelistse  et  apostoli  verba  conveni-  remarkably  exemplifies  the  writer's 
ant,  ut  quod  ille  historico  hie  epistolari  manner  of  constructing,  from  scanty 
stylo  gestum  referat,  et  uterque  tam  and  adverse  materials,  an  imaginary 
concors  sibi  invicem  veritatis  testimo-  portrait  of  a  spiritual  hero, 
nium  perhibeat,  quid  ultra  quaritis?  =  Pet.  Clun.  790;  Gaufrld.  Vita 
Nonnesufficientemauctoritatemevan-  Bern.,  Patrol,  clxxv.  427:1.  iii.  16; 
gelicus  liber  apostolicis  litteris  conferre  Gesta  Epp.  Cenomann.  in  Mabillon, 
videtur?"  (737.)  And  he  goes  on  to  Analecta,  315-16. 
prgue  for  the  unity  of  Scripture  from            **  Bern.  Ep.  241  ;  Hildeb.  Ep.  24. 


Chap.  XIl,     a.d.  1116-46.  HENRY.  3OI 

he  could  read  the  secrets  of  the  heart.  He  also  enjoyed 
the  reputation  of  learning  ;  but  his  right  to  this  is  denied 
by  his  opponents,  who  allow  him  no  other  accomplisli- 
ments  than  those  of  preaching  and  dicing.®  The  first 
place  at  which  Henry  is  described  as  having  made  him- 
self conspicuous  was  Lausanne  ;  and,  as  we  soon  after 
find  that  opinions  closely  resembling  his  were  entertained 
by  some  persons  at  Treves  and  at  Cologne,^  it  is  proba- 
ble that  he  may  have  visited  those  cities  on  his  way  from 
Switzerland  to  Le  Mans,  where  he  appeared  in  1116. 
Having  obtained  from  tlie  bishop,  Hildebert,  permission 
to  preach  during  Lent,  he  made  use  of  it  to  excite  the 
people  against  the  clergy,  who  were  insulted,  attacked, 
and  plundered,  and  were  only  saved  from  yet  worse  out- 
rages by  the  interference  of  the  civil  power.  He  also 
made  strange  attempts  at  moral  reform  by  encouraging 
marriages  with  prostitutes  and  women  of  servile  condi- 
tion ;  and  it  is  said  that  all  such  unions  were  unfortunate 
in  their  consequences.  During  these  proceedings,  Hilde- 
bert had  been  absent  on  an  expedition  to  Rome;  but 
on  his  return  he  was  able,  although  not  without  much 
difiiculty,  to  drive  out  Henry,^  who  afterwards  preached 
at  Poitiers  and  Bordeaux — everywhere,  according  to  St. 
Bernard,  leaving  such  an  impression  that  he  could  not 
venture  to  revisit  the  place.^  In  the  south  of  France 
he  met  with  Peter  of  Bruis,  and  after  Peter's  death  ^  he 

«  Gesta    Epp.    Cenom.    in    Mabill.  '  At   Le    Mans   the  messengers  of 

A.nal.  315-17.  Henry  appeared  before  Hildebert  with 

f  Gesta  Trevir.  in  Patrol,  cliv.  1214-16  staves  tipped  with  crosses,  and  at  h?s 

(about  the  year  1 1 16).     The  account  of  entrance  into   the  town,  a  cross   was 

the  sectaries  at  Cologne  is  thirty  years  borne  before  him,  so  that,  during  the 

later  (Everwin.  ap.  Bernard.  Ep.  472) ;  time   of  his  independent  labours,  he 

yet  Henry  may  have  been  their  foun-  had  not  shared  in  Peter's  objections  to 

(Jer.  the  cross  (Mosh.    ii.    502  ;  Neander's 

e  Gesta    Epp.     Cenomann.    316-17;  Bernard,  446).    Neander  supposes  tha^ 

Hildeb.  Epp.  23-4  ;  Neand.  viii.  347  ;  he  did  not  join  the  Petrobrusians  until 

Hahn,  i.  446-7.  after  their  master's    death  (ib.    444). 

^  Ep.  241  But  see  Gieseler,  II.  IL  535.  53* 


302  SECTARIES.  Book  VI. 

became  the  leader  of  the  sect,  to  whose  errors  he  is  said 
to  have  made  some  additions,^  although  the  only  further 
difference  from  the  system  of  the  church  that  is  recorded 
is  a  denunciation  of  the  system  of  chanting.^ 

Peter  of  Cluny's  tract  against  the  Petrobrusians  was 
not  without  effect.  At  the  council  of  Pisa,  in  1135, 
Henry  was  brought  by  the  archbishop  of  Aries  before 
Innocent  II.,  by  whom  he  was  condemned  as  a  heretic, 
compelled  to  a  retractation,  and  given  over  for  custody 
to  Bernard,  who  furnished  him  with  an  order  that  he 
should  be  received  as  a  monk  of  Clairvaux."™  After  a 
short  detention  he  was  set  at  liberty,  on  condition  that 
he  should  not  return  to  his  former  haunts ;  but  he 
speedily  resumed  his  labours  in  the  south  of  France,  and 
with  such  effect  that,  as  Bernard  reports,  the  churches 
were  soon  without  people,  the  people  without  priests, 
the  priests  without  due  respect ;  that  holy  places  were 
reckoned  unholy,  festivals  were  neglected,  sacraments 
were  scorned,  children  remained  unbaptized,  and  sinners 
died  without  penance  or  the  holy  communion."  In  1 147 
Eugenius  III.,  who  was  then  in  France,  desired  Alberic, 
cardinal-bishop  of  Ostia,  to  undertake  a  mission  against 
Henry,  and  Bernard,  then  fresh  from  his  triumphs  in 
preaching  the  crusade,  was  persuaded  by  Alberic  to  ac- 
company him.o  Nowhere  had  the  abbot's  successes  been 
more  signal  than  on  this  mission.  At  Albi,  where  the 
people  were  especially  infected  with  error,  the  cardinal 
was  received  with  insult;  but  when  Bernard  arrived,  five 
days  later,  his  appearance  was  hailed  with  enthusiasm. 
The  cathedral  was  unable  to  contain  the  multitudes 
which  pressed  to  hear  him ;  and  when,  after  having  dis- 


k  Pet.  Clun.  722. 

"  Ep.    241,   init.  ;    cf.    Gesta  Epp 

»  lb.  847 ;  Hahn,  i.  434. 

Cenom.  323. 

»"  Gesta  Epp.  Cenomann.  323 ;  Gau- 

°  Gaufrid.   Vita  Bern,  iii,    17.     See 

rid.  Vita  Bern.  (Patrol,  clxxxv.  412); 

His*   de  Languedoc,  ii.  443-7. 

see  Pagi,  xviii.  497- 

Chap.  XII.  a.d.  ii35-47-     BERNARD    AGAINST    HENRY.  303 

coursed  on  the  chief  points  of  difference,  he  desired  that 
all  who  preferred  the  catholic  faith  to  heresy  would  hold 
up  their  hands,  every  hand  in  the  assembly  was  raised. p 
Miracles  were  performed  in  such  abundance  that  the 
heretics  slunk  off  in  dismay,  and  wherever  Bernard 
appeared,  so  great  was  the  excitement,  that  he  was  even 
afraid  to  encounter  the  crowds  of  his  admirers. '^  On 
one  occasion,  when  bread  was  carried  to  him  for  his 
blessing  (as  was  usual),  he  declared  that,  for  the  decision 
of  the  question  between  the  church  and  the  heretics, 
every  sick  person  who  should  taste  of  that  bread  would 
be  made  whole.  "  If  they  receive  with  right  faith  they 
will  be  healed,"  interposed  Geoffrey,  bishop  of  Chartres, 
who  feared  that  the  abbot  had  been  carried  too  far  by 
his  enthusiasm.  "  That  is  not  what  I  say,"  cried  Bernard, 
"  but  of  a  truth  those  who  taste  shall  be  healed,  that  they 
may  know  us  to  be  the  true  and  faithful  messengers  of 
God  !  "  The  miracle  is  said  to  have  followed,""  and  the 
effect  of  it  was  decisive.  Henry,  driven  from  the  city,  had 
found  a  refuge  among  the  nobles  of  the  neighbourhood, 
who,  although  indifferent  to  his  doctrines,  were  favour- 
able to  him  as  an  enemy  of  the  clergy.^  But  at  Bernard's 
instance  he  was  given  up  in  chains  to  the  bishop  ot 
Toulouse.*     His  further  history  appears  to  be  unknown, 

P  Gaufr.  coll.  414-15.  "48,  to  be  kept  in  custody  by  Samson, 

qIb.411-13.  archbishop  of  that  city.     Butthisstory 

r  Id.  iii.  18.     William  of  Puylaurens  has  arisen  out  of  a  confusion  between 

has  a  story  that  at  a  place  called  Ver-  Henry  and  Eon.     (See  Gieseler,  II.  ii. 

feuil  (Viride-folium)  the  people  would  539,    in   refutation  of    Neander,   viii. 

not  listen  to  Bernard ;  whereupon  he  350.)    Allix  refers   to   Baronius,  a.d. 

exclaimed,  "  Viride  folium,  desiccet  te  1147,  for  the  statement  that  Henry  was 

Deus!"  and  the    curse  was    fulfilled  burnt  at  Toulouse  "  at  the  solicitation 

in  its  speedy  decay,    c.  i. ;  Bouq.  xix.  of  St.  Bernard,  by  the  cruelty  of  Al- 

194.  bericus."    (On  the  Albigenses,  p.  147, 

»  Gaufr.  col.  412.  ed.    Oxford,    1824.)     But   I   have  not 

*  lb.  313,  412.     Cf.  Bern.  Ep.  242.  been  able  to  find  this  in  Baronius,  or 

According  to  some  writers,  who  have  anywhere     else,     although     Baronius 

been  misled  by  Alberic  of  Trois-Fon-  would  no  doubt  have  warmly  approved 

taines  (Bouq.   xiii.   701),   Henry  was  of  such  proceedings. 

condemned  by  Eugenius  at  Reims,  in 


304 


SECTARIES". 


Book  VI. 


and  the  sect,  as  a  distinct  body,  seems  to  have  become 
speedily  extinct,  partly  through  the  effect  produced  by 
a  young  girl  of  Gascony,  who,  about  the  year  1151, 
used  to  lie  insensible  three  days  in  each  month,  and,  on 
awaking,  to  testify  eloquently  and  learnedly  against  the 
errors  of  the  Henricians." 


{4.)  The  heretical  opinions  most  widely  spread  during 
this  tinie  were  those  of  a  Manichsean  character,^  which 
are  found  from  England  to  the  south  of  Italy,  from  the 
Hellespont   to  the    Ebro7     Appearances  of    this    kind 


°  R.   de  Monte,  A.D.  1151  ;  R.  de 

Diceto,  527. 

^  The  relationship  to  Manichseism, 
however,  is  denied,  notwithstanding 
the  many  points  of  resemblance — as  by 
C.  Schmidt,  in  Herzog,  vii.  469. 

y  Among  the  writers  cited  in  the 
account  of  the  cathari  and  Waldenses, 
the  following  may  be  here  enume- 
rated :— 

Alanus,  *  Contra  Hseretlcos  sui  Tem- 
poris'  (Patrol,  ccx.).  That  this  is  the 
.vork  of  the  famous  Alan  of  Lille  (de 
Insulis),  has  been  denied,  on  the  ground 
that  the  author  seems  to  have  been 
connected  with  the  south  of  France  (C. 
Schmidt,  Hist,  des  Cath.  ii.  234).  Yet 
Gieseler  thinks  it  possible  that  Alan  of 
Lille,  as  a  monk  of  Citeaux,  which  had 
much  intercourse  with  the  South,  may 
have  been  the  writer.     IL  ii.  258. 

Bernard,  abbot  of  Fontcaud,  *  Ad- 
versus  Waldenses,*  Patrol,  cciv. 

Bonacursus,  '  Contra  Catharos,'  ibid. 

Disputatio  Catholici  contra  Haere- 
ticos,  in  Martene,  Thes.  v. 

Eberhard  of  Bethune,  in  Bibl.  Patr. 
xxiv.  The  treatise  is  wrongly  said  to 
be  against  the  Waldenses,  being  really 
against  the  cathari.  See  Maitland, 
'  Facts  and  Documents,'  98,  100,  etc.  ; 
Giesel.  IL  ii.  555. 

Eckbert,  abbot  of  Schonau,  *  Ser- 
mones  contra  Catharos,'  Patrol,  cxcv. 

Ermengaud,    '  Adversus    Haereses/ 


ib.  cciv.  ;  and  also  in  the  Appendix  to 
Abelard,  ib.  clxxviii.  (See  Giesel.  II. 
ii-  557-) 

Liber  Sententiarum  Inquisltionis  To- 
losanse  (a.d.  1307-1323),  printed  with 
Limborch's  History  of  the  Inquisition. 
See  Maitland,  260,  and  his  extracts  of 
remarkable  cases,  270,  seqq. 

Lucas  Tudensis  [i.e.  bishop  of  Tuy, 
in  Galicia],  *Adv.  Albigensium  Er- 
rores,'  in  Bibl   Patr.  xxv. 

Moneta  Cremonensis,  '  Adversus 
Catharos  et  Valdenses,'  ed,  Ricchini, 
Rom.  1743.  [A  copy  of  this,  lettered 
'Moneta  Cremonensis— Ricchini,'  was 
lately  to  be  seen  in  the  Cambridge 
University  library,  catalogued  as  the 
work  of  the  editor,  and  classed  among 
numismatic  books !] 

Peter  of  Pilichdorf,  in  Bibl.  Patr. 
xxv. 

Peter  of  Vaux  Cernay,  '  Historia 
Albigensium,'  Patrol,  ccxiii. 

Reinerius  Sacchoni,  'Summade  Ca- 
tharis  et  Leonistis,'  in  Martene,  Thes. 
Anecd.  V.  1762,  seqq.,  and  in  D'Argen- 
tre,  i.  48,  seqq.  This  work  was  after- 
wards interpolated  by  way  of  fitting  it 
for  use  in  various  countries,  and  thus 
was  formed  the  book,'  Contra  Walden- 
ses,'in  Bibl.  Patr.  xxv., — a  South-Ger- 
man adaptation.  See  Qu^tif,  i.  154  ; 
Maitland,  '  Facts  and  Doc'  431-7,  538  ; 
Letter  to  Rose,  1834,  p.  41  ;  Reply  to 
J.  King,  1836,  pp.  29-30 ;  Giesel.  II. 


Chap.  XII. 


CATHARI. 


305 


have  already  come  before  us  in  the  early  part  of  the 
eleventh  century.^  But  whereas  those  appearances,  how- 
ever similar  to  each  other,  seem  to  have  been  isolated, 
we  now  find  in  the  heretics  a  knowledge  of  their  own 
numbers  and  of  the  wide  extent  of  their  communion, 
with  a  formidable  system  of  organization.  The  con- 
nexion with  the  East  becomes  more  distinct,  and  the 
oriental  tone  of  their  doctrine  is  too  plain  to  be  mis- 
taken.^ 

Of  the  names  by  which  these  sectaries  were  known, 
the  commonest  was  that  of  Cathari  (in  Italian,  Gazzari^ 
and  in  German,  Kctzer),  as  to  which,  although  other 
derivations  have  been  proposed  for  it,  there  appears  to 
be  no  reason  for  doubting  that  it  is  of  Greek  origin,  and 
relates  to  their  profession  of  purity.^  Among  their  other 
names  were — Publicani  or  Poplicani,  which  seems  to 
point  to  a  connexion   with  the  Paulicians  ;^  Patarini^  a 


ii.  613 ;  C.  Schmidt,  Hist,  des  Cath. 
ii.  227,  and  in  Herzog,  Encycl.  art. 
Rcinerio  SaccJioni. 

Stephen  de  Borbone.  Of  this  writer 
only  extracts  have  as  yet  been  printed 
by  D'Argentre,  i.  85,  seqq.,  and  else- 
where. 

Yvonet.  This  has  been  supposed  to 
be  the  name  of  the  author  of  the  '  Trac- 
tatus  de  Haeresi  Pauperum  de  Lug- 
duno,'  in  Martene,  Thes.  v.  1777,  seqq. 
(Gieseler,  II.  ii.  613.)  But  it  is  now 
said  to  be  the  work  of  David  of  Augs- 
burg, a  Franciscan  who  lived  early  in 
the  13th  century.  See  Herzog,  art. 
Yvonetus. 

Eymeric,  a  Dominican  of  Catalonia 
(a.d.  1320-1399),  'Directorium  Inquisi- 
torum,'  Venice,  1707. 

^  Vol.  iv.  pp.  117,  seqq.  Map  sup- 
poses the  heretics  to  have  existed  in 
obscurity  even  from  the  time  of  the 
Saviour's  passion  I  De  Nugte  Curia- 
lium,  6i. 

*  Neand.  viii.  296 ;  C.  Schmidt,  i. 
54-5.     In  1224,  184  heretics  were  burnt 

VOL.  V. 


at  Provins,  "  qui,  ut  ipsi  confessi  fue- 
rant,  ex  eorum  progenie  erant  quos 
imperator  Theodosius  temporibus  Au- 
gustini  de  Africa  expulerat,  qui  etiam 
de  secta  Manichaeorum  fuisse  credun- 
tur."  Annal.  Erphord.  in  Pertz,  xvi. 
33.     See  above,  vol.  iii.  p.  66. 

•>  See  Ricchini,  Dissert,  in  Monet, 
xii.  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  539;  C.  Schmidt, 
ii.  271,  276-8  ;  Append,  vi.  Alan  gives 
various  etymologies,  e.g.,  "A  catto, 
quia,  ut  dicitur,  osculantur  posteriora 
catti,  in  cujus  specie,  ut  dicunt,  apparet 
eis  Lucifer."  (Contra  Haereticos,  i. 
63,  Patrol.  OCX.)  Gretser  also  derives 
the  name  from  the  German  Kater,  but 
would  explain  it  by  the  stealthy  and 
cat-like  habits  of  the  sectaries  (Bibl. 
Patr.  XXV.  253).  Mosheim's  idea  (Ch. 
Hist.  ii.  392  ;  Ketzergesch.  i.  367)  that 
it  points  to  a  connection  with  the 
country  of  the  Chazars,  is  unsupported 
by  historical  evidence.  SchrQckh, 
xxiii.  351-2  ;  Gieseler,  1.  c. 

"  Hahn  derives  this  name  from  popu- 
lus  (i.  51).  A  passage  in  the  '  History 
20 


3o6 


HERESY. 


Book  VI. 


name  which,  from  having  belonged  to  the  opponents  of 
clerical  marriage  at  Milan  in  the  preceding  century,  was 
now  transferred  to  parties  which  disparaged  all  marriage, 
or  perhaps  had  come  to  be  used,  in  forgetfulness  ot 
its  origin,  as  a  convenient  designation  for  sectaries  ;  ^ 
Apostolici,  from  their  pretension  to  an  apostolical  manner 
of  life  ',^  Bonsho7iimes,  a  name  which  was  affected  by 
themselves  and  bestowed  on  them  by  those  who  favoured 
them;^  Bidgari  or  Boiigres,  which  connects  them  with 
Bulgaria,  but  came  to  bear  a  meaning  of  the  most  odious 
kinds  In  Flanders  they  were  styled  Piphles,  as  belong- 
ing to  the  "  people  "  or  poorer  classes ;  ^  in  the  south  of 
France,  Tisseraiids^  because  many  of  them  were  weavers  ; ' 


of  Vezelay  '  seems  to  hint  at  a  deriva- 
tion, by  styling  them  "  Telonarii  seu 
PoplicanI "  (Patrol,  cxciv.  1681)— reXaJ- 
vjjs  meaning  apublican.  But  Telonarii 
is  a  conjecture  of  Baluze  for  Deonarii, 
and  seems  to  be  mistaken,  since  we 
find  Herbert  of  Bosham  writing  to  the 
abbot  of  Vezelay  about  some  heretics 
who  had  been  found  there,  and  were 
called  "Dageneis  seu  Deonas"  (Ep. 
29,  Patrol,  cxc.  1462.  Perhaps  these 
names  may  be  connected  with  Du- 
gunthia  or  Dugunithia  (see  below,  p. 
311,  n.  *).  The  derivation  given  in  the 
text  seems  to  be  the  most  likely, 
especially  when  the  Greek  pronuncia- 
tion of  the  V  in  IlavXtKiayot  (like  v)  is 
considered  See  Maitland,  'Eight 
Essays,'  171-2  (Lond.  1852)  ;  Neand. 
viii.  296. 

•*  See  vol.  iv.  pp.  251-2 ;  RicchinI,  in 
Monet.  18  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  540.  As 
applied  to  the  cathari,  this  name  has 
been  derived  from  pati,  either  on  ac- 
count of  their  exposure  to  suffering,  or 
from  their  alleged  indulgence  of  their 
passions  (Mapes,  de  Nugis  Curialium, 
62).  "Patarenos  se  nominant,  quasi 
expositos  passioni,"  says  the  emperor 
Frederick  II.,  in  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  327. 
The  Anchin  chronicler  (Patrol,  clx. 
32o)says,  "  Isti  ha;retici  nuUius haeresi- 


archse  muniuntur  prassidio;  quidam 
dicunt  Manichaeos,  alii  Cataphrygas, 
nonnuUi  vero  Arrianos,  Alexander 
autem  papa  vocat  eos  Paternios  "  (Pa- 
terinos).  Dr.  Maitland  observes  that 
the  earliest  form  of  the  word,  as  ap- 
plied to  these  sectaries  (e.g:,  by  Reiner 
and  by  the  council  of  Lateran  in  11 79), 
is  Patrini,  and  supposes  that  they  may 
have  been  called  godfathers  by  the 
converts,  whom  they  rebaptized  (447). 
Allix  utterly  misrepresents  the  Mi- 
lanese patarini  as  having  been  the 
enemies  of  celibacy  (133). 

«  Neander's  Bernard,  412. 

'  Hoveden,  317,  b;  Hahn,  i.  55  ; 
Pet.  Sarn.  4.  Another  name  '\%  Ah- 
noiicB  (Reiner.  Leod.  in  Pertz,  xvi. 
663),  possibly  a  corruption  of  Agno'etce 
(see  vol.  ii.  p.  286). 

8  Ricchini,  xvii. ;  Gibbon,  v.  284. 

**  Cone.  Rem.  a.d.  1157,  c.  i.  "De 
Piphilis  ; "  Eckbert.  Serm.  i.  adv.  Ca- 
tharos,  Patrol,  cxcv.  13  ;  Hahn,  i.  51. 

'  Cone.  Rem.  1.  c.  ;  Eckbert,  1.  c. 
This  class  was  much  given  to  secta- 
rianism. It  is  said  that  Bernard, 
on  his  mission  against  the  Henricians, 
found  at  Toulouse  "  de  textoribus  quo} 
Arianos  ipsi  nominant,  nonnullos' 
(Gaufrid.  in  Patrol,  clxxv.  411).  Th^ 
the    cathari    were    sometimes    called 


Chap.  XII. 


CATHARI. 


307 


some  of  them  were  called  after  the  names  of  leaders, 
as  the  Arjioldisfs,  who  were  probably  connected  with 
an  ''arch-catharist"  of  Cologne  named  Arnold;^  while 
other  names  were  derived  from  places — such  as  that  of 
Agenenses}  and,  at  a  later  time,  the  more  celebrated 
Yid^cnQ  Q>i  Albigensesy"^   ^ 

Sectaries '^wRo  may  be  identified  with  the  cathari 
appear  during  this  time  in  many  quarters  —  at  Co- 
logne "  and  Bonn,°  at  Reims  p  and  Toul,^  at  Liege,"*  Ar- 


Arians,  see  Chron.  Aquicinct.  quoted 
above,  n.  **  ;  Hoveden,  327  ;  and  Ber- 
nard himself  says,  "  Clerici  et  sacer- 
dotes,  populis  ecclesiisque  relictis, 
intonsi  et  barbati  inter  te.xtores  et 
textrices  plerumque  invent!  sunt."  In 
Cantica,  Serm.  Ixv.  5. 

■^  Eckbert.  Serm.  viii.  3 ;  Caesar. 
Heisterb.  v.  19.  See  Maitland,  '  Facts 
and  Documents,'  447,  and  C.  Schmidt, 
art.  Amoldiste7i,  in  Herzog.  The 
Amoldists  mentioned  by  Bonacorsi 
(791),  do  not  seem  to  have  been  Mani- 
chaeans,  and  may  have  been  followers 
of  Arnold  of  Brescia, 

'  Rob.  de  Monte,  a.d.  1178.  Ra- 
dulphus  Ardens,  in  iioi,  mentions  the 
prevalence  of  Manichsean  error  about 
Agen,  and  gives  the  chief  heads  of  the 
errors.  (Hom.  in  Epp.  et  Evang. 
Dominic.  19,  Patrol,  civ.  201 1.)  Reiner 
says  that  in  his  time  the  heretical 
church  of  Agen  was  almost  extinct. 
Mart.  Thes.  v.  1768. 

™  Roger  Wendover  supposes  this 
name  to  have  been  taken  from  the  city 
of  Albi,  as  having  been  the  first  place 
where  these  heretics  were  condemned 
(ii.  267).  But  it  was  really  derived 
from  the  district  of  the  Albigeois,  and 
was  first  applied  by  foreign  soldiers,  in 
the  campaign  of  1208,  to  those  who 
until  then  had  been  styled  simply 
"  heretics  "  (Pet.  Sarn.  Prolog,  s.  fin.  ; 
Hist.  Langued.  iii.  4,  533-5  ;  Schruckh, 
xxix.  569-72  ;  notes  on  Mosh.  ii.  392, 
610  ;  Maitland,  '  Facts  and  Doc'  95-6  ; 
Giesel.    II.   ii.   584;     Hahn,   i.    153). 


Odo  de  Sully,  bishop  of  Paris  in  1196, 
orders  his  clergy  to  warn  their  people 
"ut  in  Albigenses  haereticos  se  ac- 
cingant"  (Praecepta  Synodalia,  43, 
Patrol,  ccxii.  67).  Dr.  Maitland  sup- 
poses this  language  to  be  of  a  later 
date  (184) ;  but  the  difficulty  will  dis- 
appear if  we  understand  the  words  to 
mean  the  heretics  0/ the  Albigeois,  not 
the  heretics  styled  Albigenses ;  and 
the  same  explanation  will  apply  to  the 
words  of  Godfrey  of  Vigeois(Vosiensis). 
who  uses  the  name  with  reference  to 
the  year  uSi.     Hist.  Lang.  iii.  57. 

"  Annal.  Braunweiler.  a.d.  1143 
(Pertz,  xvi.) ;  Everwin,  in  Patrol, 
clxxxii.  676 ;  Caesar.  Heisterb.  v.  19, 
24;  Annal.  Aquens.  a.d.  i  163  (Pertz, 
xvi.);  Eckbert.  in  Patrol,  cxcv.  13; 
Annal.  Colon,  a.d.  1163  (Pertz,  xvii.). 

<*  Eckbert.  Serm.  viii.  3. 

P  Chron.  Burburgen.  a.d.  1136  (Pa- 
trol, clx.)  ;  Cone.  Rem.  a.d.  1157,  c. 
I  in  Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  vii.  74; 
Eckbert.  in  Patrol,  cxciv.,  Serm.  i.  2  ; 
V.  II  ;  viii.  3  ;  xi.  1-8.  Ralph  of  Cog- 
geshalle  tells  a  story  of  an  old  woman 
at  Reims,  who  threw  a  ball  of  thread 
from  a  window,  holding  the  end  of  the 
thread,  and  crying  "  Accipe  !  "  where- 
upon she  was  raised  into  the  air  and 
vanished,  while  her  less  instructed 
disciple  remained  below  and  was 
burnt.     Bouq.  xviii.  92. 

1  Hugo  Metellus,  cited  from  MS. 
by  Mabillon,   Analecta,  475 ;    Hahn, 

i-  453- 

"■  Annal.  Rodenses,  A.D.  1139 (Pertz. 


3o8  PREVALENCE   OF    CATHARISM.  Book  VI. 

ras,^  and  other  places  in  Flanders  ;^  at  Soissons,"  at  Auxerre 
(where  a  bishop  named  Hugh  was  styled  the  "hammer 
of  the  heretics  "^),  and  at  Vezelay^^  at  Besan9on,==  and 
perhaps  at  Perigueux  (although  the  Manichaeism  of  the 
sectaries  there  is  somewhat  doubtful).*  An  Enghsh 
writer  of  the  time  describes  them  as  numerous  in  Anjou, 
but  as  swarming  in  Burgundy  and  Aquitaine.^  Spain 
was  also  infested  by  them;^  and  in  England  itself  a 
party  of  about  thirty  "  Publicans " <^  was  discovered 
at  Oxford  about  1160.  They  were  all  Germans  except 
a  female  English  convert,  who  afterwards  recanted  ;  and 
all  are  described  as  utterly  illiterate,  with  the  exception 
of  their  leader,  one  Gerard.  These  sectaries  were  ex- 
amined by  a  council  held  at  Oxford,  in  the  presence  of 
Henry  H.,  who  was  especially  desirous  at  that  time  to 
give  the  exiled  primate's  party  no  pretext  for  represent- 
ing him  as  favourable  to  heresy.  By  the  king's  command 
they  were  branded  in   the  face,  severely  flogged,  and 

xvi.)  ,  Ep.  4,  ad  Lucium  i.  II.  (Patrol.  '  Caesar.  Heisterb.  v.  i8.     Gieseler 

clxxix.),  where  the  heresy  is  said  to  dates  this  in  1200  (II.  ii.  542)  ;  but  C. 

have   come   "a  Monte  Guimari,  quo  Schmidt's  date  is  about  1163.  (i.  89-90.) 

nomine  quidam  vicus  in  Francia  did-  *  For  the   Perigueux  sectaries  the 

tur,"  which  is  supposed  by  Martene  authority  is  a  letter  of  a  monk  named 

to  be  Monteiimar,  but  may  rather  be  Herbert,  in  Patrol,  clxxxi.  172.     Their 

identified     with     Mont-Vimer,     near  Manichaeism   is   denied    by   Neander 

Vertus,  in  Champagne,  which  was  the  (viii.  36),  and  Mabillon  supposes  them 

centre  of   Catharism  in  that   region.  followers  of  Henry  and  Peter  of  Bruis 

See  Martin,  iv.  160-1.  (Prsef.  in  Bern.,    Patrol,  clxxxii.  51). 

»  Eugen.  III.,  Ep.  560  (a.d.  1153);  On  the  other  side  are  Gieseler  (II.  ii. 

Chron.  Aquicinct.  A. D.  1182-3  (Patrol.  541)  and   Hahn  (i.    453).      It  is  sus- 

clx.)  ;  C.  Schmidt,  i.  92-3.  picious  that,  according  to  some  copies 

'  Ludov.  VII.  ad  Alex.  III.,  Patrol.  of  Ademar  (Patrol,  cxli.  71),  the  Mani- 

cc.    1376  ;    Alex.    Ep.    182  ;    Will,    de  chseism  which  appeared  at  Orleans  in 

Nangis,  a.d.   1183  :  Rigord.   in  Bouq.  1122    (see   voh    i.    118)    was    brought 

xviii.  11,  from  Perigueux  ;  and,  if  nothing  dis- 

"  Guibert.   Novig.  de  Vita  sua,  iii.  tinctly   Manichasan    appears   in   Her- 

17  (Patrol,  clvi.).  bert's  account  of  the  later  sectaries  at 

'^  "  Hsereticorum   malleus."      Hist.  Perigueux,  it  is  possible  that  he  may 

Epp.  Anti.ssiod.   in  Bouq.  xviii.  726  ;  not  have  got   to  the  bottom  of  their 

Innoc.  III.  Ep.  v,  36,  doctrines. 

y  A.D.  1167,   Hist.  Vizeliac  1.  4,  fin  •>  W.  Mapes,  de  Nugis   Curialium, 

(Patrol,  cxciv.) ;  Herb.  Bosham.  Ep.  €2.                    "  W.  Neubrig,  ii,  13, 

29  (ib,  cxc).  ^  Map  says  sixteen.     62. 


Chap.  XII.  PUNISHMENT   OF    HERESY.  309 

driven  out  of  the  town  ;®  after  which,  according  to  some 
writers,  they  perished  in  the  fields  by  cold  and  hunger, 
as  the  people  would  hold  no  communication  with  them/ 
while  other  authorities  tell  us  that  they  were  sent  across 
the  sea.  8 

In  the  treatment  of  such  persons  in  general,  the  king 
of  England  is  honourably  distinguished  from  most  of  his 
contemporaries;  for  we  are  told  that  "while  the  Publicans 
were  burnt  in  many  places  throughout  France,  king 
Henry  would  by  no  means  allow  this  in  his  dominions, 
although  there  were  many  of  them  there  ;  "  and  it  would 
seem  that  even  warnings  and  calamities,  which  were 
represented  as  miraculous,  were  unable  to  change  his 
policy  in  this  respect.^  In  most  places  where  heretics 
were  found,  they  were  committed  to  the  flames  under 
the  authority  of  bishops  and  princes,  or  by  the  violence 
of  the  multitude,  and  it  is  generally  related  that  they 
bore  their  fate  with  a  courage,  and  even  with  an  appear- 
ance of  exultation,  which  were  traced  to  demoniacal 
influence.  Yet  there  were  eminent  teachers  who  took 
a  truer  view  of  the  manner  in  which  error  should  be 
dealt  with,  and  among  these  Bernard  was  conspicuous. 
In  II 46  he  received  from  Everwin,  provost  of  Steinfeld, 

«  R.   Coggesh.    in    Bouq.    xvii.    92.  and  Mem.)  It  is  said  tliat  each  of  them 

From  William  of  Newburgh  it  would  "  perdi   le   un   pee"  [i.e.    pied],    21S. 

bcem  as   if  the  date  were  1160  ;   but  There  is  a  letter  of  later  date  from 

R,  de  Diceto  is  probably  right  (Twysd.  Peter  of  Blois  to  Geoffrey  Plantagenet, 

539)  in  placing  it  in  1 166.    SeeWilkins,  archbishop     of    York,     exciting    him 

i.  438  ;  Stubbs,  Introd.  to  Hoveden,  ii.  against  heretics  in  his  province  ;   but 

p.  liv.  there  is  nothing  distinctive  in  the  de- 

*■  W.  Neubrig.  ii.  13  (who  says  that  scription  of  them.     Ep.  113. 

this  was  the  first  heresy  that  had  ap-  ^  R.    Hoved.    352,  l>.    Prof.   Stubbs 

peared  in  Britain  since  the  Pelagianism  supposes  Henry's  continental  dominions 

of  early  times,  and  highly  approves  of  to  be  meant  (Introd.  to  Hoved.  ii.  p. 

the  treatment  of  the  heretics)  ;  Brom-  Hv.).     Hoveden  tells  a  story  of  a  mys- 

ton,  1050.  tcrious  warning   conveyed   through   a 

6  R.  de  Diceto,    539;   Mapes,   62;  servant  of  abbot  Eust.ice  of  Fl.ai,  and 

Hemingburgh,  i.  88-9.     See  Lingard,  of  the  deaths  of  two  of  the  king's  sons 

li.  227  ;   C.  Schmidt,  i.  97-8.     In  the  which  followed. 
'Livere  des  Reis  de  Brittaine'  (Chron. 


310  BERNARD    ON    TREATMENT   OF    HERESY.        Book  VI. 

an  account  of  some  sectaries  at  Cologne,  who  were 
divided  into  two  parties  —  the  one  unquestionably 
Manichsean,  while  the  other  seems  to  have  been  nearly 
akin  to  the  Petrobrusians  and  Henricians.i  It  was 
through  the  dissensions  of  these  parties  among  them- 
selves that  they  had  been  discovered ;  some  of  them, 
after  a  discussion  with  the  clergy,  had  been  hurried 
away  and  burnt  by  the  mob ;  and  Everwin  expresses 
his  regret  for  this  violence,  and  asks  Bernard  to  furnish 
him  with  arguments  and  authorities  against  the  errors 
which  he  reports  to  him.^  In  consequence  of  this 
application,  Bernard  composed  two  sermons  on  the  text, 
"Take  us  the  foxes,  the  little  foxes,  that  spoil  the 
vines." ^  In  these  sermons  he  argues  zealously  against 
the  sectaries,  and  strongly  denounces  their  peculiarities. 
But  as  to  the  right  manner  of  dealing  with  them,  his 
opinion  is  decidedly  against  persecution  and  bloodshed. 
"They  are  to  be  taken,"  he  says,  "not  with  arms  but 
with  arguments ;  and,  if  possible,  they  are  to  be  recon- 
ciled to  the  Catholic  church,  and  recalled  to  the  true 
faith.  And  that  this  is  the  will  of  Him  who  '  will  have 
all  men  to  be  saved,  and  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  truth,'  appears  from  its  being  said,  not  simply,  'Take 
the  foxes,'  but  '  Take  us  the  foxes.'  He  commands  that 
they  be  gained  for  Himself  and  for  his  spouse,  the 
church."  The  utmost  that  Bernard  would  sanction 
is  that  obstinate  heretics  should  be  driven  away  or 
imprisoned,  rather  than  that  they  should  destroy  the 
spiritual  vines.™     In  like  manner,  St.  Hildegard,  while 

'  SeeGieseler,  Il.ii.  545;  Neander's  to  Samson's  foxes  was  not  ictt  for  the 

Bernard,  419,  420;  cf.  Eckbert.  Serm.  author  of  '  Foxes  and  Firsbrands'  in 

V.  II.     Mabillon  supposes  some  of  the  the  17th  century,  but  is  often  founds 

Cologne  sectaries  to   have  been  fol-  e.s'.,  in  Reinerius,  c.  4 ,  Immbert.  de 

lowers  of  Tanchclm,  Prsef.  in  Bern.  51.  Romanis,  de  Erudit.  Praid  ;€atorum,  i. 

^  Ap.  Bern.  Ep.  472.  31  (Bibl.  Patr.  xxv.). 

'  Cantic.  ii.  15  ;  Bern.  Scrm.  in  Can-  ">  Serm.  Ixiv.  8  in  Canti(«. 

tica,  65-6.    The  comparison  of  sectaries 


Chap.  XII.  CATHARTSM    IN    ITALY,    ETC.  3 1  1 

she  everywhere  expresses  a  strong  detestation  of  heretics," 
and  exhorts  the  secular  authorities  to  drive  them  away 
by  confiscation  and  banishment,  adds  that  they  ought 
not  to  be  slain,  "forasmuch  as  they  are  God's  image."'' 
And  Peter  the  Chanter  of  Paris,  in  the  end  of  the  century, 
condemns  both  capital  punishment  of  heretics  and  the 
use  of  ordeals  for  their  trial. p 

In  Italy  the  cathari  were  to  be  found  even  as  far 
south  as  Calabria.1  But  they  were  especially  numerous 
m  Lombardy,  where  the  heretics  of  Monteforte  had 
appeared  at  an  earlier  time,''  and  from  the  days  of 
Ariald  and  Herlembald  there  had  been  a  strong  feeling 
against  the  clergy;  and  there  they  are  described  as 
abounding  in  cities  and  in  suburbs,  in  villages  and  in 
castles,  and  as  teaching  publicly  without  fear  or  hin- 
drance.^ The  sectaries  of  Lombardy  were  divided  into 
parties* — those  of  Concorrezzo  and  of  Albano  mutually 
excommunicating  each  other  ;  but  with  this  exception 
it  is  said  that  their  congregations  were  everywhere  in 
communion."  Of  these  "churches"  sixteen  are  enume- 
rated— in  Italy  and  France,  in  Slavonia,  at  Constanti- 
nople (where  there  were  one  of  Latins  and  one  of 
Greeks),  and  elsewhere  in  the  east ;  and  it  is  said  that 
all  the  rest  were  derived  from  those  of  Bulgaria  and 
Dugunthia.''  The  writer  who  gives  this  information 
reckons  the  whole   number  of  the  sect,  including  both 

n  E.g.,  Ep.  48,  coll.  250-3  (Patrol.  '  See  vol.  iv.  p.  123 

cxcvii.)t            °  Ep.  47,  coll.  232-3.  »  Bonacurs.,  in  Dachery,  i.  209  (or 

p  Verbum    Abbrev.    c.    78  (Patrol.  Patrol,  cciv.) ;  Caesar.  Heisterb.  v.  24. 

ccv.    229-30).      Alan  quotes    as   from  '  See    Reiner.    Summa,    1768 :    C. 

St.  Augustine  (?)  an  interpretation  of  Schmidt,  ii.  52-6. 

David's  concubines  (II  Sam.  xvi.  22  ;  "Reiner.  Summa,  1773-4.  See 
XX.  3)  as  meaning  heretics,  and  infers  Hefele,  v.  734:  Lib.  Sentent.  13-14. 
that  these  are  to  be  reduced  to  the  "^  Kein.  Summa,  1767 ;  see  C. 
church  by  imprisonment,  words,  and  Schmidt,  ii.  266.  Dugunth.a,  else- 
blows,  but  are  not  to  be  slain.  Contra  where  styled  Dntguria,  is  identified 
Haeretlcos,  ii.  20  (Patrol,  ccx.).  by   Gieseler  with  rragiiriuin-Trzu, 

q  Reiner.  Summa,  in  Martene,  The-  in  Dalmatia,  II.  ii.  552.      See  above. 

taur.  V.  1761 ;  C.  Schmidt,  i.  62-4.  p.  306,  n.«. 


312  CATHARISM  Book  VI. 

sexes,  at  less  than  four  thousand ;  but  it  would  seem 
that  this  estimate  was  meant  to  exclude  all  but  the 
"  perfect "  or  highest  grade  of  them/ 

But  the  chief  stronghold  of  these  sectaries  was  in  the 
south  of  France,  where  circumstances  were  very  favour- 
able to  the  spreading  of  their  opinions.  The  population 
of  this  territory  were  widely  different  from  the  northern 
French,  to  whom  their  dialect,  the  langue  d'oc,  was  even 
unintelligible.  Toulouse,  the  capital,  was  the  ancient 
seat  of  the  Arian  Gothic  monarchy,  and  heresy  is  said  to 
have  always  lingered  in  the  region.^  The  nobles  were 
remarkable  for  their  gay  and  luxurious  manner  of  life, 
and  among  them  was  cultivated  a  vernacular  poetry  of 
love  and  chivalry,  strongly  tinged  with  licentiousness, 
and  unsparing  in  its  satire  against  the  clergy,  who  had 
fallen  into  tastes  and  habits  too  strongly  resembling  their 
own.^  The  citizens  had  been  enriched  by  commerce, 
and  had  achieved  for  themselves  a  degree  of  political 
freedom  which  was  elsewhere  unknown.^  The  tone  of 
thought  and  feeling  was  independent ;  Peter  of  Bruis  and 
Henry  had  found  an  eager  reception  among  the  people, 
and  had  paved  the  way  for  other  teaching  hostile  to  the 
church.^  To  the  more  serious,  the  heresy  was  com- 
mended by  its  professions  of  austerity;  to  those  of 
opposite  character,  by  its  enmity  to  the  clergy,  and  by 
the  indulgence  which  it  allowed  to  such  of  its  converts. 


y  Rein.  Summa,  1768.     In  Gretser's  MA.  ii.  194. 

text,   after  the   number  4000,  follows  *•  Hist,    de    Langued.    ii.    515  ;    C. 

"  sed  credentes  [i  e.  the  lower  grade]  Schmidt,  i.  67-9. 

innumeri."     Giesel.  II.  ii.  629.  "=  Hahn,  i.  152  ;  Fauriel.  Introd.  to 

*  P.  Sam.  I ;  C.  Schmidt,  i.  24-6  ;  the  poem  of  the  '  Croisade  centre  les 
Hahn,  i.  47,  150.  See  Bouquet,  xii.  Albigeois,'  Iv.-lx.  The  authoi  of  this 
449,  and  a  letter  in  vol.  xiv.,  '  De  pro-  poem  (who  will  be  often  cited  in  a 
fugandisTolosanishsereticis.'  future  chapter)  treats  the   struggle  of 

•  Hurler,  ii.  272-3  ;  SIsmondi,  Hist.  the  southern  against  the  northern 
Fr.vi.  250-5  ;Litt.  du  Midi  del'Europe,  French  as  one  of  civilization  against 
192,  207  ;  Neander,  viii.  351  ;  Martin,  barbarism.     Cf.  Sism.  vi.  249-50. 

vi.  16-17  ;  C.  Schmidt,  i.  67  ;  Hallam, 


Chap.  XII.  a.d.  1100-67.       IN    SOUTHERN    FRANCE.  313 

as  had  not  yet  taken  on  themselves  the  obligations  of 
its  highest  grade. ^  We  have  already  seen  that  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  eleventh  century  some  Manichaeans  were 
discovered  and  put  to  death  at  Toulouse.^  The  re- 
newed progress  of  heresy  in  the  same  region  had  been 
noticed  and  denounced  as  early  as  the  year  1119,  when 
Calixtus  II.  held  a  council  at  that  city ;  ^  and  the 
denunciation  had  been  repeated  by  the  Lateran  council 
of  1 139,  by  the  council  of  Reims  in  1148,  and  by  that 
of  Tours  in  11 63 — all  held  under  the  presidency  of 
popes.^  In  1 165  a  conference  took  place  between  some 
bishops  and  some  of  the  "good  men"  (as  they  styled 
themselves)  at  Lombers,  a  little  town  near  Albi ;  ^  where 
the  sectaries  behaved  with  all  the  consciousness  of 
strength,  defied  the  sentence  which  was  passed  against 
their  opinions,  and  were  allowed  to  depart  without  any 
attempt  to  extend  it  to  their  persons.'  Some  years 
later,    we   read   of  a   council   held    by  the    ^  ^  ^.^ 

'  -^  A.D.    1 107. 

heretics  themselves  at  St.  Felix  de  Cara- 
man,  near  Toulouse,  under  the  presidency  of  a  per- 
sonage styled  "  Pope  Niquinta," — a  name  which  has 
been  identified  with  that  of  one  Nicetas,  who  is  said  by 
a  writer  of  the  time  to  have  come  from  Constantinople 
into  Lombardy.^  A  vast  multitude  of  both  sexes 
flocked  to  receive  from  this  chief  the  mystical  rite  which 
was  styled  consolamentuin.  Representatives  of  several 
catharist  churches  appeared ;  bishops  were  chosen  and 

^  C.  Schmidt,  1.  c.  '  Hard.  vi.  1643-52 ;  Hoveden,  317- 

«  Vol.  iv.  p.  123.  20  ;   C.  Schmidt,   i.    71-3  ;   Maitland, 

*"  Cone.  Tolos.  c.  3,  Hard.  vi.  1978  ;  139.     Hoveden,  by  giving  this  under 

Maitland,  90.  the  year  1176,  has  misled  some  writers. 

E  Cone.  Lat.  c.  23  ;  Cone.  Rem.  e.  See    Hist,    de    Lant^ued.    iii.    535-7  ; 

18;  Cone.  Turon.  c.  4.     See  Pagi,  xi.v.  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  552;  Hefele,  v.  571; 

203.  Stubbs,  Introd.    to   Hoved.  ii.  p.  xx. 

''  Bossuet,    Pagi,   and  others,    have  and  notes,  pp.  106-7. 

confounded   this  with  Lombez,  after-  "^    See     Gieseler,     II.     ii.    551 ;    C. 

wards    an    episcopal    see.      Hist,    de  Schmidt,  i.  73. 

Langued.  iii.  537. 


314  CATHARISM  Book  VI. 

ordained  for  these  communities;  and,  with  a  -view  to  the 
preservation  of  harmony  among  the  sectaries,  Niquinta 
told  them  that  all  churches  were,  like  the  seven  churches 
of  Asia,  originally  independent  of  each  other;  that 
such  was  still  the  case  with  their  brethren  of  Bulgaria, 
Dalmatia,  and  the  east ;  and  he  charged  them  to  do  in 
like  manner.^ 

In  1 1 77  Raymond  V.,  count  of  Toulouse,  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  abbot  of  Citeaux  and  his  chapter,  requesting 
the  assistance  of  the  order  against  the  heretics  by  whom 
his  dominions  were  infested.'"  About  the  same  time  the 
kings  of  France  and  England — probably  at  the  count's 
instance  ° — concerted  measures  for  the  suppression  of 
the  heresy ;  and  at  their  request  Peter,  cardinal  of  St. 
Chrysogonus,  Henry,  abbot  of  Clairvaux,  Guarin,  arch- 
bishop of  Bourges,  Reginald,  bishop  of  Bath,  John, 
bishop  of  Poitiers,  and  others  undertook  a  mission  into 
the  affected  country.^  These  commissioners  describe 
the  heresy  as  triumphant,  not  only  among  the  people 
but  among  the  clergy.  On  entering  Toulouse  they  were 
hooted,  and  were  reviled  as  hypocrites  and  heretics.? 
They  disputed  with  two  leaders  of  the  cathari,  who 
disavowed  the  chief  errors  which  were  laid  to  their 
charge,  and  denied  that  they  had  ever  taught  so.  But 
count  Raymond  and  others  deposed  that  they  had 
often  heard  them  vent  those  doctrines,  and,  as  they 
refused  to  abjure,  on  the  ground  that  oaths  were  un- 
lawful, they  were  solemnly  excommunicated.^  The 
chief  supporter  of  the  heresy  at  Toulouse,  an  old  man 
of  great  wealth  and  powerful  connexions,  named  Peter 
Moran,   who  is     said   to    have   been    styled   John   the 

'  Bouq.  xiv.  448-9.  541-2.     The  letters  of  Peter  and  Henry 

»"  Gervas.  Dorob.  in  Twysden,  1441.  are  g  yen  by  Hoveden  ;  also  in  Patrol. 

"  Hist,  de  Langued.  iii.  47.  cxci  :.  1121,  cciv.  235. 
»  R.  de  Monte,  Patrol,  clx.  527 ;  R.  p  Henr.  1.  c. 

Hoveden,  327  ,  Hist.  Langued.  iii.  47,  '    Pet.  S.  Chrysog.  1.  c. 


Chap.  XII.    a.d.  1167-94.      in    SOUTHERN    FRANCE.  315 

Evangelist,  abjured  his  errors,  and  was  punished  by 
being  repeatedly  flogged,  amerced  in  all  his  property, 
and  sent  on  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land.'"  Roger, 
viscount  of  Beziers,  on  being  summoned  to  expel  the 
heretics,  and  to  procure  the  release  of  the  bishop  of  Albi, 
who  was  in  their  hands,  withdrew  into  an  inaccessible 
part  of  his  territories.  He  was  therefore  denounced 
excommunicate  in  the  name  of  the  pope,  and  was 
defied  in  feudal  form  on  the  part  of  the  two  kings. « 
Many  of  the  sectaries  were  brought  to  an  abjuration  ; 
but  this  was  in  some  cases  only  evasive  and  insincere,* 
and  the  mission  is  described  by  a  contemporary  as 
having  had  little  success." 

In  1 1 79  the  council  of  Lateran  passed  a  canon 
against  the  "  Cathari,  Patrini,  or  Publicani,"  denouncing 
all  who  should  favour  them,  and  promising  the  in- 
dulgences and  privileges  of  crusaders  to  those  who 
should  take  arms  against  them.^  In  1181  Henry  of 
Clairvaux,  who  at  the  council  had  been  created  cardinal- 
bishop  of  Albano,y  again  proceeded  into  the  south  ot 
France,  as  papal  legate.  His  preaching  was  seconded, 
not  only  by  miracles  in  refutation  of  the  heretical 
opinions  as  to  the  eucharist,='  but  by  an  army  which 
caused  much  devastation  and  bloodshed.  Roger  of 
Beziers  was  compelled  to  profess  that  he  would  show 
no  favour  to  heretics,  and  after  his  death,  in  1194,  an 
oath  to  the  same  effect  was  taken  by  the  guardians  of 

"  Henr.  1.  c.  ;  Ben.  Petrib.  255.  Brabangons,    Cotarelli,   etc.      These, 

»  Pet.  S.  Chrys.  1.  c. ;  Henr.  I.  c.  however,  were  merely  gangs  of  ruffians 

'  Ben.  Petrib.  256-7.  — generally  mercenary  soldiers  out  of 

"  Rob.  de  Monte  (Patrol,  clx.  527).  employment— who  had  nothing  in  com- 

^  Can.     27        Other    canons    were  mon  with  heretics  except  enmity  to 

passed  at  Narbonne  in  the  same  year  the  clergy  (Hahn,  i.  58,  go).     See  too 

(Giesel.  II.  ii.  555),  and  at  Montpellier  Mapes  de  Nugis  Curiahum,  p.  60  and 

in    1197  (Hard.    vi.  1033-6).      See  too  note. 

Coelest.  III.,   Ep.   27'  (Patrol,  ccvi.).  r  Ben.  Petrib.  515. 

With  the  cathari  the  council  of  Lateran  «  Guil.  de  Nangis,  a.d.  it8i  ;  Hist. 

classes    those    who    were    known    as  de  Langued.  iii.  56, 


3l6  DOCTRINES    OF  Book  VI. 

his  son,  Raymond  Roger.*  Lucius  III.,  in  conjunction 
with  the  emperor  Frederick,  sent  forth  from  Verona 
in  1 1 84  a  decree  against  all  heretics,  and  prescribed 
measures  for  the  suppression  of  their  errors.^  But  we 
shall  see  hereafter  that,  notwithstanding  all  the  measures 
both  of  persuasion  and  of  force  which  had  been  em- 
ployed, the  heresy  continued  to  retain  its  hold  on  the 
population  of  Languedoc.*^ 

The  leading  principle  of  these  sectaries  was  dualism ; 
but,  while  some  held  this  in  the  full  Manichaean  sense 
of  supposing  two  gods,  independent  of  and  opposed  to 
each  other,  others  held  a  modified  opinion,  nearly  re- 
sembling that  of  the  bogomiles — that  the  creator  of  evil 
was  himself  created  by  the  good  god,  and  had  fallen 
from  his  first  estate  by  rebellion.^  The  creation  of  the 
elements  was  by  some  ascribed  to  the  good  god,  and 
by  others  to  the  bad;  but  all  agreed  in  referring  the 
division  of  the  elements,  and  the  formation  of  the  world 
from  out  of  them,  to  the  bad  god ;  ^  and  from  the  imper- 
fection of  the  world — from  the  fire  which  burns  and  the 
water  which  drowns — it  was  argued  that  it  could  not  be 
the  work  of  Him  who  is  all-perfect.*  The  Son  of  God 
was  said  to  be  the  highest  angel,  and  was  held  to  be 
inferior  to  the  Father,  as  the  Holy  Ghost  to  the  Son.s 

»  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  555  ;  C.  Schmidt,  62  ;  C.  Schmidt,  ii.  12-24.     Some,  ac- 

i.  82-3.  cording  to  Peter  of  Vaux-Cernay  (c. 

•>  Ep.  171  (Patrol,  cci.).  2),  said  that   the  good  god   had   two 

<=  See  the  next  book,  c.  i.  sect.  8.  wives,  Colla  and  ColHba  (Ezek.  xxiii. 

Robert    of  Auxerre    says    that  after  i  ?) ;    but    Gieseler    (II.    ii.    559)  and 

cardinal  Henry's  mission  the  heretics  Schmidt  (ii.  13)  think   this  a  mistake 

"returned   to   their  vomit"  when  he  for  the  3^  god. 

had  left    the  country.      Bouq.    xviii.  ^  Moneta,  II.    1.    ir.     For  curious 

250.  evasions  of  the  cathari  as  to  this,  see 

•*  Moneta,  i.   i,  pp.  3,  5,  7  ;  Reiner.  1.  II.  xi. 

Summa,  1761,  1768,  1773  ;  Pet.  Sarn.  ^  Pet.  Sarn.  2  ;  Moneta.  II.  iii.   i  ; 

2 ;  Disputatio  Catholici  contra  Haere-  Bonacurs.  Praefat. ;  Schmidt,  ii.  9-10. 

ticos,  1705-7;  Ermengaud,  1-2  ;  Eck-  e  Monet.  I,  i.  p.  2  ;  III.  iii.  i,  14; 

bert,  1-4  :  Lucas  Tudens.  iii.  5  ;  Bo-  III.  v.  ,  Praef  in  Bonacurs.  ;  Reiner, 

nacurs.    Prsefat.  ;   Eberh.  de  Bethun.  Summa,   1768  ,  Neand.  viii.  301 ;  Ch. 

c.  5  ;  Neand.  viii.  297,  305  ;  Hahn,  i.  Schmidt,  ii.  34. 


Chap.  XII.  THE   CATHARI. 


