J S
768
22
/#*'
in
o
Ti-
er
o
u
ViMP
LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
GIFT OF*
...tu.
Class
A HISTORY OF THE CITY GOV
ERNMENT OF
CLEVELAND, OHIO
>N SUBMITTED TO THE BOARD
OF UNI IY STUDIES IN CONFORMITY
WITH THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE
Dl OF THE DOCTOR OF
ILOSOPHY, 1902.
—BY-
CHARLES SNAVELY
Professor of History and Economics
Qttt >
'erville, 0.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART I.
Cleveland in the Formative Period.
CHAPTER I.
*Brief Review of Territorial History.
Selection of site for the city. Township organ-
ization. Care of the poor — State constitution of
1802.
CHAPTER II.
::T)C-ginnings of Corporate Existence, 1814.
The elective franchise. Power of the board of trustees.
Village finances. Public works.
CHAPTER III.
Cleveland I'nder the Charter of 1836.
The executive. The legislative body. Finance.
Streets. Police department. Fire department.
Tavern license. Poor relief. Sanitary regulation.
Public franchise. Public instruction. Character
of the government of this period 1-21
PART II.
Cleveland Under General Laws.
CHAPTER I.
The Municipal ( )rganization Act of 1852.
The city council. Annexation of Ohio City. Po-
lice department. Fire Department. Water Works.
Health and sanitation. Board of improvements. .22-42
:i:Street Railways, Finance.
CHAPTER II.
The Reform Movement.
CHAPTER III.
The Federal Plan.
Chapters I and II of Part I, and Chapters II and III of Part II are not
printed. The complete dissertation in manuscript form may be found in the
Western Reserve Historical Library.
PART I.
CLEVELAND IN THE FORMATIVE
PERIOD.
CHAPTER III.
CLEVELAND UNDER THE CHARTER OF 1836.
The Xew England plan of holding town meeting for the
purpose of transacting business of the municipality, and for
the popular discussion of public matters never obtained in the
Middle States, at least, not in Ohio. Charter changes in
Cleveland have usually come about through the efforts of a
comparatively small body of men who discussed the matters
among themselves and then presented bills, embodying their
views, to the General Assembly. That was the way the
charter of 1836 came into being. This new charter was
passed by the General Assembly March 6, 1836.
The institutions which had taken form under the old
charter were given greater expansion in the more firmly
articulated organism of the new. There were no radical
changes in the new instrument except in the financial powers.
It was an embodiment of those institutions which the needs
of the past two decades had erected. The new charter fol-
lowed closely the outlines of the old village charter, and
might be called an enlargement of the old.
THE EXECUTIVE.
In place of the village president was provided the mayor
of the city, sustaining the same relation to the city and
council which the village president sustained to the village
and its board of trustees. His tenure of office was the
same. His powers were greater to be sure, but the increase
was not in proportion to the increase in the powers of the
council. He was the presiding officer of the legislative
body, and rendered the decision in case of a tie vote, thus
exercising legislative as well as executive powers.1 He was
vested with the powers of a justice of the peace, and in all
cases of violation of ordinances of the city he was clothed
with exclusive original jurisdiction.2 By this charter the
mayor was made a local police officer for the State, being
charged to see that the laws of the State as well as the ordi-
nances of the city were obeyed.3 He was made a general
superintendent over the subordinate officers of the city,4
which was not a specific duty of the village president. The
greater part of mayor's duties consisted of hearing com-
plaints and of performing the functions of a police judge.
Being an organic part of the council5, the mayor became
more or less intimately associated with the administrative
work of that body. Through the appointment of committees
the mayor's power in directing the policy of the administra-
tion was considerable, though his specified powers were not
great, and all powers not delegated resided in the council.
Under the village administration a great deal of the execu-
tive work was done by committees appointed for specified
purposes, but under the charter of 1836 the administrative
duties of the council began to be performed by standing
committees.
These eight standing committees (Finance, Licenses,
Streets, Harbors Wharves and Public Grounds, Judiciary,
Market, Fire and Water, and Claims) were appointed by
the mayor as were all other committees "unless otherwise
directed by the council."6 The mayor was even made a
member of some of these committees, at the request of the
council.7 The actual practice of the council was to confer
more powers on the mayor than the charter itself would in-
dicate. He performed some of the duties which would now
fall to the city clerk or the auditor, since they were of a fiscal
nature.8 However, the independent power of the mayor
was insignificant. His influence in directing the policy of
the city government depended upon the degree of harmony
existing between himself and the legislative branch. Hap-
pily, the records indicate that this relation was always most
cordial. The mayor was elected by popular vote for a term
of one year. The veto power was not one of the mayor's
1 Charter of 1836, sec. 4. 3 Ibid.
2 Ibid 4 Charter of 1836, sec. 4.
5 Ibid.
6 Rules and Orders of the Common Council of Cleveland, Rule 4.
7 Council Proceedings 1836, June 9. 8 Council Proceedings 1836, June 9.
functions at this time. As a general superintendent of affairs
the mayor recommended to the consideration of the coun-
cil such measures as he deemed expedient.1
THE LEGISLATIVE BODY.
In the place of the three village trustees was erected the
city council, which was composed of three councilmen from
each of the wards, and as many aldermen as there were
wards in the city.2 These two classes of members were
elected by popular vote for a term of one year. The coun-
cilmen were elected by wards while the aldermen were elect-
ed by vote of the entire city, but no two of the aldermen could
be residents of the same ward. Though composed of two
kinds of members the council was unicameral. The city was
divided into three wards, but the council had power to
change, increase or diminish this number whenever it saw
fit.3 The original ward boundaries were extended from time
to time to take in the additional territory annexed to the cor-
poration, but the number of wards remained unchanged for
fifteen years. The territorial growth of the city during
these fifteen years had made the administrative work of the
council more complicated. To facilitate the proper execu-
tion of their duties another ward was created.4 The ward
representation in the body of councilmen was cut down
about this time to two members. This change in represen-
tation returned a council consisting of the same number of
members, there being a loss of one in the number of council-
men, and a gain of one in the number of aldermen. This
alteration gave the legislative body greater permanence as
the terms of the aldermen had been increased to three years.5
Inasmuch as the greater part of the administration duties
fell to the council this was an important change, for there
was always more or less work in the nature of improvements
which, for completion, required a greater length of time than
was represented by the life of one council. This increase
in the number of long term members introduced greater
efficiency by having on the executive committees more mem-
bers who were familiar with the unfinished improvements.
1 Charter of 1836, sec. 4. 4 Act of March 26, 1851.
2 Charter of 1836, sec. 2. 5 Act of February 8, 1847.
3 Charter of 1836, sec. 3.
Up to March 20, 1841, the members of the council re-
ceived one dollar per day for all regular or special meetings
of that body. The question of council remuneration was dis-
cussed in the council at different times. A resolution was
introduced in 1840 looking to the abolishment of salaries of
council members.1 The resolution was amended so as to
include the salaries of all city officers. The measure was
hardly to be taken seriously, and was laid on the table. Hut
council remuneration was abolished in 1841.
