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Presented by Lr, F L.Patlor^ 

BR 252 .H37 1861 
Hardwick, Charles, 1821- 

A history of the Christian 








BY A. KEITH JOHNSTON. -n,,^ 'oflL 









IThe Right of Translation is reserved. 2 

©ambritigc : 





ST. Catharine's college, 




A FEW words will explain the circumstances under 
whicli the Second Edition of a portion of the late Arch- 
deacon Hardwick's Work has been prepared for the press 
by another hand. The Author had made preparations 
for a revised edition of this volume. These additions 
and alterations have been inserted in their place. 

The editor has verified a large proportion of the 
original references. A few additional references are also 
given, e.g. to the Chronicles and Memorials of Great 
Britain and Ireland, now in course of publication under 
the sanction of the Master of the Rolls, and to Dean 
Milman's History of Latin Christianity; and some others, 
which it is hoped will make the work more useful to the 
Students, for whom this Series of Theological Manuals 
is mainly intended. 


Although this volume has been written for the series 
of Theological Manuals projected by the present Pub- 
lishers five years ago, it claims to be regarded as an in- 
tegral and independent treatise on the Mediaeval Church. 

I have begun with Gregory the Great, because it is 
admitted on all hands that his pontificate became a turn- 
ing-point, not only in the fortunes of the Western tribes 
and nations, but of Christendom at large. A kindred 
reason has suggested the propriety of pausing at the 
year 1520, — the year when Luther, having been extruded 
from those Churches that adhered to the communion of 
the pope, established a provisional form of government, 
and opened a fresh era in the history of Europe. All 
the intermediate portion is, ecclesiastically speaking, the 
Middle Age. 

The ground-plan of this treatise coincides in many 
points with one adopted at the close of the last century 
in the colossal work of Schrockh, and since that time by 
others of his thoughtful countrymen; but in arranging 
the materials I have frequently pursued a very different 


course. The reader will decide upon the merit of these 
changes, or, in other words, he will determine whether 
they have added to the present volume aught of clearness 
and coherence. 

With regard to the opinions (or, as some of our Ger- 
manic neighbours would have said, the stand-point) of 
the author, I am willing to avow distinctly that I always 
construe history with the specific prepossessions of an 
Englishman, and, what is more, with those which of ne- 
cessity belong to members of the English Church. I 
hope, however, that although the judgment passed on 
facts may, here and there, have been unconsciously dis- 
coloured, owing to the prejudices of the mind by which 
they are observed, the facts themselves have never once 
been seriously distorted, garbled, or suppressed. 

It is perhaps superfluous to remark, that I have 
uniformly profited by the researches of my predecessors, 
ancient, modern, Roman, and Reformed. Of these I may 
particularize Baronius^ and, still more, Raynaldus (his 
continuator), Fleury^, Schrockh^, Gieseler'*, Neander^Dol- 

1 Baronius : best edition, including the Continuation of KaynalduB, 
and the Critica of Pagi, in 38 volumes, Lucae, 1738. 

2 Fleury: in 36 volumes, k Brvixelles, 17 13 sq. The Continuation 
(after 14 14) is by Fabre. 

3 ScHRoCKH: in 43 volumes, Leipzig, 1768 — 1808. 

* GiESELER: translated in Clarke's Theological Library; 5 volumes, Edin- 
burgh, 1846 — 1855. 

5 Neander : translated in Bohn's Standard Library: 9 volumes. 


linger^, and Capefigue^. Others will be noticed as occasion 
offers in the progress of the work. But more considerable 
help was yielded by the numerous waiters, whether Eng- 
lish or Continental, who have dedicated single treatises 
to some peculiar branch of this inquiry. I must add, 
however, that I do not pay a servile deference to any of 
the second-hand authorities; while in those portions of 
the history that bear upon the Church of England, nearly 
all the statements I have made are drawn directly from 
the sources. 

One may scarcely hope that in a subject where the 
topics to be handled are so vast, so various, and so com- 
plicated, errors will not be detected by the learned and 
sagacious critic. As my wish is to compile a useful and 
a truthful hand-book, every hint which he may furnish, 
tending to remove its blemishes, will be most thankfully 

6 DoLLiNGER : translated by Cox, 4 volumes. 

^ Capefigue : in 2 volumes, k Paris, 1852, 

Excepting where a given work has not been printed more than once, 
which happens frequently among the great historical collections {e. g. those 
of Twysden, Petrie, Bouquet, or Pertz), the particular edition, here made 
use of, has been specified in the notes. 







§ I . Grouili of the Church. 

In England 6 

In Germany and parts adjacent i6 

In Eastern Asia 28 

In Africa 30 

§ 2. Limitation of the Church. 

Muhammedanism 31 



§ I. Internal Organization 37 

Relations to the Civil Power .53 



Western Church 6r 

Eastern Church 70 

The Paulicians 85 









§ r. Growth of the Church. 

In the Scandinavian kingdoms io8 

Among the Slavic or Slavonian races . . . . 120 

Moravian Church 121 

Bohemian Church 123 

Polish Church 125 

Wendish Church 127 

Russian Church 129 

Bulgarian Church 131 

Other Slavonic Churches . . . . '134 

Himgarians . . . . . . . 136 

In Central Asia 1 39 

§2. Limitation of the Church. 

Ravages of the Northmen 140 

Persecutions in Spain 143 



§ I. Internal Organization 145 

§ 2. Relations to the Civil Potver 161 



Western Church 168 

Eastern Church . . 189 

Separation of East and West 195 

Eastern and Western Sects . . ■. . , . 201 









§ I. Growth of the Church. 

Among the Finns . . . . . . . . ^22 

In Pomerania 223 

Among the Wends ........ 226 

Lieflanders and other tribes . . . . 228 

Prussians . . . . . . .230 

§ 2, Vicissitudes of the Church in other regions. 

Eastern Asia ......... 233 

Spain and Northern Africa . . . . . .236 

Among the Jews 237 


§ r. Internal Organization ........ 239 

§ 2. Relations to the Civil Poioer . . . . . . . 261 



Western Church . .276 

Eastern Church . . . . . . . . 292 

Relations of the East and West . . . . . .296 

Eastern and Western Sects 303 

Bogomiles . . . . . . . . ih. 

Cathari and Albigenses 307 

Petrobrusians . . . . . . .312 

Waldenses or Vaudois 313 

Apostolicals . . . / . . . .316 









Growth of the Church. 

AmoDg the Lithuanians 336 

Samaites and Lapps 338 

Kumanians ih. 

In the Canaries and Western Africa 339 

In America . 340 

Compulsory Conversion of Muhammedans and Jews . . 342 



ThePa'pacy 345 

Other Branches of the Hierarchy 366 



Western Church 377 

Eastern Church 388 

Relations of East and West 391 

Reformatory Efforts 398 

Wycliflfites . . . . . . . 402 

Hussites 426 



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The period of the Chuvcli's life, to l3e considered in i^^^gg^c- 
tlie following pages, will exliibit a variety of features with 
which the student has been familiarized already in the 
history of earlier times. 

The foremost article of faith, the Incarnation of our g^-f g;^ 
Lord, after a long struggle with Pvationalism on the one g^^^^J/ 
side and Spiritualism on the other, was finally elucidated 
and established at the Council of Chalcedon (451): and 
although we shall hereafter notice sundry forms of mis- 
belief on this and kindred tenets, they are frequently no 
more than reproductions or recurring phases of the past. It 
should also be observed, that not a few of the characteristics 
of the Church in her ritual, constitution, and relations to 
the civil power, had been permanently fixed at the opening 
of this period; and most of the external changes afterwards 
effected are the natural fruit of principles that had long 
been ripening within. The same is true in a considerable 
measure of the mediaeval Church-writers. Generally speak- 
ing, they trod in the steps of their immediate predecessors, 
epitomizing what they had no longer the ability to equal, 
M. A. ^ 


2 History of the Christian Church, 

iNTRODuc- and, with bris'ht exceptions in St Bernard and some of 

TION. . 

tlie leading sclioolmen, showing little or no depth and 

originality of thought. 
•Decay of intei- It is true the decree of intellia-ence' .was different at 

linence and of , . ^ . ° 

piety. different points of the Middle Ages, and varied also in the 

several branches of the Church. Perhaps the lowest point 
for western Christendom at large was the sixth and two 
following centuries, when society, everywhere depressed 
by the recent inroads of barbarians, had not been able to 
rally from its languor and to mould its chaotic elements 
afresh. To this, among other causes, we may assign the 
deterioration of piety as well as of arts and letters, which 
is painfully prominent in the records of that period : and 
to the same source is due the admixture of unchristian 
feelings and ideas that had been blended with the life of 
the Mediaeval Church, clouding the sense of personal re- 
sponsibility, or giving birth to a servile and judaizing 
spirit, that continued, more or less, to keep its hold upon 
the faithful till the dawn of the Reformation. 
Growth of the Synchronizing with the decay of literature, the dege- 

Lhe West. neracy of taste, and an obscuration of the deeper verities 
of the Gospel, is the growth of the Papal monarchy, 
whose towering pretensions are in sight through the whole 
of the present period. It may have served, indeed, as a 
centralizing agent, to facilitate the fusion of discordant 
races ; it may have proved itself in times of anarchy and 
ignorance a powerful instrument, and in some sort may 
have balanced the encroachments of the civil power. Yet 
on the whole its effect was deadening and disastrous : it 
perpetuated the use of Latin Service-books when the mass 
of the people could no longer understand them : it weak- 
ened the bonds of ecclesiastical discipline by screening the 
mendicant and monastic orders from the jurisdiction of the 
bishops : it crippled the spirit of national independence as 
well as the growth of individual freedom : while its prido 

MedicBval Period, 3 

and venality excited a bitter disaffection to the Church, introduc- 

and paved a way for the deep convulsions at the middle of ^^^^_ 

the 16th century. 

But this remark, as well as the former on the altered Eastern 
phases of society, must be confined to the Western oxf^rentfromth4 

^ , "^ \ , Western. 

Latin Church, which was in close communion with the 
popes. In the Eastern, where the like disturbing powers 
had operated less, the aspect of religion was comparatively 
smooth. Islamism, which curtailed it on all sides, but was 
incapable of mingling with it, did not waken in its members 
a more primitive devotion, nor inject a fresh stock of 
energy and health: it had already entered, in the seventh 
century, upon the calm and protracted period of decline 
which is continuing at the present day. 

Yet, notwithstanding the stagnant uniformity in the Proofs of sur- 

1 •• ^1 1 ITT in viving energy 

general spirit ot the age, a change had been gradually «« ''^« «'^<'^«- 
effected in the limits of the Christian kingdom. True to the 
promise of the Lord, the Church of God multiplied in all 
quarters, putting forth a number of new branches in the 
East and in the West, and, in spite of the dimness of the 
times, bearing witness to its heavenly origin and strength. 
As it had already triumphed over the systems of Greece 
Und E-ome, and had saved from the wreck of ancient 
civilization whatever they possessed of the beautiful and 
true, it now set out on a diff*erent mission, to raise the 
uncultured natures of the North *, and to guide the Saxon, 
the Scandinavian, and eventually the Slave, into the fold 
of the Good Shepherd. 

1 All science and art, all social were guided and ruled by her spirit, 

culture, and the greatest political however imperfect the form may 

and national movements, received have been, under which Christianity 

their impulse from the Church, and then existed. 


Jfbt ^erioJj of tjt pMk %p. 






cHURcfn Steps had been already taken for the evangelizing of. 

the Goths in Germany, the Burgnndians and Franks in 

Gaul, and the Picts^ in Scotland; in all which provinces 
the labours of the missionary had been very largely blessed. 
But a race of men, who were destined above others to 
aid in converting the rest of Europe, was now added to 
the Christian body. The Anglo-Saxons had been settled 
on the ruins of the British Church for at least a century 
and a half, when a mission, formed by Gregory the Great^ 

Roman mis- appeared in the isle of Thanet. It was headed bv his 

tion tothe f, . J . . •/ 

a'^^597'''''"^' *^^®^^ Augustme, a Koman abbot, whose companions were 

nearly forty in number'. Although the Germanic tribes 

^ were bordering on the British Christians*, whom they had 

driven to the west, and had extended their conquests as 

^ Columba, after labouring 32 
years, breathed his last at the time 
when the Roman missionaries land- 
ed {Annates Cambrice, in Monument. 
Britann. p, 831); or in 596, accord- 
ing to his biographer Adamnan, iii. 
a 2, 23 (in Canisius, Lectiones An- 
tigxice, v. pars 11, p. 559). 

^ The pious design had been con- 
ceived many years before, while 
Gregory was abbot of a monastery 
in Rome. Beda, Hist. Ecc. 11. i : and 
from his own letters we learn that 
intelhgence had reached him of a 
desire on the part of the Enghsh 
themselves for conversion to the 
Christian faith. Lib. vi. ep. 58, 59. 

•^ *Ut ferunt, ferme quadraginta.' 
Bed. I. 25. They were at first 
deterred by the hopelessness of the 
undertaking, and only reassured by 
an earnest letter from the Roman 
bishop: Gregor. Ep. lib. vi. ep. 

* Though much depressed, the 
British Church was far from ex- 
tinguished. Bede (a warm friend of 
the Roman missionaries) mentions 
'septem Brittonum episcopi et plures 
viri doctissimi,' ii. 2, (cf. Steven- 
son's note, ed. E. H. S.) ; and the 
monastery of Bancornaburg {Bangor 
is-y-Coed), under its abbot Diaoot, 
was large and flourishing. 

Growth of the Church, 

far as the Churcli that was already planted in the north" 
by a mission from the sister island, they had lost very 
little of their zeal for Woden, Tiw, and Fricge^. It is 
not indeed unlikely that some of them may have gained 
a slight knowledge of the Gospel from their numerous 
Keltic slaves ; yet the only Christian of importance on the 
landing of Augustine was the Frankish queen of ^thel- 
berht of Kent, whom he espoused on condition of allowing 
her the free use of her religion^. The system, therefore, 
which the Eoman missionaries founded was entirely of 
extraneous growth, was built on the Roman model of the 
period; and as it differed^ not a little from the British 
and the Irish Churches, its advancement could not fail to 
place it in collision with those bodies. 


^ Bed. III. 4 ; V, 9. Saxon 
Chron. ad an. 565. Ninias, 'the 
apostle of the southern Picts,' (be- 
tween the Firth of Forth and the 
Grampians) had been educated at 
Eome, and died in 432. His see 
was at ' Candida Casa ' (in Sax. 
Chron. Hwiterne). It afterwards 
came into the hands of the 'Angles' 
(Bed. III. 4), and had to be chris- 
tianized by the mission of Columba 
and his successors, whose original 
establishment was among the north- 
ern Picts (the Gael) at Hycolumb- 
cille, or lona. 

^ For an account of their my- 
thology see Turner, Anglo-Saxons, 
Append, bk. ii. c. in, and Kemble, 
Saxons in England, i. 327 — 445. 

^ In her retinue was a Frankish 
bishop, Liudhard, who officiated in 
the church of St Martin near Can- 
terbury, preserved from the time of 
the Eomans. Bed. i. 25, 26. 

^ The points of difference were 
first in the reckoning of Easter. 
The British and Irish were not in- 
deed Quai-to-decimani (Bed. iii, 4) : 
they uniformly solemnized that fes- 
tival on a Sunday, but in some years 
(from their use of an antiquated 
cycle) on a Sunday different from 
that observed by the rest of the 

Western Church. (Bed. li. 2, 19: 
cf. Ideler's Chronol. ii. 275 seq. 
Russell's Church in Scotland, i. 49, 
50.) The second difference was in 
the form of the clerical tonsure. 
(Ussher, Antiq. Brit. 477.) A third 
in the administering of baptism 
without chrism. (Ussher, Vet. Epist. 
Hihern. 72, Dullin, 1632.) Other 
points of variance in the British 
Christians were the marriage of the 
clergy, a peculiar liturgy, and a 
peculiar code of monastic rules (see 
authorities in Gieseler, Eccl. Hist. 
II. 164, 165, Edinb. 1848); but the 
difficulty which above all others 
prevented their union with the 
Roman party rose out of their dif- 
ferent vieios on ecclesiastical juris- • 
diction (see below, pp. 8, 9). Au- 
gustine professed to waive the other 
differences for the present, if three 
points were conceded : * Quia in 
multis quidem nostrce consuetudini, 
irao universalis ecclesias, contraria 
geritis : et tamen si in tribus his 
mihi obtemperare vultis, ut pascha 
suo tempore celebretis; ut minis- 
terium baptizandi, quo Deo renas- 
cimur, juxta morem sanctse Ro- 
manae et apostolicse ecclesiae com- 
pleatis; ut genti Anglorum una 
nobiscum verbum Domini prsedice- 


GrowtJi of the Church. 

[a. d. 590 


First steps of 
the Roman 

with the . 
Church : 

A. D. 603- 

The field of Augustine's earlier labours was the princi- 
pality of Kent. Softened by a Christian consort, the king 
was himself baptized ; and in his chief city (Durovernum 
= Canterbury), Augustine was acknowledged as archbishop, 
though consecrated afterwards by Virgilius of Arles\ This 
fact was announced to Gregory the Great by two members 
of the mission, Laurentius and Peter^, who bore a detailed 
account of its success ; and Gregory ^ was able to inform 
an eastern correspondent, that on Christmas-day, 597, no 
less than ten thousand 'Angli' had been baptized by their 
brother-bishop. Still, in spite of this glowing picture, the 
conversion of the people was afterwards retarded : numbers 
of them, only half- weaned from paganism, relapsing to 
their former state^. As the sphere of the Roman mission 
widened, the unfriendly posture of the native Christians 
would be more and more perplexing. A conference^ was 
accordingly procured at the request of ^thelberht, with 
the hope of disarming this hostility and of gaining the 
cooperation of the British : but the haughty manner of 
Augustine, threatening an invasion of their freedom, was 
the signal for a harsh and spirited resistance ; they in- 
stantly rejected his proposals, and declared that nothing 
should induce them to accept him as their archbishop®. 

tis, csetera quae agitis, quamvis mori- 
bus nostris contraria, aequanimiter 
cuncta tolerabimus.' Bed. ii. 2. 

1 Bed. I. 27, and Pagi, Critic, ad 
an. 596, § 5. 

2 Ibid. They carried also a string 
of questions from Augustine, touch- 
ing matters in which he was himself 
at a loss. The answers of Gregory 
are preserved in Bede, ib. 

3 Gregor. Epist. lib. Vlll. ep. 30. 
Bede attributes the success of the 
missionaries to the * simplicitatem 
innocentis vitfe ac dulcedinem doc- 
trinag eorum coelestis,' I. 16, though 
Augustine is said to have wrought 
miracles (i. 31 : cf. Greg. Epist. 
VIII. 30). 

^ e.g. in Kent itself, Eadbald, the 
next king, restored the heathen 

^ Bed, II. 1 : cf. Palgrave, Engl. 
Common. I. 238 seq. 

^ 'At illi nil horum se facturos 
neque ilium pro archiepiscopo ha- 
bituros esse respondebant.' Bed. 
ibid. The abbot of Bangor (Dinoot/, 
who is mentioned by Bede on this 
same occasion, made a very spirited 
protest, granting indeed that the 
Britons owed to the Roman bishop, 
in common with all Christians, the 
deference of love, but denying that 
any other obedience was due to 
him. See Spelman's Goncil. I. 108. 
It is true the worth of this docu- 

— 814] Growth of tJie Church. 9 

A similar divergency of usages, combined witH this in- encxLish 

dependent spirit, had produced a similar estrangement ' 

in the Irish missionaries, who were stationed in the north and with the> 

^ Irish missioii- 

of Britain. Laurentius^, the successor of Augustine at '^''^'^■ 
Canterbury, with Mellitus of London and Justus of Eo- 
chester, endeavoured to secure their friendship, in 605, 
complaining that a prelate of their communion (Daganus) 
would not even eat bread with the Anglo-Roman party : 
but this, like the former application to the Britons, was at 
present void of fruit. 

Meanwhile the two bands of workmen were proceed- f»w«**«/. 

■•■ the Gospel tn 

ing in their labours, and though parted from each other ^^'^"^• 
felt the blessing of the Lord. At the death of Augustine^, 
the English Church had been organized in Kent and 
brought into close communion with the Roman ; the pope, ., 
however, leaving its founder at liberty to select a ritual \ 
for it from the Gallican and other 'uses, '^ instead of J 
copying the Roman rules entirely. On the accession of ^ 
Eadbald, the son of ^thelberht, in 616, the prospects of 
the Church were darkened by the restoration of the pagan 
worship : and only when Laurentius was on the point of 
giving up the mission in despair^^, did the king retrace 
his steps, and bow the knee to Christ. 

ment has been impugned (cf. Stil- universam Scottiam.' 
'^ug&eeVs Origmes Britcm. 359 seq.), ^ This date, though very import- 
but Dr Lappenberg, one of the latest ant, cannot be accurately ascer- 
writers on the period, is convinced of tained. It ranges fi-om 604 to 616. 
its genmneness: Hist, of England, Wi- See Smith's note on Bed. Hist. 
der Anglo- Saxon Kings, i. 135 (note) ; £cd. ii. 3. 

ed. Thoz-pe. A passage in Bede (11. ^ ' Non enim pro locis res, sed 

20) proves that the feeling of repug- pro bonis rebus loca amanda sunt. 

nance on the part of the Britons Ex singulis ergo quibusque eccle- 

grew up into bitter hatred : * Quippe eiis, qu£e pia, qu£e religiosa, quae 

cum usque hodie moris sit Brit- recta sunt elige, et hcec quasi in 

tonum iideni religionemque An- fasciculum collecta, apud Anglorum 

glorum pro nihilo habere, neque in mentes in consuetudinem depone.' 

aliquo eis magis communicare quam Bed. i. 27. 

paganis.^ ^^ It is difficult to acquit the arch- 

' Bed. II. 4. The form of address bishop entirely of the charge of a 

is remarkable: Dominis carissimis fraus pia. Bed. ii. 6: cf, Neander, 

fratribus episcopis, vel abbatibus per Church Hist. v. 24, note. 


Growth of the Church. 

[a. d. 590 


Conversion of 

Conversion of 

A similar reverse occurred in the neighbouring state 
of Essex. Its king, Sseberht, was the nephew of -^thel- 
berht of Kent : he had received the Gospel ^ early from 
the hands of the Roman missionaries and established 
a bishopric in London, his chief city. On his death, 
however, in 616, his sons, who had clung to their heathen 
habits, made light of the Christian faith, and the refusal 
of the bishop (Mellitus) to give them a share of the 
eucharistic bread was followed by his expulsion^ from their 
kingdom. A gloomy interval succeeded, the faith either 
languishing in secret, or being utterly subverted^, till the 
reign of Sigeberht the Good (653 — 660). His friendship 
with Oswiu, king of Northumbria, led the way to his 
own conversion, while on a visit at that court*. He was 
baptized by Finan, one of the Irish missionaries, and 
took back with him Cedd^ and others, by whom the whole 
kingdom of Essex was at length' added to the Church. 

In Wessex, the Christian faith was planted by the monk 
Birinus^, sent over by pope Honorius in 634. He suc- 
ceeded in converting Cynegils, the king, and was bishop 
of Dorcic (Dorchester) till 649 or 650 ; but much of his 
success may be attributed to a visit of Oswald, king of 
Northumbria, whose brother Oswiu (also of the Irish school) 
did further service to the Wessex-mission'^. The successor 

^ Bed. II. 3. Gregory had de- 
signed London as the seat of the 
southern metropolitan, Upist. lib. 
XI. ep. 65 : but Bonifacius V. in 625, 
confirmed the selection of Canterbury. 
Wilkins, Concil. I. 3^. 

2 Ibid. II. 5. 

3 Bed. III. 22. Justus, through 
the influence of Eadbald, was re- 
stored to Rochester, from which 
he had retired (Bed. ii. 5), but the 
pagan inhabitants of London would 
not receive their bishop Mellitus 
{Ihid. II. 6). In the following year 
(6ip) he succeeded Laurentius at 
Canterbury, and waa in his turn 

succeeded by Justus in 624 (11. 7, 


* Bed. III. 22; Florent. Wigorn. 
Chronicon ad an. 653. 

^ Afterwards consecrated by 
Finan and two other Irish prelates 
as bishop of the East- Saxons. Bed. 
ihid. A short relapse ensued on 
the death of Sigeberht, but the new 
faith was permanently restored by 
the zeal of bishop Jaruman. Bed. 
III. 30. 

6 Bed. III. 7. 

7 VfhvivioTis Anglia Sacra, 1. 192. 
Through the influence of Oswiu, a 
Gaul named A gilbert, who had 

—•814] Growth of the Church, 11 

of Cyneglls (Cenwealh), a pagan, was driven from the English 
throne in 643, but afterwards converted at the court of ^ 1 

East Anglia. He was distinguished by his Christian zeal. 
On his restoration, therefore, the extension of the faith 
was a primary concern, and Wessex, destined to become 
the leader of the English race, continued from that time 
a province of the Church. 

Sussex, like its neighbour Kent, was converted by conversion of 
the Eoman party. The task had been reserved for a *"*''''^" 
native of Northumbria, Wilfrith, who combined with his 
devotion to the pope the earnestness and prudence which 
are needed for the work of the evangelist. Banished from 
his diocese in the north of England^, he was able in five 
years (678 — 683) to organize the church of the South- 
Saxons, who had previously resisted the appeals of a 
small Irish mission^ The king, indeed, ^thelwealh, was 
a Christian already, having been baptized in Mercia, but 
paganism still kept its hold upon his people, in whose 
hearts it had found its last entrenchment. 

The conversion of East A^iglia was attempted in the conversion of 
lifetime of Augustine. Bsedwald, the king, had been in- '^* "^ '"* 
structed at the court of ^thelberht of Kent, but after- 
wards, through the intiuence of his wife and friends, the 
strength of his faith relaxed^''. The assassination of his 
son (Eorpwald) in 628, was a further check to the pro- 

* spent not a little time in Ireland crated in 670, by Theodore, the 

leyendaravi gratia kicriptm'arum,' seventh archbishop of Canterbury, 

■was cJtiosen to succeed i3innus {Bed. Bed. ibid. The tirst Anglo-Saxon 

III. 7), but his imperfect know- raised to the episcopal dignity ap- 

ledge of the Enghsh language dis- pears to have been Ithamar of Ko- 

pieasing the king, he returned into Chester: i'lorent. Wigorn. Chron. ad 

j^ ranee. His successor was an An- an. 644. 
glo-kSaxon, VVini (604); but he also ^ Bed. IV. 13. 

incurred the displeasure of the ^ ibid. They had a ' monaste- 

kiug, and migrating to London riolum' at a place named Bosan- 

^OOoj was placed in that see by ham. Wilfrith's bishopric was at 

tlie king ot Mercia. His post was belsey. 

tiiied lor a time by Leutherius, ne- ^" Bed. II. 15. To satisfy both 

phew of Agiibert, who was conse- parties he reared the altar ol Christ 


Growth of the Church. 

[a.d. 590 


gress of the Gospel, wliicli, at tlie instance of the king 
of Northumbria, he had cordially embraced: and for three 
years it was almost everywhere suppressed^, At the end 
of this interval, however, his brother, Sigeberht, who had 
been christianized in Gaul, was able to restore it; and 
with the aid of Felix''^, a native of Burgundy, the see of 
Dumnoc (Dunwich) was founded for the prelate of the 
Eastern Counties. But the completion of their work is 
due to the efforts of an Irish monk, named Fursey^, whose 
missionary tours, extending over a period of fifteen years, 
are said to have produced a marvellous effect on the 
heathen and the faithful. 

The kingdom of Northwribria consisted of two parts, 
Deira (from the Humber to the Tees), and Bernicia (from 
the Tees to the Clyde). They were forcibly united at 
the opening of this period, under the sway of an enemy 
to the Christian faith. His defeat led the way to the 
accession of Eadwine, who on mounting his paternal throne 
at York (616), was permitted to annex the kingdom of 
Bernicia. His second wife was a daughter of ^thelberht 
of Kent, whom he espoused in 625 ; but notwithstanding 
his residence among the British clergy*, he was still dis- 
affected to the Gospel. Several circumstances had con- 
spired, however, to impress it on his mind^, and in 627, 
through the influence of Paulinus, who had accompanied 

at the side of the ancient * arula ad 
victimas daemoniorum.' 

1 Ibid. 

2 He received his mission from 
Honorius, the fifth archbishop of 
Canterbury, and presided over the 
see of Dunwich 17 years. Bed. ih. 
Under his advice Sigeberht founded 
a school on the plan of those he 
had seen in Gaul : * Scholam, in 

qua pueri literis erudirentur 

eisque paedagogos acmagistros juxta 
niorem Cantuariorum prsebente.' 
Bed. III. 18. 

^ III, 19. The date of his arrival 
in England was 633. Bede gives 
a glowing picture of his sanctity 
and zeal. 

* See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxons, 
I. 145. 

^ Bed. II. 9 — 12, Among other 
predisposing causes was a letter 
from Bunifacius V. (625), accom- 
panied by a present, and the 'be- 
nedictio protectoris vestri B. Petri 
apostolorum principis/ but his con- 
version did not occur till two years 

—814] Orowtli of the Church. 13 

his queen to Northumbria, lie was baptized with a con- English 

course of his peopled His death followed in 633, Penda, L 

king of Mercia, the last champion of the English pagans, 
ravaging the whole of his dominions and subverting every 
trophy of the GospeF. But the arms of his kinsman 
Oswald, made a way for its permanent revival in the 
course of the following year ; and since Oswald had been 
trained by the Irish missionaries^, he sent to their principal 
station at lona for clergy to evangelize his people, himself 
acting as interpreter. Aidan was the chief of this band 
of teachers, and from his see in Lindisfarne (or Holy Island) 
he guided all the movements of the mission^. He expired 
in 651, after an episcopate of seventeen years, the admira- 
tion of his Roman rivals ^'\ His mantle fell on Finan, who 
lived to see religion everywhere established in the northern 
parts of Britain, and died in 662. 

To him also Mercia was indebted for its first bishop conversion of 
Diuma, in 655. His master Oswiu, king of Northumbria, 
having signalized himself by the overthrow of Penda, 
was finally supreme in the Midland Counties as well as in 

^ See the very interesting cir- nus. York did not regain its archie- 
cumstances in Bed. ii. 12. Coifi piscopal rank till 735. Saxon Chron. 
(or, in the southern dialect, CoBfi) ad an. The archbishops of York sub- 
was the last of the pagan high- sequently claimed to exercise metro- 
priests. The scene was at God- politan jurisdiction in the whole of 
mundham, in the East Hiding of Scotland : see Spotswood, Hist, of 
Yorkshire. So great was the sue- Ch. of Scotland (Lond. 1677), pp.34, 
cess of Paulinus in Deira, that on 36, 38. The dispute was only settled 
one occasion he was employed for in the middle of the 16th century, by 
thirty-six days in baptizing on one the erection of the see of St Andrew's 
spot. Bed. II. 14. into an archbishopric ; p. 58. 

^ Bed. II. 20. Paulinus, with the ^^ 'Hsec autem dissonantia pas- 
widowed queen, sought refuge in chalis observantise, vivente ^dano, 
Kent. He succeeded to the see of patienter ab omnibus tolerabatur, 
Koch ester. qui patenter intellexerant, quia 

^ ' Misit ad majores natu Scotto- etsi pascha contra morem eorum 

rum, inter quos exulans baptismatis [^. e. the Irish party], qui ipsum 

sacramenta consecutus erat.' miserant, facere non potuit, opera 

Bed. III. 3. tamen fidei, pietatis et dilectionis, 

^ Bed. III. 3. His diocese extend- juxta morem omnibus Sanctis con- 
ed as far as Scotland, embracing suetum, diligenter exequi curavit.' 
that of York, abandoned by Pauli- Bed. iii. 25. 


Growth of the Church, 

[a. d. 590 


the north, and urgent in promoting the conversion of the 
natives. Addicted in his earlier years to the principles 
of his instructors, he established a religious system of the 
Irish (anti-Roman) cast, and three of the Mercian prelates 
in succession owed their orders to the Irish Church \ 

The planting, therefore, of the Gospel in the Anglo- 
Saxon provinces of Britain was the work of two rival 
bands, (1) the lioman, aided by their converts and some 
teachers out of Gaul, (2) the Irish, whom the conduct of 
Augustine and his party had estranged from their com- 
munion. If we may judge from the area of their field 
of action, it is plain that the Irish were the larger body: 
predomi7ia}ice but a liost of couspiriug causcs^ gradually resulted in the 
dement in the sDrcad and asceudancv of Roman modes of thou2:ht. 

Christiamty of ^ ^ * ^ *-' 

England. Thc ritual and other differences, obtaining in the various 

kingdoms, came painfully to light on the intermarriage of 
the princes; and it was an occasion of this sort^ that 
served in no small measure to shape all the after-fortunes 
of the Church in the northern parts of Britain. The 
queen of Oswiu, the ISTorthumbrian, was a daughter of 
the king of Kent, and with Ealhfrith her son*, the co- 
regent, she was warm in her attachment to the customs 
of the south. Oswiu, on the other hand, continued in 
communion with the Irish, over whom he had placed the 
energetic Colman as the third bishop of Lindisfarne. The 

Conference at controvcrsv waxins: hot in 664, Colman was invited by 

Whitby 6fi4« «/ o ' j 

the king to a synod at Streoneshealh (the Whithy of the 

1 Bed. III. 21. 

2 e.g. The political predominance 
of "Wessex, which had been en- 
tirely Romanized by Birinus and 
his followers, the activity, organi- 
zation, and superior intelligence of 
the Koman missionaries (such as 
Wilfrith), the apostolical descent of 
the Roman church (one of the sedes 
apostolicce), and the prestige it had 
borrowed from the Roman empire. 

3 Bed. III. 25: 'Unde nonnun- 
quam contigisse fertur illis tera- 
poribus, ut bis in anno uno pascha 
celebraretur. Et cum rex pascha 
Dominicum solutis jejuniis faceret, 
tunc regina cum suis persistens 
adhuc in jejunio diem Palmarum 

4 Eddius, Vit. S. Wilfridi, c. VII. 
apud Gale, Scrijptoi'cs, xv. p. 54. 


Growth of the Church, 


Danes), to meet tlie objections of an advocate of Rome, 
in the person of the rising Wilfrith^. The end was, that 
Oswiu and his people^, undermined by the agents of the 
queen, and dazzled by the halo which encircled (as they 
dreamt) the throne of the 'chief apostle,' went over to 
the Roman party ; while the clergy, who were slow in 
complying with the changes of the court, withdrew from 
the scene of conflict into Ireland'. 

But it was not till the time of Archbishop Theodore 
(668 — 689) that the fusion of the English Christians was 
complete^. The two leading rulers, of Northumbria and 
Kent, agreed in procuring his appointment^, and advancing 
his designs in the other kingdoms. Aided by a Roman 
colleague and the ever-active Wilfrith, he was able to an- 
nihilate the Irish schooP"; and while giving to the Church 
a high degree of culture, he was binding it more closely 
in allegiance to the popes". At his death the island had 


of the Irish 
Clergy. . 

Infvence of 

5 Bed. III. 25. 

^ The king was afraid lest St 
Peter should finally exclude him 
from heaven ; and after his decision 
in behalf of Wilfrith, * faverunt 
adsidentes quique sive adstantes, 
majores cum mediocribus.' Ibid. 

'^ Bed, III. 26. For the after-life 
of Colman, see Bed. I v. 4. Others, 
however, like Bishop Cedd (Chad), 
conformed to the Roman customs. 
Ibid. The next bishop of Lindis- 
farne, Tuda, had been educated in 
the south of Ireland, where it seems 
that the customs in dispute re- 
sembled those of Rome. Bed. ib. 
cf. III. 3 (p. 175, A, in Monument. 
Britan.). This conformity was af- 
terwards increased by the labours 
of Adamnan (687 — 704), v. 15; 
and finally established at lona, the 
stronghold of the Irish party (716 
— 729); the Britons still persisting 
in their course: v. 22. 

8 Bed. IV. 2 : ' Isque primus 
erat in archiepiscopis, cui omnis 
AngJorum ecclesia manus dare con- 

^ Deusdedit died Nov. 28, 664, 
and after a vacancy of two or three 
years Oswiu and Ecgberht sent a 
presbyter, Wigheard, elected by the 
church of Canterbury, for consecra- 
tion at the Roman see. Wigheard 
died at Rome; and after some cor- 
respondence with the two chief 
kings of England, Vitalian sent, at 
their request (Bed. iii. 29; iv. i), a 
prelate for the vacant see. 

^0 One of his measures was to 
impugn the orders of the Irish and 
the British clergy : * Qui ordinati 
sunt Scottorum vel Briltonum epi- 
scopi, qui in pascha vel tonsura 
catholicse non sunt adunati eccle- 
sia, iterum a catholico episcopo 
manus impositione confirmentur.' 
Anglo-Saxon Laws, &c. ed. Thorpe^ 
II. 64. 

^1 Bed. IV. 2. He was seconded 
in 673 by a synod held at Hertford ; 
Wilkins, Concil. I. 4 1 . The English 
sees at the close of the present pe- 
riod were the following: Province 
of Canterbury — (i) Lichfield, (2) 
Leicester, (3) Lincoln (Sidnaces- 


Growth of the Church, 

[a.d. 590 


Disregard of 
the papal 

been Romanized, according to the import of the term in 
the seventh century: but the freer spirit of the Early 
Church still lingered in the north. When, for example, 
an attempt was made to enforce the mcmdates of the pope, 
as distinguished from his fatherly advice, he met with a 
vigorous repulse^ from two successive kings, assisted by 
their clergy, who thus stand at the head of a line of 
champions in the cause of English freedom. 


Although the cross had long been planted, here and 
there ^, in the heart of the German forests, as well as in 
the cities which had owned the Roman sceptre, it was 
not till the present period that religion could obtain a 
lasting basis and could organize the German Church. The 

ter), (4) Worcester, (5) Hereford, 
(6) Sherborne, (7) Winchester, (8) 
Ehnham, (9) Dunwich, (lo) Lon- 
don, (11) Rochester, (i-z) Selsey. 
Province of York—-{i) Hexham, 
(2) Lindisfarne, (3) Whiterne. 
Kemble, Anglo-Saxons, 11. 361, 362. 
At a later period some of these 
perished altogether, as Lindisfarne, 
Hexham, Whiterne and Dunwich ; 
while others were formed, as Dur- 
ham for Northumberland, Dorches- 
ter for Lincoln, and in Wessex, 
Remsburg (Hraefnesbyrig — ecclesia 
Corvinensis) for Wilts, Wells for 
Somerset, Crediton for Devonshire, 
and during some time, St Petroc's, or 
Padstow, for Cornwall. It was only 
in the 12th century that the whole 
Cambrian Church was brought under 
the jurisdiction of the see of Canter- 
bury : Williams, Eccl. Hist, of the 
Cymry, pp. 162, 163; Lond. 1844. 

1 When Wilfrith, on his deposi- 
tion from his see, brought his 
grievance to the pope, the sentence 
in his favour (March 27, 680) was 
so far from reversing the decision 
at home, that on his return Ecg- 
frith of Northumbria threw him 

into prison, and afterwards ba- 
nished him. Bed. iv. 12, 13: 
Williel. Malmesbur. de Gest. Pontif. 
p. 264, apud Script ores post Beclam, 
ed. Saville. Aldfrith, on a like 
occasion, having readmitted him 
into the kingdom, was no less op- 
posed to his Romanizing conduct. 
Having made a fresh appeal to 
Rome, and obtained from John VI. 
a favourable sentence (in 704, see 
Vit. S. Wilfrid, c. 48—52), the 
bearers of it to the king were ad- 
dressed in the following terms: 
' Se quidem legatorum personis, 
quod essent et vita graves et aspectu 
honorabiles, honorem ut parentibus 
deferre, cseterum assensum legationi 
omnino ahnuere, quod esset contra 
ration em homini jam bis a toto 
Anglorum concilio damnato propter 
qucelihet apostoUca scripta commu- 
nicare.' Malmesbur. uhi sup. 267. 
A compromise, however, w^as ef- 
fected at his death, and Wilfrith 
was transferred to another see. 

^ See an interesting account of 
the labours of Severinus and other 
solitaries in Neander, C. H. v. 34 
seq. Bohn's ed. 

—814] Growth of the Church. 17 

founding of the work was due to foreign immigration. German 

Ireland was at this time conspicuous for its lighter it was '- 

full of conventual houses, where the learning of the west ]"Snd\nthc 
had taken refuge, and from which, as from missionary missions. 
schools, the Gospel was transmitted far and near. 

The leader of the earliest band who issued to the 
succour of the continent of Europe, was the ardent Co- 
lumbanus*, (reared in the Irish monastery of Bangor). coiSami 
With twelve young men, as his companions, he crossed 590-815; 
over into Gaul, at the close of the sixth century ; but the 
strictness of his Hule® having rendered him obnoxious to 
the native clergy, and at length to the Burgundian court^, 
he was compelled to migrate into Switzerland (610), 
working first in the neighbourhood of Zurich and next at 
Bregenz. From thence in 613 he was driven over the 
Italian frontier, and founded the monastery of Bobbio, 
where he died in 615. Columbanus was attached to the 
customs of his mother-church, and the struggle we have 
noticed in the case of England was repeated in his life- 
time. The freedom of his language to the Koman bishops^ 
is a proof that he paid no homage to their see, though 
his final residence in Italy appears to have somewhat 
modified his tone. He had a noble fellow-worker in his 

^ ' Hibernia quo catervatim istinc ^ Among his other works in Bi- 

lectores classibus advecti confluunt :' hUoth. Patrum, ed. Galland, torn, 

a saying of Aldhelm, the contera- Xii. ; cf. Neander, C. H. v. 41, 42. 

porary of Theodore ; Epist. ad Eah- The XVI. Instructiones of Colum- 

friclum, 0pp. p, 94, ed, Giles : Us- banus are well worth reading, 

sher's Epist. Hihern. p. 27 ; 0pp. IV. ^ Three great settlements had 

451, ed. Elrington. 'Antique tern- grown out of his labours in Gaul, 

pore,' says Alcuin at the end of the the monasteries of Luxeuil, Fon- 

next century, 'doctissimi solebant tenay (Fontanse), and Anegrey ; 

magistri de Hibernia, Britanniam, besides the impulse he had given 

Galliara, Italia m venire et multos to religion generally, 

per ecclesias Christi fecisse profec- "^ See one to Gregory the Great, 

tus.' Ep. ccxxi. (Al. ccxxv.) 0pp. Gregor. Epist. lib. ix. ep. I'ay. A 

I. 285. more important testimony is sup- 

^ See a life of hira by Jonas, a plied by his fifth letter, ad Boni- 

monk of his foundation at Bobbio, facium IV., where he administers 

in Mabillon, Acta Sanct. Ord. Bene- some salutary warnings to the 

diet. S3ec. II. pp. 2—26. Church of Eome: cf. W, G. Todd's 

M. A. C 


Growth of the Church, 

[a. d. 590 


and of Gadus, 

Kilian in 

Native mis- 

success m 
and Austria. 

countryman, Gallns\ the founder of the monastery of St 
Gall, who, with a perfect knowledge of the native dialects, 
promoted the conversion of the Swiss and Swabians, 
till 640. 

Yet these were only drops in a long stream of missions 
that was now bearing on its bosom, far and near, the 
elements of future greatness and the tidings of salvation. 
At the end of the series of evangelists, contributed from 
Ireland, one of the more conspicuous was Kilian^ (650—689), 
who may be regarded as the apostle of Franconia, or at 
least as the second founder of its faith. The centre of 
his labours was at Wlirzburg, where some traces of the 
Irish culture are surviving at this day^. 

Meanwhile the ardour of the native Christians was 
enlisted in the spreading of the German Church. Thus, 
a Frankish synod, in 613, wakened to a sense of duty by 
the earnest Columbanus, made an effort to evangelize the 
neighbouring heathen^. Emmeran"'^, a prelate out of Aqui- 
tania, and Euprecht*^ of Worms, left their sees in the 
seventh centmy to share in the holy conquest now ad- 
vancing on all sides. By them, and the Frank Corbinian, 

Church of St Patrick, pp. ii8 sq. 
Lond. 1844. In one passage he 
admits that a church, instructed 
by St Peter and St Paul, and ho- 
noured by their tombs, is worthy 
of all deference ; but he reserves the 
first rank for the Church of Jerusa- 
lem : Roma orbis terrarum caput est 
ecclesiarum, salva loci domimcce resur- 
rectionis singulari 'prcerogativa. § lo. 

1 The Life of Gallus, in its oldest 
form, is printed in the Monument. 
German. Histor. torn. II. 5 — 31, ed. 
Pertz : cf. Neander, v. 47 — 49. 

2 See a Life of him in Canisius, 
Lect. Antiq. iii. 175 — 179, ed. Bas- 
nage; also a Passio SS. Kiliani et 
Sociorum ejus, ibid. 180 — 182. Kilian 
applied to the pope for his sanction 
of the undertaking. 

3 Lappenberg, Ang.-Sax, I. 183. 

^ They made choice of abbot 
Eustacius, the successor of Colum- 
banus at Luxeuil, for the director of 
the mission. See his Life by Jonas, 
the monk of Bobbio, in Mabillon's 
Acta Sanct. Ord. Benedict, ssec. 11. 
pp. Ti6 — 123: one also of Agil (St 
Aile), a companion of Eustacius, ib. 
pp. 316 — 326, cf. JSTeander, C.H. 
V. 51—53- 

^ Life in Canisius, Lect. Antiq. 
III. 94 sq., though from its date (the 
tenth or eleventh century) it is not 
trustworthy throughout. 

^ The oldest account of him is 
printed in Kleinmayrn's Nachrich- 
ten Ton Juvavia (the ancient Salz- 
burg). A Life also of Corbinian 
may be seen in Meichelbeck's Hist. 
Frising. (Freisingen), torn. I. p. i 
sq. ed. 1724. 

— 814] Growth of the Church. 19 

the foundations of a clmrcli were laid, not only in Bavaria, german- 
but also on tlie banks of the Danube as far as Pannonia. '- 

A multitude of sources were thus opened for the speedy 
propagation of the faith in the whole of southern Germany. 
In the north, where the pagan system' had a firmer 
hold upon the people, the promoters of the Gospel were 
continually resisted. Notwithstanding, zealous bishops 
like Eligius^ won their way in the midst of the savage Eihiim, 
1 rieslanders, whose empire at the opening ot this period others, in the 

f ^^ ^ - T 2,, . . Miheriands. 

had extended also to the Netherlands. Ihere, it is true, 
religion had been planted long before, but the inroads of 
those heathen tribes had left scarcely any vestige of the 
Church. The sword of Dagobert I., who wrested many 
districts from their grasp, had made a way for the recon- 
version of Batavia (628—638), while missionaries out oi EnpUsnmis- 
EnQ'land afterwards enffao'ed to soften and evanp-elize the 'land and uui 

o o c o neighbour- 

barbarous invaders. Ground was already broken by ihQ^odd. 
enterprising Wilfrith^, who, in his flight from his diocese 
in 677, was driven to the coast of Friesland, where he 
seems to have reaped a harvest of conversions. 

His work was resumed by Willebrord^°, an Englishman, wuuhrord 
who, though a student for twelve years in Ireland^^, was 
marked, like the other Anglo-Saxons of the period, by the 

7 For a good account of paganism where he died in 679. Life in Ma- 
in those regions, see Mone's Ge- billon's Acta Bened. ssec. ii. Con- 
schichte des Heidenthums in nord- temporary with him was Audomar 
lichen Europa, Leipzig, 1823; and (StOmer), out of the Irish monastery 
J. Grimm's Deutsche Mythologie, at Luxeuil, who preached from the 
Gottingen, 1844. neighbourhood of Boulogne as far as 

8 Or St Eloy (born 588, died 659), the Scheldt. 

appointed, in 641, bishop of Tour- ^ Florent. Wigorn. ad an. 677: 

nay and Noyon. See an interesting Eddius, Vit. Wilf. c. xxvi — xxviii. 

Life of him by a pupil, in D'A- ^^ His Life was written by Alcuin ; 

chery's Spicilegium, tom. 11., and 0pp. torn. ii. 183: but a still older 

Dr Maitland's Z)arl'j4^e5, pp. loi sq. account of his labours is in Bade, 

Eligius was preceded by Aman- Hist. Ecc. v. 10 sq. 

dus, ordained (630) without a diocese ^^ 'Ibique duodecim annis inter 

(episcopus regionarius) to labour in eximios simul pise religionis et sacrae 

the neighbourhood of Ghent and lectionis magistros, futurus multo- 

Antwerp, but appointed in 646 to rum populorum prsedicator erudieba- 

the see of Mastricht (Trajectum), tur.' Vit. S. WUlebrord. lib. i. c. 4. 



Growth of the Church. 

[a.d. 590 





Labours of 
Winfrith or 
Bomfacius .- 

warmth of liis devotion to tlie Koman see*. The field of 
his principal success was the neighbourhood of Wilteburg 
(Trajectum = Utrecht), where he died, after a- long episco- 
pate, in 739 or 741. He is said to have been assisted in 
his labours by Wulfram^, bishop of Sens, who migrated 
with some attendants into Friesland; and the work was 
enlarged by a native, Wursing^, as well as by other pupils 
of Willebrord ; one of whom, Swithberht^ in the life-time 
of his master, appears to have penetrated even into Prussia. 
But meanwhile a fresh actor had come forward in the 
same hopeful cause. This was a Devonshire-man, Winfrith, 
who, under the title Bonifacius^ is known as the apostle 
of Thuringia, and of some of the neighbouring districts. 
He was to Germany what Theodore had been to England, 
binding all the members of the Church together, and im- 
parting to it new stability and life. Crossing over into 
Friesland (715), he joined himself to Willebrord at Utrecht; 
but, retreating, for some cause or other, to his native 
country, he remained in his cloister at Nuitshell two years. 
He then went to Eome, commended^ to the pope by Daniel 
of Winchester, and in 719 was formally deputed^ by Gre- 


1 He visited the pope in 69'2, 
'ut cum ejus licentia et benedic- 
tione desidera,tum evangelizandi gen- 
tibus opus iniret.' Bed, v. ii. In 
696 he was sent by Pepin of Heris- 
tal, who as mayor of the Frankish 
palace had subdued some of the 
Fi'ieslanders, to be ordained, by the 
pope, archbishop of that region. 
Ibid, : cf, Annales Xantenses (in 
Pertz), A.D. 694. 

2 Life in the Ada Sanctorum for 
March 20, ed. Bolland. 

'^ See the interesting account of 
him in the Vit. S. Liudgeri, c. t — 4 : 
apud Monum. German, ed. Pertz, 
II, 405, 406. 

^ Bed. V. ir. He also mentions 
(c. 10) a mission of two English 
brothers, Niger Hewald and Albus 
Hewald, who perished in their at- 
tempt to evangelize the foreign 

Saxons (provinciam 
Saxonum) , 

^ The best Life of him is that by 
a presbyter, Willi bald : Pertz's J/o- 
numenla, 11, 334 seq. Cf, Bonifacius, 
der Apostel der Beutschen, by Sellers, 
Mainz, 1845. 

c Ibid, S 

S 14. 


'' Bonifacii Epist. it, ; I. 26. ed. 
Giles. But notwithstanding his pro- 
found respect for the papal chair, 
his independent spirit more than 
once breaks out in the course of 
his correspondence. Thus in 742 
he quotes the tradition of his na- 
tive land, as reckoned from Augus- 
tine, against the practice of the 
ruling pop9, £p. XLix. p, 103; and 
it is clear from the same letter 
(p, 105) that he did not allow the 
right of any pope to dispense with 
the 'decreta canonum,' 

—814] Growth of the Church. 21 

2:ory II. *to inquire into the state of the savao'e Germans' german 


eastward of the Ehine. The first fruits of his zeal were ' 

gathered in Thuringia ; but news out of Friesland drew in Fnesiand.- 

him thither, and he taught for three years in conjunction 

with Willebrord^ His next missionary station (722) was 

at Amoneburg, in Upper Hessia, chosen with the hope 

of converting the Hessians, and after them the Saxons. 

Summoned by the pope, who had heard of his success, he 

undertook a second journey to Rome (723), where, together 

with the name of Bonifacius^, he received ordination as 

a missionary bishop, and made himself, by oath, the vassal 

of the Eoman Church. He was thus armed with a new 

authority; and, seconded in many cases by the civil power^", 

was able to extend the sphere of his operations, and to 

bear down all opponents, whether heathen, or disciples of 

the freer Christian school", that had its birth in Ireland. At 

the same time he was constant in imparting, to the utmost 

of his power, the salutary doctrines of the Gospel. Famed 

for his preaching^^, his diffusion of the Scriptures^^, and his 

zeal in the founding of monastic schools, which he fed by in niuringia. 

a number of auxiliaries^* from England, his work could 

not fail to prosper in a neighbourhood which was the field 

^ Vit. § 1 6. ^ § 2T, tonum, vcl falsorum sacerdotum, et 
I*' 'Tuo conamine et CaroZi ^rm- haereticorum, aut undecunque sint.' 
cipis,^ was the language of pope Bonifacii 0pp. I, 96 : cf. Neander, 
Gregory III. to Boniface (Oct, 29, v. 67 (and note). Boniface himself 
739) ; Bonifacii 0pp. ed. Giles, I, 97 ; (ep. xii.) draws a gloomy picture 
yet the power of Charles Martel of the state of the clergy and de- 
was not uniformly on the side of the plores his inability to hold com- 
missionaries. It was only under munion with them. The married 
Pepin and Carloman that Boniface priests he always characterized as 
could feel himself supreme. ' fornicarii, ' which may help us to 
^1 There are many traces of this judge more truly of his other griev- 
early protestantism in the records of ous charges. 

his preaching ; e. g. in a letter of ^^ ' Evangelica etiam doctrina 

Gregory III. to the bishops of Ba- adeo prsecipuus extitit, ut apo- 

varia and Aleraannia, after urging stolorum tempora in ejus praedica- 

them to adopt the Roman uses, as tione laudares.' Annates Xantenses, 

taught by Boniface, he warned A.D. 752. 

them to reject ' et gentilitatis ritum ^'^ Epp. xvni, Xix. Oj9p. I. 52, 53. 

et doctrinam, vel venientium Bri- ^'* Willibald, F*<./S. ^wiz/oc. § 23. 


Growth of the Church, 

[a. d. 590 


in Bavaria : 

of his missionary zeal for no less than fifteen years. In 
783 he is said to have baptized a hundred thousand na- 
tives \ A third visit to Kome (738) resulted in his mission 
to Bavaria, where he laboured in the twofold task of 
organizing the Church, and counteracting a large class of 
teachers, who, here as in Thuringia, wei;e opposed to ' the 
tradition of the Roman see'^ With the sanction of the 
Sopricr*^"'^ duke of Bavaria, his territory was distributed afresh into 
the dioceses of Salzburg, Regensburg (Ratisbon), Freis- 
ingen, and Passau^: and the death of Charles Marte?, 
which followed soon after the return of Boniface (741), 
allowed him to advance more freely with his centralizing 
projects. In 742, the founding of the bishoprics^ of Wiirz- 
burg, Erfurt, and Buraburg (in Hessia), to which Eich- 
stadt may be added, conduced to the same result. He 
was now also urged by Carloman himself to revive the 
action of the Frankish synods, which had long been dis- 
continued^ : and presiding at the first of them (744) , in his 
capacity of papal vica/, he took the lead in promoting 
what he deemed ' a reformation of the Church'^. One of 

Revival of 
Synods in the 

^ Such was the report that had 
reached Gregory III. Oct. 29, 739: 
Bonif. 0pp. I. 96. His felling of 
an oak, which had long been sa- 
cred to Thor, made a very deep 
impression. Vit. Bonif. § 12, 23. 

2 Bonif. Ep. XLVi : 0pp. i. 97. 
He found only one trustworthy 
bishop in the whole province, and 
of him (Vivilus) the pope speaks 
but dubiously: *Hic si aliquid 
excedit contra canonicam regulam, 
doce et corrige eum juxta Romanae 
ecclesiae traditionem, quam a nobis 
accepisti.' Ibid. The following is 
the account given by Willi bald 
(§ 28) of the state of religion there : 
'Verseque fidei et religionis sacra- 
menta renovavit, et destructores 
ecclesiarum populique perversores 
abigebat. Quorum alii pridem falso 
se episcopatus gradu prsetulerunt, 
alii etiam presbyteratus se officio 

deputabant, alii haec atque alia 
innumerabilia fingentes, magna ex 
parte populum seduxerunt:' cf. 
Annates Xantenses, ad an. 752, and 
Aventinus, Annates Boiorum, 254, 
ed. Gundling. 

3 Vit. Bonifac. § 28. 

^ He had patronized what Boni- 
face describes as the 'false,' 'erro- 
neous, ' ' schismatical priests ' (? the 
old Frankish clergy). See e. g. Bo- 
nif. Epist. XTI; but they were now 
driven from the court at the instance 
of pope Zacharias : lb. Ep. XLVIII : 
cf. Ep. Liv. p. 116; LX. p. 127. 

5 Ep. XLix. p. lor; Vit. § 31. 

^ Ep. XLIX. p. 102. 

^ He had received the pallium 
as early as 732, Vit. § 23, but was 
still without a fixed metropolis. 

^ The aim of pope Zacharias in 
advocating a yearly synod may be 
seen in Bonif. Ep. xlviii. In a 

—814] Growth of the Church. 23 

tlie leaders of the school whom Boniface had stronojly german 


reprehended was a Frankish bishop, Adelbert^, belonging 1 

to the anti-Roman party. He was revered by the people (Controversy 

y- '^ ^ ^ J x: i: with Adelbert 

as a saint, though much that is imputed to him savours ^^^^ (^lemmt. 
of the mystic, and betokens an ill-regulated mind. On the 
suit of his rival, Boniface, who had secured his condemna- 
tion ^'^ at Soissons (744), he was excommunicated" by a 
Koman synod in 745, together with a fellow-bishop, Cle- 
ment. The latter had been trained in the schools of 
Ireland, his native country, and had there imbibed an 
extensive knowledge of the Scriptures ; but the tone of 
his theology, so far as we can judge, was sceptical and 

The silencing of these opponents left the missionary Later acts oj 
course of Boniface almost wholly unobstructed: but his own (744-755). 
anxieties increased as he was verging to his end. Disap- 
pointed in the hope of placing his metropolitical chair at 
Cologne (744) , where he would have been near to his Frie- 
sian converts, he was, on the deposition^^ of Gewillieb, con- 
letter addressed (Nov. 5, 743) to ^^ Zacharias, two years later, was 
Boniface himself {Ep. LV.), he induced in spite of Boniface to re- 
speaks of his anxiety 'pro aduna- open the question, and summoned 
tione et reformatione ecclesiarum both Adelbert and Clement to his 
Christi,' and charges his vicar 'ut own court at Rome, but the issue 
quae repereris contra Christianam is not known exactly. Neander, C. U. 
religionera, vel canonum instituta V. 77 — 86. 

ibidem detineri, ad normam recti- ^^ 'Per suam stultitiam sanc- 

tudinis studeas reformare.' See torum patrum scripta respuit, vel 
also a remarkable letter of Boni- omnia synodalia acta parvi pendit, 
face (a.d, 745) to Cuthbert, arch- etc' Bonif. Op'p. II. 46. Among 
bishop of Canterbury {Ep. LXiii.), other errors he is said to have 
where he urges the necessity of a taught * multa horribilia de praedes- 
reformation in England. His letter tinatione Dei contraria fidei ca- 
led the way to the 'reforming' tholicse.' Ep. LVii. p. 123. Boni- 
gynod of Cloveshoe (? Cliff, in Kent), face found other adversaries in two 
which was held in 747 : Wilkins, Irishmen, Samson (E^. LXXI. p. 
Coiicil. I. 94. 171) and Virgilius, or Feargal, (Ihid. 

^ Willib. Vit. Bonif. § ■29: also pp. 172 sq.) : but the latter was ac- 
an account in a second Life of quitted by the pope, and died bishop 
Boniface in Pertz, II. 354; Bonif. of Salzburg: cf. Todd's Church of 
0pp. II. 40 — 46 : cf. Walch, Hist. St Patrich, pp. 59 sq. 
der Ketzereyen, x. 46 sq. ^^ Pertz, ii. 354. 

1^ Pagi, ad an. 744, §§ vn, Vin. 


Growth of the Church. 

[A. D. 590 


Gregon/ of 
d- 784. 

Sfurm of 
d. 779- 

strainecP to accept the arclibisliopric of Mentz (Moguntia). 
He there found a more definite field of duty in 748. One 
of the latest acts in his eventful life was the part he took 
(751) in favour of Pepin, who superseded his imbecile 
master, ♦ Childeric III. Boniface, at the instance of the 
pope, administered the rite of unction. The measures he 
had taken to secure his conquests were now rapidly com- 
pleted, and in 755 he set out, with a large band of fellow- 
workmen, for the scene of his early enterprise in Friesland ; 
where, after preaching to the heathen tribes with eminent 
success, he died as a martyr at the age of seventy-five^. 

A man with his strength of character, his learning, and 
his saintly life, could not fail to have attracted a number 
of disciples. One of them, Gregory^, as abbot of Utrecht, 
was at the head of a missionary-college, and at the same 
time assiduous in his efibrts to promote the conversion of 
the Frieslanders. Another of the more remarkable was 
the abbot Sturm*, who had been also trained under the 
eye of Boniface, and stationed in a monastery at Fulda, 
of which he was himself the romantic founder^ Aided by 
no less than four thousand inmates, he was able to dis- 
seminate the arts, and augment the conveniences of life, 
while he softened the ferocious spirit of his neighbours. 

With some casual exceptions^, the evangelizing of the 

^ See the Letter of Zacharias, 
Bonif. Upist. LXXI. p. 174, 

2 Willibald, Vit. Bonif. § 33—37. 
The day of his death was June 5 ; 
the place, on the banks of the 
Bordne (Bordau), not far from 
Dockingen. His remains, with 
those of his fellow-martyrs, being 
rescued by the Christians, were 
interred at Fulda, his favourite 

^ A Life of him was written by 
his pupil Liudger, in^ic^. Sanct. Ord. 
Bened. saec. iii. p. ii. 319 sq. The 
way in which he was fascinated by 
the zealous missionary is most strik- 
ingly narrated. Though not a 

pupil of Boniface, Willibald, the 
early English traveller, was or- 
dained by him in 739; and after 
a short mission to Thuringia, was 
consecrated bishop of Eichstadt, 
one of the dioceses formed by Bo- 
niface. See the interesting Life of 
Willibald, by a nun of Heidenheim, 
in Act. Sand. Ord. Bened. ssec. iii. 
p. ii. 365 sq. 

* Life by his pupil, Eigile, in 
Pertz's Monume)it. Germ. 11. 365 sq. 

^ Ibid. p. 367. 

^ e.g. The case of Amandus in 
Belgium, who procured an order 
from the Frankish monarch, com- 
pelling all persons to submit to 


Groiuth of the Church. 


German tribes was hitherto conducted on pacificatory prin- german 

ciples*^, like those which had prompted and consolidated 1 

the first missions of the Church. A fresh plan, however, 
was now adopted in dealing with the rude and warlike 
Saxons^ (from the Baltic to the confines of Thurin^ia and commisory 

, ^ . . .11 conversion of 

Hessia), who had forced then* ancient idolatry once more %^J^J;ll' 
across the Rhine. Fierce as they were in their hatred of the 
Gospel, the repugnance would be naturally embittered by 
the medium through which it was presented to their notice : 
for they viewed it in the hands of a Frankish teacher, as 
an agent for promoting their political depression. He came 
in the wake of invading hosts, by which Charlemagne was 
endeavouring to effect their subjugation (772—804) : and 
although numbers of them did accept the ritual of the 
Church, it is doubtful if in many cases they were not 
influenced by unworthy motives^. Alcuin, at the impulse opposed hy 
of his Christian feelings, would have fain placed a check^ 

Alcuin, but in 

baptism. Boniface also invoked 
the 'patrocinium principis Fran- 
corum;' but his aim was to quell 
irregularities among the clergy 
and religious orders. JS2nst. xii. 

P- 39- 

'' See the excellent advice given 
to Boniface by Daniel of Winches- 
ter. Bonif. Ep. XIV. 

^ Boniface had been already 
urged to undertake this mission in 
the years 723, 733; E^^j. IX, xxviii; 
and even earlier (690 — 740) some 
impression had been made on the 
Saxons by the labours of Lebwin, 
a Yorkshire monk. See his Life 
in Pertz, ll. 36 T sq. 

9 ' Congregato iam (? tum) grandi 
exercitu [xV. D. 772], invocato Christi 
nomine, Saxoniam profectus est, 
adsumtis universis sacerdotibus, 
abbatibus, presbyteris, et omnibus 
orthodoxis atque fidei cultoribus, 
ut gentem quae ab initio mundi 
dsemonum vinculis fuerit obligata, 
doctrinis sacris mite et suave 
Christi jugum credendo sabire fe- 
cissent. Quo cum rex pervenisset, 

partim hellis, partim suasionihus, 
partim etiam mmieribus, maxima 
ex parte gentem illam ad fidem 
Christi convertit. ' Vit. Sturmi, 1. c. 
p. 376: cf. Alcuin. Ep. iii. ad Col- 
cum Lectorem in Scotia : 0pp. I. 6. 

10 Epist. XXXVII, (Al. XLii.) ad 
Megenfridum (a privy-councillor of 
Charlemagne). Of many striking 
passages this may be a sample : ' Fi- 
des quoque, sicut sanctus ait Augus- 
tinus, res est voluntaria, non neces- 
saria. Atti-ahi poterit homo in fidem, 
non cogi. Cogi poteris ad baptismum, 
sed non proficit fidei. Nisi infan- 
tilis setas aliorum peccatis obnoxia 
aliorum confessione salvari poterit. 
Perfectae setatis vir pro se respon- 
deat, quid credat aut quid cupiat. 
Et si fallaciter fidem profitetur, 
veraciter salutem non habebit. 
Unde et prsedicatores paganorum 
populum pacificis verbis et pruden- 
tihus fidem docere debent.' 0pp. 
1. 50 ; see also his letter (Ep. LXXX, 
Al. xcv.) written to Charlemagne 
himself : I. 11 7. 


Growth of the Church. 

[a. d. 590 


on the rigour of the Franks. But liis protests were un- 
heeded; Charlemagne still persisting in his plan of breaking 
the indomitable spirit of the Saxons by forcing the con- 
version of the vanquished, and establishing himself on the 
basis of the Church\ A long and bloody war, attended 
by an edict ^ of the Frankish court, which made the re- 
jection of the Gospel a capital offence, 'resulted in the 
permanent disarming of the Saxons and their annexation 
to the Western Church^. A way was in the mean time 
opened for the deeper planting of the Gospel, by means 
of the numerous schools and churches founded by the 
Franks, and still more by the holy and commanding cha- 
racter of members of the Saxon mission. Such were 
Sturm, Willehad, and Liudger. The first, whom we have 
seen already, spent the evening of his days in this field 
of labour*. The second (Willehad) was a native of North- 
umbria"^, whom the hopeful letters of the English mis- 
sionaries had excited to cast in his lot among them. He 
set out for Friesland with the sanction of the Anglian 
king and the blessing of a synod^. Banished from the 
neighbourhood of Groningen, which had been already 
stained by the blood of Boniface, he found shelter at the 
court of Charlemagne, who sent him (780) to aid in the 
missions then attempting to evangelize the Saxons. In 
787, after an eventful term of suffering and success, he 
was raised to the episcopal dignity, his chair being placed 
at Wigmodia (Bremen) : but a sudden illness cut him off 
two years later, while engaged in a visitation-tour. 

^ The chief ecclesiastical estab- 
lishments were at Osnabriick, Mlin- 
ster, Paderborn, Verden, Minden, 
and Seligenstadt. The last see was 
afterwards transferred to Halber- 

2 See the Capitulare de Partibus 
Saxonice, I. 251, in Baluze's Ca- 
jpitul. Reg. Fran., Paris, 1677: and 
of. Schrockh's Kirchen-Geschichte, 

XIX. 264 sq. 

2 Einhard. Vit. Karoli Magn. c. 
7 ; apud Pertz, II. 447. 

* Vit. Sturm, ubi sup. 

^ A Life of him, written by 
Anskar, bishop of Bremen (middle 
of the ninth cent.), is printed in 
Pertz, II. 378 sq. 

6 Ibid. § I. 

—814] Growth of the Church, 27 

Liudger"^ was a noble Frieslander, who had been trained german 
in the school of Utrecht, and afterwards by Alcuin at York. 1 

For a long time distinguished as a missionary to his own ^^^g^- 
people, and afterwards as the apostle of Helgoland, which 
Willebrord quitted in despair, he was sent by Charlemagne, 
on the subjugation of the Saxons, into Munster, where he 
toiled in the spirit of a true evangelist^, till 809. 

A fresh accession to the Church was the tribe of the 
Carantani, who had settled in the early part of the seventh 
century in Styria and Carinthia. The Gospel reached 'j^^^ pospei in 
them through Bavarian channels, first ^ at the instance of m'766-soo 
Virgilius of Salzburg, and afterwards of Arno, his second 
successor. Arno, on ordaining a ' missionary bishop ' for 
these parts (800), intended, if possible, to make his way 
as far as the neighbouring Slavonians^". 

He had been also employed by Charlemagne, whose Mission to me 
sceptre was now stretching over Hungary", to organize Hungary. 
a mission for the barbarous Avares^^. In 796, Tudun, 
one of their chiefs, having been baptized at the Frankish 
court^^, his return was viewed as a propitious moment for 

"^ For a Life of Liudger by his Sanct. Ord. Bened. iv. 279 sq. The 
second successor, Altfrid, see Pertz, Carinthian chieftain had allowed 
ir. 403 sq. He is said to have left his son to be educated as a Chris- 
York 'beneinstructus, habenssecum tian at the court of Bavaria, This, 
copiam librorum.' lib. I. § 12. on his accession to the throne, 

^ ' Itaque more solito cum omni paved the way for the evangelizing 

aviditate et sollicitudine rudibus of his subjects. 

Saxonum populis studebat in doc- ^^ See the treatise of a priest of 

trina prodesse, erutisque idolatriaj Salzburg (written at the close of the 

spinis, verbum Dei diligenter per ninth century), De Conversione Bo- 

loca singula serere, ecclesias con- jariorum et Carenianorum, in Script. 

struere, et per eas singulos ordi- Rerum Boic. ed. Oefele, I. 280 sq. : 

nare presbyteros, quos verbi Dei also a Life of Rudhert (first bishop 

cooperatores sibi ipsi nutriverat.' of Salzburg) in Canisius, Led. An- 

Ibid. § 20. The mention here made tiq. in, pt. 11. p. 343. 

of his 'ordaining presbyters' is ^^ Einhardi Fuldenses Annates, 

somewhat strange, as we are told A. D. 788, 791: apud Pertz, i. 350. 

in the following paragraph that he ^^ ggg Pray's Annal. Vet. Hunno- 

had hitherto declined the 'ponti- rum, Avar, et Hungar. 269 sq., ed. 

ficalem gradum.' His reluctance, Vindebon. 1761. 

however, was at length overcome ^^ Einhard, A. D. 796. A second 

by Hildibald, bishop of Cologne. case occurred in 805 . Ibid, The 

^ See the Life of Virgilius in Act. projected mission to the Avares or 


Growth of the ChurcJi. 

[a. d. 590 

ASIATIC plantmoj further outposts of the Church m the same distant 
MISSIONS. ^ .. "^ ^ . ^ . - .. , ,j 
regions. 15ut it seems that the mission was not worKed. 

with corresponding vigour^ 


The zeal and perseverance that were ' shewn in the 
converting of the German tribes had been confined in this 
period to the bosom of the Western Church. Owing 
partly to domestic troubles, but still more to their lack 
of expansiveness and health, the churches of the East 
were now feeble and inactive. At the death of Justinian I. 
(565) they seem to have abandoned the propagation of 
the Gospel to those numerous offshoots from the patri- 
archate of Antioch, who continued to reject the council 
of Ephesus, under the name of Nestorians^ or Chaldeans. 
Most of them, on their expulsion from the Boman empire, 
had found a shelter with their fellow-Christians in Persia, 
to whom they were united by a common misbelief. Here 
they obtained an exclusive toleration, though it did not 
altogether screen them from the rancour of the heathen 
natives^ From the sixth to the eleventh century, when 
the power of the Nestorians may be said to have cul- 

Huns drew many excellent remarks 
from Alcuin, wlio was fearful lest 
the policy pursued in the case of 
the Saxons should be repeated 
there. In a letter to Charlemagne 
* Sed nunc praevideat sapientissima et 
Deo placabilis devotio vestra po- 
pulo novello prsedicatores, moribus 
honestis, scientia sacrse fidei edoctos, 
et evangelicis prseceptis imbutos,' 
etc. He recommends, as a model 
for the missionary, St Augustine's 
treatise De Catechizandis Rudihus: 
0pp. I. 37, 38. The same care and 
tenderness are impressed on arch- 
bishop Arno in Epp. xxx, xxxi, 
0pp. I. Z9, 40> 105) his eye being 

still fixed on the recent failure in 
the missions to the Saxons. 

1 Alcuin, Ep. xcii. (Al. cvin.) 

P- 135- 

2 They repudiated this title (J. S. 
Asseman, Bihlioth. Orientalis, torn. 
III. part II. pp. 75, 76) ; but re- 
tained the terminology, and, with 
few exceptions, the heretical tenets, 
condemned by the Church at large. 
See Palmer's Treatise on the Church, 
I. 319, 320, 3rd edit. 

^ Asseman, uhi sup. pt. I. p. 109, 
pt. II. c. V. § 2. This section gives 
an account of their condition under 
the successive Persian kings, from 
488 to 640, when the country was 
invaded by the Muhammedans, 

—814] Growth of the Church. 29 

minated, they were peculiarly distinguished by their mis- aseatic 


sionary spirit"*. The head of their system, known as the '- 

catholicos, and subsequently (498) as the patriarch, pre- ^Sr Zttie-^^^ 
sided over churches in Chald^a, Persia, Media, Mesopo- ''**^" *' 
tamia, and in districts far beyond the Tigris, in Bactriana 
and India. His see^ was originally at Seleucia, and after- 
wards at Bagdad and Babylon, where he might have vied 
even with the Western pontiffs in a plenitude of power : 
for the bounds of his patriarchate embraced no less than 
twenty-five metropolitans^, nearly all of whom were located 
in the various countries they had rescued from the yoke of 
paganism^ Timotheus^ who was the Nestorian patriarch 3^2f f„v^. 
from 778 to 820, may be mentioned as the warmest advo- 'Schim?" 
cate of missions. He sent out a large band of monks from 
the convent of Beth-abe in Mesopotamia, to evangelize 
the Tatar tribes, w^ho roved in the neighbourhood of the 
Caspian Sea: and some of them penetrated as far as 
India^ and China^*^, either planting or reviving in those 
distant parts a knowledge of the Gospel. Two of the 
episcopal members of the mission, Cardag and Jaballaha, 

•* Ibid, part ii. p. 8i. They were III. 164 sq. 
materially assisted by the favour of '^^ David is mentioned as a bishop 

the caliph, who had numbers of ordained for China by the patriarch 

them always in his service. Timotheus ; Asseman, ibid, part ii. 

5 Ibid. pp. 622 sq. The see was p. 82. It is by no means improba- 

eventually transferred to Mosul, p. ble that the Gospel had reached this 

626. country at a still earlier date. (See 

^ Neale's Hist, of Eastern Church, De Guignes, Untersuchung iiher die 

Introd. I. 143. A * Notitia ' of all im pen Jahrhunderte in Slna sich 

the sees is given in Asseman, pp. aufhaltenden Christen, ed. Greifs- 

705 sq. wald, 1769.) Among other evidence 

'' They were also conspicuous for is a Syro-Chinese inscription, 
their love of learning. Their great brought to light by the Jesuit 
school was at Nisibis, which rose missionaries in 1625, and purport- 
out of the ruins of the school of ing to belong to 782 (in Mosheim, 
Edessa (destroyed about 490) ; Asse- Hist. Heel. Tartar or iirti, App. in. 
man, torn. iii. part 11. pp. 428, 927. and elsewhere). According to^ it, 
A whole chapter (xv.) is devoted to Olopuen, a Nestorian priest, visited 
similar institutions. China in 635 from the western 

^ Ibid, parti, pp. isSsq. frontier of the country. See Kes- 

9 On the earlier traces of Chris- son's Cross and Dragon (Christianity 

tianity in India, see Neander, C.H. in China), pp. 16 sq. Lond. 1854. 


Growth of the Church, 

[A. D. 590 

transmitted a report of their success to the Nestorian pa- 
triarch, who urged them to perpetuate the impression 
they had made by ordaining other bishops to succeed 

It was also in this period, though the date is not 
exactly ascertainable^ that a distinguished Syrian, Mar- 
Thomas (it would seem a merchant^), pi'evailed on the 
community of Christians, already stationed on the coast 
of Malabar^, to place themselves under the jurisdiction of 
the Nestorian catholicos. By this step he led the way to 
a further propagation of the Syrian (or Nestorian) creed: 
and in the ninth century^ two bishops of that communion, 
Sapor and Peroses, are said to have planted the cross 
to the south-west of Cochin, in the kingdom of Diamper. 


The only progress to be noted in this corner of the 
Christian kingdom, is due to the sect of the Alexandrian 
Jacobites (Monophysites), who had already in the life- 
time of Justinian found admission into Nubia^ In the 
patriarchate (686—688) of Isaac (a Jacobite) there is further 
proof of the connexion between that country and Alex- 
andria ; Isaac interposing his authority to settle a dispute 

^ The laick of a third prelate to 
assist in the consecration of the new 
bishops was to be supplied by a copy 
of the Gospels. Asseman, uhi sup. 

2 Ibid, part in. p. 443 : Neale, 
Eastern Church, Introd. I. 146. 

2 This, however, is denied by 
Asseman, p. 444, who concludes 
his argument as follows : 'Habe- 
mus itaque Thomam non Armenum 
mercatorem, neque infra sextum 
Christi seculum, sed circa annum 
800, sub Timotheo Nestorianorum 
patriarcha a Jaballaha et Kardago 
Ghilanse et Dailamee metropolitis 
ex monacho ccenobii Beth-Abensis 

ordinatum episcopum atque in vi- 
cinam Indiam missum.' 

^ Cf. Neander, iii. 166: Lassen, 
Ind. Alterthum, n. iioi, 1102; 
Bonn, 1852. The present Christians 
of Malabar boast of their descent 
from this Mar-Thomas. 

^ Asseman, uhi sup. p. 442. 

^ Ibid. torn. II. p. 330 : cf. Le- 
tronne's Christi cmisme en Erpjptc, 
en Nuhle, et en Ahyssinie, k Paris, 
1832. The Christian priest-kings of 
Nubia turned Muhammedans only 
in the 14th century: Lepsius, Dis- 
coveries in Egypt, d;c. p. 259, Lond. 

—814] Growth of the Church, 31 

between the emperor of Ethiopia and the king of Nubia^ muham- 

There is also an interesting notice of an application^ made — '- 

by a priest from India to Simon, successor of Isaac 
(689—700), requesting at his hands episcopal consecration; 
but whether India proper or Ethiopia is here meant, has 
been much disputed^. 


The countries which had formed the cradle of the Church 
and the scene of its earlier triumphs, were now destined 
to behold its obscuration and extinction. Persia, for ^"'^^^^'^f «/ 

' the Eastern, 

example, after wresting many Christian provinces out oi p^^l!^'.f/^''^"^ 
the hands of the Eastern emperor (604—621), among others 
those of Palestine and Egypt, set on foot a most bloody 
persecution. All, whom the sword of Kesra (Chosroes) 
had spared, were forced into union with the hated Nes- 
torians^°. But the tempest, though terrific, was of short 
duration; Heraclius being able (621—628) to repair his 
losses, and to heal the distractions of the Church. 

Jerusalem, however, had been scarcely rescued from ^i%^%^^^^^j^, 
the Persians, w4ien a message" was dispatched to the "'"'*"*• 
eastern emperor, inviting him to join the Moslems, and to 
recognize their prophet. Born^^ at Mecca in 569 or 570, 

^ Renaudot, Hist. Pair. Alexand. 199 sq., apud Scriptores Byzantin. 

p. 178. ed. Venet. 1729. At p, 213, c, ibid. 

^ Ibid. pp. 184 sq. Le Quien, is the following entry : ''QvayKa^e 

Oriens Christianus, ll, 454. 5^ rot's XpiaTiavovs yepecrdai els ttju 

^ See Asseman, ^ihi sup. 451 sq. toO 'Necrropiov dprjaKeiav irpbs rb 

— It is needless to dwell on the irXrj^aL rbv ^acriX^a, [i.e. the 

efforts made in this period for the emperor]. This seems to have been 

conversion of the Jews, in the west the policy of the Persians throughout 

by the governments of Spain, and in tolerating the Nestorian body, 
in the east by the Emperor Leo, ^^ Ockley, Hist, of the Saracens, 

the Isaurian ; for their measures p. 51, ed. Bohn. 
were nearly always coercive, and on ^^ See Prideaux's Life of Ma- 

that account abortive. See a chap- hornet, and, for his religious system, 

ter on the subject in Schrockh, XIX. Sale's Koran, with the Prellminari/ 

29,8 — 326. Discourse, and Forster's Mahomet- 

^'^ Theophanes, (7A?'owo^?'ap7wa, pp. anism Unveiled, Lond. 1829. Other 

32 Limitation of the Church. [a.d. 590 

MEDANisk ^^ *^^^ stock of Ishmael, Muliammed^ seems in early life 
to have been possessed by the persuasion that he was an 
agent in the hands of God to purify the creed of his 
fellow-countrymen. The texture of his mind was mystical, 
inclining him to solitude and earnest contemplation^ : but 
the spirit of enthusiasm, thus fostered and inflamed, was 

ofVhichitwas afterwards corrupted by the lust of worldly power^ Some 

constructed. r- .i . ,,. , . 

01 the more mtelligent around hmi were monotheists 
already, having clung to the tenets of their father Ishmael; 
but others, a large section of the Arab tribes, were sunk in 
idolatry and superstition*. We learn also that on the rise 
of Islamism many Jews had been long settled in Arabia, 
where they gained some political importance^; and that 
heralds of the Gospel on its earliest promulgation made 
very numerous converts ; though the Christians at this time 
were for the most part Jacobites^, who had come from 
the neighbouring lands in quest of an asylum. It is clear, 
therefore, that materials were at hand out of which to 
construct a composite religion like that now established 
by Muhammed ; and when he ventured to unfold his visions 
to the world in 611, it was easy to discern in their leading 

"vnews may be obtained from Weil's feda, quoted in Ockley's Saracens, 
Muhammed der Prophet, ed. Stutt- p. ii. According to the second 
gart, 1843, and Dollinger's Mu- writer, Muhammed was assisted in 
hammed''s Religion nach ihrer innen compiling the Koran by a Persian 
EntioicTcelung , etc., ed. Regensburg, Jew and a Nestorian monk. His 
1838. The last writer looks upon own followers maintain that it was 
Muhammedanism as a kind of pre- shewn to him at once by the Arch- 
paration for the Gospel in the south- angel, though published only in de- 
em and eastern world. Mohler's tached portions during the next 23 
work, On the Relation of Islam to years. 

the Gospel, has been translated by ^ Qf^ Maurice's Religions of the 

Menge; Calcutta, 1847. World, pp. 18, 19, ^nd edit. Others 

^ = Maxovixed, from which the would regard Muhammed as an 

common form Mahomet was derived. impostor from the first; e. g. White 

2 He retired for a month every in his Bampton Lectures for 1784, 

year into a mountain-cavern, aban- ^irtS5f/>i. 

doning his mercantile employments. ^ Sale's Preliminary Discourse, 

It was not till his fortieth year (609) pp. 24 sq. 

that the archangel Gabriel (accord- ^ Ibid. p. 28. 

ing to his statement) announced to ^ pp. 29, 31. The Nestorians 

him his mission from on high. Abul- also had one bishop. Ibid. 

— 814] Limitation of the CJiurcli, 33 

features a distorted copy of the Bible'. While Islamism mitham- 
was the foe of all creature-worship, while it preached with 

an emphasis peculiar to itself the absolute dependency of m-orramL 
man and the unity and infinite sublimity of God, its teach- 
ing even there was meagre and one-sided : it was a harsh 
and retrogressive movement : it lost sight of what must 
ever be the essence of the Gospel, the Divinity and In- 
carnation of the Saviour, the original nobility of man, and 
his gradual restoration to the likeness of his Maker. It 
was, in fact, no more than the Socinianism or Deism of 
Arabia. Clouding over all the attributes of love, Mu- 
hammed could perceive in the Almighty nothing more 
than a high and arbitrary Will, or a vast and tremendous 
Power, — views which had their natural result in fatalism, 
and in fostering a servile dread or weakening the moral 
instincts^ His own tribe, the Koreish of Mecca, startled^ 
by his novel doctrine, were at first successful in resisting 
the pretensions of 'the prophet'; but his flight {i.e. i^QFUnUof 
Hejrcih, July 16, 622), while it served as an epoch in the 
annals of his followers, entailed a terrific evil on the world. 
It imparted to the system of Muhammed, hitherto pacific^*', 
all its fierce and its persecuting spirit. On his arrival 
at Medina, where he acted in the twofold character of 
prince and prophet, he was able to enlarge the circle of 
his influence, and to or2:anize a sect of religious warriors, — anciim appeal 

"^ *^ to f orcein 


7 Traces also of a Gnostic ele- vinity of Christ, and the freedom " '*' ^^^ "" 

ment have been found in the Koran. of the human will. 

Neander, C. If. V. ii8, ^ Sale, ib. p. 58. 

^ The way in which Islamism '^^ He was at first tolerant of other 

was regarded by the Church, in the systems {Koran, ch. ii. v.), but he 

eighth century, appears from a Dia- now opened what was called ' the 

I'Ogue between a Christian and a holy war', for the purpose of exter- 

Moslem, ascribed to John of Da- minating all idolaters, and of making 

mascus or to his disciple, Theodore Jews and Christians tributary to the 

Abukara : in Biblioth. Patrum, ed. crescent. Ib. c. ix. LXVii.: Ockley, 

Galland, Xiii. 272 sq., and (some- p. 32. These ends were continually 

what differently) in Biblioth. Patrum kept in view by the Moslem con- 

Parisiens. xi. 431 sq. We there querors. See Milman, Latin Chris- 

learn that the points insisted ou tianity, Bk. IV. ch. I. 
against Muhammed were the Di- 

M. A. D 

34 Limitation of the Church. [a. d. 590 

M[jnAM- so gigantic, that in the tenth year of the Hejrah every part 

of his native land, including Mecca\ trembled at his word. 

His death followed in 632, but the ardour he had roused 
descended to the caliphs, and increased with the number of 
his converts. Dropping all their ancient feuds, exulting in 
a fresh and energizing faith, or maddened by the sensual 
visions of the future, the adherents of the crescent fought 
Probable thcir way through all the neighbouring states. Though. 
pTaiomfnatice some of their progress may be due to the corruption and 

in the Christian , /• i i^i i 9 t i • • i 

dutricis. distractions oi the Church , and more to their simple or 

accommodating tenets, very much was effected by their 
craft in dealing with the Christian body. It was the aim 
of the caliph, by conciliating the heretical communities, 
Nestorian and Monophysite especially, to use them as his 
agents in diminishing the number of the Catholics, who, 
tirm in their allegiance to the emperor, were branded with 
the name of Melchites^ Joining thus the devices of the 
politician with the fire of the enthusiast, the fortunes of 

Its rapid and Islamism rapidly advanced. Its second caliph, Omar, took 
Jerusalem in 637, and was master of the whole of Syria 
in 639. Egypt was annexed in 640. Persia bowed its 
head beneath the crescent in 651. Under the Ommiades 
(caliphs of Damascus), Islamism had subdued the northern 

1 He took this stronghold of his this statement is, it is too near the 
enemies in 630, and by way of con- truth : (cf. the language of the 
ciliating the Arabs he adopted their emperor Heraclius in 633, when 
national sanctuary (the Kaaba) as the Moslems were now advancing 
the chief temple of Islamism, Ocli- upon Syria : Ockley's Saracens, p. 
ley, p. 18. This was not the only 95). 

stroke of policy by which he circum- '^ In Egypt, for example, the 

vented the more superstitious of his Jacobites were the more numerous 

countrymen. body, and though not wholly ex- 

2 ' The sense of a Divine, Al- empted from persecution were for 
mighty Will, to which all human the most part favoured by the 
wills were to be bowed, had eva- Moslems. Neale, Eastern Church, 
porated amidst the worship of im- 'Alexandria,' ii. 72. The Nesto- 
ages, amidst moral corruptions, rians in like manner were protected 
philosophical theories, religious con- by the caliphs of Bagdad, w^ho 
troversies.' Maurice, Religions of owed to them much of their taste for 
the World, p. 23. Overcoloured as literature. Schrockh, xix. 396 sq. 


— 814] Limitation of the Church. 35 

coast of Africa (707), and in 711 it had been established muham- 
everywhere in Spain, with the exception of a small Gothic ■ ^ 

kingdom in the mountains : while the Byzantine metropolis 
itself was made to shudder (669, 717) at the sight of the 
Moslem armies. Kestless even at the foot of the Pyrenees, 
they spread into France as far as the Loire; but in 732 
were finally repulsed and humbled by the arms of Charles 
Martel. In 734 they threatened to extend their ravages 
to the interior of Italy ; and after occupying many of the 
neighbouring islands, Rome* was with difficulty rescued 
from their grasp in 849. 

However much of trood eventually resulted from the The desolation 

a ' ^ r 1 ^ m of the Chris- 

oaracenic conquests, they were fatal to the present welfare ^^frki^andin 
of religion and the progress of the Church. Though tend- ^'^^-^«*'- 
ing to promote the interest of letters^ in a period when 
the other kingdoms of the world were comparatively dark, 
they have desolated many a region where the Gospel was 
supreme, and obliterated all the traces of its earliest pro- 
pagation. At the time when Boniface^ and his companions 
were engaged in evangelizing the Teutonic tribes, they 
heard that the famous Churches of the East, the special 
husbandry of Christ and His Apostles, were the prey of 
the antichristian armies of Muhammed. The defenceless 
patriarchates^ of Jerusalem, of Antioch, and Alexandria, 

* Gibbon, Decline and Fall, v. The ' tribulatio Saracenorum' was in 

209 sq. ed. Milman. like manner present to the mind 

^ Abulfeda, Annales Moslemici, of Zacharias, in 745, when he con- 

tom, II. pp. 73 sq. Leipz. 1754. templated the growth of the Church 

See a chapter on the 'Literature of among the Frisians : Mansi, xii. 336. 
the Arabians' in JSismondi's Litera- "^ The patriarchs were driven into 

tare of the South of Euro2')e, I. 48 sq. the Greek empire. In Alexandria 

The Moslems of ISpain began to en- the Church was partially restored 

dow schools about 736: Conde, Do- by the election of Cosmas in 727 

minacion de losArahes en Esjpana, 1. (Neale, ibid. II. 107) ; but none of 

no, Barcelona, 1844. On the lite- the Eastern Churches have to this 

rary taste of Alhakem (a.D. 964 sq,) day recovered from the blow in- 

see II. 14 — 16. flicted by Islamism. In the fifth 

^ He speaks with alarm of the century they contained as many as 

Saracenic invasions in Ep. xxxii. 800 bishoprics. 

D 2 

36 Limitation of the Church. [a.d. 590 

MUHAM- deprived of tlieir riditful pastors, and curtailed on every 


side, are moving illustrations of the general ruin ; and 
out of four hundred sees that once shed a salutary light 
on Africa, four only were surviving in the eleventh cen- 
tury \ The rest had been absorbed into the vortex of 

1 Wiltsch, Atlas Sacer, p. 12, Gothce, 1843. 

—814] ( 37 ) 




The model that was followed from the first in the The transmis- 
sion of the 

organizmg of the Christian body, had continued to pass J^^S^aii 
over to the churches newly planted. Active members ^*''^'^*^9«?*- 
of a mission, if not consecrated in the outset^ of their 
course, were advanced to the rank of bishops when their 
labours had succeeded^. With a staff of inferior clergy, 
who were taken very often in this age from some of the 
monastic orders, they were foremost in dispensing all the 
means of grace as well as in the closer supervision of 
their flocks. While acting'^ as the champions of the 
wronged, the guardians of the foundling and the minor, 
and of all who were either destitute or unprotected, they 
were placed in more intimate relations to the clergy, who 

2 Under the title 'episcopus re- § VI, in the Capitul. Regum Fran- 

gionarius :' see above, p. 19, n. 8; co?'M??t, ed. Baluze, I, 7. The folio w- 

p. 27. Birinus had at first no see : ing extract from Canon xviii. of the 

Bed. III. 7 : so too Tuda ; ib. 26. Council of Toledo (a.d. 589) is a 

^ The case of Liudger (p 27, n. 8) further instance of this power: 

is a solitary exception ; but even he ' Sint enim prospectores episcopi, se- 

was obliged to conform. cundum regiam admonitionem, qua- 

^ e.g. Codex Justin, lib. I. tit. rv. liter judices cum populis agant : ut 

De Episcopali Audientla, §§ 22 — 24, aut ipsos prasmonitos corrigant, aut 

27, 28, 30, 33. The sphere of their insolentias eorum auditibus principis 

duties was extended (560) to the innotescant. Quodsi correptos emen- 

oversight of the administration of dare nequiverint, et ab ecclesia et a 

justice : Clotarii Constitutio General is, communione suspendant.' 


Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 590 


How affected 
by the, metro- 
politan consti- 
ttdion of some 

7'hr cJccline of 
at this per IckI. 

Its effect on the 
growth of the 
papal powe): 

had learned to regard tlieir bishop as the centre of all 
rightful action, and the source of the authority deposited 
in them. 

But the acts of the diocesan, if arbitrary and unlawful, 
might be checked by appealing to another bishop, whom 
the canons of the Church, in union with the civil power, 
had raised to superior eminence of rank. Tliis was the 
metropolitan or primate^ who presided in a synod of pro- 
vincial bishops, regulated their election, authorized their 
consecration, had the power of revising their decision, or 
of carrying it for judgment to a conclave of his brother- 
prelates; and lastly, among other rights inherent in the 
primate, he was the public organ of communication with 
the State, — the channel for enforcing its enactments or 
distributing its bounty. 

It is true that as the metropolitan constitution of the 
Church had grown out of the political divisions of the 
empire^, it had also felt the shock by which the empire 
was subverted ; and that, compared with its vigour in the 
former period, it was now very often inefficient, if not 
^altogether in abeyance. Prelates of remoter sees, which 
they were engaged in reclaiming from the heathen, not 
unfrequently regarded the appointment of a primate as a 
clog on the freedom of their action. This^ was peculiarly 
apparent in the Franks ; nor is it hard to discern in their 
impatience of control a link in the chain of causes which 
was tending to consolidate the empire of the pope. They 
bowed to his legates and supported his pretensions, to evade 
what they deemed a vassalage at home. 

Yet, in spite of the wude-spread disaffection to the 

^ See Bingham, Book II. eh. xvi. 
§§ 12 sqq. and authorities there. 

^ This statement may be seen ex- 
panded at great length in Crakan- 
thorp's Defensio EccL Anglican, ch. 
XXII. § 64 sq. 

^ Cf. Neander, v. 88 sq. 153, 154. 

The provincial synods, which were 
calculated to become the strongest 
agent of the metropolitans, had been 
discontinued in France for no less 
than eighty years : see the letter of 
Boniface, above, p. 22. 


Constitution of the Church. 



government of primates, it was able, here and there, to 
perpetuate its hold, and even to secure a footing in the 
newlj founded churches. When Boniface was brought 
into collision with the bishop of Cologne*, he strenuously 
resented every act of interference in the spirit of the 
Frankish prelates : but in other parts he laboured from 
the first to organize the metropolitan system, and to use Metropouiam 
it as the special instrument of Rome. In his view ^ everv ""^ recently 

/.-,.. TTT . concerted 

prelate of a district should be placed in a close dependence 
on the primate, and the primate in subservience to the 
pope, on whom the correction of the evils, tliat might 
baffle a domestic synod, should be finally devolved. After 
manifold obstructions^, the design of Boniface was partly 
carried out. A council at Soissons^ (744) enabled him to 
fix one metropolitan at Rheims, and a second in the town 
of Sens. Mentz (Mayence) was awarded to himself; and 

countrirs: hut 
tvith a lio- 
vianizinrj bia.f, . 

'* Ejx xciv, A.D. 753 : 'F.t modo 
vult Coloniensis episcopus sedem 
supradicti Willibrordi prsedicatoris 
[t. e. Utrecht] sibi contrahere, ut 
non sit episcopalis sedes, suhjeda 
Romano jyontifici, prsedicans gentem 
Fresonum. Cui respondebam, ut 
credidi, quod majus et potius fieri 
debeat prseceptum apostolicfe sedes, 
et ordinatio Sergii papas, et legatio 
venerandi pragdicatoris Willibrordi, 
ut et fiat sedes episcopalis subjecta 
Romano pontifici prsedicans gentem 
Fresonum, quia magna pars iilorum 
adhuc pagana est ; quam destructce 
ecclesiolse fundamenta diruta, et a 
paganis conculcata, et per negligen- 
fiam ejyiscoporum derelicta. Sed ipse 
non consentit.' 

^ ' Decrevimus autem in nostro 
synodali conventu, et confessi sumus 
fidem catholicani, et unitatem, et 
subjectioneni Romance ecclesice, fine 
tenus vitse nostrae, velle servare : 
sancto Petro et vicario ejus velle 
sitbjici: synodum per omnes annos 
congregare : meLropolitanos pallia ah 
ilia sede qucerere, etc. . . . Decrevi- 
mus, ut metropolitanus qui sit pallio 
sublimatus, hortetur cseteros, et ad- 

moneat, et investiget, quis sit inter 
eos curiosus de salute populi, quisve 
negligens servus Dei . . . Statuimus 
quod proprium sit metropolitano, 
juxta canonum statuta, subjectormn 
sibi episcoporum investigare mores 
et sollicitudinem circa populos, quales 
sint . . . Sic enim, ni fallor, omnes 
episcopi debent metropolitano, et ipse 
Romano pontifici, si quid de corri- 
gendis populis apud eos impossibile 
est, notum facere, et sic alieni 
fient a sanguine animarum perdita- 
rum.' Ep. LXlll. A.D. 745 (addressed 
to Cuthbert, archbp. of Canter- 

6 ' De eo autem, quod jam prae- 
terito tempore de archiepiscopis et 
de palliis a Roniana ecclesia pictendis, 
juxta promissa Francorum, sancti- 
tati vestry notum feci, indulgentiam 
apostolicee sedis flagito : quia quod 
promiserunt tardantes non impleve- 
runt, et adhuc differtur et ventilatur, 
quid inde perficere voluerint, igno- 
ratur, sed mea voluntate impleta est 
promissio:' Ep. LXXV. (to pope Za- 
charias, A.D. 751): cf Keander, 
C. H. V. 89. 

7 Labbe, vi. 1552. 


Constitution of the Church, 

[a.d. 590 

INTERNAL at the close of the century two others, Arno of Salzburg 


jf%e grant of 
the pallium. 

The papal 
power ad- 
vanced by the 

and Hildewald of Cologne, were added to the list of 
primates. In England^ also we have seen that the Eoman 
mission were in favour of the same arrangement, choosing 
for their purpose Canterbury^ and York^ but the dignity 
intended for the latter was a long while in abeyance. In 
all cases it was now the custom to create a metropolitan 
by sending him the pall or pallium, as a decorative badge. 
At first^ it implied that all, thus distinguished by the pope, 
were prelates in communion with the Homan see : but in 
after-times it grew into a symbol of dependence. 

Much, however, as the papacy had gained by these 
centralizing changes, it was equally indebted to the con- 
quests of Islamism. While they tended to unite the 
Christians of the west, they shook the dominion of the 
eastern patriarchs ; and three of these we must regard as 
virtually dethroned^. They all, in the former period of the 

^ It is reBiarkable that in Ireland 
there were no metropolitans, or none 
at least who wore the pallium, till 
1151. Roger de Hoveden, Annal. 
Pars Prior: apud Scriptores post 
Bedarii, p. 490. 

2 See above, p. 10, note i. The 
primacy of Canterbury, which had 
been disputed, was settled in a pro- 
vincial synod, 803. Wilkins, I. 166. 

3 See above, p. 13, note 9. The 
metropolitans of England ordinarily 
received consecration from each 
other : but until York had regained 
its archiepiscopal rank in 735, the 
prelate-elect of Canterbury was 
sometimes consecrated in Gaul, and 
sometimes by a conclave of his own 
suffragans. Kemble, 11. 381. 

•* One of the earliest instances of 
such a grant from the pope is that 
of Cajsarius, bishop of Aries, to 
whom Synamachus is said to have 
permitted (513), ' speciali privilegio, 
pallii usum'. Vit. S. Cce ar. in the 
Acta Sanctorum, August, vi. 71. 
For another example of nearly the 

same date, see a letter of Symma- 
chus to Theodore, archbishop of 
Laureacum, in Ludewig, Scriptores 
Rerum German, ir. 352 : but Jaffd, 
Regest. Pontif. Roman. (Berolini, 
1851), places it among the * Literafi 
Spurise.' In the Eastern Church all 
bishops, as such, had worn a pallium 
{(bfjio^opLov) : Pertsch, Be orir/ine, 
usic, et auctoritate pallii archiepisco- 
palis, pp. 91 sq. Helmst. 1754: 
Neale's History of Eastern Church, 
Introd. p. 312. In the west also, 
after it came into use, it was given 
to simple bishops as well as to pri- 
mates. Pertsch, ib. 134 sq. 

^ It is true the Nestorians and 
Jacobites kept up the patriarchal 
system (see Asseman, Bihlioth. Ori- 
ent, tom. III. part ii. pp. 643 seq., 
and Neale's Eastern Church, 11. 98 
seqq., where the forms of election, 
are given in the two cases respect- 
ively) : but as they were not in com- 
munion with the Church at large, 
they had no weight in counteracting 
the encroachments of the popes. 

— 814] Constitution of the Church, 41 

Church, had exercised a constant check on the pretensions internal; 



and L 

of the pope ; for like him® they had extensive powers and 
were invested with precedence over other bishops : in pro- 
portion, therefore, as the sphere of their influence was 
narrowed, that of the larger patriarchates would be suffered 
to increase ; and the struggle for priority of place among 
them would be confined to the Eoman and Byzantine sees. 
The envy and ambition of these pontiffs led the way to 
a multitude of evils ; and resulted, at the close of the 
following period, in a deep and irreparable schism between 
the Greek and the Latin Christians. It is true there 
had long been a feeling of respect (in some, it may be, S cji^n'"^ 
allied to veneration) for the Church that was thought to 
have been planted by St Peter in the mother-city of the 
workF. This feeling was diffused in countries very far 
from the Italian pale; it was shared even in the eastern 
patriarchates, where the many were disposed to grant a 
primacy of order to the sister-church of Rome. But when 
the court with its prestige had been transplanted from 
the west, Constantinople was exalted to a parity of rank^, 
and laboured to secure its prominent position. 

^ The Roman patriarchate was stantinople was the seat of the em- 

originally small, confined to the ten pire. The Council in Trullo (691) 

provinces of middle and southern repeated the decree in still clearer 

Italy and Sicily. See De Marca, Con- terms : can. XXXVI : tGjv tawv airo- 

cordiaSacerd. et Imperii, \\h.l. c. "]. Xavovaav irpecr^eicov ry irpecx^vT^pa 

"^ e.g. Valentin, in. A. D. 455: ^acn\ldt"PiJ:fj.rj. These canons were 

* Cum igitur sedis apostolicoe pri- signed by the emperor and the four 

matum B. Petri meritum, qui est eastern patriarchs : the pope, how- 

princeps sacerdotalis corontB, et Ro- ever, obstinately refused, and some of 

manse dignitas civitatis, saci;e etiam the decisions were afterwards revers- 

synodi firmarit auctoritas' dc. : ad ed by synods in the west. In the Co- 

calc. Cod. Theodosian. torn. vi. p. dcx of Justinian, lib. I. tit. ii. c. 24, 

12 : cf. the language of Columbanus, the Church of Constantinople is enti- 

above, p. 17, note 7. tied iraaCbv ruu dWwv K€(pa\r] ; but 

^ See Concil. Constantinop. a.d. he used the same language in regard 

381, can. III.: Concil. Chalcedon, to the Church of Rome. Ibtd. lib. i. 

A.D. 451, can. xxvni, which con- tit. i. c. 7, and elsewhere. The 

firms the decision of the earlier incursion of the Lombards into 

council : rd Taa irpecr^eia cLTr^veLfxau Italy (568) weakened the connexion 

Tcp TTJs p^as 'Fuj/xrjs ayiooTdrtp dpovo), between the empire and the popes, 

K.T.X., on the ground that Con- and left them more at liberty to 


Constitution of the ChurcJi. 

[a.d. 590 


The title of 
' (Ecumenical 

Progrexx of tJie 
papal power 
under Gregory 
the Great. 

An example of the contest is supplied at the close of 
the sixth century. John the Faster (6 vrjcrrevr /](;), pa- 
triarch of Constantinople, had begun ^ (about 587) to make 
use of the title ' OEcumenical bishop,' in accordance with 
the pompous language of Justinian ^ This was peculiarly 
offensive to the Roman prelate, Gregory the Great (590 — 
604), who instantly denounced^ the conduct of his rival. 
For his own part also he was ready to disclaim an appella- 
tion of that nature^, on the ground that it detracted from 
the honour of his colleagues. Yet in spite of these dis- 
claimers, it is obvious that to him, far more than any 
of his predecessors, the foundation of the papal monarchy 
is due^. He seems to have been possessed by an idea 

follow out their centralizing pro- 
jects. Even then, however, the 
obstructions they encountered were 
not few. The archbishop of Aquileia 
and the Istrian prelates had sus- 
pended all communion with the 
court of Rome in the controversy 
on the Three Chapters, and were 
not reconciled till 69S : see Rubeis, 
Monimenta Ecclesice Aqu'dejensis, ed. 
1740, and Gieseler, n. 129. 

^ It is clear from Gregor. Ep. V. 
18, that Pelagius II., his prede- 
cessor, was offended ' propter ne 
fandum elationis vocabulum,' 

2 Cf. Codex, lib. i. tit. i. 7 : Novell. 
m,, V. and elsewhere. 

^ See, among others, a letter ad- 
dressed to John himself (595), v. 18, 
and one of the same date to the 
emperor Maurice, v. ?o. 

4 A.D. 598, in a letter to Eulo- 
gius, patriarch of Alexandria, who, 
in the style of the Eastern Church, 
had called Gregory ' universalis epi- 
scopus'. Gregor. Ep. vin. 30. It 
continued, however, to be given to 
the see of Constantinople, and Pho- 
cas, the murderer of Maurice, who 
ascended the imperial throne in 
602, rewarded the countenance he 
had received from the Pope (cf. 
Gregor. Epist. xiii. 31), by advocat- 
ing his pretensions to supremacy : 

'Hie (Phocas), rogante papa Boni- 
facio, statuit sedem Romanse et 
apostolicae ecclesiae caput esse om- 
nium ecclesiarum, quia ecclesia Con- 
stantinopolitana primam se omni- 
um ecclesiarum scribebat.' Beda, 
Chronicon, A.D. 614. The commu- 
nication of the Roman prelates 
with the coiu't was kept up by an 
agent (apocrisiariiis) at Constanti- 
nople. Gregory the Great and two 
of his immediate successors had 
each held this office in their earlier 

^ * Upon the whole, the papal 
authority had made no decisive 
progress in France, or perhaps any- 
where beyond Italy, till the pon- 
tificate of Gregory I.' Hallam, 
Middle Ages, ch. vii : i. 519; ed. 
1841. Eor a minute account of its 
inroads and possessions at the be- 
ginning of the seventh century, see 
Wiltsch's Handbuch der Kirchlichen 
Geographie und Statistik, I. 67 sq. 
Berlin, 1846. 

^ ' De Constantinopolitana eccle- 
sia,' he asks, Epist. ix. 12, * quis 
earn dubitet sedi apostolicae esse 
subjectam V — but this might imply- 
no more than the priority of Rome 
as one of the sedes apostolicce: see 
the whole of his letter to Eulogius 
(vii. 40), where he seems to argue 


Constitution of the Church. 


tliat the source of all authority for every province of 
the Church was lodged, by some special grant, in the 
successors of St Peter: and the vigour of his mlnd^, 
united with his many Christian virtues, had enabled 
him to propagate his tenets far and near, not only in 
the ancient Roman dioceses, but in every province of 
the west. In contrast with tlie misery at home^, a field 
of increasing glory was presented to his view In the 
mission to the Anglo-Saxons, the conversion of the Arian 
Visigoths in Spain ^, and the respect with which his coun- 
sels were accepted by the Frankish kings and prelates^^. 
He was followed In a quick succession by Sabinian (604), lUs 
Bonlfacius III. (607), Bonifacius IV. (608), Deusdedit 
(615), Honorlus I. (625), Severinus (638?), John IV. (640), 
Theodore I. (642), Martin I. (649), Eugenius I. (654), VI- 
tallan (657), Adeodatus (672),Donus (676), Agatho'' (678), 


as if Antioch and Alexandria, which 
had also been indebted to St Peter, 
stood on a level with the E,oman 

'' This was shewn by his letters, 
of which 840 have been preserved, 
and by his theological Treatises. 

8 Gibbon, ch. XLV: iv. 267. ed. 

9 In a letter to Rechared, king of 
the Visigoths, a.d. 599, Epist. ix. 
I -2 2, he praises the zeal of that 
monarch in reclaiming 'all the 
nation of the Goths' from the heresy 
of Arius, and forwards a pallium to 
Leander, bishop of Seville, at his 
own request, Jhid. ix. 121. In 
701 — 710, however, Witiza the king 
endeavoured to restore the inde- 
pendence of the Spanish Church, 
and forbade all appeals to a 'foreign' 
bishop ; but the conquests of the 
Saracens soon after put an end to 
this freer movement. For a careful 
statement of the evidence respecting 
Witiza, see Gieseler, 11. 189 sq, 

10 e.g. Gregor. Epist. xi. 55, 56, 
59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 69. In the last, 
dated like the others, 601, he asks 

leave of Brunechild, the Frankish 
queen, to send a legate into Gaul, 
with the hope of restraining such 
priests as lived 'impiidice ac ne- 
quiter.' This intercourse was, how- 
ever, weakened during the political 
disturbances of the seventh century, 
and only reestablished under Pepin 
and Carloman, Gieseler, n, 187. 

^^ In apologizing for his delay in 
sending legates to the Council of 
Constantinople (680), he thus speaks 
of the growth of his dominion in 
the west : Primum quidem, quod 
numerosa multitudo nostrorum 
usque ad oceani regiones extendi- 
tur, cujus itineris longinquitas in 
multi temporis cursum protelatur: 
sperabamus deinde de Britannia 
Theodorum, archiepiscopum et phi- 
losophum, ad nostram humilitatem 
conjungere : et maxime quia in 
medio gentium, tam Longobardo- 
rum, quamque Sclavorum, necnon 
Francorum, Gallorum, et Gothorum, 
atque Britannorum, plurimi confa- 
mulorum nostrorum esse noscuntur.' 
Mansi, xi. 294. 


Constitution of the Church. 

[A.D. 590 


NTERXAL Leo II. (682), Benedict 11. (683?), John' V. (685), Conon 
'^^*^^^''* (686), Sergius I. (687), John VI. (701), John VII. (705), 
Sisinnius (708), Constantine I. (708), Gregory' II. (715),— 
whose advocate in forwarding the papal power was Boni- 
face, the Englishman,— Gregory' III. (731), Zacharias 
(741), Stephen II. (752), Stephen^ III. (753), Paul I. (757), 
Constantine 11.(767), Philip (768), Stephen IV. (768), Ha- 
drian I. (772), Leo III. (795—816). But although we may 
trace encroachments in the conduct of these prelates, and a 
growing boldness in their tone, especially in Gregory II. 
and in Zacharias, it was not until the papacy^ of Hadrian I. 

^ It is remarkable that this pope 
and six of his immediate successors 
were either Greeks or Syrians, v/hich 
is to be ascribed to the want of 
theological scholars in Rome, or 
still more to the influence of the 
Byzantine court. Dollinger, C. E. 
III. no. 

2 The following passage from a 
letter to the emperor Leo (729) is 
very remarkable : * Nos viam in- 
gredimur in extremas occidentis 
regiones versus illos, qui sanctum 
baptisma efflagitant. Cum enim 
illuc episcopos misissem et sanctre 
ecclesise nostrse clericos, nondum 
adducti sunt, ut capita sua incli- 
narent et baptizarentur, eorum prin- 
cipes, quod exoptent, ut eorum sim 
susceptor (ifx^ iin^TjTovvTes ycp^adai 
avTwv dvddoxov). Hac de causa nos 
ad viam, Dei benignitate, accingi- 
mus, ne forte damnationis et incuriae 
nostrjE rationem reddamus.' Mansi, 
xn. 981. Another specimen of his 
extravagant language occurs, ibid. 
971: Tou dyLOv Jlirpov ai iracrai 
^aaiXeiai rijs dvaeojs Qebv eirlyeiov 

•* In a letter to the English bi- 
shops (cir. 731) he informs them 
that he had constituted Tat win, 
archbishop of Canterbury, primate 
of all Britain and his vicar. Wil- 
kins, I. 81. 

"^ At his prayer (755) the Franks 
were induced to rescue his posses- 

sions from the Lombards {Scriptores 
Franc, ed. Duchesne, ill. 707), and 
in this way Italy was lost to the 
enfeebled emperors of the east, who 
could no longer keep it in their 
grasp. The crowning of Charle- 
magne (Dec. -25, 800) with the im- 
perial diadem, in the church of 
St Peter, gave fresh vigour to the 
inroads of the popes. He added 
also to their landed property, and 
made them temporal princes : on 
which see Hadrian's letter to him 
(777) ''^^^ sup. 'j66 ; Neander, v. 168; 
and De Marca, I)e Concordia, lib. 
ni. c. 12. 

^ ' It cannot, I think, be said that 
any material acquisitions of eccle- 
siastical power were obtained by the 
successors of Gregory (the Great) 
for nearly one hundred and fifty 
years.' Hallam, Middle Ages, I. 520. 
Hadrian I, however, says distinctly 
(782) : * Sedes apostolica caput to- 
tius mundi et omnium Dei ecclesi- 
arum,' Codex Carolin. ed, Cenni, i. 
389 : 'Cujus sollicitudo, delegata di- 
vinitus, cunctis debetur ecclesiis :' 
and other similar expressions are 
quoted by Neander, v. 166, 167 
(notes). On the circulation of the 
Pseudo-Isidore Decretals (at the 
close of the eighth century) these 
notions were apparently supported 
by a continuous chain of testimony 
reaching up to the Apostles. Ihid. 
VI. 2—8. 

— 814] Constitution of the Churcli. 45 

that a claim to the pastorship of all the Christian Church internal 
was lully brought to light. Ihe eastern patriarchates, tion. 
it is true, continued to resist this arrogant demand as firmly 
and successfully as ever: but it gained a more general 
acceptance in the west. This will be found especially in Furthe)- 
regions now brought over to the Gospel, and in tribes iSa^^Joi/wf 
of Teutonic blood. A large portion of the extant rescripts*' 
issued at this period were directed to the rulers of the 
Chmxli of Ene'land. While they shew us how profoundly ns estauish- 

^ ^ '' ^ ^ *' ment among 

she was moved by sentiments of gratitude and veneration^, ^aaw'f"" 
they bear witness also to the servile spirit of her children, 
notwithstanding^ some occasional assertions of their free- 
dom. And the same must be conceded in the case of 
Germany, as soon as the Irish school was silenced and f"'^ '^ 
subverted. In the council^ at which Boniface presided 
(742), in his character of Roman legate, he was able to 
anticipate the fervent wishes of his master. Every scheme 
he then propounded for the organizing of the German 
Church was based on subjection to the popes. This ten- 
dency indeed was balanced for a while by the action of 
the royal power; but as soon as the diadem of Charle- 

^ See the useful index of Jaffd n. i. Alcuin, also, led astray by a 

(Berlin, 185 1) exiiitlQ^. Reg esta P on- spurious document {Ep. xcii, al. 

tificum Romanorum. cviii, 0pp. i. 134 : cf. Neand. v. 

'' This led to the foundation of 168), arrived in the year 800 at 

an English college at Rome (cir, the conclusion, that the see of Rome 

790), entitled ' Schola Saxonum.' was * judiciariam, non judicandam ;' 

See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxons, I. and in 796 he addressed the pope 

204 — ■207. It was afterwards con- {Ep. XX, al. xxiv, 0pp. I. 30) in the 

verted into a hospital * Xenodo- following terms : ' Sanctissime Pa- 

chium Sancti Spiritus,' for the ter, pontifex a Deo electus, Vicarius 

entertainment of English pilgrims apostolorum, hseres patrum, princeps 

who, from 720 to the close of the ecclesise, unius immaculatae columbse 

century, were very numerous. Bed. nutritor,' etc. ; though much of this 

Hist. Eccl. V. 7 : Chronicon, in Mo- language is to be regarded as empty 

nument. BHtan. p. loi, A. Others, rhetoric. 

like the youthful monarch Cead- ^ Ep. LXin. Carloman, who 

wealla (689), and his successor Ine prompted this synodal action, with- 

(725), took up their pei'manent drew from his court in 748, *ad 

abode in Rome, *ad limina bea- limina beatorum apostolorum per- 

torum apostolorum.' Bed. Hist. venit,' and assumed the monastic 

Eccl. Y. "J. habit. Annates Launssenses Minor. 

^ See Wilfrith's case, above, p. i6, in Pertz, i. 115. 


Constitution of the Gliurcli, [a.d. 590 

oSi^zA- ^^g^6 ^^^ descended to his weaker and more pliant 
'^^^^ • offspring, the aggressive spirit of the papacy unfolded all 

its might. 

A second feature in the changes of this period was the 
grooving reputation of the monks. Being now not un- 
frequently admitted into orders, and distinguished for their 
missionary zeal, their swarming numbers, their superior 
learning, and the strictness of their mode of life, they won 
the applauses of the multitude as well as of the courts^, 
eclipsing the parochial clergy, and evading the exactions 
of the bishops. It is true, they were subject in most 
countries^ to the censures of their own diocesans, but 
in the course of the seventh century they strove to be 
exempted from this rule, which had sometimes grown ex- 
ceedingly oppressive^; and the favour they enjoyed at 
Eome^, enabled many convents of tlie west to realize 
their wishes^. They were made to contribute in this 
way to the fixing of the papal power. The Rules ^ of 

1 In England alone nearly thirty- 
kings and queens retired into con- 
vents or reclusion during the 
seventh and eighth centuries. Dol- 
linger, ii. 58. And the same, 
though to a less extent, is true of 
other counti-ies. Schroekh, XX. 
10 — 1-2. The monastic life was the 
realization of the ideal of the me- 
diaBval mijnd. Buckingham, Bihle 
in the Middle Ages, p. 82. 

2 There was an exception in the 
case of Africa, where some of the 
convents placed themselves under 
the protection of distant bishops. 
Concil. ed. Mansi, viii. 648. In the 
seventh century exemptions had 
commenced in the patriarchate of 
Constantinople. They were de- 
noted by the erection, at the cloister, 
of a patriarchal cross. Dollinger, 
II. ^85. 

^ On the despotic powers of the 
bishops at this period and the op- 
position (conjurationes) they pro- 
voked, see Guizot, Hist, of Civiliza- 

tion, <bc., II. 55 sq., 94 sq., ed. Lond. 
1846. The conjuratioiies of the 
monks were perhaps akin to the 
clerical 'gilds' in England. ^Ifrid's 
Works, I. 445. 

4 See Gregor. I., Epist. viii. 15, 
addressed (598) to the bishop of 
Ravenna. A Roman Synod (601) 
drew up constitutions in their fa- 
vour ; and another, in 610, deter- 
mined in opposition to a certain 
party in England that monks should 
be allowed to exercise all priestly 
functions. Cf. Council of Seville 
(618) can. 10, 11; Epist. Johan. IV. 
apud Labb. Concil. v. 1773. 

^ The abbey of Medehamsted 
(Peterborough), A.D. 680, is a re- 
markable instance. Wilkins, i, 48. 
The abbot was appointed by the 
pope his legate for all England. 

^ See L. Holstein's Codex Regu- 
lar um Monasti car um, etc. ed, 1759, 
and Helyot's Eistoire des Ordres 
Religieux, etc. ed. 1792. Monas- 
ticism retained its variety of form 

— 814] Constitution of the Church. 47 

Columbanus, Isidore, and Cassarius of Aries, like tlie older internal 
systems of St Basil, Cassian, and the rest, were gradually tion. 

supplanted in tlie western churches by the order of St Theimpor- 
Benedict. He was a native of Umbria, and in 529 es- Bmedidine 


tablished the great model-abbey of Monte Cassino. His 
chief aim was to mitigate the harshness and monotony 
that characterized the eastern systems, though in one re- 
spect he made his institute more rigid, — by the vow, which, 
after a noviciate of one year, he claimed of every person 
who retreated to his cloisters. It was not, however, till 
some time after his own death (543) that the order was 
extensively adopted: but in the course of two hundred 
years it was everywhere diffused in Gaul, in Italy, and 
Spain; and it followed in the track of Benedictine monks 
who laboured in Great Britain, and the northern parts of 
Europe ^ Much as this order, by its union and its growing- 
numbers, interfered with the freedom of the local churches, 
and facilitated the incursions of the popes, it must not- 
withstanding be regarded as a patron of the arts^, and 
as contributing to fan the embers of religion^. 

in the eastern patriarchates. For most of the German missionaries 

some idea of its spirit in those re- were also Benedictines. It was 

gions, see Moschus (Joban.), Aet- natural, therefore, that the German 

fiwv (compiled about 6io) in Auc- synods should insist upon con- 

tarium Biblioth. Patrum Ducmanum, formity to the institute under which 

Paris. 1624, torn. II. 1057 sq. The they had themselves been trained, 

numerous conventual establish- Helyot, ii.. 58. 

ments of the Nestorians are de- ^ The impulse in this direction 

scribed in Asseman, Biblioth. Orient. appears to have been communi- 

tom. II. part ii. The Jacobites at cated by Cassiodorus. See his 

this period introduced monasticism treatises 'De institutione Divina- 

into Ethiopia, where ' the sons of rum litterarum ' and ' De artibus 

Teklahaimanot ' are said to have ac disciplinis liberalium litterarum ' 

equalled the Benedictines of the (Opj). Rothomagi, 1679), both of 

west. Neale, 11. 74. which were much esteemed by the 

'' Augustine's abbey, of St An- medieeval monks, 
drew at Rome, did not adopt the ^ See Mabillon's Acta Sanctorum 

institute entirely, and it is said that Ordin. Benedict, passim. The Bene- 

a similar modification was intro- dictines and their offshoots were pe- 

duced in England (Dollinger. 11. cuUarly devoted to the study of the 

^85 ; but cf. Helyot, as above, Bible : see, for instance, the Anti- 

V. 80). Willebrord, Boniface, and quiores Consuetudines Cluniacensls 


Constitution of the Clmrch. 

[A.D. 590 


Institution of 



The secular 

The corruptions which prevailed in the eighth century 
among the major and the minor clerics, as distinguished 
from the monks, appear to have suggested the idea of 
binding them together by a rule, analogous to those obtain- 
ing in the convents. The design is attributed to Chrodegang, 
a pious bishop of Metz (742-766), who founded' what was 
known as the order of cathedral or collegiate ' canons'. It 
is clear that the members of his chapter differed little from 
the Benedictine monks, except in their enjoyment of some 
personal estate, arising from a periodical division of the 
funds of the cathedral. They ate and slept in common: 
at fixed (or 'canonical') hours they met in the church for 
worship, and in the chapter-house to hear the exhortations 
of the bishop. Chrodegang' s institute was sanctioned, with 
some changes, at the council of Aix-la-Chapelle (816), and 
was copied^ very soon in other countries. 

But in addition to the city-clergy, whom it was thus 
attempted to reduce more fully under the inspection of the 
bishop, every diocese included many others, who officiated 
in rural districts. These were the seculars, comprising (1) 
the parish-priests^ and their assistants; (2) the roving or 

Monasteni, in D'Acliery, i. 650, 
where we find the order of reading 
the whole Bible once a year. 