317 


It  was  said  that  Adam  and  Eve  were  formed  by  the 
devil,  and  had  souls  of  light  imprisoned  within  their 
fleshly  bodies;'^  that  the  forbidden  fruit  was  carnal 
intercourse ;  and  that  Cain  was  begotten  by  the  devil.' 
The  god  of  the  Old  Testament  was  declared  to  be  cruel, 
false,  and  changeable^  The  angel  who  foretold  the 
birth  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  was  said  to  have  been  sent 
by  the  devil,  as  was  also  John  himself;  the  baptism  of 
John  was  of  the  devil,  and  whatever  was  well  spoken  by 
him  as  to  Christ,  was  spoken  without  his  will  or  under- 
standing.^ The  reality  of  the  Saviour's  incarnation  was 
denied  ™  by  the  sectaries  in  general ;  by  some  the  blessed 
Virgin  was  supposed  to  be  an  angel,  while  some  regarded 
her  as  an  allegorical  representative  of  the  church,  and 
others  supposed  her  to  have  been  born  of  a  woman 
alone,  without  any  human  father.^  The  bodily  form  of 
the  Saviour,  his  actions  and  sufferings,  were  explained  on 
the  docetic  principle  ;  °  the  gospel  miracles  were  said  to 
have  been  wrought  in  no  other  than  a  spiritual  sense — 
such  as  feeding  spiritual  hunger,  healing  the  diseases  of 
the  soul,  or  raising  from  the  death  of  sin  ;  and  in  this 
sense  the  sectaries  claimed  for  themselves  a  continuance 
of  miraculous  power,  by  virtue  of  the  Saviour's  promise-^ 

^  But  Moneta  says  that  they  sup-  rists  differed  from  the  rest  in  admitting 

posed  Adam  and   Eve  to  have   been  the  incarnation,  while   they  supposed 

God's  creatures,  but  seduced  by  the  the  Saviour  to  have  laid  aside  his  flesh 

devil.  3-4.  at  his  ascension.  III.  iii.  5,  15. 

•  Bonac.  Prsef.  208  ;  Mon.  II.  i.  2  ;  "  See  Reiner.  Summa,  1773  ;  Monet, 

vi.  I,  pp.  144-5;  I^isput.  1711,  1719-20;  I.  i.  p.  5  ;    III.  ii.  i  ;  iii,  7,  pp,  23c. 

Will,  de  Nangis,  a.d.  1183 ;  Eckbert,  v.  243  ;  C.  Schmidt,  ii.  40. 
6  ;  .\iii.  ;  Schmidt,  ii.  28-9.     Bonacur-  °  Pet.    Sarn.  2  ;  Ermeng.   7  ;  Prsef, 

sus  represents  them  as  saying  that  from  in  Bonacurs.  ;   Disput.  c.  5;   Reiner, 

the  blood  of   Cain   were   born    dogs  Summa,  1769;  Eckbert,  i.  2,  xii.  ;  C. 

(canes),  and  that  this  is  the  reason  of  Schmidt,  ii.  38  ;  Neand.  viii.  302.     On 

their  faithfulness  to  man.     208.  this  and  other  points  John  de  Lugio, 

^  Monet.  II.  vi.  2-4,  who  professed  to  be  a  reformer  of  ca- 

'  lb.  III.  i.  I  ;  IV.  i.  2,  tharism,   differed  much  from  the  main 

""  The  text,  "Woman,  what  have  I  body.     Reiner.,  1722. 
to  do  with  thee?"  was  cited  as  proving  P  Monet.  I.  i.  p.  5  ;  i.  9  ;  Luc.  Tud. 

that  He  took  nothing  of  Mary  (Monet.  iii.  2  ;  Disput.  c,  16  ;  Schmidt,  ii.  105. 
I.  i.  p.  8).     But  the  Bulgarian  catba- 


3l8  DOCTRINE    AND 


Book  VI. 


The  later  miracles  of  the  church  were  denied,*i  and 
members  of  the  sect  sometimes  threw  ridicule  on  them 
by  applying  to  some  famous  worker  of  miracles  for  the 
cure  of  a  pretended  ailment,  and  afterwards  exposing  the 
imposture/ 

The  cathari  professed  an  especial  knowledge  ot 
Scripture,^  and  a  reverence  for  it  which  excluded  ail 
deference  to  tradition,  and  to  the  authority  of  the  doc- 
tors of  the  church.  Yet,  like  many  other  sectaries  whom 
we  have  met  with,  they  regarded  Moses  as  an  organ  of 
the  devil,  and  disparaged  the  Old  Testament  in  general,^ 
although  they  made  exceptions  in  favour  of  such  parts 
of  it  as  are  quoted  in  the  New  Testament,  and  some  of 
them  seem  to  have  admitted  the  poetical  and  prophetical 
books."  They  had  vernacular  versions  of  the  Scriptures, 
and  it  is  a  significant  fact  as  to  the  origin  of  the  sect 
that  these  were  based  on  the  Greek.^  With  these,  they 
received  some  apocryphal  books,  which  were  also  of 
eastern  origin — among  them,  an  apocryphal  Gospel  of 
St.  John.y 

The  cathari  are  said  to  have  held  the  doctrine  of 
absolute  predestination,  and  to  have  been  traducianists 
in   their  opinion  as  to  the  soul.^     By  their  Manichaean 

'I  IMonet.  II.  c.  vi.  Ixv.  3  ;  Pet.  Sarn.  2  ;  Reiner.  Summa, 

»  Neand.  viii.  323.   For  other  devices  1769, 1773  ;  Moneta,  I.  i.,  p.  6  ;  viii.,  p. 

by  which  they  ridiculed  the  miracles  of  94 ;  II.  ix.  4  ;  Hahn,  i.  22  ;  Schmidt,  ii. 
saints  and  of  images,  see  Luc.  Tud.  in 

Bibl.  Patr.  xxv.  122.  244.  *  Hahn,  i.  94 ;  Schmidt,  ii.  271. 

■  The  old  woman  of  Reims  (p.  307,  y  Published  in  7'hilo's  Codex  Apo- 

note  P)  answered  all  arguments,  "  tam  cryphus  N.  Test.     See  his  remarks,  p. 

facile,   tam  memorlter,    tanquam  om-  884  ;    Neander,   viii.   279  ;    Hahn,   ii. 

nium    scripturarum    notitiam    adepta  385.     Another  of  their  books  was  the 

asset."     R.  Coggesh.   in  Bouq.   xviii.  'Ascension  of  Isaiah,' which  has  been 

92.  published  by  Archbp.  Laurence,  from 

»  Monet.   I.  i.  6  ;   II.   vi.-vii.     Mo-  the   Ethiopic  version.      See   Moneta, 

neta  argues  for  the  unity  of  Scripture,  II.  i.x.  4;   Giesel.  II.  ii.  624-5  ;  British 

including  the  Apocrypha.  Magazine,  xxii.  121. 

"  Disput.     1715-19;    Bonac.     Praef.  '  Disput.  coll.  1720,  175G-8;  Moneta. 

208 ;  Eberh.  de  Bethun.  1-3  ;  Ermen-  I.  i.  5-C  ;  II.  iv.  :  V.  xv. 
gaud,   3;  Bernard,  Serm.    n  Cantica, 


Chap.  XII.  USAGES    OF   THE    CATHARI.  319 

view  as  to  the  origin  of  all  visible  things  they  were  led 
to  deny  the  efficacy  of  Baptism  administered  with  water, 
and  the  possibility  of  any  change  in  the  eucharist.-'^ 
Christ,  they  said,  did  not  baptize  with  water,  but  with  the 
word  and  the  Holy  Spirit.^  They  also  derided  the  rite 
of  confirmation,  and  the  whole  ecclesiastical  system  of 
confession,  penance,  and  excommunication.*^  Yet  they 
had  sacraments  of  their  own,  which,  with  a  rigour  far 
exceeding  the  most  rigid  system  of  the  church,  they  de- 
clared to  be  absolutely  necessary  to  salvation ;  so  that, 
from  their  manner  of  insisting  on  rites  and  works,  their 
adversaries  took  occasion  to  charge  them  with  denying 
the  power  of  faith.*^  Of  these  sacraments,  the  chief  was 
the  coiisolamentmn,  which  they  supposed  to  be  the  true 
baptism  of  fire — the  rite  which  at  once  restored  to  each 
man  for  his  guide  the  original  heavenly  soul  which  had 
been  lost  by  the  fall,^  and  conveyed  the  gift  of  the  con- 
soling Spirit  or  Paraclete.^  The  form  of  administering 
this  began  with  the  novice's  publicly  confessing  his  sins, 
and  professing  a  desire  to  give  himself  to  God  and  the 
gospel ;  after  which  the  minister,  holding  the  Gospel  of 
St.  John  (or,  according  to  some  authorities,  the  whole 
New  Testament)  before  his  breast,  pronounced  absolution, 
laid  the  book  on  the  novice's  head,  repeating  the  Lord's 
prayer  seven   times,  and  welcomed  him  by  taking  his 

»  Eckbert  says  that  they  openly  op-  •*  Neand.  viii.  313-14.     Eberhard(c. 

posed  the  baptism  of  infants,  but  more  16)  brings  this  charge — much  to  the 

secretly   denied   all  water-baptism  (i.  annoyance  of  his  Jesuit  editor,   who 

2).     Cf.   Praef.   in  Bonacurs.   209  ;    P.  thinks  it  necessary  to  vindicate  him 

Sarn.    2  ;    Disput.    c.    8  ;    Mapes  de  from  a  possible  suspicion  of  Calvin- 

Nugis  Curial.  61  ;  Eberhard,  cc.  5,  8  ;  ism.       See   too,   Praef.   in    Bonacurs. 

Ermengaud,  11-12  ;  Eckbert,  vi.,  viii.,  209  ;    Moneta,   IV.   iv.    3  (who  cites 

xi.  ;  Monet.  IV.  i.  1-4  ;  iii.   i  ;  Hahn,  against  them  the  case  of  the  thief  on 

i.  75  ;  Schmidt,  ii.  120,  132.  the   cross)  ;    Ermengaud,  14  ;   and  as 

^  Disput.  c.  7.     For  this  they  alleged  to  the  sectaries  at  Arras,  vol.  iv.  p. 

Matth.   iii.    11 ;  Acts  i.   5 ;  John  vii.  123. 

389.  '  Monet.  I.  i.,  p.  4. 

«  P.  Sarn.  2  ;  Ermengaud,  13  ;  Wo-  '  Everwin.  in  Patrol.  clxxxiL  6-»8. 
ne:a,  Iv'.  iv.  ;  V.  v.  0-7. 


320  CATHARI.  Book  VI. 

right  hand  and  kissing  him.^  The  administration  of  this 
rite  was  not  limited  to  the  clergy  of  the  sect,  but  might, 
in  case  of  need,  be  performed  by  any  one  who  had 
received  it — even  by  women.  But  if  the  consolatnentum 
were  given  by  a  sinner,  it  was  null  ;  and,  in  order  to 
guard  in  some  degree  against  the  danger  of  its  invalidity, 
it  was  commonly  received  twice,  or  oftener.^  For  any 
grievous  sin  committed  afterwards — such  as  eating  flesh, 
cheese,  or  eggs — it  was  necessary  to  do  penance  and  to 
be  reconsoled  •}  but  as  to  the  more  venial  sins,  a  sincere 
confession  was  regarded  as  sufficient,  and  for  this  purpose 
there  was  a  solemn  monthly  confession,  styled  appareila- 
me7itiim^ 

The  other  sacraments  of  the  sect  were — Blessing  ot 
Bread  (which  was  performed  over  their  daily  food,  and  by 
which  they  supposed  themselves  to  receive  the  spiritual 
nourishment  of  the  Saviour's  body),^  Penance^  and  Ordi- 
nation.™ The  whole  ritual  system  of  the  church  was  con- 
demned ;  churches  were  said  to  be  dens  of  thieves,  church 
bells  to  be  trumpets  of  devils,  the  cross  to  be  the  mark  of 
the  beast,  the  abomination  of  desolation  standing  in  the 
holy  place. ^     Images  were  denounced,  and  it  is  said  that, 

E  Reiner.   Summa,    1764,    Append.  of  the  perfect  sinned  mortally,  as  by 

1776 ;    Ermengaud,   14  ;    P.   Sam.  2,  eating  of  flesh  or  cheese,  all  who  had 

fin.  ;  Eckbert,  viii.  2  ;  Monet.  IV.  i.  been  "consoled"  by  him  lost  the  gift, 

I.      See   Schmidt,    ii.    124-8.      Reiner  and   even  those  who  were  in  heaven 

says  that  the  sectaries  of  Albano  held  fell.     He  then  required  re-consolation, 

that  the  effect  of  this  rite  was  produced  c.  2. 

by  the  Lord's  prayer— the  hand  used  "^  Reiner.    Summa,  1764,  1766  ;    C. 

in  it  being  of  the  devil's  creation  ;  but  Schmidt,  ii.  135  ;  Hahn,  i.  79. 

that  other  parties  considered  the  hand  '  Bernard,   Serm.    in   Cantica,  Ixvi. 

also  to  be  necessary.     Summa,  i-  8  ;  Everwin.   in  Patrol,  clxxxii.    678  ; 

•>  Reiner.  Summa,  1762,  1767     Mo-  Reiner.  Summa,  1763  ;  C.  Schmidt,  ii. 

neta,  III.  v.  8  ;    IV.  i.  i  ;    ii. ;    V,  i^  129  ;  Maitland,  261-3. 

I ;  Ermengaud,  14.     Schmidt  remarks,  "*  Reiner.  1762  ;  Hahn,  i.  77. 

that  although  the  "perfect"  women  of  °  Praef.  in  Bonacurs. ;   Disput.  col. 

the  sect  might  give  the  c^iwW^zw^M^z/w  1739;    Eberhard,   4,   7;   P.    Sam.    2  ; 

there  is  no  mention  of  them  as  preach-  Eckbert,   i.   2  ;  ix.      Peter  of  Vaux- 

ing,     ii.  95.  Cernay  charges  them  with  committing 

'  Ermeng.    15  ;    Schmidt,    ii.    109.  gross  indecencies  in  church.    4  15. 
Peter  of  Vaux-Cernay  says  that  if  one 


Chai.  XII.  CATHARIbiM.  321 

by  way  of  bringing  them  into  contempt,  the  sectaries 
painted  the  saints  under  an  uncomely  form,  and  departed 
from  the  traditional  type  in  representing  the  Saviour's 
cross."  Lights  and  incense,  vestments,  altars,  chanting, 
the  ceremonies  of  the  mass  and  of  ordination,  holy  water, 
rehcs,  pilgrimages,  unction  of  the  sick,  the  doctrine  of 
purgatory,  the  intercession  of  saints,  the  use  of  alms, 
prayers  and  masses  for  the  dead,  the  festivals  of  the  saints 
and  all  other  holy  days  of  the  church,  were  utterly  dis- 
allowed, p  But  the  cathari  are  said  to  have  kept  in  honour 
of  their  founder  a  festival  called  Malilosa,  which  is  iden- 
tified by  Eckbert  of  Schonau  with  the  Manichsean  Bcma,^ 
althougli  that  was  celebrated  in  March,  and  the  Malilosa 
in  autumn.^  Their  opinion  as  to  the  origin  of  matter 
involved  the  denial  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body ;  ^  and 
they  are  said — (although  this  seems  irreconcilable  with 
other  opinions  imputed  to  them) — to  have  held  that  all  sins 
are  equal,  and  will  be  equally  punished — that  "the  traitor 
Judas  will  fare  no  worse  than  the  child  of  one  day  old."  •• 
They  denied  that  the  true  priesthood  was  in  the  Roman 
church,  which  they  supposed  to  have  been  apostate  from 
the  time  of  pope  Sylvester,  whom  they  regarded  as  the 
Antichrist.'^     The  church  was  the  harlot  of  the  Apoca- 

0  Luc.  Tudens.  col.  122,  C  :  1.  ii.,  c.         in  their  own  sex,  but  must  be  chansccl 
lo-ir.    Schmidt  doubts  this.   ii.  ii3-i4-         (Eberhard,   c.    18).      The    cathari    of 

P  Ermengaud,  8-10,  17;   Eberhard,  Aibano  held  that  the  world  would  have 

4,11-12;  Praef.  in  Bonacurs.  ;  Moneta,  no  end,  and  that  there   would  be  no 

IV.  iv.  5  ;  vi.  2;  ix.  2,  5  ;  V.  viii.  2-  judgment    to    come,    all    recompense 

10  ;  Hahn,  i.  72,  '79,  84.  being  in  this  life.      Reiner.    Summa, 

1  See  vol.  i.  p.  199.  1769- 

'  Eckbert,  i.  2.     See  C.  Schmidt,  ii  "  Liber  Sentent.    6  ;    P.   Sarn.   2  ; 

139  ;  Neand.  viii.  298.     The  meaning  Disput.  c.  17  ;  Eckbert,  i.  2  ;  x.  ;  xi.  i ; 

of  the  name  is  unknown.  Pr^ef.  in  Bonacurs.  ;  Moneta,  III.  iv  ; 

»  Eberhard.   c.    9 ;    Pet.    Sarn.    2 ;  V.  i.     They   turned   the  donation   of 

Moneta,  I.  i.,  p.  5;  IV.  nii.  ;  Disput.  Constantineagainst  the  Roman  church, 

c.  10  ;  Ermengaud,  16  ;  Hahn,  i.  85.  arguing  that,  as  Constantine's  empire 

'  Moneta,  IV.  xii. ;  Reiner.  Summa,  was  one  of  violence  and  injustice,  and 

1763.     From  the    masculine   "Venite  as  he  made  it  over  to  Syjvester,  the 

b-nedictz  "  (Matt.  xxv.  34)  it  was  in-  ])opes  are  successors  of  Constantine, 

ferred  that  women  could  not  be  saved  nut  of  St.  Peter.     Moneta,  V.  ii.  1. 

VOL.  V.  21 


3^2  CATHARISM.  Book  VI. 

lypse  ;  all  its  ministrations  were  vain,  and  the  true  priest- 
hood was  confined  to  their  own  communion.  But,  unless 
many  ancient  writers  are  mistaken,^  they  had  a  pope  of 
their  own  in  Bulgaria,  with  whom  the  western  sectaries 
kept  up  an  intercourse.^'  They  had  also  an  order  of 
bishops,  under  each  of  whom  were  two  chief  assistants, 
known  as  his  elder  and  his  younger  son,  and  an  order  of 
deacons.^ 

The  members  of  the  sect  were  divided  into  two  classes 
— the  imperfect  ox  fader ati  (who,  according  to  some  writers, 
were  subdivided  into  hearers  and  believers),^  and  the  elect 
or  perfect.  The  perfect  were  those  who  had  received  the 
consolamentitm,  and  by  the  form  of  admission  to  it  were 
pledged  to  great  severity  of  life.  They  no  longer  belonged 
to  themselves,  but  were  bound  to  travel  and  to  labour  for 
the  service  of  the  sect ;  they  were  to  avoid  and  to  re- 
nounce marriage,  which  was  declared  to  be  so  fatal  that 
no  married  persons  could  hope  for  salvation  unless  they 
separated  before  death  ;  and,  as  a  consequence  of  the 
opinion  as  to  the  unlawfulness  of  all  sexual  intercourse, 
they  were  to  abstain  from  eating  animals  or  their  produc- 
tions— fish  alone,  as  coming  out  of  the  water,  being  ex- 
cepted.^    And  as  it  was  held  that  penance  for  sins  would 

'^  See  p.  313.  disciples.     But  this  seems  to  be  merely 

y  Everwin,  in  Patrol,  clxxxii.  679  ;  an  uncritical  repetition  of  St.  Augus- 

R.  Wendover,  iv.  87  (where  there  is  an  tine's    account    of    the    Manichasans 

account  of  the  election  of  a  Catharist  (Ha;res.  46,  Patrol,  xlii.  38),  to  which 

pope,  named  Bartholomew,  in  1223).  Eckbert  refers  as  an  authority.     See 

See   Maitland,   191  ;    Gieseler,  II.  ii.  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  547. 
631;  and  the  account  of  the  Monteforte  "  Everwin,  in  Patrol,  clxxxii.  678. 

heretics,  vol.  iv.  p.  124.    Some  writers.  See  Hahn,  i.  83. 

however,  think  that  the  so-called  popes  ''  Bern,    in  Cantica,  Ixvi.  6  ;  Evcr- 

wcrc  only  bishops  of  more   than  or-  win,  678 ;  Reiner,  Summa,  1761,1776; 

dinary  influence.     See  Hurter,  ii.  218  ;  JNIoneta,  II.  v.,  p.  140;  IV.  vii.  ;  Rein. 

C.  Schmidt,  ii.  145-9.  c.    Waldenses,    266 :    Ermengaud,   5  ; 

'•  Reiner.    Summa,    1766  ;   Moneta,  Eckbert,  i.  2 ;   v.  ;   vi.   1-7  ;  Praef.    in 

IV.    vi.    2.     See  Giesel.    II.    ii.   631:  Bonacurs.    209;   Mapes,   61;   Disput 

Neander,   viii.    315;    C.   Schmidt,   ii.  171-5;  P.   Sarn.    2;  Eberhard,  cc.  7, 

142.     Eckbert  (i.  3)  says  that  they  had  20  ;  Eymeric,  440;  Hahn,  i.  72-3,  86; 

twelve  apostles,  and  that  their  bishops  C.  Schmidt,  ii.  93-5. 
were    72,    in   imitation  of  our  Lord's 


Chap.  XII.  CATHARISM' 


323 


be  wrought  out  m  this  world  by  means  of  a  transmigra- 
tion of  the  soul,  it  was  forbidden  to  kill  all  animals,  ex- 
cept creeping  things,  in  which  it  was  believed  that  souls 
capable  of  salvation  could  not  be  contained." 

The  cathari  reproached  the  church  for  assuming  that 
there  were  various  states  of  life  in  which  men  might  be 
saved,  and  taught  that  their  own  sect  and  state  only  were 
lawful.  As,  in  order  to  salvation,  it  was  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  die  in  the  sect,*^  ih^fcuderatiw^re.  required  to  receive 
the  consolamenttim  on  their  sick-beds,  if  not  before ;  many 
entered  into  an  agreement  known  as  "laConvenenza,"  that 
it  should  be  administered  to  them  in  their  last  moments ; « 
and  some,  after  having  received  it,  starved  themselves 
to  death  lest  they  should  be  again  defiled  by  a  relapse 
into  sin.*  Besides  this,  which  was  styled  endiira,  suicide 
was  allowed  in  various  cases,  such  as  that  of  extreme 
persecution  ;  ^  and  it  is  said  that,  in  order  to  obtain  for 
the  receivers  of  clinical  consolation  a  higher  place  in 
glory,  it  was  usual  for  their  friends  to  starve  or  to  strangle 
them.^ 

Reinerius  Sacchoni  tells  us  that  many  of  those  who 
had  been  admitted  into  the  perfect  grade,  regretted  that 
they  had  not  taken  advantage  of  their  former  immunity 
to  indulge  more  fully  in  sin  ;  that,  in  consequence  of  the 
belief  in  the  all-purifying  virtue  of  the  cofisolamentum, 
the  lives  of  the  fcederati  were  very  lax ;  and  that  he 
himself,  during  a  connection  of  seventeen  years  with  the 
sect,  had  never  seen  any  member  of  it  pray  by  himself, 
or  show  any  token  of  sorrow  for  sin.^  Other  writers 
bring  against  the  cathari  accusations  of  magic,  incest, 

^  C.  Schmidt,  ii.  45-7,  84  ;  cf.  vol.  i.  e  Schmidt,  ii.  103.    See  the  remark- 

p.  ig5.  able  case  of  suicide  committed  by  a 

**  Reiner.  Summa,  1762;  Eberh.  c.  19;  woman  named  Guilielma,  in  Lib.  Sen- 
Luc.  Tud.  iii.  5  ;  Eckbert,  i.  2,  col.  10.  tent.  70-76 

e  Lib.  Sentent.  19,  seqq.  ^  Reiner,      adv.     Wald.     272 ;    C 

*■  P.  Sarn.  2  ;  Gieseler,  IL  ii.  560 ;  Schmidt,  ii.  102. 

Neander,  viii.  319.  '  Summa,  1764  ;  cf.  Pet.  Sarn.  a. 


324  CATHARISM.  Book  VI. 

and  other  abominations  such  as  are  usually  laid  to  the 
charge  of  heretical  parties.'^  Oaths,  and  even  affirma- 
tions, such  as  "  truly  "  and  "  certainly,"  were  strictly  for- 
bidden ;  it  is  said  that  the  "perfect"  would  rather  die 
than  swear,  although  the  "  believers  "  swore  as  freely  as 
they  hed.i  The  use  of  equivocation  was  sanctioned, 
especially  in  answer  to  questions  as  to  the  sect,™  so  that 
the  opponents  of  the  cathari  compare  them  to  eels,  "which, 
the  more  tightly  they  are  squeezed,  the  more  easily  they 
slip  away.""  They  considered  all  war  and  all  capital 
punishment  to  be  murder,  and  declared  the  pope  and 
his  bishops  to  be  murderers  for  countenancing  wars  ;  "^ 
and  they  denounced  with  especial  severity  all  wars  and 
persecutions  for  the  sake  of  religion.?  The  "perfect" 
renounced  all  property,  professing  to  follow  the  Saviour 
and  his  apostles  in  poverty,  and  they  were  constant  in 
declaiming  against  the  wealth  and  secularity  of  the 
clergy.  It  is,  however,  said  that  they  themselves  were 
fond  of  money,  that  they  practised  usury  and  other  un- 
scrupulous means  of  getting  it,  and  that — partly  from 
avarice,  and  partly  from  a  disbelief  in  the  efficacy  of  alms 
towards  salvation — they  were  uncharitable  to  the  poor.i 
The  graver  invectives  against  the  clergy  were  relieved  by 
the  performance  of  ludicrous  parodies  on  the  services  of 
the  church.*" 

''  Annales     Rodenses,     a.d.      1139  <>  DIsput.   c.   12 ;    Reiner.  Summa, 

(Pertz,  xvi.)  ;  Caesar.  Heisterb.  v.  19,  1761 ;  Moneta,  V.  xiii.  3,  seqq.  ;  Eber- 

24  ;  Pet.  Sam.  2  ;  Mapes,  61-2  ;  Luc.  hard,  15  ;  Hahn,  i.  80,  87-8.     Moneta, 

Tud.  iii.  5.     See  Schmidt,  ii.  152.  as  becomes  a  Dominican,  strenuously 

'Bern,    in  Cant.    Ixv.    2;    Reiner.  defends     persecution  —  among     other 

Summa,  1762  ;  adv.  Wald.  266  ;  Eber-  reasons,   because  our  Lord  scourged 

hard,  c.  14  ;  Pet.  Sam.  2 ;  Ermeng.  17 ;  and  drove  out  those  who  bought  and 

Przef.  in  Bonac.  209  ;  Moneta,  V.  9.  sold  in  the  temple.     V.  xiii.  i. 

•"  Eckbert,  ii.  4.  p  Eberh.  c.    10 ;  Everwin,   677  ;  C. 

"  Reiner,  adv.  Wald.  274;  cf.  Steph.  Schmidt,  ii.  93. 

de  Borbone,  ap.  Monet,  ed.  Ricchini,  <i  Disput.  c.  9 ;  P.  Sam.  2  ;  Reiner. 

15.     A  like  comparison  to  serpents  had  Summa,  1765;  Moneta,  II.  iii.  2;  V. 

])een  used  against  the  Orleans  heretics  xii.  ;  xiv.  2. 

of  1022.     Gesta   Synodi  Aureliaa.    in  ■"  Peter  of  Vaux-Cernay  tells  us  tliat 

Dachery,  i.  605.  Raymond  VI.  of  Toulouse  (whom  his 


Chap.  XII.  CATHARISM. 


325 


The  zeal  of  the  cathari  in  attempting  to  gain  prose- 
lytes v/as  indefatigable.  They  distributed  little  tracts  in 
favour  of  their  opinions — sometimes  leaving  them  on  the 
mountains,  in  the  hope  that  shepherds  might  find  them  and 
might  carry  them  to  the  clergy  to  read.^  The  missionaries 
of  the  sect  disguised  themselves,  changed  their  names, 
and  assumed  the  character  of  catholics,  that  they  might 
enter  into  disputation  with  avowed  catharists,  and  might 
allow  these  to  gain  the  appearance  of  victory.  In  order 
that  they  might  have  the  arts  of  disputation  at  their  com- 
mand, young  men  of  promising  abilities  were  commonly 
sent  from  Lombardy  and  Tuscany  to  acquire  dialectical 
and  theological  knowledge  in  the  schools  of  Paris.*  The 
members  of  the  sect  were  made  known  to  their  brethren 
by  letters  of  recommendation  and  by  secret  signs  ;  even 
their  houses  were  distinguished  by  marks  which  enabled 
the  initiated  to  recognize  them."  Their  hospitality  to 
members  of  their  own  community  was  unbounded,  as  we 
learn  especially  from  a  letter  written  by  a  person  who, 
affecting  the  character  of  a  brother,  had  lived  on  them 
for  some  years — being  recommended  by  one  congrega- 
tion to  another,  from  Lombardy  to  the  Danube,  and 
partaking  of  the  luxuries  which  they  enjoyed  in  secret.^ 

The  rigid  lives  (in  appearance,  at  least)  of  the  perfect 
produced  a  strong  impression  on  those  who  saw  them, 
so  that  many  of  them  even  gained  a  high  reputation 
for  sanctity.  Thus,  after  the  death  of  one  Armanno 
Pungilupo,  at  Ferrara,  in  1269,  the  Ferrarese  demanded 
canonization  for  him  on  the  strength  of  his  holy  life 
and  of  miracles  which  he  was  said  to  have  done,  and 

enemies  connected  with  the  cathari),  de  Romanis,  in  BIbl.  Patr.  xxv.  447  ; 

kept  a  buffoon  who  parodied  the  office  Neand.  viii.  320. 

of  the  mass.   4.  "  See  Murat.   Antiq.    Ital.   v.    131; 

»  Cone.    Rem    a.d.    1157,   c.   i,   in  Neand.  viii.  322  ;  Schmidt,  ii.  95. 
Mart.  Thes.  vii.  74  ;  Luc.  Tud.  iii.  4,  ^  M.  Paris.  609 :  cf.  Eberh.  in  Bib!. 

10.  Patr.  x.xiv.  1566  ;  Neand.  viii.  321  2 

'  M.  Paris,  6oy  (a.d.  1243);  Humb. 


326  PASAGINI.  Book  VI. 

the  claim  was  supported  not  only  by  the  canons  of  the 
cathedral,  but  apparently  by  the  bishop.  The  investiga- 
tion of  the  case  lasted  for  no  less  than  thirty  years ;  but 
at  length  it  was  clearly  proved  that  Pungilupo,  while 
professing  to  forswear  the  patarine  errors  with  which 
he  had  at  one  time  been  charged,  had  continued  to  be 
in  reality  an  active  official  of  the  sect;y  and,  although 
the  canons  had  almost  to  the  last  adhered  to  his  cause,'' 
Boniface  VIII.  decreed  in  1301  that  his  body  should  be 
taken  up  and  burnt  as  that  of  a  heretic,  and  that  an  altar 
which  had  been  erected  to  him,  with  all  pictures  and 
sculptures  in  honour  of  him,  should  be  destroyed.* 

(5.)  Among  the  minor  sects  of  the  time,  the  Pasagini, 
of  northern  Italy,  may  be  mentioned  on  account  of  the 
opposite  nature  of  their  errors  in  some  respects  to  those 
of  the  cathari.  By  some,  the  name  of  these  sectaries  has 
been  deduced  from  their  unsettled  manner  of  life  ;^  by 
others,  from  pasagium^  a  common  term  for  the  crusades, 
by  means  of  which  expeditions  it  is  supposed  that  their 
opinions  were  brought  into  the  west.^  Like  the  Mani- 
chsean  heretics,  the  pasagini  denied  the  unity  and  the 
equality  of  the  Divine  Persons,  and  condemned  the 
Roman  church ;  but,  in  marked  opposition  to  the 
catharist  doctrines  as  to  the  Old  Testament,  they 
maintained  the  abiding  obligation  of  the  Mosaic  law 
— of  circumcision,  the  sabbath,  and  the  distinction  of 
clean  and  unclean  meats. ^ 

y  -Miirat.    Antiq.    Ital.    v.  93,  seqq.         ments,*    449;    Neander,    viii.    332-3; 
The  evidence  is  given  pp.  117-48.  Hahn,  iii.  2  ;  C.  Schmidt,  ii.  294,  and 

*  lb.  117.     Salimbene  says  that  the        in  Herzog,  art.  Pasagier. 

bishop  and  clergy  got  much  gain  by  ^  Bonacurs.  in  Dachery,  i.  211-12  (or 

his  pretended  miracles.     276.  Patrol,  cciv.) ;  Hahn,  iii.  i.     Gieseler 

»  Mur.  Ant.  v.  141,  146  ;  Bern.  Gui-  (II.    ii.    563)    identifies    them   with   a 

donis,  in  Eouq.  xxi.  712  ;  F.  Pipin,  iii.  party  at  Milan,  mentioned  by  Landult 

48,  in  Murat.  Scriptores,  ix.  ;  Chron.  the  younger  (c.  41  ;  Patrol,  clxxiii.) ; 

Kstense,  ib.  xv.  348.  but  this  is  questioned  by  Schmidt,  ja 

''  Guericke,  ii.  305  ;  Hahn,  i.  57.  Herzog,  art.  Pasagier. 

*  See  Maitland's  '  Facts  and  Docu- 


Chap.  XII.  WALDENSES.  327 

(6.)  The  early  history  of  the  Waldenses  has  been 
obscured  by  two  opposite  parties  who  identify  them 
with  the  Albigenses — the  one  party  with  a  view  of  in- 
volving Waldenses  as  well  as  Albigenses  in  a  common 
charge  of  Manichgeism,^  while  the  other  party  regards 
the  Albigenses,  no  less  than  the  Waldenses  properly 
so  called,  as  free  from  Manichaean  error,  and  as  the 
inheritors  and  maintainers  of  a  pure  and  scriptural 
Christianity/  By  the  supporters  of  this  latter  view,  the 
name  of  the  sect  is  derived  from  the  valleys  of  Piedmont, 
where  its  faith  is  supposed  to  have  been  preserved  and 
transmitted  from  the  time  of  the  apostles  by  a  chain  of 
witnesses,  among  whom  Vigilantius,  in  the  fourth  century, 
and  Claudius  of  Turin,  in  the  ninth,  are  conspicuous." 
The  Waldenses  themselves,  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
professed  to  have  existed  as  a  distinct  body  from  the 
time  of  pope  Sylvester  I. — when  they  supposed  that  the 
poison  of  secularity  had  been  poured  into  the  church 
by  the  imaginary  donation  of  Constantine — or  even  from 
the   days  of  the   apostles.^     But   such   pretensions  are 

• -S.^.,  Mariana,  Prsef.  in  Luc.  Tud.  on  the  subject.     It  was  possible,  as 

(Bibl.  Patr.  x.xv.  no).     Bossuet  avoids  Dr.  Maltland  observes  (F.  and  D.  95), 

this  error.     Hist,  des  Variations,  1.  xi.  for  a  man  to  be  at  once  an  Albigensian 

''  Beza  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  by  country  and  a  Waldensian  by  reli- 

who  maintained  this  opinion  (Schrockh,  gion  ;    and   the  enemies  of  the   sects 

xxix.  528).     Among  the  older  writers  were  in  the  habit  of  confounding  them 

on  the  same  side  may  be  mentioned  all  together ;  but  yet  the  real  distinction 

Leger  (Hist.  Gen.  des  Eglises  Evange-  between  these  two  kinds  is  clear.     In 

liques  des  Vallees  de  Piedmont,  Leyd.  the  '  Liber  Sententiarum '  of  the  Tou- 

1669),  Basnage,  Morland,  Perrin,  and  louse    inquisition,   Waldenses   appear 

Alllx  ;   among   the  later,    Mr.    Faber  occasionally,  but  as  distinct  from  the 

and   Dr.  Gilly.     For  its  utter  unten-  cathari,   and    as   refugees   from   Bur- 

ableness     (although,      according     to  gundy.     (lb.    264-9.)     Limborch   says 

Schmidt,  ii.  269,  it  is  an  article  of  faitli  that  that  book  was  the  means  of  show- 

with  "/rt //if-/i-C/z«r<7A"  in  England),  ing    him  the  difiference   between  the 

see  Neand.  vili.  352  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  two  sects.     1.  i.  c.  8. 

565-6  ;  Hase,  282  ;  Guericke,  ii.  317  ;  «  In    favour    of   this  theory,   it    is 

Hallam,  M.A.  ii.  440-5  ;  Suppl.  Notes,  wrongly  supposed  that  Claudius  sepa- 

408  ;  Schmidt,  ii.   267,  seqq.  ;  Hahn,  rated   from  the   Roman    communion, 

ii.  162-3,  385-7 ;  Lechler,  i.  47-8  ;  and  See  vol.  iii.  p.  316. 

especially  Dr.  Maitland's  *  Facts  and  •*  Reiner,  adv.  Wald.  c.  4.     Against 

Documents '  and  his  later  publications  this  notion,    see    Pet.    Pilichdorf.   in 


32« 


ORIGIN    OF 


Book  VI. 


contradicted  by  the  unanimous  testimony  of  writers  who 
lived  soon  after  the  origin  of  the  sect — that  it  was  founded 
by  one  Waldo  or  Waldensis,  about  the  year  1170.^  And 
the  only  connection  of  their  name  with  valleys  in  the 
early  writers  is  of  a  figurative  kind ;  as  where  one  tells 
us  that  they  styled  themselves  Vallenses  from  sojourning 
in  the  vale  of  tears,^  or  where  another  derives  the  name 


Bibl.  Patrol,  xxv,  278  ;  Hahn,  ii.  20, 
seqq.  For  other  Waldensian  views, 
which  confound  all  chronology,  see 
Giesel.  II.  ii.  586.  Moneta  says  that 
it  was  about  eighty  years  before  his 
time  that  they  originated  with  Val- 
desius,  a  citizen  of  Lyons,  and  there- 
fore they  cannot  be  God's  church. 
"  Si  autem  dicunt  quod  sua  via  ante 
Valdensem  {sic]  fuit,  ostendant  hoc 
aliquo  testimonio  ;  quod  minime  facere 
possunt."  (V.  i.  4,  p.  402.)  Gieseler 
supposes  that,  in  answer  to  objections 
against  them  on  the  ground  of  novelty, 
the  Waldenses  said  that  their  faith 
was  apostolic,  and  that  hence  arose, 
through  misconception,  the  idea  of  a 
distinct  body  and  a  regular  transmis- 
sion of  doctrine  from  the  apostolic  age. 
II.  ii.  565. 

'  See  Maitland,  33,  seqq.  ;  Lechler,  i. 
49.  Among  the  grounds  alleged  for 
the  greater  antiquity  of  the  sect  are 
a  number  of  Waldensian  poems  and 
other  documents,  which,  according  to 
Leger  and  his  followers,  belong  to  an 
earlier  time.  The  most  famous  of 
these  is  the  *  Noble  Lesson,'  which,  as 
printed,  has  in  the  beginning  the 
date— 

"  Ben  ha  mil  e  cent  ancz  compli  entierament 
Que  fo  scripta  I'ora  car  sen  al  dernier  temp ;" 

and  in  v.  372  has  these  words — 
*'Ilh  dion  qu'es  Vaudes  e  degne  de  punir." 
Hence  it  has  been  inferred  that  the 
name  of  Vandes  as  a  designation  of 
the  .«;ectaries  was  as  old  as  a.d.  iioo. 
(Leger,  15;  cf.  Hahn,  ii.  64,  80.)  In 
order  to  get  over  the  difficulty  of 
this  passage,  various  e.xpedieuts  were 
tried,  the  most  plausible  being  that  of 
supposing  that  the  iioo  years  were  to 


be  reckoned,  not  from  the  beginning 
of  the  Christian  era,  but  from  the  date 
of  the  Apocalypse,  to  which  the  verses 
refer,  i.e.  about  a  century  later  ;  and 
it  was  pointed  out  that,  as  the  poem 
speaks  of  severe  persecutions  as  having 
already  taken  place,  it  could  not  be 
older  than  the  13th  century.  (Schrockh, 
xxix.  52S  ;  Maitland,  121-34  '•  Giesel. 
II.  ii.  S74;  Herzog,  '  Die  romanischen 
Waldenser,'  84-6,  89,  Halle,  1853.) 
But  j\Ir.  Bradihaw  has  lately  brought 
to  light,  in  the  Cambridge  University 
Library,  the  M  S.  from  which  the  origi- 
nal edition  was  printed,  and  which  had 
long  been  supposed  to  be  missing  ;  and 
in  it  the  reading,  visible  notwithstand- 
ing an  erasure,  is  *'  Ben  ha  mil  e  4 
cent  an,"  while  another  IMS.  reads 
"ccccans."  This  brings  the  'Noble 
Lesson 'to  the  15th  century  (Herzog, 
xvii.  521,  526-7  ;  Todd's  '  Books  of  the 
Vaudois,'  210,  219,  Camb.  1864).  And 
it  is  said  that  the  other  Waldensian 
MSS.  show  traces  of  a  Hussite  con- 
nexion, and  are  therefore  still  later 
(Herzog,  10-12,  80 ;  xvii.  522,  527-9). 
See  the  British  IMagazine  (where  there 
is  much  learned  matter  on  these  sub- 
jects), xvi.  608  ;  xviii.  601,  seqq.  The 
*  Nobla  Leyczon  '  is  to  be  found,  with 
many  other  Waldensian  documents,  in 
Hahn,  vol.  ii.  Append,  (with  Raynou- 
ard's  translation  into  modern  French)  ; 
and  in  Herzog's  appendix  (from  a  colla- 
tion of  MSS.  at  Dublin  and  Geneva). 
There  is  an  English  translation  in  Brit. 
Mag.  XX.  128,  seqq.  ;  and  other  Wal- 
densian poems  are  translated  in  the 
same  volume,  633,  seqq. 

^   Kbrard.  de  F^ethun.    25.    (Patrol, 
xxiv.)    This  is  the  only  old  writer  who 


Chap.  XII.   A.n.  1170.         THE   WALDENSES. 


329 


of  Valdcnscs  from  tlieir  dwelling  in  the  deep  and  dense 
valleys  of  darkness  and  error.^ 

Peter  Waldo,'"  a  rich  merchant  of  Lyons,  is  said  to 
have  been  deeply  impressed  by  the  death  of  one  of  his 
fellow-citizens,  which  took  place  at  a  meeting  of  the 
chief  inhabitants  of  the  place.  His  mind  being  thus 
turned  to  spiritual  things,  he  became  desirous  to  under- 
stand the  Gospels  which  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
hear  in  church;  and  he  employed  two  ecclesiastics, 
Stephen  of  Evisa  (or  Ansa),  and  Bernard  Ydros,  to 
translate  them  into  the  vernacular  tongue,  with  other 
portions  of  scripture  and  some  passages  of  the  fathers," 
which  were  regularly  arranged  under  heads.°  Struck 
with  the  idea  of  imitating  our  Lord  and  His  apostles  in 
voluntary  poverty,  Peter  threw  all  his  wealth  to  the  poor, 
and,  in   company  with  some  associates  of  both   sexes 


uses  the  form  Va//enses,  by  which  he 
means  some  of  the  Waldenses,  while 
those  whom  he  styles  Waldenses  are 
really  Albigenses(cc.  2-25,  See  Mait- 
land,  98-100,  102-5,  386  ;  Gieseler,  II. 

ii-  555)- 

'  Bernard.  Fontis  Calidi  Abbas 
'  Adv.  Waldensium  Sectam,'  Prolog. 
(Patrol,  cciv.  793).  It  will  be  seen  that 
this  writer  considers  the  d  as  an 
essential  part  of  the  name  ;  which  is 
inconsistent  with  the  derivation  from 
vallis  (Maltland,  104  ;  Herzog,  114). 
Nor  does  the  fondness  of  mediaeval 
writers  for  playing  with  figurative 
etymologies  at  all  prove  that  they  were 
ignorant  of,  or  disallowed,  the  real 
derivation  from  the  founder's  name. 
Herzog,  116.  See  Maitland,  506-7  ; 
Gieseler,  II.  II.  567  ;  and  on  the  other 
side.   Dr.    Gilly,   in   Brit.   Mag.   xiv. 

753- 

">  He  is  called  Waldns  (Alanus,  ii. 
i)  ;  Waldius  (Pet.  Sarn.  c.  2) ;  Valde 
(Mapes,  64) ;  IVnldensis  (Steph.  de 
Borbone,  In  D'Argentre,  I.  87 ;  Yvonet. 
1777);  J'a/disiMS,  I 'it  Mesi'us,  etc  (Mo- 


neta,  quoted  p.  328,  n.  *> ;  see  Gieseler 
II.  ii.  567).  The  name  has  been 
derived  from  a  supposed  birthplace 
(Pet.  Pilichdorf.  c.  i) ;  but  this  h.is 
not  been  satisfactorily  Identified.  (See 
IMosheim,  Ii.  505;  Herzog,  116.)  For 
the  commonness  of  the  name  In  the 
middle  ages,  see  Maitland,  107.  The 
fancy  that  he  got  his  surname  from  a 
previously-existing  party  of  Waldenses 
(Hahn,  Ii.  251-4)  Is  quite  groundless. 
See  Herzog,  113.  The  earliest  an 
thorlty  for  his  bearing  the  name  of 
Peter  is  a  MS.  of  1404.  Herzog,  xvii. 
504.  [When  Herzog  is  cited  simply, 
his  book  on  the  Waldenses  is  meant ; 
when  "xvii."  is  attached  to  his  name, 
his  article  in  that  volume  of  his  Ency- 
clopjedia.] 

"  See  as  tothe  Waldensian  use  of  the 
fathers,  Herzog,  136,  seqq. 

°  Stephanus  de  Borbone,  In  D'Ar 
gentre,  i.  87  ;  Yvonet.  1777 ;  Reiner. 
adv.  Wald.  c.  5  ;  Anon.  Carthuslanus 
(le  Religionum  Origine,  c.  25  (Martene, 
Coll.  Ampl.  vi.). 


330  THE  WALDENSES.  Book  VI. 

whom  he  had  gained,  he  began  to  preach  in  the  streets 
of  the  city,  and  in  the  neighbouring  villages.  But  the 
archbishop  of  Lyons,P  on  hearing  of  these  proceedings, 
forbade  Peter  and  his  friends  to  teach  ;  and  on  receiving 
the  answer  that  they  must  "  obey  God  rather  than  man  " 
— that  the  Saviour  had  commanded  them  to  "preach  the 
gospel  to  every  creature" — he  excommunicated  them, 
and  expelled  them  from  his  diocese.  On  this,  Peter, 
who  had  no  intention  of  separating  from  the  church, 
but  aimed  at  the  revival  of  what  he  supposed  to  be 
apostoHcal  purity  within  it,'!  sent  two  of  his  party  to 
Rome,  with  orders  to  exhibit  to  Alexander  III.  some 
specimens  of  their  translations  from  the  Scriptures,  and 
to  request  his  sanction  for  their  labours.  The  subject 
was  referred  by  the  pope  to  a  commission,  and  Walter 
Map,  archdeacon  of  Oxford,  who  has  left  an 
'^*  account  of  the  proceedings,  was  appointed 
to  examine  the  Waldenses.  Their  simplicity  and  their 
ignorance  of  theological  language  excited  the  laughter 
of  the  examiners,  and  their  application  to  the  pope  was 
ineffectual,  although  the  Lateran  council,  which  was 
sitting  at  the  time,  did  not  include  them  in  its  con- 
demnation  of   heretical   parties.""      In    1184,   however, 

P  The  archbishop  named  (Staph,  de  '  Mapes  de  Nugis  Curialium,  64-5 

Borb.  1.  c.  ;  Yvonet.  1.  c.)  is  John  de  (who  shows  a  strong  feeling  as  to  the 

Eelnieis,  who,   as  bishop  of  Poitiers,  danger  which  tlie  church  was  in  from 

had  been  one  of  Becket's  chief  friends,  the  party  "quos  si  admiserimus,  ex- 

and  has  been  already  mentioned  as  a  pellemur").      The    anonymous   Laon 

missionary  against  the  cathari  (p.  314).  chronicler  says  that  Peter  Waldo  him- 

But,  as  his  translation  to  Lyons  was  self  went  to  Rome,  and  that  the  pope 

not  before   n8i,  there  must  be  some  embraced  him,  and  approved  his  vow 

mistake   here  (Gieseler,   II.    ii.    569).  of  poverty,  but  forbade  him  to  preach 

The   'Anonymus'    of  Laon    gives  a  except  at  the   request   of  the  clergy 

somewhat    different    account    of   the  (Rec.  des  Hist.  xiii.  682)  ;  and  Moneta 

conversion  of   Waldo,   whom   he  de-  states  that  Alexander  allowed  him  to 

scribes  as  having  got  his  wealth  "per  preach  on  condition  of  his  keeping  to 

iniquitatem  foeneris."     Bouq.  xiii.  680,  the     four     great    doctors — Ambrose, 

A.D.  1173.  Augustine,  Gregory,  and  Jerome  (V. 

t  Maitland,      46S ;      Herzog,     194  ;  i.    4).     Hence   it   is  argued   by  some 

Lechlcr,  i.  54.  writers  (as  Hefele,  v.  636)  that  in  the 


Chap.  XII.   a.d.  1170  98.    THE   WALDENSES.  33 1 

*'  those  who  falsely  style  themselves  humiliati,  or  '  [)oor 
men  of  Lyons,' "  were,  with  other  sectaries,  put  under 
perpetual  anathema  by  Lucius  IIL ;  and  it  would  seem 
that  to  them  the  pope  intended  especially  to  point  in  his 
denunciation  of  some  who,  under  an  appearance  of  piety, 
presume  to  preach  without  being  duly  sent,  so  tliat  the 
condemnation  was  not  for  heterodoxy,  but  for  irre- 
gularity.^ 

From  this  time  the  "  poor  men  of  Lyons "  (as  they 
were  called  from  their  claim  to  evangelical  poverty  of 
spirit*)  became  more  decidedly  separate  from  the  church, 
and  their  opinions  were  more  distinctly  developed  in 
opposition  to  it.  They  spread  into  the  south  of  France, 
into  Lombardy,"  and  into  Aragon,  where  in  1 194  Alfonso 
IL  issued  a  decree  for  their  expulsion  as  enemies  of  the 
cross  and  of  the  kingdom.^  The  earliest  real  evidence 
which  connects  them  with  Piedmont  is  of  the  year 
1 198,  when  James,  bishop  of  Turin,  obtained  from  the 
emperor  Otho  IV.  authority  to  use  forcible  measures 
against  them.v  The  progress  of  the  sect  was  rapid. 
In  Lombardy  and  Provence  the  Waldenses  had  more 
schools  than  the  catholics  ;  their  preachers  disputed  and 

story  told  by  Map,  the  name  of  Alex-  *  Steph.  de  Borbon.  in  Gieseler,  II, 

ander  III.   has  been  wrongly  substi-  ii.  568  :  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  265;  Summa, 

tuted  for  that  of  Innocent    III.,  and  1761.    They  were  also  called  Z^t^mV^p, 

that  the  application  which  he  speaks  from  Leona,  a  name  of  Lyons ;  and 

of  is   the  same  which  the  Auersperg  henceanimaginary  Leo  was  afterwards 

chronicler  states  to  have  been  made  by  supposed  to  have  been  their  founder. 

the     "  Humiliati     sen    Pauperes     de  Giesel.  IL  ii.  565. 

Lugduno,"  to  the  pope  in  1212.     Inno-  "  Bern.  Font.  Cal.,  Prolog. ;  Reiner, 

cent  objected  to  some  of  their  peculi-  Summa,  1775  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  572. 

arities    as    to    dress,   etc.,    and    they  ^  It  isprinted  in  Bibl.  Patr.  xxv.  no. 

replied  that  these  came  from  the  apos-  In  the  same  year  Bertrand  de  Saisset, 

ties  (Chron.  Ursp.  243).   See  Schruckh,  as  guardian  of  the  young  viscount  of 

xxix.  534  ;    Giesel.   II.  ii.    570  ;   Gue-  Beziers,  promised  the   bishop  of  that 

ricke,  ii.  310.  place  "  nee  hjereticos  vel  Valdenses  in 

•  Ep.  171  (Patrol,  cci.);  Schrockh,  praedicta  villa  vel  episcopatu.  ...  in- 

xxix.    534.      The   name  of  Humiliati  ducemus."      Hist,    de   Langued.    iii., 

has  led  to  some  confusion  between  the  Preuves,  No.  62.     See  above,  p.  316. 

Waldenses  and   an    order    so   called.  '  Herzog,  272. 
See  below,  c.  xiii.  ii.  i. 


332  DOCTRINES   AND    USAGES  Book  VI. 

taught  publicly,  while  the  number  and  importance  of  the 
patrons  whom  they  had  gained  rendered  it  dangerous  to 
interfere  with  them.'^  In  Germany  we  are  told  that  they 
had  forty-one  schools  in  the  diocese  of  Passau/'^  and 
they  were  numerous  in  the  dioceses  of  Metz  and  Toul.^ 
In  most  of  these  quarters  the  ground  had  been  prepared 
for  tliem  by  the  labours  of  earlier  sectaries,  and  by  the 
faults  and  unpopularity  of  the  clergy ;  ^  and  their  zeal  in 
endeavouring  to  gain  converts  was  unremitting.  Female 
agency  was  largely  employed,  and  through  it  the  men 
were  won  "  as  the  serpent  deceived  Adam  by  means  of 
Eve."*^  The  missionaries  of  the  sect  are  said  to  have 
used  underhand  arts  for  the  purpose  of  spreading  their 
doctrines ;  ®  thus  they  would  disguise  themselves  as 
pedlars,  and  having  in  that  character  obtained  access  to 
the  houses  of  nobles,  they  took  occasion  from  the  nature 
of  their  wares  to  exhort  to  the  purchase  of  heavenly 
jewels.*  With  the  simpler  people,  they  began  by  promis- 
ing to  disclose  great  things  to  them ;  and,  after  having 
tried  their  secrecy  by  imparting  to  them  some  plain 
lessons  of  morality  with  a  confidential  and  mysterious 
air,  they  went  on  to  teach  the  more  peculiar  doctrines 
of  the  sect.^  Their  eagerness  to  study  and  to  learn, 
and  their  remarkable  acquaintance  with  the  vernacular 
Scriptures,  are  acknowledged  by  their  adversaries. 
Labourers  and  artisans,  after  the  work  of  the  day, 
devoted  their  evening  hours  to  study ;  and  it  is  stated, 
in  reproof  of  the  indolence  of  the  clergy,  that  a  poor 
Waldensian  used  to  swim  across  a  river  in  wintry  nights 
to  reach  a  catholic  whom  he  wished  to  convert.'*     They 

*  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  264.           *  lb.  <*  Yvonet.  1781  ;  Bern.  Font.  Cal.  71. 

^  Odo  Tullens.  Statuta,  a.d.  1192,0.  ®  P.  Pilichdorf,  cc.  11,  13. 

9,  Patrol,  ccv.  (where  they  are  called  ''Yvonet.  1781,  1785;  Reiner,  c.  8. 

/Frtd'ty^);  AlbericTr. -Font.,  A.D.  1200  ?  Yvonet.   1783;    Reiner,    c.   Wald. 

(Bouq.  xviii.  763)  ;  Csesar.  Heisterb.  v  2C4  ;  Refiit.  Error,  in  Bibl.  Patr.  .\.xv. 

20  :  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  571-2  303. 

«  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  264.  ''   Reiner,    c.  Wald.    264.     Pelev  oJ 


Chap.  XII.  OF    THE    WALDENSES.  ^^^^ 

taught  and  learned  everywhere — even  in  lazar-houses.' 
If  any  ignorant  person  met  their  exhortations  to  learn 
by  pleading  inability,  they  told  him  that,  by  learning  a 
single  word  daily,  he  would  in  a  year  master  more  than 
three  hundred.^  But  the  knowledge  of  the  sectaries  was 
not  of  any  wide  or  scholarly  kind,  so  that  they  are  often 
derided  for  their  illiteracy,^  through  which  it  is  said  that 
they  fell  into  ludicrous  misinterpretations  of  Scripture;"^ 
and  as  they  were  themselves  illiterate,  they  made  their 
ignorance  a  ground  for  condemning  all  "  privileged  "  or 
liberal  studies."  It  is  said,  too,  that  in  consequence  of 
their  occupation  in  the  study  of  Scripture,  they  allowed 
but  little  time  for  devotion,  and  that  they  admitted  no 
other  form  of  prayer  but  the  Paternoster." 