The powers of the council were enumerated in the charter
in detail. These powers may be classified roughly as fol-
lows. Powers relating to, city property, finance, health,
fire, harbors and wharves, justice, licenses and fees, ordi-
nances, police, public offices and officers, taxes and assess-
ments, public safety, streets and highways, and public edu-
cation.
This was pre-eminently a period of council government.
The mayor held the seal of the city and was the incarnation
of its dignity, but aside from his police duties his labors were
not onerous, as the greater part of the administrative work
was in the hands of the council. The municipal patronage
was at the disposal of the legislative department. It created
all subordinate offices and appointed their incumbents. ( )n
the organization of the council each year it was deluged with
petitions asking for appointment to the subordinate offices
at its disposal, from city clerk to bell ringer. This was in
keeping with the general practice of municipalities at this
time, but the weakness of the system is too apparent to call
for anv comment.
FINANCE.
As already observed, one of the reasons for the change
from the village to the city organization was fiscal. The
taxing powers was limited to one per cent, on the assessed
value of the taxable property within the village. This amount
of revenue was somewhat augmented by fines and by
licenses for taverns and certain other kinds of business.
These, however, yielded a very uncertain return, especially
was this true in the matter of fines. The borrowing power,
too, was limited to the amount of tax for the current year.
1 Council Proceedings, 1840, Feb. 12.
This was too restricted for the needs of a growing city. The
change in the taxing power under the city charter was a very
radical one. | Instead of being limited to a one per cent, rate
as before, the council was given unlimited taxing power, a
very wide and dangerous liberty. ) This unrestricted privi-
lege was not abused, but the rate was usually fixed at a very
reasonable per cent. Up to 1840 the rate varied little, but
was kept pretty close to a five-mill levy. The rate in 1839
was fixed at four mills which was probably too low, for the
next year it was raised to seven mills. This was considered
a hign rate and led to the passage of an act by the General
Assembly limiting the rate for general purposes to five mills
on the dollar.1
In addition to the tax of five mills on the dollar for general
purposes, there was a tax of one mill for public instruction,
and the same amount for the purchase of school sites and the
erection of school buildings, and the discriminating tax for
permanent improvements.
\ Borrowing power like the taxing power was without legal
limit as to amount. The council could borrow for the dis-
charge and liquidation of any debt of the city, either present
or prospective, or for the redemption of any loan and for
interest charges.- The revenues and the property of the
city stood as a pledge for the payment of these loans under
such conditions as the council might determine uponJ An
ordinance for a loan required the approval of two thirds of
the members at two different sessions, with a period of two
weeks intervening. An unlimited borrowing power in the
hands of a municipal corporation is always a questionable
power. However the defect which manifested itself soonest
in this feature of the charter of 1836 lay in the fact that the
council could make a loan without making any provision at
the time for its payment. In 1837 a resolution was offered
providing for a loan of $50,000 on the plea that certain im-
provements were needed, and it would not be good policy to
levy a tax for them.
This course may have been good policy, but it was bad
financiering as later history shows, for loans were some-
times allowed to run on to time of maturity before provision
was made for redemption, which resulted in a burden of ma-
turing obligations and called for a refunding of the city's
1 Act of March 20, 1841. 2 Charter of 1836, sec. 14.
6
debts.1 This policy was particularly bad inasmuch as a
rapidly growing city has a heavy yearly expense to provide
for the demands of needed improvements without bearing
the entire burden of those made years before.
. /The treasurer had nothing to do with shaping the financial
policy of the city. That resided with the council, and was
practically dictated by the council committee on finance.
The sources of revenue were about the same as under the
old charter. Licenses began to play an important part in the
police regulations, and yielded no inconsiderable revenue.
Besides tavern keepers' and grocers' licenses a tax was laid
on theaters and shows. The poll tax having been declared
"grevious and oppressive" by the state constitution2 no poll
tax could be levied for state or county purposes, but it was
levied every year for local purposes. The return from this
tax was spent on the public highways. It could be paid
either in labor, or in money. The greater part of it was paid
in labor. In addition to the revenue which accrued from the
general property tax and the other sources already mentioned
the market rents and the fees charged for services of a quasi-
public nature contributed several hundred dollars annually
to the public funds. The greater part of the revenue was
derived from the general property, and the discriminating
tax. As most property at that time was tangible and there-
fore not easily concealed from the eye of the lister the general
property tax system was fairly satisfactory. Resolutions
were introduced on two separate occasions in 1844 to tax
brokers but the necessary support was not secured for their
enactment. Looking at the financial records of the city at
the end of the first decade we find the receipts stand as fol-
lows :3
Received from general tax for 1847. .. .$6,880.02
" inspectors license 375-°°
tavern license 22.53
" sale of cemetery lots. ... 881.34
proceeds of hay scales ... 39141
" proceeds of public docks. 135-49
rent of market stalls 543-12
" other sources 528.53
Total 9>95744
1 Council Proceedings, 1845, July 3.
2 Constitution of Ohio, art. 12, sec. 1.
3 These figures were taken from the city clerk's report published in Cleveland
Plain Dealer, April 12, 1848.
These receipts do not include the school fund which
amounted to about nine thousand dollars. There had been
overdrawn orders on the general fund which when added to
the general receipts made a grand total of proceeds for the
year of $13,188.16. The poll tax for 1847 yielded $1200,
about two-thirds of which was paid in money and one-third
in labor on the highways. The expenditures for the year
for general expenses were $11,571.87. Of this amount
$2,036 were paid as interest charges on bonds the interst on
which evidently had not been paid the previous year. De-
ducting the interest charges we have $9,535.04, the amount
of general expenditures exclusive of interest, which indicates
a fair degree of economy in the financial administration.
There was an apparent balance in the treasury at the end of
the year of $1,616.29. But as most of this balance was in
the form of orders drawn on the current fund and not re-
deemed, the treasury was not relieved from embarrassment
by the presence of this balance. Money was scarce in this
pioneer country, and the collection of taxes in sufficient
quantity to meet the expenses of the city government was
next to impossible.1 The general financial crash of 1837
added to the confusion and disorganization of local finan-
cial affairs. To relieve the local monetary stringency the
council authorized the mayor to issue interest bearing treas-
ury notes "for the liquidation of debts against the city."2
These notes passed from hand to hand, were tenderable to
the collector of taxes, and to the treasurer for licenses.3
Had the council made some slight provision for the redemp-
tion of these notes it might have tided the city over the
financial crises without serious embarrassment. But as it
made no provision for their redemption the notes soon de-
preciated in value until they were worth only 62^ cents on
the dollar.4 This depreciation was due not alone to the fact
that the treasurer could not pay the notes, but as well to the
fact that he was unable to meet the interest charges.5 In
1847 about $8000 of immediate indebtedness of the corpora-
tion was in city orders in the hands of the citizens. The
depreciated value of these orders was extremely demoralizing
to the credit of the government, inasmuch as persons furnish-
ing labor or supplies charged from 20 per cent, to 30 per cent.