^ Chrodogangi Regula Sincera, 
apud Mansi, Condi, xiv. 313. Strictly 
speaking, Chrodegang was not the 
author of the rvile. It was akin to 
the canonical institute of St Au- 
gustine : Helyot, n. 64 sq. Canon- 
esses also are first mentioned at the 
council of Chalons-sur-Saone (813): 
Ih. n. 59. 

2 Ih. p. 68. Paul Warnefrid 
{Gesta Episc. Mettensium; Pertz, n. 
268) has left a contemporary account 
of Chrodegang and his active life. 
Charlemagne was so pleased with 
the new institute that he wanted all 
the clergy to be either monks or 
canons. Caintular, A.D. 789, c. 75 

(Baluze, i. ■239). 

3 See Bingham, Lk, IX. ch. vni. 
In most other ^countries the divi- 
sion into parishes was very ancient, 
but in England it did not commence 
till the latter part of the seventh 
century, the country-people having 
at first resorted to the cathedral 
or city-church, and in other cases 
to the convents. But parishes at 
length were generally endowed by 
kings, by bishops, or, still more fre- 
quentlj^, by the lords of the manor. 
Some churches also were erected on 
the site of the ancient heathen fanes 
(per loca ecclesias), the lands allot- 
ted to the pagan passing over to the 
Christian priest. Kemble, Saomns, 
n. 424. 


Constitution of the Church, 


itinerant clergy*, who had no proper cure and no fixed em- internal 
plojment; (3) a large band of chaplains^ who obeyed all ^^QJ^- 
the movements of the court, or were attached to the castles 
of the gentry. To correct excesses in these quarters, and 
to mitigate the evils, on the part of laymen, that grew 
out of their abuse ^ of the right of patronage, it was need- 
ful that the prelates should secure a closer supervision of 
their flocks. An order had indeed been given at the end^ v&uSl 
of the former period (572) that the bishop should inspect 
his diocese in person every year. This practice was con- 
tinued in the following centuries^ ; and the effect of it was 
extended by the larger powers of the archdeacon^, and Archdeacons, 

...J, iiifi/ •• and rural 

the rise oi many rural chapters (or associations of adjoining chapters. 
parishes) . 

"* These had grown up through, 
a relaxation of the ancient laws 
which provided that no clergyman 
should be ordained except to a 
particular church. Charlemagne la- 
boured to abate the evils that had 
flowed from .their disorderly pro- 
ceedings. Capitular, a.d. 789: ib, 
A.D. 794. The former, among other 
things, decrees *ut in diebus festis 
vel dominicis, omnes ad ecclesiam 
veniaut, et non invitent presbyteros 
ad domos suas ad missas faciendas,^ 
c. 9. 

^ The trouble they created for the 
bishops may be gathered from the 
I4tli canon of the Council of Cha- 
lons (649). The principal chaplain 
of the court (archicapellanus) be- 
came a kind of 'minister of reli- 
gion ' for the whole kingdom : see 
Planck, Geschichte der Kirchenverf as- 
sung, II. 147, 

^ e. g. Bonifacii Opp. 11. 12: *Ut 
laici presbyteros non ejiciant de ec- 
clesiis, nee mittere praesumant sine 
consensu episcoporum suorum: ut 
laici omnino non audeant munera 
exigere a presbyteris, propter com- 
mendationem ecclesiae cuique pres- 
bytero.' This prohibition was re- 
newed {813) at Aries, c. 5. 

M. A. 

'' Concil, Bracarense m. (of Braga, 
57?) can. I. 

^ e. g. Bonifacii Epist. Lxm. p. 
141 : Synod of Cloves -hoo, 747, 
can. III.; Wilkins, i. 95. In the 
Prankish empire these visitations 
were connected with the establish- 
ment of sends (? synodi), or spiritual 
courts: see Neander, v. 148, 149. 
The bishops in all cases attempted 
to extii'pate the numerous remains 
of heathenism as well as open 
vices : for the example of Gregory 
the Great (Bed. i. 30) engrafting 
pagan rites upon the service of the 
Church, had few (if any) imitators 
at this period. 

^ Bingham, bk. n. ch. xxi. § 9 : 
Neander, v. 152, 153. In some of 
the recently converted districts 
there was a great lack both of 
presbyters and bishops. See the 
excellent letter of Bede to archbp. 
Ecgberht (734), where he urges the 
necessity of further subdivision in 
that prelate's field of labour. As 
the power of the archdeacon was 
enlarged, the clwrepiscopi were all 
abolished. Gieseler, ii. -249. 

1*^ The 'capitularuralia' were pre- 
sided over by archpresbyters, or, in 
more modern language, rural deans : 


Constitution of the Church, [a. d. 590 





Their main 
objects at 
this period. 

But the organization of tlie Church is due still more to 
the influence of diocesan synods, which, until the efforts 
made by Boniface ^ to reconstruct the metropolitan system 
(744), had long been in the western Church the ordinary 
courts for determining all controverted questions. The 
proceedings of the synods^ of this epoch, with excep- 
tions to be noticed in the following chapter, did not turn 
habitually on points of doctrine, but related to the con- 
duct of the clergy or the people, the external welfare of the 
Church, and the wider propagation of the Gospel. They 
forbad all ministrations of a cleric who was unacquainted^ 
with the language of the country ; they insisted on a more 
extensive knowledge of the Bible*; they prescribed the 
routine of public worship^, and endeavoured to produce a 
greater uniformity^ ; in short, they were the legislative and 
judicial organs of the Church ; although their movements 
might be checked and overruled by the voice of superior 
councils, by the arbitrary measures of the State, or, at times, 
in the churches of the west, by the fiats of the Koman 

see Ducange, sub voce, and Dansey's 
Uorce Decanicce Rurales, -znd edit. 

^ See above, p. 39, and cf. Guizot, 
Civilization, Lect. xiii. In Spain 
the synods were chiefly national, 
and, in defect of such, 2irovincial 
councils were to be assembled every 
year. See Council of Toledo (633), 
c. 3: Merida {666), c. 7. The for- 
mer of these gives directions touch- 
ing the mode in which the synods 
should be held, can. 4. In Eng- 
land, under Theodore and subse- 
quently, it was usual to hold provin- 
cial synods, at least in the southern 
province, though not, as he di- 
rected, twice a-year. Kemble, II. 


2 See an abstract of their acts, 
chronologically arranged, in Guizot, 
Append, to Vol, II. For specimens, 
at length, see those of Cloves-hoo 
(747), and Cealchythe (785): Wil- 

kins, I. 94 sq.; T45 sq. The object 
of the annual synod is thus stated 
by pope Zacharias (Bonif. Epist. 
XLvni,): * ad pertractandum de uni- 
tate ecclesisp, ut si quid adversi acci- 
derit radicibus amputetur, et Dei 
ecclesia maneat inconcussa.' 

■* €. g. Bonifacii Statuta, § xxvn. ; 
0pp. n. 24 : cf. Charlemagne, Capi- 
till. A.D. 813, § 14; I. 505. 

* e. g. Council of Toledo (633), 
c. 25: (653), c. 8: of Aries (813), 
c. 25. 

5 e. g. Council of Rome (595), c. 
I, prescribing what parts of the 
service shall be chanted, and what 

6 e. g. Toledo (675), c. 3, ordering 
all bishops of the province to con- 
form to the ritual of the metropo- 
litan church; as an older canon of 
Toledo (633), c. 2, directed that the 
same order of prayer and psalmody 

— 814] Constitution of the Church. 51 

The marriage of the d^Ygj proper', interdicted though internal 
it were by emperors and kings, Ly western synods, and ^^tion.^"^' 
emphatically by the popes, was not generally suppressed ^»/a^^w^7e^ 
in the seventh century. In the eastern patriarchates, ^"'"'^'"■"^ 
council held at Constantinople, 691, (the Council in Trullo), 
while forbidding' second marriages in priests or deacons, 
and reflecting on all marriages contracted after ordination, 
is opposed to the canons of the west. It vindicates' the 
right of married clergymen to live as before with their 
proper consorts, on the ground that the holy ordinance of 
matrimony would be otherwise dishonoured. In the Latin 
Church, however, where the Trullan regulations were not 
all adopted, we observe a more stringent tone in the 
synodal decisions'"; and when Boniface had been suc- 
cessful in his German mission, he expended not a little 
of his ardour in discrediting the married clergy". This 
antipathy was shared by his countrymen at home'' : yet, in 
spite of the admonitions of the bishop, and the legislations 
of the witan (or state-council), very many of the English 
seculars, like those of other lands, continued to bring up 
the issue of their marriage 'I 

should be observed throughout the cilio Africano, cap. xxxvii. ita con- 
7^i?^' J. . tinentur : Pr^terea cum de cleri- 
Ihis distinction is important: coram quorundam (quamvis er^a 
tor a multitude of persons now sub- proprias uxores) incontinentia re- 
mitted to the tonsure without pass- ferretur, placuit episcopos et pres- 
n-^ *?, ^^l ^'^'^'^ "^^ers of the byteros seu diaconos, secundum pro- 
Onurch. See Guizot, Led. xiii. p. pria statuta, etiam ab uxoribus 
3 8 ^ ^^ , continere: quod nisi fecerint, ab 
^ Oan. m: Mansi, xi. 941. ecdesiastico officio removeantur. Cs- 
Oan. XIII. teros autem clericos ad id non coffi, 
'e.g. Council of Toledo (65^) sed secundum uniuscujusque ecclesi» 
can. V. VI. VII. It seems that Witi- consuetudinem observari debere ' 
za, the reforming king of Spain, in Bonif. Ep. lxv: Opp i 155 
the eighth century, rescinded the 12 g, ^_ Ecgberti Pmnitenti'ale, lib. 
decrees relating to the celibacy of III. c. i ; in Thorpe's Anglo-Saxon 
clerics. Gieseler, ii. 191, note. Laws, d-c. 11. 196. 

" See above, p.21, n. 11. Thefol- i3 gee Kemble, ii. 444 sq., where 

lowing is the language of his patron the chain of testimony is shewn to 

Zacharias: 'Qui clerici etiam ab be almost unbroken, 
uxoribus abstinere debeant, ex con- 



Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 590 


Income of 
the clergu. 


With regard to the income of the clergy, it accrued as 
before from the endowments of their churches, and the 
vohmtaiy offerings of the faithfu?. The revenues thus 
obtained were thrown into a common stock, w^iich it was 
usual, in the Eoman church^, and others, to distribute in 
four portions; of which one was allotted to the poor, a 
second to the parish priests, a third to the fabric and 
expenses of the church, and the remnant to the bishop 
of the diocese. The administration^ of the property was 
left entirely in his hands. 

Another source of church-revenue were the tithes, 
which, although they had been claimed on moral grounds 
at a far earlier date^, were not uniformly paid by Christians 
of the west until the close of the sixth century^ A special 
law of Charlemagne^, 779, enforced the payment on all 
subjects of the empire, and his neighbours for the most 
part followed his example^ Like the voluntary offer- 
ings which preceded them, the tithes were intended for 

1 The French clergy at the end of 
this period had become extremely 
rich. See Gu^rard, Cartulaire de 
VEylise de Notre Dame de Paris, 
Pref. p. xxxvii; Paris, 1850. 

" Bed. I. 27. In Spain, and per- 
haps elsewhere, the bishop had a 
third of the revenues : see Council 
of Braga (560), can. vii; of Toledo 
(633), can. XXXIII. 

^ Council of Orleans (511), can. 
XIV. XV: cf. Guizot, Lect. Xiii. p. 
53. The Council of Braga (675) 
complains of the injustice and ex- 
tortion of some of the bishops. 

■* Bingham, bk. v. ch, v. 

s The councils of Tours (567) 
and of Macon (585) endeavoured to 
procure a more regular payment. 

6 Cajiitidar. A.D. 779, c. vii. The 
severity with which this law had 
been enforced was regretted by the 
gentle Alcuin : see Epist. Lxxx. (al. 
xcv.) ad Domnum Begem: 0pp. i. 
117. In Ep. Lxxii. (al. lxxxvii. 
0pp. I. 105) he gives the following 

advice to Arno : * Esto prsedicator 
pietatis, non decimarum exactor.' 

^ e. g. OfFa, the powerful king of 
Mercia, 794, is said to have con- 
ferred all the tithes of his kingdom 
on the Church (cf. Ross, Beciprocal 
Obligations of the Church and Civil 
Poicer, p. 173). From the Excerp- 
tiones of archb. Ecgberht (circ. 740), 
§ 5, it is clear that tithes were then 
generally claimed in the north of 
England : ' Ut ipsi sacerdotes a po- 
pulis suscipiant decimas, et nomina 
eoruni quicunque dederint scripta 
habeant, et secundum auctoritatem 
canonicam coram [Deum] timenti- 
bus dividant; et ad ornamentum 
ecclesise primam eligant partem ; se- 
cundam autem, ad usum pauperum ) 
atque peregrinorum, per eorum ma- 
nus misericorditer cum omni humi- 
litate dispensent ; tertiam vero sibi- 
metipsis sacerdotes reservent.' Mansi, 
XII. 413. It is remarkable that the 
northern prelates had surrendered 
their own portion of the tithes. 

— 814] Constitution of the ChurcJi. 53 

the clergy and the poor; the bishop of the diocese at relations 
first prescribing the allotments, even where he was not ^^^^^^ 
himself entitled to a portion. — 


The Church has been hitherto regarded as an independ- 
ent corporation, organized entirely on a model of its own, 
expanding with the vigour it inherited from heaven, and 
governed, in the name of its holy Founder, by the prelates 
who derived authority from Him. But after the imperial 
coinage bore the impress of religion, and the sovereigns of 
the east and west were ' patrons' of the Church, its history 
involved another class of questions : it had entered into an 
alliance with the State, and, as a natural result, its path 
was in future to be shaped according to the new relations. 
This alliance did not lead, as it might have done, to an Gemrai 
absorption of the secular into the sacerdotal power, nor to '/'« alliance 

'■ , ^ ^ ^ ' between 

a complete amalgamation of the civil and ecclesiastical tri-^^'^'^'^ ""'^ 
bunals : yet its strength was often injured by the action of 
opposing forces, either by the Church aspiring to become the 
mistress of the State, or by the State encroaching on the pro- 
vince of the Church and suppressing her inherent rights. 
The former of these tendencies predominated in the west, the 
latter in the east. The one was diverging into i^omam'^w / -^<""«^«t*«» 
the other, to dictation of the civil power in adjudging con- ^F'^ntmwn- 
troversies of the faith, — or, in a word, to Byzantinism, 

It is true that the claims of the Eoman pontiffs, who 
evoked the aggressive spirit of the Church, were not urged 
at the present epoch as they were in after-ages. Till the 
middle of the eighth century Rome was itself dependent on 
the eastern empire^, and its voice in all civil questions^ was 

s Gibbon, iv. 479, ed. Milman. writes to the Emperor Leo (729) : 

^ Thus Gregory II., one of the * Scis sanctfe ecclesije dogmata non 

stoutest champions of the papacy, imperatorum esse, sed pontificum i 


Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 590 

li^L ATHENS proportionately Immble 



Deference of 
the western 
kmps to the 
in questions 
of doctrine. 

On the contrary it will be found 
that the court of Byzantium was unwilling to abandon 
the despotic powers that had been wielded by Justinian. 
All the eastern patriarchs, and not unfrequently the Roman\ 
were its immediate nominees ; it laid claim to a quasi-sacer- 
dotaP character, and, as we shall see ^t large, affected to 
decide in religious controversies of the very gravest kind. 
The western princes, who, until the time of Charlemagne, 
stood far lower in their mental training, were accustomed 
to defer entirely^ to the wisdom of the synods, if the faith 
of the Church was thought to be imperilled : and in cases 
even where the kings, the bishops, and the nobles were com- 
bined in one assembly — an arrangement not unusual in the 
Prankish empire* and continuing in England till the Norman 
Conquest^ — there was still a disposition to refer not a few 

idcirco ecclesiis prsepositi sunt pon- 
tifices a reipuhlicce negotiis abstinen- 
tes, et imperatores ergo similiter ab 
ecclesiasticis abstineant, et, quae sibi 
commissa sunt, capessant.' Mansi, 
Condi. XII, 969 : cf. ibid. 977, where 
he admits that the bishops have no 
right ' introspiciendi in palatium, ac 
dignitates regias deferendi.' 

1 See Schrockh, xix, 408 sq. But 
in the case of the Roman bishop 
there was generally some kind of 
election, though it was seldom bona 
fide. Gregory the Great, like many 
of his successors, seems to have 
owed liis elevation to his former 
appointment, as * apocrisiarius ' at 
the court of Byzantium. He was 
consecrated by the command of the 
emperor Maurice, after his election 
by 'the clergy, senate, and Roman 
people.* Johan. Diacon. Vit. Gre- 
gor, I. 39, in Gregor. 0pp. ed. Be- 
ned. IV. 36: Gregor. Turouensis, 
Hist. Franc, lib. x. i. Some 
idea of the excitement caused by 
these popular elections may be de- 
rived from the example of Sergius 
I. (687), who is said to have been 
chosen 'a primatibus judicum, et 

exercitu Romanse militias, vel cleri 
seditiosi parte plurima, et prsesertim 
sacerdotum atque civium multitu- 
dine.' Two other candidates, Pas- 
chalis and Theodorus, were elected 
by different factions. Vit. Sergii, 
in Vignolii Lib. Pontif. I. 303, 304, 
ed. Rom. 1724. 

2 ' Imperator sum et sacerdos ' 
was the claim of the emperor Leo 
(729): Mansi, Concil. xii. 975. One 
of the charges brought against Ana- 
stasius, a disciple of Maximus, in 
the Monothelete controversy, was 
that he refused to recognize the 
emperor as a priest, and as pos- 
sessed of spiritual jurisdiction. Max- 
imi 0pp. I. 30: ed. Combefis. 

^ Cf. Guizot, as above, il. 30. 
The precedents in which the royal 
power was most freely exercised 
have been collected in the great 
work entitled Preuves des Libertez 
de VEqUsc Gallicane. 

■* See the list of persons present 
at the Councils, in Labbe, or Mansi: 
and cf. CaroU Magni Capitid. lib. 
VI. c. iir. 

^ Ancient Laws, d'C, ed. Thorpe, 
I. 495. Before that time the bishop 

— 814] Constitution of the Church, 55 

of the civil questions ° that emer2:ed to the ultimate decision relations 

„ . ^ ^ TO THE 

of the prelates. ^ /^iv^l 
It was different, however, in respect of a second class of 

'■ Points in 

questions, where the temporal and ecclesiastical provinces '"'tJiiVowa- 
appear to interpenetrate each other. We shall there find ^"^''^"''■'"^'^ 
the Church compelled to surrender a large portion of her 
ancient rights. A prominent example is supplied in the 
filling up of vacant sees. The bishop was at first elected, as 
a rule^, by the voices of the clergy and the people ; but in 
the Frankish empire, as well as in other parts, this custom pjscon 
had been suffered to die out, amid the social changes of Jg 
the times. The arbitrary will of barbaric princes, such as 
Clovis, Chilperic, and Charles Martel, was able to annihilate 
the canons of the Church. They viewed all the bishoprics 
as one kind of feudal tenure^, and as investing their posses- 
sors with political importance: it is not surprising, therefore, 
if we find a series of such kings bestowing them at random 
on the favourites of the court. These lax and iniquitous 
proceedings^ were not, however, always unresisted hy the, Eflbrts to re 
clergy. Several councils^®, in succession, tried in vain to sjstm 

tinnance of 

Vive the older 

took his place at the side of the eal- ^ Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franror. 

dorman in the county-court (scir- VI. 39 : ' Cum niulti munera offer- 

gemot). Kemble, ii, 385. rent,' etc. De S. Patrum Vit. c. 3, 

^ For an abstract of the varied <ie <S. C'a^^o; 'Jam tunc germ en illud 

duties of a bishop at this period, see iniquum coeperat pullulare, ut sacer- 

Andent Laws, &c. ii. 3iosq. dotiura aut venderetur a regibus, aut 

^ The exceptions, under the old compararetur a clericis.' Cf, Neander, 
Roman empire, were the bishoprics v. 127 sq. ; Gieseler, 11. 154, n. 9. 
of the more important cities, which The abuse had been manifested also 
in the east and west alike had been in Spain, where the council of Bar- 
generally filled by the royal nomi- celona (599) forbad the elevation of 
nees. Neander, v. 127. laymen to bishoprics *aut per sacra 

^ Gieseler, 11. 153. Hence the regalia, aut per consensionem cleri 
demand of military services, which vel plebis:' can. 3: Mansi, x. 483 sq. 
some of the bishops rendered in per- Gregory mentions a case of this sort 
son. Gewillieb (above, p. -23) is a in Hist. Francor. viii. 22. 
striking instance of this usage, ^^ e.g. that of Auvergne (533), c. 
though it was less common in the 2; that of Paris (557), c. 8. The 
eighth than in the former centuries. latter employs the following Ian- 
Charlemagne (in 801) absolutely for- guage, after directing that the elec- 
bade all priests from taking part in tions should be made by * the people 
a battle. Mansi, xiii. 1054. and the clergy :' *Quodsi per ordina- 


Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 590 


^To^THE^^ stem the growing evil. They were seconded by Gregory 
^^^^^ the Great \ and in 615, a synod held at Paris had the 
courage to reiterate the ancient regulations. It declared 
that ' all episcopal elections which have been made without 
the consent of the metropolitan and bishops of the province, 
and of the clergy and people of the city, or which have 
been made by violence, cabal, or bribery, are henceforth 
null and void. ' This canon was at length confirmed by 
Clothaire II., but not until he had so modified its meaning 
as to be left in possession of a veto, if not of larger powers^. 
It was afterwards repeated in 624 or 625 at Eheims, with 
the addition*, ' that no one shall be consecrated bishop of a 
see, unless he belong to the same district, have been chosen 
by the people and the bishops of the province, and have 
been approved by a metropolitan synod.' Under Charle- 
magne, and the rest of the Carlovingian princes, who were 
anxious to revive the canons of the Early Church, those 
efforts of the Frankish prelates to regain their independence 
were more uniformly carried out. The freedom of episco- 
pal elections was, at least in words, conceded^, and the 
Church was not unwilling in her turn to grant a con- 
firmatory power to the sovereign''. It resulted, therefore. 

tionera reglam honoris istius culmen 
pervadere aliquis nimia temeritate 
prsesumserit, a comprovincialibus 
loci ipsius episcopus recipi nullatenus 
mereatur, quem indebite ordmatum 

^ e.g. Epist. (a, d, 6oi) xi. 59, 60, 
61, 63. 

2 Can. i: Labb. v. 1649. 

3 His proviso runs as follows : 
'Episcopo decedente in loco ipsiuR, 
qui a metropolitaiio ordinarl debet 
cum provincialibus a clero et populo 
eligatur : et si persona condigna fu- 
erit, per ordinationem principls ordi- 
uetur : vel eerie si de palatio eligitur, 
per merituni pez'sonse et doctrinas, 
ordinetur.' Ibid. 

-* Can. Ill ; XXV. 

^ e. g. Capitul. Aquisgranense 
(a.d. 803), c.i: 'Ut sancta ecclesia 
suo liberius potiretur houore, ad- 
sensum ordini ecclesiastic© prsebui- 
mus, ut episcopi per eleciionem cleri 
et popidi, secundum staiuta canonum, 
de propria diocesi, remota persona- 
rum et munerum acceptione, ob vitae 
meritum et sapientise donum, eli- 
gantur,* etc. 

^ Something like this had been 
already conceded in the council of 
Orleans (549), c. lo; where the elec- 
tion is appointed to be made cum, 
voluntate regis: cf. above, note 3. 
'The contest between election and 
royal nomination was often repro- 
duced: but in every case the ne- 
cessity of [the royal] confirmation 

— 814] Constitution of the Church. 57 

that a prelate, after his election, could not officiate in his ^^,^^^1.^^^ 

^ 1 ( ) 1 H E 

sacred calling till he had received the approbation of the power 
secular authority. But, as we shall see hereafter, even ~ 
where the princes were most friendly to the Church, they 
were loth to be deprived of so strong an engine as the 
privilege of namins: bishops must have placed within their hutroj/aino- 
grasp. They seem indeed to have employed it, in some '^^"""'^"■ 
special cases, with the open acquiescence of the clergy ; for 
a canon of the council at Toledo ^ 681, enacted, with con- 
ditions, that a primate was at liberty to consecrate those 
persons whom the king should appoint to the vacant sees : 
and in England, where the clergy, and the people also, 
had a voice in the royal council (in the ' witena gemot'), 
the nomination of a prelate by that body, though in theory 
an act of the sovereign himself, approximated to the primi- 
tive election ^ 

A second point in which the civil and ecclesiastical Riphtof 

, . . . . , . callinii 

authorities might have come into collision was the gather- -^y"*"^' 
ing of church-assemblies. In the former period, general 
councils had been summoned by the kings, while the pro- 
vincial and diocesan were held at the pleasure of the bishops. 
But distinctions of this kind were no longer kept in view, 
at least in the administration of the newly-planted churches. 
Numbers of the earliest and most active converts, both 
in Germany and England, were connected with the royal 
households ; and in this way it would naturally occur that 
measures which related to the organizing of the Church exercised b>) 
would emanate directly from the king. His power was 
in fact exhibited not only in the founding of episcopal 
sees, but in a general supervision of the clergy, and in 
the convocation of assemblies whether legislative or jti- 

was acknowledged.' Guizot, II. English prelates were sometimes both 

31. appointed and displaced by a mere 

^ c. VI: Labb. vr. 122 1. act of the royal will, and that bi- 

^ See Kemble, Saxons in England, shoprics were frequently bestowed 

II' 377> where it is also shewn that on royal chaplains. 


Constitution of the Church. [a. D. 590 





dicial. In those countries, synods (as already noted) were 
most frequently combined with the civil diets ; thougli the 
prelates, under Charlemagne, held their sessions in a sepa- 
rate chamber^; and even where they met to determine a 
doctrinal question, they were acting, for the most part, in 
obedience to the royal will^. 

It is indeed remarkable, that so long as kings were 
esteemed the real patrons of the Church^, she felt no wish 
to define exactly her relations to the civil power : the two 
authorities, in some way parallel and independent, laboured 
to enforce obedience to each other*. This was manifested 
more especially in Charlemagne and the Anglo-Saxon 
princes, who seem to have maintained, with few exceptions, 
a most friendly bearing to the Church, and to have every- 
where infused a mutual confidence into the courts, the 
bishops, and the people. 

Gifted in this manner with peculiar powers^ in virtue of 

^ e.g. this was the usage at the 
council of Mentz (813): cf. Capitul. 
A.D. 811, c. 4; I, 478, ed. Baluze. 

^ ' Orta quaestione de Sancta 
Trinitate, et de sanctorum imagi- 
nibus, inter orientalem et occiden- 
talem ecclesiam, id est, Roraanos 
et Grsecos, rex Pippinus [a.d, 767], 
conventu in Gentiliaco villa con- 
gregato, synodum de ipsa quaes- 
tione habuit.' Einhardi Annales : 
Pertz, I. T45. In like manner, nu- 
merous councils were convoked by 
Charlemagne ('jussu ejus'). Ibid. I. 
38, 87, 181, 196, 200. 

"^ Alcuin, writing to Charlemagne 
(799) a letter {Ep. Lxxx. al. xcv.) 
in many ways remarkable, thus 
speaks of his relation to the Church : 
' Ecce 1 in te solo tota salus eccle- 
siarum Christi inclinata recumbit. 
Tu vindex scelerum, tu rector erran- 
tium, tu consolator moerentium, tu 
exaltatio bonorum.' 0pp. I. 117. 
He had just been deploring the 
evils of the times, and especially the 
insurrection of the Romans against 
Leo III. : cf. Annales Lauresham.; 

Pertz, I. 38. There can indeed be 
no doubt respecting the extent of 
the royal prerogative, as it was 
wielded by the hands of Charle- 
magne. Though he exempted the 
clergy more than ever from the 
jurisdiction of the civil courts {Capit. 
A.D. 80 !, c. i) he retained the high- 
est judicial power in all civil causes, 
even where the litigants were bi- 
shops {Capit. A.D. 812, c. i). By 
means of the missi (two extraordi- 
nary judges, a bishop, and a count), 
he was able to keep a continual 
check on the administration both of 
ecclesiastical and civil officers : Ca- 
pitul. III., A.D. 789, c. ii. and else- 
where: cf. Gieseler, II. 241 sq, : Gui- 
zot, II. 319, 320. 

* 'L'Eglise dtait tellement iden- 
tifi^e avec I'dtat, qu'il y avait alors 
plutot confusion que rivalit6 entre 
eux.' Gu^rard, Cartulaire deVEglise 
de Notre Dame, Pref. p. xxi. Cf. 
Ranke, Hefoo'mation, I. 6, 7 ; Lond. 


^ How multifarious were the 
rights and duties of the bishops may 


Constitution of tlie Church 


their close alliance with the State, the cleray, and especially relations 

OJ J r -/TO THE 

the prelates, were enabled to exert a salutary influence on power 

the daily temper of the kings, and on the administration 

of the laws. Their frequent intercessions in behalf of 

criminals, and the asylums® opened in their churches for 

the persecuted and the friendless, were effectual in subduing 

the austerity of justice, and impressing on a rude, impetuous 

and revengeful age the sacredness of human life. A singular 

eflfect of the alliance now cemented in the west, between 

the Church and civil power, was the drafting of a large body 

of the serfs into the ranks of the working clergy. It was now the re- 

usual for the free-men of a country to assist in the military vhurch and 

'' -^ state affected 

service ; but as all were exempted who had taken orders, *^«^^- 
many persons were now anxious to be numbered with the 
clerics, for the sake of evading the injunction of the State. 
A law was accordingly passed, forbidding any free-man to 
become a priest (or even to retire into a convent), until 
he had secured the acquiescence of the king^. It happened 
as an immediate consequence, tliat prelates^ were con- 
strained to levy their recruits from a different class of men ; 
and as the serfs were almost everywhere enfranchised as 

be seen from the Anglo-Saxon /m- 
stitutes of £ccl. Polity; Thorpe, ii. 
312 sq. Doubtless one result of 
their position wiis to secularize their 
spirit ; and of this Alcuin frequently 
complains : e. g. ' Pastores curse tur- 
bant sseculares, qui Deo vacare de- 
buerunt :' £p, cxii. (al. CLI.) Ojop. i. 

^ The abuses of tlie right of sanc- 
tuary were checked by the inter- 
position of the civil law. Thus the 
Capitulareoi Charlemagne, A.D. 779, 
cap. 6, forbids any bishop or abbot 
to give shelter to a thief or mur- 
derer. In England, however, if the 
criminal took refuge in a church 
enjoying the privilege of asylum, a 
law of Ine (688—725) provided that 
his life should be spared, but that he 
should make the legal * bot, * or sa- 

tisfaction, § 5; Thorpe, i. 104. 

^ See can. 4 of the council of Or- 
leans (511): Baluzii Capitular, ii. 
386. In 805 Capital, c. 15, the law 
is extended to all free-men * qui ad 
servitium Dei se tradere volunt,' i.e. 
who wish to become either clerics or 

^ In the rule for canons, sanc- 
tioned by the council at Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle (816) it is stated that many of 
the prelates selected their clergy ex- 
clusively from the serfs (can. cxix.), 
and did so in defiance of the laws 
requiring them to be manumitted 
before ordination : e. g. Council of 
Toledo (633), can. LXXiv. The ob- 
ject was to keep them more entirely 
under the lash of episcopal disci- 
pline (severissimis verberibus): Mansi, 
XIV. 230. 


Constitution of the Church, [a. d. 590 

RELATIONS a step to ordination, this enactment of the civil power 
was tending in a high degree to humanize and to ennoble 
the most abject of our race\ 


^ See Neander's remarks on this 
point, and on the general feelings of 
the Church with regard to slavery : 
V. 133 — 139. Another remarkable 
instance of the change produced by 
Christianity is seen in the Anglo- 
Saxon Institutes, Sc, ed. Thorpe, ii. 
314, where the lord is enjoined to 
protect his thralls, on the ground 
that 'they and those that are free 
are equally dear to God, who bought 
us all with equal value.'' Perhaps 
no feature of the Middle Ages is 
more striking than the influence of 

the Church in teaching the equality 
of men, and opening a way to pre- 
ferment for tjie humblest of her 
members. Any one might be re- 
ceived into a monastery : he could 
then be ordained, and if possessing 
superior qualifications might ad- 
vance to the very highest eminence 
in Church and State. In this man- 
ner some of the evils, arising out of 
the hereditary character of feudalism, 
were largely counteracted ; and the 
Church became the champion and 
promoter of popular rights. 

—814] ( 61 ) 



A FEW of tlie minor discrepancies^ in the lists of the western 

fx . IT 1 .11 CHURCH. 

bcnpture-canon nacl come over to the present period ; but 

in every quarter of the Church a cordial veneration for 
the teaching of the Bible had continued as of old. It venn-auon 
was the treasury of supernatural wisdom and the fountain scriptures'. 
of religious truth. A personal investigation of it was 
accordingly required^ in those who had learned to read, 
although the number of such persons at this epoch would 
be relatively small ; while ignorance or meagre knowledge 
of its pages was regarded as a bar to holy orders ^. 

2 SeeSchrockh, XX. igisq. andBp. ing the restoration of letters was a 

Cosin, Hist, of the Canon, ch. IX. x. fear lest the prevailing ignorance 

^ Thus the English canons of should lead to misconceptions of the 
Cloves-hoo (747), after complaining Bible: *ne sicut minor in scribendo 
that too many 'rather pursued the erat prudentia, ita quoque et multo 
amusements of this present unstable minor in eis, quam recte esse dehu- 
life than the assiduous study of the issct, esset sanctarum Scriiiturarum 
Holy Scripture,' proceed as follows : ad intelligendum sapieniia.'' Capitul. 
'Therefore let the boys be confined, ed. Baluze, I. 201. 
and trained up in the schools to the "* e. g. Council of Toledo (633), 
law of sacred knowledge, that being can. xxv; Aries (813), can. I. Al- 
by this means well-learned, they cuin (797) thus exhorts the people of 
may become in all respects useful to his native land (is;?. Lix. al. LXXiv. 
the church of God.' English Canons, Ojip. i. 'jS) : ' Piimo omnium qui in 
ed. Johnson, I. 246, Oxf. 1850. Cf. ecclesia Christi Deo deserviunt, dis- 
the language of Aldhelm, in ^Vhar- cant diligenter, quomodo Deo pla- 
ten's Anglia Sacra, 11. 5 {0pp. ed. ceant, quomodo fidem catholicam, 
Giles, p. 334) ; and De Laiidibus quam primum doctores nostri in eis 
Virginitatis, § 4, p. 4. One of the fundaverunt, obtinere firmiter et 
motives of Charlemagne in forward- praedicari valeant ; quia ignorantia 

62 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 590 


Tlveology of 
Gregory Vie 

The practical 
bent of his 

From tlieir mode of interpreting the Scriptures, it is 
plain that the Latin doctors symbolized with St Augus- 
tine, and were generally disposed to follow in his steps. 
Of his more eminent disciples we have one in the Koman 
bishop, Gregory the Great, who forms the transition- 
link in our descent from the early to the ftiedi^eval schools 
of thought. He had imbibed the predominating spirit 
of the west: he clung to the authoritative language of 
the councils with implicit and unreasoning belief ^ His 
writings, therefore, stand in some way contrasted with 
the subtler and more independent labours of the eastern 
theologians, where, especially in men like John of Da- 
mascus^, we may trace a continual effort to establish the 
traditions of the past on dialectic grounds. So far, indeed, 
was Gregory the Great from prying into speculative 
matters, that he seems to have confined himself exclusively 
to one (the more practical) aspect of the Augustinian 

Scripturarum ignorantia Dei est... 
Adducite vobis doctores et magis- 
tros SanctcB Scripturce, ne sit hwpia 
apud vos Verbi Dei, etc' In con- 
futing misbelievers, it was usual to 
insist on that interpretation of the 
Scriptures, which accorded with 
the teaching of the Fathers ; e. g. 
' Tantum divina voluit providentia, 
ut rescriberetur in evangelicae cel- 
situdinis auctoritatera, sanctorum- 
que patrum probabilibus Uteris, 
quantum ad nostram sufficere sa- 
lutem censuit. lUis utamur nomi- 
nibus de Christo, quae in veteri 
novoque Testamento inveniuntur 
scripta. Sufficiat nobis apostolicce 
auctoritatis doctrina, et catholi- 
corum Patrum longo tempore ex- 
plorata fides.' Alcuin, adv. Elipan- 
dum, lib. IV. c. 14; Ojyp. i. 914. 

1 Thus at his consecration, he 
wrote a synodal letter to the other 
patriarchs (591) testifying his reve- 
rence for the Qllcumenical councils. 
Mansi, ix. 104. i. Several Spanish 
councils (e.g. Toledo, 653) did the 

same : and the English synod of 
Cealchythe (785 or 787) particu- 
larizes the Nicene and six General 
Councils. Wilkins, I. 146. — The 
only case in which the Western 
Church appears to vary from this 
rule relates to the important clause 
Fllioque, added to the Niceno-Con- 
stantinopolitan creed. The addi- 
tion can be clearly traced to Spain 
(Council of Toledo, 589: Mansi, 
IX, 981). It excited the displeasure 
of the Greeks about 767 (see Anna- 
les Lauriss. ad an. : Pertz, I. 144) ; 
but the dispute did not come to a 
head till 809. The clause was every- 
where inserted (in the west) at the 
bidding of Pope Nicholas I. (867) : 
Mansi, xv. 355. See Neale's ^os^ern 
Church, 'Introd.' pp. 1147 sqq. 
The defenders of it relied on the 
'Athanasian Creed,' now quite cur- 
rent in the Latin Church. Water- 
land, Hist, of A than. Creed, ch. VI. 
2 Scholasticism properly so called, 
had its starting-point in him. See 
below on the 'Eastern Church.' 

—814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 63 

system ^ Like his master, he was stronfflv conscious of western 

•^ ' ^ •' CHURCH. 

the vast and all-holy attributes of God, the depth and 

malignity of evil, and the moral impotence of man un- 
quickened by the Blessed Spirit ; yet was careful to explain 
at large the power of self-determination, or the freedom of 
the human will*. He urged on all around him^, and 
especially on those who were occupied in teaching^, their 
own need of internal holiness and purity of conscience. 
Although placing a peculiar stress on the liturgic element 
of worship^, and on a stern and ascetic training of the 
body, he was far from losing sight of the essence of reli- 
gion, or from exalting human merit into rivalry with 
Christ's^ The work that presents him to our view in Si tu errm-s iie 
less favourable light, is made up of a series of Dialogues^ "'^"'«^ "^ 

in which he has betrayed an excessive credulity. It is 

there also that the doctrine of a purgatorial fire, which 
had been long^ floating in the western churches, gained 

3 Neander, (7. .^. V. i97sq. whose Christianity from Rome, and has 
criticism on Gregory the Great is been substantially preserved ever 
generous and just. The influence since. For an account of the litur- 
exercised by Gregory on the go- gical changes due to him, see 
vernment of the Church has been Palmer's Origines Liiurg. I. 113 sq. 
pointed out already: see p. 42. 126 sq., 4th edit. : Fleury's Histolre 

4 'Quia prseveniente divina gratia Ecdes. liv. xxxvi. § 146, 

in operatione bona, nostrum libe- ^ Homxl. in Evangel, xxxiv. : 
rum arbitrium sequitur, nosmetip- ' Habete ergo fiduciam, fratres mei, 
BOS liberare dicimur, qui liberanti de misericordia Conditoris nostri, 
uos Domino consentimus,' etc. Mo- cogitate quae facite, recogitate quae 
ralia in Job. lib. xxiv. § 24. This fecistis. Largitatem supernae pie- 
work, in thirty-five books, consists tatis aspicite, et ad misericordem 
of a practice -allegorical exposition Judicem, dum adhuc expectat, cum 
of the book of Job, and furnishes lachrymis venite. Considerantes 
a clear view of Gregory's ethical namque quod Justus sit, peccata 
system. He wrote also twenty-two vestra nolite negligere : conside- 
Homilies on Ezekiel, and forty Ho- rantes vero quod plus sit, nolite 
milies on the Gospels. desperare. Prcebet apud Deuni ho- 
^ e.g. Moralia, lib. Xix. § 38. mini fiduciam Deus homo. Est 
^ See his Reg ulaPastoralis, •which. nobis spes magna poenitentibus, 
is a fine proof of his ministerial qiiia Advocatus noster factus est 
earnestness, and was largely cir- Judex noster.' 0pp. I. 161 1. ed. 
culated in the west. Bened. 

^ His Liber Sacramentorum (or ^ See Schrockh, xvir. 332 sq. 

Sacramentary) was adopted in the Neander, iv. 442, 443. St Augus- 

countries which received their tine viewed the doctrine of a pur- 

iras instrii- 
menlal in 

64 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [k.D.b^^ 

^cHinfci? ^ fuller and more definite expression. It is principally 

based upon the evidence of disembodied spirits^; and as 

their pains are said to have been mitigated by the * obla- 
tion of the salutary host'^, the views which men took 
henceforward of the sacrament itself would be distorted 
in the same proportion, 
ffg^^slfg-ggf *"^ Gregory was succeeded in the west by Isidore of Seville 
(Hispalensis), who died in 636. He was a large and 
intelligent contributor to the literature of Spain. In ad- 
dition to his other writings, he has left a minute description 
of the Mosarabic (or Old Spanish) liturgy^; but his chief 
treatise in the sphere of dogmatical tlieology consists of 
a train of thoughts^ on Christian faith and practice. They 
are drawn, however, in most cases, from the fertile works 
of St Augustine, and from the Moralia of Gregory the 

In England^ one of the ripest scholars^ that the Roman 

gatory in the mediaBval sense as Blondel's Pseudo-Isidorus, and a- 

somewliat doubtful: 'Incredibile bove, p. 44, n. 10. 

non est, et utrum ita sit, quseri ^ Famed as were the ' magistri e 

potest.' Ibid. Scotia' (Ireland), and high as that 

1 Dialog, lib, IV, c, 35, 39, 46, 51, country stood in literary merits, it 
55, It should be stated that some produced no distinguisiied writer 
writers have questioned the genuine- at this period. Columbanus (see 
ness of this treatise; but Mabillon above, p. 17) is the solitary theo- 
(Act. Sanct. Ordin. Benedict, iovn. i. logian : for Adamnan (d. 704) 
§ 2) and the Benedictine editor of though perhaps of Irish extraction, 
Gregory's TFoj-X'S, appear to have the composed no more than a treatise 
better of the argument. De Situ Terrce Sanctce, and a Life 

2 Ibid. c. 55 : ' Si culpae [i, e. leves of St Colmnba. 
culpse, c. 39] post mortem insolu- ^ Others were Bp. Aldhelra (656 
biles non sunt, multum solet animas — 709), chiefly known by his poem 
etiam post mortem sacra oblatio and prose treatise De Laude Virg^i- 
hostise salutaris adjuvare,' etc.: cf. tatis, (Opj). ed, Giles, Oxon, 1844); 
Theodori Liber Pcenifent. c. XLV. Eddius, the biographer of Wilfrith ; 
§ 15, where this passage is quoted Boniface, the missionary, author of 
among others. fifteen popular Sermons, and the 

'^ De Officiis Ecclesiasticis : cf. Letters so often quoted in the last 

Palmer's Oriyines Litur. I. 172 sq. chapter. To this number we may 

■* De S amnio Bono, or, Senten- add Archbp, Theodore (602 — 690), 

tiarum Libri Tres. Isidore was fol- whose mission into England was 

lowed in this line by Tajo of Sara- the opening of a new era in the 

gossa and lidefonsus of Toledo. On cultivation of all kinds of learning 

the canons attributed to him, see (Bed. Hist. Led. IV. 2), and whose 


— 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 65 

mission to the Anglo-Saxon had produced was the Vene- 
rable Beda (Bede). At the age of seven years he found 
his way into the monastery of Wearmouth^, in whose 
cloisters he continued till his death, absorbed by the offices 
of tranquil worship, or engaged in collecting and commu- 
nicating knowledge. So ardent was his thirst for learning, 
that it urged him into almost every field of mediaeval 
study ; but he has himself informed us, that he found a 
special satisfaction in the pages of the Bible \ His ex- 
pository works, comprising Sermons and Commentaries, 
evince a knowledge both of Greek and Hebrew ; in their 
style and spirit, and in much also of their material, they 
resemble the more ancient writings of the Fathers, and 
especially of St Augustine^ 

A bosom-friend of Beda, who transmitted the impression Ecoheru 

(? 678 77fi). 

he had made on the whole of the Western Church, was 
Ecgberht, archbishop of York, where he founded a noble 

Liher Pmnitentialis and Capitula (in 
Thorpe's Anglo-Saxon Lmvs, <i'c. ii. 
I — 86) are an important specimen of 
the disciplinary canons of the Church 
at that period. They led the way to 
a number of Confessionalia, Pceni- 
tentialia, <&c. A still older example 
of the class is a work of John the 
Faster, patriarch of Constantinople 
(585 — 593), published in the Appen- 
dix of the Hist, de Disciplina Pceni- 
tent. by Morinus, Paris, 1651. 

7 This was the foundation of 
Benedict Biscop, who aided more 
than any other person in the civi- 
lizing of the north of England. 
His last anxiety was for his books, 
* bibliothecam quam de Roma no- 
bilissimam copiosissimamque advex- 
erat.' See Beda's Life of him in Vit. 
Ahbatum Uiiiremuth., (at the end 
of the Hist. Eccl. ed. Hussey), pp. 

^ ' cunctumque ex eo tempus 

vitse in ejusdem monasterii habita- 
tion e peragens, omnem meditandis 
Scnptims operam dedi, atque inter 

M. A. 

observantiam disciplinse regularis et 
quotidianam cantandi in ecclesia 
curam, sempej' aut discere aut docere, 
aiit scrihere dtdce habui.' Hist. Eccl. 
V. -24. Nothing can be more simple 
and pathetic than the narrative 
which a disciple (Cuthbert) has left 
us of his last hours. See Wright's 
Biogr. Brit. Literar. i. 267, 268. 
He had only just completed a trans- 
lation of St John's Gospel into 
Anglo-Saxon, when he died, in the 
midst of his weeping scholars, with 
a ' Gloria Patri ' on his lips, 

^ This connexion is most obvious 
in the Commentaria in omnes Epis- 
tolas S. Pauli. The other works of 
a decidedly theological cast are, 
Exp)lanatio in Pentateuchum et Lihros 
Regum; in Saimielem ; in Psalmos; 
in Esdrani, Tohiam, Job, Proverbia, 
et Cantica; in Quatuor Evangelia, 
et Acta Apostolorum ; in Epistolas 
Catholicas et Apocalypsin; besides 
a number of Sermones de Tempore, 
and others. 


G6 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 590 


Rixe of the 


school and library^, and was distinguished for his pa- 
tronage of letters^. In the crowd^ of enthusiastic pupils, 
whom his talents had attracted to the north of England, 
was a native of its mother-city, Alcuin or Albinus, who 
was destined to become the master-spirit of the age. 
His fame having reached the court of ^Charlemagne, he 
was pressed to take part in the projects of that monarch 
for securing a more healthy action in the members of the 
Frankish church. Directing the scholastic institutions, 
prompting or attempering the royal counsels, foremost in 
the work of domestic reformation, and conspicuous for the 
breadth and clearness of his views with regard to the 
management of missions*, Alcuin carried to his grave the 
admiration of his fellow-countrymen, and of the whole of 
western Europe. His theology, as it survives in his ex- 
pository works^, is like that of Gregory and Beda, with 
whose writings he had been familiar from his youth: it 
bears the common Augustinian impress. He has left, 
however, certain systematic treatises^ on fundamental truths 
of revelation, as well as on absorbing questions of the 
day : and in these he has exhibited, not only his entire 
acceptance of the teaching of the past, but an acute and 
well-balanced mind. 

From Alcuin we pass over to a controversy in which 

^ See an account of its contents 
in Wright's BiograpJi. Liter. I. pp. 

37' 38. 

2 His own works are, a Dialogus 
EcclesiasticcB Institutionis (in Latin ), 
Excerptiones (in Latin) from the 
canons of the Church, and a Con- 
fessionale and Pcenitentiale (in An- 
glo-Saxon and Latin): Thorpe ii. 

^ ' Erat siquidem ei ex nobiHum 
filiis grex scholasticorum, quorum 
quidam artis grammaticas rudi- 
mentis, aUi disciplinis erudieban- 
tur artium jam liberalium, non- 
nulli divinarum iScripturarum,^ etc. 

Vit. Alcuini, c. ii. composed in 829, 
and prefixed to his Works. 
^ See above, pp. 25, 28. 

5 These are, Questions and An- 
sioers on the Booh of Genesis, Com- 
mentaries on the Pcenitential Pscdms, 
the Song of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, St 
John's Gospel, and three Ejiistles of 
St Paid. 

6 The chief are De Fide Trini- 
tatis (a body of Divinity), De Pro- 
cessione Sjiiritits Sancti (defending 
the Western view of it), and his 
contributions to the Adoptionist 
controversy (see below, pp, 67 — 69). 

— 814] Btale of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 67 

he bore a leading part, — the controversy known as the western 

Adoptionist, but in reality a phase of Nestorianism revived^ '- 

It is the one formidable tempest^ of this period which had 
its birth-place in the Western Church. The authors of it 
were two Spanish prelates (in the latter half of the eighth 
century) , Elipandus of Toledo and Felix of Urgel (a town 
of Catalonia), who, as it would seem, in their anxiety to 
make the truth of the Incarnation less offensive to Mu- 
hammedans^, maintained^° that our Blessed Lord, as man, 
was the proper son of David ; or, in other words, that in 
respect of His humanity. He was only the adoptive Son 
of God ('Deus nuncupativus et adoptivus Filius'). In 
support of their position", Felix, the more learned mis- its essential 

*■ / i. ' ' ^ resemblance to 

believer, ventured to reoccupy the ground of the Nestorian, ^^^^toHanism- 
though their arguments were put in a somewhat different 
form. They seized on the expressions of the Bible which 
unfolded the subordinate relations of the Son, in His me- 
diatorial work ; and while admitting, that, as God, He was 
truly and eternally begotten of the Father^^, they inferred 

■^ 'Ecce pars quaedam mundi ^ Neander, ihkl. p. 219. 
hsereticae pravitatis veneno infecta ^*^ ... 'dicentes, Deum esse verum, 
est, asserens Christum Jesum Deo qui ex Deo natus est, et Deum nun- 
Patri verum non esse Filium, nee cupativum, hominem illuin, qui de 
proprium, sed adoptivum : et Nes- Virgine factus est.' Alcuin, adv. 
toriana Jiceresis ab onente...longura Elipand. lib. iv, c. 5. They made 
postliminium reviviscens, latitando an appeal to older authorities (see 
fugit in occidentem'... Alcuin, Li- the Epist. EUpandi ad Albinum; 
hellits adv. Ilceresln Felicis, § 2. It Alcuin, 0pp. ii. 868 sq.), especially 
is not clear, however, that the to the language of the Mosarabic 
authors of the movement were ac- (old Spanish) Liturgy, then in use, 
quainted with the writings of the where the term ' adoption ' is em- 
Syrian (or Nestorian) school. For ployed to denote the assumption of 
a complete history of it, see J. our nature into unity with God. 
C. F. Walch, Hist. Adoptianorum ; Alcuin reproached Elipandus with 
Neander, v. 116 — 233; and Dor- substituting 'adoptivi' for 'assumptl.' 
ner, Lehre von der Person Christi, ^^ The main authorities are to be 
II. 306 — 329 ; Berlin, 1853. found in the works of Alcuin, (i) 
^ For minor struggles in England Libellus adversus Hceresin Felids 
and Germany, see above pp. 8, 22, Episcopi, (2) Contra Felicem Urgelli- 
23. It is clear also fi'om Alcuin, tanum Episcopum ; to which may be 
~ ccxxi. al. ccxxv, Ojjp. I. added, (3) the treatise quoted in 

285), that other classes of dissentients note 7. 

(* adversarios Apostolicae doctrinae') ^^ ' Deum Dei FiUum ante omnia 

were not wanting. tempora sine initio ex Patre geni- 


68 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 


WESTERN that the humanity of Christ was so dissociable from the 
Godhead as to be no more than a Temple for the Logos ^ 
— no more than a creature chosen to become the organ 
of the Lord, in a way not essentially unlike^ the adoption 
of all Christians, as the family and instruments of God. 
The creed of Felix did not recognize in the Incarnate 
Saviour any true assumption of man's nature into fellow- 
ship with the Divine : he was accordingly most scrupulous 
in his distinction of the predicates belonging unto each ; 
and even went so far as to impute the prayers, the suffer- 
ings, and the death of Christ to a necessity inherent in 
His manhood^, and not to a voluntary condescension of 
the Godhead with which humanity was made indissolubly 
one. Adoptionism, in other words, if carried to its logical 
results, would have resolved the connexion that subsisted 
in the two-fold natures of our Lord into a moral and 
extrinsic union : it was fatal, therefore, to a truth which , 
of all others, will be found to lie the nearest to the core 
of Christianity, — the Incarnation of the Saviour. 

After lighting up a controversy in the Spanish church*, 
Adoptionism extended into Gothia (the adjacent parts 
of France), where it had soon to encounter a decisive 
overthrow. It was examined, at the wish of Charlemagne, 
by the synod of Katisbon^ (792), where Felix, as belonging 
to the Frankish empire, had been summoned to appear. 
On witnessing the condemnation of his tenets, he re- 

OpiosiHon to 

turn, non adoptione sed genere, ne- 
que gratia sed natura, etc' 

1 A\c^xm, contra Felicem, Wh.Yii. c.2. 

2 He compared the adoption of 
Christ with that of Christians, ad- 
mitting, however, that the relation 
constituted in the former case was 
higher in degree ('excellentius'), 
Alcuin, contra Felicem, lib. ii. c. 15, 
sq., and especially the language of 
Felix himself, lib. IV. c. 2. 

3 Ibid. lib. VII. c. 15. 

^ Two ecclesiastics were its chief 

antagonists, Etherius, bishop of 0th- 
ma, and Beatus, a priest. The lat- 
ter had employed himself in expound- 
ing the Apocalypse, and was the 
author of the fragment Adversus 
Mipandum, in Canisius, Led. Antiq. 
II. 297 — 375, ed. Basnage. Elipan- 
dus, on the other side, denounced 
his antagonism as the work of Anti- 
christ. Ihkl. 310. 

5 Cf. Schrockh, XX. 465, 466, 
respecting the accounts of earlier 

— 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 69 
noiinced them on the spot, and as a penance was sent western 


to the court of E-ome^, to repeat his abjuration. But no 

sooner was he lodged, on his return, in the Saracenic 
provinces of Spain, than he relapsed into his former errors'. 
Elipandus^ in the mean time represented the injustice of 
the recent acts, and earnestly desired the emperor to call 
another synod. His request led the way to the convoking 
of a more numerous council in 794, at Francfort^, where {[^l^^^^"^^' 
the verdict of the former prelates was confirmed. Soon 
after this decision, Alcuin, who was personally known to 
Felix, opened a more friendly ^*^ correspondence with the 
champions of the system there exploded; and although 
by Elipandus, who did not live in the Frankish empire, 
all his arguments were met with bitterness and scorn, 
upon the other he was able to produce at least a transi- 
tory change". They had a long interview in the synod 
held at Aix-la-Chapelle, 799, when Felix, vanquished for 
awhile by his opponent, promised to abandon the delusion, 
and in future to be guided by the teaching of the Church. 
But as few of the prelates were induced to rely upon this 
promise, they delivered him, with the approval of the 
emperor, into the custody of Leidrad, archbishop of Lyons. 
At his death, which occurred in 816, it was plain from 

an extant paper that he still adhered to his former creed l^ 

^ Pertz, I. 1 79. In the following lam exhortatoriam, ut se catholicse 

year (793) the pope (Hadrian I.) jungeret unitati, dirigere curavi.' 

wrote a letter to the Spanish clergy, Adv. Elipand. lib. I. c. 16. The 

threatening to proceed against Eli- letter alluded to is in his WorTcs, I. 

pandus. Mansi, xiii. 865. 783. 

"^ Alcuin, adv. Elipand. lib.i. c. 16. ^^ Alcuin was assisted by a com- 

^ See Epist. Episcop. Hispan. ad mittee of inquiry, whom Cbarle- 

Carolum Magn. in Alcuin. Op'p. Ii. magne sent on two occasions into 

567. the districts (chiefly Languedoc), 

^ A Roman Council (799) appears where Adoptionism had gained a 

to have affirmed the last decision. footing. Epist. xcii. al. cviii. p. 

Labb. VII. II 50. Pagi, however, 136. He had also a coadjutor in 

places this Roman Council earlier, Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia, who 

ad an. 792 : Mansi, XIII. 857. wrote two Treatises, Sacrosyllabus 

^^ ' Cui [i. e. Felici] in has adve- and Adversus Felicem, in refutation 

niens partes caritatis calamo episto- of Adoptionism: 0pp. Venet. 1737. 


70 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 
EASTERN on aliiiost every points It fell, however, into silence and 


— oblivion ere its vacillating author had been taken from 

the scene of conflict. 

As the heresy of Nestorius had been reawakened in 
the Latin Church, that of Eutyches (or the Monophysite) 
recurred, in the opening of the present period (633 — 680), 

MomUieietism: to cugagc the luorc spcculativc doctors of the East. It 
was held, notwithstanding the definitions of Chalcedon, that 
our belief in the union of Two Natures in the Person of 
the Son of God, involves, as one of its consequences, our 
belief in His singleness of will and operation. In the 
reasoning of this party, known as the Monotheletes^, the 

its nature. actious of our Lord, both human and Divine, must be 
ascribed to a single energy within Him {evep<yei,a Seav- 
SpLKT]); they were said to spring from the Logos only, 
as the one proper source, although the human element 
in Christ was 7iot verbally denied, but viewed as the 
passive agent of His Godhead \ It resulted, therefore, 
that the current usage of distinguishing between the natures 
of our Lord was founded on no difference or duality in 
Him, but on abstractions of the human mind. 

The author of this heresy was an Arabian bishop, 
Theodore of Pharan, who brought over to his views no 

The authw 

of it. 

1 See the Liber adv. Dogma Fell- 
cis, by Agobard, who succeeded 
Leidrad as archbishop of Lyons : 
Agobardi, 0pp. ed. Baluze, 1666. 

2 —'M.ovodeXrjTai, a name which 
was not given to them till the fol- 
lowing century. 

3 See the Fragments of Theodore 
of Pharan in Mansi, XI. 567 sq. He 
asserts that in our Lord etvai [xlav 
ivepyeLap' Tavrrjs 5^ Texviryju /cat St;- 
fiLOvpybv t6v Qeop, 6pyauov 5^ ttjv 
dpdpcoirdTTjTa. The difficulty of 
the Monotheletes, as we see most 
plainly in the case of Honorius, 

bishop of Rome, was in admitting 
that a two-fold will could subsist, in 
one and the same subject, without 
conflict and opposition. They placed 
great stress on a phrase fxia (or, as 
others read, /catv^) 6eav8piKrj euepyelg., 
which occurs in the writings of the 
Pseudo-Dionysius {Ibid. 565). On 
the vast influence exercised by this 
author in stimulating the dialectico- 
mystical tendencies of the East, see 
Neander, V. ■234 sq. ; and Dorner, 
Lehre von der Person Christi, 2^ 
Theil, 196 sq. 

—814:] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, 71 

less a personage than Serglus, the patriarch of the Byzantine eastern 

capitah He was supported also by the emperor, Heraclms, '- 

who thought he could discover in the school of Theodore promZdbp 
an apt and auspicious medium for disarming the hostility in/iuence. 
of the Monophysites, and winning back the Armenian pro- 
vinces, which by their help had been transferred to the 
rule of Persia. At his desire a Formulary was composed, 
which in the hands of the pliant Cyrus'*, formerly of Phasis, 
but now translated to the see of Alexandria (630), effected 
a reunion of the Monophysites, or Jacobites, with the Thecompro- 

Melchites, or the Church (633). It was cemented by nine Jacobites in 

. Jigypt. 

Articles of concord °, in the seventh of which the heresy 

of Theodore was formally acknowledged. A monk of Pales- 
tine, Sophronius, happening to be then at Alexandria, 
foresaw the disastrous issues of the compromise, and set 
out immediately for Constantinople to unburden his dismay 
to the patriarch in person. Thouorh the protests he ih^xo^ Resistance of 

* *■ or Sophromus. 

entered were unheeded, he was placed in the following 
year, by his election to the patriarchal chair of Jerusalem, 
in a more commanding station. Sergius, now (as it would 
seem) afraid of his opposition, attempted to enlist the 
influence of the Roman bishop on the side of the Mono- 
theletes, and in that he was eminently successful. The 
surviving letters of Honorius (634) leave no doubt as to 
his approval of the policy adopted by the eastern emperor, 
and signify his full agreement with the novelties of 
Sergius^. They produced, however, no effect on the patri- 

* He at first seems to have hesi- while not a few of the Melchites 

tated, but his scruples were removed quitted the communion of Cyrus, 

by Sergius. Cyri Epist. ad Sergium, Neale, Eastern Church, ii. 63. 

Mansi, xi. 561. ^ ' Unam voluntatem fatemur Do- 

5 Mansi, XI. 563. In the 7th Art. mini nostri Jesu Christi :' Mansi, 

it was stated: rbv avrbv (^va'KpLaTov xi. 539. * Utrum autem propter 

Kol vlbv ivepyovvTa rd deoTrpeirij ical opera Divinitatis et humanitatis una, 

dvdpdjTriva pnq. deavdpiKy ivepyiiq,. an geminse operationes debeant deri- 

The Monophysites, who were nume- vatae dici vel intelHgi, ad nos ista 

rous and powerful in Egypt, looked pertinere non debent : relinquentes 

upon the concordat as a triumph: ea grammaticis, qui solent parvulis 


72 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 

arch of Jerusalem, who strenuously maintained liis ground^ 
until 637, when the cloud of Islamism which had gathered 
over Syria shut him out from all further notice. In 638, 
the emperor, assisted as before, put forth an expository- 
edict^ ("E/c^ecTi? T^9 TTio-reo)?), in which it is peremptorily 
ordered, that while the doctrine of one Person must be 
held in accordance with conciliar definitions, nothing more 
is to be said or published on the single or the two-fold 
mode of operation [fjulav rj Svo ivep^ela^). But in respect 
of the second point, it ventured to determine that there 
is in Christ one only will, and that the teaching of the 
other school leads necessarily to the idea of two a?itago7iistic 
wills (Bvo Kal ravra ivavrla OeXTj/jLara), — an assumption, 
it will be remarked, as arbitrary as it is unfounded. The 
appearance of this edict, though it roused no active op- 
position either at the seat of power, or in the patriarchate 
of Alexandria, was differently regarded by the Christians 
of the west. At Eome, a successor of Honorius, John IV., 
deliberately rejected the imperial edict, first^, in a synod 
(641), and next in the letters he addressed to Constantine^, 
the son of Heraclius, and to Pyrrhus^, who now occupied 
the chair of Sergius. Still their edict kept its ground 
in spite of the denunciations of the west^, and Paul, who 

exquisita derivando nomina vendi- 
tare.' lb. 542 : cf. a second letter of 
the same kind, ib. 579. He even 
explains away the text, 'Father, 
not My will, but Thine be done,' as 
if it were spoken merely for the 
instruction of the faithful, and was 
no index of the human will of Christ. 
On these accounts the name of Ho- 
norius was placed among those whom 
the sixth general Council (680) ana- 
thematized. Some Romanists have 
attempted to evade or deny this 
fact: but see, among others, Bos- 
suet, Defensio Declar. Cleri Galli- 
cani, II. 128. 

^ See his ypd/MfiaTa iudpopicrTiKoi 
{a. circular issued when he entered 

on his office), in Act. XI. of the 
OEcumenical Council (680) : Mansi, 
XI. 462 sq. 

2 Mansi, X. 992. It is borrowed, 
in some parts word for word, from 
an epistle of Sergius to Honorius of 
Rome; ibid. XI. 529. 

2 Theophanes, Chronograph, i. 508 : 
ed. Bonn. 

^ Mansi, X. 682. 

5 Ib. XI. 9. 

^ Thus, Theodore, bishop of Rome, 
after a long correspondence with the 
Monotheletes, undertakes (648) to 
deprive the Byzantine patriarch. Vit. 
Theodor. in Vignolii Lib. Pontif. I. 

— 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, 73 
succeeded Pyrrlms^ in 642, adhered in like manner to the e\stern 

H/r xi 1 i • • CHURCH. 

IMonotneiete opinions. 

But they had soon to encounter a severe antagonist 
in Maximus, the Confessor (? 580 — 655), one of the most, 

. ,-,.. • ^ 1 Confessor. 

eminent writers of the period, and distinguished by a clear 
and profound perception of the true humanity of Christ^. 
Originally an important personage at court, he had after- 
wards embraced the monastic life, and risen to the post 
of hegumenos, or abbot, of Chrysopolis (on the Asiatic side 
of the Bosphorus). But as he was opposed to the ruling 
party in his view of Monotheletism, he retreated into 
Africa, where his erudition and acuteness^ were employed 
in making converts; and in 649 we find him at the Lateran, 
enkindling the zeal of pope Martin I. 

In the previous year (648), the emperor Constans II., 
anxious to restore tranquillity and order, had determined 
to withdraw the ' Ecthesis ' and to replace it by another Publication of 

^ . •' tlie Type. 

edict of a less dogmatic character, entitled ' Type of the 
Faith' (TuTTo? Tri<; Tr/crrea)?). It forbad ^'^ all kinds of 
disputations on the willing and the working of our Lord, 
and that under heavy penalties ; confining the dissentients? 
whether lay or clerical, within the terms of the older 
councils of the Church. But, politic as it might seem, 
this measure was peculiarly ofiensive to the champions 
of the truth. In their eyes it was harsh, one-sided, and 
despotic; and, still more, was calculated to engender 
disbelief with regard to a cardinal point of their religion". 

^ Pyrrhus abdicated on account of ^° Mansi, x. i02g. ...deairi^oixev... 

his unpopularity, flew into Africa, ab- /xr? dheiav 4x^lv irpbs dWrjXovs dirb 

jured his Monothelete opinions (645) rod Trap6vTOS irepl hos deXrifiaros rj 

at Eome, but speedily fell into them /itas evepyeias, rj bvo evepyeiQiv /cat 

afresh and recovered his see in 654. bvo 6e\r]ndT0Jv, olav^-qTroTe -Kpocp^peLv 

^ Cf. Neand. v. 250 — 254. Some dpL<pLcr^r]T7](j-iJ', 'ipiv re, koI (piXovet,- 

of his works are collected tiy Com- Klav. 

befis in 1 vols. Par. 1675. For an ^^ See Epist. Ahbat. et Monachor. 

account of the rest, see Smith's in Synodo Lateran. apud Mansi, x. 

Biogr. Diet. 904. These were Oriental monks 

^ See his Dlsputatio cum Pyrrho: and abbots who had fled to Eome 

0pp. II. 159—195. for an asylum. 

74 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 590 


In the west, therefore, Martin I. immediately convoked 
a synod (649), which condemned the heresy of the Mono- 
theletes as well as the ' Ecthesis' and ' Type,' and anathe- 
matized^ its principal abettors, Theodore of Pharan, Sergius, 
Cyrus, Pyrrhus, and Paul, at that time patriarch of Con- 
stantinople. Though the emperor was not personally 
touched by the fulminations of this council, the proceedings 
had aroused his deepest indignation. He instructed the 
Byzantine exarch (his governor in Italy) to enforce com- 
pliance with the ' Type,' and ultimately (653) to proceed 
to the attainder of the pope, who had made himself ob- 
noxious to the charge of high treason. The command 
was punctually obeyed; and on June 17, 653, Martin was 
transported to the seat of government, like an ordinary 
criminal. He did not reach Constantinople till Sept. 17, 
654. At his trial he was loaded with indignities, and 
finally banished to the Crimea, where he died in the 
following year^ A still heavier doom awaited Maximus^ 
and two of his disciples: they were at first sent into 
Thrace ; but on refusing to accept the ' Type' were dragged 
back to Constantinople, anathematized in a synod over 
which Peter, the new patriarch, presided, and after scourg- 
ing, mutilation, and a public mockery were banished (662) 
into the Caucasus, among the Lazians. Maximus survived 

1 Ihid. X. 1158. The fourteenth 
canon will illustrate their view of 
the controversy : * Si quis secundum 
scelerosos hsereticos cum una volun- 
tate et una operatione, quae ab hse- 
reticis impie confitetur, et duas vo- 
luntates pariterque et operationes, 
hoc est, Divinam et humanam, quae 
in ipso Christo Deo in unitate sal- 
vantur, et a Sanctis patribus ortho- 
doxe in ipso prsedicantur, denegat 
et respuit, condemnatus sit.' The 
encyclic letters of the pope and 
synod contain the following violent 
expressions : * Impios hsereticos cum 
omnibus pravissimis dogmatibus eo- 

rum et impiam ecthesin vel impiissi- 
mum typum, et omnes, qui eos vel 
quidquam de his, quae exposita sunt 
in eis, suscipiunt aut defendunt, 
seu verba pro eis faciunt in scripto, 
anathematizavimus.' Ibid. 1175: 
cf. Martin's letter to the emperor, 
giving him an account of the pro- 
ceedings, p. 790. 

2 See the Commemoratio and other 
documents in Mansi, X. 853. 

3 See the Life of Maximus and 
other ancient documents prefixed to 
the edition of his works by Com- 

— 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 75 

only a few days, and with him all the zeal of the eastern eastern 
Duotheletes appears to have been extinguished*. 

In the next ten years we meet with few if any traces 
of resistance in that quarter, though it is probable that in 
the Latin Church the disaffection to the ' Type' was silently 
increasing ^. Constans left the throne to Constantine Po- Reaction in 

c the haslerii, 

gonatus (668 — 685), who does not seem to have ever been f^^urch. 
devotedly attached to the reigning school of doctrine. 
On the contrary a letter^ which he wrote to Donus, bishop 
of Rome, 678, expressed an earnest wish to heal the dis- 
tractions of the Church by summoning a general council. 
On the arrival of the letter Donus was no more, but it came 
into the hands of Agatho his successor, who immediately 
adopted the suggestion, and, convening an assembly of the 
western bishops^ to deliberate upon it, sent a deputation of 
them to Constantinople. He also contributed materially to Theconvoca- 
the successful issue of the council, by his full and lucid sixth (Ecume- 

-irni • 7'i '"'^"^ Council, 

exposition of the controverted truth ^. The sessions, which 680. 
were eighteen in number, lasted from the 7th November, 
680, to the 16th September, 681, the emperor himself 
presiding not unfrequently in person. After a minute and 
somewhat critical review of the authorities which had been 
alleged on either side, Monotheletism was left with an almost 

* The new pope Eugenius, ap- logues of the church. Ihid. 

pointed by the exarch, is said to ^ Constant, ep. ad Donum in Act. 

have trodden in the steps of Hono- Cone. vi. (Ecumenic. Mansi, XI, 195. 

rius : at least his agents (apocrisiarii) "^ Held at Eome, March 27, 680; 

at Constantinople, had subscribed the Mansi, xi. 185: of. Eddius, Vii. 

*Type' and had persuaded Maximus Wilfrid, c. 51. 

to yield. Vitalian also (657 — 672) ^ He wrote to the emperor in his 

acquiesced, or made no public stand own name and that of the synod, 

against the court. Schrockh, xx. containing 125 delegates: Mansi, 

435> 436- XI. 286. He cites passages from the 

^ In the year 677, the communion Gospels which prove the co-opera- 
between the Churches of Rome and tion in our Lord of the human 
Constantinople was entirely sus- and Divine wills: dwelling among 
pended, Theodore the Byzantine others on S. Matth. xxvi. 39, which 
patriarch proposing to strike the his predecessor Honorius had ex- 
name of Vitalian, as well as of the plained away. The letter was read 
other Roman bishops after Honorius, in the 4th session of the ensuing 
from the diptychs, or sacred cata- council. 

76 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 590 


Its decision. 

Attempts to 
revive Mcmo- 

solitary cliampion^ in the person of Macarius, patriarcli of 
Antiocli, wlio for adhering to liis old opinions was eventually- 
deposed by liis brother-prelates (March 7, 681). A defini- 
tion of the true faith ^ and an anathema pronounced on all 
who were infected with the heresy of the Monotheletes 
(Honorius^ in the number), brought the sittings of the 
council to a close, and renewed the communion of the 
Greek and Latin Churches. Their solution of the con- 
troversy was as follows : that in Christ ' there are two 
natural wills and two natural operations, without division, 
without change or conversion, with nothing like antagonism, 
and nothing like confusion,' — yet they were careful to add 
a precautionary clause, to the effect that the human will 
could not come into collision with the Divine, but was in 
all things subject to it. 

Their definitions, though confirmed anew by the voice of 
the Trullan Council^ (691), did not immediately suppress the 
Monothelete discussions. On the contrary a later emperor, 

1 At the opening of the synod, 
George I., patriarch of Constantin- 
ople, took his side, but afterwards 
declared himself a convert to the 
opposite party. In the 15th session, 
Polychronius, a fanatical monk of 
Thrace, endeavoured to establish the 
truth of Monotheletism by raising 
a dead man to life, but after whis- 
pering some time in the ear of the 
corpse, he confessed his inability to 
work the miracle. He was accord- 
ingly deposed from the priesthood. 
The same penalty was inflicted on a 
Syrian priest at the following session 
(Aug. 9). 

2 Mansi, XI. 631 — 637. ..t6 avdpiJ:- 
TTLvov avTov 64\r]fji.a deujdh ovk dvrj- 
pidr], a^croiCTTaL 8k iuiaXKov...dvo 8k 
(pvaiKoLs evepyeias d8Laip€T(x}S, CLTpiir- 
Tws, d/x€piaTU}s, d<rL'7xi/rws iv avTip 
ry Kvpi(^ r]ijLC}v...8o^d^Ofi€v. There is 
some variation in the statements as 
to the number of bishops present. 
The subscriptions do not exceed one 

3 See above, p. 71, n. 6. Attempts 
had been made to vindicate the 
orthodoxy of Honorius ( by 
Maximus, Mansi, X. 687), and his 
acquiescence in the creed of Sergius 
had been studiously passed over in 
the proceedings of the Roman sy- 
nods, but here at Constantinople the 
clause /cat 'Ofdipiov rbv yevbixevov ird- 
irav T^s irpea^vT^pas ''Pd)/XT]s, k.t.X., 
was thrice added to the hst of the 
anathematized. Mansi, xi. 556, 
622, 656. Leo II. in notifying his 
acceptance or confirmation of the 
council (682), adds a clause to the 
same effect: he anathematized 'et 
Honorium I., qui banc apostolicam 
ecclesiam non apostolicas traditionis 
doctrina lustravit, sed profana pro- 
ditione immaculatam fidem subver- 
tere conatus est.' lb. XI. 731. 

4 Mansi, xi. 921. On the dis- 
pleasure which this council had ex- 
cited in the west, see above, p. 41, 
n. 8; p. 51; and cf. Gieseler, II. 

— 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controller sies. 11 

Bardanes, or Pliilippicus^, commanded the erasure of the eastern 

recent creed from the Acts of the General Councils, and '- 

proceeded (711) with the help of a creature of the court, 
whom he placed in the see of Constantinople, to revive 
the exploded errors. But his own dethronement in 713 
put an end to the agitation. 

A small remnant of Monotheletes continued to subsist it survh-es 

. n T 1 ^^\^ amonq the 

for ao'es m the lastnesses oi Lebanon, ihese were the Maronues 

o ^ _ ^ ^ of Syria. 

Maromtes^, the followers of a civil and ecclesiastical chief- 
tain, John Marun, who is said to have flourished in the 
seventh or eighth century. It is not clearly' ascertained 
at what time the Monothelete opinions were accepted by 
this tribe, but we learn that somewhat earlier than 1182, 
about forty thousand of them recognized the jurisdiction of 
the Latin patriarch of Antioch, and passed over to the 
Church of Kome^ 

It has been mentioned that the task of vindicating 
orthodoxy at this period had been consigned in no small 
deo;ree to Maximus. But his works are not all devoted Thejheoimi 

o ^ of Maximus ; 

to polemics®. He was the representative of a tendency to 
dialecticism, which had been long prevailing in the Greek 
communion. Both his learning and his spirit were trans- 
mitted to another student, John of Damascus (fl. 740), who '^^^^^^^f 
has left behind him logical investigations of nearly all the 

^ Theophanes, Chronograph. 319 also Gibbon, IV. 383 — 385, ed. Mil- 

sq. ed. Paris : Combefis, Hist. Hceres. man. 

Monothel. § II. 201 sq. Paris. 1648. '' John of Damascus (Lihellus de 

Philippicus, with the same object, Vera Sententia, c. 8: 0pp. 1. 395, 

ordered the removal of a pictm-e ed. Le Quien) already (cir. 750) 

('imaginem, quam Grseci votaream numbers them among the heretics, 

vocant, sex continentem sanctas et He also describes a Monophysite 

universales synodos') from St Peter's addition to the Trisagion {Ibid. p. 

church at Kome ; but his mandate 485) by the term MapLovi'^uv. 

was rejected by Constantinel. (yi'i): ^ Schrockh, xx. 455, The chief 

Vit. Constantin. apud Vignolii Lib. authority for this statement is Wil- 

Pontif. II. 10. liam of Tyre; but at a later period 

^ See the Bihlioth. Orientalis of Abulpharagius (who died 1286) 

J. S. Asseman (himself descended speaks of the Maronites as still a 

from this body), tom. I. 487 sq., sect of Monotheletes. Ibid. 

and a different account in Combefis, ^ See a review of his theological 

Hist. Hceres. Monothel., p. 460: cf. system in Neander, v. 236 sq. 


78 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 

earlier controversies, and of the Monotlielete^ among the rest. 
His work, entitled^ An Accurate Exposition of the Orthodox 
Faith, is tinctured with the Aristotelian philosophy, and ex- 
ercised an important influence on the culture of the Eastern 
churches from that day to our own. It was in truth the 
starting-point of their scholastic system, although the mate- 
rials out of which it grew were borrowed in most cases 
from the Fathers, and especially from Gregory of Nazianzus. 
But the pen of Damascenus did not dwell entirely on this 
class of theological discussions : it invested a less speculative 
theme with all the subtleties and nice distinctions of the 
schools ^ This was the question of image- worship ^ which 
in the reigns of Leo the Isaurian, and his followers (726 — 
842), convulsed every province of the Church. It was 
already an established custom to make use of images and 
pictures, with the view of exciting the devotion of the people, 
or of instructing the more simple and unlettered ; but the 
Western Church, at least until the close of the sixth century, 
had not proceeded further than this points A different 
feeling was however common in the Eastern, where the softer 

^ Ilept tCiv iv T(p 'KpLcrru} dvo deXrj- 
fxcLTCJU Kal ivepyeiQp /cat XoLirtov (pvai- 

2 "E/c5ocrts d/cptjSTjs T^s 6p9o56^ov 
iricTTews. On his system of religious 
doctrine, see Schrockh, XX. 230 — 
329: Eitter, Geschichte der Christl. 
Fhilosophie, 11. 553; Dorner, Lehre 
von der Person Christi, ii. •257 sq.; 
and, for a list of his multifarious 
writings, Smith's Biograph. Diction- 

3 In his discourses, ITpos rois 5ta- 
pdWovTas ras ayi'as eMva'i : 0pp. I. 
305 sq. He viewed the Iconoclastic 
movement as an attack upon the 
essence of the Gospel ; and the 
dread of idolatry as a falling back 
into Judaism, or even into Mani- 
chffiism. Cf. Milman, Latin Chris- 
tianity, II. 107. 

^ It is a great misfortune that 
the surviving authorities are nearly 

all on one side, — in favour of image- 
worship. The council by which it 
was established, in their fifth session, 
commanded that all the writings of 
the Iconoclastic party should be de- 
stroyed. On this account the re- 
cords of the opposition made by an 
earlier synod (754), have to be col- 
lected from the Acts of the council 
of Nicsea, and from the Lihri Caro- 
lini; on which see below. 

^ e. g. the very remarkable letters 
of Gregory the Great to Serenus, 
bishop of Marseilles (599) ; Epist. 
lib, IX, ep. 105: 'et quidem zelura 
vos, ne quid manufactum adorari 
posset, habuisse laudavimus, sed 
frangere easdem imagines non de- 
buisse judicamus ; idcirco enim pic- 
tura in ecclesiis adhibetur, ut hi, qui 
litteras nesciunt, saltem in parietibus 
videndo legant, quae legere in codi- 
cibus non valent:' cf. lib. XI. ep, 13. 

— 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 79 

and more sensuous Greek was frequently betrayed into a eastern 
blind and superstitious veneration for the images and pictures — '- 

of the saints^ It was, accordingly, at the seat of the Byzan- 
tine empire that a series of re-actions now commenced. 

Leo, the Isaurian, of a rough and martial temper, was conduct 0/ Leo 
the first of the Iconoclastic princes. Influenced^, it is 
said, by the invectives of Muhammedans and Jews, who 
had stigmatized the use of images as absolute idolatry, 
he ordered '^ (726), that the custom of kneeling before them 
should in future be abandoned. The resistance of the aged 
patriarch^, Germanus, and a fiery circular ^*^ from John of 
Damascus, who was now residing in a convent at Jerusa- 
lem, incited Leo to more stringent measures. He accord- 
ingly put forth ^^ a second edict (729 or 730) in which images 
and pictures were proscribed, and doomed to unsparing 
demolition. It extended to all kinds of material represen- 
tations, with the sole exception of the cross ^^ The speedy Triumph of the 
execution of this peremptory order drove Germanus from 

^ See the instances adduced by troversy, see Neander, v. 281 — 283. 

Neander, v. 377, ■278. He seems to have first struck out 

"^ One of his advisers was Con- the distinction of a relative worship 

stantine, bishop of Nacolia : another {irpQaKvv'q<ns ax^TLKrj), as addressed 

was of senatorial rank, named Beser, to the images of Christ : and affirms 

who had passed some time in cap- that with regard to the Virgin and 

tivity among the Saracens. See the saints no worship {karpda) is 

Mendham's Seventh General Council, due to them, much less to material 

Introd. pp. xii — xiv. Other attempts representations of them. It is plain, 

to explain the antipathy of Leo may however, that the idea of giving 

be found in Schlosser's Geschichte some honour to the pictures of the 

der bilder-stiirmenden Kaiser, pp. saints {e.g. praying and placing 

161 sq. Frankf. 1812: cf. Mansi, lights before them) had been worked 

XII. 959. It is not unlikely that a into his creed, and to abandon it 

wish to reabsorb the Muhammedans appeared equivalent to a renuncia- 

into the Church was one of the tion of the Gospel, 

leading motives. ^^ See the first of his Orations, 

8 The edicts on image- worship are above referred to ; p. 78, n. 3. 

collected in Goldastus, Imperialia ^^ Goldastus, ubi sup. note 8 : cf. 

decreta de cultu Imaginum, ed. Fran- Theophanes, Chronograph, pp. 336, 

cof. 1608. 343, 

^ Mansi, XIII. 99 : cf. his Liber ^^ On removing an image of our 

de Synodis, etc. in Spicilegiicm Ro- Lord from a niche in the imperial 

manum, vii. 59 sq. Eom. 1842. For palace, he erected the symbol of 

the probable nature of his interview the cross in its place. See Analecta 

with Leo at the opening of the con- Grceca, ed. Benedict, i. 415. 

80 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 


the helm of the Oriental Church, and forced into the vacant 
place his secretary Anastasius, a devoted servant of the 
court. The rest of the non-conforming clergy were now 
silenced or ejected: but the cause of image-worship, 
hopeless though it seemed, had still a most vehement 
defender in John of Damascus, whom the terrors of the 
empire could not reach. 

The shock which this controversy had occasioned in the 
east was rapidly transmitted far and near. The Roman 
bishop, Gregory II., nominally subject to Byzantium, bade 
defiance to the royal edict (?730), in a letter full of scorn 
and sarcasm^: and, in order to elude the vengeance of the 
exarch, threw himself for help into the arms of the Lom- 

At the death of Leo, 741, his policy was vigorously 
carried out by Constantine (Copronymus), his son: but 
it is plain that a large section of the people, and especially 
the monks ^, were ardently attached to the interdicted 
usage. It must also be confessed that, in the acts of 
Constantine, still more than in the life-time of his father, 
we may notice an extreme but salutary dread of super- 
stition in alliance with fanatical dislike of art, and a fierce 
and persecuting spirit^. Having quelled an insurrection 

^ Mansi, Xii. 959 sq.: cf. his letter 
to Germanus, Ihid. xin. 91. His 
successor, Gregory III., held a 
council at Rome (Nov. i, 731), in 
which it was decreed, *ut si quis 
deinceps sacrarura imaginum depo- 
sitor atque destructor et profanator, 
vel blasphemus extiterit, sit extorris 
a corpore et sanguine J esu Christi, 
vel totius ecclesise unitate et corn- 
page.' Vit. Gregor. HI., in Vignol. 
Lib. Pontif. II. 43, 44. 

^ TrepLaaoTepojs 5e tQv t(2 jxova- 
XtKV aaKovjueuoju rdy/xaTL Oeocre^e- 
crrdTUV dvdpQv. Germanus, de Sy- 
nodis, etc. ubi sup. p. 6r. The ma- 
jority of the artists at this period 
were inmates of religious houses, 

and as their craft was endangered 
by the measures of the court, nearly 
all of them were found in the ranks 
of the recusants. They were loud 
in denouncing Constantine as a blas- 
phemer and a renegade : which would 
naturally inflame the hatred he al- 
ready bore to monacbism in general. 
See a good picture of the state of 
feeling in the hfe of the monk Ste- 
phen (of Auxentius), in iheAncdecta 
Grceca, ubi sup. : and cf. Neander, 
V. 303 sq. 

3 The impiety and profligacy of 
Constantine may have been very 
much over-coloured by the mo- 
nastic chroniclers ; e. g. Theophanes, 
346 sq., but his cruelty it is impos- 

-814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 81 

which the image-worshippers excited in his absence^ (743), eastern 
he determined to convoke a synod in the hope of bringing ^^^^^" 
the dispute to an amicable issue, or at least of fortifying 
the position of the Iconoclastic party. It assembled in 754 (^o^ncu of 

^ ^ ± i/ Constantino- 

at Constantinople, and was composed of three hundred p^'^' 754. 
and thirty-eight bishops of Europe and Anatolia^ The 
deliberations were continued for the space of six months, 
and led to a unanimous decision*'. It declared that the, its decision. 
worshipping {irpocricvvelv Kal aej^eaOai) of images and pic- 
tures was a relapse into idolatry, excited by the malice of 
the Tempter ; and that consequently emperors were bound, 
in imitation of the Apostolic joractice, to destroy every 
vestige of the eviP. At the same time, not a single 
prelate manifested any wish to vary from the standard 
language of the Church I They opened the proceedings 

sible to question : see the evidence 
in Schlosser, Geschichte der hilder- 
stilrm. Kaiser, pp. 228 — 234. 

^ It was headed by his brother- 
in-law, Artavasdes; Theophanes, p. 


^ None of the patriarchs were 
present at this council. The see 
of Constantinople was vacant: the 
heads of the churches of Antioch, 
Alexandria, and Jerusalem, were 
subject to the Saracens, and were 
deterred by the jealousy of their 
masters from public communication 
with the Christians of the empire ; 
while the Church of Rome was 
invaded by the Lombai-ds, and de- 
voted to the use of images. Con- 
stantine II. (767) informs Pepin 
of France 'qualis fervor sanctarum 
imaginum orientalibus in partibus 
cunctis Christianis immineat.' Hist. 
Franc. Scriptores, ed. Duchesne, in. 
825. A Roman council (769) under 
Stephen IV., confirmed the 'vene- 
ration of images.' Mansi, xii. 720. 
It is clear also that the proceedings 
at Constantinople (754) were repu- 
diated by the patriarch of Jerusalem 
(Mansi, xii. 1135), who was joined 

M. A. 

by the patriarchs of Antioch and 
Alexandria. The president of the 
council was Theodosius, metropoli- 
tan of Ephesus, 
^ Mansi, XTir. 205. 

'' /J.7]K^TL ToKlXqiv dvdpUTTOV TOV 01- 

ovdrjTTOTe eirir-qdeveLv rb toiovtov aae- 
^h Kal duocriov eircTridev/xa. Mansi, 
XIII. 328. Their prohibitions ex- 
tended not only to all kinds of 
images composed * by the pagan and 
accursed art' of the painter, but 
even to the figures (hitherto pre- 
served) upon the sacred vestments 
and church-plate (Mansi, ib. 332); 
although to check any further out- 
breaks of individual fanaticism, it 
was now ordered that the permission 
of the patriarch, or of the emperor, 
should be procured to warrant alter- 
ations in the ecclesiastical orna- 

8 They even pronounced an ana- 
thema on all who do not confess 
TTjv deiirapdivov Maplav Kvpiws Kal 
dXrjOQs deorbKOv, virepripav re elvai 
irda-rjs bparrj^ Kal dopdrov KTiaeoos ; 
and on all who do not ask for the 
prayers of her, and of the other 
saints. Mansi, xm. 345, 348. 


82 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. D. 590 


Accession of 
Leo IV. 

The empress 

her zeal in 
behalf of 

ficcond Coun- 
cil of Niccea, 

by acknowledging the doctrine of the Six General Councils, 
and abjuring every phase of misbelief which had there 
been examined and condemned. 

A long and triumphant reign (741 — 775) enabled Con- 
stantine to carry out the wishes of his party: and his 
successor, Leo IV., surnaraed Chazarus (775—780), though 
more lenient than his father, steadily enforced the oath^ 
which had been issued by that king against the wor- 
shipping of images and pictures. Leo was espoused to 
the artful and unscrupulous Irene, who at his decease 
administered the business of the State in the name of 
Constantine VI., her minor son. She had been educated 
in a family opposed to the Iconoclasts, and was tinged 
with the superstition of the age: no sooner, therefore, 
was she mistress of the empire, than her leanings to the 
monks were frequently betrayed in her distribution of the 
church-preferment. It was not, however, until the sixth 
year of her administration, that she ventured to proceed 
more freely. Hitherto the soldiers, who revered the me- 
mory of Constantine and took the side of the Iconoclasts, 
had operated as a formidable check upon her zeal: but 
the election of Tarasius^ to the patriarchal chair enabled 
her to make arrangements for the convocation of a synod, 
which she trusted would reverse the policy adopted in 
the former reigns. The Eoman bishop, Hadrian I., most 
cordially invited by Irene, sent a deputation of the western 
clergy to assist her; but the efforts of Tarasius, who was 
anxious to secure a like concurrence on the part of the 

^ It seems to have been adminis- 
tered to every citizen of Constanti- 
nople, if not in all quarters of the 
empire : cf. Neander, v. 307, 308. 
Leo, however, permitted numbers 
of the exiled monks to shew them- 
selves in public, and thus laid a 
train for the explosion that ensued. 

2 His predecessor Paul, on the 
point of deatli, retired into a mo- 
nastery. Tarasius was secretary to 

the emperor, and the irregularity 
of his election, together with his 
use of the title 'CEcumenical pa- 
triarch,' scandalized the Roman 
bishop Hadrian I. (Mansi, xil. 
1056, 1077) : but in consideration 
of his zeal for images, the anger of 
the pope was speedily disarmed. See 
a Life of Tarasius by his pupil, in 
the Acta Sanctorum, Febr. tom. HI. 
pp. 576 sq. 

— 814] State of Ileligious Doctrine and Controversies. 83 

Oriental patriarchates ^ were not equally successful. Very eastern 
many of the delegates assembled at Constantinople, Aug. 1, ^"^^^"' 
786 ; but, owing to an insurrection^ of the military, their 
proceedings were suspended for a year. They next met 
at Nic^a in Bithynia, to the number of about three its sessions, 
hundred and fifty prelates, and immediately resumed their 
labours (Sept. 24, 787). In less than a month the business 
of the Synod was completed : and as soon as their ' de- 
finition' had been formally proclaimed (Oct. 23) in the 
royal city, images were almost universally restored. A 
multitude of bishops, who had been hitherto distinguished 
as Iconoclasts, alarmed in some cases by the evidence ° in 
favour of the use of images, or anxious to retain their 
mitres and their incomes, signed a humble recantation ° 
of the tenets now exploded. The decision^ of the Council and decree. 
ran as follows: it enjoined that 'bowing and an honour- 
able adoration (daTraa/jubv Kal TL/JirjTLKrjv Trpoa/cvvrjo-iv) 
should be offered to all sacred images ; but this external 
and inferior worship must not be confounded with the 
true and supreme worship {r-^v Kara iricrTLv tjimwv okTjOLvrjv 
Xarpeiav), which belongs exclusively to God.' 

^ The messengers of Tarasius, on of criticism evinced by the prelates 
reaching Palestine, were informed in adducing spurious works, are 
by some monks whom they met painfully astounding : e.g. the story 
with, that the Moslem authorities of a miraculous image at Berytus 
would not tolerate a general council, was attributed to the great Athana- 
and that it would be fruitless to sius, and urged as an authority: cf. 
proceed any further on their errand : Mendham, Seventh General Council, 
but in order that they might secure Introd. pp. lii. sq. 
at least a show of representatives, '^ Cf, Neander, v. 318 — 320. 
they brought back two Palestinian '' Mansi, xin, 377. The irpocr- 
monks, with the style and title of Kiu-qais would include the offering 
Legates of the East. On this ac- of lights and incense {dv/JLLafidTo^u Kal 
count, the synod has no claim to be (purcou Trpoaaycoyrjv) as well as bow- 
called (Ecumenical ; cf. Palmer, ing down and prostration. The de- 
Treatise on the Church, n. 151, 152 ; g7'ee of reverence is the same as many 
3rd edit. of the Iconoclasts were not unwilling 
* Mansi, xii. 990 sq. to bestow on the sign of the cross 
^ The inaccuracy of the quota- and on the volume of the Gospels 
tions from the older writers, as (xd; rvrrcj) toO ti/xIov Kal ^caoTroLov 
betrayed in the proceedings of the aravpov Kal rots ayiois evayyeXioLS 
Nicene Council, and the utter want /cat rotj XotTrots iepols duadrj/jiaa-i.). 


84 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 


Opposition to 
in the West. 

The Lib?i 

In the time of Irene and her son, as also of Nicephorus I. 
and Michael Khangabe, this decision of the council was 
unsparingly enforced; although an insurrection of Icono- 
clasts in 812 bore witness to their strength and formidable 
numbers^. But a milder and more lasting opposition took 
its rise in the west of Europe. It appears, that soon 
after the conclusion of the synod, Charlemagne had re- 
ceived from Rome a Latin version of the 'Acts,' which 
was transmitted for the sake of gaining his concurrence^. 
Startled bj the language of the eastern prelates, he de- 
termined, with the aid of his clerical advisers^, to compose 
an elaborate reply. It came out in 790, under the title 
Lihri Carolini^. In the course of one hundred and twenty 
chapters, he examined and confuted all the arguments on 
which the Council of Nicsea rested. But in spite of an 
occasional display of bitterness in criticizing his opponents, 
he was far from a heated partizan. He occupied a kind 
of middle place^; and while strenuously denouncing the 
impieties connected with the worshipping of pictures, did 
not fall into the track of the fanatical Iconoclasts, who 
were proscribing all the imitative arts as the invention 
of the Devil. His treatise very soon elicited an answer^ 
from Pope Hadrian I., which, as it fell innocuous on himself, 
made no impression on the bishops of the empire. They 

^ For an account of the reaction, 
under Leo the Armenian, and the 
final triumph of the image-party in 
842, see the following period : 'State 
of religious doctrine,' &c., in the 
'Eastern Church.' 

2 It appears that the question was 
already mooted at Gentilly in 767, 
under Pepin, but the verdict of that 
synod is not known. Labb. vi. 1703. 
Cf. above, p. 58, n. 2. 

3 One of the principal was Al- 
cuin: Lorenz, Alcuins Lehen,^. 132; 
Neander, v. 324, note. 

^ In Goldastus, Imperialia Be- 
creta de Cultu Imaginum, pp. 67 sq. 
Neander (v. 325 — 335) has left a 

careful analysis of the Lihri Caro- 


Adorationem soli Deo de- 

bitam imaginibus impertire aut seg- 
niti^ est, si utcunque agitur, aut 
insanise, vel potius infidelitatis, si 
pertinaciter defenditur :' lib. iir. c. 
24. ' Imagines vero, omni sui cidlura 
et adoratione seclusa, utrum in basili- 
cis propter memoriam rerum gestar- 
um et ornamentum sint, an etiam 
non sint, nullum fidei catholicse ad- 
ferre poterunt pi-aejudicium ; quippe 
cum ad peragenda nostrae salutia 
mysteria nullum penitus oflBciiim 
habere noscantur :' lib. II. c. 21. 
6 Mansi, xiii. 759. 

— 814:] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 85 
assembled at Frankfort (794), to the number of three the pauli- 


hundred, and determined in the presence of the papal 

legates, that the recent council of the Greeks had no claim councu of 

? 1 . • ►, T T 1 n p 1 • Frankf(/?t, 

whatever on then* notice"; addmg, that ail acts oi worship, 794: 
such as many were not indisposed to offer to the images 
of saints, invaded the prerogatives of God. And as the 
English Church ^ appears to have united with the Frankish and acqiucs- 

<-* ^ ^ ^ cence of the 

in the passing of this memorable protest, very few of the English vhurdi. 
Western Christians, those of Italy excepted, were com- 
mitted to the fatal principles established at Nicaaa. 


But while the strength of the Christian Church was 
well-nigh exhausted in the midst of domestic conflicts, 
she had also to encounter a fresh form of thought which 
threatened her dominion in the East. This was the 
creed of the Paulicians^. Like the other medieval msepfPmUi- 
sects, they were distinguished by their opposition to the 

7 Mansi, xiii. 909. The following eo amplius, episcoporum unanimi 

is the entry of Einhard, Annales, assertione confirmatum fuerit iina- 

A.D. 794 (Pertz, I. 181): * Synodus gines adorari debere ; quod omnino 

etiam, quse ante paucos annos in ecclesia Dei execratur. Contra quod 

Constantinopoli sub Herena (Irene) scripsit Albinus [i.e. Alcuin] episto- 

et Constantino filio ejus congregata, lam ex authoritate divinarum scrip- 

et ab ipsis non solum septinia, ve- turarum mirabilifcer affirmatara ; il- 

rum etiam universalis est appellata, lamque cum eodem libro ex persona 

ut nee septima nee universalis ha- episcoporum, acprincipumnostrorum, 

beretur dicereturve, quasi super- regi Francorum attulit.' Scriptores 

vacua in totum ab omnibus abdicata post Bedam, p. 405 : cf. Twysden's 

est.' Vindication, pp. 206 sq., new edit. 

^ Roger de Hoveden, following ^ liavXiKiavoi, otherwise called 

Simeon of Durham {Scripiores x. ITavXiaj'trai.. Some have looked upon 

col. Ill, ed. Twysden), thus alludes the name IlavXiKiavoi as equivalent 

to the correspondence between Char- to HavXoLudvvai (Photius, adversus 

lemagne and. the English : ' Anno recentiores Maniclueos, lib. I. c. 2: 

792, Carolus rex Francorum misit in J. C. Wolf's ^Awecc^o^a 6^ra;ca, tom. 

synodalem librum ad Britanniam, I. and ii. ed. Hamb. 1722); argu- 

sibi a Constantinopoli directum, in ing that the founders of the sect 

quo libro (heu ! proh dolor J) multa were two Manichseans, Paul and 

ineonvenientia, et veras fidei contra- John, sons of Callinice : but there 

ria reperiebantur ; maxime, quod are strong reasons for doubting the 

pene omnium orientalium doctorum, truth of this account. See the Essay 

non minus quam trecentorum, vel of Gieseler in the Theolog. Studien 

86 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 
THE PAULi- whole of the ecclesiastical system, and not merely to 


'. — peculiar articles of faith. They seem to have been an 

offshoot from the Marcionites, who lingered^ in the regions 

Its founder, ^f Armenia Prima, where the founder of Paulicianism 
appeared at the middle of the seventh century (657—684). 

His former name was Constantine,^but at the outset 
of his mission in behalf of what he deemed the genuine 
teaching of St Paul, he chose the expressive title of 
' Sylvanus.' Though addicted to the study of the sacred 
volume, and especially the writings of the great Apostle, 
whom his predecessor, Marcion, held in equal honour, 
he was notwithstanding governed all his life-time by the 
principles of dualism, in which it is likely he was reared. 
He argued that the Maker of the human body and the 

SJfo/"' Lord of the sensible creation, was to be distinguished from 

mubdief. ^i^g perfect God, the Author of the world of spirits^. In 
his view, matter, as the agent of the Demiurgus, was the 
source of every evil ; while the soul of man, originally 
wedded to Divinity itself, had been seduced into union 
with the body, where she dwelt in a doleful prison 2. Her 

unci Kritiken for 1829, Heft i. pp. 
79 sq. He maintains that the name 
Pcmlician {HavXiKoi leading to Uav' 
\iKLavoL) was given to them on ac- 
count of the exclusive value they 
attached to the writings of St Paul. 
Neander also has shewn that their 
tenets were not strictly speaking 
Manichcean, but are to be classed 
under the phase of Gnosticism put 
forth by Marcion and his party : 
"^' 337 sq. The oldest treatise on 
the heresy of the Paulicians is an 
Oration of John of Ozim, patriarch 
of the Armenians (718 — 7'29) : 0pp. 
ed. Venet. 1834. But the fullest 
statement of their errors is to be 
found in the work of Photius (above 
cited), and the Historia Manickceo- 
rum of Peter Siculus (about 800), 
ed. Ingolstadt, 1604, and else- 

^ Neander, v. 339. 

2 IlpCoTov fikv yap ecrri to /car' 
avTovs yvdbpLcrfJia to dvo apxas o/jloXo- 
yetv, TTOvqphv debv Kai ayadbv kol 
dWop eluai Tovde tov Koapiov TrofqTrjv 
Kal e^ovcnacrTrjv, eTcpov §e tov p-eWov- 
Tos, k.t.X. Pet. Siculus, ^lbi sup. 
pp. 16 sq. Photius, ubi sup. lib, II. 

c. 3, 5- 

^ See the investigation of Nean- 
der on this point, v. 356 sq. They 
had a firm belief in the possibility 
of redemption, which they rested on 
the known affinity subsisting be- 
tween God and their spirits : Ovb^ 
yap ovd' ovTO} KaTeKparrjcreu ov5^ tQiv 
€k6vt(jJv TrpodedcjKOTCju iavTovs ttjs 
^pvxv'i fX^P^^j '^^ pLy] wpos p.'qbe- 
p-iav oXcjs TTjs a\r]0€Las a'iyXifjv tovs 
€(TKOTiap€vovs eTTLCTTpecpeaOai, 6ti 6 
dyados Geos ■^v del Kai iari Kal iarai. 
Photius, lib. II. c. 3. 

— 814] State of Beligious Doctrine and Controversies. 87 

deliverance out of this enthralment was the work of the the pauli- 

Redeemer. He descended from the presence of the ''-^ — 

Highest God, invested with a heavenly body*; for, as 
matter was essentially corrupt, the Saviour did not take 
our human nature, but was born of His Virgin Mother 
only in appearance^. A denial of the Incarnation led the 
way to other forms of blasphemy and misbelief. It was 
held by the Paulicians that the sufferings of Christ were 
equally unreal, that in virtue of His higher nature He 
was incapable of death, and that His cross in particular 
was nothing more than a sign of malediction^. Firm in 
a belief that matter is the seat of evil, they rejected all views of the. 

' 'I o Sacraments : 

the outward means of grace, and more especially the Sa- 
craments. They held that the Baptism*^ which our Lord 
intended was a baptism only of the Spirit, resting on 
the passage where He pointed to Himself as the one 
* living water.' The Communion, in like manner, was 
divested of its symbols- and its meaning; for, according 
to the creed of the Paulicians, it is not the material 
elements but only Christian doctrines that can possibly 
become the vehicle of God in communicating blessings to 
the soul. 

Assigning a peculiar value to the writings of St Paul, of the scrip. 
the followers of Constantine rejected the epistles of St 
Peter ^, whom they branded as a traitor to the Gospel, and 

* jj.'qhh €^ avT7]S yevvf]6rivaL rbv cross with superstitious objects. 

'K.dpiov, aXK ovpavbdev ro aQ/xa Kare- Phot. lib. I. c. 9, 

veyKeip. Pet. Sicul. ibid. : cf. Pho- '' Photius, ibid. Some of them 

tius, lib. I. c. 7. however had their children baptized 

^ ws Sia (xwXrjvos. They even spoke (Neander, v. 363), perhaps with an 

of the Virgin as scarcely fit to be idea that the sacrament would bene- 

numbered with the good and vir- fit the body. 

tuous ; adding that she bore sons to ^ Xeyovre^, otl ovk tjv apros 

Joseph after the birth of our Sa- Kal ohos, ov 6 Kvpios idioov to?s 

viour: Pet. Sicul. p. 18. p.aO-rjTdis avrov eirl rod ddirvov, dXAa 

^ It was called KaKovpycju 6pyavou avfjLJSoXiKQs ra pTjfxara avrov avroXs 

Kal vwo apav Keip-evou. Photius, lib. edidov, cos dprov Kal oXvov. Pet. Sicul. 

I. c. 7 : cf. Pet. Sicul. ibid. Yet it ibid. 

appears that some at least of the ^ ras Ho KadoXiKas...'n.iTpov rod 

PauUcians made use of a wooden TpiOTairoardXav ou dcxovrat., d-rrexOuis 

88 Stale of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 

THE PAULi- as the head of the Judaizmg party in the Church. This 

'-^ — anti-Jewish feeling, everywhere apparent, made them 

of the ministry anxious to revive (as they supposed) an apostolic ministry, 

and ritual of . , . ^ , ■ ^ c ^ /-ii i t t i i 

the Church. to Simplify the I'ltual 01 the Oimrch, and disentangle the 
surviving elements of Christianity from numerous after- 
growths of error. Thus they styled themselves the ' Ca- 
tholics ' and ' Christians ' proper, as distinguished from the 
' Eomans,' or professors of the state-religion ^ They would 
tolerate no difference of class or order, such as that sub- 
sisting in the Church between the clergy and the laity. 
Their ministers^ were simply teachers, standing in a close 
relation to the Holy Spirit, and at first peculiarly awakened 
by His impulse. 

How far the Paulicians had been guilty of the grosser 

'jTieir moral violatious^ of the moral law imputed to them by opponents, 
it is difficult to ascertain precisely: but one principle on 
which they acted in the time of persecution is an argument 
against their purity of conscience. They were ready to 
disguise their tenets, under pressure, and resorted even 

trpos avTov diaKei/xevoi, k.t.X. Pet. ^ They rejected not only the name 

Siculus, ubi sup. cf. Photius, lib. I. iepeis but irpea-^vrepoi also, as sa- 

0. 8. They rejected also the writings vouring of Judaism. Pet. Sicul. 
of the Old Testament (ttjv oiapovu p. 20. At the head of their minis- 
^i^\ov iraXaidv), regarding them as terial system were, {•) apostles or 
the production of a system which prophets, (2) teachers and pastors 
was under the dominion of the (StSdcr/caXot and iroL/x&es), (3) itine- 
Demiurgus. Of the writings of the rant messengers of the truth asso- 
New Testament they seem to have ciated with the prophets {avp^Kdrjfxoi), 
adopted four Gospels (laying stress, (4) voirdpLot, perhaps scribes, or copy- 
however, on that according to St ists of religious records. Neander, 
Luke), fourteen Epistles of St Paul V. 365. The same dread of Juda- 
(of which one was addressed to the ism induced them to relinquish the 
Laodiceans), the Epistles of St current title j/dot (temples), and to 
James, St John, and St Jude, and call their places of assembly * ora- 
the Acts of the Apostles. Ibid, smd tovies' (Tpoaevxai). Photius, lib. I. 
cf. Neander, v. 368 sq. c. 9. 

1 Kado\LKT]v 5^ eKKKyjcrlav ra eav- ^ This feature of their system is 

Tuip KaXovcri, avvibpt.a. Photius, lib. dwelt upon by John of Ozim, a con- 

1. c. 9 : cf. lib. I. c. 6. Another of temporary (above, p. 86, note) : and 
their titles was that of xpicrroTroXtrat. he is supported by the other writers. 

• See the Anathemas published in On the other hand, see Neander, v. 

Tollius, Insignia Itinerarii Italici, p. 366 sq. : Gieseler, Theol. Studien 
J 22. imd KritiTcen for 1829, pp. 120 sq. 

• — 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, 89 

to the worship and communion of the Church in order the pauli 


to escape the eye of the police, and to propagate their 
system with impunity. 

The founder of it, Constantine (Sylvanus), after labour- Fateo/con- 

T . . . . ^ T ^' stantinejhc 

ing to spread it m Armenia tor a long term oi years, was founder. 

stoned to death, at the instigation of the emperor, by 

some of his own disciples (684). The officer, who was 

entrusted with this duty, Symeon (Titus), afterwards 

passed over to the sect, and occupied the place of Con- iiis successor. 

stantine until the year 690 ; when a further inquisition, 

prompted by Justinian II., ended in a fresh proscription, 

and brought Symeon, with a multitude of others, to the 

stake. He was followed in the second generation by 

Gegnsesius (Timothy), whose claim to be regarded as 

the single leader of the party (circ. 715), on the ground sc/jim a>wo»7 

1 1 • n /• 1 TT 1 CI • • TIT -I ''^ Paalicians. 

that the innuence oi the Holy bpirit, who had rested on 
his father, was exclusively transmitted unto him, provoked 
a secession from his standard. The dissentients took 
the side of Theodore, his brother, who affirmed that an 
equal ministerial gift had come to him directly from on 
high*. The growth of the Paulicians now demanding the 
attention of the e-overnment, Gee-nsesius, in 717, was sum- conduct of 

"-' _ . Gegncesim. 

moned to Constantinople, and interrogated by the patriarch 
concerning his behaviour and his creed. By means of 
equivocal expressions^, intermingled with anathemas on 
all who varied from the teaching of the Church, he was 
able to secure the interest of Leo the Isaurian, and took 
back with him a letter of protection for himself and his 
adherents. Migrating across the frontier, he established 
his metropolis within the territories of the Caliph, at the 

^ Photius, lib. I. c. i8. converts, many of whom had been 

5 See Neander's remarks on this Iconoclasts, (John of Ozim, Gratio, 

interview, ibid. 344. As it is plain pp. 76, 89), we may conjecture that 

that the Paulicians were strongly the emperor Leo, the antagonist 

opposed to image-worship, and as of images, was on that account 

their abhorrence of this practice was more lenient to Gegnsesius and his 

the first point of attraction for their party. 

90 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 590 


Fresh secession 
at his death. 

Decline of Pauli- 

Revival under 

town of Mananalis (near Samosata), and died about the 
year 745. Another schism arose, dividing the Panlicians 
into bitter factions, one of whom, "preserving their alle- 
giance to the son of Gegnsesius, fell a prey to the armies 
of the Moslems. The pretender, Joseph (or Epaphroditus), 
menaced by a like incm'sion, fixed his chair in Pisidia ; 
and the sect of the Paulicians in his life-time was diffused 
over many parts of Asia Minor. 

Joseph was succeeded (circ. 750) by the cynical or 
(it may be) the immoral Baanes (6 pvirapos:), under whom 
the delusion seems to have been rapidly declining: but 
it now attracted a more able and exalted leader, Sergius^ 
(or Tychicus), a native of Galatia, and the second founder 
of Paulicianism. Assiduous in his study of the writings 
of St Paul, to whom, as he imagined, Christian truth had 
been almost exclusively revealed, he clung notwithstand- 
ing to the dualistic errors, which had marked the anterior 
stages of his sect ; and while surpassing all his predecessors 
in the moral duties of religion 2, he indulged an extrava- 
gance of speech that bordered upon self-idolatry 3. His 
efforts to extend his influence were untiring ; in the course 
of four-and-thirty years, he traversed every part of Asia 
Minor*, and enjoying many glimpses of imperial favour 

1 Pet. Siculus, ibid. p. 54. The 
case of Sergius shews that although 
the reading of the Bible was not 
positively interdicted, it was usual 
for the laity to shrink from this 
personal investigation of the mys- 
teries of the faith, and for the clergy 
in some cases to encourage the 

2 The following is the testimony 
of an implacable opponent : Kal 
TUTeLvou rjdos Kal de^iwaews Kare- 
(TXTy/^tciTto-yueVos rpoiros Kal ■ij/j.epoTrjs 
ov Tovs olKeLovs viroaaiuova-a [xovov, 
aXKa Kal to-us rpax^repov Sta/cet/U^- 
vovs VTToXeaivovad re Kal avXayw- 
yovaa. Photius, lib. I. c. 22 : cf. 

Pet. Sicul. p. ^S. 

3 He was understood to argue as 
if he were the Paraclete, or Holy 
Ghost (Photius, lib. I. p. Ill) ; but 
it may be that his object was to 
represent himself as, in a higher 
sense, the organ of the Spirit, for 
the restoration of the Gospel. He 
spoke of himself, however, as ' the 
shining light,' ' the light-giving star,' 
'the good shepherd/ &c. Ibid. p. 

^ 'Atto dvaToXQv Kal p.^xP'- Svap,Qv^ 
Kal jSoppa Kal vorov '^dpajxov Krjpvcraoov 
TO evayyeXcov rod 'KpLcrrov, rots ip-ocs 
yovaai ^apijcras. Extract from one 
of his letters, in Pet. Sicul. p. 60. 

— 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 91 

in the reign of Nicepliorus I."'^, succeeded in imparting to the pauli- 
tlie sect a far more stable frame- work. ^'^^^^^. 

But this interval of calm was short. The progress persecutions 
of a noxious error, pictured in the strongest colours to th^Pauiidam: 
mind of Leo the Armenian, was sufficient to arouse his 
vengeance : he despatched inquisitors^ into the misbelieving 
districts, with the hope of eradicating all who shewed no 
symptom of repentance. A number of them fled afresh 
into the territories of the Caliph; the emir of Militene 
granting them a small asylum in the town of Argaum, 
from which place, in defiance of the wish of Sergins^, 
who was himself a refugee, they made incursions into 
the border-province of the empire. At the death ^ of 
their leader in 835, the constitution of the system under- 
went a rapid change : a band of his assistants^ {crvveKhrnjioi) 
were at first exalted to supremacy of power ; but as soon 
as the persecuting spirit^*' was rekindled in the breast of 
the empress Theodora (circ. 844:), the sect was converted 
into a political association, and soon after grew notorious 
for its lawlessness and rapine. At the head of it was 
a soldier, Karbeas, who in alliance with the Saracens 
and many of the rival schools of Paulicians (drawn by 
a common misery together), was enabled to sustain him- 
self in a line of fortresses upon the confines of Armenia, 
and to scoura^e the adiacent province". His dominion Their mppres- 

° »; 1 g{(,n in the 

was, however, broken, and well-nigh extinguished under ^'^^■ 

5 Theophanes, Chron. p. 413, ed. Armenia. Pet. Sicul. p. 66. 

Paris. He granted them a plenary ^ Hid, p. 62. 

toleration in Phrygia and Lycaonia. ^ ]g;g -y^j^g assassinated by a zealot 

We learn from the same authority, of Nicopolis : cf. Gieseler, in Studien 

that in the following reign many unci Kritihen for iS^q, p. too. 

persons at Constantinople (though ^ Pet. Sicul. pp. 70 sq. 

they proved a minority) resisted all ^^ ^ hundred thousand men are 

attempts to punish heretics with said to have been hanged, beheaded, 

death: p. 419. or drowned. Constantini Porphyrog. 

^ The cruelty of these officials Continuator, lib. IV. c. 16 ; apud 

roused the spirit of the sufferers, Scriptores Byzant. p. 103, ed. Paris, 

who cut them off at Cynoscliora in ^^ Ibid. c. 23, 24, 25. 

92 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 
THE PAULi- Basil I.i (867-886) ; though some of the phases of Pau- 


licianism were constantly revived among the sects of the 
following period. 

^ In 969 a remnant of them were 
transported from the eastern dis- 
tricts to Philippopolis in Thrace by 
the empex-or John Tzimesces. From 
thence they were able to extend 
themselves into other parts of Eu- 
rope ; but it is remarkable that 

some of their posterity are still 
found in the place to which they 
were transported. Neander, vi. 341 : 
cf. Gibbon, v.' 281 — 283; ed. Mil- 
man ; and Spencer's Travels in Euro- 
pean Turhey, ii. 353. 

-814] ( 93 



The standard of intelligence continued, on the whole, means of 

"RACE A"^^ 

to be hiofher in the East than in the West : and more know- 

especially in districts where the Moslems were repulsed, it 
was subjected to fewer fluctuations. The religious spirit 
of the people, in like manner, underwent but little change, 
and, with the sole exception of the controversy on the use Per 


form of re- 
lipkm in the 


of pictures, which had stimulated every class of the com- ^p 
munity and made them take a side, their piety was 
generally confined to dreamy contemplation, or expressed 
in a calm routine of woiship^, tinctured more or less with 
superstition^. In the discipline and ritual of the Church 
it is easy to remark the same kind of uniformity; the 
TruUan council (691), by a series of one hundred and two 
canons^ having furnished all the eastern patriarchates with 
a code of discipline, which has been constantly in force 
from that day to our own. 

Of the west, as already noticed^, Ireland was the bright- J:"^'JPi^?"i «» 

' •/ ' O fhe Jmht of 

est spot in the beginning of this period. Under Theodore^, g^^^ISf^*''* 
and from his death to the invasions of the Northmen, much 

2 Theodore, himself a Greek of were in the Latin churches. Many of 

Tarsus, informs us that the Greeks, them had the reputation of working 

lay and clerical, were ordered to miraculous cures ; and the 'Legends' 

communicate every Sunday {Liber of the period are full of instances 

Posnitent. c. XLiv. § i) : and Bede establishing the almost universal 

{Epist. ad EcghercUim, § 9) implies spread of this and of similar delu- 

that in the east at large ('totum sions, 

Orientem') it was not unusual for ^ Concil. Quinisext., Mansi, XI. 

the pious to receive the sacrament 935 — 988: see above, p. 51. 
every day. ^ Above, p. 17, n. 3 : pp. 19, 23. 

^ Pictures seem to have been per- ^ Above, pp. 15, 64, n. 6. 

verted by the Oriental, as relics 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 


MEANS OP of the illumination still proceeding from the sister-island 
is reflected in the schools of Britain, where * the ministers 
of God were earnest both in preaching and in learning ;' 
and which acted as a ' seminary of religion,' whither pupils 
now resorted ' from foreign countries seeking after wis- 
dom \ It was different in the Frankish and Burgundian 
provinces of Gaul, in which literature had been suffered to 
degenerate by the barbarous Merovingian kings. The 
flourishing schools of the Roman municipia had entirely 
disappeared ^ and their place was but inadequately filled by 
monastic and cathedral institutions, now set apart almost 
exclusively for the education of the clerics and the members 
of religious orders. Charlemagne, aided more especially by 
Alcuin^, and other learned foreigners and natives, opened 
a fresh era in the history of letters ; and the whole of his 
mighty empire underwent a salutary change. He laboured 
to revive religion by the agency of sounder learning^, 
and in order to secure this end established a variety of 
schools, — the palatine, parochial, monastic, and cathedraP. 

1 The remark of King Alfred 
(Preface to his translation of Gre- 
gory's Pastoral), on contrasting the 
decay of learning after the barbaric 
inroads of the Danes. Beda (iv. 2) 
mentions that, after the coming of 
Theodore, all who wished to be in- 
structed in. sacred literature ' habe- 
rent in promptu magistros qui doce- 

2 See Guizot's Sixteenth Lecture, 
where he shews that from the sixth 
to the eighth century the surviving 
literature of France is exclusively 
religious. * Ante ipsum enim domi- 
nura regera Carolum, in Gallia 
BuUum studium fuerat liberalium 
artium.' Annal. Lauriss. a.d, 787; 
Pertz, I. 171. The state of learning 
in Italy itself was little better, owing 
to the savage spirit of the Lombards. 
Hallam, Literature of Europe, pt. I. 
eh. I. § 8. 

•* Above, p. 66. Some of the 

other more distinguished foreigners 
were Peter Pisanus, Paul Warnefrid, 
and Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia, 
Leidrad, archbishop of Lyons (a 
native of Norica), and Theodulph, 
bishop of Orleans, of Gothic parent- 
age. Angilbert, the prime minister 
of Pepin and secretary of Charle- 
magne, was a native Frenchman, 
and a great promoter of schools and 

■* See above, p. 61, n, 3. 

^ The best account of these in- 
stitutions may be seen in Keuffel, 
Jlist. Orif/inis ac Progr. Schol, inter 
Ckristianos, pp. 161 sq. The tri- 
vium and quadrivium, elements of 
the 'seven liberal arts,' made part 
of the education given in the schools 
of Charlemagne. Theodulj^h, bishop 
of Orleans {Capitulare, c. 20: Man- 
si, xin. 993 sq.), established village 
schools (' per villas et vicos ') for all 
classes of the people. 

— 814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 95 

But we sliould remember that the northern tribes, who means op 
broke up the empn-e oi the Caesars and were now planted ^l^^y- 

on its ruins, not unfrequently retained tlieir native dialects 

as well as a crowd of pagan customs and ideas ^. Some ^fJjr-%'^"''"^ 
of them, indeed, the Visigoths, the Franks, the Burgun-^«;;jg!'^''''" 
dians, and the Lombards, gradually forgot their mother- 
tongue, and at the end of the ninth century had thrown 
it off entirely ^ But a number of their northern kinsmen 
did not follow their example. This variety of languages, 
combining with the remnants of barbaric life, would every- 
where impose an arduous task upon the clergy of the west; 
yet few of them, it must be owned, were equal to their 
duty^: and the ill-advised adoption of the Latin language^ 
as the vehicle of public worship (though at first it might 
have proved convenient here and there) contributed to 
thwart the influence of the pastor and retarded the im- 
provement of his flock. It is true that considerable good Attempts to 
resulted from the energy ot individual prelates, who insisted c^i'*- 
on the need of clergy able to instruct their people in the 

^ e.g. numerous traces of this lin- qualifications needed in all ecclesias- 
gering heathenism have been col- tics are enumerated in the Capitular 
lected in Kemble's Saxons, vol. I. of 802, apud Pertz, in. 107. 
App. F : of. Gieseler, 11, 160 — 162. ^ The same feeling of respect for 
"^ I'si\gviive,IIist.ofNormandy,i.64. the usages of Rome induced the 
^ See above, pp. 50, 61. The Ca- Prankish and English churches to 
pitulare ad parochke suce Sacerdotes adopt her psalmody and choral &er- 
of Theodulph, bishop of Orleans vice. See Neander, V. 175, 176. 
(786 — 796), while it displays some- The mission of John, 'the arch- 
what elevated views of the pastoral chanter,' and the establishment of 
office, indicates a sad dcx'iciency in the ' cursus Romanus ' in England 
the knowledge of the general body (679), are described by Beda, Hist. 
of ecclesiastics. In like manner it Eccl. IV. 18. The Scottish (Irish) 
was necessary to make the follow- rites, however, had not been cn- 
ing decree at the English synod of tirely superseded in the north of 
Cloves-hoo (747) : 'That priests who England at the close of the eighth 
know it not should learn to construe century. Maskell's Ancient Liturgy, 
and explain in our own tongue the Pref. p. liii. In Ireland they re- 
Creed and Lord's Prayer and the tained their old supremacy until the 
Bacred words which are solemnly arrival of the English, when the 
pronounced at the celebration of the Anglican ritual was ordered to be 
mass, and in the office of baptism,' observed 'in omnibus partibus ec- 
etc. Johnson, English Canons, I. clesiae,' by the S3aiod of Cashel 
247; ed. Oxf. 1850. The literary (1172), c. 7; Wilkins, i. 473. 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 

MEANS OF elements of Christian knowledge \ and to preacli in the 
language of the countiy. Thus, in England it was ordered^ 
that ' on every Sunday and festival, each priest should ex- 
pound the Gospel unto all committed to his charge:' and 
the rigorous observance^ of the Lord's-day in particular 
would give them opportunities of profiting by the injunc- 
tion. It was urged anew in the reign of Charlemagne ; 
e.g. at the Council of Mayence^ (813), and in the same 
year at Aries, where the clergy are directed to preach on 
festivals and Sundays, not only in the cities, but in country 
pari sliest 

1 Cf. the preceding note 8. Beda 
{ep. ad JEcgberctum, § 3) : 'In qua 
videlicet prsedicatione populis ex- 
hibenda, hoc prse caeteris omni in- 
stantia procurandum arbitror, ut 
fidem catholicam quae apostolico 
symbolo continetur, et Dominicam 
oration em quam sancti Evangelii 
nos Scriptura edocet, omnium qui 
ad tuum i-egimen pertinent, me- 
morise radicibus infigere cures. Et 
quidem omnes qui Latinam linguam 
lectionis usu didicerunt, etiam haec 
optime didicisse certissimum est : 
sed idiotas, hoc est, eos qui propriae 
tantum linguae notitiam habent, haec 
ipsa sua lingua dicere, ac sedulo 
decantare facito.' The same is fre- 
quently enjoined elsewhere, e.g. 
Council of Mayence, 813, can. 45: 
Man si, Xiv. 74. A short form of 
abjuration of idolatry and declara- 
tion of Christian faith, in the ver- 
nacular language, is preserved among 
the works of Boniface: n. 16, ed. 