The  especial  peculiarity  of  the  Waldenses  was  that, 
while  they  avoided  the  Manichaeism  by  which  the  sectaries 
of  their  time  were  for  the  most  part  infected,  they  en- 
deavoured more  thoroughly  than  the  Petrobrusians  or 
the  Henricians  to  form  a  system  of  belief  and  practice 
derived  from  the  Scriptures  only.P  At  first  their  dis- 
tinctive tenet  had  been  the  right  of  the  laity  to  preach  ; 
and  this  they  gradually  carried  out  to  the  extent  of 
maintaining,  not  only  that  lay  persons  might  teach  in 
subordination  to  the  authorities  of  the  church,  but  that 
they  might  preach  and  might  administer  all  Christian 
rites   in   opposition   to   the   clergy;    that   the   right   to 

Pilichdorf  complains  that,   instead  of  sues;  and  that  in  Psalm  Ixvii.  30 (Lat.) 

trying  to  reform  the  wicked,  they  con-  — "  Increpa    feras    arundinis  "—they 

fined  themselves  to  the  well-disposed,  translated  as  if  the  word  were  /timn- 

whom  they  endeavoured  to  make  chil-  t^ims.     Reiner,  c.  Wald.  264. 

dren  of  hell  like  themselves,     c.  10.  "  Pet.  Pilichdorf,  c.  35- 

*  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  263.  "  Reiner,  c  Wald.  272;  Pet.  Pilichd. 
•'lb.  264.    SeeGieseler,  II.  11.572-3.  2S. 

•  See,  e.g.,  Alan.  c.  Ha;reticos,  ii.  i ;  »  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  265  ;  SchriJckli, 
Reiner,  c.  Wald.  272.                                       xxix.  553;  Hahn,  1.408.     Yet  Herzog 

"»  Thus  we  are  told  that  in  John,  i.         shows  that,  with  this  pretension,  the/ 
II—"  In  propria  venit,  et  sui  eum  non        combine  much  of  Roman  opinion, 
receperuut"  —  they    mistook    sui   for 


334  DOCTRINES   AND   USAGES  BooicVI. 

minister  was  not  conferred  by  ordination,  but  depended 
on  personal  piety.^  In  the  early  days  of  the  sect  this 
claim  was  not  limited  to  the  male  sex ;  ■■  but  it  would 
seem  that  the  ministrations  of  women  were  afterwards 
forbidden.^  From  this  principle  the  Waldenses  pro- 
ceeded to  a  general  enmity  against  the  clergy,  whom 
they  charged  with  having  cast  them  out  of  the  church 
from  envy  of  their  virtue  and  popularity,  and  decried  in 
all  possible  ways.*  After  their  excommunication,  they 
declared  the  pope  to  be  the  source  of  all  error,"  the 
church  to  be  the  apocalyptic  beast  and  the  whore  of 
Babylon ;  that  it  had  been  apostate,  and  had  lost  its 
spiritual  power,  from  the  time  of  Sylvester,^  whom  they 
identified  with  the  "little  horn"  of  Daniel's  prophecy, 
although  they  held  that  in  all  ages  there  had  been  some 
who  maintained  the  true  faith,  and  were  inheritors  of 
salvation.^'  They  limited  salvation  to  their  own  sect,  as 
being  the  only  body  which  lived  like  the  Saviour  and  his 
apostles. '^  They  declared  monks  and  clergy  to  be  the 
scribes  and  pharisees,  children  of  the  devil,  disallowed 
all  distinctions  of  order  and  rank  among  them,  and 
wished  to  confiscate  all  their  endowments  and  privileges, 
so  as  to  reduce  them  to  the  condition  of  diggers,  earning 
their  bread  by  the  labour  of  their  hands.*     Yet,  while 

1  Pet.     Sarn.     2  ;     Yvonet.     1779 ;  Waldenses— /.  e.    those  north  of   the 

Reiner,  c.  Wald.  265  ;  Bern.  Font.  Cal.  Alps — allowed  the  seven  sacraments  of 

4  ;  Alan.  ii.  8,  9,  13  ;  Pet.  Pilichdorf,  the    Romish    church,    and    professed 

CO.  16-18.     Moneta  attacks  them  as  to  themselves    willing    to    receive   these 

the  origin  of  their  orders.     V.  i.  4.  from  her,  if  they  might  (V.  i.  5).     See 

'  Moneta,  V.  v.  8.  as  to  the  difference  between  tlic  nortli- 

•  See    Reiner.    Summa,    1775:    c.  ern  and  the  Lombard  sections,  Herzog, 
Wald.  265 ;  Herzog,  150.  .xvii,  509. 

*■  Yvonet.    1778,    1785  ;    Reiner,   c,  ^  Reiner.  Summa,  1775. 

Wald.  265.  *  Yvonet.  1778 ;   Reiner,   c.   Wald. 

"  Reiner,  ib.  265. 

*  lb.  ;  Summa,  1770 ;  Moneta,  V.  i.  *  Ib.  264-5,  268  ;  cc.  19-20 ;  Yvonet. 
I  ;  V.  I :  Yvonet.  1779;  Anon,  in  Mar-  1779;    Alan,  ii,    2  ;    Bernard.     Font, 
tene,  Thes.  v.   1754;  Nobla  Ley^zon,  Calid.  1-2  ;  Refutatio  Errorum  in  Bibl. 
408,  seqq. ;  Herzog,  204.  Moneta,  how-  Pair  x.w.  302;  Moneta,  v.,  vii. 
ever,   says  that  the   "  ultramontane  " 


Chap.  XII.  OF    THE   WALDENSES.  335 

they  tliemselves  professed  rigid  evangelical  poverty,  and 
avoided  the  pursuits  by  which  wealth  might  be  gained,  it 
was  held  that  the  teachers  were  entitled  to  be  maintained 
by  the  "  imperfect  "  members  of  the  sect ;  ^  and  some  of 
their  opponents  represent  them  as  notorious  for  idleness, 
and  for  a  love  of  basking  lazily  in  the  sunshine.*'  Like 
the  cathari,  the  Waldenses  opposed  the  whole  ritual 
system  of  the  church,  with  everything  that  pretended  to 
a  symbolical  character, <i  and  denied  the  claims  of  the 
clergy  to  the  powers  of  excommunication,  absolution, 
and  exorcism.®  They  also  disallowed  the  right  of  the 
church  to  make  laws  or  constitutions,  alleging  that  the 
Saviour's  teaching  was  enough.*  They  attended  the 
public  services,  confessed  and  communicated,  but  it  is 
said  that  in  their  hearts  they  mocked  at  such  observ- 
ances.s  They  denied  the  efficacy  of  baptism,  especially 
in  the  case  of  infants,  whom  they  believed  to  be  saved 
without  it.'*  As  to  the  eucharist,  some  represent  them 
as  supposing  it  to  be  merely  figurative ;  ^  but  according 
to  other  authorities  they  held  that  the  elements  really 
underwent  a  change — not,  however,  in  the  hands  of  the 
priest,  but  in  the  mouth  of  the  faithful  receiver.^  In  the 
consecration,  as  in  the  rest  of  their  services,  they  made 
use  of  the  vernacular  tongue.^  They  denounced  the 
penitential  system  of  the  church,  as  alike  burdensome 
and  unavailing,  and  contrasted  with  it  the  full  and 
free  forgiveness  which  their  own  sect  offered,  after  the 

b  Yvonet.  17S1  ;  Alan.  ii.  i,  24-5.  265  ;  Yvonct.  1779. 

«  Ebrard.  c.  25,  p.  1572.  '  lb. 

<J  Reiner,     c.     Wald.     265-6:    Pet.  »'  Reiner.  c.Wald,265.  See  Schrockh, 

Pilichdorf,    cc.    21-3,    26-8:    Yvonet.  xxv.  552  ;  Herzog,  215.     Dr.  IMaitland 

1779;  Bern.  Font.  Cal.  12;  Refutatio  remarks  that  Yvonet  is  the  only  autho- 

Errorum  in  Bibl.  Patr.  x.w.  302.  rity  for  the  other  view,   and   that,  if 

«  Reiner,    c.   Wald.    265  ;  Anon,  in  iliey  had  differed  from  the  church  on 

Mart.  Thes.  v.  1774  ;  P.  Piiichd.  1134.  this  point,  much  more  would  have  been 

•  JSIoneta,  V.  vi.  -said  of  it.  (470-3.)    See  too  D'Argei!- 
8  Yvonet.    1782 ;    Reiner,    c.  Wald.  tre,  i.  108. 

272.  '  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  265. 

*  Reiner.  Sunima,  1775 ;    c.    Wald. 


336  THE   WALDENSES.  Book  VI. 

example  of  the  Saviour's  words,  "  Go,  and  sin  no 
more."'"  They  denied  the  doctrine  of  purgatory,  and 
the  lawfuhiess  of  the  practices  connected  with  it — some 
of  them  beHeving  in  an  intermediate  state  of  rest  or  of 
punishment,  while  others  held  that  souls  on  leaving  the 
body  go  at  once  to  their  final  abode.^  They  denied  the 
miracles  of  the  church,  and  pretended  to  none  of  their 
own,  although  in  later  times  some  of  them  professed  to 
see  visions.*' 

The  Waldenses  are  described  as  quiet,  modest,  and 
formal  in  their  manners .p  They  regarded  a  lie  as  a 
mortal  sin,  which  no  circumstances  could  excuse ;  but 
it  is  said  that  they  avoided  answering  directly,  and 
had  "  feigned  consciences ''  which  suggested  ingenious 
evasions  to  them.^  They  eschewed  commerce  on  account 
of  the  falsehoods  which  were  supposed  to  be  involved 
in  the  practice  of  it,  and  restricted  themselves  to  manual 
labour/  As  to  oaths,  war,  and  capital  punishment,  their 
views  agreed  with  those  of  the  cathari.^  At  the  outset 
they  affected  poverty  of  dress,  and  one  of  their  names 
- — sabatati  or  insabatati — was  derived  from  the  sandals 
which  they  wore  in  imitation  of  the  apostles  ;*  but  such 
peculiarities  were  afterwards  abandoned,  and  they  are 
described  as  grave  but  not  sordid  in  their  attire."  They 
avoided  and  sternly  denounced  the  ordinary  amusements 
of  the  world ;  "  every  step  that  one  takes  at  a  dance," 

*"  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  265,  272,  "■  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  272. 

"  lb.  266;  Anon,  in  Martene,  Thes.  *  lb.   265-6;   Summa,    1775;  Yvon. 

V.  1754  ;  Yvonet.  1780  ;  P.  Pilichdorf,  1780, 1784  ;  Pet.  S.  Chrysog.  in  Patrol, 

cc.  19-21,  30;  Alan,  ii.  11-12  ;  Bernard,  c.vcix.  1223;  Pet.  Sarn.,  ib.  ccxiii.  348  ; 

Font.  Cal.  9-1 1 ;  Herzog,  159-60.  P.  Pilichdorf,  36  ;  Alan,  ii.  19-22;  Mo- 

°  Alan,    ii.    i;    Yvonet.    1779;    P.  neta,  V.  i.  4,  init, 

Pilichdorf,  p.  300.  *  Ebrard.   Bethun.  c.  25 ;   Gieseler, 

P  Reiner. c.  Wald.  272;  Yvonet.  17S4.  II.  ii.  5O7. 

1  Ib.  1780,  1782;  Alan.  ii.  15;  Reiner.  "  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  272.     But  Peter 

c.  Wald.  264.    As  to  their  slipperiness  of  Pilichdorf  speaks  of  some  who  wore 

in  dealing  with  inquisitorSjSeeEymcric,  a  suspicious  dress,  and  would  not  give 

429.  it  up  when  required  by  a  judge,     ^{jc. 


Chap.  XII.  VISIONARIES.  ,■^,37 

it  was  said,  "is  a  leap  towards  hell."^  They  were 
scrupulous  in  the  use  of  blessings  before  and  after 
meals.y  Unlike  the  cathari,  they  held  it  lawful  to  eat 
meat,  even  on  days  when  it  was  forbidden  by  the 
church  ;2  and  they  held  marriage  to  be  lawful,  although 
they  regarded  celibacy  as  higher.* 

Much  as  the  Waldenses  differed  from  the  church,  it 
is  admitted  by  their  ecclesiastical  opponents  that  they 
were  "far  less  perverse  than  other  heretics,"^  that  they 
were  sound  in  their  faith  as  to  the  doctrines  which  relate 
to  God,  and  received  all  the  articles  of  the  creed  ;<=  so 
that,  in  the  south  of  France,  they  were  sometimes  allied 
with  the  clergy  in  defence  of  these  truths  against  Mani- 
chsean  and  other  sectaries.^  While  they  highly  exalted 
the  gospel  above  the  law,  it  was  in  no  spirit  of  Mani- 
chaean  disparagement  of  the  older  scriptures.®  And, 
although  they  did  not  escape  the  popular  charges  ot 
secret  and  abominable  rites,  or  the  imputation  ot 
hypocrisy,*  the  general  purity  of  their  morals  is  allowed 
by  their  opponents,  s 

III.  From  the  sectaries  of  this  age  the  transition  is 
easy  to  the  visionaries  who  were  among  its  remarkable 
features ;  for,  however  devoted  to  the  papacy  these  might 

»  '  Del    Bal,'    a    later  Waldensian  =  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  c.  4. 

writing,  quoted  by  Hahn,  ii.  13.  ^  Will,  de  Pod.   Laurent.,  Prolog., 

f  Eymerlc,  441.  in  Bouq.  xix.  193,  who  says  that  they 

^  Reiner.  Summa,    1775;  Anon,  in  disputed  "acutissime."    See  Herzog, 

Mart.  V.  1774.  B.  ii.  c.  6. 

•  P.  Pilichdorf,  1445  ;  Yvon.  1779  ;  •  Herzog,  129-30.  referring  to  the 
Reiner,  c.  Wald.  265  ;  Herzog,  147-9  ;  '  Nobla  Leygzon.'  The  charges  ot 
Nobla  Leygzon,  242,  434.  From  dis-  Yvonet  (1781)  and  of  Bernard  of  Font- 
allowing  the  canonical  prohibitions  of  caud  (xii.  4)  on  this  head  evidently 
marriage  in  the  more  extreme  degrees,  arise  from  a  confusion  with  the  cathari. 
they  are  charged  with  maintaining  the  See  Hahn,  ii.  266-8. 
lawfulness  of  marrying  the  nearest  ^  ^.^.,  Yvonet.  1779-80;  Alan.  ii.  i, 
relations.  Rein.  c.  Wald.  265  ;  Anon.  col.  180  ;  Eymeric,  441. 
in  Mart.  v.  1775.  «  Reiner,  c.  Wald.  c.  4. 

^  Pet.  Sam.  2  (Patrol.  ccxiiL  548). 

VOL,  v.  3  2 


33S  ELIZABETH    OF    SCHfENAU.  Booic  VI. 

be,  they  agreed  with  the  sectaries  in  denouncing  the 
secularity  of  the  clergy,  in  crying  out  for  a  reform,  and 
often  in  prophesying  their  downfall.  Among  the  most 
noted  of  these  visionaries  were  two  German  abbesses — 
Hildegard,  of  St.  Rupert's  near  Bingen,  whose  name 
^as  already  come  before  us,*^  and  Elizabeth  of  Schonau. 
Elizabeth  appears  to  have  been  of  a  very  nervous 
temperament,  and  was  frequently  visited  with 
severe  illness.^  It  is  said  that,  from  the  age 
of  twenty-three,  she  was  in  the  habit  of  falling  into 
trances  on  Sundays  and  holidays,  at  the  hours  when  the 
church  was  engaged  in  its  most  fervent  devotions.  In 
these  trances  she  uttered  oracles  in  Latin,  although  un- 
acquainted with  that  language ;  and,  after  having  long 
refrained  from  telling  the  visions  with  which  she  was 
favoured,  she  was  at  last  constrained  by  the  threats  of 
an  angel,  and  by  the  authority  of  her  ecclesiastical 
superior,  to  dictate  a  report  of  them  to  her  brother 
Eckbert — the  same  who  has  already  been  mentioned 
as  a  controversialist  against  the  cathari.^  In  her  visions 
she  was  admitted  to  behold  the  saints,  the  angelic  hier- 
archy, and  the  blessed  Virgin — whom  she  speaks  of  by 
the  title  of  "  Queen  of  Heaven,"  i— and  from  them  she 
received  revelations  on  difficult  and  doubtful  points.™ 
Among  other  things,  she  is  said  to  have  learned,  after 
much  inquiry,  that  the  mother  of  our  Lord  was  "assumed" 
both  in  body  and  in  soul ;  she  contributed  to  the  legend 
of  St.  Ursula,  by  giving  names  to  many  of  the  newly- 
found  relics  of  the  11,000  virgins;"  and  in  connection 
with  that  fabulous  company  were  revealed  to  her  the 
existence  and  the  history  of  a  fabulous  pope  Cyriac,  who 

•*  See  p.  150.  cxcv.  177,  note. 

•  Eckbert.  Vita  Eliz.   12,  71-2,  etc.  °  Eckb.  83,  116;  n.  in  Eckb.  1/7 

(Patrol,  cxcv.)    See  Acta  SS.,  Jim.  18.  Gieseler,   II.  ii.   459;   Annal.  Palith. 

•^  Eckb.  I,  4.     See  p.  304.  in  Pertz,  xvi.  90.     For  the  legend  of 

'  F.ckb.  16.  St.  Ursdla,  see  the  next  chapter,  sect 

"'  See  Schrockh.  xxix.  28-30;  Patrol.  iii.  9. 


Chap.  XII.  JOACHIM   OF    FIORE.  339 

was  said  to  have  resigned  his  dignity  that  he  might  share 
in  their  travels  and  their  martyrdom.**  In  a  letter  to 
Hildegard,  Elizabeth  complains  that  forged  prophecies 
were  circulated  under  her  name ;  among  them,  that 
she  was  reported  to  have  foretold  the  day  of  judgment. i* 
Both  Hildegard  and  Elizabeth,  although  they  were 
devoted  to  the  Roman  church,  and  have,  without  any 
formal  canonization,  attained  the  honour  of  saintship,^ 
were  strong  in  their  denunciations  of  the  faults  of  the 
clergy ;''  and  Hildegard  foretold  that  these  would  be 
punished  by  heavy  chastisements,  of  which  the  heretics 
were  to  be  the  instruments.^  Such  prophetesses  as 
these  nervous  and  enthusiastic  women  had  a  powerful 
influence  on  their  age  ;*  but  it  is  probable  that  the 
writings  which  bear  their  names  have  been  largely 
tampered  with,  or  in  great  part  composed,  by  those 
through  whose  hands  they  have  passed." 

The  most  famous  and  the  most  remarkable  of  all 
the  visionaries  was  Joachim,  a  Calabrian,  who  was 
born  in  1145  (or,  according  to  some,  as  early  as  1130) 
and  died  in  1202.^  In  his  youth  he  was  introduced  by 
his  father  to  the  court  of  Roger  II.  of  Sicily ;  but  in 
disgust  at  the  courtly  life  he  broke  away,  and  went  on  a 
pilgrimage  to  Egypt  and  the  Holy  Land,  where  he 
distinguished  himself  by  the  severest  ascetic  exercises.^ 
On  his  return  he   became   an  inmate,   and   afterwards 

»  See  Dollinger,  ' Papstfabeln,' 45-8.  about  1180,  by  Robert  of  Au.xeire,  in 

P  Eckb.  3.  Bouq.  xviil.  248. 

q  Patrol,  cxcv.  116;  Schrockh.xxviii.  "  Schriickh,  xxviii.    30;    M.    Paris 

21-2,  30.  says  that  Hildegard's  prophecies  gained 

"  Eliz.  ap.  Eckb.    64,  74,   103,   109,  great  authority  by  her  clear  predictions 

137,   etc. ;    Hildeg.   Epp.   48-9,  etc.  ;  of  the  rise  and  influence  of  the  new 

Ncand.  vii.  303-4.  orders  of  friars.     548. 

•  Ep.  48,  coll.  250-2 ;  Ep.  49  (Patrol.  *  Acta  SS.,  May  29,  p.  90  ;  Hahn. 
cxcvii.).  "'•  72-4-    Tiraboschi  places  his  death 

*  See  a  notice  of  what  would  now  be  in  1207.   iv.  102. 

styled  an  "  addolorata,"— a  cowherdess  '  Vita  1-2  (Acta  SS.,  1.  c). 

named  Alpis,  of  the  diocese  of  Sens, 


340  JOACHIM   OF    FIORE.  Eook  VI. 

abbot,  of  Corace,  a  Cistercian  monastery  near  Squillace  ; 
and,  after  a  time  of  solitary  retirement  and  study,  he 
founded  the  abbey  of  Fiore,  near  the  confluence  of  the 
Albula  and  the  Neto,  which  became  the  head  of  a  new 
and  very  rigid  order.^  Although  Joachim's  opinions  did 
not  pass  without  question  among  his  contemporaries,*^  he 
exercised  a  powerful  influence  over  important  persons 
both  ecclesiastical  and  secular.  His  labours  on  the 
obscurer  parts  of  Scripture  were  encouraged  and  ap- 
proved by  three  successive  popes — Lucius,  Urban,  and 
Clement.^  Richard  of  England  and  Philip  of  France, 
on  their  way  to  the  Holy  Land,  held  conferences  with 
him  at  Messina,  when  it  is  said  that  Richard  was  greatly 
impressed  by  the  prophecies  which  he  professed  to  have 
derived  from  the  Apocalypse ;  <^  and  in  1 191  he  threw 
himself  in  the  way  of  Heniy  VI.  with  such  efl"ect  that  the 
emperor  was  persuaded  to  desist  from  his  ravages  and 
cruelties,  and  requested  him  to  expound  the  prophecy  of 
Jeremiah."^ 

Joachim  is  described  as  remarkable  not  only  for  piety, 
but  for  modesty.®    The  gift  which  he  claimed  was  not 

'  Vita,  3-6  ;  Coelest.   III.   Ep.   279  in  Mart,   Coll,  Ampliss.  v.  839  ;   Rob. 

(Patrol,  ccvi.) ;  Hahn,  iii.  80.     Ralph  Altiss.  in  Rec.  des  Hist,  xviii.  259 ; 

of  Coggeshalle  describes  him  as  "or-  Anon.   Carthus.   1.   c.  ;  Vine.    Bellov. 

dinis  Cisterciensis,  sed  Cisterciensibus  x.\ix.  40.     See  Tirab.  iv.  106. 

minime  subjectus "  (839).     He  seems  *  Vita,   7:  Sicard.   in  Patrol.,  532. 

to  have  been  in  some  trouble  with  the  It  is  said  that   Henry's  Germans,  in 

heads  of  the  Cistercian  order  in  1192.  indignation  at  the  abbot's  interference, 

Capit.  Gener.  c.  12,  in  Mariene,  Thes.  exclaimed,  "  Quanta  mala  latent  sub 

iv.  1274.  cuculla  ista ! "  (Vita,   c.  vii.  p.   106), 

"  The  writer  known  as  Benedict  of  He  was  called  to  attend  on  the  empress 

Peterborough  says  that  many  learned  Constance,  and  found  her  seated.     On 

men  controverted  his  views,  "  tamen  her  expressing  a  wish  to  confess,  he 

sub  judice  lis  est"  (638),     Cf.    Rob.  told  her  that  he  could  not  hear  her 

Altiss.  in  Rec.  des.   Hist,  xviii.  253  ;  unless   she  would  descend  from  her 

Anon.  Carthus  de  Religionum  origine,  chair  of  state,  and  sit  like  the  penitent 

c.  28  (Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  vi.  61).  Magdalene  at  the  feet  of  him  who  was 

''  Vita,  4  ;  Clem.  III.  Ep.  63  (Patrol.  in  the  place  of  Christ.     To  this  she 

cciv.)  :  Tirab.  iv.  lo^.  humbly  submitted.     lb. 

«  Ben.  Pet.  1.  c  ;  R.  Coggeshalle,  •  lb.  p.  107. 


^"^^•^11-  HIS   DOCTRINES.  34 1 

that  of  prophecy,  but  of  understanding.^  This  gift,  how- 
ever, was  supposed  to  have  rendered  him  independent  of 
the  ordinary  means  of  learning,  for  it  is  said  that,  until 
supernaturally  enlightened,  he  was  wholly  illiterate  ;s 
and  hence  it  was  natural  that  he  should  denounce  the 
method  ^  of  the  schoolmen,  whose  attempts  to  attain  to 
spiritual  knowledge  by  means  of  their  own  reason  he 
likened  to  the  efforts  of  the  men  of  Sodom  to  break  in 
the  door  of  Lot's  house — the  house  of  contemplation.' 
Thus  he  was  led  to  make  a  violent  attack  on  Peter 
Lombard's  doctrine  as  to  the  Trinity,  and  to  draw  on 
himself  in  consequence  the  censure  of  the  fourth  Lateran 
council,^  as  having  vented  a  heresy  which  savoured  of 
tritheism.^  With  his  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  however, 
was  connected  one  of  the  chief  parts  of  his  prophetical 
system — the  doctrine  of  the  Three  States,  in  which  the 
government  of  the  world  was  conducted  by  the  three 
Persons   of  the   Godhead  respectively.      These   states 

'  R.  Coggeshalle,  839  ;  Vine.  Bellov.  commentaries  on  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah 

xxix.    40  ;     W.     Nangis.     A.D.     1186  are  much  interpolated,  if  not  spurious 

(Dacher.  Spicil.  iii.);  Hahn,  iii.  82.  —being    marked    by  a   want    of  the 

K  This  Dr.   v.    Bollinger    supposes  modesty  which  pervades  the  genuine 

to  be  a  fiction,  intended  to  exalt  his  writings,    a  greater  pretence   of  dc- 

authority.     'Prophetic  Spirit,'  tr.  by  finiteness,   and  a  greater    tenderness 

Plummer,  106.  towards     the    faults    of   the    Roman 

'>  Coggesh.  839  ;   Chron.  Turon.  in  Church.     83-6,     Comp,  Acta  SS.,  126, 

Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  v.  1026.  seqq.  ;  Neand.  vii.  306. 

•  Hahn,  iii.  126.     I  cannot  pretend  ''  Can.  2,  a.d.  1215.  Thecanongocs 

to   any  acquaintance  with  Joachim's  on   to  forbid   that    its    condemnation 

writings,  except  through  the  medium  of  should  be  made  a  ground  for  decrying 

other  works,  especially  the  'Acta  Sane-  Joachim  and  his  order  ;  and  Honorius 

torum '  for  May  29  ;  vol.  iii.  of  Hahn's  III.  declared  that  it  was  not  to  be  un- 

'Ketzergeschichte;' and  some  papers  by  derstood  as  condemning  any  other  of 

the  late  Hon.  Algernon  Herbert  in  the  his  books  than  the  one  in  which  he  had 

British  Magazine,  xvi.-xviii.    There  is  attacked    P.    Lomb.ird  (Vita,    5;    cf. 

also  a  good  article  on  him  by  C.Schmidt  Acta  SS.,  i32;Decret.  Gregorii,  I,  i. 

in   Herzog's   Encyclopaedia.      Of  the  1,  2;    Eymeric.  5-6;  Raynald.    1220, 

works  ascribed  to  him,  Hahn  considers  31).     That  this  was  the  '  Psalterium,' 

the  '  Concordia  Veteris  et  Novi  Tes-  see   Hahn,  iii.  89-90  (quoting  Engel- 

tam.,'  the   '  Psalterium  Decern  Chor-  hardt). 

darum,'   and    the   Exposition    of  the  '  See   Hahn,   iii.  86-S  ;    Brit.  Mag. 

Apocalypse,  to  be  genuine,  while  the  xvi.  492. 


342  DOCTRINE   OF   THE   THREE   STATES.  Book  VI. 

were  not  wholly  distinct  in  time ;  for  one  was  said  to 
begin  when  another  was  at  its  height,  and  as  the  earlier 
state  ended,  the  next  attained  to  its  height  of  "  fructifi- 
cation" or  "clarity."  Thus,  the  first  state,  in  which  men 
lived  according  to  the  flesh,  began  with  Adam,  reached 
its  clarity  in  Abraham,  and  ended  with  Zacharias,  the 
father  of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  The  second  state,  which 
is  divided  between  the  flesh  and  the  Spirit,  began  with 
Elijah,  and  reached  clarity  in  Zacharias ;  the  third 
began  with  St  Benedict,  and  its  clarity — the  outpouring 
of  the  Spirit  upon  all  flesh — was  to  be  at  the  end  of  the 
forty-second  generation  from  the  Nativity — /.<?.,  in  the 
year  1260.™  The  character  and  mutual  relation  of 
these  states  were  illustrated  by  a  variety  of  comparisons. 
In  the  first,  the  mystery  of  the  kingdom  of  God  was 
shown  as  by  stars  in  the  darkness  of  night ;  the  second 
was  as  the  dawn,  and  the  third  as  the  perfect  day." 
The  three  answered  to  the  respective  attributes  of  the 
Divine  Persons — power,  wisdom,  and  love.^  The  letter 
of  the  Old  Testament  was  of  the  Father ;  the  letter  of 
the  New  Testament,  of  the  Son;  and,  as  the  Holy 
Ghost  proceedeth  from  both  the  Father  and  the  Son,  so 
under  His  dispensation  the  spirit  of  both  Testaments 
would  be  manifested.P  The  first  was  the  state  of 
slavery;  the  second,  of  fihal  service;  the  third,  of 
friendship  and  freedom.^  There  was  first  the  state  of 
married  persons ;  next,  that  of  clerks ;  lastly,  that  oi! 
monks,  hermits,  and  contemplatives.""  The  three  were 
respectively  typified  in  St.  Peter,  who  represents  the 
power  of  faith  ;  in  St.  Paul,  the  representative  of 
knowledge ;    and     in    St.  John,   the  representative   of 

*"  Hahn,  iil.  106-15.  cal,    contemplative,    anagogical,    and 

"  lb.  108.                          o  lb.  i?7.  mystical— the  last  beins  of  ssven  kinds. 

«*  lb.    110,     125-6.       Joachim    sup-  lb.  131-57. 

posed  a  twelvefold   understanding  of  «  lb.  108, 

Scripture— liistorical,  moral,  tropologi-  •"  lb.  107. 


Chap.  XII.  JOACHIM   OF    FIORE.  343 

love  and  contemplation,  who  was  to  tarry  till  his  Lord 
should  come.^  According  to  this  system,  the  world 
was  on  the  eve  of  a  great  change ;  the  first  sixty  years 
of  the  thirteenth  century — the  last  years  of  the  forty- 
two  generations  between  the  Incarnation  and  the  con- 
summation of  all  things — were  to  be  a  middle  period ; 
and  in  the  last  three  years  and  a  half  of  this  time 
Antichrist  would  come.^  It  is  said  that  Joachim  told 
Richard  of  England  that  Antichrist  was  already  born 
at  Rome;  and  that  the  king  replied  that  in  that  case 
he  must  be  no  other  than  the  reigning  pope,  Clement." 
But  Joachim  looked  for  Antichrist  to  arise  from  among 
the  patarines,  and  expected  him  to  be  supported  by 
an  antipope,  who  would  stir  him  up  against  the  faith- 
ful, as  Simon  Magus  stirred  up  Nero.^ 

Against  the  existing  clergy  Joachim  inveighed  in 
the  strongest  terms ;  and  he  especially  denounced  the 
corruptions  of  the  Roman  cardinals,  legates,  and  court, 
while  he  spoke  with  peculiar  reverence  of  the  papacy 
itself/  He  regarded  Rome  as  being  at  once  Jerusa- 
lem and  Babylon — Jerusalem,  as  the  seat  of  the  papacy  ; 
Babylon,  as  the  seat  of  the  empire,  committing  forni- 
cation with  the  kings  of  the  earth/  For  he  regarded  the 
German  empire  with  especial  abhorrence,  and  denounced 
all  reliance  of  the  church  on  secular  help  ;  the  bondage 

»  Hahn,  iii.  112  ;  Neand.  vii.  316-17  pseudopropheta,  qui  dicebat  antichris- 

(Joh.  xxi.  22).  turn  jam  esse  adultum,  et  diem  judicii 

'  13rit.  Mag.  xvi.  370-1  ;  Hahn,  iii.  imminere."      (Patrol,  clx.  398.)    Was 

118.  this  Joachim?    As  to  the  expectation 

"Ben.    Petrib,     635-6;     Hoveden,  of  Antichrist  in  that  age,  see  Will,  dc 

388,    i;    R.    Coggesh.    839.     Hence  Nangis,  a.d.  1175. 

Baronius  was  led   to    style  Joachim  ^  Neand.  vii.  312-13:  Hahn,  iii.  116- 

"  pseudo-propheta  "  (1190.  8) ;  but  the  17. 

BoUandists  try  to  vindicate  the  abbot  r  Hahn,   iii.    101-2.      Mr.    Herbert 

by  saying  that  under  thenameof  Anti-  considers  Joachim's  system  as  a  deep 

Christ  Frederick  II.  was  meant  (Acta  plot,  concerted  with  the  popes.     Brit. 

SS.,  Mai.  29,  p.  135).     The  chronicle  Mag.  xvi.  494. 

of  Mortemar  says  under  the  date  of  *  Neand.  vii.  310  ;  Giescler,  II.  ii. 

1210  —  "  Hoc    tempore    fuit    quidum  353  ;  Brit.  Mag.  371-a. 


344  JOACHIM    OF    FIORE.  Book  VI. 

of  the  church  under  the  empire  was  the  Babylonian 
captivity ;  the  popes,  in  relying  on  the  king  of  France, 
were  leaning  on  a  broken  reed  which  would  surely  pierce 
their  hands.*  On  account  of  the  connexion  with  the 
Byzantine  empire,  as  well  as  of  its  errors  as  to  the  Holy 
Ghost,  he  very  strongly  censures  the  Greek  church, 
which  he  compares  to  Israel,  while  the  Roman  church  is 
typified  by  Judah ;  yet,  in  accordance  with  that  compari- 
son, he  supposes  the  eastern  church  to  contain  a  remnant 
of  faithful  ones,  like  those  seven  thousand  who  had  not 
bowed  the  knee  to  Baal.  The  only  merit  which  he 
acknowledges  in  the  Greeks  is,  that  among  them  the 
order  of  monks  and  hermits  originated.^  These  he 
considers  to  be  figured  in  Jacob,  while  the  secular  clergy 
are  as  Esau.°  The  seculars  were  to  perish  as  martyrs  in 
the  final  contest  with  Antichrist ;  and  after  his  fall  the 
monks  would  shine  forth  in  glory. <^  Thus  the  papacy 
was  to  triumph,  but  its  triumph  was  to  be  shared  by  the 
monks  only ;  and  Joachim's  view  of  the  final  state  of 
liberty  and  enlightenment,  through  the  immediate  agency 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  excluded  the  need  of  any  human 
teachers.® 

That  Joachim's  works  have  been  largely  tampered 
with  appears  to  be  unquestioned  ;  and  this  was  the  case 
with  a  passage  in  which  he  was  supposed  to  have  fore- 
told the  rise  of  the  Dominican  and  the  Franciscan 
orders.*  In  its  original  shape  the  prophecy  contained 
nothing  beyond  what  might  have  been  conjectured  by 
his  natural  sagacity;  he  speaks  of  tvvo  men  who  are 
to  begin  the  contest  with  Antichrist,  and  he  seems  to 
expect  that  these  will  arise  from  among  the  Cistercians. 

»  Neand.  vii.   305,   310-11  ;    Hahn,  '  Theod.  Appold.  Vita  S.  Dominici, 

iii.  113-16.                      ^  lb.  105-6.  5S  ;  Lib.  Conformitatum  S.  Franc.  16*- 

<"  lb.  no.                   ^  lb.  119.  17*;  Acta  SS.,  Aug.  4,  p.  379;  Wad- 

•  Neand.  vii.  320 ;  Brit.  Mag.  xvi.  ding,  i.  15. 
498,  seqq. 


Chap.  XII.  JOACHIM    OF    FIORE.  345 

But  in  its  later  form  the  two  individuals  become  two  new 
orders,  which  are  to  preach  the  "everlasting  gospel,"  s 
to  convert  Jews  and  Mahometans,  and  to  gather  out 
the  faithful  remnant  of  the  Greek  church,  that  it  may 
be  united  to  the  Roman ;  and  the  characteristics  of  the 
Dominicans  and  Franciscans  are  marked  with  a  precision 
which  proves  the  spuriousness  of  the  passage.  And  as, 
of  the  two  new  orders,  the  Franciscans  are  preferred,  it 
would  seem  that  the  forgery  is  rather  to  be  traced  to 
them  than  to  the  Dominicans. '^ 

That  there  was  much  danger  in  Joachim's  speculations 
is  evident,  although  he  protested  that  his  belief  was 
entirely  in  accordance  with  that  of  the  church;^  yet 
it  would  be  a  mistake  (however  natural)  to  suppose 
that  he  meant  to  represent  Christianity  itself  as  some- 
thing temporary  and  transitory.  For  he  speaks  only 
of  two  Testaments,  which,  according  to  him,  were  to  be 
followed,  not  by  a  third,  but  by  an  enlightenment  as 
to  the  meaning  of  the  two.''  And  his  reputation,  sup- 
ported on  one  side  by  papal  approbation  of  his  works 
and  of  his  order,  while  on  the  other  side  it  was  dis- 
paraged by  the  general  council's  condemnation  of  his 
doctrine  as  to  the  Trinity — continued  to  be  of  a  mixed 
and  doubtful  kind.  Notwithstanding  that  the  gift  of 
miracles,^  as  well  as  that  of  prophecy,  was  claimed  for 
him,  an  attempt  to  procure  his  canonization  at  Rome 
in  1346  was  unsuccessful;"^  but  he  has  obtained  at 
the  hands  of  the  great  Florentine  poet  a  place  among 
the  beatified  spirits  in  Paradise." 

e  Revelation,   xiv.   6.      See  below,  him  guilty  of  error,  but  not  of  heresy 

Book  VIIl.,  c.  viii.  2.  Cent.  XIII.  Diss,  ii.,  t.  xvi.  16-20. 

''  See  Acta  SS.,  Mai.   29,   p.  138  ;  "  St.  Bonaventura  is  supposed  to  be 

Hahn,    iii.    119-24  ;    Gieseler,    II.  ii.  the  speaker — 

354;  Brit.  Mag.  xvi.  368.  'Elucemi  dalato 

'  D'Argentre,  i.  121.  !•  Calavrese  abate  Gioaccliino, 

i'  Neand.  vii.  318-19.       '  Vita,  c.  8.  Di  spirito  profectico  dotato." 

"•  See  Acta  SS.,   110,  seqq.  ;  Brit.  -raraciiso.  xii  139.^7. 

Mag.  xvi.  367.    Akxandre  Noel  think?  Salimbene's  very  curious  and  aniubiuij 


346  fiooK  VI. 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

SUPPLEMENTARY. 

I.   The  Hierarchy, 

(i.)  By  the  labours  of  Gregory  VII.  and  his  followers 
the  papacy  was  exalted,  not  only  in  opposition  to  the 
secular  powers,  but  in  its  relations  to  the  rest  of  the 
hierarchy ;  and  the  continual  increase  of  its  influence 
over  the  whole  church  was  unchecked  by  those  frequent 
displays  of  insubordination  among  the  subjects  of  its 
temporal  power  which  compelled  the  popes  of  this  time 
to  be  in  great  part  exiles  from  their  city.*  While 
emperors,  instead  of  confirming  the  elections  of  popes, 
as  in  earlier  ages,  were  fain  to  seek  the  papal  con- 
firmation of  their  own  election — while  they  and  other 
sovereigns  were  required  to  hold  the  pope's  stirrup,  to 
walk  as  grooms  by  the  side  of  his  horse,^  and  to  kiss 
his  feet*^ — while  it  was  taught  that  to  him  belonged'*  the 
*'  two  swords,"  that  kingdoms  were  held  under  him,  and 
that  the  highest  earthly  dignities  were  conferred  by  him® 
— the  principles  of  Gregory  went  beyond  those  of  the 
False  Decretals  by  making  St.  Peter's  successor  not 
merely   the   highest   authority  in  the   church,   but  the 

memoirs  afford  throughout  incidental  Q"*  minimos  minim  c  censura  coercet  in  urbe, 

evidence    of  the  great   popularity    of  ^aevit  in  orbe  fren.ens.  celsaque  loca  pre- 

,            ,      .              _       ,  .     ,     .       .  mens, 

such  prophecies  as  Joachims  m   the  Cui  maiasublatus  Romaenoncederwthortus, 

13th  century.    Cf.  Murat.  Antiq.  Ital.  Nititur  ad  nutum  flectere  rej,'na  suum." 

"'•  ^^7-8.        ,..,.„  »>  From  this  the  Greek  Cinnamus  ar- 

■  The  combination  of  vast  influence 


at  a  distance  with  impotence  at  home 


gues    that  the   "  king  of   Germany " 

JL    /-•     ij      r-      I.        •    •  could  not  be  really  emperor,     v.  10. 

IS  expressed  by  Giraldus  Cambrensis  in  „  t,.  •                       ■     t    \,     r-             ' 

,  .     ^               .       .       -r,         /,,n  This  was   required    by  Gregory « 

his  verses  on  leaving  Rome  (Wharton,  .<  t-v-  .  .     .«      c            1     • 

-       ..         .     "             ^                '  "Dictates.        See    voL    iv.    p.    292; 

Ang.  Sac.  u.  434)  : —  _.,.... 

^                 ^^^  Gieseler,  II.  11.  224. 

Mirumquse  RomiE  modicos  sententia  Papx  a  g^^  ^j^^^^^  j^j^^  ^^  ^„j  ^^^  j^^;^ 


Non  movet.  hie  regum  sceptra  movere  po- 
test I 


sect.   12. 
•  See  Planck,  IV.  ii.  725. 


Chap.  Xlll.  THE   PAPACY.  347 

sole  authority — all  other  spiritual  power  being  re- 
presented as  held  by  delegation  from  him.^  Thus 
Innocent  II.  told  the  Lateran  council  of  1139  that 
all  ecclesiastical  dignity  was  derived  from  the  Roman 
see  by  a  sort  of  feudal  tenure,  and  that  it  could  not 
be  lawfully  held  except  by  the  pope's  permission.^  We 
have  seen  that  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  pope  was 
exacted  of  St.  Boniface,  when  sent  as  a  missionary 
bishop  into  Germany  ^'^  and  in  other  special  cases  such 
oaths  had  been  sometimes  required.  Now,  however, 
an  important  change  was  introduced  by  Gregory,  who 
in  1079  exacted  of  the  patriarch  of  Aquileia  a  new 
episcopal  oath,  which  was  in  part  modelled  on  the  oath 
of  secular  fealty,  and  which  thus  implied  a  feudal 
dependence  of  the  bishop  on  the  pope,  as  the  source 
of  all  his  powers.^  By  Gregory  himself  this  was  not 
imposed  on  any  others  than  metropolitans  and  his  own 
immediate  suffragans ;  but  in  no  long  time  it  was  exacted 
of  all  bishops,^  who  now  professed  to  hold  their  office 
not  only  **  by  the  grace  of  God,"  but  also  by  that  "of 
the  apostolic  see."^  In  some  instances  Gregory  appeared 
to  scruple  as  to  interfering  with  the  ancient  right  of 
metropolitans  to  consecrate  their  suffragans;  and  even 
later  popes  thought  it  well  to  make  courteous  apologies 
for  having  invaded  the  metropolitan  privileges  by  such 
acts.™     But  Gregory's  council  of  1080  had  decreed  that 

'  Planck,  IV.    ii.    613-15 ;    Neand.  Twysden,    671  ;    Id.,   Hist.    Vindica- 

vii.  269  :  Giesel.  II.  ii.  222.  tion,  63-4. 

8  "Quasi  feodalis   juris    consuetu-  '  "Dei  et    .ipostolicje  sedis  gratia 

dine."    Chron.   Mauriniac.  in  Patrol.  episcopus."    The  first  instance  of  tliis 

clxxx.  168.  form  is  said  to  be  in  the  will  of  Amatus 

••  Vol.  iii.  p.  64.  of  Nusco   (see  vol.  iv.   p.    57),   a.d. 

'  Cone.  Rom.  a.d.  1079,  in  Patrol.  1093  '>    Giesel.   II.    ii.    237,   who  says 

cxlviii.  812-13.  ^'^^'^  Thomassin  (I.  i.  60,  cc.  9  and  19) 

''  Planck,  IV.    ii.    621-6 ;   Gieselcr,  is  very  incorrect  on  the  subject. 

!!•  233-5'     Ralph  de  Diceto  mentions  ""  See  Planck,  IV.  ii.  677-82;  Schmidt, 

with  a  strong  appearance  of  distaste  the  ii.    527;    Helmold,    i.   80-2;    Gervas. 

exaction  of  a  new  oath  from  Hubert,  Dorob.  in  Twysden,   1444-6.     Paschal 

archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a.d.  1193.  II.,  on  being  retiuested  to  consecrate 


348  THE   PAPACY. 


Book  VI. 


the  election  of  bishops  should  be  approved  by  the  pope 
or  the  metropoHtan  ;"  and,  as  bishops-elect  became  more 
and  more  disposed  to  flock  to  Rome  (especially  in  cases 
of  disputed  election,  as  to  which  the  popes  claimed  an 
exclusive  right  to  decide,  and  in  most  cases  established 
it  before  the  end  of  the  century),^  the  power  of  confir- 
mation and  consecration  was  gradually  transferred  from 
the  metropolitans  to  the  pope  alone. p 

The  exercise  of  penitential  discipline  was  also  now 
assumed  by  the  popes  in  a  greater  degree,^  although  they 
still  make  occasional  professions  of  respecting  the  rights 
of  the  local  bishops.'*  The  fondness  for  appealing  to 
Rome  in  every  case  is  a  subject  of  complaint,  not  only 
on  the  part  of  princes,  such  as  Henry  II.  of  England, 
but  of  such  ecclesiastics  as  Hildebert  of  Tours  ^  and 
Bernard.^  Gregory  VIII.  complained  of  being  dis- 
tracted by  needless  appeals,  and  tried  to  check  the 
practice;"  but  his  pontificate  was  too  short  to  have 
much  effect.  As  excommunication  deprived  of  the 
power  of  appearing  in  ecclesiastical  courts,  bishops 
and  archdeacons  sometimes  resorted  to  it  as  a  means 
for  the  prevention  of  appeals ;  but  this  was  forbidden 
by  the  Lateran  council  of  1179.^ 

But  it  was  not  by  appeals  only  that  causes  were  trans- 
ferred from  the  provinces  to  the  Roman  court.  There 
was  a  tendency  to  carry  questions  at  once  to  the  pope — 
passing  over  the  local  authorities  to  whose  jurisdiction 
they  in  the  first  instance  belonged  '/  and  the  reservation 
of  "  greater  causes  "  to  the  pope  alone  became  more  and 

an  Icelandic  bishop,  referred  him  to  1364.     See  Gregory  VII.'s  letter    to 

the  archbishop  of  Lund.     Miinter,  ii.  Henry,  bishop  of  Liege.     Ep.  vi.   4 

87.  (Patrol,  clxviii.). 

"  Can.  6.  •  Ep.  ii.  41  (Patrol,  clxxi.). 

°  Planck,  IV.  ii.  49,  63-4.  »  See  p.  156  ;   also  Ep.  178  (Patrol. 

P  lb.  632,  682-3 ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  236.  clxxxii.  340). 

*«  lb.  239.  "  Ep.  15  (Patrol,  ccii.). 

■•  See  Alex.   III.,  Ep.    134  (Patrol.  »  Can.  6. 

cc);    Gervas.    Dorcb.    in    Tw7sden,  y  Planck,  IV.  ii.  166,  seqq. 


Chap.  XIII.  DISPENSATIONS — LEGATES.  340 

more  injurious  to  the  rights  of  the  bishops  and  metro- 
politans. Among  these  causes  were  canonization,  which 
(as  we  have  already  seen)  was  for  the  first  time  reserved 
to  the  holy  see  by  Alexander  III.,^  and  dispensations 
as  to  marriage,  oaths,  translation  of  bishops,  and  other 
matters.  Dispensations,  in  the  sense  of  a  license  given 
beforehand  to  do  something  which  was  forbidden  by  the 
laws  of  the  church,  had  been  unknown  in  earlier  times, 
when  the  only  kind  of  dispensation  granted  was  a  for- 
giveness of  past  irregularity.*  But  now  popes  began  to 
claim  the  right  of  granting  dispensations  beforehand,  and 
of  exercising  this  power  in  all  parts  of  the  church,  con- 
currently with  the  local  bishops.  In  this,  as  in  other 
things,  the  tendency  of  the  age  led  men  to  apply  to  the 
pope  or  to  his  legates  rather  than  to  their  own  bishops  ; 
and  thus  by  degrees  the  pope's  authority  in  such  matters, 
from  having  been  concurrent  with  that  of  the  bishops, 
was  established  as  exclusive  by  Innocent  III.** 

Among  the  means  of  enforcing  the  idea  that  all  ecclesi- 
astical power  belonged  to  the  pope,  the  system  of  legation 
was  the  chief.  In  former  times,  the  only  representatives 
whom  the  popes  had  maintained  in  foreign  countries 
were  their  "  apocrisiaries  "  at  Constantinople,  or  at  the 
court  of  the  earlier  Frankish  emperors  ;'^  at  a  later  date, 
such  legates  as  were  sent  forth  were  employed  only  on 
special  occasions,  and  for  some  particular  business.  But 
from  the  time  of  Leo  IX.  legates  were  appointed  with 
commissions  unlimited  either  as  to  the  nature  of  their 
business  or  as  to  the  duration  of  their  power ;  and  this 
system  was  developed  by  Gregory  VII.  so  that  every 

*=  Vol,  iv.  p.  186  ;  Schrockh,  xxvii.  but  a  declaration  that  they  were  not 

97 ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  239.  held  to  apply  in  the  particular  case. 

»  Sometimes  an  apparent  breach  of  Planck,  IV.  ii.  660. 

the  canons  had  been  sanctioned  be-  •>  lb.  661-6;  Schrockh,  xxvii.    320; 

forehand— <'.^.,    the    translation  of   a  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  227. 

bishop.       This,     however,     was    not  '  De  Marca,  1.  v.  cc.  i6-i8  :  Planck, 

really  a  license  to  break  the  canons,  iV.  ii.  640,, 


350  LEGATES.  Book  VI. 

country  had  its  regular  legate — whether  one  of  the  local 
prelates,  or  an  emissary  sent  directly  from  the  papal 
court.*^  These  legates,  according  to  Gregory,  were  to  be 
heard  even  as  the  pope  himself.®  It  had  before  been 
held  that  the  pope,  on  personally  visiting  a  country, 
might  summon .  the  bishops  to  a  council ;  and  now 
this  power  was  extended  to  the  legates,  in  contempt  of 
the  authority  of  the  metropolitans.*  The  legates  acted 
everywhere  as  the  highest  authorities,  although  them- 
selves perhaps  in  no  higher  order  than  that  of  deacon  or 
subdeacon.  They  cited  metropolitans  and  all  bishops 
under  pain  of  suspension,  deposed  bishops,  wrested 
cases  from  the  ordinary  courts,  and  threatened  the  ven- 
geance of  the  pope  against  all  who  might  oppose  them.« 
Yet  the  alliance  of  these  Roman  emissaries  was  so  im- 
portant to  bishops,  and  especially  in  strengthening  them 
against  the  secular  power,  that  few  bishops  dared  to 
provoke  their  enmity.**  The  assumption,  the  rapacity, 
the  corruption  of  the  legates  were  excessive  and  even 
proverbial.  They  were  authorized  to  draw  their  main- 
tenance from  the  countries  which  they  passed  through, 
as  well  as  from  those  to  which  they  were  destined,*  and 
no  limits  were  set  to  the  demands  which  they  were 
allowed  to  make  for  procurations,  so  that  John  of  Salis- 
bury speaks  of  them  as  "  raging  in  the  provinces  as  if 
Satan  had  gone  forth  from  the  presence  of  the  Lord  for 
the  scourging  of  the  church."*' 

•*  De  Marca,   1.   vi.   cc.   30,   seqq.:  *  Schruckh,  xxvii.  75. 

Schrockh,  .xxvii.  74;    Planck,  IV.  ii.  '  Planck,  IV.  ii.  645-66,  653-66. 

641,  654.  *  Polycratic.  v.    16  (Patrol,   cxcix, 

«  See  vol.  iv.  p.  304.  580);  cf.  viii.  17  (col.  783).    For  similar 

*  Planck,  IV.  ii.  697-8.  quotations  from   Ivo  and  others,  see 

8  lb.  642-3.     See   the   accounts  of  Gieseler,   II.    ii.    245  ;   Neander,   vii. 

John  of  Crema,   by  Gervas.  Dorob.  273-4.    See,  too,  Martene,  Coll.  Ampl. 

(1663),  and  of  Albert  (afterwards  Gre-  iv.   212  ;     Fleury,  Disc,  at  end  of  b. 

gory  VIII.),  by  R.  de  Diceto  (603),  Ixxiv.,  c.  ir.  About  two  centuries  later 

who  describes  him  as  '*  Latiaiiter  in-  the  author  of  "  Piers  the  Ploughman's 

cedens  per  Angliam  "  Vision  "  wrote  thus ;— 


<;hap.  XIII.  LEGATES.  35 1 

Bernard,  in  a  letter  to  a  cardinal-bishop  of  Ostia,  has 
given  a  remarkable  picture  of  another  cardinal,  named 
Jordan,  in  the  character  of  legate  to  France — "  He  has 
passed  from  nation  to  nation,  and  from  one  kingdom 
to  another  people,  everywhere  leaving  foul  and  horrible 
traces  among  us.  He  is  said  to  have  everj^vhere  com- 
mitted disgraceful  things ;  to  have  carried  off  the  spoils 
of  churches  ;  to  have  promoted  pretty  little  boys*  to 
ecclesiastical  honours  wherever  he  could ;  and  to  have 
wished  to  do  so  where  he  could  not.  Many  have  bought 
themselves  off,  that  he  might  not  come  to  them ;  those 
whom  he  could  not  visit,  he  taxed  and  squeezed  by 
means  of  messengers.  In  schools,  in  courts,  in  the  places 
where  roads  meet,  he  has  made  himself  a  by-word. 
Seculars  and  religious,  all  speak  ill  of  him  ;  the  poor,  the 
monks,  and  the  clergy  complain  of  him."™  In  some 
cases  sovereigns  obtained  a  promise  from  the  pope  that 
legates  should  not  be  sent  into  their  dominions  without 
their  consent;"  but  such  promises  were  sometimes  broken, 
and  were  more  frequently  evaded  by  committing  the  busi- 
ness of  legates  to  persons  who  were  styled  by  some  other 
title;*'  while,  on  the  other  hand,  kings  sometimes  ex- 
cluded or  expelled  legates  from  their  territories,  or  made 
them  swear  before  admittance  that  they  would  do  no 
mischief  P 

The  pretensions  of  popes  with  regard  to  councils  rose 
higher.  Princes  now  no  longer  convoked  such  assem- 
blies as  in  former  times  ;  indeed  the  emperors  had  no 

•'Th&comuneclamatquotiifie  n  From  Alexander  III.'s  writing  to 

Ech  a  man  til  oother.  je^j^j    yil.     that    he     would    make 

The  contree  is  the  corseder  ^^^^^^  j^  j^;^  ^^jj^  ,              ^^^  Ftznc<t, 

That  cardinals  comme  inne,  ,,  ,              ,            .          ,           .         , 

And  ther  they  ligge  and  lenge  moost,  dummodo  regice  voluntati  sederet  et 

Lecherie  there  regneth."  beneplacito    tuo"    (Ep.    447),    Planck 

Vv.  13,795,  segg.,  ed.  lyright,  infers  that  tliere  was  such  a  compact 

>  "  Formosulos  pueros."  with  the  French  king.  (IV.  il.  630.) 

"'  Ep.  290.     See  Bernard's  cautions  *>  lb.  650-1. 

to  Eugenius  III.  as  to  his  choice  of  >'  See,  e.g.,   Gervas.     Dorob.    i^h; 

agents,  De  Consid.  iv.  4-5.  Ben.  Petrib.  145 ;  Hoveden,  305. 