1 Council Proceedings, 1836, July 27. 4 Mayor's Inaugural, 1847.
2 Ibid, 1836, May 25. 5 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
8
more than the labor or supplies were worth, and the council
allowed the bills. This demoralized condition of finances
continued until Henry B. Payne, a member of the council,
came forward with a plan to relieve the disorganized condi-
tion of the financial department, in I847-1 His plan was to
fund the city's debts by computing the interest on the out-
standing orders up to March 15, 1848, to issue new bonds
for the amount, one-fourth to be paid March 15, 1848, and
the remainder in three equal installments, with interest pay-
able annually from the above date. The orders issued for
the claims accruing for the general expenses of the current
year were made payable March 15, 1848. These orders
only, and money were receivable for the general taxes of
1847. Mr. Payne's plan was adopted. The finance com-
mittee refunded the outstanding orders of the city, and the
mayor issued new bonds for these orders on the requisition
of the committee. A special tax was satisfied on the tender
of money only. This measure introduced some system into
the financial administration of the city. The city fathers
had learned by experience that the obligations of the cor-
poration could be met only by providing a specific fund to
meet the same when they fell due. The experience of the
first ten years had demonstrated beyond question that treas-
ury notes or city orders can not safely be received in pay-
ment of taxes unless it be in anticipation of revenue from
some other source. The period just treated was marked by
retrenchment in salaries of officers, that of the council having
been taken away entirely, while the mayor's pay was reduced
first, to $395 a year, and then to $100 a year.
In May, 1836, the debt of the city was $23,885. 77,2 or
something near $4 per capita. This was an inheritance from
the village corporation and had come about through perma-
nent improvements which involved a good deal of litigation
and heavy damage claims. The chief additions to this debt
in the first ten years under the city charter were $6000 in
Academy bonds, and $7,820 in Lake Shore bonds issued to
raise revenue to protect and improve the lake front. At the
end of the first decade the liabilities of the city stood as
follows.
1 Council Proceedings, 1847, July 3. 2 Council Proceedings, 1836, May 9.
9
Academy Lot Bonds at 6 per cent $6,000
Lake Shore Bonds at 7 per cent 7,820
Installment on School Lot 264
Deferred payment of funded debt 7>314
Immediate indebtedness 1,500
Total 22,898
These figures indicate that the city debt was a fairly con-
stant quantity, and that expenditures were not governed by
the annual income. The budget had little influence in lim-
iting the expenses of the departments. The rate limit was
fixed by the state legislature, but this was rendered nugatory
by overdrawing orders against the funds, and after a term
of years funding the debt by an issue of bonds. During the
remainder of this period there was little change in the finan-
cial condition until the last three years under the charter of
1836. From 1849 to J852 the debt had more than doubled,
being in the latter year about $55,000. The receipts from
general taxes were more than doubled too, but the revenue
was not sufficient to meet the expenses. The additional
expense calling for this increase in revenue was due to
additional expenditures in the fire and school departments
and for lighting purposes.
In 1846 the city embarked in railroad enterprise. The
question had been voted upon at the spring election and
received the hearty endorsement of the voters. Aiccordinglv
$100,000 in Cleveland, Columbus and Cincinnati stock was
subscribed for, and city bonds to that amount were issued
in payment. The next year $100,000 additional stock in the
same road was taken. The interest on these bonds was met
by annual assessment for interest charges. In 1848 the
voters were called upon again to decide on a subscription to
the Cleveland and Pittsburgh road. The vote was almost
unanimous for the subscription.1 This road, one hundred
miles in length, connected the Ohio Valley with the lake,
and passed through rich coal fields. The return from these
investments will be discussed later. Besides the benefit
derived from these roads through increased traffic th?™
was another economic result. The protection of the lake
front against the encroachments of the water had been
1 Cleveland Plain Dealer, April 4, 1848.
10
difficult and expensive. In 1849 tne council sold to the
C., C. & C. railroad company a strip along the shore, for
which the company paid $15000 in their stock. The city re-
served 132 feet in width for landing purposes for boats at
the end of the pier, and guaranteed to other railroad com-
panies the use of the lake shore, and relieved the city of
further expense and anxiety in that direction. The city's
interest in railroad investments came to an end under the
new state constitution adopted in 1851. The constitutional
convention was petitioned to take from cities the power to
subscribe for rail road stock. The argument advanced was
that it was unjust for those who had no property and there-
fore paid no taxes to saddle upon property owners the debts
incurred by embarking in railroad ventures. Then too, it
was urged that those enterprises added nothing to the value
of merchandise and personal property, but only to real prop-
erty.1 But perhaps the fact that some cities came to grief
by subscribing to private enterprise was the most potent
factor in introducing a prohibitory clause into the state con-
stitution of 1851.
STREETS.
The old English Plan of caring for the highways by com-
pelling the inhabitants to furnish labor2 was adopted in the
village, and continued in the city. The council appointed
one or more supervisors to direct the work on the streets.
The road tax levied by law was collected by the treasurer of
Cuyahoga County who turned it over to the city treasurer
to be expended on the streets under the direction of the
council. The supervisor was given a per cent, on the amount
of poll tax he collected which led .to a pretty careful collec-
tion of the revenue from this source. The poll tax furnished
about one-fifth of the road funds. All male citizens between
the ages of twenty-one and fifty-five years of age were
charged with this tax. The expense of grading highways
was not so great as in some cities, the soil being of a loose
sand, and therefore easily broken up.
DEPARTMENT OF POLICE.
It was enjoined upon both the mayor and council to pre-
serve the good order of the city, but the active police duties
1 Cleveland Plain Dealer, April 5, 1851.
2 Allinson & Penrose, "Philadelphia, P. 25."
11
were vested in the city marshal, who as to tenure of office
was independent of both mayor and council, being annually
elected by popular vote.1 But while the marshal was inde-
pendent of the council in tenure of office, the council exer-
cised more or less direct control over him. It fixed his
salary, his bond, prescribed his duties, and its ratification of
his deputy appointment was necessary, while it held him
strictly to account for the official acts of his assistants, but
for his own official acts he was responsible directly to the
people.
The first change in the charter of 1836 introducing immed-
iate accountability was in the department of police, by
which change the removal of the marshal and his dputies
was made a right of the council.2 Removals could be made
only for neglect of duty or other good cause, and the marshal
had to be notified specifically of the charges preferred against
him and given a hearing in his defense.
FIRE DEPARTMENT.
The earliest attempts on the part of the city to prevent
ravages by fire were the providing of public wells and cis-
terns at convenient places. Various fire brigades and hook
and ladder companies were organized in different parts of
the city. These, as is the case in the infancy of most cities,
were strictly volunteer organizations. These continued to
be the basis of organization as late as 1862. In 1829 the
village trustees had invested $285 in a fire engine.3 Here
historically, we may say, was the beginning of the fire de-
partment.
The council during the first years of its existence passed
considerable legislation, mostly of a precautionary nature,
such as describing the manner in which stove pipes be in-
serted into the chimneys, how combustibles be kept, etc.4
Every household containing one fire place or stove was
required to keep "one good painted, leathern fire bucket ;"
every household containing two or more fire places or stoves
was to keep two such buckets, and one additional bucket for
every two additional fires or stoves.5
1 Charter of 1836, sec. 4. 4 Act of May 7, 1836.
2 Act of Feb. 18, 1848. 5 Act of Nov. 30, 1836.
3 Magazine of Western History, Vol. 4, p. 74.
12
In 1837 a fire warden was appointed for each ward, and
whenever ordered 'by the council made examination of all
houses in his ward to ascertain their condition regarding
danger from fire. The general assembly of the state encour-
aged the organization of volunteer companies by granting
privileges and immunities to members.1 Active members
were free from military duty during time of peace, exempt
from labor on the highways, and from serving as jurors.