2 Excerptiones Ecgherti, c. in : 
Thorpe, ii. 98; Johnson's English 
Canons, i. p. 185. Chrodegang of 
Metz directed that the Word of sal- 
vation should be preached at least 
twice a month, though expressing a 
desire that sermons might be still 
more frequent : Begula,c. 44 ; Mansi, 
XIV. 337. 

3 The Liber Pcenitentialis of Theo- 
dore (c. XXXVIII. § 6 — 14, and else- 
where) is most stringent on this 

head, subjoining to a list of inter- 
dicted occupations : 'etad missarum 
sollennia ad ecclesias undique conve- 
niant, et laudent Deum pro omnibus 
bonis, quae nobis in ilia die fecit :' 
cf. a law of King Ine against Sun- 
day working (Thorpe, I. 104 ; John- 
son, I. 132), and one of the ' Laws 
of the Northumbrian Priests' (§ 55) 
against Sunday traffic and journey- 
ing of all kinds (Thorpe, 11. 298, 
Johnson, I. 379). See Schrockh, 
XX. 315, 316, for the views enter- 
tained by John of Damascus on the 
nature of the Lord's day. It is 
plain from the prohibitions of 
the Councils (e.g. of Chalons, 649, 
c. XIX.) that the church-inclosure 
was at times converted into an are- 
na of Sunday merriment and dissi- 

* Can. XXV : ' Juxta quod intelli- 
gere vulgus possit.' 

^ Can. X : ' Etiam in omnibus 
parochiis.' It was added in the 
Council of Tours (813), c. xvii., that 
preachers should translate their ser- 
mons either into Romana rustica or 
Theotisca (Deutsch), 'quo facilius 
cuncti possint intelligere quae dicun- 
tur.' Charlemagne had already pub- 
lished a collection of discourses 
(Homiliarium), which had been com- 
piled by Paul Warnefrid (Diaconus), 
from the sermons of the Latin 
Fathers. See Ranke's article in 
the Studien und Kritihen, 1855, 2'^ 
Heft, pp. 382 sq. 


State of Intelligence and Piety, 


The growing education of the people would enaLle a far means of 
greater number of them to peruse the holy Scriptures; nor know- 

did any wish exist at present to discourage such a study ^. 

It was, however, lona^ restricted by the scarcity of books, translations of 

•11 11 n 1 • the Bible. 

and still more by the want of vernacular translations ; 
though the latter had begun to be remedied, at least in 
some scanty measure, by the English and the German^ 
Churches. Ulfilas, the father of this kind of literature, 
was followed, after a long interval, by the illustrious Beda, 
who, if he did not render the whole Bible® into Anglo- 
Saxon, certainly completed the Gospel of St John^ 
Aldhelm, who died in 709, had already made a version 
of the Psalms^"; and we may infer from the treasures of 

^ See e.f/. the passages above 
quoted, p. 6i, and a still finer one 
translated into Anglo-Saxon, and 
preserved in Soames' Bampton Lec- 
tures, 9?, 93 : cf. also the language 
of Ildefonsus of Saragossa, in Baluzii 
Miscellanea, vi. 59. Alcuin, writing 
to the emperor (circ. 800), thus al- 
ludes to a query put to him by a 
layman who was conversant with 
the Scriptures ; 'Vere et valde gra- 
tum habeo, laicos quandoque ad 
evangelicas efiloruisse qusestiones, 
dum quendam audivi virum pru- 
dentem aliquando dicere, clericorum 
esse evangeliura discere, non laico- 
rura,' etc. Epist. cxxiv. (al. CLxrii.) 
0pp. I. 180. It has been observed, 
that in the catalogues of mediaeval 
libraries, copies of the Holy Scrip- 
tures constitute the greater number 
of the volumes. Palgrave, Hist, of 
Normandy, I. 63. The subject has 
been examined also by Mr Bucking- 
ham, in his Bible in the Middle Ages, 
Lond. 1853. 

'' The influence exerted by Chris- 
tianity on the old-German Language 
has been recently investigated by 
Raumer, Eimvirhung des Christen- 
tliums aufdie aWwchdeutsche Sprache, 
Stuttgart, 1S45, where translations, 
glosses, and other fragments of ver- 

M. A. 

nacular piety have been discussed. 
But many of these specimens belong 
to the following period. 

^ See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon 
Kings, I. 203 ; and Gilly's Introd. 
to t\iQ Romaunt Version of the Gospel 
according to St John, (Lond. 1848), 
pp. XI. sq. 

^ ' Evangelium quoque Johannis, 
quod difficultate sui (? sua) mentes 
legentium exercet his diebus, lingua 
interpretatus Auglica, condescend) fc 
minus imbutis Latina.' Wil. Mal- 
mesbur. de Gestis Regum, lib. i. p. 
23 ; ed. 1601. 

■"^'^ There was also a large stock of 
Anglo-Saxon religious poetry, of 
which Cisedmon's Metrical Para' 
phrase of Parts of the Holy Scrip- 
tures (ed. Thorpe, 1832) is a very- 
striking type., Csedmon died about 
680. He was desired by the abbess 
Hilda of Whitby to transfer into 
verse the whole of the sacred histo- 
ry. Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit. I. 195. 
The interesting Anglo-Saxon Ritual, 
published, in 1839, by the Surtees 
Society, is one of a large class of 
interlinear translations, and may be 
assigned to the commencement of 
the ninth century : Stephenson's 
Preface, p. x. 


State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. 590 


Livet of 
Haintt : 

thflr general 

TJow co7incnial 
Uj the s-ijlrit 
of the aije. 

vernacular literature handed down by the scholars of the 
period next ensuing, that a list of analogous productions 
was destroyed in the conflict with the Danes. 

But a more fascinating species of instruction was sup- 
plied in the 'Lives of Saints\' The number of these 
works, surviving at the present day, is actually prodigious^; 
and the influence they exerted on the mediaeval mind was 
deep and universal. While they fed almost every stream 
of superstition, and excited an unhealthy craving for the 
marvellous and the romantic, they were nearly always 
tending, in their moral, to enlist the affections of the 
reader on the side of gentleness and virtue ; more especially 
by setting forth the necessity of patience, and extolling the 
heroic energy of faith. One class of these biographies 
deserves a high amount of credit: they are written by 
some friend or pupil of their subject; they are natural 
and life-like pictures of the times, preserving an in- 
structive portrait of the missionary, the recluse, the 
bishop, or the man of business ; yet most commonly the 
acts and sufferings of the mediaeval saint have no claim 
to a place in the sphere of history, or at best they have 
been so wantonly embellished by the fancy of tlie author, 
that we can disentangle very few of the particles of 
truth from an interminable mass of fiction. As these 
' Lives' were circulated freely in the language of the 
people^ they would constitute important items in the 
fire-side readings of the age; and so warm was the 
response they found in men of every grade, that notwith- 
standing feeble efforts to reform them*, or at least to 

1 Gregory of Tours, who died 593, 
in a series of publications of this 
class, gave an impulse to the won- 
der-loving spirit of the age. 

2 See a calculation in Guizot's 
Seventeenth Lecture, based on the 
materials still surviving in the Acta 

'^ An interesting specimen (Anglo- 

Saxon) has been edited with a trans- 
lation by C. W. Goodwin (Lond. 
1848). The subject of it is St Guth- 
lac, a hermit of Crowland (written 
about 750, by a monk named Felix). 
There are many others preserved in 
our MSS. repositories. 

^ This had been attempted as 
early as the time of pope Gelasius 


State of Intelligence and Piety, 


eliminate a few of the more monstrous and absurd, they corrup- 
kept their hold on Christendom at large, and are subsisting abuses. 
even now in the creations of the mediaeval artist^. 

Keeping pace with this expansion in the field o^Exagg^auon 
hagiology , the reverence which had long been cherished ^^ ^ *«*"^- 
for the veritable saints continued to increase in every 
province of the Church ; and even to resemble, here and 
there, a lower kind of worship. None of the more en- 
lightened, it is true, have failed to distinguish^ very clearly 
in their works between the honour of regard and imitation 
to be offered to the saint, and the supremacy of love and 
homage which is due to God alone : but in the mind of 
unreflecting peasants such distinctions were obliterated 
more and more, and numbers of the saints, apocryphal as 
well as true, had come to be regarded in the light of tutelar 
divinities^ At the head of a catalogue of saints, on whom 

(496) ; Mansi, viii. 149 : but the 
taste for legendary compositions 
went on increasing. Much of the 
increase in the number of the 'saints' 
is due to the liberty which every 
district seems to have enjoyed of en- 
larging its own calendar at pleasure. 
There is no instance of a canoniza- 
tion by the pope until the case of 
Swibert (about 800) ; and that has 
been disputed (Twysden, Vindica- 
tion of the Church of England, p. 
219, new ed.). According to Giese- 
ler, II, 421, the earliest was Ulrich, 
bishopof Augsburg, in 993. Charle- 
magne, who was anxious to with- 
stand the superstitions of his age 
(e. g. baptizing of bells, the ' sortes 
sanctorum,' etc.), pubUshed a capi- 
tulary (789, c. 76), De pseudogra- 
phiis et diibiis narrationibus ; and 
in the capitulary of Frankfort (794, 
c. 40) is the following injunction : 
*ut nulli novi sancti colantur, aut 
invocentur, nee memorise eorum per 
vias [/. e. wayside chapels] erigan- 
tur ; sed ii soli in ecclesia venerandi 
sint, qui ex auctoritate passionum 
aut vit£e merito electi sunt.' 

^ 'The apocryphal legends have 
been repeatedly condemned and ana- 
thematised, declared to be uncanon- 
ical, and yet most of the subjects 
painted on the stained glass win- 
dows, or sculptured in the portals 
of our Cathedrals, are taken literally 
from the apocryphal books,' etc. Di- 
dron's Christian Iconogra'phy, 1. 192. 

^ e. g. Isidor. Hispalens. De 
Eccles. Officiis, lib. i. c. 34. Beda 
speaks of the transformation of the 
Pantheon at Rome into the Church 
of the Virgin and all Martyrs : ' ut, 
ubi quondam omnium non deorum 
sed dsemoniorum cuUus agebatur, 
ibi deinceps omnium fieret memoria 
sanctorum.' Chronicon, A.D. 614 ; 
Monum. £ritan. p. 97. 

'' Neander, v. 182, 183. But not- 
withstanding a large number of ex- 
amples in this country where the 
saints are spoken of as 'intercessors' 
with God, they are scarcely ever at 
this period addressed directb/, the 
petition being that ' God would make 
them intercessors in our behalf.' 
Soames, Bampton Led. p. 195, and 
notes. In the Liber Posnitentialis 



100 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. 5S0 

a special veneration* was bestowed, is tlie blessed Virgin 
Mary ; the exaggerations of this honour, which peep out 
in the earlier times, assuming more unchristian phases, 
in proportion as the worship of the Church was contracting 
a more sensuous tone. The synod held at Mayence', 813, 
in drawing up a list of feast-days, has included one for the 
' Purification of St Mary'^ handed down from better ages; 
but in that list is also found the festival of the Assumption 
of the Virgin (August 15th), which communicated a far 
stronger impulse to the creature-worship of the masses. It 
grew^ out of a spurious legend methodized by Gregory of 
Tours, in which it was affirmed that the original Apostles, 
on assembling at the death-bed of the Virgin, saw her 
carried by a band of angels into heaven. 

The other festivals', excluding Sundays, now ap- 


of Theodore, however, there is a 
passage (c. XLViii. § i) which speaks 
of more objectionable formulse as 
then actually existing in the Litany 
of the Church : ' Christe, audi nos; 
ac deinde, Sancta Maria, ora ^yro 
nobis; neque dicitur, Christe, ora pro 
nobis, et Sancta Maria, vel Sancte 
Pctre, audi nos; sed, Christe, audi 
nos; Fill Dei, te ror/amus, audi nos.' 
Yet the same writer teaches in this 
very passage that we should offer 
' sacriticium, et preces, et vota,' to 
God alone (ei soli). 

1 See Ildefonsus, De Illibata Vir- 
ginitate B. Virginis, in Biblioth. 
Patr. VII. 432 sq. ed. Colon. 1618; 
and, for the Eastern church, John 
of Damascus, Scrmo in Annunciat. 
Domince nostras QeoroKov : 0pp. ii. 
835 sq. 

2 Can. 36. Mansi, xrv. 73. At 
the same council four great fasts are 
mentioned : the first week in March, 
the second week in June, the third 
week in September, and the last full 
week in December before Christmas- 
day; at all which seasons public 
litanies and masses were to be so- 
lemnized at nine o'clock, on Wed- 

nesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. 

3 Also called Festum Symeonis, 
and Festum Symeonis et Hannce. In 
the Greek Church, where the ho- 
nour is directed chiefly to our Lord, 
the title of the corresponding feast 
is eopT'^ TTJs viravTifS. Beda has a 
Homily upon it in the course of the 
festivals; 0pp. vii. 327: and Ba- 
ronius, Annal. ad an. 544, informs 
us that Gelasius laid the foundation 
for its observance when he abolished 
the lupercalia. 

■^ The various conjectures of the 
Fathers on the subject of the Vir- 
gin's end, have been stated at length 
by Gieseler, ii. 313, n. 12. The 
apocryphal writing Transitus S. Ma- 
rice, from which Gregory of Tours 
{De gloria Martyrum, lib. I. c. 4) 
derived the story now in circulation, 
had been placed by pope Gelasius 
among the interdicted books : above, 
p. 98, n. 4. Another festival, the 
Birth of the Virgin (Sept. 8), is dated 
also from this period. 

^ Concil. Mogunt, as above. The 
services of Easter and Whitsunday 
are to be continued for a whole week ; 
and that of Christmas for four days. 

— 814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 101 

pointed or continued in the Frankisli churcli, relate to coirnup- 
the Nativity, the Circumcision, the Epiphany, and the abuses. 
Ascension of the Lord, the feast (or ' dedication') of St " 

MichaeP, the martyrdoms ('natales') of St Peter and St 
Paul, of St Remigius, St Martin, St Andrew, and the 
nativity of St John the Baptist^: to which number, ancient 
festivals of saints and martyrs, who were buried in each 
diocese, together with the feasts of dedication for the 
several churches, were appended by the same authority. 
To this period also it is usual to assign the institution of 
the festival in honour of ' All Saints,' which, notwithstand- 
ing, had been long observed upon the octave of Whitsunday 
by the Christians of the East. It was ranked as a pro- 
vincial celebration in the time of Boniface IV., when he 
was allowed to convert the famous Pantheon to the ser- 
vice of the Gospel; and the usage thus adopted in the 
Roman dioceses was extended to the whole of the Western 
Church by Gregory IV. in 835.^ 

The state of feeling with regard to relics^, which grew Rcucs. 

^ Not adopted in the East till the val, and the mode in which it should 

I'Zth century; Guerike, Manual of be kept : ' Quod ut fieri digne possit 

Antiq. of the Church, p, 195, ed. a nobis, lumen verum, quod illumi- 

Morrison. nat omnem hominem, Christus Je- 

-^ In a second and an earlier list sus, illuminet corda nostra, et pax 

(Capitular, lib. I. c. 158), the feasts Dei, quae exsuperat omnem sensum, 

of St Stephen, St John the Evan- per intercessionem omnium Sancto- 

gelist, the Holy Innocents, are also rum ejus, custodiat ea usque in diem 

included: while with regard to the seternitatis. Hanc solemnitatem 

Assumption, it is added, 'De ad- sanctissimam tribus diebus jejunan- 

sumptione S. Marise interrogandum do, orando, missas canendo, et elee- 

relinquimus.' It is plain that this mosynas dando per invicem, sincera 

doubt continued to exist in the An- devotione praecedamus.' .^. LXXVI. 

glo-Saxon Church. See the extract (al. xci.) ; Ojjp. i. 113. 
from a vernacular sermon in Soames' ^ c. g. Theodor. Liber Pcenitent. 

Bampton Lect. pp. 226, -227. The c. XLViii, § 2 : 'Reliquiae tamen 

13th canonofCloves-hoo (747) orders, sanctorum venerandee sunt, et, si 

in the case of England, that the potest fieri, in ecclesia, ubi reliquiae 

'nativities' of saints should be ob- sanctorum sunt, candela ardeat per 

served according to the Roman mar- singulas noctes. Si autem paupertas 

tyrology: Johnson, I. 249. loci non sinit, non nocet eis.' It 

8 Guerike, p. 181, The following was customary in the Frankish em- 
is the language of Alcuin (799) re- pire for chaplains to carry the relics 
specting the institution of this festi- of St Martin and others at the head 


State of Intelligence and Piety, [a. d. 590 


out of an excessive veneration for the saints, was rapidly 
assuming the extravagance and folly that have marked 
its later stages. 

The deplorable ahuse of the imitative arts has been 
noticed in the rise and progress of the image-controversy. 
We there saw that the evil was resisted^ for a time in 
the Frankish and the English Churches, while it gained 
a still firmer hold on other parts of Christendom, and 

threatened to subside into absolute idolatry. 

The disposition to erect and beautify religious houses, 
which prevailed in the east and west alike, is often to be 
traced to purely Christian feelings^ : not unfrequently , how- 
ever, it proceeded from a mingled and less worthy motive, 
from the impulses of servile fear, and from a wish in the 
soul of the promoter to disarm the awakened vengeance 
of his Judge ^. Another form in which these errors came 
to light was the habit of performing pilgrimages to some 
holy spot or country, where men dreamed of a nearer 
presence of the Lord, or some special intercession of the 
saints. A multitude of English devotees* betook them- 

of their armies ('patrocinia vel pig- 
nora sanctorum') : cf. Schrockh, XX. 
127, 131: and the same feeling led 
the persecuted Spaniard to discover 
the potent relics of St James (be- 
tween 791 and 842) in the person 
afterwards called St James of Com- 
postella : Acta Sanct. Jul. torn. VI. 
p. 37. Even Alcuin {Homil. de Na- 
tali S. Willehrord., 0pp. ii. 195) 
believed that the saintly missionary 
might continue to work miracles on 
earth, through the special grace of 

1 See above, p. 85. The same 
kind of exaggerated veneration was 
bestowed on the real or imaginary 
fragments of the cross ; and in 631 
the Emperor Heraclius, on defeating 
the Persians (above, p. 31), and re- 
covering the precious relic from 
their hands, estabhshed a festival in 
honour of it, called (rraupcicrt/Aos 

TjfJLipa (Sept. 14), adopted soon after- 
wards at Rome, under the designa- 
tion, Festum exaltationis crucis : see 
ZibeT Pontif. ed. Vignol. I. 310. 

2 e. g. Einhard. Vit. Karoli Magn. 
0. 26 : Pertz, II. 457. In a capitu- 
lary, 811 (Mansi, xiir. 1073), ad- 
dressed to the prelates of the empire, 
he tells them that, however good a 
•work is the building of fine churches, 
the true ornament is to be found in 
the life of the worshippers ('praefer- 
endus est sedificiis bonorum morum 
ornatus et culmen'). 

^ The form of bequest too often 
runs as follows : ' Pro animae nos- 
tras remedio et salute :' * ut non in- 
veniat in nobis ultrix flamma, quod 
devoret, sed Domini pietas, quod 
coronet.' See other forms of the 
same class in Schrockh, XX. no, 

4 See above, p. 45, n. 7. Boni- 

— 814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 103 

selves to Borne : and while it may be srranted that excur- corrup- 

^ . ^ TIONS AND 

sions of this kind were often beneficial to the arts and abuses. 

letters of the country^, no one has denied that many of 
the pilgrims, more especially the female portion, fell a 
prey to the laxity of morals which the custom almost 
everywhere induced. The less intelligent appear to have 
expected that a pilgrimage would help them on their 
way to heaven, apart from any influence it might have 
in stimulating the devotions of the pious : but this fallacy 
was strenuously confuted by the leading doctors of the age®. 

It has been shewn already^ that the notion of a xiUY- ^''-acticai 

•' -I results of the 

gatorial fire, to expiate the minor sins ('leves culpse') which f^rgal^J'J 
still adhered to the departed, had been definitely formed 
under Gregory the Great, and from him was transmitted 
to the Christians of the West. This notion, while it threw Masses for 

\ the dead. 

a deeper gloom upon the spirits of the living, led the 
way to propitiatory acts intended to relieve the sufferings 
of the dead. It prompted feelings and ideas widely dif- 
fering from those which circulated in the earlier Church^; for 

face, the papal champion, was con- secum magistros adduxit, etc' Ho- 

strained to deprecate the frequency mil. in Natal, Benedict., 0pp. Vir. 

of pilgrimages, on the ground that 334. 

they were often fatal to the virtue ^ Thus the 45th canon of the 

of the females: * Perpaucse enim Council of Chalons (813) condemns 

sunt civitates in Longobardia, vel all the pilgrimages undertaken in 

in Francia, aut in Gallia, in qua an irreverent spirit, with the hope 

non sit adultera vel meretrix generis of securing a remission of past sins, 

Anglorum : quod scandalum est, et where no actual reformation was de- 

turpitudo totius ecclesiae vestrse :' sired : but it is no less ready to cora- 

Ep. LXiii ; 0pp. I. 146. mend such journeys when accompa- 

^ This was certainly the case in nied by true devotion (' orationibus 

men like Benedict Biscop, of whom insistendo, eleemosynas largiendo, 

Beda has remarked, ' Toties mare vitam emendando, mores componen- 

transiit, numquam, ut est con sue- do') : cf. Alcuin, Epist. CXLVii. (al. 

tudinis quibusdam, vacuus et inutilis cxcvi.) 0pp. I. -208. 

rediit, sed nunc librorum copiam '' Above, pp. 63, 64. Stories, like 

sanctorum, nunc reliquiarum beato- that which is told of Fursey, the 

rum martyrum Christi munus vene- Irish monk (Bed. Hist. Eccl. iir. 19), 

rabile detulit, nunc arcbitectos ec- would deepen the popular belief m 

clesiae fabricandse, nunc vitrifactores a purgatorial fire, 

ad fenestras ejus decorandas ac mu- ^ Cf, Bp. Taylor's Dissuasive, 

niendas, nunc cantandi et in eccle- bk. ii. § 2 : Worhs, VI. 545 sq., ed. 

eia per totum annum ministrandi Eden.; Schrockh, xx. 175 sq. — With 


State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. 590 

there, when the oblations were presented in the name of a 
departed worthy, they commemorated one ah-eady in a state 
of rest, though sympathizing with his brethren in the flesh, 
and expecting the completion of his triumph. The result 
of those medigeval masses for the dead^ was to occasion 
a plurality of altars^ in the churches, to commence the 
pernicious rite of celebrating the Eucharist without a con- 
gregation ('missse privatas,' or 'solitari^e'), and to reduce 
in many parts the number of communicants^: but scandals 
of this kind, like many others then emerging to the sur- 
face of the Church, were warmly counteracted by the 
better class of prelates*. 

regard to the doctrine of the Eu- 
charist, considered as a sacrificial 
act, commemorating the Great Sa- 
crifice, and as the means of feeding 
upon Christ by faith, more will be 
observed in the following period, 
when the views of the Church at 
large began to be more technically 
stated. That the dogma of a phy- 
sical transubstantiation of the ele- 
ments was not held in the 7th cen- 
tury, is clear from Isidor. Hispalen- 
sis, De Eccles. Officiis, lib. i. c. 18 : 
Ildefonsus, De Cognitlone Baptismi 
(in ^2i\nz. Miscellanea, vi. 99). The 
current doctrine of the Greek Church 
is to be sought in a work of Anasta- 
sius (a learned monk of Mount Si- 
nai, at the close of the seventh cen- 
tury) entitled '057776s, seu Dux via 
adversus AcepJialos, c, 23, ed. In- 
golstadt, 1606 ; and in John of Da- 
mascus, De Fide Orthodoxa, lib. iv. 
c. 13 : 0pp. I. 267 sq. It was al- 
ready common for the Easterns to 
make use of the terms fX€Taj3o\r], yue- 
TaaTotx^LOJCTLS, fieTairoLTja-ts, although 
neither then, nor at the present day, 
was it intended to express a ' physi- 
cal' change in the substance of the 
elements after consecration, but a 
change which they define as ' sacra- 
mental and mystical.' Palmer, Trea- 
tise on the Church, ir. 167, 3rd edit.: 
cf. L'Arroque, Hist, of the Eucharist , 

C. XI. XII, 

1 The usages and modes of thought 
in reference to them may be gathered 
fromTheodor. Llh. Poeniteiit. c. XLV. 
The following passage is curious, 
§ 15 : 'Nonnulli solent interrogare, 
si pro omnibus regeneratis liceat sa- 
crificium Mediatoris offerre, quamvis 
flagitiosissime viventibus, et in malis 
operibus perseverantibus ? De hac 
quajstione varia expositio Patrum 
invenitur.' The point is finally de- 
termined thus : ' Illic saltem de mi- 
nimis nihil quisque purgationis ob- 
tinebit, nisi bonis hoc actibus, in hac 
adhuc vita positus, ut illic obtineat, 
promereatur.' In the East (Council 
in Tridlo, can. 83) it was necessary 
to condemn a custom of administer- 
ing the communion to the dead. 

^ See Capitular, a.d. 805, i. c. 6 
(Pertz, III. i3cz), ' De Altaribus, ut 
non superflua sint in Ecclesiis.' 

3 See above, p. 93, n. 2. In the 
Western Church, where a neglect of 
the Eucharist was not followed by 
excommunication (Theodor. Poenit. 
c. XLiv. § 2 ; Ecgberht, Confession, 
§ 35)> it was necessary to exhort the 
laity to a more frequent participa- 
tion : e. g. Council of Cloves-hoo 
(747), can. 23: Johnson, i. 253, 
254. The Council of Chalons (813), 
can. 47, orders all Christians to com- 
municate on Maundy-Thursday : 
Mansi, Xiv. 103. 

^ e. g. Solitary masses are con- 


State of Intelligence and Piety. 


The establishment of these propitiatory masses for the t^JJJJ^^d 
dead, itself an effect of the novel dogmas which had flowed -abuses. 
from the belief in purgatory, had contributed to work ^;'"^';"5.|f ''''" 
still further changes in the system of church-penance. It ^*^'"'"^*^- 
is true that the writers of this period lay great stress on 
the renovation of the heart as the index of a genuine 
contrition^; they recoil from the idea that alms, or any 
outward act, can be accepted as an expiation for man's 
sin, so long as the disposition of the sinner is unchanged^; 
yet the efforts' which were made by a series of active 
prelates to discriminate minutely between heavier and 
lighter sins, and to allot in each single case the just 
amount of penance, in proportion to the magnitude of 
the offence^, are dark and distressing proofs of tlie cor- 

demned by the Council of Mayence 
(813), can. 43 ; and by Theodulph, 
archbp. of Orleans, Capitidare ad 
Sacerdotes, c. vii ; Johnson, i. 456 : 
cf. ibid, 4 19, 

5 The Council of ChS,lons, above 
cited (813), is full of cheering thoughts 
on this point as on many others. 
Its language was, ' Neque enim pen- 
sanda est poenitentia quantitate tem- 
poris, sed ardore mentis et mortifi- 
catione corporis. Cor autem con- 
tritum et humiliatum Deus non 
spernit : ' can. 34. In can. 38 it 
repudiates what was known as *li- 
belli poenitentiales ' (certificates of 
penance irregularly acquitting the 
offender), * quorum sunt certi errores, 
incerti auctores.' 

^ e. g. The emphatic language of 
the synod of Cloves-hoo ; can. 26, 
27 ; Johnson, I. 255 — 259. In the 
Confessionale of Ecgberht, c. 2, and 
the Pcenitenticde, lib. iv. c. 63, the 
various means and conditions of for- 
giveness (twelve in number) are re- 
cited in succession. The fanatical 
austerity with which conditions of 
this class were sometimes carried 
out, resulted in a kind of oriental 
self-destruction, and induced the 

Frankish emperor to pass a special 
law {Capitid. 789, c, 77, ed. Baluze, 
I. 239) forbidding all such penitents 
to shew themselves in public. -A 
milder form of the same feeling is 
betrayed in the loth canon of Toledo 
(683), where we learn that it was not 
uncommon for persons (even pre- 
lates) in a time of dangerous illness 
to submit themselves to public pe- 
nance, for the greater security, al- 
though their conscience did not ac- 
cuse them of any special sin. 

"^ See above, p. 64, n. 6. An- 
other contribution to the series was 
made at the opening of the ninth 
century by Halitgar, bishop of Cam- 
bray (Cameracensis), printed in Ca- 
nisius, Zect. Antiq. ed. Basnage, 
tom. II. part ii. pp. 87 sq, 

^ See Ecgberht's Confessionale and 
Pcenitentiale, passim : Thorpe, II. 
129 — 239. One of the worst features 
of this system, as it is here expound- 
ed, was the redemption, or commu- 
tation, of penances by means of mo- 
ney-payments {e.g. Poenitent. lib. IV. 
c. 60, 61, 62 : cf. Canons enacted 
under Edgar; Thorpe, II. 284 — 288 : 
see the sect. ' Of satisfaction for sin,^ 
in the Penitential Canons (963) ; 


State of Intelligence and Piety, 


ruptions then prevailing in the Church, no less than of 
the servile spirit that was influencing her teachers. In 
and the case of overt sins, where public satisfaction was re- 
quired, the form of it was generally determined by the 
bishop when he came on his visitation-tour^; but all of- 
fences of a private nature, though not uniformly^, were 
most frequently confessed in secret to a priest, who, vary- 
ing from the ancient practice, instantly conceded absolu- 
tion^, — with the tacit understanding, in all cases, that the 
penance he directed would be afterwards performed. 

Yet, far as the actual system of the Church, in this 
and other features, had diverged from apostolic usage; 
largely as alloy had now been fused into the gold, 
and thickly as the tares were mingling with the wheat 
implanted by the heavenly Sower, — there is ample testi- 
mony in the canons of reforming synods, and still more 
in the exalted lives of men like Aidan, Gregory, Eligius, 
Liudger, Bede, and Alcuin, or of John the Almoner, of 
Maximus and others in the East, to certify us that reli- 
gion was not mastered by the powers of darkness, but 
that, on the contrary, the Spirit of her Lord and Saviour 
was still breathing in the Christian Church, and training 
men for heaven. 

Johnson, I. 440). It led to the 
transferring of the civil 'bots/ or 
compensations, to the higher pro- 
vince of religion, and could hardly 
fail to foster the pernicious thought 
that it was possible in many cases to 
buy off the displeasure of the Lord ; 
although an inference like this was 
strongly censured in the '26th canon 
of Cloves-hoo ; and in one 'Enact- 
ed under Edgar,' § 19, it is added 
that the penitent, however wealthy, 
'must supplicate for himself, with 
true love of God.' Cf. Bedse Ep. 
ad Ecglerctum, § 11 (p. 343, ed. 

^ See above, p. 49, n. 8 : and Ca- 
pitular. II., A.D. 813, c. I. 

2 Theodor. CapUuIa (Thorpe, n. 
85, 86) : * Confessio itaque quae soli 
Deo fit, quod est justorum purgat 
peccata ; ea vero quae sacerdoti fit, 
docet qualiter ipsa purgantur pec- 
cata,' etc. The statements of Theo- 
dulph of Orleans {Capit. c. 30 : Man- 
si, XIII. 1002), and of the Council of 
Ch§-lons, above cited, c. 33, are still 
clearer proofs that confession to a 
priest was not generally regarded as 
essential to forgiveness of sins. 

3 Thus Boniface in his Statuta 
{0pp. II. 22 — 25) enjoins, c. 31 : 
* Curet unusquisque presbyter statim 
post acceptam confessionem pceni- 
teutium, singulos data oratione re- 



( 108 ) 

[A.D. 814 






First steps in 
the conversion 
of thr Norlh- 
ei'n nut ions. 

The age in wliicli the hardy Northmen were descending 
on the rest of Europe and preparing to involve their fortunes 
in the politics of neighbouring countries, was distinguished 
by the earliest missionary efforts to engraft them on the 
Christian Church. This project is attributable in some 
measure to tlie enterprising Liudger, but his zeal, after 
reaping a small harvest of conversions \ was restrained by 
an order of the Frankish monarch^. 

In the evening of his reign, however, when the Saxons 
were all conquered, Charlemagne, it is said, was purposing 
to found an archbishopric at Hamburg, with a view to the 
further planting of the Grospel in the Scandinavian king- 
doms^ The completion of this noble scheme had been 

1 See above, p. 27. The English- 
man, Willehad, also (p. 26) preached 
as early as 780 to the Ditmarsi, in 
the neighbourhood of Hamburg, The 
best modern account of the propa- 
gation of the Gospel in these regions 
is JMiinter's Kirchengeschichte von 
Ddnem. und Norweg. Leipz. 1823 : 
cf. also Kruse's S. Anschar, Altona, 

2 ' Fuit autem cupiens anxie gratia 
docendi Nortlimannos adire, sed rex 
Karolus nuUatenus assensum prae- 

buit. ' Vit. S. Liudger. apud Pertz, 
II. 414. 

^ . . . . * Unde prffidicatio verbi Dei 
finitimis fieret populis, Sueonum, 
Danorum, Norweorum, Farria?, 
Gronlandan, Islandan, Scridivindan, 
Slavorum, necnon omnium septen- 
trionalium et orientalium nationum 
quocumque modo nominatarum, qui 
paganicis adhuc erroribus involvun- 
tur.' Vit. S. Rimbcrt. c. i : Ibid, 
n. 765. 

—1073] Growth of the Churcli. 109 

reserved for his successor, Louis-le-Debonnaire, who by the daxtsh 
succours he despatched* to Harald, king of Jutland, made a swkdish 
way for the introduction of the Christian faith. A mission 

was at first directed^ by the earnest and experienced Ebbo, Mission of 

'' . ^ Kbho into 

archbishop of Eheims. He carried a commendatory letter^ Jutland. 
from pope Paschal I. (circ. 822), and was attended by the 
learned Halitgar', bishop of Cambray. Their labours were 
rewarded^, more especially in Jutland; and in 826 the king 
himself, together with his consort and a retinue of Danes, 
was solemnly baptized at Mayence^ in the presence of the 
emperor, his patron. Harald now returned to his native 
country, and was anxious to engage the help of some 
active prelate, who would give himself entirely to the work 
of organizing missions for the other parts of Denmark. 

These important functions were devolved on Anskar^" ^^ »»«*-, 

J-^ sionary life 

(Ansgar), who was destined to be called hereafter ^^^f^ll'^^'^ 
'Apostle of the North.' He was born in the diocese of 
Amiens, 801, and educated at Corbey, an adjoining monas- 
tery, under Adelhard^^, the grandson of Charles Martel, 
and Paschasius Kadbert, a professor of theology. In 822 
Anskar was removed to a new foundation^^, lately planted 
by the monks of Corbey in Westphalia, on the banks of 
the Weser. He there acted as the head of a thriving 

* Annales Fiddens. A. D. 815 ; of his pupils, and was composed be- 

Pertz, I. 356. fore the year 876. It is reprinted 

s Vit. S. AnsJcarii, c. 13 : Ibid. in Pertz, Monum. Germ. ii. 689— 

II. 699. 725. 

^ hiip-penherg's Hmnhurf/. UrJcim- ^^ See Palgrave, Hist, of Nor- 

denbuch, I. 9 ; ed. 1842. mandy, I. 169, 209, 

'' See p. 105, n. 7. 12 Called the neiv Corbey or Cor- 

^ Annales Fiddem.A.T). 822 -.Tertz, vey. The abbot ( F/^. ^ Jis/jar. c. 7) 

I. 357. The starting-point of their for a time was Count Wala, brother 

operations was at Welando, the mo- of Adelhard, who was separated from 

dern Miinsterdorff, near Itzehoe in his wife and thrust into that position 

Holstein. by an order of the jealous Louis-le- 

^ Ibid. A.D. 826 ; p, 359 : cf. the Debonnaire, See the rhetorical ac- 

contemporary Carmina of Ermoldus counts of Adelhard and Wala, by 

Nigellus, 'in honorera Hludowici,' Paschasius Radbert, in Pertz, n. 

reprinted in Pertz, II. 467 sq. 524—569; and Radberti 0pp. 1507, 

•^" The interesting Life of Anskar ed. Migne. 
is the work of Rimbert and another 


Growth of the Church » 

[a.d. 814 



schooP and preached among the natives, until, at the re- 
quest of Louis, he was added to the suite of the Danish 
monarch. Like his predecessor, Ebbo, he is said to have 
been armed with a commendatory letter'^ from pope Eu- 
genius 11. He departed from his cloister in 826 or 827, 
accompanied by a single coadjutor, Autbert, who assisted 
him in the foundation of a school in Nordalbingia, on the 
borders of Schleswig. Here they educated a small band of 
native youths whom they had ransomed out of slavery^. 
But their proceedings were suspended for a time by a 
rebellion of the pagan Danes, who, in 828, were able to 
expel the king, and all whom they suspected of alliance 
with the Franks. 

A second field, however, was soon opened to the 
diligence of Anskar. Guided by the will of Louis, and 
surrendering the Danish mission to another monk named 
Gislemar*, he migrated in 831 to Sweden, ^here, as he 
had been informed, a multitude of persons were now 
anxious to embrace the GospeP. His companion was a 
brother-monk of Corbey, Witmar; and the missionaries, 

1 Vit. c. 6. 

^ Lappenberg, Hamburg. ZhTcun- 
denbuch, i. 29. Pope Gregory IV. 
(about 834) is said to have confirmed 
the appointment of Anskar as 'pri- 
mum Nordalbingoruni archiepisco- 
pum,' and to have commissioned 
him and his successors as the papal 
legates 'in omnibus circumquaque 
gentibus Danorum, Sueonum, No- 
ruehorum, Farrie, etc. ;' but this 
document, if not altogether spurious, 
is at least interpolated. Jafi'd, Ee- 
gest. Pontif. Itoinan. p. 228 : cf. 
Wiltscb, Kirchl. GeograpMe, § 252, 
n. 8. Some of the language here 
employed agrees with expressions in 
the Life of JS. Rlmbert, cited above, 
p. 108, n. 3. 

3 *Ipsi quoque divino inspirati 
amore ad promulgandam devotionis 
su£B religionem cceperunt curiose 

pueros qugerere, quos emerent, et ad 
Dei servitiura educarent,' etc. Vit. 
S. AnsJcar. c. 8. Autbert died two 
years after, 

^ 'Patrem [? the prior] devotissi- 
nium Gislemarum, fide et operibus 
bonis probatum, etc' Ibid. c. 10. 

^ Ibid. c. 9. They seem to have 
heard of Christianity by means of 
the traffic carried on between Dor- 
stede (Wyk te Duerstede) and some 
of the Swedish ports : cf. c. 27. 
About 830 they sent envoys to the 
court of Louis-le-Debonnaire re- 
questing a supply of regular instruc- 
tors, c. 9. The chronology adopted 
in this narrative is that of Dahl- 
mann, the last editor of the Life of 
AnsTcar. With regard to earlier 
traces of the Gospel see Schrockh, 
XXI, 320. 

—1073] Growth of the Church, 111 

rescued only witli their lives from an attack of northern dantsh 
pirates, landed on the coast of Sweden at Biorka^, near the Swedish 


ancient capital, Sigtuna. Here they gained permission from — ^ — 

the kino^ to enter on their labours, and were welcomed o/^'ies^w/i^l' 
more especially by Christian captives^, whom the Swedes 
had carried off from the adjoining districts. After making 
one important convert, Herigar (or Hergeir), a distin- 
guished Swedish noble, messengers were sent to Louis 
with the tidings of success ; and Anskar, in 832 or 833, ^"^J'^jy"'^" 
was raised to the archbishopric of Hamburgh, which had -f^«"**"^^- 
been selected as the centre of the northern missions. He 
soon afterwards betook himself to Rome, and as the guest 
of Gregory IV. was bound more closely in allegiance 
to the pope, and flattered by the present of a palP. With 
the desire of strengthening the work of Anskar, Ebbo, 
whom we saw already forwarding the Gospel in the 
north, deputed his own missionary office to his nephew 
Guazbert^*^, who henceforward (with the name of Simon) 
was especially directed to evangelize the Swedes. 

For some time very little was effected by the holy 
zeal of Anskar. An opponent of the Christian faith, ^j'^^JSS,. 
the persecuting Horic (Erich), was the single lord of 
Denmark; and the efforts of the missionary, who was 
planted on the frontier of the kingdom, were confined 
to the redemption and religious training of a multitude 
of youthful slaves. In 837 the see of Hamburg also was 

^ FiV. c. II, andthenote inPertz, nus'; Ebbo and others assisting. 

n. 697. '^ Ibid. c. 13 : but cf. above, p. 

^ Ibid. no, n. 2. 

^ . . . . 'cui subjaceret universa ^^ Ibid. c. 14: .... 'ad partes ve- 

Nordalbingorum ecclesia, et ad niens Sueonum, honorifice et a rege 

quam pertineret omnium reglonum et a populo susceptus est, ccepitque 

aquilonalium potestas ad constituen- cum benevolentia et unanimitate 

dos episcopos sive presbyteros, in omnium ecclesiam inibi fabricare, et 

illas partes pro Christi nomine de- publice evangelium fidei pr£edicare.' 

stinandos.' Ibid. c. I'Z : cf. Capi- Funds for the mission were provided 

tidar. ed. Baluze, I. 681. Anskar in this case, and in that of Anskar, 

was consecrated by Drogo, arch- by the gift of a monastery from the 

bishop of Metz, and * archicapella- crown. 

/ress of the 

112 Growth of tJie Church. [a.d. 814 

DANISH invaded by the northern pirates (Vikings), who demolished^ 
SWEDISH all the outward fabric of religion. While the bishop with 

a few necessitous attendants wandered to and fro among 

the ruins of his diocese, a fresh disaster had occurred in 
Sweden (837), where the heathen population rose in arms 
against the missionaries, and expelled them from the 

Farther pro- But a brighter epoch was approaching. Anskar, at 

the end of seven years, was able to regain his hold on 
the affections of the Swedes. In 844 he persuaded 
Ardgar^, an anchoret in holy orders, to direct the 
movements of the sinking mission; and in 849 his own 
hands were considerably strengthened by annexing to his 
archbishopric the larger see of Bremen*, which was vacant 
by the death of Leuderic in 847. His elevation is to be 
ascribed to the interest of Louis-the-Germanic, but the 
union of the sees was afterwards confirmed^ by a rescript 
of pope Nicholas I. (864). Relieved in this way from 
the embarrassment occasioned by his want of funds, he 
gave himself entirely to the wider planting of the faith. 

^ 'Ibi ecclesia miro opere magis- ad fines orbis terrse.' Ibid. c. 34. 
terio domni episcopi constructa, una ^ Ibid. c. 19, 20; where an ac- 

cum claustra monasterii mirifice count is given of the zeal aud forti- 

composita, igni succensa est. Ibi tude displayed by Herigar and other 

biblioteca [i. e. the copy of the Bi- Christians while the mission was 

ble], quam serenissimus jam memo- suspended. Ardgar ultimately re- 

ratus imperator eidem patri nostro turned to his hermitage (? 850). 
contulerat, optirae conscripta, una * Anskar hesitated in the first in- 

cum pluribus aliis libris igni dispe- stance (Vif. c. 22), but was over- 

riit.' Vit. S. Anshar. c. 16. powered by the king and the Council 

2 Ibid. c. 17. Ebbo was now en- of Mayence (?847). It appears that 
tangled in the political troubles of the see of Hamburg was now reduc- 
the empire ; but a short time before ed, by the desolations of the North- 
his death he gave utterance to a men, to four 'baptismal churches,' 
firm belief that Christianity would Ibid. : cf. Giesebrecht's Wendiscke 
ere long penetrate the furthest corner Geschichfe, I. i6r ; Berlin, 1843: 
of the north : . . . . ' si aliquando Pagi, ad an, 858, §§ 3 sq. 
propter peccata quodammodo impe- ^ Lappenberg, Hamburg. Urhund. 
ditum fuerit, quod nos in illis coepi- I. 25. The see of Bremen had been 
mus geutibus, non tamen umquam formerly subject to the primate of 
penitus extinguetur, sed fructifica- Cologne, but was by this act trans- 
bit in Dei gratia et prosperabitur, ferred to Hamburg. 

iisque quo perveniat nomen D 


—1073] Growth of the Church. 113 

His progress was facilitated by disarming, if not absolutely Danish 
winning over 6, the impetuous Horic, king of Jutland; ^^^^^^§^ 
and a number of the Danish Christians, who had long 

been worshipping in secret, publicly avowed and exercised STfAT**"" 
their faith ^ The mission now expanded freely on all '""*'^'^* 

It was at this juncture that the Swedes, on the return 
of the hermit Ardgar, wxre in want of an authorized in- 
structor ; and accordingly the great apostle of the Northerns, ^^J/ffJ"'*-^''^'* 
girding up his loins afresh, and taking with him Erimbert*, ^''^''''^^»- 
a priest, set out for the court of Olof, King of Sweden^, 
where he hoped to secure a footing for the Gospel. He 
was aided by a timely nomination as ambassador to Louis- 
the-Germanic, and had also the protection of an envoy 
from the friendly court of Jutland. After hesitating for 
some time, it was decided by the Swedish nobles that 
the future toleration of the Christian faith should be 
determined by appealing to the heathen lots^°; which ^yo- \ts hapiMj 
videntially accorded with the earnest prayers of Anskar". 
He now left his colleague, Erimbert, in Sweden, and re- 
visited his diocese^^ (circ. 854). Another storm was black- 
ening the horizon of the Danish Church : the king of 
Jutland, who had been a patron of the mission, was sup- Fresh reverse 

^ ^ ' ^ ^ in Denmark : 

planted by a second Horic, under whom assemblies of 
the Christian population had been strongly interdicted; 

^ 'Ille quoque omnia, quse ei Guazbert, wha had been expelled 

ex divina intimabat scriptura, be- from Sweden, now devolved his 

nigne audiebat, et bona prorsus ac missionary office. Ibid. c. 25, 30. 

vere salutaria esse laudabat, seque ^ The interview is recorded at 

his pluriraum delectari ac libenter length, ibid. c. 26. 

Christi gratiam velle promereri.' ^'^ For an account of the northern 

Vit. Anskar., c. 24. mythology, see the references above, 

7 'Multinamque ibi antea erant p. 19, n. 7, to which Mallet's 

Christiani, qui vel in Dorstado vel Northern Antiquities may be added, 

in Hammaburg baptizati fuerant, ^^ ' Exeuntes igitur more ipsorum 

quorum quidam primores ipsius in campum, miserunt sortes : ceci- 

vici habebantur, et gaudebant fa- ditque sors, quod Dei voluntate 

cultatem sibi datam christianitatem Christiana religio ibi fundaretur.* 

suam observandi.' Ibid. Vit. Anskar., c. 27. 

s It was on this person that ^^ /^{c?. c. 28. 

M. A. I 


Growth of the Church. 

[a.d. 814 



but a kindlier spirit was ere long infused into tlic royal 
counsels ; and when Anskar sank beneath his burdens 
in 865, he left a flourishing community behind him both 
in Schleswig and in Jutland. 

He was followed in the see of Hamburg-Bremen 
(865— 888) by a prelate of congenial temper. This was 
Eimbert^ his biographer and pupiL fiut the Avidening 
irruptions of the pagan Northmen^ counteracted all the 
efforts of the missionary, and uprooted many ancient in- 
stitutions in the other Christian provinces of Europe. 
Rimbert was succeeded by Ada! gar ^, but the sphere of 
his labours was still more contracted by the inroads of 
the Slaves and the Hungarians'*. At the opening of the 
tenth century the throne of Denmark had been filled by 
a usurper, Gurm, who shewed a bitter hatred to the 
Church : but in 931, his violence was checked by Henry I. 
of Germany, who wrested Schleswig from his grasp, and 
planted there a colony of Christians^ The next king of 
Denmark, Harald Blaatand, in a long reign of fiUy years 

^ See the Life of RhnleH (Pertz, 
11. 765 — 775), written either by a 
cleric of the diocese of Bremen, or 
a monk of Corbey, soon after his 

^ Some cf them effected a land- 
ing in Belgium as early as 820, 
but were repelled (Palgrave, Hist. 
of Normandii, i, ^55). The Danish 
invasions of England, and the Nor- 
wegian invasions of Ireland and 
Scotland, began at the close of the 
preceding century. Alcuin already 
speuks of the ' populus paganus' in 
797 ; Episi. LTX. : al. Lxxiv. 0pp. 
1. 78 : cf. Worsaae's Danes and Nur- 
%ver/ians in England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, passim. They ravaged 
every pait of France and won a per- 
manent settlement in Neustria about 
911. Palgrave, i, 671 sq,: cf. below, 
pp. 140 sq. 

^ Lappenberg, Hamlurg. UrTcund, 
I. 43. 

^ Adam. Bremensis (who wrote 
about 1075), Hist. Eccles. lib. i. 
c. 32 sq. 

5 Ibid. lib. T. c. 48—50, and 
Schrockh, xxr. 344 sq. The new 
.ivchbisho}. of Hamburg-Bremen, 
Unn., avaiied himself of this fa- 
vourable turn in the fortunes of 
the Church, and renewed the mis- 
sion to the heathen. One of the 
petty kings of South Jutland, 
Frodo, is said to have been bap- 
tized by Unni ; and this led to 
the establishment of bishoprics at 
Schleswig, llipen, and Aarhus. See 
Council of Ingelheim, A.D. 948 ; 
ajid the conflicting account of Adam 
of Bremen, lib. 11, c. 1. Not long 
after bishoprics were planted at 
Oilensee, in tlie island of Funen ; at 
Roskild, in Zealand, as well as at 
Lund and Dalby, Wiitsch, Kirch. 
Gcof/rajyJi. i. 389. 


Growth of the Church. 


(911 — 991) was favourable® to the propagation of the 
Gospel ; and Adaldag, the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, 
actively proceeded in the organizing of the Danish Church. 
This work, however, was again suspended through the 
violent reaction of the pagans'^, headed by the faithless 
son of Harald, Sveno (Svend), who, on his accession to 
the throne, immediately expelled the clergy, and was 
afterwards the scourge of England^. There, indeed, his 
fury was at length exchanged for something like repent- 
ance^; and his son, the distinguished Cnut (Canute the 
Great, 1014 — 1035), who had been espoused to an English 
consort, was assiduous in despatching missionaries^*^ to 
evangelize his Scandinavian subjects, until Denmark, as 
a nation, paid her homage unto Christ ^\ 

In Sweden, where the elements of strife resembled 
those of Denmark, little progress had been made in the 
diffusion of the GospeP'^, since the happier days of Anskar. 
Many seeds, however, planted by his care and watered 
by the visits of his scholar, Rimbert, still continued to 
bear fruit. The mission was resumed ^^ in 930 by Unni 



of religion 
imder Cnut 
the Great. 

Fresh efforts 
to convert thi 

^ Respecting his conversion, see 
the story of Wittekind, a monk of 
Corbey, in the Scriptorcs Rernm 
German, ed. Meibom, I. 660 ; and 
of. Neander, v. 397, 398, 

^ Adam. Bremensis, Hist. Eccl. 
lib. IT. c. 15 sq. 

^ Ibid. c. 28, 36 : see below, on 
the * Limitation of the Church.' 

^ He is even said to have la- 
boured in behalf of the religion he 
had formerly betrayed and jjerse- 
cuted. Saxo Grammaticus, Hist. 
Hanorum, lib. x. pp. 186 — 188, ed. 

^° Bishops and priests are said to 
have l)een ordained for this purpose 
by yEthelnoth, the of 
Canterbury. Adam. Bremen, lib. 11. 
c. 36 sq. Miinter, Kirchencjesch. 
von Hdnemark, i. 322. The zeal of 
Cnut was stimidated at the remem- 
brance of the wrongs inflicted on. the 

Church at large by his persecuting 
father : and the san:e motive, min- 
gled with excessive reverence ft<r the 
pope, impelled him to set out on a 
pilgrimage to Rome (1027 or 1031): 
Anc/lo-Sax. Chron. ad a'l. 1031 : cf. 
Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, II. 
211 sq. 

^^ The nephew of Cnut, Sveno 
Estritson, M'ho succeeded to the 
crown of Denmark in 1044, co- 
operated with Adelbert, the arch- 
bishop of Hamburg- Bremen, in pro- 
pagating the Gospel to the northern 
islands and elsewhere (Adam. Bre- 
men. lib. iv. c. 16); but in Fries- 
land, on the coast of Schleswig, as 
well as in the corners of North Jut- 
land and of Schonen, pagani-m sub- 
sisted for a century or more. 

^2 Adam. Bremen, lib. I. c. 51. 

1-^ Ibid. lib. II. c, 2, c. 16. There 
were still, however, many heathen, 



Growth of the Church. 

[a.D. 814 


under Olaf 




Planting of 
the Gospel in 
Norway .- 

arclibisliop of Hamburg; and some other neighbouring 
prelates joined him in his work. The reign of Olaf Skot- 
konung, commencing with the eleventh century, was 
marked by a more vigorous advancement on all sides. He 
was baptized about 1008, and afterwards secured the help 
of English clergymen, as Sigefrith, Eodulf, Sigeward, and 
others, who expended all their strength in building up the 
Scandinavian Churches ^ The first bishopric of Sweden^ 
was now placed at Skara, in West-Gothland, where the 
Christians more especially abounded; and the policy of 
future kings, excepting Svend, the latest champion of 
idolatry^, contributed to swell their numbers. In 1075 
the public services of Tlior and Odin were all absolutely 
interdicted by a royal order, and the cause of Christianity 
henceforth was everywhere triumphant. 

The first entrance of the Gospel into l^orway was 
effected also through an English channel. Hacon (Hagen) 
is said to have been educated* at the court of ^thelstan 

or but half- converted Christians, 
even in the north of Sweden ; cf. 
Schrockh, XXI. 361, 362. Among 
the upper Swedes the pagan system 
lingered till the middle of the 12th 

1 Adam. Bremen, lib. ii. c. 38, 
40, 44. Some of these English mis- 
sionaries (e. g. Wulfrith), by their 
violent attacks on paganism, aroused 
the vengeance of the Swedes. 

2 It was filled by an Englishman 
named Turgoth, but his orders were 
derived from the archbishop of 
Hamburg, Unwan. Other Swedish 
bishoprics were soon afterwards 
founded at Lincoping, Wexio, Up- 
sala, Strengnaes, and Westerahs. 
Jealousies appear to have arisen be- 
tween the later prelates of Ham- 
burg-Bremen and the kings of 
neighbouring states (Adam. Bremen, 
lib. HI. c. 15 — 17) : but the differ- 
ence was adjusted for a while in the 
time of archbishop Adelbert, who 

was (106S) acknowledged as the 
primate of twelve dioceses (Wiltsch, 
Kirclil. Geograph. 1. 390), and also 
as a kind of Scandinavian pontifiF. 
In 1 104, however, the more northern 
bishops were subordinated to the 
metropolitan of Lund. Miinter, 
Kircheng. ll. 76. 

^ The pagan party were exas- 
perated by the efforts of Adelward 
(a bishop sent from Bremen, 1064) 
to subvert their ancient temple at 
TJpsala. Adam. Bremen, lib. in. 
c. 17 ; lib. IV. c. 44. This attempt 
was prudently resisted by the Chris- 
tian monarch, Stenkil ; but his son 
Inge ^1067), who yielded to the 
over-zealous missionaries, was ex- 
pelled by the heathen under Svend, 
and restored only by the help of his 
Danish neighbours. 

^ This is the account of the Scan- 
dinavian Chroniclers : see the evi- 
dence on both sides in Lappenberg, 
Anglo-Saxon Kings, ii. 105, 106. 

—1073] Growth of the Church. 117 

(924—941) ; and on his return to his native coimtiy, where nor- 
he made himself supreme, he laboured, with the aid of ohurcii. 

priests from England, to displace the pagan worsliip^. 
His endeavours soon aroused the hatred of his subjects, 
who accordingly compelled him to take part in their 
sacrificial rites ^, and murdered the promoters of the Chris- 
tian religion. On his death, which was embittered by the 
thought of his criminal compliance with idolatry, the 
Northmen were subdued by Harald Blaatand, king of 
Denmark (962), who, in order to revive a knowledge of the 
Gospel, had recourse to oppression and the sword. His 
measures were reversed soon after by the equal violence 
of Hacon jarl, an implacable opponent of the truths It 
was, however, introduced afresh by Olaf Tryggvason 
(995 — 1000), who had been converted while engaged in 
foreign traveP, and was finally baptized in the Scilly 
Islands^ Anxious to diffuse the blessings of the Gospel, 
he took with him into Norway (977) an ecclesiastic of 
the name of Thangbrand, but their efforts were too oiioxi jinaiiy sue- 
thwarted by the violence with which their teaching was 
accompanied. The jarls, who governed Norway as the 
envoys from the courts of Denmark and Sweden, after 
Olaf was deposed (1000), extended toleration to the Chris- 
tians, and as soon as the foreign yoke was broken by the 

5 See Miinter, as above ; Torfseus, Germany. In the last mentioned 
ffist. Norvegica, Pars ll. pp. 215 sq. country, he fell in with Thangbrand, 
ed. Hafniae, 1711 ; and, for the most a soldier-like priest of Bremen, who 
ancient authority, the HelmsTcringla appears to have turned his thoughts 
(Hist, of Norwegian Kings), by to the consideration of the Gospel. 
Suorro Sturleson, who died in 124T. ^ He had landed there while en- 

6 He finally consented to eat gaged in a piratical expedition, 
horse-flesh, after drinking in honor Some time before, in conjunction 
of Odin, Thor, and Bragi [? Fricge], with Svend of Denmark, he had 
Torfceus, Pars II. pp. 219 sq. ravaged all the southern coasts, 

'' Ihid. 237 sq. He had been Lappenberg, 11. 157, 158. He was 

himself a Christian in the previous afterwards confirmed in England, 

reign, but had apostatized on his ac- which he promised not to visit for 

cession to the throne. the future as au enemy {Saxon 

^ He had travelled in Greece, Ckron. A.D. 994). 
Russia, England, and the north of 

118 Growth of tlw Church, [a.D. 814 

ICELANDIC valour of Olaf the Holy (1017 — 1033), every stronghokV 

1- of the pagan system was unsparingly demolished, and the 

Gospel, partly by instruction^, but still more by dint of 
arms^ was planted on the ruins. 

Iceland, which was destined to enjoy the highest re- 
putation as a seat of medliBval learning, had been colonized 
by the Norwegians in 870. But the tidings of the Gospel 
did not reach it, or at least made no distinct impression*, 
till a Saxon prelate, Friedrich, influenced by the reasons 
of a native chieftain, who had roved the German seas, 
attempted to secure a footing in 981. He was, however, 
fiercely counteracted by the scalds (or pagan minstrels] : 
and after labouring to little purpose, for a period of five 
years, he gave up the mission in despair. A fresh attempt 
was made by Olaf Tryggvason, the king of Norway, who 
persuaded Stefner, a young Christian Icelander (996), to 
carry back the Gospel to his fellow-countrymen. His 
labours also were resisted, as were those of the royal 
chaplain and ambassador, the military Thangbrand (997 
— 999). But the progress of religion in the mother-country 

1 See, among other instances, the wegian bishops to be consecrated 
account of the destruction of a co- either in Enj;!and or in Gaul. Lap- 
lossal 'Thor' in the province of penberg, Hamhurrj, Urkund. i. 84: 
Dalen : Neander, V. 410, 411. Mansi, xix. 942 sq. 

2 In this he was assisted by the ^ The sufferings of the heathen 
founding of schools, and by the la- party predisposed them to assist the 
hours of ecclesiastics out of England English monarch, Cnut, 1028, in de- 
(see above, p. 115, n. 10), some of throning Olaf (Lappeiib. II. 215, 
whom passed forward into Sweden. 216) ; but the fortunes of the Church 
The Norwegian sees of Nidaros were unaffected by thi-^ conquest. 
(Drontheini), Opslo, Bergen, Ham- ■* We learn fiom Miinter's (We- 
rner, and Stavanger, were not or- scA/c^^e (as above), I. 520, that when 
ganized until tlie following period the Northmen landed, they found 
(VViltsch, Kirchl. Gcofjr. 11. 96) : but some traces of an older Christianity 
Olaf was the founder of the mother- which had been planted in Iceland 
church of Drontheim. Nominally by the agency of Irish missioiiaries : 
all the Scandinavian churches were cf. Neander, v. 412, note. One of 
still subject to the archbishopric of the fullest histories of the Icehindic 
Hamburg, but it seems from a re- Church is that by Finnur Joensen 
script of pope Alexander II. (106 1 ), (Finus Johannseus), Hist. Eccles. 
that it was cvxstomary for the Nor- Islandice, Hafniae, 1772 — 1775. 


—1073] Groicth of the ChurcJi, 119 

rapidly abated the objections of the colonists, and as early other 
as 1000 laws were enacted^ bj the native legislatures churches. 
favourable to the ultimate supremacy of the Gospel. While " 

a number of the ancient practices were suffered to remain 
in secret, it was now determined that all Icelanders should 
be baptized, and that the puhKc rites of paganism should 
in future be abolished. A numerous class of natives, as 
we may suppose, continued to hand down the hereditary 
creed^; but through the teaching of new bands of mission- 
aries^, chiefly English and Irish, they were gradually con- 
verted and confirmed. 

A fresh accession to the Churches of the North was TjieGospdm 
the distant isle of Greenland, also partly colonized from 
Norway, at the end of the tenth century. Its apostle 
was an Icelander, Leif, who entered on his work in 999 : 
and in 1055 the community of Christians had been fully 
organized by the appointment of a bishop^ 

At the same time Christianity was carried to the in the orknaj, 

r\ 1 L^iii 11 -ri Til 1 • 1 Shetland, and 

Orkney, Shetland, and the l^aroe Islands, which wevQ ^^(^^oe islands. 

^ This step was facilitated by by Adelbert of Hamburg-Bremen, 

wimiing over (some say, with the Mlinter, I. 555 sq. : cf. the bull of 

help of a bribe) the chief-priest Victor II. (1055) confirming the 

Thorgeir, who was also supervisor privileges of the archbishop of 

of the legislative acts : Schrcickh, Hamburg, in Lappenberg, Bam- 

XXI. 389. burr/. Urkund. I. 77, and Adam of 

^ Some revolting customs, e. g. Bremen, De Situ Danice, c. 244. 

the exposing of infants, lingered for The last glimpse of this ancient 

a while, notwithstanding the attempt Church of Greenland is seen in 

of Olaf, king of Norway (1019— I408. Religion seems to have ex- 

1033), to suppress them: Neander, pired soon after with the swarm of 

V. 41Q. Icelandic and Norwegian settlers, 

7 One of the most conspicuous who gave place to the present 
was Bernhard, an Englishman, sent Esquimaux. In 1733, the Moravians 
into Icel.'.nd by Olaf the Holy. In made a fresh attempt to introduce 
1056 the first diocesan bishop, Isleif, the Gospel into Greenland.- — There 
was placed at Skaalholt (Adam of is an interesting tradition (Miinter, 
Bremen, De Situ Danice, c. 228). i. 561) of a Saxon or Irish mis- 
He was consecrated by Adelbert of sionary, who is said to have crossed 
Hamburg- Bremen. Another see was from Greenland into North-Ame- 
founded in 1 105 at Holum. VViltsch, rica, in 1059, ^^'^ there to have 
Kirc/d. Geojr, 11. 96, n. 8. died a martyr. 
8 This was bishop Albert, sent 


Growth of the Church. 

[A.D. 814 

MORAYTAN peoplcd mainly by ^orwe2:ians\ In the former cases 

the success of Olaf Tryggvason was due in no small 

measure to the force of arms^; and even in the Faroe 
Islands, where at first he was able to proceed more calmly, 
through the medium of an earnest native, Sigmund^, not 
a few of his efforts were coercive. But the work was after- 
wards resumed, in a better spirit, by succeeding kings 
of Norway*. 


Fropaqation of 
among the 

Conversion of 

This large and important family of men^, extending 
eastward from the Elbe to the Don, and southward from 
the Baltic to the Adriatic (with a few exceptions^ in 
Croatia and Carinthia), had continued, till the present 
period, strangers to the Gospel. The exertions made by 
Arno, the archbishop of Salzburg (800), were repeated in 
the time of Louis-le-Debonnaire, by Urolf, the archbishop 
of Lorch^ (Laureacum). 

It was through this channel that the earliest missions 
were established in Moravia. But the nation was still 
generally addicted to the pagan worship, when two 
learned and experienced brothers, monks of the Greek 
communion, entered on the same arena. These were 

^ Worsaae, Danes and Norwegians, 

&C. pp. 220, 22 1. 

2 See Torfaeus, Orcades, Havniae, 
1697: Miinter, I. 548. 

^ Torfaeus, De rebus gesfis Fcerey- 
ensium, Havn. 1695 ; Neander, v. 

^ On the conversion of the North- 
men who settled in Christian coun- 
tries, see below, § 1, 'Limitation of 
the Church.' 

^ The origin and antiquities of 
these races have been thoroughly 

investigated by Shafarik, Slawische 
Alterthiimer, Leipzig, 1843. 

^ See above, p. 27. 

'' Also called the bishop of Passau, 
the two sees having been united 
since the year 699 (Wiltsch, i. 
376) ; but the primate of Laure- 
acum disappears for a century, 
and then, after a long struggle 
with the archbishops of Salzburg, 
dies out entirely {Ibid. 379): of. 
Gieseler, ii. 452, n. i. 


Growth of the Church, 


CyriP (Constantine) and Methodius^, who had already Moravian 

been successful in a different field of labour. They arrived ^ '- 

in Moravia, 861 or 862, and by the use of the native 
tongue in public worship, and the dissemination of the 
Scriptures ^"^5 were enabled very soon to gather in a harvest 
of conversions. But the iealousy which had been re- {eniovsies 

•^ •/ between the 

awakened at this time between the Greek and Latin Qeltan'^ 


Churches, added to a host of diplomatic reasons on the 
part of the Moravian princes, made it necessary for the 
leaders of the mission to secure an understanding with 
the western pontiff, who was anxious on his part to cul- 
tivate their friendship. Cyril and Methodius went to Kome 
in 867 ; and the former, either dying on the journey, or 
(as others say) retiring to a convent, his companion was 
now chosen by the pope, and consecrated metropolitan of 
Pannonia and Moravia". He immediately resumed his Lahour.of,f 

'' Methodius. 

^ Cyril, in 848, was sent by the 
emperor Michael to instruct the 
Chazari (also a Slavonian tribe), 
who bordered on the Greek pos- 
sessions in the Crimea. (Asseman, 
Kalendar. Universce Ecclesice, iii. 13 
sq. ed. Eom. 1755.) Some of the 
natives embraced Christianity, but 
others were perverted by the Jews . 
and Moslems. See below, p. 134. 

^ It is possible that the Metho- 
dius here mentioned is the same 
person who was instrumental in 
the conversion of Bulgaria. See 
below, p. 134: and cf. Schrockh, 
XXI. 409 sq. There is, however, 
great diversity in the accounts of 
these two eminent missionaries. 
The most critical are the work of 
Asseman, quoted in the previous 
note, and two publications of Do- 
browsky, CyrilL unci Methodius der 
Slaven Apostel, Prag, 1823, and 
Mdhr. Legende von Cyrill undMethod., 
Prag, 1826: cf. also the Eussian 
version in Nestor's Annates, ed. 
Schlozer, c. x. ; tom. III. pp. 149 sq. 

^•^ Whether Cyril actually in- 

modelled some existing alphabet, 
has been disputed ; but there is no 
doubt as to his translation of the 
Scriptures into the language of the 
people: Neander, v. 434, 435. The 
following is the account given of 
their missionary labours : ' Ccepe- 
runt itaque ad id quod venerant 
peragendum studiose insistere, et 
parvulos eorum literas edocere, of- 
ficia ecclesiastica instruere, et ad 
correptionem diversorum errorum, 
quos in populo illo repererant, 
falcem eloquiorum suorum indu- 
cere.' Vit. Constanfini, § 7 : in 
Acta Sanctorum, Mart. tom. 11. 
pp. 19 sq. 

^^ This statement is derived from 
the title of a letter addressed by 
John VIII. to Methodius (8 79), in 
Boczek, Codex Diplomaticus et Epi- 
stolaris Moravice (Olomuc. 1836), i. 
39 : cf. an earlier letter of the same 
pontiff (circ. 874) to Louis-the- 
Germanic. Ibid. I. 34, It appears 
also from a rescript 'ad Saloni- 
tanos clericos' (Mansi, xvil. 129), 
that Methodius had certain 'epi- 
scopi regionarii ' under him. 


Growth of the Church. 

[a.d. 814 


Fresh mlnvn- 
with Lhe 
German \ 

labours (868) in this new capacity. Soon after, the political 
disturbance, which commenced with the year 870, impelled 
him to seek refuge in the neighbouring district of Moravia, 
where the German spirit was supreme, and where a mission 
had been planted from the see of Salzburg \ As Metho- 
dius was devoted all his life-time to the creed and ritual of 
the Greeks, and constantly made use of the Slavonic lan- 
guage, he excited the displeasure^ of his German fellow- 
workers, who, as soon as they found their influence on 
the wane, did not hesitate to brand him as a traitor to 
the faith. In 879 he responded to a summons of the 
pope^ whom he convinced (880) of his orthodoxy^ as well 
as of the propriety of using the vernacular language^ in 
the public worship of the Church ; and in the following 
year he was reinstated in his sphere of duty, and invested 
with still larger powers. But meanwhile a serious misun- 
derstanding had grown up between him and the Moravian 

1 See the anonymous account of 
a priest of Salzburg (quoted in 
p. 27, n, 10). As late as 865, the 
archbishop of Salzburg consecrated 
several churches in this district. 

2 Jhid 'usquedura quldam 

Graecus Methodius nomine, noviter 
inventis Slavinis Uteris, linguam 
Latinnm doctrmamque Romanam, 
atque literas aucttirabiles Latinas 
pliilosophice superducens, vilescere 
fecit cuncto populo ex parte missas 
et evangelia, ecclesiasticumque of- 
ficium iilorum, qui hoc Latine ce- 
lebraverunt. Quod ille [i. e. Eich- 
baW, the head of the Salzburg mis- 
sion] ferre non valens, sedem repe- 
tivit Juvaviensem.' 

3 Above, p. 121, n. It, andinMansi, 
XVII. 1 33. The drift of the summons 
•was, ' ut veraciter cognoscamus doc- 
trinani tuam :' cf. Ejdst. ad Zaven- 
tapu de Moravna (? Morawa, in Pan- 
nonia), in Eoczek, uhi sup. I. 40. 

4 ' Nos autem illura in onmibus 
€cclesiasticis doctrinis et utilitati- 
bus orthodoxum et proficuum esse 

reperientes, vobis iterum ad re- 
gendam commissara sibi ecclesiam 
Dei reniisimus,' etc. Ep. ad Sphen- 
iopnlcum coviitem: Mansi, xvii. 181, 
l^eander (v. 438) infers that the 
Greek mode of stating the Proces- 
sion of the H0I3' Ghost was also 
conceded by this pope. 

^ ' Literas denique Sclavonicas 
a Constantino quondam philosopho 
repertas, quibus Deo laudes debite 
resonent, jure laudanius, et in 
eadem lingua Christi Domini nostri 
prfeconia et opera ut enarrentur, 
jubemu'^...Nec sanse fidei vel doc- 
trinse aliquid obstat, sive missas in 
eadem Sclavonica lingua canere, 
sive sacrum Evangelium, vel lec- 
tiones divinas novi et veteris Tes- 
tament! bene translatas et inter- 
pretatas legere, aut alia horarum 
officia omnia psallere,' Ibid. The 
injunction, therefore, was, that in 
all the Moravian Churches the 
Gospel should be first read in Latia 
and then in Slavonic ('sicut in 
quibusdam ecclesiis fieri videtur'). 

— 1073J Growth of the Church, 123 

kina*, Swatopluk, wlio succeeded Wratlslav, liis uncle (870 boitemtan 

^ 1 • M -1 R • -1-1 1 CHURCH. 

—894:). Other mnuential persons m like manner threw 

their strength into the German faction, and Methodius, 
while proceeding with his missionary work in the same 
earnest spirit as before, was under the necessity of vin- 
dicating himself a second time from the calumnies of his 
opponents. He set out for Rome in 881 ; but as there is 
no certain trace''' of him after this date, it has been inferred 
that he did not survive the journey. His Slavonic co- 
adjutors are said to have been subsequently banished 
from Moravia^; and although a strong reaction was pro- 
duced by the ensuing reign of Moimar, who was able to 
dissociate the Moravian Church entirely from the inter- 
meddling of the German^ all his projects were defeated 
in 903, Avhen the armies of adjacent countries, moxQ Bestmction <>/ 
especially Bohemians and Hungarians, trampled on his dependence 
crown. For nearly thirty years the progress of the Gospel 
in ]\Ioravia was retarded by these struggles; and when 
Moravian Christians reappear on the page of history, 
they are subject to the bishops of Bohemia. Afterwards 
a see was established at Olmiitz^''. 

The first seeds of religion had been scattered in Th.eGo.wdm 
Bohemia by the same active hand". Its duke, Borziwoi, was 

^ e. g. The bishop of Neitra, vians as a violation of the rights of 

Wiching (a German), whom the the bishop of Passau, and of the 

pap;il rescript, above quoted, n. 5, German Church at large, from 

had subordinated to Methodius : see whom, as it is alleged, the conversion 

the letter of the same pope (881), of Moravia had proceeded. 
Boczek, ubi sup. i. 44: Asseman, ^^ See Wiitsch, I. 361, 363. Some 

Kcdend. Univers. Eccl. in. 159 sq. place the foundation of this see at 

'' ISee Dobrovvsky, Cyrill unci Me- the year 1062. 
tJiocUus. pp. 115 sq. 11 The following entry in the 

^ /bid. Fuldcnses Annates, a.d. 845, will 

^ On the jealousy excited by these take us back somewliat iurther : 

con'roversies, see the retnonstrance 'Hludowicus 14 ex ducibus Boe- 

of Theotmar, archbp. of Salzburg, manorum cum hominibus suis Chris- 

and of Hatto, archbp. of Mayence, tianani religionem desiderantts sus- 

addressed to pope John IX. (900 — cepit, et in octavis Theophanise bap- 

901): Mansi, xviii. 203, 205. They tizari jussit.' Pertz, I. 364. 
view the independence of the Mora- 


Growth of the Church, 

[a.d. 814 

converted by Methodius^ (circ. 871), while on a visit to 
the court of the Moravian king, Swatopluk, who was at 
that time his feudal lord. On his return to his own 
dominions, he took with him a Moravian priest, by whom 
his wife, Ludmilla^ afterwards conspicuous in devotion, was 
admitted to the Christian fold. But heathenism^ in spite 
of her untiring efforts and the piety of Wratislav her 
son, maintained its rule in almost every district of 
Bohemia ; and the struggle was prolonged into the reign 
of her grandson Wenzeslav* (928-936), who seems to have 
inherited her faith and saintliness of life. He was mur- 
dered at the instigation of his pagan brother, Boleslav 
the Cruel, and for many years the little band of Christians 
had to brave a most bitter persecution. In 950, Boleslav 
was conquered by the armies of the German empire, 
under Otho I.; which paved a way to the establishment 
and wider propagation of the truth. Still more was 
effected by the sterner policy of Boleslav the Pious (967 
—999); in whose reign also a more definite organization 
was imparted to the whole of the Bohemian Church by 
founding the bishopric of Prague ^ It was filled in 983 
by a learned German, Adelbert (or Wogteich). Noted 
for the warmth of his missionary zeaP, he laboured, with 

' This point is not quite estab- 
lished, but the evidence in favour of 
it is considerable. Dobrowsky, 
Cyrill und Method, p. ro6 : Mahr. 
Legende, p. 114: of. Neander, v. 
442, note. 

2 See one Life of Ludmilla, ad- 
dressed to bishop Adelbert of Prague, 
about 985, in Acta Sanctorum, ISept. 
torn. V. 354, and a second in Dob- 
ner's contribution to the Abhand- 
lungen der hohmisch. Gesellschaft der 
Wissenschaflen, for 1786, pp. 417 sq. 
But neither of these Legends is of 
much historical value. 

"^ At the head of this party was 
Dragomir or Drahomira, wife of 

Wratislav, who is charged with the 
assassination of Ludmilla. 

^ See the Life of Wenzeslav (Wen- 
ceslaus) ; Acta Sanctor. Sept. Vii. 

5 Wiltsch, I. 361, 363, n. 22 : but 
the rescript attributed to John XIII., 
confirming the foundation of the 
bishopric, is spurious. Jaffe, Regesta 
Pontif. p. 947. The first prelate 
was Diethmar, a monk of Magde- 
burg : see Cosmas Pragensis, who 
wrote a Bohemian Chronicle about 
1 100: torn. I. pp. 1993 sq. in 
Mencken. Script. Rer. Germanic. 

^ He finally died a martyr in 997, 
while seeking to convert the Prus- 

—1073] Groioth of the Church. 125 

the aid of Boleslav, to drive out the surviving elements polish 

of paganism, by circulating a more stringent code of '— 

disciplinary injunctions^. The imprudent haste and harsh- 
ness of his measures, added to the national dislike of 
every thing Germanic, soon compelled him to resign 
his post, when he retreated to a convent. In 994, he 
was ordered to resume his duties by the voice of the 
Koman synod ^, and reluctantly obeying the injunction he 
returned into Bohemia; but the jealous spirit he had 
stirred in the Slavonian populace ere long ejected him '»'* expulsion. 
afresh. His policy however was triumphantly established 
in the time of Severus^ a later primate (1038-1067) ; for 
although the Slavo-Latin rituaP°, as imported from Moravia, 
was still cherished here and there, it gradually retired Triumph o/ the 

' "=' -^ Herman spirit. 

before the influence of the Roman or Germanic ' uses.' 

As the Gospel had passed over from Moravia to Bo- 
hemia, so the latter was the instrument of God for planting 
it amonsr the kindred tribes of Poland. Their dominion Theoospei 

^ in Poland, 

sians, in the neighbourhood of Dant- secundum ritus aid sectam Bulgarim 

zig. ^ea^ Life of Adelhert xnY^^rtz, gentis, vel Ruzice ant Sclavonicce 

VI. 574. He had also laboured in Imguce, sed magis sequens instituta 

a mission to the Hungarians, see et decreta aposto^ica,' &c. Boczek, 

below, p. 138. The efforts of Adel- Codex Diplomatlcus Morav. i. 86. 

bert in behalf of the ierocious Prus- But spurious though this rescript is, 

sians were repeated by Bruno, the a multitude of better proofs assure 

court-chaplain of Otho III. : but he us that the question here suggested 

too perished in 1008, together with was a source of much dispute. See 

eighteen of his companions. Act. the account of a struggle between 

Sanct. Ord. Benedict, viii. 79 sq. the Latia and Slavonic services at 

7 Among other things he com- the convent of Sasavva, in Mencken, 

bated polygamy, clerical concu- Script. Rer. German. III. 1782 sq. 

binage, arbitrary divorces, the traffic After a vehement letter of Gregory 

in Christian slaves which was largely VII. (ro8o) to Wratislav, duke of 

carried on by Jews, &c. See the Bohemia, prohibiting the use of the 

Life of Adelbert, as above : and cf. Slavonic ritual (Mansi, XX. 296), 

Schrockh, XXI. 440, 441. the monks who adhered to the use of 

^ See both the Lives of him, in it were (in 1097) expelled, and their 

Pertz, VI. 5 89, 602. service-books destroyed (Mencken. 

^ Schrockh, xxi. 442 sq. 1788). In some parts of Bohemia, 

^•^ One of the conditions men- the vernacular ritual was revived, or 

tioned in the rescript which relates kept its ground ; and one convent in 

to the founding of the see of Prague the suburbs of Prague retains it at 

is to the effect that Divine service this day. Gieseler, II. 458, n. 1 7, 
biiall in future be performed ' non 


126 Growth of the Church, [a.d. 814 

POLISH at tills period was extendirii^ nortliward to the Netze, and 


— '— embraced all the modern province of Silesia. In 966, the 

Polish dukeS Mjesko or Miecislav, who had married a 
Bohemian princess (Dambrowka), was converted to the 
Christian faith ; and many of the courtiers following his 
example were baptized on the same occasion. But his 
violent suppression of the pagan worship (967), as in cases 
we have seen already, could not fail to produce an ob- 
jdoptionof stinate resistance^ on the part of the uninstructed. In 

coercive i 

the following reigns, when Poland for a time was no 
more a feudatory of the German empire, this obnoxious 
policy continued ; and the slightest violation of the canons 
of the Church was punished by the civil power ^ A fresh 
impulse was communicated to the progress of religion by 
the reign^ of Casimir I. (1034—1058), who Avas previously 
an inmate either of the Benedictine house at Clugny, or 
of a German convent at Braunweiler. By him all the 
ritual of the Church, that had hitherto retained a portion 
of the impress it derived from the Christians of Moravia 
and Bohemia", was brought into more general agree- 
ment with the liturgies and customs of the West^ 

^ See Thietmar (or Ditmar), CAro- 395 — 397: cf. Schrockli, xxi. 497 

nicon, lib. iv. c. 35 : in Pertz, v. sq. A council was lieM in Poland 

783, and the Ptlish liistorian, Mar- (1000) by the Emperor Ofcho III. 

tinus Gallus (who wrote about 1 1 30), Mansi, xix. 267. 

lib. I. c, 5, ed. Bandtkie, 1824: cf. ^ e.g. ' Quicunque post septua- 

Schrockh, xxi. 491 sq., where the gesimam carnem mauducasse inveni- 

traces of a somewhat older Chria- tur, abscisis dentibus gravlter puni- 

tianity have been collected, tur. Lex namque divii:a in his- 

^ Accordingly we find that the regionibus noviter exorta j5ote<a<e 
Gospel made little progress in /a/i, melius quarajejunioab episcopis 
980 : Schi'ockh, xxi. 496. For institute, corrohoratar.^ Thietmar, 
some time there was but one Polish Chron. lib. Vlll. c. 2. 
bishopric, that of Posen, founded (it * The strange circumstances con- 
is said) by the Emperor Otho 1. in nected with his elevaticm are re- 
970, and subordiuatfd to the metro- lated in Martinus Gallus, Ckroni- 
politan of Magdeburg. When Po- con, as above; and Cromer, de Re- 
land, in the following century, be- hus Pvlonorum, lib. IV. p. 50, ed. 
came an independent kingdom, the Colon. 

archbisliopric of Gnesen took the ^ See Friese, Kircheuc/eschiclfc des 

lead of other sees (including Col- Konigreichs Poland, 1. 61 sq., Bres- 

berg.X'r cov, and Wratislav or Bres- lau, 1 7S6. 

lau) which were founded. Wiltsch, I. ^ As early as 1012, the king of 

—1073] Growth of the Church. 127 

In addition to the tribes already folded in tlie Christian wendisii 

Churcli, were others also of Slavonic blood, most commonly - 

entitled Wends. They had settled in the districts border- f/Jr^ceme 
ing the Elbe, the Oder, and the Saale, and were already S'r,;!;^-^ 
vassals of the German empire. Like the Northern Saxons 
of the former period, they were men of a fierce and in- 
domitable spirit, who regarded the persuasions of the 
missionary as designed to perpetuate their bondage. This 
2)olitical repugnance to his visits was increased by his im- 
perfect knowledge of the Slavic dialects^; and as their 
nationality was more and more endangered by the heavy 
yoke^ of their oppressors, they were constantly attempting 
to regain their independence, and extinguish the few glim- 
merings of truth that had been forced into their minds. 
Accordingly, the progress of religion in those districts had 
been slow and superficial ; but the death of their conqueror, 
Henry I., in 936, was followed by a different mode of treat- 
ment, and a somewhat larger measure of success. Desirous 
of promoting their conversion, Otho I. founded many 
bishoprics^ among the Wends, and placed them under the 
direction of a better class of men, — of missionaries who had Foundation 

of several 

been distinguished by their skill in other fields of labour, ^i^^oprks. 
In 946 a prelate of this kind was sent to Havelberg; 

Poland, Boleslav, betra3^s a strong mentandis, qiiam animabus Domino 

leaning to the Church of Home conquirendis.' 

(Thietmar, Chronic, lib. VI. c. 56), ^ Wiltsch, i. 394, 395. The 

and many of his successors carried bishopric of Cizi (Zeiz) was in 1029 

this feeling of deierence luuch transferred to Naumburg; tljat of 

further. Aldinburg (Oldenburg) was trans- 

'' See a striking exemplification of ferred to Lubeck in 1163, and was 

this in Thittmar's Chronkon, lib. ii. from the first a suffragan of the 

c. -23 (Peitz, V. 755}. archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen, 

^ ' Quibus mens pronior est ad and not, like the rest, of Magdeburg, 
pensiones vectigalium quam ad con- It seems to have been afterwards 
versionem g-ntilium,' was the cen- divided, and two other bishoprics es- 
eure passed upon the German con- tablished, for a time, at Ratzeburg 
querors by the then king of Den- and Mecklenburg. See the Chroni- 
mark. Neander, v. 446, note. The con Slavorum by Helmold, a mis- 
same is tlie complaint. of the Chro- sionary at Bosov, about 1150, in 
nicler Helmold (lib. i. c. 21). Leibnitz's Scrij^tores Brunsv. ii. 537 
* Semper proniores sunt tributis aug- sq. 


Growth of the Church. 

[A.D. 814 


The zeal and 
of king 

another to Aldenburg, in 948 ; a third to Brandenburg, in 
-949. Those of Meissen (Misna), Cizi, and Merseburg 
followed in 968, and in that, or in the previous year, the 
organization of the Wendish Church was finished by erect- 
ing the metropolitical see of Magdeburg, according to a 
plan propounded by the council of Ravenna^ (967). The 
first primate, Adelbert, had been educated in the monastery 
of Treves, and is said to have been chosen several years 
before to plant a fruitless mission in a distant tribe of 
Slaves^. His present work was also thwarted by a general 
insurrection of the heathen Wends, assisted by unstable 
soldiers of the cross. Impatient of the German rule, or 
maddened by some special grievances occurring at the time, 
they ravaged^ all the neighbouring districts, more especially 
the seats of missionary enterprise ; and though the leader of 
the movement, Mistewoi, a Christian, afterwards deplored 
his furious onslaught, it was long ere the wounds he had 
inflicted on the Church were altogether healed. 

A salutary change is dated from the reign of his holy 
grandson, Gottschalk, who is famous in the German annals 
as the founder of the Wendish empire (1047). He was 
trained in a Christian school at Luneburg, and the military 
ardour he had shewn at an earlier period was eventually di- 
rected to the propagation of the Gospel*. Aided by an ample 

1 Mansi, xviii. 501— 503 5 cf. 
Schrockh, xxi. 482 sq. One object 
of the Emperor in urging the foun- 
dation of this new archbishopric ap- 
pears to have been a wish to abridge 
the inordinate power of the see of 
Mayence. The pall was sent to the 
new German primate in 968. Mansi, 
XIX. 5. 

2 It is generally supposed that the 
Slavonic tribe in question was that 
of the Russians; but Neander (V. 
447> 45-) argues that the Slavonians 
in the isle of Ruyen were intended 
by the chroniclers. 

3 See Helmold, as above, lib. I. c. 

14 sq., Giesebrecht's WendiscJie 
Geschichten (from 780 to T182), i. 
■257; Berlin, 1843. When Mistewoi 
professed himself a Christian, after 
his repentance, he was compelled to 
retire from the scene of his impiety, 
and died at Bardevik, Helmold, ihid, 
c. 16. 

^ He is even said to have preached, 
or expounded, the Gospel to his sub- 
jects : ' Sane magnae devotionis vir 
dicitur tanto reUgionis Divinm 
exarsisse studio, ut sermonem ex- 
hortationis ad populum frequenter 
in ecclesia ipse fecerit, ea scilicet, 
quae ab episcopis vel presbyteria 

—1073] Growth of the Church, 129 

staff of clerics, whom he drew more especially from the Russian 


archbishopric of Bremen^, he proceeded with miwavering ^ 

zeal in the conversion of his people. Yet so strongly were 

they wedded to their heathen creed, that after labouring 

among them twenty years he fell a victim to his Christian 

fervour (1066), dying^, with a number of his chief assistants, 

in the midst of revolting tortures. From this period the gf|;^^^f" ^-^ 

reaction in behalf of paganism went on rapidly increasing, 

until few', if any, traces of the mission had been left. 

Meanwhile, another family of Slaves, united by a line conversion of 

' J ' -J the Russians ; 

of Scandinavian^ princes, were engrafted on the Eastern 
Church. The Russians had now gradually expanded from 
the neighbourhood of Moscow, on one side to the Baltic, on 
the other to the Euxine Sea. Their predatory and com- 
mercial habits brought them pointedly before the notice of 
the emperors and prelates of the East, and efforts seem to 
have been made as early as 866 to evangelize 9 the warlike 
tribes that bordered on the Greek dominions. It is proba- 

mystice dicebantur, cupiens Slavicis "^ Religion seems to have been 

verbis reddere planiora.' Helmold, kept alive in some measure among 

ibid. c. 20. the Sorbi (between the Elbe and 

^ Bremen, as the point of de- the Saale), through the zealous 

parture for the northern missions, efforts of Benno, bishop of Meissen 

seems to have been a rallying-place (io66 — iio6). See a Life of him 

for all kinds of unfortunate ecclesi- in Mencken. Script. Rer. German. 

astios: 'Coufluebant ergo in curiam II. 1857 sq. But in other districts 

ejus [i. e. of Adelbert, or Albrecht, what is stated by the Chroniclers 

the archbishop] multi sacerdotes will too generally apply: 'Slavi 

et religiosi, plerique etiam episcopi, sei vitutis jugum armata manu sub- 

qui sedibus suis exturbati mensse moverunt, tantaque animi obstinau- 

ejus erant participes, quorum sar- tia libertatem defendere nisi sunt, ut 

cina ipse allevari cupiens transmisit prius maluerint mori quam christi- 

eos in latitudinem gentium.'' Ibid. anitatis titulum resumere, a.uttrihnt8i 

c. -2 2 : cf. Adam of Bremen, Hist. solvere Saxonum principibus.' Hel- 

Eccl. c. J42. mold. tbid. c. 2^. 

® The place of his death was ^ Cf. Milman's note on Gibbon, 

Leutzen. The last victim was the v. 304. Ruric, the father of this 

aged bishop of Mecklenburg, who, dynasty, became the king of Russia 

after he had been dragged through in 862. 

the chief cities of the Wendish ^ Photius, the patriarch of Con- 

kingdom, was sacrificed to the war- stantinople (Epist. ii. p. 58, ed. 

god, Radegost, whose temple stood Montague: cf. Pagi, in Baronii ^w- 

at Rethre. Helmold, ibid. c. 23. nales, a.d, 861), in writing against 

M. A. K 


Growth of the Church, 

[A. D. 814 


their depen- 
dence on the 
Church of 

ble that sundry germs of Christianity i were carried home 
already by invaders, who at this and later times had prowled 
upon the Bosphorus ; and in 945 we see distincter traces of 
the progress of the Gospel, more especially in Kiev^. But 
the baptism^ of the princess Olga, who is reverenced as 
the 'Helena' of Russian Christianity, was the commence- 
ment of a brighter period in the triumphs of the faith 
(circ. 955). Her son, indeed, Sviatoslavl. (955—972) resisted 
all her gentle efforts to embrace him in the Christian fold ; 
but the suggestions she instilled into the heart of Vladimir, 
her grandson, led the way, after many painful struggles'^, 
to his public recognition of the Gospel (circ. 980). On his 
marriage with the sister of the Byzantine emperor, the 
Church of Bussia was more intimately bound to the orthodox 

the pretensions of the Eoman see 
(866) exults in the conversion of the 
[Russians, by the agency of Eastern 
missionaries : but his statement is 
extravagant and overcoloured. See 
Mouraviev's Hisi. of the Church of 
Russia, p. 8, translated by Black- 
more, Oxf. i84'2. An attempt has 
been made by the archimandrite 
Macarius, Hist, of Christianity in 
Russia before St Vladimir (St Pe- 
tersb. 1846) to establish a tradition 
of the middle ages that St Andrew 
preached the Gospel in Russia. 

^ In a catalogue of sees subject 
to Constantinople, there is mention 
of a metropolitan of Eussia as early 
as 891 (Mouraviev, as above, p. 9) : 
yet many of these earlier accounts 
are not trustworthy throughout. 
The gi'eat authority is Nestor, a 
monk of Kiev, who wrote in the 
eleventh centur3^ His Chronicle 
has been edited in part, with a 
valuable commentary, by Schlozer, 
Gottingen, 1802 — 1809. 

^ In a treaty between king Igor 
and the Byzantine court (945), 
there is an allusion to Russian 
(Varagian) converts and to a church 
dedicated in honour of the prophet 

Elias, at Kiev, the ancient capital 
of the empire. Nestor, Annal. IV. 
95 sq. ed. Schlozer. Kiev became 
an episcopal see in 988. Wiltsch, I. 

^ This took place at Constanti- 
nople, whither she repaired in 
order to obtain a knowledge of 
the truth. The emperor Constan- 
tine Porphyrogenitus was her god- 
father. Nestor, v. 58 sq. There 
is some reason for supposing that 
she made an application to the 
German emperor, Otho I., in 959 
or 960, requesting him to lend 
assistance in promoting the exten- 
sion of the faith : see above, p. 128, 
n. 2 ; and cf. Schrockh, xxi. 5 1 5 


^ At first he was like his father, 
ardently devoted to the pagan wor- 
ship : he was solicited in succession 
by Muhammedan and Jewish mis- 
sionaries from Bulgaria and ad- 
jacent parts (Mouraviev, pp. 10, 
11); and then, after oscillating (it 
is said) between the Greek and 
Rjman rites, determined to accept 
the former. See a fragment, I)e 
Convcrsione Russorum. published 
by Banduri, in the Lnpenum 

—1073] Growth of the Church, 131 

communions of the East^; and missionaries from Constanti- Bulgarian 

nople ardently engaged in softening and evangelizing the ' 

remoter districts of the kingdom. Aided by the royal 
bomity, they erected schools and churches in the leading 
towns, and making use of the Slavonic Bible and other 
8ervice-books, which were translated to their hands by 
Cyril and Methodius^, they obtained a ready entrance to 
the native population, and the Church as an effect of their 
judicious zeal expanded freely on all sides. In the time"^ of 
Leontius, metropolitan of Kiev, the formation of a number 
of episcopal sees^ presented a substantial basis for the 
future conquests of the truth ; and under two immediate 
successors of Vladimir (1019—1077), their empire had been 
christianized completely. But the fierce irruption of the 
Mongols (1223), resulting as it did in their occupation of 
the country till 1462, was fatal to the health and progress 
of the Russian state; although the unity of purpose now 
imparted to it by religion enabled it to wrestle with the 
infidels, and finally to drive them out. 

Another tribe, in part at least if not entirely, of Slavonic The oospa 
origin 9 was now united to the Eastern Church. It was the B'dgarians. 

Orientale, ir. 62 sq. and Neander's ^ See above, p. lai ; Mouraviev, 

note, V. 453. He was finally bap- p. 8. 

tized at Cherson (on the Dnieper), "^ Ibid. p. 16. The next king, 

where a bishopric was already Yaroslav, added greatly to the num- 

planted, and on his return to Kiev ber of the schools and churches, 

proceeded to destroy the monu- and even translated many books of 

ments of heathenism, particularly devotion, p. 20. He was also the 

the images of Peroun, the god chief founder of the Russian con- 

of thunder: Mouraviev, pp. 13, vents, which adopted the Eule of 

14. the Studium monastery at Constan- 

^ This was still further shewn tinople. Ibid. p. 24. 
by the adoption of the Greek canon- ^ e.g. of Novogorod, of Rostov, 
law, as well as of the Constanti- Chernigov, Vladimir, and Belgorod, 
nopolitan service-books, &c, Mou- During the oppression of the Mou- 
raviev, pp. 17, 357. Greeks, in like gols, which lasted two hundred 
manner, were employed in con- years, the metropolitical chair was 
structing the first Russian churches transferred to Vladimir, and finally 
(Ibid. 161), and introducing the cho- in 1320 to Moscow. 
ral music of Constantinople, (Ibid. ^ Gibbon, v. 290, 291, ed. Mil- 
p. 22). man: Schrockh, xxr. 399. 


. 132 Growth of the Church, [a.d. 814 

BULGARIAN tribe of tlie Bulgarians, who were driven by tlie onward 

— march of population to the southern borders of the Danube, 

where thej founded a considerable state in Dardania, 
Macedonia, and Epirus. While a party of their ruder 
kinsmen on the Volga were embracing the Koran ^, a wish 
had been inspired into the others for instruction in the 
doctrine of the Gospel. In 811 many hordes of the Bul- 
garians, after vanquishing Nicephorus I., pursued their 
devastations to the city of Adrianople, and among the other 
captives carried off its bishop and a multitude of Chris- 
tians. In this way it is likely that the seeds of truth ^ were 
scattered in Bulgaria. Somewhat later, Constantine, a 
captive monk, endeavoured to mature them, and his hands 
were strengthened by a princess of the country, who was 
educated as a Christian at Constantinople, whither she had 
been transported in the wars. By her suggestions, and a 
spirit-stirring picture of the day of judgment, furnished to 
her by a Grecian monk and artist, her brother, Bogoris^, 
the Bulgarian king, (in 863 or 864:) was drawn to listen to 
her creed ; and as the agency by which he had been won 
j)roceeded from the Eastern Church, the patriarch of Con- 
stantinople, Photius, entered on the task of training him 
more fully in the rudiments of truth, and of planting it 
among his subjects^. But he seems at first to have been 
dissatisfied with the ground on which he stood: and 
either from a wish to obviate the lack of an efficient 
clergy, and the jangling and uncertainty produced by 

1 The Caliph, Muktedir, sent Neander, V. 433, 434. It seems 
missionaries among them in 921, doubtful whether the present artist, 
at the request of their own chief- whose name is Methodius, was 
tain, to complete their training in identical with the missionary of 
the system of Muhammed : cf. a that name, whom we have seen 
Russian work quoted by Gieseler, above, p, 121. Bogoris after his bap - 
II. 486, n. 2. tism was called Michael, the Greek 

2 See the continuation of Theo- emperor Michael III. standing as 
phanes, m the Scriptorcs Byzantin. his god-father, by proxy, 
ed. Venet. p. 100. ^ Photii Epist, I. ; ed. Lond. 

Ibid. lib. IV. c. 13 — 15: cf. 1651. 


Growth of the Church. 


rival missions', or from a lower and political dislike to Bulgarian 

be involved in more intimate relations with the court of_ 1^ 

Byzantium, he soon afterwards betook himself for counsel 
to the Christians of the West. In 866 or 867 an embassy 
was sent to E-atisbon, invoking the assistance of Louis 11/, 
and either then, or a short time earlier, envoys were directed 
to the pope. Accordingly, in the following year, two Italian 
bishops'^ set out for Bulgaria, bearing with them a long 
series of directions and decisions from the pen of Nicholas I. 
As we shall see at large hereafter, this new act of inter- 
vention in the bounds of a diocese already occupied by 
others, added fuel to the flames of jealousy and envy, which 
had long been growing up between the pontiffs of the 
Greek and Latin Church. As at an earlier period, they 
were not slow in exchanging fulminations^; during which 
the capricious author of the storm went over to the side 

^ It seems, from the letter of 


7), that 

Nicholas I. 

missionaries of different nations 
were labouring in Bulgaria, and 
propounding different doctrines, so 
that the people hardly knew whom 
to believe: 'multi ex diversis locis 
Christiani advenerint, qui prout vo- 
luntas eorum existit multa et varia 
loquuntur, id est, Graeci, Arraeni, 
et tx cseteris locis :' c. 106. 

^ Annales Fuldens. A. D. 866 
(Pertz, I. 379) : 'Legati Bulgarum 
Radesponam ad regem venerunt, 
dicentes regem illorum cum populo 
non modico ad Christum esse con- 
versum, simulque petentes, ut rex 
idoneos praedicatores Christianae re- 
ligionis ad eos mittere non differret.' 
The emperor appointed a bishop to- 
gether with a staff of priests and 
deacons, who might undertake the 
mission, but on arriving at Rome 
they found that the pope had al- 
ready sent auxiliaries enough for 
the occasion. Ibid. A. D. 867 : cf. 
Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, I. 
99 sq. 

^ Vit. Nicolai, in Vignol. Lib. 
Pontif. III. 210, 211. In 867 
other missionaries, priests, and 
bishops, were dispatched to Bul- 
garia {Ihid. pp. 212, 213), 'ut, quia 
ipsum Formosum [the archbishop 
designate of Justiniana Prima in 
Bulgaria] plebem dunittere sibi cre- 
ditam non oportebat episcupum, 
ex his presbyteris ad archiepisco- 
patum eligatur, et sedi conse- 
crandus apostolicse mittatur.' The 
copious answer of Nicolas to the 
questions of the Bulgarian envoys 
will be found in Mansi, XV. 401 
sq. Among other passages of 
this memorable document there is 
an emphatic condemnation of com- 
pulsory conversions, such as Bo- 
goris appears to have attempted: 
c. 41. 

^ See the encyclical epistle of 
Photius to the Oriental patriarchs, 
in his Epist. ed. Lond. 165 1, pp. 47 
sq. The following is a specimen 
of his vehement language : Kat 
•yap dr], Kal dirb tCov t'^s 'IraXt'as 
fxepuu (TVvobLKT) Tis iin<jTo\r] irpos 


Growth of the Church. 



JindU// an- 
nexed to the 

Partial con- 
version of the 

of Photius and immediately ^ compelled the Roman mission 
to withdraw. The Chm'ch of Bulgaria was now organized 
afresh, according to the Eastern model, and continued for 
a while dependent on the see of Constantinople ^ 

The Chazars, who dwelt in the vicinity of the Crimea, 
on the borders of the eastern empire, followed the example 
of Bulgaria; though the preachers of the Gospel had to 
struggle with a host of proselyting Jews, as well as with 
the propagandists of Islamism^ About 850, some inquiring 
members of this tribe implored the emperor (Michael III.) 
to send a well-instructed missionary among them ; and the 
agent chosen for that work was Constantine (or Cyril), 

•^/.cas avaTre(f)0LT7}Kev, dpprjTcov ey- 
KXrjiiidTCov ye/xouaa, dnva Kara rod 
GiKeLov avT(2v e-KLcrKbirov ol t7]v 'Ira- 
\iav oIkovvt€S /xera iroWris /cara- 
Kpiaecos Kal opKwv fxvplwv Sieire/M- 
\pavTO, fiTj irapibetv avrovs ovtcos 
olKTpQs* oWv/xevovs, Kal virb rrjXi- 
KavTTjs ^apeias Tne^ofxevovs rvpav- 
vidos, Kal roiis lepariKovs vo/novs i'^pi- 
^opAvovs, Kal irdvTas decrp-ovs ekkXt]- 
crias dvaTpeirop.ivovs, p. 59. The 
emperors of the East supported 
Photius, and when their letters 
were forwarded by Bogoris to Rome, 
the pope in his turn (867) issued 
an encyclical epistle to Hincmar 
archbishop of Rheims and the other 
archbishops and bishops of France, 
denouncing the Greek Church on 
various grounds, (S' e below on the 
'Schism between the Eastern and 
Western Churches,') and especially 
the envy of the Byzantine patri- 
arch because the king of Bulgaria 
had sought 'a sede B. Petri insti- 
tutores et doctrinam.' Mansi, XV. 

1 'Magna sub velocitate' is the 
language of Hadrian II. (869), when 
he laboured to re-establish his ju- 
risdiction in Bulgaria. Vignol. Lib. 
Pont'if. ni. 253: but the Roman 
missionaries were immediately ex- 
pelled. A fragment of a letter writ- 
ten by the pope to Ignatius, pa- 

triarch of Constantinople, on the 
consecration of the Greek arch- 
bishop of Bulgaria is preserved in 
Mansi, XVI. 414, and in xvii. 62, 
67, 68, 129, 131, 136, are letters 
from J'hn VI [I., in which he la- 
boured to convict the Eastern em- 
perors and prelates of a breach of 
duty in withdrawing the Bulgarians 
from the papal empire. In the first 
of this series of remonstrances he 
warns king IVIichael (Bogoris) of the 
errors of the Greeks, and adds : 
' Mihi credite, non gioriam ex vo- 
bis, vel honorera, aut censum ex- 
pectantes, non patri?e regimen et 
reipublicse moderamen adipisci cupi- 
mus ; sed diceceseos ejusdemregionis 
curam et dispositionem resumere 

^ Le Quien, Oriens CJiristiamis, 
I. 104. 

3 See the Life of Constantine 
(Cyril) above referred to, p. 121: 
'Cazaroruni legati venerunt, oran- 
tes ac supplicantes, ut dignaretur 
[addressing the emperor 5lichael, 
circ. 850] mittere ad illos ali(|uem 
eruditum virum, qui eos fidem ca- 
tholicam veraciter edoceret, adjici- 
entes inter csetera, quoniam nunc 
Judfpi ad fidem suam, modo Saraceni 
ad suam, nos convertere e contrario 
moliuntur.' § i. 

—1073] Growth of the Church. 135 

afterwards conspicuous for his zeal in building up the other 
Churches of Moravia and Bohemia"^. Many of the natives, churches. 

touched by his glowing sermons, were converted to the 
truth, and permanently associated with the see of Con- 
stantinople. Still as late as 921, their leading chieftain 
was a Jew, and others were addicted to the system of 

The Chrobatians or Croats, who had emio-rated m convention of 

. the Croats 

the seventh century from Poland to the region^ bounded 
by the Adriatic and the Saave, were christianized in 
part, at the commencement of this period. It is said^ 
that a Roman mission was dispatched among them, at the 
wish of their chieftain, Porga, which resulted in their 
subsequent connexion with the pontiffs of the West. 

Here also may be noted the conversion of some kindred ^a^'^lij^g. 
tribes who were impelled into the interior of Hellas^. They 
were gradually brought under the Byzantine yoke, and, 
after the Bulgarians had embraced the offers of the Gospel, 
they attended to the exhortations of the missionaries sent 
among them by the emperor Basil (circ. 870). 

The evano^elizina: of the larp;er tribe of Servians, who The Gi^wei 

^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ ' . amom; the 

inhabited the numerous mountain-ridges stretching from se>fjaH*. 
the Danube to the shores of the Adriatic, was not equally 
felicitous and lasting. Through their nominal dependence 

■* Above pp. Ill — 124. patriarch: Wiltsch, I, 399. 

^ The chief authority for this ^ Dolhiiger, iii. 22, 23. Croatia 

statement is a Muhamraedan am- was included in the ecclesiastical 

bassador, who travelled in these province of Dioclea, and though 

regions, 921, and reported that subject for a time, at the close of 

he found as many Moslems as tht^ ninth century, to the see of 

Christians, besides Jews and idol- Constantinople, it was afterwards 

aters. See Frahn, in the Memoires (1067) embraced anew in the juris- 

de V Acadeiiiie de St Petersbourg diction of the pope, Wiltsch, i. 399, 

(1822), tome VIII. 598 sq. ; and 400. 

Gieseler, 11. 486, n. 3. "^ Fallmerayer, Geschichie der Hcd- 

^ They were, in part, separated tinsel Morea xodhrend des Mittel alters, 

from the Adriatic by the narrow I. 230 sq. In like manner nearly 

kingdom of Dalmatia, peopled chiefly all the Mainots, the descendants 

by the Slaves, and subject at the of the ancient Greeks, who had 

o/^ening of this period to the Roman retreated to the rocky fastnesses 


Growth of the Church, 

[a.d. 814 


Their eccle- 

on Byzantium \ many of them were already gathered to 
the Christian Church, but when they were enabled to 
regain their freedom in 827, they seem to have refused 
allegiance 2 to the creed of their former masters. Sub- 
sequently, however, the victorious arms of Basil (circ. 870) 
made a way to the re-admission of a band of Christian 
teachers furnished from Constantinople. Through their 
efforts, aided by vernacular translations^, a considerable 
change was speedily produced; and early in the tenth 
century we read'^ that an important staff of native clergy 
were ordained for the Servian Church by the Slavonic 
bishop of Nona (in Dalmatia). From their geographical 
position on the border-land between the Eastern and the 
Western Empire, the inhabitants of Servia could retain 
a kind of spiritual^ as well as civil independence; but 
their leanings on the whole were to the Church of Con- 


The one serious obstacle remaining to the spread and 
perpetuity of truth in every part of Eastern Europe were 
the settlements of the Hungarians (Magyars). Descended 

in the neighbourhood of mount 
Taygetus, embraced the Gospel at 
this period, Ihid. I. 137. Constan- 
tine Porphyrogen. De Administrat. 
Imper. § 50 (ed. Bekker, p. 224) 
speaks of the obstinacy with which 
they had clung to the pagan worship 
of the Greeks. 

1 Ranke, Hist, of Servia, Lond. 
1853, pp. 2, 3. 

2 Dollinger, HI. 23. 

3 Eanke, p. 3. ■* Ihid. 

^ The patriarch of Constantinople 
granted them the privilege of al- 
ways electing their archbishop (of 
Uschize) from their own national 

clergy. Ihid. p. 7. At other times 
they seem to have been in com- 
munication with the court of Rome, 
which was continually repeating its 
claims to jurisdiction over all the 
Illyrian dioceses (see e.g. a letter 
of John YIII. to the bishop-elect 
of Nona (879), urging him not to 
receive consecration from any but 
the pope himself, Mansi, xvii. 
T24), Gregory VII. was the first 
who saluted the Grand Shupane of 
Servia by the title of 'king;' but 
the attempts to win him over to the 
Latin Church were always made in 
vain: Ranke, p. 5. 

—1073] Growth of the Church. 137 

from a Tatar or a Finnish tribe^, they fell upon the nux- 
province of Pannonia at the close of the ninth century church. 

(circ. 885), and, after breathing for a while among ih^u inroads </ the 
permanent possessions, hurried onward like a stream of fire, 
to desolate the plains of Italy, and terrify the nations 
westward of the Rhine"^. The triumphs^ of the German 
princes, Henry the Fowler and Otho the Great (934, 955), 
eventually delivered Christendom, and shut the Magyars 
within their present boundaries upon the Danube. There 
they mingled with the early settlers (the Avars ^), and others 
whom they carried off as captives from the neighbouring 
Slavonic tribes^". 

At this propitious moment a few seeds of Christianity ^,1^'^.^ ff<'f^?"/. 

L L J Christianilij in 

were introduced among them by the baptism ^^ of two ^^""^*''^- 
^Turkish' (or Hungarian) chiefs at Constantinople (948). 
One of these, however, Bulosudes, speedily relapsed into 
his former superstitions: and the other, Gylas, though 
assisted by a prelate ^^ who accompanied him on his return, 
was not able to produce any powerful impression. The 
espousing of his daughter ^^ unto Geisa, the Hungarian 

^ Gibbon, V. ■294sq.; ed. Milman. Salzburg and Lorch (Laureacum), 

The best modern history of them the province of the latter had been 

\fiM.siA\iXWH Geschichteder Magyar en, heathenized afresh ('ex viciniorum 

Wien, 1828. It is not improbable frequenti populatione barbarorum 

that the religious system of the deserta et in solitudinem redacta') ; 

heathen Magyars was borrowed Boczek, Codex Dq)lom. Morav., I. 

from the Persians. It wasduahstic, 93: Mansi, xix, 5'2 sq. 

and the evil principle was named ^^ This appears from a report af- 

Armanyos ( = Ahriman). Dolling. terwards sent to the pope in 974 

III, 33. respecting the extension of the 

"^ Gibbon, V. 300. 'Oh! save and Gospel in Hungary. Mansi, xix. 
deliver us from the arrows of the 49 sq., and as above, n. 9. From 
Hungarians,' was the cry of the the same source we learn that many 
persecuted Christians, who were of these captives were already Chris- 
massacred by thousands. tians, which facilitated the conver- 

8 Gibbon, ibid. pp. 302, 303. sion of their masters. 

^ A mission had been organized ^^ Cedrenus, Hist. Compend. in 

for them by Charlemagne, who had the Scriptores Byzant., ed. Paris, 

nominally ruled the whole of mo- 636: cf. Mailath, as above, I. 23 sq. 

dern Hungary, (see above, p. 27): ^'^ A ConstantinopoUtau monk, 

but as we gather from a rescript of named Hierotheos. Ibid. 

Benedict VII. (974), dividing Pan- ^^ See the somewhat conflicting 

nonia between the archbishops of evidence in Schrockh, xxi. 530. 


Groicth of the Church, 

[a. d. 814 



Uw G ispd. 

duke (972—997), was more conducive to the propagation 
of the faith. But her husband, though eventually baptized, 
was still wavering in his convictions, when the German 
influence, now established by the victory of Otho (955), 
was employed in the conversion of the humbled Magyars. 
As early as 970 missions had been organized by prelates 
on the German border, none of whom were more assiduous 
in the work than Piiigrin of Passau\ It is not, however, 
till the reign of Stephen (Waik), the first 'king' of Hun- 
gary (997—1033), that the evangelizing of his subjects can 
be shewn to be complete. Distinguished from his child- 
hood^ by the interest he took in all that concerned the 
welfare of religion, he attracted a large band of monks 
and clerics from adjoining dioceses^, and endeavoured to 
enlarge the borders of the Christian fold. Religious houses, 
schools, and churches started up on every side*, and Hun- 
gary was now distributed, like other countries, into parishes 
and sees, and placed under the archbishopric of Gran^ 
(Strigonium). More than once, however, Stephen had 
recourse to the arm of the civil power in advancing the 
dominion of the faith, especially in 1003, when he had 
made himself supreme in Transylvania and in one portion 
of Wallachia^. The eifect of this unchristian element in 

.Thietmar (Ditmar), CJironic. lib. 
VIII. c. 3, (Pertz, v. 862) gives 
the following account of the im- 
piety of Geisa : ' Hie Deo omnipo- 
tenti variisque deorum illusionibus 
immt^lans, cumab antistite suo obhoc 
accusaretur, divitem se et ad htec 
facienda satis potentem affirmavit.' 

1 See p. 137,11. 10. Among other 
missionaries whom he sent was a 
Swiss monk of Einsiedeln, who 
was afterwards bishop of Ratisbon. 
.But his labours were indifferently 
received {Life of Wolfgang, in Ma- 
billon, Acta Sand. Ord. Bened., 
Saec. V. p. 817). The same field 
attracted Adelbert of Prague, on 
iis expulsion from Bohemia : see 

above, p. 125, and cf. MaiMtb, Gesch. 
der Magyaren, i. 3 1 . 

2 Life of Stephen (written about 
J 100 by an Hungarian bishop), in 
Schwandtner, Scriptor. Rer. Hungar, 
I. 416 sq. 

^ ' Audita fama boni rectoris, 
multi ex terris aliis canonici et 
monaohi ad ipsum quasi ad patrem 
confiuebant.' Life of (two Polish 
monks) Zoerard and Benedict, by a 
contemporary bishop, in the Acta 
Sanctorum, Jul., tom. iv. p. 326. 

^ See the Life of Stephen, as 
above, pp. 417 sq. 

5 Wiltsch, I. 398, 399. 

^ Life of Stephen, ibid. ; cf. Ne- 
ander, v. 460. 

his proceedings was a terrible revulsion at his death in Asiatic 
lavour of the pagan creed . 

—1073] Groioth of the Church 139 

Instead of cleaving to the Churches of the East, by Z/cSh 
which the Gospel was at first imparted to them, the Hun- uTSoinau.'^ 
garians, under Stephen more especially, were drawn into 
the closest union with the popes. He married a Bur- 
gundian princess, widow of duke Henry of Bavaria, and 
his policy was always to preserve an amicable bearing 
in relation to the German empire. By the interest of 
Otho III.^ he was advanced to the dignity of king, that 
honour being formally conferred upon him in 1000^ by 
Silvester II. A more lasting symbol of dependence on 
the West is found in the general use of Latin as the 
medium for the worship of the Church, and even as the 
language of the courts of justice ^^ 


The missionary zeal we have remarked" in the 'Nes- continnaywo/ 
torian body, as distinguished irom the other Christians ot misswns. 
the East, continued to the present period, when it gained 
its highest point. Protected by the favour of the caliphs ^^, 
the disciples of the Syrian school were able, after strength- 
ening the Churches they had planted in their ancient seats, 
to propagate a knowledge of tlie Gospel in the distant 

■^ He was aided, for some years, lib. iv. c. 38 (Pertz, v. 784). 
hy his son Emmerich (Henry), who, ^ Fejer, Codex Diplomaiicus Hun- 
however, died before him in 1032 ; garicn (Budse, 1829), i, 274: cf. Life 
and afterwards on two occasions of Stephen, as above, p. 417. But 
(1045 and 1060) a desperate attempt considerable doubts have been ex- 
was made to re-establish paganism pressed as to the genuineness of this 
by force. See the Hungarian Ghro- papal rescript : see Gieseler, 11. 463, 
nicle, in Schwandtner's Scriptores Schrochk, xxi. 544 sq, 
Rer. Hungar. i. 105, 113 sq. '^^ Dbllinger, iii. 35, 36. 

^ 'Imperatoris autem gratia et ^^ See above, pp. 28, 29. 

hortatu generi Heinrici, ducis Ba- ^^ This protection was not, how- 

wariorum, Waic [ = Stephen] in ever, uniformly granted : e. g. in 

regno suimet episcopales cathedras 849 the Christians of Chaldsea un- 

faciens, coronam et benedictionem derwent a bitter persecution. Le 

accepit.' Thietmar (Ditmar), Chr. Quien, Oriens Christ. 11. 1130. 


Limitation of the Church. 




Propoffatton of 
the Gospel in 

hordes of Scytliia. A Tatar or a Turkish chieftain^, 
bordering on China, with his subjects to the number of 
two hundred thousand, was converted at the close of the 
tenth century ; and this would naturally conduce to the 
formation of ulterior projects in behalf of the adjacent 
tribes of Turkistan^. It seems that from the date of the 
conversion here recorded, Christianity maintained a stable 
footing in those quarters till it fell beneath the devastating 
inroads^ of Timur (or Tamerlane). Its chief promoters 
were a series of the native khans who had inherited, for 
many generations, the peculiar name of 'Prester John'"*, 
or were at least distinguished by that title in the credulous 
accounts of tourists and crusaders^. 


The desolating march of the Hungarians^ into Europe 
has been noticed on a former page. Yet deeply as those 
ravages were felt, they did not permanently curtail the 
area of the Western Church. A heavier blow had been 
inflicted by the ruthless hordes of Northmen (principally 
Danish and Norwegian vikings), who alighted on the 
fairest field of Christendom to cover it with violence and 
deaths In their unhallowed thirst for gold they pillaged 

"^ Asseman, Bihlioth. Orient., torn. 
IT. 444 sq : Mosheim, Hist. Tartar. 
Eccles., pp. 23 sq., ed. Helmstad. 
1 74 1. He was baptized by the 
Nestorian primate of Maru in Cho- 
rasan : (cf. Le Quien, Oriens Chiist. 
II. 1261 sq.) 

2 On the spread of Nestorianisna 
in these regions, see above, p. -28, 
and cf. Wiltsch, I. 461. 

3 Mosheim, ibid. pp. 27 sq. 

^ Asseman, torn. ill. part IT. p. 
487 : cf, the discussion on this point 
in Schrockh, XXV. 186—194. Some 
writers have inferred that the oii- 

ginal ' Prester John ' was a Nesto- 
rian priest, who had been raised to 
the throne of the Tatar princes ; 
but others, it would seem more 
probably, look upon the form 
' Prester' as a western corruption of 
some Persian, Turkish, or Mongo- 
lian word. 

^ e.g. Joinville's Memoirs of St 
Louis, pp. 477 sq., in Bohn's Chro- 
nicles of the Crusaders. 

^ Above, p. 137. 

7 The best modern account of 
these miscreants is in Palgrave's 
Hist, of Normandy, i. 297 sq. : Lap- 

— 1073] Limitation of the Church. 141 

almost every church and abbey on their way, in Germany, ravages 

in France, in Belgium, in the British Islands ; and, NORTHME^f. 

success inflaming their cupidity, they ventured even to 

the coasts of Italy and Spain, and came into collision 

with the other spoilers of the Church, the Moslems and 

the Magyars. Their path was uniformly marked by ruined 

towns and castles, by the ashes of the peaceful village 

and the bones of its murdered inmates : literature was 

trampled down and buried, order and religion were expiring 

on all sides ; while the profaneness and brutality of which 

the Northmen are convicted baffle or forbid description ^ 

No where did the tempest fall with greater virulence Their estah- 
than on the borders of the British Church^ The inroads the British 
of the Scandinavian vikmgs form the darkest passage in 
her annals. Landing year by year a multiplying swarm 
of pirates, they continued to enchain and spoil her from 
787^" until the date of the Norman Conquest. After the 
disastrous war of 833—851, very many of them left their 
barks and settled in the conquered districts, more espe- 
cially the Northern and the Eastern Counties. It now 
seemed, indeed, as if the Anglo-Saxon had been destined 
to succumb in turn before the ruder spirits of the North, 
as he had formerly expelled the British Christians. But 
this fear was gradually abated when a number of the andprachtai 
Anglo -Danes, abandoning the gods of the Walhalla, were 
absorbed into the Church. Anterior to the treaty" of 878 

penberg's Hist, of England under illam pervagantes monastfria cum 

the Anglo-Saxon Kings, vol. ii., and monachis et sanctimonialibus, ec- 

Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in clesias cum clericis incendere, ci- 

England, Scotland, and Ireland : on vitates, urbes, oppida, villasque cre- 

their inroads into Spain and Portu- mare, agros devastare, strages homi- 

gal, see Conde, Dominacion de los num multas agere, minime cessa- 

Arabes en Espana, I. 276, 284; ed. bant.' Florent. Wigorn. ad Chron. 

Barcelona, 1 844. Append, in Monument. Britan. p. 640. 

8 The chronicles of the period ^^ Saxon Chron. ad an. A simple 

give intensity of meaning to the picture of the barbarities committed 

cry of the persecuted Church : ' A by the Danes has been preserved in 

furore Normannorum libera nos. ' the after-portions of this Chronicle. 

Sue Palgrave, I. 460. ^^ Alfred and Guthrum's Peace, in 

^ . . . . 'per Angliam et circa Thorpe, Anglo-Saxon Laivs, I. 152: 

142 Limitation of tlie Churcli. [a.d. 814 

RAVAGES between tlie Engllsli, under ^Elfred, and the Northmen, 
yoKTHMEN. under Guthmm (Gorm), the latter had been well-afFected 
to the Gospel; and his baptism made a way to the 
evangelizing of his subjects in East-Anglia, where he 
governed till his death, 891. As early as 940 \ the religion 
of the vanquished was extensively adopted by the Danish 
settlers in Northumbria. Accordingly in' the time of the 
Scandinavian dynasty, beginning wdth Cnut the Great ^ 
(1016—1035), the colonists, w^ho now might be distinguished 
from the lawless viking that was prowling on the seas, were 
generally converted to the faith, and blended with the 
English population. Similar results ensued in Scotland^, 
where, at least among the Highlands, the majority of 
settlers were Norwegian, and united to the crown of Nor- 
way: while their brethren, who had won important colonies 
in Ireland, were not slow in copying their example*. 
S£e«/ifi' After paralysing all the vigour of the sons of Charle- 

isormandy: maguc by their desultory inroads, many bands of Northmen 
settled down in France (circ. 870) , and gradually submitted 
to the GospeP, In 876 and following years, their mighty 
chieftain, Kollo, wasted all the north and midland pro- 
of. Worsaae, pp. 132, 133, The ternal fabric of religion, see Lap- 
same writer has called attention to penberg, ll. 203 sq. Among other 
the fact that Crowlraid, so feroci- proofs of a better state of things 
ously invaded by the Vikings in 867, was the institution of a festival in 
already numbered Danes among its honour of archbishop ^Ifheah 
inmates: p. 130. (Eifeg), who had been deliberately 

^ Worsaae, p. 133. Among other murdered after the general mas- 
evidence are coins of the Danish- sacre at Canterbuiy (loii). Saxon 
Norwegian kings which had been Chroii., ad an, 10 12. 
minted in the north of England, ^ See above, p. 120. Ion a was 

and inscribed with Christian le- again a missionary center for the 
gends, in the ninth and tenth cen- christianizing of the southern is- 
turies. At this period Odo, whose lands, and the Gospel was at times 
father was a Dane and fought conveyed from it to Norway and 
against the English under Alfred, Iceland. Worsaae, pp. 275, 276. 
occupied the see of Canterbury : ^ Ibid. pp. 333 sq. Norwegian 

and a number of the other clerics kings reigned in Dublin, Waterford, 
were of Scandinavian blood. Ibid. and Limerick, for three centuries. 
134. 135- . P- 316. 