2^2  THE   PAPACY.  Book  VI. 

longer  that  general  sway  which  would  have  procured  for 
any  order  of  theirs  obedience  from  the  subjects  of  other 
sovereigns.*^  The  councils  of  Piacenza  and  Clermont 
were  summoned  by  Urban  II.  on  his  own  authority,  in 
reliance  on  the  general  excitement  in  favour  of  the 
crusading  cause.  For  such  a  step  the  ground  had  been 
laid  by  Gregory's  summoning  bishops  from  all  quarters 
to  his  lenten  synods  at  Rome ;  ^  and  in  the  new  epis- 
copal oath  there  was  a  promise  of  attendance  at  all 
councils  to  which  the  bishop  should  be  cited  by  the 
pope.^  The  claims  which  had  been  set  up  for  the 
popes  in  the  False  Decretals*  were  now  more  than 
realized ;  for  it  was  held  that  provincial  councils  required 
the  pope's  authority,  not  only  to  confirm  them,  but  to 
summon  them,  and  it  became  usual  that  papal  legates 
should  be  the  presidents."  And  for  all  such  assemblies 
there  was  the  dread  of  an  appeal  to  Rome,  with  the  know- 
ledge that  appeals  were  likely  to  be  favourably  enter- 
tained.^ Towards  councils  themselves,  also,  the  pope's 
tone  became  higher  than  before ;  thus  Paschal  II.,  in 
answer  to  the  objection  that  the  new  episcopal  oath  had 
not  been  sanctioned  by  any  council,  declares  that  the 
pope  is  sufficient  without  a  council,  although  a  council  is 
not  sufficient  without  the  pope.y 

A  sort  of  infallibility  now  began  to  be  claimed  for  the 
popes — chiefly  on  the  ground  of  our  Lord's  words  to  St. 
Peter,  "I  have  prayed  for  thee  that  thy  faith  fail  not."  * 
Yet  this  official  infallibility  was  not  supposed  to  secure 
the  pope  against  personal  errors ;  and  Gratian  goes  so 
far  as  to  declare  that  certain  words  of  Gregory  II.  are 

1  Planck,  IV.  ii.  674.  "  Planck,  IV.  ii.  684. 

'  Schrockh,  xxvii.  98-100 ;  Planck,  *  Fleury,  Disc,  at  end  of  b.  Ixxiv., 

IV.  ii.  689-92.  c.  2  ;  Schrockh,  xxvii.  96. 

•Patrol,    cxlviii.   813.     See  Giesel.  y  Ep.  506  (Patrol,  clxxiii.). 

II.  i-.  ^33-4.  ■  (Luke  xxii.   32.)     See  quotations 

*  See  vol.  iii.  p.  321.  in  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  228. 


Chap.  XIII  ELECTION    OF    BISHOPS. 


353 


utterly  opposed,  not  only  to  the  canons,  but  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Gospels  and  of  the  apostles.* 

(2.)  In  consequence  of  the  agitation  excited  by  Hilde- 
brand,  the  election  of  bishops  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
clergy,  and  more  especially  of  the  canons  of  cathedrals. 
It  was,  indeed,  admitted  by  the  hierarchical  writers  that, 
according  to  the  precedent  of  early  times,  the  laity  ought 
to  have  some  part  in  the  election.  But  those  whom  such 
writers  were  willing  to  admit  as  representatives  of  the 
laity  were  the  great  retainers  and  officers  of  the  church ; 
the  sovereign  was  declared  to  be  shut  out  from  all  share 
in  the  choice  ;  ^  and,  after  the  pattern  of  papal  elections, 
which  were  now  confined  to  the  cardinals  alone,  the 
election  of  bishops  came  to  be  regarded  as  belonging  to 
the  cathedral  clergy  exclusively. <^  It  was  found,  however, 
that  the  change  in  the  manner  of  appointment,  instead  of 
doing  away  with  that  corruption  which  had  been  the 
subject  of  such  indignant  denunciations,  had  only  the 
effect  of  transferring  it  from  courtiers  to  canons ;  and  in 
its  new  form  it  worked  worse  than  before,  inasmuch  as 
the  clergy  might  choose  a  bishop  with  a  view  of  benefit- 
ing by  his  defects,  or  might  make  a  bargain  with  him 
which  would  be  more  injurious  to  the  church  than  any 
that  could  be  made  by  a  layman.'^  Jealousies,  intrigues, 
and  disputed  rights,  which  led  to  long  and  ruinous  suits, 
and  sometimes  to  actual  war,  now  became  rife,  and 
Frederick  Barbarossa  had  probably  good  reason  for 
declaring  in  a  well-known  speech  that  the  bishops  ap- 
pointed by  the  imperial  power  had  been  better  than 
those  whom  the  clergy  had  chosen  for  themselves.® 

In  many  countries,  however,  the  sovereigns  still  retained 

*  Causa  II.,  qu    vii.  c.  18  (Patrol.  *  Planck,  IV.  ii.  72-6.     See  a  letter 

clxxxvii.).  of  Conrad  III.  to  Eugenius  III.  about 

b  E.g.,  Gerhoh.  in  Psalm  bciv.   ce,  an  election  to  Utrecht.     Ep.  ad.  Eug. 

26-7  (Patrol,  cxciv.)  ;  Schrockh,  xxvii.  18  (Patrol,  clxxx.). 

101-2.               '  Neand.  viL  276.  •  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  17. 

VOL.  v.  23 


A.D.   1 1 84. 


354  ELECTION    AND  Book  VI. 

their  influence.  In  France,  England,  and  Spain,  the 
king's  licence  was  necessary  before  an  election,  and  his 
confirmation  of  the  bishop-elect  was  also  necessary; 
while  in  the  Sicilies,  Hungary,  Denmark,  and  Sweden, 
the  kings  still  enjoyed  the  power  of  nomination.*  The 
appointment  of  archbishops  of  Canterbury  was  the  sub- 
ject of  struggles  which  were  renewed  at  every  vacancy, 
as,  in  addition  to  the  claims  of  the  king  and  of  the  monks 
of  the  cathedral,  the  bishops  of  the  province  claimed  a 
share  in  the  election.^  The  most  remarkable  of  these 
contests  was  perhaps  that  which  followed  on 
the  death  of  Becket's  successor,  Richard 
The  bishops  made  choice  of  Baldwin,  bishop  of  Worces 
ter,  but  the  monks  refused  to  concur  in  this,  and  pre 
tended  to  an  exclusive  right  of  election,  which,  they  said, 
had  been  confirmed  to  them  by  the  king  in  penitence  foi 
the  death  of  St.  Thomas.  This  claim  was  asserted  with 
such  obstinacy  as  to  provoke  Henry  to  exclaim  that  the 
prior  of  Canterbury,  Alan,  wished  to  be  a  second  pope 
in  England  ;^^  but  after  a  long  contest,  and  much  skilful 
management  on  the  part  of  the  king,  it  was  contrived 
that  some  representatives  of  the  monks,  who  had  been 
summoned  to  Westminster,^  should,  after  declaring  the 
election  by  the  bishops  to  be  null,  independently  elect 
the  same  person  on  whom  the  choice  of  the  bishops  and 
of  the  king  had  already  fallen.^ 

'  Planck,  IV.  ii.  43  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  cathedral, — perhaps  in  their  own  pre- 

263;  Miinter,  ii.  63;    Hallam,  M.A.,  sence, — where    only  a  deputation    of 

i.   546.      Hoveden    speaks    of   Philip  the  electors  could  attend.    Lingard,  ii. 

Augustus  giving  up  by  treaty  to  Rich-  312. 

ard  I.,. in  1199,  the  "donation"  of  the  ^  See  Gervas.  1306,  1466-74;  R.  de 

archbishoprick  of  Tours,  449.  Diceto,    620  ;     Bened.    Petrib.    44-5 ; 

e  See  Lingard,  ii.  311.  Pauli,  iii.  172-3.      After  the  death   of 

^  Gervas.  Dorob.  1468.    Alan,  after-  the    next    archbishop,    Reginald,    the 

wards  abbot  of  Tewkesbury,  was  one  monks  met  on  the  day  before  that  ap- 

of  Becket's  biographers.  pointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  bishops, 

*  One  way  in  which  the  kings  exer-  and  chose   Hubert   Walter,  bishop  of 

cise  J  influence  was  by  fixing  the  elec-  Salisbury,  who  had  been  recommended 

tion  at  some  place  distant  from  the  by  Richard  I.  in  a  letter  from  his  Ger- 


Chap.  XIII.  INVESTITURE    OF   BISHOPS.  355 

Sovereigns  no  longer  ventured  to  found  bishopricks 
without  the  consent  of  popes  ;  but  they  strongly  resisted 
the  attempts  of  the  popes  to  parcel  out  their  dominions 
by  new  foundations  or  new  arrangements  of  sees.  ^  Yet 
we  have  seen  that  Henry  the  Lion,  of  Saxony,  although 
his  rank  was  not  that  of  king  but  of  duke,  took  it  on 
himself  to  erect  bishopricks  in  the  north  of  Germany, 
to  nominate  bishops,  and  to  grant  them  investiture.™ 

The  question  of  investiture,  after  the  long  contests 
which  it  had  occasioned,  was  settled  by  means  of  com- 
promises. We  have  seen  how  this  was  arranged  in 
England,  and  by  the  concordat  of  Worms  ;  and  also  that 
in  1 1 19  the  form  of  investing  by  ring  and  staff  was  not 
used  in  France."  But  the  substance  of  investiture  still 
remained.  A  distinction  was  drawn  between  homaghim 
and  ligiiim  —  the  former  implying  general  faithfulness 
and  obedience,  while  the  other  included  an  obligation 
to  serve  the  feudal  lord  ^'against  all  men  who  may  live 
or  die ;  "  and  it  was  held  that  the  episcopal  homage, 
being  unencumbered  with  this  last  condition,  was 
lawful. ^^  The  name  of  investiture  was  applied  to  the 
ceremony  of  homage,  and  Bernard  himself  speaks  of  such 
investiture  as  unobjectionable. p  Hugh  of  Fleury  wrote 
a  tract  with  the  intention  of  mediating  between  the 
claims  of  the  church  and  of  the  state.^  He  holds  that 
temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  power  is  derived  from  God ; 
that  the  priesthood,  although  higher  in  order  than  royalty, 
cannot  claim  earthly  dignity;  and  that  bishops  may 
rightly  be  invested  with  their  temporalities  by  princes, 
although  the  investiture  with  ring  and  staff,  as  being  the 

man  prison  (Gervas.  1583),  and  "quern  «»  P.  288.      Sec  Helmold,  ii.   i  ;  Ar- 

aliquo  spiritu  revelante  praenoverant  ab  nold.  Lubec.  ii.  13,  28  ;  iii.  6,  13. 

episcopiseligendum."R.deDiceto,669.  °  Vol.  iv.  p.  467  ;  v.  pp.   19,  27-8. 

'  Thus   Philip  Augustus  would  not  »  Planck,  IV.  ii.  36. 

allow   Lucius   III.    to   make   Dol    an  P  Ep.  clxiv.  5.     See  Planck,  40. 

archbishoprick,  against  the  claims  of  0  '  De  Regia  Potestate  et  SacerdoUli 

Tours.     Schrockh,  xxvii.  III.  Dignitate  '  (Patrol.  clxiiL). 


356  PRECISTiE.  BookVL 

symbols  of  spiritual  office,  ought  to  be  reserved  for  the 
metropolitans.  And,  although  some  bishops  were  dis- 
posed to  claim  an  exemption  from  feudal  duties,  even 
such  popes  as  Alexander  III.  and  Innocent  III.  acknow- 
ledged that  in  regard  of  their  temporahties  they  were 
liable  to  the  usual  feudal  obligations,  and  were  subject 
to  the  courts  of  their  Uege  lord."" 

In  this  age  popes  began  to  interfere  with  the  patron- 
age of  ecclesiastical  dignities  and  offices  throughout  the 
western  church,  the  earliest  instance  being  a  letter  of 
Adrian  IV.  to  the  bishop,  dean,  and  chapter  of  Paris,  as 
to  the  bestowal  of  a  canonry  on  Hugh,  the  chancellor  of 
Lewis  VII.^  The  favoured  objects  of  the  papal  requests 
[preces)  were  styled  precistce ;  but,  as  the  requests  were 
the  less  likely  to  meet  with  attention  in  proportion  as 
their  number  was  unreasonably  increased,*  the  more 
peremptory  form  of  a  mandate  was  adopted — at  first  as 
an  addition  to  the  requests,  and  afterwards  as  a  substi- 
tute for  them."  And  until  a  suitable  preferment  should 
fall  vacant,  the  patrons  were  desired  to  provide  out  of 
their  own  funds  a  pension  for  the  person  recommended 
to   them.^      When,  however,  sovereigns  attempted  any 

■■  Alex,  in  Gregor.  Decret.  II.  ii.   6;  cometh  first  to  the  mill  ought  to  grind 

Coelestin.  III.  Ep.  220  (Patrol,  ccvi.)  ,  first."     P.  41. 

Innoc.  III.  Ep.  i.  13  ;  Planck,  IV.  ii.  "  Thus    Alexander   III.     uses    the 

227-8;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  264.  form    "rogantes  et  rogando  mandan- 

"  Ep.    81,    Jan.    20,    1156    (Patrol.  tes."    (Thomass.  1.  c,  3.)    See  Planck, 

clxxxviii.);  Nat.  Alex.  xiii.  340  ;  Tho-  IV.    ii.  716;  Neand.  vii.    277.     John 

massin.  de  Benef.  II.  i.  43.  2;  Planck,  01  Salisbury,  writing  in  the  name  of  a 

IV.  ii.  714.  prelate    (probably   archbishop    Theo- 

*  Jocelin  of  Brakelond  relates  that  bald)    says,    "  Vulgo    dici    solet,    et, 

when  a  clerk  presented  to  Abbot  Sam-  acceptiim  fideliter,   verwti  est,  quia 

son  of  St.  Edmund's  Bury   "  litteras  summi    pontificis  voluntas    decretum 

petitorias     de     redditu     ecclesiastico  est "  (Ep.  23).     Thomassin,  in  quoting 

habendo,"  the   abbot   produced  from  this,  omits  the  qualification.     1.  c. 

his  desk  seven  papal  letters,  each  with  ^  See   Alex.   III.   to  the  dean   and 

its   seal  duly  attached,  and  told  the  chapter  of  Lincoln,  in  Liverani,  Spi- 

applicant   that   when    the   bearers    of  cileg.   545-6.     Foliot,   bishop  of  Lon- 

these  should  have  been   satisfied  his  don,  complains  of  the  pope  for  invading 

turn    would    come; — "but    he     that  his  patronage,  ib.  641. 


Chap  XIII.       RELATIONS    OF    CHURCH    AND    STATt;.  357 

practices  of  the  same  kind,  the  popes  were  naturally 
vehement  in  denouncing  them.^  As  yet  the  papal 
recommendations,  while  interfering  with  patronage,  ad- 
mitted that  it  rightfully  belonged  to  the  prelates,  chapters, 
or  monastic  societies  to  whom  they  were  addressed.  But 
in  the  next  century  this  came  to  be  denied,  and  the 
revenues  of  the  church  in  countries  north  of  the  Alps — 
most  especially  in  England — were  preyed  on  by  a  host 
of  Italians,  forcibly  quartered  on  them  by  the  popes.^' 

In  France  the  growth  of  the  royal  power  affected  the 
relations  of  the  state  with  the  church.  Philip  Augustus 
was  sovereign  of  a  territory  twice  as  large  as  that  of 
Philip  I.,  and  the  kingdom  had  advanced  very  greatly 
in  culture  and  in  wealth. ^'^  The  kings  were  getting  the 
mastery  over  their  great  vassals,  and,  although  in  their 
struggle  against  these  they  had  been  allied  with  the 
clergy,  they  now  put  forward  new  pretensions  of  dignity 
against  the  hierarchy  itself;  thus  Philip  refused  to  do 
homage  for  certain  lands  held  under  the  church,  like  the 
former  tenants,  the  counts  of  Flanders,  on  the  ground 
that  the  king  must  not  do  homage  to  any  one."*  On  the 
other  hand  also  the  bishops  lost,  both  in  Italy  and  in 
France,  by  the  rise  of  the  municipal  communities.  The 
amount  of  this  rise,  indeed,  was  less  in  France,  where 
the  towns  were  less  populous  and  more  distant  from 
each  other,  where  they  were  not  aided  by  the  influence 
of  the  clergy,  and,  instead  of  being  able  to  combine  their 
energies  against  one  common  foe_,  each  town  had,  as  its 

^  E.g.,  Coelest.  III.  to    the    abbot  in  the  Life  of  St.  Hugh  of  Lincoln,  iii. 

of  St.    Pancras   at   Lewes.     Ep.    260  8-9  (Patrol,  cliii.). 

(Patrol,  ccvi.).     When  Richard  I.  had  ^  Thomass.  1.  c.  6  ;  Planck,  IV.  ii. 

thrust  some    clerks   into    prebends   of  JiS'i?- 

York,    they    resigned    them,    "as    if  *  W.  Nang.,  a.d.  1180:  Planck,  IV. 

voluntarily,"  after  his  death,  "scientes  ii.    122.     See   for  the  growth   of  the 

donationes  illas    factas   fuisse   contra  royal  power,   the  origin  of  the   cora- 

Deum,  et  in  sanctse  ecclesiae  detrimen-  munes,  etc.,  Martin,  book  xx. 


turn. 


(Hoved.  451,  b.)    See  a  cas«  •  Planck,  IV.  ii.  128. 


358  RELATIONS    OF    CHURCH    AND    STATE.  Book VI. 

first  necessity,  to  carry  on  a  feud  with  some  neighbouring 
noble.^  All,  therefore,  that  the  French  communes  as  yet 
claimed  was  civic  freedom— not  such  independence  as 
the  Italians  achieved.  In  many  cases  bishops  were  the 
lords  from  whom  emancipation  was  desired ;  and,  while 
some  struggled  against  the  movement,  others  accommo- 
dated themselves  to  it.  Sometimes  they  sold  privileges 
to  the  citizens;  sometimes  they  freely  granted  them; 
while  in  many  cases,  especially  under  Philip  Augustus, 
privileges  detrimental  to  the  power  of  the  bishops  were 
granted  by  the  sovereign,  on  condition  of  payments  to 
the  royal  exchequer. °  By  means  of  friendly  arrangements 
with  the  citizens,  indeed,  the  bishops  were  able  to  secure 
these  as  allies  against  the  neighbouring  nobles;  but, 
although  they  still  retained  their  high  rank  in  the  state, 
much  of  the  power  which  had  formerly  belonged  to 
their  order  had  now  passed  into  the  hands  either  of  the 
sovereign  or  of  the  commonalty.*^ 

When  Gregory  VII.  propounded  his  doctrines  as  to 
the  relations  of  the  ecclesiastical  and  the  secular  powers, 
the  imperial  cause  found  many  champions  among  the 
clergy.  But  after  a  time  it  began  to  be  understood  how 
advantageous  the  hierarchical  pretensions  were  to  the 
whole  clerical  body— that  the  greatness  of  the  pope,  as 
the  Hildebrandine  system  represented  him,  was  reflected 
in  a  degree  even  on  the  most  inconsiderable  ecclesiastic. 
When,  too,  it  was  believed  that  all  secular  power  emanated 
from  the  pope,  there  was  less  difficulty  in  believing  the 
same  as  to  .spiritual  power;  and  thus,  in  no  long  time, 
the  clergy  in  general  were  possessed  by  ideas  which 
ranged  them  on  the  side  of  the  papacy  in  its  diff"erences 
with  temporal  sovereigns.® 

(3.)  The  claims  of  the  church  as  to  matters  of  judi- 

*  Planck,  IV.  ii.   137-56;  Sismondi,         tin,  iii.  321. 
Hist,  des  Fran.  v.  427-9.  ''  Planck,  IV.  ii.  129. 

"^  Planck,  IV.  ii.  143,  150, 153;  Mar-  *  lb.  11,  735*6 


Chap.  XIII.  ECCLESIASTICAL   JUDICATURE.  359 

cature  were    continually  growing.^     In  this  respect  the 
popes  made  a  great  step  by  exempting  crusaders  from 
all  power  of   civil  magistrates,  and  by  forbidding  that 
they  should  be  sued  for  debts ;  and  this  measure,  which 
was  allowed  to  pass  unquestioned  amid  the  general  en- 
thusiasm for  the  holy  war,  became  a  foundation  for  other 
pretensions,  which,  if  they  had  been  nakedly  advanced  in 
ordinary  circumstances,  would  have  encountered  a  strong 
opposition.^     As  the  church  was  supposed  to  have  juris- 
diction in  all  matters    to  which  the  canons  related,  the 
condemnation  of  any  offence  by  a  pope  or  a  council  was 
supposed  to  bring  that  offence  within  the  cognizance  of 
the  ecclesiastical  courts,  which  thus  claimed  the  power 
of  judging,  whether  solely  or  concurrently,  of  such  crimes 
as  incendiarism  and  false  coining.'^     These  courts  also 
claimed  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  all  cases  relating  to  wills, 
marriages,  and  usury  ;^  and  this  jurisdiction  was  extended 
by  ingenious  subtleties.     Thus,  under  the  head  of  usury, 
aVast  number  of  commercial  transactions  were  brought 
within  their  cognizance,  and  all  dealings  with  Jews  were 
considered  to  belong  to  the  province  of  the  ecclesiastical 
courts.     In  like  manner,  if  a  contract  were  ratified  by 
an  oath,   a  breach  of  contract  became  perjury,   and  a 
subject  for  these  courts;   and  on  the  ground  that  the 
vassal  took  an  oath   to  his  lord,  an  attempt  was  even 
made  in  France  to  claim  for  them  a  right  of  deciding 
questions  as  to  fiefs,  although  this  attempt  was  checked 
by  Philip  Augustus  and  his   nobles.'^     When  a  French 
council  had  forbidden  the  sale  of  corn  on  Sunday,  it  was 
held  that  all  cases  as  to  the  sale  of  corn  were  matter  for 
the  ecclesiastical  tribunals,  because  the  first  question  m 

e  Planck,  IV.  u.  728-  ^^l'  c-  •    _, 

..    Cone.    Rem.,   a.d.    1131.   c.    17  ;  ^  S.sm.  v,.  307. 


360  ECCLESIASTICAL   JUDICATURE.  Book  VI. 

such  cases  was  the  inquiry  on  what  day  the  sale  took 
place. ^  And  such  extensions  of  the  province  of  the 
spiritual  courts  were  made  with  general  approbation,  as 
these  were  usually  less  violent  in  their  processes  and 
in  their  sentences  than  the  secular  courts  ;  while  ecclesi- 
astics found  an  inducement  to  encroach  on  the  business 
of  the  secular  judges,  not  only  in  the  increase  of  their 
power,  but  in  the  fees  and  other  payments  which  were 
transferred  to  them.™  But  the  multiplicity  of  business 
which  was  thus  brought  into  the  hands  of  the  clergy 
became,  as  St.  Bernard  complains,"  a  temptation  to 
neglect  their  more  proper  pursuits ;  and  many  canons 
were  passed  to  check  their  fondness  for  acting  as  advo- 
cates, even  in  the  secular  courts.^  The  claim  advanced 
in  England,  that  the  church  should  have  exclusive  juris- 
diction over  clerks,  and  in  all  cases  relating  to  them,  has 
been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  name  of  arch- 
bishop Becket.P  In  other  countries,  too,  similar  preten- 
sions were  set  up;^  but  it  was  soon  found  that  in  their 
full  extent  they  were  too  monstrous  to  be  admitted,  and 
compromises  were  made,  by  which,  while  a  large  im- 
munity was  secured  for  the  clergy,  they  were  yet  not  to 
be  exempt  from  the  secular  magistrates  "  for  man-slaying, 
theft,  arson,  or  such  like  common  crimes  which  belong 
to  the  pleas  of  the  sword." "■ 

(4.)  The  change  introduced  into  the  functions  ol 
archdeacons  as  to  the  administration  of  the  church  has 
been  already  mentioned.^  But  now  these  officers  began 
to  set  up  pretensions  to  an  increase  of  dignity  and  in- 

'  Fleury,    Disc,   sect.   8;  Planck,  1  Alex.   III.  Ep.  1074;  Nat.  Alex. 

IV.  ii.  259-61.  xiii.  325-9  ;  Planck,  IV.  ii.  237. 

">  lb.  231,  238,  257,  261.  '  R.  de  Diceto,  657  (speaking  of  a 

"  De  Consideratione,  i.  4.  compact    made    in    Normandy,    a.d. 

*>  E.f[.,  Cone.  Rem.,   a.d.  1131,  c.         1190);  Schrockh,  x.xvii.  145,  155,  160; 

6;  Cone.  Lat.,  A.p.  1139,  c.  9  ;  A.u.  Planck,  IV.  ii.  233,  242-3;  Giesel.  II, 
1179,  c.  12.  ii.  268,  270,  273  ;  Dahlmann,  i.  196-7 

P  See  p.  187.  •  Vol.  iii.  p.  190. 


Chap.  XIII.  ARCHDEACONS.  36 1 

fluence.  Whereas  they  had  formerly  attended  on  the 
bishops  in  their  visitations,  and,  if  they  themselves 
visited,  it  was  merely  as  the  delegates  of  the  bishops, 
they  now  claimed  for  themselves  independent  rights  of 
visitation  and  jurisdiction;  they  tyrannized  over  the 
clergy,  and  defied  the  episcopal  authority.'  In  some 
cases,  where  a  new  see  had  been  formed  by  the  sub- 
division of  a  diocese,  the  archdeacons  attempted  to 
exercise  jurisdiction  over  the  bishops  ;  but  this  claim  was 
disallowed  by  the  popes,"  who  also  found  it  necessary  in 
other  respects  to  check  the  assumption  and  rapacity  of 
the  archdeacons.^  When,  however,  an  archbishop  of 
Canterbury  attempted  to  exempt  some  places  from  the 
jurisdiction  of  archdeacons,  Alexander  III.  forbade  this 
innovation.^  The  advantages  of  the  office  continued,  as 
in  former  times,  to  attract  the  desires  of  laymen,  and 
canons  were  passed  that  no  one  under  the  order  of 
priest  or  deacon  should  be  allowed  to  hold  an  arch- 
deaconry.^ Laymen  who  for  the  sake  of  gain  desire 
such  an  office,  says  Innocent  II.,  are  not  to  be  called 
archdeacons,  but  archdevils.* 

The  exactions  of  archdeacons  and  rural  deans  were 
the  subject  of  many  complaints,  especially  as  to  the 
matter  of  penance,  in  which  they  are  described  as  making 
a  gain  of  sins. ^  John  of  Salisbury,  in  a  letter  to  Nicholas 
de  Sigillo  on  his  appointment  to  the  archdeaconry  of 
Huntingdon,  amusingly  reminds  him  of  the  terms  in 
which  he  had  formerly  spoken  of  archdeacons  as  a  class 
excluded  from  the  hope  of  salvation   by  their   love   of 

*  Schmidt,  iii.  278;  Schrockh,  xxvii.  A.D.  1148,  c.  9. 

148-9  ;  Giesel.   II.   ii.  278.     See  Ber-  »  Ep.  51  (Patrol,  clxxix.). 

nard,  Ep.  158.  **  ^-S*  Theobald.    Cant.    ap.    Joh. 

•>  Schrockh.  xxvii.  149.  Sarisb.,  Ep.  69  (Patrol,  cxcix.);  Anon. 

»  ^.^.,Eugen.  III.,  Ep.  533(Patrol.  Lambeth.,  ib.  cxc.  287  ;  Alex.  III.  in 

clxxx.);  Alex.  III.,  Ep.  724  (ib.  cc).  Decret.  Gregor.  V.  xxxvii.  3;   Giesel. 

>■  Hard.  VI.  ii.  179S,  c.  4.  H-    ii-     522  ;    and     later.    Chaucer's 

■  E.g.,  Cone.  Rem.,  a.d.  1131,  c.  8;  "  Frere's  Tale." 


362  ARCHDEACONS,    OFFICIALS,    ETC.  Book VI. 

money,  which  led  them  to  lie  and  plunder,  and  to  "  eat 
and  drink  the  sins  of  the  people,"  ^  From  the  time  of 
the  council  of  London  in  1108^  canons  were  passed 
with  a  view  of  checking  such  practices.  Bishops  at  length 
attempted  to  get  over  the  annoyance  which  they  expe- 
rienced from  the  archdeacons,  by  erecting  new  courts 
of  their  own,  on  the  principles  of  the  canon  law,  and  by 
appointing  persons  with  the  title  of  Officials  to  preside 
in  these,  while  they  employed  "vicars"  or  rural  deans 
to  assist  them  in  their  pastoral  work.^  But  here  again 
corruptions  crept  in  ;  for  it  was  soon  complained  that 
the  bishops  made  a  gain  of  the  new  offices  by  seUing 
them  or  letting  them  for  hire,*  and  thus  compelling  the 
holders  to  indemnify  themselves  by  extortion ;  s  and  Peter 
of  Blois  (himself  an  archdeacon)  speaks  of  the  officials 
by  the  significant  name  of  "bishops'  leeches." ^ 

In  the  following  century,  we  find  that  the  practices  of 
archdeacons  in  England  are  still  complained  of,  as  to 
exacting  money,  burdening  the  clergy  with  the  expense 
of  entertaining  an  unreasonably  large  train  of  their  men 
and  horses  at  visitations,  preventing  the  peaceable  settle- 
ment of  disputes  in  order  to  profit  by  the  expenses  of 
litigation,  and  allowing  persons  who  had  been  guilty  of 
grievous  sin  to  compound  for  their  offences  by  pecuniary 
payments.^ 

<■  Ep.  166.  *•  C.  8.  quem  biberunt."    (Ep.    25,  ib.   ccvii. 

®  Schrockh,  xxvii.  150 ;  Neand.  vli.  89.)     In    like    manner   he   styles   the 

292-3  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  279.  sheriflFs    and    foresters    "  sanguisugse 

•"  Cone.    Turon.,    a.d.    1163,   c    7  ;  principum."    (Ep.  96,  col.  299.)     Ep. 

Cone.  Lat.,  a.d.  1179,  c.  15  ;  Schmidt,  209  is  a  bitter  complaint  against  offi- 

iii.  279.  cials,    addressed     to     Innocent     III. 

s   Pet.    Cantor,   Verb.    Abbrev.    24  Peter  describes  the  archdeaconry  of 

(Patrol,  ccv.  go).  London  as  a  very  poor  perferment— 

''  "Tota  officialium  intentio  est,  ut  having  40,000  people  and  120  churches, 

ad  opus  episcoporum  suae  jurisdiction!  but  no  income.     Ep.  151. 
commissas  miserrimas  eves  quasi  vice  '  Constit.    Ottonis,  20-1,  A.D.    1237, 

illorumtondeant,  emungant,  excorient.  in  Lyndewoode,  93  ;  Const.   Ottobon. 

Isti  enim  sunt    episcoporum    sangui-  18-19,  a.d.  1268,  ib.  116. 
sugae,  evomentcH  alienum  sanguinem 


C'HAt-.  XIII.  WEALTH    OF   THE    CHURCH.  363 

(5.)  The  decrease  of  gifts  to  the  church  has  been 
noted  at  an  earlier  date.^  It  seems  to  have  been 
thought  that  the  endowments  were  already  ample,  and 
the  wealth  of  the  clergy  and  monks,  with  the  corruptions 
which  were  traced  to  it,  formed  a  constant  theme  of 
complaint  for  sectaries,  for  reformers  such  as  Arnold  of 
Brescia,  for  visionaries  like  Hildegard  and  Joachim,  and 
for  satirical  poets  who  now  arose  in  Germany,  France, 
and  England.^  Yet  the  church's  possessions  were  still 
increasing  by  other  means.  Many  advantageous  pur- 
chases, exchanges,  or  other  arrangements  were  made  with 
crusaders  who  were  in  haste  to  furnish  themselves  for  the 
holy  war.'"  Much  was  also  acquired  by  bequest ;  and 
the  influence  of  the  clergy  with  persons  on  their  death- 
bed, together  with  the  circumstance  that  all  testamentary 
questions  belonged  to  ecclesiastical  courts,  rendered 
this  an  important  source  of  wealth,  although  in  some 
countries  the  civil  powers  already  began  to  check  such 
bequests."  And  a  new  species  of  contract,  by  which  a 
landowner  made  over  his  property  to  the  church,  on  con- 
dition that  he  should  receive  it  back  in  fee,  was  also  a 
means  of  adding  to  the  possessions  of  the  clergy.  For, 
although  ih.QSQ  feiida  oblata  differed  from  \\\q  prccarice,'' 
inasmuch  as  the  fief  was  granted  to  the  donor's  heirs  as 
well  as  to  himself,  the  church  not  only  derived  some 
present  advantages  from  such  arrangements,  but  had  a 

^  Vol.  iv.  p.  151.  crusade,   would    only   take    lands    in 

'  See   extracts   froiu   poems  of  the  pledge,  whereas  he  might  have  bought 

time  in  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  249-51,  where  them  outright  on  easy  terms.    Dacher. 

it  is  stated,  on  J.  Grimm's  authority,  Spicileg.  ii.  822. 

that  many  of  the  pieces  ascribed   to  "   See   Gieseler,    II.    ii.    296-8.      In 

Walter   Map   are  by  a  contemporary  Germany  it  was  held  that  a  will  was 

German  named  Walter.    Also  Nean-  invalid,  unless  the  testator  had  aftcr- 

der,  vii.  298.  wards  been  able  to  go  abroad  migchabt 

"  See  vol.  iii.  pp.  3S9, 417;  Planck,  IV.  iitid  ungcstabt  (i.e.  without  being  sup- 

ii.  354-6.    The  chronicler  of  the  monas-  ported  either  by  another  person  or  by 

lery  of  Andres    regrets  the    "pious  a  staff).    lb.  297  ;  Grimm,  Rechtsaltcr- 

simplicity"  of  his  abbot  Peter,  who,  thiimer,  96. 

during  the  preparation  for  the  third  °  See  vol.  iii.  p.  199. 


364  TITHES.  Book  VI. 

chance  of  seeing  the  lineal  heirs  become  extinct,  and  so 
of  coming  eventually  into  undivided  possession  of  the 
property.  P 

Tithes  were  also  made  more  productive  than  before.  It 
was  laid  down  that  they  were  due  on  every  kind  of  trade 
and  on  military  pay ; 'J  the  commentators  on  such  laws 
even  held  that  the  obligation  extended  to  the  receipts 
of  beggars  and  prostitutes.'^  It  was,  however,  found  im- 
possible to  enforce  these  rules  to  the  full ;  ^  and,  although 
Gregory  VII.  designed  the  entire  recovery  of  such  tithes 
as  had  fallen  in  the  hands  of  laymen,  he  found  it  neces^ 
sary  to  give  up  this  intention,  in  order  to  secure  the 
alliance  of  the  nobles,  which  was  essential  to  him  in  his 
enterprise  against  the  power  of  sovereigns.^  The  Lateran 
council  of  T179  declared  the  holding  of  tithes  by  lay- 
men to  be  perilous  to  the  soul,  and  forbade  the  transfer 
of  them  to  other  laymen,  under  penalty  of  exclusion 
from  Christian  burial  for  any  who  should  receive  them, 
and  should  not  make  them  over  to  the  church ;"  but  this 
canon  (whatever  its  intended  meaning  may  have  been) 
came  to  be  interpreted  as  forbidding  only  transfers  and 
fresh  alienations  of  tithe, — the  idea  of  recovering  that 
which  was  already  alienated  being  apparently  given  up.^ 
Yet  in  this  time  many  laymen  were  persuaded  to  surren- 
der the  tithes  which  they  had  appropriated,  although  in 

P  Schmidt,     ii.    287  8  ;     Schrockh,  their  sin.     Secunda  Secundae,  Ixxx  v^ii. 

xxvii.  130.  2. 

1  Gregor.  Decret.  III.  xxx.  5-7,  22,  »  Schmidt,  ii.  290 ;  Planck,  IV.  ii. 

26,  etc.     Giraldus   had  some  amusing  360.     See  a  letter  of  Alexander  III. 

dealings  with  refractory  Flemings  in  against  a  strange  custom  of  employing 

South  Wales  as  to  payment  of  tithes.  an  ordeal  in  order  to  secure  payment 

De  Rebus  a  se  gestis,  i.  24,  28.  of  tithe  in  full.     Ep.  878. 

"■  See  Planck,  IV.  ii.  360.     Aquinas  '  See  his  letter  to  Hugh,  bishop  of 

says  that  in  cases  where  money  wrongly  Die,  cited  vol.  iv.  p.  338  ;  Planck,  IV. 

gotten  does  not  involve  the  duty  of  ii.  378. 

restitution — "  sicut    de  meretricio    et  »  C.  14. 

histrionatu  "—the    persons    ought    to  ^  Schmidt,  ii.  289 ;  Planck,  IV.  i\. 

pay    tithe,    but    the     church     ought  376-8 ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  295. 
not   to   receive  it  until    they   forsake 


Chap.  XIII.  ADVOCATES.  365 

such  cases  the  tithe  was  often  given  to  a  monastery,  or 
to  some  clerk  other  than  the  rightful  owner.^ 

First  fruits — a  thirtieth  or  a  sixtieth  part  of  the  pro- 
duce— began  also  now  to  be  claimed.^ 

But  while  others  complained  of  the  wealth  of  the 
clergy,  the  clergy  were  incessantly  crying  out  against 
spoliation.^  The  advocates  subdivided  their  power  by 
appointing  vice-advocates  ;  and  these  deputies,  with  a 
great  train  of  inferior  functionaries  attached  to  them, 
rivalled  their  chiefs  in  oppressing  the  churches  which 
they  professed  to  defend.  The  advocates  built  castles 
not  only  on  that  portion  of  the  church's  land  which  was 
allotted  to  themselves,  but  on  any  part  of  its  lands ;  their 
exactions,  both  from  the  church  and  from  its  tenants, 
became  heavier  and  heavier,^  so  that  in  some  cases  the 
tenants  were  reduced  to  beggary.  Canons  were  passed 
to  check  these  evils,^  but  with  little  eftect ;  and  when 
Urban  III.  attempted  to  do  away  with  the  ofiice  of 
advocate  in  Germany,  he  found  that  the  emperor  Frede- 
rick, although  favourable  to  a  limitation  of  the  power  of 
the  advocates,*^  was  opposed  to  the  abolition,  and  that 
the  bishops  were  not  prepared  to  support  it.^  The  evil 
pressed  no  less  on  monasteries  than  on  cathedrals,^  and 
various  means  were  tried  to  overcome  it.  Some  churches 
or  monasteries  acquired  the  right  to  remove  their  ad- 
vocates— a  right,  however,  which  could  not  always   be 

y  See  p.  62.     A  council  at  Avran-  bade  the  abuse  of  deputy-advocates, 

ches,    in     117?,     allows     lay    holders  Ekkeh.  a.d.  1099,  Patrol,  cliv.  963 

of  tithes  to   make   them  over  to  any  "^  £.£^.,  Cone.  Rem.  a.d.  1148.  c.  6. 

clerk,   on    condition    that   they  shall  «*  See  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  141,  164. 

afterwards    revert  to  the    church    to  «  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  17  (see  above, 

which   they  properly  belong,     (c.  9.)  p.  210). 

Gerhoh  is  vehement  for  the  quadri-  ''  See  the  account  of  the  advocates 

partite  division.     De  JEdif.  Dei,  cc.  8,  of  Altaich,  in  tiie  diocese  of  Bamberg, 

g^j,_  Pertz,  xviii.  373-6 ;  Wibald,  in  Patrol. 

^  Planck   IV.  ii.  361.  clxxxix.    1463  ;  the  complaint   of  the 

»  Schrockh,  xxvu.  136.  monks  of  Priim  to  Henry  V.,  in  Mar 

=  Planck,  IV.    ii.   369-72;  Gicseler,  tene,  Coll.  Ampl.  i.  595.seqq. 

II.    ii.    398.     Henry   IV.    vainly   for- 


366  BURDENS    ON    CHURCH    FUNDS.  BookVI. 

readily  enforced  ;s  some  bought  them  off,^  or  were  able 
to  bring  them  under  a  measure  of  restramt  by  the  nelp 
of  the  sovereign;^  while  others,  in  despair  of  all  human 
aid,  instituted  solemn  daily  prayers  for  deliverance  from 
the  tyranny  of  these  oppressive  protectors.'^ 

Nor  were  the  advocates  the  only  lay  officers  who 
preyed  severely  on  the  funds  of  churches  and  monasteries 
Great  nobles,  and  even  sovereign  princes,  enrolled  them- 
selves among  their  officials  in  order  to  share  in  their 
revenues.  Thus,  at  Cologne,  the  ten  gates  of  the  city 
had  for  their  giiardians  five  dukes  and  five  counts,  to 
each  of  whom  an  annual  allowance  of  2,000  silver  marks 
was  paid  for  his  services ;  ^  and  even  the  emperor  Frede- 
rick submitted  to  become  truchsess  or  seneschal  of 
Bamberg  cathedral,  as  the  condition  of  obtaining  certain 
lands  to  be  held  under  it.'" 

By  these  exactions,  and  by  the  necessity  of  maintain- 
ing soldiers  for  their  feuds,"  the  bishops  were  heavily 
burdened,  and  were  frequently  obliged  to  incur  debts  to 
a  large  amount.^  They  had  lost  their  old  control  over 
the  division  of  the  church's  income,  and  had  now  under 
their  management  only  the  lands  assigned  for  their  own 
maintenance  ;P  and  these  they  charged  with  their  debts, 
to  the  impoverishment  of  the  see.  This  practice, 
however,  was  forbidden  by  decrees  of  Conrad  III.,  of 
Frederick  L,  and  of  Henry  VI. <i 

The  claims  of  sovereigns  to  the  regale  and  to  the  jus 
exuviarum  excited  much  contention.  By  the  first  of 
these  was  meant  the  right  to  enjoy  the  income  of  vacant 

6  Planck,  IV.  ii.  371.  lay   officers  who  had  preyed   on   the 

*>  See  Martene,  Coll.  Ampl.  i.  598.  abbey,  pp.  18,  20,  48. 

lb.  550-2,  595.  "  Against  this,  seeGerhoh.  de  uEdif. 

k  Planck,  IV.  ii.  373.  Dei,  5-7. 

'  R.  Hoveden,  339.  °  See,  e.  g.,  as  to  Hartwig  of  Ham- 

™  Schrockh,  xxvii.  131.     Jocelin  of  burg,  Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  21. 

Brakelond  gives  an  amusing  account  p  Planck,  IV.  ii.  366. 

of  the  manner  in  which  abbot  Samson,  1  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  94-5,  194;  Planck, 

of  St   Edmund's  Bury,  dealt  with  the  IV.  ii.  368. 


Chap.  XIII.  REGALE JUS    EXUVIARUM.  367 

sees — a  privilege  which  in  Germany  did  not  extend  be- 
yond one  year,  while  in  England  it  seems  to  have  been 
limited  only  by  the  king's  will ;  and  both  in  France  and 
in  England,  although  perhaps  not  in  Germany,  to  this 
was  annexed  the  disposal  of  all  patronage  belonging  to 
the  vacant  see."^  The  origin  of  this  custom  in  France  is 
traced  to  the  circumstance  that  in  the  seventh  and  eighth 
centuries,  when  dukes  or  counts  seized  on  the  property 
of  a  vacant  bishoprick,  the  king  often  intervened  to  res- 
cue it  from  their  hands  ;  and  hence  arose  the  idea  that 
the  king  himself,  as  chief  advocate  of  the  church,  was 
entitled  to  the  custody  and  the  profits  of  vacant  sees.'' 
It  is,  however,  uncertain  at  what  time  the  claim  was  estab- 
lished in  France.  However  it  may  have  originated,  the 
regale  was  now  grounded  on  the  feudal  system,  by  which 
a  vacant  fief  reverted  to  the  liege  lord,  until  again  granted 
away  by  him;^  and  monasteries  were  subject  to  this 
exaction  during  the  vacancy  of  the  headship."  By  theyV/i- 
exuviarum  was  meant  the  right  to  inherit  the  furniture 
and  other  property  of  deceased  bishops.  In  early  times  it 
had  been  held  that  a  bishop  might  dispose  by  will  of  his 
inherited  property,  but  that  any  savings  out  of  his  official 
income  belonged  to  the  church.  Hence  the  money  which 
was  found  in  a  bishop's  coffers,  and  the  furniture  of  the 
episcopal  house,  were  usually  shared  among  the  clergy  of 
his  cathedral,  and  the  successor,  on  taking  possession  of 
his  residence,  found  nothing  but  bare  walls.^  It  is  easy  to 
conceive  that,  in  lawless  ages,  such  opportunities  of  plun- 
der attracted  the  rapacity  of  the  nobles  ;  and  in  the  tenth 
century  we  find  the  council  of  Trosley,  and  Atto,  bishop 

"■  Planck,  IV.  ii.  79,  96-7.  of  its  revenues  during  a  vacancy,  on 

■  lb.  83-5.  condition   of   their    paying  a  certain 

*  lb.      86-93;      Gieseler,     II.     ii.  sum  to  the  crown.    See,  ^.^.,  theOesta 

264.  Abbatum      S.    Albani    (Chron.     and 

"  In  England  it  afterwards  became  Mem.)  ii.  32. 

usual  for  the  king  to  grant  to  the  prior  »•  Planck,  IV.  ii    loi. 

and  monks  of  a  convent  the  enjoyment 


368  TAXATION.  Book  VI 

of  Vercelli,  complaining  that,  on  a  bishop's  death,  his 
goods  became  the  prey  of  his  powerful  neighbours.^^  In 
this  case,  therefore,  as  in  that  of  the  regale,  the  interven- 
tion of  kings  for  the  prevention  of  worse  evils  became 
the  foundation  of  a  claim.  In  France  and  Germany  this 
privilege  was  fully  established  in  the  twelfth  century,^ 
and  when  Frederick  I.  defended  it  against  Urban  III., 
even  the  refractory  archbishop  Philip  of  Cologne  ad- 
mitted that  the  emperor's  claim,  although  unbecoming, 
was  not  unjust.^  In  some  cases  the  jus  exuviarum 
belonged  to  the  great  vassals ;  and  it  was  mutually 
exercised  by  the  archbishops  of  Lyons  and  the  bishops 
of  Autun.^  In  England  both  the  7'egale  and  the  Jus 
exuviarum  were  introduced  by  William  Rufus,  who 
abused  his  power  very  scandalously  in  this  respect.*^ 

In  this  age  an  attempt  was  made  for  the  first  time  by 
the  clergy  to  procure  an  exemption  from  taxation  for 
secular  purposes,  such  as  contributions  towards  the 
national  army.  Urban  II.,  at  the  council  of  Melfi, 
in  1089,  enacted  that  the  laity  should  not  make  any 
exaction  from  the  clergy,  either  on  account  of  their 
benefices  or  of  their  inherited  property ;  and  that  any 
clerk  holding  a  possession  under  a  layman  should 
either  provide  a  deputy  to  discharge  the  duties  con- 
nected with  it,  or  should  give  it  up.*^  The  object  of 
this  was  to  render  the  clergy  entirely  independent  of 

y  Cone.  Trosl.  a.d.  909,  c.  14 ;  Atto  tamen."    Arnold.  Lubec.  iii.  17      See 

de  Pressuris  Ecclesiasticis,  3  (Patrol.  above,  pp.  209-10. 

cxxxiv.  87)  ;  Planck,  IV.  ii.   103.     In  *>  Planck,  IV,  ii.  89. 

Baluze's  Miscellanea,  ii   225,  8vo.  ed.,  *=  Eadmer,  Hist.   Nov.  1.  i  (Patrol, 

is  a  letter  of  Ermengaud,  count    of  clix.  362) ;  Will,  Malmesb.  Gesta  Re- 

Urgel,  A.D    1162,  renouncing  "  horri-  gum,  §  314  (see  above,  vol.  iv.  p.  443). 

bilem  illam  et  male  consuetam  rapi-  Planck    seems    to    be    clearly   wrong 

nam,"    which    his    predecessors    had  in  maintaining,  against  these  ancient 

exercised  on  the  death  of  a  bishop.  authorities,  that  the  regale  was  intro- 

*  See  Planck,  IV.  ii.  105-6,  1 12-13  :  duced    by    William    the    Conqueror. 

Gieseler,   II.    ii.    264;    Herzog,    ait.  IV,  ii.  90, 

Spolienrecht.  ''  Can.  11. 

»  "  Etsi     nou    injuste,     indecenter 


Chap.  XIII.  TAXATION.  369 

the  state,  and  it  was  natural  that  such  a  scheme  should 
be  strenuously  opposed,  not  only  by  sovereigns,  but  by 
nobles,  who  saw  that  any  burdens  which  might  be 
thrown  off  by  the  clergy  must  necessarily  fall  on  them- 
selves.® The  claim  to  exemption,  therefore,  could  not 
be  maintained ;  and  the  third  Lateran  council  con- 
tented itself  with  an  anathema  against  the  arbitrary  and 
unequal  manner  in  which  the  clergy  had  very  com- 
monly been  assessed,  as  compared  with  other  classes,  in 
cases  of  taxation  for  public  works  or  for  maintenance  of 
soldiers.^ 

But  while  the  popes  attempted  to  exempt  the  clergy 
from  national  and  local  imposts,  they  themselves  taxed 
them  very  heavily,  under  the  pretence  of  a  war  against 
the  infidels,  or  for  some  other  religious  purpose,  such 
as  the  maintenance  of  a  pope  in  opposition  to  a  rival 
claimant  of  the  apostolic  chair,  or  to  an  emperor  who 
withstood  his  power.^  The  "  Saladin's  tithe"  was  at 
first  resisted  by  the  clergy  and  monks,  on  the  ground 
that  their  prayers  were  their  proper  and  sufficient  con- 
tribution towards  the  holy  cause ;  those  who  fight  for 
the  church,  said  Peter  of  Blois,  ought  rather  to  enrich 
her  with  the  spoils  of  her  enemies  than  to  rob  her.*^ 
But  the  popes  enforced  this  tithe,  and  continued  to 
exact  it  long  after  the  necessity  which  gave  rise  to  it 
had  come  to  an  end.^ 

(6.)  The  moral  condition  of  the  clergy  in  general 
during  the  twelfth  century  is  very  unfavourably  re- 
presented, alike  by  zealous  churchmen,  such  as  Gerhoh 

«  Planck,  IV.  ii.  163-73.  communes  necessitates,  ubi  laicorum 

*■  Cone.     Lat.,    a.d.     1179,    c.     19.  non  suppetunt  facultates,  subsidia  per 

There  is  indeed  a  show  of  making  the  ecclesias  existiment  conferenda."     See 

taxation  voluntary,   by  the  provision  Planck,  IV.  ii.  188-9,  i97-8. 

that  it  shall  not  be  levied,  "  nisi  epis-  g  R.  de   Diceto,   574 ;  Planck,   IV. 

copusetclerus  tantam  necessitatem  vel  ii.  192-3,  379-81. 

utilitatem  aspexerint,    ut  absque  ulla  h  Ep.  112  (Patrol,  ccvii,  337-8). 

coactione  («/.  exactione)  ad  relevand«^§  ^  See  Gibbon,  v.  495. 

VOL.    v.  24 


3~'JO  ACEPHALOUS    CLERKS.  Book  VI, 

of  Reichersperg,  by  satirists,  like  Walter  von  der  Vogel- 
weide  and  the  author  of  "Reynard  the  Pbx,"^  and  by 
sober  observers,  such  as  John  of  Salisbury. ^  "  The 
insolence  of  the  clergy,"  says  Bernard,  "  of  which  the 
negligence  of  the  bishops  is  mother,  everywhere  disturbs 
and  molests  the  church."™  Among  the  causes  of  their 
deterioration  may  be  mentioned  the  constant  struggles 
between  the  popes  and  secular  princes,  the  frequent 
internal  troubles  of  kingdoms  (such  as  the  long  anarchy 
of  Stephen's  reign  in  England),  and  the  disorders  pro- 
duced by  the  crusades.^  Bishops  also  contributed  not 
a  little  to  the  discredit  of  the  clerical  body  by  the  grow- 
ing abuse  of  ordaining  clergy  without  a  title.*'  Gerhoh 
speaks  of  many  of  these  acephali  as  being  very  learned, 
but  regards  them  as  a  sort  of  centaurs — neither  clerks 
nor  laymen — enjoying  as  they  did  the  ecclesiastical 
privileges  without  being  bound  by  ecclesiastical  duties.^ 
But  it  would  seem  that  the  great  mass  of  them  were 
chiefly  distinguished,  not  for  their  learning,  but  for  their 
disorderly  and  disreputable  lives.  Attempts  were  made 
to  check  the  practice  of  ordination  to  the  higher  degrees, 
at  least,  without  a  title  ;^  and  with  this  view  the  third 
Lateran  council  enacted  that  any  bishop  who  should 
ordain  a  priest  or  a  deacon  without  a  title  should  be 
bound  to  maintain  him  until  he  were  provided  with  a 
maintenance  from  some  church.''  But  this  rule  was  open 
to  many  evasions — some  bishops  even  frustrated  it  by 

^  See  Jac.  Grimm,  Introduction  to  P  In  Psalm.  Ixiv.  c.  29  (Patr.  cxciv.). 

'Reinhart  Fuchs,' c.  12  (Berlin,  1834);  ^  E.g.,  Cone.  Abrinc.  a.d.  1172,  c. 

Hallam,  Hist.  Lit.  i.  183.  5.     This,    however,    applies    only    to 

'  ^.jf.,  Joh.  Sar.  Polycrat.  vii.  18-19.  priestly  ordination. 

See  other  quotations  and  references  in  "■  Can.  5   (a.d.    1179).      There   is  a 

Theiner,  ii.  390,  seqq.  ;  also  Schrockh,  remonstrance   by  Stephen,  bishop   of 

xxvii.  159  ;  Planck,  II.  ii.  303  ;  Hal-  Tournay,   against   the    attempt  of   a 

lam,  Hist.  Lit.  i.  185-6  ;  Gieseler,  II.  pope,  within  the  last  ten  years  of  the 

ji.  288-91.  century,    to   extend  this   rule   to  the 

"'  Ep.  152.         "  Planck,  IV.  ii.  303.  inferior  orders.     Ep.  194,  Patrol.  ccxL 

°  lb.  313-14^     See  vol.  iv.  p.  157.  See  Nat.  Alex.  3(iii.  -^d. 


Chap.  XIII.  PATRONAGE — PLURALITIES.  37 1 

requiring  the  candidate  for  ordination  to  swear  that  he 
would  never  become  chargeable  to  them — and  it  proved 
utterly  ineffectual.^  Nor  did  any  better  success  attend 
some  attempts  to  keep  the  acephalous  clerks  in  check 
by  a  revival  of  the  ancient  letters  of  communion.* 

The  encroachments  of  the  popes  on  the  power  of  the 
bishops  had  also  a  large  share  in  producing  the  decay 
of  discipline  ;  for  now  that  the  popes  held  themselves 
entitled  to  interfere  with  every  diocese,  not  only  by 
receiving  appeals,  but  by  acting  as  judges  in  the  first 
instance,  the  bishops  were  deterred  from  exercising 
discipline  by  the  fear  of  a  mandate  from  Rome,  which 
might  forbid  them  to  judge  or  might  reverse  their 
sentence." 

As  in  earlier  times,  there  are  many  complaints  of  lay- 
patronage  ;  '^  of  the  employment  of  stipendiary  chaplains, 
as  exercised  without  the  sanction  of  bishops,  and  tending 
to  withdraw  the  clergy  from  episcopal  superintendence  ;y 
of  pluralities,^  which  grew  to  an  enormous  extent,  so 
that,  while  the  third  Lateran  council  denounces  the 
practice  of  accumulating  six  or  more  churches  on  one 
incumbent,*  we  are  told  that  some  clerks  had  as  many 
as  twenty  or  thirty,^  and  the  preferments  enjoyed  by 
Becket  while  as  yet  only  a  deacon  would  seem  to  have 
exceeded  even  this  ample  measure. <=  But  of  all  pluralists, 
in  England  and  probably  in  the  whole  church,  the  most 
rapacious  was  John  Mansel,  who  served  Henry  III.  in 
the  following  century  as  chaplain,  counsellor,  judge,  and 

■  Schrockh,  .xxvii.  235 ;  Planck,  IV.  Rem.  a.d.  1131,  c.   9;  a.d,  1148,  c. 

ii.  342-4.  10  ;  Planck,  IV.  ii.  594. 

'  lb.  335-6.  ^  Bernard.    Ep.    271  ;   de   Hon.  et. 

"  lb.  305-8.  Officio  Episcoporum,  27-9. 

^  E.g.,  Cone.  Lat.  a.d.  1179,  cc.  14,  *  Cc.    13,    14.     Cf.   Alex.   III.  Ep. 

17  ;    Planck,    IV.     Ii.     312.      Gerhoh  1376  ;  Luc.  III.  Ep.  92. 

would  allow  no  patronage,  except  to  ^  Planck,  IV.  ii.  319. 

bishops.     De  ^dif.  Dei,  24.  •  See  his   letter  to  Foliot,    Patrol. 

y  Cone.  Melfitan.  a.d.   1089,  c.  9  ;  cxc.  605. 
Pone.  Turon.  a.d.  1163.  c.  s  ;  Cone. 