After five years of service members were forever free from
the above duties so long as they resided within the city. The
chief of the fire department received a salary of $150 per year
for his services, while the other members of the department
received one dollar per day for each day they were in attend-
ance to operate the engine. The organization of the depart-
ment was vested in the council, but the council was controlled
to a great extent by the wishes of the companies, allowing
them to suggest names for chief engineer and two assistants.2
This custom was enacted into a law,3 and the companies
then completed their own organization.
TAVERN LICENSES.
Under the act of incorporation of 1836 the city council was
given authority to grant licenses to tavern keepers,
etc. In 1839 the power was taken from the council
and lodged in the Court of Common Pleas.
There is no hint in the council proceedings nor
in the local press of this time as to the cause for this
change. But when, in 1845 an effort was made to vest in
the council the right to appoint beef inspectors, the mat-
ter was referred to a select committee of the council as a
subject for report. The majority report was against the
measure. As an argument in favor of the report the major-
ity affirmed that the transfer of power, from the council
to the Court of Common Pleas, to grant tavern liceses was
made on the petition of many of the best and most influential
citizens of Cleveland. The power was a charter power of
the council but was looked upon as interefering with the elec-
tions and other insterests of the city government, as it gave
the council a dangerous patronage.4 The change was a dis-
appointment, as might have been expected, for there was the
1 Act of Feb. 8, 1847.
2 Council Proceedings, 1836, May 18.
3 Ibid, 1847, August 7.
4 Majority Report, published in the Cleveland Herald, January 15, 1845.
13
same temptation to the judge as to the council to have a
strong following and to use his patronage to that end. The
judicious exercise of the license power was essential to the
best interests of the city. The council by its charter was the
guardian of these interests, and was charged with the pres-
ervation of good order in the taverns and other places of en-
tertainment in the city. Yet the police power of regulation
by license was lodged in other hands, and was not exer-
cised by the council.1
For a time the principle of "home rule" was applied to the
regulation of the liquor traffic, authority having been given
to citizens to determine whether there should be license or
no license. Later the council passed a resolution praying the
General Assembly to repeal so much of the law as required a
vote for license or no license relating to Cleveland, and
provide for the appointment of three commissioners by the
court, to issue licenses to proper applicants on payment of
the license charges.2 The request was not granted but two
years later the essence of the resolution was incorporated
in a law. Instead of vesting the appointing power in the
court it was given to the council. This change gave the coun-
cil an indirect power over licenses by vesting their issue
in a board of excise commissioners appointed by the council.
License fees ranged from $20 to $100. The license law was
omitted from the constitution of 1851.
POOR RELIEF.
The charter gave the council authority to provide for the
relief of the poor, but nothing was done in the way of build-
ing a city poor house until 1849, a^ which time the council
was authorized to levy a tax for one or more years for the
purpose of erecting and maintaining a poor house for the
poor and indigent of the city.3 The care of the poor had de-
volved upon the township trustees. The city had leased to the
township, grounds within the city limits for the erection of
a poor house. In as much as nineteen-twentieths of the ex-
pense of erecting and maintaining the institution fell upon the
citizens of Cleveland, the township trustees presented the
lease and the poor house to the city, praying the authorities
1 Cleveland Herald, November 28, 1845 3 Act of March 13, 1849.
2 Council proceedings, 1848, Jan. 9.
14
to accept it, as they could care for the poor better than the
township. The only condition of surrender was that the city
should take care of its own poor. The council accepted the
condition and the gift.1. There was a general increase of
pauperism at this time owing to the financial depression of
1837, There were many depending on the poor relief who
were able and apparently willing to work but work was not
to be had.2 This charge brought a revulsion. The council
refused to vote the budget. Finally on the recommenda-
tion of the mayor the council voted the annual budget with
the proviso that no part of the general tax be devoted to
the support of the poor, that the return from tavern and
grocers' licenses and fines be appropriated to that purpose.3
This sentiment prevailed, and the council voted the annual
budget. The refusal of the council to vote the budget was
not because it objected to caring for the poor, but because
it was averse to having this function depending upon the city
government. On the refusal of the council to perform these
duties the township trustees again took up the burden.4 The
whole weight of .the work was not thrown upon the trustees.
The council took measures for the building of a city hospital
where it might take care of the sick.
The cholera had found its way to the city and precaution-
ary measures were necessary to guard against its ravages.
The hospital was put under the management of the board of
health which was in reality a council committee. This ar-
rangement continued for about twelve years, when the city
built a city poor house. The entire management of this in-
stitution was vested in a board of trustees, the council hav-
ing the right only to make the tax levy.
SANITARY REGULATIONS.
The sanitary regulations of Cleveland first took the form
of council ordinances. The marshal and his deputies were
expected to exercise vigilance as they made their rounds over
the city. The superintendent of markets looked after the san-
itary condition of the stalls and grounds. Butchers and
venders of meat were to be cleanly clad, while dogs and of-
fensive animals were to be kept out of the market stalls. The
1 Council Proceedings, 1837, April 19. 3 Council Proceedings, 1838, June 0.
2 Ibid, 1838, Jan. 31. 4 Ibid, 1839, July 25.
15
first board of health in the city was appointed in 1836 by the
council, and consisted of the mayor and four other members
of the legislative branch of the government.1 The board of
health was not a permanent agent of administration, but was
allowed to pass out of existence when the cause for which
it was created was removed. It was not called into existence
again until the fear, or actual presence, of some infectious
or contagious disease called for sanitary regulations.
The General Assembly in 1850 empowered the council to
organize a board of health, from which time the board be-
came a permanent institution, and an agent separate from
the council. The council was still represented on the board
through its clerk, who was also clerk of the board of health.2
Executive concentration was sought by naming one of the
members "acting members" and paying him for his services.
Street cleaning, .which is an important item in producing
good sanitary conditions, did not receive much attention.
Owners and occupants of lots abutting certain streets were
to clean these streets, lanes and sidewalks thoroughly, once
a fortnight, from April to November. Superior street which
was the pricipal business street was to be cleaned every
Friday morning. The dirt collected in heaps by the property
owners was carted away at the city's expense.
PUBUC FRANCHISES.
The problem of dealing with private corporations under
the first charter did not carry with it many difficulties, for
corporations had not yet taken on such proportions, and did
not perform such an important part in the affairs of the city
as at present. Among the first franchises granted to pri-
vate corporations was that granted in 1849 to tne Cleveland
Gas Light and Coke Co. The city has kept a tighter hand on
its gas companies than on any other corporation to which it
has given privileges.
In consideration of the privilege of laying pipes in the
streets the council demanded that the rates for gas furnished
the city should not exceed the rate current in Cincinnati or
Buffalo, and that the price to citizens must not exceed three
dollars per thousand feet. The contracts with the company
were entered into by the city for terms of ten years, at the
1 Council Proceedings, 1836, June 9. 2 Council Proceedings, 1850, April, 18.
16
end of which time the price of gas was again subject to revis-
ion. By reserving the right to fix the maximum price of gas
the city has kept the rate down to reasonable figures when
compared with other cities. This mode of dealing with the
gas companies did not yield public revenue, but the reduc-
tions in the price of gas resulted in considerable saving to the
municipality in the lighting of its streets and public places
as well as to the citizens in domestic consumption.