^ On his zeal in extirpating hea- ^ Palgrave, I. 503, 504. 

thenism and in restoring the ex- 

— 1073] Limitation of the Church. 143 

vinces, but, after a most bloody contest, was bought off perse- 
by the surrender of the Frankish state of Neustria (911), j^pai'n. ^ 
and married to a Christian princess. On his baptism ^ in 
912, the Gospel was successively diffused in every quarter 
of the dukedom. Missions^ had been formed already under 
Herve, primate of the Gauls, and Guido, archbishop of 
Eouen; yet, until the finalvictory of Rollo, many converts SllfSf 
had been ill-instructed in the faith, and not unfrequently 
retained their pagan habits and ideas ^. 

The condition of the Church in the Iberian peninsula ^l^^SS""^ 
was now less hopeful than in Britain, Germany, or France; Wdamin^"^' 
for though at first the Moslems^ did not practise anything "''^""*' 
like systematic persecution ^°, they resisted all the missionary 
efforts of the Christians, and by proselyting in their turn 
extended the dominion of the caliph ^^ Nothing daunted 
by the checks they had received from Charles Martel, 
they sometimes overleapt the Pyren^an barrier; and in 
Spain, the mountain-districts, where the Church had taken 
refuge, or at least in which alone she dwelt secure and 
independent, were contracted more and more by the en- 
croachments of the crescent. She was still more fearfully 
afflicted in the gloomy period (850—960), when the Moslems, 
irritated in some cases by the vehemence with which tlieir 
system was denounced, adopted a more hostile policy, and 
panted for the blood of their opponents. At this juncture, 

6 Ihid. 690. ^ See above, p. 34. 

'' See the Pastoral of archbp. ^^ See the Memoriale Sanctorum of 

Herve, in the Concilia Rothoma- Eulogius, in Schott's His2Ktnla 11- 

gensis Provin., Rouen, 171 7. It lustrata, vol. iv., as adduced by 

was based upon instructions given Neander, v. 461, 462 ; and, on the 

him (900) by pope John IX. ; general feeling of the Moslems to 

Mansi, XVIII. 189 sq. the Christians at this period, see 

^ In the document above cited Conde, Do7ninacion de los A robes en 

the pope speaks distrustfully of Es^mna, i. 88, 10 1, 180 ; Scln-ockh, 

men who had been baptized and re- XXI. 293 — 299; Gieseler, 11. 305 

baptized; 'et post baptismum gen- sq. 

tiliter vixerint et paganorum more ^^ By intermarriages and other 

Christianos interfecerint, sacerdotes means : see Geddes, Hist, of the Ex- 

trucidaverint, atque simulacris im- pulsion of the Moriscoes, in his Mis- 

molantes idolothyta comederint.' cell. Tracts^ l. 104 sq. 

144 Limitation of the Church. [a.D. 814 

PERSE- we are told, that multitudes^ of Spanish Christians perished 

CCTIONS IN T - -in i -i • • • i t i 

SPAIN. by the scourge or m the names, exhibiting, indeed, the 
firmness of the earliest martyr, but deficient in his calm 
forbearance and his holy self-possession. A considerable 
section of the Church, desirous of restraining what had 
grown into a kind of passion, drew a difference between 
these martyrdoms and those of ancient times ; and in a 
counciP, held at Cordova (852), and prompted, some have 
said, by Abdu-r-Rahman II., it was ruled that, for the future. 
Christians, under persecution, should not rush unbidden 
to the danger, but should wait until the summons of the 
magistrate compelled them to assert their faith. The 
ultimate predominance of these, and other like pacific coun- 
sels, gradually disarmed the fury of the Moslems; and 
the bleeding Church of Spain enjoyed an interval of rest. 

1 As in the last note, and in the as unlawful : Memoriale Sanct. lib. 
Indiculus Luminosus of Alvar of II. c. 15: cf. his Apologeticus pro 
Cordova, passim. Martyrihus adversus Calumniatores, 

2 Mansi, XIV. 969. Eulogius, where he vigorously defends the 
however, afterwards (859) the victim conduct of the most fanatic martyrs, 
of his stern and unflinching hatred of He was followed in this line by 
Islamism, has denounced this synod Alvar, his biographer. 


( 145 




The form of government prevailing in the Western, as internal 
distinguished from the Eastern Church, was threatening to tion. 

become an absokite autocracy. This change is due entirely Monarchical, 
to the growth of the papal usurpations, which had almost ">•'«•» 
reached a climax under Hildebrand, or Gregory YII. (1073). 
The Romanizing spirit of the west Avill consequently form 
a leading item in our sketch of the internal constitution of 
the Christian body at this period of its progress. 

The attention of the reader should espeoiallv be drawn Promoud iv 
to one 01 the mightiest engines m the triumphs of the ^(^retau: 
papacy, a series of Decretals, known as the Fseudo-Isidore^ ^ 
which had been fabricated, in some measure out of the 
existing canons, at the close of the eighth century or the 

^ Cf. the allusions to this series 
above, p. 64, n. 4 ; p. 44, n. 5. 
Some of the documents had ah-eady 
appeared in the collection of Dio- 
nysius Exiguus (circ. 526), and 
others in a later one ascribed to 
Isidore of Seville : but the impostor 
[Mohler, Schriften iind Aussdtze, I. 
309, makes him only a romanticist !] 
who had assumed the name of 
Isidore, at the beginning of the 9th 
century, fabricated many others, 
and professed to carry back the 
series of papal rescripts as far as 
A.D. 93. A large portion of these 
were afterwards received into the 
Koman canon-law. See Spittler's 

M. A. 

Gescliichte dcs canon. Rechts his mif 
die Zeiten des fcdschen Isidorus: 
Werken, I. 220 sq. Halle, 1778. It 
is almost certain that the Pseudo- 
Isidore decretals were first pub- 
lished, as a body, in Eastern France, 
between the years 829 and 845 ; 
though some of them appear to 
have been circulated separately in 
the time of Charlemagne. The 
forgery has been imputed to Eiculf, 
a Spanish archbishop (786 — 814); 
but it is more probably due to arch- 
bishop Autcar of Mayence (S 26-847) • 
see Gieseler, ll. 331, n. 12; Guizot, 
Led. xxvii. The first person who 
critically impugned the genulnenets 


Constitution of the Churcli. 

[a.d. 814 

beginning of the ninth ; and in the latter period, after 
suffering fresh interpolations, were made current in the 
churches of the west. While tending to exaggerate the 
power and privileges of the sacerdotal order generallj, 
they strengthened more and more the aspirations of the 
papal see\ by representing it, on the authority of ancient 
usage, as the sole and irresponsible directress of the 
theocratic system of the Church. As early ^ as 857, the 
Pseudo-Isidore decretals had been openly enlisted to repress 
ecclesiastical commotions^, and to settle questions of the 
day; and subsequently to the year 864'*, they were adduced 
in many of the papal rescripts,— it would seem, with no 
shadow of misgiving. 

Prior to this date the claims to supremxacy of power, so 
steadily advanced by the adherents of the Koman church, 
were seldom carried out to their natural results. Under 
Stephen V. (816), Paschal I. (817), Eugenius II. (824), 
Valentine (827), Gregory lY .' (827), Sergius II.' (844), 

of the collection (as distinguished 
from its binding force) was Peter 
Comestor in the 1 2th century ; but 
the cheat was not generally ex- 
posed until the time of the Refor- 
mation, when the Magdeburg Cen- 
turiators {cent. ii. c. 7, cent. iii. c. 
7) pointed out the ahnost incredi- 
ble anachronisms and other clumsy 
irauds by which the bulk of the 
decretals are distinguished. They 
have since been openly abandoned 
by Beilarmine, xle Pontif. Homan. 
lib. II. c. 14 ; Baronius, Annal. Eccl. 
ad an. 865, § S ; Fleur}?-, Hist. Eccl. 
torn. XIII. Disc. Prelim, p. 15. 

^ e. g. ' Quamobrem sancta Ro- 
mana Ecclesia ejus [i. e. S. Petri] 
merito Domini voce coiisectata, et 
sanctorum Patrum auctoritate ro- 
borata, primatum tenet omnium 
ecclesiarum, ad quam tam summa 
episcoporum negotia et judicia atque 
querelae, quam et majores eccle- 
siarum quaestiones, quasi ad caput, 
semper referenda sunt.' Yigilii ep. 

acl Profutwrum, c. 7 ; cf. Mansi, IX. 
29, note. 

2 Gf. above, p. 45, n. 8. 

"^ c. g. Hincniar, who afterwards 
questioned their binding force, when 
cited by the popes against himself, 
could hold them cut notwithstand- 
ing as a v/arning to church-robbers 
('raptores et prtedones rerum eccle- 
siasticarum ') : Einst. Synodal, in 
Mansi, xv. 127. 

■^ Gieseler, ii, 333, n. 15. 

^ The important letter (iMabillon, 
Yet. Anal. p. 2 98) bearing the 
name of this pope and addressed to 
bishops everywhere, is at the least 
of questionable authority : Jaffe', 
Pegcst. Pontif. Rom. p. 227. One 
clause of it ntns thus : ' Cum nulli 
dubium sit, quod non solum ponti- 
ficalis causatio, sed omnis sanctoe 
religionis relatio ad sedem aposto- 
licam, quasi ad caput, debet referri 
et inde normam sumere.' 

'^ An 'anti-pope' (John), chosen 
' satis imperito et agresti populo, ' 


Constitution of the Church. 


Leo IV.' (847), Benedict III.^ (855), they liad made no internal 
measurable progress: but when iNichoias 1. (858—867) was tion. 
seated on the throne, the theory of papal o-randeur, which impulse given 

. , . , ,, r-\^ ' ^ to the Papal 

had long been floatmg m the mnid oi western Christendom, 'J^*2E7'^^ 
began to be more clearly urged and more consistently 
established^ In the course of his reign, however, he ex- 
perienced more than one indignant check^^ from the resist- 
ance of a band of prelates who stood forward to uphold the 
independence of provincial churches, and the ancient honour 
of the crown. The staunchest of these anti-papal champions 
was the Frankish primate Hincmar": but they could not 

was interpolated after Gregory IV., 
but soon afterwards expelled, ' urbis 
principibus.' Llhcr Pontif. ed Vig- 
nol. III. 39, 40. Sergius (844) 
appointed a vicar for all the trans- 
alpine provinces ; cf. his Epistle in 
Mansi, XIV. 806. 

7 On the death of Leo IV. the 
papal chair is said to have been 
occupied by a female pope, Jo- 
hanna (Johannes Anglicus) ; but 
as the story, in addition to its 
great improbability on chronologi- 
cal and other grounds, is not found 
in any writer of the period, or for 
centuries later, it is now almost 
universall37^ rejected by the critics. 
Prior to the Reformation, few, if 
any, doubted the existence of the 
papess. See the evidence fairly 
stated in Schrockh, XXII. 75 — no; 
Gieseler, II. 220, n. i. The story 
may have possibly originated in the 
soft or dissolute lives of men like 
John VIII. and his later namesakes. 

^ Another 'anti-pope' Anastasius 
was elected on the death of Bene- 
dict III., but speedily deposed. 
Liber Pontif. iii. 154. 

^ One of the earliest indications 
of this purpose may be found in a 
rescript (S63), where the primacy 
of Hincmar (of Rheims) is con- 
firmed on the express condition, 
* si tam in prsesenti quam semper, 
in nullo ah apostolicce scdis prcecep- 
tionibus quo^uomodo dlscrcpaverit.'' 

Mansi, XV. 375. On the vast in- 
fluence exercised by Nicholas I. in 
the establishment of the ultra-papal 
claims, see Planck, Geschichte des 
Pabsthums von der mitfe des neunten 
Jahrhunderts an, 1. 35 — 147 ; Mil- 
man, Latin Christianity, bk. 5, ch. 
4; Neander, vi. 10 sq. 

^•^ e.g. the account in the Ap- 
pendix to the Annalcs Bertiniani 
(Pertz, I. 463), when the two 
Frankish archbishops, Gunthar of 
Cologne and Thietgaud of Treves, 
protested against the sentence which 
the pope had passed in condemna- 
tion of themselves and the synod of 
Metz (863). But as the Frankish 
promoters were abetting the illicit 
union of the king Lothaire II. with 
his mistress, Waldrade, their resist- 
ance v/as deprived of all moral force, 
and was eventually conducive to the 
despotism of Nicholas: cf. Milman, 
II. 301 sq. For the peremptory pro- 
ceedings of the Roman synod on this 
question, see Mansi, XV. 651. 

^^ He had deposed the bishop of 
Soissous, Rothade, in 863, notwith- 
standing his appeal to Rome, and 
when this prelate in the following 
year detailed his grievances before 
a Roman synod, the pope was able 
in the end to effect his restoration, 
(Jan. 22, 865) : Lib. Pontif. ill. 207; 
Mansi, xv. 693. It was on this oc- 
casion that Nicholas entrenched 
himself behind the Pseudo-Isidore 



Constitution of the Church. 

[a. d. 814 

INTERNAL keep tlieir sround m opposition to the centralizmo- spirit 

ORGANIZA- r, \ -111 1 . . , T 1 -, , 

TioN. 01 the age; particularly when that spirit had evoked the 

His successors. 

forged decretals, and consigned them to intrepid pontiffs 
such as Nicholas I. 

A slight reaction, it is true, occurred under Hadrian 
II. (867), when the zeal of Hincmar stirred him up afresh 
to counteract^ the imperious measures of the Roman church, 
and warn it of the tendency to schism which its frequent 
intermeddling in the business of the empire could not fail 
to have excited. Still, on the accession of pope John YIII. 
(872), it entered into closer union ^ with the reigning house 
of France, and in spite of the remonstrances of Hincmar 
and of other prelates like him, it continually enlarged the 

decretals: 'Absit ut cujuscumque 
[pontificis Eomani], qui in fide ca- 
tholica perseveravit, vel decretalia 
constituta vel de ecclesiastica disci- 
plina quaslibet exposita non amplec- 
tamur opuscula, quse dumtaxat et 
antiquitus sancta Eomana ecclesia 
conservans nobis quoque custodi- 
enda man davit, et penes se in suis ar- 
cbivis recondita veneratur...decre- 
tales epistolae Roraanorum poutifi- 
cum sunt recipiendae, etiamsi non 
sunt canonura codici compaginatse.' 
^ See bis bold letter to Hadrian 
II. (870) in Hincmar, Op%>. II, 689, 
ed. Sirmond. Hadrian bad come 
forward to defend the cause of the 
emperor Louis II., and even threat- 
ened to place the adherents of 
Charles the Bald under an ana- 
thema: Mansi, XV. 839. Another 
specimen of Hincmar 's independ- 
ence is the letter written in the 
name of Charles the Bald to Ha- 
drian II. (Hincmar, 0pp. II. 701), 
who bad interfered in behalf of 
Hincmar's nephew (Hincmar, bi- 
shop of Laon), after he was deposed 
by the synod of Douzi (Duziacum) 
in 871 : Mansi, xvi. 569 sq. In 
this case also, the assumptions of 
the pontiff' bad been based on the 
Pseudo-Isidore decretals, which led 
Hincmar (though not critical enough 

to see their spuriousness) to draw an 
important ditference between merely 
papal rescripts and the lav^^s of the 
Christian Church when represented 
in a General Council : cf. Hincmar's 
Opuscul. LV. Capituloruni adv. Hinc- 
mar. Laud. : 0pp. 11. 377 sq. 

^ John VIII., in 876, approved 
the conduct of Hincmar in deposing 
his unworthy nephew (Mansi, XVll. 
'226), and afterwards espoused the 
cause of ChaHes the Bald, whom 
be crowned as emperor. The tone 
of Charles was altered by this step, 
and he permitted the appointment 
of a papal vicar with the right of 
convoking synods, notwithstanding 
the remonstrances of Hincmar {0pp. 
II. 719). The prodigious powers of 
this legate may be gathered from the 
following statement : ' ut, quoties 
utilitas ecclesiastica dictaverit, sive 
in evocanda synodo, sive in aliis 
negotiis exercendis per Gallias et 
per Germanias apostolica vice fru- 
atur, et decreta sedis apostolicjB per 
ipsum episcopis manifesta effician- 
tur : et rursus quae gesta fuerint ejus 
relatione, si necesse fuerit, aposto- 
licae sedi pandantur, et majora ne- 
gotia ac difiiciliora quseque sug- 
gestione ipsius a sede apostolica 
disponenda et enucleanda quaeran- 
tur:' cf. Gieseler, il. 348, n. 31. 


Constitution of the Church, 


circle of its power. John VIII. was succeeded by Marinus internal 
1.=^ (882), Hadrian III. (884:), Stephen VI. (885), Formosus* "^''^wT""' 
(891), Boniface VI. (896), StephenVII. (896),Romaiius (897), ' 
Theodore II. (898), John IX. (898), Benedict IV. (900), 
Leo V. (903), Christopher (903), Sergius III. (904), Anas- 
tasiusIII. (911),Lando(913),JohnX.'(914), Leo VI. (928), 
Stephen VIII. (929), John XL (931), Leo VIL (936), 
Stephen IX. (939), ]\Iarinus II. (942), Agapetus II. (946), 
John XII.*' (955). They till what is to be regarded as the 
vilest and the dreariest passage in the annals of the papacy ; corrupted 
yet notwithstanding the decisive language in which the sins Papacij. '^ 
and corruptions^ of the Homan church were censured here 
and there, it kept its hold on the affections of the masses, and 
continually made good its claim to a supremacy of power ^ 

^ This was the first pope, who be- 
fore his elevation to that rank had 
actually been made a bishop. A nnal. 
Fwklens. a.d. 8S2 tPertz, I. 397), 
where the election is spoken of as 
'contra statuta canonum,' 

•^ The corpse of Formosus was 
exhumed by Stephen VII. and all 
his official acts annulled. Chron. S. 
Benedict. ; (Pertz, v, 704 : of. I. 53, 
412). But although these proceed- 
ings were in turn condemned (898) 
by John IX. (Mansi, xviii. 121), a 
long and disgraceful contest was 
kept up between the advocates and 
enemies of Formosus. 

^ In the pontificate of John X. 
and those of his immediate succes- 
sors, the Roman church was at the 
mercy of a band of unprincipled 
females. See Schrockh, xxii. 242 
sq. Dollinger, ill. 136. When we 
have made a large abatement for the 
credulity of the Italian chronicler 
Luitprand, who was a contempo- 
rary (see his Antapodosis, in Pertz, 
V. 273 sq.), enough will be left to 
prove the horrible degeneracy and 
the unblushing license of the Roman 
see at this period of its history : cf. 
the treatise of Ratherius, bishop of 
"Verona, de Contemptu Canonuvi (in 
D'Achery's Spicilegium, I, 347 sq.). 

He speaks of the utter corruption 
of morals as extending 'a vilissimo 
utique ecclesise usque ad prajstan- 
tissimum, a laico usque ad pontifi- 
cem (pro nefas !) summum.' 

^ Iniquity reached a climax in 
this pontiff", who was raised to the 
papal throne at the age of eighteen. 
He was deposed (Dec. 4, 963) by 
the emperor Otho (Luitprand, De 
rebus gestis Otlionis, in Pertz, v. 
342), who secured the appointment 
of Leo VIII. and maintained him at 
the helm of the Western church, 
in spite of the opposition both of 
John XII. and Benedict V. : Mansi, 
xviii. 471 ; Luitprand, td)i sup. c. 
20; Contin. Refjinon. Chron. A.D. 
964 (Pertz, I. 626). 

'' The centre of this party was 
Arnulph, archbishop of Orleans : 
see Neander, Vl. 33 sq. His freer 
spirit was imbibed by Gerbert, who 
in 999 was himself raised to the 
pa2:)al chair, and took the name of 
Silvester II., but his brief reign (of 
four years) prevented him fronx 
carrying out his projects of reform. 
Ibid, and Hock's Gerbert oder papst 
Sylvester II. und sein Jahrhundert, 
ed. Wien, 1837. 

^ The synod of Rheims (991) 
furnished an almost solitary in- 


Constitution of the Clmrcli. 

[A. D. 814 


At tlie close of a second troublous period, during which 
the see of Rome was governed, as before, by lax and 
worthless rulers,— Leo YIII. (963-965), Benedict Y. (964), 
JohnXIII. (965), Benedict VI/ (972), Benedict YII. (974), 
JohnXIY.' (983), Boniface YII. (984), John XY. (985), 
JohnXYI. (985), Gregory Y.' (996), Silvester 11. (999), 
John XYIL (1003), John XYIIL (1003), S'ergiusIV. (1009), 
Benedict YIII.* (1012), John XIX. (1024), Benedict IX.° 
(1033), Gregory YI. (1045), Clement II. (1046), DamasusII. 
(1048), — there had grown up in almost every country a 
desire to promote a reformation of the Church, to counteract 
the spread of secularity, and put an end to the ravages of 
discord and corruption. But it chanced that the master- 
spirit of this healthier movement had been trained from 
his very cradle in the tenets of the Pseudo-Isidore de- 
cretals, and the reader will accordingly perceive, that all 
the efforts he originated for the extirpation of abuses, 
were allied with a strono: determination to extend the 

stance of contempt for the papal 
jurisdiction. Mansi, xix. 109 sq. ; 
Kicher (in Pertz, v. 636 sq.). 

^ He was put to death by the 
lawless faction, headed by the fe- 
males above mentioned, p. 149, n. 5. 
Kespecting Donus or Domnus, who 
is said to have succeeded for a few 
days, see Jaife, pp. 331, 332. 

^ John XIV. was starved to death, 
or executed (984) by Boniface VII, 
his successor {Rerum Ital. Script, ed. 
Muratori, III. ii. 333—335), who had 
been consecrated pope as early as 
974, but soon afterwards expelled. 
Heriman. Chron. a.d, 974 (Pertz, 
VII. 116). 

3 After the consecration of Gre- 
gory V. his place was seized (997) 
by an 'antipope' (John, called Cala- 
britanus and Philagathus), but the 
intruder was in turn defeated and 
barbarously mutilated. Vit. S. Nili 
(Pertz, VI. 616). 

^ This pope was, in like manner, 
supplanted for a time (1012) by an 

' antipope, 'Gregory. Thietmar. Cliron. 
lib. VI. c. 61 (Pertz, V. 835). 

^ Benedict IX., one of the most 
profligate of the pontiffs, owed his 
elevation to the gold of his father. 
At the time of his election he did 
not exceed the age of twelve years. 
Heriman. Chron. (Pertz, vii. 121), 
Glaber Eadulphus, Hist. lib. iv. c. 
5 : lib. V. c. 5. (in Bouquet's His- 
ioriens des Gaules, etc. x. 50 sq.) In 
1045 he sold the popedom (see au- 
thorities at large in Jaff^, pp. 361, 
362), but seized it afresh in 1047 : ^^ 
that with an 'antipope' (Silvester 
III. 1044 — 1046) and Gregory VI. 
(who was appointed in 1045, on the 
retirement of Benedict IX.) there 
were now three rival popes. All of 
them were deposed by the synod of 
Sutri (1046), at the instance of the 
emperor Henry III, See the ac- 
count of Desiderius (afterwards pope 
Victor III.), De Miraculis etc. dia- 
lof/i (in Bihlioth. Pair. ed. Lugdun. 
XVIII. pp. 853 sq,). 

— 1073] Constitution of tie Church. 151 

dominions of the papacy, by making it, as far as miglit internal 
be, independent of the German empire. Such was the in- tion. 
cessant aim of Hildebrand^, who, long before his elevation r/te 'reform- 
to the papal throne, directed the reformincr policy, as well »•<'><« ^^^^ 
as the encroachments of successive pontiffs,— -Leo IX. '■^"*'"*- 
(1048), Victor 11. (1054), Stephen X. (1057), Benedict X. 
(1058), Nicholas 11.7 (1059), and Alexander II. (1061-1073). 
A field was thus preparing for that mighty conflict of 
the secular and sacerdotal powers, which was doomed 
under Gregory VII. to agitate the Christian Church in 
every province of the west. 

But while the arm of the papacy o'rew stronscer \\\ met of these. 

t, , X T ■ ' claims on the 

proportion to the weakness 01 the Carlovmo-ian monarchs : metropolitan 

t . . . coiistttatiou. 

while it rapidly extended its possessions, in the east as far 
as Hungary, and up to Greenland in the north, the augment- 
ation of its power was followed, as a natural result, by the 
curtailment of the privileges of the metropolitan bishops. 
Hincmar felt these fresh invasions more acutely than 
his neighbours : he objected to the intermeddling of the 
pontiff in the case of an appeal to Eome, upon the ground 
that such an act was fatal to episcopacy^ in general; and 
when afterwards a papal vicar, with extraoixlinary powers, 
was nominated for the Galilean and German churches, 
the same class of prelates openly disputed the appointment ; 
they protested that they would not acquiesce in novelties 

^ He was seconded throughout by to an ill-defined acquiescence of 

Peter Damiani, cardinal bishop of the emperor. See the best version 

Ostia, who was equally anxious to of this act in Pertz, Leges, ii. Ap- 

abolish simony, to check the immo- pend. p. 177 : andcf. ^-AWsiin, Middle 

rality of the priesthood, and to widen. Ages, it. 180 (loth ed.). 
the dominions of the pope. ^ ' Hanc tenete,' are the words he 

'' Tids pontiff, on the death of puts into the mouth of his Ro- 
the emperor (Henry III.) effected manizing nephew, ' et evindicate 
an important change in the relations meoum compilationem [i.e. the 
of the papacy, by which it was de- Pseudo-Isidore decretals], et nulli 
termined that the pope should in nisi Romano pontifici debebitis sub- 
future be elected by the cardinals jectionem ; et di^sipahiiis mecum 
(bishops, priests, and deacons), with Dei ordmatlonem in communis epi- 
the concurrence of the rest of the scopalis ordinis discretam sedihus dig- 
Roman clergy and laity, and subject nitatem.'^ HincvaaXfOpp. II. 559, 560. 


Constitution of the Clturch. 

[A. D. 814 

INTERNAL put forwarcl by the delesrate of Rome, except m cases 

ORGANIZA- ^ , . , y ..... , , , / 

TioN. where his claims to jurisdiction could be shewn to be 
compatible with ancient laws and with the dignity of 
metropolitans^ A recent law demanding vows of absolute 
obedience to the pope^, on the conferring of the pallium, 
served to deepen this humiliation of the western primates ; 
•^jmSn. ^^^^^ ^^^ newly-planted churches, where fhe metropolitan 
constitution was adopted, under Eoman influence, it was 
seldom any better than a shadow. Though the primates 
usually confirmed the bishops of their province, and were 
still empowered to receive appeals from them and from 
their synods, they were rigorously watched, and overruled 
in all their sacred functions, by the agents or superior man- 
dates of the Pope^. The notion had diffused itself on every 
side, that he was the 'universal bishop' of the Church*, 

^ Hincmar, 0pp. ii. 719. 

2 Cf. above, p. 147, n. 9. The first 
case on record is that of Anskar, 
the apostle of the North. He had 
received the pallium as archbishop of 
Hamburg- (above, p. in), without 
any such condition : but when Ni- 
cholas I. (864) confirmed the union 
of the two sees of Hamburg- and 
Bremen (above, p. 112), he an- 
nounced to Anskar that it was 
granted on condition, that himself 
and his successors not only acknow- 
ledge the six general councils, but 
profess on oath to observe with all 
reverence 'decreta omnium Romanae 
sedis prsesulum et epistolas qu» 
sibi delatse fuerint.' Lappenberg, 
Ilamh. Urhunden-huch, i. 11. In 
866 Nicholas was under the neces- 
sity of upbraiding Hincmar, among 
other acts of disrespect, for not 
using the pallium ' certis tem- 
poribus:' Mansi, XV. 753. On the 
rapid alteration of the views of 
prelates with regard to the impor- 
tance of this badge, see Pertsch (as 
above, p. 40), pp. 145. 

'^ Among the latest champions 
for the metropolitan system in its 
struggle with the papacy, were the 

archbishops of Milan : see the con- 
temporary account of Arnulph (a 
Milanese historian), in Muratori, 
Berum Ital. Script, iv. 11 sq. When 
Peter Damiani and Anselm, bishop 
of Lucca, were sent as papal legates 
to Milan in 1059, ^^^^ protesting 
spirit was peculiarly awakened : 
' Factione clericorum repente in 
populo mm*mur exoritur, non debere 
Ambrosianam ecdesiam Romanis legi- 
hus subjacere, 7iuUurnque judicandi 
vel disponendl jus Romano pontifici 
in ilia sede competere.' Damiani, 
Opusc. V. 0pp. III. 75 : Mansi, xix. 
887 sq. : cf. Neander, on the whole 
of this movement ; vi. 62 — 70. 

^ ' Summum pontificem et uni- 
versalem papam, non unius urbis 
sed totius orbis :' cf. Schrockh, 
XXII. 417, 418. A slight resistance 
to the papal jurisdiction appears to 
have been still kept up in England 
and on the continent by members 
of the Irish school. Thus the 
Council of Chalons (813), c. 43, 
condemns orders conferred by cer- 
tain Scotch (Irish) teachers calling 
themselves bishops (Labbe, vii. 
1270), and the English synod of 
Cealchythe (8x6), c. 5, was under a 

— 1073] Constitution of the Church. 153 

that he was able to impart some hidier kind of absolution^ internal 

, -, T • . 1 ^ T • n ORaANIZA- 

than the ordmaiy priest or prelate, and was specially tion. 

commissioned to redress the wrongs of all the faithful. 
It may be that his intervention here and there was bene- 
ficial, as a counterpoise to the ambition of unworthy 
metropolitans, protecting many of their suffragans and 
others from the harshness of domestic rule: but on the 
contrary we should remember that the pontiffs also had 
their special failings, and the growth of their appellate 
jurisdiction only added to the scandals of the age. It 
was not, however, till a period somewhat later that these 
features of the papal system, traceable to the ideas which 
gave birth to the ' spurious decretals,' were unfolded in 
their ultimate and most obnoxious shape. 

The oro^anizino' of the several dioceses had continued cm^-raz cAa- 

'-' *-" meter of the 

as of old. The bishop*' was, at least in theory, the father bishops. 
and the monarch of his charge. But the effects of his 
episcopate were often damaged^ or destroyed by his utter 
inexperience, by the secularization of his heart and his 
licentious habits. It is clear that not a few of the western 

like necessity (Johnson, I. 302). bishop: ibid, xviii. 80. 

^ See examples in Gieseler, II. '' A child of five years old was 

384, 385. made archbishop of Rheims (925). 

^ The chorepiscopi, whom we The see of Narbonne was purchased 
saw expiring in the former period for another at the age of ten: and 
(p. 49, n. 9), lingered here and it was almost general in the West- 
there. The synod of Paris (829) ern church to have bishops under 
complains of them (lib. I, c. 27) twenty years of age. Hallam, 
as wishing to intrude into the pro- Middle Ages, il. 172, and note. The 
vince of the bishops. Nicholas I., following picture is drawn by Atto, 
in 864 (Mansi, xv. 390), directs bishop of Vercelli (about 950), in 
that ordinations made by them D'Achery's Spicileg. i. 42 1 : ' Illo- 
should not be rescinded, but that rum sane, quos ipsi \_i.e. principes] 
in future they should abstain from eligunt, vitia, quamvis multa et 
every function that was peculiar magna sint, velut nulla tamen re- 
to the episcopate: cf. a rescript of putantur. Quorum quidem in exa- 
865 (Ibid. XV. 462), and one of minatione non charitas et fides vel 
Leo VII., about 937 {Ibid. XVlll. spes inquiruntur, sedc^ir?Y/fe, cr^'/j/tas 
379), in which a like prohibition et obsequium considerantur.' And 
is repeated. The synod of Metz again, p. 423: 'Quidam autem adeo 
(888), can. 8, directs that churches mente et corpore obca^cantur ut i^sos 
consecrated by chorepiscopi only etiam parvulos ad pastoralem pro- 
shall be consecrated anew by the movere curam non dubitent,' etc. 


Constitution of the Church. 

[A. D. 814 


prelates liad been wantonly obtruded on tlieir floeks, 
through private interest and family connexions, or indeed, 
in many cases, through the open purchase of their sees from 
the imperial power. By this kind of bishops the disease that 
had been preying on the Church for centuries was propa- 
gated still more widely ; and those prelates who were far 
less criminal allowed themselves to be entangled in the 
business of the State, to the abandonment of higher duties. 
Yet, in spite of this fearful growth of episcopal delinquency, 
occasional exceptions meet us in all branches of the Church: 
the synodal enactments^ that acquaint us with the spread 
of evil testify no less to the existence of a nobler class 
of bishops, actively engaged in their sacred avocations and 
deploring the enormities around them. 

As we readily foresee, the mass of the parochial clergy^ 
were infected by the ill example of the prelate. They had 
taken holy orders-, in some cases, from unworthy motives, 
chiefly with a view to qualify themselves for the acceptance 
of the tempting'' church-preferment, whicli had rapidly in- 
creased in value since the time of Charlemagne. Others 
gained possession of their benefices through the help of 
unhallowed traffic with the patron, or descendant of the 
founder, of a church. This crime of simony, indeed, was 

one of the most 


characteristics of the 


"^ e. g. A synodal letter of the 
pope to the bishojis of Bretagne 
(848), Mansi, xiv. 882, or still 
earlier, the reforming synod of 
Paris, 829, at which three books of 
more stringent canons were drawn 
up. The Council of Pavia (Pa- 
piense or Ticinense), held in 850, 
among other salutary injunctions 
prohibiting episcopal extortion and 
intemperance, directed that bishops 
should, when possible, celebrate 
mass every day, should read the 
Holy Scriptures, explain them to 
their clergy, and preach on Sundays 
and holy-days. Can. 2 — 5. The 

works of mercy wrought by indi- 
vidual bishops (such as Radbod of 
Triers and Ethelwold of Winchester) 
are recounted by Neander, VI. 88, 
89, and note. 

2 Bowden's Gregory the Seventh, 
I. 43 sq. ' Ipsi primates utriusque 
ordinis in avaritiam versi, coeperunt 
exercere plurimas, ut olim fecerant, 
vel etiam eo amplius rapinas cu- 
piditatis : deinde mediocres ac mi- 
nores exemplo majorum ad immania 
sunt flagitia devoluti.' Glaber Ra- 
dulphus, Hist. lib. iv, c. 5. 

"^ Cf. above, p. 153, n. 7. It 
began to be prevalent as early as 

— 1073] Constitution of the Cliurcli. 155 

urged a multitude of worthless men to seek admission into internal 
orders solely as the shortest way to opulence and ease : tion. 

while some of them, regardless of propriety, are said to ' 

have farmed out the very offerings of their flock ^, and 
pawned the utensils of the church^ 

Nor were other seculars more scrupulous, and ^oxthj ami of others ; 
of their calling. The itinerating priests^, whom we en- 
countered in the former period, still continued to produce 
disorder on all sides. They were not, however, so de- 
graded as the larger class of chaplains, who are said to 
have literally swarmed in the houses of the gentry ^ Very 
frequ.ently of servile origin, they were employed by the 
feudal lords in humble, and, at times, in menial occupations, 
which exposed them to the ridicule of the superior clergy, 
and destroyed their proper influence on society at large. 
It is not therefore surprising, that so many councils of 
this age unite in deploring the condition both of morals 
and intellic:ence in the majority of the ecclesiastics. This nwre e.<q>edaUu 

^^ . ■, 1 -> inltalij. 

degeneracy was most oi ail apparent m tiie church ot 

826 (Pertz, Leges, it. App. pp. ri ^ See above, p. 49. The 23rd 

sq.). It was denounced by Leo IV. canon of the council of Pavia (850) 

(circ. 850) in the letter to the bi- renews the condemnation of these 

shops of Bretagne (IVIansi, xiv. 'clerici acephali:' cf. Life of Bp. 

882). Subsequently it grew up to Godehard of Hildesheim, c. iv. § 26 

an enormous pitch (Lambert's Aii- {Acta Sanct. Maii, l. 511), vhere 

nales, a.D. 1063, 107 1, in Peitz, they are said to wander to and fro 

VII. 166, 184), and the correction ' vel monachico vel canonico vel 

of it was a chief aim of the reform- etiam Grseco habitu.' 
ing movement under Hildebrand, " The following is a picture of 

who was resolved to cut it off, them drawn by Agobard, archbp. 

especially in the collation of the of Lyons, in his De jprivilegio et 

crown- preferment. There was also jure Sacerdotii, c. XI.: Toeditas 

at this period no lack of pluralists : nostri temporis omni lachryniarum 

e. g. two of the arcliicapellaid of fonte ploranda, quando increbuit 

Louis-le-D^bonnaire held three ab- consuetudo impia, ut pcene nullus 

beys each. Palgrave, Normandy, inveniatur quantulumcunque pro- 

I. 239, 247. ficiens ad honores et gloriam tenipo- 

•* See Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII. ralem, qui non domesticum habeat 

I. 377, Paris, 1837. sacerdotem, non cui obediat, sed 

^ Hincmar of liheims was com- a quo incessanter exigat licitam, 

pelled to issue a decree against simul atque illicitam obedientiam, 

these practices. Bowden, as above, ita ut plerique inveniantur qui aut 

p. 49. ad mensasministrent,' etc. 


Constitution of the Church. 


Decay of the 
order of 

INTERNAL Italy 1 and, in the early years of Hildebrand, the clergy of 

ORP \NIZ -V- •/'' i/t/ ^ ^ ^ 

TioN. ' ' the Roman see are mentioned as preeminent m every species 
of corruption ^ There as elsewhere nearly all of the healthier 
impulse that was given to the sacred orders by the energy 
of Charlemagne, had been lost in the ensuing troubles 
which extinguished the dominion of his house (887) . 

The decline of the cathedral canons^ is a further illus- 
tration of this change. Materialized by the prevailing- 
lust of wealth, they strove to make themselves completely 
independent of the bishop ; and as soon as they had gained 
the power of managing their own estates^ we see them 
falling back into the usual mode of life% except in the 
two particulars of dwelling near each other in the precincts 
of the cathedral, and dining at a common table. As 
a body, they had lost their ancient strictness, and were 
idle, haughty, and corrupt. 

"^ See the works of Ratherius, a 
reforming bishop of Verona (who 
died in 924), in D'Achery's Spici- 
legiuni, i. 345 sq. The ignorance 
and immorality of his own clergy, 
and of the Italians generally, appear 
to have been almost incredible. 
Another eye-witness speaks in the 
same strain of the Milanese eccle- 
siastics : ' Istis temporibus inter cle- 
ricos tanta erat dissolutio, ut alii 
uxores, alii meretrices publice tene- 
rent, alii venationibus, alii aixcupio 
vacabant, partim foenerabantur in 
pubUco, partim in vicis tabernas 
exercebant cunctaque ecclesiastica 
beneficia more pecudum vendebant.' 
Life of Arkdd (a vehement preacher, 
who fell a victim to his zeal in 1067), 
§ 2, in Puricelli's History of the 
Milanese Church; Milan, 1657. The 
same scandals and corruptions were 
prevailing at this period in the East : 
e.g. Neale, Church of Alexandria, 
II. 190, 211, 

- Hildebrand's uncle would not 
allow him to complete his educa- 
tion there, 'ne E-omanae urbis cor- 
ruptissimis tunc moribus (ubi omnis 

pcene clerus aut shnoniacus erat aut 
concuhinarius, aut etiam vitio utro- 
que sordebat) inquinaretur aetas 
tenera,' etc. See Vidaiilan, Vie de 
Gi'eg. I. 372. 

2 Cf. above, p. 48. 

^ The earliest instance on record 
is the chapter of Cologne, whose 
independence was confirmed by 
Lothaire in 866, and afterwards by 
a council at Cologne in 873 : Mansi, 
XVII. 275 ; cf. Gieseler, ii. 387 

■5 The following is the language 
of Ivo, the holy bishop of Chartres, 
who wrote about 1090: ' Quod vero 
communis vita in omnibus ecclesiis 
prene defecit, tani civilibus quam 
dioecesanis, nee auctoritati sed de- 
suetudini et defectui adscribendum 
est, refrigescente charitate, quae 
omnia vult h;ibere comraunia, et reg- 
nante cupiditate, qute non quaerit ea, 
qufe Dei sunt et proximi, sed tantuni 
quaj sunt propria. ' From the A nnales 
of John of Trittenheim (Trithemius), 
A.D. 973, we learn that the example 
had been set in that year by the 
canons of Treves: i. 116, ed. 1690. 


Constitution of the Church. 


In this connexion we may touch on a kindred point, internal 
the marriage, or in other cases the concubinage, of clerics. tion. * 
At no period did the law of celibacy find a eeneral ac- continuance of 


ceptance*^, notwithstanding the emphatic terms in which it marriages. 
was repeated^; and when Hildebrand commenced his task 
as a reformer, , aiming chiefly at ecclesiastical delinquents, 
numbers of the bishops and the major part of the country- 
clergy^ were exposed to his stern reproaches. In some The strurjpir to 
quarters, and especially at Milan, where" the ordinances on (heconti- 
against clerical marriage had been rigorously urged, there 
was a party'"^ who contended for the lawfulness of such 
alliances, deriving their ideas from the Bible and the 
earlier doctors of the Church. But the great body of the 
people, blinded by the prejudices of the age^", and disgusted 
by the lewdness and corruption which had shewn itself in 
spite of the marriage of the clerics, took the side of men 

^ See above, p. 51. 

'' e.(/. Canons at EanJiam (1009), 
§ 2, where it is affirmed that some 
of the English clerics had more 
wives than one. Johnson, i. 483. 

^ e.g. we are told of the Nor- 
man prelates and the other clergy: 
* Sacerdotes ac sunmii pontifices li- 
bere conjugati et arraa portantes ut 
laici erant.' Life of Herluin, abbot 
of Bee, in Mabillon, A ct. Sanct. Orel. 
Bened., saec. vi. part ii. p. 344. 
Eatherius of Verona (above, p. i^b, 
n. i) found it an established custom 
for the clergy to live in wedlock, and 
for their sons to be clergymen in their 
turn : D'Achery's Spicilegimib, I. 
37O5 37 T. Aventinus {Annales Boio- 
rum, lib. V. c. 13, p. 541, ed. Gund- 
ling), speaking of this same period, 
remarks : ' Sacerdotes ilia tempestate 
publice uxores, sicuti cseteri Chris- 
tian i, habebant, filios procreabant, si- 
cuti in instrumentis donationura, 
quse illi templis, mystis, monachis 
fecere, ubi hag nominatim cum con- 
jugibus testes citantur, et honesto 
vocabulo preshyterissw nuncupantur, 
invenio.' According to Mr Hallam 

{Middle Ages, 11. 173) the sons of 
priests were capable of inheriting 
by the laws of France and also of 

*^ See the controversy at length 
in Neander, vi, 6 1 sq. ; and Mil- 
man, Latin Christianity, in. 13 sq., 
who, with many other instances, 
mentions the letter of XJlric, bishop 
of Augsburg (900), to pope Nicolas 
I. (in Eccard, 11. 23). An actual 
permission to marry was given to 
his clergy by Cunibert, bishop of 
Turin, himself unmarried, in the hope 
of preserving his diocese from the 
general corruption. Ihidj. p. 53. 

^•^ These were so strong that even 
Katherius of Verona looked upon 
the man who was 'contra canones 
uxorius' in the light of an adulterer. 
D'Achery, i. 363. On this account 
it is not easy to distinguish between 
the lawful and illicit connexions of 
the clergy, Hildebrand, Damiani, 
and other zealots spoke of such 
alliances in general as reproductions 
of the 'Nicolaitan heresy.' See Da- 
miani Opuscid. xviii., contra Cleri- 
cos ioitemper^antes. 

158 Constitution of the Church, [a. d. 814 

INTERNAL like Hildelbrand, abstainino; even from the public services 
ORGANIZA- ^ _ ^ / . T . 1 , . ,. . 1 . T 

TiON. conducted bj the married priest , and indicating their dis- 
approbation by ridicule and not unfrequently by their 
assaults on his property or person I A like spirit is be- 
trayed in the still earlier movement that was headed by 
wlunn^'far "^^^^ English primate, Dunstan^ (961-988). He was truly 
iesamt:aid. ^iixious for the luoral elevation of his clergy; but the 
measures he adopted to secure it were not able to achieve 
a permanent success. He hoped to counteract the fearful 
barbarism, and immorality around him by abstracting the 
ecclesiastics from the world, that is, by prohibiting their 
marriage : and this object seemed to him most easy of 
attainment by the substitution of monastic and unmarried 
clergy in the place of degenerate seculars and canons''. 
By his influence, and the aid of the civil power which 
he wielded at his pleasure, very many of the elder clerics 
were ejected, and a host of Benedictine monks ^ promoted 
to the leading sees and richer livings. But soon after- 
wards, this rash proceeding led the way to a violent 
reaction: and the following period had to witness many 
struggles for ascendancy between the monks and seculars 
of England. When the latter gained a victory, we learn 
that their wives'' were partakers of the triumph. 

^ In accordance with the bidding and founded seven monasteries in 

of the Council of Lateran (1059): his own diocese alone. '...Post 

Mansi, xix. 907. hasc in aliis Angliae partibus ad pa- 

^ Arnulph, Hist. Mcdlol. lib. ni. rochiam suani nil pertinentibus in- 

0. 9: cf. Fleury, liv. LXi. s. 26. signes ecclesias ob preenxam cau- 

■^ See the accounts in Soames, sam clericis evacuavit, et eas... 

Anr/lo-Saxori CJiurch, pp. 195 sq., viris monasticai in.stitutiouis sub- 

ed. 1844: and Lappenberg, Ak(/Io- limavit.' Eadmer, Vit. S. Oswaldl 

Saxons, ii. 126 sq. (in Wharton's Amjlia Sacra, ii. 

^ '... statuit [969], et statuendo 200). 

decretum confirniavit, videlicet ut ^ Lappenberg, ii. 136, 137. 

canonici omnes, presbyteri omnes, ^ 'Principes plurimi et optimates 

diaconi et subdiaconi omnes, aut abbates cum monachis de monas- 

caste viverent aut ecclesias quas teriis, in quibus rex Eadgarus eos 

tenebant una cum rebus ad eas locaverat, expulerunt, et clericos, ut 

pertinentibus j)erderent.' Oswald, prius, loco eoruoi cum uxoribus in- 

bishop of Worcester, was especially duxerunt.' Matth. Westmonast. Flor. 

aclive in carr^ung out this edict, Hist. p. 193. ed. Franco/. 1601. 

— 1073] Constitution of tlie Clairch, 15^ 

Contrary to the idea of Dimstan, the corruptions of the internal 


a2:e had found admission even to the cloisters. It was tion. 

customary' for the royal patron of an abbey to bestow it, Deoeneracyof 
like a common fief, on some favourite chaplain of his 
court, on parasites, or on companions of his pleasures, 
paying no regard to their moral character and intellectual 
fitness. Others gained possession of the convents by ra- 
pacity and sold them to the highest bidder, not unfre- 
quently to laym^n^, who resided on them Avith their wives 
and families, and sometimes with a troop of their re- 
tainers^. It should also be observed, that in the present 
age, when many of the chief foundations were most anxious 
to obtain exemptions from the bishops^'', and had no efficient 
champions in the Roman see, they were deprived of their 
strongest remedy against the evils which beset them. The 
appearance of a race of worldly-minded abbots was the 
signal for the relaxation of monastic disciplined^ in every 
quarter of the west : and this degeneracy produced in turn 
the open violation of the rules of St Benedict. 

7 Bowden's Gregory the Seventh, other religious houses shall be vi- 
I. 46. It was complained of Charles sited by tlie bishop and the king's 
the Bald that he gave away religi- coramissionei's, and a report drawn 
ous houses recklessly, 'partim ju- up of their condition. Mansi, xvii. 
ventute, partim fragilitate, partini 540, The exemption of the abbey 
aliorum callida suggestione, etiam of Clugny was made uhsolute by 
et minarum necessitate, quia dice- Alexander II. in 1063, and other 
bant petitores, nisi eis ilia loca sacra instances soon afterwards occurred, 
donaret, ab eo deficerent.' Epist, Gieseler, II. 420. In the newly- 
Episcoporum ad Ludovlcum Hef/em, founded Eussian church the coin- 
in Baluze, II. no. mon practice of the East obtained; 

^ Known by the name of ahha-co- the bishop having the sole right of 

m/fcs;cf.Palgrave,iYo?-«KX»s, I, i84sq. appointing the archimandrites and 

^ Councilof Trosle, as below, n. II. ako of depriving them. Moura- 

'^^ See above, p. 46. The privi- viev's Hist, of the Russian Church, 

leges actually granted to thorn did pp. 359, 360. 

not at first exempt them from the ^^ See the complaints of the coun- 

ordinary jurisdiction of the bishop ; cil of Tresle (near Soissons), 909, 

although he had no longer any can. 3, which taxes both the monks 

power to modify the rules of the and nuns with every species of 

fraternity, e.g. in the Council of excess : Mansi, xviii. 270. The de- 

Fimes (Concil. apud S. Mac-ram), generacy is traced to the influence 

881, his authority is still recog- of the lay-abbots, who were then 

nizsd : for the fourth canon orders in possession of nearly all the mo- 

that all monasteries, nunneries, and nasteries ef France. 


Constitution of the Church, 

[a. d. 814 


An effort, it is true, was made, as early as 817, uiider 
Louis-le-Debonnaire, to clieck these rampant evils in the 
convents of his kingxlom. It was mainly stimulated by 
the zeal of Benedict ^ of Aniane (774—821), who, following 
at a humble distance in the steps of the elder Benedict 
and borrowing his name, is honoured as the second founder 
of monasticism in France ^ Disorders of the grossest kind, 
however, had continually prevailed until the time of Berno'^, 
the first abbot of Clugny (910), and Odo^, his successor 
(927—941), who endeavoured to effect a thorough reforma- 
tion. In the hands of the latter abbot, not a few of the 
ascetic laws were made more stringent and repulsive ■\* 
yet the fame of the order from this period was extended 
far and wide^ In spite of an extreme austerity in many 
of its regulations, they presented a refreshing contrast to the 
general corruption ; and their circulation gave a healthier 
tone to all the churches of the west^ 

The impulse which had led to this revival of the Be- 

^ His measures are detailed in 
a Ccqyitulary {Aqidsgranense (817): 
Baluze, I. 579) containing eighty 
articles, which may be viewed as 
a commentary on the rnle of Be- 
nedict the elder. See Guizot's re- 
marks npon it, Lect. xxvi. Among 
other things he urges that 'the 
reformation of the sixth century 
was at once extensive and sublime : 
it addressed itself to what was 
strong in human nature : that of 
the ninth century was puerile, in- 
ferior, and addressed itself to what 
was weak and servile in man.' 

^ In the Frank] sh empire at this 
period there were eighty-three large 
monasteries. Dcillinger, iii. xgi. 

^ See his Life in Mabillon, Act. 
Sanct. Orel, Ben. scec. V. pp. 67 sq. 

^ Ibid. pp. 150 sq. 

^ Among other changes, the Ordo 
Cluniacensis observed an almost 
unbroken silence 'in ecclesia, dor- 
mitorio, refectorio, et coquina.' See 
their Consueiudines (circ. 1070) lib. 
II. cap. ni. J)e sUentio ; cap. iv. De 

sif/nis loquendi ; in D'Achery's Spi- 
cilegium, i. 670 sq. 

6 In the year of his death, Odo 
left his successor two hundred and 
seventy deeds of gift which had 
been made to the order in thirty- 
two years. Dollinger, iii. 194. 
The abbots Majolus and Odilo ad- 
vanced its reputation more and 
more. See the Life of the latter 
in Mabillon, ssec. Vi. part I. pp. 631 

'' The greatest difficulty was pre- 
sented by some of the German 
monasteries, where the inmates rose 
into rebellion. See the instances 
in Gieseler, ii. 415, n. 9. The ex- 
ample, however, of Hanno, archbp. 
of Cologne, in 1068, was followed 
very generally. Lambert of Hers- 
feld {al. Schafnaburgensis), An- 
nates, in Pertz, vii. ^238. The 
* congregation of Hirschau ' also 
sprang up at this time (1069) : it 
was based on the rule of Clugny. 
Bernold's Chronicon, in Pertz, vii. 

—1073] Constitution of the Church. 161 

nedictlne order, urged a number of congenial spirits to relations 
take refuge in the mountains and the forests, with the civil 
hope of escaping from the moral inundation, or of armin; 

for a future struggle with the world. Of these we may reijuions 
notice Komuald^, who in after-life became the founder 
(circ. 1018) of a large community of hermits, known as 
the Camaldulenses ; John Gualbert^, in whose cell the 
order of the Coenobites of Vallombrosa had its cradle (circ. 
1038) ; and especially the younger Nikis^°, a recluse of 
Calabria, wlio stood forward in the tenth century as an 
awakening preacher of repentance in his own and in the 
neighbouring districts. 


The influence of the State preponderated as before in 
all the Eastern churches. This was shewn especially in 
the appointment of their bishops, who, with the exception 
of the patriarchates which still languished under the do- 
minion of the Saracens, were for the most part chosen 
absolutely by the crown. In Kussia" and the other kina- Diflcrencebe- 

*' •' ^ twcen the East 

doms where the Gospel had been planted by the agency ""'^ •^'''*'- 
of Oriental missions, the alliance with the civil power was 
also intimate and undisturbed. But it was otherwise in 
nearly all the churches of the west. The daring and 
aggressive genius of the papacy, which now stood forward 
on the plea of acting as their champion, had embarrassed 

'^ See his Life in Damiani, Hist. lected by the prince of the district 

Sanctorum ; Opp, II. 426 ; and the with the consent of the superior 

Eule of the Camaldulensians, in clergy and the chief of the citizens, 

Holsteiu's Codex Reg. Monast. 11. and were then presented to the nie- 

192 sq. tropohtan for consecration, Mou- 

'■* Life in Mabillon, stec. VI. part raviev's Hist, by Blackmore, p. 359. 

II. pp. 266 sq. The Hungarian bishops, although 

^^ An interesting sketch of his chiefly foreigners at first, and in 

labours is given by Neauder, vi. communion with the Western 

105 — no. Church, were similarly nominated 

^^ The bishops were usually se- by the crown. Doilinger, in. 35. 

M.A. M 

162 Constitution of tlie Churcli, [a.d. 814 

RELATIONS tliG alliance on the one side: while the jrraspins: worldliness 

To TT-fK o 1 o 

poweH of laymen generally, and the venality or violence with which 

the civil power had tampered with the church-preferment\ 

seemed to justify the disaffection that arose in every quarter. 
camcsofa Vcry miich of it is traceable to a confusion of ideas re- 
"hcu'm "* latino- to the temporalities of the Church. The laitv, and 
.livremaaj of morc especiallv the crown, re2:arded the' endowments made 

the crown. ^ '' ^ ' o 

by them or by their predecessors, for the service of religion, 
in the light of public loans, which still remained at their 
disposal ; and the practice of conceding to church-founders 
what is called the right of jyatronage^^ appeared in some 
degree to favour this construction. An effect of those 
•prolific errors might be seen, most glaringly perhaps, on 
filling up the vacant sees. In harmony with the pre- 
vailing feudalism a bishopric was granted at this period 
like an ordinary fief^; and emperors, in their capacity of 
suzerain, affected to confer investiture upon the spiritual 
as well as on the temporal nobility. So blind were manv 
/ of them to the plain distinction between the property and 
/ sacred duties of a see, that their appointment now began 
/ to be confirmed by the delivery of a ring and crozier, — 
symbols of the spiritual functions of the bishop. He was 
thus insensibly becoming a mere feudatory, or a vassal 
of the crown ^ 

1 See above, pp. 154 sq. ; and rule, like others of the kind, was 

other examples in Gieseler, II. 239, continually evaded. 

n. 10. Under Henry IV., the I'ival '^ Besides taking the oath of alle- 

ofHildebrand, simony was practised glance, like other vassals, prelates 

at the imperial court in the most were on this ground compelled to 

scandalous manner {e.g. Lambert's render to the king a twofold ser- 

Annales, A.D. 1063, 107 1 : Pertz, vice, one of following him in time 

Vir. 166, 184). of war, the other of appearing fre- 

^ From the first, however, the quently at court. They were also 

privilege of appointing to a church amenable to the judicial sentence 

could not lawfully be exercised of the king, regarded as their liege- 

without the approval of the bishop lord, and even were at times deposed 

of the diocese, to whose jurisdiction by him. Hasse, as below. On the 

also the new incumbent was made state of feeling with regard to the 

subject (see Council of Rome, in participation of ecclesiastics in the 

826, and again in 853, c. 21 ; Mansi, wars, see Neander, vi. 83 sq. 

XIV. 493, 1006, 1016). But this ^ Ra.sses Life of Ansdm, hj Tut- 


Constitution of the Church. 


We saw that under Charlemagne'^ prelates were again relations 
occasionally chosen in obedience to the ancient canons ; and ^civnf 
the clergy lost no opportunity of pleading this concession 


in tlieir efforts to retain the freedom it had promised^ /);^"J||i.'^ 
Still the privilege was scarcely more than verbal at the 
best^; and under Otho I., who laboured to curtail the 
power of the German and Italian clergy^, it was formally 
annulled. He acted on the principle, that popes and 
bishops were like other functionaries of the empire, and 
as such were subject to his beck. These fresh assumptions 
were indeed renounced by Henry II., but soon afterwards 
repeated : and it was on the absolute appointment of pope 
Leo IX. (1049) by Henry III. of Germany, that Hildebrand 
at length emerged from ]3rivate life, to bring the struggle 
to a crisis. He was able in 1059, while engaged as the 
subdeacon of the Koman church, to wrest the nomination 
of the popes entirely from the civil power®, although re- 

to vacant sees. 

ner, p. 53, Lond. 1850 : see Church's 
Essays (from the Christian Reiiieni- 
Irancer). As consecration was sub- 
sequent to investiture, the jurisdic- 
tion of the prelate seemed to be de- 
rived from the state. The indigna- 
tion of the Hildebrandine party at 
this juncture may be gathered from 
Humbert's treatise Adversus Simo- 
niacos, lib. in. c. 11 (in Martene's 
Thesaurus Anecdot. torn. v. p. 78 7), 

^ Above, p. 56. 

^ Thus, at the council of Valence 
(855), c. 7 (Mansi, xv. 7), it was 
decreed that ' on the death of a 
bishop, the monarch should be re- 
quested to allow the clergy and the 
community of the place to make an 
election according to the canons.' 
But the synod goes on to intimate 
that monarchs not unfrequently sent 
a nominee of their own, and that 
their permission was in all cases 
needed before an election could take 
place. See the energetic letter of 
Hincmar to Louis III. of France, 
on the subject of royal interference 

in elections : 0pp. torn. ii. p. 

'' Bowden, Life of Gregory, i. 45 : 
cf. Guizot, II. 3-20. 

8 Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII. I. 
.^65, 366. After deposing pope 
Benedict "V. (964) and restoring 
Leo VI IL, Otho held a council at 
Rome, which, in his presence, 
granted him and his descendants 
the right of choosing the popes in 
future, and of giving investiture to 
the bishops of the empire. See the 
acts of this council in Luitprand, 
de Ribus Gestis Oitonis, c. 10 sq. 
(Pertz, V. 342) : and De Marca, De 
Concordia, lib. Viii. c. 12, § 10. 
This decree was prompted by the 
growth and bitterness of the politi- 
cal factions which at that time Avcre 
convulsing every part of Italy. But 
acts of violence aniong the populace 
were not uncommon, at an earlier 
period, in the filling up of vacant 
sees : e.g. the decree of Stephen V. 
(8r6), in Mansi, xiv. 147. 

^ See above, p. 151, n. 7. 


Constitution of the Cliurch. 

[a.d. 814 




oiicnts on tfie 
side of tlie 
Church : 

EELATioNs seiviiig to it for the present a precarious riglit of con- 
firmation. But this partial yictoiy incited him the more 
to persevere in his original design of compassing what 
he esteemed the ancient freedom of the Church. Accord- 
ingly, as soon as he was elevated to the papal throne, he 
hastened to prohibit every form of ' lay-investiture:' and 
the dispute which he had thus embittered was not closed 
for half a century i. 

While it is plain that the civil powxr exceeded its 
own province in suppressing the episcopal elections and 
in arbitrary misappropriation of the other church-prefer- 
ment, there was also an aggressive movement on the side 
of the ecclesiastics. This, indeed, is the most prominent 
and startling feature of the times. It was of course de- 
veloped to the greatest height among the popes, who had 
already shewn themselves peculiarly impatient of the se- 
cular authority. We saw that under Charlemagne they 
were able to effect but little in curtailing his imperial 
powers; and in 823 Paschalis even felt obliged to clear 
himself by oath before the missi (or commissioners) of 
Louis-le-Debonnaire^: yet from this period onwards the 
pretensions of the Roman court were less and less disputed 
by the Carlovingian princes^. Its ascendancy increased 
on the dismemberment of the Frankish empire, and still 
further when all central government was enervated by the 
progress of the feudal system. Aided by the ' Forged 
Decretals,' which endeavoured among other kindred objects 
to exalt the Church above the influence of the temporal 

papcnnlh/ of 
the popa ; 

1 By the Concordat of Worais, 
iic?2 ; see below, 'Relations of the 
Church to the Civil Power, ' Period iii. 

2 Life of Louis, by Theganus, in 
Pertz, II, 597. Other examples of 
this supremacy of the civil power at 
Kome itself may be seen in Gieseler, 
II. 231, 232, 

"^ The following fragment (circ. 
850) of a letter from Leo IV. to 
Louis II., which has been preserved 

in Gratian {Decret. Pars n. Caus. II. 
Qu. VII. c. 41), is one of the latest 
recognitions of the imperial rights : 
' Nos, si incompetenter aliquid egi- 
mus, et in subditis justge legis tra- 
mitem non conservavimus, vestro ac 
missorum vestrorimi cuncta volumus 
emendare judicio,'' etc. ' But every 
thing soon changes, and the Chun h 
in her turn governs the emperor.' 
Guizot, II. 326. 

— 1073] Constitution of the Church, 165 

princes, Nicholas I.^ was able to achieve a number of relations 

r "> n -i • • ^*^ THE 

important trimiiphs. He came forward, it is true, on two p^(5™j^ 

occasions, as a champion of the wronged, a bold avenger 

of morality^, and therefore carried with him all the weight 
of popular opinion. His success emboldened John VIII. 
in 876 to arrogate in plainer terms, and as a privilege 
imparted from on high, the right of granting the imperial 
crown^ to whomsoever he might choose: and since this 
claim was actually established in his patronage and coro- 
nation of the emperor Charles-le-Chauve^ the intermeddling 
of the pope in future quarrels of the Carlovingians, and 
indeed of other princes, was facilitated more and more. 
The claim grew up, as we shall see in Hildebrand, to nothing 
less than a theocratic power extending over all the earth. 

Nor was the spirit of aggression at this time restricted 
to the Roman pontiffs. It liad also been imbibed by other hut auo of tiie 

^ prelates 

prelates of the west. In England^, it is true, if we except generally. 
collisions in the time of Odo and Dunstan, there is little 
or no proof that the ecclesiastics were forgetting their 
vocation. While the Church continued, as before, in close 
alliance with the civil power, she exhibited no tendency 
to cripple or dispute the independence of the crown. But 
it was otherwise in continental nations. There we see 
the monarch struggling on one side with his disaffected 
nobles, on the other with the prelates of his realm; and 

* A contemporaneous admirer says a vassal of the pope's. See Goldast's 

of him, ' regibusactyrannis inipera- CoUeciio Constitut. Imperial, ll. 34. 

vit, eisque, ac si dominus orbis ter- ^ As before noticed (p. 53), the 

rarum, auctoritateprcefuit.' Eegino's civil and spiritual tribunals had been 

Chron. ad an. 868. acting most harmoniously together 

^ See above, p. 147, n. 10 : and till the Norman Conquest. Some 

cf. Guizot, II, 341 sq. ecclesiastical causes were referred to 

^ Eplst. cccxv. cccxvi. : Mansi, the decision of a synod of the pre- 

XVII. 227, 230. lates ; but many others were sub- 

'' It should be remarked, however, jected, like the ordinary causes of 

that Charles the Bald, in earher life the laity, to the judgment of the 

a warm defender of the liberties of shire-thanes (in the county-court), 

the Frankish Church (see above, p. This extended even to the probate 

148), was not, in 876, entirely made of wills. Kemble, Saxons, Ii. 585. 


Constitution of the Church. [a.D. 814 


iiELATioNs not -unfrequently succumbins: to tlie usurpations of the 

TO TT-TK X €/ o L. 

CIVIL latter. At the death of Charlemagne, for example, his 
authority in matters even of religion was so great, that 
councils^ deemed it proper to address him in a tone which 
bordered almost on servility : yet more than one of his 
successors formally acknowledged their dependence on the 
members of the hierarchy, and submitfed to its most liu- 
miliating censures^ The extent of this vast but ill-defined 
preponderance is estimable from the transfer that was made 
of the regalia (royal privileges) to the hands of the superior 

Some, indeed, of the better class of prelates, while they 
rendered due obedience to the civil ruler, kept aloof from all 
secular affairs*: the rest however, more especially through- 
out the tenth century, had yielded to the worldly spirit 
of the age ; they could too seldom be distinguished from 
the other vassals. But this close connexion with the 
crown was operating as a check on hierarchical ambition : 
it eventually gave birth to an important school of royalists, 

Exceptions to 
this rule. 

-^ e.g. the councils of Aries and 
Mayence, both held in 813, on 
making a report to him of ecclesias- 
tical matters that were crying for a 
reformation, beg him to supply, 
what he might deem, corrections, 
and confirm their work by his au- 
thority. Mansi, xiv. 62, 65. 

^ e.g. Louis-le-Debonnaire (835) 
was deposed and afterwards absolved 
by a party of bishops : Mansi, Xiv. 
657. See Palgrave, Hist, of Nor- 
manchj, i. 295, 296. Louis-le-Ger- 
manique was treated in like manner 
by a synod at Metz (859) : Baluze, 
Capitular. II. 121. ]n the synod of 
Savonieres (Tullensis, apud Sapo- 
narias) held in the same year, 
Charles-le-Chauve acknowledged his 
dependence on the bishops in the 
most abject terms : Baluze, ii. 129 : 
of. Guizot, II. 326, 327, The gene- 
ral principle on which the bishops 
claimed to exercise these powers was 

frequently avowed in the synods : 
e.g. Fimes, apud S. 3Iacram (881), 
c. I ; Mansi, xvii. 538 : Trosle 
(909), c. I ; Mansi, xviii. 267. 

^ Among these regalia may be 
mentioned the right of tolls, mar- 
kets, and coinage, which was granted 
among other privileges by Louis-le- 
D^bonnaire, on the principle ' ut 
episcopos, qui propter animarum re- 
gimen principes sunt coeli, ipse eos- 
dem nihilominus principes efficeret 
regni,' Gieseler, ii. 255, 374. These 
grants, however, were made not un- 
frequently by the sovereigns with a 
political object, to secure the allegi- 
ance of the bishops, and to balance 
them against the inordinate power 
of the feudal lords. Hasse's Life of 
Avselm, p. 51. 

•* Thus, for example, reasoned 
E,adbod, avchbp. of Utrecht, See 
his Life, in Mabillon, Act. Sand. 
Bened. saec. v. p. 30. 

— 1073] Constitution of the Church. 167 

who vindicated tlie imperial interest^ from the attacks of kelations 

. . TO THE 

an extreme or liomaniznig party. power 
Of the minor and less obvious benefits accruing to 

1 • • Beneficial 

society at large from the exalted power of the ecclesiastics, ^^f^f^^l 
one is to be found in the exertions which they made to ascmdanci/. 
mitigate the ravages of private or intestine wars, now 
common in all quarters. They were able in the end 
(circ. 1032) to establish certain intervals of peace *^ {' Trevai 
Dei'), extending from the Thursday to the Monday morn- 
ing of each week: for which space it was ordered, under 
pain of excommunication, that all acts of violence as well 
as law-proceedings should be everywhere suspended. The 
same influence was directed also, though more feebly, to 
the abolition of the ordeal- trials, or as they were com- 
monly entitled, ' judgments of God. ' The zealous Agobard 
of Lyons was conspicuous in this movement'' : but the 
custom, deeply rooted in antiquity, was not to be sub- 
verted at a blow. It kept its hold on the Germanic races 
till a far later period, chiefly through the sanction or 
connivance of the ill-instructed teachers of the Church. 

5 How large this party grew may cmni Dei. Pope Stephen VI. (circ. 
be inferred from the case of Eng- 886) condemns both fire and water- 
land, where the bishops almost to ordeals. He adds, * Spontanea enim 
a man united with the crown in confessione vel testium approbatione 
opposition to archbp. Anselm and publicata delicta , . . commissa sunt 
his view of the investiture-contro- regimini nostro judicare: occulta 
versy. On one occasion he com- vero et incognita Illi sunt relin- 
plained of this most bitterly, adding, quenda, qui solus novit corda tili- 
'et me de regno, potius quam hoc orum hominum.' Mansi, xviii. '25. 
servarent, expulsuros, et a Romana On the other hand, the 'judicium 
ecclesia se discessuros.' Epist. lib. aquae frigidge et calidas ' was defended 
IV. ep. 4. even by Hincmar of Eheims : 0pp. 

^ See Ducange, under Treva, tom. ii. 676. It is remarkable that 

Treuya, sen Trevia Dei: of. Nean- ' proof by duel,' which was abolish- 

der's remarks, vi. 87, 88 ; and Bal- ed in Scandinavia by the introduc- 

mez. Protestantism and Catholicity tion of Christianity, maintained its 

compa7'ed, c. XXXll. pp. 139 sq. The ground in England for centuries, 

provincial synod of Limoges (1031) Worsaae, p. 167. It was strongly 

placed a number of refractory ba- denounced by the Council of Va- 

rons, who refused to join in the lence (855), c. 12, under paiu of 

* Treuga Dei,' under an interdict : excommunication, which incapaci- 

Mansi, xix. 530, 542. tated the subject of it for perform- 

e. g. in his treatise Contra Judi- ing any civil function : Mansi, xv. 9. 

( 168 

[a.d. 814 




The migliUi 
influence of St 

and his rdwol. 


The works of St Augustine had continued to direct 
the mind of Western Christendom. He was the standard 
author of the age, and to his writings it was commonly 
indebted for the traces it retained of earnestness and 
evangelic truth. Inferior only to the sacred penmen, whom 
his ample expositions of the Scriptures were believed to 
represent with a peculiar fidelity, he was consulted as the 
ablest guide in all the speculative provinces of thought: 
^nd we shall see in the review of a discussion, which 
affected many branches of his system of theology, that 
all the combatants professed a high respect for him, and 
that the vanquished fled for shelter to his works. In cases 
even where the Augustinian spirit did not find its way 
directly, it was circulated, in a somewhat milder form\ by 
influential writers of his school, especially by Gregory the 
Great and Alcuin. 

The majority of authors whom this period has produced 
will take their place at the beginning of it. They were 
nearly all of them brought up in the scholastic institutions 
of the Frankish empire ^ One of Alcuin's many pupils, 
and, like him, an indefatigable friend of education, occupied 

1 e. g. Alcuin, de Fide S. Trinitatis, 
lib. n. c. 8 {0pp. i. 717), uses lan- 
guage inconsistent with a belief in 
the extreme position of a 'praedes- 
tinatio duplex,' and his view was 
shared by Kabanus Mam-us. Cf. S. 

Augustin. Epist. i\^ (al. 46) ad Va- 
lentin. § 2 ; Opp. II. 790. 

^ Some of the principal w^ere 
the Schola Palatina (patronized by 
Louis-le-Debonnaire, Lothaire, and 
Charles-le-Chauve), and those of 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 169 

the foremost rank of tlieoloQ-ians in the west. This was western 

Rabanus Maurus, who had been the master of the school, ■ 

and afterwards the abbot, of Fulda (822) , before his eleva- MmmJ 
tion to the archbishopric of Mayence (847). His numerous 
Commentaries^ on the writings of the Sacred Canon, and 
on some of the Apocrypha, evince a familiarity with older 
Christian literature ; and the devotional feeling which per- 
vades them may convince us that the piety of better ages, 
though too frequently declining, was not dead. Another 
of his works, De Institidione Clericorum, while important 
in a liturgical point of view, contributed to the more 
careful training of the candidates for holy orders, and 
inspired them with a deeper sense of the importance of 
their work. Rabanus was a favourite author in the west 
for many centuries after his death*. 

Another of the Carlovino^ian literati was A^-obard^, Arjobardo/ 
archbishop of Lyons (813 — 841), equally conspicuous for C^- 841). 
liis scholarship and his activity in the affairs of state*^. 
But he is better known as a reformer of religion. Many 
of his treatises were aimed at the ignorance and super- 
stitions of the times, especially at those connected with the 
growing use of images^ 

Orleans, Fulda, Corbey (old and eluding JlomiUes, as well as ethical 

new), Rheiras, Tours, Hirschau, and ecclesiological treatises) were 

Reichenau, and St Gall. See Bahr's published, in 6 vols, folio, at Co- 

Geschichte der romisch. Literatur in logne, 1627 : see also a sketcli of 

Tcaroling. Zeitalter, Carlsruhe, 1840. Rabanus, by Kunstmann, Mainz, 

Its character in this, even more 1841. 

than in the former period, was ex- ^ Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Orel, Be- 

clusively religious ; science (mathe- ncd. Ssec. vi. PrKfatio, § i, 

matics, astronomy, and medicine) ^ The best edition of his works 

being for the most part abandoned is that of Baluze, Paris, 1666, 2 vols. 

to the Arabs, who patronized such 8vo : cf. Hundeshagen, de Agohardi 

Btudies, more especially in Spain. Vila et Scriptis, (jfie?,sdd, 1831. 

Their great college of Cordova, ^ His fame in this capacity is 

which became for Europe what stained by the countenance he gave 

Bagdad was for Asia, was founded. to the rebellious sons of Louis-le- 

in 980. See Middeldorpf, Comment. Debonnaire, contrasting ill with Ra- 

de Institutis Literariis in Hispania, banus Maurus. Neander, vi. 157. 

quce Arahes auctores kabuerunt, Got- ^ e.g. He condemned the 'battle- 

tingfe, 1810. trial,' and the ' water- ordeal,' (see 

2 Very many of his works (in- above, p. 167): and his treatise. 

170 State of Religious Doctrine and Co?itrove7'sies. [a.D. 814 


Clrnidius of 
(d. 839). 

In this and other points he may be linked with Claudius, 
bishop of Turin, who died in 839, after an episcopate 
of eighteen years. Excited, as it seems, by principles 
which he had learned from holy Scripture and the 
works of St Augustine \ he stood forward to revive, as 
far as he was able, a more truly Christian spirit in the 
members of the Church. He ardently declaimed against 
all forms of creature-worship, not excluding invocation 
of the saints; and, on his arrival in his diocese, all symbols, 
whether pictures, images, or crosses, which could possibly 
give rise to adoration, were ejected from the churches^. 
In addition to his writings on these subjects, of which 
fragments only are preserved, he was a fertile commentator 
on the Bible ; yet, with one or two exceptions^, all 
his labours in this field of thought are still inedited. 

De Picturis et Imaginihus, is a re- 
solute attack on all forms of image- 
worship, and a protest against the 
sensuons bias of the Church. He 
also laboured to reform the liturgy 
of his province ; and the two works, 
De Divlna Psalmodia and De Cor- 
rectione AntipJionarii, are a defence 
of his jDroceedings. The great num- 
ber of Jews who had settled in the 
Frankish empire at that period urged 
him to take up his pen against 
them : e. fj. De Insolentia Jucheorum, 
and De Judaicis Superstitionibiis. 

^ The adversaries of Claudius 
have endeavoured to convict him 
of Adoptionism, on the ground that 
he was educated in Spain (see above, 
p. 66) ; but his Augustinianism is 
proved by Neander, VI. 120 sq. 

^ In this measure he was strongly 
resisted by his former friend the 
abbot Theodemir, by Dungal, an 
Irishman, by Jonas bishop of Or- 
leans, and others : but he kept his 
ground until his death, apparently 
through the support of the Prankish 
emperor. See Schrockh, xxiii. 407 
— 421 : DoUinger, in. 57, 58. It is 
remarkable that Jonas of Orleans 
admitted the flagrant abuse of imasres 

prevailing in the Church of Italy, 
and only found fault with Claudius 
for supposing that the same abuse 
existed in the French and German 
churches. He defends the ' adora- 
tion'' of the cross ('obrecordationem 
passionis dominicss'), but explains 
the act to mean no more than * sa- 
lutare.' See his treatise De Cidtu 
Imaginum, in Bibl. Patrum, ed. 
Lugdun. XIV. fol. 183. This prelate 
was a stern and fiiithful censor of 
all forms of immorality. See his^ 
De Institutione Laicali, in D'Ache- 
ry'''^ Spicilegium, i. ■258 — 323. Leger, 
and other writers on the Waldenses 
have endeavoured to connect Clau- 
dius of Tui-in with that body, re- 
presenting him as the leader of a 
secession which is thought to have 
taken place as early as the 9th cen- 

^ His Commentary on the Fjnstle 
to the Galattans will be found in 
Biblioth. Patr., ed. Lugdun. Xiv, 
139 sq., and that on the Epistle to 
Philemon in the Spicilegium Ro- 
manum, ix. 109 sq. Introductions 
to other books have also been pub- 
lished (Gieseler, 11. 262, n. 19): see, 
especially, Specimens of his ineJited 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, 171 

A list of otlier kindred works, tkou2,ii varyino; mucli western 

in character and worth, was added to the hermeneutical '- 

productions of the age. The chief were, (1) Commentaries lUMerslacu 
of Haimo^ bishop of Halberstadt (841 — 853), and formerly 
a fellow-student of Rabanus Maurus : (2) the popular and 
widely-circulated Glossa Ordinaria (or an exposition of the 
difficult texts of Scripture), compiled by Walafrid Strabo^, ^f'aia/yid 
abbot of Reichenau (842—849) : but (3) worthy of especial d- 849). 
mention is tlie sober and elaborate Commentary/ on St 
Mattheiv, by Christian Druthmar*', a monk of Corbey, and J^rummar 
divinity-lecturer in the diocese of Liege, who died about 840. 
These all, together with the great majority of writers 
who come forward at the present period, yield a simple 
and unreasoning assent to the traditions of the past : but 
in a work of the deacon Fredegis, who had been trained fredegis. 
in Alcuin's school at York, we may discover symptoms 
of a more philosophizing tendency ^ That tendency, how- 
ever, was betrayed far more distinctly in the Irishman^ 
John Scotus (Eri^'ena), who was re^'arded as an oracle John scotus 
of wisdom by the court of Charles-le-Chauve. He was (cl 875?); 
the earliest of the medieval writers in the west, who ven- 
tured to establish Christian dogmas by a dialectic process ; 

works, with dissertations by Rudel- mar was averse to mystical interpre- 

bach, Ravnise, 18-24. tations of the Bible, except when 

'^ Tliere is some difficulty in as- they are subordinated to the literal 

certaining what works are really or historic sense. Neander, vi. 159. 
his. See Oudinus, De Scriplorihus '' See his Epistola de Nihilo et 

Eccl. II. 330 : Schrockh, xxiii. 282 Tenebrls ad procercs Palatii, in 

sq. : Mabillon, Acta Benedict, v. Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell. 11. 56. 
5S5 sq, ^ Neander has pointed out several 

^ The Glossa Ordinaria was pub- circumstances which indicate that 

lished at Antwerp in 6 vols, folio, the Irish monasteries still continued 

1634. Another important work of to influence the literature of all the 

Walafrid Strabo is of a liturgical West ; vi. 16 1, 162 (note) : see also 

character, De Exordiis et Incrementis Lanigan, Hist, of Irish Church, iii. 

JRerum Ecclesiasticaritm, published 260 sq. J<ihn Scotus Erigena is to 

in Hittorp's collection De Divinis be carefully distinguished from a 

Officiis, Colon. 1568. monk, named John, whom king 

^ In the Bihiioth. Patrum, ed. Alfred invited from France to the 

Lugdun. XV. 86 sq. The preftice to English court. See Mabillon's An- 

this commentary shews that Druth- ncdcs Benedict, in. 243. 

172 State of Religious Doctrine and Confrovei^sies. [a.d. 814 

WESTERN wlio, m other words, attempted to evince tlie union, or 

CHURCH. . n 1 tit t 

consistency at least, oi human reason and theology, in 

this respect he must be viewed as a precursor of the 
schoolmen^ who, in close alliance with the Aristotelian 
philosophy^, were bent on systematizing the traditions of 
the Church, and proving that the Christian faith is truly 
rational^ But Scotus, while agreeing with the schoolmen 
in his point of departure, differed widely from them all 
in his results. He was a Neo-Platonist ; and, like the 
Alexandrian doctors of an earlier age, could see in Chris- 
tianity no more than a philosophy, — an earthly manifesta- 
tion of the Absolute, intended to direct and elevate the 
human spirit and prepare it for eventual absorption into 
God*. It is a startling feature of the times that one, whose 
theories were so divergent from the teaching of the Church, 
was called to speak as an authority on two of the most 

^ For the rise of scholasticism in 
the East, see above, pp. 62, 77, 78. 
Its cradle, or at least the earliest 
school in which it was cultivated 
by the Westerns, was the monas- 
tery of Bee in Normandy. Lan- 
franc and Anselm (afterwards arch- 
bishops of Canterbury) took the 
lead in its diffusion (see Mcihler's 
Schriften unci Aufmtze, I. 32 sq.) ; 
Lanfranc having first tried the 
temper of his new weapon in the 
eucharistic controversy with Be- 
rengarius : see below. 

2 The logical writings of Aris- 
totle (the first two treatises of the 
Organoii) were known in the West 
from the ninth century, but only, 
till the thirteenth, by the Latin 
translation of Boethius. Cousin's 
Ouvrages inedites (TAhelard, Introd. 
p. li : Smith's Biog. Diet. i. 325. 

^ ' Auctoritas ex vera ratione pro- 
cessit, ratio vero nequaquam ex auc- 

toritate Nil enim aliud vide- 

tur mihi esse vera auctoritas, nisi 
rationis virtute cooperta Veritas, et 
a sacris patribus ad posteritatis uti- 
litatem literis eommendata.' Sco- 

tus, De Divisione Natiirce, p. 39, ed. 
Oxon. 1681. The entii-e works of 
Scotus have been recently collected 
and edited by Floss, in Migne's 
Patrologia, Paris, 1853: cf. a re- 
view of that publication in the 
Thcol. Quartalschrift, Tubing. 1854, 
I. 127 sq. 

'^ On the whole of his philo- 
sophico-i'eligious system, see Ritter, 
Gesch. der Christ. PhUosopMc, in. 
206 sq. ; Neander, VI. 163 sq. ; 
Guizot, Led. xxviii. ; Dorner, 11. 
344 — 358. His pantheism is clearly 
established by the treatise De Divi- 
sione Xaturce : but owing to the 
dormant state of the human intel- 
lect, ver}^ much of his philosophizing 
was unintelligible to the age. Ho 
seems to have imbibed that tendency 
from his familiarity with Greek 
writers, and especially with Diony- 
sius the Areopagite, whom he trans- 
lated into Latin. This translation 
excited the suspicions of pope 
Nicholas I. (Mansi, XV. 401). His 
great work was condemned by the 
University of Paris in 1209: Dor- 
ner, p. 358. 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 173 

awful topics of the faith. These were the doctrines of western 

,^ , . . . . CHURCH. 

± redestmation and the Jiiucharist ; which, owing to the 

great activity of thought engendered in the Carlovingian 
schools, were now discussed with unwonted vehemence. 

The former of these controversies^ took its rise from 
Gottskalk, who in earlier life had been a monk of Fulda, Gottskaik 

(d 868?) 

under the eye of Kabanus Maurus ; but had left it for o»rf/^'c vre- 

•^ _ ' destinuriaii 

tlie cloister of Orbais in the diocese of Soissons. Goins: ^"''■«*"«''«-<'- 
far beyond his favourite author, St Augustine^, he main- 
tained the most rigorous opinions on the subject of Divine 
predestination, stating it in such a way as to imperil human 
freedom. He contended for a twofold system of decrees 
(' pr^edestinatio duplex'), wdiich consigned the good and -^Jj^'Tj™ 
bad, elect and reprobate alike, to portions from eternity 
allotted to them, irrespectively of their own conduct in 
the present life. In other words, Divine foreknowledge 
in his system was identified completely with predestina- 
tion ; and the latter was as arbitrary in relation to the 
lost as to the saved, — the one infallibly attaining to eternal 
life, the other being so necessitated to continue in his sins, 
that he can only be in name a subject of God's grace, and 
only in ajjpearance a partaker of the sacraments. 

The Church had hitherto been occupying, on the mo,- hmv difermt 

. . ' . ^ from tho.«e of 

sent as on other kindred points, an intermediate place, ^^^ church. 
affirming, but with no attempt to reconcile, the absolute 
necessity of superhuman powers, while she insisted on the 
salvability of all men. Notwithstanding her profound 
respect for St Augustine and her hatred of Pelagianism, 
she did not countenance the fatalistic theory of grace, 

5 The great authority is Mau- tion in France, Lect. v. It is 
guin's collection of ancient authors, plain, however, that St Aucjustine 
De Prcvdestinatione et Gratia, Paris, in some passages made use of lan- 
1650: of. Ussher's iioUeaclialci et guage bordei'ing on the positions of 
Prcedest. Controv. Hist. Dublin, Gottskalk ; and the 'gemina pra-- 
163 1 ; Cellot's Hist. Goiteschalci destinatio sive elector um ad re- 
Prcedestinatiani, I' aris, 1655. quiera, sive reproborum ad mortem' 

6 See a fair statement of this is at least as old as Isidore of 
vexed question in Guizot's CtviUza- Seville, Sentent. lib. 11. c. 6. 

174 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 

Maurns his 

WESTERN which threatens, and constructivelj subverts, the principle 

'— of our responsibility to God. Accordingly, as soon as 

Gottskalk published his opinionsS he encountered a de- 
cisive opposition from the leading doctors of the age. His 
old superior, Rabanus Maurus, now archbishop of Mayence, 
influenced (it may be) to some extent by personal dislike, 
put forth a vehement reply to what he deemed an utter 
violation of the faith. Although himself a warm believer 
in the doctrine of Divine decrees 2, Eabanus shrank from 
all approximation to the thought that the causality of sin 
is traceable to God. In his view the Divine foreknowlege 
is distinguishable from Divine predestination ; and those 
only whom the Lord foreknows as the incorrigibly wicked, 
are abandoned to eternal death (' praBsciti '). Gottskalk, in 
the following year (848), defended his positions^ at the 
council of Mayence, stating (it is said) emphatically that 
the scriptural phrases which record our Saviour's death 
for all men should be limited to the ' elect ;' and that the 
rest of the human family, as the result of a constraining 
act of God, have, been irrevocably destined to perdition*. 
As the voice of the synod was against him, Gottskalk was 
now handed over to his metropolitan, the proud and energetic 
Hincmar, who soon afterwards (849) procured his con- 

Goftskalk at 
the xjiuod of 

^ He appears to have had an 
earlier controversy with Kabanus, 
while he was a monk at Fulda 
(Kunstmann's Hrahanus Maurus, 
p. 69) ; but he did not develope his 
opinions fully till some years later, 
when he was returning from a tour 
in Italy. He then disclosed them 
to Notting, bishop of Verona (847), 
who brought the question under the 
notice of Rabanus Maurus. 

^ Nearly all the statements in his 
Epist. ad Notingum (apud INIauguin, 
I, 3) are borrowed from the works of 
St Augustine and Prosper. Nean- 
der, VI. 185. 

'^ See fragments of his defence in 
Hincmar, de Prcedesiinatione, c. 5, 

c. 21, c. 27: cf. Fuldenses Annates, 
A.D. 848, in Pertz, I. 365. 

■^ E,abani Epistola Si/nodalis ad 
Hincmarum (Mansi, XTV._ 914) : ... 
'quod prsedestinatio Dei, sicut in 
bono, sit ita et in malo : et tales 
sint in hoc mundo quidam, qui 
propter praedestinationem Dei, qua? 
eos cogat in mortem ire, non possint 
ab errore et peccato se corrigere ; 
quasi Deus eos fecisset ab initio in- 
corrigibiles es-se et poenas obuoxios in 
interitum ire.' But it must be borne 
in mind, that this statement of the 
views of Gottskalk is the work of 
an adversary, and as such may have 
been overcoloured. 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctri7ie and Controvei^sies, 175 


imprisoned bi/ 


clemnatlon^ at Kiersy-sur-Oise (Carisiacum), and sliut liim western 
tip in a monastic prison, where he lingered under the ban 
of the archbishop till 868, refusing to abjure or modify 11 
his errors. 

But the controversy kindled by him in the Frankish 
Church was not so easily extino-uished. Many influential De/<;»^er* o/ 

-IT- PI. -11 or 1 (^ottskalk. 

writers, either moved by pity tor his barbarous fate or by 
their predilection for his theological opinions, had imme- 
diately appeared in his behalf. Of these the chief were 
Prudentius^, bishop of Troyes ; Servatus Lupus ^, the ac- 
complished abbot of Ferrieres; and Ratramnus^, a learned 
monk of Corbey ; none of whom, however, would commit 
himself to the extreme positions of his client. They af- 
firmed that the predestination of the loiched is not absolute, 
but is conditioned on Divine foreknowledge of all sins that 
would result from the voluntary act of Adam, — holding 
fast, on this and other points, to the more sober views of 
St Augustine. 

5 Mansi, xiv. 919. By this 
synod, the unfortunate monk was 
ordered to be flogged, according to 
a rule of St Benedict, for troubling 
the deliberations on ecclesiastical 
affairs, and intermeddling with 
politics. While he lay in prison 
at the monastery of Hautvilliers, 
he wrote two more confessions of 
his faith, adhering to his former 
tenets : Mauguin, i. 7. The im- 
portance he attached to the con- 
troversy may be estimated from the 
violent language of his prayer, 
' Te precor, Domine Deus, gratis 
Ecclesiam Tuani custodias, ne sua 
diutius earn falsitate pervertant 
[alluding to his opponents], hcere- 
seosque Slice j)6stifera de reliquo pra- 
vitate subvertant, licet se suosque 
secuni lugubriter evertant,' etc. 
He also offered to prove the truth 
of his tenets by submitting to the 

ordeal of fire, ' ut videlicet, 

quatuor doliis uno post unum po- 
sitis atque ferventi sigillatim re- 
pletis aqua, oleo pingui; et pice, et 

ad ultimum accenso copiosissimo 
igne, liceret mihi, invocato glo- 
riosissimo nomine Tuo, ad appro- 
bandarn hanc fidem meam, imo 
fidem Catholicam, in singula in- 
troire et ita per singula transire,' 

6 This feeling seems to have been 
shared by pope Nicholas I. to whom 
Gottskalk had eventually appealed : 
Hincmar, 0pp. ii. 290, ed, Sir- 

■^ See his Letter to Hincmar (circ. 
849) in Cellot's Hist. Gotteschcd. 
Prcedest. pp. 425 sq. But he also, 
like othei-s of the period, would in- 
terpret passages like i Tim. ii. 4, 
exclusively of the ' elect.' 

^ His work, De Trihus Qmestioni- 
hus, is printed in Mauguin, i. pt. ir, 
9 : see also the Works of Servatus 
Lupus, ed. Baluze, Antv. 17 10. 

^ De Prcedest inat tone Dei (circ. 
850), in Mauguin, I. pt. I. 27 sq. 
His name was frequently mis-read 
into Bertram, perhaps Be. ( = Beatus) 

176 State of Religious Doctrine and Controvei^sies. [a.d. 814 


Hincmar and liis party were now driven to defend their 
harsh proceedings, and as they coukl no longer count upon 
the help of Kabanus Maurus, who withdrew entirely from 
the conflict \ they put forward as the champion of their 
cause the learned and free-thinking guest of Charles-le- 
Chauve, — Erigena. His famous treatise, De Prcedestina- 
tione^, appeared in 851: but arguing, as he did, on purely 
philosophic grounds, for the unbiassed freedom of the will, 
and contradicting all established doctrines of the nature 
both of good and evil, he gave equal umbrage to his 
enemies and friends. The former instantly assailed liim 
(852) by the hands of Prudentius of Troyes^ and Florus* 
a deacon of Lyons ; while the primate Hincmar, compro- 
mised by his ilhchosen coadjutor, went in searcli of other 
means for quieting the storm. 

A work of Amulo, archbishop of Lyons, now lost, 
was written with this object : but Remigius, his successor 
and the leading prelate of the south of Gaul, did not 
inherit his opinions °. He condemned the cruelty by which 
the author of the movement was repressed, and strove in 
a less ruffled tone to vindicate his orthodoxy from the 
imputations of the northern province. He contended that 
in Gottskalk's system of theology the absolute predesti- 
nation of the wicked had been neither stated nor implied ; 

^ See his letters to Hincmar, in 
Kunstmann 's i/ra&aw«s, pp. 215 sq. 

^ In Mauguin, I, pt. I. 103 sq. 

"^ De Prcedestinatione contra Joh. 
Scofum, in Mauguin, I. pt. I. 191 sq. 

■^ He wrote, in the name of the 
Church of Lyons, I)e Prcedestina- 
tione contra Joh. Scoti erroneas De- 
finitiones ; ibid. 575 sq. : see Ne- 
ander, vi. 202, 203, on the character 
of this reply. The council of Va- 
lence (855) repeated the condemna- 
tion of Scotus (c. IV. c. VI,) in the 
most contemptuous terms. 

2 Hincmar, and Pardulus bishop 
of Laon, bad already written two 

letters to Amulo ; sending him at 
the same time a copy of the letter 
from Rabanus Maurus to Netting 
of Verona. These three documents 
Kemigius now proceeded to examine 
in his Liber de Tribus Epislolis, in 
Mauguin, I. pt. II. 6i sq. The 
notion that the wicked are necessi- 
tated to commit impiety he spurns 
as 'immanis et detestabilis blas- 
phemia' (c. XLi.), and denies that it 
was held by any one ; reflecting 
strongly on Eabanus Maurus, who 
imputed it to Gottskalk. See Nean- 
der, VI. 203 sq. ; and Milman, Latin 
Christianity, in. 241 sq. 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. Ill 

and while confessino- his own predilection for the view that wEftTEP>r 

God does not wish the salvation of all men, he declared ^ 1 

his willingness to leave that question open till it was au- 
thoritativelv settled by the Church. Ilis manifesto roused ^^'"cmar'f 

J *i rejUji at the 

the zeal of Hincmar to the very higliest pitch, and in Tunyf^^z 
another synod^ held at Kiersy (853), his party reasserted 
nearly all the views which Gottskalk had continued to 
reject. In a sliort series of propositions, based entirely 
on the works of St Augustine, they atBrmed, with other 
truths admitted by their adversaries, that no human being 
wdiom the Lord foreknew as wicked had been foreordained 
to perish, and that Christ had died a sacrifice for all men, 
willing all men to be saved ^ The counter-movement in 
the southern province ultimately issued in a rival synod. The rival 
which assembled at Valence^ in 855. Its effect, however, vaimce, 855. 
w^as to bring the disputants more closely to each other. 
It declared expressly that the sin of man, although an 
object of Divine foreknowledge, was in no degree neces- 
sitated by an act of predetermination : and while all the 
prelates were agreed that Christ did not redeem habitual 
unbelievers^, they confessed that many are in truth re- 
generated at their baptism, who in after-life may forfeit 
the initial grace of God by their unholy conduct^". 

Hincmar now took up his pen and laboured to confirm 

^ Mansi, xiv. 995 ; cf. 0)20. dinem salutis et ad perceptionem 

■^ ' Christi sanguinem pro omnibus teternse beatitudinis nullo modo per- 

fusum, licet non omnes passionis venire.' c. 5. The following pas- 

inysterio redimantur :' c. 4. sage from Prudentii Trecensis An-. 

^ Mansi, XV. 1 sq. Remigiushad nales, A.D, 859 (Pertz, I. 453), ap- 

already censured tlie 'four chapters' pears to intimate that pope Nicholas 

of Kiersy : Mauguin, i. pt, ■2. 178. I. approved of the canons of Valence: 

^ They even spoke of universal re- ' Nicolaus., pontifex Romanus, de 

demption as a ' nimius error :' c. 4. gratia Dei et libero arbitrio, de 

■'■'^ ... ' ex ipsa tamen multitudine veritate geminae prgedestinaiionis et 
fidelium et redemptorum, alios sal- sanguine Christi, ut pro credcntihus 
vari Eeterna salute, quia per gratiam omnibus fusus sit, fideliter con- 
Dei in redemptione sua fideliter per- firmat.' The Jesuits, who are 
manent, alios quia noluerunt per- strongly opposed to Gottskalk, la- 
manere in salute fidei ad plenitu- bour hard to set aside this passage. 

M. A. N 

178 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d.814 

WESTERN tlie views he liad espoused, in two elaborate productions \ 

1-one of which is lost; and, in 859, he was able to effect 

a better understanding with the prelates of the south at the 
council of Savonieres in the diocese of TouP. There, eight 
metropolitans, with more than thirty bishops, received some 
general statements of the Augustinian dogmas; and the 
combatants on either side, exhausted by the struggle, were 
now willing to lay down their arms, without coming to any 
more definite conclusion, yet without granting to Gottskalk 
any alleviation of his wretched imprisonment^. 

The second controversy that sprang up in the Carlo- 
vino-ian era of the Church related to the mode in which 


the Body and Blood of Christ are taken and received in 
the Lord's Supper. It employed the leading theologians 
of the west for several years : and when religion had 
emerged from the benumbing darkness of the tenth cen- 
tury, it furnished a perplexing theme for the most able 
of the schoolmen. As the spirit of the Western Church 
contracted a more sensuous tone, there was a greater dis- 
position to confound the sacramental symbols with the 
grace they were intended to convey, or, in a word, to cor- 
jporealize the mysteries of faith. Examples of this spirit 

^ The extant work, written be- 
tween 859 and 863, is entitled Dc 
Prcedestinatlone Dei et Libero Arbi- 
trio adversus Goteschcdkum et co'teros 
Freed estinatianos : see his Works by 
Sirmond, torn. I. 

'^ Cone. Tullense I, {apud iS'ajw- 
narias J Mansi, xv. 527) read over 
six doctrinal canons, which had been 
agreed \ipon at a smaller synod, held 
about a fortnight before at Langres 
(Lingonense ; ibid. XV. 525), appa- 
rently in preparation for this meet- 
ing with Hincmar ; and which had 
been framed at Valence in 855 (ibid. 
XV. 3). The prelates, however, for 
the sake of peace, now omitted the 
reference to the four Kiersy proposi- 
tions, which had been pointedly 

condemned at Valence, 'propter 
inutilitatem, vel eliam noxietatem, 
et errorera contrarium veritati ;' c. 
4. Cf. Gieseler, ii. 297 sq. ; Nean- 
der, VI. 208. 

'^ He died in prison, 868. Nean- 
der (p. ^04) cites from Manguin the 
terms of well-deserved rebuke, in 
which Kemigius condemned Hiiic- 
mar's cruel treatment of Gottskalk. 
This unhappy monk had been in- 
volved (circ. 850) in another dispute 
with Hincmar, touching the ex- 
pression, ' Te, tri)ia Deitas unaque, 
poscimus,' which occurs in an an- 
cient hymn. The primate had for- 
bidden the use of it on the ground 
that it savoured of Tritheism : but 
Gottskalk and the other Frankish 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 179 

may be found in earlier writers who had handled the great western 
question of the Eucharist : but it was first distinctly mani- -^^^__^^'_ 
fested by Paschasius Radbert in 831. He was a monk, 
and afterwards (84:4—851) the abbot, of Corbey; and in a 
treatise*. On the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christy Vu'^chaJiu! 
appears to have maintained that, by the act of consecration, ■««'^^"''. ssi 
the material elements are so transformed as to retain no 
more than the appearance (' figura') of their natural sub- 
stance, being truly, though invisibly, replaced by Christ 
Himself in every way the same as He was born and 
crucified^ The work of Radbert was composed in the first 
instance for a pupil, but when he presented a new edition 
of it (844) to the emperor Charles-le-Chauve, it startled 
nearly all the scholars of the age. Rabanus Maurus^ 

Benedictines, represented by Ra- 
tramnus, justified the phrase (Hinc- 
mar's Worhs, i. 413 sq.), and Hinc- 
mar was compelled to let the matter 

■* The best edition is in Mart^ne 
and Durand's Veter. Script. Collect. 
IX. 367 sq, ; or Radberti 0pp. 
omnia, ed. Migne, 1852. 

^ e.g. 'Quia Christum vorari fas 
dentibus non est, vokut in mysterio 
hunc panem et vinura vere carnem 
suam et sanguinera, consecratione 
Spiritus Sancti, potentialiter creari, 
creando vero quotidie pro mundi 
vita raystice immolari, ut sicut de 
Virgine per Spiritum vera caro sine 
coitu creatur ita per eundera ex sub- 
stantia panis ac vini mystice idem 
Christi corpus et sanguis consecre- 
tur,' etc. c. IV. : 'Substantia panis 
et vini in Christi carnem et sangui- 
nem efficaciter interins coramutatur,' 
c. VIII. It may be noted, as an in- 
dex to the principles of Radbert, 
that he also argued for the miracu- 
lous delivery of the Virgin in giving 
birth to our blessed Lord (' absque 
vexatione matris ingressus est mun- 

dum sine dolore et sine gemitu 

et sine ulla corruptione carnis') : 
Pasch. Radbert. de Partu Vlrginis, 

in D'Achery's Spicilegium, i. 44. 
He was again opposed in this view 
by Ratramnus : Ibid. I. 52. 

** ' Quidam nuper de ipso Sacra- 
mento corporis et sanguinis Domini 
non rite sentientes dixerunt, hoc 
ipsuni esse corpus et sanguinem Do- 
mini, quod de Maria Virgine natum 
est, et in quo ipse Dominus passus 
est in cruce et resurrexit de sepulcro. 
Cui errori quantum potidmus, ad 
Egilonem abbatem [i.e. of Priim] 
scribentes, de corpore ipso quid vere 
credendum sit aperuimus.' Epist. 
ad Herihaldum Autissiodorenseni 
epis. (bp. of Auxerre). The passage 
is given, in its fullest form, in Ma- 
billon's Iter Germanicum, p. 17. 
The letter to Egilo has perished, 
unless it be identical with a docu- 
ment edited by Mabillon in Act. 
Sanct. Orel. Bened. sgec. iv. pt. Ii. 
591. Other traces of the doctrine 
of Rabanus on the Eucharist are left 
in his De Instit. Cler/'corum, lib. i. 
c. 31 : cf. Soames's Bampton Led. 
pp. 41-2, 413. Radbert himself was 
forced to allow, in writing to a monk 
Frudegard (0/^25. p. 135 i, ed. Migne) 
that 'many' doubted the truth of 
his teaching : and the Romanists 
admit that he was the first writer 

N 2 

180 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. D. 814: 


rrfi/ted by 

The naiure of 
h is reply. 

wrote against it ; but unhappily no full account of his 
objections is preserved. Another monk of Corbey, E.a- 
tramnus, whom we saw engaging in a former controversy, 
was the main antagonist of Radbert. He put forth, at 
the request of the emperor, a treatise^ On the Body and 
Blood of the Lord. It is divided into two pai*ts, the first 
entering on the question, whether the 'body and blood of 
Christ are taken by the faithful communicant in mystery 
or in truth ('in mysterio an in veritate^'); the second, 
whether it is the same body as that in which Christ was 
born, suffered, and rose from the dead. In answering the 
former question he declared, with St Augustine, that the 
eucharistic elements possess a twofold meaning. Viewed 
externally they are not the thing itself (the 'res sacra- 
menti'); they are simply bread and wine: but in their 
better aspect, and as seen by faith, the visual organ of 
the soul, they are the Body and Blood of Christ. The 
latter question was determined in the same spirit, though 
the language of Ratramnus is not equally distinct. While 
he admitted a ' conversion' of the elements into the body 
of the Lord, in such a manner that tlie terms were inter- 
changeable, he argued that the body was not Christ's in 
any carnal sense, but that the Word of God, the Bread 
Invisible, which is invisibly associated with the Sacrament, 
communicates nutrition to the soul, and quickens all the 
faithful who receive Him^. Or, in other words, Ratramnus 

who explained their views of the 
Lord's Supper with precision. See 
L'An-oque's Hist, of the Eucharist, 
p. s'^y, Lond. 1684. 

^ The best edition is by Boileau, 
Paris, 1712. Respecting the ge- 
nuineness of the work, see Fabii- 
cius, Bihl. Latinitatis Med. JEtat. i. 
661 sq. 

2 Adding, by way of explanation, 
' utrum aliquid secreti contineat, 
quod oculis fidei solummodo pa- 
teat,' § r. He afterwards illustrates 

the efficacy of the Lord's Supper 
by the analogous application of the 
element of water in the sacrament of 

^ ' Verbum Dei, qui est Panis 
Invisibilis, invisibiliter in illo ex- 
istens sacramento, invisibiliter par- 
ticipatione sui fidelium mentes vivi- 
ficando pascit.' See Neander, VI. 
214 sq. ; Dollinger, iii. 73. The 
work of Ratramnus was placed in 
the Index Lihrorum Prokihitorum of 
1559 j but some Roman Catholic 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 181 

was m favour of a real, while he disbelieved a corporal, western 

or material, presence m the J^ucharist. . 

His views were shared, to some extent at least, by lus views 

1 ^ • 1 o( r~^^ ' ' TA 1 d accordant icith 

rioriis, Walairid otrabo, Christian Druthmar, and others thcnenerai 

' ... tedchmg of the 

on the continent, and were identical with those professed ^'J^- 
in England till the period of the Norman conquest^. The 
extreme position on the other side appears to have been 
taken by Eri2:ena, who was invited, as before, to write Joim scotus 

J ^ ' ^ _ takes the 

a treatise on the subject of dispute. Although his work*^ SfrS 
has perished, we have reason to infer from other records 
of his views, that he saw little more in the Eucharist than 
a memorial of the absent body of the Lord, — or a remem- 
brancer of Christian truths, by which the spirit of the 
faithful is revived, instructed, and sustained ^ 

Paschasius, unconvinced by opposition, stedfastly ad- 

writers {e.g. Mabillon, Act. Sand. 
Beiied. saec. iv. pt. ii. prtef. p. xliv) 
try to vindicate him from the charge 
of 'heresy.' 

^ See extracts from their works 
in Gieseler, II. 289, n. 8. Ama- 
larius, a priest and abbot in the 
diocese of Metz, took part in the 
eucharistic controversy, arguing for 
a triphcity of the body of Christ 
(de tripartito Christi Corpore), /. e. a 
distinction between the natviral body 
of Christ and the eucharistic, first, 
as it exists in the living Christian, 
and secondly, as it abides in the 
Christian after death. He opened 
the revolting question of Stercoran- 
ism (the liabiHty of the eucharistic 
elements to the same kind of decom- 
position in the human system as that 
which is undergone by ordinary 
food) : see Mabillon, Act. Sand. 
Bened. praef. ad saec. IV. pt. II. p. 
xxi. The views of Amalarius on 
the symbolic nature of the eucharist 
may be seen in his answer to Rant- 
gar, bp. of Noyon, in D'Achery's 
Spicileg. ill. 330. 

5 This point has been triumph- 
antly established by many writers; 
e. g. Soames's Bampton Lect. Serm. 
VII. and notes. ^Ifric, the great 

Anglo-Saxon doctor, was familiar 
with the work of Ratramnus : I hid. 
p. 421. 

^ The work of Ratraranus has 
been attributed to him, and many 
writers have maintained that only 
one book was written (see Lauf's 
essay on this point in the Theolog. 
Studlen und Kr'dilcen for 1828, I. 
755 sq.) : but the other view that 
there were originally two treatises, 
composed under royal patronage, 
appears to be the more probable. 
Neander, VI. 217. 

'' Hincmar {Opi:). i. 232) condemns 
as one of the opinions of Scotus, 
that the eucharist was ' tayitum me- 
moria veil corporis et sanguinis 
Ejus.' Adrevald has also written 
an Opuscidumde Corpore et Sanguine 
Domini contra Joannem Scotum, in 
D'Achery's /Si/j/c^Yeg. i, 150: and in 
a MS. lately found at Rome, con- 
taining a commentary of Scotus on 
the Hierarcliia Cosledis, the eucha- 
rist is said to be 'typicam simiU- 
tudinem spiritualis participationis 
Jesu, quam fideliter solo intellectu 
gustamus.' Note to the English 
edition of Bollinger's Ch. Hist. 
III. 73. Cf. Scoti Ojip. ed. Floss, 
p. 41. 

182 State of Religious Doctrine and Controver.sies. [a.d. 814 


Lull in the 

Revived hy 
(d. 1088). 

liered to liis former ground^; and as the theory which he 
-defended was in unison with the materializing spirit of 
the age, it was in future gradually espoused in almost 
every province of the Western Church. The controversy 
slumbered^, with a few exceptions, for the whole of the 
tenth century, when it broke out with reinvigorated force. 
The author of the second movement, Berengarius (or Be- 
renger) was archdeacon of Angers (1040), and formerly 
the head of the thriving schools attached to the cathedral 
of Tours. Embracing the more spiritual view of the 
Eucharist, as it had been expounded by Batramnus^, he 
was forced at length into collision with a former school- 
fellow, Adelmann*, who warned him in 1045 and 1047 of 
scandals he was causing in the Church at large by his 
opinions on this subject. Like the rest of the mediaeval 
reformers, Berengarius had inherited a strong affection for 
the works of St Augustine^; and his confidence in the 
antiquity and truth of his position is expressed, with a 
becoming modesty, in his appeal to the celebrated Lan- 

1 See Ms Expositio in Mattli. lib. 
XII. c. XXVI. Oi^p. p. 891, ed. Migne. 
His view appears to be supported ia 
Haimo's Tractatus de Corp. et Sang. 
Domini (D'Achery, I. 42). 

^ Cf. L'Arroque, History of the 
Eucharist, part ii. ch. xvi. Herigar, 
abbot of Lobes, in the diocese of 
Lifege (circ. looo), compiled 'contra 
Katbertum multa catholicorum pa- 
trum scripta de corpore et sanguine 
Domini' (D'Achery, ii. 744) : and 
Gerbert (afterwards, in 999, Sylves- 
ter II.) put forth a modified version 
of the theory of Radbert (in Pezii 
Thesaurus Anecdot. tom. I. pt. ii. 
133 — 149) especially denouncing the 
* Stercoranists.' On the other hand, 
that theory was advocated in its 
fulness by Gezo, abbot of Tortona 
(circ. 950 ; in Muratori's Anecdota, 
in. 237), and confirmed in the eyes 
of the vulgar by miraculous stories, 
^vhich asserted nothing less than a 

physical change in the eucharistic 

^ Owing to the early confusion 
between the works of Scotus and 
Eatramnus (see above, p. 181, n. 6), 
B^renger is continually charged 
■with drawing his opinions on the 
euchai-ist from the erratic Scotus ; 
but there is no question, after his 
own constant reference to the trea- 
tise of Ratramnus, that it was the 
work intended by his adversaries. 

^ Then residing at Lifege, after- 
wards (1048) bishop of Brescia, See 
Adelmann, De Veritate Corporis et 
Sanf/uinis Domini, ed. Schmidt, 
Ituusv. 1770, in which edition 
other documents are printed. The 
rumour which had reached Lifege 
was, that Bdrenger denied 'verum 
corpus Christi,' and argued for 
'figuram quandam et similitudi- 

^ See Neander, vi. 223. 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 183 

franc ^ prior of Bee, in Normandy. This letter had been western 


forwarded to Rome, where Lanfrailc was in 1050, and ^-- 

on being hiid before a councir, which was sitting at the cmdma at 
time, its author was condemned imheard. His frieffds, 
however, more particuhirly Bruno®, bishop of Angers, did 
not abandon him in this extremity ; and after a short 
interval of silence and suspense^, he was relieved from the 
charge of heresy in a provincial synod held at Touts^'^ ircixacnnuted. 
in 1054. The papal representative was Hildebrand, Avho 1054 = 
listened calmly to the arguments of the accused, and when 
he had most cordially admitted that the bread and wine 
are (in one sense) the Body and Blood of Christ ^^, the legate 

^ Lanfranc. 0pp. ed. D'Achery, 
p. "22. One of the best modern 
accounts of this controversy is in 
Ebrard's Doctrine and History of 
the Lord's Supper (in German), I. 
439 sq. Francof. 1S45. 

" Mansi, xix. 757 : Lanfranc. Opp. 
p. 234 : Berengar, de Sacra Ceena, 
p. 35 ; ed. Berolin. 1834. The 
sentence was confirmed in the fol- 
lowing" September, at Vercelli, 
where the book of Scotus (? Ra- 
tramnus) is connected with the 
doctrine of Berenger : Mansi, xix. 
773 ; Berengar. de Sacr. Cos7ia, 
pp. 42, 43. He w^as anxious to 
appear at this later synod, but was 
prevented by the king of France 
(Henry I.), the patron of the abbey 
of Tours, in which Berenger was an 

^ See his friendly but guarded 
Letter to Berenger, printed in De 
Koye, De Vita Berenrjarii, p. 48, 
ed. Andegav. 1657. 

^ In this interval is to be placed 
the council of Paris, if such a coim- 
cil was actually held. See Neander, 
VI. 231, 232. In any case, it is plain 
that popular opinion was strongly 
against Berenger. The bishop of 
Lifege (Deoduin) in an Epistle to the 
king {Bihl. Pair. ed. Lugdun. xviii. 
531), alludes to this excited state of 
public feeling in violent terms, and 

even charges Berenger and Bruno of 
Augers with denying other articles 
of faith (' qualiter. ..antiquas haere- 
ses modernis ternporibus introdu- 
cendo adstruant, corpus Domini non 
tarn corpus esse quam umbram et 
figuram corporis Domini, legitima 
conjugia destruant, et, quantum in 
ipsis est, baptismum parvulorum 

^*' See Berenger, uhi sup. pp. 50 
sq., and the varying account of 
Lanfranc, de Eucharist, e. iv. 

^1 ' Panis atque vinum altaris post 
consecrationem sunt corpus Christi 
et sanguis.' From this and other 
passages it is plain that Berenger 
did not view the eucharist as a bare 
symbol. What he controverted was 
the theory of men like archbishop 
Guitmund, circ. 1075 {de Corpore 
et Sanguine Christi, in Bihl. Pair. 
ed. Lugd. XVIII. 440), who main- 
tained that the bread and wine were 
changed ' essentialiter.' The same 
writer mentions that, while some of 
the ' Berengariani' admitted 'tan- 
turamodo umbras et figuras,' Bt^- 
renger himself and others ('rectis 
Ecclesiag rationibus cedentes') af- 
firmed a real though uncorporeal 
presence : ' dicunt ibi corpus et 
sanguinem Domini revera, sed la- 
tenter contineri, et, ut sumi possint, 
quodammodo (ut ita dixerim) im- 

184 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. D. 814 


took his side, or was at least completely satisfied with the 
- account lie gave of his belief. Confiding in the powerful 
aid of Hildebrand, he afterwards obeyed a summons to 
appear in Rome^ (1059), but his compliance ended in a 
bitter disappointment of his hopes. The sensuous multi- 
tude, who had become impatient of all phrases that ex- 
pressed a spiritual participation in the' Eucharist^, now 
clamoured for his death, and through the menaces of bishop 
Humbert, who was then the leading cardinal, he was 
eventually compelled to sign a formula of faith, in which 
the physical conversion of the elements was stated in the 
most revolting terms ^. The insincerity of this confession 
was indeed soon afterwards apparent: for on his return 
to France he spoke with bitterness, if not contempt, of 
his opponents^, and at length proceeded to develope and 
defend his earlier creed. His chief antagonist^ was Lan- 
franc, who, while shrinking from expressions such as those 
which emanated from the Roman synod, argued strongly 
for a change of substance in the bread and wine^. The 
controversy, in their hands, became a battle-field for 
putting the new dialectic weapons to the proof; and in 
a long dispute, conducted with no common skill, they both 
Avere able to arrive at clearer definitions than had hitherto 
been current in the Church. The feverish populace, how- 

panari.' This view was certainly- 
shared by Bruno, above, n. 8 ; and, 
in so far as we can judge, by Hilde- 
brand himself. Neander, VI, 233 

1 Mansi, Xix. 758. 

- Berengarius, de Sacra Coena, 
p. 72. 

^ ... 'verura corpus et sanguinem 
Domini nostri Jesu Christi esse, et 
sensualiter non solum sacramento, 
sed in veritate, raauibus sacerdotum 
tractari, frangi et fidelium dentibus 
atteri ;' Lanfranc. 0pp. p. 232. 

^ See a contemporary writing 
C? by Bernaldus), in Blhl. Fair. ed. 

Lugd. XVIII. 835. 

5 Another was Guitmund (see 
p. 183, n. 11), and a third Duran- 
dus, abbot of Troanne (Lanfranc. 
O})}). ed. D'Achery, Append, pp. 
71 sq.) 

^ ' Credimus terrenas substantias, 
qure in mensa dominica per sacerdo- 
tale mysterium divinitus sanctifican- 
tur, ineffabiliter, incomprehensibili- 
ter, mirabiliter, operante superna 
potentia, convert! in essentiam Do- 
minici corporis, reservatis ipsarum 
rerum speciebus, et quibusdam aliis 
qualitatibus,' etc. Be Eucharist, c. 
xviii. p. 244. 

-1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 185 



ever, with the great majority of learned men, declared for western 
Lanfranc from the first ; and more than once his rival only 
just escaped the ebullition of their rage^ The lenient tone 
of Alexander II. in dealing with reputed misbelief, was 
due perhaps to the pacification of his favourite, Hildebrand; 
and when the latter was exalted to the papal throne as 
Gregory YII. (1073), the course of Berengarius promised 
to grow smoother. But that interval of peace was short. 
His adversaries, some of whom had private grounds of 
disaffection to the reigning pontiff, made a common cause 
with the more stringent cardinals ; and in 1078, the author 
of the movement, which continued to distract the Western 
Churcli, was cited to appear a second time at Rome^aved/o 
The pope himself, adducing the authority of Damiani as at iiome!'^"^ 
an equipoise to that of Lanfranc, was at first content 
with an untechnical confession that ' the bread and wine 
are, after consecration, the true Body and Blood of Christ;' 
which the accused was ready to accept ^^. But other mem- 
bers of the Romish church, incited by the cardinal Benno^^, 
Gregory's implacable opponent, now protested tliat, as 
formula like these did not run counter to the faith of 
Berengarius, he should be subjected to a stricter test. 
To this demand the pope was driven to accede ^^, and in 
a numerous counciP^ held at Rome in the following Fe- 
bruary (1079), the faith of the accused again forsook him. 
He subscribed a new confession teachins: the most ri2;orous ins second 

"^ ^ ncaiilation, 


'' e. g. at the synod of Poitiers det ad dexteram Patris ; et vinum 

(1076) : Chromcon Maxentii, in altaris, postquam consecratum est, 

Labbe's BM'toth. MSS. 11. 212. esse verum sanguinem, qui raanavit 

^ See the statement of the writer de latere Christi.' 

quoted above, n. 4. ^^ He calls in question the *or- 

^ See the account of Bdrenger thodoxy ' of Gregory himself, as 

himself in Mart^ne and Durand's well he might, for fraternizing with 

Thesaur. Anecdot. iv. 103 ; Mansi, Bdrenger. See his work De Vita 

XIX. 761. Hildehrandi (in Goldast's Apolog. 

10 'Profiteer panem altaris post 'pro Henrico IV. p. 3). 

consecrationem esse verum corpus ^" Cf. Neander, vi. 244, 245. 

Christi, quod natum est de Virgine, ^^ Mansi, XX. 523. 
quod passum est in cruce, quod se- 


186 State ofEeligious Doctrine and Controvey^sies. [a.d. 814 

form of traiisiibstantiation ^, and retired soon afterwards 
from Rome with testimonials of his orthodoxy granted by 
the pope^ As in the former case, his liberation was ac- 
companied by bitter self-reproach ; but though he seems to 
have maintained his old opinions^ till his death, in 1088, 
no further measures of repression were adopted by his 

With him expired an able but inconstant champion "^ 
of the primitive belief respecting the true Presence in the 
Supper of the Lord. While he contended that the sub- 
stance of the elements is not destroyed at consecration, 
he regarded them as media instituted by the Lord Himself 
for the communication, in a supernatural manner, of His 
Body and His Blood to every faithful soul. He argued 
even for the fitness of the term 'conversion' as equivalent 
to ' consecration,' and in this respect allowed a change in 
the bread and wine ; a change, however, which, according 
to his view, was nothing like a physical transubstantiation, 
but was rather a transfiguration, which the elements ap- 
peared to undergo, when contemplated by a living faith 
in Christ, who had appointed them as representatives and 
as conductors of Himself. 

The ffreat bulk of the church-w^riters who had been 

^ * Corde credo et ore confiteor, 
panem et vinum, quae ponuntur in 
altari, per mysterium sacras orationis 
et verba iiostri Redemptoris subsfan- 
tialiter converti iu veram et propriam 
et vivificatricem camera et sangui- 
nem Jesu Christi Domini nostri, et 
post consecratiouem esse verum 
Christi corpus, quod natum est de 
Virgine, et quod pro salute rnundi 
oblatum in cruce pependit, et quod 
sedet ad dexteram Patris ; et verum 
sanguinem Christi, qui de latere 
ejus efFusus est, non tantum per 
signum et virtutem Sacramenti, sed 
in xjroprietate naturcB et veritate sub- 

2 D'Achery's Sjoicileg. iii. 413. 

All who call Berengarius a heretic 
are anathematized, 

^ See Gieseler, ii. 411, and Ne- 
ander, vi. 247, on the one side ; 
and Doilinger, in, 79, 80, on the 

■* The later Roman Catholic 
writers, Mabillon, IMartene, and 
Durand, admit, after the discovery 
of some original documents, that 
he only denied transubstantiation, 
but conceded a ' real presence.' 
Gieseler, ibid. It is plain, how- 
ever, that the movement which 
he headed, numbered others who 
denied the presence of the Lord 
in any sense whatever : see above, 
p. 183, n. II. . 

— 1073] State of Fieligious Doctrine and Controversies. 187 
produced in the period under our review, are far less western 

^ ^ . ,^, , . CHURCH. 

worthy of enumeration. VV e must not, however, pass m 

silence men^ like iElfred the Great, the Charlemagne of 
England (871-901), who, after struggling with the bar- 
barous Northmen, and at length subduing them, stood 
forward as the ardent patron of the Church and a restorer ^^^/^^'"v^/|.^'jf^. 
of religion. Almost every trace of native scholarship ° had SS-";/!'"''^ 
been obliterated in the conflict with the Danes, but through 
the holy efforts of the king himself^ assisted by a band 
of literati^, a nev^ impulse was communicated to the spi- 
ritual and intellectual progress of the Anglo-Saxon race. 
The English, it is true, like other churches of the west^, 
was not exempted from the corruptions which prevailed 
so widely in tlie tenth century : but from the age of iElfred, 
a more general diffusion of religious truth, in the ver- 
nacular language, raised the standard of intelligence. His 
policy was carried out^° by ^Elfric, the Grammarian, arch- fjl^ifn, 

(cl. 1006)." 

5 Cf. The Laws of Howd the Good, 
the Cambrian prince and legislator 
of the lotli century. 

•^ See above, p. 94, n. i. 