372  SIMONY.  Book  VI. 

soldier,  and  is  said  to  have  enjoyed  benefices  to  the  value 
of  four  thousand  marks  a  yesnA 

The  promotion  of  boys  to  ecclesiastical  offices  and 
dignities  continued  in  defiance  of  all  the  protests  of 
Bernard®  and  other  eminent  men,*  and  of  frequent 
prohibitions  by  popes  and  councils  ;  s  some  bishops,  it 
is  said,  not  only  allowed  nobles  to  thrust  boys  into 
spiritual  preferments,  but  themselves  made  a  profit  of  the 
abuse  by  pocketing  the  income  during  the  incumbent's 
minority.*^  And,  notwithstanding  the  war  which  Gregory 
VII.  and  his  school  had  so  rigorously  waged  against 
simony,  the  practice  still  continued.^  As  on  the  one 
hand  the  definition  of  simony  became  more  refined,  so 
that  under  this  name  were  forbidden  not  only  all  pay- 
ments for  spiritual  offices,  but  even  fees  for  the  lessons 
of  cathedral  and  monastic  schools,^  so  on  the  other  hand 
the  scholastic  subtlety  was  more  and  more  exercised 
in  devising  distinctions  by  which  the  condemnations  of 
simony  might  be  evaded.^  While  the  popes  professed 
a  zeal  for  the  suppression  of  this  ofience,  they  them- 
selves were  continually  accused  of  it ;  some  of  them, 
indeed,  are  said  to  have  so  notoriously  bought  their 
office  that  they  can  be  vindicated  only  by  the  desperate 

•*  M.  Paris,  859.     That  the  income  Champagne. 

was   derived  from  his  pluralities,  ap-  *"  Pet.  Elcs.  Ep.  60  (ib.  ccvii.). 

pears  from  the  words  "  Admirabantur  E  E.g^.,  Cone.  Melfit.  a.d.   1089,  c. 

autem  cum  stupore,   qui  ea  qua:  Dei  4  ;  Cone.   Lat.  a.d.   1179,  c.  3  ;  Cone, 

suntsapiunt,  vehementer,hominem  tarn  Abrinc.  a.d.    1172,   c.    i;    Schrockh, 

circumspectum    tot  animarum  curam  xxvii.  231-2. 

suscepisse  non  formidare."     In  conse-  ^  The  only  instance  given  by  Tho- 

quence  of  his  adhesion   to  Henry  in  massin  (I.  i.  70.  2),    however,  is  that 

his  diflferences  with  the  barons,  Man-  William  of  Newburgh  relates  this  as 

sel's  "career  is  said  to  have  terminated  to  Roger  of  York.     iii.  5  (vol.  i.  224). 

in  poverty  and  wretchedness."     Foss,  '  See  quotations   and  references  in 

ii.  396.  Schrockh,   xxvii.    180-1 ;   Neand.   vii 

•  De  Moribus  et  Offic.  Episcoporum,  250-2. 

25-6;   Epp.  290,  427  (Patr.    cixxxii.).  ^  Cone.    Turon.    a.d.    1163,   c.    4; 

In  Ep.  271  he  refuses  to  use  his  in-  Cone.  Abrinc.  a.d.   1172,  cc.  3,  7,  8  ; 

fluence  in  order  to  get  preferment  for  Cone.  Lat.  a.d.  1179,  cc.  7,  18. 

^  boy,  a  son  of  count  Theobald   of  '  Schrockh,  xxvii.  175. 


Chap.  XIII.  WARLIKE    BISHOPS.  373 

expedient  of  asserting  that  the  pope  cannot  be  guilty  of 
simony.^^  And  nothing  could  exceed  the  corruption  of 
the  Roman  cwia^  which,  in  order  that  it  might  be  equal 
to  dealing  with  the  increase  of  business  that  was  referred 
to  the  pope,  was  newly  organized  with  a  staff  of  ravenous 
officials.  The  schemes  of  Gregory  for  delivering  the 
church  from  secular  influence  had  resulted  in  the  secu- 
larization of  the  church  itselt> 

The  worldly  occupations,  amusements,  and  habits  of 
the  bishops  and  higher  clergy  were  the  subject  of  fre- 
quent complaint. '^  The  German  prelates  in  particular 
were  so  much  involved  in  secular  business — leading,  for 
the  most  part,  the  lives  of  great  nobles  rather  than  of 
clergymen — that  Caesarius  of  Heisterbach  reports  a  clerk 
of  Paris  as  having  on  this  account  questioned  their  salva- 
bility.P  In  particular,  the  warlike  propensities  of  bishops 
would  seem  to  have  become  more  active  than  ever;^  for 
now  that  the  wars  against  the  infidels  had  consecrated 
their  military  service  in  some  cases,  the  justification  of 
episcopal  fighting  was  not  unnaturally  extended  to  other 
wars.  The  chroniclers  describe  with  a  mixture  of  ad- 
miration and  reprobation  the  exploits  of  such  prelates  as 
Christian  of  Mentz,  who  appeared  in  full  armour  at  the 
head  of  armies,  and,  after  having  in  one  battle  slain  nine 
men  with  his  spiked  club,  arrayed  himself  on  the  following 
day  in  pontificals,  and  solemnly  celebrated  a  mass  of 
thanksgiving  for  the  victory.^     Reginald  and  Philip    ot 

•n  Schrockh,  xxvil.  i3i.  SeeLaunoy's  P  De  Miraculis,  ii.  i8.     Cf.  Gerhoh, 

•Romanje   Ecclesise    circa    Simoniam  in  Psalm.  Ixiv.   6i,  seqq.  :  De  iEdif. 

Traditio'   (Opera,  xvll.),  PP-  285-300,  Dei,    26  (Patrol,    cxciv.)  ;    Schrockh, 

where  he  shows  that  the  best  authori-  xxvii.  135-7  ;  Neand.  vii.  296. 

ties    supposed    the    pope  capable    of  1  Schrockh   gives   many  quotations 

simony.  against  the  warlike  habits  of  bishops 

»  Schrockh,  xxvii.  158-9;  seeOiese-  and  clergy,  xxvii.  170,  seqq. 

ler,  II.  il.  248-9;  Neand.  vii.  270-2.  ■■  Albert.  Stad.  a.d.  1172.  in  Pertz. 

o  E.g.,  Bernard,  de  Moribus  et  Off.  xvi.   347.     See  a  remarkable  descrip- 

Episcopor.  (Patr.  clxxxii.  815);  Ep.  78.  tion  of  Christian  in  the  same  volume. 

Pet.  Bles.  Ep.  84  ;  R.  de  Diceto,  651.  p.  221  (Annales  Stederburgenses). 


374 


WARLIKE    BISHOPS. 


Book  VI. 


Cologne,^  Absalom  of  lAind/  and  many  other  bishops, 
are  celebrated  for  their  warlike  deeds.  Hubert  Walter, 
bishop  of  Salisbury,  and  afterwards  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, attracted  the  admiration  of  the  lion-hearted  Richard 
himself  by  his  prowess  as  a  crusader,"  and  after  his  return 
found  exercise  for  his  military  talents  in  the  feuds  of  his 
own  country.  And  the  story  is  well-known  how  Richard, 
having  taken  prisoner  Philip,  count-bishop  of  Beauvais, 
met  the  pope's  interference  in  behalf  of  the  warlike 
prelate  by  sending  to  him  Philip's  coat  of  mail,  with  the 
scriptural  quotation  —  "  Know  now  wliether  it  be  thy 
son's  coat  or  no."  ^ 


»  For  Philip  see  the  Erfurt  Annals, 
b.  24.  *  See  p.  277. 

"  Gervas.  1679. 

^  This  is  the  version  told  by  Matth. 
Paris,  who  adds  that  the  pope  an- 
swered, "This  is  no  son  of  mine,  nor 
son  of  peace  ;  let  him  be  ransomed  at 
the  king's  pleasure,  since  he  is  not  a 
soldier  of  Christ,  but  of  Mars."  (App. 
to  Rog.  Wendover,  ed.  Coxe,  v.  138.) 
According  to  others,  the  pope  reproved 
the  bishop  severely,  and  refused  to 
interfere  (see  Pauli,  iii.  271-2  ;  R.  de 
Diceto,  700).  Jaffe  regards  the  alleged 
letter  of  Celestine  to  the  bishop  (Hove- 
den,  438)  as  spurious.  Philip  was  son 
of  Robert  of  Drcux,  brother  of  Lewis 
VII.  (R.  de  Diceto,  700  ;  Hoved.  456, 
l>).  He  had  been  conspicuous  in  the 
crusade,  had  officiated  at  Conrad  of 
Montferrat's  third  marriage,  in  defi- 
ance of  Baldwin  of  Canterbury's  threat 
of  excommunication  (Vinisauf,  i.  29, 
63),  and  had  since  made  himself  es- 
pecially obnoxious  to  Richard,  by 
dealing  with  the  emperor  for  the 
aggravation  of  his  imprisonment 
(Will.  Neubr.  v.  31).  In  consequence 
of  having  attempted  to  escape  from 
prison  by  seizing  the  ring  of  a  church- 
door,  and  crying  out,  "  Pacem  peto 
Dei  et  ecclesiae,"  he  was  removed  from 
his  original  place  of  confinement  to 
Chinon  for  stricter  custody  (Hoved. 


442) ;  and  all  that  Hubert  of  Canter- 
bury could  obtain  for  him,  by  much 
entreaty,  was  a  lightening  of  his 
chains  (R.  de  Diceto,  700).  Richard 
rejected  a  ransom  of  10,000  silver 
marks  which  Philip  offered  ;  but  after 
the  king's  death  a  legate  interdicted 
Normandy  on  account  of  the  detention 
of  the  bishop  ;  and  after  a  confinement 
of  two  years,  he  was  released  on  pay- 
ing 2,000  marks  to  John,  "pro  expen- 
sis  in  ipso  et  per  ipsum  factis."  and 
swearing  to  the  legate  that  he  would 
never  again  bear  arms  against  Chris- 
tians (Hoved.  449,  452).  In  1202  an 
attempt  was  made  to  promote  him  to 
the  archbishoprick  of  Reims  ;  but  the 
"postulation"  was  on  appeal  rejected 
by  Pope  Innocent  (Ep.  vi.  200  ;  cf. 
Anon.  Laudun.  in  Bouq.  xviii.  712). 
In  1210,  and  again  in  1215,  Philip  took 
part  in  the  war  against  the  Albigenses 
(Pet.  Sarn.  41,  82),  which,  as  having 
the  character  of  a  crusade,  was  not 
against  his  oath  ;  but  we  also  find  him 
at  war  with  the  count  of  Boulogne 
(Bouq.  xvii.  86),  and  in  1214  distin- 
guishing himself  at  the  great  battle 
of  Bouvincs,  where  he  struck  down 
William  Longsword,  earl  of  Salisbury, 
with  his  club,  and  took  him  prisoner.^ 

"utque  tenebat 
C\a.yssn /brie  manu,  sic  ilium,  dissimulate 
Praesule,  percussit  in  summo  vertice  .  .  ,  ,  , 


Chap.  XIII.     MARRIAGE  AND  CELIBACY  OF  THE  CLERGY.    375 

(7.)  Of  all  matters  relating  to  the  life  and  morals  of 
the  clergy,  the  question  of  marriage  or  celibacy  continued 
to  be  the  chief  occasion  of  complaint  and  difficulty.  The 
successors  of  Gregory  VII.,  in  endeavouring  to  carry  on 
his  policy  in  this  respect,  met  with  a  long  and  obstinate 
resistance  in  many  quarters,  and  as  to  some  points  they 
found  themselves  obliged  to  make  concessions.  Thus, 
whereas  Gregory  had  forbidden  the  faithful  to  receive  the 
eucharist  at  the  hands  of  a  married  priest,^  Paschal  II., 
on  being  asked  by  Anselm  of  Canterbury  whether  a  per- 
son in  danger  of  death  might  receive  from  such  a  priest, 
replied  that  it  was  better  to  do  so  than  to  die  without 
the  viaticum ;  and  he  added  that  if  a  married  priest,  on 
being  applied  to  in  such  circumstances,  should  refuse 
his  ministr}^,  on  the  ground  of  its  having  been  formerly 
despised,  he  would  be  guilty  of  soul-murder.  ==  In  like 
manner,  when  the  knights  of  the  order  of  St.  James  asked 
Lucius  III.  whether  they  might  frequent  the  churches  of 
married  priests,  and  how  they  should  reconcile  the  com- 
mand against  attending  the  mass  of  such  priests  with  the 
principle  that  the  sin  of  the  minister  does  not  pollute  the 
ordinances  which  he  administers,  the  pope  repUed  by 
distinguishing  between  notorious  sins  and  those  which 
are  hidden  or  tolerated — telling  them  that,  so  long  as  the 
church  bears  with  a  priest,  they  might  rightly  receive  the 
sacraments  and  other  rites  from  him.=^ 

With  regard  to  the  sons  of  priests,  too,  it  was  found 
necessary   to   deal   more    gently   than    the    zealots    for 

Sic  plerosque  alios  clava  sternebat  eadeni,  Philip  died  in  1217  (Art  de  Verif.  les 

Militibus  super  hoc  titulura  palmamque  re-  Dates,    xi.    463).     Another   bishop   of 

signans,  Beauvais  figures  as  a  papal  general  in 
Accusaretur  operam  ne  forte  sacerdos  ,    t     ,  Z-      c 

Gessisse  iUicitam.  cui  nunquam  talibus  inter-  South  Italy,  A.D.  1231.    Ric.  bangerm. 

esse  licet,  ne  caede  manus  oculosque  pro-  in  Murat.  vii.  1027. 

fanet.  ^  See  vol.  iv.  p.  301. 

Non   tamen   est   vetitum  defenders  seque  i  "  Tanquam   animarum    homicidse 

suosque.  ,      .    ^       .,  difttictius  puniantur."    Ep.  64 (Patrol. 

Duiii  noa  excodat  positos  defensio  fines.  ... 

—  ;;■///.  Armor.,  Philippis,  xi.  54?,,  seqq.  Clxuu;. 

(Bouq.  xvii.)  •  Patrol,  cci.  1377. 


376  MARRIAGE   AND    CELIBACY  Book VI. 

clerical  celibacy  would  have  wished.^  There  was,  indeed, 
a  steady  endeavour  to  prevent  the  transmission  of  bene- 
fices from  father  to  son  :  and  with  this  view  it  was  some- 
times enacted  that  the  sons  of  priests  should  not  be 
ordained,  unless  they  became  either  monks  or  regular 
canons;"  sometimes,  that  they  should  not  hold  the  same 
benefice  which  their  fathers  had  held,  or,  at  least,  that 
they  should  not  immediately  succeed  them/^  But  even 
these  prohibitions  allow  the  ordination  of  the  sons  of 
priests  under  certain  restrictions ;  and  even  such  a  pope 
as  Alexander  III.  was  always  ready  to  deal  tenderly  with 
such  cases.^  In  1161  Richard  Peche,  the  son  of  a 
bishop  of  Coventry,  was  appointed  to  succeed  his  father 
in  the  see ;  and  the  chronicler  Ralph  de  Diceto,  in 
relating  the  fact,  takes  occasion  to  cite  the  opinion  of  Ivo 
of  Chartres^  that  the  sons  of  priests,  if  their  own  life  be 
respectable,  are  not  to  be  excluded  from  any  ecclesiastical 
office,  even  up  to  the  papacy  itself.^ 

Notwithstanding  the  many  prohibitions  of  marriage  to 
persons  in  the  higher  orders  of  the  ministry,  the  decree 
of  the  first  Lateran  council,  in  1123,  is  said  to  have  been 
the  first  that  dissolved  such  marriages.^'  In  the  following 
year,  John  of  Crema,  cardinal  of  St.  Chrysogonus,  held 
a  council  at  Westminster,  where  he  severely  denounced 
the  marriage  of  the  clergy,  and  a  canon  was  enacted 
against  it ;  but  it  is  said  that  on  the  evening  of  the 
same  day  the  cardinal  was  detected  in  company  with  a 
prostitute,  and  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  England  in 

*>  Theiner,  ii.  326-7,  334.  HI.  ap.  Baluz.  Miscell.  iii.  374-9. 

<=  Cone.  Namnet.  a.u.   1127  (Hard.  «  E.g.,  Epp.  886,  1134  (Patrol,  cc); 

VI.   ii.    1 128)  ;   Cone.    Lateran.    a.d.  Alex.  ap.  Foliot,  ed.  Giles,  Epp.  346, 

1139,  c.  21.  361-2,  368  ;  ap.  Gregor.  IX.,  Decret.  1. 

«*  Cone.  Namnet.  1.  c. ;  Cone.  Rem.  I.  tit.  20,  c.  2. 

A.D.  1131,  c.  15;  Cone.  Lateran.  a.d.  *"  P.  529.     Cf.   Ivon.  Carnot    'Pan- 

1139,  c.  16;  Cone.  Abrine.  a.d.   1172,  ormia,' iii.  52-3  (Patrol,  clxi.). 

c.    2;    Innocent   II.    Ep.    51   (Patrol.  c  C.  21  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  283.     Cf. 

clxxix.);  Lucius  II.  Ep.  94  (ib.);  Alex.  Cone.  Lat.  II.,  a.d.  1139,  cc.  6-7. 


Chap.  XIII. 


OF   THE    CLERGY. 


377 


disgrace.^  In  1127  Archbishop  WiUiam  of  Canterbury 
sent  forth  some  strong  prohibitions  of  marriage;^  but 
the  practice  still  maintained  a  straggle  in  England,  In 
1 1 29  Henry  I.,  reverting  to  an  expedient  for  raising 
money  which  he  had  attempted  in  the  primacy  of 
Anselm,^^  imprisoned  the  housekeepers^  (who  were  sup- 
posed to  be  also  the  wives  or  concubines)  of  many  of  the 
London  clergy,  whom  he  compelled  to  pay  heavily  for 
their  liberation  ;"^  and  it  appears  that,  both  in  England 
and  elsewhere,  even  bishops  licensed  the  cohabitation  of 
the  clergy  with  their  wives  on  condition  of  an  annual  pay- 
ment.^ The  continued  marriage  of  the  English  clergy  is 
mentioned  in  many  letters  of  Alexander  III.  ;«  and  among 


^  For  the  council  see  Symeon  Du- 
nelm.  in  Twysden,  253,  or  Wilkins,  i. 
408.  The  story  of  the  cardinal's  delin- 
quency is  told  by  Henry  of  Hunting- 
don (1.  vii..  Patrol,  cxcv,  950);  by 
Rog.  Hoveden  (274) ;  John  of  Peter- 
borough (a. d.  1125,  in  Sparke);  Rog. 
Wendover  (ii.  205),  and  others  (see 
Theiner,  ii.  315).  Henry  of  Hunting- 
don says,  "  Quod  si  alicui  Romano 
vel  prcelato  displicuerit,  taceat  tamen, 
ne  Joannem  Cremensem  sequi  velle 
videatur."  Baronius,  however,  is  very 
angry  (1125.  12),  and  Lingard  denies 
the  truth  of  the  story,  as  having 
no  other  contemporary  witness  than 
Henry  of  Huntingdon  (ii.  46).  The 
Winchester  Annals  (in  Wharton,  i. 
298)  say  nothing  of  John's  misconduct 
in  London,  but  tell  an  improbable 
story  as  to  an  affair  with  a  niece  of 
E.alph  Flambard,  bishop  of  Durham. 
Inett  (ii.  159)  argues  that  John  must 
have  been  a  person  of  bad  character, 
because  St.  Bernard  (Ep.  163)  con- 
gratulates him  on  his  "  pceuitentiam 
et  conversionem  "  ;  but  this  may  rather 
refer  to  his  having  left  the  antipope's 
party  (Ciacon.  i.  919).  Follot  speaks 
of  him  in  terms  which  seem  incon- 
sistent with  Huntingdon's  story,  but 
•»'hich  are  still  more   opposed  to  the 


unanimous  testimony  of  historians  as 
to  his  pride,  assumption,  and  rapacity 
in  the  character  of  legate  (Ep.  194, 
Patrol.  c.Kc.  902).  According  to  Mat- 
thew of  Westminster  (a.d.  1125)  he 
had  the  effrontery  to  excuse  his  mis- 
behaviour by  saying  that  he  was  "  not 
a  priest,  but  a  corrector  of  priests." 
But,  as  Chacon  observes,  St.  Chryso- 
gonus  is  the  title  of  a  cardinal-priest 
(1.  c.)  ;  and  moreover,  Henry  of  Hunt- 
ingdon says  that  on  the  very  day  of 
his  detection  he  had  consecrated  the 
eucharist. 

*  Cc.  5-7.         k  Vol.  iv.  p.  466. 

'  "  Focarise,"  {romyba^s,  a  lire. 

">  Chron.  Sax.,  ad.  1129 ;  R.  de 
Diceto,  506 ;  Fuller,  i.  304. 

"  Rupert.  Tuit.  in  Apocal.  c.  2 
(Patrol,  clxix.  879,  A);  Planck,  IV.  ii, 
331  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  286.  Theiner, 
however,  is  misled  by  a  misreading  of 
"  ;«atrimonia  "  for  " /atrimonia,"  when 
he  quotes  John  of  Poitiers  (Patrol. 
c.\c.  1023,  D)  as  evidence  that  in 
Becket's  primacy  the  marriage  of 
clergy  was  licensed  for  a  payment  in 
England,     ii.  383. 

°  See  Theiner,  ii.  373-6,  378-9.  In 
the  'Rotuli  Curiae  Regis,'  published 
by  the  Record  Commission,  is  a  case, 
A.u.   1 194,  by  which  it  appears  that 


378  CELIBACY   AND    MARRIAGE  Book  VI. 

Other  evidence  of  it  may  be  mentioned  that  of  Giraldus 
Cambrensis,  who  states  that  among  the  parish  priests 
of  England  the  keeping  o^focarm  was  ahiiost  imiversal,P 
and  that  the  canons  of  St.  David's — especially  such  of 
them  as  were  Welchmen — were  notorious  for  their 
irregularities  in  this  respect,  filling  the  precincts  of 
their  cathedral  with  concubines,  midwives,  children, 
and  nurses,  connecting  their  families  with  each  other 
by  intermarriage,  and  transmitting  their  benefices  by 
inheritance.^^  He  tells  us  also  that  the  like  customs 
prevailed  among  the  kindred  people  of  Brittany.'" 

In  Normandy  we  are  told  that  in  the  beginning  of 
the  twelfth  century  the  priests  celebrated  their  marriages 
publicly,  that  they  left  their  benefices  to  their  sons,  and 
sometimes  provided  in  a  like  manner  for  the  portioning 
of  their  daughters.^  Geoffrey,  archbishop  of  Rouen,  m 
endeavouring  to  enforce  on  his  province  the  prohibitions 
of  marriage  enacted  by  the  council  of  Reims  in  1119,  was 
violently  assaulted,  as  his  predecessor  John  had  been  for 
a  similar  attempt  in  the  pontificate  of  Gregory,*  and  his 
life  was  in  danger  in  a  serious  tumult  which  ensued." 

In  Spain,  where  the  marriage  of  the  clergy  had  been 
tolerated  before  the  submission  of  the  church  to  Rome, 
the   legitimacy   of    their    children   was    sanctioned    by 

the  living  of  Dunston  in  Norfolk  had  in  complaining  of  the  usurpations  of 

until   then   descended  from  father  to  the  monks  and  clergy,  said,  "Tolera- 

son.     i.   37-8,   and   Sir   F.   Palgrave's  bile  malum  videretur,  si  singuli  suas 

Preface,    28-31  ;     Hallam,    Supplem.  mulierculas     observarent,    et     saltem 

Notes,  193  thorum  non  invaderent  alienum,  nee 

p  "More  sacerdotum  parochialium  aliisfiliosgenerarent."  Gervas.  Dorob. 

Angliae    fere    cunctorum,     damnabili  1595. 

quidem  et  detestabili,  publicam  secum  "■  Ap.  Wharton,  ii.  450. 

habebatcomitemindividuam,etinfoco  ^  Gaufrid.  Vita  Bernardi  Tiron.  51 

focariam  et  in  cubiculo  concubinam."  (Patrol,  clxxiii.).     An  argument  by  an 

Spec.  EccL,  in  Works,  iv.  170.  "Anonymus  Rothomagensis,"  in  favour 

4  Girald.  ed.   Brewer,  ii.  228.     He  of  clerical  marriage,  is  printed  in  Bp. 

mentions  a  bishop  of  St.   David's  as  Hall's  works,    i.\.   292,  seqq.,    ed.   P. 

having     bargained    with    those    who  Hall,  and  in  Brown's  '  Fasciculus,'  ii. 

elected  him,  that  this  state  of  things  166.              *  See  vol.  iv.  p.  303. 

should  continue,  (iv.  151.)  Henry  II.,  "  Order.  Vital,  xii.  13. 


Chap.  XIII.  OF   THE    CLERGY.  379 

Paschal  11.^  Didacus  (Diego),  archbishop  of  Compos- 
tella,  endeavoured  to  enforce  the  new  regulations,  but  in 
this  and  in  his  other  attempts  at  discipline  he  met  with 
obstinate  resistance. ^ 

In  Germany,  the  last  place  which  retained  clerical 
marriage  was  Liege,  where,  as  we  have  seen,^  the  practice 
had  been  defended  by  the  pen  of  Sigebert  of  Gemblours. 
Even  so  late  as  1220  the  canons  celebrated  their  nuptials 
"  like  laymen,"  and  are  said  to  have  paraded  their  wives 
in  a  strange  and  hardly  credible  manner.*^ 

In  Bohemia  the  first  attempt  to  separate  clergymen 
from  their  wives  was  made  by  a  legate  in  1143;^  but  the 
separation  was  not  effected  until  the  time  of  Innocent 
III.  or  later.^  In  Hungary,  which  was  affected  by  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Greek  church,  a  council  of  spiritual 
and  temporal  dignitaries  in  1092  forbade  the  second  mar- 
riage of  priests, — a  prohibition  which  implies  that  a  single 
marriage  was  regarded  as  lawful;  and  on  this  footing 
the  matter  rested  in  that  country  until  after  the  middle 
of  the  thirteenth  century.^  The  imperfectly  organised 
church  of  Poland  was  for  a  long  time  untouched  by 
Gregory's  reforms ;  the  clergy  married  into  the  families 
of  the  nobles,  and  even  till  the  thirteenth  century  their 
benefices  were  often  hereditary.®  The  earliest  attempt 
to  enforce  celibacy  in  Denmark  was  made  in  11 23,  but 
was  ineffectual.*  Even  the  influence  of  Breakspear,  as 
legate,  was  unable  to  establish  the  system  in  the  northern 
kingdoms.     Eskil  of  Lund,  and  other  eminent  bishops, 

^  Ep.  57  (Patrol,  clxiil.).  *  Theiner,  ii.  572-3. 

y  Hist.    Compostell.    iii.    46,    seqq.  <*  SchrOckh,    xxvii.     189-90,    202-3 .' 

(Putrol.  clxx.).     See  Theiner,  ii.  347.  Planck,  IV.  ii.   325  ;   Gieseler,  II.  ii. 

«  Vol.  iv.  p.  302.  285.  See  as  to  a  somewhat  later  council, 

*  Hist.  Monast.  S.  Laurent.  Leod.  Theiner,  ii.  545. 

in    IMartene,    Coll.     Ampl.    iv.    10S5  ;  «  Roepell,  i.    337 ;   Gieseler,  II.  iL 

Gesta   Pontif.    Leod.    in    Bouq.    xiii.  285. 

615-16  ;  Theiner,  ii.  351-2.  '  Dahlmann,    i.    238;    Miinter,    iL 

*»  Cosm.  Prag.  Contin.,  Patrol,  clxvi,  1033. 
343. 


380  MARRIAGE    AND    CELIBACY.  Book  VI 

were  themselves  married.-  The  apprehension  of  evils 
which  might  arise  from  the  compulsoiy  celibacy  of  the 
clergy  was,  as  we  have  seen,**  among  the  causes  which 
produced  a  formidable  outbreak  in  the  end  of  the  cen- 
tury. It  appears  from  a  letter  of  Innocent  III.'  that  the 
Swedish  clergy  professed  to  have  a  papal  sanction  for 
their  marriage ;  and  the  practice  continued  into  the 
thirteenth  century.^  In  the  remote  island  of  Iceland 
the  license  for  marriage  or  concubinage  of  the  clergy 
took  a  peculiar  form — a  payment  to  the  bishop  on  the 
birth  of  every  child.^ 

While  the  legislation  of  the  church  was  steady  in  the 
direction  of  suppressing  the  marriage  of  the  clergy,  it  is 
remarkable  that  some  of  the  most  eminent  writers  were 
very  moderate  in  their  opinions  on  the  subject."*  Thus 
Gratian,  although  he  takes  the  view  which  the  church 
had  sanctioned  in  his  time,  yet  allows  the  greater  free- 
dom of  earlier  ages  to  be  fully  represented  in  his  digest 
of  the  ecclesiastical  laws."  Peter  Comestor,  a  famous 
professor  of  Paris,  is  said  by  his  pupil  Giraldus  Cam- 
brensis  to  have  publicly  taught  that  the  devil  had  never 
so   much  circumvented   the  church  as  in  enforcing  the 

^  Miinter,  ii.  1033-7.  Hildebrandine  prohibition   of  clerical 

^  P.  277.                            '  xvi.  118.  man-iage  (Serm.  66  in  Cantica  c.  3)  ; 

^  See  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  285  ;  Miinter,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  he  would 

ii.  1037  ;  Theiner,  ii.  504,  seqq.  have  admitted  th's  application.     Much 

'  Schrockh,  xxvii.  199  ;  Theiner,  ii.  the  same  may  be  said  as  to  two  others 

527.  of   Schrockh's    witnesses,    Rupert    of 

">  Schrockh's  quotations  from  St.  Deutz  (in  Apocal.  ii..  Patrol,  clxix. 
Bernard  (xxvii.  201)  do  not,  however,  86S-9)  and  Bonaventura  (in  IV.  Sen- 
seem  to  warrant  us  in  reckoning  him  tent,  xxxvii.  art.  i.  qu.  3).  Their 
among  these.  In  one  place,  Bernard  language  shows  the  weakness  of  the 
only  says  that  it  would  be  better  to  cause ;  but  they  were  among  the 
keep  out  of  the  clerical  order  than  to  defenders  of  that  cause, 
disgrace  it  by  unchastity  (De  Convcr-  "  Dist.  xxvi.-xxvii.,  Ivi.;  Causaxxvii. 
sione,  20);  in  another  (which  has  often  etc.  In  Causa  xxvii.  qu.  i.  c.  40,  after 
been  quoted  by  writers  against  the  quoting  the  Lateran  canon  of  1139 
enforced  celibacy  of  the  clergy)  he  for  the  separation  of  the  married,  he 
uses  arguments  against  the  catharist  goes  on  to  cite  St.  Augustine  for  the 
prohibition  of  marriage  in  general,  opposite  view.  See  Lea,  330 
which    would    equally  apply    to    the 


Chap.  XIII, 


CANONS,  381 


VOW  of  celibacy ;  that,  although  no  authority  less  than 
that  of  a  general  council  could  set  the  clergy  free  in  this 
matter,  there  is  nothing  in  Scripture  to  forbid  marriage ; 
and  that  Alexander  III.  would  have  rescinded  the  law 
but  for  the  opposition  of  his  secretary,  who  afterwards 
became  pope  under  the  name  of  Gregory  VIII.^  And 
while,  in  the  following  century,  Thomas  of  Aquino 
declares  the  celibacy  of  the  secular  clergy  to  be  merely 
of  human  institution, p  and  differs  from  the  zealots  of 
celibacy  in  regarding  secret  marriage  as  less  culpable 
than  unchastity,^  the  younger  Durandus  of  Mende  frankly 
owns  the  futility  of  all  repressive  measures,  and  suggests 
that  it  might  be  expedient  to  return  to  the  practice  of 
the  early  church,  as  it  was  still  maintained  among  the 
orientals.'* 

(8,)  Among  the  clergy  who  were  charged  with  irregu- 
larity of  life,  none  were  more  conspicuous  than  the  canons 
of  cathedrals ; «  and  the  rise  of  this  class  in  dignity  and 
importance  made  their  ill  example  the  more  mischievous. 
Fver  since  the  ninth  century,  canons  had  endeavoured  to 
get  into  their  own  hands  the  independent  management  of 
their  property;  and  in  this  they  had  generally  been  suc- 
cessful,*^  The  common  table  and  dormitory,  which  had 
been  parts  of  the  original  institution,  had  fallen  into  dis- 
use, so  that,  if  the  canons  ate  together  on  any  occasion,  it 
was  not  in  order  to  fulfil  their  rule,  but  to  enjoy  the  extra- 
ordinary cheer  of  a  festival."    The  canons  had  become 

0  Girald.  Gemma  Ecclesiae,  ii.  6.  (Paris,  1671),  Gleseler  remarks  the  tone 
P  SummaTheol,  Sec.  Secundse,  qu.         of  disapproval  which  runs  through  the 

88,  art.  11  (t.  iii.  683-4,  ed.  Migne).  accounts  given    by  H.    Huntingdon, 

1  Quoted  by  Flacius  Illyricus,  Catal.  M.  Paris,  and  T.  Walsingham,  of  the 
Testium,  1639,  ^d.  1608.  I  have  been  measures  for  enforcing  celibacy.  II. 
unable  (as  seems  also  to  have  been  the  ii.  284. 

case  with  Theiner,  ii.  591,  and  Giese-  »  See  Theiner,  ii.  368  ;  Neand.  vii. 

ler,  II.  ii.  286)  to  verify  the  passage  2S5. 

in  the  '  Summa '  by  Flacius'  reference.  »  Planck,  IV.  ii.    568.     See  vol.  iv. 

»■  '  De     modo     celebrandi     Concilii  p.  155. 

Generalis'  (a.d.    1311),?.   ii.    tit.   46  "  Schrockh,  xxvii.  229.     The  bill  of 


382  DECAY    OF  Book VI. 

proud,  luxurious,  ostentatious  in  affecting  the  fashions  of 
the  world  as  to  dress  and  habits,  and  utterly  neglectful  of 
their  ecclesiastical  duties,  which  were  in  part  devolved  on 
hired  substitutes.""  Preferaient  of  this  kind  was  coveted 
by  noble,  and  even  princely,  families,  as  a  stepping-stone 
for  their  members  towards  higher  dignities,  and  as  afford- 
ing a  comfortable  income  in  the  meantime.  Not  only 
was  illegitimate  or  servile  birth  regarded  as  a  disqualifi- 
cation,y  but  in  many  cases  it  was  required  that  the 
canons  should  be  noble  by  descent  on  one  side,  at  least, 
if  not  (as  at  Strasburg)  on  both.  Any  who  without  this 
qualification  were  appointed  by  papal  provisions,  were 
regarded  with  contempt  by  the  rest ;  and  sometimes  a 
chapter  ventured  to  withstand  even  the  authority  of  a 
pope  in  defence  of  its  exclusive  restrictions. ""  In  some 
cases  canonries  became  hereditary  in  families.^ 

The  canons  were  no  longer  content  to  be  styled 
brethren^  but  were  now  addressed  as  dommiy  The  elder 
among  them  depressed  the  younger,  whom  they  treated 
as  an  inferior  class — curtailing  their  share  of  the  revenues, 
and  in  some  cases  even  exacting  homage  from  them.*^ 
Now  that  they  had  got  the  election  of  bishops  into 
their  hands,  the  canons  made  terms  beforehand  with 
the  future  bishop,  and,  in  addition  to  much  individual 

fare  on  All  Saints'  Day,  1270,  for  the  ii.  469.     See  the  article   Gerhoch,  in 

canons  of  Bamberg,   in   Schmidt,  iii.  Herzog. 

268-0,    however,     looks    poor    beside  ^  Alex.  III.  (Ep.   1366)  approves  of 

Giraldus'    description    of   the    dinner  this  rule  for  St.  Martin's  at  Tours, 

which  he  enjoyed  with  the  monks  of  ^  Ivo,     Ep.      126     (Patrol,     clxii.); 

Canterbury  Cathedral  on  Trinity  Sun-  Schrockh,  xxvii.    228-9  ;    Schmidt,  iii. 

day  a  century  earlier.     (De  Rebus  a  se  265-6 ;     Raumer,    vi.    25-6.     Nobility 

Gestis,   ii.    5.)   Prof   Brewer  wrongly  seems  to  have  been  then  understood 

supposes  St.  Augustine's  to  have  been  rather  in  the   modern   English  sense 

the   scene  of   this   banquet.    Pref.   to  than   in   the  wider  sense  of   modern 

Girald   IV,  xiv.  Germany.     Schmidt,  iii.  265. 

*  Bern.   Ep.  ii.   11;  Gerhoh,  in  Ps.  *  Hildebert.  Ep.  ii.  29  (Patrol.  171). 

64,  sect.  35  (who  says  that  nunsjusti-  >)  Schrockh,  xxvii.  226. 

fied  their  own  irregularities  by  alleging  ■=  Paschal  II.  Ep.  149  (Patrol,  clxiii.); 

those  of  the  canons)  ;  Schrockh,  xxvii.  Planck,  IV.  ii.  572. 
jat;  ;  Neaud.  vii.  285-6.     Planck,  IV. 


Chap.  XIII.  CANONICAL    LIFE.  383 

jobbery,  they  very  commonly  extorted  from  him  the  rigtit 
of  appointing  to  places  in  their  own  chapter  and  to 
other  offices  in  the  church.*^  They  affected  great  inde- 
pendence of  the  bishops  ;  they  attended  councils ;  they 
claimed  all  the  administration  of  dioceses,  and  even  of 
provinces,  during  the  vacancy  of  sees  ;  and  in  all  their 
assumptions  they  were  generally  supported  by  their 
powerful  family  connections.® 

The  difficulties  occasioned  by  the  degeneracy  of  the 
canons  are  the  subject  of  continual  papal  letters.*  Many 
attempts  were  made  to  recal  them  to  the  practice  of 
living  in  common  and  to  their  other  ecclesiastical  duties  ;  ^ 
while  some  bishops  and  princes,  regarding  such  attempts 
as  hopeless,  ejected  the  secular  canons,  and  planted  in 
their  stead  either  monks,  or  canons  of  the  class  which 
was  styled  regular,^  and  which  was  distinguished  from 
the  seculars  chiefly  by  the  renunciation  of  all  individual 
property.^  In  Germany  the  seculars  had  such  strength 
that  the  only  course  for  reforming  bishops  was  to  leave 
them  in  possession,  and  to  found  new  societies  of  canons 
on  a  more  rigid  footing.'' 

II.    Monasticism — Religious  Associations. 
(i.)  The  twelfth  century  saw  the  rise  of  several  new 

•*  Schrockh,  xxvii.  229 ;  Planck,  IV.  bishop  of  Tournay)  against  a  threat- 

ii.  577.  ened  relaxation  of  the  canonical  life  at 

«  Schrockh,   I,   c;    Planck.    575-6;  Reims.     Ep.  141  (Patrol,  ccxi.). 

Bernard.     Epp.     164-72,     as     to    the  ^  E.g.,  Chron.  Anon.  ap.  Bouquet, 

canons  of  Lyons   taking  part  in  the  xiii.  679. 

election    of    a    bishop    for   Langres  ;  '  See  above,  p.  50;  Order.  Vital,  xiii.  3 

Calixt.  II.  Ep.  262  (Patrol,  clxvi.).  (Patrol,   clxxxviii.);   Schr5ckh,  xxvii. 

^  E.g.,  Alex.  III.  Epp.  469,  470,  559,  224-6;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  281-2.     Gerhoh 

579.   591.    688-9,  911.    921,    925.  1074.  speaks  of  the  rule  drawn  up  for  canons 

1148,  1284,  1289,  1318,  1337, 1348,  1350,  under  Lewis  the  Pious  (see  vol.  iii.  p. 

1389,  1502,  etc.  215)  as  a  worldly  and    courtly  rule, 

K  E.g.,  Adrian.  IV.  Ep.  179  (Patrol.  and  expresses  a  hope  to  see  them  all 

clxxxviii.);  Ep.  17  ad  Eugen.  III.  ib.  supplanted  by  regulars  (Patrol,  cxciv. 

clxxx.)  ;  Schrockh,  xxvii.  224-5.     See  20-2,  82,  94,  1382). 

the  remonstrance  of  Stephen,  abbot  of  k  Planck,  IV.  ii.  570. 
Ste.   Genevieve  at  Paris  (after waras 


384  CARMELITES.  Book  VI. 

orders,  in  addition  to  those  which  have  been  already  de- 
cribed.  Among  them  was  that  of  the  CarmeHtes,  founded 
by  Berthold,  a  native  of  Calabria,  who  about  the  year 
1 180  settled  on  Mount  Carmel — a  place  to  which,  from 
the  fourth  century  downwards,  many  recluses  had  been 
drawn  by  its  connexion  with  the  prophet  Elijah.^  But 
in  later  times  the  Carmelites,  disdaining  to  acknowledge 
Berthold  as  their  founder,  professed  to  trace  themselves 
up  to  Elijah  himself  through  a  line  which  included  the 
Rechabites  and  some  of  the  Old  Testament  prophets; 
and  whereas  their  oldest  rule  was  really  given  by  Albert, 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  in  1209,°^  they  pretended  to 
reckon  among  their  legislators  St.  Basil,  in  the  fourth 
century,  and  John  of  Jerusalem,  the  contemporary  of 
St.  Jerome.^  These  pretensions  led,  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  to  a  fierce  controversy  between  the  Carmelites — 
chiefly  those  of  Flanders — and  the  Bollandist  hagiologists, 
who  maintained  the  truth  of  history ;  and  the  war  was 
carried  on  not  only  in  learned  dissertations,  but  in  satiri- 
cal pamphlets.^  Innocent  XIL,  in  1698,  in  accordance 
with  a  decision  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Index,  at- 
tempted to  allay  the  quarrel  by  imposing  silence  on  both 
parties  under  pain  of  excommunication ;  p  but  Benedict 
XIII.  afterwards  countenanced  the  pretensions  of  the 
Carmelites  by  allowing  a  statue  of  Elijah  to  be  erected 

'    Anon.    Carthus.    de    Religionum  ber  of  their  order.     Acta  SS.  Jun.  27, 

Origine,    c    28,    ap.  Martene,    Coll.  p.  460. 

Ampl.     vi.  ;    Jac.    Vitriac.    p.     1075  ;  "    Papebroch     and     Janning,     the 

Fuller,    '  Holy  War,'   76  ;    Schrockh,  editors  of  the    '  Acta   Sanctorum  '  for 

xxvii.   370,  374;  Gieseler,  II.   ii.  301.  April,     May,     and     June,   were    the 

See  as  to  a  book  on  the  Carmelites,  chief   opponents    of   the    Carmelites. 

Smith,  Diet,  of  T'.iosr.  ii.  597,  col.  2.  See   Schrockh,    xxvii.    369-72  ;    Pitra, 

™   Acta   SS.    Mai.    t.    III.   p.    Ix,  ;  Etudes  sur  les  Bollandistes,  94,  seqq. 
Alb.  Butler,  April  8  ;   Mosh.  ii.  462  ;  P  Helyot,  i.  282,    295-9 ;    Mosh.    ii. 

Schrockh,  xxvii.  3^5.     It  is  in  Holste-  462  ;  Petra.gS.    Helyot,  while  affecting 

jiius,  ed.  Brockie,  iii.  19-20.  to  defer   to   the   pope's   order,  shows 

"  Schrockh,  x.  iii ;  xxvii.  375,  385  ;  that  his  conviction  is  against  the  Car- 
Hoist,  ed.  Brockie,  iii.  18.     They  also  meliies.     i.  299-300. 
claimed  Cyril  of  Alexandria  as  a  mem- 


Cmaf.  XIII.  HUMILIATI.  385 

in  St.  Peter's  among  those  of  tlic  great  founders  of 
monachism.i 

On  the  expulsion  of  the  Latins  from  the  Holy  Land, 
the  Carmelites,  who  professed  to  have  been  warned  by 
the  Blessed  Virgin  to  quit  their  mountain,  acquired  settle- 
ments in  Europe,*"  and  it  is  said  (although  perhaps  with 
exaggeration),  that  at  one  time  they  possessed  7,500  mon- 
asteries, with  upwards  of  180,000  members.^  The  original 
rule  of  the  order  was  very  rigid  ;  but  on  leaving  Carmel 
they  petitioned  Innocent  IV.  for  a  mitigation  of  it,  on 
the  ground  that  they  were  no  longer  hermits.  The  pope, 
accordingly,  relaxed  it  in  some  respects  in  1247;  and 
in  the  fifteenth  century  further  relaxations  wefe  granted. 
In  consequence  of  this,  the  order  was  divided  into  two 
branches  —  the  stricter  being  styled  barefooted  or  ohscv- 
vantSj  while  those  who  adopted  the  milder  rule  were 
known  as  shod  or  conventuals.^ 

Another  order  of  this  time  (which  has  already  been 
mentioned  on  account  of  the  confusion  which  its  name 
has  sometimes  produced  beween  it  and  the  Waldensian 
sectaries)  was  that  of  the  Humiliati,  which  seems  to 
have  been  confined  to  Lombardy.  The  origin  of  this 
order  is  traced  to  some  Milanese  who  were  carried  off 
into  Germany  by  an  emperor,"  but  were  afterwards 
allowed  to  return  to  Milan.  In  their  exile  they  adopted 
a  strict  manner  of  life,  and  supported  themselves  by 
cloth- weaving ;  and  this  occupation  was  afterwards  con- 
tinued among  them — their  skill  in  the  art  being  famous, 

1    Schrockh,   xxvii.   373.     The    an-  Acta  SS.  Mai.  t.  III.,  pp.  Ixi.,  Ixiii. 

nalist  of  Oseney  notes   in  1287  that  •  Schrockh,  xxvii.  378.        *  lb.  37^ 

the  Carmelites,* 'utcredipoterit.volun-  "  Tiraboschi,    who    has    written    <* 

tarise  voluntatis  instinctu,"  substituted  history  of  the  order  in  3  vols.   4to, 

"capas    clausas  Candidas"  for  their  supposes  this  to  have  happened  under 

cloaks  of  various  colours,     P.  312,  cd.  Ileiiry  II.  in  1014(1.  19).     The  Bol- 

Luard  (Chron.  and  Mem.).  landists  and  others  refer  it  to  the  time 

'  Their  first  settlement  in  the  west  of  Henry  III.  (Acta  SS.  Sept.  26,  p. 

was  in  1238,  and  their  final  removal  326),  while  Helyot  dates  it  in  1117, 

was  after  the   loss  of  Acre,   in  1298.  under  Henry  V. 

VOL.  V.  =5 


386  ORDERS   OF    FIORE   AWD   SEMPRINGHAM.        BookVI 

and  much  of  their  cloth  bemg  given  to  the  poor.^  To 
the  secular  men  and  women  of  whom  the  society  at  first 
consisted  was  afterwards  added  an  order  of  monks  and 
nuns;  and  about  1140  a  priest  named  John  of  Meda 
completed  the  organization  by  the  addition  of  an  order 
of  priests.y  The  institution  was  confirmed  by  Innocent 
III.,  who  in  1 201  provided  it  with  a  rule  mainly  derived 
from  that  of  St.  Benedict,^  and  its  members  were  dis- 
tinguished for  their  charitable  labours.  In  the  course 
of  centuries,  however,  the  HumiHati  showed  the  usual 
degeneracy.  An  attempt  of  St.  Charles  Borromeo,  arch- 
bishop of  Milan,  to  reform  them  provoked  a  violent 
uproar,  so  that  his  life  was  even  in  danger;  and  in 
consequence  of  this  the  order  was  abolished  by  Pius 
V.  in  isyi.*^ 

Among  the  other  orders  of  the  twelfth  century  may  be 
named  that  of  Fiore,  which  has  been  already  mentioned 
in  connexion  with  its  founder,  Joachim  ;^  and  the  English 
order  of  Sempringham,  founded  by  Gilbert,  after  whom 
the  members — male  and  female — were  commonly  called 
Gilbertines.<= 

(2.)  The  new  orders,  being  founded  in  a  spirit  of 
reaction  from  the  laxity  of  those  which  before  existed, 
were  likely  to  excite  the  rivalry  of  their  elders ;  and 
this  rivalry  was  especially  shown  in  France  between  the 
Cistercians  and  the  Cluniacs.  The  contrast  between  the 
black  dress  of  Cluny  and  the  white  dress  of  Citeaux 
was  enough  to  proclaim  at  sight  the  difierence  of  the 
orders ;  and,  while  the  Cistercians  were  not  slow  to  tax 
the  Cluniacs  with  degeneracy,  these  retorted  by  charges 

*  Tirab.  i.  26 ;  ii.  157,  164.  ''  P.  340. 

y  lb.  i.  28,  56,  67;  ii.  57  ;  Schrockh,  =  The  date    is   variously  given   as 

xwii.  517.  1 131  and  1148.     See  W.   Neubrig.  i. 

■  lb.  517.  16:   Gir,  Cambr.   iv.    1S4  ;  Hoist,  ed. 

•  Acta  SS.  I.e.  327-8,  334;  Ranke's  Ikockie,  t.  ii.  ;  Monast.  Aiigl.  VI.,  pt. 
Hist,  of  the  Popes,  transl.  by  Mrs.  ii. ;  Helyot,  ii.  88;  Acta  S.S.  Feb.  4, 
Austin,  cd.  2,  i.  375-8.  pp.  572,  scqq. 


Chap.  Xlll.  CLUNIACS   AND    CISTERCIANS.  387 

of  vanity  and  presumption  against  the  younger  society.** 
Hence,  about  the  year  1125,  a  discussion  took  place 
between  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  and  Peter  the  Venerable 
of  Cluny — each  the  chief  ornament  of  his  order,  each 
respecting  the  other,*'  and  both  free  from  the  more  vulgar 
feelings  by  which  many  of  their  partisans  were  animated.^ 
Bernard  wrote  his  'Apology'  at  the  suggestion  of  William, 
abbot  of  St.  Thierry,  a  Cluniac,  with  a  view  of  satisfying 
those  who  complained  of  the  Cistercians  as  detractors. ^ 
In  the  outset,  he  is  very  severe  on  such  of  his  own 
brethren  as  had  indulged  in  censures  on  the  alleged 
laxity  of  the  Cluniacs.  As  men  differ  in  character,  he 
says,  so  a  corresponding  difference  of  usages  may  be 
lawful  ;'^  pride  and  censoriousness  are  evidences  of  a 
want  of  charity  far  worse  than  the  slight  indulgences 
which  it  attacks.*  He  professes  a  high  regard  for  the 
order  of  Cluny,  and  says  that  he  had  always  dissuaded 
those  who  wished  to  forsake  it  for  the  Cistercian  order. '^ 
But. from  this  Bernard  goes  on  to  blame  the  Cluniacs  for 

''  Exord.  Cisterc.  in  Patrol,  clxxxv.  Apol.  12 ;  cf.  1-2,  10-11 ;  De  PriEcepto 

1005-7 ;    Herbert,    de    Miraculis,    ib.  et  Dispens.  16. 

1322.     See  the  curious  metrical  dia-  ^  Apol.  4.     When,  hoAvever,  one  of 

logue,  '  De  Clarsevallensibus  et  Clu-  his  own  nephews  had  left  the  Cister- 

niacensibus,"  in   Mapes,   ed.   Wright,  cians  for  the  Cluniacs,  Bernard  rebuked 

237-42  :    and    another    Dialogue,    in  him  as  having  fled  from  strictness  to 

Martene,  Thes.  v.  luxury  (Ep.  i) ;  and  in  another  case, 

«  See,  e.  £-.,  Bern.,  Epp.  264-5,  3^7-9-  where  an  abbot  had  complained  of  the 

'See  MablU.  Annal.  vi.  74-6;  Ra-  admission  of  one  of  his  monks  at  Clair- 

dulf.  Niger,  ed.  Anstruther,  96.  vaux,  Bernard  showed  much  of  the  sij- 

8  Praefat.  (Patrol,  clxxxii.  897).  Bcr-  perciliousness  and  evasiveness  to  which 

nard  had  kept  out  of  the  sec  of  Langrcs  popular  religious  leadeis  are  too  com- 

a  Cluniac  monk,  against  whom  he  had  monly  prone  (Epp.  67-8  ;  cf.  Ep.  -^95). 

(wrongly,  as  Peter  affirms),  taken  up  'J'liere  were  instances  in  which  whole 

reports.     Bern.  Epp.  164-8  ;  Pet.  Ep.  monasteries  passed  over  from  the  older 

i.  29 ;   Morison,  b.  ii.  c.    4.    William  to  the  newer  order.     (Girald.  Cambr. 

of  St.  Thierry  afterwards  became  a  Spec.  Eccl.  in  Works,  iv.  114;  Introd. 

Cistercian.     See  p.  116.  xxi.)    At  a  later  time,  the  Cistercians 

'»  Apol.  6 ;  cf.  De  Gradibus  Super-  made  agreements  with  other  orders— 

bix,    42;    in   Cantica,   Serm.    xxxiii.  as  the  Carmelites -not  to  receive  acces- 

*<>•  sions  from  them.     Z,".^.,  Statut.  a.d. 

'  "  Repleti  ventrem  faba,   mentem  1274,  Mart.  Thes.  iv.  1441. 
»uperbia,  cibis  damnamus  sriginatos." 


3SS  RIVALRY    OF  Book VI. 

their  disobedience  to  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict.  While  ad- 
mitting the  lawfulness  of  dispensations,  he  holds  that  the 
secular  manner  of  life  which  prevails  in  some  monasteries 
is  such  as  no  dispensation  can  warrant.'  Many  of  the 
monks,  though  young  and  vigorous,  pretend  sickness,  that 
they  may  be  allowed  to  eat  flesh  ;  and  those  who  abstain 
from  flesh  indulge  their  palate  without  limit  by  exquisite 
varieties  of  cookery,™  while,  in  order  to  provoke  the  appe- 
tite, they  drink  largely  of  the  strongest  and  most  fragrant 
wines,  which  are  often  rendered  yet  more  stimulant  by 
spices."  At  table,  instead  of  grave  silence,  light  worldly 
gossip,  jests,  and  idle  laughter  prevail.^  The  Cluniacs 
have  coverlets  of  fur  or  other  rich  and  variegated  materials 
for  their  beds;  they  dress  themselves  in  the  costliest 
furs,  in  silk,  and  in  cloth  fine  enough  for  royal  robes ;  i' 
and  a  ludicrous  picture  is  drawn  of  a  Cluniac  choosing 
the  stuff  for  his  cowl  with  feminine  care  and  fastidious- 
ness.^i  This  excessive  care  for  the  body,  says  Bernard,  is 
a  consequence  of  the  neglect  of  mental  culture.'"  But  even 
more  than  for  their  personal  luxury,  he  taxes  the  Cluniacs 
for  the  excessive  splendour  of  their  worship,  and  for  the 
unsuitable  magnificence  of  their  buildings.  The  walls 
of  their  churches  are  adorned,  while  the  poor  are  left 
in  nakedness  ;  the  pictures  distract  the  mind,  instead  of 
raising  it  to  devotion;  and  the  monstrous  and  grotesque 

'  Apol.  i6.  °  "Pigmenta, '21. 

*"  E.g.,  "Quis  enim  dicere  sufficit,  *•  Bern.  Apol.  19. 

quot  modis(ut  csetera  taceam)  sola  ova  P  lb.  24. 

versantur  et  vexantur,  quanto  studio  •i  "  Cucullam      enipturus,      lustras 

evertuntur,    subvertuntur,    liquantur,  urbes,   fora   circuis,   percurris  nundi- 

durantur,  diminuuntur ;  et  nunc  qui-  nas,    domos    scrutaris   negotiatorum, 

dem  frixa,  nunc  assa,  nunc  farsa,  nunc  cunctam    evertis    singulorum    supel- 

mixtini,  nunc  sigillatim  apponuntur?"  lectilem,    ingentes    explicas    cumulos 

(20.)    The  general  chapter  of  Citeaux,  pannorum,  attrectas  digitis,  admoves 

in  1152,  orders,  "Qui  in  domibus  ni-  oculjs,  solis  apponis  radio;  quicquid 

grorum  monachorum  scienter  sagimen  grossum,  quicquid  pallidum  occurrerit, 

comederint,  septem  sextis  feriis  in  pane  respuis  ;  si  quid  autem  sui  puritate 

et  aqua  jejunabunt"  (c.  9,  in  Martene,  ac  nitore  placuerit,  illud  mox  quanto- 

Thes.  iv.  1:^45).     Cf.  Capit.  Gen.,A.D.  libet  prctio  satagis  tibi  retinere."  a6k 

ji£o,  c.  4,  ib.  125a.  '  lb.  27. 