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
The early schools of Cleveland were not pubic institu-
tions. There was no regular system of schools and no legal
provision made for their maintenance until the adoption of
the charter of 1836. There were schools of a semi-public
character under the village organization. Some of the citi-
zens in their private capacity had raised a sum of money
($198.70) to build a school house. The trustees of the vil-
lage in 1817 reimbursed these citizens out of the public funds
and assumed sole control of the school house.1 The trus-
tees then rented the house to a duly qualified teacher who
managed the school in accordance with his ideas of a system
of education.
The school conducted in this building was free only to
those children whose parents were too poor to pay for in-
struction.
Being authorized by the charter of 1836 to provide for the
organization and support of common schools, the council be-
gan its work in 1834 W leasing buildings for school purposes
until the necessary school buildings could be erected. The
General Assembly fixed the maximum limit of tax for school
purposes at one mill on the dollar, county valuation. The
council levied but a half mill, which returned $2830. The
expenditure for tuition for this year was $700 or about five
dollars per pupil in attendance. The balance of the fund
after paying for fuel was applied to the liquidation of the
debt incurred in the erection of school buildings.
The management of the schools was then vested in a board
of school managers, appointed by the council. The district
was the basis of representation on the board, there being one
member from each district. The districts at first were made
1 Freese's Early History of Cleveland Public Schools, p. 5.
17
coextensive with the wards. These, as necessity arose, were
subdivided.1 The spirit of decentralization impaired the ef-
ficiency of the early schools. There was no central authority
liy which uniformity could be established either in the meth-
ods of instruction and organization or in the text books used.
The creation of the office of superintendent of instruction by
the General Assembly in 1853 was designed to bring about
centralized management, but his efforts for a time were baf-
fled when he attempted to unite classes in the same grade.
A cry went up from the local districts about their wards,
their districts, their rights to a full grown school.2
Previous to the appointment of a superintendent of in-
struction an attempt had been made to secure centralization
of management and responsibility by making one of the
members of the board "acting manager" to whom was dele-
gated the supervision of the "ordinary affairs" of the schools,
and who received a small stipend for his services.
A. rather peculiar functionary of this time was the school
r. Visiting- committees consisting of three members
from each ward,3 appointed by the council on recommenda-
tion of the school managers made occasional visits (usually
once a year) to the different schools in the city, and reported
in the council on the condition of the schools, and the action
of the board of managers. These visiting committees were a
sort of connecting link between the people and the council.
They were usually the best educated men of the wards, and
were selected because of personal fitness. When the number
of schools was small this system of management worked
fairly well. Hut when the number of schools had greatly in-
creased, the demands upon the time of the acting manager
were greater than he could respond to, as he received only
$300 a year for his sevices. The visiting committee, which
ved no compensation for its services, would not give
the time to their duties necessary to examine carefully the
condition of the schools. The appointment of a general sup-
erintendent of instruction became necessary. Of this of-
ficer I have already spoken. The arrangement made by
the board of managers was simply a transfer of the duties
and salary of the acting manager to the High School Prin-
cipal, who performed the duties of both principal and super-
1 Charter of 1836, sees. 19, 21. 3 City Ordinances, 1856, p. 200.
2 Freese's Early History of Cleveland Public Schools, p. 24.
18
intendent. In the subject of education the Western Reserve
has been second to no other section of the State, especially
is this true of public school facilities. Cleveland has the
distinction of establishing the first High School in Ohio.
This institution was created at the suggestion of the mayor
in 1846. The school during the first year was open to boys
only, but a department for girls was opened the next year.
The advent of the High School created a great ferment. The
matter was without precedent in the state, and, it was urged
bv the hostile faction, was without warrant of law. A special
committee of the council took the subject under advisement.
The majority reported adversely, declaring the High School
illegal and its support as a public charge inexpedient. The
dissenting member brought in a minority report and took the
opposite stand. The minority report was adopted and the
High School was continued the next year on the same basis
as before.1 During the winter the General Assembly enacted
a law authorizing the council to establish and maintain the
High School.2 This act removed all vestige of doubt as
to the legality of the school. In addition to the public school
work of the city an industrial school was established by the
council in 1856.
The city provided buildings and equipment and a small
yearly monetary contribution, which varied somewhat on
either side of $3000. The industrial school was aided a good
deal by private benevolences, especially by the Children's
Home, and Children's Aid Societies. In fact the entire man-
agement of the industrial school was vested in the trustees of
the children's Aid Society. The small farm tilled by the in-
mates of the school provided a large part of the subsistence
for the support of the institution. The trustees, as far as
possible, secured homes for the unfortunates in their charge,
among citizens of the community. The school during the
first eighteen years of its existence enrolled more than 5000
pupils.
Occasional changes were made in the size of the board of
managers but the election of the board remained a function
of the council up to 1859. After this date the board of edu-
cation was elected by popular vote. Under the old regime
the board had little independent power in the management
and direction of the financial affairs of the schools. Aside
1 Council Proceedings, 1847, April 15. '2 Act of Feb. 18, 1848.
19
from the hiring of teachers the board stood to the council
much in the relation of a committee, having power only to
recommend. The board certified to the council the tax levy
but the council used its judgment about accepting the certi-
fication. The board could make no expenditure of money
for any school or school building without authority from the
council. By a change made in 1864 the board was empow-
ered to determine the tax rate and their action was final, the
council having no power to revise.1. Four years later the
board was given full control of all public money raised for
school purposes.
After the change was made which threw the board of edu-
cation open to popular election the school system became
badly mixed up with ward politics. The boards were large,
containing at one time twenty-five members. In the early
days of the school system, when the boards were chosen by
the council, men were chosen because of personal fitness.
They were men of liberal education, graduates and represen-
tatives of Dartmouth, Williams, Jefferson, Brown, Hamilton,
Yale, Union and Oberlin.2 The first acting manager was a
graduate of Dartmouth, and served on the board of education
lift ecu years.3 Under the elective system the board degen-
erated, not so much because it was elected by popular vote
as because it was a large board and was without a respon-
sible head. Men of fitness on the board were few, and men
with long experience in the work were fewer. The average
length of membership from 1882 to 1892 was not more than
a year and a half. The effect of frequent changes and large
boards will be discussed under the reform movement.
'Hie standard of scholarship in these schools stood high
when compared with the public schools of other large cities
of the state, while the cost per pupil has been considerably
less.
When the cost for tuition in Cleveland was $14.17 per
pupil the cost at Cincinnati was $17.40,
An important adjunct to Cleveland's Public School Sys-
tem is the manual training school. This local institution has
its origin in a stock company incorporated in 1885, with a
capital stock of $25,000. A building was fitted up near the
Central High School where the boys might learn the use of
1 Act of March 25, 1864.
2 Freese's Karly History of Cleveland Public Schools, p. C9.
:: I'n-cse's Early History of Cleveland Public Schools, p. 76.