'' A Jubilee edition of his Com- 
plete Works has been lately pub- 
lished. His most valuable trea- 
tises (ecclesiastically speaking-) are 
the Ar)glo-Saxon editions of the 
Pastoral of Grerjory the Great, and 
Bede's Church History: to which 
we may add the freer version of 
Boethius de Consolatione and the 
Soliloquies of St Augustine. The 
Latvs of King Alfred are re-pub- 
lished in Thorpe's Ancient Latvs, 
&c. I. 44 — lor. It was mainly 
through the influence of king Al- 
fred that so many vernacular glosses 
on the Scriptures and the Service- 
books were undertaken at this pe- 
riod. See Wright's Biogra'ph. Britan. 
(Anglo-Saxon Peiiod) pp. 426, 427. 
The Rule of St Benedict was after- 
wards translated into Anglo-Saxon 
by Ethelwold. Ibid. 440 

^ Some of these were Plegmund, 

archbp. of Canterbury, who died 
923 ; Wa3rfrith, bp. of Worcester 
(d. 915), and Denewulf, originally 
a swineherd and afterwards bp. of 
Winchester. Grimbald, a Frankish 
monk, and John of Corbey (con- 
founded with John Scotus Erigeua) 
were some of the foreign coadjutors ; 
but still more appears to have been 
due to Asser, the biographer of 
Alfred, and a native cf Wales. 
See Wright, ubi sup. pp. 405 — 418. 

^ The almost solitary exceptions 
on the continent, at least till the 
close of the tenth century, are Ea- 
therius of Verona, and Atto of Ver- 
celli ; see above, p. 156, n. i ; p. 
153, n. 7. The latter, it may be 
added, wrote a Commentary of seme 
value on the Epistles of St Paul : ed. 
Vercelli, 1768. 

^*^ See his Preface to the Homilies, 
where, in declaring that his aim 
was to edify unlettered people, who 
knew nothing but 'simple English,' 
he alludes to the 'prudent' labours 
of kinfT Alfred. 


188 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 

bishop of Canterbury^ (995-1006) ; who, in addition to a 
list of elementary school-books^, left behind him eighty 
Anglo-Saxon Homilies, compiled in almost every case from 
earlier doctorfe of the west. He found an active coadjutor^ 
in his namesake and disciple, iElfric Batta (Putta), arch- 
bishop of York (1023-1051), and in the bishop (? of 
"Worcester) Wulfstan or Lupus, who has also left us many 
Homilies in the language of the country''. 

On the continent of Europe very few of the scholars 
had attained to greater celebrity than Gerbert, a monk 
of Aurillac, and subsequently pope Silvester II. (999-1 003). 
His fund of scientific knowledge^ was derived from the 
Muhammedans ; and, as the fruit of an awakened intel- 
lect, he was at first a strenuous adversary of the ultra- 
papal claims*'. His influence was extended far and near, 
especially by a distinguished pupil, Fulbert, in whose 
hands the school of Chartres grew into a mighty agent 
for diminishing the darkness of the age. 

1 The difficulty of distinguishing 
between the many owners of the 
name of ^Ifric is confessed on 
every hand. See Wharton's Disser- 
tatio utriun Elfricus Grammaticus ? 
(who makes the most distinguished 
-^Ifric an archbishop of York:) 
and, on the other side, More's De 
JElfrim Dorohernensi Archiepiscopo, 
ed. Thorkelin, Lond. 1789. The 
editor of the yElfric Homilies (Mr 
Thorpe) assigns them to the arch- 
bishop of York. It may be that 
the two great ^Ifrics, tutor and 
pupil, were joint contributors to the 
vernacular literature. See an ela- 
borate article in Niedner's Zeifschrift 
fur die historische Tlieologie, 1S55. 
Heft IV. pp. 487 sq. 

2 See Wright, ubi sup. 4S5, 486. 
^ Ibid. 497, where it is shewn to 

be not improbable that ^Ifric Batta 
spoke of the Eucharist in terms 
resembling those employed hy his 
fellow-worker of Canterbury in the 

famous Paschal Homily ; see above, 
p. 181, n. 5. 

^ See Wanley's Catalogue of An- 
glo-Saxon MSS. (in Hickes' The- 
saurus), IT. 140 — 143. There was 
another Wolstan (or Wulfstan) at 
the close of the tenth century. 
He was a monk of Winchester and 
a respectable Latin poet. Wright, 
pp. 471 — 474. Contemporary with 
him was the Latin poetess Kos- 
witha, a nun of Gandersheim. See 
her Carmina, ed. Witemb. 1707. 

^ His mathematical and astrono- 
mical learning was suspected ; and 
the vulgar thought him guilty of al- 
liance with the devil. Only a few 
of his works have been published. 
See especially his Epistles, in the 
Scriptores Franc., ed. Duchesne, 11. 
7S7 sq. His treatise on the Eucha- 
rist is mentioned above, p. 182, 
n. 1. 

^ See above, p. 149, n. 7. 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 189 

By this and other kindred institutions^ it was shewn 
that a fresh era of comparative illumination had now 
opened in the west. The seeds of knowledge and of moral 
culture, planted in the time of Charlemagne, were beginninp- 
to produce more salutary fruits ; for though the systems 
of the schoolmen were in many points imperfect, they 
may justly be regarded as a great advance upon the 
barbarism which marked the seventh century, and the 
materializing spirit of the tenth. 



The Eastern Church, while it continued to preserve J' 

The revival 

its former intellectual leveP, manifested a deplorable defect ^S^SS? 
of earnestness and moral health. We gather this especially 
from records of the image-controversy, which, although it 
had rapidly subsided after the council of Nica^a (787), 
started into life again at the commencement of the present 
period. It had been revived, indeed, by some of the 
Frankish prelates^ (such as Agobard and Claudius of 

'' Those more especially influ- 
enced by Gerbert were Bobbio, 
Eheims, Aui-illac, Tours, and Sens. 

^ Above, p. 77. Of the Eastern 
dissenting bodies the Armenians, 
who are like the Jacobites in nearly 
every feature, were most flourishing 
thi'oughout the present period. See 
Neumann's Gcsch. der Armenischen 
Literatihr, pp. 114 sq. Leipzig, 
1836 ; Stanley, Lectures on the East- 
ern Church, pp. 7 sq. Their separa- 
tion is said to have arisen from the 
accidental absence of the Armenian 
bishops from the Council of Chalce- 
don (451) ; hence they never received 
its decrees, and, in 596, they repu- 
diated it, under their patriarch 
Abraham I., at the synod of Tovin. 
The chief patriarch was henceforth 
called 'Cathohcos,' and resided in 
the convent of Echmiadzin, now be- 
longing to Russia : Golovin's Cait' 
casus, p. 16S, Lond. 1854. An at- 

tempt was made about 866 to win 
them over to the Eastern Church, 
but it was fruitless. See Spiciley. 
Rom. tom. x. pt. ii. 449. 

9 Above, pp. 169, 170. In 825 a 
synod had been held at Paris under 
Louis-le-JJeijonnaire, for the pur- 
pose of ascertaining what the 
Fathers thought of the use of 
images in Divine worsliip. The 
prelates there assembled did not 
hesitate to censure the prevailing 
superstitions on this subject, more 
especially in Italy (Man si, xiv. 
4-24), and also animadverted on the 
language of the pope in his attempt 
to answer the Libri CaroUni (above, 
p. 84). At the same time they 
were opposed to the violent proceed- 
ings of the Iconoclasts. Some of 
the Eranki&h prelates even went on 
a mission, first to Eome, and then 
to Constantinople, in the capacity 
of mediators between the pope and 

Lra the 
(d. 820)- 

190 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 

EASTERN Turin) ; but there, as ^images were not so grievously 

^ 1— abused, the agitation they excited was not permanent. 

In the Byzantine capital, however, the Iconoclasts grew 
up into a powerful body, and were able, for a time at 
least, to sway the fortunes of the Eastern Church. 

The germs of a reaction seem to have been always 
cherished in the army, who, as we observed, had been 
the main support of an Iconoclastic monarch^ ; and when 
Leo the Armenian (813—820) was invested with the purple, 
they rejoiced to see him take the lead in the suppression 
of all images (the symbol of the cross excepted). Leo 
strove at first to bring about his reformation by conciliatory 
means ^; but as Xicephorus, the patriarch of Constantinople, 
was inflexibly devoted to the present ritual of the church, 
he fell imder the severe displeasure of the court. As 
in the former time, the spirit of resistance still continued 
to be strongest in the monks'^ They were now headed 
poiuan'moi,ks by thc abbot of the Studion (a great monastery of Con- 
stantinople), Theodore Studita (769—826), who maintained 
that an inferior worship {7rpoaKvvr]cn<;) of the sacred images 
was to be recognized as an essential article of faiths His 
violence, united with the firmness of Nicephorus, impelled 

the emperor Michael II. See Life of TkeopJmnes), p. 437, and the 

of Louis-le-Debonnaire, in Pertz, ii. Life of Nicepkorius, by his pupil, 

631. Ignatius, in the Acta Sand. Mart. 

1 Above, p. 82. II. 296, 704. 

^ He represented, among other "^ Above, p. So, n. ?. 

things, that the 'people' were op- ^ He argued, that the hostility to 

posed to image- worship (6 Xaos images arose from disbelief in the 

GKavodkL^eraL dia ras eiKovas, Xe- reality of Christ's human nature. 

yoPTes OTL KaKQs avras irpodKVvod- See his Bt/3Xos OoyixanK-q (three dis- 

fiev, Kol oTt dia tovto to. edvr] courses against Iconoclasm), p)<^ssim. 

KvpievovaLV i],ui2p) : but this anti- Most of his numerous works relate 

pathy (as will appear in the sequel) to the same question, and are written 

was far from general. He urged in the same vehement tone. See a 

also the importance of scriptui-al portion of them in Sirmond"s Opj). 

proof for the practice (ire'caov ti/jloLs torn. V. (Paris, 1696), where a 

5t' ov eKeiva wpoaKwel^Te, ttjs ypacprjs (xreek Life of Theodorus (? by a 

fj-rj exci'O''?? pr]T(bs TrwiroTe). For an monk named jNIichaelis) will be 

account of the whole interview be- also found. Other works are enu- 

tvveen Leo and the patriarch, see merated in Smith's Biograph. Diet. 

the Chronojrapjh. (in Continuation in. 1057. 

The ri'.vslanrr. 
0/ Xiccjihurus.- 

and the 



Theodore the 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 191 

tlie emperor to enter on a strenuous course of action. He kasterx 
forbade the public meetings of the monks, and bound them '^ 


of Michael 11. 

to maintain a total silence on tlie subject of dispute ■'^^; 
himself avowing no desire at present to expel the images 
entirely. But as soon as he could count upon the help icoiwciasuc 
of many of the bishops, he convened a synod*^ at Con-(8i5J: 
stantinople (815) for this purpose ; and, on finding that 
the patriarch was still immoveable, proceeded to eject him 
from his throne. It was bestowed on a severe Iconoclast, 
Theodotus, but all the ardent image-worshippers imme- 
diately renounced communion with him ^ Their resistance 
now brought down upon tlieir heads the most inhuman 
persecutions, and a number of the monks (tlieir leader, persecnikm of 

the iniin/i'.- 

Theodore, included) felt the lashes of the vigilant police, "■'''■*'"w^^'''*- 
and died in prison or in exile ^. 

The accession of the new emperor, Michael II. (820- oentir poi 
829), filled the image-worshippers with hope. He tolerated 
them on principle, and laboured even to effect a general 
understanding in the disputants, on either side ^. But men 

^ Theodore, the Studite, in a ^ The conforming party, who re- 
vehement circular, denounced all sorted to a kind of mental reserva- 
those who yielded to the edict. tion {oLKOPOfxla, as they called it), 
Epist. lib. II. ep. 2. were regarded b}^ the rest as 

6 Mansi, xiv. 135. This synod traitors. See the Letter of Theo- 

(never recognized in the Western dore to Nicephorus, the banished 

Church) condemned the Acts of patriarch, lib. ii. ep. 18, We 

the Council of Nicsea (787), and learn from another of these letters 

decreed that all paintings in the (lib. ll. ep, ^15) that men of his 

churches should be destroyed, as way of thinking travelled into 

well as the ecclesiastical vestments Italy for ordination, shunning the 

and vessels which were marked by Iconoclasts as nothing less than 

any sacred image. Neander (vi. heretics. They did not, however, 

272), relying perhaps on a letter yield to the exclusive theory of 

of the next emperor, Michael, Rome, but viewed the pope as one 

(Mansi, Xiv. 417), supposes that of the patriarchs {t6 irevraKopvcpov 

a council ('locale concilium') had Kpdros rijs eKKXrjcrias), though grant- 

been held anterior to the depo- ing him the first place in general 

sition of Nicephorus, in order to councils (lib. n. ep. 129). 

effect a compromise between the ^ See, besides the Life of Theo- 

opposite extremes. The images or dore, the touching story of his 

pictures were to be raised into a pupil, Nicetas, another Studite 

higher part of the churches, ' ne ab monk, in the Act. Sand. Febr. torn, 

indoctioribus et infirmioribus adora- I. 538 sq. 

rentur.' ^ See the Life of Theodore the 

192 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 



(d. 842J. 

I nnnes fyinlhj 
restored under 



like Theodore the Studite could not listen to a propo- 
sition, which in their eyes would involve a compromise 
of truths The schism was, accordingly, continued to the 
end of the present reign. 

Theophilus, the heir of Michael II., succeeded to the 
throne in 829, and for thirteen years directed all his 
energies to silence and convert the monks, who clung as 
formerly to image-worship. Very many of his acts are 
stained by cruelty, although his enemies have been unable 
to deny that he was zealous in promoting, what he deemed, 
the cause of God, and upright in discharging his imperial 
duties^. But it happened now, as at the death of Leo IV. ; 
his able and intriguing relict, Theodora, who administered 
affairs in the minority of her son (Michael III.), restored 
the interdicted worship^, banished John the Grammarian, 
patriarch of Constantinople, who was true to his opinions, 
and established in his place a zealot named Methodius. 
On the first Sunday of Lent (Feb. 19, 843), the use of 
images was introduced afresh into the churches of the 
eastern metropolis, where the event has been commemo- 
rated ever since by an annual feast, entitled ' Feast of 
Orthodoxy.' With some brief exceptions, the Iconoclastic 
troubles vanish at this stage. The subsequent decrees of 

Studite, as above, c, 102 — 122. This 
emperor, in %vriting to the Western 
Church, has left a most melancholy 
picture of the extravagancies of the 
image-party. ' Psallebant et adora- 
bant, atque ab eisdem imaginibus 
auxilium petebant. Plerique autem 
linteaminibus easdem imagines cir- 
cumdabant, et filiorum suorum de 
baptismatis fontibus susceptrices 

[i.e. sponsors] faciebant 

Quidam vero sacerdotum et cleri- 
corum colores de imaginibus ra- 
dentes, immiscuerunt oblationibus 
et vino,' g^c. Mansi, Xiv. 420, Even 
Theodore himself, while arguing for 
the absolute necessity of images for 

fixing in our minds the truth of the 
Incarnation, was compelled to ac- 
knowledge that, in some cases, re- 
verence for them had issued in idol- 
atry. See for instance, his Epist. 
lib. II. ep. 151: and Neander, vi. 
281, 282. 

^ E'pist. lib. II. ep. 171. 

^ See the evidence respecting 
him fairly stated in Schlosser's 
Geschichte der hilder-stiirm. Kaiser, 
pp. 469 sq. 

3 Ihid. 544 sq. For the strange 
way in which her scruples, as to the 
salvation of her husband, were re- 
moved, see the Continuation of 
Theophanes, lib. iv. c. 4. 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 193 

councils at Constantinople*, in 869 and 879, may be re- eastern 
garded as the formal winding-up of the discussion, — till 1 

it was at length reopened by the Western Churches in 
the sixteenth century. 

The master-spirit of the image-worshippers, as we have fJll/J!flTy 
seen already, was the abbot Theodore, the Studite. Nearly ^ttmT '^*^ 
all his published writings bear upon this point : but he has 
left a multitude of other works behind him^. He was held 
in very high repute, and thus transmitted the impression 
which was made upon the Eastern Church by John of 
Damascus, whom in many features he resembled. In the 
latter half of the ninth century and the commencement of 
the tenth, there was no lack of scholars at Constantinople, 
owing to the special patronage afforded to them by the 
emperors Basil the Macedonian (867 — 886) and Constantine 
Porphyrogennetus (913 — 959). Indeed the whole of the ^^« «/ catena?, 
present period witnessed a variety of literary labours in 
the East, although they are too often compilations^ (or 
CatencB) from the older stores of knowledge. 

Simeon^ (o MeTa(f)pa(TTr)^), who appears to have Sou- f)2^^]^^^.^,^^ 
rished about 900, was not destitute of originality, but it 
is manifested chiefly in his numerous Lives of Saints^; 

■* Here, as in the earlier synod '' See Leo Allatius, De Simeonum 
(843), the language of the second Scripiis Diatriba. 
council of Nicgea was confirmed. ^ The number of these is reck- 
In 869, the third canon puts the oned at six or seven hundred : but 
worship of the sacred image of our many seem to have been compiled 
Lord upon a level with the worship by other writers. Jbid. and Fabri- 
of the Gospels : Mansi, xvi. 400. cius, Biblioth. Grceca, ed. Harles, 
Traces of a short reaction of Icono- x. 1 86 sq. The rest of his works 
clasm, about 860, are found in an are Annals, Sermons, Poems, &c. 
epistle of pope Nicholas L; Mansi, See the list in Smith's Biogr. Diet. 
XV. 161. Ill- 953j 954- His credulity was 
^ See above, p. 190, n. 4. quite prodigious, for expressions 
6 e.g. Constantine Porphyrogen- like the following seem to indicate 
netus suggested the formation of that he beUeved his own stories, 
compendious works from all the ear- He is speaking of his namesake 
lier writers. They were arranged un- Symeon Stylites, the elder : 'AXXd, 
der fifty-three heads, embracing his- M^olkol ixrf tols ixerd ravra fMvdos 
tory, politics, and morals. Schrockh, eXvai. 56|y rijs dXrjdetas yeyvfivoj- 
XXI. 1 30 sq. yueVos. 

M. A. 

194 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 


(circ. 950). 

EutycMus of 
(d. 94G). 

(d. 891 

His varici 
erudition. .; 

tlie greater part of wliich, however, may have been re- 
castings from the earlier Legends. None of the expositors 
of Holy Scripture is more worthy of a passing notice than 
the Thracian bishop, CEcumenius (circ. 950). Though he 
borrowed largely from St Chrysostom, his Commentaries^ 
on the AcfSy the Canonical Epistles, and the Apocaly]jse, 
betoken a sound judgment in the choi(5e of his materials, 
and are always neatly, if not elegantly, written. As a 
general scholar, tinctured also with the love of science, we 
may notice an Egyptian prelate, Eutychius^ (Said Ebn- 
Batrich), patriarch of Alexandria (933—940). 

But the ripest and most highly gifted of the Eastern 
scholars, in the period under our review, was Photius^, an 
exalted servant of the court of Byzantium in the middle 
of the ninth century. His character, indeed, is sullied by 
ambition, and too oft by his forgetfulness of higher duties 
and unprincipled devotion to the world; yet as a v/riter 
no one will deny that he conferred a lasting boon on that 
and future ages. In addition to his Bihliotheca (criticisms 
in almost every field of ancient literature), his Nomocanon 
(or a digest of ecclesiastical laws), his interesting Letters, 
and a string of minor works, he published treatises directly 
bearing on theology and sacred exegesis. Some of these 
are in the form of Homilies and Commentaries^, and in 
one (the Ainphilochia) he attempts to solve a number of 
perplexing questions in Divinity. The rest are chiefly 

^ The Exposition of the Gospels 
frequently attributed to him ap- 
pears to be the work of a later 
writer, Euthymius Zigabenus, a 
monk of Coustantiiiople (published 
in 3 vols. 8vo. Leipzig, 1792). The 
Commentai'ies of G5cumenius have 
been often printed {e.g. Paris, i 
vols, folio, 1631). For that on the 
Apocalypse, see Cramer's Caienie, 
Oxf. 1840. 

^ His Annales (reaching to the 
year 940) were edited by Poeocke, 

Oxon. 1659: besides which he wrote 
a treatise on Medicine, and a Dispu- 
tation between a Christian and a 
Heretic. See Neale's Jiast. Churchy 
'Alexandria,' ir. 181 — 183. 

^ See the ample article in Smith's 
Biofjrapk. Diet. in. 347—355. 

'^ A copy of the Commentary 
of Photius on the Pauline Epi 
sties, mentioned by the writer c 
the article above, is among tbi 
Cambridge University MSS. (Ff. J 

— 1073] Btate of Bellgious Doctrine and Controversies. 195 

aimed at misbelievers (sucli as the Paulicians), or impeacli 
the orthodoxy of the rival Church of Eome. 

From Photius, therefore, we may pass to a dispute in 
which he played a leading part, the controversy which 
resulted in the 



The materials of dissension had been long accumulating, 
and there needed only a direct collision of the Roman and 
Byzantine patriarchs to tear asunder the surviving fibres 
which composed tlie bond of peace. Apart from the di- 
vergencies of temperament and intellectual bias, which in 
periods like the present were not easily adjusted, the old 
leaven^ of ambition, jealousy, and en^y had fermented more 
and more. One subject of dispute assumed the gravest 
character, relating as it did to the Procession of the Holy IwiHnflf the 
Ghost. It had already occupied the leading theologians theHoiT^'' 
of the East and West (for instance, Alcuin and John of 
Damascus), and was now put forward still more promi- 
nently on both sides I The Greeks, while they admitted 
fully^ that the Holy Spirit is communicated by, and through, 

5 Above, pp. 41, 42, 51 ; p. 58, 
n. 2 ; p. 62, n. i ; p. 133. Dollin- 
ger traces the origin of the schism 
directly to the Council in Trullo 
(691), when the Greek bishops shew- 
ed what he thinks an unjustifiable 
'fastidiousness on the subject of the 
superiority of the Chiu'ch of Rome,' 
III. 83: cf, Neander, vi. 298, 299; 
Stanley's Eastern Church, pp. 23 sq. 

" The following is the title of a 
tract by Photius : Kara tQiv t7]s 
TraXatay 'Pc6yU.r?s otl e/c Uarpos /aouov 
€K7rope>jeTaL to TLpeu/na to 'Aycov 
aW ovx^ KCLL eK tou T'lov. It is 
printed in the PanopUa of Euthy- 
mius Zigabenus (pp. 112, 113, ed. 
Tergovist. 17 10). On the introduc- 

tion of the clause FiUoque into the 
western creeds, see above, p. 62, 
n. I, and the references there. 

"^ Neale's Eastern Church, Introd. 
Dissert. III. The language of John 
of Damascus (quoted by Neander, 
VI. 295) is as follows: TtoO 5e lived- 
ixa, ovx cos i^ ai'Tov, dW ws 
dt avTov e/c tov ITarpos eKiropevb- 
fievow fjLovos yap atrtos 6 IlaT-qp. 
'Juxta vero Latinos, a Patre et 
Filio: quamvis in quibusdam Grse- 
corum expositionibus eundem Spiri- 
tum a Patre per Filium procedere 
reperiamus.' Scotus Erigena, De 
Divisione Naturce, p, 85, ed. Oxon. 
168 r. Cf. Laud, Conf. tvith Fisher, 
pp. 17 — 20, Oxf. 1839. 


196 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 814 


the Son, and therefore may be called "the Spirit of the 
east' AXD Son," denied as fully that the Godhead of the Holy Ghost 

— proceeded equally from Both the other Persons of the 

blessed Trinity. To argue thus appeared to them a vio- 
lation of the truth, that God the Father is to be regarded 
as the single Root or underived Principle of Godhead (as 
the apx^ of all being). Other grounds of discord came 
to light hereafter, but from the importance of the doctrine, 
the Procession of the Holy Ghost has ever been the most 
conspicuous topic in the quarrels of the East and West. 

Deposition of The dcpositiou of Ignatius^ by the worthless Caesar 

Ignatius, 858. Bardas, uncle of Michael III., was followed by the ele- 
vation of Photius to the patriarchal throne of Constan- 
tinople (858). He was before a courtier and a layman, 
but, as happened not unfrequently in such an age, he 
passed at once through the subordinate gradations of the 
ministry, and in a week had reached the highest honours 
of the Church^. Ignatius was, however, far too conscious 
of integrity to sign his own disgrace, and sentence was 
accordingly pronounced against him at a council^ drawn 

The conduct of together by his rival in the following year (859). But 
as the friends of the deposed were still a formidable body*, 
Photius ventured to invoke the mediation of the Church of 
Borne", and for that purpose put himself into communi- 
cation with the equally ambitious pontiff, Nicholas I. The 
latter, bent as we have seen on carrying out the Pseudo- 
Isidore Decretals^, now came forward as an autocratic 

his riral, 

1 See the contemporary Life of 
Ignatius, by Nicetas Paphlago, a 
warm admirer of him, in Mansi, 
XVI. 209 sq. According to this au- 
thority, Bardas had been excommu- 
nicated by Ignatius on the charge of 
incest with the wife of his own son. 

2 Ihid. 229, 232. Photius urged 
on his own behalf that the appoint- 
ment was pressed upon him by the 
clergy as well as by the court. 

2 Tiie report of its proceedings 

was destroyed at the eighth session 
of tbe following council in 869. 

^ See Photii Epist. iii, vi. VIIL; 
ed. Montague, Lond. 1651. 

^ See the reply of Nicliolas I. 
(Sept. 25, 860) to a letter of the 
emperor (now lost), in Mansi, XV. 
162 : and the somewhat fulsome 
letter of Photius himself in Baro- 
nius, Annates, ad an, 859, § 61. 

^ Above, pp. 145 sq. He ac- 
tually rebuked Photius in 862 for 

— 1073] Btate of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 197 

judge '^. In this capacity lie sent two legates to Constan- sf.para- 
tinople (860), but they were not proof against the threats east and 
and bribery of the court ^ They recognized the claims of — 

/ T^T . /««,N ^ ' His claims 

the intruder, rhotms (861); yet their sentence was qyq feminized hy 

' \ / ' ^ papal legates : 

long repudiated^ by a Koman synod (863), which, after ^'^^"geV'' 
weighing all the merits of Ignatius, did not hesitate to 
launch anathemas upon his rival. This event was fol- 
lowed by an angry correspondence between the emperor 
Michael and the pope^'^; while Photius^\ throwing off the 
mask and waiving all his former courtesy, proceeded in 
a council held at Constantinople to denounce the Latin 
Church in general, and even to anathematize the pope (867). 
The quarrel was embittered by occurrences already noted S^'S^^^ 
in the missions of Bulgaria^l The diffusion of the Gospel ^'^•'^^«^-^- 
in that country had been due at first to the Byzantine 
Church, but on the introduction of a staff of Latin clergy 
in 866, the province had been wrested from the hands of 
Photius. He alluded to this point in the ' Encyclica' which cm.^""*''* 
he put forth on summoning the council of 867, and even 
went so far as to charge the western missionaries with 
departures from the faitli^^. 

his slowness in perceiving the weight emperor (866) : Ibid. 216 sq. 

of such Decretals. Mansi, XV. 174. ^^ See Epist. ii. pp. 47 sq. This 

^ In the Letter to the emperor was an encyclical letter addressed 

above cited, and another of the same to the leading bishops of the East, 

date to Photivis. Mansi, xv. 168. inviting them to take part in a 

^ Ibid. XV. 216, where Nicholas synod. For a brief notice of its 

informs the emperor that the iin- acts, see Anastasius, Prcef. ad Con- 

worthy legates have been cil. (Ecumen. viii. [/. e. the so-called 

municated. oecumenical council of Constantino- 

^ Ibid. XV. 178 sq,, 245 sq. pie, 869]: Mansi, XVI. i sq. 

1^ The emperor's letter is lost, but ^^ Above, pp. 132, 133. 
its contemptuous character may be '^■^ He dwelt especially on the 
inferred from the more dignified re- Western doctrine of the Procession 
ply of Nicholas (865). Ibid, xv, of the Holy Ghost, the celibacy of 
iS7sq. He despises the imperial the clergy, and fasting on the Sab- 
threats (' Nolite nobis minas prseten- bath (Saturday), The cause of the 
dere, quoniam nee illas metuimus, Latins was defended, among others, 
nee per has prsecepta vestra facie- by the learned Ratramnus of Corbey, 
inus:' ib. 213), being no longer sub- whose reply (in D'Achery's Spicile- 
ject to the Eastera court: cf. the gium, 1.6^ — 1 1 2) is characterized by 
equally characteristic letter to the great moderation. 

198 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A. D. 814 


Restoration of 

at tJie Council 
of Constanti- 
nopk, 869- 

of Photius, 


But at tliis crisis, a new emperor, Basil I. (the Mace- 
donian), whom Photius estranged by rejecting him from the 
Communion^ on the ground of his complicity in the as- 
sassination of his predecessor, took the side of the opponents 
and proceeded to restore Ignatius to his see. The pope 
was now invited to acknowledge him afresh^, and at the 
numerous council of Constantinople^ (Oct. 5, 869 — March 
13, 870), where Photius was again condemned, the schism 
between the rival patriarchs, as well as that between the 
Christians of the East and West, appeared^ to have been 

In 878, when Ignatius was no more, the choice of the 
emperor fell upon their ancient adversary, Photius, whom 
he had already called from banishment. It seems, how- 
ever, that there was a numerous party in the East, who 
were all bitterly opposed to the imperial nomination, on 
the ground that Photius still lay under sentence of a coun- 
cil headed by the pope. To satisfy the scruples of this 

^ See on this point the annota- 
tions of Neander, vi. 314. The 
same view is taken by the writer 
in Smith's Blogr. Diet. III. 349. 

^ Mansi, xvi. 46. 

^ Ibid. XVI. 1 sq. This council 
was preceded by a kindred one at 
Rome (June, 869 : see JafFe, pp. 
■256, 257), and Roman influence, 
telling as it did in favour of Igna- 
tius, was predominant throughout. 
Some of the Greek prelates, it is 
true, protested 'non bene factum 
fuisse, quod Ecclesiam Constauti- 
nopolitanam tanta subjectione Ro- 
manse subdi ecclesise permiserint' 
(Mansi, xvi. 29); and the follow- 
ing entry of a Frankish chronicler 
(quoted by Gieseler, 11. 471) is most 
significant: 'In qua synodo de ima- 
ginibus adorandis aliter quam ortho- 
doxi doctores ante deftnierant, statu- 
erunt ; quasdam etiam pro favore 
Romani %)ontificis, qui eorum votis 
de imaginibus adorandis annuit, et 

qusedam contra antiques canones,' 
etc. The claim of the council to be 
caUed cecumenical (cf. above, p. 83, 
n. 3) is entirely set aside by the fact 
that the other three patriarchs were 
not represented ; the pretended en- 
voys of those sees being in truth 
agents from the Saracens, who had 
come to Constantinople on matters 
of business (Photii £pist. cxviii. : 
cf. Palmer, Treatise 0x1 the Church, 
u. 161, 162; 3rd edit.). 

^ The old controversy about Bul- 
garia w^as, however, still unsettled, 
and we find John VIII. (878) re- 
peatedly holding out the threat of 
excommunication against Ignatius 
on account of an assertion of pa- 
triarchal rights in ordaining clergy 
for that district : Mansi, xvn. 67. 
The Eastern influence finally tri- 
umphed; the province of Achrida 
or Justinianopolis adhering to the 
see of Constantinople. Wiltsch, I. 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 199 

schooP an effort was next made to win his approbation pepaea- 
of their recent conduct, such appearing the most likely east and 

way to bring the quarrel to a close. Accordingly the — 

pontiff, JohnVIII., more pliant than his predecessors, and thecmmcuof 
aitectnig to undo the late decisions at Constantinople by 879- 
a special act of grace^, despatched his legates to the scene 
of the dispute (Aug. 16, 879): but in the following council, 
while the Easterns seemed to recognize his right of in- 
terference, they most artfully evaded all the ultra-papal 
claims, to the annoyance of the Eoman Church^ The FresJi qnarrei 

. ivith the pope. 

sanction of that church, indeed, was for a time conceded 
to their Acts^; but when she saw that the Byzanthie 
patriarch determined to retain his jurisdiction in Bulgaria, 
notwithstanding her reiterated threats, she had recourse to 
another fulmination^ (circ. 881), and thus the intercom- 
munion of the two rival churches was again suspended. 

For a century and a half at least, the marks of inter- ^fff"^p^ ^o 

«/ ' restore cotn- 

course are slight and discontinuous. In 1024 (or there- !c^'"io24) 
abouts) the emperor Basil II., struck by the degraded 
state of Western Christendom, proposed to reestablish a 

^ Neander, VI, 321, 32-2. repelled. But the most remarkable 
® See his Letters in Mansi, xvi. feature of the synod was its reaf- 
479 sq. The policy of John VIII. firmation of the Niceno-Constanti- 
was chiefly aimed at securing for nopolitan Creed, without the clause 
himself the province of Bulgaria; Tilioque.' Ih. p. 515. 
and at least, according to the Ro- ^ Thus the pope writes to Photius 
7)ian version of the matter, Photius (Aug. 13, 880) : 'Ea, quee pro causa 
had accepted this condition, but had tuae restitutionis synodali decreto 
afterwards falsified the papal re- Constantinopoli misericorditer acta 
script, so that before it was submit- sunt, recipimus.' He rejects, how- 
ted to the council it appeared more ever, any of the Acts to which his 
favoui'able to the independence of legates may have assented 'contra 
the Eastern Church. apostolicam prgeeeptionem.' Mansi, 
'' The Acts of the council are in xvii. 185. The synod was aftei-- 
Mansi, xvii. 373 sq. In the fifth wards called by the Latins 'Pseudo- 
session (Jan. 26, 880), the Roman synodus Photiana.' The Greeks re- 
legates declared that they recog- gard it as ' oecumenical.' 
nized Photius as the lawful patri- ^ Mansi, xvi. 449 ; xvir. 537. 
arch, and rejected the council of For the later measures of the popes 
869, at which he was condemned. against Photius, see ihid. xviii. 11. 
In the second session (Nov. 16, He was again displaced in 886, from 
879), the claims of the papal legates political motives, b_y Leo VI., and 
with regard to Bulgaria were mildly died an exile in Armenia (circ. 891). 

200 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 814 

SEPARA- concordat, on the nnderstandino; that the patriarchs of 


EAST KUD Rome and of Byzantium should hereafter act upon a level ; 


and it seems that John XIX. was only frightened from 
considering the suggestion by the ferment it excited in 
the West^ Indeed a kindlier feeling had been now more 
generally diffused, as we may gather from the fact that 
public worship, in accordance with the ritual of the Greeks, 
was tolerated at Rome, and the converse at Byzantium. 
FhKd rupture, -Q^-^ ^]^jg yg^y circumstauce eventually became the ground 
of fresh disputes, and led the way to the final schism. 
The patriarch of Constantinople, Michael Cerularius, in 
1053, peremptorily forbade the celebration of the Latin 
ritual in his province^; and, assisted by Leo, metropolitan 
of Bulgaria, published an intemperate attack^ on all the 
members of the Western Church. This angry missive 
roused the indignation of the Latins, more especially of 
the polemic cardinal Humbert*, whose reply, though very 
bitter in its tone, is marked in some respects by larger 
views of evangelic freedom. All attempts to calm the 
passion of the disputants were vain : and when the papal 

1 Glaber Radulph. Hist. lib. IV. 
c. I. After stating the proposal as 
above, he continues : ' Dum ergo 
adhuc leni sub murmure hujusce 
machinatores in conclavi sese pu- 
tarent talia tractavisse, velox fama 
de ipsis per universam Italiam de- 
cucurrit. Sed qualis tunc tumultus, 
quam vehemens commotio per cunc- 
tos exstitit, qui audierunt, dici non 
valet.' A remonstrance on the sub- 
ject was addressed to the pope by 
William of Dijon. 

2 See the letter of Leo IX. (1054) 
to Cerularius of Constantinople and 
Leo of Achrida: Mansi, xix, 635. 

3 It is only extant in the Latin 
version of cardinal Humbert, in 
Baronius, Annal. ad an. 1053, §§ 22 
sq. It was addressed to John, bishop 
of Trani (in Apulia), but through 
him 'ad universos principes sacer- 
dotum et sacerdotes Francorura et 

monachos et populos et ad ipsum 
reverendissimum papam.' He in- 
sists, among other trivial things, on 
the importance of using common 
or leavened bread in the celebration 
of the eucharist, instead of the pas- 
chal or unleavened bread, which 
after the eighth century had been 
common among the Latins : see the 
Dissertation concerning Azyraes, in 
Neale's Eastern Church, Introd. ii. 
105 r sq. The ground of the objec- 
tion to the Latin custom was alleged 
to be its judaizing tendency. See 
another angry work in opposition to 
the Latin Church by Nicetas, a 
Studite monk, in Canisius, Led. An- 
tiq. ni. pt. I. pp. 308 sq., where 
Humbert's Responsio is also printed. 
Nicetas afterwards recanted. 

"* See above, p. 184. His refuta- 
tion is printed at length in Canisius, 
Led. Antiq. in. pt. i. pp. 283 sq. 

-1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 201 

legates, at the instance of a Eomanizing emperor^, arrived 
at Constantinople in 1054, they found the patriarch im- 
moveably opposed to their pretensions. They departed, 
therefore, after placing on the altar of the church of St 
Sophia (July 16) an imperious writ of excommunication'^, 
which was followed in its turn by an anathema from 
Cerularius and his clergy ^ The disunion of the Koman 
and Byzantine sees was consummated by these acts; and 
as the patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch^ and Jerusalem 
adhered to the more powerful see of Constantinople, the 
estrangement was transmitted almost universally to other 
countries of the East^ 



The rise and growth of the Paulicians^" have been fully 
traced already, though their influence gave a colour to 
the present period of the Church. They flourished chiefly 
in Armenia, on the borders of the Zendic or Parsee re- 
ligion ; and a mixture of their creed with it appears to 
have produced the sect of the Thontrakians, founded by The sect of the 

A " Jhontrakians, 

one Sembat, a Paulician (between 833 and 854) in the 

^ This tenderness for Rome is 
indicated in the letter addressed to 
him by Leo IX. (1054): Mansi, 
XIX. 667. 

^ See the Brevis Commemoratio 
of Humbert in Canisius, Ibid. pp. 
325 sq. Among other charges le- 
velled at tlie Orientals in this docu- 
ment the following are remarkable : 
'Sicut Arriani rebaptizant in nomine 
sanctas Trinitatis baptizatos, et max- 
ime Latinos; sicut Donatistte affir- 
mant, excepta Grsecorum Ecclesia, 
Ecclesiam Christi et verum sacrifi- 
cium atque baptismum ex toto mun- 
do periisse; sicut Nicolait£e carnalcs 
nuptias concedunt et defendunt sacri 
altaris ministris; sicut Severiani 
maledictam dicunt legem Mosis ; 
sicut Pneumatomachi vel Theomachi 
absciderunt a symbolo Spiritus Sancti 

processionem a Filio,' etc. 

7 In a synod held at Constan- 
tinople (1054) : see Leo Allatius, De 
Lihris Ecclesiasticis Grcecorum, ed. 
Paris. 1645, pp. 161 sq. 

^ Peter of Antioch acted at first 
the part of a mediator : see Monu- 
7nenta Eccl. Grcec. ed Coteler. ii. 
123 sq. In the same collection 
(pp. 138 sq.) are letters addressed 
to Peter by Cerularius, in wliich 
he complains of the pride and in- 
solent demands of the legates, and 
points out what he considers fresh 
scandals in the Latin Church. 

^ At the period of the separation 
it seems probable that the number 
of episcopal sees was nearly equal 
on both sides. Palmer's Treatise on 
the Church, i. 164, 165, 3rd edit. 

^^ Above, pp. 85 — 92. 

202 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 


Revival of tlie 

province of Ararat \ In spite of persecution^ it made nu- 
merous converts, more especially when it was joined by an 
Armenian bishop, Jacob, in 1002. 

This century had also witnessed a revival^ of the mys- 
tic sect of Euchites (or Enthusiasts), who afterwards were 
known by an equivalent Slavonic name, the Bogomiles. 
Proceeding from the Eastern Church they seem to have 
maintained substantially the Zendic doctrine of two prin- 
ciples, and also to have held with it exaggerated views 
of the importance of monastic life, which they regarded 
as the one effective agent for the subjugation of the flesh 
and for disarming all the powers of darkness. 

Many of these oriental sects, desirous of securing pro- 
wist^^^ selytes or driven from their early haunts by dint of per- 
secution, migrated, as it would seem most frequently, 
along the course of the Danube, into several countries 
of the West. The progress of the Bogomiles and the 
related school of Cathari belongs to the following period : 
but the seeds of lasting controversies were now scattered 
far and wide, in Italy, in France, and even in the Nether- 
lands and some parts of Germany. The name with which • 
the sectaries are branded in the works of a host of un- 
discriminating adversaries, is the odious name of Mani- 

of inani/ of 
their pri 

to the ~" 

"^ See Chamchean's (or, as the 
Germans write it, Tscliamtschean's) 
Geschichte von Armenieii, ii. 884 sq.; 
Neander, vi, 342 sq, 

2 The Armenian Church (cf, 
above, p. 189, n. 8) had retained 
a large amount of judaizing ele- 
ments (even animal sacrifices in 
memory of the dead), and accord- 
ingly the antagonism between it 
and the Paulicians was complete. 
Ibid. Akin to the Armenians in 
their tenderness for Judaism, were 
the new sect of Athinganians, who 
appeared in Phrygia, Neander (vi. 
347 sq.) conjectures that they were 
a remnant of the judaizing misbe- 
lievers whom St Paul rebukes in the 
Epistle to the Colossians (ii. 21 sq.). 

^ Several traces of them in the 
interval between the fourth and 
eleventh centuries, have been 
pointed out by Gieseler, II. 489 
(note). They seem to have had 
a regular church constitution, and 
to have named the chief teachers 
' apostles.' The fullest source of 
information respecting them at the 
latter date is the Hepl euepyelas 
dat/jLovcov AtdXoyos of the very 
learned Michael Pselius (circ, 1050), 
ed. Norimberg. 1838, Among other 
startling practices he mentions that 
the Euchites were ' devil- worship- 
pers:' perhaps connected in some 
measure with the ' Yezeedees,' on 
whom see Badger's Nestorians, I. 
Ill — 134: Lond. 1852, 

— 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 203 


chagans*, — misbelievers who had formerly aroused the zeal 

of St Augustine. They had gained a stable footing in the 77,^ so-caiied 

church of Orleans (circ. 1020), and attracted notice almost i 


in Europe. 

simultaneously in other distant spots. 

So far as we can srather from the extant traces of the Jjieir distim- 

c live tenets. 

movement^, all its chief adherents were distinguished by a 
tendency to rationalism, while they preserved the mystic 
and ascetic elements of thought we have just noted in the 
Euchite. Questioning the possibility of supernatural birth, 
they represented the humanity of Christ as the mere sem- 
blance of a body, and accordingly concluded that His death 
and resurrection also were unreal : while the same Docetic 
theory resulted in contempt of all material media instituted 
to promote the culture of the soul. They undervalued, if 
they did not openly abjure, the holy sacraments, professing 
to administer a spiritual baptism and a spiritual eucha- 
rist instead of corresponding ordinances in the system of 
the Church^ 

^ The other view (advocated, for 
instance, by Gieseler, ii. 491) is, 
that the western sects, now stigma- 
tized as Manichceans, were really 
descended from the ancient Manes, 
whose disciples had not been ex- 
tinguished in some parts of Italy. 
This class of writers grant, however, 
that after the crusailes there was a 
kind of fusion of the eastern and 
western sects, and that the Bogo- 
miles (or Euchites) were then exactly 
like the French and Italian 'Mani- 
chceans.' The view adopted in the 
tsxt is that of Muratori, Antiq. 
Jtalice medii JEvi, v. 81 — 1^2 ; 
Gibbon, v. 283 sq., ed. Milman; 
and Neander, vi. 348. 

^ See especially the Acts of the 
synods of Orleans (lo^^) and of 
Arras (1025) in Mansi, xix. 373, 
423 ; Glaber Eadulph. Hist. lib. iii. 
0. 8 ; and the Chronicle of Aderaar, 
a contemporary monk of Angou- 
leme, in Bouquet, x. 154. Besides 
the tenets mentioned above, these 
sectaries made lioht of all the me- 

diaeval saints, and reverenced none 
except apostles and martyrs : they 
opposed the veneration of the cross ; 
they ridiculed the consecration of 
churches ; they insisted on the 
greater dignity of the unmarried 
state, and even spoke of sexual 
intercourse when sanctified by ma- 
trimony as a thing accursed. Like 
the Euchites, they are said to have 
worshipped the devil, (above, n. 3), 
and to have religiously abstained 
from every kind of animal food. 

•* See the remarks of Neander on 
this point, VI. 352. The sect ad- 
ministered a rite resembling con- 
firmation. They termed it the 
'consolamentum,' or communication 
of the Comforter. Ibid. At the 
synod of Arras they brought three 
reasons against the efficacy of bai^- 
tism as administered by the Church 
— '(r) quia vita reproba ministro- 
rum baptizandis nullum potest prse- 
bere salutis remedium : (2) quia 
quidquid vitiorum in fonte renun- 
ciatur postmodum in vita repeti- 

204 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 814 


On the detection of this band of heretics in Aquitaine 
and other parts of France, a synod was convened at Orleans 
in 1022, where thirteen of the ' Manichgsans,' who were 
true to their convictions, suffered at the stake*. Soon 
afterwards a kindred faction was impeached in the dioceses 
of Liege and Arras by a synod held at the latter place ^ 
(1025). But notwithstanding the extreme severity^ with 
which the leading misbelievers were repressed, the sect 
went on fermenting, more especially among the working 
class^ Besides a host of other ' Manichaeans ' who were 
executed in these parts and even in the north of Germany^, 
the neighbourhoods of Milan and Turin supplied fresh vic- 
tims to the sanguinary spirit of the age (1030). The here- 
tics abounded most at Monteforte®; and their creed, so far 
as we can judge, had even fewer elements of truth^ than 
were surviving in the other branches of the sect. 

tur : (3) quia ad parvulum non volen- 
tem Deque currentem, fidei nescium, 
suaeque salutis atque utilitatis igna- 
rum, in quern nulla regenerationis 
petitio, nulla fidei potest inesse 
c^nfessio, aliena voluntas, aliena 
fides, aliena confessio nequaquamper- 
tinere videtur.' Mansi, xix. 425. 

^ Authorities above, p. -203, n. 5. 

2 Mansi, xix. 423 sq. The abp. 
Gerhard II. refuted the objections 
of the sectaries at length. Ibid. 

'^ Almost the onl}' prelate who 
denounced the persecuting spirit 
of the times was Wazon, bishop of 
Lifege (d. 1047): see his noble lan- 
guage in the Gesta Eplscoporuni 
Lcodiensium, in Martfene and Du- 
rand's Collectlo, iv. 898 sq. 

■* They were particularly stimu- 
lated, first by Gundulf, an Italian, 
and then by a teacher of the name 
of Raraihed, who was at last hunted 
down and burned. 

^ Herimanni Chron. an. 1052 
(Pertz, vir. 130). 

^ Glaber Radulph. Hist. lib. iv. 
0. 2. A new name began to be 
applied in Italy at this period to 

all kinds of sects. It was that of 
Patareni, or Paterini, which aj^- 
pears to be derived from 'pataria,' 
a Milanese word = 'popular fac- 
tion.' It was originally the nick- 
name given by the clergy to the 
popular party of Milan during the 
agitations against the marriage of 
the priests: Schrockh, xxiii, 349, 
350; Neander, vi. 67, 68. 

'' See Landulphi Hist. Mediolan. 
lib. II. c. 27 (in Muratori, Script. 
Ital. IV. 88. sq.), where an account 
is given of the sect by one of its 
functionaries, Gerhard, who was 
summoned by archbp, Heribert of 
Milan. According to him, the doc- 
trines of the Gospel, though in 
words accepted as the truth, were 
robbed of all their meaning by an 
ultra-spiritualistic style of exposi- 
tion. Thus the Son of God is made 
to signify a soul that has become 
the object of God's love ; the birth 
of Christ from the Virgin is the 
new birth of a soul out of the sacred 
Scriptures ; while the * Holy Ghost' 
is the true understanding of these 

-1073] ( 205 ) 



In sketcliing the religious life of Western Christendom means of 
at this period, a distinction must be drawn between the ivnow- 

1 11 • • • 1 • LEDGE. 

tenth century and the remammg portions of the ninth and 

the eleventh. The influence of the Carloving-ian schools, in the degree o/ 

TT-iT-vi ' T r^ intelligence. 

supported as they were by Louis-le-Debonnan'e and Charles- 
le-Chauve^, was very widely felt : it ended only when do- 
mestic troubles, the partition of the empire, and the savage 
inroads of the Northmen checked all further growth. The 
same is, speaking generally, true of England; but the 
noble efforts of king Alfred ^ to revive the ancient taste 
for learning rescued his dominions, in some way at least, 
from the barbaric darkness which continued to oppress the 
continent of Europe, till the dawn of the Hildebrandine Tenth century 
reformation. Nearly all the intermediate time is desert, Sa""^^ 
one expanse of moral barrenness and intellectual gloom ^^ 

As in the former period^\ the instruction of the masses ^emyofthe. 
was retarded by the multiplicity and breaking up of Ian- ^«"^««-9«- 
guages, and, most of all, by the adherence of the Western 
Church to Latin only as the vehicle of worship. It was 

^ In the former reign the lite- ^ Above, pp. i86, 187. 
rature was almost exclusively re- ^•^ See, for instance, Mabillon, ^c<. 
ligious, owing to the predilections Sanct. Ord. Bened., ssec. v. Praef. 
of the monarch, but the court and Other writers {e. g. Hallam, Lit. of 
schools of Charles-le-Chauve dis- Middle Ages, pt, i. ch. i. § 10) con- 
played a stronger relish for more sider the tenth an advance upon the 
general learning ('utriusque erudi- seventh century, more particularly 
tionis Divinas scilicet et humanae' is in France, 
the language of the Council of Sa- ^^ See above, p. 95. 
vonibres in 859): of. Guizot, n. 371. 


State of Intelligence and Piety, [a. d. 814 


Injunctions on 

now, in fact, disused^ by nearly all excepting clerics. 
Many of the councils have, however, laid especial stress 
on the necessity of preaching in the native dialects^. They 
urge that opportunity should be afforded, both in town and 
country parishes^, of gaining a complete acquaintance with 
the precious Word of God. The doctrines of the Saviour's 
incarnation, death, and final triumph in bfehalf of man, the 
gift of the Holy Ghost, the value of the sacraments, the 
blessedness of joining in the act of public prayer, the need 
of pure and upright living, and the certainty of future 
judgment in accordance with men's works, are recom- 
mended as the leading topics for the expositions of the 
priest\ But insufficient training^, even where he was alive 

^ Bahr, Geschichte der romisck. 
Lit. in karol. Zeit. p. 59. 

2 e. g. The council of Mayence, 
in 847, orders (c. 2) that bishops 
should not only be assiduous in 
preaching, but that they should 
be able to translate their homilies 
into Romana rustica or Theotisca 
(Deutsch), ' quo facilius cuncti pos- 
sint intelligere quce dicuntur,' The 
practice of the English in this re- 
spect is illustrated by yElfric and 
Wulfstan (see above, p. 188): and 
in ^Elfric's Canons, c. 23 (Johnson, 
!• 397)) the priest is distinctly re- 
minded of his duty to expound the 
Gospel in English every Sunday and 

'^ e.g. The council of Valence 
(855), c. 16. Pope Nicholas I. soon 
afterwards (between 858 and 867) 
urges the importance of erecting 
' plebes, vel baptismales ecclesiae' 
(parish churches), ' ut ibi conventus 
celebrior populorum fiat et doctrina 
Jidei prct'dicetur.' Mansi, XV. 452. 

^ See, for instance, the Capitida 
of Herard, archbp. of Tours (858), 
c. 9 (in Baluze, i. 1285) : and coun- 
cil of Mayence, as above, n. 2. 

^ The requisite amount of know- 
ledge is laid down by Hincmar in 
his Capitula (852); Mansi, XV, 475. 
Besides committing several offices 

and formulae to memory, the priest 
is to be able to expound the Apo- 
stles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the 
Creed of St Athanasius ('Quicun- 
que Vult'), and understand forty 
Homilies of Gregory the Great. 
Several councils complained bitterly 
of unlearned priests : e. g. that of 
Rome (826), which also insists on 
the importance of securing school- 
masters, ' qui studia litterarum li- 
beraliumque artium dogmata assi- 
due doceant :' c. 34 ; Mansi, xrv. 
1008 : cf. ih. 493. So grossl}^ ig- 
norant were the clerics of Verona, 
that Katherius (d. 974) found many 
(plurimos) unable to repeat even the 
Apostles' Creed: D'Achery, I, 381. 
See RatJieriiis von Verona und das 
zehnte JahrhundeH, von Albrecht 
Vogel, Jena, 1854. He had also 
to c mtend with others (of Vicenza) 
who had sunk into anthropomor- 
phism, resolutely maintaining (hke 
the present Mormons) ' corporeum 
Deum esse :' Ibid. 388 sq. This 
part of Christendom, indeed, would 
seem to have been very prone to 
such unworthy speculations. Here 
sprang up the ' Theopaschites' con- 
demned at Rome (862), when the 
decision was that the Godhead of 
our Saviour was impassible, that 
He 'passionem crucis tantummodo 

— 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety, 207 

to his vocation, rendered him unable to imprint those means of 

^ n 1 • -11 n ^ a GKACE AND, 

verities efFectually upon his semi-barbarous nock. As know- 

children they were taught indeed by him and by their 

sponsors^ several elements of Christian faith (e.q, the Lord's the popular 

^ 1 5 /-i 1 1 • instruction. 

Prayer and the Apostles Creed) : yet there is reason to 
infer that in the many, more especially of tribes which 
were now added to the Church, the roots of heathenism 
were still insuperably strong'. 

How far the masses learned to read is not so easily schools.- 
determined. The amount of education must have differed 
with the circumstances of the country, diocese, or parish : 
still we are assured that efforts were continually made to 
organize both town and village schools^. 

The richest institutions of this class were the conventual ^^SSL?^ 
seminaries of the French and German Benedictines ; and 
although they often shared in the deterioration of the 
order, and were broken up by the invasions of the Ma- 
gyars and Northmen, we must view them as the greatest 
boon to ail succeeding ages ; since in them^ especially the 
copies of the Sacred Volume, of the Fathers, and of other 
books were hoarded and transcribed^*'. 

secundum camera sustinuisse' (Man- ever, that there was a constant 

si, XV. 658). The same council was jealousy of the lay or secular schools 

under the necessity of condemning on the part of the monks, who 

an opinion that in baptism ' originale succeeded in getting several of them 

non ablui delictum.' closed. Vidailian, Vie de Gi'eg. VII., 

^ Gieseler (ll. ■265, n. -29) men- I. 290. 
tions a German-Latin exhortation ^ Some idea of the contents of a 

on this subject belonging to the monastic library at this period may 

present period. Still, as we may be formed from the catalogue be- 

judge from the council of Troale longing to the French convent of 

(909), c. 15, multitudes of either St Riquier, in Chronicon Monast. 

sex were unable to repeat even the S. Rickarii Centulensis (D'Achery's 

Lord's Prayer and the Creed. Splcil. ll. 310 sq.). 

7 Cf. above, p. 95, n. 6; p. 119; i*^ The founder of a reformed 

p. 125 ; p. 143, n. 8. branch of the Benedictines, the Con- 

^ e.g. council of Vale^ice (855), gregation of Hirschau, did great 

c. 18; council oi Savonieres (859), service in this way: 'Duodecim 

c. 10. Herard of Tours, in bke monachis suis scriptores optimos in- 

manner, enjoins (c. 17) ' ut scholas Btiivat, qpShvLB \\t Divince auctoritatis 

presbyteri pro posse habeant et lihros, at sanctorum Patruni tracta- 

libros emendates.' It seems, how- tus rescriberent, demandavit. Erant 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [a. d. 814 


Scarcitif of 
entire coiJ~'~ 
the Bible. 



The reverence for the holy Scriptures on the ground 
of their superhuman character was universally retained \ 
Too oft, however, the supply of biblical as well as other 
copies of manuscripts appears to have been extremely small % and 
very few even of the well-affected clergy had sufficient 
means to purchase more than two or three separate works ^ 
of the inspired Authors. Copies of the Psalms and Gospels 
were most frequently possessed. 

The laity, when they could read, had also opportunities 
of gathering crumbs of sacred knowledge, here and there 
at least, from versions now in circulation^ of some parts 
of holy Writ, from interlinear glosses of the Service-books^, 

prseter hos et alii scriptores sine 
certo numero, qui pari diligentia 
scribendis voluminibus operam im- 
pendebant.' J. Trithemius [John 
of Trittenheim] Annates Hirsaugi- 
eyises, i. 227: ed. St Gall. 1690. 

^ See the Benedictine Hist. Lit. 
de la France, IV. 252 sq., v. 291 sq., 
and, for England, ^Ifric, On the 
Old and Neiu Testaments, translated 
by L'Isle, Lond. 1638. At the 
consecration of a bishop the follow- 
ing question was asked : ' Vis ea 
quae ex Divinis Scriptiiris intelligis 
plebem cui ordinandus es et verbis 
docere et exeraplis.' MS. quoted 
in Soames, Bampt. Led. p. 95. 
Dunstan urges the advantage of a 
familiar acquaintance with the Holy 
Scriptures in his ' Exposition of the 
Rule of St Benedict :' Cambr. Univ. 
MSS., Ee, II. 4, fol. 26, b. 

■^ Mr Kemble (Saxons, ii. 433) 
quotes a passage from Rabanus 
Maurus, where it is stated that no 
copy of the Old and New Testa- 
ments could then be found in the 
diocese of Lisieux. 

"^ This was implied in the advice 
of Riculf, bishop of Soissons (889), 
who urged his country clergy to 
bestow especial pains upon their 
schools, and to provide themselves 
with as many books as possible. 
If they could not procure all the 
Old Testament, they were at least 

to have the Book of Genesis : 
Fleury, liv. Liv. § 4. In the con- 
ventual catalogue above cited, p. 
207, n. 9, the ' Bibliotheca,' or entire 
Bible, was in one copy Mispersa in 
voluminibus xiv.' 

4 Above, p. 97. King Alfred is 
said to have commenced a version 
of the Psalms into English (W. 
Malmsbur. De Gest. Rcgum. p. 45, 
ed. Francof, 1601). The fragments 
of ^Ifric's Heptateuchus, a transla- 
tion of portions of the Pentateuch, 
Joshua, Judges, &c., have been 
printed, ed. Thwaites, Oxon. 1698. 
'Hhe Anglo-Saxon Gospels (best edited 
by Thorpe, Lond. 1842) are also 
traceable to this period. The Sla- 
vonic churches of Moravia, Russia, 
Servia, and probably others, pos- 
sessed the Bible and Service-books 
in the vernacular. See above, p. 
122, p. 131, p. 136: but it is worthy 
of remark, that in the cognate church 
of Dalmatia, subject to the popes, 
attempts were ultimately made {e.g. 
council of Spalatro, 1069) to banish 
the Slavonic ritual and to substitute 
the Latin. 

^ Above, p. 97, n. 10 : and 
Wright's Biogr. Brit. 1. 427. The 
'Durham Book' (Cotton MS. Nero, 
D. IV.), of which the Latin portion 
was written between 687 and 721, 
received the interlinear gloss about 

— 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety, 209 

or from poetic paraphrases, harmonies, and hymns in the corrup- 
vernacular. — productions which indeed grow very numerous abuses. 

at this period^ ' 

Still, as writers of the age itself complain, a careful 
study of the Bible was comparatively rare, especially 
throughout the tenth century; the clerics even giving a 
decided preference to some lower fields of thought, for 
instance, to the elements of logic and of grammar ^ The 
chief source of general reading was the swarming ' Lives Popuiarih/ o/ 
of Saints,' which had retained the universal influence we '^'"'*^*- 
have noticed on a former page I The Eastern Church was 
furnished with them even to satiety by Simeon Meta- 
phrastes^; and a number of his wildest Legends were 
transmitted to the West. The general craving for such 
kinds of food is well attested by the fact that ^Ifric 
had himself translated two large volumes at the wish of 
the English people, and had subsequently been induced 
to undertake a third for the gratification of the monks ^". 

^ Louis-le-Ddbonnaire had a me- '' See the complaint of Notker in 
trical version of the Scriptures made Neander, VI. 177. Agobard of 
under his direction (Palgrave's Nor- Lyons, at an earlier date, in his 
mandy,i. 188), which most probably endeavours to reform the Liturgy, 
is the .£^e?/fmc?(circ. 830), an Old-Sax- and raise the spiritual character of 
on Gospel Harmony (ed. Schmeller), the priesthood, bears the foUowino- 
alliterative in form. Another Har- witness to the evils of his time : 
mony, or Paraphrase of the Gospels, ' Quam plurimi ab ineunte pueritia 
is by Ottfried (circ. 868), a monk of usque ad senectutis canitiem omnes 
Weissenburg. See this and other dies vitse suae in parando et confir- 
vernacular pieces in Schilter's The- mando expendunt, et totum tempus 
saurus Antiq. Teutonicarum. The utilium et spiritalium studiorum. 
Psalms also were translated into legendi, videlicet, et divina eloquia 
the Low-German dialect (ed.Hagen). perscrutandi, in istiusmodi occupa- 
Raumer (as referred to above, p. 97, tione consumunt.' De Correctione 
n. 7) will point out many other Antiphon. c. 18. 0pp. ii. 99, ed. Ba- 
fragments of this class. In the luze. 
eleventh century, Notker Labeo, a ^ p. 98. 
monk of St Gall, and Williram, ^ Above, p. 193. 
master of the cathedral-school at ^^ See the Preface to an Anglo- 
Bamberg, added to the stock of ver- Saxon Passion of St George, edited 
nacular theology ; the former having by the present writer, for the late 
published a German paraphrase of Percy Society, No. LXXXViii. Time 
the Psalms, and the latter a German for reading would be found on Sun- 
translation and exposition of Solo- days, which were still most ri- 
mon's Song. gorously observed: e.g. Council of 

:»I . A. P 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [a. d. 814 

coRRUP- The counteraction to this errowinsr worship of the saints 

Ti((^S AND . 

ABUSES, was now less frequent and emphatic than before. The 

Increase in the 
number of 


ikiud-wurghip. voice of a reforming prelate, such as Agobard^ or Claudius 
of Turin '"^j did little to abate the ruling spirit of the age. 
The calendar was crowded more and more with names, 
occasionally, it is true, the names of genuine saints^, or 
those of missionaries who expired in thje evangelizing of 
the heathen; but more frequently they represent a host 
of mythic beings, coloured, if not altogether forged, to 
satisfy the wants of an uncritical and marvel-hunting 
generation^. In some cases, it is probable, the authors of 
the Legends put them out as nothing more than historical 
ro7nances, but the ordinary reader did not view them in 
this light ; and therefore the results to which they natu- 
rally led, in moulding the religious habits and ideas of 
the Middle Ages, were extensive and profound^. 

Of all the saints whom Christians venerated more and 
more, the blessed Virgin was the chief. The story of her 
exaltation into heaven obtained a ojeneral credence, and 

Eanham (1009), c. 15, c. 30, (John- 
son, I. 486, 490) ; Council of Coyaco, 
in Spain (1050), c. 3. 

1 De Imaginibus, c. xxxv: 0pp. 
I. 267. 

^ (See Neander, vi. 129. 

^ e.g. count Gerald of Aurilly, 
whose life was written by Odo, the 
abbot of Clugny, in the BihUoth. 
Cluniacensis, ed. Paris. 1614. He 
is said to have left many clerics 
far behind in his knowledge of the 

* e. g. Bellarmine even thinks that 
the productions of Simeon Meta- 
phrastes were indebted largely to 
his own inventive powers (they were 
narrations ' non iit res gestae fuerant, 
sed ut geri potuerant'): but this idea 
is rejected by another of the Roman 
controversialists, Leo Allatius, in 
his De Simeonuifi Scriptis, pp. 43 — 
47. Many legends also were re- 
peated of different saints merely 
^^ ith a change of names : Gieseler, 

II. 424, 425. The Church besides 
was deluged at this period by 'here- 
tical' or 'apocryphal' hymns and 
martyrologies : see, for instance, the 
Pref. quoted in p. 209, n. 10. Ago- 
bard informs us in like manner that 
it was usual for some persons to 
sing the most heterodox effusions 
even in the churches ; ' non solum 
inepta et superflua sed etiam pro- 
fana et haeretica in ecclesiis decan- 
tare.' De Correct. Antiphon. c. 18. 
He proposes instead of these to have 
a reformed Antiphonary, ' ex puris- 
simis Sanctae Scripturae verbis suffi- 
cientissime ordinatum.' Ibid. c. 19. 
^ We may conceive of this effect 
more clearly by remerabei-ing that 
Ignatius Loyola was fired to insti- 
tute the Order of the Jesuits by 
reading the Legenda in a time of 
sickness. An account of the Mar- 
tyrologies produced by the present 
period may be seen in Schrockb, 
XXIII. 209 sq. 


State of Intelligence and Piety. 


as men were often vying with eacli other in attempts to corrup- 
elevate her far above the common sphere of humanity^, .abuses. 
they now devised a public service for this end, — the Hours 
or Office of St Mary"^. It was gradually accepted in the 
monasteries, where the custom of performing mass on 
Saturdays® to the especial honour of the Virgin also took 
its rise. 

The saints indeed were worshipped by the more en- Preraiim 

^ ^ •' ideas of tiu 

lightened on the ground that every act of veneration paid ^aint-wL-sidp. 
to them was ultimately paid to Christ Himself, and would 
redound to the glory of his grace ^: but in the many it 
was very different. Owing to their want of spiritual and 
intellectual culture, a distinction of this kind was for the 
most part altogether unintelligible. They would naturally 
confound the courtiers and the king ; in other words, the 
worship of the holy dead, as understood by them, was 
bordering close upon polytheism. The formal recognition 

^ e.g. Peter Damiani (Hildebrand's 
coadjutor) has the following: 'Num- 
quid quia ita deificata, ideo nostrce 
humanitatis oblita es ? Nequaquam, 
dumina,..Data est tibi omnis potes- 
tas in coelo et in terra.' Sermo XLiv, 
Opp. II. 107. His sermons on the 
Virgin are always in this strain : 
cf. Soames, Bampton Led. pp. 232 

^ Hymns in honour of the Virgin 
are somewhat older, but Damiani 
seems to have been among the first 
who ingrafted them on the public 
worship of the Church : see his 
Opuscul. xxxiii, c. 3. It was now 
not unusual to call her 'mater mi- 
sericordife,' 'beata regina mundi,' 
' sae-steorra,' etc. Mabillon {Annal. 
Benedict, iv. 462 sq.) traces the Ro- 
saj-y, or Psalter of the Virgin, to the 
eleventh century, when it existed in 
England and the Netherlands. 

^ Damiani, iihi sup. c. 4. He met 
with opposition when he urged this 
observance on some of the Italian 
convents. A monk, Goz">, resisted 

it on the ground that it was an 
innovation : see Gieseler, ii. 428, 
n. 18. 

^ €. g. Such is the language of 
John XV. in 993 (Mansi, Xix. 170) 

' quoniam sic adoramus et 

colimus reliquias martyrum et con- 
fessor um, ut eum cujus martyres 
et confessores sunt adoremus, ho- 
noramus servos, ut honor redundet 
in Dominum,' etc. Even Ratherius 
of Verona was an advocate of saint- 
worship in this sense : Prceloquia, 
lib. IV. p. S92, ed. Ballerin. On the 
other hand, Claudius of Turin 
(above, p. 170) condemned the prac- 
tice. The ideas of king iEifred 
may be gathered from expressions 
like the following : 'I Alvred king, 
in honour of God and of the blessed 
Virgin Mary and of all the saints,' 
e/c. ...* Whosoever shall misappro- 
priate this gift, may he be by God 
and the holy Virgin Mary and all 
the saints accursed for ever.' Co- 
dex Diplomaticus, ed. Kemble, II- 



State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. 814: 



Relics . 

the gross 
abuses respect- 
ing them. 

(' canonization') of a saint, not only in one single district 
but in every province of the Cliurcli (a usage dating from 
tlie present period^), added greatly to the downward im- 

We have glanced already at the storm excited by the 
images and pictures of the saints. It seems that on the 
close of the Iconoclastic troubles they Were now employed 
in East and West alike, although the more intelligent 
continued to regard them in the light of historical re- 
membrancers, and not as in themselves the end, or even 
the especial channels, of devotion^. 

A perpetual source of mischief and profaneness was the 
feverish passion to become possessed of relics of the saints. 
The gross credulity of some, and the unpardonable fraud 
of others, multiplied the number of these objects of research 
to a prodigious and most scandalous extent. They grew 
at length into a common article of traffic^. Monasteries 
in particular, where many of them were enshrined from 
motives either of cupidity or superstition, reaped a harvest 
by exhibiting their treasures to the simple-hearted crowd. 

^ See above, p. 98, n. 4. The 
earliest well-authenticated instance 
of a canonization by the pope is 
that of Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg, 
which took place in 993 : Mansi, 
XIX. 169. The metropolitans, how- 
ever, in some districts exercised 
their ancient right till 1153 : Pagi, 
Breviar. Pontif.iu. 115. 

^ See above, pp. 170, 189. A 
remarkable specimen of the reigning 
modes of thought on this subject is 
supplied by the Laics of king jElfred 
(Thorpe, I. 44), where the second 
precept of the Decalogue is omitted, 
but in order to complete the number 
ten, we have the following addition, 
* Make not thou for thyself golden 
or silver gods.' 

^ e.g. Life of Rahanus 3faurus, 
in Act, Sanct. Febr. i. 513. Glaber 
Kadulphus {Hist. lib. iv. c. 3) tells 

a story of an impostor who wan- 
dered (circ. 1020) from place to 
place, under different names, as a 
vender of dead men's bones, which 
he dug up almost indiscriminately. 
Numbers of relics now began to bo 
imported by the pilgrims on their 
visits to the East. Thus, Simeon 
of Treves (circ. 1030) intrdduced 
relics of St Catharine to the Western 
Church, where she was hitherto un- 
known : Fleury, Hist. Eccles., lib. 
Lix. s. 27. Perhaps no more striking 
characteristic of the spirit of the 
times has been recorded than the 
contest respecting a St Martial (one 
of the companions of St Denis the 
Areopagite?) whom the monks of 
Limoges endeavoured to exalt into 
the rank of an apostle. See an ac- 
count of the controversy in Schrockh, 
XXIII. 145 sq. 


—1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. ^13 

A few indeed of the disinterested or less credulous abbots corrup- 
interposed occasionally, and shut up some wonder-working '''abuseI!^ 
relic from the gaze of the tumultuary assemblage whom 
it had attracted to the spot*. Too oft, however, 'the 
religious,' running with the stream of popular opinion, 
acquiesced in the circulation of the vilest cheats^. The 
masses were thus more and more confirmed in semi-pagan 
notions with respect to amulets and charms; believing 
everywhere, to some extent at least, in the protective and 
the therapeutic virtues of the relics. 

In connexion with this point we may remark, that Exh- 
a more ancient practice of the Church, in seeking to 
ward oiF the ravages of sickness, now obtained an almost 
universal currency. This was the rite which subsequently 
bore the name of ' extreme unction.' It was at the first 
applied by private Christians^, and was not restricted, any 
more than the anterior custom noticed by St James 
(v. 14), to mortal sickness only. The administration was 
however, in the eighth century, confined to members of 
the sacerdotal class ^, the rite itself attaining to the rank 
of special ordinances, which, in laxer phrase, were not 
unfrequently entitled ' sacraments^.' 

* e.g. Gcsta Ahhatum Trudonen- morum ab episcopo expetant secum- 

slum (8t Tron), in D'Achery's Spi- que habeant; et adraoneant fideles 

cileg. II. 664. Cf. Gu^rard, Cartu- infirmos illud exquirere ut eodem 

lah-e de VEglise de Notre-Bame, p. oleo peruncti a preshyteris sanentur,' 

XXV. etc. Bonifacii 0pp. ii. 24, ed. Giles. 

^ The number of these finally The usage is again sanctioned, more 

suggested the application of the fire- especially in case of mortal sickness, 

ordeal (cf. above, p. 167, n. 7) to test by the council of Pavia (850), c, 8. 

the genuineness of relics. See Mabil- The Anglo-Saxon view of unction 

Ion's Vet. Analecta, p. 568. Schrockh may be gathered from the Pceniten- 

(XXIII. i8osq.) enumerates some of fia^e of Ecgberht,lib. I. c. 15 (Thorpe, 

the most cherished of the relics now 11. 178). In the Canons enacted un- 

discovered or transmitted to the der Edgar (p. 258) it is enjoined that 

West; e.g. a Tear of Christ, Blood "the priest shall give 'husel' (the 

of Christ, &c. eucharist) to the sick, and unction 

^ Cf. Neander, vi. 145 : Klee (E,o- also, if they desire it." 
man- catholic), Hist, of Christ. JDoct. ^ e.g. Damiani speaks of tivelve 

(in German), Part II. ch. vi. § 5. rites to which this name is appli- 

"^ ' Omnes presbyteri oleum infir- cable, unction in the number : Sermo 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 




fo Iit.m.r 

As might be augured from the cheerless aspect of the 
age, a number of the more devout of either sex had been 
impelled into seclusion, where thej lived amid inhospitable 
woods and wilds. These hermits, it would seem, abounded 
most in the tenth century ^ Disgusted with their former 
selves, or with the desperate state of morals and religion 
in the town, they hoped to find in salitude an interval 
of holy calm which they might dedicate to prayer and 
closer self-inspection. 

A more earthly spirit breathed in the prevailing rage 
for pilgrimages. Many doubtless undertook them with 
a mingled class of feelings, differing little, if at all, from 
those of modern tourists ; while the rest would view such 
journeys, as the Church herself did for the most part, in 
relation to the penitential system of the age. As the 
more hopeful doctrines of the cross had been forgotten 
or displaced, men felt that the Almighty could no longer 
be propitious to them while resorting to the common 
means of grace. Accordingly they acquiesced in the most 
rigid precepts of their spiritual director and the heaviest 
censures of the Church. The pilgrimage to Rome stood 
highest in their favour during all the earlier half of the 
present period; the extravagant ideas of papal grandeur 
and the hope of finding a more copious absolution at the 
hands of the alleged successor of St Peter, operating very 
powerfully in all districts of the West^ But subsequently 

LXix; 0pp. 11. 167. It may be noted 
here that although communion in 
both kinds was still the rule of the 
Church, the consecrated wine was 
often administered, for prudential 
reasons, through a tube ('calamus,' 
' canna,' ' fistula') : see Spittler, Gesch. 
des Ketches im Abendmahl. The 
practice of receiving the consecrated 
elements into the hand of the com- 
municant began to be discontinued 
after the Council of Rouen (880) : 
Grancolas, Les Anc. Liturg. n. 323. 

1 Capefigue, UEglise au Moyen 
Age, I. 251. 

■^ See above, pp. 152, 153. Such 
pilgrims were caiied Romei, Homines 
peregrini et Romei, Romijietce. Ni- 
cholas I. (862) declares, 'Ad hanc 
sanctam Romanam ecclesiam, de 
diversis mundi partibus quotidie 
multi sceleris mole oppressi con- 
fugiunt, remissionem scilicet, et veni- 
alera sibi gratiam tribui supplici et 
ingenti cordis moerore poscentes :' 
Mansi, xv. 280. Individual bishops 

— 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 


the great point of confluence was the Holy Sepulchre, which roniiup- 
from the year 1030 seems to have attracted multitudes abuses. 
of every graded and to the 

It must, however, be remembered, that the better class sepulchre. 
of prelates, even where they yielded more or less to the ual^^Smof 

... .. n ^ • ^ ^-ii the Church. 

externalizmg spirit oi the times, have never tailed to 
censure all reliance on these works as grounds of human 
merit, or as relieving men from the necessity of inward 
transformation to the holy image of the Lord^ A number 
also, it must be allowed, of the ascetics, both in east and 
west, exhibited the genuine spirit of humility and self- 
renunciation^. Yet, upon the other hand, it is apparent 
that the penitential discipline of the Church was under- 
mining the foundations of the truth. The theory most 
commonly adopted was, that penances are satisfactions Fahcviemof 
paid by the offender, with the hope of averting the dis- 

protested against this custom ; and 
the council of Seligenstadt (1022) 
commanded that the German Chris- 
tians should first perform the pen- 
ance prescribed by their own clergy, 
and then, if they pleased to obtain 
the permission of their bishop, it 
allowed them to go to Rome : c. 18 ; 
Mansi, XIX. 398. A similar proof 
of independence is supplied by arch- 
bishop Dunstan : Soames, Anglo- 
Saxon Church, p. -207, ed. 1844. 

^ 'Per idem tempus (circ. 1030) 
ex universo orbe tam innumerabilis 
multitude coepit confluere ad sepul- 
chrura Salvatoris Hierosolymis, quan- 
tam nullus hominum prius sperare 
poterat. Primitus enim ordo infe- 
rioris plebis, deinde vero mediocres, 
posthaec permaximi quique reges et 
comites, marchiones ac praesules : ad 
ultimum vero, quod nunquam con- 
tigerat, mulieres multse nobiles cum 
pauperioribus illuc perrexere,' Gla- 
ber Radulph. Hist. lib. iv. c. 6. For 
earlier instances of these visits, see 
^5chrockh, XXIII. 203 sq., and the 
treatise of Adamnan, De Situ Terrce 

Sancton., ed. Ingolstadt, 1619. The 
fame of St James (San J ago) of 
Compostella (above, p. 101, n. 9) was 
now increasing in the VVest. See 
Heidegger, Dissert, de Perefjrinat. 
Reiigiosis, pp. iS sq. Tiguri, 1670. 

'^ See e. g. the Lihri Tres de In- 
stitutione Laicali of Jonas, bishop of 
Orleans, passim, in D'Achery's Spi- 
cileg. I. 258—323. 

^ Thus Anskar, the Apostle of 
the North, who carried the practice 
of self-mortification to a high pitch, 
could pray notwithstanding that he 
might be kept from spiritual pride 
which threatened him at times : 
' Qua de re tristis factus, et ad Do- 
mini pietatem totis viribus in ora- 
tione conversus, postulabat ut Sua 
eum gratia ab hac perniciosissima 
impietate liberaret.' Vit. S. Anskar. 
c. 35: Pertz, II. 717. In the same 
spirit, Theodore the Studite could 
attribute all he had and all he was 
to God: Atci (nr\dyx^(f' oIktlpimuju, 
ovK €^ '4pywv fioij TLvoiv ov yap eirol- 
rjad TL dyadbv eirl rrjs 777s dXXa tov- 
vavTiov. Epist. lib. II. ep. 34. 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [A. D. 814 

pleasure of Almighty God. Its operation, therefore, would 
be twofold, varying with the temperament or the con- 
victions of the guilty. The more earnest felt that the 
effects of sin could only be removed by voluntary suffer- 
ing, by an actual and incessant mortification of the flesh. 
Accordingly they had recourse to measures the most 
violent, for instance, to a series of extraordinary fasts 
and self-inflicted scourgings\ not unlike the almost suicidal 
discipline which had for ages been adopted by the Yogis 
of the east. The other and the larger class who shrank 
from all ascetic practices could find relief in commu- 
tations, or remissions, of the penances'^ prescribed by 
canons of the ancient Church. A relaxation of this kind, 
now legalized in all the Lihri Pcenitentiales, was entitled 
an ' indulgence.' Grants of money for ecclesiastical pur- 
poses, a pilgrimage, the repetition of religious formulae, 
and other acts like these, were often substituted for a long 
term of rigorous self-denial^, and too often also (we must 
apprehend) for genuine change of heart and life. The 
magnitude of penances was greater in the case of clerics 
than in that of laymen ; it was greater also in the high- 
born than the low : but through a sad confusion of ideas 
it was possible for the more wealthy sinner to compress 
a seven years' fast, for instance, into one of three days, 
by summoning his numerous dependents, and enjoining 
them to fast with him and in his stead'*. 

1 The great advocate of this ex- 
treme asceticism was Damiani, who 
regarded it as a 'purgatory' on 
earth. He had to defend his views, 
however, from the censure of oppo- 
nents. See his Opuscul. XLiii. De 
Laude Flagellorum et Disciplince, and 
of. Gieseler, ii. 444, n. 10. 

2 This practice of the Church had 
been condemned (e. g. in the reform- 
ing synod of Cloves-hoo, 747, c. 16; 
and afterwards in that of Mayence, 
^47> c. 31), but it had gained an 

almost universal currency in the 
present period. 

3 See Muratori, Antiq. Ital. V. 
710 sq. *De redemptione Pecca- 
tonim.' The custom of granting 
indulgences to certain 'privileged' 
churches dates from the profligate 
pontiff, Benedict IX. (above, p. 150, 
n. 5) : see Mabillon, Act. Sand. Ord. 
Bened. saec. v. praef, § 109. 

^ A case of this very kind occurs 
in the Cations enacted under Edgar 
(Thorpe, n. 286). It is presumed. 

— 1073] State of Intelligence and Ptety. 217 

Beside the discipline allotted to the individual, on con- corrup- 


fessing voluntarily to the priest, more overt acts of sin'"^ abuses. 

had to be publicly acknowledged on the pain of excom- confess-mi: 

munication. When offenders proved refractory, the issuing Excommunica- 

of this sentence, backed as it now was by the civil power, 

incapacitated them for holding offices or reaping honours 

of the state. Another engine of the spiritualty was the 

more dreadful sentence oi anathema, by which the subjects ^'^cthema.- 

of it were excluded altogether from the fellowship of 

Christians ^ But the heaviest of those censures, which we 

find developed in its greatest vigour at the opening of 

the eleventh century, was termed the mterdict\ or uitev intfnuct. 

excommunication, not of individuals merely, but of all the 

province where a crime had been committed. 

The morose and servile feelings which the penitential ^h/Sie/Vf 
system of the Church engendered or expressed, were deep- p^''^'^^'^'''^- 
ened by the further systematizing of her old presentiments 
respecting purgatory^. The distinction, to be afterwards 
evolved, between the temporal and eternal consequences 
of sin, was still indeed unknown: but in defining that a 

of course, that the offending lord ^ The bishop inquired into such 

who profits by the rej^ulation is peni- flagrant cases on his visitation-tour, 

tent himself, but from the whole See Kegino, De DiscipUnis Eccl. lib. 

passage one is bound to draw the II. c. i sq., ed. Baluze, 1671. 

inference that a sin was to be liqui- ^ See Neander, Vi. 153. 

dated exactly like some ordinary ^ Earlier instances occur, but till 

debt, * The man not possessing the present period they had been 

means may not so proceed, but must condemned by the more sober class 

seek it for himself the more dili- of prelates : e. g. Hincmar's Opusc. 

gently ; and that [the canon is com- xxxiii. (against his nephew Hinc- 

pelled to add] is also justest, that mar of Laon, who had placed his 

every one wreak his own misdeeds diocese under an interdict). The 

on himself, with diligent bot (satis- first example of the mediaeval prac- 

faction). Scriptum est enim: Quia tice which drew down no condem- 

unusquisque onus suum portabit,' p. nation, happened in 994: see Bou- 

-289. Damiani (Opuscul. v : Mansi, quet's Historiens des Gaules, etc. x. 

XIX. 893) m;ikes use of the following 147. The penalty was legahzed in 

language: ' Centum itaque annorum 1031 by the provincial synod of 

sibi poenitentiam indidi, redemptio- Limoges (Limovicense II.) ; Mansi, 

nemque ejus taxatam per unum- xix. 541. 

qiiemque annum pecunicB quantitate ^ See above, p. 103. 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [a. D. 814 


Feast of all 

General ex- 
pectation of 
f he, f rial 

numerous class of frailties, unforgiven in the present life, 
are nevertheless remissible hereafter, the dominion of the 
sacerdotal order and the efficacy of prayers and offerings 
on the part of the survivors were indefinitely extended 
to the regions of the dead\ From this idea^, when em- 
bodied ultimately in a startling legend'', sprang the ' Feast 
of All Souls' (Nov. 2), which seems to have been instituted 
soon after 1024, at Clugny, and ere long accepted in the 
Western Church at large. 

Perhaps the incident which of all others proved the 
aptest illustration of the spirit of the age, is found in a 
prevailing expectation that the winding-up of all things" 
would occur at the close of the tenth century. At first 
arising, it may be, from misconceptions of the words of 
the Apocalypse* (xx. 1 — 6), the notion was apparently 
confirmed by the terrific outbreak of the powers of evil ; 
while a vivid consciousness of their demerit filled all 
orders of society with a foreboding that the Judge was 
standing at the door. As soon as the dreaded year 1000 
had gone over, men appeared to breathe more freely on 
all sides. A burst of gratitude for their deliverance^ found 

1 Thus John VIII. (circ. 878) 
declares that absolution is to be 
granted to those Christians who 
have died while fighting 'pro de- 
fensione sanctge Dei ecclesite et pro 
statu Christian8e rehgionis ac reipub- 
licai,' against pagans and infidels. 
Mansi, xvii. 104. 

^ Cf. Palgrave, History of Nor- 
mandy, I. 164, 

3 Vit. 8. Odilonis, c. 14 ; in Mabil- 
lon, Act. Sand. Ord. Bened., saec. vi. 
pt.i. p. 701 : cf. Schrockh, xxin. 223. 

^ Hengstenberg, Die Offcnbarung 
des h. Johannes, ii. 369, Berlin, 
1850: Mosheim, Cent, x, part ii. 
c. HI. § 3 : Capefigue, L'Eylise au 
Moyen Age, i. 259 sq. Deeds of 
gift in the tenth century often com- 
mence with the phrase, 'Appropin- 
quante mundi termino.' 

^ Capefigue, pp. 269, 270. Gra- 
titude might enter very largely into 
men's feelings at this crisis ; but 
more frequently it was the wish to 
make compensation for sin ('synna 
gebetan'' is the Anglo-Saxon phrase) 
which stimulated men to acts of 
piety and benevolence. ' Pro redemp- 
tione animte mese et prsedecessorum 
meorum' may be taken as a fair 
specimen of the motives which were 
then in the ascendant : cf . Schrockh, 
XXIII. 139 sq. and Kemble's Codex 
Diploinaticus, passim. The excite- 
ment in connexion with the year 
1000 was renewed in 1033, at the 
beginning of the second thousand 
years after the Crucifixion. Many 
were then stimulated to set out for 
Palestine, where Christ was expected 
to appear: see above, p. 215. 

— 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 219 

expression in rebuildins; or in decoratinoj sanctuaries of corrup- 


God and other spots connected with religion. To this abuses. 
circumstance we owe a number of the stateliest xmn^iQx^ impulse, given, 
and cathedrals which adorn the west of Europe®. luuduuj. 

Much, however, as the terrors of the Lord had stimu- ^f^IilSior 
lated zeal and piety, it is too obvious that the many soon *''" '^V^mxi. 
relapsed into their ancient unconcern. The genuine re- 
formation of the Church ' in head and members,' though 
the want of it is not unfrequently confessed, was still to 
human eye impossible. She had to pass through further 
stages of probation and decline. The consciousness of 
individual fellowship with Christ, long palsied or sup- 
pressed, could not, as it would seem, be stirred into a 
healthy action till the culture of the human intellect had 
been more generally advanced. Accordingly the dialectic 
studies of the schools, however mischievous in other ways, 
were needed for the training of those master-minds, who 
should at length eliminate the pagan customs and un- 
christian modes of thought which had been blended in the 
lapse of ages with the apostolic faith. It was required 
especially that Hildebrandine principles, which some had 
taken as the basis of a pseudo-reformation, should be 
pressed into their most offensive consequences, ere the 
local or provincial Churches could be roused to vindicate 
their freedom and cast off the papal yoke^ 

^ ' Infra millesimura tertio jam authority. Personal freedom is here, 
fere imminente anno contigit in uni- to great extent, lost in slavish sub- 
verso poene terrarum orbe, prsecipue jection to fixed, traditional rules and 
tamen in Italia et in Galliis, innovari forms. The individual subject is of 
ecclesiarum basilicas, licet plerseque account, only as the organ and me- 
deceuter locatse niinime indiguissent, dium of the general spirit of the 
ei;c....Erat enim instar ac si raundus Church. All secular powers, the 
ipse excutiendo semet, rejecta vetus- state, science, art, are under the 
tate, passim candidam ecclesiarum guardianship of the hierarchy, and 
vestem indueret.' Glaber Radulph. must everywhere serve its ends. 
Hist. lib. III. c. 4. This is emphatically the era of grand 

7 Schaff {Ch. Hist. ' Introd.' p. universal enterprises, of colossal 

51) remarks on the character of this works, whoso completion required 

period : — * This may be termed the the cooperation of nations and cen- 

age of Christian legalism, of Church turies : the age of the supreme out- 

220 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. 814—1073] 

CORRUP- ward sovereignty of the visible freedom. Parental discipline must 
TIONS AND Church. Such a v^ell-ordered and precede independence : children must 
ABUSES. imposing system of authority was first be governed, before they can 
' ' necessary for the training of the govern themselves : the law is still, 
Romanic and Germanic nations, to as in the days of Moses, a school- 
raise them from barbarism to the master to bring men to Christ. ' 
consciousness and rational use of 

Cljiit lerioir of % 3Mt ^gcs, 



( 222 

[a.d. 1073 




The districts in the north of Europe, which had hitherto 
continued strangers to the Christian faith, were for the 
most part now ' converted ; ' though the agency employed 
was far too frequently the civil sword, and not the genuine 
weapons of the first Apostle. 


Military/ con- 
version uf the 

These tribes, addicted still to a peculiar form of nature- 
worship^, were subdued (circ. 1150) by Eric IX., king of 
Sweden, whose exertions in diffusing Christianity^ have won 
for him the name of saint ^. Impelled by a misgoverned 
zeal, he laboured to coerce the Finns into a knowledge 
of the Gospel. His ally in this crusade was Henry, 
bishop of Upsala*, an Englishman, who ultimately perished 
while attempting to excommunicate a murderer (1158). 
Some real progress was effected^ in the reign of Eric ; 

^ Mone, Gesch. des Ileidenihums, 
I. 43 sq. 

2 Sweden was itself imperfectly 
cliristianized in the former period 


n. 13). In 1 123 a crusade 

was formed against the heathen of 
Scania, where several Englishmen, 
David, Askil, Stephen and others 
were distinguished missionaries 
(Laing's Sweden, p. 239, Lond. 
1839); and. in some of the other 
districts Eric carried on the work 

of conversion (Schrockh, xxv. ■279). 

^ See his Life in the Acta Sanct. 
Maii, IV. 187. 

^ He was also canonized : see his 
Life in the Acta Sanct. Janiiar. II. 

^ A bishopric was founded at 
Kendamecki, afterwards (? 1228) 
transferred to Abo. Wiltsch, Kirclil. 
Geogr. ii. 259, n. 14. It was in- 
cluded in the Swedish province of 


—1305] Growth of the Church. 223 

but in 1240 we find the natives generally adhering to their powera 
ancient superstitions , and most eager to annihilate the little 
Christian flock. A Swedish jarl, accordingly (1249), began 
a fresh crusade against them, and his violence was copied 
on a further provocation by the Swedish monarch, Thorkel, 
who reduced a tribe of Finns beyond tlie Tawastlanders. 
It is said that, prior to the date of his incursion, tidings 
of the faith had reached them through a Russian channel^. 


The rapid progress of the truth among this section of 
the human family has been already traced ^ The present 
period witnessed an extension of the missionary work. 
The earliest converts were the Pomeranians, then possess- 
inff Pomerania Proper, Wartha, and Lusatia. From the ^ii^ » 
date of their succumbing to the Poles, (circ. 997) attempts 
were made, especially in Eastern Pomerania, to annex the 
heathen natives to the Church by founding a bishopric at 
Colberg® (1000). But their fierce resistance^ to the mis- 
sionary long impeded his success; and only when the 
Polish sceptre was extended over all the western district 
by the arms of Boleslav III. in 1121, could any stable 
groundwork be procured for the ulterior planting of the 

A Spanish priest named Bernard ^°, who embarked upon 

m ixxian- 
ury efforts of 

^ Dollinger, ill. 277, ■278. Saepe tamen principes eorum a Duce 
"^ Above, pp. 120 sq. Polonise prtelio superati ad bap- 
^ Wiltsch, I. 397, n. 1. The tismum confugeruut, itemque col- 
bishop Reinbern, however, had no lectis viribus fidem Christianam ab- 
successor (see Kanngiesser's Be- negantes contra Christianos bellum 
kehrungs-GescJi. der Ponimern zum denuo paraverunt.' Martinus Gallus 
Christenthunie, pp. 295 sq., Greifs- (as above, p. 126, n. i). 
wald, 1824) ; the diocese being ^'^ Vit. S. Ottonis, in Ludewig's 
united with that of Gnesen. Script. Rer. Episcop. Bamberg. 1. 
^ ' Sed nee gladio praedicationis 460 sq. A more nearly contem- 
cor eorum a perfidia potuit revocari, porary account of the mission is the 
nee gladio jugulationis eorum pe- Vit. B. Ottonis, mCs^msu Led. A ntic[. 
nitus viperalis progenies aboleri. ed. Basnage, in. pt, ii. pp. 35 sq. 

224 Growth of the Church. [a.D. 1073 

poMERA- the mission in the following year, was found obnoxious, 

CHURCH, from his poverty, asceticism, and other causes, to the bulk 

of the heathen natives. He was therefore superseded at 

his own desire by one more fitted for the task, the cheerful 

Labours of and ludicious Otho, bishop of Bambero;, who set out (April 

Otho, bishop of '',... . . ^ , . 

Bambero 24, 1124) With au imposmg retmue and many temptmg 
presents. He commenced the missionary work at Pyritz 
(near the Polish frontier) , where a large assemblage was col- 
lected for the celebration of a pagan feast ; and after twenty 
days no less than seven thousand of them were admitted 
to the sacrament of baptism. Wartislav, the duke of 
Pomerania, was a warm supporter of the mission, exer- 
cising a most salutary influence by his own renunciation 
of polygamy, and his endeavours to repress the other 
heathen customs^. Fear of Poland, blended with increas- 
ing admiration of the earnestness of bishop Otho, gradually 
disposed the natives of all ranks to seek for shelter in the 
Church. From Cammin, where the ducal family resided, 
Otho bent his course to the important isle of Wollin, whence 
however he was soon obliged to fly from the assault of an 
infuriated mob. He next addressed his ofifers to the lead- 
ing town of Pomerania, Stettin, and succeeded after fresh 
resistance in demolishing the temple of its chief divinity" 
(Triglav), and in winning over a large band of converts ^ 
Having lingered here five months, he crossed again to 
Wollin, the remaining stronghold of the pagan party, and 
was now enabled to adopt the town of Julin as the see"* 
of the first bishop (Adelbert). 

1 From Otho's addresses (in Ca- Vii. 16—21 : cf. Mone, i. 178. 
nisius, as above, pp. 61 — 63) to ^ Numbers seem to have been 
the recently-baptized converts we influenced by a promise now eli- 
learn, among other things, that the cited by Otho from the duke of 
unnatural custom of destroying fe- Poland, to remit the annual tribute 
male children at their birth pre- of the Christian Pomeranians ( Vit. 
vailed to a great extent. £. Ottonis, in Caiiisius, p. 69). 

2 The interesting circumstances ^ Owing to quarrels with the 
connected with this and similar acts Danes, the bishopric was after- 
are o-iven at length in Neander, wards (1175) transferred to Cammin. 

Successful at 

— -1305] Growth of the Church. 225 

He tlien took his leave of Pomerania and returned to Pomera- 
Bamberg in the spring of 1125 : but learning subsequently church. 

that a strong reaction had commenced in favour of the 

ancient creed, he was constrained to enter on a second otho's second 

' _ ^ iinssionary 

journey in 1128. Deflecting from his earlier route^ he '^"'■• 
came into the dukedom at the town of Demmin (Timiana), 
where the Gospel was unknown. A diet held at Ilsedom 
(Uznam), soon after his arrival, sanctioned its diffusion in 
these parts, and Otho lost no time in sending out his staff 
of missionaries, two and two, among the neighbouring 
heathen. As before he frequently encountered opposition 
from the populace, especially at Wolgast (Hologasta), s^'J/^'-^i/ op- 
which he visited in person. A large band of soldiers, "^^^^«*«- 
headed by the duke himself, could hardly keep the mul- 
titude in check. At length, however, they consented to 
behold the demolition of the pagan temples, and promoted 
the erection of a church. 

On leavino; Wol2:ast Otho steadily declined the services ^ntfinaiii, 
of Albert the Bear, who would have fain employed his 
sword against the pagans. Gutzkow (Gozgangia) was the 
place at which the missionaries halted next, and where 
they reaped a larger harvest of conversions ^ An attempt 
to gain the Slavic isle of Rtlgen having failed, they bent 
their course to Stettin with the hope of counteracting the 
revival of the pagan rites. The bishop found an ardent 
coadjutor in a former convert Witstack^, and their courage, 
tempered with affection, finally disarmed the frenzy of the 

Wiltsch, II. 85. It was exempted ^ Vit. B. Ottonis, as above, pp. 

from all archiepiscopal jurisdiction 75 sq. 

and placed in immediate dependence ^ Ibid. pp. 77 sq. On the con- 
on the see of E,ome by Innocent II. secration of a stately church, the 
(11 70): Hasselbach, Codex Pomera- bishop dwelt at large upon the 
nicB Dlplom. i. 36 ; ed. Greifswald, truth that the one genuine temple 
1843. Clement III. sanctioned the of the Lord is in the human heart, 
transferof thesee in 1188, on the un- His sermon wrought a deep effect, 
derstanding that the bishops should especially in Mizlav, the governor 
pay annually to the pope ' fertonem of the district. 
( = farthing) auri.' Ibid. p. 152. 7 Ibid. pp. 83 sq. 

M. A. Q , 


Growth of the Church. 

[A. D. 1073 


Vicissitudes oj 
rdigion .• 

zealots, who passed over in great numbers to the Church 
(1128). Henceforward it was everywhere triumphant. 
Christian, more particularly Saxon, colonists supplied the 
waste of population which had been occasioned by incessant 
wars; and as the clergy for the most part were Teutonic 
also, Pomerania both in language and in creed was Ger- 
manized \ 

The Wendish tribes, especially the northernmost (the 
Obotrites), who had relapsed into polytheism upon the 
martyrdom of Gottskalk^ (1066), continued for the most 
part the implacable opponents of the Gospel till the middle 
of the twelfth century. His son^ indeed, assisted by the 
neighbouring Christian states, restored the Wendish king- 
dom in 1105, and made some brief and feeble efforts to 
revive the truth ^. The dissolution of the empire on the 
death of Cnut (1131) facilitated the political designs of 
Us re-estabiisk- Gcrmau priuccs and the spread of Christianity. The arms 
of Albert the Bear (1133 sq,) in Brandenburg (Leuticia) 
and of Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony (1142 sq.), re- 
placed the Wendish Church upon its early footing, and 
soon after it was able to reorganize a number of the sees"^ 
that had been ruined in the former period. 

Many of the northern Wends ^, however, stubbornly 
adhered to the ancestral creed until the utter subjugation 
of the Obotrites in 1162. Their chief apostle was the 
saintly Yicelin®, a man of learning and of indefatigable 

tneiit in the 



Suhjiipatioi) of 
the' Obotrites. 

1 Neander, vii. 41, 

2 See above, pp. 128, 129. 

^ The best general accounts are 
Helmold, Chron, Slavormn, lib. I. 
c. 24 sq. (as above, p. 127, n. 9), 
and Gebhardi, Geschichte aller Wen- 
disch-Slavischen Staaten, I. 143 sq. 

■^ Cf. above, p. 127, n. 9. The 
see of Oldenburg, after being oc- 
cupied by Vicelin and Gerold, was 
transferred to Lubeck by Henry 
the Lion ; tljat of Mecklenburg to 
Schwerin (1197^ 'propter tyran- 
nidem Sclavorum.' Wiltsch, ii. 79. 

The see of Ratzeburg was also re- 
vived. Ibid. pp. 79, 238. 

^ Helmold, Chron. Ibid. 

^ See De Westphalen's Origines 
Neomonaster. in the Monument, dm- 
hrica, ii. 234 sq. and Prcef. pp. 33 
sq. : cf. St Vicelin, von F. C. Kruse, 
ed. Altona, 1826. Vicelin studied 
biblical and other literature for 
thi-ee years at the university of 
Paris under Rudolf and Anselm. 
He was born at Quemheim, a vil- 
lage on the banks of the Weser. 

—1305] Growth of tJie Church. 227 

zeal. Attracted to this field of missionaiy enterprise (1125), wendish 
he preached at first in the border-town of Neumiinster 

(Faldera), selecting it as a kind of outpost in his plan for idbmrsof 
the evangelizing of the northern districts of the Elbe. He (cl 1154). 
drew around him a fraternity^ of laymen and ecclesiastics, 
and in 1134, wdien the emperor Lothaire 11. paid a visit 
to the north, the earnest labours of the mission had been 
very largely blessed. 

A church in Lubeck, with authority to organize religion 
in those parts, was now committed to the hands of Yicelin ; 
but the Slavonians, on the death of the emperor (1137), 
suspecting him of a design against their liberties, rose up ms rcversis .■ 
in arms and banished every herald of the faiths Retiring 
only when the storm was loudest, Yicelin continued to 
watch over the affairs of his disheartened flock. At length 
the partial subjugation of the Slaves by Adolph, count 
of Holstein, opened a more prosperous era; and in 1148, 
the toil-worn missionary was promoted to the see of 01- eicvatwn to 
denburg by Hartwig, the archbishop of Bremen. A pro- dtdcnburii. 
longed misunderstanding now ensued between that primate 
and the duke, upon the subject of investiture''; but though 
embarrassed by it, Vicelin continued ^*^ to the last (1154) 
a pattern of devotion and of evangelic zeal. By dint of 
arms, by missionary labour, and a large infusion of Ger- 
manic settlers, gradually displacing the more ancient 
population, Christianity was now triumphantly diffused in pinai triumph 
all the broken empire of the Wends. . oftkeGo..p.-L 

The latest fortress and asylum of Slavonic heathenism" jmutari, con- 
was the extensive isle of Eligen. It had shewn a bitter -^^fee''" 

'' According to Schrockh (xxv, the newly-chosen bishops, as was 

261), the Rule adopted was that of done by the German kings. To this 

the 'Prsenionstratensians.' Hartwig, proud of his primatial 

8 Helmold, Chron. c. 48— c. 55. dignity, objected as disgraceful to 

^ It appears that this and other the Church : but Vicelin at leng-th 

sees were re-erected contrary to the consented, 
wishes of the duke (Schrockh, xxv. ^^ Helmold, Ibid, c, 71 sq. 

263). He therefore claimed at least ^^ Mone, Gesch. des Ileidentliums, 

the right of granting investiture to I. 173 sq. 



Growth of the Church. 

[a.d. 1073 


and imperious zeal in favour of the pagan creed when 
Pomerania was converted'. Otho had, indeed, on more 
than one occasion, purposed to extend his visits thither, 
but the warlike bearing of the people, and the fears of 
his companions had constrained him to desist ^ It was re- 
tiuced, however, in 1168, by an invasion of the Danes^ 
who brake in pieces the chief shrine (of Swantewit) at 
Arcona, and reared a Christian sanctuary upon the site. 
The natives generally, convinced by the successes of the 
adversary, that their own divinities were powerless, now 
assented to the GospeL The ecclesiastical supervision of 
the island was entrusted to a luminary of the Danish 
church, the bishop Absalom of Eoskild\ 





These tribes^, who bordered mainly on the Baltic and 
extended northward to the Gulf of Finland, were most 
probably a branch of the Slavonic family, though largely 
intermingled, it is said, with others of the Indo-European 
stock, and also with the Ugrian race of Finns. 

Livonia had been for some time visited by its northern 
neighbours, when an aged canon of the name of Mein- 
hard^ joined himself to certain merchants from the port 
of Lubeck, or Bremen, who were trading thither in 1186. 
He had been reared in one of Vicelin's foundations (Sege- 
berg), and was truly anxious to extend a knowledge of 
the Christian faith. As soon as he had made some pro- 

1 Menacing their recently con- 
verted neighbours of Stettin and Ju- 
lin ' quod sine respectu et consilio eo- 
rum idolisrenunciassent.' /i/cZ.p. 184. 

2 See the account at length in 
Neander, vii. 32, 33. 

3 Helmold, Ibid. lib. II. c. 12, 
c. 13: Gebhardi^ n. 9sq. 

^ Riigcn was thus annexed to his 

own diocese : Wiltsch, II, 95. 

^ Respecting their mythology, see 
Mone, I. 66 sq. 

^ See the Origines Livonice sacrce 
et civiles (a Chronicle by Henry, a 
Livonian priest, written about 1226), 
ed. Francof. 1740, pp. i — 5 : Geb- 
hardi, Gesch. von Licfland, etc. pp. 
314 sq. 

—1305] Growth of tJie Church. 229 

sress in the work, he was appointed to the see of Yxkuir livonian 

(on the Duna) by the German prelate Hartwig, the arch- '— 

bishop of Hamburg-Bremen, who had signalized himself 
in other missionary fields. The hopes, however, which jiriapi^e oj his 
this step excited in the breast of Meinhard, were all blasted 
when he came into his diocese. The fickle multitude had 
speedily relapsed, and though he spared no pains to rescue 
them afresh from tlie seductions of polytheism, he died 
without attaining any permanent success (1196). His post 
was filled by a Cistercian abbot, Berthold^, out of howev succepcMhi/ 
Saxony, who after trying more pacific measures, carried 
on the mission in a very different spirit. Aided by pope 
Innocent III.^ he summoned a large army of crusaders 
from the neighbouring regions; and the terrified Livonians 
were at length compelled to acquiesce in his demands. 
He fell in battle : but as soon as the victorious army was 
withdrawn, the pagans rose afresh to wreak their ven- 
geance on the Christian body. Berthold was succeeded 
by a priest of Bremen, Albert (1198 — 1229), who also came 
into the diocese attended by a numerous army. He 
established ^° in 1201 the knightly 0?'der of the Sword suppressmi of 
(' Ordo h ratrum militiee Uhristi ) , by whose chivalry the force. 
elements of paganism were gradually repressed. The 
centre of his operations was at Riga (built in 1200), to 
which place the see of Yxkull was transferred". 

The zeal of Albert now impelled him to extend the 

^ It was secured to the province et Militaires, in, 150 sq. Better 

of Hamburg by the grant of pope influences were at work in Riga. 

Clement III. (11 88): Lappenberg, Thus, archbishop Andreas of Lund, 

Hanihurg. Urkundenbuch, I. 248. who had come over with the allied 

^ Origines Livonke (as above, n. Danes in 1205, lectured during the 

6), pp. 10 sq. whole winter on the Book of Psalms. 

^ See his three Letters on this Neander, vii. 53. 

subject in Raynaldus, Annat. Eccl. ^^ Wiltsch, 11. 82, n, 13. The 

ad an. 1199, § 38. He directs those church of Riga was soon raised to 

who had vowed a pilgrimage to archiepiscopal rank, and a large 

Rome, to substitute for it a crusade province assigned it, by pope Alex- 

against the Livonians. ander IV. Raynaldus, Annal. Eccl. 


Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Bdig. ad an. 1255, § 64. 


Growth of the Church, 

[A.D. 1073 

Military con 
version of 
Esthland .■ 

ESTuoNiAN Church in the adjoining countries. Esthland (or Esthonia) 
CHURCH. ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ visited ah-eady at the instance of pope 
Alexander III.' (1171), but the attempt, as far as we can 
jadge, was fruitless. A fanatical campaign^ of the Sword- 
Brothers, aided by the king of Denmark, Waldemar II., 
had a different issue (1211—1218). Th'e province now 
succumbed and was evangelized at least in name^ The 
twofold nature of the influences exerted in this work gave 
rise to a vexatious feud between the Germans and the 
Danes, which terminated after many years in the ascend- 
ancy of the former. Similar disputes had previously grown 
up between the military Order and the bishops*. 

The conversion of Semgallen^ followed in 1218, and 
that of Courland^ in 1230, though in neither case are we 
at liberty to argue that the truth was planted very deeply 
in their hearts'. 

Semoallen and 


Prussia, whose inhabitants were chiefly Slaves, with an 
admixture of the Lithuanian and Germanic blood, was now 
divided into several independent states, all marked, how- 

^ Mansi, xxi. 936. A certain 
Fulco is there mentioned, as the 
bishop of the Esthlanders. 

2 Origines Livonice (as above, p. 
228, n. 6), pp. lacsq. 

^ One bishopric was planted at 
Reval, a second (1224) at Dorpat, 
and a third at Pernau, finally trans- 
ferred to th'! isle of Oesel. Wiltsch, 
II. 268. The see of Eeval was of 
Danish origin ; the German party 
planting theirs in the first instance 
at Leal, afterwards at Dorpat : cf. 
Schrdckh, xxv. 304. 

^ Origines Livonice, pp. 47 sq. 
The pope at last decided in favour 
of the Knights. Ibid. p. 74, 

^ A bishopric was placed at Seel- 

burg: Wiltsch, II. 268. The na- 
tives, however, soon relapsed into 

^ Bishopric at Pilten. Ibid. 

"^ The visit of William of Mo- 
dena, as papal legate, in 1225, was 
salutary in appeasing strife and 
urging the necessity of Christian 
education. Among other things he 
■warned the German clergy, ' ne Teu- 
tonic! gravanunis aliquod jugum 
importabile neophytorum humeris 
imponerent, sed jugum Domini leva 
ac suave, fideique semper docerent 
sacramenta.' See the account of 
his proceedings at length, in Geb- 
hardi (as above), pp. 361 sq. 

—1305] Growth of tlie Church, 231 

ever, by inveterate hatred of the Gospel. In the time Prussian 

of Adelbert of Prague and Bruno, chaphiin of Otho III., _^!i!^'": 
this fierce antipathy, embittered, we may judge, by their 
incessant struggle with the Christian Poles, had shewn 
itself in the assassination of the missionaries'*; and as late 
as the opening of the thirteenth century, the fascinations 
of a simple and voluptuous paganism^ retained their an- 
cient power. 

The first successfu?" preacher was a monk, named Chris- lahours o/ 
tian, from a Pomeranian convent (Oliva) near Dantzic (Christian 

,.____, T-T T 1 1 (^1- 1241)- 

(circ. 1210). lie was supported warmly by pope Inno- 
cent III.", and on a visit to the see of Eome (circ. 1214), 
in which he was attended by two Prussian chiefs, the 
first-fruits of his zeal, the pontiff made him bishop of the 
new community. Ere long, however, the suspicions of 
the heathen (anti-Polish) party woke afresh, and drove lieacuon. . 
them in their rage to take a signal vengeance on the 
Christians'^, and to scourge the neighbouring districts 
which belonged to Conrad, duke of Massovia'^ Through 
his efforts, aided by the sanction of the pope, a body of 

^ See above, p. 124, n. 6. of the converts in the first place to 

^ Mone, Gesch. des Heiden. I. 79 the archbishop of Gnesen : Innocent 

sq. Among other barbarous and III. Epist. lib. xiii. ep. 128. But 

bloody rites, it was the custom to the missionaries had another form 

destroy, or sell, the daughters of a of opposition to endure, arising 

family excepting one. On the an- from the jealousy of their own ab- 

tiquities of Prussia, see Hartknoch, bots. See Innocent's Letter (12 13) 

Alt und Neues Preussen, Konigs- in their behalf. Epist. lib. xv. ep. 

berg, 1684. _ 147^. 

1*^ He was preceded (in i ■207) by ^" Pet. de Dusburg, Chron. Pruss. 

Sb Polish abbot, Gottfried, and a Pars ii. c. i sq. Nearly three hun- 

monk, Philip, but the work appears dred churches and chapels were de- 

to have been interrupted by the stroyed, and many Christians put to 

murder of the latter. There is, death. 

however, some confusion in the ^^ It is clear from a spirited epis- 
history at this point. See Schrockh, tie of Innocent III. (lib. XV. ep. 
XXV. 314 sq. The original authority 148), that the authorities of Poland 
is Peter de Dusburg, who wrote his and Pomerania pressed hard upon 
Chronicon Prussice about i3'26. It the converts, and employed the Go- 
is edited, with dissertations, by spel chiefly as an organ for effecting 
Hartknoch, Jenfe, 1679. the subjugation of the Prussians. 

11 He committed the supervision Hence the reaction. 


Growtli of the Church, 

[a.d. 1073 


Cruxades of 
the Knik'lits- 
Bretliren ; 

and the 

Th'C heathen 


Crasaders were attracted to the tlieatre of strife (1219). 
The 'Order of Knights-Brethren of Dobrin", allied to 
those whom we have met already in Livonia, was now 
formed upon the model of the Templars ; but as soon as 
they had proved unequal to the work of subjugating 
Prussia, the more powerful 'Order of Teutonic Knights' 
was introduced ^ upon the understanding that the con- 
quered district sliould remain in their possession. Step 
by step, though frequently repelled, they won their way 
into the very heart of Prussia. In the course of these 
revolting wars, extending over fifty years (1230 — ^1283), 
and waged in part with native pagans, and in part with 
Eussians, Pomeranians^, and other jealous states, the land 
was well-nigh spoiled of its inhabitants. A broken rem- 
nant*, shielded in some measure by the intervention of the 
popes, were now induced to discontinue all the heathen 
rites, to recognize the claims of the Teutonic Order, and 
to welcome the instruction of the German priests. The 
dioceses^ of Culm, Ermeland, Pomerania, and Samland, 
organized before the final conquest by Innocent IV.® (1243), 
were subdivided into three parts, of which two rendered 
homage to the Knights, and the remainder to the bishop, 
as their feudal lord. A multitude of churches and re- 
ligious houses now sprang up on every side. The Prussian 
youths were sent for education in the German schools, 

ibid. c. 4 : Dol- 

1 Chron. Pr 
linger, iii. 281, 2^2. 

2 Ibid. On the following events, 
see Hartknocli's Fourteenth Disser- 
tation (as above, p. 231, n. 10), and 
the various documents appended to 
his work; I. pp. 476 sq. 

^ The chief opposition came from 
this quarter; .Svantepolk, the duke 
of Pomerania, being jealous of the 
military Order. He complained of 
their despotic conduct to the pope, 
who laboured to secure more favour- 
able terms for the oppressed : see 
Privilcrjium Pruthenis, a.d. 1249 

concessum, in Hartknoch, pp. 463 
sq. Eventually, however, the Teu- 
tonic Knights were almost absolute 
in the ecclesiastical affairs. Dollin- 
ger, p. 284. 

^ Some few, however, would not 
yield, but found a sanctuary among 
their heathen neighbours of Lithu- 
ania. Chron. Pruss. Pars iii. c. 81. 

^ Wiltsch, II. 2 7osq., where an 
inquiry is made as to the subse- 
quent distribution of the Prussian 

^ Hartknoch, pp. 477, 478. 

— 1305] Vicissitudes of the Church. 233 

especially to Magdeburg, and at the close of the present eastern 
period the Teutonic influence was supreme. 



The Nestorian body, though its power was on the wane, Nestoriani^i 
continued'^ to unfurl the sacred banner of the cross, al-lll-ia?* "* 
most without a rival, among the tribes of Eastern Asia. 
We are told, indeed, that one of the Khans of Kerait, 
who bore the name of ' Prester-John,' despatched an 
embassy to Eome^ in 1177, and that a leading member 
of it was there consecrated bishop. But in 1202^ the 
kingdom of Kerait sank before the revolutionary arms of 
Chinghis-Khan, the founder of the great Mongolian dy- 
nasty; although a remnant of the tribe appears to have 
survived and to have cherished Christianity as late as 
1246^^ While hosts of Mon2:ols poured into the steppes '^^<^'-af<?d ?>.t/ 

. . . ^ *^ the Mongoig. 

of Russia (1223), threatening to eradicate the growing 
Church, in north and south alike^^ and even to contract 
the limits of the German empire (1240), the Nestorian 
missionary, as it seems, was still at liberty to propagate 

7 See above, pp. 139, 140. The these incursions in Mouraviev, ^isi. 

residence of their patriarch was of the Russ. CViurcA, pp. 42 sq. The 

still Bagdad. centre of Russian Christianity, Kiev, 

^ The authorities for this account after a bloody siege, was given up 

are exclusively English. The letter to fire and pillage ; and the nietro- 

of pope Alexander III. (dated Sept. politans transferred their residence 

27, 1 177) is preserved in Roger de first to Vladimir and then to Mos- 

Hoveden, p. 581 : cf. Brompton's cow, where they groaned for two 

Chron. (in Twysden's Scrip. X.), centuries under the yoke of the 

col. 1 132. The address is 'Ad Jo- Mongols. Cf. Stanley's Xeciwr^s otj 

hannem regem Indorum.' the Eastern Church, pp. 398 sq. One 

9 D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orien- of the native princes, Daniel ('dux 

tale, ' Carit ou Kerit,' p. 235. Russise'), supplicated the assistance 

^^ Dollinger, III. 287. It is even of pope Innocent IV., who sent a 

said (cf. Neander, vii. 6^;,, 66) that legate into Russia for the sake of 

Chinghis-Khan espoused the Chris- negociating the admission of that 

tian daughter of Ung-Khan, the country into the Latin Church; but 

priest-king of the period. Oriental influence baffled the at- 

1^ See the touching narrative of tempt. Capefigue, 11. 106. 


Vicissitudes of the Church. [a. D. 1073 


Their incur- 
.•ii'iis into 

iri'th a view 'c 
their conver- 

Their adop- 
tion of 

his creed, and sometimes very liigh in tlie favour of the 
Khan, whose sceptre quickly stretched across the whole 
of Persia, and the greater part of Central and of Eastern 

The incursions of the Mongols into Europe, joined with 
a report that some of them had shewn an interest in the 
Christian faith, excited Innocent IV. to send an embassy^ 
among them in 1245. Soon after three Franciscan monks 
embarked upon a kindred mission into Tatary itself^. 
They found the Khan apparently disposed to tolerate the 
Gospel, and a number of Nestorian clergy at his court. 
But this and other hopes^ of his conversion proved illusive. 
Actuated, as it seems, by a belief that it was necessary 
to propitiate the gods of foreign lands before he was 
allowed to conquer them, the Khan attended with an equal 
aifability to the discourses of the Catholics, Nestorians, 
Buddhists, and Muhammedans, by all of whom he was 
solicited to cast his lot among them. In the end, when 
the posterity of Chinghis saw their arms victorious every- 
where, they set on foot a composite religion^, — the still 

1 A report of their journey and 
negociation with the Mongolian ge- 
neral in Persia is given by Vincent 
of Beauvais (Bellovacensis), in his 
Speculum Historiale, lib. xxxi. c. 33 
sq. The arrogance of the pope and 
the unskilfulness of his Dominican 
envoys only irritated the Mongo- 

2 They were accompanied by an 
Italian, John de Piano Carpini, 
whose report is given as above. 
The fullest form of it appears in the 
Paris edition of 1838. 

3 An embassy of Louis IX. of 
France (in 1253) grew out of the 
report that Mangu-Khan, as well 
as some inferior princes, were dis- 
posed to join the Church. The 
leading envoy was a Franciscan, 
William de Kubruquis, whose re- 
port is in the Relation des Voyages 

en Tartarie, edited by Bergeron, 
Paris, 1634. He disparages the 
missionary labours of the Nesto- 
rians, and draws a gloomy picture 
of their own condition. This, how- 
ever, should be taken * cum gi'ano 
salis.' His discussions with the va- 
rious teachers of religion are most 
interesting. Neander (vil. 71 sq.) 
gives a sketch of them. See also 
Wuttke, Gesch. des Heidenthums, 
I. 215 — 218. Breslau, 1852. 

^ It was largely intermixed with 
Buddhism, or rather Buddhism 
formed the essence and substratum 
of it. See Schlosser's Weltgeschichte, 
Band. iii. Th. ii, Abth. I. p. 269 : 
cf. M. Hue's Voyages dans la Tar- 
tarie, etc., in which its numerous 
points of resemblance to the me- 
diseval Christianity may be at once 

— 1305] Vicissitudes of the Church, 235 

thriving Lamaism, — as the religion of the state. The first eastern 

Grand Lama was appointed under Kublai-Khan in 1260, ' 

for the eastern (or Chinese) division of the empire^ Chris- 
tianity, however, even there was tolerated, and at times 
respected by the Khans. 

This feeling is apparent in the history of Marco Polo^, 
a Venetian, who resided many years at the court of Kublai- 
Khan (1275 — 1293); and still more obviously in the re- 
ception given to a genuine missionary of the Latin Church, 
John de Monte Corvino'', a Franciscan. After sojourning ^'>^«*«o«o/ 
a while in Persia and Lidia, he proceeded quite alone, in J^i<j'iteCorvim> 
1292, to China, where he preached, with some obstructions, 
in the city of the Khan, Cambalu (Pekin). He was joined 
in 1303 by Arnold, a Franciscan of Cologne. His chief 
opponents were Nestorians, who eventually secured a fresh 
ascendancy in China, counteracting all his labours. On 
the death of Corvino (1330), aided though he was at length Extinction of 
by other missionaries, every trace of the Latin influence ivjiumceiu 
rapidly decayed^. 

A notice of the mighty movements, known as the iiie Eastern 


^ In Persia (circ. 1258) Hulagu- Psalms into the Tatar language : 

Khan, whose queen was a Nesto- and one of his converts (formerly 

rian, favoured Christianity (Asse- a Nestorian), who appears to have 

man, Blhl. Orien. torn. ill. pt. ii. been descended from the 'priest- 

pp. 103 sq.), and so did many of his kings,' began to translate the whole 

successors : but this circumstance Koman liturgy into the vernacular, 

aroused the hatred of the Muham- but died prematurely (1299). In 

medans (who formed the great ma- 1303? Clement V. elevated the 

jority of the population), till at last Church of Pekin to the rank of an 

the Christian Church was almost archbishopric. Wiltsch, ii. 325. 

driven out of Persia. Neander, vil. The Nestorians had already oecii- 

75, 76. pied the see (circ, 1282), and kept 

^ His curious work, De Regionihus their hold till the beginning of the 

OWmto^iS Its, written after his return 1 6th century. Ibid. 366. 
to Europe, has been frequently ^ The next prelate, nominated 

printed. by John XXII., never took posses- 

'' The original account of his mis- sion of his diocese, probably on 

sionary travels is in Wadding's account of the change of dynasty 

Annales Frair. Minor, tom. VI.: cf. (1369), by which the Catholics ap- 

the sketch in Neander, vii. 77 sq. pear to have been exjDelled. Asse- 

He instituted schools : he translated man, Bibl. Orient, tom. III. pt. II. 

the New Testament and Book of 516, 535. 

236 Vicissitudes of the Churcli. [a.d. 1073 

SPAIN AND Crusades, belongs more aptly to a future page: for much 
* Africa!" as tliey subserved the interest of the papacy, entangled 
the relations of the Greek and Latin Church, united na- 
tions and the parts of nations by one great idea, and 
modified in many ways the general spirit of the times, they 
wrought no lasting changes in the area of the Christian 
oiherx in Spain The impulsc thcv commuuicatcd to the nations of the 

and Ajrica. i ./ 

west is further shewn by the attempts, in part abortive 
and in part successful, to eject the Moors from Africa 
and Spaing Too oft, however, the conversion of the 
unbeliever, in the proper meaning of the phrase, was but 
a secondary object. The enthusiastic Francis of Assisi 
is one instance of the better class of preachers; a second 
is supplied in the eventful life of a distinguished scholar, 
waidfSS^in I^^aymond LulP (1236—1315). When he perceived how 
(01^1315).^"^^ the Crusaders had in vain attempted to put down the 
Saracens by force of arms*, he tried the temper of the 
apostolic weapons, and endeavoured to establish truth by 
means of argument and moral suasion. In the intervals 
between his missionary tours, directed chiefly to the Sa- 
racens and Jews of his native isle, Majorca, and the north 
of Africa^, he hoped to elaborate an argumentative system 

^ Capefigue, ii. 82, 83. The chief that such a method was unworthy 

agents in this work were the Fran- of the cause {Ibid. pp. 265, 266). 

ciscans and Dominicans, One of his projects was to found 

^ See the account of his preaching missionary colleges, in which the 
to the sultan of Egypt in I2iy, in students might be taught the Ian- 
Jacob de Vitry's Hist. Occid. c. 32, guages of heathen countries, and at 
and Neale's East. Church, 11. 286. length (131 1) the plan received the 

2 See Wadding's Annal. Fratr. approbation of pope Clement V. and 

Minor., ad. an. 1275, 1287, 1290, the council of Vienne. Professors 

1293, 1295, and (especially) 1315: of Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic 

cf. also a Life of him in the Act. were in future to be supported at 

Sanrt. Jun. v. 661 sq. An edition Eome, Paris^ Oxford, and Sala- 

of his very numerous works was manca {Ibid. pp. 85, 95, 96). 

published at Mayence in 1722. 5 He travelled, on one occasion, 

-* At first indeed he thought that into Armenia, with the hope of 

arms might be of service in sup- winning the natives over to the 

porting his appeal (Neander, vir. Latin Church. 
263) : but subsequently he confessed 


— 1305] Vicissitudes of the ChurcJi. 237 

('Ars Generalis') by the help of which the claims of 
Christianity might be established in so cogent and com- 
plete a way, that every reasonable mind would yield ita 
willing homage to the Lord^. He acted on these prin- 
ciples, and after eight-and-twenty years of unremitting 
toil, was stoned to death in the metropolis of the Mu- 
hammedans, at Bugia (Bejyah). 