Chap.  Xiri.  CLUNIACS   AND    CISTERCIANS.  389 

carvings  which  abound  are  altogether  unfit  for  a  religious 
house.  The  chandeliers  and  tree-like  candlesticks  are 
of  vast  labour  and  cost,  and  are  set  with  jewels ;  the 
pavements  are  inlaid  with  figures  of  saints  and  angels, 
which  in  such  a  position  cannot  escape  irreverent  usage ; 
tlie  sight  of  the  golden  shrines  in  which  the  relics  are 
encased  fattens  the  eyes  and  unlooses  the  purse-strings 
of  beholders.  Such  things,  he  says,  might  be  allowable 
in  churches  intended  for  lay  worshippers,  whose  carnal 
minds  may  need  them  ;  but  for  monks,  who  have  re- 
nounced the  delights  of  the  senses,  they  are  incongru- 
ous and  unseemly.*  Bernard  also  blames  the  Cluniacs 
for  their  exemption  from  episcopal  authority,  and  for 
impropriating  the  tithes  of  parish- churches ;  and  he 
denounces  the  pomp  of  many  abbots,  who,  on  going 
barely  four  leagues  from  home,  took  with  them  baggage 
enough  for  a  campaign,  or  for  a  journey  through  the  desert 
— especially  of  one  whom  he  had  seen  travelling  with  sixty 
horses,  and  a  train  sufficient  for  two  bishops.' 

Peter's  defence  of  his  order,  written  in  1143,  although 
addressed  to  Bernard,  is  not  a  reply  to  his  tract,  but  to 
the  Cistercian  accusations  in  general."  He  taxes  the 
Cistercians  with  breach  of  the  charity  inculcated  by  their 
rule,  and  speaks  of  their  white  dress  as  a  blamable 
singularity,  whereas  the  black  of  the  older  orders  was 
suitable  as  an  emblem  of  sadness.^  He  justifies,  as  far 
as  possible,  the  Cluniac  departure  from  the  letter  of  the 

•  Bern.  Apol.  28-30.  The  splendour  of  Mont  St.  Michel  says  that,  among 
of  the  Cluniacs,  whose  mother-church,  other  reforms,  William,  who  had  been 
begun  in  1089  and  dedicated  in  1131,  abbot  of  Ramsey  and  in  1179  became 
was  the  largest  ever  erected  in  France  abbot  of  Cluny,  reduced  a  prior  who 
(Fergusson,  653-4),  brought  their  had  been  used  to  travel  with  forty 
finances  into  difficulties,  from  which  horses  to  three.  Patrol,  clx.  532, 
they  were  extricated  by  the  care  of  "  Pet.  Ep.  i.  28  ;  printed  also  in  Ber- 
Henry  of  Blois,  bishop  of  Winchester,  nard's  works,  Ep.  228.  Ep.  iv,  17  is 
who  took  refuge  at  Cluny  in  his  exile.  much  the  same.  See  Mabillon,  in  Pa- 
Patrol,  clxxxix.  189.  trol.  clxxxii.  898  ;  also  Pet.  vi.  15. 

t  Apol.  27.   This  is  supposed  to  mean  *  Patrol,  clxxxix.  116. 
Suger.    (See  above,  p.    148.)  Robert 


390  RIVALRY   OF  Book  VI. 

Benedictine  rule,  which,  he  says,  is  beyond  what  the 
men  of  his  day  could  bear;y  and  he  adds  that  the 
Cistercians  sin  against  charity  by  the  severity  of  their 
discipline,  which  often  drives  monks  to  forsake  the  order, 
or  renders  them  discontented,  and  impairs  their  health.* 
The  use  of  furs  and  other  such  materials  in  dress  and 
bedding,  and  the  abatement  of  the  precepts  as  to  fasting, 
he  excuses  under  the  allowance  which  the  Benedictine 
rule  had  made  for  diversities  of  climate,  and  of  the  dis- 
cretion which  it  vested  in  the  abbot ;  moreover,  as  coats 
of  skins  were  given  to  Adam  and  Eve  not  for  pride  but 
for  shame,  the  use  of  furs  might  serve  to  remind  us  that 
we  are  exiles  from  our  heavenly  country.*  If  the  Cluniacs 
have  lands,  they  are  kinder  to  their  tenants  than  lay 
landowners ;  if  they  have  serfs,  it  is  because  they  could 
not  but  accept  them  with  the  lands  to  which  they  were 
attached ;  if  they  get  possession  of  castles,  they  turn  them 
into  houses  of  prayer.^  They  may  rightly  possess  tolls, 
since  it  was  only  from  the  injustice  of  the  toll-gatherer's 
trade  that  St.  Matthew  was  called ;  if  tithes  were  given 
to  the  Levites  because  they  had  no  inheritance,  they 
may  rightly  be  given  to  monks,  who  have  forsaken  all 
earthly  possessions ;  and  if  they  are  given  to  clerks  for 
their  pastoral  care,  why  not  to  monks  for  their  prayers, 
their  tears,  their  alms,  and  their  other  good  works  for  the 
benefit  of  men  ?  °  As  manual  labour  was  prescribed  by 
St.  Benedict  by  way  of  a  remedy  against  idleness,  it  is 
needless  when  idleness  may  be  avoided  by  other  means ; 
and  for  men  who  are  weak  from  the  nature  of  their  diet, 
prayer,  study,  psalmody,  and  spiritual  labours  are  more 
suitable  than  the  works  of  husbandry.^    The  Benedictine 

»  Patrol,  clxxxix.  154-5.  Epp.  40S,  442. 

■'  lb.  157.     See  above,  p.  76.     Eer-  *  Patrol.  clx.x.\ix.  121,  124-5,  128. 

nard,     however,     sometimes    advised  •>  lb.  143-6. 

those  who  could  not  bear  the  Cistn-  «  lb.  115.  141-3,  146. 

Ci^n   rij^oiir  to  go  iuto  otlier  ord«;fi.  "  lb.  144-5. 


Chap.  XIII.  CLUNIACS   AND   CISTERCIANS.  39 1 

precepts  as  to  receiving  strangers  and  washing  their  feet 
could  not  he  literally  performed  without  inconvenience 
and  grievous  waste  of  time ;  but  they  are  observed  in 
spirit.®  And  whereas  the  Cluniacs  had  been  censured 
for  being  under  no  bishops,  they  have  the  truest  and 
holiest  bishop  of  all,  the  bishop  of  Rome,  while  they 
have  the  privilege  of  obtaining  episcopal  offices  from 
any  bishop  of  their  own  choice.* 

The  rivalry  between  Cluny  and  Citeaux  was  exaspe- 
rated by  the  circumstance  that  the  general  exemption  of 
the  Cistercians  from  tithes  s  affected  some  lands  which 
had  formerly  paid  tithes  to  the  Cluniacs;  and  from  this 
collisions  frequently  arose.  In  one  of  these  quarrels 
the  Cluniacs  burnt  down  a  Cistercian  monastery  j^  and 
the  enmity  of  the  two  orders  outlived  both  Peter  and 
Bernard. 

It  would  seem  that  Bernard's  '  Apology,'  written  soon 
after  the  scandals  which  the  misconduct  of  abbot  Pon- 
tius had  occasioned  among  the  Cluniacs,^  contributed  to 
suggest  the  important  reforms  which  Peter  effected  in  his 
order. ^'  But  the  Cistercians  themselves,  although  they 
continued  to  find  eulogists,'  although  their  salvation  was 
declared  by  visions,'"  and  although  for  a  time  their  order 
was  the  refuge  of  spirits  which  sought  a  rigid  discipline," 
began  early  to  show  symptoms  of  decay.     A  prophetess 

*  Patrol,  clxxxix.  130-33.  '  See  p.  32. 

•"  lb.  lis,  i37'9-  ''  Order.  Vital,  xlii.  4  ;  Mabillon,  in 

8  This  was  granted  by  Innocent  II.,  Patrol,  clxxxii.  893-4. 

in  ii32(Ep.  83,  Patrol,  clxxix.).     See  *  -^^-sr-t  Pet.   Bles.  in  Patrol,  ccvii. 

against  it,  Ric.  Cantuar.  ap.  Pet.  Bles.  270  :  Pet.  Cell.  Epp.  175-6,  ib.  ccii. 

Ep.  82.  '"  Ib,  clxxxv.  693, 1007, 1323 ;  Csesar. 

''  See  Bernard,  Epp.  48-50 ;  Anastas.  Heisterbac.  viL  ult.  ;  Gerl.  Milovicen- 

IV.,  Epp.  46,  71 ;  Eugen.  III.,  Epp.  sis,  in  Pertz,  xvli.  702. 

499-500;  Alex.   III.,  Ep.   1128;   Pet.  "  See  the  remarkable  story  of  the 

Cluniac,  Ep.  i.  35-6  ;  Mabill.  Annal.  conversion  of  Pontius  de   Laraze,   a 

vi.  195 ;   Schrockh,  xxvii,  296.     In  a  robber  knight,  who  founded  the  monas- 

similar  case,  Alexander  III.  begged  tery  of  Salvanez,  and  annexed   it  to 

the  templars  to  waive  their  privilege  the  order  of  Citeaux,  in  Baluz.  Miscell. 

of  exemption.     Ep.  7S7.  iii.  (8vo  ed.),  or  in  Bouquet,  x\v.  423. 


392  DECAY   OF   THE   CISTERCIANS.  Book  VI. 

of  Lorraine  in  1153  addressed  to  them  a  letter  on  their 
dedine  in  zeal  and  love.^  The  records  of  their  general 
chapters  contain  many  significant  notices  ;  thus,  in  1181 
it  is  said  that  some  monasteries  had  run  into  debt  by 
purchasing  wine;P  in  1182  it  appears  that  their  rule 
had  been  broken  by  the  introduction  of  painted  windows 
into  churches;*!  in  1191  the  chapter  endeavours  to  take 
measures  for  the  removal  of  the  imputations  of  greediness 
which  had  been  fixed  on  the  Cistercians.'  Alexander 
III.  found  it  necessary  to  reprove  them  for  having 
deviated  from  their  rule  by  possessing  farms  and  mills, 
parish-churches  and  altars,  receiving  fealty  and  homage, 
holding  the  offices  of  judges  and  tax-gatherers,^  and 
using  all  their  endeavours  to  enlarge  their  borders  on 
earth,  whereas  their  conversation  ought  to  be  in  heaven ; 
and  he  threatens,  if  they  live  like  ordinary  men,  to  take 
away  the  privileges  which  had  been  granted  to  them  in 
consideration  of  their  extraordinary  strictness.^  Privi- 
leges had,  indeed,  been  so  largely  bestowed  on  the 
Cistercians  that  pope  Clement  IV.,  in  the  middle  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  speaks  of  these  as  "  against  the  law 
of  God  and  man,"  "  and  already  they  had  everywhere 
acquired  exemptions  like  those  which  Bernard  had 
strongly  censured  in  other  orders.'^     Walter  Map  in  the 

•  Rob.  de  Monte,  Patrol,  clx.  475.  croaching  tendencies  is  quoted,  "  Mali 

Perhaps  Hildegard  is  meant.  vicini  sunt  illi,  sicut  et  albi  monachi." 

P  C.  7  (Martene,  Thes.  iv.  1253).  p.  207. 

q  C.  II.  *  "  Justitiarias  et  tributarias."    Sea 

'  C.  24.  Giraldus  Cambrensis  speaks  the  explanation  in  the  Corpus  Jur.  Ca- 

strongly  of  their  greed,  while  he  prefers  nonici.    Migne  (cc.  1329).  and  Gieseler 

them  to  the  Cluniacs,  whom  he  charges  (II.  iii.  317)  read  "  jiistitiari^^  et  tribu- 

with  sacrificing  everything  to  luxury  ;  tari^jj." 

and  he  mentions  that  the  Cistercians,  '  Decret.  Gregor.  III.  xxxv.  3:  cf. 

"ut  a  niveo  corpore  nsevus  absterga-  Alex.  Epp.  365,  622-3,  '>5-- 

tur,"  had  resolved  to  buy  no  property,  "  Giesel.  II.  ii.  317 

but  only  to  accept  such  as  might  be  '  lb.  ;  Schmidt,  iii.  335-6.     See  p. 

given.    (Itin.  Kambr.  i.  3.)    There  is  389;  Bern,  de  Morlbus  Episcoporum, 

also  much  as  to  their  greed  in  the  33  :  De  Considcratione,  iii.  14.     Der- 

Speculum    Eccl.   (e.^.,   Dist.  iii.   c).  iiard  is  said  to  have  wished  that  he 

And  a  proverb  foimded  on  their  en-  might  be  pope  for  three  years,  in  order 


Chap.  XIII.  INCREASE    OF   MONACHISM.  393 

end  of  the  twelfth  century  speaks  of  the  Cistercians 
with  especial  abhorrence,  and  ridicules  their  pretensions 
to  superior  holiness  and  mortification.^ 

(3.)  The  increase  of  monachism,  through  the  founda 
tion  of  the  new  orders,  and  other  causes,  was  enormous. 
Thus,  it  is  said  that  whereas  in  England  there  had  not 
at  the  Conquest  been  above  a  hundred  monasteries, 
the  number  founded  under  Henry  I.  and  his  two  suc- 
cessors was  upwards  of  three  hundred.  Of  these  some 
owed  their  origin  to  compositions  for  vows  of  service  in 
the  holy  war.^  There  was  a  general  desire  for  all  sorts 
of  papal  privileges ;  and,  as  has  been  already  stated, 
where  these  could  not  be  proved  by  genuine  documents, 
recourse  was  often  had  to  forgery.*  The  abbots  aimed 
at  entire  independence  of  the  episcopal  authority — even 
attempting,  like  the  lawless  barons  of  the  time,  to  present 
clerks  to  parish- churches  without  submitting  them  to  the 
bishop  of  the  diocese  for  institution.^  They  affected  the 
use  of  episcopal  ornaments,  and  the  episcopal  right  of 

that  he  might  put  down  the  abuses  of  in  medio  magnl  nemoris  a  divite  quo- 
exemptions,  pluralities,  and  the  living  dam  obtinent,  multis  innocentise  simul- 
of  monks  out  of  their  cloisters.  Pet.  tatibus.  diutissimis  precibus,  Deo  sin- 
Cantor,  Verb.  Abbrev.  44  (Patrol,  ccv.  gulis  adjecto  syllabis,"  etc.    (39.)   For 


137). 


the  style  in  which  a  certain  Cistercian 


De  Nugis  Curiallum,  38,  52,  etc.  abbot  displayed  his  real  character,  after 

See  Girald.  Cambr.  iv.  140,  208,  219.  having  been  raised  to  a  bishoprick  by 

Of  their  manner   of  complying  with  Innocent  III.,  see  Innoc.  Ep.  iii.  10: 

their  rule  as  to  the  choice  of  a  place  "  Picturata  sella  et  chirothecis  uteris 

for  a  monastery  (see  above,   p.   47),  sericatis,  amplo  te  galero  coronans,  ut 

Map  thus  speaks  :    "  Locum  ad  habi-  carnibus  publice   usque  ad  satietatem 

taculum    habilem     eligunt,    non    in-  te  repleas,"  etc.  Cf.  Ughelli,  i.  1130, 

habitalem  sed  inhabitatum,  mundum,  who  says  that  the  bishop  amended  his 


foecundum,  responsalem  frugibus,  non 


habits. 


ineptum  seminibus,  septum  nemoribus,  *  Inett,  ii.  220-1. 

scaturientem    fontibus,    cornucopiam,  '  See   p.  64 ;    Pet.    Bles.    Ep.    68 

locum  extra  mundum  in  corde  mundi,  (Patrol,  cc.  1459). 

semotum  ab  hominibus  homlnum  in  »>  Against  this,  see  Urban  II.  in  Gra- 

medio,  saeculum  scire  volentes,  a  s»-  tian.  II.  xvi,  4,  6  (a  canon  ascribed  to 

culo  sciri  volentes  ut  qui  the  council  of  Clermont,  see  Hefele. 

.,    .  V,  201);  Innoc.   II.   Ep.   ^e?  (Patrol. 

•  fugit  ad  salices,  et  se  cupit  ante  videri,  1      •     \       t-              ttt     t-                 /-i 

^  clxxix.);    Eugen.    III.    hp.    443    (ib. 

Portionem  ergo  vilem  et  despicabilem  clxxx.). 


394  MONASTIC   ASSUMPTIONS.  Book  VL 

bestowing  benedictions.^  "How  much  more  would  they 
pay,"  asks  St.  Bernard,  "  if  they  might  have  the  name  as 
w^ll  as  the  privileges  of  bishops  ?"^  Peter  of  Blois  says 
that  the  monasteries  most  distinguished  for  hohness  were 
those  which  either  had  never  desired  such  privileges  or 
had  voluntarily  resigned  them ;  ®  that  in  any  one  but  a 
bishop  the  use  of  episcopal  ornaments  is  a  mark  of  pride 
and  presumption :  *  and  he  prevailed  on  his  own  brother 
to  give  up  an  abbacy  to  which  the  pope  had  granted  the 
use  of  those  ornaments.^  So  jealously  was  the  privilege 
of  exemption  guarded  that  when  Maurice,  bishop  of 
Paris,  appeared  at  the  consecration  of  the 
^'  new  church  of  St.  Germain-des-Pres  by 
Alexander  III.  the  monks  rose  in  tumult,  as  if  his  very 
presence  were  a  claim  of  jurisdiction  over  them,  and  the 
pope  sent  three  cardinals  to  beg  that  he  would  withdraw.'' 
In  England  we  find  quarrels  of  this  kind  between  the 
bishops  and  the  great  monasteries  in  many  quarters; 
thus  the  bishops  of  Chichester  had  contests  with  the 
abbots  of  Battle,*  the  bishops  of  Bath  with  the  abbots 
of  Glastonbury,'^  the  bishops  of  Sarum  with  the  abbots 
of  Malmesbury,'  the  bishops  of  Lincoln  with  the  abbots 
of  St.  Albans.*"  But  nowhere  was  there  a  more  re- 
markable display  of  such  differences  than  in  the  city  of 

'  Samson  of  St.  Edmund's  Bury  was  because  he  could  not  show  that  it  had 

the  first  English  abbot  who  obtained  been  allowed  by  any  former  pope  (Ep. 

the  privilege  of  giving  the  solemn  epis-  i6i).      This  looks   like   throwing  the 

copal  blessing,  wherever  he  might  be  burden  of  proof  on  the  wrong  party. 

(a.d.  1187).     Jocel.de  Brakelonda,  41.  '    See    the   Chronicon   Monast.    de 

*  De  Moribus  Epir.coporum,  36.  Bello,  published  by  the  Anglia  Chris- 
'  Ep.  68,  written  in  the  name  of  tiana  Society. 

Abp.  Richard  of  Canterbury.     Patrol.  '^  Wharton,  Ang.  Sac.  i.  578,  seqq.  ; 

cc.  1459,  B.  Inett,  ii.  212. 

'  Ep.  90  (ib.  ccvii.  283)  »  Petr.  Bles.  Ep.  68  (Patrol,  cc.  1456- 

P  Ep.  93.  9)  ;  Inett,  ii.  318. 

*  Alex.  III.  Ep.  147.  In  the  same  •"  Alex.  III.  Ep.  63;  Inett,  H.  215-16. 
^ear  the  bishop,  at  the  council  of  Tours,  So  in  Germany,  the  archbishops  of 
claimed  "jus  quoddam"  over  the  ab-  Treves  had  differences  with  the  abbots 
bey  ;  but  the  pope  rejected  his  claim,  of  St.  Majcimin's.     Bern.  Ep.  333. 


Chap.  XIII.  ST.  AUGUSTINE's,    CANTERBURY.  395 

Canterbury,  where  the  archbishops  were  engaged  in  long 
and  bitter  feuds,  not  only  with  the  abbots  and  brethren 
of  St.  Augustine's,  but  with  the  monks  of  their  own 
cathedral. 

The  great  monastery  founded  by  the  apostle  of 
England  was  the  first  in  rank  of  English  religious  houses, 
and  in  western  Christendom  was  second  only  to  Monte 
Cassino."  It  was  the  burial-place  of  Augustine  and  of 
his  successors  in  the  throne  of  Canterbury,  and  on  that 
account  its  members  looked  down  on  the  cathedral 
of  Christchurch  or  Trinity,^  until  Archbishop  Cuthbert, 
when  dying  in  758,  took  measures  that  his  death  should 
be  kept  secret  from  the  Augustinians  until  he  should 
have  been  interred  in  the  cathedral,  p  From  that  time 
the  archbishops,  with  the  exception  of  Cuthbert's  second 
successor,  Janbert,  who  had  himself  been  abbot  of 
St.  Augustine's,^  were  buried  in  the  cathedral,  and  its 
monks  were  thus  enabled  to  take  a  higher  standing  than 
before  against  their  Augustinian  neighbours.  But  in  the 
twelfth  century  serious  disputes  arose  between  the  arch- 
bishops and  the  monks  of  St.  Augustine's.  The  monks 
asserted  that  their  house  had  been  wholly  independent 
of  the  see  of  Canterbury  until  Lan franc,  taking  advantage 

°  Leo.    IX.   ap.    Thorn  (Tvvysden,  1641  ;  Thorn  (who,  as  a  monk  of  St. 

1784);  Goscelin.  Transl.  S.  Aug.  ii.  3  Augustine's,  is  very  angry  witli  Cuth- 

(Patrol.  civ.).  bert),   ib.    1773-4;    Hist.    Monast.    S. 

°  Giraldus  complains  of  the  pride  of  August.  Cautuar.  (Chron.  and  Mem.) 

both  societies  (Spec.  Eccl.  ii.  26-7).     It  317-18.     This  history  is  supposed  by 

would  seem  that  the  original  name  of  the  editor.  Archdeacon  Hardwick,  to 

the  cathedral  was  Christchurch,  but  have  been  compiledfrom  older  materials 

was  afterwards  superseded  by  that  of  bj^  Thomas  of  Elmham,  about   1415 

Trinity  until   the    dedication   of    the  (Pref.  x'lx.  seqq.).     See,  too,  Stanlej', 

church  by  William  of  Corboyl,  in  1 128.  Hist.   Memorials  of  Canterbury,  151, 

Thorn,  1799.     See  Willi.s,  Archit.  Hist.  ed.   i;   Hook,  ii.  235.     The  opposite 

of  Cant.   Cathedral,   19.     Archbishop  feelings  of   the  parties    are    strongly 

Courtney,    in    1384,   speaks    of   it  as  represented  by  Gervase  on  the  side  of 

"nomine  Christi  fundatum,  et  summae  Christchurch,  and  by  Thorn  and  Elin- 

Trinitatisradiisdecoratum."    Wilkins,  ham  on  that  of  St.  Augustine's, 

iii.  189.  1  Thorn,  1774. 

9  Gervas.  Dorob.  ap.  Tw^sd.  iao.i;, 


396  QUARRELS   BETWEEN    ARCHBISHOPS         Book  VI. 

of  his  ancient  friendship  with  the  Norman  abbot  Scolland, 
persuaded  him  to  cede  privileges  which  the  monastery 
had  before  enjoyed  -/  while  on  the  othcrr  side  it  was  main- 
tained that  the  abbey  and  the  patronage  of  the  abbacy 
had  belonged  to  the  arcnbishops  until  the  Norman 
conquest.^  The  abbots  claimed  that  tlie  archbishops 
should  give  them  the  benediction  in  their  own  monastery, 
and  without  exacting  any  payment,  or  any  profession 
of  obedience.*  They  claimed,  not  only  the  patronage 
of  parish-churches  on  their  estates,  but  exclusive  juris- 
diction over  the  incumbents.  They  disputed  certain 
yearly  payments  which  they  were  required  to  make  to 
the  cathedral,  and  the  archbishop's  charges  for  supplying 
them  with  consecrated  oil  and  chrism."  They  professed 
to  have  privileges,  reaching  down  from  the  age  of  king 
Ethelbert  and  St.  Augustine,  by  which  the  monastery 
was  rendered  independent  of  all  power,  ecclesiastical 
or  secular.  In  one  of  these  documents  Augustine 
was  made  to  charge  his  successors  in  the  see  to  regard 
the  abbot  not  as  their  subject,  but  as  their  "  brother, 
colleague,  and  fellow-minister  in  the  word  of  God."-^' 
According  to  another  document,  pope  John  XIII. 
ordered  that  the  abbot  should  be  treated  "  as  a  Roman 
legate ;  "^  and  (as  we  have  seen)  it  was  said  that  the 
abbots  had  been  privileged  by  Alexander  II.  to  wear 
the  mitre  (with  the  sandals  and  other  episcopal  orna- 
ments), although  they  did  not  make  use  of  the  right  until 

«■  Thorn,  1791-  Thorn,  that  William  Rufus  compelled 

•  Gervas.    1326-7;    R.   de    Diceto,  the  archbishop  to  give  him  the  blessing 

602.     Lanfranc,  on  the  death  of  Scol-  in  the  abbey.     1793. 

land,  asked  William  Rufus  to  let  him,  "  Gervas.  1329  ;  Thorn,  1797,  1800-5. 

like  his  predecessors,  appoint  an  abbot,  Gervase  says  (1.  c.)  that  the  claims  of 

but  was  refused.    Gervas.  1327:  Thorn,  St.  Augustine's    were    mostly  set   up 

1792.     See  vol.  iv.  p.  439.  during  the  primacy  of  Theobald,  by  a 

'  Even  as  to  the  history  of  these  nephew    of   abbot    Hugh,    who    was 

quarrels,  the  statements  on  the  oppo-  known  as  William  the  Devil,  and  came 

site  sides  are  inconsistent.    Thus,  Ger-  to  a  bad  end. 

vase  says  that  abbot  Guy  was  blessed  ^  Thorn,  1762-4. 

by  Lanfranc  in  the  cathedral  (1327);  '  lb.  1779. 


Chap.  XIII.         AND   MONKS   OF   ST.  AITGUSTINE'S.  397 

a  hundred  and  twenty  years  later.^     These  claims  were 
the    subject   of  continual   appeals   to   the  popes,  who, 
according  to  their  usual  policy,  for  the  most  part  sided 
with  the  abbey,  while  the  officials  of  the  Roman  court 
were  not  sorry  to  make  a  profit  out  of  the  complicated 
litigation.*     At  one  time,  when  Eugenius  III.  had  desired 
archbishop  Theobald  to  bless  abbot  Sylvester  without 
exacting  any  profession,  the  archbishop  repaired  to  the 
monastery  for  the  purpose ;  but  there  (by  his 
contrivance,   according  to   the   Augustinian    '  *     ^   '^' 
chroniclers),  the  prior  of  Christchurch  appeared,  with  a 
force  of  armed  men,  to  protest  against  the  benediction; 
and  the   archbishop   caught  at  this  pretext  for  delay, 
although  a  further  reference  to  Rome  obliged  him  at 
last  to  perform  the  office  in  the  manner  required.  •*    At 
another   time,  when   Alexander   III.    had  ordered   the 
benediction  of  abbot  Roger,  not   only  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  but  the  bishop   of  Worcester  and   the 
archbishop   of  Rouen  refused   to  officiate; 
and  the  abbot  found  it  necessary  to  seek  the 
blessing  from  the  pope  himself,  who  gave  it  at  Tuscu- 
lum,*'  granting  to  the   abbot   the  use  of  the  episcopal 
mitre,  ring,  and  gloves,  but  with  a  reservation  of  the 
archbishop's  rights.^     On  another  occasion, 
when  Theobald  had  interdicted  England  in     •  •    ^  • 
consequence  of  his  differences  with  king  Stephen,  the  Au- 
gustinians  continued  to  ring  their  bells  and  to  celebrate 
divine  offices  as  usual ;  but  for  this  they  were  put  to 
penance  by  pope  Eugenius,  on  the  ground  tliat  they  were 

'  See  above,   p.   63.      But   R.    de  Adrian.    IV.    Epp.    79,    121  ;    Thorn, 

Diceto  speaks  of  Roger,  who  was  the  1811-14;  Hardwick,  Pref,  to  Hist.  S. 

first  that  used  these  ornaments  (a.d.  Aug.  10. 

ii79)as  the  first  who  was  entitled  to  '^  Alex.  111.  Ep.  1343. 

them,  having  got  them  from  Alexander  ••  Gervas.  1331, 1444-6;  Thorn,  1824; 

III.     602.  Hardw.  Pref.   13;   Ben.   Petrib.  267; 

•  Gervas.  1462.  Hoveden,  326-7 ;  R.  de  Diceto,  60a, 

*  See    Eugen.    III.    Epp.    518-19  , 


398  QUARRELS   BETWEEN    ARCHBISHOPS  Book  VI. 

bound  to  obey  Theobald  as  legate,  if  not  as  archbishop  ; 
and  when  the  pope,  after  some  difficulty,  absolved  them, 
he  declared  that  he  acted  "  not  as  apostolic  i)ontiff, 
but  in  the  room  of  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury."'^ 

The  monks  were  extremely  unwilling  to  produce  the 
originals  of  the  privileges  on  which  they  relied ;  but, 
after  having  eluded  two  papal  orders  for  their  produc- 
tion, they  were  at  length,  in  1182,  compelled  to  exhibit 
them  to  three  commissioners  appointed  by  Alexander 
III.;  when  it  was  found  that  as  to  materials,  form,  and 
substance,  the  documents  which  pretended  to  the  greatest 
antiquity  were  suspicious  in  the  extreme.  They  were, 
however,  approved  by  Lucius  III.,  and  archbishop 
Richard  was  obliged  to  withdraw  the  charge  of  forgery 
which  he  had  thrown  out  against  them.*  A  compromise 
was  agreed  on  as  to  some  of  the  rival  claims;^  but  as  to 
the  benediction  in  the  monastery  all  the  papal  authority 
was  unable  to  enforce  obedience  from  the  archbishops ; 
and  the  abbots  were  obliged  to  receive  their  blessing, 
sometimes  from  the  pope  in  person,  sometimes  from 
any  bishop  who  could  be  persuaded  to  give  it,'^  until 
in  1406  abbot  Thomas  Hunden  was  blessed  in  St. 
Paul's,  London,  by  archbishop  Arundel,  who  acknow- 
ledged him,  in  the  words  of  the  charter  ascribed  to 
St.  Augustine,  as  his  "brother,  colleague,  and  fellow- 
minister."* 

But  while  the  monks  of  Christchurch  were  allied  with 
the  archbishops  against  the  rival  monastery,  tlieir  own 
relations  with  them  were  far  from  harmonious.  "  It 
seems,"  wrote  John  of  Salisbury  during  Becket's  exile, 
"as  if  hatred  of  their  archbishops  were  an  inheritance 

«  Gervas.  1364.     Cf.  Hist.  Pontific.  «  Lucius  IIL  ap.  Th.  Elmham,  458. 

in  Pertz,  xx.  532  4.  ''  Thorn,  1821-7.    See  a  list  In  Hard- 

'"  Gervas.  1328,  1458  ;  Thorn,  1832  ;  wick,  Pref.  37. 

Thorn.    Ehnham,    441-6  ;    Hardwick,  '  Th.  Elmham,  Sg. 
Pref.  28-33. 


CHAr.  Xlll.  AND    MONKS   OF    CANTERBURY.  399 

of  the  monks  of  Canterbiuy.  When  Anschn  was  twice 
banished  for  righteousness'  sake,  they  never  bestowed 
any  consolation  on  him.  They  despised  Ralph,  they 
hated  William,  they  laid  snares  for  Theobald,  and  now, 
without  any  cause,  they  insatiably  persecute  Thomas."'' 
Theobald  turned  out  two  of  their  priors  (who  were  the 
virtual  heads  of  the  monastery,  as  the  archbishop  himself 
was  supposed  to  be  abbot) ;  and  at  a  later  time  a  more 
serious  difference  broke  out.  The  circumstances  of 
archbishop  Baldwin's^  election  had  naturally  left  un- 
pleasant remembrances  on  both  sides  ;  and  soon  after 
entering  on  his  see,  the  archbishop  and  the  monks  were 
violently  embroiled.'"  They  complained  that  he  inter- 
fered with  their  revenues  and  privileges ;  that  he  seized 
the  management  of  their  estates,  expelled  their  officials, 
whose  places  he  filled  with  his  own  servants,  suspended 
the  prior,  confined  the  monks  within  their  own  precincts, 
cutting  off  their  supplies  of  food,  so  that  they  were  in- 
debted for  the  means  of  life  to  the  charity  of  their  neigh- 
bours— even  of  Jews ;  and  that  he  excommunicated  them." 

^  Ep.  241.     Yet,  when  appealing  to  him  as  very  learned  and  pious,  but  too 

Rome    against    Abp.    Baldwin,   they  gentle,  so  that,  as  he  ascended  in  pre- 

ventured  to  assert  that  they  had  never  ferment,  he  became  less  efficient,  and 

resisted  their  archbishops  until  his  time  gave  Urban  III.  occasion  to  write  to 

(Gervas.  1310),  and,  in  particular,  that  himas"monachoferventissinio,  abbati 

between  them  and  Thomas  (who  had  calido,  episcopo  tepido,  archiepiscopo 

by  that  time  become  a  popular  saint)  remisso.'     (Spec   Eccles.  ii.  25,  33; 

there  had  always  been  the  greatest  af-  Works,  iv.) 

fcction.    lb.    1313-14  ;  Epp.   Cantuar.  •"  Gervas.  1481,     Gervase,  who  was 

in  Stubbs'  '  Richard  I.'  vol.  ii.  passim.  one  of  the  monks,  has  left  us  a  very  fu 

'  See  p.  354.     Baldwin  is  described  account  of  tliesc  quarrels  (in  Twysdcn). 

by  Prof.   Stubbs  as  "a  Cistercian  of  with  his  "  Imaginations  "  of  the  plead 

the  best  sort,  a  man  who  lived   but  ings  which  might  be  advanced  on  each 

little  for  the  world,  and  that  to  make  side.    The  letters  connected  with  the 

it  better."    (Introd,  x.Kxiv.;  of.  Chron.  aftair  have  been  printed  from  a  Lambeth 

Mailros.    a.d.    1180).      The    English  MS.  by  Prof.  Stubbs  in  vol.  ii.  of  his 

chroniclerofLaonsaysthathewas"vir  'Memorials  of  Richard   I.'     (Chron, 

morum  gravitate  laudabilis,  hoc  solo  and  Mem.)    See  also  Hook,  ii.  550. 

notatus  quod  cum  Judaeis  nimis  fami-  "  Gervas.    1305,  etc.  ;   Ben.  Petrih. 

liaris   frequens   haberet  colloquium."  532;  Stubbs,  ii.  184,  etc. 
(Bouq.  xviii.  705.)    Giraldus  six-aks  o<" 


400  ARCHBISHOP   BALDWIN   AND  Book  VI. 

In  order  to  rid  himself  of  the  annoyances  resulting 
from  his  connexion  with  them,  he  formed  the  scheme 
of  erecting  a  new  church  of  secular  canons,  to  bear  the 
name  of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr,  and  of  supporting  it 
chiefly  at  the  expense  of  Christchurch.  As  the  germ  of 
this,  he  began  to  rebuild  and  enlarge  the  church  of  St. 
Stephen  at  Hackington,  about  a  mile  distant  from  the 
cathedral,^  and  afterwards  removed  the  site  to  another 
place  in  the  neighbourhood.  In  order  to  carry  out  his 
scheme  he  caused  collections  to  be  made  throughout  all 
England,  with  the  inducement  of  ample  indulgences  ;  he 
endeavoured  to  draw  the  other  bishops  into  taking  part 
in  the  foundation ;  p  and  he  was  encouraged  by  the  support 
of  Henry  II.,  who  had  abundant  reasons  for  disliking  the 
monks  of  Christchurch.  These,  however,  showed  them- 
selves determined  to  resist  by  appealing  to  the  pope,** 
and  enlisting  in  their  cause  the  influence  of  the  French 
king  and  of  other  foreign  patrons.*"  They  declared  that 
the  archbishop  intended,  by  bestowing  the  canonries  of 
his  new  church  on  the  bishops  of  his  province,  not  only 
to  transfer  to  these  the  rights  of  the  cathedral  as  to  the 
election  of  archbishops,  but  to  constitute  himself  a  pope, 
surrounded  by  a  college  of  cardinals,  subject  to  the  in- 
fluence of  the  crown  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  but  inde- 
pendent of  the  apostolic  see.^  The  popes  were  naturally 
inclined  to  side  with  the  monks,  more  especially  as  the 
usual  means  of  securing  the  favour  of  Rome  were  largely 
employed ;  ^  and,  with  the  exception  of  Gregory  VIII., 

«  When  Peter  of  Blois,  on  the  arch-  r  Gervas.  1306-S,  1481;  R.  de  Diceto, 

bishop's  part,  told  the  Roman  curia  620. 

that  it  was  more  than  a  mile  from  the  i  The  justiciary  Glanvile  told  them, 

city,  Hugh  of  Lucca  ventured  to  as-  "  Solam  Romam  quaeritis,  sola  Roma 

sert  "per  corpus  Domini  nostri "  that  destruet  vos."    Gervas.  1544. 

it  was  within  a  child's  stone-throw  of  "■  Stubbs,  pp.  84,  86,  etc. 

ttie  city,  and  within  a  crossbow-sliot  of  •  lb.  xxxvii.:  55,  80,  117. 

the  cathedral,  so  that  the  singing  of  '  An  emissary  of  the  convent,  named 

one  church  could  be  heard  in  the  ollici .  John,  is  very  severe  on  the  corruption 

Stubbs.  il  81.  ^^  ^'^^  Roman  court,  e.£:,  "  Romaou* 


Chap.  XIII.  THE    MONKS    OF    CANTERBURY.  40I 

they  showed  themselves  favourable  to  the  convent."  In 
1 189  two  legates  were  sent  by  Gregory  to  investigate  the 
matter ;  but  one  of  them  died  by  the  way,  and  the  other, 
John  of  Anagni,  was  not  allowed  to  approach  Canterbury 
until  the  question  had  been  compromised  by  Richard  I., 
on  the  footing  that  a  prior  whom  Baldwin  had  nominated 
should  be  otherwise  provided  for,  that  another  should  be 
appointed  by  the  king  and  the  archbishop,  and  that  the 
archbishop  should  give  up  the  project  of  a  collegiate 
church  on  condition  of  receiving  from  the  monks  the 
same  obedience  which  they  had  paid  to  his  predecessors.^ 
The  legate  indignantly  declared  that  this  agreement  was 
void,  as  having  been  extorted  from  the  monks,  and  it  was 
afterwards  annulled  by  Celestine  III.,  who  ordered  the 
new  buildings  to  be  destroyed.^  Baldwin,  before  setting 
out  on  the  crusade,  directed  that  the  materials  should 
be  removed  to  Lambeth,  which  he  had  lately  acquired 
for  his  see  ;^  but  on  hearing  of  his  death  at  the  siege  of 
Acre,  the  monks  of  Christchurch  drove  out  their  prior,  ap- 
pointed another  in  his  room,  and  elected  to  the  primacy 
Reginald,  bishop  of  Bath,  who  ordered  the  demolition 
of  his  predecessor's  college  at  Lambeth.  Reginald, 
however,  died  before  consecration,*   and  his  successor, 

clamantem,  quamvis  semper,  nisi  de-  scheme,  but  he  afterwards  condemned 

derit  non  exaudiet,  et  cum  acceperit,  it  (Epp.     60,    120-6,    142-5  ;     Patrol, 

non  ignoscet ;  emungit  multum  et  san-  cciii.);  R.  de  Diceto.   631-5 ;   Gervas. 

guinem  elicit  violentius,  1315-17);  and  his  death  is  represented 

by  Peter  of  Blois  as  a  judgment  on  his 

'Non    missura  cutem  nisi   plena    cruoris  ..       ^tiu-       i-  /r>.i 

....  *^  opposition  to  Baldwm.  iip.  211  (Patrol. 

ccvii.  494). 

(Stubbs,  214);  "Ablativus  proprie,  ut  ^    Gervas.     1323-4,      1552,      1556-8, 

dicit  Priscianus,  Romanorum  est,  non  1563-4  ;  R.  de  Diceto,  649  ;  Ben.   Pe- 

dativus."    (lb.  230;  cf.   194.)    Again,  trib,  575-7;  Hoveden,  377;  Pauli,  iii. 

when  the  bishop  of  Ostia  is  appointed  208. 

legate,  "Verbum  secretum :  concessit  y  Stubbs,  Epp.  315,  325,  334-6,  356, 

clominus    papa  nobis   Ostiensem,    sed  35S,  seqq.  ;    Coelest.  Ep.   660  (Patrol, 

sub  certa  ta.\atioue  pecuni.-E  ;  is  enim  ccvi.) ;    R.    de   Diceto,  649 ;    Gervas. 

est  mos  et  modus  ejus."     lb.  218.  1324,  1572. 

"  Gervase  speaks   strongly  against  *  Stubbs,  Ixxx.  324. 

Gregory   (1513).     Urban   III.    at  one  *  Feeling  his  end  near,  he  caused  a 

time    countenanced    the   archbishop's  letter  tc  be  written,  begging  the  prior 

VOL.  V.  26 


402 


MONKS    AND   SECULAR   CLERGV. 


T^ooK  VL 


Hubert  Walter,  revived  the  project.  But,  although  he  had 
the  support  of  king  Richard,  although  all  the  Cistercian 
abbots  in  England  exerted  themselves  for  him,^  and 
although  the  authority  of  archbishops  Anselm,  Theobald, 
and  Thomas  was  alleged  in  favour  of  the  design,  he  was 
compelled  by  Innocent  III.  in  1199  to  pull  down  the 
buildings  which  he  had  begun  to  erect.*' 

In  other  English  cathedrals  which  were  in  the  hands 
of  monks,  similar  troubles  often  arose ;  and  it  is  said  that 
archbishop  Baldwin  induced  all  the  bishops  to  promise 
that  they  would  follow  his  example  by  turning  their 
episcopal  churches  into  colleges  of  secular  clergy.'^  Hugh 
of  Nunant,  bishop  of  Lichfield,  nephew  of  Arnulf  ot 
Lisieux,  incurred  the  especial  abuse  of  the  monastic 
writers,   with   the   single   exception   of  Giraldus    Cam- 


of  Christchurch  to  bring  him  the  mo- 
nastic habit — "  Mihi  non  videtur  quod 
velit  Deus  quod  vester  sim  archiepisco- 
piis  ;  vester  autemvolo  et  desidero  esse 
monachus"  (Stubbs,  Ep.  388).  Peter 
of  Blois  represents  his  death  on  St. 
Stephen's  day  and  his  burial  on  St. 
Thomas  of  Canterbury's  day  as  judg- 
ments on  his  opposition  to  a  church 
which  was  under  the  patronage  of 
those  saints — "  ac  si  unus  peremisset 
eum,  et  ahus  tumulo  infodisset "  (Ep. 
211).  Peter  is  styled  by  Gervase, 
"totius  fere  malitiae  hujus  artifex 
impudicus"  (1490),  and,  with  Gerald 
la  Pucelle  (afterwards  bishop  of 
Lichfield),  is  denounced  by  him  as 
active  against  the  monks  of  St.  Au- 
gustine's in  their  difterences  with 
archbishop  Richard  (1821).  His  211th 
letter  is  in  favour  of  the  scheme  for  a 
college  of  canons,  which,  he  says,  had 
been  entertained  both  by  St.  Anselm 
and  by  St.  Thomas,  because  each  of 
them  in  his  exile  had  been  attended 
by  clerks  only,  while  the  monks  of  the 
cathedral  deserted  him.  But  in  a  later 
letter  (238),  addressed  to  the  monks  of 
the  cathedral,  Peter  professes  shame 


for  having  opposed  them,  and  says 
that,  as  he  had  laboured  against  them 
for  eight  months,  so  he  had  been 
punished  by  severe  illness  of  the  like 
duration  (Patrol,  ccvii.). 

*>  Gervas.  1613. 

*  Gesta  Innoc.  42  (Patrol,  ccxiv.); 
Innoc.  Epp.  i.  m,  350-1,  357,  432, 
433-6;  ii.  71:  Gervas.  1572,  1593, 
1602,  1612,  1623  ;  R.  Coggcshalle,  852, 
Vit.  S.  Hugon.  Lincoln,  iii.  11  (Patrol, 
cliii.);  Bened.  Petrib.  625  ;  R.  Hoved. 
377>  457;  Stubbs,  ii.  3S0,  etc.;  Chron. 
Petrib.  in  Sparke,  398  ;  R.  de  Diceto, 
705-8  (who  says  that  Innocent,  "si  fas 
estdicere,"uinluly  favoured  the  monks, 
and  that,  although  God  has  given  St. 
Peter  the  power  of  building,  his  power 
to  destroy  the  holy  place  may  be 
doubted).  The  substance  of  the  argu- 
ments for  and  against  the  foundation 
maybe  found  in  Stubbs,  520-3S.  Ugo- 
lino  Conti,  the  kinsman  of  Innocent, 
and  afterwards  Pope  Gregory  IX.,  had 
acted  for  the  convent  in  tlie  last  stages 
of  the  affair,  and  would  accept  no  other 
recompense  than  some  relics  o\  ht,, 
Thomas.     1^471-2,476, 

"  Gervas.  1670, 


Chap.  XIII.         MONKS   AND    REGULAR    CANONS.  403 

brensis,®  by  substituting  secular  canons  for  the  monks 
of  Coventry,  and  is  said  to  have  advised  Richard  I. 
to  suppress  all  the  monks  in  England ;  *  but  a  few  years 
after  he  was  obliged  to  succumb,  and  archbishop  Hubert, 
in  obedience  to  papal  authority,  reinstated  the  monks 
whom  Hugh  had  ejected.* 

While  monks  were  thus  brought  into  rivalry  and  actual 
collision  with  secular  canons,  they  were  involved  in  a 
continual  controversy  with  the  regular  canons  as  to  the 
superiority  of  their  respective  manners  of  life,  while  the 
canons  denied  the  right  of  the  monks  to  preach,  and 
would  have  confined  them  to  the  strict  duties  of  religious 
seclusion.  Among  the  writers  who  took  the  monastic  side 
were  Abelard,  Hugh  of  Amiens,  archbisliop  of  Rouen, 
and  Rupert,  abbot  of  Deutz;^  among  the  champions  of 
the  canons  were  Anselm,  bishop  of  Havelberg,  Philip 
of  Harveng,  a  Prjemonstratensian  abbot  in  the  diocese 
of  Cambray,  and  Lambert,  abbot  of  St.  Rufus,  near 
Avignon.^ 

Notwithstanding  the  frequent  attempts  at  a  reforma- 
tion of  monastic  life,  and  the  institution  of  new  orders 
with  a  view  to  a  greater  severity  of  discipline,  we  still 
find  that  the  state  of  monachism  is  a  subject  of  frequent 
complaint.    Godfrey  of  Vigeois  describes  the  monks  of  his 

«  Spec.  Eccl.  ii.  24  (Works,  Iv.).  death-bed  expressed  deep  penitence  for 

*■  "  Monachor.  ad  diabolos  ! "  said  tlie  his  measures  against  the  monki.     M. 

bishop    (Gervas.    1556).      WiUiam    of  Paris,  Hist.  Min.  ii.  67. 

Newburgh,  a  writer  usually  remarkable  ''  Aba;lard,  Ep  12  (Patrol,  clxxviii.); 

for  moderation,  calls  him  "  homo  calli-  Hugo,  Dialog.  6  (ib.  cxcii.);  Rupert. 

dus,  auda.v,  inverecundus,  et  ad  ausus  Tuit.,  'Altercatio  MonachI  et  Clerici ; 

improbos  lltteratnra  eloquentiaque  in-  *  Qua  ratione  ordo  Monach.  prsecellit 

structus."     iv.    36.      See   Stubbs,    In-  ord.    Clericorum  ; '     '  De    Vita    vere 

trod,  to  Hoveden,  vol.  iii.  pp.  liii.-iv.  Apostolica'  (ib.  clxx.). 

8  Coclestin.    III.    Ep.   327    (Patrol.  '  Anselm.  Havelb.  de  Ordine  Canon, 

206);  Innoc.  III.  Ep.  i.  245  (ib.  ccxiv.);  Rcgularium  (PatroL  cixxxviii.);  Phil. 

R.  de  Diceto,  701  ;  Gervas.  1600  ;  R.  de  Harveng  de  Institutione  Clericorum 

Wendover,  iii.  126-8;  Ric,  Divis.  cc.  (ib.    ccili.);    Lambert,    ap.    Martene, 

S4-5  ;  Wbjrton,  Ang.  Sac.  i.  435  ;  R.  Thes,  i.  239  ;  Mosh.  ii.  460;  Schrdckh, 

Co^geshalie,  in  IMartene,  Coll,  Ampl.  xxvii.  341. 

V  S46-7.     It  is  said  that  Hugh  on  his 


404  DEGENERACY   OF   MONKS.  Book  VL 

day  as  spurious  heirs  of  the  older  coenobites ;  as  lax  in 
their  diet,  devoted  to  the  vanities  of  fashion,  and  other- 
wise unfaithful  to  the  true  idea  of  their  profession.^  In 
some  cases  the  monastic  food  and  clothing  were  com- 
muted for  an  allowance  in  money — an  arrangement  utterly 
opposed  to  the  principles  of  the  monastic  system.* 
Giraldus  Cambrensis  mentions  as  a  chief  cause  of  disorder 
among  the  English  monks  the  custom  of  sending  them 
by  twos  or  threes  to  remote  cells,  where  they  were  free 
from  the  discipline  of  the  convents  on  which  the  cells 
depended.  Although  the  life  in  such  places  often  in- 
volved much  of  roughness  and  privation,  the  monks  greatly 
preferred  it  to  the  "  imprisonment  of  the  cloister,"  on  ac- 
count of  its  freedom  from  restraint ;  but  the  system  became 
the  cause  of  general  laxity,  and  of  frequent  and  serious 
scandals.™  Wibald  of  Stablo  speaks  of  some  monastic 
societies  as  careless  of  their  rule,  and  engrossed  by  talk 
of  "  canons,  decrees,  appeals,  councils,  rights,  laws,  con- 
demnations," and  the  like  ;  as  devoted  to  bodily  indul- 
gences and  temporal  good  things,  and  impatient  of  all 
control  from  their  superiors."  Nor  were  the  attempts 
at  reform  always  of  such  a  kind  as  to  deserve  approval. 
Thus  cardinal  Walter  of  Albano,  after  mentioning  with 
praise  the  zeal  of  some  abbots  and  others  who  had 
agreed  to  meet  anually  at  Reims  with  a  view  to  monastic 
reformation — that  by  their  means  houses  which  had  been 
temples  of  voluptuousness,  the  haunts  of  owls  and  hedge- 
hogs, syrens  and  satyrs,  had  become  "  glorious  sheepfolds 
of  Christ " — goes  on  to  censure  them  for  indiscreet  inno- 
vation in  some  respects.^  Anselm  of  Havelberg  repre- 
sents people  as  perplexed  by  the  number,  the  eccentric 
affectations,  and  the  contradictory  rules  of  the  new  orders 

^  Bouq.  xii.  450.  37,  45. 

'  Cone.    Campinac.   A.D.     1238,     c.  "  Ep.  105  (Patrol,  clxxxix.). 

8o.  ''  Ep.  5  (lb.  cLxxiii.). 
"  Girald.  U^^tc.  Eccl.,  Works,  ir.  31- 


Chap.  XIII.  MILITARY   ORDERS.  405 

which  had  arisen ;  p  and  John  of  Sahsbury  strongly 
denounces  the  practices  of  hypocritical  monks,  who 
pretended  to  an  extreme  severity  of  life  in  order  to 
cloak  their  ambition,  avarice,  and  malignity.*! 

(4.)  The  history  of  the  military  orders  of  the  Temple 
and  the  Hospital  has  in  part  been  noticed  by  anticipa- 
tion,*" and  partly  in  connection  with  the  crusades.  In 
addition  to  their  quarrels  with  each  other,  with  the  patri- 
archs, and  with  their  other  neighbours  in  the  east,  we  find 
them  continually  engaged  in  disputes  as  to  privileges  and 
exemptions  in  the  west.^  By  the  abuse  which  they  made 
of  these  (as  by  keeping  their  churches  open  in  time  of 
interdict,  receiving  excommunicate  persons  to  the  sacra- 
ments, and  giving  them  Christian  burial)  they  were  drawn 
into  frequent  collisions  with  the  bishops  and  clergy ;  and 
such  abuses  were  strongly  denounced  by  Alexander  III. 
and  by  the  Lateran  council  of  11 79.* 

In  addition  to  the  templars  and  hospitallers,  other 
orders,  in  which  religion  was  combined  with  special  ob- 
jects, took  their  origin  from  the  crusades. 

The  Teutonic  order,  which  afterwards  became  famous, 
arose  out  of  the  association  of  about  forty  crusaders  from 
north  Germany,  who,  at  the  siege  of  Acre, 
formed  themselves  into  a  brotherhood  for  the 
care  of  the  sick  and  wounded — sheltering  them  in  tents 
made  out  of  the  sails  of  their  vessels."  The  new  society 
gained  the  patronage  of  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  of  the 

P  Dial.  Hi.  (ib.  clxxxviii.)-  'Scilptorcs  Rerum  Prussicarum,'  t.  i., 

1  Polycrat.  vii.  21.  Lips.  1861  ;  De  Primord.  Ordinis  Teu- 

«■  Pp.  56-61.  tonici,  ib.  Supplem.  220,  seqq.  ;  Ra»ji- 

•  See  Pet.  Cluniac,  Ep.  vi.  26  (Pa-  mer,  ii.  297 ;  Michaud,  iv.  129.     There 

trol.  clxxxix.) ;  Job.  Sarisb.  Ep.  95  (ib.  was,  however,  an  older  germ  of  the 

cxcix.),  and  many  letters  of  the  popes.  order,  about   1127  Qoh.   Iperius,   ap. 

In  1179,  Alexander  III.  had  to  settle  Martene,  Thes.  iii.  626;  Jac.  Vitriac. 

a  great  quarrel  between  the  orders.  ap.  Bongars,  1084-5 ;  see,  too,  Hirsch, 

Ep.  1429  (ib.  cc).  n.  on  P.  Dusb.  27-8).    As  to  the  con- 

»  Alex-.  Ep.  1173  ,  Cone.  Later,  c.  9.  nexion  with  the  hospital  at  Jerusalem, 

»  Pet.    Dusburif.   i.    i,  in    Hirsch,  see  Toppen,  ib.  i.  25-6. 


406  NEW    MILITARY    ORDERS.  Book  VI. 

patriarch,  and  of  other  important  personages ;  and 
Frederick  of  Swabia,  during  the  short  interval  between 
his  arrival  at  Acre  and  his  death,  recommended  it  to  his 
brother,  Henry  VI.,  and  also  to  pope  Celestine,  who  in 
1 196  confirmed  its  institution.'^  The  order  was  governed 
by  provincials,  with  a  grand-master  at  its  head.  The 
first  master  was  Henry  of  Walpot,^'  but  the 
great  extension  of  the  order  was  due  mainly 
to  his  third  successor,  Herman  of  Salza,  who,  according 
to  a  chronicler,  *'had  the  pope  and  the  emperor,  with 
other  princes  and  great  men,  in  his  own  hand,  so  that 
he  obtained  whatever  he  might  ask  for  its  honour  and 
advantage."^  Under  him  it  acquired  great  privileges 
and  emoluments,  and  entered  on  its  career  of  conquest 
on  the  shores  of  the  Baltic ;  ^  and  whereas  Herman  had 
expressed  a  wish  that  by  the  sacrifice  of  one  of  his  eyes 
he  might  raise  the  order  to  the  number  of  ten  military 
brethren  in  arms,  it  counted  soon  after  his  death  more 
than  2,000  knights  of  noble  German  families. '^ 

At  Acre  also  was  instituted  an  English  order  of  hos- 
pitallers, named  after  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr,^  whose 
birth  came  by  a  romantic  story  of  later  date  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  Holy  Land ;  and  in  the  last  year  of  the 
century  arose  the  order  of  Trinitarians  or  Mathurins, 
founded  by  John  of  Matha,  a  priest  of  Provencal  birth, 
for  the  redemption  of  captives  from  the  infidels,  and 
confirmed  by  Innocent  lll.^ 

In  Spain  various  military  orders  arose,  such  as  those 

"  Pet.  Dusb.  i.  I ;  De  Primord.  ap.  <=  "Ordo     Militise      Hospitalis    S. 

Hirsch,  i.  225.            >'  Pet.  Dusb.  i.  2.  Thorns    de   Aeon."     R.    de    Diceto, 

'  lb.  5,     The  number  of  privileges,  654  ;  Monast.  Angl.  vi.  646. 

etc.,  granted  to  the  order  by  Frederick  "^  Innoc.  III.  Ep.  i.  481  ;  Mans:,  n. 

II.  alone  is  prodigious.     See  Bijhmer  in  Raynald.  xix.  36;  Helyot,  ii.  188  ; 

and  Huillard-Pjreholles.  Alberic.  Tr.-Font.  in  Bouq.  .wiii.  761 ; 

*  See  below,  Book  VII.  c.  vi.  4.  Schrockh,  xxvii.  513  ;  Michaud,  iv.  129. 