20
tools and machinery, and receive instruction in mechanics,
physics, chemistry and mechanical drawing. The General
Assembly granted permission to the school board to levy an
annual tax of one-fifth mill for the support of the institution.
A charge of $5.00 per term is made to each pupil to pay for
materials used during the term. The institution has been
rather popular among the boys. In 1888 out of a class of 75
boys who entered the Central High School, 48 of them began
at the same time a course in manual training.1
CHARACTER OF THE GOVERNMENT OK mis iV.Kion.
This we may call the formative period of the municipal
government. Settlers came together here from different
states of the east and from foreign countries bringing with
them the ideas of local government prevalent in their former
homes. These ideas underwent more or less modification by
coming in contact with opinions of different shades. The
result was a government containing much that was common
to cities in the older states, and some things which were
adaptations of older institutions to new conditions. There
was no conscious attempt to copy any existing form. but
the institutions of government were a growth out of pe-
culiar needs. The earliest corporate organization was set
adrift by the state to work out its own institutions and des-
tiny, being comparatively free from state interference. There
is apparent a tendency on the part of the state toward the
close of the period to extend a stronger central control over
the municipal affairs.
The division of administrative functions between the ex-
ecutive and council was apparent, but the preponderance of
power was with the council. In finance the government was
characterized by close restriction on the part of the state, fol-
lowed by full local liberty, which again brought its opposite
policy of state restriction followed by a chaotic condition of
financial affairs, a disregard of budgetary provisions, and an
era of municipal debt-making.
The latter part of the period is characterized by munici-
pal support to railroads and public enterprises which laid
the foundation for future development and greatness.
1 I have treated the school system connectedly because the organization of the
schools was not affected by the Act of 1852.
21
A
Furtheremore there was the division of the council into
the executive committees, which, as governmental functions
increased, developed into separate executive departments
with on or more commissioners in charge. The commission-
er or board system did not reach its full development until
after the adoption of the municipal organization act of 1852.
The wants of the city during most of this period were simple,
and the machinery for supplying them partook of the same
nature. Judged by the standard of that time the affairs of
tin- city were fairly well managed. We will now consider
the changes which took place after the adoption of the con-
stitution of 1851. I
PART II.
CLEVELAND UNDER GENERAL LAWS.
CHAPTER I.
THE MUNICIPAL ORGANIZATION ACT OF 1852.
It was now almost fifty years since the constitution of
1802 was drafted and adopted. Political, economic and
social conditions had undergone radical changes in the half
century just closing.
The management of urban affairs had developed into
an intricate problem, a problem which the constitution mak-
ers of that time were not able to solve, though a brave at-
tempt was made at its solution. Several delegates to the
constitutional convention of 1851 were satisfied that a
change in the method of legislation for cities would work
no harm at least.1
Corporations, especially those of a private nature, had
rapidly multiplied. A belief was made manifest 4<that all
the corporations of the State could be as well regulated by
general as by special acts of incorporation by some classifi-
cation of cities by the number of inhabitants or by some
other manner which might be thought prudent by the legis-
lature."2
There was no loud and emphatic call for change from
any quarter. The provisions under the constitution of 1802,
for the government of cities had worked no injustice to the
governed for the correction of which the delegates to the
convention of 1851 had assembled. In all the speeches de-
livered in this convention on the subject of municipal gov-
ernment there is an entire absence of charges that the sys-
tem of special laws tend to produce or foster local evils.
The cities were fairly well governed if measured by the
standard of that time. The change was sought not so much
to improve municipal government as to strengthen the gen-
1 Convention Debates, 1850, vol. 1, p. 304.
1' ('.invention Debates, 1850, vol. 1, p. 304.
23
eral interests of the state. The evils to be corrected came
not from municipal corporations, but from private corpo-
rations. ''Three-fourths of the legislation for several years
past had been been responsive to the petitions of men who
came up asking to be associated for certain specific purposes
with certain powers guaranteed them."1 So much time
was consumed in the consideration of the private matters
that little time was left for business of a more general na-
ture. That these private corporations could be just as well
organized under general laws was pretty generally believed.
Why should not municipal corporations be included? The
committee on corporations other than banking, in their in-
dividual capacity were not positive on the subject, but all
were willing to make the experiment, or at least to make a
unanimous report to the convention.2
There was a feeling that it would have a tendency to im-
prove legislation affecting cities, as all laws being
general in their application would have the careful consider-
ation of all members of the legislature.3 The debate on
the subject of corporations was long and was characterized
by a good deal of fervor, but almost the entire discussion
related to private corporations. The sentiment in favor of
general laws prevailed, and the constitution received the
ratification of the people.
The General Assembly at its session in 1852 took up the
l)u rden of providing for the organization of corporations
under general laws, and passed the General Municipal Or-
ganization Act on May 3, 1852. This act divided the cities
of the state into two classes. Those with a population ex-
ceeding twenty thousand inhabitants were deemed cities
of the first class, while all others were deemed cities of the
second class.4
The direct limitations upon the powers of cities which
by the authority of the constitution the General Assembly
was enjoined to impose were restrictions of the power of
taxation, assessment, borrowing money, contracting debts,
and loaning their credit.5
As the municipal organization act did not become a law
till May 3, 1852, the spring elections had already been held.
The act did not take effect till April, 1853. By that date
1 Convention Debates, 1850, vol. 1, p. 305.
2 Convention Debates, 1850, vol. 1, p. 304.
3 Convention Debates, 1850, vol. 1, p. 306.
4 Act of May 3, 1852, sec. 41.
5 Constitution of Ohio, 1851, art. XIII., sec. 6.
24
the population had sufficiently increased that Cleveland
became a city of the first class. The effect of the change
from one class to the other, or more correctly the change
from the old organization to the new may be seen in the
great increase in the number of offices filled by popular vote.
The officers elected by the people in 1852 were mayor, alder-
men, treasurer, marshal, sexton and councilmen. In 1853
the electors were called upon to choose mayor, police
judge, police clerk, prosecuting attorney, commisioner of
water works, directors of infirmary, three street commis-
sioners, marshal, auditor, treasurer, solicitor, fire engineer,
harbor master, sexton, superintendent of markets, sealer of
weights and measures, city weigher, civil engineer, two trus-
tees (councilman) from each ward, and the ward assessors.
Besides these there were the township officers consisting of
the constable and justices of the peace. Surely this was a
ticket which must have gladdened the soul of the most
democratic citizen. The law makers though they had got-
ten rid of special legislation by this act, but in less than
four years after its enactment the legal profession found a
loop hole through which laws could be passed, general in
form, though special to all intents and purposes. The re-
sult of this has been the passage at every session of the
General Assembly of a great many special acts under the
guise of general laws.
The most glaring defect of the Act of 1852 lay in the fact
that it sought to bind round the cities of the state a mu-
nicipal strait jacket. When the patient became feverish it
succeeded in breaking the bands. Instead of organizing
the municipal corporation on principles the most general
possible, and leaving to each city the greatest amount of
local autonomy, the liberty to formulate its government to
suit the conditions incident to geographical position, eco-
nomic and social development, the Act of 1852 went into a
minute enumeration of powers.