The fanaticism, which found expression in the violence Attewpts ^ 
of the Crusaders, still continued to abhor and persecute ^'^'^ •^'''"'*'' 
the Jews^ That wondrous people in the present period 
manifested a fresh stock of intellectual vigour, and so far 
as learning^ reached were quite a match for their calum- 
niators and oppressors. It is true that men existed here 
and there to raise a hand in their behalf^: and of this 
number few were more conspicuous than the better class 
of popes ^°. Whenever reasoning" was employed to draw 
them over to the Christian faith, their deep repugnance 
to the Godhead and the Incarnation of our blessed Lord, 
as well as to the many forms of creature-worship then 

^ See his Necessaria Demonstratio the Jewish Chronicle there cited. 
Articulorum Fidei. ^^ Ibid. pp. 102 sq., where many 

"^ A full account of their condition papal briefs are noticed, all protect- 

at this period maybe seen in Schrockh, ing Jews and urging gentle mea- 

XXV. 329 sq. sures in promoting their conver- 

^ Joseph Kimchi (circ. 1160), sion. But Neander overlooks a 

with his sons David and Moses, multitude of other documents in 

were distinguished as Biblical scho- which the popes and councils of the 

lars (see list of their works in Fiirst's thirteenth century have handled the 

Bihlioth. Judaica, Leipzig, 185 1), Jews more roughly: see Schrockh, 

Rabbi Solomon Isaac (Rashi) also xxv. 353 sq. 

flourished at the close of the twelfth ^^ e.g. Abbot Gislebert (of West- 
century. But the greatest genius minster), Dlspiitatio Judcei cum 
whom their nation has produced, at Christiano de Fide- Christiana, in 
least in Christian times, both as a Anselm's IForX-s, pp. 512 — 523, ed. 
free expositor of Holy Scripture and Paris, 1721 : Richard of St Victor, 
a speculative theologian, was Mai- De Emmanuele, 0pp. pp. 280 — 312, 
monides (Moses Ebn-Maimun), born ed. Rothomagi, 1650. A more 
at Cordova in 1 1 3 1 : see Fiirst, Ibid. elaborate work is by a Spanish 
Th. II. pp. 290 — 313. Dominican, Raymond Martini, of 

9 e.g. St Bernard defended them the thirteenth century. It is en- 

from the onslaught of a savage titled Pugio Fidei, and directed first 

monk, Rudolph, who, together with against Muhammedaus, and next 

the cross, was preaching death to against Jews; edited by Carpzov, 

the Jews : Neander, vii. loi, and Leipzig, 1687. 

238 Vicissitudes of tU Church. [a. D. 1073 

JEWS. prevailing in the Chnrcli, is strongly brought to light. 
Their occa- Occasionallj the attempt would prove successful, as we 
siomi success, g^^i^gj, £j,Qj^ ^j^g yg^j interesting case of Hermann ^ of 
Cologne, who was converted at the middle of the twelfth 
century: hut issues of this happy kind were most un- 
questionably rare. 

1 See his own narration of the a convent of the Praemonstraten- 
process, appended to the Pugio sians at Kappenberg in Westpha- 
Fidei. as above. He finally entered lia. 

-1305] ( 239 ) 




Eeferring to a later page for some account of the o^qIn?^^. 
encroachments now effected by the hierarchy in the '^^^^- 
province of the civil power, as well as for a sketch of 
the reactions they produced in England, Germany, and 
France, we shall at present notice only the internal con- 
stitution of the Church regarded as a spiritual and in-» 
dependent corporation. 

In the western half of Christendom the pope, who 
formed its centre, was no more a simple president or 
primus, charged with the administration of ecclesiastical 
affairs according to the canons ^ He had gradually pos- 
sessed himself of the supreme authority: he was the 
irresponsible dictator of the Church, the only source of 
lawful jurisdiction, and the representative of Christ^. The uonp'th"^' 

papal jtovxr. 

1 Of. the language even of Boni- factum.' See authorities at length 

face, p. lo, n. 7; and of Dunstan, in Gieseler, in. 162 sq. Among the 

p. 114, n. 2, In the present period few limitations to which this power 

individuals were not wanting to dis- was subjected is the case when any 

pute the claim of popes, who pro- dispensation would be ' contra qua- 

mulgated neio enactments of their tuor evangelia,' or 'contra praj- 

own {e.g. Placidus of Nonantula, ceptum Apostoli,' i.e. 'in iis quae 

De Honore Ecclesice, in Pezii The- spectant ad atiiculos fidei.' John 

saur. Anecdot. ii. pt. ii. pp. 75 sq., of Salisbury (ep. 198, ed. Giles) 

and especially Grosseteste of Lin- limits the papal power in the same 

coin, see below, p. 246) : but their manner. 

power of dispensing with the canons ^ e. g. Innocent III. Epist. lib. I. 

of the Church was almost every- ep. cccxxvi. 
where allowed, in many cases ' ante 


Constitution of the Church. [a. D. 1073 




nf GretJoru 

claim which he put forward in the half-centmy from 
Innocent III. to Innocent IV. (1198—1243), though reach- 
ing to an almost preterhuman height^, was very generally 
allowed. The metropolitans and other bishops, having 
lost their independence, were content to be esteemed his 
vassals, instruments, or vicars^. They T^^ere said to be 
appointed ' by the grace of God and of the apostolic see.' 
In other words, the scheme which had been advocated 
by the Pseudo-Isidore * Decretals ' was at length in active 

No one clung to this idea so intelligently or promoted 
its development so much as the indomitable Hildebrand^, 
or Gregory VII. (1073). His leading principles are stated, 
both in reference to the Church and civil power, in certain 
propositions known as the Dictatus Hildehrandini* . Trained, 
while serving former pontiffs, in the art of government, he 
turned his wondrous energy and diplomatic skill to the 
immediate execution of the projects he had cherished from 
his youth. These were (1) the a^bsolute ascendancy of 
papal power, and (2) the reformation of abuses, more es- 

1 The former pontiff, in a passage 
quoted with approbation by Cape- 
figue (ii. 6i), styles himself 'citra 
Deum, tdtra hominem,^ and again, 
* minor Deo, major homine.' Yet in 
cases where the popes surrendered 
any of these claims, their partisans 
contended (e. g. Dollinger, iii. 339) 
that an unpalatable edict of the 
Jloman see could not invalidate the 
acts of former synods. At the crisis 
here alluded to, the Fi-ench bishops 
almost to a man (' universi psene 
Francise episcopi') determined on 
the excommunication of the pope 
liimself, if he abandoned any more 
of the hierarchical pretensions. See 
(ierhoh of Iteichei'sberg, De Cur- 
rupto Ecclesice Statu, c. 22, 

'^ See Innocent III, Epist. lib. i. 
epp. ccccxcv, ccccxcvi. The oflace 
of a bishop was regarded as a ces- 

sion made by him of part of his own 
universal pastorship. In the Canon 
Law (Sexti Decret. lib. I. Tit. 11. 
c. i.) it is affirmed of the Roman 
pontiff; 'jura omnia in scrinio pec- 
toris sui censetur habere.' The same 
spirit is betrayed in the absolute 
limitation of the name, 'apostolic 
see' to the Church of Home; there- 
by swallowing up the other ' sedea 

2 Above, pp. 151 sq. 

4 Bo wden 's Xzygo/6Ve(7. VII. ii. 
394. Mr Bowden {Hid. ii. 50, 51) 
argues that this series, consisting of 
twenty-seven propositions, ought not 
to be ascribed to Hildebrand him- 
self; yet it is obvious that they 
have preserved, in a laconic shape, 
the principles on which his policy 
was uniformly based : cf. Neander, 
VII. 165. 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church. 241 

pecially of those which had been generated by the bishops internal 
and the clerics ^ Hildebrand was seconded from first to tion. 
last by very many of the nobler spirits of the age^, who 
trusted that a sovereign power, if wielded by the Koman 
pontiffs, might be turned into an agent for the moral 
exaltation of the Church. But in the Hildebrandine (or 
* reforming') party there were many others who had been 
attracted chiefly by the democratic (or in some, it may 
be, the fanatic) spirit of the movement ^ They were glad 
of an occasion for expressing their contempt of married 
clergymen, or for escaping altogether from domestic rule. 

The policy of Hildebrand, on this and other questions, Thr series o/ 
was adopted in the main by his successors, Victor III. 
(1086), Urban II. (1088), Paschal II. (1099), Gelasius II. 
(1118) ; but owing to the bitter conflicts with the German 
emperor as well as to the coexistence of an influential 
anti-pope, Clement III.^ (1080 — 1100), their usurpations in 
the Church at large were somewhat counteracted. The 
two following pontiffs, Calixtus II. (1119) and Honorius II. 
(1124), maintained the Hildebrandine principles with almost 

^ Above, p. 151. Gregory's ear- force of 'public opinion,' which he 
nestness on this point can hardly be lost no time in seeking to exaspe- 
questioned. Wedded as he doubt- rate: see Neander, vii. 128, 135, 
less was to the idea of carrying out 147; DoUinger, in. 318. This 
the papal claims at any cost, and movement afterwards became un- 
wanting therefore, as he showed manageable (Neander, Ihid. 102), 
himself, in truthfulness on more and it seems that not a few of the 
than one occasion, he was, notwith- later forms of misbelief (e. g. the in- 
standing, actuated by a firm belief validity of sacraments administered 
that God had raised him up for by unworthy clergymen) are trace- 
moral ends, especially for the re- able to the workings of the spirit 
pression of the worldly spirit which which the Hildebrandine principles 
possessed the mass of the ecclesi- called up. 

astics (e. g. Epist. lib. i. ep. 9 ; ^ On his death Theoderic was 

Mansi, XX. 66) : cf. Neander, vii, elected by the rival party, but soon 

ii6sq. afterwards shut up in a monastery. 

^' Neander, Ihid. 125 (note), 153. Albert (also called 'antipapa') fol- 

^ It is plain that Hildebrand al- lowed in 1102, and Silvester IV. (or 

ways counted on the succour of the Maginulfus) in 1105. The last was 

populace (cf. above, p. 158), and in deposed by Henry V. in iiii, when 

his efforts to put down clerogamy, his dispute with Paschal II. ha^ 

as well as customs really exception- been adjusted for a time. See Jaffe, 

able, he relied on what is called the pp. 519 — 521. 

M. A. K 


242 Constitution of the Church. [a. D. 1073 

uniform success, and in the reigns of Innocent 11/ (1130), 
Coelestine II. (1143), Lucius II. (1144), Eugenius III. 
(1145), Anastasius IV. (1153), Hadrian IV. (1154), Alex- 
ander III.'' (1159), Lucius III. (1181), Urban III. (1185), 
Gregory VIII. (1187), Clement III. (1187), Coelestine III. 
(1191), the papal claims, though not unfrequentlj contested 
at those points in which they trenched upon the civil 
jiQ-isdiction, were, in sacred matters, still more generally 
allowed. With Innocent III.' (1198), the idea of the 
Roman pontiff as the organ and the representative of 
God in the administration of all sublunary things was 
carried, step by step, into the most extravagant results. 
He was, indeed, the second Hildebrand; but owing to 
the circumstances of the age, he far exceeded every other 
pontiff in the grandeur of his conquests and the vigour 

^ He was opposed, however, first 
by Anacletus II. (1130 — 1138), and 
next by Victor IV. {1138); but as 
the schism did not grow out of poli- 
tical considerations, the dominion of 
the papacy was not much weakened 
by it. Innocent II. was supported 
by the almost papal influence of St 
Bernard, and the peace which he 
effected was consolidated at the 
council of Lateran (1139), 

^ Under this pontifii' an important 
decree Was made for obviating the 
divisions which arose at the papal 
elections : Mansi, xxii. 217. (Further 
regulations were introduced with 
the same object by Gregory X. : cf. 
Neander, Vii. '266.) Alexander III. 
had to encounter a series of formid- 
able rivals, Victor IV. (ru^9 — 1164), 
Paschal III. (1164— 1 168), Calixtus 
III. (1168— 1178), Innocent III. 
or Landus .Sitinus (1178 — ri8o), 
backed by the imperial interest ; 
but his triumph was secured by the 
exertions of men like our English 
jjiimate, Becket, who appear to have 
carried with them the general feel- 
ing of the age. 

•* See Ncander's remarks on his 

character and conduct, Vii. 239 sq. 
Some of his very numerous Letters 
were edited by Baluze, in 2 vols, 
folio ; and his Works are now printed, 
in four vols, of Migne's Patrologia, 
Paris, 1S55 : cf. the able, but Ro- 
manizing work of Hurter, Gesck. 
Papst Innocenz cles Dritten, Ham- 
burg, 1834. The towering claims 
of Innocent and his successors were 
supported by the new school of 
canonists (' decretists,' afterwards 
*decretalists,') which had sprung up 
especially at Bologna. About 1151, 
Gratian published his Concordia 
Dlsco'rdantiu))i Canonum [the Decre- 
tuni Gratiani], in which he forced 
the older canons into harmony with 
the Pseudo-Isidore Decretals. As 
the papal edicts multiplied and su- 
perseded more and more the ancient 
regulations of the Church, a further 
compilation was required. It made 
its appearance in 1234, under the 
sanction of Gregory IX., in five 
books. A sixth ('Liber Sextus') was 
added by Boniface VIII. in 1298. 
See Bohmer's Dissert, in his edition 
of the Corpus Juris Canonici, Halte, 

— 1305] Constitution of tlie Church. . 243 

of the grasp by wliicli they were retained. Honoriiis III. internal 
(1216),' Gregory IX. (1227), Goelestme IV.'' (1241), and '"''TibT''' 
Innocent IV. (1243), inherited his domineering spirit and 
perpetuated the efforts he had made in carrying out his 
theory of papal absolutism: but the tide (as we shall see T)ec.n,i o/ ih,- 
hereafter) now began to turn, and at the close of the '^'^'"■• 
present period many of their worst pretensions, after 
calling up a spirited reaction, had been tacitly with- 
drawn. The following are the other members of the 
series, dating from the time of Innocent IV. to the im- 
portant epoch, when their honours had begun to droop, 
and when the papal chair itself was planted at Avignon, 
—Alexander IV. (1254), Urban IV. (1261), Clement IV.' 
(1265), Gregory X. (1271), Innocent V. (1276), Hadrian V. 
(1276), John XX. or XXI.' (1276), Nicholas III. (1277), 
Martin IV. (1281), Honorius IV. (1285), Nicholas IV.' 
(1288), Coelestine V.' (1294), Boniface VIII. (1294), Bene- 
dict XL (1303), Clement V. (1305). 

The leading: airents, or proconsuls, of the pope in the Themsiinjin- 

. ^ , . ^ ., . r r mceofthe 

administration of his ever-widenmg empire, were the p'^p^^ legates. 
legates (or ' legati a latere'), whom he sent, invested 
with the fullest jurisdiction, into every quarter of the 
world. Officials of this class appeared occasionally in the 
time of Hincmar^: but their mission was regarded as 
intrusive, and excited many hostile feelings in the coun- 
try whither they were bound ^". The institution was, how- 

^ The papal chair, which he filled ^ Known as the * hermit-pope :' 

only a few days, continued vacant see Dollinger, iv. 79, 80. He ab- 

until June, 1243.' dicated after a brief reign of three 

^ Another vacancy, of two years months, 

and nine months, occurred at his ^ Above, p. 148, n. 2. 

death. ^^ Thus Chicheley, archbishop of 

** This was the title which the Canterbury, writes at a still later 

pope himself assumed (thereby count- period: 'Be inspection of lawes 

ing Joan as a pope), although he and cronicles was there never no 

was really the twentieth of the name. legat a latere sent into no londe, 

^ The Roman see was vacant at and specially in to your rengme of 

his death for two years and three Yngland, withowte grete and nota- 

moiiths. ble cause And yet over that, he 

li 2 


Constitution of the CJiurcli, [a.D. 1073 


ever, an essential element of Hildebrandine despotism': 
and while its operation here and there was salutary, or 
was tending to correct abuses^ in some ill-conditioned 
province, it more frequently became an engine of ex- 
tortion, and thus added to the scandals of the age. The 
constant intermeddling of the popes in other churches, by 
the agency of roving legates, indicated more and more 
the worldly spirit which possessed them, notwithstanding 
all their affectation of peculiar purity and all their pro- 
jects of reform. The 'curia' (or the court) of Kome^ 
Avas now the recognized expression; and no object lay 
so near the heart of him who bore the legatine au- 
thority*, as the advancement of its temporal interests in 

was tretyd with or he cam in to the 
lond, when he shold have exercise 
of his power, and how myche schold 
bee put in execution,' &c. Vit. H. 
Chichele, p. 36, Loud. 1681. In 
the year iioo, when the archbishop 
of Vienne came into England in 
this capacity, he made no impression 
on the people, but departed ' a ne- 
uiine pro legato susceptus, nee in 
aliquo legati officio functus.' Ead- 
mer, ed. Selden, 1623, p. 58. Wil- 
Ham Corboyl, however, the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, who had been 
sent to Rome, to complain of the 
intrusion of a legate into England, 
returned in 11 25, the bearer of the 
very office against which the nation 
had piotested (Gervas. Dorobern., 
in Twysden's Script. X., col. 1663); 
being elevated to that office by Ho- 
riorius II. {Monast. Anylic, ed. 
Bugdale, iii. 147). 

1 e. (J. see Gregory's Ein%t. to the 
duke of Bohemia: Mansi, XX. 73. 
He exhorted the civil authorities to 
compel the acquiescence of Jaromir, 
the contumacious bishop of Prague, 
' usque ad interniciem.' According 
to the Dictatus Hildebrand., § 4, 
the legate was to take precedence of 
all bishops. 

- St Bernard's ideal of a lefrate 

will be found in the De Considera- 
tione ad Eufjenium, lib. iv. c. 4. His 
picture was, however, realized too 
seldom : ' Nonne alterius sceculi res 
est, redisse legatum de terra auri 
sine auro ? transisse per terrara ar- 
gent! et argentum nescisse V c. 5. 
On the general duties of the legate 
and his influence in promoting the 
consolidation of the papacy, see 
Planck, IV. pt, 11. 639 sq. 

^ ' Neque enim vel hoc ipsum 
carere macula videtur, quod nunc 
dicitur curia Eomana quae antehac 
dicebatur ecclesia Romana.' Gerhoh 
of Reichersberg, De Corrupto Ec- 
clesice Statu, Pi-sefat. (seu Epist. ad 
Henricum Card.) % i, 0pp. ii. 9, ed. 

"^ The legates constantly urged 
the right of the pope to dispose of 
vacant benefices, and even bishop- 
rics. Planck, w6^■ sup. pp. 713 sq. 
At first he recommended individuals, 
by way of * petition ;' but in the 
thirteenth century the 'preces' were 
changed into 'mandata;' and he 
finally insisted on the promotion of 
his favourites (sometimes boj^s, and 
chiefly absentees) in the most per- 
emptory manner, by an edict ' non 
obstante.' It was a case of this 
kind (1252) which stirred the indig- 

■1305] Constitution of the Church. 245 

opposition to the crown and every species of domestic internal 

vnlo " ORGAN I ZA- 

lUle. TION. 

The same desire to elevate and to enrich the papacy, Appmis to 
though blended in some cases with a wish to patronize 
the feeble and to shelter the oppressed, is seen in a re- 
quirement now extended in all quarters, that appeals, 
instead of being settled in the courts at home, should 
pass, almost indiscriminately^, to the Roman, as the ulti- 
mate tribunal of the West. Attempts'^, indeed, )vere 
made (occasionally by the popes ^ themselves) to limit this 
unprincipled recourse to foreign jurisdiction: but the prac- 
tice, notwithstanding such impulsive acts of opposition, 
kept its hold on every side, especially in all the newly- 
planted churches. 

The development of papal absolutism, though it tended Epirj of par^i 
to protect the bisiiops irom the violence of feudal lords, epkcopacn. 
and even to exempt them altogether from the civil juris- 
diction, swallowed up the most important of their rights. 

nation of Grosseteste, bishop of Lin- execution of the laws : e.g. Concil. 

coin: see the account in Matthew Lateran. (1215), c. 7. He enjoined 

Paris (ed. 1684), p. 740; cf. pp. that the sentence of provincial coun- 

749 sq. A former pope (Honorius cils should take immediate effect, 

III.) in 1226 (Matthew Paris, p. and that no appeal should lie to 

276) had been constrained to make Rome unless the forms of law had 

the most humiliating confession by been exceeded. 

his legate, Otho : ' Idem papa alle- ^ In England there was always 

gavit scandalum sanctse Romanse a peculiar jealousy on the subject 

ecclesije et opprobrium vetustissi- of appeals (cf. above, p. 16, n. 1), 

mum, notam scilicet concupiscentite, and when this feeling was aroused 

qu£e radix dicitur omnium malorum : in 11 64, provision was distinctly 

et in hoc praecipue, quod nullus made in the ' Constitutions of Cla- 

potest aliquod negotium in Romaiia rendon,' that all controversies what- 

curia expedire nisi cum magna effu- ever should be settled in the home- 

sione pecuniae et donorum exhibi- courts : Matthew Paris, p. 84 (from 

tione,' etc. : cf. John of Salisbury's Roger of Wendover, Flores Histor. 

Pohjcraticus, lib. v. c. 16. ii. 300; ed. E. H. S. 1841). The 

5 See St Bernard's remarks. Ad prelates and others in like manner 

Eugenium, lib. ill. c. 2. Inno- had required a pledge from Anselm, 

cent III., a shrewd administrator, 'quod niinquam amplius sedem 

checked the excessive frequency of Sancti Petri, vel ejus vicarium, pro 

appeals, on the ground that num- quavis quEe tibi queat ingeri causa 

bers would avail themselves of this appelles.' Eadmer, p. 39. 
privilege merely to buy off the 7 gee n. 5. 


Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 1073 




xjiirif of Uii 

The metropolitans, in cases where they did not also fill 
the post of legate, were compelled to yield obedience to 
the papal nominee \ though he might often be a priest 
and nothing more. The vows of servitude imposed on 
them at the reception of the pallium''^ were exacted also 
from the other bishops ^ who, in order to secure the 
friendship of the pope, betook themselves to Eome, and 
sued for confirmation at his hands. The pride, extortion, 
and untruthfulness of many of the pontiff's stirred them, 
it is true, at times into the posture of resistance, and a 
man like Robert Grosseteste^ did not hesitate to warn 
the pope himself, that by persisting in extravagant de- 
mands, the Eoman Church was likely to become the 
author of apostasy and open schism. Yet, generally, we 
find that a belief in the transcendant honours of the 
Roman see retained the western bishops in their old con- 
nexion with it. Galling as they felt the bondage, they 
had not the heart to shake it off. 

The stoutest advocates of papal usurpation were the 
members of religious orders. Gifted with a very large 

^ See above, p. 243, n. 10. The 
English were extremely scandalized 
when John of Crema (1125) a cai'- 
dinal priest, assumed these novel 
powers : Gervase of Canterbury 
(Dorobern.), col. 1663, And we may 
gather from the following passage 
of a letter addressed to Gregory 
YII., that many bishops viewed him 
as the enemy of all authority except 
the papal : * Sublata, quantum in te 
fuit, oiimi potestate ah cpiscopls, quae 
eis divinitus per gratiam Spiritus 
Sancti collata esse dinoscitur, dum 
nemo jam ahcui episcopus aut pres- 
byter est, nisi qui hoc indignissima 
assentatione a iastu tuo emendica- 
vit ;' in Eccard's Script. Iter. Gev- 
manic. II. 172. 

2 Above, p. 152. 

^ See Neander, Vll. 276, 277: 
Diillinger, III. 332. The protes- 

tantism of Matthew Paris breaks 
out afresh at this indignity, when 
it was urged more pointedly in 1257. 
He calls the papal edict ' Statutum 
Homes cruentissimum, quo oportet 
quemlibet electum personaliter trans- 
alpinare, et in suam Issionem, imo 
eversionem, Romanorum loculos im- 
praegnare :' p. 820. 

^ ' Absit autem, absit, quod haec 
saoratissima sedes, et in ea preesi- 
dentes, quibus communiter et in 
omnibus mandatis suis et praeceptis 
obtemperatur, prascipiendo quic- 
quam Christi prseceptis et voluntati 
co-ntrarium, sint causa verae disces- 
s ion is.' See the whole of this start- 
ling and prophetic Sermon in the 
Opuscida Jr. Grossetcste, in Brown's 
Fasciculus, 11. 255. There is a co- 
pious Life of Grossetcste, by Pegge. 


Constitution of the Church. 



amount of the intelligence, the property^, tlie earnestness, 
and the enthusiasm of the age, they acted as the pope's 
militia®, and became in troublous times the pillars of his 
throne. On this account he loaded them with favours'. 
Many of the elder Benedictines had departed from the 
strictness of their rule, and in this downward course 
they were now followed by the kindred monks of 
Clugny: but a number of fresh orders started up amid 
the animation of the Hildebrandine period, anxious to 
redeem the honour of monasticism, and even to surpass 
the ancient discipline. Of these the order of Carthusians, iiho of the 
founded by Bruno^ of Cologne (1084), at the Chartreuse, 1084." ^'^^ 
near Grenoble, proved themselves tlie most unworldly 
and austere. They fall into the class of anchorets, but 
like the Benedictines they devoted many of their leisure 
hours to literary occupations^ Other confraternities^*^ ap- 

^ Their property was very much 
augmented at the time of the Cru- 
sades by mortgages and easy pur- 
chase from the owners, who were 
bent on visiting the Holy Land. 
Planck, IV, pt. II. 345 sq. Others 
also, to escape oppression, held their 
lands in copyhold from the religious 
houses and the clergy. 

^ For this reason they incurred 
the bitter hatred of the anti-Hilde- 
brandine school, who called them 
'Pharisees' and ' Obscurantes ' (Ne- 
ander, vii. 133, 134). When the 
Church was oscillating between 
Alexander III, and the anti-pope 
(Victor), the Carthusians and Cis- 
tercians warmly took the side of the 
former, and secured his triumph. 
See Life of Blskoj) Anthelm in the 
Act. Sanct. Jan. v. c. 3. 

"^ e.g. the abbot was allowed to 
wear the insignia of the bishop, 
sandals, mitre, and crosier ; and ex- 
emptions (see above, p. 159, n. 10) 
were now multiplied in every pro- 
vince, as a glance at Jaffe's Regesta 
Pontific. Roman, will abundantly 

shew. The nature of these privi- 
leges may be gathered from an epi- 
stle of Urban II, (1092) in Mansi, 
XX. 652, Complaints respecting 
them were constantly addressed to 
the succeeding popes : e. g. that of 
the archbishop of Canterbury among 
the Epist. of Peter of Blois (Blesen- 
sis), ep. 68 ; and St Bernard, Ad 
Eugenium, lib. iii. c. 4, 

8 See Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Orel. 
Benecl. vi, pt. ii, 52 sq.: Annates, 
V. 202 sq. Many of the later le- 
gends respecting Bruno are purely 
mythical. Akin to the Carthusians 
was the order of the Carmelites, 
transplanted from the East (Mount 
Carmel). They grew up into a 
somewhat numerous body. See 
Holstein's Codex Regular, ill. 18 
sq., and Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. 
Lxxvi. § 55. 

^ Labbe has published their In- 
stitutiones in his Bibliotheca, I. 638 
sq.: cf, Neander, vil, 368, 

■■•^ e.g. The Ordo Grandimontensis 
(of Grammont) founded about 1070 
(see Life of the founder, Stephen, 


Constitution of the Church. 

[a.d. 1073 

liise of l/u- 

Inlhifiiice of 
St iicnnird. 

INTERNAL peared ; but none of them were so successful as the order 
^^?io¥.^"^' of the Cistercians (monks of Citeaux near Dijon), who 
endeavoured to revert in every feature of their system to 
the model of St Benedict. The founder ^ Kobert, having 
vainly sought for peace and satisfaction in the life of a 
recluse, established his new convent in loo's. Its greatest 
luminary was St Bernard^ (1113-1153), who, after spend- 
ing a short time in the parent institution, planted the 
more famous monastery of Clairvaux (Clara Vallis), in 
the diocese of Langres. Aided by the influence of his 
name and writings, the Cistercian order rapidly diffused 
itself in every part of Europe^, and became ere long the 
special favourite of the popes''. It formed, indeed, a 
healthy contrast to the general licence of the age, as 
well as to the self-indulgence and hypocrisy of many of 
its coenobitic rivals^. 
Monastic or- But howcvcr activc and consistent they might be, these 

tkrs ill adapted ^ . f i t i i p i i • 

to the times. ordcrs wcrc imperiectly adapted to the wants ot the thir- 
teenth century. As men who had renounced the business 

in Martbne and Duraud's Avipliss. 
CoUectio, VI. 1050 sq. ; Mabillon's 
Annates, v. 65 sq.) : the Ordo Fontis- 
Ehrcddi (of Fontevraud), founded in 
1094 (Mabillon's Annal. v. 314 sq.). 
The Order of St Anthony/, founded 
by Gaston in 1095, attended on the 
sick, especially the leprous (Act. 
Sanct. Jan. 11. 160 sq.): the Trini- 
tarians {' Fratres Domus Sanctte 
Trinitatis,') founded by John de 
Matha and Felix de Valois (1198), 
endeavoured to procure the redemp- 
tion of Christians who had fallen 
into the hands of the infidels. See 
Fleury, liv. LXXV. § 9. 

1 See Mabillon, as above, v. 219, 
393 8^- J Manruiue, Annates Cister- 
cienses, Lugd. 1642 ; and Holstein, 
Codex, II. 386 S(i. Among the other 
features of the institute we notice a 
peculiar reverence for episcopal au- 
thority : see the papal confirmation 
of their rules (1119) in Manrique, 

I. 115. 

^ See Neander's Life of him. 

^ At the death of Bernard (1153) 
he left behind him one hundred 
and sixty monasteries, which had 
been formed by monks from Clair- 

** e. g. Innocent III, and the 
council of Lateran (12 15), c. 12, 
held it up as a model for all others. 

^ One of these was the order of 
Clugny, presided over (1122 — 1156) 
by Peter the Venerable, who, though 
anxioiis to promote the reformation 
of his house, resented the attack 
which had been made on it by some 
of the Cistercians. For an account 
of his friendly controversy with 
Bernard, see Maitland's Dark Ages, 
pp. 423 sq. There are traces of the 
controversy in the poem De Clare- 
vallensibus et Cluniacensibiis, among 
those attributed to Walter Mapes, 
ed. Wright, pp. 237 sq. 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church. 249 

of this world, to make themselves another in the cloisters internal 

1 , Ti 1TT1 1 (^ -, r> f ORGAN IZA- 

where they lived and died, they kept too far aloof from tion. 
secular concerns, and even where they had been most 
assiduous in the duties of their convent, their attachment 
to it often indisposed them to stand forward and do battle 
with tlie numerous sects that threatened to subvert the 
empire of their patron. Something ruder and more prac- 
tical, less wedded to peculiar spots and less entangled by 
superfluous property, was needed if the Church were to 
retain its rigid and monarchic forni^ The want was 
made peculiarly apparent when the Albigenses had be- 
gun to lay unwonted stress on their own poverty, and to 
decry the self-indulgence of the monks. 

At this conjuncture rose the two illustrious orders Thereof the 

^ ^ , Frnnciscaits, 

known as mendicants, (1) the Minors or Franciscans, (2) 1207. 
the Preachers or Dominicans, both destined for two cen- 
turies to play a leading part in all the fortunes of the 
Church. The former sprang from the enthusiasm of 
Francis of Assisi^ (1182—1226). Desirous of reverting to 
a holier state of things (1207), he taught the duty of re- 
nouncing every kind of worldly goods ^, and by a strain 

6 Innocent III. seems to have Pref. to Monumenta Franciscana, 
felt this; for, notwithstanding his ed. Brewer, 1858, in the Chronicles, 
desire to check the multiplication <fcc. of Great Britain. We find the 
of fresh orders of monks {Concil. germs of it in an early sect of Eu- 
Lateran. 12 15, c. 13, ' ne quis de chites, who, from a desire to reach 
csetero novam religionem inveniat'), the summit of ascetic holiness, re- 
he could not resist the offers now nounced all kinds of property and 
held out by such an army of auxili- common modes of life. Neander, 
aries. in. 342. 

7 See the Life of him by Thomas ^ In the fashion of the age he 
Celanus, his companion (in Act. spoke of Poverty as his bride and 
Sanct. Octob. 11. 683 sq.); another, the Franciscan order as their off- 
by Bonaventura, a Franciscan {Ibid. spring. Before ten years had ehipsed, 
742 sq.): cf. Chavin de Malan, five thousand mendicants assembled 
L'HisUjire de S. Francois d' Assise, at Assisi to hold the second general 
Paris, 1845; Helyot, Hist, des Or- chapter of their order. Sir J. Ste- 
dres, etc., tom. vii. The great phen's Essays, I. 121, 122. The 
authority on the Franciscan Order Order of St Clara {' Ovdo diOrmna,vv.VL\ 
generally is Wadding's Annates Mi- pauperum') was animated by the 
norwin, Eomse, 1731 — 1741. Cf. same spirit, and adopted the Fran- 


Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 


Their alliance 
icilh tite I'ope. 

INTERNAL of spint-searcliiiig, though untutored, eloquence attracted 
many thousands to his side. The pope^ at first looked 
down upon tliis novel movement, but soon afterwards 
confirmed the rule of the Franciscans, and indeed be- 
came their warmest friend. By founding what was termed 
an 'order of penitence^' (the third estate of Friars), they 
were able to embrace in their fraternity a number of the 
working classes, who, wdiile pledged to do the bidding of 
the pope and to observe the general regulations of tlie 
institute, were not restricted by the vow of celibacy nor 
compelled to take their leave entirely of the world. 

The stricter spirits of this school could not, however, 
be so easily confined w^ithin the limits which their chief 
was anxious to prescribe. They followed out their prin- 
ciple of sacred communism, or evangelical perfection, to its 
most obnoxious length, and even ventured to afiirm that 
Christ and the original Apostles had nothing of their own. 
A quarrel was now opened, in the course of which the 
rigorous faction ""^ (' Spirituales' they were called), deriving 
their ideas* very mainly from one-sided views of the 

The aberra- 
tions of an ex 
(rente parli/. 

ciscan rules : Holstein's Codex, III. 
34s,q. : Helyot, VII. 182 sq. On the 
stigraatisation of St Francis, and 
the impious extravagances to which 
it led, see a temperate article in the 
Hevue lies deux Maudes, Tome viii. 
pp. 459 sq. 

1 Innocent III., after hesitating 
a while, extended to them a cordial, 
but unwritten, approbation (1209). 
In 1223, the order was formally 
adopted by Honorius III. : see Hol- 
stein, III. 30 sq. A pledge of abso- 
lute obedience to the pope is con- 
tained in the first chapter. Nicholas 
IV. was so ardently attached to 
them that he enjoined the use of 
their service-books on the whole 
Church : Capefigue, ll. 180. 

2 Holstein, III. 39 sq. : Helyot, 
VII. 216 sq.: cf. Sir J. Stephen's 
remarks on this supplemental insti- 

tute, I. 127, 128. 

^ They professed to be adhering 
literally to the will of their founder ; 
but the popes, especially Greg. IX. 
(1231) and Innocent IV. (1245), 
took the other (or the laxer) side : 
see their bulls in Roderic's Nova 
Collectio Privilegiorum, etc., ed. 
Antverp. 1623, pp. 7, 13. 

^ These may be gathered from a 
production called the Introductorius 
in Evan[)elium jEternutn, which ap- 
peared at Paris in 1254. The sub- 
ject is exhausted by Gieseler, III. 
251 sq.; and Neander, viii. 369 sq. 
When Nicholas III. (1279) explain- 
ed the rule of St Francis still more 
laxly, the * spirituales ' grew still 
more indignant. Tiiey were headed 
by the friar John Peter de Oliva, 
of whose Post ilia sujter Apoccdypsi, 
extracts are preserved in Baluze and 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church. 251 

Apocalypse, commenced a series of attacks upon the internal 
members of the hierarchy and the secularizing spirit of tion. 
the age. A party of these malcontents were drafted ~ ~ 

off at length into a fresh community, entitled the Coeles- 
tine-Hermits^ (1294), but in the end they seem to have 
entirely separated from the Church, and to have been 
absorbed into the sect of the ' Fratricelli V where, indeed, 
tliey underwent a bitter persecution. 

The twin-order, that of tlie Dominicans or 'Preachers,' 'J^'hc rise of iiie 
took its rise in 1215 at Toulouse. Its founder was the 1215. 
canon Dominic^ (b. 1170), a native of Castile, although the 
plan was rather due to his bishop Diego (Didacus) of 
Osraa, who, while journeying in the south of France, 
had noticed Avith concern that anti-papal and heretical 
opinions were most rife, and threatened to disturb all 
orders of society. His object, therefore, was, in con- 
cert with the prelates of the district, to refute the argu- 
ments adduced by the heresiarchs, to emulate their poverty, 
and win their followers back to the communion of the 
Church. In carrying out this undertaking, Dominic had 
been distinguished from the first, and when its author 

Mansi, Miscell. ii. 258 sq. In com- before John XXII. in Baluze and 

menting on Apoc. xvii., he has the Mansi, Miscell. il. 276 sq. One 

following passage : ' Nota quod haec charge brought against him is for 

mulier stat hie pro Komana gente saying ' quod a tempore Ccelestini 

et iniperio, tarn prout fuit quondam papee non fuit in Ecclesia papa 

in statu paganism!, quam prout jpos^ vents.'' 

modum fait in fide Christi, miUtis ^ The oldest Life of Dominic is 

taiiien criminibus cum hoc mundo by his successor Jordanus, printed, 

fornicata,' etc. with others, in the Act. Sanct. Au- 

^ So called from pope Coelestine gust. I. 545 sq. For the Constitu- 

v., their patron : Helyot, vil. 45. tions of the Order, see Holstein's 

They were, however, persecuted by Codex, iv. losq. At the suggestion 

the rest of the Franciscans {e.g. of Innocent III., the basis of the 

Wadding, ad an. 1302, §§ 7, 8). rule of Dominic was borrowed from 

6 See Capefigue, II. 147, 148. the Augustinian : and soon after, at 

Among their supporters may be a general chapter-meeting (1220), 

ranked Ubertinus de Casali, a pupil the principles of Francis of Assisi 

of the Franciscan Oliva ab ;ve men- were adopted, in so far as tbey ab- 

tioned, n. 4: see the Arlicidi Pro- jured all property and income. Vit. 

hationum contra fratrem Ubertinum 8. Domlnici (by Jordanus), c. 4. 
de Casali inductarum, and his reply 


Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 1073 


Its coDiiexion 
irilh the Albi 

INTERNAL died (circ. 1207) he still continued, with a few of his com- 
panions, in the same sphere of duty. In 1209 the mis- 
believing province of Languedoc was desolated by the 
earliest of the Albigensian cmsades'. The leaders of that 
savage movement found a spy and coadjutor in the over- 
zealous missionary; and soon after he began to organize 
and head the larger confraternity, whose foremost object 
was the spiritual benefit^ of others and the vindication of 
the Church. Accompanied by the notorious Foulques^ (or 
Fulco), bishop of Toulouse, he laid his project at the feet 
of the sovereign pontiff in an hour wdien Rome might 
well have trembled for its empire in the south of France 
(1215), and readily procured the papal sanction. In the 
following year the institute was solemnly confirmed^ by 
Honorius III. It soon attracted many able and devoted 
members, and diffused itself on every side. 

Though parted from each other now and then by 
mutual jealousies^, the Minorites and Preachers commonly 
proceeded hand in hand^, particularly in resisting the at- 
tacks which they provoked, not only from the clergy and 
monastic orders^, but from nearly all the Universities. 
They constituted the 'Dissenters' of the age. Presuming 
on their popularity, their merits ^ and the strong protection 

brturcn the 
and the Uni- 

1 See below, * State of Religious 
Doctrine,' § Sects. 

^ ...'stadium nostrum ad lioc de- 
bet principaliter intendere ut proxi- 
morum animabus possimus utiles 
esse.' Constit. Prol. c. 3. 

2 Cf. Sir J. Stephen's Led. on the 
Hist, of France, i. 221, ed. 1851. 

^ The bull of confirmation is pre- 
fixed to the Constitutions of the 
order, as above, p. 25 1, n. 7. Accord- 
ing to the pope's idea the Domini- 
cans were to become 'pugiles fidei 
et vera mundi lumina.' 

^ See tlie graphic picture of Mat- 
tliew Paris, Jlist. Major, a.d. 1243, 
p. 540. They afterwards contended 
still more sharply touching the im- 

maculate conception of the Virgin, 
the Franciscans taking the positive, 
the Dominicans the negative. Klee, 
Hist, of Christ. Dogmas (German), 
pt. II. c. iii. § 25. 

^ e.g. the generals of the two 
orders issued a number of caveats 
in 1255, with a view to cement or 
re-establish friendly relations. Wad- 
ding's Annal. Minor, ad an, 1255, 

^ e.g. Matthew Paris, A, D, 1243, 
p. 541 ; A.D. 1247, P- 630, He was 
himself a Benedictine, and implaca- 
ble in his hostility to the new race 
of teachers, 

^ These must originally have 
been very considerable, for besides 


Constitution of the Church. 


of the E,oman court ^, tliey thrust themselves into the pro- 
fessorial chairs, and not unfrequently eclipsed all other 
doctors ^*^. Paris was at present the chief seat of European 
learning, and in it especially (1251), the Mendicants, al- 
though in favour with the king, had to encounter a de- 
termined opposition ^\ For a while they were discouraged 
by a bull of Innocent IV.^", who saw the inroads they were 
making on the constitution of the Church, and was accord- 
ingly induced at length to take the part of the University ; 
but on his death (1254) they found an ardent champion in 
pope Alexander IV/^ His influence and the writings of 
the more distinguished members of their body (such as 
Bonaventura^* and Aquinas ^^), aided them in bearing down 



their zeal in missionary labour, they 
conciliated the good opinion of a 
class of men like Grosseteste, bishop 
of Lincoln, who employed them in 
his diocese. He defended them 
against the opposition of his clergy, 
and even charged the latter through 
the archdeacon ' ad inducenduni 
efficaciter populum ut Fratrum utri- 
usque Ordinis preedicationes devote 
et attente audiat, ' etc. : Brown's 
Fascic. II. 38-2. He afterv^^ards be- 
queathed his library to the Francis- 
cans at Oxford, among whom the 
famous Koger Bacon was educated 
(Warton, Eng. Poetry, ii. 89, ed. 
1840) : though Matthew Paris writes 
that on his death-bed he complained 
that they had disappointed his ex- 
pectations, and had begun to dege- 
nerate most grievously : Hist. Maj., 
A.D. 1253, p. 752. 

^ e. (J. Gregory IX. (1237) begins 
a grant of privileges in the following 
terms : ' Quoniam abundavit iniqui- 
tas, et refriguit charitas plurimorum, 
ecce ordinem dilectorum filiorum 
fratrum Prsedicatorura Dominus sus- 
citavit,' etc., in Mattb. Paris, A.D. 
1246, p. 607. The popes claimed 
the right of sending Friars anywhere 
without the acquiescence of the bi- 
shops or the clergy. 

^" Most of the theological pro- 

fessors in the University of Naples, 
founded 1220, were chosen from the 
Mendicants. Their first establish- 
ment in England was at Oxford, 
122 1, when, for some time, they 
produced the leading scholars of the 
age. Warton, as above, pp. 88, 89. 

" See Bulaeus (Du Boulay), Hist. 
Univers. Paris, in. 2 40sq. ; Cape- 
figue, II. 167 sq. The latter is a 
warm apologist of the Friars. Their 
most vigorous opponent at the time 
was William de Sancto Amore, a 
Parisian doctor of divinity, who 
composed his treatise Be Periculis 
Novissimorwiii Temjwrum, in 1255. 
It is printed (as two Sermons) in 
Brown's Fasciculus, ir. 43 — 54. The 
author was condemned by Alexander 
IV., but reconciled to Clement IV. 

1^ Bulceus, Ibid. 270 sq.: cf. Ne- 
ander, vii. 392. 

^^ Bulseus, 273. In this bull he 
exempts them from the jurisdiction 
of the bishops and parish priests. 

^•* He was general of the Minor- 
ites, and often argued for them on 
the plea of necessity, alleging that 
the ordinary ecclesiastics were so 
corrupt as to neglect all their sacred 
duties: see e.g. his Liber de Pau- 
jicrtate Christi contra Mayist. Gidiel- 
mum, etc. 

^^ See his Opuscul. XiX., contra 


Constitution of the Cliurch. [a.d. 1073 


The Beijuins 
or ticijh'inis. 

INTERNAL resistance, and in virtually supplanting for a time the or- 
oRGANizA- ^^^^^^ teachers of the Church. 

The Mendicants, as we have seen already, fostered in 
their bosom many germs of misbelief. In this particular 
they seem to have resembled the still older groups of 
Beguins or Beghards\ who finally took refuge (1290) in 
the third order of the Franciscans^. They were chiefly 
females ('Beguinte') in the earlier stages of their history, 
but, subsequently, when the number of them had pro- 
digiously increased^, the principle on which they had as- 
sociated was borrowed (circ. 1220) by the other sex^ 
('Beguini'). They were ridiculed^ as 'pietists' (boni 
homines), and in the end appear to have adopted most of 
the opinions held by tlie extreme or Apocalyptic school of 
the Franciscans, so that 'Beguin' often was synonymous 
with heretic. 

Another wing of the great army which the Christians 
of the Middle Age employed for their defence and the 
consolidation of the papal empire were the Military Orders. 
Their triumphant struggle with the heathen of the north 
of Europe has been mentioned on a former page^. It was 
their leading object to combine the rules of chivalry and 
knighthood with monastic discipline, which they derived 
especially from the Cistercian institutions. 

The Knights Tem])laTs'^ ('Fratres Militias Templi') were 


T?:.- Knifjhis 

Impur/nctiites Dei cultum et religio- 

1 See Mosheim, De Beghardis et 
Beguinalus CommentarivjS, passim. 
They seem to have existed as early 
as the eleventh century in Flanders. 
The name (see Ducange, suh voc.) 
appears to have been extended to 
all kinds of female associations 
('collegia') where the secular and 
monastic life were partially com- 
bined. The inmates ('canonissae') 
could leave the establishment and 

2 Helyot, VII. 251. 

^ Matthew Paris (a.d. I'25o, p. 
696) speaks of the German ' Begui- 
nse' as an 'innumerabilis multitude.' 

* Mosheim, as above, p. 168. 

^ See Ducange, under ' Papelar- 

^ pp. 229, 232. 

^ See, on their general history, 
L'Art de verifier les Dates, I. 512 
sq., and the Ifisi. Crit. et Apologet. 
des Chevaliers du Temple, Paris, 
1789. Their Regida is printed in 
Holstein, 11. 429 sq. ; and in Mansi, 
XXI. 359 sq. 

— 1305] Constitution of the CJiurch. 255 

founded at Jerusalem 1119, and through the powerful ad- internal 
vocacj of St Bernard', the idea which they attempted to ^^tkSP^" 
embody won the sanction of the western prelates in the 
synod of Troyes^ (Jan. 13, 11 28) . The order soon extended 
into every part of Europe, where it was most liberally 
endowed. Amid the stirring incidents of the crusades, 
the Templars had abundant opportunity for justifying the 
discernment of their patrons. On the fall of Acre in 1291, 
they could maintain the Christian cause no longer, and 
retreated to their rich domains in Cyprus : but suspicions ^° The di^snunwn 

n ,-, ■ IT -, . Of the Order . 

ot their orthodoxy which had once been irreproachable 
were now quite current in the west. A long and shame- 
ful controversy ended in the dissolution of the order^^ at 
Vienne (March 22, 1312). 

Their property was all sequestered and in part trans- 
ferred^^ to what are known as the KniqlUs Hosnitallers^'^, TheKnUihts 

'J 1 ^ JJospilallerx. 

organized as early as 1048, to wait on the sick pilgrims 
in the hospital of St John, at Jerusalem, but not converted 
into a military order till the twelfth century^*. They also 

^ He wrote his Ejclwrtatio ad Ml- in their condemnation. This was 

lites Templi at the request of the the work of the French king Philip- 

Grand-master, Hugo de Paganis. le-Bel and his creature, pope Cle- 

See also his Trad, de Nova Militia. ment V., who also carried off a por- 

^ Concil. Trecense : Mansi, xxi. tion of the spoil, by levying fines on 

357. the transfer of the property. The 

^^ The charges brought against Grand -master and others were burnt 

them may be classed as follows : by the arbitrary act of Philip. 
(i) Systematic denial of Christ on ^'-^ See the remarkable statute Be 

their admission into the order, ac- Terris Templar lorum, 17 Edw. II. 

companied with spitting or tram- st. ill. The 'Temple' of London 

pling on the cross. (2) Heretical was given, by some private arrano-e- 

opinions concerning the sacraments. ment, to the earl of Pembroke 

(3) Reception of absolution from (whose widow founded Pembroke 

masters and preceptors, although College, Cambridge), but afterwards 

laymen. (4) Debauchery, (5) Ido- passed into the hands of the Hos- 

latry. (6) General secrecy of prac- pitallers, who leased it to the stu- 

tice. See English Revieto, Vol. i. dents of the laws of England. 
p. 13. 1'^ Helyot, III. 74 sq.; Vertot's 

^^ The Templars were not allowed Hist, des Chevaliers Hospitallers, 

to speak in their own defence, and etc., Paris, 1726. 
all the English, Spanish, German ^'^ The Eule given to the order 

and some other prelates were ac- by Raymond du Puy (11 18), in 

cordingly resolved to take no part HoLstein, 11. 445 sq., is silent as to 


Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 1073 

The ordet- of 



INTERNAL wcre cjccted from the Holy Land with the last army of 
TioN. ' Crusaders, but continued to exist for many centuries. 
Their chief asylum was at Khodes (1309), and finally at 
Malta (1530). 

A connecting link between the rest of the religious 
orders and the seculars, or ' working clergy,' is supplied 
by the Prtemonstrants (canons of Premonstre), who sprang 
up in the diocese of Laon, in 1119. Their founder, Nor- 
bert^, was himself a secular, but on awakening to a deeper 
sense of his vocation, he resolved to organize an institution 
for the better training of ecclesiastics^. With this object 
he endeavoured to unite the cure of souls and a conventual 
mode of life. Accordingly, in some respects, the order of 
Pra3monstrants was a reproduction^, not unlike the order 
of cathedral canons ; but owing to the deep corruptions of 
the latter, they were generally opposed to Norbert's project 
of reform. 

The canons, in pursuance of their ancient policy^, with- 
drew still further from the reach of their diocesan. At the 
conclusion of the struggle which the Church maintained 
against the civil power respecting the episcopal appoint- 
ments, nearly all the bishops were elected absolutely by 
the canons of the diocese^, which could not fail to add fresh 

Power and 
di'fieueracn of 
the canons. 

their military duties: but in the 
same year they performed a prodigy 
of valour. Helyot, p. 78. They 
were taken under the special protec- 
tion of Pope Innocent II., in 1137 : 
Br^guiny, Table Chronol. des Di- 
plomes, etc., iii. 4, Paris, 1769. 

^ See his Life by a Praemonstrant 
in the Act. Sanct. Jun. i. 804 sq., 
and Hugo's Orel. Prcemonst. Annal., 
Nanceii, 1734. He died archbishop 
of Magdeburg, in 1134. 

2 It was commended in iiig by 
pope Innocent II. (Hugo, 11. 109), 
who afterwards granted to it many 
privileges. Le Paige, Bihlwth. Proe- 
monst., p. 622, Paris, 1633. 

•* See above, p. 48, n. r. 

^ See above, pp. 156, 157. 

5 Thus Innocent III. (1215) en- 
joins respecting the election of a 
bishop, ' ut is collatione adhibita 
eligatur, in quem omnes vel major 
vel saiiior pars capituli consentit :' 
Decret. Gregor. lib. i. tit. vi. c. 42 
(in Corpus Juris Canon.). Before 
this time a certain right of assent 
had been reserved for 'spiritales et 
religiosi viri' (including, perhaps, 
the laity) : but by an edict of 
Gregory IX. {Ibid. c. 56), it is for- 
bidden, notwithstanding any usage 
to the contrary, ' ne per laicos, cum 
canonicis, pontificis [i. e. of a bishop] 
electio praesumatur.' This right of 
election had long been possessed by 


Constitution of the Church. 





weight to their pretensions. They exceeded all the other 
clergy both in rank and in voluptuousness, regarding the 
cathedral prebend as a piece of private income, suited more 
especially for men of noble birth ^, and not unfrequently 
employing substitutes' (or 'conduct-clerics') to discharge 
their sacred duties. Many an effort, it is true, was made Attempts w 

p . Q . reform them. 

to bring about a reformation of the canons, and in some 
of the western churches the new impulse which accom- 
panied the Hildebrandine movement may have been con- 
siderably felt : but, judging from the number of complaints 
that meet us in the writings of a later period, those reform- 
ing efforts were too commonly abortive^. 

We have seen^*^ that many of the functions of the chor- 
episcopi devolved on the archdeacons. In the thirteenth 
century the supervision of a diocese was often shared by 
titular or suffrao-an bishops ^\ whom the pope continued to Titular ami suf- 

'-' ^ ' •'•■'- Jragan hiiiho}j.s. 

the Scotch Culdees (Keledei = ' ser- 
vants of God'), who were an order 
of canonical clergy, some, if not all, 
of them being attached to the ca- 
thedral churches. DoUinger, ill. 
270, 271. They were at length 
superseded in many places by regu- 
lar canons, and on appealing to Bo- 
niface VIII. in 1297, with the hope 
of recovering their ancient right of 
electing their bishop, they were un- 
successful, Cf. Spotswood, Hist, of 
Church and State of Scotland, p. 51. 

^ This plea was urged by the 
chapter of Strasburg in 1232 ; but 
the pope {Decret. Greg. IX. lib. iii. 
tit. V. c. 37) replied that the true 
nobihty was ' non generis sed vir- 
tutum :' cf. Neander, vii. 2 86. 

"^ ' Clerici conductitii : ' see Du- 
cange, under 'conductitius.' This 
point is dwelt upon by a most 
rigorous censor of the canons, al- 
though one of their own order, 
Gerhoh of Reichersberg. See his 
Dialogus de differentia clerici regu- 
laris et scecularis. ' Nos autem ' 
(says the Secular Canon) 'psene om- 
nes genere, nobihtate, divitiis ex- 

M. A. 

cellimus :' Gerhohi Ojpp, II. 1419, 

ed. Migne. 

s As early as 1059, Nicholas II. 
and a Roman synod had enjoined 
(c. 3) the strict observance of their 
rule (Mansi, xix. 897). In very 
many cases canons were allowed to 
have private property : but when 
attempts were made to reform the 
order, the new canons ('canonici 
regulares') as distinguished from the 
old ('canonici sasculares') boasted of 
their ' apostolical ' community of 
goods. Schrockh, XXVII. 223 — 226. 

'^ Planck, IV. pt. ii. 570 sq. 

1'^ Above, p. 49, n. 9. 

^^ ' Episcopi in partibus infide- 
lium.' The number of these in- 
creased very much when Palestine 
became a Turkish province. Coun- 
cils were then under the necessity 
of checking their unHcensed minis- 
trations : e. g. that of Ravenna 
(131 x) speaks in no gentle terms 
of 'ignoti et vagabundi episcopi, 
et maxime lingua et litu dissoni :' 
see Planck, ii. pt. ii. 604 sq. ; Ne- 
ander, VII. 297, 298. 


Constitution of the Church. [A. D. 1073 

INTERNAL orclaiii for countries wliicli the Saracens had wrested from 
^ TioN. " his hands. These bishops found employment more espe- 
Exorbitance of ciallj in Germany. Where they did not exist, arch- 
a,. iea^ons. ^^^^^^^g ys^r^xQ unrivallcd in the vast extent of their author- 
ity \ which numbers of them seem indeed to have abused 
by goading the inferior clerics^ and encroaching on the 
province of the bishop^. In the hope of checking this 
vicars-penerai prcsumptiou, othcr functionaries, such as 'vicars-general' 
and ' officials' ^ were appointed to assist in the adminis- 
tration of the churches of the west. But these in turn 
appear to have excited the distrust and hatred of the people 
by their pride, extortion, and irreverence^. 

The more solemn visitations^ of the bishop were con- 
tinued ; and he still availed himself of the diocesan synod 
for conferring with the clergy and adjusting purely local 
questions. Other councils also^, chiefly what are termed 

and ojpcials. 


^ This may be ascertained from 
tlie JDecrct. Gregor. IX. lib. I. tit. 
XXIII., which contains ten chapters 
'De officio Archidiaconi.' 

^ e.g. John of Salisbury (ep. 
Lxxx.) complains at length of the 
' rabies archidiaconorum.' Some of 
them, however, were most exem- 
plary, travelling, staff in hand, 
through their archdeaconries and 
preaching in every village, Ne- 
ander (vii. 293) quotes such an 

•^ Thomassinus, Vetus et Nova 
Ecdesice Discipl. pt. i. lib. 11. c. 18 
— •20. Alexander III. found it ne- 
cessary to inhibit the archdeacon of 
Ely, among others, from commit- 
ting the cure of souls to persons 
'sine mandate et licentia episcopi.' 
Mansi, xxii. 364. 

* Thomassinus, ibid. c. 8, 9 : 
Schrockh, xxvil. 150 sq. Other 
duties of the archdeacon w-ere trans- 
ferred to the 'penitentiary' of the 
diocese, an officer appointed at the 
council of Lateran {Decret. Gregor. 
lib. I. tit. xxxi. c. 15) to assist the 
bishop *non solum iu prasdicationis 

officio, verum etiam in audiendis 
confessionibus et poenitentiis injun- 
gendis, ac ceteris, quae ad salutem 
pertinent animarum.' 

^ See an epistle of Peter Blesen- 
sis (of Blois), where at the close of 
the twelfth century he calls the offi- 
cials ' episcoporum sanguisugae :' ep, 
XXV. Other instances ai'e given by 
Neander, vii. 294. 

6 See above, p. 49. The coimcil 
of Lateran (11 79), c, 4, passed some 
curious regulations limiting the 
equipages of the prelates and arch- 
deacons while engaged on these 

7 Their number may be estimated 
from the list in Nicolas' Chronol. 
pp. 239 — 259. "What are called by 
the Church of Rome 'general' or 
' oecumenical ' councils, those of 
Lateran (1123), of Lateran (1139), 
of Lateran ( 1 1 79), of Lateran ( 1 2 1 5 ), 
of Lyons (124O, of Lyons (1274), 
were such neither in their mode of 
convocation (having no true repre- 
sentatives from other patriarchates), 
nor in their reception by the Churcli 
at large. See Palmer's Treatise on 


Constitution of the Cliurcli. 


* provincial' (or, in England, 'convocations'®) were assem- internal 
bled tlirougli the whole of the present period. Their effect, tion. 

however, was diminished by the intermeddling of the papal 
legates and the growth of Romish absolutism^ 

From these councils, mucli as they evince of the genuine corruptions of 
spirit of reform, we are constrained to argue, that the '■""^• 
general system of the Church was now most grievously 
disjointed and the morals of the clergy fearfully relaxed. 
Abuses of ecclesiastical patronage ^^ which Hildebrand and 
others of his school attempted to eradicate had come to 
light afresh. A race of perfunctory and corrupted priests, 
non-residents and pluralists, are said to have abounded 
in all quarters ^^; and too often the emphatic voice of 
councils, stipulating as to the precise conditions on which 

the Church, ii. 162 sq,, 3rcl ed. 
Provincial synods were commanded 
to be held every year by the council 
of Lateran (1215), c. 7. 

^ See above, pp. 54, 57 ; p. 165, 
n. 8. A 'national council' was held 
under Lanfranc in 1075, by the 
consent of the crown. (' Willielmus 
rex .... permisitque ei concilia con- 
gregare'). For the particulars, see 
William of Malmesbury, Be Gestis 
Pontif. pp. 213, 214, ed. Francof. 
1 60 1. The term 'convocation' is 
first applied to the annual synod of 
the province of Canterbury in IT25: 
see the archbishop's mandate to the 
bishop of Llandaff in Wilkins, Con- 
di. I. 408. The first instance of 
the meeting of convocation, at the 
same time with the nobles (or state- 
council), but in a separate place, 
occurred in 11 27. See Wake's State 
of the Church, etc., p. 171, Lond. 
1703. The leading object of these 
* convocations ' may be gathered 
from the mandate in Wilkins, as 
above. The bishops, archdeacons, 
abbots, and priors met together ' ad 
definiendum super negotiis ecclesias- 
ticis,'' etc. An early trace of the 
representative principle occurs in 
the records of the ' national council' 

held in 1237 (AVilkins, I. 648). The 
members came bearing * literas pro- 
curatorias :' and in the convocation 
of 1257 (Wilkins, I. 726), it is said 
to have consisted ' preelatorum pari- 
ter et cleri jJrocuratorum.'' 

^ Capefigue, ll. 65, 66. 

1^^ Above, pp. 154 sq. 

^^ On this subject, see the Verhum 
A Hbreviatum of Peter Cantor (a Paris 
theologian, who died 1197), c. 34, 
ed. Montibus, 1639, ^^^ Gerhoh of 
Keichersberg, De Corrupto Ecclesice 
Static; 0pp. II. 10 sq. ed. Migne. 
The language of men like Bonaven- 
tura {0pp. VII, 330, ed. Lugduni), 
where, in his defence of the Men- 
dicants, he draws a most gloomy 
picture of the clergy, should be 
taken ' cum grano salis ;' but his 
colouring is not very much deeper 
than that of bishop Grosseteste {cp. 
cvii.), in Brown's Fascic. II. 382 : 
cf. his Sermo ad clerum, contra pas- 
tores et prcelatos malos; Ibid. 263. 
Schrockh (xxvil. 175 sq.) has proved 
at large from the decrees of councils, 
that simony, which Hildebrand and 
others after him denounced, was 
rife in nearly every country, often 
in its most obnoxious forms. 



Constitution of the Church. [a. D. 1073 


celibacy .• 

tts extension. 

and cjkct. 

sacred offices were to be held, produced no visible or 
permanent efrect. 

One source of the more glaring immoralities S which 
synod vied with synod in denouncing, was the celibacy 
of the clergy. This had been at length established as 
the practice of the Western Church tlirough the astute 
and unremitting efforts of the Koman pontiff. It is true 
that even Gregory VII. had been constrained to shew in- 
dulgence^ in some cases where the married priest appeared 
incorrigible ; and in England, at the council of Winchester 
(1076), the rigours of the Hildebrandine legislation were 
considerably abated^: but clerogamy, discredited on every 
hand, was gradually disused, and died away entirely at the 
middle of the thirteenth century. The prohibition was at 
length extended also, after a protracted contest, to sub- 
deacons and inferior orders* of the clerical estate. A 
darker train of evils was the consequence of this un- 
natural severity. Incontinence, already general^ among 

1 e. g. Schrockli, xxvii. 205, 206. 
Men like Aquinas saw clearly 'mi- 
nus esse peccatum uxore uti quara 
cum alia fornicari' {Ibid. p. 211) ; 
but they all felt that the canons of 
the Church wei'e absolutely binding, 
and therefore that clerogamy was 

^ The imperial party, now in the 
ascendant, won the sympathy of 
Tiiany of the married priests, and 
Hildebrand accordingly advised his 
legates for the present (108 1) to dis- 
pense with some of the more rigor- 
ous canons on this subject : Mansi, 
XX. 342, As late as 11 14, the 
covmcil of (xran (Strigoniense) de- 
creed as follows, c, 31 : ' Presbyteris 
uxores, quas legitimis ordinibus ac- 
ceperint, moderatius habendas, prse- 
visa fragilitate, indulsiiiius :' Pe- 
terffy's Concil. Ilungav. i. 57, ed. 
ViennseAustr. 1742: Mansi, xxi. 106. 

•^ * Decretum est, ut nuUus cano- 
nicus uxorem habeat. Sacerdotes 
vero in casteilis vol in vicis habitant- 

es habentes uxores non cogantnr nt 
dimittant ; non habentes intei dican- 
tur ut habeant,' etc. ; Wilkins, I. 
367. For the later aspects of the 
struggle in England and other coun- 
tries, see the references in Gieseler, 
III. § ()'~,, n. 4. Zealots like E.oscelin 
contended that the sons of clergy- 
men were not eligible to any ecclesi- 
astical office. Neander, Viii. 9. 

'^ Thomassinus, Ecd. Discip. pt. 
I. lib, II. c. 6^. According to the 
Decret. Greg, Hb, lii. tit. iii. c. i, a 
cleric under the rank of subdeacon 
might retain his wife by relinquish- 
ing his office, but subdeacons and 
all higher orders are compelled to 
dismiss their wdves and do penance : 
cf. Synod of London (1108) : Wil- 
kins, I. 387. 

^ Thus the Gloss, on Distinct. 
Lxxxi. c. 6 (in Corpus Jur. Canon.), 
adds that deprivation is not meant 
to be enforced ' pro simplici fornica- 
tione ;' urging, as the reason, * cum 
2MUci sine illo vitio inveniantur.' 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church. 261 

the higher clergy, now infected very many of the rest, internal 
Nor was that form of vice the only one which tended to ^ tion. '^' 
debase the spirit of the seculars and comiteract the influ- other vices of 
ence whicli they ought to have exerted on their flocks. 
Their levity, intemperance, and extortion^ had too fre- 
quently excited the disgust and hatred of the masses, and 
so far from meeting with the reverence whicli their sacred 
office claimed, they were the common butt of raillery and 
coarse vituperation ^ The more earnest of their charge J^**" J* f^^^^.^^"/ 
preferred the ministrations first of monks, and then of 
mendicants, whose popularity must have been chiefly due 
to their superior teaching and more evangelic lives. Ex- 
ceptions there would doubtless be in which the humble 
parish-priest approved himself the minister of God and 
was the light and blessing of his sphere of duty: but' the 
acts of such are seldom registered among the gloomy 
annals of the age. 


The Western Church was now exalted by the papacy The main 

. -, . /» 1 c( features of the 

as the supreme and heaven-appointed mistress oi the btate ; nndehrandinc 

^ The prevalence of these vices the Trouveres), contain the most 

may be inferred from the numerous virulent attacks on the clerical, and 

complaints of men like St Bernard sometimes the monastic, order. Much 

(see passages at length, in Gieseler, as satire of this kind was overco- 

III. § 65, n. 10), and the decrees of loured by licentious or distempered 

councils {e.g. Lateran, 12 15, cc, 14, critics, it had, doubtless, some fouti- 

15, 16). The same is strongly brought dation. The champion and biogra- 

to light in the reforming (anti-se- pher of Becket, Herbert de Bosehara, 

cularizing) movement headed by Ar- did not hesitate to employ the fol- 

nold of Brescia : see Neander, Vll. lowing language in speaking of the 

-205 sq. clergy : ' Sacerdos quippe nisi sen- 

7 See, for instance, the Collection sum Scripturarum prajhabuerit, tan- 

of Political Bongs, &c., edited by quam omni carens sensu, idolum 

Mr Wright for the Camden Society, potms quam sacerdos judicatur... 

and 'Latin Poems commonly attrl- Utinam et juxta prophetas votum 

hutecl to Walter Mapes ' (appointed illis fiant similes qui ea faciunt, qui 

archdeacon of Oxford in 1196), edit- tales in Dei ecclesia ordinant. Simla 

ed by the same. These specimens, quippe in aula, talis sacerdos in ec- 

together with the whole cycle of clesia.' Supplementa'Rurh.deJjOSQ- 

Proven9al poetry (the sirventes of ham, pp. 102 sq., ed. Caxton Soc. 

the Troubadours and i\\Q fabliaux of 1851. 


Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 


Slrugqle of the 
pope with the 
Go-man em- 
prror, Henry 

or looking at the change procTnced by this conjuncture 
from a different point of view, she ran the risk of falling, 
under Gregory VII., into a secular and merely civil in- 
stitution. Having generally succeeded in his effort to 
repress the marriage of the clergy, he began to realize 
the other objects that had long been nearest to his heart, 
the abolition of all ' lay-investitures,' the freedom of epi- 
scopal elections, and his own ascendancy above the juris- 
diction of the crown'. In carrying out his wishes he 
advanced a claim to what was nothing short of feudal 
sovereignty in all the kingdoms of the west^, in some 
upon the ground that they were the possessions (feofs) 
of St Peter ^ and in others as made tributary to the 
popes by a specific grant ^. 

The chief opponent of these ultra-papal claims was 
Henry IV. of Germany °: but his abandoned character, 
his tampering with the church-preferment, and his un- 
popularity in many districts of the empire, made it easier 
for the pope to humble and subdue him. The dispute was 
opened by a Eoman synod in 1075, where every form of 

^ His own election, it is true, had 
been confirmed by the emperor ac- 
cording to the decree of Nicholas 
II. (above, p. 151, n. 7) : but that 
is the last case on record of a like 
confirmation. Bowden'sii/e of Gre- 
gory VII. I. 323. 

- In his more sober moments he 
allowed that the royal power was 
also of Divine institution, but sub- 
ordinate to the papal. The two dig- 
nities ('apostollca et regia') are like 
the sun and moon : Epist. lib. vii. 
ep. 25 (Mansi, xx. 30S). An apolo- 
gy for Gregory VII. on claiming 
oaths of knightly service from the 
kings and emi)erors, is made by 
Duliinger, ill. 314 — 316, 

■^ Spain was so regarded (' ab an- 
tiquo proprii juris S. Petri fuisse') : 
EjJist. lib. I. ep. 7. 

■* Thus Gregory VII. (1074) re- 
proaches the king of Hungary for 

accepting the German emperor as 
lord paramount of his dominions. 
That kingdom is said to be ' Eo- 

manas ecclesise proprium a rege 

Stephano olim B. Petro oblatum.' 
The letter goes on to say : ' Praftter- 
ea Heinricus pis memoriae imperator 
ad honorem S. Petri regnuni illud 
expugnans, victo rege et facta vic- 
toria, ad corpus B. Petii lanceam 
coronamque trausmisit et pro gloria 
triumphi sui illuc regni direxit in- 
signia, quo jprincipatum dignitatis 
ejus attinere cognovit.' Lib. ii. ep. 
13 : cf. above, p. 139, n. 8. On the 
sturdy language of William the Con- 
queror, when asked to do homage 
to Gregory, see Turner, Hist, of 
England, ' Middle Ages, ' I. 131, ed. 

^ See Stanzel, Gesch. Deutschlands 
unter den frank. Kaisern, i. 248 sq. 


Constitution of the Church. 



lay-investiture was strenuously resisted ^ After some pa- relations 
cific correspondence, in which Henry shewed himself dis- 
posed to beg the papal absolution^ for the gross excesses 
of his youth, he was at length commanded to appear in 
Rome for judgment^, on the ground that Hildebrand had 
been entrusted with the moral superintendence of the 
world. The emperor now hastened to repel this outrage : 
he deposed his rivaP, and was speedily deposed himself and 
stricken with the papal ban^*^ (1076). Supported by a 
number of disloyal princes who assembled at Tribur, the 
terrible denunciation took effect; they formed the resolution 
of proceeding to appoint another king, and Henry's wrath 
was, for a time at least, converted into fear^\ An abject 
visit to the pope, whom he propitiated by doing penance 
at Canossa^^j ended in the reconstruction of his party, and 

^ On tte historical connexion of 
this law, see Jaffe, p. 417. It runs 
as follows : * Si quis deinceps epi- 
scopatum vel abbatiara de manu ali- 
cujus laicee personae susceperit, nul- 
latenus inter episcoi:)os habeatur/ 

etc adding, 'Si quis imperato- 

rum, regum, ducum, marchionum, 
comitum, vel quilibet sajcularium 
potestatum aut person arum investi- 
turam episcopatuum vel alicujus 
ecclesiasticEe dignitatis dare pra- 
sumpserit, ejusdem sententise \i. e. 
of excommunication] vinculo se ad- 
strictum esse sciat :' Mansi, xx. 517. 
Gregory had already (1073) threat- 
ened Philip of France with excom- 
munication and anathema for simo- 
niacal proceedings : Epid. lib. i.ep.35. 

7 His letter (1073) is given at 
length in Bowden, I. 340 sq. The 
hopes which it inspired in Gregory 
are expressed by his Epist. lib. I. 
epp. 25, 26. 

8 See Bruno, De Bello Saxon, c. 
64 (in Pertz, VII, 351) ; and Lam- 
bert's Annates, a.d, 1076. Accord- 
ing to the latter work Henry was 
summoned, on pain of anathema, to 
appear in Rome by Feb. 22 : but cf. 

Neander, VII. 144, 145. 

^ The stronghold of the imperial- 
ists was the collegiate chapter of 
Goslar. They were backed on this 
occasion by the synod of Worms 
(Jan. 24, 1076), which, not content 
with a repudiation of the pope, as- 
sailed his character with the most 
groundless calumnies : Lambert, as 
above ; Bowden, Ii. 92 sq. 

I'* Mansi, xx, 469. ' Henrico regi, 
filio Henrici Imperatoris, qui contra 
tuam ecclesiam inaudita superbia 
insui-rexit, totius regni Teutonico- 
rum et Italice gubernacula contra- 
dico, et omnes Christianos a vinculo 
juramenti, quod sibi fecere vel faci- 
ent, absolve, et ut nullus ei sicut 
regi serviat in terdico... vinculo eum 
anathematis vice tua alligo'.... Cf. 
l^aul. Bernried, Vit. Gregor. c. 68 
sq. This and other works in defence 
of Gregory will be found in Gretser. 
0pp. tom, VI, Those which take 
the opposite (or imperial) side have 
been collected in Goldast's Apolog. 
pro Iviper. Henrico I V., Hanov. 1 6 11 . 

1^ Neander, vii, 153, 

12 See the humiliating circum- 
stances detailed by Gregory himself 


Constitution of the Church. [a.D. 1073 

RELATIONS the OTadual recognition of his rights \ The papal ban, 

TO THE o "-^ "^ 

CIVIL indeed, was reimposed in 1080; but the emperor had 

'■ — strength enough to institute a rival pontiff^ (Clement III.) : 

and although his arms were partially resisted by the 
countess of Tuscany^ (Matilda) and the Normans under 
Bobert Guiscard^, who came forward in 'behalf of Gre- 
gory, the subjects of the pope himself were now in turn 
estranged from him^ He therefore breathed his last (1085) 
an exile from the seat of his ambitious projects*'. 

It was made apparent in the course of this dispute that 
numbers w^ere unwilling to concede the pope a right of 
excommunicating monarchs, even in extreme cases; and 
that others who admitted this denied the further claim to 
dispossess an emperor of all his jurisdiction and absolve his 
subjects from their oath of allegiance ^ 

The relations of the spiritual and temporal authorities 
were now embarrassed more and more by popes who fol- 
lowed in the steps of Gregory. The second Urban, after 
placing Philip I. of France^ under the papal ban (1094), 

' Riiforminp ' 
prtnciplat de- 
veloped hy it. 

Furthitr pajvil 

(Jan. 28, 1077) '^ ^ letter written 
to the German princes : lib. iv. ep, 
1 2. The tone of this letter is most 

1 The enemies of Henry, it is 
true, proceeded to elect Rudolph of 
Suabia for emperor, the pope remain- 
ing neutral at first, and afterwards 
(ro8o) espousing (Mansi, xx. 531) 
what he thought the stronger side : 
but Rudolph's death soon after left 
his rival in possession of the crown, 
and ruined the designs of Gregory. 

" JaflF^, p. 443. 

^ On the relations of Gregory with 
this princess, see Neander, vii. 155 
(note), and Sir J. Stephen's Essays, 
I. 45 sq. 

* This rude soldier had been ex- 
communicated by Gregory in 1074 
(Mansi, XX. 402), but in 1080 (June 
29) the services of the Norman army 
were secured at all hazards. See 

Gregory's investiture of their leader, 
in Mansi, xx. 314. 

^ See Bowden, ii. 318. 

^ One of his last public acts was 
a renewal of the anathema against 
Henry and the anti-pope : see Ber- 
nold's Chron. A.D. 1084 (Pertz, VII. 

7 Cf. on the one side, Neander, 
VII. 149 sq., Gieseler, iii. § 47, n. 
25, with DoUinger, iii. 323 sq. 
Gregory's own defence of his con- 
duct may be seen in his Epist. lib. 
IV. ep. 2. According to Capefigue 
(i. 294 sq.), the excommunicated 
emperor was to be avoided like a 
leper, and therefore his deposition 
followed as a matter of course. 

^ In this case as in others (cf. 
p. 147, n. 10) the papal fulmination 
was a popular act, Philip having 
repudiated his lawful wife. He was 
resisted by Ives, the bishop of Char- 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church. 265 

forbade a priest or bishop to swear anv kind of feudal relations 

. " TO THE 

lioma2:e^ to the soverei^-n or to other laymen, — an in- civil 

. . . . J ■> POWEJl. 

junction which, if carried out, would have been absohitely 

fatal to the union of the Church and civil power. This 
pontiff also headed the new movement ^^ of the age for 
rescuing Palestine from the dominion of the Saracens. 
The project had been entertained before by Gregory VII.^\ 
who seems to have expected that Crusades, while strength- shmfithrmd 
ening his throne, would tend to reunite the Eastern and 
the Western Christians; but no step was taken for the 
realizing of his wish until the hermit Peter woke a 
mighty echo in the heart of Urban 11.^^ Of the many 
consequences which resulted from that wondrous impulse, 
none is more apparent than the exaltation of tlie papal 
dignity^^ at the expense of every other. Rome had thus 
identified herself with the fanaticism of princes and of 
people, to secure an easy triumph over both. 

Paschalis II., known in English history as the supporter 
of archbishop Anselm^* in his opposition to the crown, had 
sided with Henry V. in his unnatural effort to dethrone 
his father (1104): but soon afterwards he drove the pope 
himself into concessions which were deemed an ignominious 

tres, who begged the pope (Ejnst. sad depression of the EasternChurch. 
46) to adhere to the sentence he had ^^ See the acts of the council of 

pronounced through his legate at Clermont (Nov. 18 — 28, 1095), in 

the council of Autun. The ban was Mansi, XX. 815 sq. 
accordingly pronounced afresh at ^^ Neander, vii. 176. On the 

the council of Clermont (1095) in establishment of the kingdom of Je- 

Philip's own territories. Bern old's rusalem (1099), the power of the 

Chron. a.D, T095 (Pertz, vil, 464). pope was fully recognized in tem- 

^ See DoUinger's remarks on what poral as in spiritual things, 
he calls 'the new and severe addi- ■'■'^ See Hasse's Life of Ansehn, 

tion,' III. 330. Lond. 1850 ; and Turner's Middle 

'^^ On the Crusades generally, see Ages, I. 1 55 sq. The investiture- 

Michaud, Hist, des Croisades, Wil- controversy (cf. above, p. 167, n. 5) 

ken, Gesch. der Kreuzzilge, and Gib- was settled in England as early as 

bon, ch. LVIII. 1107 ; the pope and Anselm having 

1^ E2^ist. lib. II. ep. 31. In lib. conceded that all prelates should, 
II. ep. 49, he begs that men who on their election, take an oath of 
love St Peter will not prefer the allegiance to the king. This con- 
cause of secular potentates to that cordat was accepted in the synod of 
of the Apostle, and complains of the London, 1107 : Wilkins, I. 386. 


Constitution of tJie Church, [a.D. 1073 

RELATIONS compromise. Pasclialis' openly surrendered all ecclesiastical 
^civiif feofs into the hands of the civil power, on condition that 
the kins; should in his turn resign the privileges of investi- 


of pasfhaiu 11. imQ ', but Subsequently cvcu this condition was aban- 
doned, and the over-pliant pontiff went so far as to 
concede that Henry should invest the prelates, in the 
usual way, before their consecration. But the pledge 
was speedily revoked. 

Amid the crowd of conflicting theories as to the limits 
of the sovereign power in matters ecclesiastical, there grew 
up in the popedom of Calixtus II. a more tractable and 
intermediate party ^; and since all the combatants were 
now exhausted by the struggle^, a concordat was agreed 
upon at Worms* (in September 1122), and solemnly con- 
firmed by the council of Lateran^ in the following year 

Concordat of 
Worms. Ili22. 

1 He had already (i io6) prohibit- 
ed every kind of lay investiture like 
his pi'edecessors (Mansi, XX. 1211) : 
but in 1 1 1 1, on the advance of an 
imperial army, he proposed (i) to 
resign the regalia held by bishops 
and abbots, ' i. e. civitates, ducatus, 
marchias, comitatus, monetas, telo- 
neum, mercatum, advocatias regni, 
jura centurionum, et curtes, quse 
manifeste regni sunt, cum perti- 
nentiis suis, militia et castra regni' 
(in Pertz, iv. 67) ; and (2) to grant 
the king, ' ut regni tui episcopis vel 
abbatibus libere prseter symoniam 
et violentiam electis, investituram 
virgse et annuli conferas,' etc. ; Ibid. 
p. 72. The pope, however (see 
above, p. 240, n. i), was soon com- 
pelled by his party to revoke these 
concessions: Jbid. Append, pp. 181 
sq. : cf. Cardinal, de Aragon. Vit. 
Paschalis 11. , in Muratori, Rer.Ital. 
Script. III. part I. 363, and Nean- 
der, vir. 186—194. A very bold 
and bitter protest was put forth 
(circ. 1102) against the temporal 
assumptions of Paschalis, by the 
church of Li^ge. Their organ was 
Sigtjbert, a monk of Gemblours 

(Gemblacensis). The letter is print- 
ed, among other places, in Mansi, 
XX. 987. 

2 This school was represented by 
Hugo, a monk of Fleury, whose 
Tractatus de Begia Potestate et Sa- 
cerdotali Dignitate, is preserved in 
Baluze and Mansi's Miscellan. iv. 
184 sq. 

^ The following language of Ca- 
lixtus to the emperor (Feb. 19, 1 122) 
deserves attention : ' Nihil, Henrice, 
de tuo jure vendicare sibi qugerit 
ecclesia; nee regni nee imperii glo- 
riam affectamus : obtineat ecclesia 
quod Christi est, habeat imperator 
quod suum est,' etc.; in Neugart's 
Codex Diplom. Alemannice, ii. 50, 
ed. 1791. 

* See Ekkehard, ad an. 1122 
(Pertz, VIII. 260) ; Vit, Calixti, in 
Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script, in. pt. 
I. p. 420 : Planck, iv. pt. I. 297 sq. 

^ Dollinger (iii. 345, 346) re- 
marks that on the subject of the 
oath of 'homage' as distinguished 
from that of fidelity, the concordat 
was entirely silent, indicating that 
Calixtus ' tolerated ' it. In a letter 
dated Dec. 13, 11 22, he congratu- 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church, 267 

(March 27). It was there determined that the emperor relations 
should cease to claim the rio^ht of investitm-e by rino- and civil' 

Till 1 1 1 p 1 • POWER. 

crosier and should grant to every church the tree election 

of the bishop, while the pope conceded that on their elec- 
tion prelates should receive the 'regalia' from the king 
by means of the sceptre, and should thus avow their 
willingness to render unto C^sar the things that are 
truly his. 

But thouo-h one topic of dispute was now adjusted, fresh The GMbeiunes 

. ^ ^ . . . and the popes. 

ones could not fail to be evoked by the aspiring projects 
of the papacy: while on the other hand, the opposition 
offered by the house of Franconia, under Henry IV. and 
Henry V., was stubbornly continued for a hundred years 
(1137 — 1236) by the new line of emperors^ (the Hohen- 
staufen, Waiblingen or Ghibellines). The pontiff could, 
however, keep his ground, supported as he was by the 
political assailants of the empire, and especially the ducal 
family of Welfs or Guelphs^ 

His throne, indeed, was shaken for a time in the im- fheanti- 

' ' ^ ^ hierarchical 

petuous movement headed by a minor cleric, Arnold of 
Brescia^, who came forward as the champion of the volun- 
tary system, and impugned the right of bishops and of 
popes themselves to any temporal possession. A republic 
was proclaimed at Rome (1143) ; the principles of Arnold 
spread in every part of Lombardy, and though repressed 

lates the emperor on his return 'nunc specting him. Neander's estimate 

tandem ad ecclesiae gremium :' Man- is favourable (vil. '203 — 209), It 

si, XXI. 280. appears to be established that Ar- 

^ See Kaumer's GescJi. der Ho- nold was a pupil of Abdlard : Ibid. 

henstaufen und Hirer Zeit, Leipzig, p. 204 (note). Francke, Arnold von 

1840. Brescia, Zurich, 1825, tries to con- 

'' The Guelphs and Ghibellines nect him with the Waldenses and 

became the 'Whigs' and 'Tories' Cathari. He was condemned as 

of this period, the pope allying him- early as 1139, at the council of 

self with the former : cf. F. von Lateran, in company with the anti- 

Schlegel, Philos. of Ilistor)/, p. 369 pope: cf. S. Bernard. E2:>ist. 195, 

(Bohn's ed.), who views the matter written in the following year to cau- 

differently. tion the bishop of Constance against 

^ See Schrockh, XX. 112 sq., and Arnold and his principles. 
155, 156, on the different views re- 

movement un- 
der Ariiold. 

268 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 

RELATIONS at len<2:tli by the imperial arms\ the fermentation they ex- 

To THK c? J L •/ 

CIVIL cited did not cease for twenty years, after which the mis- 
guided author of it fell into the hands of the police^ (1155). 

Earh, su-Hfigie The German empire was now administered by one of 

barharossa the stui'dicst of the anti-papal monarchs, Frederic I. or 

with the popes. ^ ^ t i . 

Barbarossa (1152—1191). But after he haU proved him- 
self a match for Hadrian lY.^, he "was compelled (1176) 
to recognize the claims of Alexander III.*, who, counting 
on the disaffection of the Lombards, carried out the Hil- 
debrandine principles in all their breadth and rigour. He 
The hifiuencc of \i£is secoudcd in England by the primate Becket^, who, 
although originally a* supporter of the royal cause'', went 
over to the papal, and expired in its behalf. The point 
on which he took his stand was the exemption of all 
clerical offenders from the civil jurisdiction, urging that, 
whatever were the nature of their crime ^, they should be 
tried in the spiritual courts, and punished only as the 
canon law prescribed. The king insisted, on the con- 

^ The Romans in this extremity to explain away the obnoxious 

invited Conrad to resume the an- terms : Ibid. c. 22 ; Pertz, iv. 106. 

cient imperial rights: see e.g. the "* See Raumer (as above), pp. 244 

two Zef<e?'s in Martene and Durand's sq.; Dollinger, iv. 19, 20; Gieseler, 

Collect. IT. 398. III. § 52, n. 22. 

2 Hadrian IV. desired the empe- ^ A copious stock of authorities 

ror to give up 'Arnaldum hasreti- for the Life of Becket is contained 

cum, quern vicecomites de Campa- in the S. Thomas Cantuariensis, 

nia abstuierant . . . quem tamquara edited by Giles, 8 vols. Oxf. 1845 : 

prophetam in terra sua cum honore of. two able Articles entitled ' Bec- 

habebant.' Card, de Aragon. Vit. kef in the English Hevieiv, VI. 37 

Iladriani, in Muratori, as above, p. sq., 370 sq. 

442. He was immediately hanged : ^ Several limitations of the cle- 

cf. Neander, vii. 223. rical enci'oachments had been made 

•^ He had reminded Frederic (11 5 7) under his own auspices: Turner, 

that the imperial crown was con- Middle Ages, I. 233, and note 55, 

f erred ('collatam') by the pope, with ed. 1830. The same writer has 

the addition, 'Neque tamen poenitet shewn (p. 259, n. 112) that at one 

DOS desideria tuse voluntatis in om- period the clergy were apprehensive 

nibus im])levisse, sed si raajora bene- lest Henry should have broken alto- 

Jicia excellentia tua de manu nostra gether with the pope, 

suscepisset, si fieri posset, non im- 7 The number of crimes charged 

merito gauderemus :' see Radevicus against the clerics (major and mi- 

(Radwig), Gcst. Frid. lib. i. c. 9; in nor) in this reign was fearfully great. 

Muratori, licr. Hal. Script, vi. 746 Engl. Revieio, \i. 61, 62. 
sq. The pope, in 1158, was forced 


Constitution of tlie Church. 



traiy, that clerics, when convicted in his courts, should relations 
be degraded by the Church and then remanded to the ^^* ^^^^ 
civil power for execution of the sentence. In a meeting^ 
called the 'Council of Clarendon' (Jan. 25, 1164), Becket 
had allowed himself to acquiesce in regulations which he 
deemed entirely hostile to the Church and fatal to his 
theory of hierarcliical exemption: but the pope immedi- 
ately absolved him from the oath^, and afterwards, until 
his murder (Dec. 29, 1170), countenanced his unremitting 
opposition to the crown ^^ His canonization and the mi- 
racles" alleged to have been wrought on pilgrims who 
had worshipped at his tomb, conspired to fix the triumpli^^ 
of those ultra-montane principles which he had laboured 
more than others to diffuse. 

^ It coTipisted of the king, the 
two archbishops, twelve bishops, 
and thirty-nine lay barons. Though 
purporting to re-enact the 'customs 
of England,' the constitutions of 
Clarendon infringe at many points 
•on the existing privileges of the 
Church : e. g. the twelfth reduced 
the patronage of the bishoprics and 
abbeys almost entirely under the 
king's control. Wilkins, I. 435. 

9 Epist. S. Thomce, 11. 5, ed. Giles. 

^^ Alexander durst not bring the 
matter to an open rupture, on ac- 
count of his own misunderstanding 
with the emperor Frederic : but 
(June 8, 1 165) he reprimanded 
Henry {Ibid. 11. 115) and incited 
some of the bishops to exert their 
influence in behalf of Becket. A- 
niong other things they were to 
admonish the king, * ut in eo quod 
excesserit satisfaciat, a pravis acti- 
bus omnino desistat, Romanam ec- 
clesiam solita veneratione respiciat,' 
etc. ; Ibid. ii. 96 : cf. 11, 53. Even 
where he is urging Becket to pro- 
ceed against his enemies (April, 
1 166) he adds ; ' Verum de persona 
regis speciale tibi mandatura non 
damns, nee tamen jus tibi pontifi- 
cale quod in ordinatione et conse- 
cratione tua suscepisti, adimimus.' 

Ibid. II, 12. In a subsequent en- 
deavour to effect a compromise, 
Henry insisted on the reservation 
' salva dignitate regni,' and Becket 
on 'salva ecclesise dignitate,' so that 
nothing was accomplished. {Ew/. 
Review, vi. 398.) But the king af- 
terwards relented (Jan. 1170) when 
he found it likely that his kingdom 
would be placed under an interdict 
{Epist. S. Thomce, 11. 5^). 

" John of Salisbury, Vita S. 
Thomce, 0pp. v. 380, ed. Giles. 

^" See the Purgatio Henrici Regis 
pro morte beati Thomce, and the 
Charta Absolutionis Domini Regis 
in Roger de Hoveden, Annal. pp. 
529, 530; ed. Francof. 1601. The 
vantage-ground secured to Alex- 
ander by these acts is shewn in lan- 
guage like the following (Sept. 20, 
1 1 72), where he had congratulated 
Henry on the conquest of Ireland : 
'Et quia Eoraana ecclesia ahud jus 
habet in insula quani in terra magna 
et Cfmtinua, nos earn spem tenentes, 
quod jura ipsius ecclesiie non solum 
conservare velis, sed etiam amplicire, 
et ubi nullum jus habet, id debeas 
sibi conferre, rogamus,' etc. Ry- 
mer's Fcedera, i. 45, ed. 18 16: 
JafFe, p. 751. 


Constitution of the Churclu [a. D. 1073 





Frederic Bar- 
birossa renews 
the contest. 

His influence 
under Inno- 
cent III. 

Meanwhile the conflict with the German emperor had 
been reopened. Lucius III. and his immediate successors 
(1181 — 1187) were ejected from the papal city by domestic 
troubles^; and the restless Barbarossa threatened to reduce 
them into bondage, when he was at length diverted from 
the theatre of strife to lead an army of Crusaders (1189). 
He did not survive tlie expedition^. The minority of 
Frederic II. favoured the encroachments of the Roman 
pontiff. Innocent III. (as we have seen)"^ advanced the 
most exorbitant pretensions, and by force of character as 
well as circumstances, humbled nearly all the European 
courts. His foremost wishes were the conquest of Pales- 
tine and an extensive 'reformation of the Church'*, but 
neither of these ends could be achieved, according to his 
theory, except by the obliteration of all nationalities and 
the entire ascendancy of Eome above the temporal power. 
He gave away the crown of Sicily^ and governed there 
as guardian of the king : he elevated, and in turn de- 
posed, a candidate for the imperial throne*^: he freed the 
subjects of count Raymond of Toulouse, who was infected 
with the Albigensian tenets, from their oath of allegiance^: 

* DoUinger, IV. 2i sq. 

^ Itaumer, as above, ii. 411 sq. 
^ Above, pp. 240, 242, 

* Thus he writes (12 15): 'Illius 
ergo testimonium invocamus, qui 
Q'estis est in coslo fidelis, quod inter 
omnia desiderabilia cordis nostri 
duo in hoc sjbcuIo principaliter affec- 
tamus, ut ad recuperationem videli- 
cet Terrue Sanctoe ac reformation em 
universalis Ecclesiae valearaus inten- 
dere cum effectu.' Mansi, XXII. 
560. The foundation of the Latin 
empire at Constantinople (1204) 
added largely to the papal empire 
and excited larger expectations. It 
was destroyed, however, in 1261. 

^ Securing from the crown a sur- 
render of the following points : the 
royal nomination of bishops, the 
power of excluding legates, and pro- 

hibiting appeals to Rome, and the 
arbitrary grant or refusal of permis- 
sion to the bishops to be present at 
councils : see Planck, iv. pt. I. 45-2 
sq. ; Dollinger, iv. 27. 

This was Otho IV., duke of 
Saxony, who had renounced aU 
partici])ation in ecclesiastical elec- 
tions and the 'jus spolii, ' or title to 
the property of deceased bishops 
and other clergymen : but after- 
wards withdrawing from this en- 
gagement and seizing some of the 
temporalities of the Roman see, he 
was excommunicated by Innocent 
(121 1) and his crown transferred to 
Frederic II. : Matthew Paris, from 
Roger of Wendover, A.D. 12 10; 
Dollinger, iv. 31, 32. 

"^ See Sir J. Stephen's Lectures, I. 
219, 220 ; ed. 1851. 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church. 271 

he made Philip An2ruste of France take back his riditful relations 

T • • -1 1 • -1 'Tt* THE 

queen : and, passnig over similar achievements, it was he po\vfr 

who forced a sovereign of this country (John) to hold his — 

royal dignity as one of the most abject vassals of the pope^ 
(1213). The ' Magna Charta' was, however, gained in spite 
of Innocent's emphatic reprobation^^, and his death in 1216 
allowed the terror-stricken Ghibellines to breathe afresh 
and make an effort for diminishing the range of papal abso- 
lutism. Fretted by their opposition, Gregory IX. betrayed 
the fiery spirit of his predecessors and pronounced liis ban 
•against the second emperor Frederlc^^ (1227). A compro- 
mise ensued, in which the quarrel seemed to have been 
amicably settled : but the interval of calm was sliort ; and 
on the recommencement of hostilities, the fearless monarch 
was at length proscribed as an incorrigible misbeliever, 
who had justly forfeited his crown (March 24, 1239)^'^ 
The contest thus exasperated did not cease until his death 
in 1250, after having more and more developed the con- 
viction in his subjects, that some check must be imposed 
on the ambition of the Eoman see^^ 

^ Innocent. Epist. lib. ill. ep. ii marcas esterlingorum annuatim.' 

sq.: Roger de Hoveden, pp. 813, ^'^ Wendover, a.d. 12 15, iir. 32.^. 

814; ed. Francof. 1601. ^1 Wendover (1228), iv. 157; M. 

^ The pope ' sententialiter defi- Paris, p, 291. While under this 

nivit ut rex Anglorum Johannes a ban Frederic actually set out on a 

solio regni deponeretur, et alius, crusade in spite of the Roman pon- 

papa procurante, succederet, qui tiff, issuing his oi-ders 'in the name 

dignior haberetur,' etc. M. Paris, of God and of Christendom.' 

A.D. 12 12, p. 195; from Roger of ^^ The grounds on which the 

Wendover, III. 241, ed. Coxe. He papal fulmination rested are given 

had before {1208) laid the whole at length in the bull of deposition: 

kingdom under the interdict. In M. Paris (1239), p. 412: cf. Frede- 

John's deed of cession bespeaks of ric's own letters, Ibid. pp. 415 sq. 

it as made 'Deo et Sanctis Apostolis How far he merited the charge of 

ejus Petro et Paulo, et Sanctse Ro- blasphemv, infidelity, or free-think- 

manae ecclesi^e matri nostrae, ac do- ing, is discussed by Neander, vil. 

mino papaB Innocentio ejusque ca- 248 sq. The recent work, Historla 

tholicis successoribus . . . pro remis- Diplomatica F^nderici Secimdl, ed. 

sione omnium peccatorum nostrorum Huillard - Br^hoUes (Paris, 1853), 

et totius generis nostri tarn pro vivis contains the most accurate informa- 

quam pro defunctis.' M. Paris, A.D. tion respecting him. 

1213, p. 199; R. Wendover, in. 253. ^'^ A saying rose in Germany that 

The tribute-money was to be ' mille Frederic would return, or that aa 


Constitution of the Church, [a.D. 1073 





Beoinning of 
wiainst tlic 

The papacy, indeed, appeared to have come forth tri- 
umphant when the last of the Ghibellines, Conradin', 
perished on the scaffold (Oct. 29, 1268) : but, in spite of 
the prodigious energy which it continued to evince, its 
hokl on all the European nations Avas relaxing, while the 
hope of Eastern conquest faded more and more^ It is 
alike remarkable that one of the premonitory blows which 
Koman despotism provoked had been inflicted, half uncon- 
sciously, by Lewis IX. (St Louis) of France, and at this 
very juncture. What are known as the ' Gallican Liber- 
ties' are clearly traceable to him. In his 'Pragmatic 
Sanction'^ he • proceeds on the idea of building up a 
' national church' in strict alliance with the civil power. 
But a more sensible advance was made in this direction 
under Philip-le-BeP, whose conduct in ecclesiastical affairs, 
however selfish, arbitrary and unjust, was tending to re- 
verse the whole of the Hildebrandine policy, and threatened 

eagle would spring from his ashes 
and destroy the papacy. 

^ Kaumer, Gesch. der IlokensiaU' 
fen, IV. 594. 

^ Cf. the remarks of Neander on 
the dying out of the Crusades : Vii. 
260 sq. 

^ Printed in Capefigue, II. 352 
sq. See the critique of this author 
(11. 171, 172). Another instrument, 
bearing the title 'Pragmatic Sanc- 
tion' and more plainly 'Gallican,' 
was issued by Charles VII. in 1438. 
Louis IX. also contributed to the 
foundation of the college of Sor- 
bonne (1259), which afterwai-ds pro- 
duced a number of intrepid cham- 
pions in the cause of ' nationality ' 
as it diverges from the iloman the- 
ory of universalism. 

^ On his important struggle with 
Boniface VIII. see Gieseler, in. 
§ 59, on one side, and Dollinger. iv. 
80 sq. or Capefigue, ll, iSi sq. on 
the other. After some preliminary 
skirmishing, Philip, backed by the 

States-General (Ap. 10, 1302), wrote 
a warning letter to the pope, whose 
indignation knew no bounds. In the 
famous decretal * Unam Sanctam,' 
which appeared in the following 
November, and is printed in Cape- 
figue, II. 355, (cf. Neander, ix. 11), 
Boniface asserted the absolute su- 
premacy of papal power (' Porro 
subesse Eomano pontifici omnem 
humanam creaturam declaramus, di- 
cimus, diffinimus, et pronuntiamus 
omnino esse de necessitate salutis.') 
He published the ban against his 
rival (April 13, 1303), but it was 
powerless. Philip summoned the 
States-General afresh (June 13), 
where he preferred a charge of he- 
resy against the pope and stated his 
intention of appealing to a general 
council and a future pontiff. Boni- 
face, however, died in October, and 
the next pope (Benedict XI.) re- 
voked all the edicts which Boniface 
had promulgated against the French 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church. 273 

more than once to rend the kingdom from its old connexion relations 
with the Roman see. The humbled pontiff, watched and civil 


crippled at Avignon, was for many years his creature and 
his iooV. 

There was, indeed, no general wish to question tlie 
supremacy of Eome, so long as she confined herself within 
the sacerdotal province ; but her worldliness, venality, and TJ^.^ grounds of 

1 ' ' J ' tins reactwn. 

constant intermeddling in the affairs of state, could hardly 
fail to lessen the respect with which her claims had been 
regarded: and as soon as the idea of an appeal from her 
decisions to a General Council^ was distinctly mastered, 
it is clear that the prestige by which her usurpations 
were supported was already vanishing away. The true 
relations of the regal and ecclesiastical authority' were 
now discussed with greater freedom. A reaction had 
commenced. Mankind were growing more and more per- 
suaded that prerogatives like those of Hildebrand or Inno- 
cent III. were far from apostolic, and could not be safely 
lodged in sacerdotal hands®. Prophetic warnings on the 

^ This period of about seventy Paris, in his Tractatus de Potestate 

years is known as 'the Captivity,' Regali et Papali, published in Gol- 

and was such when regarded from dast's Monarchia sancti Romcmi Im- 

the ultra-montane point of view : ]}eratoris, ii. io8 sq. An anal^^sis 

see Vitoi Paparum Avenionensium, of it is made in the posthumous vo- 

ed. Baluze, Paris, 1693. lume of Neander, ix. pp. 22 sq. See 

^ Frederic II. had done this in also the Qucestio disputata in utram- 

his circular Letters to the Christian que partem pro et contra pontificiam 

princes and the cardinals : Matthew p>otestatem, by ^gidius of Eome 

Paris, p. 416 : Neander, vii. 248. (afterwards archbishop of Bourges), 

The example was followed by Philip- in Goldast, II. 95 sq. ; Neander, IX. 

le-Bel : see above, p. 272, n. 4. A 19. The worst evils of the age were 

rerparkable symptom of the state of traced to the temporal possessions 

feeling on this point is furnished by of the pope and to the spurious ' Do- 

a poem of the 13th century (Carabr. natio Constantini,' on which those 

Univ. MSS. Dd. xi. 78, § 18), possessions were believed to rest: 

where the Romans, after arguing cf, above, p. 44, n. 4. 
with pope Innocent III., and charg- ^ See especially the ^Supplication 

ing him with becoming ' apostaticus' du Pueuble de France au Roi contre 

(fol. 114, a), are madts to carry their le Pape Boniface le VIII.,' in the 

appeal to a general council, which Appendix to Du Puy's Hid. du, 

pronounces in their favour. Difei-end entre le Pape et Philippcs 

^ e.g. by the Dominican, John of le Bel, Paris, 1655. 

M. A. T 


Constitution of the Church, [a.D. 1073 

sj/ntptoms of 
the Reforma- 

RELATIONS fall and secularization of the Churcli, poured forth bj 
civil' earnest souls like Hilde^'ard and Joacliim^ united with 


'— the sneers of chroniclers like Matthew Paris and a host 

of anti-papal songs ^, in waking the intelligence and pas- 
sions of the many : while the spreading influence of the 
Universities and Parliaments^ was tending, by a different 
course, to similar results. The vices of the sacred curia, 
uncorrected by the most despotic of its tenants, had excited 
general grief and indignation, even in the very staunchest 
advocates of Pome. St Bernard"^, for example, in ad- 
monishing Eugenius III. to extirpate abuses, could not 
help reverting with a sigh to earlier ages of the faith, 
when 'the Apostles did not cast their nets for gold and 
silver but for souls.' And both in Germany and in Eng- 
land, the impression had grown current that the Church 
of Pome, who had been reverenced there as a benignant 
mother, was now forfeiting her claim to such a title by 
imperious and novercal acts^ 

^ The ' abbot Joachim, in his ex- 
position of Jeremy, and the maiden 
Hildegare in the book of her pro- 
phecy,' are frequently cited in these 
times by writers on the corruptions 
of the Church : (e. [/. in a Sermon 
preached by R. Wimbledon at St 
Paul's Cross, A.D. 1389, and printed 
in London, 1745^ Respecting them 
and their influence, see Neander, 
vii. 298 — 322. 

2 Extracts from German ballads 
of this class have been collecled in 
Staudlin's Arckiv fur alte unci neu 
Kirchenrjesch.iv. pt. iii. pp. 549 sq. : 
of. above, p. 261, n. 7. The un- 
measured fulminations of the Albi- 
genses and other sectaries will be 
noticed on a future page. Dante (it 
is well known) associated a Roman 
bishop with the apocalyptic woman 
riding on the beast 'con le sette 

2 Cf. Capefigue's observations on 
this point, ii. 163. ('On commen- 

5ait une €poque de curiosity et d'in- 
novation'). Comte (Pkilos. Posit. 
lib. VI. c. 10) fixes on the opening 
cf the 14th century as the origin of 
the revolutionary process, which has 
from that date been participated in 
by every social class, each in its 
own way. 

■* See his Be Consideratione ad 
Eugenium, passim. In epid. 2 38, 
'Amantissimo Patri et domino Dei 
gratia summo Pontifici Eugenio,' 
he asks : ' Quis mihi det antequam 
moriar videre eeclesiam Dei sicut in 
diebus antiquis, quando Apostoli 
laxabant retia in capturam, non in 
capturam ax'genti vel auri, sed in 
capturam animarum V 

^ Thus Frederic II., in writing to 
the king of England (Matthew Paris, 
A.D. 1228, p. 293), complains that 
the ' Curia Romana' which ought to 
be a nurse and mother-church, is 
* omnium malorum radix et origo, 
non matcrnos sed actus exercens no- 

— 1305] Constitution of the Church. 275 

In other words, the struggle with the civil power had relations 
been maturing the predispositions that eventually attained ^civil^ 

their object in redressing ancient wrongs and in a general ■ '— 

re-awakening of the Church. 

vercales, ex cognitis fructibus suis enim dicebatur a multis, Eoniana 
certum faciens argumentum.' And ecclesia, quse mater omnium eccle- 
John of Salisbury, the bosom friend siariun est, sc non tarn onatrem ex- 
of Hadrian IV., assured that pontiff Iiibd cdiis quam novercam f Poly- 
how the public feeling was now set craticus, lib. vr. c. 24. 
as^aiust the Roman church : ' Sicut 

( 276 ) 

[A. D. 1073 




.'>« Bernard 
(d. 1153)- 
The peculiar 
tone of his 


The man who at tliis time sm-passed all others in 
religious earnestness, and who has therefore been revered 
especially by all succeeding ages of the Church, was the 
illustrious Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux\ In reference to 
his system of theology he bears the title 'last of the 
Fathers,' representing what is called the ' positive,' patristic, 
or traditionary school, which in the twelfth century was 
giving place to philosophical inquiries and to freer modes 
of thought. St Bernard, in his numerous Letters, Tracts, 
and Sermons (of which eighty-six are on the 'Book of 
Canticles' alone), exhibits a decided opposition^ to the 
speculative, and as deep a love for the contemplative, or 
mystical, theology. His general object was to elevate and 
warm the spirit of the age in which he lived, and all 
his writings of this class are emanations from a truly 

1 See above, p. 248, Neander's 
Life of him, translated by Wrench : 
and IJld. Litter, de S. Bernard et 
de Picrre-le- Venerable by Doni Cle- 
mencet, ed. 1773. 

- Tliis antagonism is seen espe- 
cially in his controversy with Abd- 
lard (see below). Thus, for instance, 
be writes in Epist. 192: 'Magister 
Petrus \_i.e. Ab^lard] in libris suis 
profanas vocum novitates inducit et 

sensum, dlsputans de fide contra 
fidem, verbis legis legem impugnat. 
Nihil videt per speculum et in Eenig- 
mate, sed facie ad faciem omnia 
intuetur, ambulans in magnis et in 
mirabilibus super se.' The school 
of the Victorines (inmates of the 
abbey of St Victor at Paris) came 
back, as we shall see, in part to the 
standing ground of St Bernard. 

— 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 211 

Christian heart that, after communing profoundly with western 
itself, appears to have obtained a satisfactory response ^"^^^'"- 
to its most ardent aspirations in that view of Holy Scrip- 
ture which had been transmitted by the ancient doctors of 
the Church. 

But meanwhile other principles, allied in some de2:ree The rise of the 

. ^ Schoolmen. 

to those which characterize the Syrian school of theologians 
in the fifth century and John of Damascus in the eighth^, 
were spreading in all parts of Europe. The scholastic 
era had begun. We saw the earliest trace of it, accord- 
ing to its proper definition, in the monastery of Bec'^, and 
Anselm, who became the abbot in 1078 and archbishop ^"«'^^'«' 

■I archhp. of 

in 1093, may be regarded as the purest and most able [J"j'Jjf^p 
type of Schoolmen in the west^. He occupied the place 
of St Augustine in relation to the Middle Age. The 
basis of his principles indeed was also Augustinian'^; but 
the form and colour whigh they took from the alliance 
now cemented between them and Aristotelian dialectics, 
gave to Anselm a peculiar mission, and, compared with 
his great master, a one-sided character. 

The leading object of the Schoolmen in the earlier ^^'ff[^l 
stages of their course was not so much to stimulate a '^'*''^«-^^«'<-''*"'- 
spirit of inquiry, as to write in the defence and illustra- 
tion of the ancient dogmas of the Church ^ In this ca- 

3 See above, pp. 77, 78. qucerens Infellectum) , gives the best 

^ Above, p. 172, n. i. insight into his theologico-metaphy- 

5 Cf. Mohler's Essay entitled Die sical system. Some parts of it were 
Scholastic des Anselmus in his Schrif- attacked by a monk named Gaunilon, 
ten etc, (Eegensburg, 1839),!. i2g — and Anselm replied in the Aj)olo- 
176 : Bornemann's^>zseZ?/iws ei^6ce- gcticus. His Works, containing a 
lardns, Havnise, 1840. life by his English pupil, Eadmer, 

6 Thus, according to his own ac- were edited by Gerberon, Paris, 
count {Epist. lib. I. ep. 68), it had 1675, ^"^^ tave been reprinted in 
been his desire in controversy, * ut Migne's Patrologice cursus, Paris, 
omnino nihil ibi assererem, nisi quod 1854. A contemporary, and in some 
2b\xt ca,uom.c\s ^xxi B. Aug ustini diciifi respects an equal, of Anselm, was 
incunctanter posse defendi viderem.' Hildebert de Lavardino, archbp. of 
The work here referred to is the Tours, who died about 11.^5. His 
Monologium sive exenipluin medi- works were published at Paris, in 
tandi de ratione Fidei, which, toge- folio, 1708. 

ther with his Proslogium (or Fides "^ The principle on which the true 


and Realists. 


Opinions of 

278 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 

pacity, they undertook to shew, (1) that faith and reason 
. are not inconsistent ; or, in other words, that all the su- 
pernatural elements of revelation are most truly rational : 
they laboured (2) to draw together all the several points 
of Christian doctrine, and construct them into one con- 
sistent scheme : and (3) they attempted the more rigorous 
definition of each single dogma, pointed out the rationale 
of it, and investigated its relation to the rest. 

This method of discussion was extended even to the 
most inscrutable of all the mysteries of faith, the doctrine 
of the Blessed Trinity in Unity: and some of the scho- 
lastics did not hesitate to argue that the truth of it is 
capable of rigorous demonstration \ A dispute as to the 
proper terms in stating that and other doctrines opened 
out the controversy of the Nominalists and E-ealists, a 
question which employed the subtle spirit of the Schools 
at intervals for three or more ^senturies. The author of 
the former system^ was the canon Eousellin, or Roscel-. 
linus^, of Compi^gne, who, holding that all general con- 
ceptions are no more than empty names ('flatus vocis'), 
or, in other words, are mere gi-ammatical abstractions, 
chosen to facilitate our intellectual processes, but with no 

scholastic wrote is forcibly stated by 
Anselm in the following passage: 
' NuUus quippe Christianus debet 
disputare, quomodo quod ecclesia 
catholica corde credit et ore confite- 
tur, non sit : sed semper eandem 
tidem indubitanter tsneudo, amando, 
et secundum illam vivendo humiliter 
quantum potest, quterere rationem 
'juomodo sit.'' Be Fide Trinitat. con- 
tra Jioscellinum, c. 2 : or still more 
touchingly in the Proslogium, c. 1 ; 
' Non tento, Domine, penetrare alti- 
tudinem Tuam, quia nullatenus 
comparo illi inttllectum meum ; sed 
desidero aliquatenus intelligere veri- 
tatem Tuam, quam credit et amat 
cor meum. Neque enim qusero in- 
telligere ut credam, sed credo ut 


^ Klee, Hist, of Christian Dogmas 
(German), part ii. ch. ii. § 11, 

^ The problem had, however, 
been suggested at an earlier date by 
Porphyry : see Cousin's Ouvrages 
inedits d'Ahelard, pp. Ix sq. Paris, 
1836 : Gieseler, iii. § 73, n. 5. 

•^ The historical notices of Roscel- 
linus are very few : see Epistola 
Joannis ad A nsehiium, in Baluze and 
Mansi, Miscell. 11. 174 ; Anselm's 
Liber de Fide Trinitafis et de Incar- 
natione Verhi contra blasjihemias Fu- 
zelini. Gieseler, iii. § 73, n. 12, has 
also drawn attention to a letter of 
Koscellinus, Ad Petr. Aba^lardum, 
lately found in Munich. 

— 1305] 8tate of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 279 

real and objective import, argued boldly from these prin- western 

• ^ lA ' • n T ii 1 CHURCH. 

ciples that it, accordmg to the current language of the — 

Church, the essence of the Godhead might be spoken of 
as One reality ('una res'), the personal distinctness of the 
three Divine hypostases would be constructively denied. 
To view the Godhead thus was (in his eye) to viohate 
the Christian faith : it was equivalent to saying that the 
Persons of the Holy Trinity were not Three distinct 
subsistencies ('non tres res'), but names and nothing more, 
without a counterpart in fact. He urged, accordingly, 
that to avoid Sabellianism the doctors of tlie Church were 
bound to call the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost three 
real Beings ('tres res') of equal majesty and will A 
council held (1092) at Soissons'' instantly denounced the '"''"'^'^'""^'^ «' 

^ ^ ^ the Cowtcil of 

author of these speculations on tlie ground that they were foggT' 
nothing short of tritheism: and Anselm, as the champion ^",tlm"''^'' '"'^ 
of the other system (or the school of Realists), took up 
his pen to write in its behalf^. According to his view 
the genus has a true subsistence prior to, and independent 
of, the individuals numbered in the class it represents : 
particulars arise from universals, being fashioned after 
these (the ' universalia ante rem') or modelled on a general 
archetype that comprehends the properties of alP. 

^ See' BaroniiAnnal. individual man: cf. arclid. Wilber- 

ad an. 1094. Roscellinus abjured force, On the Incarnation, pp. 40 sq. 

tiie heresy imputed to him, but The thoughts of Anselm on this 

afterwards withdrew his recantation. doctrine are preserved at length in 

He died at last in retirement. his remarkable treatise, Cur Deiis 

° The treatise above mentioned, Homo, analysed in part by Schrockh, 
p. 278, n. 3. He maintained that xxviir. 376 — 384. 
God, though Triune, is one 'Ip- ^ The Nominalists regarded all 
sum :' Dorner, p. 360. As the title general ideas {universalia) as no- 
indicates, Anselm looked upon the thing but abstractions of the human 
nominalistic theory of his opponent understanding, and derived from the 
as subversive also of the doctrine of objects presented to its observation 
the Incarnation. He could not iin- (j)ostrem). The Realists viewed such 
derstand how Christ assumed hu- general ideas as having their origin 
manity in all its fulness, if humanity entirely in the mind itself {ante rem), 
be not a something real and objective, or as that which is essential in every 
different from the nature of an thing actual {in re). Cf. Miiman, 

280 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d.1073 

But though the Nominalists were now suppressed, they 
afterwards returned to the encounter, headed by a man 
of most extraordinary powers. Abelard, born in Brittany 
(1079), was educated under William of Champeaux^ (Cam- 
pellensis), a renowned logician of the Eealistic school. The 
boldness of his speculations and his brilliant talents soon 
attracted crowds of auditors to Paris, where he opened his 
career ^ Success, however, threw him off his guard ; and 
to the evil habits there contracted^ many of his future 
griefs as well as many of his intellectual aberrations may 
be traced. His earliest publication was an Introduction 
to Theology'^, in which he has confined himself to an in- 
vestigation of the mysteries connected with the Holy 
Trinity. It claims for men the right of free inquiry into 
all the subjects of belief, asserting that the highest form 
of faith is one which has resulted from a personal ac- 
quaintance with the ground on which it rests^. The 

Latin Christianity, iii. ■247 ; Ne- 
iinder, viil. 3 ; and references in 
Gieseler, iii. § 73, n. 6. 

^ See a Life of him in the Hist. 
Litter, de la France, x, 307 : of. 
Cousin, as above, p. ex. A short 
I'reatise of William de Champeaux, 
De Orirjine Animce, is printed in 
Martfene and Dm-and, Thesaur. 
A need. v. 877 sq. 

^ He had indeed lectured for a 
while already at Laon in opposition 
to Ansehn of that place, whose 
works are sometimes confounded 
with those of Anselm of Canter- 
bury: see Cave, ad an. 1103. 

•^ See his own epistle De historia 
Calamitatum suarxim, in P. Abcelardi 
€t lleloisoi 0pp. Paris, 1616 : cf. 
Hist. Litter, de la France, xii. 86 
sq. 629 sq. ; Abelard, par 0. de 
Remusat, Paris, 1845; Milman, 
Latin Christianitij, iii. -251 sq. 

^ Lntroductio ad Theolorj. Christ., 
sen de Fide Trinitatis ; 0pp. 973 sq. 
He tries to shew that the doctrine 
of the Trinity is a necessary con- 

ception of right reason, and as such 
was not imknown even to the Gen- 
tile sages : cf. the larger and revised 
edition of the treatise entitled Theo- 
logia Christiana, in Martfene and 
Durand's Thesaur. Anecd. v. 11 39 
sq. Gieseler (§73, n. i6) supposes 
that another work, Sententice Abce- 
lardi, was derived also from this 

^ See Neander's remark on the 
difference between Anselm and Abe- 
lard, VIII. 35, 36. The strong feel- 
ings of the latter on this point may 
be estimated from a single passage : 
* Asserunt [i.e. the anti-philosophic 
school] nil ad catholicas fidei myste- 
ria pertinens ratione investigandum 
esse, sed de omnibus auctoritati siativi 
credendum esse, quantumcunque heec 
ab humana ratione remota esse vi- 
deatur. Quod quidem si recipiatur 
...cuj usque populi fides, quantam- 
cunque adstruat falsitatem, refelli 
non poterit, etsi in tantam devoluta 
sit csecitatem, ut idolum quodlibet 
Deum esse ac coeli ac terrae Creator- 

■1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 281 

indiscriminate avowal of this principle, nnited in his pupils westehn 

with the boast, that nothing really exceeds the compre- L 

hension of a well-instructed mind, provoked the opposition 

of the older school of teachers'^. The council of Soissons condemnauon. 

(1121) compelled him to withdraw his more extreme ^o- noissons. 

sitions, and consign his volume to the flames \ But the 

enthusiasm awakened by his lectures did not die, and as 

he still adhered to his opinions^ many charges of heretical 

teacliing were brought against him. Bernard of Clair- 

vaux, whose tone of mind was so completely different 

from his, had been induced^ to take the lead in checking 

the dissemination of his views. The two great doctors 

were confronted in the council of Sens (June 22, 1140) ; and at sens, 

where it was decided that the teaching of Abelard was 

unsound^*', but that the mode of dealing with his person 

should, on his appeal, be left to the superior judgment 

of the pope. The latter instantly (July 16) approved 


em fateatur.' Introd. ad Theolog. 
lib. II. c, 3, p. 1059. 

^ Walter de Mauretania {in Flan- 
ders) was one of these : see his Einst. 
ad Petrum Ahcelard., in D'Achery, 
ni. 525. 

'' Cf. his own account, Hist. Ca- 
lamit. suar. c. 9, with Otto Frising. 
De Gestis Frider. lib, I. c. 47, (in 
Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script, torn. vi.). 
He now retired first to the abbey of 
St Denis, and afterwards to an ora- 
tory in the diocese of Troyes (' the 
Paraclete'). This he transferred to 
Heloise \\hen he himself became 
abbot of E,uits in Brittany (11 26 — 

^ Another startling work, his Sic 
et Non, had probably appeared in 
the mean time. Some portions of 
it are printed in Cousin's Ouvrages 
inedits. It exhibits the multifor- 
mity of Christian truth by placing 
side by side a number of divergent 
extracts from the Fathers, forming 
a manual for scholastic disputation : 

cf. Milman, ill. 271. If Bernard 
saw this treatise, it explains his im- 
placable hostility. Other causes of 
offence were found in his Scito teip- 
swm and his Commentary on the 
Epistle to the Romans. 

9 By William, abbot of St Thi- 
erry, in Bernard. Einst. 326, al. 391. 
The ground of Bernard's opposition, 
which appears to have been first 
stated to Abelard in private, may 
be seen in his Letters {Epp. 188, 
192, 193), and his Tractatus de 
Errorihus P. Ahcelardi ad Inno- 
cent. II.; 0pp. I. 1441J ed. Paris, 

1" The charges brought against 
him were of the most serious kind, 
e.g. that he made 'degrees' in the 
holy Trinity, that he denied, or eva- 
cuated, the doctrines of grace, and 
divided the Person of our Lord like 
the Nestorians. All that is known 
respecting the proceedings of the 
council has been collected in Giese- 
ler, § 73, n. 24. 

282 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d.1073 


Gilbert dc la 


(d. 1154). 

of Sc'holcui- 

Ihtoii of 
St Vichv 
(fl- 1141). 
Richard of 
St Victor 
(rl. 1173). 
St Victor 
(circ. 1180). 

tlieir verdict and condemned the misbeliever to perpetual 
silenced He now published a Confession and Ajwlogy^ 
and died soon afterwards, the guest of Peter the Venerable^ 
and the monks of Clugny (1142). 

The zeal of Bernard was now turned against a kindred 
writer, Gilbert de la Por^e (Porretanus) , bishop of Poitiers 
(1141), who, in criticising the established language of the 
Church, had been apparently betrayed into a class of 
errors bordering on Nestorianism\ Convicted by a synod 
held at Paris in 1147, he disarmed his adversaries by 
recanting in the following year at Eheims^ (March 21). 

Our space will not admit a separate notice of the 
many other writers^, who in different ways attempted to 
pursue the philosophic methods of the Schoolmen in the 
study of theology. The impulse given in that direction 
by Abelard had been moderated for a time : the calmer 
views of Anselm having grown predominant, especially 
among the Victorines, (surnamed from the abbey of S. Vic- 
tor at Paris) — Hugo^, Richard^, and Walter^, all of whom 

"^ In writing to Bernard and others, 
Innocent II. declares that he con- 
demned the 'perversa dogmata cum 
auctore,'Mansi, XXI. 565 ; and after- 
wards commands, ' ut Petrum Abae- 
lardum et Arnaldum de Brixia [see 
above, p. ■267], perversi dogiuatis 
fabricatores et catholicae fidei impug- 
natores, in religiosis locis,..separa- 
tim faciatis includi, et hbros erroris 
eorum, ubicumque reperti fuerint, 
igne comburi,' 

^ Respecting these and the spirit 
which suggested them, see Neander, 
VIII. 62, 63. 

^ By his influence a reconciliation 
was effected between Bernard and 
Abelard : see liis JEj^ist. lib. iv. ep. 
4, in Bibl. Pair. ed. Lugdun. xxii. 
907 : Milman, in. 267. 

■* The fourth proposition he was 
charged with maintaining is 'Quod 
Divina natura non esset incarnata :' 
cf. Capefigue, I. 357, 358. The fol- 

lowing ' minor' points are also urged 
against him (Otto Frising. I)e Gestis 
Frider. lib. i. c. 50) : ' Quod meri- 
tum humanum attenuando, nullum 
mereri diceret praeter Christum : 
Quod Ecclesife sacramenta evacu- 
ando diceret, nullum baptizari nisi 
salvandum.' He wrote, among 
other subjects, on the Apocalypse 
(ed. Paris, 15 12). 