*"  Pet.  Dusb.  i.   53.     For  the  later  The  rule  is  in  Holstein,  ed.  Brockie, 

history  of  the  order  see  Voigt's  work,  iii.  3,  scqq. 
Bcrl.  1S57-3. 


ChAP.  xiit.  WHii'ti:  HOODS.  407 

of  Calatrava^  and  Avisa/  both  instituted  for  the  defence 
of  the  faith  against  the  Moors,  and  connected  with  the 
Cistercian  order ;  and  the  order  of  St.  James,  intended 
for  the  protection  of  pilgrims  to  the  shrine  of  the  apostle 
at  Compostella.s 

(5.)  An  association  which  in  so  far  resembled  the 
military  orders  as  it  was  formed  under  a  religious 
sanction  for  a  warlike  purpose,  was  that  of  the  Caputiati, 
or  White  Hoods  of  Auvergne.  Large  bodies  of  the 
mercenary  soldiers  whom  it  had  become  usual  to  employ 
in  war,  and  who,  from  the  province  which  originally 
supplied  them,  were  known  by  the  name  of  Braban9ons, 
had  betaken  themselves  to  a  life  of  plunder  and  violence, 
and  kept  that  country  in  terror.  Their  numbers  were 
swelled  by  desperate  and  disreputable  persons  of  all 
classes,  among  whom  it  is  said  that  there  were  many 
clerks,  monks,  and  even  nunsJ'  These  "hellish  legions,'^ 
as  they  were  styled  by  a  chronicler  of  the  age,*  robbed, 
burnt,  slew,  carried  off  the  precious  ornaments  of  churches, 
profaned  the  holy  sacrament,  and  treated  the  clergy  with 
savage  insult  and  cruelty,  so  that  some  even  died  of  their 
blows.''  Although  in  this  they  appear  to  have  been 
moved  rather  by  utter  irreligion  than  by  any  heretical 
opinions,  they  were  condemned  by  the  Lateran  council 
of  1 179  in  the  same  canon  which  proscribed  the  Cathari.^ 
But  the  beginning  of  active  measures  against  them  was 

•  A.D.    1 158.     See    the  life  of   the  ^  Gervas,  Dorob.  1461. 

founder,  Raymond,  a  Cistercian  abbot,  '  Godefr.  Vosicns.  ap.  Bouquet,  xix. 

Acta  SS.  Feb.  i;  Alex.  III.  Ep.  273;  215.             '^  Rigord.  in  Bouq.  xvii.  11. 

Job.  Iperius,  ap.  Mart.  Thes.  iii.  627  ;  '  "  De  Brabantionibus  et  Aragoncn- 

Innoc.   III.    Supplem.    Epp.,    Patrol.  sibus,    Navariis,    Bascolis,   Cotercllis, 

ccxvii.  283  ;  Mariana,  1.  xi.  c.  6;  Pagi,  et  Triaverdinis,  qui  tantam  [in]  Chris- 

xix.  119  ;  Helyot,  vi.  34,  seqq.  tianos  immanitateni  exercent,  ut  nee 

^  A.D.  1162.    See  Job.  Cirita,  Patrol.  ecclesiis  nee  monasteriis  deferant,  non 

clxxxviii.  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  380.  viduis  et  pupillis,  non  senibuset  pueris, 

K  Alex.  III.  Ep.  1183;  Innoc.   III.  nee  cuilibet  parcant  astati  aut  sexui, 

Ep.  xiii,  II  ;  Joh.  Iper.  1.  c.  628.     The  sed  more  paganorum  omnia  perdant  et 

date  is  variously  given,  from  1161  to  vastent,    similiter    constilnunus,"   etc. 

H70.     See  Mariana,  vii.  63-7.  Can.  aj. 


4oS  WHITE   HOODS.  Book  VI. 

made  in  1182  by  one  Durand,  a  carpenter  of  Le  Puy-en- 
Velay,  which  had  been  a  popular  place  of  pilgrimage 
until  the  outrages  of  these  ruffians  made  the  roads  unsafe. 
Durand  professed  to  have  been  repeatedly  warned  by 
the  blessed  Virgin  to  exhort  his  neighbours  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  peace  ;™  and  the  bishop  of  Le  Puy  gave  his 
sanction  to  the  undertaking.  Bishops  and  abbots,  nobles, 
clergy,  and  men  of  all  classes  banded  themselves  together 
in  an  association  for  the  purpose.  The  members  were 
pledged  to  eschew  gaming,  excess  in  meat  and  drink, 
swearing,  and  other  vices ;  to  do  no  wrong,  and  to  carry 
on  implacable  hostilities  against  all  wrong-doers ;  and 
such,  it  is  said,  was  their  union,  that,  if  one  had  killed 
the  brother  of  another,  the  surviving  brother  admitted 
the  slayer  to  the  kiss  of  peace  and  was  bound  to  supply 
his  needs.  The  mark  of  their  profession  was  a  white 
hood,  of  monastic  shape,  with  a  leaden  image  of  the 
Virgin  sewed  on  to  it."^ 

The  enterprise  thus  set  on  foot  was  crowned  with 
success;  it  is  said  that  in  one  engagement  7,000  of  the 
Brabancons  or  cottereaux  were  slain ;°  but  the  clergy 
of  the  victorious  party  disgraced  themselves  by  inciting 
their  companions  to  cruelties  against  the  prisoners,  and 
fifteen  hundred  wretched  women  of  loose  life,  who  were 
among  the  number,  were  burnt  at  a  slow  fire.P  The 
country  which  had  been  infested  by  the  cottereaux  was 
speedily  cleared  of  them;  but  the  white-hoods  tliem- 
selves  began  to  show  symptoms  of  opinions  dangerous 
to  social  order,  maintaining  the  equality  of  all  men,  and 
attacking  the  nobles  who  were  within  their  reach ;  so  that 

">  The  'Anonymus'  of  Laon  says  Godcf.  Vos.  ib.  xix.  219;  Will,  de  Nan- 

that  a  canon  of  Le  Puy  dressed  up  a  gis,  ap.  D'Achery,  iii.  13. 

young  man  to  personate  the  Virgin.  **  Risord.  p.  67  ;  Godef.  Vos.  220-t. 

Bouq.  xviii.  705.  The  Anon.  Laudun.  says  9,000.      F. 

"  Gervas.  1461  ;  Rigord.  ap.  Bouq.  706. 

xvii.  11-12;  Rob.  Altisslod.  ib.  xviii.  P  Sismondi,  vl.  53. 
251     Rob  de  Monte,  C'ontin.  ib.  336 ; 


Chap.  XIII.  NUMBER    OF    THE    SACRAMENTS.  409 

Philip  Augustus,  who  had  aided  their  undertaking  at  the 
outset,  found  it  necessary  to  suppress  the  association. <* 

III>   Rites  and  Usages. 

(i.)  In  the  early  church,  the  term  sacrament  (like  the 
Greek  fjivcrrrjpcov)  had  been  applied  to  any  symbolical 
religious  act,  so  that,  while  baptism  and  the  eucharist 
were  regarded  as  rites  having  a  peculiar  character  of 
their  own,  there  was  no  limit  to  the  number  of  things 
which  might  be  styled  sacraments.""  And  thus,  as  late 
as  the  twelfth  century,  we  find  the  name  given  by 
Godfrey  of  Vendome  to  the  symbolical  ring  and  staff 
which  were  used  in  the  investiture  of  bishops,^  and  by 
Bernard  to  the  symbolical  washing  of  feet.*  From 
this  vagueness  in  the  use  of  the  term,  the  number 
of  sacraments  had  been  very  variously  stated.  Thus 
Raban  Maur  and  Paschasius  Radbert,  in  the  ninth 
century,  laid  down  that  there  are  four  sacraments — 
Baptism,  Unction,  the  Body  and  the  Blood  of  the  Lord," 
whereas  Peter  Damiani,  in  the  eleventh  century,  speaks 
of  twelve,^  but  elsewhere  distinguishes  three  as  chief — 
namely,  Baptism,  the  Eucharist,  and  Ordination.^ 

In  the  eastern  church,  although  John  of  Damascus 
speaks  only  of  Baptism  and  the  Eucharist,^  yet  from  the 
time  of  the  pretended  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  in  the 
sixth  century,  six  sacraments  had  been  generally  acknow- 

n  R.  Altisslod.  r»p.  Bouq.  xviii.  251 ;  i.  24  (Patrol,  ccvii.);  Paschas.  de  Corp. 

Hist.  Epp.  Altissiod.  ib.  729-30;  Mar  et  Sang.  Dom.  iii.  2  (ib.  cxx.). 

tin,  iii.  512.     The  Laon  'Anonymiis'  *  Viz.,  Baptism,  Confirmation,  Unc- 

speaksof  the  "insana  rabies  caputiato-  tion  of  the  sick.  Ordination,  Unction 

rum."    P.  705.  of  kings,  Dedication  of  churches,  Con- 

»■  Gicseler,  II.  ii.  450;  vi.  526.  fession,   the   Consecration  of  canons, 

*  De  Ordinationc  Episcoporum.  P.v  monks,  hermits,  and  nuns,  and  Mar- 

trol.  clvii.  217,  C.  riage.     Serm.  69  (Patrol,  cxliv.).     It 

'  Sernio    in    Cccna   Dom.   §   4  (ib.  will  be  observed  that  the  Eucharist  is 

clxxxiii.  273).     St.  Ambrose  calls  this  not  named  here.     See  the  editor's  note. 

'♦  fidei  mysterium."    De  Virgin,  c.  10.  ^  Liber  Gratissimus,  c.  9  ;  Patr.  cxiv. 

"  Kaban.de  Clcricorimi  Institutionc  '  Dc  Fide  Orthodoxa,  iv.  P^  13. 


41d  S6VEK   SACRAMENtS.  ^ookVI. 

ledged — namely,  Baptism,  the  Eucharist,  the  Consecra- 
tion of  Chrism,  Ordination,  Monastic  Profession,  and  the 
Rites  for  the  Dead.^  But  now,  in  the  western  church, 
the  mystical  number  of  seven  was  fixed  as  that  of  the 
sacraments,  from  the  idea  of  a  correspondence  with  the 
sevenfold  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  This  number  is 
insisted  on  in  the  report  of  Otho  of  Bamberg's  mis- 
sionary teaching,^  and  may  be  gathered  from  the  writings 
of  Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  although  he  also  uses  the  term 
sacra?neiit  in  the  more  general  sense  of  the  older  writers ;  ^ 
but  the  establishment  of  the  number  is  chiefly  to  be 
ascribed  to  the  "  Sentences  "  of  Peter  Lombard,  the  most 
popular  theological  manual  of  the  age,  in  which  the 
sacraments  are  said  to  be  Baptism,  Confirmation,  the 
Eucharist,  Penance,  Extreme  Unction,  Ordination,  and 
Matrimony.^ 

(2.)  The  doctrine  of  Berengar  as  to  the  eucharist, 
although  condemned,  was  not  extinct.*  Thus  we  are 
told    of  some  who,  while  they  held  with  Berengar   in 

•  Dion.  Areop.  de  Ecclesiast.  Hier-  See  Giesel.  vi.  528;  Herzog,  xiii.  243. 
arcliia  (Opera,  i.  330,  seqq.,  Antv.  •  For  the  various  opinions  on  tlie 
1634)  ;  Theod.  Studita,  Ep.  ii.  165  (Sir-  question,  see  Alger  (scholastic  of  Liege, 
mond.  Opuscula,  t.  v.).  See  Allatius  about  1130),  Prolog,  in  Lib.  de  Sacra- 
de  Eccl.  Orient,  et  Occid.  Consensu,  mentis,  Patrol,  clxx.v.  739.  Csesarius 
1264-5  (Colon.  1648).  of  Heisterbach,  in  the  next  centurj*. 

*  See  p.  282.  This  is  said  to  be  the  tells  of  a  priest  and  canon  of  Cologne, 
earliest  instance  ;  and  there  is  room  for  who,  on  hearing  another  priest,  at  the 
a  doubt  whether  the  biographers  may  administration  of  the  sacrament,  ask  a 
not  have  introduced  an  idea  which  had  sick  person  whether  he  believed  it  to 
become  popular  between  the  time  of  be  the  very  body  of  Christ,  was  aslo- 
Otho's  mission  and  the  date  of  writing.  nLshed,  having  until  then  supposed  it 
Gieseler,  IL  ii.  453.  to  be  merely  "a  sacrament,  i.e.,  a  sign 

•^  See  extracts  from  him  in  Gieseler,  and  representation."    On  inquiring  of 

IL  ii.  451-3.    A  treatise,   *  De  Caere-  the  scholastic,  he  found  that  he  had 

moniis,'  etc.,  ascribed  to  Hugh  of  St.  been  holding  a  heretical  doctrine,  and 

Victor,  in  which  the  "  seven  principal  in  token  of  penance  he  built  a  hospital 

sacraments"  are  distinctly  enumerated  and  a  chapel.     "  But,"  asks  Caesarius, 

(i.    12,  Patrol,   clxxvii.),  is  really  by  "if  a  priest,  a  man  of  learning  and  of 

Robert  Paululus,  a  priest  of  Amiens.  excellent  life,  could  thus  err,  what  shnll 

Hugonin,  ib.  clxxv.,  Prolegg.  col.  123.  I  say  of  the  unlearned  and  evil  2 "    I'la- 

Gicseler,  IL  li.  453.  log.  ix.  56. 

•*  L.  IV.  dist.  ii.   I  (Patrol,  cxcii.). 


Chap.  Xlll.  EUCHARlSTlC   t)OCtRlN£.  4II 

substance,  joined  with  the  cliurch  in  condemning  him, 
because,  instead  of  contenting  himself  with  the  language 
of  Scripture,  he  had  put  forward  his  ideas  too  nakedly.* 
Abelard  speaks  of  the  question,  "whether  the  bread 
which  is  seen  be  only  a  figure  of  the  Lord's  body,  or  be 
also  the  real  substance  of  the  Lord's  very  flesh,"  as  being 
yet  undetermined."  And  Rupert  of  Deutz  expresses 
himself  in  such  a  manner  as  to  the  continuance  of  the 
bread  and  wine  in  their  own  substance  as  at  least  to  need 
a  subtle  vindication  of  his  conformity  with  the  modern 
Roman  doctrine  against  the  apparent  meaning  of  his 
words.'^  But  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation — a  word 
which  is  first  found  in  a  treatise  professing  to  contain  the 
opinions  of  Peter  Damiani,'' — made  way,  and  the  impres- 
sion of  it  on  the  popular  mind  was  strengthened  by  an 
ever-increasing  multitude  of  miraculous  tales — as  that  the 
eucharistic  wafer  was  seen  by  the  priest  to  change  into  a 
beautiful  infant ;  that  the  bread  appeared  as  flesh,  and 
the  wine  as  blood  ;  and  that  the  consecrated  host  resisted 
the  power  of  fire.'' 

'  Zachar.  Chrysopolit.  in  Unum  ex  '  Expos.  Canonis  Missa:,  7  (Patrol. 

Quatuor,  1.  iv.,  Patrol,  clxxxvi.  508.  cxiv.  S83 — see  vol.  iv.  p.  336);  Gieseler, 

e  Theolog.    Christ.,   1.   iv..    Patrol.  II.  ii.  434.     So  Peter  of  Blois  speaks, 

clxxxviii.  1286.  Ep.  140,  col.  420,  D.     Stephen,  bishop 

*•  In  Exod.,  1.  ii.  c.  10.     A  note  on  of  Autun,  who  has  been  referred  by 

the  passage  identifies  his  opinion  with  some  writers  to  the  tenth  century,  but 

that  which    was    condemned    at    the  whose  real  date  is  11 12-36,  represents 

fourth  council  of  Latcran,  in  1215  (Pa-  the  Saviour  as  saying.  "  Pancm  quern 

trol.  clxvii.  617)  ;  cf.  De  Divinis  Ofli-  accepi  in  corpus   meum   transubstan- 

ciis,  ii.  9  (ib.  clxx.).     Rupert  was  as-  tiavi "  (De  Sacram.  Altaris,  c.  14,  Pa- 

sailcd  by  William  of  St.  Thierry  (ib.  trol.    clxxii.).     Others  used  the  word 

clxxx.  344,  seqq.).     Gerberon  labours  tra)tsifiofi  (Hug.   S.   Vict,   de  Sacra- 

to  defend  his  orthodoxy  against  Bellar-  mcnt.  II.  viii.  9,  ib.  clxxvi.);  or  trans- 

mine  (ib.  clxvii.  99,  seqq.).     Gieseler  /rt^/(7«  ('*  transfertur"— Honor.  Augus- 

(II.  ii.  433)  quotes  Bernard's  sermon  tod.,  ib.  clxxii.  1249). 

on  St.  Martin  (ib.  clxxxiii.  495,  A).—  ^  E.g.,  Herbert.  Turrium  Archiep. 

"  Usque  hodie  eadem  caro  nobis,  sed  de   Miraculis,    iii.    19,    seqq.    (Patrol, 

spiritualiter  utique,  non  carnaliter,  ex-  clxxxv.)  ;   Bernard.  Vita   Malach.    26 

hibetur,"— as  showing  that  he  did  not  (ib.  clxxxii.);  Rupert.  Tuit.  de  Incen- 

hold    transubstantiation.      But    these  dio  Tuitii,  5  (ib.    clxx.) ;   Vita   Hug. 

Jvords  seem  consistent  with  any  amount  Lincoln,    v.    4-5    (ib.    cliii.)  ;    Ca;sar. 

of  belief  as  to  an  iVvi'/V/<?/^  change.  Heisterbac.  Dialogi,  1   3. 


412  COMMUNION    IN   ONE   KIND.  Book VI. 

(3.)  The  growing  opinion  of  a  material  presence  in  the 
eucharist  introduced  an  important  change  in  the  manner 
of  administration.  In  early  ages,  the  sacrament  had 
been  always  given  under  both  kinds,  although  in  Africa 
it  had  been  usual  to  allow  morsels  of  the  consecrated 
bread  to  be  carried  from  the  church  for  the  sick,  or  for 
the  use  of  devout  persons  at  times  when  they  could  not 
attend  the  public  communion.^  The  declaration  of  pope 
Gelasius  I.  against  a  separation  of  the  elements  has 
been  already  quoted  ;  "*  and,  although  primarily  directed 
against  the  Manichaeans,  who  condemned  the  use  of 
wine,  it  is  equally  applicable  against  all  mutilated 
administration.  Now,  however,  it  began  to  be  thought 
that  there  was  a  danger  of  profanation  in  receiving  the 
wine,  from  the  dipping  of  the  beard  into  the  chalice,  or 
from  the  inability  of  sick  persons  to  swallow.  In  order 
to  guard  against  such  accidents,  it  had  been  usual  from 
the  eighth  century  to  employ  a  tube  in  drinking  from  the 
chalice  ;  °  but  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, a  custom  arose  of  dipping  the  bread  into  the  wine, 
and  so  administering  both  elements  together,  and,  from 
having  at  first  been  practised  in  the  communion  of 
infants  and  of  the  sick,  it  was  extended  to  other  cases.^ 
This  usage  was  condemned  by  Urban  II.  at  the  council 
of  ClermontjP  and  by  Paschal  II.  in  a  letter  to  abbot 
Pontius,  of  Cluny,  which  allows  no  exception  other  than 
the  cases  of  infants  or  very  sick  persons,  who  could  not 
swallow  the  bread. *!     Ernulf,  bishop  of  Rochester,  how- 

Bingham,  XV,  iv.  11-13 ;   above.  <i  Ep.  535  (Patrol.  clxiiL).    See  too, 

vol.  i.  pp.  237-8 ;  vol.  ii.  p.  54.  against  the  practice,  Hildebert,  Ep.  ii. 

"  lb.  362.  15  (ib.    clxxi.),  which  is  supposed  to 

■  Gieseler,  II.  il.  439.  have  been  addressed  to  Pontius  ;  and 

*  lb.;  Neand.  vii.  477.  'Micrologus'  (a  ritual  treatise  of  the 

P  A.D.  1095,  c.  28.     It  had  been  con-  end  of  the  nth  century,  which  some 

dcmned  by  a  council  at  Braga,  in  675  ascribe  to  Ivo  of  Chartres— see  Nat, 

(c.  2),  and  the  canon  was  often  quoted  Alex.  xiii.  213  ;  Gue'ranger,  i.  317),  c 

by  mistake  as  a  decree  of  Pope  Julius.  ig  (Patrol,  cli.). 

See  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  439-4o. 


Chap-  XIII.  INFANT  COMMUNION.  413 

ever,  on  being  questioned  by  a  friend  as  to  the  propriety 
of  thus  administering  in  a  manner  "different  from,  and 
almost  contrary  to,"  the  Saviour's  institution,  answered 
by  maintaining  the  right  of  the  church  to  legislate  in 
such  matters,  and  defending  the  practice  as  a  safeguard 
against  profanation. «■  And  in  England  it  kept  its  ground 
until  forbidden  by  the  council  of  London  in  11 75.* 

The  doctrine  of  concomitancy — i.e.,  that  Christ  is 
contained  entire  under  each  of  the  eucharistic  elements 
— had  been  laid  down  by  St.  Anselm  on  independent 
grounds,  and,  while  stating  it,  he  had  spoken  of  com- 
munion in  both  kinds ;  ^  but  it  was  now  brought  to 
support  the  novel  practice  of  administering  in  one 
kind  only."  The  writers  of  the  age,  in  general,  however, 
— even  those  who  held  that  administration  in  one  kind 
was  sufficient,  and  that  a  contrary  opinion  was  heretical,^ 
■ — yet  maintained  the  ancient  usage  of  administering  in 
both  kinds.y 

(4.)  The  belief  in  the  necessity  of  infant-communion 
had  died  out  in  the  West,  and,  in  consequence  of  the 
supposed   especial   danger    of   profanation   by   spilling 

'  Dacher.    Spicil.    iii.    471.      (This  *  E.g.,    William    of    Champeaux, 

letter  is  not  given  by  Migne,  Patrol.  Patrol,  clxiii.  1039. 

clxiii.).  y  See  Giesel.  II.  ii.  441,  seqq. ;  Pet. 

'  C.  16  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  440.  Lombard.  Sentent.  IV.  xl.  6  (Patrol. 

*  Ep.    iv.    107  (Patrol,    clix.),      Cf.  cxcii.);  Csesar.  Heisterb.  ix.  i,  p.  657, 

Hildebert,  Serm.  38  (ib.  clxxi.  535).  etc.      Csesarius  (ix.    27)  combats   the 

"  Thus,     Rudolph,     abbot    of    St.  opinion  of  Peter  the  Chanter,  that  the 

Trond,  wrote —  sacramental    change    is   not    wrought 

"  Hie  etibicautela  fiat,  ne  presbyter  cegris  on  the  bread  until  the   words  for  the 

Aut  sanis  tribuat  ieviusdesangfuineChristi;  consecration   of  the    wine   have   been 

Nam  fundi  posset  leviter.simplexqueputaret  uttered.     Robert  Pulleyn  (about  1140) 

Quodnonsubspeciesittotusjesusutraque."  j^^j^  that  the  example  of  the  last  supper 

(Gieseler,  II.  ii.  441.)    Alexandre  Noel  binds  the  church  to  administer  to  priests 

mentions  an  opinion  of  some,  that  un-  in  both    kinds,   but  that   the   manner 

consecrated  wine  became  consecrated  of  administration  to  the  laity  is  for  the 

by  having  the  consecrated  bread  dipped  Church  to  settle,  and  that  it  is  best  to 

in  it;  but  he  shows  that,  according  to  withhold    the    cup.     Sentent.   viii.   3, 

the  better  authorities,  the  sanctification  Patrol,  clxxxvi.).     As  to  the  opinions 

so  acquired  is  not  consecration,     xiii.  of  Folcmar  of  Triefenstein,  sec  Patrol. 

aii-13.  cxciv.  1481,  1529,  etc.;  Neand.  vii,  479. 


414  THE   lord's  day.  Book  VI. 

the  consecrated  wine,  the  practice  was  now  forbidden, 
although  it  was  not  yet  wholly  disused.  In  this  case, 
as  in  that  of  adults,  unconsecrated  wine  was  sometimes 
given  as  a  substitute  for  the  eucharistic  cup ;  but 
Hugh  of  St.  Victor  (or  a  writer  who  has  been  identified 
with  him)  ascribes  such  usages  to  the  ignorance  of  the 
clergy,  and  declares  that  it  is  better  to  rely  on  the 
grace  of  baptism,  as  sufficient  for  the  salvation  of  young 
children.^  At  a  later  time  the  communion  of  infants 
became  a  subject  of  controversy  between  the  Greeks, 
who  retained  it,  and  the  Latins. -"^ 

(5.)  The  more  rigid  view  as  to  the  observance  of 
the  Lord's  day  continued  to  grow  in  the  church,^  and 
attempts  were  made  to  enforce  it  by  some  of  those  pre- 
tended  revelations  which  have  been  used  in  behalf  of 
the  same  cause  from  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  or  earlier,"^' 
to  the  miracle  of  La  Salette  in  our  own  days.  Thus,  when 
Henry  IL  of  England  was  at  Cardiff,  on  his 
way  from  Ireland  to  Normandy,  as  he  was 
mounting  his  horse  after  mass,  he  was  accosted  by  a 
man  apparently  about  forty  years  of  age,  tall  and  spare 
in  figure,  with  yellow  hair  displaying  a  tonsure,  dressed 
in  a  white  robe,  with  a  girdle  around  his  waist,  and  with 
naked  feet.  After  having  greeted  the  king  in  English,^ 
this  personage  charged  him,  in  the  names  of  the  Saviour^ 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Paul,  to  allow  no 

*  De    Caerimoniis  Eccleslasticis,   i.  '»  I'lui?;  Monela  says  that  we  observe 

20  (Patrol,  clxxvii.  392).     See  above,  tlie  Lord's  day  as  the  Jews  observed 

p.  410,  note  '.  tlie  sabbath,  "  hoc  excepto,  quod  illi 

"See  Giesel.    II.    ii.    438;    Water-  abstinebant  ab  aliquibiis  in  sabbato,  a 

land,  vi.  64,  ed.  Oxford,  1843 ;  Neand.  quibns  nos  non  absthiemus  in  die  Do- 

vii.     476;     Lanfranc,     Ep.    33,    with  minico."    Adv.  Catharos,  p.  476. 
D'Achery's  notes ;  and  for  later  pro-  *=  See  vol.  ii.  pp.  74,  240 ;    Haddan- 

hibitions.   Cone.    Burdeg.    A.D.    1255,  Stubbs,  iii.  616,  621. 
c.  5;  Cone.  Bajoc.  a.d.  1300,  i6,  etc.  '*  "God  hould  dhe,   cunhig,   quod 

Thomas  of  Cantimpre    says    that  in-  Latine  sonnt,  Deus  te  custodial,  rex  !  " 

fant-coinmunion   was  forbidden   by  a  (Girald.  de  Insir.  Princ.  12.)     In  some 

general  council  ;  but  this  is  a  mistake.  books  (as  r>ronuon,  ap.  Twysden,  T079), 

Neand.  I.  c.  this  becomes,  ''  Gode  olde  kin^." 


Chap.  Xtll.  EUSTACE    OF    FLAT. 


415 


markets  to  be  held,  or  any  but  the  most  necessary  secular 
works  to  be  done,  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  warned  him 
that  a  neglect  of  this  command  would  be  followed  by 
heavy  judgments ;  and  having  delivered  his  message  he 
disappeared.®  Again,  in  1199,  it  was  said  that  a  letter 
from  the  Saviour  was  found  in  the  church  of  the  holy 
Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem,  denouncing  terrible  chastisements 
for  breach  of  the  Lord's  day ;  and  this  letter  was  used 
by  Eustace,  abbot  of  Flai,  in  the  diocese  of  Beauvais, 
who  preached  in  England  with  great  effect.  Eustace  de- 
nounced the  holding  of  markets  on  the  Lord's  day,  and 
the  sale  of  anything,  except  that  of  necessary  food  and 
drink  to  travellers — in  the  case  of  which  sale,  one-fourth 
of  the  price  was  to  be  devoted  to  pious  and  charitable 
uses.  He  prescribed  the  observance  of  rest  from  the 
ninth  hour  on  Saturday  to  sunrise  on  Monday ;  and  it  is 
said  that  his  preaching  was  confirmed  by  miraculous  judg- 
ments on  some  who  ventured  to  profane  this  extended 
Sabbath.  But  a  chronicler  tells  us  that  the  king  and 
other  great  men  questioned  the  truth  of  the  abbot's  doc- 
trine, and  that  the  people  feared  them  more  than  God.* 

*  Girald.  Cambr.  Itiner.  Cambriae,  Wendov.  iii.  148-52  ;  R.  Coggesh.  in 

i.  6  ;  Hibernia  Expiign.  i.  39  ;  De  In-  Eouq.  xviii.  94  ;  Jocel.  de  Brakelonda, 

struct.  Principum,  12.  9S  ;  Hasted's  Kent,  iii.  176,  folio  ed.) 

^  R.  Hoved.  466-7.     Eustace  visited  One  of  his  miracles  is  said  to  have 

England  twice,  and  it  was  on  his  second  been  as  follows: — A  woman,  swollen 

visit,  in  I20I,  that  he  displayed  the  to  an  enormous  size,  as  if  by  dropsy, 

letter  from  Heaven.    He  was  connected  applied  to  him  for  cure,  and  was  told 

with  Fulk  of  Neuilly,  whase  preaching  to  drink  of  the  well  at  Wye.     She  did 

will  be  mentioned  in  the  next  chapter,  so,  and  thereupon  vomited  two  black 

sect.  vii.  (M.  Par.  in  Wendov.  v.  141).  toads,  which  immediately  turned  into 

In  addition  to  preaching  against  the  very  black  dogs,  and  soon  after  into 

profanation  of  the  Lord's  day,  he  dc-  asses  ;  but,   on  being  sprinkled  with 

nounced  usury  and  other  prevailing  water  from  the  well,  the  forms  rose 

vices.      He  is  said  to  have  wrought  and  vanished   into  the  air,  leaving  a 

many  miracles,  and,  in  particular,  to  foul  smell  behind  them.     (Rog.  Hove- 

have  consecrated  a  well  at  Wye,  near  den,  457,  ^.)    Taxtersays  that  Eustace 

Ashford,  which  almost  down  to  our  returned  to  France,  ''  quia  prcedicatio 

own  times  has  been  resorted  to  by  the  ejus  multis  ecclesiae  praelatis  molesta 

people  of  the  neighbourhood  as  pes-  fuit."     Flor.  Vigorn.  contin.  ii.  163. 
f<s&ing  a  supernatural  etficacy.     (See 


4l6      TRINITY   SUNDAY — THE    BLESSED   VIRGIN.        Book  VI. 

The  observance  of  the  Lord's  day,  and  of  other  holy 
days  also,  is  said  to  have  been  especially  strict  in  Nor- 
way, "so  that  the  people  never  ventured  of  their  own 
accord  to  do  anything  either  great  or  small."  = 

(6.)  To  the  great  festivals  of  the  year  Trinity  Sunday 
was  now  added.  It  differed  from  the  rest  in  character, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  not  the  commemoration  of  any  event, 
but  was  consecrated  to  a  doctrine  ;  yet  it  seemed  a  fitting 
completion  for  the  circle  of  festivals,  and,  although  not 
without  some  opposition  on  the  ground  of  novelty,  it 
succeeded  in  establishing  itself,  and  has  continued  to 
hold  its  place.^^ 

(7.)  Reverence  for  the  blessed  Virgin  was  continually 
rising  to  a  greater  and  greater  excess.  The  idea  of  her 
acting  as  a  mediatrix  for  those  who  might  fear  to  ap- 
proach the  Saviour  immediately  is  inculcated  by  St. 
Bernard.^  She  was  spoken  of  as  *'  Queen  of  heaven  ;  "^ 
the  angelic  salutation  was  repeated  as  an  address  to  her 
fifty,  a  hundred,  or  even  a  thousand  times  a  day,^  and  in 
monasteries  offices  were  said  in  her  honour  from  the  time 
of  Gregory  VII.™  As  Sundays  and  festivals  were  dedi- 
cated to  God,  so  Saturdays  and  eves  were  dedicated  to  St. 

6  Herbert.  Turritan.   da  IMiraculis,  establishment  throughout  the  western 

iii.   38  (Patrol,  cl.xxxv.),  who  goes  on  church.    Baiuz.  Vitae  Paparum  Aven. 

to  tell  that  St.  Olave,  having  begun  to  i.  177,  793  ;  Schrockh,  xxiil.  431. 

.smooth  a  stick  with  his  knife  on  Sun-  ^  Serm.    de    Nativ.    B.    M.    V.    7. 

day,   without   remembering  the   day,  Patrol,    clxxxiii.    441  ;     in    Dominic, 

was  cautiously  admonished  by  one  of  infr.  Octav.  Assumpt.  2,  ib.  430. 

his  courtiers—"  My  lord,  to-morrow  is  ^  Eliz.  Schonaug.,  quoted  at  p.  338. 

the  second  day  of  the  week  ;  "  where-  Luc.    Tudens.    238,    243   (Bibl.    Patr. 

upon   the   king,   in   compunction,   col-  xxv.). 

lected  the  chips  and  burnt  them  on  the  '  Pet.   Damiani,  de  Bono  Suffrayio- 

palm  of  his  hand,  which,  in  token  of  rum,    3    (Patrol,    cxlv.    564);     Herm. 

liis  innocence,  escaped  unhurt.  Tornac.    de    Restauratione    S.    Mart. 

1*  Neand.    vii.   463-4.     In    England  Tornac.   57  (ib.   180);  Mabillon,  Acta 

it  was  established   by  Becket,  in  re-  SS.  vii.  Praef.  55.     The  first  order  for 

membrance  of  his  consecration  on  that  it  is  by  Eudes    de    Sully,    bishop  of 

day.  A.D.  1162.     (Steph.    Birchington,  Paris,    1198.     (Ib.  ccxii.   64,  Prcccept. 

in  Wharton,   Angl.    Sac.   i.    8.)     Pope  10):  Gieseler,   II.  ii.  471-2. 

John  XXII.  appointed  a  special  office  ""  Gcrhoh.    in  Ps.  xxxix.  4  (PatroL 

fur   the  day,  and  to  him  it  owes  its  cxciii.  1436). 


Chap.  XITI. 


FESTIVAL   OF   THE   CONCEPTION. 


417 


Mary  ;  and  the  recitation  of  her  office  on  Saturday  was 
ordered  by  Urban  II.  at  the  council  of  Clermont."  The 
new  orders  of  monks — above  all  the  Cistercians — were 
under  her  especial  protection.^  The  most  extravagant 
and  hyperbolical  language  was  employed  to  express  her 
greatness ;  p  while  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  vernacular 
poetry  of  Germany,  she  was  addressed  in  strains  which 
borrowed  something  from  the  feelings  of  chivalry.'i 

The  heightened  reverence  for  the  Virgin  had  long 
assumed  that  she  was  without  sin  ;  but  it  had  been  sup- 
posed, as  by  Paschasius  Radbert  and  by  Anselm,  that 
she  was  conceived  in  sin,  and  was  afterwards  sanctified, 
either  before  ^  or  after  ^  her  birth,  by  the  special  operation 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  A  festival  was  instituted  in  honour 
of  her  conception,  and  although  it  met  with  opposition 
in  some  places,  was  generally  received  in  England  in  the 
course  of  the  century.*     But  now  the  opinion  began  to 


"  (a.d.  1095);  Hard.  VI.  i.  1722; 
Chron.  Sithiens.  ap.  Bouq.  xiii.  479  ; 
Giesel.  II.  ii.  471. 

°  Rainard.  Cisterc.  c.  18  (Patrol, 
clxxxl.  1729) ;  Caesar.  Heisterb.  vii. 
ult,  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  469. 

P  E.g.,  by  Rupert  of  Deutz,  1.  vii.  in 
Cantica,  fin.  (Patrol,  clxviii.  962);  and 
by  Guibert  of  Nogent,  '  De  Laude  B. 
Mariae,'  ib.  clvi.;  Schrockh.xxviii.  203, 
237- 

1  See  extracts  in  Gieseler,  II.  ii. 
468-9. 

'  Paschas.  de  Partu  Virginis  (Patrol. 
cxx.  1371). 

*  Anselm.,  '  Cur  Deus  Homo,"  ii.  16 
(ib.  clviii.)  In  c.  18  it  is  said  that  she 
was  cleansed  through  faith.  St.  An- 
selm has  been  spoken  of  as  having 
introduced  the  festival  of  the  Immacu- 
late Conception  (as  byabp.  Meopham, 
A.D.  1326,  in  Wilkins,  ii.  552),  and  a 
passage  from  a  commentary  on  St. 
Paul,  which  was  formerly  ascribed  to 
him,  has  been  borrowed  by  one 
Romish  writer  from  another,  down  to 
VOL.  v. 


the  late  cardinal  Gousset,  archbishop 
of  Reims  (Theologie  Dogmatique,  ii. 
328,  ed.  5,  Paris,  1850,  where,  more- 
over, the  reference  is  incorrect),  as 
showing  that  Anselm  held  the  modern 
Roman  doctrine  on  that  subject.  But 
(i)  the  treatise  in  which  this  passage 
occurs  has  long  been  ascertained  to  be 
the  work  of  a  somewhat  later  writer, 
Herve  of  Bourg-Deols.  (2)  Even  in 
the  work  of  Herve,  the  words  are  an 
interpolation,  being  absent  in  the  best 
MSS.  (see  Censur.  in  Anselm.,  Patrol, 
clviii.  41).  (3)  Anselm  in  his  genuine 
works  speaks  clearly  on  the  other  side. 
See  Nat.  Alex.  xiii.  219  as  to  Anselm's 
views,  and  as  to  the  tracts  on  the 
conception  which  have  been  falsely 
ascribed  to  him;  also  Mabillon,  Annal. 
Bened.  vi.  121. 

t  It  was  sanctioned  by  a  council  at 
London,  in  1129  (Annal.  Theokesbur. 
in  ann.),  and  was  forwarded  by  the 
authority  of  bishop  Gilbert  Foliot. 
Osbert.  de  Clara,  Epp.  8, 21  (published 
by  Col.  Anstruther,with  Herb.  Losirtra, 

27 


4l8  THE   IMMACULATE   CONCEPTION.  BookVT. 

be  broached  that  she  was  herself  conceived  without  sin  " 
and  about  1 1 40  the  canons  of  Lyons  proceeded  to  cele- 
brate the  new  doctrine  by  a  festival  of  the  Immaculate 
Conception,  on  the  8th  of  December.  By  this,  Bernard 
was  drawn  to  write  a  letter  of  remonstrance,  in  which 
he  states  his  belief  that  the  Virgin  was  sanctified  in  her 
mother's  womb,  but  that  Christ  alone  was  conceived 
without  sin.  If,  he  says,  we  were  to  suppose  that  the 
Saviour's  mother  must  have  been  so  conceived  in  order 
that  she  might  be  fitted  to  give  him  birth,  we  might  be 
required  to  suppose  the  like  as  to  her  parents  also  on 
both  sides,  and  so  of  all  her  ancestors ;  and  he  censures 
the  institution  of  such  a  festival  without  the  sanction  01 
the  apostolic  see.'^  Other  eminent  divines  of  the  age 
took  the  same  view  with  Bernard  ;  as  Peter  of  La  Celle, 
who  strongly  defended  him  in  two  letters  against  a  monk 
of  St.  Alban's  named  Nicolas  j^  Potho,  a  monk  of  Priim;'' 

Brussels,  1846).  See,  too,  the  History  merely  in  order  to  bring  the  matter  be- 
ef St.  Peter's  at  Gloucester,  i.  15  fore  the  pope  for  decision.  This  idea 
(Chron.  and  Mem.).  is  rightly  declared  by  Pagi  to  be  in- 

"  It  has  been  said  that  "the  Latin  credible.  Others  say  that  he  objected 
church  has  not  disdained  to  borrow  to  the  festival  only,  not  to  the  doctrine, 
from  the  Koran  the  immaculate  con-  — an  evasion  which  a  simple  reading  of 
ception  of  the  Virgin  mother  "  (Gibbon,  the  letter  is  enough  to  refute  ;  others, 
V.  33 ;  cf.  Sale,  n.  on  Koran,  c.  3,  p.  that,  as  he  professes  in  the  conclusion 
39)  ;  and  the  Koran  has  even  been  to  submit  the  whole  question  to  the 
cited  as  an  authority  on  the  subject  by  Roman  church — "  ipsius,  si  quid  aliter 
some  advocates  of  the  doctrine.  (See  sapio,  paratus  judicio  emendare" — he 
quotations  in  a  pamphlet  on  the  bull  must  be  supposed  to  acquiesce  by  an- 
"  Ineffabilis  "  by  the  Rev.  R.  C.  Jen-  ticipation  in  the  decree  which  Pius  IX. 
kins,  Lond.  1867.)  But  the  pas.sages  pronounced,  in  1854,  in  favour  of  the 
alleged  for  this  (Kor.  iii.  vv.  31,  37),  immaculate  conception.  But  the  only 
even  if  we  admit  Sale's  explanation  of  question  which  concerns  us  is  that  of 
V.  31  by  a  tradition,  seem  to  imply  no  Bernard's  own  judgment  on  the  sub- 
more  than  an  exemption  from  actual  ject ;  and  indeed  he  can  hardly  have 
sin— not  reaching  to  the  idea  of  a  sane-  been  unaware  that  the  western  church 
tification  in  the  womb,  much  less  to  in  his  own  time  was  not  likely  to  decree 
that  of  the  immaculate  conception.  against  any  opinion  of  his.     See  on  the 

^  Ep.  174.     The  attempts  of  writers  history  of  the  doctrine.  Mill's  Univer- 

in  the  Roman  interest  to  get  over  this  sity  Sermons,  1845,  pp.  491,  seqq. 

letter  are  remarkable.     Thus  Baronius  '  Patrol,  ccii.  617,  seqq. ;  clxxxiii.  32. 

(1136.  i4-i5)asserts  that  Bernard  wrote,  *  De  Domo  Dei,   1.    iii.   fin.    (Bibl. 

not  as  expressing  his  own  opinion,  but  Patr.  xxi.  502).     He  also  blames  the 


Chap.  XIII.  BURLESQUE    FESTIVALS.  419 

and  the  ritualist  John  Beleth,  who  says  that  the  feast 
of  the  Virgin's  immaculate  conception  ought  to  be  sup- 
pressed, forasmuch  as  she  was  conceived  in  sin.* 

(8.)  The  ancient  pagan  festival  of  the  Saturnalia,  with 
its  wild  license  and  misrule,  had  affected  the  Christian 
celebration  of  the  Christmas  season,  as  appears  by  the 
protests  of  a  chain  of  witnesses  which  reaches  down  from 
the  fourth  century.^  Out  of  this  arose  a  class  of  mock 
festivals,  in  which  the  rites  of  religion  were  parodied  in 
a  strange  and  startling  fashion — at  first,  perhaps,  without 
any  evil  intention,  but  gradually  developing  into  gross 
profanity.  The  "Feast  of  Fools  "  *=  was  celebrated  in 
some  places  on  the  Circumcision,  and  in  others  on  the 
Epiphany  or  its  octave,  when  the  subdeacons  chose  a 
Bishop  of  Fools.  This  prelate  was  arrayed  in  pontifi- 
cals, and  performed  a  burlesque  mass,  during  which  his 
attendant  minister  ate  sausages,  and  carried  on  all 
manner  of  extravagant  gambols  in  church.*^  In  1198 
a  papal  legate,  cardinal  Peter,  strongly  condemned  this 
profane  mummery  at  Paris,  and  in  the  following  year  it 
was  suppressed  in  that  church  by  bishop  Eudes  of  Sully.® 
In  the  thirteenth  century,  a  still  stranger  festival  of  like 

introduction  of  Trinity  Sunday  and  the  that  the  parodies  which  the  cathari 

Transfiguration   as  novel   and  super-  enacted    in   ridicule  of  the  church's 

fluous  festivals.     lb.  services  (see  p.   324)  were  often  wit- 

*  Rationale  Divin.  Offic.  146  (Patrol.  nessed    with    delight   by    clergymen, 
ccii.  149).     See  the  editor's  note.  who  thought  such  amusements  lawful. 

•»  See  Schrockh,  xxviii.  270-1 ;  Gie-  iii.  10. 

sel.  II.  ii.  479.  **  Beleth,  c.  72  (who  says  that  the 

*  C.  Schmidt,  in  Herzog,  x.  204.  subdeacons  were  sometimes  reckoned 
Ducange  supposes  the  16th  Latin  canon  with  the  sacred,  and  sometimes  with 
of  the  council  of  Constantinople  in  869  the  minor  orders)  ;  Ducange,  iii.  959  ; 
to  relate  to  this;  but  it  is  really  directed  Schrockh,  xxviii.  271-2;  Gieseler,  II. 
against  the  mad  buffooneries  of  the  ii.  480.  See  Ducange,  artt.  Abbas 
emperor  Michael  III.  (See  vol.  iii.  p.  Conardorion  (a  mock  abbot,  who  at 
417.)  There  is,  however,  something  Rouen,  Evreux,  etc.,  was  chosen  on 
more  like  the  "  Festum  Fatuorum  "  in  St,  Barnabas'  Day)  ;  Kala9ulcE,  etc. 
the  account  given  by  Cedrenus  of  the  'Patrol,  ccxii.  70;  Giesel.  II.  ii. 
patriarch  Theophylact  of  Constantino-  481.  See  other  documents  in  Gous- 
ple.  (See  vol.iv.  p.  142;  Cedren.  639  ;  sainville's  Appendix  to  Peter  of  Bloii, 
Giesel.  II.  ii.  479.)    Luke  of  Tuy  says  Patrol,  ccvii.  ii63,  seqq. 


420  RELICS.  Book  VI. 

kind — the  "  Feast  of  Asses/'  in  mock  commemoration  of 
the  ass  which  carried  the  infant  Saviour  into  Egypt — was 
celebrated  at  Rouen  and  elsewhere  ;  ^  and  in  England  the 
boy  bishop  or  abbot  was  chosen  by  the  choristers  of  the 
greater  churches  on  the  feast  of  St.  Nicolas,  the  patron 
of  children,  down  to  the  time  of  the  Reformation.^ 

(9.)  The  passion  for  relics  was  greatly  encouraged  and 
nourished  by  the  crusades,  which  introduced  to  the  Chris- 
tians of  the  West  many  saints  before  unknown  to  them — 
such  as  the  virgin  Catharine  of  Alexandria — and  supplied 
a  vast  quantity  of  materials  for  superstitious  reverence. 
Among  the  chief  of  the  relics  which  now  became  famous 
was  the  "holy  dish,"  brought  by  the  Genoese  from 
Caesarea,  after  the  capture  of  that  place  in  iioi,and  still 
preserved  in  the  cathedral  of  their  city — a  vessel  which, 
although  in  reality  made  of  green  glass,  was  believed  to 
be  of  emerald,  and  was  venerated  as  having  been  used 
at  the  last  supper.^  Another  was  the  Veronica  {vera  icon) 
— a  cloth  on  which  our  Lord  was  said  to  have  miracu- 
lously impressed  his  countenance  while  on  his  way  to 
Calvary.  The  Veronica  was  exhibited  in  St.  Peter's  at 
Rome  from  the  year  ion,  and  was  connected  with  a 
legend  that  it  had  been  brought  to  Italy  for  the  cure  of 
the  emperor  Tiberius,  when  afflicted  with  leprosy  ;*  and  a 

'  Ducange,  iii.  255  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  the  sacred  connexion.     (Chron.  Janu- 

480 ;   Michelet,   ii.   95,   ed.    1852 ;   C.  ens.    in    Murat.    ix.    32-3.)      George 

Schmidt,   in    Herzog,    art.    Eselsfest.  Stella,   however,   believes  it  (Murat. 

Dr.  Maitland  has  corrected  some  mis-  xvii.    970).     See    Giesel.    II.    ii.    460 ; 

takes  on  this  subject,  '  Dark  Ages,'  c.  Murray's  Handbook  of  North  Italy, 

ix  114,  ed.  i860. 

5  See  Scott's  novel  of  'The  Abbot,'  •  Marianus  Scotus,  a.d.  39,  in  Pisto- 

c.  xiv.  and  note,  as  to  such  festivals.  rius,  i.  550  (the  passage  does  not  ap- 

*>  William  of  Tyre  (x.  i6.  Patrol,  cci.)  pear  in  Pertz's  edition)  ;  Acta  SS.  Feb. 

mentions  the  acquisition  of  the  sacro  4  :  Schrockh,  xxviii.  211-12.     The  Ve- 

catino — "  vas  coloris  viridissimi" — but  ronica  is  said  to  have  warned  Innocent 

appears  sceptical  as  to  the  material,  III.    of   his    approaching    death    by 

and  says  nothing  of  its  legendary  his-  turning  upside  down  in  a  procession, 

tory.     James    de  Voragine    enlarges  (M.  Paris,  290,  ed.  Wats.)  There  were 

much  on  the  value  of  the  supposed  cloths  of  similar  pretensions  elsewhere 

emerald,  but  does  not  seem  to  belio\  e  than  at  Rome  ;   but  the   Bollaudistk 


Chap.  XIII.  RELICS.  42  T 

saint  Veronica  was  imagined  as  the  person  who  handed 
the  cloth  to  the  Saviour..  Another  relic  of  great  fame 
was  the  seamless  coat  of  our  Lord  found  at  Argenteuil 
in  1 1 56 — one  of  many  coats  which  claimed  the  same 
sacred  connection,  but  distinguished  from  the  rest 
as  having  been  made  for  Him  in  his  childhood  by  his 
virgin  mother ;  ^  and  from  this  age  also  comes  the  first 
authentic  mention  of  the  holy  coat  Avhich  the  empress 
Helena  was  said  to  have  presented  to  an  imaginary 
archbishop  of  her  pretended  birthplace,  Treves.' 

To  a  different  class  belong  the  renowned  relics  at 
Cologne— the  bodies  of  the  holy  three  kings,  which,  as 
we  have  already  seen,*"  were  translated  from  Milan  by 
archbishop  Reginald,  and  those  of  St.  Ursula  and  the 
11,000  virgins.  The  legend  of  the  British  princess  and 
her  virgin  companions,  who  are  said  to  have  been  mar- 
tyred by  the  Huns  at  Cologne,  had  been  told  by  Sigebert 
of  Gemblours,  early  in  the  twelfth  century,  under  the 
date  of  453.°  But  when  heresy  afterwards  became  rife 
at  Cologne,  and  miraculous  aid  was  desirable  in  oppo- 
sition to  it,  some  bodies  were  opportunely 
found,  and  were  sent  to  St.  Elizabeth  of  •  •  "5  • 
Schonau,  who  referred  the  martyrdom  of  the  virgin  com- 
pany to  the  year  238 — a  date  inconsistent  with  the  story 
of  their  martyrdom  by  the  Huns — and  had  visions  of 
their  heavenly  glory.^     In  connection  with  this  affair,  it 

consider  them  to  be  copies.     Acta  SS.  has  been  explained  by  supposing  that 

Feb.  4,  pp  461-3.  one  of  the  virgins  was  named  Undeci- 

^  Rob.  de  Monte,  a.d.  1156;  R.  de  milla.     But  there  is  no  example  of  that 

Dicetc,  536  ;  Hugo  Rothomag   Ep.  15  name,  and  the  most  probable  theoiyis 

(Patrol,  cxcii.);  R  Wendover,  ii.  283  ;  that  in  an  inscription  "XI.M.V."  (xi. 

Gieseler,  II.  ii.  461.  martyres  virgines)  the   M.  may  have 

•  See  Patrol,  cliv.  1133-4, 1249  ;  Mar-  been  wrongly  read  as  tnillia.     For  the 

tene.    Coll.   Ampl.    iv.    235.    Herzog,  growth    of   the  story,   see    Rettberg, 

art.  Trier,  Heiliger  Rock.  Kircheng.  Deutschlands,  i.  iii,  seqq.  ; 

n*  P.  184.                         "  Patrol,  clx.  Giesel.   II.  ii.  459.     Father  de   Buck 

o  Vita,    116    (Patrol,    cxcv.)       See  discusses  the  matter  at  great  length, 

above,  p.  338  ;  Caesar.  Heisterb    viii.  giving  up  much  of  the  legend,  but  en- 

85-9.     The  incredible  number  11,000  deavouring  to  rescue  some  part  of  it. 


422  RELICS.  Book  VI. 

is  mentioned  that  ^he  relics  had  been  suspected,  because 
some  persons  were  in  the  habit  of  practising  frauds  in 
such  matters  for  the  sake  of  money  ;p  and  of  such 
practices  there  is  abundant  evidence.'^ 

In  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  Guibert  of  Nogent- 
sous-Couci  was  led  to  compose  a  treatise  "  On  the  Relics 
of  Saints,"  "^ — the  immediate  provocation  being  the  im- 
pudence and  the  success  with  which  the  monks  of  St, 
Medard's  at  Soissons  displayed  a  pretended  tooth  of  our 
Lord.  Guibert  altogether  denies  that  such  bodily  relics  of 
the  Saviour  could  be  genuine  ;  ^  he  opposes  the  practice 
of  disturbing  the  saints  in  their  graves,  and  enclosing 
their  remains  in  gold  and  silver  ;  and  he  speaks  without 
reserve  of  the  arts  by  which  both  relics  and  saintly 
reputations  were  manufactured.^  As  a  specimen  of  the 
audacity  with  which  impostures  of  this  kind  were  carried 
through,  he  mentions  that  once,  while  listening  to  a 
sermon,  he  was  astonished  by  the  preacher's  pointing 
at  him  as  a  witness  for  the  genuineness  of  some  crusts 
which  were  said  to  have  come  from  our  Lord's  own 
table  !  and  that,  although  he  blushed  at  the  falsehood, 
he  allowed  it  to  pass,  out  of  deference  for  those  who  had 
taken  such  means  of  filling  their  monastic  purse.*^  The 
superstition  which  Guibert  attacked,  however,  found  a 
zealous  defender  in  his  contemporary  Thiofrid,  abbot  of 
Epternach,^  and  continued  in  undiminished  popularity.^ 

He  thinks  it  probable  that  the  number  pecuniae  et  qusestus  circumferentes  ad 

11,000  represents  that  of  the  victims  praedicationem  nonadmittantur."c.  12. 

slain  by  the  Huns  under  Attila  at  Co-  Salimbene,   after  mentioning  that  at 

logne  ;  that  they  were  styled  martyrs  Bobbio  he  had  seen  a  waterpot  from 

as  having  been  put  to  death  unde-  the  marriage  of  Cana,  adds — "  Si  est, 

servedly  ;  and  that  under  the  name  of  Deus  novit,  cui  nota  sunt  omnia,  aperta 

virg'ms  may  be  included  men,  married  et  nuda."  188. 

women,   widows,   nay  even    "puellne  "■  De  Pignoribus  Sanctorum  (Patrol, 

vitiatae."    Acta  SS.  Oct.  21,  pp.  142,  clvi,),                               •  H.  vi.  4. 

seqq.  *  I.  iii.  4.                      "  I.  ii.  6. 

P  Eliz.  ap.  Giesel.  459.  ^  Thiofr.  Flores  Epitaph.  SS.  (Pa- 

1  Thus  a  council  at  Poitiers,  in  iioo,  trol.  clviii.). 

orders  "Ut  sanctorum  reliquias  causa  y  Among  instances  of  this  time  may 


Chap.  XIII.  PILGRIMAGE. 


423 


(10.)  The  practice  of  pilgrimage  had  produced  the 
great  movement  of  the  crusades,  and,  after  the  success  of 
the  Latins,  the  crowds  which  flocked  to  the  Holy  Land 
were,  for  a  time,  greater  than  ever.  Particular  indul- 
gences were  attached  to  the  longer  pilgrimages — such 
as  those  of  Rome,  Compostella,  and  Jerusalem ;  and 
Innocent  III.  complains  that,  for  the  sake  of  the  privileges 
connected  with  the  Compostella  pilgrimage,  the  scallop- 
shells  which  were  the  token  of  it  were  counterfeited.^ 
But  warnings  continued,  as  in  early  times,  to  be  lifted  up 
by  eminent  teachers  against  a  reliance  on  pilgrimage. 
Thus  Hildebert  praises  a  widow  for  having  chosen, 
instead  of  running  after  the  Saviour's  burial-place,  to 
*'  follow  Him  in  his  burial "  by  entering  a  convent,*  and 
remonstrates  with  count  Fulk,  of  Anjou,  for  neglecting 
his  duties  that  he  might  go  on  pilgrimage  to  Com- 
X)0Stella  : — **  Among  the  talents  which  the  Householder 
hath  distributed  to  his  servants,"  he  says,  ''  no  doctor 
and  no  scripture  mentions  that  of  wandering  round  the 
world."  ^  In  like  manner,  Bernard  exhorted  against 
leaving  the  duties  of  home  in  order  to  visit  the  Holy 
Land ;  *^  and  Peter  of  Cluny  strongly  reproves  a  monk 
for  intending  to  set  out  on  pilgrimage.  "It  is,"  he 
says,  "  a  greater  thing  to  serve  God  continually  in 
humility  and  poverty  than  to  perform  the  journey  to 
Jerusalem  in  pride  and  luxury.  If  it  be  well  to  visit 
Jerusalem,  where  the  feet  of  our  Lord  stood,  it  is  far 
better  to  pant  after  heaven,  where  He  himself  is  beheld 

be  mentioned  that  the  empress  Matilda,  of  Watervllle  was  deposed  from  the 

on  returning  from  Germany,  brought  abbacy  of   Peterborough  for   having 

with  her  to  England  a  hand  of  St.  violently  taken  holy  relics  belonging 

James  the  apostle,    "per  quod   irre-  to  the  abbey,  and  pawned   them  to 

parabile  damnum  regno  Francorum  in-  Jews,  a.d.  1175.     Ben.  Petrib.  129. 

tulit."    (Annal.  S.  DIsibod.  a.d.  1126.)  *  Ep.  x.  78. 