The two most noteworthy points under the Act of 1852
were the lessening of the powers of the mayor, and the rapid
multiplication of boards as the administration of affairs be-
came more complex and difficult. The mayor became a sort
of perfunctory signing agent for the municipality. He became
less of a police officer having been relieved of police court
duties through the election of a judge of police court.
25
He still performed such duties when the police judge was
unable to be present, or incapacitated for duty.1
Under the old charter the mayor exerted a good deal of
influence in the directing of affairs. Being president of
the council he always appointed the standing committees as
has already been noted, and his recommendations were giv-
en respectful recognition.3 Under the new charter the may-
or was entirely separated from the council. Altho by a later
act3 he was again made the nominal president of the leg-
islative body he rarely exercised this prerogative. The coun-
cil president appointed the standing committees, therefore
the position of mayor in the council was one of official dig-
nity rather than of real power. It was evidently expected
that the mayor would be a more or less influential member
of the committees on which he was a representative, but
whatever influence he exerted there was due to his person-
ality, and not to his executive position. That the mayors
keenly felt their importance in the management of the affairs
of the city, and that their authority was more nominal that
real may plainly be seen in Mayor Flint's farewell address
to the city council in April, 1863. Said the mayor : "It is
generally assumed that the mayor has some authority over
the different officers and department ; but under our char-
ter his sole power is to dismiss one or all the subordinate
police, which extreme power of dismissal, however, mere
enmity towards the marshal, who, by law, is constituted
their superior, forbids him to exercise, except the marshal
desire it. This having a so called executive officer with
power to execute nothing of any particular import, either
to check reckless expenditure or to put a stop to unneces-
sary additional indebtedness or to compel under penalty the
faithful performance of plain duty by the different officers
of the several departments may be good policy, but it is full
time it should be more generally accepted as an undeniable
fact that our Executive officer is practically without real
executive powers, the only proper measure of his official re-
sponsibility." However, the mayor's position became some-
what strengthened after the first decade. The saying, that
the remedy for democracy is more democracy had found its
fulfillment in throwing almost all the offices open to pop-
1 Ordinance of June 14, 1854. 3 Act of April 5, 1856.
2 Council Proceedings, 1838, June 6.
26
ular suffrage and the subsequent restriction of popular
choice to the more general officers of the city government.
There began to be a slight gravitation of power toward the
chief executive though there were with one exception, the
usual checks and balances exercised over his newly acquired
powers by the council. His general superintending func-
tions were emphasized by a new act.1 In the appointment
of civil engineer,2 fire engineer and park commissions3 the
mayor's power was co-ordinate with that of the council,
while in the appointment of the chief fiscal agent the mayor's
power became absolute after i889.4 The early extention of
the term of office of the mayor to two years was an im-
portant step in strengthening the executive department of
the government. The mayor was made a member of the
board of health, improvements and revision, and was a sort
of chief of police.
CITY COUNCIL.
The composition of the council was slightly changed,
the office of alderman being abolished. As both kinds of
members under the old charter had composed but one
chamber this change was of little importance so far as its
effect on legislation was concerned. The council was com-
posed of two members from each ward, one retiring each
year. Having half the members retire each year gave the
same continuity to the life of the council as classifying the
aldermen under the old charter.
Setting aside the judicial function as a constant quantity
and always falling to the courts, the older functions of the
city government, we may say, were divided between the
executive and legislative branches of the government.
As the powers of the executive were diminished under
the new charter, it follows of course, that those of the leg-
islative branch were increased. The most far reaching
change introduced has already been noted in connection
with the mayor, that which transferred the appointment
of standing committees from the mayor to the presiding
officer of the council. As much of the business of the coun-
cil, both of the legislative and administrative nature was ex-
ecuted in committees that was an important change.
1 Act of April 5, 1856. 3 Ordinance of August 22, 1871.
2 Ordinance of May 21, 1867. 4 Revised Statues, 1890, sec. 1766.
27
The extension of old, and the creation of new, institu-
tions had its source in the council. The creation of such
subordinate offices as were needed for efficient administra-
tion was a power of the council, and it was with them to de-
cide whether the office be made elective or filled by council
appointment. There was no uniform rule, sometimes the
one method prevailed, sometimes the other. All powers not
delegated to other agency by the charter resided with the
council. It exercised a regulating power over all other offi-
cers and departments and except in cases where limits were
set by the General Assembly (and these were rare) set lim-
itations upon the powers and authority of the other de-
partments. The municipal patronage of the city was di-
vided between the council and the boards in its ultimate dis-
tribution, but primarily most of it was at the disposal of
tin1 council.
The effect of this policy of council distribution of pat-
ronage has been the same throughout American munici-
palities, and has tended to corrupt and render unsavory the
legislative branch of the government.
ANNEXATION OF OHIO CITY.
There grew up on the west side of the Cuyahoga river a
settlement which developed into a city. It received its
charter of incorporation as such a few days before Cleve-
land received hers, and was christened Ohio City.
These two cities were bitter rivals, and at one time en-
gaged in a pitched battle, the cause of which was objection
on the part of the west siders to the construction of a bridge
across the Cuyahoga river. Fire arms were displayed. A
field piece was posted on the Cleveland side to rake the
bridge, but the west siders got possession of the field piece
and spiked it.
Men on both sides were seriously wounded. The dis-
pute was finally settled by the court.1 The existence of these
two separate municipalities on opposite sides of the river
with the intense hatred of each for the other was a grave
hindrance to the transaction of business in which they were
mutually concernd. Agitation for union had been on for
some years. The proposition had been voted on and de-
1 Council Proceedings 1836, Nov. 7.
28
feated. It was not till 1854 that the rivalry and hostility
between the two places had so far subsided that they decided
to be merged into one corporation.
On June 6, 1854, Ohio City became the eighth, ninth, tenth
end eleventh wards of Cleveland. This increased the city
about one-third both as to territory and population. Accord-
ing to the terms of agreement Cleveland assumed all of
Ohio City's indebtedness which was about $60,120 in bonds
already due or falling due in 1864. It was stipulated by the
commissioners on annexation that no benefits to accrue to
Cleveland from the indebtedness incurred or assets received
from railroad investments should ever enure to that part of
Cleveland which formerly comprised Ohio City. And in turn
Ohio City was free from any obligation arising from indebt-
edness on railroad stock. Any surplus after paying indeDt-
edness was to be expended in the purchase of narks and
public grounds in Cleveland east of the Cuyahoga river.1
This stipulation was not carried out, but the railroad sur-
plus was appropriated to the liquidation of the wrater works
indebtedness. This increase in population and in territory
necessarily called for an extension of the machinery of gov-
ernment. This was about the time when Cleveland began
to make rapid strides in material advancement. Industrial
enterprise every year attracted large bodies of laboring men
and their families. This growth in population and wealth
was followed by marked institutional development in the
city's government.
POUCE DEPARTMENT.
The police department remained in a rather rudimentary
condition for at least two decades after the adoption of
the city charter, and the legislation for some time after the
law makers set about solving the police problem is an ex-
hibition of good intentions and a failure to realize the same.