^ See the ' Fidei symbolum contra 
errores Gilliberti Porretani,' in 
Mansi, xxi. 712. 

^ e.g. John of Salisbury (d. 1180), 
a pupil of Abelard, but unlike him 
(Wright's Biogr. Brit. ii. 230 sq.) : 
Eupert of Deutz (d. 1135), a co- 
pious exegetical writer {Hist. Litter, 
de la France, xi. 422 sq. : Dorner, 
II. 389 sq.). 

'' His chief works (ed. Rotomagi, 
1648) are De Sacramentis Fidei and 
the Summa Sententiarnm (assigned 
incorrectly, with the title Tractatus 

— 1305] State ofEeligious Doctrine and Controversies. 283 


combined tlie cultivation of the dialectics of the age with 
a more spiritual and mystic turn of mind^*'. It was through 
their endeavours more especially that men like Bernard 
were conciliated by degrees in favour of the general prin- 
ciples from which scholasticism had sprung. 

This combination was exhibited afresh in Robert \q nohenie vouu, 
Poule (or Pollen) , for some years distinguished as a preacher" ("• 1150). 
in Oxford, and at length a Roman cardinal (1144). His 
treatise called the Seiitences^^ (' Libri Sententiarum') re- 
cognized the principle of basing every dialectic process on 
the Holy Scriptures and the Fathers. But tlie classical 
production of this kind is one by Peter Lombard, of ^<'''''' ^^'"f*^'*^. 

, '' Master of the 

No vara, who attained the greatest eminence at Paris ^'^, fd'mZ 
where he died as bishop in 1164. His work was also 
termed The Sentences^^ (or ' Quatuor Libri Sententiarum'). 

Theologicus, to Hildebert of Tours) ; 
see Liebner's Hugo von S. Victor 
unci die tlieol. Eichtunr/en seiner 
Zeit, Leipzig, 1832, and Ilist. Litter, 
de la France, xii, 7. Neander (vni. 
65 sq.) gives a striking summary of 
his modes of thought. 

^ Richard was of Scotch extrac- 
tion, and wrote De Trinitate, De 
statu interioris lioviinis, etc. (ed. 
Rotomagi, 1650) : cf. Neander, viii. 
80 — 82 ; Schrockh, xxix. 275 — 290. 

^ The opposition to Abdlard and 
his school was strongest in this 
writer (otherwise called Walter of 
Mauretania; see above, p. 281, n. 6). 
His chief work is commonly entitled 
Contra qiuituor lahyrinthos Gallice, 
being a passionate attack on the 
principles of Abdlard, Peter Lom- 
bard, Peter of Poitiers, and Gilbert 
de la Por^e. Extracts only are 
printed in Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris. 
II, 200 sq., 402 sq., 562 sq., 629 sq, 

1" On this peculiarity, and the 
Greek influence it betrayed, see 
Dorner, ii. 360 sq. 

1^ ....'ibique scripturas divinas, 
quae per idem tempus in Anglia ob- 
soluerant, prse scholasticis quippe 
neglect8e fuerant, per quinquennium 

legit, omnique die dominico verbum 
Dei populo prsedicavit, ex cujus doc- 
trina plurimi profecerunt,' Quoted 
in Wright's Biogr. Britan. 11, 182 
(note). Another Englishman of dis- 
tinction in the field of metaphysical 
theology was Robert de Melun, 
bishop of Hereford, who wrote a 
Sunima Theologice. Ibid. p. 201. 
Copious extracts from this Summa 
are printed in Bulteus, Histor. Vni- 
vers. Paris, ii. 585 — 628. 

12 Published at' Paris, 1655. He 
appears to have also written on tl;e 
Apocalypse, and twenty of his Ser- 
mons are preserved among the Lam- 
beth MSS. Wright, Ibid. p. 183. 

1^ He was opposed by Walter 
of St Victor (above, n. 9), for his 
speculations touching the Incar- 
nation (or ' Nihilianism,' as they 
were called) ; see Dorner, ll. 379 
sq. : but his work On the Sentences 
received the formal approbation of 
Innocent III. at the council of La- 
teran (1215), c. 2. 

^■^ The first book treats ' De Mys- 
terio Trinitatis,' the second ' De 
Rerum corporalium et spiritualium 
creatione et formatione,' the third 
' De lucarnatione Verbi aliisque 


Chanpe of 
leelinp ic'ith 
re.s-pcct to 

284 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D.1073 

It consisted of timid arguments upon the leading theolo- 
gical questions then debated in the schools, supported 
always by cjuotations from the older Latin doctors of the 
Church ; and since the whole is neatly and methodically 
put together, it was welcomed as a clear and useful 
hand-book by the students in divinity. Ifs fame, indeed, 
extended everywhere, and many able scholars both of 
that and future times wrote commentaries on it, making 
it the ground- work of more shrewd and independent 

Hitherto the influence of the Aristotelic philosophy 
Iiad been confined almost entirely to the single field of 
dialectics \ where it served for the defence of Christian 
dogmas. Plato was the real favourite of the Church, 
although a concord^ having been in part established be- 
tween him and the Stagyrite, the opinions of the latter 
had indirectly tinctured the theology of many writers in 

ad hoc spectantibus,' the fourth 
* De Sacramentis et sign is sacra- 
mentalibus.' See Schrockh's ac- 
count of it and its author, xxviii. 
487 — 534; and an analysis of the 
work in Turner, Middle Ages, Part 
IV. eh. I ; and cf. Mihnan, Latin 
Christianity, Bk. Xiv. ch. ill. Peter 
Lombard had before him a Latin 
version of the great work of John 
of Damascus, vepl 6p0o56^ov Trtcrrews, 
and thus connected the Western 
with the Eastern scholasticism : 
Dorner, ii. 257, 258. Summce and 
Sententice were now multiplied in 
every quarter, the first being mainly 
devoted to the free discussion of 
doctrines and speculative problems, 
and the second more especially to 
the aiTangement of passages derived 
from the writings of the Fathers. 
To the former class belongs the Ars 
Catholicce Fidei ex rationlhus natii- 
ralibus demonstrate, of Alanus Mag- 
nus, a Parisian doctor (d. 1202), in 
Pez, Thesaur. Anecdot. i. pt. ii. 

475 sq. 

1 Cf. above, p. 172, n. 2. The 
other works of Aristotle were, how- 
ever, studied with enthusiasm in the 
Moorish schools of Spain, especially 
after the time of Avicenna (Ebn- 
Sina), who died in 1036. A new 
impulse in the same direction was 
given by Averroes (Ebn-Pashid), at 
the close of the twelfth century, 
who combined with his belief in the 
Koran an almost servile deference 
to the philosophic views of the Sta- 
gyrite. See authorities in Tenne- 
mann's Manual of Philosophy, 
§§ '255 — 257: cf. Milman, vi. 265 
sq. From the tenets of Averroes, 
when imbibed by Christian writers, 
grew the tendency to scepticism 
which the profound and ever-active 
Eaymond Lull (above, p. 236) espe- 
cially endeavoured to resist in his 
Ars Generalis. 

2 See Neander, viii. gi, 92, 127; 
and Dr Hampden's Thomas Aqui- 
nas, in £ncyclop. Metrop. xi. S04, 805. 

■1305] State ofBeligious Doctrine and Controversies. 285 


the west. It is remarkable, indeed, that when the other 
works of Aristotle, through the medium of the Arabs and 
Crusaders, were more widely circulated in the twelfth 
century, they were not only treated by the popes and 
councils with suspicion, but the physical and metaphysical 
books were actually condemned I Yet this antipathy soon 
afterwards abated^, and in the more palmy period of the 
Sclioolmen, dating from Alexander of Hales, the blending 
of the Aristotelic processes and doctrines with the contro- 
versies of the Western Church was almost universal. 

Alexander of Hales (Alesius), after studying in the fyS"^'*''-^ 
convent of that name in Gloucestershire, attained a ^^^^i f^a^Slw ahk 
celebrity at Paris, where he was distinguished from the 
many scholars of the age as the 'Irrefragable Doctor.' 
His great work is a Summa Universce TlieologicB^ . in which 
the various topics handled in the book of Peter Lombard 
are extended and discussed according to the strictly syl- 
logistic method of the Schools. 

He was a mendicant of the Franciscan order, and as 
such had taken part in the training of another schoolman 
(the ' Seraphic Doctor'), who was destined to effect a last- 

^ e.g. at the synod of Paris (i20g), 
and afterwards by a papal legate 
(1215). The 'statute' of the latter 
(BulcBus, Hist, Univ. Paris, in. 81) 
is as follows : * Et quod legant libros 
Aristotelis de dialectica, tarn de ve- 
teri quara de nova in scholis ordi- 
narie et non ad cursum...Non legan- 
tur libri Aristotelis de metaphysica 
et naturali philosophia, nee Summ£e 
de eisdem aut de doctrina niagistri 
de Dinant aut Amalrici hseretici, 
aut Mauricii Hispani.' These per- 
sons were infected with the Panthe- 
istic principles advocated by Erigena, 
and then spreading in the Moorish 
schools : see Dorner, ii. 365, 366. 
The pope {1229) again forbids the 
introduction of ' profane science ' 
into the study of Scripture and tra- 
dition : of. Capefigue's remarks, ii. 

165, 166; and Milman, vi. 268. 

^ Thus lioger Bacon {Opus Majus, 
p. 14, ed, Jebb), writing fifty years 
later, says that Aristotle's treatises 
had been condemned ' ob densam ig- 
norantiam,' Among the works of 
Kobert Grosseteste (see above, p, 
246) is a Commentary on parts of 
Aristotle (m Lihros Poster iorum), 
ed. Venet. 1552. 

^ Cf. Milman's remarks on the 
era of Scholasticism, and the school- 
men ; Latin Christianity, vi. 272 
sq.; and Browser's Preface to Monii- 
nicnta Franciscana, pp. lii sq., in 
Chronicles and 3Iemorials of Great 

^ Oj)p. ed. Cologne, 1622, 4 vols.: 
see Schrockh (xxix. 9 — 54) for a 
sketch of his theological system. 

286 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d.1073 

(fl. 1274), 
the Seraphic. 

WESTERN ing hold upon the sph'it of the Western Churches. This 
was John of Fidanza, or Bonaventura, in whom the rising 
order of Franciscans found an able champion^ and a vene- 
rated head. Inferior in acumen to his fellow-countryman, 
archbishop Anselm, he was more than equal in the warmth 
and elevation of his feelings, though tlie mode in which 
thej were too frequently expressed^the rapturous worship 
of the Virgin^ — is a deep and startling blemish on his 
character. His works are very numerous ^ for the most 
part of a mystical, ascetic, and subjective kind. 

Contemporary with these two Franciscans, and no less 
distinguished, were the two Dominicans, Albert the Great 
and Thomas Aquinas, standing also in the same relation- 
ship of tutor and pupil. Albert*, born in Suabia (1193), 
educated at Paris and Bologna, and eventually settling at 
Cologne, exhibited all the marks of the genuine scholar. 
He was conversant with nearly every field of human 
thought, but most at home in physics, natural history, and 
ethics. His chief writings in divinity are Commentaries^ 
on the Book of Sentences, and a Summa Theologice^, in 
both of which, amid a crowd of metaphysical subtleties 
peculiar to the time, he manifests a clear conception of 
the leading truths of Christianity. 

But Albert and indeed all others were eclipsed by his 

Albert Uie 
(d. 1280), 
the Universal. 

^ See above, p. 253 : and, on his 
life and writings, Hist. Litter, de la 
France, xix. 266 sq.; Schrockh, 
XXIX. 209 — 232. 

^ When he became general of the 
Franciscans, he placed them under 
the peculiar patronage of the Virgin, 
and his works abound with extrava- 
gant and almost impious sayings 
in her honour (e. f/. Spccidiun de 
Laudibus B. Marue). It has been 
disputed whether the Psalterium B. 
Blurice be his or not, e. r/. by Alban 
Butler in his Life of S. Bonaventura 
(July 14) : of. Schrockh, xxviii. 

255, and Capefigue, ir. 40. 

^ The Vatican edition is in 8 vols, 
folio. Among the rest (vol. iv. v.) 
is a Commentarim in IV. Libr. 
Sententiarum. The first and second 
volumes contain expositions of the 
Holy Scriptures. 

^ See his Works in 2t vols, folio, 
ed. Lyons, 165 1 : and, for his Life, 
Scrii^tores Orel. Prcedicat. by Quetif 
and Echard, I. 162 sq., Schrockh, 
XXIV. 424 sq. 

^ Filling, vol. XIV — XVI. 

^ See Schrockh's Analysis, XXIX. 
57 sq. 


— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 287 

illustrious and profound disciple. Thomas de Aquino^ (or western 
Aquinas) , honoured with the names of ' Universal ' and 
* Angelic Doctor,' and the founder of the able school oitlq 
' Thomists,' proved himself the master-spirit of scholas- </ie ^vi/iS-^^ ' 
ticism, and a most worthy representative of media3val philo- 
sophy. He took his stand among the school of Realists, 
and was devoted strongly to the Aristotelian dialectics, 
which he used as the organ of investigation : but his 
independent genius urged him to dissent materially from 
other principles of Aristotle, and to graft upon the older 
system many foreign elements. A careful study ^ of the 
Bible and the Book of Sentences prepared him for the 
composition of those powerful works, which occupied him 
till his death in 1274. The greatest of them is the Summa Gcvn-ai 
Totius Theoloqice^, which, as it forms a clear exponent of simnna" 
his views and is the most colossal work of that or any 
period, merits an especial notice^". It is divided into three 
great parts, (1) the Natural, (2) the Moral, (3) the Sacra- 
mental. In the first of these, the writer ascertains the Prima Pars. 
nature and the limits of theology, which he esteems a 
proper science, based upon a supernatural revelation, the 
contents of which, though far transcending all the powers 
of human thought, are, when communicated, subjects for 

7 See liis Life in the Acta Sand. quod dum intellectus superiiis sub- 
Mart. I. 655 sq., and on his philoso- tilia speculatur, aff'ectus hiferius a 
phico-religious system, Dr Hanip- devotione remittitur.' 
den's Aquinas, in Encyd. Metrop. ^ A good edition, with copious 
XL 793 sq. : Schrockh, XXix. 71 — indexes, was jDublished at Arras 
•208: Ritter's Gcsch. der Christl. (Atrebati) in 1610. The whole 
Philos. IV, 257 sq. works of Aquinas have been often 

s It is also mentioned in his i-eprinted. The best edition is that 

biography (as above) that he never of Venice (1745 sq.) in 18 vols. 4to. 

wrote, lectured, or disputed, without His Catena A urea (from the Fathers) 

betaking himself to God in pra3-er has been translated into English 

for the Divine illumination, and he (Oxf. 1843). 

did the same when he was confronted ^^ Cf. Hampden, as above, n. 7, 

by difficulties and doubts. The rea- and Kiing's Descriptio Sununa' Theo- 

son he assigned for the peculiar fre- log. Thumce Aquin. succincfa, Bonn, 

quency of his devotions was the fol- 1846. 
lowing : * Quia frequenter contingit, 

288 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 


Secunda Pars. 

devout inquiry and admit of argumentative defence. Ac- 
cordino-ly the writer next discusses the existence and the 
attributes of God, endeavouring to elucidate the nature of 
His will, His providence, the ground of His predestination^ 
and the constitution of the Blessed Trinity in Unity, — a 
doctrine which, although he deems incapable of a priori 
demonstration, finds an echo and a counterpart in man. 
Descending from the Cause to the effects, he analyses the 
constituent parts of the creation, angels, the material w^orld, 
and men, enlarging more especially upon the functions of 
the human soul, its close relation to the body, and the 
state of both before the Fall. 

The second part is subdivided into the Prima Secundcc, 
and the Secunda Secundoi. The former carries on the 
general subject, viewing men no longer from the heavenly 
but the earthly side, as moral and responsible agents gifted 
with a vast complexity of passions, sentiments, and fa- 
culties. The way in which these powers would naturally 
operate, if acting by themselves, is first considered, and 
the author then proceeds to shew how they are modified 
by supernatural agencies, or coexistent gifts of grace ^. 
This leads him to compare the state, or the position, of 
mankind in reference to the systems (or economies) of 
grace and nature, and, as the immediate consequence, to 
treat of our original righteousness, free-will, original sin, 
justification^, and the various rules of life. In the Secunda 

1 On this point his views are 
rigorously Augustinian : Par. I. 
Quaest. xxiii. Anselm wrote a spe- 
cial treatise on it in a somewhat 
milder tone. The title is, De Con- 
cordia Prcescientice et Prcedestina- 
tionis necnon Gratke Del cum libero 

^ He does not indeed suppose, as 
many of the Schoolmen did, that 
the communication of the gifts of 
grace was to depend upon the way 
in which mankind employed the 

simply natural qualities ('pura na- 
turalia'). His view is, that grace 
was given from the first, and that 
the harmonious coexistence of the 
natural and the supernatural con- 
stituted man's * originahs justitia.' 
The violation of this harmony ('in- 
ordinata dispositio partium animse ') 
is original sin. Cf. Neander, viii. 

•^ This he makes to be primarily 
the infusion of grace, which ope- 
rates (i) in the spontaneous move* 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 289 

Secundce^ the several virtues are discussed in turn, as they wester \- 
exist under the operation of Divine grace or that of nature _?^-^/^^, 
only. They are seven in number. Three of them are 
'theological,' or supernaturally infused and nourished, — 
viz. faith, hope, and love, while .the remainder are the 
four cardinal virtues of justice, prudence, fortitude, and 
temperance, and are 'ethical' or purely human. The 
discussion of these virtues forms an admirable work on 
Christian morals. 

The third part of the Summa is devoted to an expo- Tenia Pars-. 
sition of the mysteries of the Incarnation and the efficacy 
of the Sacraments, — a class of topics which, according to 
the principles of all the mediaeval writers, are essentially 
akin^. Aquinas traces every supernatural influence to the 
Person of the Word made flesh, who by the union of our 
nature with the Godhead has become the Reconstructor 
of humanity and the Dispenser of new life. This life, to- 
gether with the aliment by which it is sustained, descends 
to man through certain outward media, or the sacramental 
ordinances of the Church : their number being seven, viz. 
Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Penitence, Orders, 
Matrimony, and Extreme Unction^. In the last division 
of the work we see the mighty influence of Aquinas in 
determining the scientific form and mutual action of those 

ment of the will to God, (2) in the to the Eucharist is this: 'Nam in 

resistance to sin, and (3) to its for- sacramento Eucharistise continetur 

giveness ; although these effects are Ipse Christus substantialiter, in aliis 

said to be produced simultaneously. autem sacramentis continetur quffi- 

Prima Secund. Qufest. cxill. Art. dam virtus instrumentalis partici- 

8: cf. Neander, viii. 222 sq. pata a Christo.' Ibid. Art. 3. 

* 'Post considerationem eorum ^ The discussion of these points 

quae pertinent ad mysteria Yerbi in detail was cut short by the au- 

Incarnati, considerandum est de thor's death, before he reached the 

Ecclesiae sacramentis, quse ab Ipso 'sacrament of orders:' but a Sup- 

Verbo Incarnate efficaciam habent.' plement containing his opinions on 

QuEest. LX. On the mutual relations the rest was formed out of his Com- 

and Older of the sacraments in the mentary on the Book of Sentences, 

theological system of Aquinas, see and is appended to the Arras and 

Qusest. LXV. Art. i, 2. One of his other editions of the Summa. 
reasons for assigning the chief place 

,M. A. 


290 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 


John Duns 
(d. 1308), 
the Subtle. 

The peculiar 
opinion/! of 
his school. 

doctrines wliicli hereafter threatened to obtain complete 
ascendancy in all the western Churches. 

The most powerful rival of Aquinas and the Tho- 
mists of this period was the English Franciscan, John 
Duns Scotus\ whose acumen and success in the scho- 
lastic fields of war enabled him to organize the party 
known as ' Scotists.' He was termed the ' Subtle Doctor,' 
and although a realist in the dispute concerning uni- 
versals and particulars, diverged on many topics from 
the system of Aquinas^, and attracted a large number of 
disciples. In the narrower province of theology he is 
remarkable for his antagonism, in part at least, to the 
authority of St Augustine. He maintained the freedom 
of the human will, and stated other principles, in such a 
way as to incur the imputation of Pelagianism^; while 
in his theorizing with regarded to the conception of the 
Virgin he opposed, not only the more ancient teaching 
of the Church^, but also that of Bernard^ and the school 
of Thomists'. 

^ Born at Dunston, near Aln- 
wick ; or at Dunse in Berwickshire ; 
at 'Duns in the countrey of Mers,^ 
according to Spotswood (anno 1328), 
p. 54. See Life of Scotus by Wad- 
ding (the Franciscan annalist) pre- 
fixed to his edition of the Works of 
Scotus, Lngdun. 1639, ^'^ vols, fol. 

2 Schrockh, xxiv. 435 sq.; Ritter, 
IV. 354 sq, Gieseler (§ 74, n. 16) 
draws attention to an order in 
which all the Franciscan lecturers 
are commanded to follow Scotus 
' tarn in cursu philosophico quam in 

^ e. (J. on the question of original 
sin he argued that it was barely 
negative, a 'carentia justitiae de- 
bitae ' {In Lib. Scntent. lib. ii. Dist. 
XXXII. § 7), discarding from his 
definition the idea of concupiscence 
{Ibid. Dist. XXX.) .He questioned 
the absolute necessity of preventing 
grace, asserting ' quod ex puris na- 

turalibus potest qucecicnque voluntas 
saltern in statu natures instituta di- 
ligere Deum super omnia' {Ibid. 
lib. III. Dist. XXVII. § It): and while 
Aquinas made the heresy of Pela- 
gius to consist in maintaining 
'quod initium bene faciendi sit ex 
nobis, consummatio autem a Deo ' 
{Summa, Part. I., Qua;st, XXIII,, 
Art. 5), Scotus thought the root 
of it to lie in the position *quod 
liberura arbitrium sufficiat sine gra- 
tia ' {Ibid. lib. II. Dist, xxviii. § i). 
These Pelagianizing tendencies of 
the Scotists were opposed by sirch- 
bp. Bradvvardine (of Canterbury), 
who died 1339, in bis De Causa Dei 
contra Pelagium, etc., ed. Savile, 
Lond. 1618, 

■* Cf. above, p. 252, n. 5. Dorner 
(11. 416, 417) connects the Mario- 
latry of Scotus with his peculiar 
views of the Incarnation. 

^ In his Bind. CLXXiv. he speaks 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 291 

Passing by a crowd of minor writers' who adhered to western 
one or other of these theological parties, our attention is ^ 

arrested by the most original genius whom the thirteenth 
century produced. The Friar Bacon ^, born at Ilchester, Roger Baco7i 
in Somersetshire, 1214, was trained in the universities oi the wonder/ni. 
Oxford and Paris, where his time was for the most part 
devoted to scientific pursuits, and to the study of languages. 
His great proficiency in these had won for him the name 
of ' Doctor Mirabilis.' He entered the Franciscan Order, 
but the more fanatic members of that body, joining with 
unlettered clergymen and academics, put an end to his 
public lectures, and eventually procured his incarceration, 
(1278), on the ground that he was prying too minutely 
into all the mysteries of nature. In the Opus Majus de 
utilitate Scientiarum^ , — a collection of his works addressed 
in 1266 to Pope Clement IV., — the general obiect is io ni!! pen r. a 

•"- ' o J vieivs in 

relation to 
founded with a nominalistic school- 
man, Durand de 8. Pourgain), whose 
Rationale Dlvinormn Officiorum is a 
copious exposition of the principles 
supposed to be expressed in the 
structure, ornaments, the ministry, 
and ritual of the Church. It has 
been often published, e. g. Venet, 
1609. On the other liturgical writ- 
ings of the period, see Schrcickh, 

of the doctrine of the immaculate 
conception as a novelty, ' quam 
ritus Ecclesise nescit, non probat 
ratio, non commendat antiqua tra- 
ditio,' etc. 

^ In the Summa, Part. III. Qusest. 
XXVII, Art. I, as contrasted with 
Duns Scotus, In Libr. Sentent. lib. 
III. Dist. III. Qusest. I. §§ 9, 14 sq. ; 
and Rosarium B. MaricB, seu Ap- 
pend, ad qiicest. 1. dist. 3 : cf. Klee, 
Jlist. of Dor/mas, part 11. ch. ill. 
§ 25, where it is mentioned that 
Duns Scotus so far carried his point 
in the University of Paris as to ex- 
clude all persons from degrees who 
did not pledge themselves to main- 
tain the truth of the immaculate 

'' William of Auvergne, bishop of 
Paris (d. 1248), deserves some men- 
tion as a theologian and apologist 
{0pp. Paris, 1674, 2 vols, folio), 
and as a sample of the scanty stock 
of writers who were not attached to 
one or other of the Mendicant Or- 
ders. Of the ritualists belonging to 
the thirteenth century the most 
eminent is Duranti (not to be con- 

XXVIII. -277 sq. 

^ Roger is to be distinguished 
from his contemporary Robert Ba- 
con, the friend of Grosseteste. See 
Tanner's Biblioth. under the names : 
from which source a good account 
of Friar Bacon and his writings 
may be drawn. Some idea of his 
marvellous acquaintance with che- 
mistry and other sciences is given 
by Dr Shaw, in Dr Hook's Eccl. 
Biogr. I. 450, 451: cf. Palgrave's 
Merchant and Friar, passim ; and 
the Preface to the volume of Bacon's 
Opera Inedita, ed. Brewer, 1859, in 
the series of Chronicles and Memo- 
rials of Great Britain. 

9 Ed. Jebb, Lond. 1733. 

U 2 

292 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 

EASTEEN inculcate tlie need of a reform in the physical and other 
^^^^^°' sciences : but he did not hesitate to push his principle of 
free inquiry into every sphere of human thought \ While 
indicating little or no love for the scholastic subtleties''^, 
he spoke in favour of the wider circulation and more 
earnest study of the sacred volume, tracing nearly all the 
evils of the times to want of personal acquaintance with 
this heavenly rule of life^ He proved the clearness and 
fertility of his convictions on these points by recommending 
a revision of the Latin Vulgate ^ and especially by urging 
the importance of recurring to the Greek and Hebrew 
texts. Indeed the mind of Eoger Bacon was so greatly 
in advance of the period when he lived, as to have ante- 
dated much of what has only flourished since the reforma- 
tion of the Western Church. 


There was little in the mind of Eastern Christendom 
to correspond with the activity, enthusiasm, and almost 
universal progress we have noted in the sister churches 
of the West. Eeposing with a vague and otiose belief 

1 e.g. He points out errors in da:' as in the following note, p. 

the writings of the Fathers (c. 12), 421 : cf. Neander, viu. ii?, 113. 

arguing that 'in omni homine est ^ See the remarkable extracts 

multa imperfectio sapientise, tarn in from his Epistola de Laude Scrip- 

sanctis quam in sapientibus.' tiirce Sanctce, in the additions made 

^ He preferred Aristotle on the to Ussher's ^2S^. i>or/??iai. by Whar- 

whole, but added very characteris- ton (Lond. 1689), pp. 420 — 424. 

tically, ' Posteriores ipsum in ali- The MS. is in the Library at Lam- 

quibus correxerunt, et multa ad ejus , beth : no, cc. fol. 38. 

opera addiderunt, et adhuc adden- ^ -phis idea was carried out in 

tur usque ad finem mundi : quia part by Hugo de S. Charo (S. Cher), 

nihil est perfectum in humanis inven- a Dominican (d. i'263), who by the 

tionibus :' Ibid, part II. c. 8. The aid of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin 

highest of all sciences (according to MSS. reformed the text of the 

him) is the science that treats of whole Bible. He also composed 

divine things, and it is all contained a Concordance of the Scriptures 

in the Bible 'quae in sacris Uteris (Schrockh, xxviii. 331), and Pos- 

tota continetur, per jus tamen ca- tillce in Universa Biblia, juxta quad- 

nonicum et philosophiam explican- ruplictm sensum {Ibid. 368). 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Cuiitroversies. 293 

on the traditionary doctrines as they had been logically eastern 
systematized by John of Damascus, the great body of the 

orthodox' (or Greek) communion were subsiding fast into fhToreek^'^ 
a state of spiritual deadness and of intellectual senility. '^^"""""'*^"- 
The rigours of Byzantine despotism, too prone to inter- 
meddle with the articles of faith ^, the ill example of a 
crowd of idle and unlettered monks®, and the perplexities 
entailed upon the Eastern empire by the recklessness of the 
Crusaders^, had contributed to this result. The literary 
spirit now and then revived, however ; and if they in whom 
it wrought are often shadows in comparison of men like 
Chrysostom, or Basil, or the Gregories, they must be, not- 
withstanding, viewed as bright exceptions to the general 
duhiess of the age. 

Among the foremost scholars of the eleventh century 
is Michael Psellus, the younger, who besides composing p^J^/ 
multifarious treatises® on jurisprudence, physics, mathe- (*^- ^^^^ -^ 
matics, and philosophy, displayed an aptitude for higher 
fields of contemplation in his Chaj^ters on the Holy Trinity 

5 Cf. above, p. 54, n. 1. In the The despotism of Michael Palseolo- 

present period Nicetas Choniata (De gus (1259 — 1282) occasioned what 

Manuele Conineno, lib. Vll. c. 5) is known as the Arsenian schism 

remarks that the emperors expected (1266 — 1312), by which the Church 

men to believe that they were, ws of Constantinople was for a time 

SoXo/xcui' deoaocpoi Kal doynaria-Tal divided in itself and separated from 

deioraToi, Kal Kovoves tQu Kavovwv that of Alexandria. See Neale, II. 

evdearepoi, Kal airXuis deicov Kal av- 311, 312. 

6pcoTriu(j}p TTpay/xaTuv airpo(X(f)a\eL% ^ See the startling revelations of 

yvdbixoues. The emperor here alluded Eustathius, 'EiriaKexl/LS ^lov fxovaxf 

to (1 143 — II 80) excited a most vio- kou eirl diopdJjcreL t(2v irepl avrbv, 

lent, controversy, by insisting on the passim. 0pp. ed. Tafel, 1832. 

general adoption of this formula, "^ On the relations of the East 

Tov aeaapKOjp.^foi' Qebu irpoccpipeLv and West at this period, see below, 

re bp.ov Kal TrpoacpepeaOai. (Ibid.). pp. 296 sq. 

Some of the bishops who resisted it, ^ See a list of them in Oudinus, 

when sanctioned by a council, were De Scrqtoribus Eccl. ii. 646, and 

instantly deposed : cf. Neander, viii. the article in Smith's Biogr. Diet. 

2C2, 253. On a future occasion, iii. 563, 564. The work on the 

when the prelates made a stand Trinity and some of the paraphrases 

against him, Manuel threatened to have been published. Psellus also 

call in the pope, which ultimately wrote an ecclesiastical treatise, Eij 

led to a compromise: Ibid. p. 254. rds d7tas eTrrd (rvj'oSoys, Basil. 1536. 


(rl. 1112 :') 

Zifj iheiiu.i 
(d. 1118?) 

Nice' as 
d. 12060 

294 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. D. 1073 

and the Person of Christy and liis Paraphrases on the Old 

Contemporary with him was Theophylact^ archbishop 
of Bulgaria, who achieved a lasting reputation by his 
Commentaries on the Gospels, the Acts, , the Epistles of 
St Paul, and the Minor Prophets. They are based, how- 
ever, for the most part on the corresponding labours of 
St Chrysostom. 

Another exegetical writer was a monk of Constantinople, 
Euthymius Zigabenus^, who commented on the Psalms, 
the Gospels, and the Pauline Epistles, in the style, and not 
unfrequently the language, of the earlier doctors of the 
East. He also wrote a Panoply^ in refutation of all forms 
of misbelief, deriving the great bulk of his materials from 
the same quarter. 

In the following century a kindred work^, intended as 
the complement of this, proceeded from the learned pen of 
Nicetas Acominatus (born at Chonse, formerly Colosse). 
The title is Thesaurus Orthodoxice, but only portions of it 
have been published. 

1 0pp. Venet. 1754 — 1763, 4 vols. 
fol.: cf. Schrockh, xxviii. 315 — 318. 
The sober views of Theophylact on 
the separation of East and West 
may be gathered from his Lib. de 
lis in quibus Latini accusantw. 

2 Cf. above, p. 194, n. i. His 
valuable Commentaries on the Psalms 
and Gospels have been often printed 
in Latin versions. The Greek text 
of that on the Psalms is in Theo- 
phylacti 0pp. Tomo iv. 325 sqq.: 
that on the Gospels was printed at 
Leipzig, 1792, and Athens, 1840. 
The Commentary on the Epistles 
exists only in MS. Cf. Fabricius, 
Bibl. Grceca, viii. 328 sq.; Gieseler, 
III. § 94, n. 4 ; and Schrockh (xxviir. 
306 sq.) on the character of his 

•^ The full title is JlavoirXla 5oy- 
fxaTLKT] TTJs 6pdo56^ou TTtcrTews. Part 
only of the Greek original has been 

published (at Tergovisto, in Wal- 
lachia, 1711). A Latin translation 
appeared at Venice in 1555: but 
the thirteenth title, Kara tQu T7]S 
TraXatas 'Vdoixrjs, 7]toi tQv 'ItoKQv, 
on the doctrine of the Procession, is 
there dropped. See an interesting 
article (by Ullmann), in the Studien 
und KHtiken, for 1833, ni. 665. 
Another work of this class {A Col- 
lection of the Principles of Faith) 
was composed for the Alexandrine 
Jacobites by Ebn-Nassal. It not 
only refutes the systems of paganism 
and Judaism, but makes an assault 
on the Nestorians and the Melchites. 
Neale, ii. 304. 

4 Ullmann, lUd. p. 680. The 
whole is extant in the Royal Li- 
brary of Paris. The first five books 
appeared in Paris, 1569. On the 
historical writings of the author, see 
Smith's Biogr. Diet. ii. 1183. 

— 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 295 

Nicholas, bishop of Methone (in Messenia) was a more eastern 
original and able writer. He examined and rejected the ^*^^^^^"- 
philosophy of Proclus*, the Neo-Platonist, whose principles MrthoZ^^'"^ 
appear to have survived in the Peloponnesus, and was also ^*^-i200?) 
energetic in repelling the encroachments of the pope and 
in defending the peculiar tenets of the Greeks. 

But all the Eastern scholars of this period are surpassed Emtathius 
by the archbishop of Thessalonica, Eustathius. His gi- rSsmiouka 
gantic commentaries® on the ancient poets, more especially ' ^ ' 
on Homer, did not so engross his mind as to unfit him 
for the prosecution of his ecclesiastical studies. Some of 
his minor works ^ including Sermons and Epistles, have 
lately come to light, and we there see him treading in the 
steps of Chrysostom, and waging war against the hollo w- 
ness, frivolity, and superstitions of the age. 

Besides a multitude of long-forgotten writers on divinity, i^^ed-jcm 
and some who still enjoy considerable fame as jurists and 
historians, others had continued to spring up beyond the 
pale of the ' Orthodox' communion. Ebed-Jesu^ metro- 
politan of Soba (Nisibis) was the most able and voluminous 
writer of the Chaldoean (or ' Nestorian') body ; and among 
the Jacobites were Dionysius Bar-Salibi^, bishop of Amida, Bar-sauu 
Jacob ^^, bishop of Tagritum, and Abulpharagius^^ ifianc- Jacob of ' 

(d. 1231). 

5 The title of the treatise is ^ He wrote Commentaries on the (d. 1286'. 
* kvaiTTv^i'S TTjS BeoKoyiKrit aroLxetu)- whole Bible and many other trea- 

crecos UpoKXov, ed. Vomel, Francf. tises (Asseman, Ibid. II. 156). His 

1825 : cf. Ullmann, as above, pp. Liturgia is published in Eenaudot, 

701 sq. His treatises De Primatic Liturg. Orient. CoUectio, 11. 448 sq., 

Papce, etc. are not published (Fabri- ed. 1847. ' 

cius, Bihl. Gra'c. xi. 290). 1*^ On his Liber Thesaurorum, see 

6 See Smith's Biogr. Diet. 11. i^o. Asseman, Ibid. ii. 237. 

5" Eustathii Opmcula, ed. Tafel, ^^ Besides a very important his- 

Francof, 1832 : cf. Neander, Viii. torical work, Hist. Dynastiarum, of 

248. which versions have been printed 

^ Among other things (see Asse- entire (ed. Pocock, 1663), together 

man, Bihl. Orient, in. part. i. 325) with a portion of the original Syiiac 

he wrote a treatise entitled Liber (Leipzig, 1789) and extracts from 

Margaritce seude Veritate Christ iance the rest in Asseman {Ibid. 11. 244 

Religionis, printed in Maii Script. — 463), Abulpharagius wrote many 

Vet. Nova CoUectio, Rom. 1825, torn. strictly theological works, e.g. Mar- 

X. part. II. 317 sq. reum Mysteriorum, Candelabrum 

296 Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d.1073 




(<\. 1173) 

RELATIONS Hcbra^us), maphrian or primate of the East. The kindred 
sect of the Armenians also added many contributions to 
the province of dogmatic and polemical theology, as well 
as to the other fields of learning \ The best known and 
most accessible are those of the Armenian catholicos, 
Nerses", who exhibits a decided predilection for the western 
modes of thought. 

Hated and occasionally persecuted by their Moslem con- 
querors, these sects had gradually been drawn more closely 
to each other ^, though retaining their distinctive creeds. 
The state of feeling was, however, different in the Greek 
and Latin Christians, whom we saw diverging more com- 
pletely and exchanging the most bitter fulminations at the 
close of the previous period. 


i'f the schism. 

The effect of the scholastic system, and still more of the 
development of papal absolutism, was to sharpen the great 
lines of demarcation which divided East from West. The 

Sancfomm de Fundamentis ecclesi- 
asticis. His Noniocanon Ecclesice 
Antiockence is published in a Latin 
version by Maii, as above, torn. x. 
part. II. I — 268 : and his Liturgia 
in E,enaudot, 11. 455 — 467, where 
see the editor's annotations, pp. 467 

^ See Neumann's Gesch. der ar- 
menisck. LiUr. p. 148 : of. above, 
p. 189, n. 8. 

^ His works, with a Latin ver- 
sion, were published at Venice, in 
2 vols, 8vo. 1833. 

3 Asseman (ii. 291) quotes the 
following from Abulpharagius, who, 
after censui ing those who introduced 
absurd heresies into the Church, con- 
tinues : * Reliquae vero quae hodie in 
mundo obtiuent sectte, cum omnes 
de Trinitate et incolumitate natura- 
rura, ex quibus est Christus absque 
conversione et commistione, aque 

bene sentiant, in nominibus union is 
solum secum piu/nant :' cf. Ibid. pp. 
249, 266. The Armenians on more 
than one occasion made overtures 
to the Greek empire with a view to 
the establishment of union, and that 
union seemed to be almost completed 
in 1179. (Gieseler, iii. § 97, n. 9.) 
But subsequently (1199) fresh nego- 
tiations were opened with the popes, 
which led to a more permanent re- 
sult (Schrockh, xxix. 368 sq.). In 
1239 it is recorded that the catho- 
licos received a pallium from Rome 
{Ibid. 370). This truce was, how- 
ever, ultimately broken in its turn. 
The powerful Latins also threatened 
at one period (i'237 — 1247) to ab- 
sorb the Jacobites and the Nesto- 
rians : see Raynaldus, Ann. Eccl. 
ad an. 1247, §§ 32—42; Schrockh, 
e XXIX. 363—367- 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 297 

Latin theory as to the mode of the Procession of the Holy eelatto\s 
Spirit, which has constituted, with some points ol minor east and 

15^ ' , i WEST. 

moment, an insuperable bar to compromise, was now more 

clearly stated and more logically urged into its consequences 
by a master mind like Anselm's*; while the towering 
claims of Hildebrand, content with nothing sliort of uni- 
versal monarchy in every patriarchate of the Church, were 
met by indignation and defiance''. 

It is likely that the thought of widening the papal J^^r''/!? 
empire was a moving cause of the Crusades ; and when 1098: 
the first of those enterprises was considered at the council 
of Bari® (in Apulia), 1098, the Latin doctrine was distinctly 
reaffirmed, and the anathema imposed afresh on all who 
ventured to impugn it. In the reign of the next pontiff q'^fj/^'''' 
(Paschalis II.) a negotiation was set on foot (1113) by 
sending Peter Chrysolanus^, archbishop of Milan, to the 
court of Alexius I. Comnenus, (1081 — 1118), who was 
trembling at the progress of the Seljuk Turks on one side 
and the wild Crusaders on the other. Terms of union 
were again proposed in 1115, Paschalis writing a pacific 
letter to the emperor, but urging the submission^ of the 

"* See his De Processione Spiritus tempt upon the Eussian church, 

Sanctl contra Grcecos : Oj^p. ed. Ger- 'ex parte B. Petri:' Mansi, XX. 

beron, pp. 49 — 61. The sober tone 183 : Mouraviev, p. 362. 

of this production may be estimated ^ Anselm happened to be present, 

from the Prologue where he is speak- and (adds William of Malmesbury) 

ing of his antagonists : ' Qui quo- * ita pertractavit qurestionis latera, 

niam Evangelia nobiscum veneran- ita penetravit et enubilavit intima, 

tur, et in aliis de Trino et Uno Deo ut Latini clamore testarentur gau- 

credunt hoc ipsum per omnia quod dium, Grseci de se praeberi dolerent 

nos, qui de eadem re certi sunius ; ridiculum.' De Gestis Pontif. p. 12^. 

spero per auxilium ejusdem Spiritus Out of this oration grew the treatise 

Sancti quia si malunt solidse veritati above mentioned, 

acquiescere quam pro inani victoria '' See his Oration in Leo AUatius, 

contendere, per hoc quod absque GrcBcia Orthodoxa, l. 379 sq. Rom. 

ambiguitate confitentur ad hoc quod 1652. The treatise De Eccl. Occi- 

non recipiunt rationabiliter duci pos- dent, atque Orient, perpetua Consen- 

sint.' sione, by the same author, is an 

^ e.g. Anna Comnena, as quoted important, though one-sided, autho- 

by Gibbon, ed. Milman, vi. 5, n. rity in this dispute. 

II. Under Hildebrand (1075) the ^ ' Prima igitur unitatis hujus via 

Western pontiffs made their first at- haec videtur, ut confrater noster 





hut the effort 

of a Latm 
empire at Con- 

298 State of Religious Doctrine and Co7itroversies. [a.D. 1073 

Eastern prelates as the foremost article of the concordat 
he was anxious to arrange. The project failed, however, 
■as Ave learn from its revival in 1146, when Anselm, bishop 
of Havelberg, and ambassador of Lothaire II., disputed with 
Nicetas, the archbishop of Nicomedia, at , Constantinople. 
It is ob\aous from the extant record^ of this interview, that 
the divergency of East and West had rather widened since 
the time of Cerularius ; and the other writings of the age^ 
bear witness to the fact. They shew especially^ that the 
encroachments of the pope were now more keenly felt to 
be subversive of religious nationality, and that the ' Roman ' 
Church was being substituted for the Catholic and Apostolic 
brotherhood which they were taught to reverence in the 

The founding of a Latin empire at Constantinople by 
the French and Venetians, and the brutal pillage that had 
been its harbinger (1204), could only deepen the hereditary 
hatred of the Greeks, and add fresh fuel to the flame ^. 

Constantinopolitanus patriarcha pri- 
matum et reverentiam sedis apo- 

stolicse recognoscens obstinatiani 

prasteritam corrigat...Ea enim, qiue 
inter Latinos et Graecos fidei vel 
consuetudinum [diversitatem] faci- 
unt, non videntur aliter posse sedari, 
nisi prius capiti membra cohaereant.' 
The whole of this letter is printed 
for the first time in Jaffe, Refjest. 
Pontif. Roman, pp. 510, 511, Bero- 
lin, 1851. The independent bearing 
of the Russian Church at this period 
is well attested by a letter of the 
metropolitan of Kiev to the pope, in 
Mouraviev, ed. Blackmore, p. 368 


^ In D'Achery's Spicileg. I. 161 
sq. Cf. the modern German essays, 
referred to by Neander, viii. 256 

2 See the list in Gieseler, § 95, 
n. 7. The popular hatred is gra- 
phically sketched by Gibbon, VI. 
5 sq. At this period grew up the 
still pending controversy on the 

subject of the Holy Places at Jeru- 
salem. The * orthodox ' or Greeks 
purchased from Saladin the church 
of the Holy Sepulchre in 1187 ; but 
Latin Christians, and even some of 
the Eastern sects {e.g. the Armeni- 
ans), were allowed the use of chapels 
in it, to the great annoyance of the 
proper owners. 

3 Thus Nicetas, in the Disputa- 
tions above quoted (lib. III. c. 8, 
p. 196) : 'Si Romanus Pontifex in 
excelso throno gloriae suae residens 
nobis tonare, et quasi projicere man- 
data sua de sublimi voluerit, et non 
nostro concilio, sed proprio arbitrio, 
pro beneplacito suo de nobis et de 
ecclesiis nostris judicare, imo im- 
perare voluerit,: quce fraternitas, seu 
etiam quce paternitas hcec esse poterit ? 
Quis hoc unquam aequo animo sus- 
tinere queat V etc. 

4 Ibid. 

5 So deep had the aversion grown 
that at the date of the council of 
Lateran (12 15), it was not unusual 

effi'd on ihc 
nion o/t/ie 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 299 

It chanced, however, that the new political relations which relations 
this Latin dynasty effected, led the way to another series east and 

of attempts for binding the antagonistic churches into one. — 

The Eastern emperors, who held their court at Nicasa, 
watching for an opportunity to stem the furious tide of 
western domination, ultimately sousrht to brins: about this ^'* </?<'' 
object by negotiating a religious treaty with the popes. ^^^''''^^'^ 
The step originated in the able politician, John III. 
Vatatzes (1222—1255), who was seconded by two severe 
but on the whole conciliatory letters^ from the pen of 
Germanus, the patriarch of Constantinople (1232). Gre- 
gory IX. attracted by these overtures dispatched his envoys 
to the East (1233). They were instructed to declare^ that 
while he could not tolerate in any one the slightest 
deviation from the doctrines of the Eoman Church, he 
would allow the Orientals to retain a few of their peculiar 
usages, and even to omit, provided they did not repu- 
diate '^j the expression Filioque, in their recitation of the 

Although this effort shared the fate of many of its 

for the Greeks to rebaptize those Biogr. Diet. n. 264. He did not 

who had been already baptized by hesitate to trace the schism between 

the Latins; c. 4: cf, above, p, -zor, the rival churches to the pride and 

n. 6. Other sweeping charges which tyranny of Eome : 'Bivisio nostras 

polemics brought against each other unitatis processit a tyrannide vestrse 

may be seen in the Tractatus contra oppressionis [addressing the carcH- 

Grmcorum errores de Processione Spi- nals], et exactionum Romanae eccle- 

ritus S., de animabus defunetor>xm, siae, quae de matre facta noverca 

de azymis et fermentato et de ohedi- suos quos diu educaverat, more ra- 

entia Rom. Ecdesice {12^2), in Cani- pacis volucris suos pullos expellentis, 

sius, Leet. Antiq., ed. Basnage, iv. filios elongavit :' p. 389. 
29 sq. In the midst of these dis- '' See the papal Letters in Mat- 

sensions the French king, PhiHp thew Paris, pp. 390 sq. The envoys 

Auguste, founded a ' collegium Con- were two Dominicans and two Fran- 

sfcantinopolitanum ' in Paris for the ciscans, respecting whose negotia- 

training of the Greeks who now and tion, see Raynaldus, Annal. A, D. 

then embraced the Latin rite: Bu- i'233, § 5 sq. 

Iseus, Hist. Univ. Paris, in. 10. ^ They were even required to burn 

6 Preserved in Matthew Paris, the books which they had written 

A.D. 1237, pp. 386 sq.: but mis- against the Latin doctrine of the 

dated. See an account of the life and Procession, and to inculcate it in 

writings of Germanus in Smith's their sermons. 

300 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 1073 

RELATIONS prcdecessors, an important school with leanings to the 
EAST AND Western view of the Procession now arose amons; the 

WEST. . ... 

Greeks. The leader of it was an influential ascetic, 

Nicephorus Blemmidas^; and when the policy of John 
Freah attempts Yatatzes was Continued under Michael Pal^eoloa-us, who 

at union. ^ » o 7 

drove the Latins from Constantinople (1261), the plan of a 
reunion was more widely entertained, and in so far as 
the Byzantine jurisdiction reached, was almost carried to 
effect. The emperor himself appears to have been forced 
into this negotiation by his dread of the crusade^ which 
Urban IV. had organized against him, for the purpose 
of replacing Balduin II., his Latin rival, on the throne. 
When every other scheme for warding off the danger 
failed him, he convened a synod at Constantinople, and 
enlarging on the critical position of affairs, attempted to 
win over the reluctant clergy to his side. He argued^ that 
the use of leavened or unleavened bread might be in future 
left an open question ; that it was imprudent, and uncharit- 
able also, for the Eastern Christians to require an absolute 
agreement in the choice of theological terms, and that 
they ought to exercise forbearance on such points, pro- 
vided the antagonistic Latins would in turn expunge their 
Filioque from the Creed; that by agreeing to insert the 
name of the Roman pontiff in the ' diptychs,' they would 
not incur the charge of elevating him unduly, nor of 
derogating from the honour of the Eastern patriarchs; 
and lastly, that the exercise of papal jurisdiction in the 

T?ie arpu- 
tiieiiti- of 

^ He wrote two works on the 
Procession, in the one maintaining 
the Greek doctrine, and in the other 
manifesting a decided preference for 
the Latin, Leo Alktiua {De Per- 
petua Consensione, lib. ii. c. 14) 
attempts to explain this variation. 
Both the treatises are published in 
that writer's Grcecia Orthodoxa, I. i 
— 60. The firmness of Nicephorus in 
declining to administer the sacrament 
to Marcesina, an imperial mistress, 

is applauded by Neander, VIII. 263. 

2 See Gibbon, VI. 96 sq., ed. Mil- 

3 The best account is that of 
Georgius Pachy meres, who was 
advocate-general of the church of 
Constantinople, and wrote, among 
other things, an Historia Byzantina, 
containing the life of Michael Palseo- 
logus : see especially lib. v. c. 1 8 sq., 
ed. Bonn, 1835, and of. Schrockh, 
XXIX. 432 sq. 

— 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 301 

matter of appeals, if such a claim as that should be in relations 
words asserted, could not, owinaj to the distance of the east and 


Eastern empire, be so harsh and burdensome as they — 

were ready to forebode. 

The patriarch of Constantinople, Joseph, who was ever Resimance 

• n -1 1 - 1 • 1 1 p 1 offered to 

an milexible opponent ot the compromise, had found a '''^■"'' 
warm supporter in the chartophylax Beccus, or Yeccus, 
(keeper of the records in the great church of Constan- 
tinople). But it seems that the convictions of the latter 
underwent a thorough change'* while he was languishing 
in prison, as a penalty for his resistance to the wishes of 
the court ; and afterwards we find him the most able and 
unflinching champion of the party who were urging on 
the proiect of reunion. Palteoloorus now sent a messa^e^ Hisdepmation 
to pope (jrregory X., m which, ignoring the disinclination 1273. 
of the patriarch and the hostility of his own subjects at 
Constantinople, he expressed a strong desire for unity, and 
even ventured to hold out a hope of its immediate con- 
summation (1273). In the following year a larger embassy 

Reunion of 
Rome and 
Constantinople, ' 
at the council 
of Li/ons, 1274- 

* This change is ascribable, in address the pope as 'oecumenical,' 

part at least, to the writings of Ni- but only as the 'great pontiff of the 

cephorus Blemmidas. Some have Apostolic see.' Ibid. \i. 316. 

viewed it as no more than hypo- ^ The members of it were Germa- 

critical pretence. But his subsequent nus, formerly patriarch of Constan- 

firmness, notwithstanding all the stinople, Theophanes, meti'opoHtan 

persecutions he endured from the of Nicaea, and many other court 

dominant party, is opposed to this dignitaries. In the letter which they 

construction. Many of his works carried with them (Mansi, XXIV. 

are pubUshed by Leo Allatius, in 67), Palaeologus, after he had made 

the Gnecia Orthodoxa. a statement of his faith according to 

^ Neale, £ast. Church, ' Alexan- a form drawn up by Clement IV, in 

dria,' II. 315. The displeasure of 1267, preferred the following re- 

the people at this movement of the quest : * Rogamus magnitudinem 

court is noticed by Pachymeres, as vestram, ut ecclesia nostra dicat 

above, lib. V, c. 21. Gibbon men- sanctum symbolum, prout dicebat 

tions, however, that the letters of hoc ante scliisma usque in hodier- 

union were ultimately signed by the num diem ;' but it seems that the 

emperor, his son, and thirty-five me- delegates themselves had no objec- 

tropolitans (vi. 98), which included tion to the clause Filioque, as they 

all the suffragans of that rank be- chanted the creed with that addition 

longing to the patriarchate: yet on the 6th of July, 
(as Mr Neale remarks) they do not 




General dis- 

302 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 

RELATIONS appeared in liis belialf at what is called the 'general'^ 
^" '""^ council of Lyons; and on June 29, 1274, the formal work 
of ' reconciliation ' was inaugurated, in the presence of the 
pope himself, with unexampled grandeur and solemnity^. 
A future session of the prelates, on July 6, beheld the 
representatives of Pal^eologus abjure the ancient schism, 
and recognize the papal primacy, as well as the distinctive 
tenets of the Roman Church. 

On their return, the patriarch Joseph, who had pre- 

of the measure, viously retired into a convent waiting for the issue of 
negotiations he had vainly striven to retard, was superseded 
by his former colleague Beccus^: but the people of Con- 
stantinople viewed the union with unmixed abhorrence, and 
in many cases went so far as to decline religions inter- 
course with any one suspected of the slightest tenderness 
for Rome. The gentle pen of Beccus was in vain em- 
ployed to soften the asperity of public feeling; and 
although he often interceded with the emperor in mitiga- 
tion of the penalties inflicted by that heartless tyrant on 
the nonconforming party, his endeavours only tended to 
increase the general agitation. He resigned his honours, 
Dec. 26, 1282, convinced that he should never reconcile 
his flock to the unpopular alliance with the Wesf*. 

1 The Council was not recognized 
as 'cecum euical' by Eastern churches: 
it contained no representatives of 
Athanasius the patriarch of Alexan- 
dria, nor of Euthymius of Antioch, 
nor of Gregory II. of Jerusalem. 
The last of these positively wrote 
against the union, Neale, Ihld. p. 
317. The same repugnance to the 
union was felt in Russia. Moura- 
viev, p. 49. 

2 Five hundred Latin bishops, se- 
venty abbots, and about a thousand 
other ecclesiastics were present, to- 
gether with ambassadors from Eng- 
land, France, Germany, &c. The 
pope celebrated high mass, and Bo- 
naventura preached. Aquinas, who 

had recently composed an Opusculum 
contra Grcecos, was expected to take 
part in the proceedings of the coun- 
cil, but died on his journey thither. 

'^ Pachjmieres, as above, lib. v. c. 
24 sq., and Neander, vill. 270 sq. 
Banishment, imprisonment, confis- 
cation of property, scourging, and 
personal mutilation were among the 
instruments employed by Michael 
Palasologus in forcing his subjects 
into an approval of the union with 
the Latins. On the other side, the 
ultra-Greeks were most unmeasured 
in their animosity and in the charges 
which they brought against their 

^ Pachymeres (lib. VI. c. 30) says 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Conti^oversies, 303 

The Roman pontiffs had in turn grown wearj of the sects. 
coldness, craft, and insincerity betrayed by Michael and his 

Formal du- 
solutiun of 

son in carrying out the terms of union. They accordingly f/^, uniou 
allowed the crown of the Two Sicilies to fall into the ^^^^* 
hands of his powerful rivaP, Charles of Anjou (1266) : and 
when he instigated the revolt of those provinces in 1280, 
pope Martin IV. restrained himself no longer, breaking 
up the hollow and unprofitable treaty by his excommuni- 
cation of the Eastern emperor^ (Nov. 18, 1281). T]ie 
speedy death of Michael Palasologus (1282) was followed 
by the overthrow and disappearance of the Latin party, 
and the formal revocation^ of the acts in which the see of 
Constantinople had succumbed to that of Rome. 


The most important of the Eastern sects who flourished Risemvj. 

^ , spread of the 

at this period were the Bogomiles, or the Massilians^, BopomiM'. 
kindred (as we have already seen^) to the Enthusiasts or 
Euchites. Issuing in the early part of the twelfth century 
from Bulgaria, where they grew into a formidable body, 

that, with the exception of the era- vvfios r<2v Maa-a-iXLavQu, etTovv Bo- 

peror and patriarch, and a few of yo/mfKcou aipecris h Tc6.<jr\ iroXet, koI 

their immediate dependents, TrdvTe^ X'^P9-> '<^ci' ^^<^PX'-9- ^imroKd'^eL ravvu. 

idvafievuLuov rfj elprjvr]. Euthymius Zigabenus, in his work 

5 Gibbon, Vl. loosq. entitled, "EXe7xoj Kal Qpla/uijSos t^j 

^ See the document in Raynal- ^\acr(prj/j.ou Kal xoXvetSovs aipeVews 

dus, Annal. Eccles. A. D. 1281, § 25. tG}v ddiwv MaaaaXLavCov, rC^v Kal 

Earlier traces of displeasure are ^oiu'SalVwi/ Kal Boyofj.i\u:v KaXovjui- 

noted in Schrockh, XXix. 449. vcof, Kal 'Kuxctwu, k.t.X., edited by 

7 The new emperor Andronicus Tollius in his Iter Italicum, i6g6, 

II., although he had joined his p. 112. 

father in negotiating the union on ^ Above, p. 202. The colony of 
political grounds, was really op- the Paulicians at Philippopolis 
posed to it: see his Life by Pachy- (above, p. 92, n. i) was still thriv- 
meres, lib. I. c. 2. He was also ing : but their influence was counter- 
excommunicated, by Clement V., in acted in a great degree by the foun- 
1307. dation of the orthodox Alexiopolis 

^ That these names may be re- in the reign of Alexius Comnenus 

garded as descriptive of the same (1081 — 1118). See the Zz/e of that 

body, is proved by the following emperor ('Alexias') by his learned 

passage, among others : 'H ttoXvw- daughter Anna Comnena, lib. xiv. 

304 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 

SECTS. thej invaded other districts in the patriarchate of Con- 

stantinople, and soon afterwards obtained a footing in 

Egyptian dioceses \ 
niemain At the ccntrc of their theological system^, which was 

their creed, quasi-dualistic, stood a superhuman being whom thej 
called Satanael, the first-born Son of God, and honoured 
with the second place in the administration of the world ^. 
This Being (a distorted image of the Prince of Evil) was 
ere long intoxicated by the vastness of his power: he 
ceased to pay allegiance to the Father, and resolved to 
organize an empire of his own. A multitude of angels, 
whom he had involved in his rebellion, were ejected with 
him from the nearer presence of the Lord, and after 
fashioning the earth from preexistent but chaotic elements, 
he last of all created man. The human soul, however, 
had a higher origin: it was inspired directly into our 
first parents by the Lord of heaven Himself; the framer 
of the body having sought in vain to animate the work 
until he had addressed his supplications to the Author 
of all Good"*. The very excellences now apparent in 
mankind inflamed the envy of Satanael. He seduced the 
mother of the human race; and Cain, the godless issue 
of that intercourse, became the root and representative of 
evil: while his brother Abel, on the contrary, the son of 

"^ Neale, ii. 240. According to of the kindred sect of Cathari, 
this writer, a treatise, still in MS., ^ Euthym. Panop. tit. xxiir. c. 6 : 

was composed by the Alexandrine of. the apocryphal Gospel in Thilo's 

patriarch Eulogius against the Bo- Codex Apocryph. N. Test. I. 885, and 

gomiles, Neander's summary, viii. ■2 79sq. 

^ Our information on this subject ^ AL€7rpecrj3ev(yaT0 irpbs tov dyadbv 

is derived mainly from the work of Ilar^pa, Kal TrapeKoKeae ve/xipdTjpai 

Euthymius, above cited, n. 8, and Trap' avrov ttvotjv, eirayyeiXd/xepos 

the twenty-third title of his Pano- kqlvov eXuai tov dvdpwTrov, el fwo- 

p>lia (see above, p. -294, n. 3), which Trot-qOfj, Kal dirb rod yevovs avrov 

was edited separately by Gieseler, TrXrjpova-Oai rods h ovpav^ tottovs 

Gottingen, 1842. The general truth- tQv diroppicpdevTiov dyy^Xojv: Ibid. 

fulness of eastern writers on the c. 7. The same idea of supplying 

Bogomiles has been established by vacancies occasioned by the fall of 

the close agreement of their narra- the angels is mentioned elsewhere : 

tive with independent publications e. g. by Scotus Erigena, De Divi- 

of the Western Church in refutation slone NcdurcB, p. 304, ed. Oxon. 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 305 

Adam, testified to the existence of a better principle in sect:^. 

man. This principle, however, was comparatively in- 

efficacious^ owing to the crafty malice of the Tempter; 

and at length^ an act of mercy on the part of God was 

absolutely needed for the rescue and redemption of the 

human soul. The agent whom He singled out was Christ. 

A spirit, called the Son of God, or Lo2:os, and identified Their false 

^ ' ' o 7 Views re- 

with Michael the Archangel, came into the world, "^^^ttltarnJuon- 
on the semblance of a body', baffled the apostate angels, 
and divesting their malignant leader of all superhuman 
attributes, reduced his title from Satanael to Satan, and 
curtailed his empire in the world ^. The Saviour was then 
taken up to heaven, where, after occupying the chief post 
of honour. He is, at the close of the present dispensation, 
to be reabsorbed into the essence out of which His being 
is derived. The Holy Spirit, in like manner, is accordinsr and me 
to the Bogomiles, an emanation only, destined to revert 
hereafter, when His work has been completed, to the ab- 
original and only proper source of life. 

^ A^yovcTLv, oTi tCjv dpOpdircou stantinople. 

TTtKpus Tvpavvovfxivwv, Kol atr'qvQis '' adpKa ry (f)aivop.evo} [xkv vXlktjv 

drroWv/xeuoju, pibyis oXiyot tlv^s t??s /cat bp-oiav dvdpuirov adbfxari ry 

Tov Trarpos [leplbos eyivovTO, koI els 5' dX-qdelq. dv\ov koI deoTrpeirrj, c. 8. 

rriv r(hv dyy&^wv rd^iv dve^rjaav. The Incarnation and the Passion of 

Ibid. c. 8. One of the acts of Sata- the Christ were, therefore, equally 

nael, according to this sect, was to unreal. Ibid. 

delude Moses, and through him ^ According to Euthyraius (Ibid.) 

the Hebrew nation, by giving them Satan was shut up in Tartarus 

the Law. The Bogomiles had eon- (Traxet Kal ^apel KXoiip KaradrjcraL 

sequently no reverence for the Pen- Kal eyKXe?(TaL rcj) TaprdpLp) ; but it 

tateuch, although they used the appears from other statements that 

Psalter and the Prophets, as well as the unredeemed were still, accord- 

the New Testament (c. i). Nean- ing to the Bogomiles, exposed to 

der thinks (viii. 286) that they his malignity : cf, Neander's note, 

attributed a paramount authority to viii. 281. The consciousness of this 

the Gospel of St John : and it is may have led them to propitiate the 

actually stated (c. r6) that a copy of powers of darkness by a modified 

that Gospel was laid upon the head worship, which some of them actually 

of each on his admission to the sect. paid ; appealing in justification of 

6 This was said to be in the 5500th their conduct to the language of 

year after the creation of the world, apocryphal Gospels {Ibid. cc. 20, 

which corresponded with the Chris- 21). On the devil-worshippers, cf. 

tian era in the reckoning of Con- above, p. 202, n. 3. 

M. A. 



OUier errors. 

Their oppo- 
sition to images 
and saint- 

of the sect, 

306 State of Religious Doctririe and Controversies. [a.D. 1073 

The authors of this scheme had many points in common 
with the other mediaeval sects. They looked on all the 
Church as antichristian and as ruled by fallen angels, 
aro'uing that no others save their own community were 
genuine 'citizens of Christ '^ The strong repugnance 
which tliey felt to every thing that savoured of Mosaism^ 
urged them to despise the ritual system of the Church: 
for instance, they contended that the only proper baptism 
is a baptism of the Spirit^. A more healthy feeling was 
indeed expressed in their hostility to image- worship* and 
exaggerated reverence of the saints, though even there 
the opposition rested mainly on Docetic views of Christ 
and His redemption ^ 

These opinions had been widely circulated^ in the 
Eastern empire when Alexius Comnenus (d. 1118) caused 
inquiries to be made respecting them, and after he had 
singled out a number of the influential misbelievers^ doomed 
them to imprisonment for life. An aged monk, named 
Basil, who came forward as the leader of the sect, resisted 
the persuasions of Alexius and the patriarch. He ulti- 

1 See ToUius, Iter. Ital. p. 112. 
The word is xpio-TOTroXZrai. 

2 See above, p, 305, n. 5. They 
spoke of churches as the habitation 
of demons (Euthymius, as above, c. 
18), urging that the Ahuighty does 
not dwell in 'temples made with 
hands :' they condemned the sacra- 
ment of the altar (ttji/ fjLvaTiKrjv /cat 
(ppLKTTju lepovpyiav), on the ground 
that it was dvaiav tCjv evoiKOvvrwv 
TOLS vaoh ^atfibvwv, c. 17, The only 
form of prayer which they allowed 
was the Lord's Prayer : c. 19. 

^ c. 16. The baptism adminis- 
tered at church was in their eyes 
equivalent to John's, and therefore 
was a vestige of Judaism. Their 
own mode of initiation is described 
in the paragraph here ([uoteil. 

^ Toi>s 'lepdpxo-s 5^ koX tovs ITa- 
ripas bixov irdvTas aTrodoKi/xd^ova-ii' 
cos eidcoXoXdrpas 5t(X ttju tCov cIko- 

pwp TrpoaKivqcTLv (c. li). It is 
very remarkable that the Bogomiles 
cherished an esteem for Constantino 
Copronymus (above, p. 80). 

^ They abhorred the symbol of the 
cross ws dvaip^TTjv rod Swr?}pos (c. 
14) ; they refused the title Georo/cos 
to the Virgin on the ground that it 
properly belongs to every holy soul, 
and not peculiarly to her who was 
iniconscious even of the Saviour's 
birth (ttJj irapdevov fMrjTe rrjv etaodov 
avTov yvovcrrjs /xriTe tt]v 'i^oZov, 
0. 8). An Oration was composed 
by the patriarch of Constantinople, 
Germanus (d. i'254), In exaliatio- 
ncm venerandce crucis et adversus Bo- 
gomilos; in Gretser, 0pp. ii. 11 2 sq, 

^ See the expressions in p. 303, 
n. 8. 

'' For an account of the stratagem 
employed by Alexius, see Schrbckh, 
XXIX. 462 sq. 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, 307 

matelj perished at the stake, in Constantinople, 1119. His sects. 
creed, however, still survived and found adherents in all ~ 

quarters, more especially in minds alive to the corruptions 
of the Church, and mystic in their textured 

The communication which existed now between i\\Q The rise oj the 
Eastern and the Western world, arising chiefly out of^^'«**^- 
pilgrimages, commerce, and crusades, facilitated the trans- 
mission of these errors into Lombardy, the south of France, 
and ultimately into almost every part of Western Europe, 
All the varying titles, Bulgri^, Popelicani'"*, Paterini'', 
Passagieri^^, Cathari^^, and Albigenses'^ indicate, if not the 

^ See the sketch given by Nean- 
dei' of the two monks Chrysomalos 
and Niphon (viii. 289 — 295). Se- 
veral councils of Constantinople {e.g. 
1 140, ti43; Mansi, xxi. 551, 583) 
anathematized the principles of the 

^ This name (with its varieties, 
Bulgares, Bougres, etc.) points at 
once to Bulgaria, the cliief seat of 
the Bogomiles, and formerly infected 
with the cognate heresy of the Pau- 
licians (Gibbon, v. 281 sq. ed. Mil- 

^•^ 'Popelicani' (='Publicani,'and 
in Flanders, 'Piphiles') seems to 
have been chiefly used in France. 
Ducange, Gloss, v. 'Populicani.' It 
is probably a corrupted form of 
HavXiKiavoL See DrMaitland's Facts 
and Documents illustrative of the 
History, <he. of the Albigenses and 
Waldenses, Lond. 1832, p, 91, and 
the same writer's Eight Essays, Lond. 
1852, p. 172. The Greeks would 
pronounce their word Pavlikiani, 

^^ See above, p. 204, n. 6. Mat- 
thew Paris, A. D. 1236, p. 362, 
writes, ' qui vulgariter dicuntur 
Paterini et Bugares:'' and, A. D. 
1 238, p. 407 : ' Ipsos autem nomine 
vulgari Bugaros appellavit (Robertus 
Bugre, the Inquisitor), sive essent 
Paterini, sive Joviniani, vel Albi- 
genses, vel aliis hseresibus maculati.' 

"^2 This name, with its equivalent 
* Passagini,' is derived from 'Pas- 
sagium,' the common word for a 
'crusade' (Ducange, sub voc.) ; it 
therefore will suggest the channel 
by which Catharist opinions were 
conveyed at times into the west of 

^^ This name ( = the Pure, or Pu- 
ritans, and connected with ' Boni 
Homines' and ' Bons-hommes') was 
most current in Germany. It sur- 
vives as a generic form in Kefzer. 
As early as Aldhelm (Opj:). p. 87, 
ed. Giles) we read of heretics, ' qui 
se Katharos, id est, mundos nuncu- 
pari voluerunt.' 

^•* The name 'Albigenses' (mean- 
ing natives of the district Albigesi- 
um, or the neighbourhood of Alby) 
does not appear to have been used 
for marking out the members of this 
sect until some time after what is 
called the ' Albigensian ' Crusade 
(iMaitland, Facts and Documents, &c. 
p. 96). They were at first known 
by some one of the titles above 
mentioned, or others like them (see 
Schmidt, Hist, et Doctrine de la 
secte des Cathares, Paris, 1 849, Tome 
ir. pp. 275 — 284); and subsequently, 
as distinguished from the Waldenses, 
they bore the simple name of ' here- 
tics :' Maitland, Eight Essays, p. 

X 2 

308 State of Religious Doctri7ie and Controversies, [a. D. 1073 

SECTS. very same, at least a group of kindred sects, all standing 
in relations more or less immediate with the Bogomiles, 
and holding certain points in common with Paulicians and 
the Manich^ans proper^ 
The abstract At the basis of their speculative system lay the Eastern 

their creed. thcorics of dualism and emanation. But the former was 
considerably changed or softened, partly (as it seems) by 
contact with less impious sectaries, and partly by the 
independent action of the Western mind. One schooP of 
Cathari continued, it is true, entirely ditJieistic^ cherishing 
the Manichasan view of two opposing Principles, which 
had alike subsisted from eternity in regions of their own 
(the visible and the invisible): but others^, like the Bogo- 
miles, while tracing the formation of the present world 
to absolutely evil agencies, and looking upon matter as 
irreconcileably opposed to spirit, were nevertheless induced 
to recognize one only primal God, the Author of all true 
and permanent existence. The antagonistic powers of 
darkness had originally paid allegiance unto Him, and as 
their fall, with its results, at length necessitated the de- 
scent of Christ, who was a glorious emanation issuing from 
the Father in behalf of men, the fruit of His redemption 
will be seen in the eventual recovery of human souls and 

1 See the works of Maitland and rather a branch or modification of 
Schmidt above referred to ; and es- primitive Catharism. 
pecially Hahn's Gescli. der Ketzer im ^ Neander, viii. 298. It is observ- 
Mittelalter, Stuttgart, 1845-7 ;Griese- able that some writers of this party 
ler, III. §§87 — 90, 96; aad Neander, appealed both to the Scriptures and 
VIII. 297 — 330. The last writer has Aristotle in favour of their views; 
pointed out many particulars which but ihey indulged in the most ex- 
shew the close aflfinity between the travagant flights of ' spiritual' inter- 
Cathari and Bogomiles, although he pretation. Among the chief of their 
thinks (p. -297) that one class of the dogmatic peculiarities they were pre- 
former may have sprung out of destinarians (p. 301), and represented 
Bome other (Eastern) sect which dif- the Virgin-Mother as an angel (p. 
fered in the details of its creed from 303). 

Bogomiles or Euchites: cf. Schmidt's '^ Ibid. p. 305 ; with which corn- 
reply, II. 263 — 266, in which he pare Schmidt's 'Appreciation Ge- 
conteuds that Bogomilism itself is n<^rale,' II. 167 — 173. 


— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 309 

a return of the material world into the chaos out of which 
it had been shaped, " 

In noting the more practical phases of this heresy ih^ its more, prac- 
modes of thought we saw prevailing in the Bogomiles ^^^ "^^'^^' 
continually recur. The Cathari rejected most of the pro- 
phetic writings of the Old Testament* as well as the dis- 
tinctive principles of the Mosaic ritual, on the ground 
that Satan was the author of them both^. Contending that 
the body of the Son of God*^, on His appearance among 
men, was an ethereal body, or was not in any way 
derived from the substance of His Virgin-Mother, they 
repudiated every article of faith that rests upon the doc- 
trine of the Incarnation. They agreed in substituting 
novel rites for those administered at church''^, denouncing 
with pecular emphasis the baptism of unconscious chil- 
dren^. They were also most ascetic in their discipline; 
forbidding matrimony, and, at least in many districts, 
every kind of animal food. Nor should we deem this 

* The Dominican Moneta, who 
wrote his book Adversus Catharos et 
Valdenses about 1240, says (p. a 18) 
that the Cathari at first rejected all 
the prophets except Isaiah : but they 
afterwards quote these writings in 
disputing with their adversaries. 

^ e.g. Peter, a Cistercian monk 
of Vaux Sernai (Vallis-sarnensis), 
whose Mist. Albigensium, (as far as 
the year 121 8) is printed in Bou- 
quet and Brial's Script. Franc, xix. 
I sq.: 'Novum Testamentum be- 
nigno Deo, Vetus vero maligno at- 
tribuebant, et illud omnino repudia- 
bant prcBter quasdam auctoritates quce 
de veteri Testamento novo sunt in- 
sertcB, ' etc. c. 2. 

^ JDifferent views existed on this 
point. One school of Cathari ad- 
mitted the reality of our Saviour's 
body, but ascribed it to Satan, and 
affirmed that the genuine Christ 
('bonus Christus') is purely spiri- 
tual and altogether different from 

the historic Christ (see Peter of 
Vaux Sernai, as in the former note): 
others held the same opinion as the 
Bogomiles ; above, p. 304. 

7 Their hatred of the whole 
church-system is attested by con- 
temporary writers, e.g. Ebrard and 
Ermengard, edited by Gretser (In- 
golstadt, 1614), in a work bearing 
the incorrect title Trias Scriptorum 
adv. Waldensium sectam : cf. Giese- 
ler, § 87, n. 25, 26; and Maitland, 
Facts and Documents, pp. 372 — 391. 

8 Their own rite of initiation was 
called * consolamentum ' (cf. above, 
p. 203, n. 6), a ' baptism of the 
Spirit' (' Consolator'), which they 
administered by the laying on of 
hands and prayer. See Schmidt, n. 
119 sq. respecting this and other 
rites. The best original authority 
is Eainerio Sacchoni (circ. 1250), 
whose work is analysed in Mait- 
land's Facts and Documents, pp. 
400 sq.: cf. pp. 525 sq. 

310 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 1073 


The Cathari 
most poirerjul 
in the south 
of France. 

rigour hypocritical. The lives of the more spiritual or 
* perfect' class ^ presented an example of simplicity, and 
not unfrequently of moral elevation^, higher than was 
commonly discernible in members of the Church; and to 
this circumstance should be ascribed at least some measure 
of the popularity and progress^ of the Cathari as soon as 
they began to circulate their tenets in the West. 

The ground in which those tenets were most deeply 
rooted was the south of France, from Beziers to Bordeaux, 
especially throughout the territories of the count of Tou- 
louse, and in the neighbourhood of Alby. Here, indeed, 
among the haunts of gaiety, refinement, and romance, 
the morals both of court and people were most shamelessly 
relaxed^ ; but on a sudden the attention of the many, rich 
and poor alike, had been directed into other channels by 
the forcible harangues of ' Albigensian' preachers. With a 
few exceptions, all the barons of the neighbourhood became 

^ The Cathari were divided into 
(i) the 'Perfecti,' or ' Boni Ho- 
inines,' and (2) the 'Credentes,' or 
' Auditores :' see Schmidt, n. 91 sq. 
Neander, viii. 315 sq. It is recorded 
that, although the number of the 
Cathari was immense in all quarters 
of _ the world in the first half of the 
thirteenth century, only four thou- 
sand belonged to the class of * Per- 

2 The picture drawn by Schmidt 
(r. 194) may be somewhat too fa- 
vourable, but the superiority of 
their moral character as compared 
with that of the prelates cannot be 
disputed. See the whole of the 
chapter, pp. 188 sq. 

3 e.g. William Little of Newbery, 
De Rebus Angl. lib. 11. c. 13 (ed. 
Hearne), who died about 1208, de- 
scribes their rapid growth in France, 
Spain, Italy, and Germany. Some 
who found their way into England 
were suppressed as early as 1 1 60 
(or 1 166), by the council of Oxford 
(Wilkins, i, 438). They were so 

numerous in the south of France, 
Guyenne, Provence, and the greater 
part of Gascony, that foreigners 
were told how heresy was rapidly in- 
fecting more than a thousand towns, 
and how the followers of Manes in 
that district were outnumbering 
those of Jesus Christ. Schmidt, i. 
194. The same is mentioned with 
regard to Lombardy and the papal 
states (Schmidt, l. 142 sq.), where 
we may gather from the treatise of 
Bonacursus (circ. 1190), Vita H cere- 
ticorum, seic Manifestatio Hceresis 
Catharorum (in D'Achery, I. 208 
sq.), that the leaders of the sect 
(* Passagini') had so far modified 
their doctrines as to have betrayed 
a judaizing tendency ; of. Neander, 
VIII. 332 ; Schmidt, ii. 294. 

^ Abundant proofs of this are 
furnished in the 'chanzos' of the 
Proven9al poets, collected, for exam- 
ple, by Kaynouard in his Poesies des 
Trouhadom's ; and in the FahUaxix: 
although these latter more commonly 
refer to the north of France. 

— 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 311 

protectors of the heresy ; some even ranking with its most sects. 
devoted followers, the 'Perfect^' In a council held at 
Toulouse as early as July 8, 1119, a class of tenets such 
as those maintained among the Cathari^, were solemnly 
denounced; and mission after mission' laboured to repress 
their wider circulation. It was not, however, until 1:h.Q iimr violent 
pontificate of Innocent IIP., that vigorous measures were 
adopted for the extirpation of the sect. The murder oiiv crushes, 
the papal legate^ Pierre de Castelnau, in 1208, which was 
attributed unjustly to count Eaymond of Toulouse, a patron 
of the ' Albigenses,' led the way to an atrocious series of 
Crusades, conducted at the bidding of the pope by Simon 
de Montfort, earl of Leicester, and extending over thirty 
years^". By this terrific war the swarming misbelievers 
of Provence were almost literally ' drowned in blood.' 
The remnant which escaped the sword of the crusaders 
fell a prey to ruthless a^ients of the Inquisition, — ih^andhnthe 
tribunal now established permanently by the council of 
Toulouse ^^ (1229) for noting and extinguishing all kinds 
of heretical pravity. 

^ Schmidt, I. 195, 196. ^ That in 1147 consisted of the 
^ It denounces (can. 3) those, 'qui legate Alberic and St Bernard; see 
religionis speciem simvilantes Do- Bernard. Epist. 241, from which we 
minici corporis et sanguinis sacra- learn that the churches were desert- 
mentum, puerorum baptisma, sacer- ed, the clergy despised, and nearly 
dotium, et cseteros ecclesiasticos all the south of France addicted to 
ordines et legitimarum damnant the Cathari : cf. Schmidt, I. 44, 45. 
foedera nuptiarum' (Mansi, xxi. In 1 181, Henry abbot of Clairvaux, 
325, where the date is incorrectly who had before (11 78) endeavoured 
given : cf. Jaffe, p. 529). At this to reclaim the diocese of Alby in a 
council an appeal was made to ' po- gentler way, began to preach a 
testates exterse,' in order to suppress crusade against it : Ibid. I. 83. 
the misbelievers. The decrees were ^ See above, p, -252, on his pa- 
echoed at the council of Lateran tronage of Dominic, the founder of 
(1139): Mansi, XXI. 532. Other the Preachers, 
councils, e.g. Rheims (1148), c. 18, ^ Schmidt, I. 217 sq. 
and Tours (1163), c, 4, adopted the '^^ See Barrau and Darragon, ^/s^ 
same course. An important con- dcs Croisades contre les Albigeois, 
ference with the leaders of the Paris, 1840, and Schmidt, as above, 
Cathari, including their bishop Si- I. 219 — 293. 

card Cellerier. was held in 1165 ^^ Mansi, xxiii. 192 sq. The germ 

(Mansi, xxii. 157) at Lombers, near of this institution is contained in 

Alby: cf. Schmidt, l. 70 sq. the decree of Lucius III. (1184), 



312 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 

The fears awakened in the Vatican and in the Western 
~ Church at large by the astounding progress of the ' Al- 

bigenses,' were increased by other movements, totally 
distinct in character, but also finding the great bulk of 
their adlierents in the southern parts of France. The 
Peter of Bruis author of the earliest (1104:— 1124:) was a priest of Bruis 
named Peter (hence the title Fetrobrusiani), who, together 
with some startling traits of heterodoxy, manifested^ an 
attachment to the central truth of Christianity, and a 
desire to elevate the tone of morals in the districts where 
he taught. He ultimately perished at the stake ; but the 
impression he produced was much extended by a Cluniac 
Henry the mouk and dcacou, Henry^. After labouring sedulously 
lenced in thc field which had been overrun by ' Albigensian' 

missionaries, and attracting many whom their doctrines 
did not satisfy^, he fell (1147) into the hands of a papal 
legate, who had visited Provence in company with St 
Bernard for the purpose of resisting the further propa- 
gation of heretical opinions. Henry was sentenced at the 

'Contra Hfereticos,' (Maitland's versus PetrobrusianosHcereticos; 0pp. 

Facts, &c. pp. 496 — 498) ; and its p. 719, ed. Migne. It seems that 

organization was advanced by the Peter of Bruis and his immediate 

council of Lateran (i^is), c. 3 followers rejected infant baptism, on 

{Decret. Gregor. lib. v. tit. 7, c. 13: the ground that personal faith is 

in the Corpus Juris Canon.). On always needed as a precondition, 

the general history see Limborch, ere the grace of God can take eflfect 

Hist. Inquisitionis, Amst. 1692. It ('nos vero tempus congruum fidei 

soon found other fields of duty in expectamus'). For this cause they 

extinguishing the Cathari of Italy rebaptized. They undervalued, if 

(Schmidt, I. 159 sq.), of Spain (/6trf. they did not absolutely set aside, 

I. 372 sq.), of Germany {Ibid. I. the Eucharist. They burned the 

376 sq.), and also in suppressing crosses, and denounced church- 

(1234) a politico- religious sect, en- music and the ritual system of the 

titled 'Stedingers,' who had arisen age. They also censured and de- 

in the district of Oldenburg : Gie- rided prayers and offerings for the 

seler, iii. § 89, n, 37. Friesisches dead : cf. Neander, viii. 338 — 341. 
Archiv, ed. Ehrentrant, II. 265 sq., 2 ggg Q^f^j^ Hildeherti among the 

Oldenburg, 1854. They refused to Acta Episcoporum Cenomanensium 

pay tithes and tributes. [i. e. of Mans], in Mabillon, Vet. 

^1 Our chief information respecting Analect. ill. 312, and cf. Neander, 

him is derived from a contemporary viii. 341 — 350 ; Gieseler, § 87, n. 4. 
Letter of Peter the Venerable, Ad- ^ Schmidt, i. 40, 41. 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 313 

council of Rlieims (1148) to meagre diet and imprisonment sects. 
for life. 

How far the influential sect, hereafter known as the ThcWamnses 

' ^ ^ or Vaudes. 

'Waldenses^,' were allied with this reforming movement, 
is not easy to determine. They are certainly to be dis- 
tinguished from the ' Albigenses^.' In their creed we find 
no vestiges of dualism, nor anything which indicates the 
least affinity to oriental theories of emanation. What 
those bodies learned to hold in common, and what made 
them equally the prey of the Inquisitor, was their un- 
wavering belief in the corruption of the Mediaeval Church, 
especially as governed by the Roman pontiffs^. It has 
also been disputed whether the ' Waldenses' dated further 
back as a religious corporation than the twelfth century. 
Although this view appears to have been current once 
with members of the sect^, or had at least been confidently 

^ This name first occurs in an 
edict of Ildephonsus, king of Ar- 
ragon (1194). (Maitland's Facts 
and Documents, &c., p. 181.) The 
' Waldenses ' are there associated 
with the ' Inzabbati ' (^. e. persons 
wearing 'sabots' or wooden shoes), 
and with the 'Poor Men of Lyons.' 
Another of the names they bore 
was ' Leonistse ' (from Leona = 

^ This distinction has been ques- 
tioned by two very different schools 
of theologians, one endeavouring to 
shew that the tenets of the Albi- 
genses and Waldenses were equally 
false, and the second that they were 
equally true : but all dispassionate 
writers of the present day {e.g. 
Gieseler, Neander, Schmidt) agree 
in the conclusion above stated. 
Dr Maitland has discussed the 
question at length in his Facts and 
Documents, etc., and in his Eight 
Essays (1852), pp. 178 sq., he ad- 
duces evidence from a record of 
the Inquisition of Toulouse (1307 
— 1 3 2 3) which 'completely decides 
the question,' A new work, entitled 

Die romanischen Waldenser, etc. was 
put forth in 1853 (Halle) by Dr 

^ In 1207 a pastor of the Albi- 
genses maintained that the Church 
of Rome was not the Spouse of 
Christ, but the Apocalyptic Ba- 
bylon. See the extract on this 
subject in Ussher's De Christ. Eccl. 
Successione et Statu, ch. x. § 23, 
0pp. II. 341, ed. Elrington. The 
Waldenses also ultimately urged 
the same objection (though at first 
their tone was different), ' Quod 
Ecclesia Romana non est Ecclesia 

Jesu Christi Quod Ecclesia 

Romana est ecclesia malignantium, 
et bestia et meretrix,' etc. See 
Rainerii Summa de Catharis et LeO' 
nistis, in Mart^ne and Durand's 
Thesaur. Anecdot. v. 1775. 

7 In the Summa, as above quoted, 
the Waldenses of the thirteenth 
century affirmed 'quod ecclesia 
Christi permansit in episcopis et 
aliis prselatis usque ad B. Sjdves- 
trum [the contemporary of Con- 
stantine], et in eo defecit quousque 
ipsi eam restaurarunt : tamen dicunt, 

314 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d.1073 


Their founder, 
Peter Waldo: 

urged on some occasions when the adversary challenged 
them to prove the antiquity of their opinions, it is found 
to have no basis in authentic history. 

The leader of the agitation out of which they grew (1170) 
was Peter Waldo (Pierre de Vaud) , a citizen of Lyons, who 
renounced his property that he might give himself entirely 
to the service of religion. He began to circulate a Ko- 
maunt version of the Gospels and of many other books of 
Holy Writ\ and with the aid of kindred spirits, laymen like 
himself, to preach among the populace ; their object being, 
not to tamper with the creeds or revolutionize the eccle- 
siastical system, but rather to exalt the spirit and to 
purify the practice of the age. These warm and desultory 
efforts proved distasteful to the archbishop of Lyons, 
who compelled the preachers to desist. They carried an 
appeal to Rome (1179), exhibiting their version of the 
Bible to pope Alexander IIL, and suing for his appro- 
bation both of it and of the new fraternity^. The papal 

quod semper fuerunt aliqui qui 
Deum timebant et salvabantur.' 
But when it was argued, e. g, by 
the Dominican Moneta (circ. 1240) 
Adversus Catharos et Valdenses, ed. 
Ricchini, p. 402, that the Wal- 
denses were not ' successores Ec- 
clesi^ primitivfe,' and therefore not 
' Ecclesia Dei,' some of them con- 
tended that the sect had lasted 
ever since the time of pope Syl- 
vester, and others that it was trace- 
able to the age of the Apostles : 
see the Additions to the Summa of 
llainerio, in Bibl. Pair. ed. Lugdun. 
XXV. 264, and Pilschdorf, Contra 
Waldenses (circ. 1444) : Ibid. xxv. 
278. Schmidt (ii. 287 — 293) has 
proved that history and tradition 
are both silent on this great an- 
tiquity until the 13th century, and 
that the sect was really no older 
than Peter Waldo. Neander (viii. 
368, note) thinks Dr Maitland 
somewhat too sceptical as to the 

genuineness of the Nohla Leyczon, a 
Waldensian summary of doctrines, 
claiming to belong to A.D. iioo. It 
may, however, have been written 
at the close of the 1 2th century : 
Schmidt, p. 290. 

1 As he was himself no scholar, 
the version was made for him by 
two ecclesiastics. See a contem- 
porary account by the Dominican 
Stephen de Borbone, extracted in 
D'Argentre, Collectio Jiidiciorum de 
Novis Erroribus, qui ah initio xii 
scec. tisque ad an. 1632 in Ecclesia 
pi-oscrijiti sunt, Paris, 1728, I. 87, 
The same hands translated for him 
' auctoritates Sanctorum multas per 
titulos congregatas, quas Sententias 

2 See the important record of 
their conduct at the council of 
Lateran by one who was an eye- 
witness, Walter Mapes, afterwards 
archdeacon of Oxford (1196). The 
passage is in his J)e Nugis Curi- 

— 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 315 

license was not given, although at present the "Waldenses sects. 
did not share in the anathemas pronounced on other bodies /^~<^ ~ 
(Cathari included). They were afterwards condemned, Ja^Xa^i^^/.... 
however, in 1184, by Lucius III.^ But nothing could 
repress the sturdy vigour of the men who laboured at all 
costs to forward what they deemed a genuine reformation 
of the Church. Their principles were soon diffused in J^npid diffusion 
Southern France, in Arragon, in Piedmont, in Lombardy*, principles. 
and even in the Rlienish provinces ^ Insisting as they 
always did on the desirableness of personal acquaintance 
with the Bible, which, in union with their claim to exercise 
the sacerdotal office ^ constituted the peculiarity in their 
original creed, they multiplied translations into the ver- 
nacular, and frequently surpassed the clergy in their 
knowledge of the Scriptures ^ Innocent III. endeavoured 
to unite them with the Church (1210), and he in part 
succeeded, forming his Waldensian converts into a society 
entitled Pauper es Catholici^ ; but the majority, estranged 
by persecution, zealously maintained a separate existence. 
At the close of the thirteenth century we find a number 
of them in the valleys of Piedmont^, where after many 

alium, Distinct. I. § xxxi. (ed. Eucharist might be consecrated 'a 

Wright, 1850), the title being * De viro et muliere, ordinate et noa 

secta Valdesiorum.^ ordinato :' and both males and fe- 

3 'In primis ergo Catharos et males preached on every side ('tani 

Patarinos, et eos qui se Humiliatos homines quam mulieres, idiotte et 

vel Pauperes de Lugduno falso no- illiterati, per villas discurrentes et 

mine mentiuntur ; Passaginos, Jo- domos penetrantes et in plateis 

sepinos, Arnoldistas perpetuo decer- prsedicantes et etiam in ecclesiis, ad 

nimusanathematesubjacere.' Mansi, idem alios provocabant.' Stephen 

XXII. 477. de Borbone (as above, p. 314, n. i). 

^ See authorities at length in They had a ministry, however, 

Gieseler, § 88, n. 8, 9, 10. nominated by the brotherhood, and 

^ The following passage is an consisting of 'majorales' (=bi- 

allusion to their progress in the shops?) and *barbas' (=preach- 

neighbourhood of Treves {1231) : ers?) : see Gieseler, § 90, n. 29. 

' Et plures erant sectae et multi Their ministers were married, 

earum instructi erant Scripturis '' Neander, viii. 360. 

Sanctis, quas hahehant in Theutoni- ^ Innocent III. Epist. lib. XI. 

cam translatos.' Gesta Treviroi'um, epp. 196 — 198 : lib. Xii. epp. 17,69: 

I, 319, August. Trevir. 1836. lib. xiii. ep. 78. 

^ e. g. They maintained (in the ^ See extracts from a record in 

passage above cited, n. 5) that the the archives of Turin communi- 

316 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d.1073 




dark vicissitudes tliey are surviving at tlie present 

Their tenets, wliicli were at the first distinguishable in 
but few particulars from those of other Christians, rapidly 
developed into forms antagonistic to the common teaching 
of the Medieval Church^. The Yaudois were indeed to 
some extent precursors of the Reformation, more especially 
as it was often carried out in continental Europe. 

An allusion has been made already to the aberrations 
of the stricter school of the Franciscans^, of the Beghards*, 
and the Arnoldists^ (or partisans of Arnold of Brescia). 
From the impulse which had been communicated by the 
authors of those movements sprang another sect, entitled 
* Apostolicals ^' It was confined at first to Lombardy and 

cated by Krone in his Fra Dolcino 
und die Patarener, p. 22, Leipz. 

^ They maintained themselves 
in Provence until 1545, whan by 
uniting with the Calvinists they 
were violently persecuted and ex- 
pelled. For an account of their 
past sufferings and present condi- 
tion, see Gilly's Narrative, &c. 4th 
edition, and Leger, Hist, des Vaudois. 
Their intercourse with CEcolampa- 
dius and other Swiss reformers, in 
1530, is described by Herzog, pp. 

^ They denied the sacramental 
character of orders, unction, con- 
firmation, and marriage, and the 
efficacy of absolution and the eu- 
charist when these were adminis- 
tered by unworthy persons whether 
lay or cleric (cf. above, p. 315, 
n. 6). They did not accept the 
canon of the Mass, but were in 
favour of more frequent (even 
daily) communion. They did not 
invoke the saints, nor venerate the 
cross and relics. They did not 
believe in any kind of purgatory, 
and made no offerings for the dead. 
They repudiated tithes, the taking 
of an oath, military service, and 
capital punishment. They dispa- 

raged fasting, all distinction of days 
('quod unus dies sit sicut alius'), 
and every kind of decoration in the 
ritual or the fabric of the church. 
"With regard to baptism their opin- 
ions are not very clearly stated, but, 
owing to their strong belief in the 
necessity of actual preconditions on 
the part of the recipient, they seem 
at best to have esteemed it, when 
administered to infants, as an empty 
ceremonial ('quod ablatio, quap da- 
tur infantibus, nihil prosit ') : cf . Ne- 
ander, viii. 365. See on the Wal- 
densian doctrines the authorities 
quoted above, p. 313, n. 7, and the 
Extracts from LimborcWs History of 
the Inquisition, in Maitland's Facts, 
&c. pp. 229 sq. 

^ Above, p. 250. 

* Above, p. 254. Gieseler, § 90, 
n. 35, has pointed out some fea- 
tures in which the Beghards, or, 
(as they described themselves) 'the 
Brothers and Sisters of the Free 
Spirit,' were akin to the Waldenses; 
and it will be shewn hereafter that 
they were progenitors of the Ger- 
man (not the English) Lullards, or 

^ Above, pp. 267, 268. 

^ See Mosheim's Gesch. des Apos- 
tel-ordens, Helni«tadt, 1 748. A full, 

— 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 317 

certain districts of the Tyrol. Its main object was to realize sects. 
the long-forgotten picture which the Bible seemed to 
furnish of a truly evangelic poverty, and of a Church 
where all the members, ^rom the highest to the lowest, 
are united solely by the bonds of Christian love^ The 
exhortations of the Apostolicals were all, however, more 
or less distempered by fanatical and communistic theories^, 
which, rousing the displeasure of the Inquisition and the 
civil power, at length consigned their hapless leader, Saga- 
relli^ to the stake (1300). His able, but misguided fol- |X^^^'' 
lower, Dolcino, after braving almost every kind of danger, 
for the sake of his convictions, met the same unchristian 
fate'' (1307). 

, and 

but somewhat violent, description 
of the struggle which the ' Apos- 
tolicals' excited will be found in 
Mariotti's Fra Dolcino and his 
Times, Lond. 1853. 

^ ' Sine vinculo obedientise ex- 
terioris, sed interioris tantum.' 

8 Mariotti, pp. 182 sq., pp. 213 
sq. Extracts from two of Dolcino's 
circulars are given in Muratori, 
Script. Her. Ital. ix. 450. The fol- 
lowing views, among his other 
predictions, shew that he hoped to 
witness not only the purification of 
the papacy but also the founding 
of a native monarchy : * Fredericus 
rex Siciliae debet re levari in impe- 
ratorem, et facere reges novos, et 
Bonifacium papam pugnando ha- 
bere et facere occidi cum aliis oc- 

cidendis . . . . Tunc omnes Christiani 
erunt positi in pace, et tunc erit 
unus papa sanetus a Deo missus 
mirabiliter et electus, sub illo 
papa erunt illi, qui sunt de statu 
Ajyostolico, et etiam alii de clericis 

et religiosis qui unienter eis, 

et tunc accipient Spiritus Sancti 
gratiam, sicut acceperunt Apostoli 
in Ecclesia primitiva.' For Dante's 
view of Dolcino and his mission, 
see Deir Inferno, cant. XXVIII. 55 

^ Mariotti, p. 102. 

^*^ Ibid. p. 296. In 1320 some 
branches of the sect of ' Apostoli- 
cals ' existed in the south of France, 
and traces of them are found in 
Germany as late as the year 140 2. 
Ibid. pp. 314 sq. 

( 318 

[a. D. 1073 







Confining our review to Western Cliristenclom^, in 
which alone the aspect of religion underwent a clearly 
measurable change, we must regard the present as an 
New impulse agc of great activity and very general progress. The 
'Western mind. Crusadcs had opcued a new world of intellectual enter- 
prise; the fever of scholasticism arousing all the specu- 
lative faculties had urged men to investigate the grounds 
of their belief; while literary institutions, bent on further- 
ing the spread of secular as well as sacred knowledge, and 
constructed after the illustrious models in the University 
of Paris, had sprung up on every side^. A somewhat 
novel feature in the works transmitted to us from the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries should not le overlooked. 
The literature of Europe until then was almost everywhere 
exclusively ' religious,' or one might affirm at least that 
it was nearly always penetrated by a strong ecclesiastical 
element ^ But afterwards a different class of works were 
published, which, if not entirely hostile to the Church, were 

Literature not 
ecclesiastical .- 

1 On the torpor and monotony of 
tlie Eastern Church at this period 
also, see above, p. 793. 

2 See above, 253. Colleges began 
to be numerous in France, Italy, 
Spain, Portugal, and Germar;y 
(Mohler, Schriften, etc. 11. 6). This 
imi^ulse was transmitted as far as 
Iceland, on the copious literature of 
which, see Mallet's Ncrthern Avii- 

quities, pp. 363 sq, ed, 1847. The 
two 'general' councils of Lateran, 
A.D. 1 179 (c. 18), and A.D. 1215 
(c. 11), enjoin that a schoolmaster 
shall be provided in every cathedral 
church for teaching the poorer clerics 
and the young. 

^ Capefigue, L'Eglise au Moyen 
Arje, I. 362, 

-1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 






often very 

calculated to impair its old ascendancy and to imperil the 
foundations both of faith and morals. Such were many 
of the amorous pieces* of the Troubadours, Trouvferes, and 
Minnesingers. Soft and polished as they are, it is too 
obvious that their general tendency was to produce con- 
tempt for holy things and throw a veil upon the most 
revolting sensuality. The same is often true of medieval 
romances^, which, as may be argued from the copious list 
surviving at the present day, began to fascinate a very 
numerous circle. 

The more earnest readers still preferred the ancient 
' Lives of Saints®.' These after some recasting were, as in 
the former age, translated into many dialects of Europe. 
Some acquaintance with the truths of Christianity might J'SS*^. 
also be obtained from versions of the Bible, or at least 
of certain parts which were occasionally put in circula- 
tion ^ But the most original method now adopted for 

sources of 

* See Sismondi, Literature of the 
South of Europe, c. iv — viii. ; Tay- 
lor (Edgar), Lays of the Minne- 
singers, passim. It appears that 
one of the earUest of the amorous 
poets in the north of France was 
Ab^lard, the schoolman. Hallam, 
Liter, of Eur. pt. I. ch. I. § 36. On 
the swarms of romances that found 
their way into the monasteries at 
this period, see Warton, Engl. Poet. 
I. 80 sq. ed. 1840. 

^ See Ellis, Speciviens of Early 
Engl. Romances, ed. Halliwell, 

6 The Speculum Historiale of Vin- 
cent of Beauvais (Bellovacensis), 
and the Historia Lomhardica sive 
Legenda Aurea de Vitis Sanctorum, 
of Jacobus de Voragine (di Virag- 
gio), were the favourite books in 
Western Europe. The popularity 
of the latter (the 'Golden Legend') 
continued to the time of the Re- 
formation. A specimen of the ver- 
nacular hagiology of this period is 
furnished by a Semi-Saxon Legend 
of St Catherine (among the publica- 

tions of the Cambridge Antiquarian 
Society). The date is the early part 
of the 1 3th century. 

'■ e.g. before the year 1200, the 
Anglo-Normans had translated into 
their own dialect, in prose, the 
Psalter and the Canticles of the 
Church ; and towards the middle 
of the thirteenth centuiy they seem 
to have possessed a prose version 
of the entire Bible. But most of 
the sacred literature at this period 
is metrical; e. g. the Ormulum, writ- 
ten perhaps about the commence- 
ment of the thirteenth century, and 
serving as a paraphrase of the Gos- 
pels and the Acts. Other instances 
are quoted in the Preface to the 
Wyckliffite Bible, p. iii. Oxford, 
1850. The Historia Scholastica of 
Peter Comestor (circ. 1190) was 
very generally circulated both in 
the original and in translations. It 
contains an abstract of sacred history, 
disfigured often by absurd interpo- 
lations and unauthorized glosses. A 
version of it, somewhat modified 
(1294), was known as the first French 


State of Intelligence and Piety [a. d. 1073 


ME\?fs OF impartmor rudiments of sacred knowledge were dramatic 

GRACE AND , ., . . n -i . • i i ? i • i ^ i n 

KNOW- exhibitions, called miracle-plays, wnicn ^rew at length 

— ^ — into ' moralities.' The object was to bring the leading 

facts of revelation and church-history more vividly be- 
fore the ill-instriicted mass. The infancy, the public life, 
and crucifixion of our Blessed Lord were the most favourite 
topics \ 

It is constantly complained, however, even with regard 
to the more enterprising class of scholars, that the Bible 
was comparatively thrust into the background^, many of 
BibS"^ ^^ ^^^ them seeming to prefer the study of the pagan writers or 
the civil law, and others giving all their time to lectures 
on the ' Book of Sentences.' 

The Vaudois, on the contrary, like all the other mediae- 
val sectaries who thought themselves constrained to wrestle 
with the evils of the times, appealed in every case di- 
rectly to the Bible ^; and although the meaning of the 

Bible. See Gilly's Preface to the 
Romaunt Version of St John, pp. 
xiv — xvii. Loud. 1848. 

^ See an abstract of one of them 
in Sismondi, Lit. of the South of 
Euro2ie, I. 231 sq. ; Mone's Schaic 
spiele des Mittelcdters, passim, Karls- 
ruhe, 1846, and Warton's Hist, of 
English Poeti'y, ii. •24 sq., ed. 1840. 
It is remarkable that a northern 
missionary (at Riga) made use of 
this vehicle in 1204, ' ut fidei Chris- 
tianae rudimenta gentilitas fide etiam 
disceret oculata:' Neander, vii. 52. 
One of the earliest, and in England 
the very first, of these theatrical 
pieces was a Ludus S. Catharince, 
performed at Dunstable about iioo: 
Dugdale's Monast. 11. 184, new ed. 

2 Thus Robert le Poule (Pollen), 
as above, p. -283, read the Scriptures 
at Oxford, where, as well as in other 
parts of England, they had been 
neglected * prse scholasticis : ' cf. the 
remarkable language of Peter of 
Blois (Blesensis), archdeacon of Bath 
(d. 1200), ep. LXXVI. The follow- 

ing words of Roger Bacon (quoted 
in Bulseus, Hist. Univ. Paris, ill, 
383) are to the same effect : 'Bac- 
calaureus, qui legit iextum, succum- 
bit lectori Sententiarum. Parisiis 
ille, qui legit Sententias, habet prin- 
cipalem horam legendi secundum 
suam voluntatem, habet socium et 
caraeram apud religiosos, sed qui 
legit Piblifim caret his,' etc. — But 
on the other hand numerous in- 
stances have been collected, more 
especially by Ussher (Hist. Doy- 
inatica: Works, ed. Elrington, xii. 
317 — 345), in which the ancient 
reverence for the Scriptures, as the 
rule of life, is very forcibly expressed. 
^ It was the principle of Peter 
Waldo to persuade all ' ut biblia 
legerent, atque ex ipso fonte liben- 
tius haurirent aquam salutarera, 
quara ex hominum impuris lacunis. 
Soli enim Bibliae scripturae tot di- 
vinis testimoniis ornatse atque con- 
firmatae conscientias tuto inniti 
posse.' MS. quoted by Ussher, as 
above, p. 331. 

— 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 


sacred text was often very grievously distorted in their means of 


efforts to establish a one-sided or heretical position, the know- 
fresh impulse which had now been given to scriptural 

inquiry was insensibly transmitted far and wide among ^rimted} 

Sipecially pj-o- 
' hi) the. 


the members of the Church itself*. At first, indeed, 
the use to which vernacular translations were applied, 
awakened the suspicions^ of the prelates and the fury of 
the Inquisition. The endeavours to suppress them dated ^ff^pfed 

^ ^ L suppression 

from the council of Toulouse^ in 1229, allusion being there tZlkuims^ 
intended more especially to the Bomaunt translations 
circulated by the followers of Peter Waldo. But in spite 
of this repugnance on the part of the ecclesiastical 
authorities, the wish to draw instruction personally from 

* e.g. Eoger Bacon, as above, 

p. 1C)\. 

5 Thus Innocent III. (1129), lib. 
II. ep. 141, after directing the at- 
tention of the bishop and chapter 
of Metz to the existence of a ' Gal- 
lic' version of the Psalter, Gospels, 
Pauline Epistles, etc., proceeds as 
follows : ' Licet autem desiderium 
intelligendi divinas Scripturas, et 
secundum eas studium adhortandi 
reprehendenduvi non sit, sed potius 
commendandum ; in eo tamen ap- 
parent merito arguendi, quod tales 
occulta conventicula sua celebrant, 
officium sibi praedicationis usurpant, 
sacerdotum simplicitatem eludunt, 
et eorum consortium aspernantur, 
qui talibus non inhgerent.' A like 
feeling had been manifested some 
time before (12 10) in condemning 
the works of the pantheistic school- 
raan David of Dinanto (see above, 
p. ■285, n. 3). The prohibition was 
extended to all 'theological' works 
in the French language, David hav- 
ing used translations for disseminat- 
ing his opinions : Neander, viii. 131, 

^ Can. 14. It forbids the laity to 
tave in their possession any copy 
of the books of the Old and New 
Testament, except perhaps the Psal- 
ter and those parts of the Bible 

M. A. 

contained in the Breviary and the 
Hours of the Blessed Virgin, and 
most rigorously condemns the use 
of vernacular translations. See 
Fleury's apology for this injunction, 
Hist. Eccles., liv. Lxxix. § 58. At 
the council of Tarragona (1234, 
c. 2), the censure is restricted to 
all versions ' in Romanico : ' but in 
1246 the council of B^ziers (Biter- 
rense), where the Cathari had been 
most numerous, absolutely urge the 
Inquisition (c. 36 : Mansi, xxiii. 
724) to take measures *de libris theo- 
logicis non tenendis etiam a laicis in 
Latino, et neque ab ipsis neque a 
clericis in vidgari.^ It is remarkable, 
however, that notwithstanding these 
local prohibitions, many parts of 
the Bible were still translated {e. (j. 
into Italian and Spanish), and ap- 
parently authorized : Gilly, as a- 
bove, pp. xvi., xvii. The reason 
given for putting out a new edition 
of the French ' Bible ' (see above, 
p. 319, n. 7) in the reign of Charles 
V. of France (1364 — 1380), was to 
supplant the Waldensian versions : 
Giily, p. xxii. Cf. Buckingham, 
Bible in the Middle Ages, pp. 4 3, 46. 
On the use made of translations 
of the Scriptures by the Roman 
missions to the East, see above, p. 
235, n. 7. 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 

MEANS OF the oracles of God continued to increase with the diffusion 

GRACE AND » . ,,. 

KNOW- 01 inteUio:ence. 



often con.- 
viitted to the 

The present age was also far superior to the last in the 
efficiency and number of its public teachers ^ Every parish- 
priest, as heretofore, was bound ^ to inculcate on all the 
children of his cure at least some elementary knowledge 
of the Christian faith (by expositions of the Creed, the 
Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and at last the 
Ave Maria, in the vulgar tongue), as well as to be dili- 
gent in preaching to the rest^. But more was now effected 
through the voluntary labours of the Mendicants^ whose 
zeal and learning were employed, as they itinerated here 
and there, in teaching simple truths of Christianity no less 
than in repelling what were deemed the shafts of misbelief. 
A prelate, such as Grosseteste^, anxious for the spiritual 
advancement of his flock and painfully alive to the incom- 
petence^ of many of the seculars, occasionally invited Men- 
dicants to aid him in his holy task ; and even where they 
had no invitation, they considered that the papal .license 

1 We may judge of the opportu- 
nities of instruction now afforded 
to the working- el asses by the fact 
that all persons were enjoined to 
go to church (sometimes under a 
penalty, e.g. council of Toulouse, 
A.D. 1229, c. 25) on Sundays, on 
the greater festivals (see a list of 
them, Ihid. c. 26, or council of 
Exeter, a.d. 1287, c. 23), and on 
Saturday evenings. 

2 Cf. above, pp. 206, 207 ; see 
also the Prwcepta Conwiunia of 
Odo, bishop of Paris (circ. 1200), 
§ 10, in Mansi, xxii. 681 ; the Sta- 
tuta Synodal, of Richard of Chi- 
chester (1246), Ihid. XX III. 714: 
and archbp. Peckham's Constitutions 
(1281), in Johnson, ll. 282 sq. 

2 A mighty influence must have 
been exerted by the sermons of St 
Bernard, who often preached in 
the vernacular language. Speci- 

mens of this class are printed in 
the Documens sur VHidoire de 
France, ed. Le E-oux de Lincy, 
1 84 1. On the other famous preach- 
ers of this pei'iod, see Schrockh, 
XXIX. 313 sq. The sermons of 
Berthold, a Franciscan (d. 1272), 
are said to have produced a very 
deep impression on all kinds of 
hearers. Many of them (surviving 
in the vernacular) have been edited 
by Kling, Berlin, 1824. 

^ See above, pp. 249 sq. 

^ Above, p. 252, n, 8, 

^ This was also urged by the 
apologist of the Franciscan and 
Dominican orders. He regarded 
them as supernumeraries especially 
authorized by the pope in an emer- 
gency to remedy the sad defects of 
the parochial priests : cf. the lan- 
guage of Bonaventura and Aquinas 
quoted in Neander, Vii. 398. 

— 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 


was enough to warrant their admission into any diocese, means of 


The popularity of this abnormal method of procedure indi- know- 
cates the growing thirst for knowledge; and we must infer— — ~ 

that, notwithstanding all the gross hypocrisy, fanaticism, 
and intermeddling spirit which the friars have too commonly 
betrayed in after times, they served at first as powerful 
agents in the hands of the Almighty for promoting in- 
tellectual culture and enlivening the stagnant pulses of 
religion \ 

It was not until this period that the ' sacramental ' 
system of the Church attained its full development I The 
methodizing and complete determination of the subjects 
it involved is due to the abstruse inquiries of the School- 
men. Previously the name of ' sacrament ' was used to sacramental 
designate^ a ritual or symbolic act in general, — Baptism, C7t«i 
Confirmation, and the Eucharist belonging to a special 
class ^°. But in the twelfth century the ordinances which 

s/jston iif ihe 
"■ urch. 

^ The treatise of Humbert de 
Romanis (circ. 1250), general of 
the Dominicans, entitled De Eru- 
ditione Prwdicatoruru, is a fine proof 
of the earnestness with which men 
were enjoined to enter on the work 
of preaching, though we trace in 
it a disposition to exaggerate the 
worth of sermons as compared 
with other means of grace. See 
a review of it in Neander, vii. 
435 — 440, The following is the 
account given by the biographer 
of Aquinas (c. viii. s. 48, as above, 
p. 287, n. 7), respecting his style 
of preaching : ' Praedicationes suas, 
quibus placeret Deo, prodesset po- 
pulo, sic formabat, ut non esset in 
curiosis humanae sapientiae verbis, 
sed in spiritu et virtute sermonis, 
qui, vitatis quae curiositati potius 
quam utilitati deserviunt, in illo 
suo vulgari natalis soli proponebat 
et prosequebatur utilia populo.' 

8 See Hagenbach, Mist, of Doc- 
trines, § 189 (vol. II. pp. 73 sq., 
Ediub. 1852), on the one side, and 

Klee, Dor/mengesch. Pt. 11. ch. vi., on 
the other, 

^ St Augustine's definition was 
*sacra3 rei signum,' or 'invisibiJis 
gratiae visibilis forma' (Klee, Ibid, 
§1): but like Damiani (quoted above, 
p. 213, n, 8), he applied the word 
' sacramentum' very generally. The 
same appears to have been the case 
with the word /nvaTTJpLou in the 
East, although the number of rites 
to which it was in strictness ap- 
plicable, was at length reduced to 
six, — baptism, the Lord's Supper, 
the consecration of the holy oil 
{reXeT-^ /nvpov), priestly orders, mo- 
nastic dedication {fj-opaxt-Kyj reXetcJ- 
crts), and the ceremonies relating to 
the holy dead. Schrockh, xxni. 
127 — 129 ; XXVIII. 45. 

^° e.ff. as late as Rabanus Mau- 
rus {De Institut. Clericorum, lib, I. 
c. 24), and Paschasius Radbert {De 
Corpore et Sang. Domini, c, 3), and 
Berengarius {De Ccena Domini, p. 
153), the 'sacramenta' are restricted 
in this manner: and when Alex- 



State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 


Limitation of 
t/ie sacraments 
to seven. 

Mode of 



could claim to be admitted to the rank of ' sacraments ' 
were found to coincide exactly with the sacred number 
seven \ The earliest trace of this scholastic limitation has 
been pointed out in a discourse of Otho the apostle of 
the Pomeranians" (1124); and from tTie age of Peter 
Lombard^, Bonaventura, and Aquinas, members of the 
Western Church were taught to pay a large, if not an 
equal, share of reverence unto all the ' sacraments of the 
new law,' — Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Peni- 
tence, Extreme Unction, Orders, and Matrimony. A dis- 
tinction was, however, drawn among them in respect of 
dignity, specific virtues, and importance*. Preachers also 
were not wanting to insist upon the need of faith and 
other preconditions in all those, excepting infants^, who 
were made partakers of the sacraments. Still it is plain 
that the prevailing tendency of this and former ages, as 
distinguished from the period since the Eeformation, was 
to view a sacred rite far too exclusively in its objective 

ander of Hales {Summa, Pt. iv. 
Quaest. viii. Art. 2) accepted the 
scholastic terminology he was con- 
strained to allow that only two 
sacraments (baptism and the eu- 
charist) were instituted by the Lord 
Himself 'secundum suam formam.' 
The same appears to be the view of 
Hugo de St Victor, in bis work On 
the Sacraments (above, p. 282, n, 7). 
^ See the varying theories on 
this point in Klee (as above), § 10, 
to which may be added the ser- 
mons of the Franciscan Berthold 
(as above, p. 322, n. 3), pp. 439 sq. 

2 Above, p. 224 : cf. Schrockh, 
XXV. 227. 

3 Sentent., lib. iv. Dist. I. sq., 
which practically settled the dis- 
cussion in the Western Church. 
The sects, however, still continued 
to protest against the elevation of a 
class of ordinances for which there 
was no express warrant in the 
Bible (e. g. the Waldenses, above, 

p. 316, n. 2). 

^ Klee, as above, § n. 

^ See the remarkable passage in 
Peter Lombard, Sentent. lib. iv.,Dist. 
4, on the benefits of baptism in the 
case of infants. His language im- 
plies that the precise amount of 
spiritual blessing was disputed, and 
that some, who thought original 
sin to be remitted in the case of 
every child, contended that the 
grace imparted then was given ' in 
munere non in usu, ut cum ad 
majorera venerint [i. e. cuncti par- 
vuli] setatem, ex munere sortiantur 
usum, nisi per liberum ai-bitrium 
usum muneris extinguant peccando, 
et ita ex culpa eorum est, non ex 
defectu gratiae, quod mali fiunt.' 
Aquinas discusses the same point, 
'utruni pueri in baptismo conse- 
quantur gratiam et virtutes.' (Sum- 
via, Pt. III., Qusest. LXix,, Art. vi.), 
determining it, for the most p&rt, 
in the language of Augustine. 

— 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 



character^ {{,e. without regard to the susceptiUUty of those 
to whom it was applied). 

These feelings were in no case carried out so far as DefinUe 
in relation to the Eucharist. The doctrine which affirmed fu-amT^ 
a physical ' transubstantiation' of the elements had, on the * "" *^ ""'' 
overthrow of Berengarius^, gained complete possession of 
the leading teachers of the West I Discussions^, it is true, 
were agitated still among the Schoolmen as to the exact 
intention of the phrase 'to transubstantiate;' but the em- 
phatic sentence of the council held at the Lateran^*^ (1215), 
designed especially to counteract the spreading tenets of 
the Albigenses and some other sects i^, admitted of no 
casuistical evasion. 

One effect of a belief in transubstantiation was to discon- commnmnin 

one kina only. 

tinue the original practice of administering the Eucharist 

^ The phrase ' ex opere operate ' 
was now introduced to represent 
this mode of viewing sacraments ; 
e. g. Duns Scotus (Sent. lib. iv. 
Dist. I,, Quasst. 6, § lo) affirms, 
' Sacramentum ex virtute operis ope- 
rati confert gratiam, ita quod non 
requiritur ibi bonus motus anterior 
qui mereatur gratiam ; sed sufficit, 
quod suscipiens non ponat obicem.' 
Aquinas, on the other hand (Summa, 
Pt. III., Qusest. LXll.) maintains that 
the sacrament is no more than the 
' instrumentalis causa gratiee,' while 
the true agent is God : * Deus sacra- 
mentis adhibitis in anima gratiam 
operatur:' ... 'Nihil potest causare 
gratiam, nisi Deus.' Elsewhere, 
however (Pt. ill. Qusest. LXXX. Art. 
12), he argues that the 'perfection' 
of the Eucharist is not to be sought 
' in usu fidelium, sed in consecra- 
tione materiae.' 

7 See above, p. 186. 

8 Gieseler (§ 77, n. 5) has pointed 
out an instance where the term 
* transubstantiatio' occurs as early 
as Damiani in his Expositio Canonis 
Missce, in Maii Script. Vet. Collect. 

VI., pt. 11. C215, Rom. 1825). Other 
instances belonging to the twelfth 
century have been collected in Bp. 
Cosin's Hist. Transuhstant. c. 7, new 
edit., which is an important au- 
thority on the whole question. 

^ See Klee, as above, § 25. One 
of the most independent writers on 
the subject was the Dominican, 
John of Paris, (circ. 1300) whose 
Detertninatio de modo existendl Cor- 
poris Christi in Sacramento altaris 
alio quam sit ille, quern tenet Ecclesia 
was edited by Allix, Lond. 1686 : 
of. Neander, Vll. 473. 

1*^ 'In qua [i.e. Ecclesia] idem 
Ipse Sacerdos est et Sacrificium 
Jesus Christus, cujus corpus et san- 
guis in Sacramento altaris sub spe- 
ciebus panis et vini veraciter con- 
tinentur, transubstantiatis pane in 
corpus et vino in sanguinem potes- 
tate divina', etc. c. i. On the con- 
temporary doctrine of the Eastern 
Church, see above, p. 103, n. 8 ; 
Schrockh, xxviil. 72, 73 ; Hagen- 
bach, § 197. 

" Cf. Palmer's Treatise on the 
Churchy part iv. ch. xi. § 2. 

326 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 

coRRup- in iDotli kinds 1; the reason beinff that our Blessed Lord 
ABUSES, existed so entn-elj and so mdivisibly m either element that 
all who were partakers of the consecrated host received 
therein His Body and His Blood^. This novel theory 
was called the doctrine of 'concomitance:' but notwith- 
standing all the specious logic which the schoolmen urged 
in its behalf, it was not generally accepted till the close 
of the thirteenth century. 
Adoration of Anothcf conscqucnce that flowed immediately from the 

scholastic dogmas on the Lord's Supper was the adoration 
of the host. It had been usual long before to elevate^ 
the holy sacrament with the idea of teaching by a symbol 
the triumphant exaltation of the Lord. A different mean- 
ing was, however, naturally imparted to the rite^, where 
men believed that Christ was truly veiled beneath the 
sacramental emblems. These in turn became an object 
of the highest worship, which was paid to them not only 
in the celebration of the mass, but also when the host 

1 Cf. above, p.^ 213, n. 8. homo: and then fall down with this 

2 Anselm {Epist. lib. iv. ep. 107) greeting, Ave pi'incipium nostrce ere- 
was the first who argued *in utra- ationis, etc.'' p. 32. 

que specie totum Christum sumi.' ^ The first recorded instance of 

Others, quoted at length by Gieseler * adoration' in Germany (i. e. of 

(§ 77, n. II, 12), followed his ex- kneeling down before the host as 

ample ; though the cup did not begin an object of worship) is said to 

to be actually ivithdraicn from the have occurred in the thirteenth 

communicants till somewhat later. century (circ. 12 15). See Csesarius 

The steps by which the change of Heisterbach, De Miraculis, etc., 

was finally accomplished have been Bialogi, lib. ix. c. 51 (quoted by 

traced at length in Spittler (as Neander, vii. 474). In the Becret. 

above, p. 213, n. 8). Gregor. IX., lib. ill. tit. XLI. c. 10 

'^ Schrockh, xxviii. 74 : Klee, {Corpus Juris Canon.), we find the 

part II. ch. vi. § 32 : L'Arroque, following order of Honor) us III. 

Hist, of the Eucharist, ^2ivti. ch. \x. (circ. 1217): 'Sacerdos vero qui- 

We may gather the prevailing modes libet frequenter doceat plebem suam, 

of thought froni the 'Ancren Riwle,' ut, cumin celebratione missarum 

written early in the 13th century elevatur hostia salutaris, quilibet 

(edited with translation by Morton ; se reverenter incliuet, idem faciens 

Camd. Soc. 1853): 'In the mass, cum earn defert presbyter ad in- 

when the priest elevates God's body, firmum,' The Order of St Clara 

say these verses standing, Ecce salus (above, p. -249, n. 8) devoted them- 

vnindi, verhum Patris, hostia vera, selves especially to the adoration of 

Viva, deitas Integra, verus the sacrament. Capefigue, 11. 21. 

— 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety, 


was carried in procession to the sick. The annual feast corkcp- 
of Corpus Christi (on the Thursday after Trinity Sunday) ^ ab^uses.^ 
was the point in which these acts of worship cuhninated. Femtof 
It was authorized expressly in a bull of Urban IV.^ (1264), ''''^^^' '^^^•''''■ 
and confirmed afresh by Clement V, at the council of 
Vienne'^ (1311). 

Although we must acknowledge that the better class Pracwm^ mt.« 
of minds may have been stimulated in their pious medita- tmnsuMantia 
tions' by thus realizing the immediate presence of the 
Crucified, the general effect of a belief in transubstan- 
tiation, and the doctrines in connexion with it, was to 
thin the number of communicants^. The Eucharist was 
commonly esteemed an awful and mysterious sacrifice of 
which the celebrant alone was worthy to partake, at least 


5 Bullarlum Bomanum, i, 146 sq. 
Liigdun. 171 2. It seems to have 
existed somewhat earUer in the 
diocese of Lifege, or at least the in- 
stitution of it was suggested from 
that quarter. See Gest. Pontif.... 
Leodiens., ed. Chapeaville, ii. 293; 
Leodii, 1612. 