St.  Petroc's  body  was  carried  off  from  »  Ep.  i.  5  (Patrol,  clxxi.), 

Cornwall  to  Brittany,  but  was  restored  ^  lb.,  Ep.  15. 

by  command  of  Henry  II.  (Ben.  Pe-  «=  Epp.  52,  264,  399. 

trib.  228-9 ;  R.  Hoved.  324).     William 


424  PILGRIMAGE. — MIRACLES.  BookVL 

face  to  face."'^  It  was  held  that  a  vow  of  pilgrimage 
was  fulfilled  by  entering  a  monastic  order — that  so  to 
vow  the  whole  life  to  God  was  more  than  the  partial 
vows  of  pilgrims.®  Other  commutations  for  the  longer 
pilgrimages  were  also  sanctioned;  thus  Calixtus  II. 
allowed  the  English  and  Scots,  instead  of  going  to  Rome, 
to  content  themselves  with  resorting  to  St.  David's — two 
visits  to  the  Welsh  sanctuary  being  reckoned  as  equivalent 
to  one  pilgrimage  to  Rome.*  And  in  this,  as  in  other 
things,  the  idea  of  performing  duties  by  proxy  was 
introduced ;  for  instance,  a  lady  left  estates  to  a  Danish 
convent  in  1272  on  condition  that,  for  the  good  of 
her  soul,  the  monks  should  send  off  three  pilgrims  to 
Jerusalem,  Rome,  and  Aarhuus.- 

(11.)  The  behef  in  the  continued  performance  of  mira- 
cles was  unabated ;  and  special  collections  of  miraculous 
stories  were  formed,  as  by  Peter  of  Cluny,^^  Herbert,  arch- 
bishop of  Torre,  in  Sardinia,^  and  in  the  next  century  by 
Caesarius  of  Heisterbach ;  to  which  may  be  added  the 
books  on  the  miracles  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  by 
William  of  Canterbury  and  Benedict  of  Peterborough.^ 
Yet  Abelard  ventured  to  deride  the  miracles  of  his  most 
famous  contemporaries,    such  as  Norbert  and  Bernard 

^  Ep.  ii.  15.  trol.  clxxx. 

«  Anselm,  Epp,  iii,  33,  116;  Caesar.  e  Munter,   ii.    703;  cf.    Innoc.  III. 

Heisterb.  i.  6.  Ep.  i.  69. 

<■  Will.  Malmesb.  Gesta  Regum,  c.  ''  Patrol,  clxxix. 

435 ;    Joh.    Petrlb.    ap.    Sparke,    67.  '  lb.  clxxxv. 

• '  Witness  the  ancient  rhyming  verse—  ^  Benedict's  book  has  been  published 

.„                 ,                  u     o     ,„        •  by  Dr  Giles ;  that  of  William  is  about 

Roma  semel  quantum,  bis  dat  Menevia  ^                  •      .      .  ^.                 ,  , , 

tantum.'  *°  appear  m  the    Chron  and  Mem.  of 
Great   Britain.'      In  the  Appendix  to 

Not  that  St.  David's  gives  a  peck  of  Stapleton's   "Tres  Thomas,"    p.    108, 

pardons  where  Rome  gives  but  a  gal-  seqq.,  ed.  Col.  Agripp.  1612,  are  stories 

Ion,  as  the  words  at  the  first  blush  may  of  miracles  done  by  some  parts  of  the 

seem  to  import ;  but  that  two  pilgrim-  martyr's  dress  at  the  Premonstranten- 

ages  to  St.  David's  should  be  equal  in  sian  monastery  of  Dom-Martin  or  St. 

merit    to  one  pilgrimage   to   Rome."  Josse-aux-Bois,  in  Artois,  where   the 

(Fuller,    i.    298.)     For    St.    Patrick's  monks  professed  that   his  miraculou?. 

Purgatory,  to  which  pilgrimages  were  power  was  largely  exerted  at   time«i 

now  made,  see  Henr.  Salteriensis,  Pa-  when  it  was  dormant  at  Canterbury. 


Chap.  XIII.  PENANCE, — INDULGENCES.  425 

— declaring  that  they  did  not  rely  on  their  prayers  alone 
for  a  cure,  but  sometimes  employed  medicine  in  simple 
cases  ;  that  they  sometimes  ludicrously  failed ;  and  that 
all  such  failures  were  set  down  to  the  unbelief  of  the 
people,  while  the  cures  were  ascribed  to  the  holiness  of 
those  who  wrought  them.^ 

(12.)  The  system  of  penance  became  more  and  more 
widely  different  from  what  it  had  originally  been.  Not 
only  did  pecuniary  commutations  hold  their  ground 
(especially  in  England),  notwithstanding  all  the  pro- 
hibitions which  councils  could  utter  against  them,  but 
other  things  of  a  new  kind  contributed  to  destroy  the 
ancient  system.  Among  these  new  influences,  the  pope's 
assumption  of  a  right  to  interfere  with  the  penitential 
discipHne  in  every  diocese  has  been  already  mentioned."* 
But  most  especially  the  penitential  discipline  suffered  from 
a  system  which  now  superseded  the  penitential  books 
of  earlier  times  ° — the  system  of  indulgences  which  were 
granted  by  way  of  inducement  to  perform  some  service 
for  the  church.  These,  unlike  the  indulgences  of  former 
days,  were  not  limited  to  the  forgiveness  of  particular  sins, 
but  extended  to  all.**  Thus  Gregory  VII.,  in  the  names 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  promised  absolution  of  all 
their  sins  to  those  who  should  take  part  with  Rudolf 
of  Swabia  against  Henry  IV.  ;p  and  Victor  III.  endea- 
voured by  a  like  promise  to  enlist  men  for  a  religious 
war  against  the  Saracens  of  Africa.^i  This  system  was 
brought  into  its  fullest  operation  by  the  crusades,  from 
the  time  when  Urban  II.  at  Clermont  proclaimed  a 
plenary  indulgence  for  all  who  should  share  in  the 
holy  war.**    These  indulgences,  indeed,  were  intended  as 

'  Sermo.  33,  Patrol,  clxxviii.  605-6.  cxlviii.  818.    See  vol.  iv.  p.  334;  Giesel. 

""  P.  348.  II.  ii.  503. 

n  Mnrat.  Antiq.  Ital.  iv.  761.  ■'  Vol.  iv.  p.  380. 

o  Planck,  IV.  ii.  396-8.  '  Hard.  VI.  i.  1724  ;  vol.  iv.  p.  387 ; 

V  Cone.  Rom.,  a.d.     1080,   Patvol.  IMorinus,  x.  lo. 


426  INDULGENCES.  Book  VI 

remissions  of  those  temporal  penalties  only  which  it  was 
believed  that  the  sinner  must  undergo  either  in  this  life 
or  in  purgatory ;  but  the  people  in  general  understood 
them,  and  persisted  in  understanding  them,  as  promises 
of  eternal  forgiveness,  while  they  overlooked  any  con- 
ditions of  repentance  or  charity  which  had  been  annexed 
to  them.^  And  the  license  which  marked  the  lives  of 
the  crusaders,  and  of  the  Latins  who  settled  in  the  Holy 
Land,  is  an  unquestionable  proof  of  the  sense  in  which 
the  papal  offers  were  interpreted.^ 

In  addition  to  the  enterprises  in  which  life  was  risked, 
and  to  which,  therefore,  the  ancient  belief  in  the  cleansing 
power  of  martyrdom  might  be  extended,"  indulgences  of 
lesser  degrees  were  granted  by  bishops  for  all  manner  of 
small  performances — such  as  the  recitation  of  a  certain 
prayer  before  a  certain  altar,  visiting  a  church  on  a  certain 
day,  pilgrimages  to  relics  and  miraculous  pictures,  or  the 
like ;  and  in  furtherance  of  local  undertakings,  such  as 
the  building  or  enlargement  of  a  church,  the  building  of 
a  bridge,  the  making  of  a  road,  or  the  enclosure  of  a 
forest.^  Payment  towards  the  expenses  of  the  holy  war 
was  rewarded  with  indulgences  in  proportion  to  its 
amount ;  ^  and  the  allowance  of  indulgence  was  greatly 
increased.  Thus  an  act  which  in  an  earlier  age  would 
have  earned  an  indulgence  of  forty  days,  was  now  re- 
warded with  absolution  from  a  hundred  years  or  more 
of  purgatorial  pain.^  There  were,  however,  those  who, 
as   Abelard,   and   Stephen,   abbot    of  Obaize,   did   not 

»  See  Alan,  contra  HEcreticos,  ii.  u  Planck,  IV.  ii.  396,  411  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii, 

(Patrol,  ccx.)  ;  Planck,  IV.  ii.  402-3.  505. 

'  Schrockh,  xxvii.  156;  Planck,  IV,  y  See  the  'Ordinatio  Regum  Fran- 

ii.  415-16  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  504.  cise et  Angliae,'  a.d.  1184,  in  Hard.  VI. 

"  Planck,  IV,  ii.  404.  ii.  1881-2.   (Gieseler  wrongly  supposes 

"^  Alex.   IIL,  Epp.  740,  1427,  etc.;  Alexander  III.  to  have  been  still  pope, 

Mabillon,  Acta  SS.  vii.,  Praef.    54-5  ;  II.  ii.  508,) 

Fleury  Disc,  at  end  of  B.  Ixxiv.  c.  16;  ^  Planck,  IV.  ii.  411. 
Mosh.  ii.  i8i  ;  Schrockh,  :(xvii,  152 ; 


Chap.  XIII.  CONFESSION   AND   ABSOLUTION.  427 

hesitate  to  express  their  objections  to  the  trade  which 
was  driven  in  indulgences,  or  their  doubts  as  to  the 
efficacy  of  these."'* 

The  question  whether  confession  to  a  priest  were 
necessary  in  order  to  forgiveness  of  sin  was  often  dis- 
cussed. Both  Gratian  and  Peter  Lombard  give  the 
arguments  on  each  side;  Gratian,  with  some  quaUfica- 
tion,  decides  against  the  necessity,  while  the  Master  of 
the  Sentences  takes  the  opposite  view.^  Peter  teaches, 
as  Hildebert  had  before  taught,"  that  true  repentance 
must  consist  of  three  parts — the  compunction  of  the 
heart,  the  confession  of  the  mouth,  and  the  satisfaction 
of  work ;  ^  but  he  holds  that,  if  the  assistance  of  a  priest 
cannot  be  had,  confession  to  a  lay  Christian  is  allowable.® 
As  to  the  effect  of  priestly  absolution,  he  thinks  that  the 
priest  cannot  forgive  sins,  but  can  only  declare  them  to 
be  remitted  or  retained ;  that,  although  we  may  have 
been  forgiven  by  God,  yet  absolution  by  the  priest's 
judgment  is  necessary  "in  the  face  of  the  church;" 
but  that  this  absolution  is  valid  in  so  far  only  as  it 
agrees  with  the  Divine  judgment.^  This  opinion  is 
spoken  of  by  Richard  of  St.  Victor  as  frivolous  and 
ridiculous  ;  ^  yet  Richard  himself  did  not  venture  to 
maintain  that  the  priest  had  absolute  power  to  forgive 
as  with  God's  autliority  ;  and  as  yet  the  form  of  absolu- 
tion continued  to  be  precatory,  not  declaratory. ^ 

*  Abael.   Scito  Teipsum.  cc.  18,  25  e  De  Potest.  Ligandi  et  Solvendi, 

(Patrol,  clxxviii.  663,  672);  VitaSteph.  12  (Patrol,  cxcvi.). 

Obaz.   iv.   18,   Baluz.  Miscell,  iv.  131,  ''  Bingham,  XIX.  ii.  4-5 ;  Giesel.  II. 

ed.  8vo.     Stephen,  who  died  in  1159,  ii.  491.     The  higher  notions  as  to  the 

has  been  beatified.     Acta  SS.  Mart.  power  of  the  priesthood  in  this  respect 

8,  p.  804.  were  much  forwarded  by  a  treatise  '  De 

•»  Gratian.    Pars    II.,    causa  xxxiii.  Vera  et  Falsa  Poenitentia,'  which  in 

qu.  3.  dist.  I  (Patrol,  clxxxvii.);  Pet.  the  nth  or  12th  century  was  put  forth 

Lomb.  Sent.  iv.  17  (ib.  cxcii.).  as   St.  Augustine's,   and  was   largely 

«  Sermo.  23,  Patrol,  clxxi.  447.  used  by  Gratian  and  Peter  Lombard 

•*  Sent.  iv.  16,  c.  i.  in  their  compilations.     See  the  Intro- 

6  Ib.  17,  c.  5.  duction    to    it,    in    Patrol,    xl.    1112; 

'  lb.  j«.  Giesel.  II.  ii.  493. 


428  UNIVERSITIES.  Book  VI. 

I V.   Sfi  ite  of  Lean  I  ing 

The  rise  of  great  schools,  and  the  increase  of  in- 
tellectual activity  which  marked  the  twelfth  century, 
have  been  already  noticed.^  The  foundation  of  the 
university  of  Oxford  has  been  referred  to  Alfred ;  that 
of  Paris,  to  Charlemagne ;  while  Bologna  has  been 
carried  back,  by  fable  which  has  called  forgery  to  its 
support,  as  far  as  the  reign  of  Theodosius  II.,  in  the  year 
433.^  For  Cambridge  too  has  been  claimed  an  origin 
from  Sigebert  king  of  Essex,  in  the  seventh  century, 
from  the  British  hero  Arthur,  in  the  fifth,  and  even  from 
some  date  as  early  at  least  as  the  second  century,  when 
the  professors  of  Cambridge  are  said  to  have  converted 
king  Lucius  to  the  Christian  faith.^  But  in  truth  the 
oldest  of  these  famous  seminaries  cannot  be  traced  to 
any  earlier  time  than  the  twelfth  century  ;  nor  can  any 
formal  foundation  of  them  be  shown,  inasmuch  as  they 
did  not  owe  their  origin  to  any  acts  of  papal  or  sove- 
reign authority,  but  to  the  spontaneous  concourse  of 
lecturers  and  students.  Their  distinct  organization  and 
the  bestowal  of  privileges  by  papal,  imperial,  or  other 
charters,  followed  on  the  establishment  of  each  body, 
as  regulation  became  necessary,  and  as  privileges  were 
felt  to  be  desirable  ;  and  at  a  later  time  the  sanction  of 
popes  and  princes  was  called  in  to  give  new  universities 
a  rank  equal  with  those  of  earlier  foundation,  and 
especially  to  secure  a  general  recognition  for  the  degrees 
which  they  conferred.'"  The  name  of  University,  by 
which  these  great  schools  became  distinguished,  was  not 

•  p.  98.  toribus  Angl.  47,  ed.  Par.  1619.     Both 

J'  Bulaeus,   i.    91,   seqq.,   211,   228;  Oxford  and  Cambridge  have  still  more 

Savigny,    iii.     164.     The    pretended  extravagant    stories    of   having    been 

charter  of  Theodosius  is  printed  by  founded  long  before  the  Christian  era. 

Muratori,  Antiq.  Ital.   iii.    21-3.     For  Pits,  28,  47. 

the  real  origin  of  Bologna,  see  ib.  8=;  "^  Bui.   16S,  415-17  ;  Crevler,  i.  25a- 

'  See  Bulaeus,  i.  291 ;  Pits  de  Scrip-  4. 


Chap.  XIII.  STUDY   OF   ROMAN    LAW.  429 

derived  from  their  teaching  of  universal  learning,  but 
from  the  usage  of  the  Roman  law,  in  which  it  signified 
a  corporation.^  Thus,  according  to  the  varieties  of  con- 
stitution, the  "university"  might  consist  of  the  masters 
only  (as  at  Paris),  or  might  include  the  students  also  (as 
at  Bologna) ;  a  single  faculty  might  form  an  university, 
as  we  find  the  expressions  universitas  artistariun  (i.e. 
the  professors  and  students  of  the  arts  included  in  the 
trivium  and  quadrivium)  and  univcrsitas  juristarum ;  ^ 
and  that  which  is  popularly  styled  the  university  of  a 
place  might  in  reality  consist  of  two  or  more  universities 
— as  at  Bologna,  from  the  time  of  Innocent  VL,  there 
were  four  universities,  each  under  its  own  rector — two 
of  them  being  devoted  to  law,  one  to  medicine  and 
philosophy,  and  one  to  theology.P 

The  story  that  the  knowledge  of  Roman  law,  after 
having  been  extinct  for  ages,  was  revived  by  the  dis- 
covery of  a  celebrated  copy  of  the  Pandects  at  Amalfi 
on  the  taking  of  that  place  by  Lothair  in  1135 — that  the 
emperor  presented  the  book  to  his  allies,  the  Pisans,  in 
whose  city  it  was  long  preserved  with  reverence — and 
that,  at  the  instance  of  the  great  jurist  Irnerius,  he 
decreed  that  all  men  should  thenceforth  obey  the  Roman 
law  only — appears  to  be  utterly  fabulous.*!     For  traces  of 

n  This  is  admitted  by  Dr.  Newman,  first  application  of  the  word  to  the 

even  while  arguing  that  an  university  university  of  Paris  is  in  connexion  with 

must  teach  universal  knowledge.   ('On  the  affair  of  Amalric  of  Bene  (see  vol. 

University  Education,'  ed.    2.  p.   16.  vi.  p.  83).    Hist.  Litt.  xvii.  45-6. 

See  Wood's    Antiquities    of   Oxford,  °  Savigny,  iii.  157,  412-13. 

ed.  Gutch,  i.  47  ;   Savigny,  iii.  412  ;  P  lb.  178-89,  514-15. 

Maiden  on  the  Origin  of  Universities,  1  lb.  92.     The  oldest  written  autho- 

13,    Lond.    1835  ;    Sir  W.   Hamilton's  rity  for  the   finding  of  the   book  at 

•  Discussions  on  Philosophy  and  Litera-  Amalfi  is  said  to  be  a  poem  by  Rayne- 

ture  '  492-7,   ed.   2.      The    word,  in-  rius  de  Grancis,  a  Dominican  of  Pisa, 

deed,  was  commonly  used  to  mean  a  about   1340,   in   Murat.    Script.    Rer. 

whole  body  of  men  of  any  sort.     Thus  Ital.  xi.  314  (See  Rluratori  there,  and 

Frederick  II.  complains  that  the  "uni-  Antiq.  iii.  887).     The  oldest  authority 

versitates"  of  some  towns  have  pre-  for  the  complete  story  is  said  to   be 

sumed  to  appoint  their  own  magistrates  Sigoiiius  (Dc  Regno  Italia;,  p.  270,  ed. 

(Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  256).     Perhaps  the  Francof.    1575).      Giaiuione    says    all 


43°  STUDY   OF   CIVIL   LAW.  Book  VL 

acquaintance  with  the  Roman  law  are  to  be  found  through- 
out all  the  ages  which  had  intervened  since  the  time 
of  Justinian  ■/  and  not  only  were  other  copies  of  the 
Pandects  known  before  the  date  of  the  alleged  discovery 
at  Amalfi,  but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  book 
in  question  had  been  at  Pisa  long  before  that  date — 
perhaps  even  from  the  days  of  Justinian  himself  ^ 

The  increased  study  of  Roman  law  would  seem  rather 
to  have  grown  out  of  the  needs  of  the  Lombard  cities, 
which,  long  before  they  extorted  an  acknowledgment 
of  their  liberties  from  Frederick  Barbarossa,  set  up  pre- 
tensions to  independence,  and  wished  for  a  system  of 
law  more  suitable  to  their  circumstances  than  the 
barbaric  codes. *^  Moreover,  the  ancient  civil  law  was 
regarded  as  having  a  claim  on  all  the  West  beyond 
the  immediate  occasion,  inasmuch  as  from  the  time  of 
Charlemagne  the  states  of  western  Europe  had  all  been 
considered  as  forming  one  empire."  Hence  arose  the 
law-school  of  Bologna,  under  Irnerius,  who  has  been 
supposed  by  some  to  have  been  a  German,  but  was 
more  probably  a  native  of  the  city;^  and  the  first 
formal  recognition  of  it  is  in  a  rescript  which  Frederick 
issued  at  Roncaglia  in  1 158.  By  this  document  special 
privileges  are  bestowed  on  the  schools.  The  students, 
and  the  messengers  or  posts  by  whom  they  kept  up 
communication  with  their  homes,  are  to  travel  without 
hindrance ;  it  is  ordered  that  no  one  shall  be  held  liable 
for  the   misdeeds  or  for  the  debts  of  his  countrymen; 

that  he  can  in  its  behalf  (1.  xi.  c.  2).  iii.  84,  105; 

See  Gibbon,  iv.  197.  "  lb.  87. 

"  Murat.  Antiq.  Ital.,  Dissert,  xliv.,  ^  lb.  iii.  426,  seqq. ;  iv.  16.     Irnerius 

t.    iii.    pp.    886-8 ;    Savigny,    i.     439,  has  been  already  mentioned,  p.    15. 

seqq.;  iii.  83;    Hallam,  Hist.  Litt.  i.  Robert  of  Mont  St.  Michel  wrongly 

81  ;  Middle  Ages,  ii.  473.  places    him    in    company  with    Lan- 

"^  Savigny,  iii.  94-8.     Since  141 1  the  franc,   as   early  as   1032  (Patrol,  clx. 

MS.  has  been  at  Florence,  where  it  is  418).      See  Murat.    Antiq.   iii.  855-6, 

to  be  seen  in  the  Laurentian  library.  893  ;  Savigny,  iv.  20. 

*  Hallam,   M.A.,  ii.  474  ;  Savigny, 


Cha.  XIII.  GRATIAN's   *  DECRETUM. 


431 


the  students  are  exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
secular  magistrates,  and  are  subjected  to  the  judgment 
of  their  professors  or  of  the  bishop. ^ 

The  method  of  teaching  and  the  writings  of  Irnerius 
and  his  followers,  the  "Four  Doctors  of  Bologna,"* 
excited  a  desire  for  a  compendium  of  church-law,  which 
had  been  regarded  as  a  branch  of  theology  ;*  and  the 
need  of  such  a  work  was  the  more  felt,  because  the 
Bolognese  lawyers  were  imperialist  and  antipapalist  in 
their  principles.*^  Collections  of  ecclesiastical  law  had, 
indeed,  been  formed  in  times  not  remote,  by  Regino, 
abbot  of  Priim,"  by  Burkhard,  bishop  of  Worms, <^  by  Ivo 
of  Chartres,  and  others.®  But  these  collections  were  not 
reduced  to  a  system,  and  one  great  purpose  of  the  digest 
which  was  now  compiled  by  Gratian,  a  monk  of  Bologna, 
may  be  understood  from  the  title  which  was  given  to  it 
(although  possibly  not  by  the  author),  "A  Concordance 
of  discordant  Rules."*  In  this  the  matter  was  classified 
under  proper  heads ;  the  various  sentences  of  councils, 
popes,  and  fathers  were  cited,  and  harmony  was  as  far 
as  possible  established  between  them,  while  Gratian, 
unlike  the  earlier  compilers,  added  to  the  usefulness 
of  the  book  by  introducing  his  own  views  and  "  dicta.  "^ 

y  Pertz,  Leges,  ii.  114;  Savigny,  iii.  it  was  completed  in  1151  (BibI,  Lat. 

168-70;  Maiden,  48,  52.     The  words  S43,  Hamb.   1708).     See  Walter,  224; 

"a  domino  vel  magistro  suo"  do  not  Wasserschleben,  315.    Alberic  of  Trois 

(as  has  been  supposed)  mean  different  Fontaines  says  that  a  "  magister  egre- 

authorities,  but  the  one  is  added  in  ex-  gius  "  named  Omnibonus  compiled  a 

planation  of  the  other,    Savigny,  170.  '  Concordantia    discordantium    Cano- 

'  Seep.  172.  num,' which  from  him  was  called  (?;;/;/<•- 

*  Savigny,  iii.  514.  donint,  and  that  this  was  amplified  by 

''  Neand.  vii.  281.  Gratian,  under  Alexander  III.  (Bou- 

<*  Patrol,  cxxxii.  quel,  xii.   703).     It  is  supposed  that 

•*  lb.  cxI.  Gratian  was  partly  incited  by  Bernard's 

«  lb.  clxi.     See  SchrOckh,  xxvii.  20;  complaints  as  to  the  sway  of  the  civil 

Giesel.    II.    ii.  217  ;    Wasserschleben,  law  in   the  pope's  court  (see  p.  156). 

in  Herzog,  vii.  311-15.  Schrockh,  xxvii.  24.     See  Giesel.    II. 

^  "  Concordantia  discordantium  Re-  ii.  21S. 

gularum."    Tiraboschi  dates  the  book  «  Wasserschl.  316  ;  Hurler,  3^^ 
in  1140  (iii.  393).     Fabricius  says  that 


432  GRATIAN's    'DECRETUM.'  BookVI 

The  genuineness  of  the  False  Decretals  was  assumed,  and 
their  principles  were  carried  thoughout  the  work,  which 
thus  served  to  establish  those  principles  instead  of  the 
older   canonical   system.      The    Decretum   (as   it    was 
generally  styled)  was    recommended   not  only  by  its 
superiority  over  other  collections  in  method  and  com- 
pleteness,  but  by   the  circumstance  that   it   emanated 
from  the  city  which  was  the  chief  seat  of  legal  science.*^ 
It  was  valuable  as  preserving  many  important  fragments 
which   would    otherwise    have   perished,   and    became 
popular   as  the  source  of  much  second-hand   learning 
which  is  displayed  by  writers  of  the  middle  ages.^     But 
it  abounds  in  uncritical  blunders,  and   the   compiler's 
attempts  at  a  harmony  of  authorities  were  after  all  so 
far  from  satisfactory  that  a  Cistercian  chapter  in  1188 
ordered  the  book  to  be  locked  up,  lest  the  promiscuous 
reading  of  it  should  propagate  errors.^     Eugenius  III. 
is  said  to  have  approved  the  Decretum  in  1152,  and, 
although  this  statement  seems  to  be  very  questionable,^ 
the  importance  of  Gratian's  compilation  for  the  papacy 
was  speedily  understood.     It  became  the  great  text-book 
of  the  subject ;  within  a  few  years  after  its  publication, 
special  professorships  of  canon  law  were  established  both 
at  Bologna  and  at  Paris ;  ™  the  faculty  of  canonists  or 
decretalists  arose  in  rivalry  to  that  of  legists,  and  each 
conferred  degrees  on  its  members."     From  this  time  the 
popes,  if  they  wished  to  give  currency  to  new  decrees,  had 

^  Schrdckh,  xxvii.  46  ;  Savigny,  iii.  lieves  It ;  Planck,  IV.  ii.  742.     Wasser- 

514  ;  Gieseler,  II.  ii.  216-17.  schleben  (in  Herzog,  vii.  316)  says  that 

'  Another  great  source  of  such  learn-  it  rests  on  a  forgery  of  the  18th  century, 

ing  was  Peter  Lombard's  '  Liber  Sen-  Raumer  observes  that  such  sanction 

tentiarum*  (Schrockh,   xxviii.    524-6).  was  not  really  necessary  for  a  work 

The  medieval  quotations  almost  always  composed  of  such  mateiials.     vi.  133. 

follow  any  variations  which  these  com-  "*  Giesel.  II.  ii.  2r8. 

pilcrs  make  from  the  originals.  "  Savigny,  iii.  516;   Pagi,  xix.  56; 

^  Capit.  Gener.    Cisterc.   c.    5,   ap.  Schrockh,  xxvii.  43,     For  the  later  his- 

Martene,  Tlies.  \.  12^3.  tory  of  the  Decretum,  see  Schrockh, 

•  See  Schrockh,  xxvii.  42,  who  be-  ib.  48-30. 


Chap.  XIH.  UNIVERSITY    OF    PARIS.  433 

only  to  send  them  to  the  professors  of  the  chief  univer- 
sities, by  whom  they  were  eagerly  caught  up,  expounded, 
and  disseminated  through  the  agency  of  their  pupils." 

The  university  of  Paris  owes  its  origin  to  WilHam  of 
Champeaux,  Abelard,  WilHam  of  Conches,  and  their 
contemporaries,  whose  lectures  attracted  a  great  con- 
course of  hearers  to  the  city ;  p  and  it  speedily  grew  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  number  of  students  is  said  to 
have  exceeded  that  of  the  citizens.^  The  earliest  docu- 
ments which  recognize  the  existence  of  the  university 
are  two  decretals  of  Alexander  III/  Celestine  III.  ex- 
empted the  students  in  all  questions  as  to  money  from 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular  magistrates,  and  ordered 
that  they  should  be  judged  according  to  the  canon  law, 
before  the  bishop,  or  the  abbot  of  St.  Genevieve  f  and 
in  the  last  year  of  the  century,  in  consequence  of  a  great 
quarrel  between  the  students  and  the  citizens,  a  grant  of 
privileges  was  bestowed  by  Philip  Augustus,  who  acknow- 
ledges the  office  of  rector  as  already  existing.^  As  the 
cathedral  school  had  been  the  germ  of  the  university,  the 
chancellor  of  the  cathedral  was  its  superintendent ;  and 
hence,  in  other  universities  founded  on  the  same  model, 
the  chief  officer  bore  the  title  of  chancellor."  The 
students  of  Paris  were  divided  into  four  nations — a 
division  which  was  afterwards  imitated  elsewhere.''  This 
arrangement  is  said  to  have  been  fully  estabHshed  before 
1 169,  when   Henry  II.  of  England  offered  to  refer  his 

o  Planck,  IV.  ii.  739-49 ;  Giesel.  II.  °  Savigny,  iii.  226, 


u.  220. 


The  nations  at  Paris  were — 


P  Crevier,  i.  112.     See  Joh.  Sarisb.  (i).  French,  including  Spain,  Italy, 

Metalogic.   ii.  10 ;   Hurter,  ii.  12-19 ;  and  the  East. 

Hist.  Litt.  xvii.  45-6.  (2)-  English,    including    Germany, 

1  Schrockh,  xxiv.  217.  Hungary,  Poland,  and  the  Northern 

'  Savigny,  iii.  226.     See  Bulaeus,  ii.  kingdoms.     The  name  was  changed  ' " 

gee.  German  in  1430. 

•  Bui.  ii.  498;  Crevier,  i.  265.  (3).  Picards,  including  the  Net  ler- 

*  Bui.  Iii.  2  ;  Crev.  i.  255.     The  reo  lands. 

tor  is  styled  CapitaU.  (4)-  Normans.     Savigny,  iii.  349. 


VOL.  V. 


28 


434  UNIVERSITY   OF   PARIS.  Book  VI. 

differences  with  archbishop  Becket  to  the  judgment 
of  the  university;^  but  the  evidence  appears  unsatis- 
factory.^ 

As  Bologna  was  the  great  school  of  law,^  so  Paris  took 
the  lead  in  theology ;  but  it  also  became  eminent  in  the 
other  faculties.  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  who  had  studied 
at  Bologna  as  well  as  at  Paris,  tells  us  that  both  civil  and 
canon  law  were  best  taught  in  the  French  university,  and 
quotes  the  opinion  of  another,  that  Paris  was  the  best 
school  for  every  sort  of  learning  which  might  be  taken 
up  there ;  ^  and  whereas,  in  John  of  Salisbury's  time,  it 
was  usual  for  the  students  of  medicine  to  repair  from 
Paris  to  Montpellier  or  Salerno,  which  were  then  in 
the  highest  fame  as  medical  schools,^  Paris  itself,  under 
Philip  Augustus,  was  provided  with  facilities  of  all  sorts 
for  teaching  medical  science.*^ 

England  bore  its  share  in  the  intellectual  progress 
of  the  century.  Englishmen,  such  as  Robert  PuUeyn,^ 
Robert,  who,  from  the  place  where  he  lectured,  was 
styled  of  Melun,*  and  John  of  Salisbury,  became  famous 
abroad  for  their  learning  ;  ^  and  to  this  time  is  to  be  as- 

y  Bui.  ii.  363  ;  Crevier,  i.  254  ;  Hal-  i.  249.     For  Montpellier,  see  Hist,  de 

lam,  M.A.,  ii.  480.  Languedoc,  ii.  517  ;  for  Salerno,  Mal- 

«  The  authority  alleged   is   R.   de  den,  64-9. 

Diceto,  who  says  that  it  was  proposed  ^  W.  Armor,  in   Bouq.  xviii.  182-3. 

to  submit  the  case  "scholaribus  diver-  See  Bui.  ii.  572  ;  Crevier,  i.  249.     The 

sarum  provLnciarum  "  (551).     But  this  customs  of  the  university  are  described 

does  not  necessarily  imply  the  formal  in  a  treatise  *  De  Disciplina  Scholari- 

division  into  four  nations  ;  and  Becket  um,'  printed  with  the  works  of  Boeth- 

himself  says  only  "scholarium  Pari-  ius  (Patrol.  Ixiv.  1223,  seqq.),  but  really 

siensium "  (Patrol,  cxc  586),  without  written  by  Thomas  of  Brabant,  in  the 

any  mention  of  provinces.     Du  Boulay  latter  half  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

would  deduce  the  division  from  the  Savigny,  iii.  339-40. 

time  of  Charlemagne !    i.  252.  •  Patrol,  clxxxvi.  He  was  afterwards 

*  At  Bologna  an  oath  was  sometimes  a  cardinal  and  chancellor  of  the  Roman 

exacted  of  lawyers,  that  they  would  not  see. 

teach  their  science  anywhere  else.  Mu-  '  Afterwards  bbhop  of  Hereford, 

rat.  Antiq.  iii.  899-903.  «  Peter  of  La  Celle,  in  a  letter  to 

*•  Works,  i.  46-8,  ed.  Brewer;  Ang-  Nicolas,  a  monk  of  St.  Albans  (Epp. 

Ua  Sacra,  ii.  478.  ii.    171,    Patrol,    ccii.),  contrasts    the 

'  Joh.  Sar.,  Metalog.  i.  4;  Crevier,  "Anglica  le vitas  "  with  the  "  Gallica 


Chap.  XIII. 


ENGLISH    UNIVERSITIES. 


435 


cribed  the  real  origin  of  the  university  of  Oxford.'^  The 
earHest  fact  which  seems  to  be  certain  in  the  literary 
history  of  Oxford  is  the  establishment  of  Vacarius,  a  Lorn 
bard,  as  professor  of  civil  law  there,  under  the  patronage 
of  Archbishop  Theobald,  in  1149  ;'  from  which  we  may 
infer  that  it  was  already  known  as  a  place  of  study.  It  is 
remarkable  that  John  of  Salisbury,  although  he  mentions 
Vacarius,^  says  nothing  of  his  having  taught  at  Oxford  ; ' 
but  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  about  the  year  11 85,  speaks  of 
Oxford  as  the  place  most  distinguished  in  England  for 
the  excellence  of  its  clerks.™  The  sister  university  of 
Cambridge,  according  to  the  continuation  of  Ingulf  which 
bears  the  name  of  Peter  of  Blois,  existed  as  early  as  1109, 
when  Joffrid,  abbot  of  Croyland,  taught  there.  But  the 
authority  is  worthless,  and  the  statement  is  encumbered  by 
the  difficulty  that  Averroes,  whose  works  Joffi-id  is  said  to 


maturitas,'  and  adds  that  the  English 
are  affected  by  the  water  which  sur- 
rounds their  island,  so  that  "nimia 
mobilitate  in  tenuissimas  et  subtiles 
phantasias  frequenter  transferuntur, 
somnia  sua  visionibus  comparantes,  ne 
dicam  praeferentes  ....  Certeexper- 
tus  sum  somniatores  plus  esse  Anglicos 
quam  Gallos." 

••The  connexion  of  Oxford  with  king 
Alfred  is  grounded  on  a  passage  in 
Asser,  which,  however,  is  generally 
supposed  to  be  an  interpolation.  (See 
Monum.  Hist.  Britann.  489-90,  and 
Preface,  89  ;  Wood's  Hist,  of  Oxford, 
cd.  Gutch,  i.  21-4  ;  Pearson's  Early 
and  Middle  Ages  in  England,  i.  119  ; 
Shirley,  in  Gent.  Mag.,  June,  1865,  p. 
746.)  Dr.  Lappenberg,  however,  is 
undecided  as  to  the  question  (i.  339)  ; 
and  Mr.  Ruber  supposes  the  words  to 
be  partly  genuine  ("  English  Univer- 
sities," transl.  by  F.  W.  Newman,  i. 
46,  373-85).  Ingulf  is  made  to  speak 
of  the  studies  carried  on  at  Oxford  un- 
der Edward  the  Confessor  (Fell,  73). 
But  the  credit  of  the  writer  who  as- 
sumed   this  name   is  now  gone.     See 


vol.  iv.  p.  379  ;  Hallam,  Hist.  Lit.  i. 
93  ;  M.  A.  ii.  480. 

'  Gervas.  1665  ;  Rob.  de  Monte,  a.d. 
1149  (Patrol,  cix.).  Robert  informs  us 
that,  for  the  use  of  his  poorer  scholars, 
Vacarius  made  an  abridgement  of  the 
civil  law,  which,  according  to  Savigny 
(iv.  359,  362),  still  exists  in  MS.  He 
was  silenced  by  king  Stephen  (Joh. 
Sarish.,  Polycrat.  viii.  22),  but  remained 
in  England.  Selden,  in  consequence 
of  a  mispunctuation  in  Robert,  has 
made  the  mistake  (in  which  others 
have  followed  him)  of  identifying  Va- 
carius with  Roger,  abbot  of  Liec,  to 
whom  the  primacy  was  offered  after 
the  murder  of  Becket.  Dissert,  in 
Fletam,  Works,  ii.  1082,  seqq.  See 
Wood,  ed.  Gutch,  i.  150-4 ;  Hist. 
Litt.  xiv.  26  ;  Savigny,  iv.  34S,  seqq.  ; 
English  Encyclop.  art.  Vacarius. 

^  See  the  preceding  note. 

'  Hence  Professor  Schaarschmidt 
would  infer  that  his  teaching  was  only 
in  the  archbishop's  household  ("  Joh. 
Sarisb."  Leipz.  1862,  p.  188);  but  the  au- 
thority for  Oxford  seems  to  be  sufficient 

"'  Do  Rebus  a  sc  s*stl     ii.  16. 


43^  GREEK   LITTLE    KNOWN.  Book  Vi. 

have  expounded,  was  then  unborn. °  It  is  not  until  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  that  any  trustworthy 
mention  of  Cambridge  as  a  seat  of  learning  is  to  be 
found. 

The  theologians  of  the  western  church  in  these  times 
laboured  under  the  disadvantage  of  being  unacquainted 
with  the  original  languages  of  Scripture.  Anselm  appears 
to  have  been  ignorant  of  Greek  ;  ^  Abelard's  knowledge  of 
it  seems  to  have  been  limited  to  such  Greek  words  as  are 
to  be  found  in  Latin  writers,  and  he  avows  that  he  was 
unable  to  read  some  works  of  Aristotle  and  Plato  because 
they  had  not  been  translated  into  Latin  ;p  John  of  Salis- 
bury, although  his  knowledge  of  the  classical  Latin  authors 
vas  unrivalled  among  his  contemporaries,  on  meeting 
jnth  the  word  oima  in  a  treatise  of  St  Ambrose,  was 
unable  either  to  understand  it  or  to  find  any  western 
teacher  who  could  explain  it  to  him.'i  In  consequence  of 
this  ignorance,  the  expositors  of  Scripture  did  not  so  much 

°  Contin.    Ingulfi,    ap.    Fell,    114;  est"(Ep.  169,  Patrol,  cxcix.  See Schaar 

Hallam,  M-A.,  ii.  480;   Hardy,  Pref.  schmidt,    iii).     This   letter,    written 

to  Mon.  Hist.  Brit.  19.     Mr.  Huber,  while  John  was  an  exile  in  France  for 

however,  tries  to  support  the  story.  his  adherence  to  Becket,  is  adch-essed 

i.  62.  to  "  Master  John  the  Saracen,"  who 

0  Remusat,  Vie  de  S.  Anselme,  457  seems  to  have  been  a  convert  of  orien- 
(who  refutes  tlie  contrary  opinion  of  tal  birth,  and  therefore  presumed  to 
Hasse).  know  something  of  Greek.     John  of 

P  Dialectica,  in  "  CEuvres  Inedits,"  Salisbury's  slight  acquaintance  with 
ed.  Cousin,  i.  200,  206,  399.  These  Greek  was  picked  up  from  a  Greek 
passages,  says  M.  Cousin,  prove  what  whom  he  had  met  with  in  Apulia,  on 
until  the  discovery  of  the  treatise  was  one  of  his  missions  to  Italy  while  em- 
only  matter  of  inference  as  to  the  ployed  by  Archbishop  Tlieobald(Meta- 
limits  of  Abelard's  knowledge.  log.  iv.  15,  Patrol,  cxc.  843;  Schaar- 

1  "Verbi  obstaculum  reperi,  quod  schmidt,  112.  On  the  amount  of  his 
nullus  magistrorum  nostrorum  sufficiat  acquaintance  with  Plato  and  Aristotle, 
amovere,  quia  Grsecse  linguae  expertes  through  translations,  see  Prof.  Schaar- 
sunt."  (Then  follows  a  quotation,  schmidt,  113,  seqq.).  The  title  of  his 
which  is  unintelligible  as  printed  in  "  Polycraticus "  has  given  cause  for 
the  letter,  but  may  be  corrected  by  a  much  conjecture — the  word  being  often 
comparison  with  Ambros.  de  Incarn.  derived  from  iroAi?,  and  always  from 
Verbi,  100,  in  Patrol,  xvi.)  "  Sic  qui-  /cpareoi.  I  believe,  however,  that  the 
dem  Ambrosius  coUigit,  sed  ratio  in-  real  derivation  is  from  iroKvs  and  /te- 
ferentiae  vobis  plenius  liquet  et  Graecis,  pavw/xi — the  title  expressing  the  wiV 
mihi  yero  et  mei  tinulibus  nubeculosior  cfllaneous  nature  of  the  contents. 


Dhap.  XIII.  PETER    LOMBARD.  437 

aim  at  discovering  its  real  sense  as  at  forcing  into  it  such 
matter  as  they  supposed  to  be  edifying ; ""  and  hence 
they  not  only  disguised  all  that  they  treated  by  a  mystical 
system  of  interpretation,^  but  in  their  choice  of  subjects 
there  was  an  especial  fondness  for  the  obscurest  books, 
such  as  the  Canticles,  Ezekiel,  and  the  Apocalypse.*^ 
The  theologians  of  the  time  were  divided  into  three 
classes — those  who,  like  Bernard,  followed  the  ancient 
expositors ;  the  more  speculative  and  adventurous 
thinkers,  of  whom  Abelard  is  the  chief  representative ; 
and  a  middle  class,  who,  after  the  example  of  Lanfranc 
and  Anselm,  endeavoured  to  combine  original  thought 
with  a  deference  to  antiquity.  These  three  classes  were 
respectively  known  as  Positives,  Scholastics  (a  word  which, 
from  having  been  used  as  a  general  term  for  learned 
men,  was  now  applied  more  especially  to  signify  the  pro- 
fessors of  philosophical  theology),"  and  Sententiaries.'' 

A  service  like  that  which  Gratian  had  rendered  to 
ecclesiastical  law  was  performed  for  theology  by  Peter 
Lombard,  a  native  of  Novara,  who,  after  having  long 
taught  with  great  reputation  at  Paris,  became  bishop  of 
that  city  in  1159,  and  died  in  1164.^  The  name  of  Sen- 
tences had  before  been  given  to  the  collections  of  ancient 
authorities  which  had  been  popular  since  the  seventh  cen- 
tury/    Such  a  collection  of  opinions  had  been  formed  by 

•■  See  John  of  Salisbury  Polycr.  vii.  clxxxix.;  Schrockh,  xxviii.  487;  Ritter, 

12,  col.  666.  vii.  475-7.    In  vol.  cxcii.  of  the  Patro- 

*  Schrockh,  xxvii.  324.  logia  are  four  books  of  Sentences  which 

*  lb.  322.  In  Migne's  Patrologia  '  bear  the  name  of  Master  Bandinus — a 
there  are  at  least  fourteei,  commenta-  person  of  whom  nothing  is  known.  It 
ries  on  the  Canticles  by  writers  of  the  has  been  supposed  that  these  were 
i2th  century.  If  printed  like  the  text  the  original  which  Peter  Lombard 
of  this  volume,  they  would  fill  nearly  amplified  ;  but  they  seem  rather  to 
4,000  pages.  be  an  abridgement  of  Peter's  work. 

"  Bulaeus,  ii.  582,  seqq. ;  Giesel.  vi.  (Neand.  viii.  78;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  401.) 

446.  Gratian  and  Peter  are  celebrated  to- 

*  See  Mosheim,  ii.  486  ;  Possevin,  gether  by  Dante  (Parad.  x.  103-8). 
quoted  by  Hallam,  Hist.  Lit.  i.  18.  '■  SchrOckh,  xxviii.  488  ;    Re'musat. 

y  See     Peter's       works  in     Patrol.         'Abilard,'  ii.  x6n. 


43^  PETER    LOMBARD*S    SENTENCES.  Book  VI. 

Abelard,  under  the  title  of  "  Yes  and  No,"  with  a  view  of 
exhibiting  their  contradictions ;  *  but  Peter  Lombard,  on 
the  contrary,  in  his  ''  Four  Books  of  Sentences,"  aimed  a 
harmonizing  them.  He  discusses  questions  down  to  those 
raised  by  Abelard,  although  without  naming  the  authors  ; 
and  the  authorities  which  he  cites  come  down  to  the  time 
of  Bede.^  The  method  which  was  observed  in  the  work 
gave  it  the  charm  of  novelty,  while  in  substance  it  was 
intended  to  accord  with  antiquity ;  and  it  speedily  ob 
tained  a  great  popularity.^  The  "  Master  of  the  Sen 
tences,"  indeed,  was  not  exempt  from  censure ;  Gerhoh 
of  Reichersperg  denounced  him  to  Alexander  HI.,  ^  and 
one  of  his  own  pupils,  John  of  Cornwall,®  attacked  him 
both  while  living  and  after  death.  An  opinion  imputed 
to  him — that  our  Lord,  in  so  far  as  He  is  man,  is  nothing* 
— was  brought  before  the  council  of  Tours  in  1163,  and 
before  the  Lateran  council  of  11 79,  and  was  condemned 
by  Alexander,  who  directed  the  French  bishops  to  teach 
"  that  Christ,  as  He  is  perfect  God,  so  also  is  He  perfect 
man,  consisting,  according  to  his  manhood,  of  soul  and 
body."^  Joachim  of  Fiore  also  charged  Peter  with  hetero- 
doxy, as  has  been  already  mentioned;  but  the  Fourth 
Lateran  council  in  12 15  pronounced  in  favour  of  the 
Master  of  the  Sentences  ;  ^  and  from  that  time  his  reputa- 
tion and  authority  were  greatly  increased.  Lectures  and 
commentaries  on  his  "  Sentences  "  were  composed  in  vast 

■  See  p.  115.    On  Peter  Lombard's  *  This  writer's  remains  are  in  the 

obligations  to  Abelard,  see  Remusat,  Patrologia,   vols,  clxxvii.   and  cxcix. 

ii.  180.     Perhaps  the  idea  of  his  work  See    the    Hist.    Litt.    xiii.     Giraldus 

was  taken  from  that  of  John  of  Damas-  speaks  of  John  of  Cornwall — probably 

cus,  '  De  Fide  Orthodoxa,'  which  had  the  same — as  fitted  by  his  knowledge 

lately  been  translated  into  Latin.    (See  of  Welsh  for  the    bishoprick    of   St. 

vol.    iii.    p.   47.)      Hampden,    Bampt.  David's.     Liber  Invectlv.  v.  8. 

Lectures,  ed.  2,  p.  44.  '  "  Quod  Christns,  secundum  quod 

"  Schrockh,  xxviii.  520-1.  est  homo,  non  est  aliquid." 

•=  For   estimates  of   the    book,   sec  k  Epp.  743-4,  A.D.  1 170 (Patrol,  cc); 

SchrSckh,  xxviii.  488,  seqq.  ;  Ritter,  Chron.   Reichersperg.  in   Pertz,  xvii. 

vii.  479  :  Haurcau,  i.  330.  471 ;    Hefele,  v.  545,  639  ;   Mosh.  ii. 

"  Ep.  17  (Patrol,  cxciii.).  486  ;  Crevier,  i.  206.           '>  See  p.  341. 


Chap.  XIII.  SCHOOL  OF   ST.  VICTOR. 


439 


abundance,  and  among  the  authors  of  them  were  the  most 
eminent  teachers  of  the  church ;  England  alone  is  said 
to  have  produced  no  less  than  a  hundred  and  sixty-four 
writers  who  illustrated  this  famous  text-book.^  Yet  the 
work,  while  it  aimed  at  settling  every  point  of  doctrine, 
was  often  found  rather  to  suggest  questions  than  to  an- 
swer them;''  and  in  the  year  1300  the  professors  of  Paris 
extracted  from  it  sixteen  propositions  as  to  which  the 
Master's  opinions  were  not  generally  held.* 

The  school  of  St.  Victor  at  Paris,  founded  by  William 
of  Champeaux,  while  it  endeavoured  to  reconcile  the 
scholastic  method  of  inquiry  with  practical  piety,  was 
especially  opposed  to  the  dialectical  subtleties  which  were 
now  in  fashion,  and  was  itself  inclined  to  mysticism."™ 
The  most  famous  teachers  of  this  school  were  Hugh — a 
Saxon,  according  to  some  writers,  while  others  suppose 
him  a  native  of  Ypres — who  died  in  1141 ; "  Richard,  a 
Scotsman,  who  died  in  1170;^  and  Walter,  who,  in  11 74, 
wrote  against  "  The  Four  Labyrinths  of  Gaul,"  under 
vvhich  name  he  denounced  Abelard,  Gilbert  de  la  Porr^e, 
Peter  Lombard,  and  his  disciple  Peter  of  Poitiers. p 

Other  writers,  who  were  no  enemies  to  letters  or 
philosophy,  agreed  in  censuring  the  dialectical  arts  which, 
from  having  been  regarded  with  suspicion  in  the  preced- 
ing century, <i  were  now  the  great  weapon  of  the  most 
popular  teachers.     John  of  Salisbury  complains  of  the 

'  Pits,  947,  ed.  Paris,  1619 ;  Hau-  »  Patrol,    cxcvi.  ;    Schrockh,    xxiv. 

rdau,  i.  331.                       ^  lb.  330-1.  403  ;  Ritter,  vii.  547,  seqq. 

•  "  Hie    magister    communiter  non  p  The  book  is  known  only  by  the 

tenetur."    (See  Schrockh,  xxviii.  532.)  extracts  published  by  Du   Boulay  in 

Twenty-nine  such  points  are  cnurae-  his  History  of  the  University  of  Paris, 

rated  in  Patrol,  cxcii.  961-4.  and  reprinted  by  Migne,  vol.  cxcix. 

"  Giesel.    II.  ii.  402  ;    Haureau,   i.  Walter  is  said   to  have    injured    his 

319,  seqq.;  Hugonin,  in  Patrol,  clxxv.,  purpose  by  exaggeration,     Giesel.  II. 

Proleg.  80.  ii.  404-      See   Schrockh,   xxviii.    530. 

»  See   Patrol,  clxxv.,  Proleg.  41-4;  For  Peter  of  Poitiers,  see  Patrol,  ccxi. ; 

Schrdckh,  xxiv.  392;  xxviii.  552,  seqq.;  Schrockh,  xxviii.  540-1. 

Neand.  viii.  65,  seqq.;    GieseL  IL  ii.  •»  See  voL  iv.  p.  362. 
403  ;  Ritter,  vil  507,  seqq. 


440  FAULTY   METHODS   OF   STUDY.  Book  VI. 

modern  systems  of  study  as  ruinous  to  solid  knowledge/ 
and  describes  a  professor  whom  he  styles  Cornificius  as 
teaching  his  pupils  to  despise  all  that  was  ancient,  to  neg- 
lect the  old  methods  of  learning,  and  to  consider  them- 
selves accomplished  philosophers  after  a  course  no  longer 
than  the  time  in  which  young  birds  become  fledged.^ 
Other  writers  of  the  age  agree  with  John  in  their  com- 
plaints as  to  the  waste  of  time  in  speculations,  the 
fondness  for  words  rathei  than  things,  the  abuse  of 
dialectical  art  in  mere  quibbling,  the  too  prevalent 
separation  between  knowledge  and  practice  in  those 
who  professed  themselves  followers  of  literature,  the  ten- 
dency to  hurry  on  to  the  higher  subjects  without  having 
laid  a  substantial  foundation.  It  was  complained  that 
Scripture  was  neglected  in  comparison  of  the  new  and 
showy  kinds  of  knowledge,*  that  the  study  of  law  drew 
men  away  from  that  of  other  literature  ;  and,  useful  as  the 
labours  of  Gratian  and  Peter  Lombard  were,  when  rightly 
employed,  they  tended,  by  offering  a  short  and  easy  way 
to  an  appearance  of  familiarity  with  earlier  writers,  to  dis- 
courage any  endeavour  after  a  deeper  acquaintance  with 
the  original  works  from  which  their  materials  were  derived." 

••  Metalog.  i.  24  ;   ii.  17 ;   Polycrat.  ii-  348)     Sir  T.  More  tells  a  story  of 

vii.  12,  etc.  an  ancient  doctor  who  was  very  angry 

»  Metalog.    i.    3.      See    Salimbene,  at  hearing  a  certain  opinion  imputed 

212.     There  was  a  Cornificia  gens  at  to  St.  Augustine.     On  its  being  pointed 

Rome,  and  the  name  Cornificius  is  to  out   to    him    in    the    father's    works, 

be  found  in  Catullus  (36)  ;  but  John  of  "  '  Certe '  (inquit)  '  ego  valde  miror  de 

Salisbury  probably  uses  it  as  meaning  hoc,  quod  Augustinus  dicit  sic  ir.  isto 

one  who   made  horns   of  dilemmas—  libro ;    quod    certe    non    dicit    sic  in 

a  troublesome  disputant.     Haureau,  i.  magistro   sententiarum,    qui   est  liber 

244.  magis  magistralis  quam  iste.' . . .  Sunt," 

'  Girald.  Cambr.  Speculum  Eccl.  in  (adds  More)  "ex  hac  farragine,  qui 

Works,  iv.  5-7,  and  notes.  neque  veterum  quemquam  neque  scrip- 

"  Crevier,  i.  20Q-10.     See  Schrockh,  turarum  quidquam  legunt,  nisi  in  Sen- 

xxviii.  301  ;  Giesel.  II.  ii.  407;  Neand.  tenths   et  eorum  commentariis."    Ad 

viii.  83-5  ;  Hardwick,  317-18  ;  Girald.  M.   Dorpium,   ap.    Erasm.,    Epp.    iii. 

Camb. ,  Gemma  Ecclesiae,  ii.  37  (Works,  1905. 

END    OF   VOL.    V. 


MR.    MURRAY'S    LIST    OF 
THEOLOGICAL     WORKS. 


BABINGTON,  the  Rev.  J.  A.,  M.A. 

THE  REFORMATION.  A  Religious  and  Historical  Sketch. 
Demy  8vo.     12s.  net. 

"This  masterly  essay  .  .  .  gives  evidence  on  every  page  of  wide 
reading  and  of  a  remarkable  power  of  condensation.  ...  It  is  a  notable 
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BIBLE    COMMENTARY. 

A  COMMENTARY  ON  THE  HOLY  BIBLE.  Explanatory  and 
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OLD  TESTAMENT.    6  vols.     Medium  8vo.    £6  15s. 
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HOARE,  H.  W., 

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A  DICTIONARY  OF  THE  BIBLE.  Its  Antiquities,  Biography, 
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