^ Clementin. lib. iii. tit. xvi. (in 
the Corpus Jiw. Canon.). 

"^ e. g. the treatise De Sacrament. 
Altaris, Pt. 11. c. 8 (wrongly as- 
cribed to Anselm of Canterbury and 
printed in the old editions of his 
Works) : ' Cum ergo, de carne sua, 
amandi Se tantam ingerit materiam, 
magnam et mirificam animabus nos- 
tris vitaB alimoniam ministrat, cum 
dulciter recoUigimus et in ventre 
memorias recondimus qusecunque pro 
nobis fecit et passus est Christus.' 
Ancren Rlwle, p. 35 (Morton's 
translation) : ' After the kiss of 
peace in the mass, when the priest 
consecrates, forget there all the 
world, and there be entirely out of 
the body ; there in glowing love 
embrace your beloved [Saviour] 
who is come down from heaven 
into your breast's bower, and hold 
him fast until he shaU have granted 
whatever you wish for.' Cf. Nean- 
der, VII. 467. 

^ The twenty-first canon of the 
council of Lateran (12 15) is evi- 
dence of this infrequency. It en- 
joins that all the faithful of either 
sex shall communicate at least once 
a year, viz. at Easter, on pain of 
excommunication ('nisi forte de con- 
silio proprii sacerdotis ob aliquara 
^ rationabilem causam ad tempus ab 
ejus perceptione duxerit abstinen- 
dum).' Schrockh (xxviii. iii sq.) 
has collected other evidence, shew- 
ing that in France and England 
attempts were made to induce the 
people to communicate three times a 
year. Worthless priests now began 
to enter into pecuniary contracts, 
binding themselves to offer masses 
(say for twenty or thirty years) in 
behalf of the dying and the dead. 
The better class of prelates did not 
fail, how^ever, to denounce the prac- 
tice. Ihicl. p. 113, and Neander, 
VII. 481. The practice of administer- 
ing the Eucharist to children was 
discontinued from this epoch, scarce- 
ly any trace of it appearing after 
the twelfth century. It was actually 
forbidden at the council of Bordeaux 
(Burdegalense), a. D. i2-;5, c. 5, but 
is still retained in the Eastern 

tfie Virgin. 

328 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a. d. 1073 

coRRUP- from day to day. His flock were present chiefly as 

nONS AND '' •' 

ABUSES, spectators oi the rite. 
wm-shipof A s-rave delusion which had shewn itself already in the 

worship of the blessed Virgin was continued to the present 
age^ It now pervaded almost every class of Christians, 
not excepting the more thoughtful Schoolmen^, and was 
one of the prime elements in giving birth to what are 
called the institutes of ' chivalry.^' The parallel indeed 
which was established at this time between the honours 
rendered to St Mary and to God himself* is a distressing 
proof that in the estimation even of her purest votaries she 
was exalted far above the human level and invested with 
prerogatives belonging only to her Son. A slight reaction 
may indeed have been occasioned through the partial failure 
of the efl'ort, noticed on a previous page^, when the Fran- 

^ Buckingham, p. 255 : 'In the peculiar veneration, short of supreme 

13th century the universal reverence worship, which was due to the Vir- 

of mankind found utterance in the gin as distinguished from all other 

establishment of that order, whose saints {Siimma, Secunda Secundse, 

founders chose the title of Servites, Qu£est. cm. Art. iv.). He affinns 

or Serfs of Mary, as the expression ^ elsewhere (Part ill. QuEest. xxv. 

of their joyful allegiance to ?ier Art. v.) 'quod matri Kegis non 

sovereignty.'' debetur requalis honor honori qui 

^ e.^r. Bonaventtira, above, p. 286. debetur Regi; debetur tamen ei 

^ See Miller's History Philoso- quidam Jionoj' consimilis ratione cu- 

phically Illustrated, II. 14- — 16. A jusdam excellenti^e.' 

glance at the Fabliaux (ed. Le ° Above, p. 290. The Feast of the 

Grand) will shew the awful way in Conception of the Virgin (Dec. 8), 

which the worship of the Virgin corresponding with that of her Na- 

was associated with an almost dia- tivity (Sept. 8: cf. above, p. 100, 

bolical licentiousness : see especially 11.4) was introduced in the 13th 

the Contes Dcvots, in tome v. century, but not made absolutely 

•* We see this feeling manifested binding (' cujus celebrationi non im- 
strongly in the Cia^sus B. Marice ponitur necessitas;' Synod of Ox- 
(Neander, vii. 117, note), and ia ford, a.d. 1223, c. 8: Mansi, xxii. 
the compilation of the Psalterium 1153)- See, on the general question, 
Minus, the Psalterium Majus B. Gra.YO\s, Be Ortu et Progressu Cidtus 
Virginis Marice, and of the Bihlia ac Fcsti Immac. Concep. Dei Gene- 
Mariana, which, {whoever m^y h^\e tricis, Luc. 1762. The council of 
been the authors) were circulated at Basle (Sess. xxxvi. ; Sept. 17, 1439) 
this period (cf. above, p. 286, n. 2 ; decreed that the doctrine of the Im- 
and Gieseler, § 78, n. 9, 10, 12). maculate Conception was a pious 
Aquinas first employed the term hy- opinion, agreeable to the worship of 
perdidia ( = ' medium inter latriam the Church, the catholic faith, and 

et duliam'), intending by it the right 


— 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety, 329 

ciscans attempted to exact belief in the immaculate con- corrup- 
ception of the Virgin as an article of faith : but it is obvious abuses. 
that the party siding with Anselm, Bernard, and Aquinas 
was outnumbered by the rest, and that the general current 
of religious feeling had now set the other way. 

The number of factitious saints, already vast®, was »s'aw( wm/iip. 
multiplied by the credulity of some and by the impious 
fraud of others, who on their return from Palestine were 
apt to circulate astounding tales among their countrymen, 
and furnish fresh supplies of relics to the convents on 
their way. These practices, however, were most warmly 
reprobated here and there^ 

The rage for pilgrimages had not been diminished, Pilgrimages. 
even after the idea of rescuing the Holy Sepulchre was 
generally abandoned^ on all sides. The less distant 
shrines were still frequented by a crowd of superstitious 
devotees, attracted thither, as of old, by an idea of light- 
ening the conscience at an easy cost. Nor was the sterner Exh-eme 

T •! n • 'nil 1- asceticism. 

and ascetic class of penitents extinct^: although it seems 

** Above, p. 210 : see the very ^ They frequently took refuge in 

large Catalorjus Sanctorum, compiled some one of tlie religious Orders, or 

by Peter de Natalibus ; fol. Lugdun. attached themselves to the third 

1 5 14. To this period belongs the class of the Franciscans (see above, 

famous legend of the 11,000 virgins p. 2^0). In the Eastern Church 

of Cologne (perhaps a mis -reading the self-immolation of the monks as- 

of XI M. Virgines = XI Martyres, sumed the most extravagant shapes. 

Virgines). The story was already See Eustathius, Ad Stylitani qucn- 

current among our forefathers in the dam, c. 48 sq. {Ojyp. ed. Tafel). 

14 th century: see a, Nor man- French The pilgrimages of Italian 'Flagel- 

Chronicle, c. liii. Cambr. Univ. lants' (1260 sq.) are manifestations 

MSS. Ee. I. 20. of the same spirit in the West (Mu- 

'' A fine specimen occurs in the ratori. Script. Rer. Ital. Viii. 712). 

treatise De Pignoribus Sanctorum The author of the Ancren Rlwle, 

of Guibert, abbot of Nogent-sous- who is generally very stern, was 

Coucy (d. 1 124): Oj>2:>. ed. JJ'Achery, under the necessity of giving such 

1651. injunctions as these to the nuns of 

^ Above, p. 272. The feelings of Tarente in Dorsetshire: 'Wear no 
the more intelligent pilgrims may iron, nor hair-cloth, nor hedgehog- 
be gathered from a tract of Peter skins ; and do not beat yourselves 
of Blois, Be Elerosolymitana Pere- therewith, nor with a scourge of 
grinatione accelcranda. See extracts leather thongs, nor leaded ; and do 
of the same general character in not with holly nor with briars cause 
Neander, vii. 425 — 427. yourselves to bleed without leave of 

330 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a. d. 1073 

coRRUP- that in the West the spirit of religion had upon the 
■ ABUSES, whole become more joyous than was noted in the former 

Scholastic The influence of the Schools had shewn itself again in 

Penance. giving a morc scientific shape to the conceptions which 
had long been current in the Western Church respecting 
penance. It is true that many popular abuses of an earlier 
date* were still too common both in England and the 
continent. They kept their ground in spite of all the 
efforts made by Gregory VII.^ and other prelates to enforce 
a worthier and more evangelic doctrine. Peter Lombard, 
with the Schoolmen generally, insisted on contrition of the 
heart as one of three^ essential elements in true repent- 
ance ; — the remaining parts, confession of the mouth and 
satisfaction, being signs or consequences of a moral change 
already wrought within. According to this view, humili- 
ation in the sight of God is proved by corresponding acts 
of self-renunciation, by confession to a priest (a usage ab- 
solutely enjoined on all of either sex at Lateran^, 1215), 

your confessor ; and do not, at one letter to the abbot of Clugny : lib. 

time, use too many flagellations:' p. VI. ep. 17. 

419 (Morton's translation), ^ The three-fold representation of 

1 See above, p. 116: and cf. penance, 'contritio (distinguished 
council of York (J195), c. 4; of from a#r/^/o) cordis,' 'confessio oris,' 
London (1237), c. 4: Wilkins, I. and 'satisfactio operis,' dates from 
501, 650; Johnson, 11. 76, 154. Hildebert of Tours, e.g. Sermo iv. 

2 His letter (1079) ^o the bishops in Quadragesima, Oj^i^. col. 324, It 
and faithful of Britanny (lib. vii. is also found in Peter Lombard {Sen- 
ep. 10: Mansi, xx. 295) is very tent. lib. iv., Dist. xvi.) and in the 
remarkable. He argues that true schoolmen generally. Peter Bles- 
repentance is nothing less than a ensis, De Confessione Sacramentali 
return to such a state of mind as to (p. 1086, ed. Migne) has the follow- 
feel one's self obliged hereafter to ing passage : ' Christus autem pur- 
the faithful performance of baptis- gationem peccatorum faciens, non 
mal obligations. Other forms of in judicio, sed in desiderio, non in 
penance, if this change of heart be ardore, sed in amore, tria nobis pur- 
wanting, are said to be sheer hypo- gatoria misericoi-diter assignavit, 
crisy. See also the Epistles of Ives cordis contritionem, oris confessio- 
of Chartres, epp, 47, 2-8; and the nem, carnis afflictionem,' etc. On 
1 6th canon of the synod of Melfi the names 'contrition' aod 'attri- 
(1089) : Mansi, xx. 724. The sober tion,' see Klee, part ii. ch. vi. § 11. 
views of Hildebrand respecting mo- ^ Pgter Lombard (as above, Dist. 
nasticism may be gathered from his xvii.) asserts the necessity of oral 

— 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 331 

and by performing, in obedience to his will, a cycle of corrdp- 
religious exercises (fastings, prayers, alms, and other abuses^^ 
kindred works). The aim of these austerities, as well as 
that of penance in all cases, was to expiate the ' poena,' or 
the temporal effect of sins which, it was argued, cleaves 
to the offender, and demands a rigorous satisfaction, even 
after the eternal consequences of them (or the 'culpa') 
are remitted freely by the pardoning grace of Christy 
As many as neglected to complete this satisfaction in the 
present life would find a debt remaining still to be dis- 
charged in purgatory, — apprehended by the Schoolmen 
as a place of discipline to which the spirits of the justified, 
and they alone, have access. 

Peter Lombard also dealt a heavy blow on those who AhsoiuUon. 
had exaggerated the effects of sacerdotal absolution ^ He 
maintained that any sentence of the priest was valid only 
in so far as it accorded with the higher sentence of the 
Lord. But in the many a distinction of this kind was 
far too often disregarded, and the errors into which they 

confession, ' si adsit facultas :' but ceternce, quae siraul cum culpa di- 

the first conciliar authority abso- mittitur ex vi clavium, ex passione 

lutely demanding it of every one, Christi efficaciam habentium, auge- 

' postquam ad annos discretionis tur gratia, et remittitur temporalis 

pervenerit,' is the Concil. Later. poena, cujus reatus adhue remanse- 

(1215), c. 11. See the arguments rat post culpse remission em : non 

of Aquinas in the Summa, part iii. tamen tota, sicut in baptismo, sed 

Quaest. Lxxxiv. sq. The practice pars ejus,' etc. 

of confessing to laymen was allowed ^ ' Hoc sane dicere ac sentire 

in extreme cases, but in the thir- possumus, quod solus Deus dimit- 

teenth century such acts were judged tit peccata et retinet : et tamen 

to be non-sacramental : see Gieseler, Ecclesise contulit potestatem li- 

III. § 83, n. 2 : Klee, as above, § 19. gandi et solvendi. Sed aliter Ipse 

On the violent controversy which solvit vel ligat, aliter Ecclesia. 

sprang up at this period in the Ja- Ipse enim per se tantum dimittit 

cobite communion respecting the peccatum, quia et animam mnndat 

necessity of auricular confession, see ab interiori macula, et a debito 

Neale, Eastern Church, 11. 261 sq. jeternse mortis solvit. Non autera 

^ e.g. Aquinas, {Summa, Pt. iir. hoc sacerdotibus concessit, quihus 

Supplement. Qusest. xviii. Art. 2) : tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi et 

*Illi, qui per contritionem conse- ligandi, i.e. ostendendi homines li- 

quutus est remissionem peccatorum, gatos vel solutos. Sentent. lib. iv. 

quantum ad culpam, et per conse- Dist. xviii. This view was, how- 

quens quantum ad reatum poence ever, far from general : cf. Klee, § 8. 


State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 



fell would find abundant countenance in some proceedings 
of the Church itself. Indulgences, for instance, purporting 
to lessen the amount of satisfaction, or, in other words, to 
act as substitutes for penitential exercises^ were now issued 
by the popes, in favour of all Western Christendom, when 
it was necessary to stir up the zeal of the Crusaders, or 
advance the interest of the Roman see. The earliest grant 
of 'plenary' indulgences is due to Urban 11.^ (1095). It 
was discovered also that a treasury of merits^, rising chiefly 
out of Christ's, but partly out of those which others, by 
His grace, had been enabled to contribute, were now placed 
at the disposal of the popes, who could allot them to the 
needy members of the Church as an equivalent for un- 
completed penance. A gigantic illustration of these prin- 
ciples recurred in 1300, which Boniface VIII. appointed 
Year ofjuhiiee. as the year of Jubilee*. A plenary indulgence was thereby 

Treasury of 

^ See above, p. -216. 

2 Council of Clermont, c. 2 : * Qui- 
cunque pro sola devotione Don pro 
honoris vel pecuniae adeptione, ad 
liberandam Ecclesiam Dei Jerusalem 
profectus fuerit, iter illud pro omni 
pcenitentia [ei] reputetur :' Mansi, XX. 
816 : of. Gibbon, ed. Milman, V. 
413 sq. The fearful relaxation of 
morals in the great bulk of the Cru- 
saders furnishes an instructive com- 
ment on this practice. See Aventi- 
nus, Annal. Boiorum, hb. vii, c. 3, 
edit. Gundling. Innocent III, him- 
self (1215), in Decretal. Greg. IX., 
lib. V. tit. XXXVIII. c. 14, was obliged 
to limit the extension and number 
of indulgences, and Innocent IV. 
(1246), in Mansi, xxiii. 600, con- 
fesses that some of the Crusaders 
' cum deberent ab excessibus ab&ti- 
nere, propjter libertatem els indulfam, 
furta, homicidia, raptus mulierum, 
et alia perpetrant detestanda.' The 
inability of the populace to enter 
into the scholastic distinctions on 
this point is singularly illustrated 
by the language of William of 

Auxerre, who viewed the teaching 
of the Church as a kind of 'pious 
fraud.' Neander, Vii. 486. 

^ 'Thesaurus meritorum,' or 
* Thesaurus supererogationis per- 
fectorum.' The first advocates of 
this notion were Alexander of Hales 
and Albert the Great (see extracts 
in Gieseler, § 84, n. 15 — 18). With 
regard to souls in purgatory it was 
contended that indulgences do not 
apply auctoritative but impetrative, 
i.e. not directly, but in virtue of 
the suffrages which are made in 
their behalf by the living. The 
question is discussed at length by 
Aquinas {Summa, Pt. ill. Supple- 
ment. Qusest. LXXI. Art. 10). 

^ See the Bull in the Extrava- 
gantes Communes {Corp. Jur. Canon.), 
lib. V. tit. IX. c. I. The pope 
grants to all who are penitent, or 
shall become so, *in prsesenti et 
quolibet centesimo secuturo annis, 
non solum plenam, sed largiorem, 
imo plenissimam omnium suorum 
veniam peccatorum.' 

— 1305] ' State of Intelligence and Piety. 333 

held out to every Christian, who, for certain days, should corrup- 
punctually worship at the tombs of St Peter and St Paul, abusks. 
The news of this festivity were spread on every side, 
attracting a tumultuary host of pilgrims^, male and female, 
who set out for the metropolis of Western Christendom, 
in search of what they hoped might prove itself a general 
amnesty, at least for all the temporal effects of sin, both 
present and to come. 

In that and other like events we see the characteristic contradict lom 

, , in the peueral 

features of the age. It was an age of feverish excite- ^"pecto/nie 
ment, where the passions and imagination acted far 
more strongly than the reason, and accordingly it teemed 
throughout with moral paradoxes. Elements of darkness 
and of light, of genuine piety and abject superstition, of 
extreme decorum and unblushing profligacy, of self-sacrifice 
approaching almost to the apostolic model and of callous- 
ness that bordered on brutality, are found not only in 
immediate juxtaposition, but are often, as it seems, amal- 
gamated and allied. Tlie courtly knight devoted to the 
special honour of the Virgin, but most openly unchaste, 
the grasping friar, the Inquisitor consigning to the faggot 
men whom he had just been labouring to convert, the 
gay recluse, the pleasure-hunting pilgrim, the Crusader 
bending on the blood-stained threshold of the Sepulchre 
and then disgracing by flagitious deeds the holy sign he 
had emblazoned on his armour, — these are specimens of 
the deplorable confusion to be traced in all the ruling 
modes of thought. 

But on the other hand we should remember that anom- 
alies which differ only in degree present themselves in 
every age of Christianity, nay, more or less, in every 
human heart ; and that in spite of very much to sadden 
and perplex us in our study of the Middle Age, there 

5 Capefigue, II. I4'2 sq. 

334 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. 1073— -1305] 

coRRUP- is enough in men like Anselm, Bernard, Louis IX. of 

ABUSES. France, Aquinas, Grosseteste, and if we include the gentler 

sex, Elizabeth of Hessia, Hedwidge of Poland, and a host 

of others, to attest the permanence of Christian truth and 

real saintliness of life. 

Jfrartlj |eno)) of t|e llibMe |gcs. 



( 336 ) [a. D. 1305 



MISSIONS. The Gospel of our Blessed Lord was now ' in truth or 
in pretence' accepted bj the vast majority of European 
tribes, although in much of the Iberian peninsula, in 
Eussia\ and the modern Turkey^, its ascendancy was 
broken or disputed by the adversaries of the Cross. 

of the Gospel 
into Lithua- 


Almost the only district of importance which remained 
entirely in the shade of paganism was the grand-duchy of 
Lithuania^, peopled by a branch of the Sarmatian family^, 
in close relation to the Slaves\ As early as 1252 we read*^ 
that Mindove, the son of a Lithuanic chief, embraced the 
Christian faith, and Vitus, a Dominican, appears to have 

1 The Mongols were not expelled also Christianity was well-nigh sub- 
till 1462 ; see above, p. 131. verted in 1369 (above, p. 235, n, 8), 

2 Constantinople itself fell into and the subsequent irruptions (1370 
the hands of the Muhanimedans, — 1400) of Timur (or Tamerlane), 
May 29, 1453 ; the last refuge of an ardent patron of the Persian 
the Christians being the church of (anti-Turkish) sect of the Muham- 
bt Sophia, which was afterwards medans, while they proved instru- 
converted into a mosque. Gibbon, mental in curtailing the Ottoman 
VI. 31^2 sq., ed. Milman. power, were no less fatal to the pro- 

3 Hither had fled a remnant of pagation of the Gospel. See Gibbon, 
the Prussians, who still clung to VI. 178 sq., ed. Milman. 
heathenism : above, p. -232, n. 4. ^ Dr Latham's Ethnology of Eu- 

^ Numbers of their kinsmen in rope, pp. 154 sq., Lond. 1852. 

the East, instead of realizing the ^ DoUinger, ill. 285, 286: but 

hopes of Catholic and Ne&torian cf. Schrockh, xxx. 496. Russian 

missionaries (cf. above, p. 234), influences had also been exerted 

shewed a stronger leaning to Mu- on the other side and in a milder 

bammedanism. See Mosheim, Hist. spirit. Mouraviev, p. 42. 
Tartar. £ccl., pp. 90 sq. In China 

—1520] Growth of the Church. 337 

gone thither, at the bidding of pope Innocent IV., as missions. 
missionary bishop : but ere long the influence he exerted 
was reversed, and scarcely aught is heard of Christianity 
in Lithuania until 1386. In that year Jagal, or Jagello', 
the grand-duke, whose predatory inroads had been long 
the terror of his Polish neighbours, entered into an alii- thromh a 
ance with them, on condition that he should espouse their channel. 
youthful monarch, Hedwige, and should plant the Church 
in every part of his dominions. Jagal was baptized at 
Cracow^ (1386), by the name of Vladislav, and in con- 
junction with Bodzanta®, the archbishop of Gnesen, and 
a staff of Polish missionaries headed by Vasillo, a Fran- 
ciscan monk, he soon extinguished the more public and 
revolting rites of paganism. But, strange to say, the 
work of the evangelist was mainly undertaken by the 
duke himself ^°, the missionaries having little or no know- 
ledge of the native dialects. The change produced was, 
therefore, nearly always superficial", though, as time went 
on, the immediate neighbourhood of Wilna^^, where the 

7 The chief original authority on Polonia adducto novas vestes, tuni- 

the conversion of Lithuania is the cas, et indumenta :' p. no. Thebap- 

Historia Polonice of John Dlugoss tisms were performed by sprinkling 

(a canon of Cracow, who died 1480), a large mass of the people at once, 

ed. Lips. 171 1, lib. x. pp. 96 sq. to all of whom was given the same 

^ Some of his retinue who had christian name, e.g. Paul or Peter. 
been formerly baptized according ^^ In the middle of the fifteenth 

to Greek rites could not be induced century, serpent-worship was still 

* ad iterandum, vel, ut significatiori dominant in many districts (see 

verbo utar, ad supplendum bap- ^neas Sylvius, De Statu Europce-, 

tisraa.' Ibid. p. 104. c. 26, pp. 275 sq., Helmstad. 1699) : 

^ Wiltsch, II. ■261. and traces of heathenism are re- 

1*^ The following entry of the corded even in the sixteenth cen- 

Polish chronicler is in many ways tury (see Lucas David, Preuss. 

instructive : ' Per dies autem ali- Chronik. ed. Henning, vii. 205). 
quot de articulis fidei, quos credere ^^ The see was founded in 1387, 

oportet, et Oratione Dominica at- in which year, according to a 

que symbolo per sacerdotes Polo- chronicler (quoted by Eaynaldus, 

norum, magis tamen per Wladislai ad an. § 15), Lithuania passed over 

regis [ ■? operam], qui linguam gen- ' ad ecclesise Romanae obedientiam, 

tis noverat et cui facilius assentie- optimi principis auctoritate inducta,' 

bat, edocta, sacri baptismatis unda The bishop was placed in immediate 

renata est, largiente Wladislao rege subjection to the papal see, without 

singulis ex popularium numero post a metropolitan, 
susceptum baptisma de panno ex 

M. A. ^i^r 

338 Growth of the Church, [A. D. 1305 

MISSIONS, bishops lived, was gradually pervaded by a knowledge of 

the truth. 

Conversion of 
tJie Samaites : 

and Lapps. 


The arms of the Teutonic knights^ had forced a way 
into the region occupied by the tribe of Samaites (Samo- 
gitae), which are probably to be connected with the savage 
and half-christian race of Samoeids^, at present bordering 
on the Arctic circle. The slight impression thus produced 
was afterwards extended (1413) by the labours of a Lithua- 
nian priest named Withold^. He was consecrated bishop 
of Wornie or Miedniki* (? 1417), but numbers of his flock 
appear to have immediately relaj)sed. The date of their 
final conversion is unknown. 

The Lapps, a kindred tribe^ inhabiting the northern- 
most extremity of Scandinavia, had submitted to the 
thriving state of Sweden in 1279. From thence pro- 
ceeded Christian missions, more particularly in the time 
of Hemming^, primate of Upsala (1335), who founded the 
first church at Tornea, and baptized a multitude of people. 
It was not, however, till the sixteenth and two following 
centuries' that Christianity became the popular religion. 


of the 

These were members of a Turkish family ^ who entered 
Europe at the close of the eleventh century upon the track 
of the Magyars. They settled more especially in Volhynia 

1 Above, p. 23-2. 

2 Schrockh denies this (XXX. 
498), but assigns no reason. On 
the other hand it is indisputable 
that the Samoeids (a section of the 
Ugrian race) had formerly dwelt in 
more southern latitudes : cf. La- 
tham , Ethnology of Europe, pp. 1 66 sq. 

3 Dlugoss, as above, lib. xi. pp. 
342 sq. 

^ A bishopric had been planted 
here in 1387 (see Raynaldus, as 

above, p. 337, n. 12), but owing to 
the troubles of the period, was not 
actually filled until 1417: cf. WUtsch, 
II. 162. 

^ Latham, as above, p. 147. 

^ See Scheffer's Lapponia, c. 8, 
pp. 63 sq., Francof. 1673. 

^ Guerike, Kirchengesch. II. 355, 
356, Halle, 1843. On the earlier 
labours of Russian monks, see 
Mouraviev, pp. 70, 97. 

^ Latham, as above, p. 247. 

—1520] Growth of the Church, 339 

and Moldavia, where, unlike a number of their kinsmen missions. 
who became Muhammedans, they clung to a degraded form ' " 

of paganism^. In 1340 some Franciscan missionaries, who 
had been established in the town of Szeret (in Bukhovinia), 
were assassinated by the natives. To avenge this barbarous 
wrong an army^*' of Hungarian crusaders marched into the 
district and compelled a large proportion of the heathen to 
adopt the Christian faith and recognize the Koman pontiff". 
But as all Moldavia was ere long subdued by the Walla- 
chians, the new ' converts' passed thereby into the juris- 
diction of the Eastern Church ^l 


The enterprising spirit of the Portuguese had opened inflmnceoj 
a new field for missionary zeal. Incited by the ardour ^^J^'; ^^^ 
of prince Henry ^^, they discovered the important island of 
Madeira in 1420. Other efforts were alike successful ; and 
in 1484 Bartolomb Diaz ventured round the southern point 
of Africa, which was significantly termed the ' Cape of 
Good Hope.' The ground-work of their Indian empire 
was established in 1508 by Alfonso Albuquerque. Mean- 
while the authors of these mighty projects had secured the 
countenance and warrant of the pope, on the condition that 
wherever they might plant a flag, they should be also 
zealous in promoting the extension of the Christian faith ". 

^ According to Spondanus, Art' ^^ Ihid. pp. 340, 349. 

ad an. 1220 {Contlnuatio, I. ^-^ See Mariana, Hist. General de 

p. 78), the archbishop of Gran had Espcnla, lib. xxv. c. ir (11. 166 sq., 

in that year baptized the king of the Madrid, 1678). 

Rumanians and some of his sub- ^'^ The first arrangement of this 

jects : but it does not appear that kind was made by Henry of Por- 

Christianity was generally adopted tugal with Eugenius IV. in 1443. 

till a later period: cf. Schrockh, Other instances are cited in Schrockh, 

XXX. 499, 500. XXX, 501, 502. Mariana (lib. xxvr. 

^^ See the native Chronicle, c. 46, c. 17) speaks as if it were a lead- 
in Schwandtner's Script, Her. Hun- ing object of the expeditions 'Llevar 
(jar. I. 195. la luz del Evangelio a lo postrero 

11 A Latin bishopric was placed del mundo, y ^ la India Oriental.* 

at Szeret in 1370 by Urban V.: Whenever missionary zeal was mani- 

Wiltsch, II. 500, 340. fested, it was chiefly turned against 



Growth of the Church, 

[a. D. 1305 


Apathy in 
regard to 

Conversion of 
the Canary 

on the coast 
of Guinea. 

This pledge, however, was but seldom kept in view 
throughout the present period; an immoderate lust of 
wealth and territorial grandeur strangling for the most 
part every better aspiration. The Canary Islands are 
indeed to be excepted from this class. A party of Fran- 
ciscans \ about 1476, attempted to convert the natives ; and 
a letter^ of pope Sixtus IV. attests their very general suc- 
cess, at least in four of the southern islands. The same 
missionaries penetrated as far as the ' western Ethiopians,' 
on the coast of Guinea^ And soon after, in 1484, when 
traffic had been opened with the Portuguese, the seeds of 
Christianity were scattered also to the south of Guinea, 
in Congo and Benin*. But on the subsequent discovery 
of a passage round the Cape, the speculations of the 
western merchants were diverted into other channels. 


Discovery of 

Columbus, while engaged in the service of Ferdinand 
and Isabella, landed on the isle of San Salvador in 1492 ; 
and five years later, a Venetian, Cabot or Gabotta, who 
had sailed from England, ranged along the actual coast 
of North America, and was indeed the first of the adven- 
turers who trod the soil of the new continent^ In 1499 
Brazil was also added to the empire of the Portuguese, 

antagonistic forms of Christianity. 
Thus in India, the Portuguese la- 
boured to repress the 'Syrian' Chris- 
tians (above, p. 30) on the coast of 
Malabar (see Geddes, Hist, of Church 
of Malabar, p. 4, Lond. 1694); and 
the same spirit dictated the first in- 
terference of the Portuguese in the 
Church of Abyssinia, extending over 
half a century (1490 sq) : Neale, 
East. Church, 11. 343 sq. 

1 Raynaldus, ad an. 1476, § 21. 

2 ' Percepimus quod jam Divina 
cooperante gratia ex septem ipsa- 
rum Canariae insulis liabitatores 

quatuor earundem insularum ad 
fid em conversi sunt : in aliis vero 
convertendis tribus non pauca sed 
magna expectatur populorum et gen- 
tium multitudo convert! ; nam qui 
Deum hactenus non noverunt, mode 
cupiunt catholicam fidem suscipere, 
ac sacri baptismatis unda renasci,' 
etc. Quoted in WUtsch, § 522, n. i. 

•^ Raynaldus, ad an. 1476, § 22. 

4 /6i(Z.adan. 1484, §82: Schrockh, 
XXX. 503. 

^ Cf. the interesting tradition no- 
ticed above, p. 1 19, n. 8. 

—1520] Growth of the Church, 341 

and afterwards, in 1520, Magalhaens achieved the circum- missions. 

navigation of the globe. Yet owing to the imbecility, 

the sloth, and moral blindness of the Church in Spain 

and Portugal, these conquests did not lead at first to 

any true enlargement of her borders. What was done 

ostensibly for ' the conversion of the Indians' tended rather Fanaticism 

to accelerate their ruin^. The fanatic temper of the conquerws: 

Spaniard, maddened as he was by recent conflicts with 

the infidel at home, betrayed him into policy on which 

we cannot dwell without a shudder. Multitudes who 

did not bend to his imperious will and instantly renounce 

the ancient superstitions, were most brutally massacred, 

while slavery became the bitter portion of the rest^ Their 

only friend for many years was an ecclesiastic, Bartolomb J^J^f-Sj^' 

de las Casas, who in sojourning among them (till 1516) 

drew a harrowing picture of the national and social wrongs 

he struggled to redress ^ Some measures had indeed been 

taken for disseminating Christian principles and lightening 

the yoke of the oppressed. The pope abeady urged this Attempts to 

point on making grants of territory^ to the crowns of Spain Indians. 

and Portugal. At his desire a band of missionaries^*', chiefly 

of the Mendicant orders, hastened to the scene of action ; 

^ The title of the contemporary niards to transport a multitude of 

work of Bartolome de las Casas, Negroes from the coast of Africa. 

an eyewitness, is pathetically true : Thus started the inhuman * slave- 

Relacion de la destruicion de las In- trade.' 

dias. See an account of him and ^ Above, n. 6. He finally re- 

his writings in Prescott's Conquest treated, almost in despair, to a con- 

of Mexico, I. 318 sq. Lond. 1850. vent at St Domingo. His dislike 

He declares that in forty years his of slavery was, however, shared by 

fellow-countrymen had massacred the Dominican missionaries, who 

twelve millions of the natives of appear as the * abolitionists ' of that 

America. age. 

'' The Tlascalans alone, at the re- ^ Alexander VI. affected to do 

commendation of Cortes, were ex- this (1493), * de nostra mera libe- 

empted from the system of repar- ralitate ac de apostolicae potestatis 

timientos (or compulsory service). plenitudine :' Raynaldus, ad an. 

Prescott, as above, ill. 218 : cf. ill. 1493, § 19: cf. Mariana, lib. xxvi. 

284. At first the bondage of the c. 3 (il. 184). In the same year he 

conquered was most abject, but the sent out missionaries to attempt the 

emperor Charles V. consented to its conversion of the natives, § 24. 
mitigation, and allowed the Spa- ^^ Prescott, iii. 218 (note). 

342 Growth of the Church, [a.d. 1305 

MISSIONS, and in many of the ordinances which prescribe the service 
of the Indians, it is stipulated that religious training shall 
be added. But these measures seldom took effect. In 
1520 only five bishoprics^ had been established, and the 
genuine converts were proportionately rare: although it 
should be stated that upon the final settlement of Mexico, 
the conqueror had begun to manifest a deep solicitude 
for the religious welfare of his charge^. 


A series of reactions dating from an earlier period had 

confined the Moorish influence to a corner in the south 

of Spain ; and when the royal city of Granada ultimately 

TheMoott bowed beneath the arms of Ferdinand and Isabella, in 

of Spain: 

1492, it was their ardent hope to christianize the whole 
Peninsula afresh. The foremost agent they employed was 
Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo (1495). His arguments, 
however, did not always satisfy the audiences to whom 
they were addressed^, and therefore he proceeded in the 
narrow spirit of the age, to which in other points he 
shewed himself remarkably superior*, to advise the appli- 
cation of coercive measures ^ justifying them on grounds 
of policy. The copies of the Koran were immediately 

^ Wiltsch, § 5-23, where a letter, Ximenes, i. 136 sq. Paris, 1694. On 

addressed to Leo X. by Peter Mar- the conquest of Granada, Ferdinand 

tyr (an ecclesiastic of the court of had positively pledged himself to 

Ferdinand), is quoted. tolerate the religion of the Moors. 

2 Prescott, III. 219. He begged Mariana, lib. xxv. c. i6 (ii. 176). 
the emperor to send out holy men, ^ He was, for instance, a great 
not pampered prelates, but mem- patron of learning, and contributed 
bers of religious orders whose lives much to the editing of the Poly- 
would be a fitting commentary on glott Bible which bears his name 
their doctrine. The result seems to (Fleury, hb. cxix. § 142), A sketch 
have been eminently successful in of his ecclesiastical reforms is given 
this case, almost every vestige of the in Prescott's Ferdinand and Isa- 
Aztec worship disappearing from iella, ii. 481 sq. 
the Spanish settlements in the course ^ On the different views that were 
of the next twenty years. taken of his conduct, see Schrockh, 

2 See Flechier, Hist, du Cardinal xxx. 518, 519. 

—1520] Growth of tlie Church, 343 

seized and burnt in public, while, to gratify the rage of missions. 
the fanatic populace, it was resolved at last, in 1501, <^,con„^- 
that every obstinate Muhammedan who did not quit the eJ^/^L.. 
country should henceforward be reduced to the position 
of a serf. As one might naturally expect, a part of the 
Moriscos now conformed^; but many others, who were true 
to their convictions, crossed the channel into Barbary^ 

The violence with which the Jews were handled by ^^*«<^"«o« «/ 
the other states of Europe^ was intensified in the Peninsula, 
where they had long existed as a thriving and compara- 
tively learned body^ The old story of their crucifying 
children on Good Friday, gained a general currency at 
the beginning of the present period ^°. Laws were framed 
accordingly for their repression, and a superstitious rabble, 
stimulated, in the south of Spain particularly, by in^dim- varticuiariy in 
matory preachers", vented their unchristian fury on the 
Jews, whom they despoiled of property and even life 
itself. More salutary influence was exerted here and there 
by magistrates or preachers of the better class ^^; and at the 

^ Mariana (lib. xxvii. c. 5) re- translated by Mr Kirwan, pp. 64, 

cords many instances, where thou- 65, Cambridge, 1851. At the same 

sands were baptized together. time all Jews were ordered to wear 

'^ Ihid. a red badge on their left shoulder, 

^ Schrockh (xxx. 551 sq.) has under heavy penalties.' 
pointed out a number of cruelties ^^ e.g. those preached at Seville 
committed on the Jews of Germany. I39i> by archdeacon Martinez {Ihid. 
One of the most inhuman persecu- pp. 87 sq.), the effect of which was 
tions, which he does not mention, that many of his audience rushed 
happened in 1349, when they were into the streets and mui-dered all 
charged with poisoning the wells and the Jews they met. He was re- 
causing an unusual mortality (see strained, however, by the king (John 
Pezii Scrijptor. Rer. Austr. I. 248). I.) : but in the very next reign four 

9 Their greatest theological lumi- thousand Jews were slain at once, 

nary at this time was Rabbi Isaac Ihid. p. 92. 

Abarbanel, a distinguished exege- ^^ The conversion (circ. 1390) of 

tical writer, born at Lisbon (1437). the learned Talmudist, Halorqi (after- 

His works on the Old Testament wards known as Jeronimo de Santa 

have been much used and valued F^) is traced to the discourses of an 

by Christian commentators. earnest preacher, Vincente Ferrer. 

1*^ Thus in Spain Alfonso X. Ihid. p. 95. Pablo (afterguards 

enacted a law providing for the bishop of Cartagena) was moved to 

punishment of such offenders. A. follow his example by reading Aqui- 

deCastrOj Hist, of the Jews in Spain, nas, De Legihas. Ihid. p. 106. 


Growth of the Church. 

[a.d. 1305 


to convert 

memorable disputation in Tortosa^ whicli lasted several 
months (1414), a party of the most accomplished Eabbis 
owned their inability to answer the opponents, and, with 
two exceptions, instantly passed over to the Church. But 
although the conversion of their champions had disarmed 
to some extent the prejudice of others, it does not appear 
that the Hebrews as a body had been drawn more closely 
to the Christian faith. The thunders of the Spanish In- 
quisition, which began its course in 1480, were continually 
levelled at the Jews^ and at a growing class of persons 
whom it taxed with judaizing. Prompted by the same 
distempered zeal, or captivated by a prospect of replenish- 
ing the public coffers, Ferdinand and Isabella gave them 
the alternative of baptism or expulsion ^ Many, as we 
noticed in regard to the Moriscos, would be nominally 
christianized in order to retain their property. A mul- 
titude of others fled for refuge chiefly into Portugal, but 
new calamities were thickening on their path. In 1493 
the king of Portugal (John II.) ordered'^ that the children 
of the Hebrews should be forcibly abstracted and baptized ; 
while such of the adults as were unwilling to be taught 
the truths of Christianity were in the following reign 
compelled to forfeit their possessions and to emigrate in 
quest of other homes. 

1 Ibid. pp. 96 — 100. The con- 
gress was held in the presence of the 
Spanish anti-pope Benedict XIII., 
who afterwards issued certain de- 
crees condemnatory of Jewish tenets, 
and among other things requiring 
that Jews should listen every year 
to three sermons preached with the 
design of promoting their conver- 
sion: Ihid. p. 104. A similar de- 
cree was passed at the council of 
Basle in the sixteenth session (Feb. 

5, 1434), where the necessity for 
founding Hebrew and other profes- 
sorships in the Universities was 
strongly insisted on. Cf. above, p. 
236, n. 4. 

^ Ihid. pp. 145 sq. 

3 Ibid. p. 164. Accounts diflfer 
as to the actual number of the ex- 
pelled. Mariana (lib. xxvi. c. i) 
thinks it might be as great as eight 
hundred thousand. 

* De Castro, as above, pp. 202 sq. 

—1520] ( 345 ) 



The numerous changes that were supervening at this the 
period on the constitution of the Western Church, in '- 

ternally regarded, had been so inextricably blended with 
ulterior questions touching its relation to the secular au- 
thority, that, in the narrow limits of a volume like the 
present, the two subjects will be most conveniently ap- 
proached and carried on together. 

Viewed by unobservant eyes, the form of government Grm-th of 
prevailing in the west of Christendom might often lookSw/^"" 
as autocratic as it was in the palmy days of Gregory VII. 
or Innocent III.; but on a closer survey we shall find 
that while political events as well as public opinion had 
been hitherto conspiring almost uniformly to exalt the 
papacy, they now were running more and more directly 
counter to its claims. The very impulses which it had 
given for civilizing all the influential states of Europe 
were now threatening to recoil and overwhelm itself. 
From the commencement of the present period till the 
former half of the fifteenth century the consciousness of 
civil and of intellectual independence had been roused 
alike in kings, in scholars, and in legislative bodies. 
The important middle-class, now starting up on every 
side, had also grown impatient of the foreign bondage; 
and although the surface of the Church was somewhat 


Constitution of the Church, [a. d. 1305 


Efect of the 
residence at 

smoother in tlie interval between the council of Basle 
(1443) and the appearance of Luther, it is obvious that 
a strong under-current of hostility to Eome had never 
ceased to work and rankle in men's bosoms. There was 
still indeed no well-defined intention to revive the theory 
of local churches, or to limit, in things purely spiritual, 
the jurisdiction of the E-oman see : but as one formidable 
class of its pretensions had intruded very far into the 
province of the civil power, the pontiffs daily ran the 
risk of weakening their sway in general by the arbitrary 
maintenance of some obnoxious point. The conflict, which 
at first is traceable in almost every case to the resent- 
ment of a crushed and outraged nationality, was easily 
extended to a different sphere of thought, till numbers 
of the more discerning spirits, keenly smarting under the 
injustice of the pope, had lost all real faith in his in- 

A heavy blow had been inflicted on the temporal su- 
premacy of Eome when Clement V. submitted to the 
king of France and fixed his chair within the juris- 
diction of a papal vassal, Eobert of Anjou, at Avignon. 
The seventy years' captivity^, as the Italians often called 
the papal sojourn in Provence, had tended much to 
weaken the prestige associated with the mother-city of 
the West. The pontiffs also, living as they now did far 
away from their estates, devised new engines of extor- 
tion^ for replenishing their empty coffers. By this venal 

^ e.(/. The following is the lan- 
guage of Marsilius of Padua, for- 
merly rector of the University of 
Paris : ' Sic igitur propter tempo - 
ralia contendendo non vere defen- 
ditur sponsa Christi. Earn etenim, 
quae vere Christi sponsa est, catho- 
licam fidem et fidelium multitu- 
dinem, non defendunt moderni Ro- 
manorum pontijices, sed offendunt, 
illiusque pulchritudinem, uuitatem 

videlicet, non servant, sed foedant, 
dum zizanias et schisraata seminando 
ipsius membra lacerant et ab in\dcem 
separant,' etc.; in Goldast, Monhr- 
chia Roman, ii. c8i, ed. Francof. 

^ 'L'empia Babilonia' is the 
phrase of Petrarch. 

^ e.g. the appropriation of rich 
benefices and bishoprics to the use 
of the pope or of his favourites, by 


Constitution of the Church, 


and rapacious policy the feelings of the Church were still the 

more deeply irritated and more lastingly estranged^. '- 

In spite of the obsequiousness of Clement V. in deal- 
ing with the crown of France, he shewed as often as he 
dared that he inherited the domineering temper of the 
papacy^ But his pretensions were eclipsed by those of 
John XXII.^ (1316), whose contest^ with the German conto< 6^- 

. ' . tweenJohn 

emperor, Louis of Bavaria, was a prolongation of the ^^^f^^;.^^^ 
mortal feud between the Ghibellines and Guelfs, to which ^^p^'"'^- 
allusion has been made above ^ In 1323 (Oct. 8) a papal 
missive^ called on Louis to revoke his proclamations, to 

what were known as ' reservations ' 
or * provisions.' Such benefices were 
held with others ' in commendam :' 
cf. above, p. 244, n. 4. The system 
in this form commenced under Cle- 
ment V. {Extravagantes Communes, 
lib. III. tit. ii. c. 2, in ' Corpus 
Juris Canon.'), and was fully de- 
veloped by his successor John 
XXII., who 'reserved' to himself 
all the bishoprics in Christendom 
(Baluze, Vit. Paparum Avenion., 
I. 722 ; Hallam, Middle Ages, c. vii. 
pt. ii. : vol. II. p. 234, loth ed.; 
where other instances are given). 
In England, where the papal man- 
dates for preferring a particular 
clerk had been disputed long before, 
the system of 'provisions' was most 
strenuously repelled: see Rot. Pari., 
3 Ric. II. § 37, and especially the 
famous statute of Provisors (1351), 
25 Edw. III., cap. 6. Other cases 
of resistance are cited in Twysden, 
Vindication of the Church, pp. 80, 
8r, Camb. ed. Annates, or first- 
fruits of ecclesiastical benefices, 
were also instituted by John XXII., 
who accumulated in this way a 
prodigious treasure (Hallam, Ihicl. 
Twysden, pp. 104 — 107). 

^ e.g. Giovanni Villani {Hist. 
Fiorent. lib. ix. c. 58) draws the 
following picture of John XXII. : 
'Questi fu huomo molto cupido di 
moneta e simoniaco, che ogni bene- 

ficio per moneta in sua corte si 
vendea, ' etc. 

^ This was exemplified in his 
laying Venice under the interdict 
(1309), and even forbidding all com- 
merce with it and empowering any 
one to seize the property or persons 
of its subjects. Eaynald. ad an. 
1309^ § 6. 

^ Owing to a violent dispute be- 
tween the French and Italian car- 
dinals, the papal throne was vacant 
two years and nearly four months 
after the death of Clement (13 14). 
It may here be noted that the last 
important contribution to the Canon 
Law (the Lihri Clementini) was 
made by this pope in 1313: cf. 
above, p. 242, n. 3. 

^ One of the best accounts of this 
important struggle will be found 
in Ohlenschlager, Staatsgesch. des 
rom. Kaiserthmns in der erst. Udlfte 
des i^ten Jahrhund. pp. 86 sq., 
Francof. 1755, 

^ p. 267. Dante was engaged in 
this controversy, taking the side of 
the Ghibellines. His book On Mo- 
narchy appeared in 1322. 

^ See the various Processes against 
the emperor in Martbne and Du- 
rand's Thesaur. Anecd. ii. 644 sq., 
and cf. Dollinger, IV. 106. The 
people, the jurists, and many of the 
clergy took the imperial side of the 

348 Constitution of the Church, [a. D. 1305 

THE- abstain from the administration of the empire, and pre- 


sent himself, within three months, a suppliant at Avig- 


non, if he wished his claims to be allowed. Meanwhile 
both laymen and ecclesiastics were commanded to with- 
hold allegiance from him. Goaded by indignities like this, 
the emperor put forth a counter-manifesto (Dec. 16, 1323), 
where he did not hesitate to call his adversary a pre- 
tender and a fautor of heretical pravity. He also stated 
his intention of appealing to a General CounciP. But his 
threats and protests were alike unheeded, and the sen- 
tence of excommunication was launched against him in 
the following spring (March 21). 
Champions of Amid the tumults which this controversy had pro- 

fne imperial •' ^ 

duced, the Church was further startled by the publica- 
tion of a treatise written by imperialists^ and levelled 
at the roots of papal, and indeed all other hierarchical, 
supremacy. The title of it is Defensor Pacts, As the 
natural effect of a recoil from Hildebrandine principles, 
it manifests a disposition to exaggerate the privileges of 
the laity in matters that affect the Church, contending 
even that the power of the keys was delegated to the 
priesthood by their flock or by the emperor himself, who 
might be viewed as the representative of alP. In many 

1 See above, p. 273. The docu- lated into English at the beginning 
ment in Ohlenschlager, as above, of the Reformation, and included 
Urkundenbuch, Tp.8^. Louis admits, in a list of 'prohibited books:' 
however, that the Almighty has Baker, Notes on Burnet, (Brit. Mag. 
placed two great lights in the fir- xxxvi. 395). 

maraent of the Church, 'pontifi- ^ e.g. Conclusio XVI., xviii., 

calem videlicet auctoritatem et im- xxiii., xxxvii. (These Conclusions, 

peratoriara majestatem, illud ut forty-one in number, are in the 

praeesset diei, spiritualia disponendo, third Part of the Treatise). The 

alteram ut praeesset nocti, temporalia following is another indication of 

judicando :' cf. above, p. 762, n. 2. the same tendency {Concl. xxxin,): 

2 The leading author was Mar- ' Generale concilium aut partiale 
silius of Padua, assisted by John sacerdotum et episcoporum ac re- 
of Janduno, a Franciscan : cf. Ne- liquorum fidelium per coactivam 
ander, IX. 35. The Defensor Pads potestatem congregare, ad fidelem 
is printed in Goldast's Monarch. legislatorem aut ejus auctoritate 
Roman. 11. 154 sq. It was trans- principantem in communitatibus fi- 


Constitution of the Church. 


points the authors of this work preserved a juster balance, the 
and may fairly take their stand with the precursors of — ^^^■- 
the Keformation*. It is plain that nearly all the anti- 
papal writings of the age are tinctured with the prin- 
ciples of the extreme Franciscans, or the ' Spirituales^,' 
who had long been halting in their loyalty to Kome. 
Another of that disaffected class is William of Occam, 
the English schoolman, who had found a shelter at the 
court of Louis of Bavaria, and contended with a bold- 
ness hitherto unequalled for the dignity and independence 
of the empire^ He questioned the infallibility of the 
pope in judging even of doctrinal matters, and, unlike 
the great majority who shared his feelings on this head, 
he was unwilling to accept a General Council as the court 
of ultimate appeal. 

The cause of John XXII. was defended, amon^: others ^ Defenders or 

^ ' the Papacy. 

delium tantummodo pertinere, nee 
in aliter congregato determinata vim 
aut robur habere.' The Defensor 
Pads also advocates the theory 
that priests and bishops were ori- 
ginally equal, and derives the pri- 
macy of Rome itself from a grant 
of Constantine (' qui quandam prae- 
eminentiam et potestatem tribuit 
episcopis et ecclesiae Romanae super 
caeteras mundi ecclesias sen presby- 
teros omnes'). As above, ii. 243. 

^ Thus they plainly state, 'quod 
nuUam scripturam irrevocabiliter 
veram credere vel fateri tenemur 
de necessitate salutis ceternce, nisi eas 
quae canonic^ appellantur' {Ibid. 
p. 254) ; reserving, however, the 
first place in the interpretation of 
Scripture to general councils ('et 
ideo pie tenendum, determinationes 
conciiiorum generaUum in sensibus 
scripturce dubiis a Spiritu Sancto 
suae veritatis origin em sumere,* 

5 See above, p. 250. It was 
members of this school, headed by 
Ubertinus de Casali, who stigma- 

tized the pope as a heretic for 
maintaining that our Lord and the 
Apostles 'in speciali non habuisse 
aliqua, nee in communi etiam.' See 
also the Defensorium Wil. Occami 
contra Johan. 'papain XXII., in 
Brown's Fascic. 11. 439 — 465. 

''His Disputatio de Potestaie Ec- 
clesice et Sceculi and other kindred 
works are printed in Goldast, as 
above, ii. 314 sq. His anti-popery 
is almost as hot as Luther's {e.g. 
p, 390) : cf. Turner, Hist, of Eng- 
land, Middle Ages, iii. 98. 

'' The principal was a Franciscan 
of the milder school named Alvarus 
Pelagius, who composed his De 
Planctu Ecclesice about 1330 (ed. 
Venet. 1560). He maintains 'quod 
jurisdictionem habet universalem in 
totomundo Papa nedum in spiritual- 
ibus, sed temporalibus, licet execu- 
tionem gladii temporalis et jurisdic- 
tionem per filium suum legitimum 
imperatorem, cum fuerit, tanquam 
per advocatum et defensorem Eccle- 
siae, et per alios reges .... debeat ex- 
ercere:' lib. I. c. 13. 


Constitution of the Church, [a. d. 1305 


The papal 



Atfempfx at 

by an Augustinian hermit of Ancona, Agustino Triomfi 
■ (Triumplius) , who, in pushing ultra-montane principles to 
their legitimate results, asserted that the pope alone could 
nominate an emperor, and therefore that the college of 
electors acted only at his beck or through his delegation^ 
But the hour was past when writers of this stamp could 
sway the general mind of Europe. Appealing to a 
future counciP, Louis braved the excommunication, and 
at last the interdict^, of his opponent (1324). He con- 
fided in the loyalty of his dependents \ and especially in 
the Franciscan order, one of whom he thrust into the 
place of John XXII. with the title Nicholas V. These 
friars never ceased to tax the pontiff as a heretic, alleg- 
ing, in addition to an older charge respecting his con- 
tempt of ' evangelical poverty,' that he had absolutely 
erred while preaching on the beatific vision of the saints^. 

The next pontiff, Benedict XII.® (1334), appears to 
have been anxious to reform his court, and even can- 

^ See the Summa de Potestate Ec- 
clesiastica (ed. Rom., isS'z), Quaest. 
XXXV. Art. I. sq. The papal claims 
were seldom more offensively stated 
than in the following passage: 'Pla- 
num est autem, quod papa est omnis 
juris interpres et ordinator, tamquam 
architector in tota ecclesiastica hier- 
archia, vice Christi; unde quolibet 
jure potest, cum subest causa ration- 
abilis, decimas laicorum, no^n solum 
subditorum, verum etiam regum, 
principum et dominorum recipere et 
concedere pro ecclesiae utilitate, ac 
eos, si noluerint dare, compellere.'' 
Quasst. Lxxm. Art. iii. 

2 His formal appeal is given in 
Baluze, Vit. Papar. Avenion. ii. 478. 

^ In Martene and Durand., as 
above, ii. 660. 

4 We learn from the comtempo- 
rary Chronlcon of Johann von Win- 
terthur (or Vitoduranus), that such 
of the clergy as observed the inter- 
dict were roughly handled by the 

people : see Thesaurus Hist. Helve- 
iicce (Tiguri, 1735), i. 49. 

5 According to the Continuator 
of the Chronicon of William de 
Nangis (D'Achery, III. 95), he had 
stated in a sermon (1331), 'quod 
animae decedentium in gratia non 
videant Deum per essentiam, nee 
sint perfecte beatse, nisi post re- 
sumptionem corporis :' of. Dollinger, 
IV, III (note). The practical deduc- 
tion from his view is thus stated 
by Giovanni Villani, lib. x. c. 230 : 
* Dicendo laicamente, come fedel 
Christiano, che in vano si prer/Jiereb- 
bono i santi, h harebbesi speranza di 
salute per Ii loro meriti, se nostra 
donna santa Maria... e h altri santi, 
non potessono vedere la Deitade in- 
fino al di del giudicio/ etc. 

^ Personally he was not a model 
for the clergy, being * comestor 
maximus et potator egregius,' and 
the origin of the proverb ' bilDamus 
papaliter:' see Neander, ix. 58. 

— 1520] Constitution of the Church, 351 

celled many grants of benefices which his predecessors the 
had made over to themselves^ He also wished to brina- ^'^^'^^^' 
about a reconciliation with Louis of Bavaria: but his 
efforts were resisted by the king of France, to whom he 
was in bondage ^ For this cause the interdict of John 
XXII. long continued to disturb the peace of Germarjy. 
In 1338 a meeting of electors^ held at Kense (on the 
banks of the Rhine) asserted the divine commission of 
the emperor, and laboured to emancipate him altogether 
from the trammels of the Eoman pontiffs, venturing even 
to withdraw from them the ancient privilege of confirm- 
ing his election. Clement VI. (1342) prolonged the con- ^/'PfJI^lf^.^ 
troversy, and on finding the imperialists determined to ^^'^ *^'"«i/i''«- 
maintain their ground, two other writs of excommunica- 
tion^*^, breathing curses hitherto unequalled in the mani- 
festoes of the pope, were circulated in all quarters where 
adherents could be gained (1341, 1346). When Louis 
died in 1347, the prospects of his house and party had 
been darkened by the elevation of a rival emperor, 
Charles of Moravia, who had pledged himself^^ to carry 
out the policy suggested by the king of France and by 
the conclave at Avignon. Many of the violent Fran- 
ciscans were now ready to conform, and even William 

"^ e.g. Baluze, Vif. Papar. Ave- ceeded his prerogative by trying to 

nion. I. 198. Albert of Strasburg dissolve the marriage of Margaret 

(Argentinensis), Chron. in Urstisii of Carinthia, and granting to his 

German. Histor. il. 125. son the dispensations necessary for 

^ Dollinger, IV. j 16, 117. contracting an alliance with her 

9 See the document in Ohlen- (1342). See Occam, Be Jurisdlc- 

schlager, as above, p. 188. This act ^^o^^« imperatoris in causis matrimo- 

was afterwards published (March, mahhus, m Goldast s Monarch. I. 

1339) as a constitution of the em- 2i» and the Chronicon of Vitodura- 

pire (Goldast, Constit. Imperial, ill. ^^f (as above, n. 4), p. 59. 

Ill), and vigorously defended by ^'^ In Eaynald. ad an. i343,§43: 

Leopold of Bebenburg, afterwards ad an. 1346, § 3. For the mter- 

bishop of Bamberg, and by William ^ening negociations with the pope, 

of Occam. The last-mentioned see docimients in Ohlenschliiger, pp. 

writer took the part of Louis in 226 sq. 

another question, where he far ex- ^^ Baynald. ad an. 1346, § 19. 


Constitution of the Church, [a. D. 1305 


Beturn of the 
Pope to liome, 

The papal 
schism of 
forty years. 

of Occam ultimately recognized, in words at least, the 
jurisdiction of the pope\ 

But much as this important victory might seem to 
benefit the cause of Clement and to prop his sinking for- 
tunes, they were damaged more and more by his rapacity, 
his nepotism, and the licentious splendour of his courts 
He was succeeded by Innocent VI. (1352), who in a reign 
of ten years did something^ to produce a healthier tone 
of morals and to allay the ever-formidable spirit of re- 
monstrance which was breaking out on every side, espe- 
cially in parliaments and other public bodies. Urban V. 
(1362) attempted, notwithstanding the resistance of one 
faction in the conclave, to replace the papal chair in Italy 
(1367), but unpropitious circumstances drove him back*; 
and that desire could not be finally accomplished till the 
next pontificate (1370), when Gregory XI., relying on the 
influence of a nun, the able Catharine of Siena ^ occupied 
the old metropolis (1376). His death, which followed in 
1378, gave rise to a dispute, which, next to the long 
residence at Avignon, was tending more than other agencies 
to shake the empire of the popes, and stimulate a reforma- 
tion of the Church ^ The present schism, imlike convul- 

1 Bollinger, iv. 123. 

2 See Albert of Strasburg (as 
above), p. 133, and Matteo Villani 
(who continued the Historie Fioren- 
tine of his brother, Giovanni Villani), 
lib. III. c. 43 : cf. Dollinger, iv. 

^ e.g. Baluze, Vit. Papar. Ave- 
nion. I. 357. Under his predecessor 
almost all the English benefices 
were reserved to the pope or other 
* aliens,' which provoked the famous 
statute of Provisors (1350). Inno- 
cent VI. did not repeat his claims ; 
and Urban V. issued a bull Contra 
Pluralitates inheneficlis (1365): Wil- 
kins. III. 62. 

* Raynald. ad an. 1370, § 19. 
Petrarch {Vie de Petrarque, by De 
Sade) was actively engaged in this 

dispute, contending for the claims 
of Rome as the metropolis of the 
popes, and eloquently denouncing 
the corruptions of Avignon, which 
he calls the third Babylon : see his 
Fpistolce sine titulo. A sketch of 
the rise and fall of Rienzi, and the 
civil revolutions of which Rome was 
now the theatre, will be found in 
Gibbon, ch. Lxx. 

^ Some of her works, including 
letters on this point, were printed 
at Paris, 1644 : see her Life in the 
Act. Sanct. April, ill. 956. Bridget 
(Brigitta) of Sweden, also canon- 
ized, was equally urgent in pro- 
moting the return of Gregory : see 
her Revelationes, lib. iv. c. 1 39 sq. ed. 
Antverp. 16 11. 

^ See Neander, ix. 67 sq. on the 


Constitution of the Church. 




sions of an earlier period^ lasted almost forty years (1378 
— 14] 7^), and therefore could not fail to give an impulse, 
hitherto unknown, in calling up the nationality of many 
a western state, in satisfying it that papal rule was not 
essential to its welfare, and in thereby adding strength 
to local jurisdictions. The dislike of ' aliens ' and of Roman 
intermeddling was embittered at the same time by the 
fresh exactions^ of the rival pontiffs, each of wliom was 
clearly anxious to maintain his dignity at any cost what- 

The origin of this important feud appears to be as iisorijin. 
follows ^^. When the cardinals, of whom the great ma- 

rise and important bearings of the 
papal schism. Henry of Hesse {al. 
Langenstein), in his Consilium Pa- 
ds, printed by Von der Hardt in 
the Concil. Constant, it. r sq., de- 
clares (1381) 'Hanc tribulationem a 
Deo non gratis permissam, sed in 
necessariavi opportunamque ecclesice 
reformationem finaliter converten- 
dam :' cf. Lenfant, Concih de Pise, 
lib. I. p. 51, Amsterd. 1724. 

7 See, for instance, p. 242, n. i, 2. 

^ In this year Benedict XIII. 
was deposed by the council of Con- 
stance, but he persisted in his claims 
until his death in 1424. 

9 See the treatise, written in 1401, 
De Fauna Ecclesice (al. De Corrupto 
Ecclesice Statu), attributed generally 
to Nicholas de Clemenges (Cleman- 
gis), and printed in Von der Hardt, 
Concil. Comtant. tom. I. pt. in., 
and in Brown, Fascic. ii. 555 sq. 
Neander (ix. 81 sq.) has reviewed 
this memorable work, together with 
a short treatise, De Studio Theolo- 
cjico, in D'Achery, I. 473 sq. The 
author traces the exile of the popes 
to their own ' fornicationes odibiles.' 
In speaking of his own time he 
writes: *Adeo se et ecclesiam uni- 
versalem eorum arbitrio subjecerunt 
atque dediderunt, nt vix alitjuara 
parvulam praebendara nisi eorum 
mandato vel consensu in provinciis 

M. A. 

eorum tribuere aufti essent.' A second 
writer of the period, Theodoric de 
Niem (Nieheim), in his works, De 
Schismate, and Nemus Unionis (Ar- 
gentor. 1629), has furnished ample 
evidence to the same effect. The 
English parliaments continued to 
resist, with more or less firmness, 
the increased exactions of the pope, 
and in 13S9 the statute of PraBmu- 
nire, 13 Eic. II. stat. Ii. c. 2 and 3, 
enlarged and reinforced by 16 Hie. 


was levelled at tin 

offender. No one in future was to 
send or bring hither a summons or 
excommunication against any per- 
son for executing the statute of 
Pro visors (cf. above, p. 352, n. 3), 
and the bearers of papal bulls or 
other instruments for the translation 
of bishops and like purposes, were 
subjected to the penalty of forfeiture 
and perpetual imprisonment. It is 
remarkable that the statute 16 Ric. 
II. was enrolled on the desire of the 
archbishop of Canterbury. Twys- 
(len, Viiulic. of tlie Church, p. in, 
Camb. ed. 

1" Hall am, Middle Ages, 11. 237, 
2 38, loth ed. : Mahnbourg, Hist, dv, 
f/rand Schisme, Paris, 1678 ; and 
more especially Lenfant, Concile de 
Pise, who in the first and second 
books has fairly stated the evidence 
on both sides. 



Constitution of the Church, [A. D. 1305 




jority were French, had met to nominate a successor of 
Gregory XI., the Koman populace tumultuously demanded 
that their choice should fall on some Italian. Influenced 
by this menace they elected a Neapolitan, the archbishop 
of Bari, who at his coronation took the name of Urban VI. 
(April 18, 1378). The cardinals, however, soon repented 
of their choice, and, when the pressure of the mob had 
been withdrawn, endeavoured to annul the whole pro- 
ceeding by the substitution of a member of their own 
conclave, and a Frenchman, who was crowned as Cle- 

Baiance of the mcut YII. (Oct. 31). Between these two competitors the 
Western Church was almost equally divided \ Urban, 
who remained at Rome, enjoyed the countenance of Eng- 
land, Italy, Bohemia, the German empire, Prussia, Poland, 
and the Scandinavian kingdoms : while his rival, who re- 
treated to Avignon, was acknowledged in the whole of 
France^, Scotland, Spain, Lorraine, Sicily, and Cyprus. 

Neither of the factions would consent to the retirement 
of their leader, and accordingly the quarrel was embittered 

Series of rival aud prolougcd. The Eoman conclave, after the death of 
Urban, nominated Boniface IX. (1389), Innocent VII. 
(1404), and Gregory XII. (1406); and Clement had an 
obstinate successor in the cardinal Pedro de Luna, Be- 
nedict XIII. (1394). Dismayed or scandalized by this 
unseemly struggle, the more earnest members of the 


^ Richard Ullerston (or Ulver- 
stoTie), whose paper urging an im- 
mediate 'reformation of the church,' 
was presented at the council of Pisa 
(1409), complains of this among the 
other consequences of the schism : 
' Quod profecto exinde patuit, quod 
regna inter se prius divisa partibus 
a se invicem divisis et inter se de 
papatu contendentihus se parifor- 
miter conjunxerunt.' See the whole 
of this remarkable document in Von 
der Hardt's Concil. Constant, i. 
1126 sq. 

^ The university of Paris shew- 
ed its independence for some time 
by recognizing neither of the can- 
didates, so that there were three 
parties in the Western Church, the 
Urbanites, the Clementites, and the 
Neutrals. The last party, who were 
looking to a general council for re- 
dress, was represented by Henry of 
Langenstein (cf. above, p, 352, n. 6): 
Neander, ix. 71, 72. The influen- 
tial manifestoes issued at this crisis 
by the university are noticed in Bu- 
lasus, Hist. Univ. Paris, iv. 618 sq. 


Constitution of the Church. 



Church^ now looked in every quarter for redress. At 
length they seem to have been forced to a conclusion 
that the schism was never likely to be healed, except by 
the assembling of a general council '^j which (in cases where 
a reasonable doubt existed as to the validity of an election) 
nearly all the theologians deemed superior to the pope. 
The Council of Pisa^ was now summoned in this spirit cmncu of 

^ Pisa, 

by the allied cardinals (1409), its object being to secure 1409 = 
the unity, and stimulate the reformation, of the Church. 
During the sessions, which extended over many months 
(March 25 — August 7), the rival pontiffs, on declining to 
present themselves for judgment, were pronounced contu- 
macious (March 30), and at last were both formally de- 
posed^ (June 5) as guilty of schism, heresy, and perjury. 
The choice of the electors now fell on Peter of Candia 
(Alexander Y.), who pledged himself to purify the Church', 
in head and members ; but he died in the following year. 

3 others looked upon the ques- 
tion, it is true, in a very different 
manner, saying, * nihil omnino cu- 
randum quot papce sint.'' Bulseus, 
Hist. Univ. Paris, iv. 700. 

^ Appeals had been occasionally 
made already to a general council in 
the case where Roman absolutism 
was peculiarly oppressive (see above, 
p. 2 73): but the coexistence of two 
rival pontiffs vying with each other 
in the magnitude of their exactions, 
led men to discuss the subject far 
more deeply. See, for instance, the 
remarkable treatise of Mattheeus de 
Cracovia, bishop of Worms, entitled 
De Squalorlbus Romance Citrice (in 
Walch, Moniment. Medii uEvi, 1. 
I — 100, Getting. 1 7.'^ 7.) 

^ See Lenfant's Jlisf. du Concile 
de Pise, Amst. 1724: Mansi, xxvii. 
I sq. Among the very numerous 
prelates here assembled was Robert 
Hallam, bishop of Salisbury, who 
took an active part in the proceed- 
ings, and declared (April 30) that 
he had authority from the king of 
England to consent to whatever the 

council might determine for pro- 
moting unity : Mansi, ih. 125. 

^ ' Christi nomine invocato, sancta 
et universalis synodus universalem 
ecclesiam reprsesentans, et ad quam 
cogiiitio et decisio hujus causce nos- 
citur pertinere...Y>vonnncia.t...Ange- 
lum Corrario [i. e. Gregory XII.] 
et Petrum de Luna [i. e. Benedict 
XIII.] de papatu contendentes et 
eorum utrumque fuisse et esse noto- 
rios schismaticos, et antiqui schis- 
matis nutritores, defensores, 
non notorios hsereticos et a fide 
devios, notoriisque criminibus enor- 
mibus perjurii et violationis voti 
irretitos,' etc. On these grounds a 
definitive sentence is passed upon 
both, inhibiting them ' ne eorum 
aliquis pro summo pontifice gerere 
se prsesumat,' etc.: Mansi, ih. 402: 
cf. Theodoric de Niem, De Schis- 
mate, lib, iii. c. 44. 

"^ Lenfant, i, 290. See the dis- 
course of Gerson, preached before 
him, on this subject, in Gerson's 
Woi'lcs, ed, Du Pin, 11. 131. The 
text was Acts i. 6 ; from which he 



Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 1305 


ineffectual in 



when Baltliassar Cossa (John XXIII.), notoriously^ devoid 
of principle, succeeded to his throne. So far, however, 
was this council from allaying the religious conflicts of 
the west, that for a time it only added fuel to the flames. 
The whole of Spain and Scotland still adhered to Bene- 
dict; and as the Eoman candidate (Gregory XII.) was 
not entirely unsupported, Christendom might gaze with 
horror at the spectacle of three antagonistic popes. A 
large majority, however, recognized the claim of John 
XXIII., upon the ground that he was nominated by the 
lawful conclave who presided in the council of Pisa. But 
this worthless pontiff afterwards consented, in an evil hour, 
to summon all the western prelates to another general 
council held at Constance (1414—1418), and intended, like 
(1414—1418) its predecessor, to eradicate abuses, and to heal the papal 
schism^. The animus of the assemblage, numbering alto- 
gether eighteen thousand in ecclesiastics only'', was dis- 
played in the first session (Nov. 16, 1414) ; where it was 
determined* that not only the prelates (bishops and abbots) 

Council of 

■urged the pope to realize (as far as 
might be) all the ends for which the 
Church of Christ was founded. But 
as many prelates hastened to depart, 
the question of reform was after- 
wards postponed until the year 14 12, 
when Alexander was to call another 
council for that purpose ('reforraare 
Ecclesiam in capite et in membris.') 
This delay was strongly censured by 
the ardent reformers, such as Nicho- 
las de Cl^menges : see his Dispiita- 
tio super materia Concilii Generalis 
(written in 14 16) : 0pp. ed. Lydius, 
16 1 3, p. 70. It is true that a synod 
W'as held at Rome in 14 12, but, as 
the same writer complains {Ibid. p. 
75), the time was merely wasted 'in 
rebus supervacuis nihilque ad utili-' 
tatem ecclesire pertinentibus.' 

1 Nicholas de Cl^menges {ihld. 
p. 75) speaks of him in 1416 as 
' Balthasar ille perfidissimus nuper 
e Petri sede (quam turpissime foeda- 
vit) ejectus :' see the Life of him by 

Theodoric de Niem, in Von der 
Hardt's Concil. Constant, ii. 336sq.: 
and cf. Dollinger, iv. 152. 

'^ See Lenfant's Hist, du Concile 
de Constance, Amst. 1727, and Vou 
der Hardt, Concil. Constant. 6 vols. 
Francof. 1700 (additional volume 
containing Index by Bohnstedt, 
Berlin, 1742). 

'^ Dollinger, IV. 155. In the train 
of this assemblage followed, it is 
said, no less than seven hundred 
' mulieres communes.' See the sta- 
tistical account of an eyewitness in 
Von der Hardt, V. pt. ii. pp. 10 sq. 

■* The advocate of the inferior 
clergy was the cardinal Peter 
d'Ailly, bishop of Cambray. See 
the whole discussion in Von der 
Hardt, II. 224 sq. The Paris doc- 
tors, in suggesting the appeal to a 
general council (1394), had already 
urged the importance of introducing 
doctors of theology and law, or at 
least the representatives of cathedral 

— 1520] Constitution of the Churcli. 357 

but inferior clergy, proctors for the universities, and others, tttk 
not excluding jurists, should possess a deliberative voice. . ^'^^'-^^"^'"- 
The princes and ambassadors of Christian states might 
also vote, except on articles of faith. And as Italian 
prelates, who were numerous and devoted to the interest 
of the pope, were not unlikely to impede tlie progress 
of reform, if suffrages continued to be taken by the head, voieh,rn.i- 
it was arranged that all the members of the council should 
divide themselves into four ' nations V the Italian, German, 
French, and English, each with equal rights, and that no 
proposition should be carried till it was separately discussed 
in all the nations, and then passed by a majority. En- 
trenched upon this vantage-ground, the members of the 
synod wrung a promise^ of immediate abdication from 
pope John himself, by whom they were convened, and 
after he had violated his oath and fled^ to Schaffhausen Bqwsithmof 

John XXI 11. 

in disguise (Marcli 21), they did not scruple to assert the 1415. 
paramount authority of the council, citing him (^lay 2) 
to appear before them, and at length completing his de- 
position^ (May 12, 1415). To these acts indeed they were 

chapters, monastic orders, &c. The had shewn himself altogether in- 
prelates, as a body, were considered corrigible, they proceed : ' Eum die- 
too illiterate for the decision of so ta sancta synodus amovet, privat et 
grave a point ('quia plures eorum deponit, universes et singulos Chris- 
proh pudor ! hodie satis illiterati ticolas, cujuscunque status dignita- 
sunt:') see Bulseus, Mist. Univ. tis vel conditionis existant, ab ejus 
Paris, IV. 690, obedientia, fidelitate et juramento, 

5 See L'Enfant, II. p. 45. After absolutos declarando. ' Von der 
the renewed deposition of" Benedict Hardt, iv. 280; Mansi, xxvii. 716. 
XIII. (July 26, 141 7), a Spanish In a former session (March 30) they 
'nation' was added. had declared : ' Quod ipsa Synodus 

6 Von der Hardt, ii. 240. in Spiritu Sancto legitime congre- 
^ He hoped that in bis absence gata, generale concilium faciens et 

nothing could be undertaken to his ecclesiam catholicam militantem re- 
detriment, and some of his adhe- proesentans, potestatem a Christo im- 
rents in the council argued ' quod mediate hahet, cui quilibet cujuscun- 
concilium dissolutum esset propter que status vel dignitatis, etiamsi pa- 
absentiam et recessum dicti Bal- j)a/iis, existat, obedire tenetur in his, 
thasaris.' Theod. de Niem, Vit. quae pertinent ad fidem et ad exstu-pa- 
Joh. XXIII. (as above), lib. ii. c. 6. tionem dicti schisniatis, ac fjenei-a- 
« After stating that he had per- lem ref ormationem llcclesi^ Dei in 
severed in evil courses 'post mo- capite et in membris.' Ibid.iv.8g; 
nitiones debitas et caritativas, ' and Mansi, ib. 585. On this ground rest 


Constitution of the Church, [a. d. 1305 


Influence of 

Election of a 
iieiv pope, 

ostensibly impelled by a memoriaP, charging him with 
almost every species of depravity : but it is obvious that 
the real cause of their antagonism was a desire to limit 
the supremacy of Kome and strangle the more daring of 
the papal usurpations. Two of the conspicuous leaders 
in the movement were Peter d'Ailly ^ (de Alliaco) and John 
Gerson^, who had been successive chancellors of the uni- 
versity of Paris. They had warmly advocated the as- 
sembling of the Pisan council; and at Constance, the 
acute and fearless Gerson proved himself the soul of both 
the anti-Koman and reforming parties. 

Gregory XII. withdrew his claims (July 4, 1415), and 
measures were adopted for displacing Benedict XIII., who 
was accordingly degraded and deposed (July 26, 1417)*. 
In the forty-first session (Nov. 11, 1417), the cardinals, 
assisted for this turn by prelates of the different nations, 
elected a new pope. He took the style of Martin Y. 
His earliest promise was to expedite the general reforma- 
tion of the Church, a point on which the English, French, 
and German^ deputies insisted strongly, and for which a 

the famous 'Galilean Articles' of 

1 Theodoric de Niem, Vit. Joh. 
XXIII. lib. ii. c. 3 : cf. Hallam, 
Middle Ages, ii. 240, loth ed. 

2 See, for instance, his Monita de 
necessitate reformationis ecclesice (in 
Gerson, 0pp. n. 885 sq. ed. Du 
Pin), or his treatise Be difficidtate 
reformationis in Concilia universali 
{Ibid. 867 sq.). 

3 His works on this subject are 
too numerous for recital {0pp. tom. 
II. pt. II. passim). One of the most 
severe is entitled, Be Modis uniendi 
ac reformandl Ecclesiam in Concilio 
universali. For a review of this 
memorable treatise, see Neander, 
IX. 1 36. On the flight of the pope, 
Gerson, in the name of the French 
ambassadors and the university of 
Paris, preached an energetic sermon 

(March 23) aflfirming the absolute 
superiority of the council {0pp. tom. 
II. pt. II. 201 sq.). 

* Von der Hardt, IV. 1373. 

^ T.' e Germans, backed by Sigis- 
mund, the emperor, were anxious 
to commence the work of reforma- 
tion before they elected the new 
pope : but on this point they finally 
gave way {Ibid. iv. 1394 sq.). The 
following is their protest (p. 1424) : 
' Protestatur hsec natio Germanica 
coram Deo, tota curia coelesti, uni- 
versali ecclesia et vobis, quod nisi 
feceritis prsemissa modo et ordine 
supra dictis, quod non per earn, sed 
per vos stat, stetit et stabit, quomi- 
nus sponsa Christi, sancta mater 
ecclesia, suo Sponso inconvulsa, pu- 
rior et immaculata reformetur, et re- 
formata ad perfectam reducatur uni- 
tatem. ' As early as June 15, 14 15, 


— 1520] Constitution of the Church. 359 

plan® had been devised in tlie previous session; but ere 
long the council was dissolved by his authority (April 
22, 1418) without proceeding to redress the scandalous 
abuses' on which Roman despotism was fed. 

Arrangements had been made^ however, that a second 
council should be gathered at the end of five years to 
reconsider this gigantic task. It was convoked accord- 
ingly at Pavia (1423) by Martin V., who afterwards trans- 
ferred it to Siena, where the barren sessions were prolonged 
into the following year. But owing to a further act of 
prorogation nothing was eiFected till the western prelates 
met at Basle (July 23, 1431), soon after the election of the Ma-nnnofUie 

^ r / . Council of 

new pope, Lugenius IV. The objects of this great assem- nask, i43i. 
blage^, as enumerated in the outset, were (1) to extirpate its lending 
all forms of heresy, (2) to reunite the Eastern and the 
Western Churches, (3) to promote instruction in the truth, 

(4) to check the wars then raging among Christian princes, 

(5) to bring about a reformation of the Church in head 
and members, (6) to reestablish, in so far as might be, 
the severity of ancient discipline. The president was the 

a committee, termed the Reforma- Meibom. German. Script. I. 345, 

tion-college (' Reformatorium'), had Helmsestad. 1688), complains as fol- 

been organized. On its resolutions, lows : * Ego quidem jam annis mul- 

see Lenfant, ii. 309 sq. tis statum pertractans ecclesiae, per 

^ Von der Hardt, IV. 1452. The quern raodum ad universalis eccle- 
points enumerated are nearly all of sias reformationem, scandalis sublatis 
a fiscal and disciplinary character. omnibus, pervenire posset curioaa 
The one most ultimately bearing on mente revolvi. Quem quidem mo- 
Christian doctrine is the question of dum Dominus fortasse ostendet, cum 
indulgences, which iu the time of the in spiritu vehementi conteret naves 
papal schism had been sold or dis- Tharsis.' To abate the disaffection 
tributed at random (cf. Von der of the states who were most anxious 
Hardt, I. 10 10). for the remedy of some inveterate 

7 The only exceptions were a disorders, Martin entered into se- 

few decrees published March 21, parate concordats with them, e. y. 

1 41 8, for restraining simony, &c. with the English, in Von der Hardt, 

(Ibid. p. 1535.) The unsuccessful I. 1079 ^1- 
termination of this council naturally ^ Von der Hardt, IV. 1546. 

shook men's faith in the probability ^ See all the Acts and other 

of a reformation ; e.g. Gobelinus documents relating to this council 

Persona, a German chronicler, writ- in Mansi, xxix — XXXI. 
ing at the time {Cosmodromium, in 


Constitution of the Gliurcli. 

[A. D. 1305 


HosUUly of 
the pope. 

Progress of 

the sLrugyh. 

cardinal Juliano Cesarini^, who had "been selected for that 
office by Martin V. and confirmed in the appointment by 
Eugenius IV. It was plain, however, that the anti-papal 
spirit which prevailed at Constance had not ceased to 
animate the western prelates, and accordingly the Koman 
curia eyed them with suspicion and alarm^. On the 12th 
of November, a bull was issued for transferring the council 
to Bologna^, chiefly with the pretext that the Eastern 
Church was favourable to re-union, and j^referred to hold 
their conference with the Latins in some town of Italy. 
But notwithstanding this abrupt decision of the pope, 
the council of Basle, supported by the University of Paris'' 
and emboldened by the arguments of Nicholas Cusanus'^ 
(of Cues, in the diocese of Treves), proceeded with its 
arduous work; and in the second session (Feb. 15, 1432) 
did not hesitate to reaffirm the most extreme decrees of 
Constance*^, which subordinated all ecclesiastical authority 

^ He was at the time engaged 
in trying to reclaim the Hussites 
(in Bohemia), and therefore opened 
the synod by means of two pleni- 
potentiaries. In the following Sep- 
tember he arrived at Basle, when 
he found only a small muster of 
prelates. The mode of voting in 
this synod differed from that which 
we have noticed at Constance. Here 
indeed, as there, the members were 
divided into four sections ; but they 
were taken indiscriminately from 
any province of the Church. 

^ Capefigue, a consistent ultra- 
montanist, sees the real ground of 
this alarm : * Je considtire les con- 
ciles de Constance, de Bale, et la 
Pragmatlque Sanction, comme les 
trois actes qui finissent le moyen 
age de I'Eglise, en ebranlant la forte 
et samte dictature des papes:'' ii. 335. 

'^ liaynald. ad an. 1431, §§ 20, 21. 

^ See their Epistle, dated Feb. 9, 
1432, in Bulseus, Hist. Univ. Paris, 
V. 412 sq. The university-men also 
acted the chief jiart iu this as- 

semblage : cf. Dollinger, iv. 184, 

^ See his remarkable treatise. Be 
Catholica Concordantia, written at 
this time, and printed with his 
other numerous Works, Basil. ] 565. 
He afterwards (circ. 1437) went 
over to the papal side, and even 
did his utmost to discredit the pro- 
ceedings at Basle. In the work 
above quoted, besides vindicating 
the supremacy of general councils, 
he threw suspicion on the Pseudo- 
Isidore decretals, the 'Donatio Con- 
stantini,' etc. 

^ Mansi, xxix. 21. The pre- 
sident (cardinal Juliano) felt him- 
self constrained to write two ener- 
getic letters to the pope, his patron, 
(in Brown's Fasciculus, I. 54 — 67) 
deprecating the dissolution of the 
council. He points out that by 
denying its authority, the pope 
rejected the council of Constance 
and ultimately destroyed his own 
title to the pontifical chair (p. 64). 
The following sentence is instruc- 


Constitution of the Churcli. 



to that of universal synods. It was also now decided that 
the council could not lawfully be transferred, dissolved, 
or interrupted by any human power, without its own 
deliberation and consent. Relying on the countenance of 
Sigismund the emperor, and other princes, the assembly 
warned, entreated, and required Eugenius (April 29) to 
present himself within three months', or send accredited 
persons who might give his sanction to the whole pro- 
ceedings. Overtures of peace ensued, and for a while 
accommodation did not seem impossible: but in the fol- 
lowing September, the promoters of the council moved 
that both the pope and cardinals should be pronounced ^iJ^^c 
contumacious, on the gound that the obnoxious bull which ^«»"«=«'"*- 
they had published for its dissolution was still unrevoked. 
At length the pope could not resist the urgent prayers of 
Sigismund and other advocates of peace : and as the coun- 
cil was now willing to withdraw its threats and censures, 
representatives, who swore^ (April 8, 1434) that they 
would faithfully adhere to the decrees of Constance, and S'.ST,7 
would labour to advance the objects contemplated ^y the '''^ '"""*'''• 

tive : ' Si modo dissolvatur con- 
cilium, nonne populi Germanise vi- 
dentes se non solum destitutos ab 
ecclesia, sed deceptos, concorda- 
bunt cum hsereticis [meaning the 
Hussites], et fient nobis inimiciores 
quam illi ? Heu, lieu ! quanta ista 
erit confusio ! finis pro certo est. 
Jam, ut video, securis ad radieem 
posita est,' etc. p. 59. A like fore- 
boding was expressed by a Spa- 
nish bishop, Andreas de Escobar, 
(1434) writing to the same cardinal 
Juliano (see his Gubernaculum Con- 
cUio7'um, m Von der Hardt, vi. 
182) : * Et timendum est, quod ante 
diem judicii et in brevi, nisi super 
eam [i.e. the Roman Church] fiat 
reformatio et reparatio, desoletur et 
foras mittatur et ab hominibus con- 

7 This threat was several times 

repeated, e.g. Sept. 6, 1432, Dec. 
18, 1432, Feb. 19, 1433, Sept. ir, 
1433. On Nov. 6, 1433 (the 14th 
session) a new respite of three 
months was gi-anted to Eugenius, 
at the same time sending to him 
three forms of revocation. One of 
these he employed soon after in 
annulling all the bulls and other 
instruments which he had issued 
against the council. His letters to 
this efiect were read Feb. 5, 1434. 

s Mansi, XXIX. 409. In the en- 
suing session (April 26) it was re- 
solved that the legates should be 
permitted to preside in the council 
only on the condition that they 
should acknowledge their authority 
to be derived entirely from the 
council : Ibid. p. 90. The number 
of the prelates at Basle was now 
about one hundred. 


Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1305 


movement at 

present meeting, were deputed to attend in his behalf. 
But when, amid discussions for reducing the pecuniary 
tribute^ to the pope (June 9, 1435), it was contended that 
in this respect he was amenable to their control, his emis- 
saries bitterly protested. Other subjects of dispute arose 
continually, and in the end the papal nuncios, Juliano'^ 
with the rest, departed from the council. After their 
retreat the pope was censured even more emphatically 
for his backwardness in carrying out the work of reform- 
ation^; and in person or by deputy was absolutely sum- 
moned to appear before the council within sixty days. 
But feeling his position stronger"* than before, his tone 
was now proportionately changed. Instead of yielding to 
the summons, he put forth a document (Sept. 18, 1437) in 
which he sought to stifle the decrees of Basle, and urged 
the whole of Christendom to meet him in a council at 
Ferrara. The new leader of the Basle assembly was 
the cardinal d'Allemand^, archbishop of Aries, who 
shewed himself unflinching in his struggles to promote 
a reformation of the Church. On March 29, 1438, the 

^ After abolishing first-fruits 
(Mansi, xxix. 104) it is added : 
*Et si (quod absit) Romanus pon- 
tifex, qui prse caeteris universalium 
conciliorum exequi et custodire ca- 
ll ones debet, ad versus banc sanc- 
tionem aliquid faciendo ecclesiam 
scandalizet, generali Concilio defe- 
ratur.' This was only one of a 
number of reforming acts which 
emanated from the council subse- 
quently to July 14, 1433. The last 
decisions of the kind were made, 
Jan. 24, 1438 : see Mansi, xxix. 159. 

^ He appears to have seceded 
in the twenty -fifth session (May 7, 
1437), when his advice, touching 
certain Greek ambassadors who had 
come over to negociate a union, was 
rejected by the council. 

3 Mansi, XXix. 137 sq. They 
declared that nothing could induce 

him * ut aliquam morum emenda- 
tionem Christo placentem, aut no- 
tissimorum abusuum coi-rectionem 
in ecclesia sancta Dei eflBicere sata- 

* When he yielded to the wish 
of Sigismund and others, and ac- 
knowledged the assembly at Basle, 
his territory was in a state of revo- 
lution, and a prey to lawless con- 
dottieri (cf. DoUinger, iv. 188). This 
storm had now blown over, and 
Eugenius strengthened himself by 
dispatching nuncios to the several 
courts of Europe with his own ex- 
parte version of the subjects in dis- 

^ Respecting him see Schrockh, 
XXXII. 65 sq. After the convoca- 
tion of the synod of Ferrara he was 
the only caidinal who remained at 

— 1520] Constitution of the Church. 363 

rival synod of Ferrara was condemned; and all who had the 
frequented it, the pope himself among the number, excom- !l_l 

reactiun in 

municated. In a future session he was formally deposed® Depoguimof 
(June 25, 1439). Into the place of Eugenius (Nov. 17) 
they elected an aristocratic hermit (formerly the duke of 
Savoy) who reluctantly assumed' the name of Felix V. 
(July 24, 1440). But from this very date the cause of the 
' reforming ' (anti-papal) party manifestly drooped ^ The 
empire, Spain, and France were, for the most part, neutral, 
not renouncing their connexion with Eugenius, while they 
inconsistently professed to recognize the legitimacy of the 
council of Basle. The English people, with some others. General 
took his side more warmly, and sent deputies to Florence, his /an 
whither his new council of Ferrara was translated (1439). 
So vast indeed was the discomfiture now suffered by his 
adversaries, that upon the abdication of Felix V., ten 
years later, all attempts to limit his supremacy and purify 
the west of Christendom, by means of universal synods, 
were abandoned in despair. 

The only country where the principles which had been 
advocated in those synods gained a lasting hold upon 
the rulers both in Church and State, was France. In 

6 Mansi, xxix. 179. The syuod Mansi, xxxi, 205 sq. An answer 

decrees, * Gabrielem prius nomina- was put forth by Johannes de Tur- 

tum Eugenium papam IV. fuisse recremata, entitled Summa de Eccle- 

et esse notorium et manifestura con- sia, ed. Venet. 1561, 

tumacem, mandatis seu prseceptis ^ See the Letter of ^neas Sylvius 

ecclesise universalis inobedientem et (August 13, 1440), giving an ac- 

in aperta rebelliane persistentem' etc. count of the coronation of Felix, in 

There was a small party at Basle, Brown's Fasciculus, I. 52—54. Fe- 

headed by Tedeschi archbishop of lix was, however, recognized only 

Palermo (Panormitanus), which at- in Savoy, Switzerland, Bavaria and 

tempted to avert this crisis by main- some other parts of Germany, 

taiuing that inferior clerics who con- ^ This was proved by the seces- 

stituted a large majority should be sion of the more influential members 

deprived of their deliberative voice. from the council. Seethe (one-sided) 

The bishops, it appears, were not account of Johannes de Polemar 

disposed to go so far as the rest (cf. (i443). in Mansi, xxxi. 197 sq.; 

DoUinger, iv. 201, 202). Tedeschi ^neas Sylvius, Descrlpiio ^^^"''fj- 

himself, however, was a warm ad- nice, c. 10; and Hallam, Middle 

herent of the council generally. See ^^res, II. 244, loth ed. 
his work in favour of it (1439) in 


Constitution of the Cliurcli. [a. d. 1305 


Sanction of 

finally ex- 
changed for a 

Restriction of 
the influence 
of the popes: 

what is known as tlie Pragmatic Sanction^ of Bourges, 
enacted under Charles VII. (1438), it was maintained dis- 
tinctly, with some other kindred points, all adverse to the 
ultramontane claims, that General Councils are superior 
to the pope. This edict, which for half a century became 
the great palladium of the liberties of France, was after- 
wards repealed by Louis XI. for diplomatic reasons; but 
as the Parisian parliament would not enregister his act, 
the ' Sanction' kept its ground until it was supplanted by 
a new concordat in the time of Francis I.^ (1516). 

Amid the lull which rested on the surface of the Church 
at large for more than half a century anterior to the 
Keformation, the cupidity of Rome was far more generally 
confined within the papal states and their immediate circle^. 
Nearly all the line of pontiffs, Nicholas V. (1447), Ca- 
lixtus III. (1455), Pius II. or ^neas Sylvius' (1458), 

^ Cf. above, p. 272: Gieseler, TV. 
§ 133. A history of this document 
is contained in the first volume of 
the well-known Traitez cles Droits et 
Liheriez de VEglise Gallicane. Pope 
Pius II. said of it : 'The bishop of 
Rome, whose diocese is the world, 
has no more jurisdiction in France, 
than Avhat the parliament is pleased 
to allow him.' Kanke, Hist of France, 
I. 78, Lond. 1852. In Germany the 
pope (Nicholas V.) was able to ob- 
tain more copious concessions. The 
'concordat of Aschaffenburg' (July, 
1447), confirmed at Vienna (Feb. 
17, 1448), replaced him nearly on 
his former ground (cf. above, p. 359, 
n. 7, and Gieseler, § 133). To the 
excesses which the Roman court 
afterwards committed we must trace 
the Gravamina of 1461, in Walch. 
Moniment. Med. JEvi, 1. loi sq., 
and the memorable Centum Gra- 
vamina drawn up by the German 
princes in 1522, 

2 Hallam, as above, p. 252, The 
following is the entry of the learned 
chronicler Genebrard [Chi'onografth. 
Paris, 1580), relating to this sub- 

ject: 'Anno 15 1 6 abrogata est in 
Galliis Pragmatica Sanctio, et Con- 
cordata, ut vocant, substituuntur, 
fremente uiiiverso clero, scholasticis, 
2'>0]pido, bonis denique et doctis omni- 
bus J' For the vigorous Appellatio 
of the University of Paris, reaffirm- 
ing the principles laid down at the 
council of Basle, see Brown's Fascic. 
I. 68—71. 

^ Ranke, Popes duriyig the i6th 
and I'jtJi centuries (Bohn's ed.), i. 
§ 4, pp. 25 sq. Sixtus IV, was the 
first to carry out this line of politics, 
and even favoured the conspiracy 
which led to the attempted assassi- 
nation of Lorenzo de Medici on the 
steps of the high-altar in the cathe- 
dral of Florence. * Abuse followed 
abuse, and a dangerous confusion in 
the ideas of men on the nature of 
the ecclesiastical power and on the 
true position of the pope, was the 
natxu-al consequence.' Dbllinger, IV. 

^ He was formerly devoted to the 
anti-papal cause (see his important 
Commentarius de Gestis Basiliensis 
Concllii, in Brown's Atscic. 1. 1 — 51), 


Constitution of the Church, 


Paul II. (1464), Sixtus lY. (1471), Innocent VIII. (1484), the 
Alexander VI. (1492), Pius III.^ (1503), Julius II. (1503), ^''^'^''^' 
and Leo X.' (1513—1522), betrayed increasing love ofK^"' 
pomp and worldly pleasures. Nepotism was the prevailing 
motive in tlieir distribution of preferment, while the taxes 
of their chancery rose from day to day^ Too many also 
played a leading part in base political intrigues, which, 
even if successful, tended to destroy the influence and 
discredit the pretensions of the hierarchy at large. Nor 
may we pass in silence the appalling profligacy which andprofli,,af>j. 
too often stained the reputation of these later pontiffs, 
more particularly that of Alexander VI.^, who is perhaps 
unequalled in the history of mediaeval crime, except by 
C^sar Borgia, his son. An effort, it is true, was made 
under j9i)neas Sylvius^ and Julius II.^° to resuscitate the 
Hildebrandine principles, and in the council of Lateran^^ 

but under the influence of the gTeat 
reaction that ensued, he joined the 
party of Nicholas V., and received 
a cardinal's hat from Calixtus III. 
(1456). He died of grief (1464) on 
finding that he could not stir the 
church to join him in driving back 
the Turks who had now taken Con- 
stantinople (May 29, 1453), and oc- 
cupied Bosnia and Slavonia. See 
the unsparing Life of him in Plati- 
na, Vit. Pontif. Roman., and a more 
favourable one by Campani, in Mu- 
ratori, Script. Rer. Ital. m, pt. it. 
967 sq. His own Ejyistolce (often 
printed) are the best original autho- 

5 The first word of this pope after 
his election (1503) was 'Reformation.' 
He died in twenty-six days. Dol- 
linger, IV. 229. 

^ On the part taken by this pon- 
tiff' at the outset of the reformation, 
see Roscoe's Life and Pontificate of 
Leo X., chap. xv. 

'^ Ranke, p. 43. DoUinger (an 
ultramontanist) is on these subjects 
too impartial for his English trans- 
lator: see note at p. 228. 

^ Well might the cry be uttered 
that the pope was now preparing 
the way for Antichrist ; and that 
he laboured to promote the coming' 
of the kingdom, not of heaven, but 
of Sitan. Ranke, I. 39. 

^ See, for instance, his Bulla Re- 
iractationum (April 26, 1463 ; Ray- 
nald. ad an. § 114 sq.), in which he 
maintains that the pope has received 
supreme power over the whole Church 
directly from Christ Himself, and 
that all other ministers are his dele- 
gates (' per ordinem in omnem dif- 
fundit ecclesiam'). He assailed the 
French ' Pragmatic Sanction,' but 
Charles VII. (1460) met him by ap- 
pealing to a general council: see 
Preures des Lihertez del' Egllse Galli- 
cane, c. xiii. § 10. 

^^ It is of him Macchiavelli says 
(Ranke, I. 42) that ' time was, when 
no baron was so insignificant, but 
that he might venture to brave the 
papal power; now, it is regarded 
with respect even by a king of 

1^ Labbe, Xiv. r — 346. In the 
year preceding the convocation of 


Constitution of the Church. [A. D. 1 305 



Bishops of 
the period. 

(1512 — 1517) that effort was in part rewarded when the 
French, who had been hitherto the chief antagonists of 
ultra-papal claims, consented to abandon the Pragmatic 
Sanction^ : yet, meanwhile, a different class of spirits 
breaking in tumultuouslj upon the guilty slumbers of 
the conclave, had begun to wrench away the time-worn 
pillars on which Koman despotism was reared. 

The other prelates of the west maintained their old 
relations to the papacy, with the exception that the lessen- 
ing of its influence often added to the magnitude of theirs. 
This happened more especially throughout the forty-years' 
schism ^ The pallium was, however, still procured by all 
the metropolitans: the Roman legate, where the office was 
not held by one of them, enjoyed precedence in eccle- 
siastical assemblies, and in cases where no obstacle^ was 

this synod, Louis XII. of France, 
quarrelling with pope Julius II., 
had instigated some of the cardinals 
to call a council at Pisa (Labbe, 
XIII. i486 sq.). It met for several 
months (Nov. i, 15 ii — April 21, 
1512), and in the last session ven- 
tured to suspend the pope : but its 
members were then dispersed and 
nothing came of their denunciations. 
Louis XII. in the course of this dis- 
pute, struck a coin with the legend 
* Perdam Babylonis nomen :' see 
Thuanus (De Thou), Eist. I. ii. 

^ See above, p. 364, n. 2. 'La 
Pragmatique, veritable source de 
schism e et d'h^resie, fut heureu- 
sement revoqu^e par Louis XL' 
Capefigue, ii. 335 (note). 

2 Above, p. 353. On the other 
hand the growing system of papal 
'provisions' (cf. above, p. 346, n. 3) 
tended to deprive them of a large 
portion of their former influence. 
This was confessed by Martin V. 
(14 1 8), in striving to remedy some 
of the abuses generated by his pre- 
decessors, who exempted 'ecclesias, 
monasteria, capitula, conventus, pri- 
oratus, et personas' from the juris- 

diction of the bishops ' in grave ip- 
sorum Ordinariorum praejudicium:' 
Von der Hardt, iv. 1535. 

^ Such obstacles, however, did 
continually arise ; e. g. in England, 
when Henry Beaufort, bishop of 
Winchester, was constituted legate 
by Martin V. (1426), he was ad- 
mitted to the counsels of the sove- 
reign only on the condition, * quod 
quotiens aliqua, materiee, causae, vel 
negotia ipsum dominum regem aut 
regna seu dominia sua ex parte una, 
ac sedem apostoHcam ex parte altera 
concernentia .... idem cardinalis se 
ab hujusmodi consilio absentet, et 
communicationi eorundem, causa- 
rum, materiarum, et negotiorum non 
intersit quovis modo,' etc. Rot. Pari. 
8^ Hen. VI, c. 17. It is also very 
remarkable that a charge brought 
against Wolsey was, tliat as legate 
he had transgressed the 'statute 
of Praemunire' (see above, p. 353, 
n. 9), by receiving bulls from Rome 
and acting on them without the 
king's leave. See the Articles against 
him in Herbert's Hist, of Henry 
VIII. pp. 294 sq. Lond. 1672. 

— 1520] Constitution of the Church. 367 

made by kings and parliaments his influence was su- other 
preme. Appeals were also not unfrequently transferred of^tiIe^^ 

from the diocesan and the provmcial courts to what was 

deemed the chief tribunal of the west: but on this subject 
we observe a corresponding jealousy among the legislative 

In appointing bishops there was much variety of usage, '^^i^> appmnt- 
as the papal or imperial interest predominated. Theo- 
retically every prelate was to be elected ^ in accordance 
with the ancient laws, and one of the most urgent stipu- 
lations of the council of Basle (July 14, 1433) related to 
this subject. It was meant to counteract encroachments^ 
both of Rome and of the civil power. According to the 
German compact, made in 1448, these free elections ^ were 
to be continued, the appointment of a prelate lapsing to 
the pope, if the capitular election were not made within 
the legal time. But, for the most part, it is obvious that 
the crown was very loath to acquiesce in such arrange- 
ments, and contrived, while bent on humbling papal arro- 
gance, to fix the right of nominating to the bishoprics and 
higher benefices absolutely in itself^. The French con- 

^ Cf, Twysden, Vindication of the presbyters only 'habitu etreditibus,' 
Church, pp. 51 sq. Camb. ed. goes on to state: 'At nos eos in 
^ Above, pp. 163, 164, 256. statu reposuimus pristino ...nos eos, 
^ See Sess. xii. ; Mansi, xxrx. 6i : qui jam non erant episcopi, feciraus 
' Decretum de electionibus et con- episcopos.' ^En. Sylvius, de Concil. 
firmationibus episcoporum et prsela- Basil, (in Brown's Fascic. I. 23). 
torum. ' The prelates had their eye ^ Schrockh, xxxii. 164, 165. 
especially on the very numerous 're- ^ Ranke, Popes, I. 31. The fla- 
servations' (electiones expectandye) gi'ant instances, that now meet us, 
made by the pope in favour of some of episcopal pluralities, are trace- 
candidate of his own : but they able, at least in some degree, to 
proceed to exhort princes also to this dictation of the crown. Thus, 
abstain from superseding, or inter- the royal favourite Wolsey at the 
meddling with, capitular elections. close of the present period was farm- 
This indeed is only one of the mea- ing on easy terms the bishoprics 
sures they originated for securing of Bath, Worcester, and Hereford, 
the independence of the episcopate. the real owners being absentees : 
Their president (the cardinal arch- he also gained successively the 
bishop of Aries), after declaring that bishoprics of Durham and Win- 
modern bishops were mere shadows Chester, contriving to keep one of 
('umbrae quaedam'), superior to the them along* with his archbishopric : 


Constitution of the Church. [A. D. 1305 



oflm made 
hij the crown. 

A f tempted 
by means of_ 

cordat, for example, which restored the annates and some 
other privileges to Leo X., secured this right to Francis, — 
the nominee, however, being pledged to seek collation from 
the pope: and in this country, more particularly during 
the reign of Henry VII., the power of filling up the vacant 
sees had generally devolved upon the crown, which also 
was appropriating to itself one-half of the annates. Every- 
where, indeed, the civil governments of Europe had be- 
come possessed of what were long regarded as ecclesiastical 
prerogatives. The secular element in the Church was 
threatening to suppress the spiritual or hierarchic, and 
accordingly throughout the earlier stages of the Kefor- 
mation we shall have to notice the confusion of ideas 
which this new ascendancy produced \ 

In the attempt to reinvigorate episcopacy the council 
of Basle enjoined (Nov. 25, 1433) that each bishop should 
hold a diocesan synod once at least every year^, and by 
his presence labour to advance the reformation both of 
pastors and of flocks. But owing to his sad unfitness, 
intellectual and moral, or his livelong absence^ from the 
sphere to which his energies were due, the bishop very 

he also held in commendam the 
abbey of St Alban's and many 
other pieces of ecclesiastical pre- 
ferment, besides enj )ying the vir- 
tual patronage of m^ost of the vacant 
benefices. Herbert, Hist, of Henry 
VII I. p. 57. 

1 See the just remarks on this 
point by Bp. Russell, Church in 
Scotland, I. 164, 165, The royal 
intermeddling with conventual and 
other church-property had in Eng- 
land begun some time before the 
Reformation ; e.g. several monas- 
teries were suppressed by Wolsey 
with the consent both of the king 
and the pope. Herbert's Hist, of 
Henry VIIL, pp. 146, 147, 163, 
164, ■251. 

2 Sess. XV. : ' Ad minus semel in 

anno ubi non est consuetudo bis 
annuatim celebrari.' Provincial sy- 
nods were also ordered to assemble 
at least every third year, and in 
England we occasionally meet with 
a list of ' Reformanda in convoca- 
tione cleri;' e.g. A.D. 1444, Wil- 
kins, III. 540. 

^ 'Multi ex eis qui pastorali apice 
potiuntur, perque annosa tempora 
potlti sunt, nunquam ci\'itates suas 
intraverunt, suas ecclesias viderunt, 
sualoca vel dioeceses visitaverunt, ' e^c. 
Nicholas de Clemenges, De corrupto 
Eccleske Statu: Brown's Fascic. ii. 
562. Passages might be multiplied 
to the same effect, especially in re- 
ference to those cases where the 
pope presented his own courtiers to 
the foreign sees. 


Constitution of the Church. 


seldom gave effect to this injunction. It is true that fine r.TriER 
exceptions are not absolutely wanting, but the bishops for ^of Tnlf'^"^ 
the most part had grown ignorant, idle, and sensual, or JJ;^!:^!!^- 
Avere often occupied exclusively in search of honors and 
emoluments that bound them to the earth*. 

The monks, as we have seen already °, gorged with the Befjemran, 
ecclesiastical endowments, lost the moral elevation'^ ^^^^^o/itu: monks. 
had shewn throughout the early periods of the Church, 
and with it forfeited their hold on the affections of the 
people. Except the order of Carthusians^ none of them 

^ e. g. in the Defensor Pads (above 
quoted p. 34S) we have the follow- 
ing complaint : * Nunc vero propter 
regiminis corruptionem lilarlniaj^ars 
sacerdotuni et episcoporum in sacra 
Scriptura periti sunt parum, et si 
dicere liceat insuflScienter ; eo quod 
temporalia beneficiorum, quie asse- 
quuntur officios!, ambitiosi, cupidi, 
et causidici quidam obtinere vulunt 
et obtinent obsequio, prece vel pretio 
vel sseculai'i potentia;' p. 258: cf, 
the frightful picture of the Spanish 
prelates, at the close of this period, 
drawn by the Dominican Pablo 
de Leon in his Gida del Cielo (ex- 
tracts in De Castro, Spanish Pro- 
testants, Lond, 1851, pp. XXV sq.). 
He traces many of the evils to the 
vile example of the Eoman court, 
p. xxix. Other evidence is fur- 
nished by the decrees of the ' Re- 
formation-college' at Constance: see 
Lenfant, liv. vil. s. ^z sq. John 
Sturmius {ad Cardinales delectos; 
Argentor. 1538) asserts : * Per Ger- 
maniam in niaximo numero episco- 
porum nuUus est, qui, si canonum 
autoritas restituta esset, locum suum 
tueri possit. In Gallia quoque pauci 
sunt, sed tamen ilia felicior est quain 
Germania. De Italia nihil affirmare 
possum. Anglia sola est quae ex- 
emplo esse possit.' 

^ Above, p. 247. The Spanish 
writer, above quoted, while ac- 
knowledging that good and holy 
monks existed, urges their incon- 

M. A. 

venient wealth as a reason for some 
change. 'If left alone,' he says, 
' every thing will very soon belong 
to the monasteries,' p. xx. Ac- 
cording to Turner (Middle Ages, v. 
169) the church-property (which had 
now passed in very many cases, by 
'appropriations,' to the conventual 
bodies) comprised more than half of 
the 'military fees,' i.e. more than 
half of the landed property of this 

^ See Nicholas de Clemenges (as 
above), p. 564. The same writer 
is equally severe in speaking of the 
nuns. He says that their con- 
vents were not ' Dei sanctuaria, sed 
Veneris execranda prostibula' (p. 
566). And Gerson more than once 
advances the same charge ; e. g. 
in a sermon preached before the 
council of Constance, he declares, 
' Et utinam nulla sint monasteria 
mulierum quae facta sunt prosti- 
bula meretricum ; et j^rohibeat ad- 
hue deteriora Deus.' 0pp. 11. 550, ed. 
Dupin. The persecutions to which 
a nun of the stricter sort was sub- 
ject are graphically described in a 
MS. belonging to the University 
of Cambridge (Dd. I. p. 372). The 
usages of a well ordered nunnery 
are minutely described in the ' An- 
cren Jiiwle'' (Camd. Soc. 1853), ed. 

'' See the contemporary work of 
John Buschius, De reformat ione mo- 
nasteriorum, Lib, in. c, 32, (in Leib- 



Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1305 





Efforts to 
ri'forni them. 

New cong't'cga- 

The condition 
of the Friars. 

adhered to the letter of their institute. Their intellectual 
vigour at the same time underwent a corresponding de- 
terioration, insomuch that few if any works of merit, either 
in the field of science or theology, procpeded in this age 
from cloisters of the west. The councils of Constance^ 
and Basle ^, in their endeavours to brace up monastic dis- 
cipline afresh, produced some transitory changes, by in- 
sisting on the need of reformation and by authorizing 
a commission of inquiry into many of the German con- 
vents. But in spite of these remedial measures we are 
bound to argue, from complaints which rise in every 
quarter, that monasticism had grown almost incorrigible and 
was ripening daily for the scythe. As in the former period, 
numerous congregations, separating one by one from the 
degenerate Benedictines, organized themselves in fresh 
societies. Of these the principal were (1417) the congre- 
gation of S. Justin a ^, or, as it was afterwards called, of 
Monte Cassino. Offshoots*, in like manner, such as the 
Bernardines (1497), grew out of the Cistercian order. 

While the monks had thus degenerated step by step, 
the Mendicants retained their former influence. The great 
bulk of the religious endowments were now lavished upon 
them, until they rivalled the Establishment which they 
had bitterly attacked, in the magnificence of their foun- 
dations and the freedom of their mode of life^. Confiding: 

nitz's Scriptor^s Brunsv. ii. 935). A 
healthier impulse was, however, 
given at the close of the fourteenth 
century to monasticism in Russia, 
by Sergius of Rostov, on whom see 
Mouraviev, pp. 6i sq. and notes. 

1 On the orders made by the ' Re- 
formation-college ' at Constance, see 
Lenfant, liv. vii. s. 55. 

2 See Buschius, as above, pp. 476 
sq., and elsewhere. 

"* Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Relig. 
VI. 230 sq. Paris, 17 14. The rise 
of other confraternities is mentioned 
in the same place. 

^ Ibid. V. 56 sq. The Spanish 
'Order of the Hieronymites' (her- 
mits) had been founded as early as 
1370; but they were at first de- 
voted to the so-called rule of St 
Augustine. In 1424 they adopted 
another : see Hclstein's Codex, in. 
43 sq. ; and Sterling's Cloister-Life 
of the Emperor Charles V., pp. 77, 

^ See Nicholas de Cleraenges, as 
above, pp. 564, ^G^ ; The Vision of 
Piers Ploicman (by Robert Lang- 
lande, about 1362), ed. Wright ; The 
Creed of Piers Ploicman ; and a still 


Constitution of tlie Church. 


in the patronage of popes ^ of kings', and noble ladies, other 
they were able to surmount the opposition" of the Uni- ^oF^Tnl'^ 

versities and the parochial clergy, who regarded them with — '- — 

mingled fear, abhorrence, and contempt. In spite of mu- 
tual jealousies and altercations^, the four leading orders 
of Mendicants '° (Franciscans, Dominicans, Carmelites, and 
Augustines) held themselves together'^ and were almost 
absolute in the administration of the Western Church. 
Their learning and activity prevented them from forfeiting Their evmtwxi 
this prominent position, till the latter half of the fifteenth '^''''"'' 
century, when all of them put forth the symptoms of 

earlier satire On the Times of Ediv. 
II., edited by the present writer 
for the Percy Society, No. LXXXll. 
The author of tlie latter poem at- 
tacks the vices prevalent among all 
classes of the community, especially 
the 'Menours [Franciscans] and Ja- 
cob}'!!' [Dominicans], Cannes [Car- 
melites], and friars of what was 
called the order of St Augustine : 
Stan. 30 sq. In this particular he 
was a precursor of Wycliffe, on 
whose controversy with the Me!!di- 
cants, see Vaughan's Life, pp. 82 sq., 
ed. 1853. 

*" e.(j. Sixtus IV. (himself a Fran- 
ciscan) granted them enormous pri- 
vileges in a bull entitled Mare Mag- 
oium (Aug. 31, 1474), which was 
confirmed in the 'Bulla Aurea' 
(July 26, 1479). The parish-priest 
who resisted them was threatened 
with the loss of his benefice. See 
the Bidlarium Romanum, ill, 3, 
139. The subject was reopened in 
the elevei!th sessioi! of the council 
of Latera!! (Dec. 19, 15 16). 

^ See Turner's Middle Ages, III. 
115 sq. The English Franciscans 
were most favoured by gentlewomen, 
the Dominicans by the nuns. Ibid. 

8 Cf, above, pp. 252, 253. Pope 
John XXII. {Extravagantes Com- 
munes, lib. v., tit. iii., c. 2, in Corp. 
Jur. Canon.) took the side (132 1) 

of the Friars against a doctor of 
the Sorbonne (J. de Poliaco) ; but 
the Sorboiine gained a victory in 
1409 ; Bulfeus, Hist. Univ. Paris. 
V. 189 : cf. V. 522 sq. l!! Brown's 
Fascic. (II. 466—486) will be found 
a Defensorium Curatorum contra pn- 
vilegiatos (1357), ^J Richard, arch- 
bishop of Armagh, who spent some 
years at Avignoi!, striving to inter- 
est the pope i!! favour of the parish- 
priests. The convocation of York 
(1466), uiader archbishop Nevil, con- 
demned those Friars ('pardoners'), 
who went about raising funds by 
preaching (or selling) indulgences, 
in the name of the pope and other 
bishops : Johnso!!, English Canons, 
II. 521, 522. 

^ Cf. above, p. 252, and see War- 
ton's E)igl. Poctrij, II. 87 sq. ed. 1840, 

^'* Or, as they were now severally 
termed, the mii!ors, the black-friars, 
the white-friars, a!!d the grey-friars. 

^^ Thus, whei! they were attacked 
by the archbishop of Ari!iagh (above, 
n. 8), the cause of all the four or- 
ders was defended in common : see 
Trithemius (John of Trittenheim), 
Annal. Ilirsavg. 11. 245. 

^2 Such was plainly the case in 
England (see Warton, Ibid. pp. 92, 
93). The Carmelites, who were once 
conspicuous in repelling Lollardism 
(Turner, III. 122), had lost their 
reputation both for scholarship and 

B B 2 


Constitution of the Gliurch. [a. D. 1305 



Aberrations of 
one school of 

While tlie Dominicans had been employed especially in 
connteracting misbelief and guiding the machinery of the 
Inquisition, an important school of the Franciscans, as we 
noticed on a former page\ were liostile tp the see of Home. 
The feeling which had prompted that hostility was equally 
aroused by other branches of the Church-establishment. 
In union with the Beghards^, they continued to maintain 
that truly ' spiritual' persons would subsist exclusively on 
alms, that personal tithes were not due to the parochial 
clergy save by usage, and that deadly sin was fatal to 
the sacerdotal character ^ They also propagated the 
Apocalyptic theories of earlier times ^, and one at least of 
their sodality laid claim to the prophetic office^. The 
more sober still adhered to the communion of the Church, 
reverting to the letter of their institute, and finally ob- 
taining the approbation of the council of Constance*^ (1415). 

orthodoxy about 1460; and soine 
time before, the Augustines had 
ruined their cause by preaching se- 
ditious sernaons. When Leland (circ. 
1530) visited the ancient seat of the 
Tranciscans at Oxford, he found in 
the library little more than empty 
shelves covered with dust and cob- 
webs ('Inveni etiam et libros, sed 
quos tribus obolis non emerem'). 
The Observants (1425) were a re- 
formed Order of Franciscans. The 
influence of the Mendicants was 
great, however, even at the end of 
the present period: for Erasmus 
{Epist: ccccLXxvii., 0pp. III. 515, 
ed. Lugd. Batav. 1703) declares 
that the world was tlien, among 
other evils, groaning under ' tyran- 
nide Fratrum Mendicantiura, qui 
cum sint satelhtes seJis Roraanae, 
tanien eo potentise ac multitudinis 
evadunt, ut ipsi Eomano pontifici 
atque ipsis adeo regibus sint formi- 

1 Above, p. 349. 

2 Above, p. 254. They were con- 
demned by John XXII. in 131 7 
(Extravayantes Johan. XXII. tit. 

VII., in Coi'j). Jur. Canon.), who 
declares that very many of them are 
persons, who * a veritate Catholicae 
fidei deviantes, ecclesiastica sacra- 
menta despiciunt ac errores alios stu- 
dent multipliciter serainare.' Many 
of this class fell a prey to the Inqui- 
sition : cf. a contemporary account 
in Baluze, Vit. Pap. Avenion. I. 598. 

^ See, for instance, the proceed- 
ings against William liussell and 
other English Franciscans, in Wil- 
kins, III. 433 sq. 

•* Above, pp. 250, 251. The Pos- 
t'dla of Oliva w^ere still most popular 
among them. The Church of Kome 
was Babylon, the ' meretrix magna;' 
John XXII. was 'mysticus Anti- 
christus, prteparator viae majoris 
Antichrist!,' etc. See the Liber Sen- 
tentiarum, p. 30^, annexed to Lim- 
borch's Hid. Inquisilionis. 

^ See the Co'pia Prophetice Fratris 
J oil. de Rupescissa etc., in Brown's 
Fascic. II. 494 sq. For other light 
on this interesting subject, consult 
Dr Maitland's Fii/ht Essays (1852), 
pp. 206 sq. 

^ Von der Hardt, IV. 515, 

— 1520] Constitution of the Church. 373 

As distinguished from the laxer or conventual school of other 
the Franciscans, they were called Friars-Keffular. of^the 

*' _ *-" TTT1.MJ *M/>I1 

But other groups, in which the Beghard influence' 

seems to have preponderated, now appeared in many Reguhir. 
countries of the west, especially in Flanders and some 'andflaari^. 
parts of Germany. One section of them, notwithstanding 
the indiscriminate censures^ of pope Clement V., had mani- 
fested no desire to vary from the general teaching of the 
Church. They were religious brotherhoods and sister- 
hoods distinguished for their zeal in visiting the sick, or, in 
the case of those to whom the name of Lollards^ (Lullards) 
was now popularly given, for singing at the funerals and 
for otherwise assisting in the burial of the dead. But 
it would seem that the title ' Lollard,' like the older one 
of Beghard, or Beguin, was at an early date synonymous 
with heretic^", although the bearers ^^ of them both were 
shielded, now and then at least, from the Inquisitor by 
missives of succeeding popes. 

Another confraternity which ran the risk of belns: con- common-u/e 
founded with the Beghards, owed their origm to Gerhard 

7 See above, p. 25 (, and Mosheim, drie' with an English verb 'lolle.' 

as there quoted, pp. 244 sq. See also Halliwell, A)xh. Diet. s. v. 

'^ e.g. Clemenfin. Conslit. lib. lir. 'Lollards.' 

tit. xi. c. I. John XXII., on the ^^ See the last extract. In 1408, 

contrary, in 1318, took the females archi)p. Arandi.4 declares (§ 10) that 

commonly called Beghmce under his his province (of Canterbury) was 

protection. Mosheim, Ibid, pp.627 'infected with new unprofitable doc- 

gq. trines, and blemished with the new 

9 As early as the year 1309, we damnable brand of Zo//a?'rfz/' (John- 
read of 'quidam hypociitse gyrovagi, son, ll. 470), which implies that the 
qui Lollaidi, sive Deum laadantcs, name was then somewhat fresh in 
vocabantur,' in the neighboui'hood England. 

of Libge: see the Gest. Pontiff. Leod. ^^ Thus Boniface IX. (1395) re- 

Script. ed. Chapeaville, 1 1. 350. The calls the exemptions which had been 

derivation thus suggested is from the granted to persons of either sex 

German ^«<ZZcW (=• lull'), referring to (' vulgo Beghardi, seu Lullardi et 

the plaintive melody eraplnyed by Zuestriones, a se ipsis vero pauperes 

them at funerals : cf. Gieseler, iv. Fratricelli seu pauperes pueruli no- 

§ 115, n. 4; and Maitland, as above, minati') by himself or his predeces- 

p, 204. A ballad on Sir John Old- sors, on the ground that heresies _ 

castle, quoted by Turner (ill. 144, were lurking in the institute. Mos- 

note), appears to connect ' LoUar- heim, as above, p. 409. 


Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 1305 





Fearpil dege- 
iieracy of the 

Groot\ a clergyman of Deventer, at the middle of the 
fom*teenth century. They soon expanded, under the able 
patronage of the reformed ' canons of Windesheim,' into 
an order called the ' Fratres Vitge Communis ;' and while 
elevating in some degree the tone of personal religion, 
they contributed^ to the more careful training both of 
laymen and ecclesiastics in the north of Europe. One of 
their most holy luminaries was Thomas a Kempis^, who 
died in 1471. 

It may be safely stated that the 'working' (parish) 
clergy had never been so debased as at the close of the 
present period. The corruptions we have marked already* 
were now threatening day by day to leaven all the lump. 
In Germany ° and Spain® particularly, their unblushing 

1 See the deeply interesting Life 
of liini by Thomas a Keuipis (d. 
1471) in the Works oi the latter, iii. 
3 sq. ed. Colon.; and a Chronicon 
(circ. 1 465) of the canons of Windes- 
heim by one of their number, Joh. 
Buschius, ed. Antverp. 162 1. This 
order had to defend themselves a- 
gainst a virulent attack of a Saxon 
Dominican {Ibid. pp. 547 sq.), and 
were supported by the leading men 
at the council of Constance. Lenfant, 
Hist, du Concile, hv. Vl, §§ 64 sq. 
One of the grounds of objection to 
them was that they lived together 
without adopting monastic vows. 
They were afterwards protected for 
a time by Eugenius IV. (Mosheim, 
as above, pp. 668 sq.) : but numbers, 
through their strong resemblance to 
the Beghards, were at last com- 
pelled to seek a shelter in the tertiary 
estate of the Franciscans {cf. above, 
p. 250). 

2 Their chronicler Buschius (as 
above, p. 374, n. i) asks with jus- 
tice (p. 214): 'Quantas in sseculo 
sunt personae sexus utriusque, quae 
amicitia his conjunctae a sgeculi vani- 
tate per eas [congregationes] con- 
versae, et ad meliora....ipsarura ex- 
emplo inductae et provocatte, quamvis 
ad omnia evangelica consilia statim 

arripienda propter multa impedi- 
menta nondum dare se valent, vitam 
tamen sanctam a peccatis alienam, 
ad earum iufonnationem student ob- 
servare, quis euumerabit?' Their 
scholastic and other institutions are 
described at length by Delprat, Ver- 
liandeling over de Broederschap van 
G. Groote, Utrecht, 1830 (translated 
into German, with additions, by 
Mohnike, Leipz. 1840). 

^ It has been disputed whether 
the De Imitatione Christi is to be 
classed among his warm-hearted 
writings (some assigning it to abbot 
Gersen, and others to Gerson, the 
Chancellor of Paris), but the evi- 
dence, externa