The way in which the police problem was taken up indi-
cates doubt and uncertainty as to where to vest the authority,
and to whom the department should be responsible. The
frequent structural changes in the department indicate
plainly a good deal of dissatisfaction. At first it was left
with the council to decide whether the chief of police, his
lieutenants and the night watch be appointed by the mayor
1 Mayor's Annual Message, 1S5G.
20
or elected by popular vote. After two years of experiment-
ing the mayor, who was the nominal head of the police force,
was authorized to appoint the chief of police and his assist-
ants with the advice of the council. The police force at this
time consisted of a chief, lieutenant and two day policemen.
The night force was composed of twenty men. The size
of the force varied somewhat from year to year. A spirit
of retrenchment occasionally seized the mayor and council.
Their economy in the police administration on such occa-
sions took the form of reduction in the size of the force. In
1859 the mayor deemed the office of lieutenant superfluous
and therefore allowed it to be vacant the entire year. The
night force was reduced to two-thirds its former size. The
administration by this move saved about $2200 in salaries.
This was a remarkably small police force considering that
Cleveland at this time had a population of 60,000 and was
scattered over a large territory.
The civil war had some influence on the police organiza-
tion. Cleveland having been designated as a point for the
collection and drilling of troops the police problem became
a more difficult one to deal with. There was a considerable
number of men whose sympathies were with the Southern
Confederacy. The presence of recruits in the city had a
tendency to exicte the turbulent spirits to outbreaks of
violence. However, by increasing the force peace was pre-
served moderately well, though there were one or two ser-
ious outbreaks.1
The force was reduced somewhat after the removal of the
troops, but the fear of raids from the south, and from Con-
federate refuges and sympathizers in temporary residence
in Canada,2 necessitated the maintainance of a force some-
what larger than was maintained under normal conditions.
The economic conditions resulting from the war made a
revision of the laws governing police administration neces-
sary.
The department was running in debt rapidly, owing to
two causes. First, on account of the higher wages paid to
policemen, the result in part of depreciated currency, Sec-
ond, on account of the necessary increase in the size of this
force. The department had been running ahead of its in-
1 Mayor's Annual Message, 1862, p. 7.
2 Cleveland Annual Report, 1865, p. 7.
30
come for several years. The receipts for 1858 were $9,730
while the expenditures were $14,571.
Again in 1865 tne receipts were $20,322 while the ex-
penditures were $48,924.* These figures indicate the need
of radical change in the source of the police fund, or in its
distribution. There were defects in the fundamental law
governing police administration.
The authority of the marshal gave him discretionary pow-
er to discharge persons committed for non payment of fines.
The frequent exercise of this power on the part of an ex-
ecutive officer rendered nugatory the judgment of the
courts.2 The General Assembly took up the police problem
in 1866.
As already indicated there was need of change or revision
in the laws governing police administration, but the action
of the General Assembly was characterized by extreme
partisan spirit. The result of its police legislation could not
long abide. The state legislature provided for a metropoli-
tan police board composed of the mayor ex-officio and four
commissioners appointed for a term of eight years, by the
governor of the state. This law was dictated by purely
partisan motives. The Democrats were in power in the lo-
cal government, while the Republicans were in the majority
in the state government. The Republicans saw an oppor-
tunity to wrest some of the political machinery from demo-
cratic control and they seized the opportunity. . This legisla-
tion of course could have no permanence, and was repealed
by the next General Assembly in 1868. The organization and
control of the force was still vested in a board of commis-
sioners but the board was made elective. One noteworthy
point in the power of this board was its absolutism in the
estimating of expenses.
There was a maximum limit fixed by the law, but the
council had no power of revision so long as the estimate was
kept within this limit. Under the change made in 1868
the city was divided into four districts, in each of which a
police commissioner was elected by popular vote. Vacancies
in the police force were filled by promotion from the lower
ranks according to merit. The police funds were derived
principally from general taxation, supplemented by the pro-
ceeds from the police court. This part of the annual budget
1 Cleveland Annual Report, 1865, p. 7.
2 Cleveland Annual Report, 1865, p. 9.
31
like that of every other department was utterly disregarded.
The statutory rate was scrupulously observed, but ex-
penditures were not governed by the amount of funds in the
annual budget for police purposes.
In 1856, which may be taken as an average year, the
conditions not being extraordinary, the receipts from gen-
eral taxation for the police fund were $10,483. The pro-
ceeds from the police court were $5,425, which made a total
of $15,908. The expenditures in the department were $19,-
718. Therefore, there were overdrawn orders on this fund
to the amount of $3,810. Of this amount $2,424 was a de-
ficit inherited from the previous year. The deficit increased
every year. At the end of 1861 it was over $10,000. This
deficit was probably due in large measure to the increasing
cost of labor. It was not until after the close of the war
that the receipts and expenditures of the department were
brought into any kind of adjustment. The police expenses
constituted about one-fifth of the entire budget. Extrava-
gance and unsystematic administration were partly respon-
sible for annual deficits, but the revenue was insufficient for
the actual needs of the department. The rate for police
protection was governed to some extent by the rate de-
manded for other cities. But no other city in Ohio has its
population so widely dispersed as Cleveland, therefore the
expense of providing adequate police protection was, and
still is, greater in proportion to the number of inhabitants
in Cleveland than in other cities of the state.
The department for several years had a very unsavory
reputation. First hand, positive proof against the morality
of the force is not to be had, but the fact that receivers
and sellers of stolen goods could do business in the city for
years and were known both at home and abroad should be
unknown to the police force; that damaging charges made
by a "notorious criminal' on trial in a neighboring city,
against several members of the force were not investigated
by the department; that detectives coming from other
places to look up stolen goods absolutely refused to consult
with the local force lest the receivers should be notified to
hide the goods ; that after the term of one of the police com-
missioners had expired he acted as secretary protem of
the board at a meeting in which the resignations of two
members of the detective force against whom the charges
had been made were accepted, thus putting them beyond the
32
reach of an investigation1, forces upon the student of Cleve-
land municipal affairs the conclusion that the police force
was not all that could be desired. A wide spread belief that
the police force stood in with a gang of thieves wrought a
gradual change in the personnel of the board of commis-
sioners. The force was reorganized and some changes
made. The experience of a few years demonstrated the
fact that an efficient police force must have centralized
management. In 1883 the police commissioners placed the
entire management of the force under the control of the
superintendent thereby breaking up the old method of in-
terference with the members of its force by the commission-
ers as individuals.2
The department was materially strengthened in 1886 by
the introduction of the patrol wagon. The policy of the
department has been to provide one policeman for about
each seven hundred inhabitants. This means that patrolmen
is some of the outlying districts must cover a beat of four
to seven miles. The proper patrolling of the city with the
regulation number on the force is an impossibility.
FIRE DEPARTMENT.
In 1862 the volunteer plan of organization was completely
changed. It is hardly necessary to spend the time to inquire
why, since the volunteer fire company has always been pro-
nounced unsatisfactory after a trial. The organization of
the department was put into the hands of the council,
though there was a noticeable tendencv to make the mayor
the responsible head of the department. An important
change inaugurated in 1864 by the introduction of the tele
graph system, and the complete reorganization of the de-
partment by the introduction of steam engines and a paid
service. In 1867 the fire engineer was made an appointee
of the council on recommendation of the mayor, which was
equivalent to appointment by the mayor.
The complete reorganization of the department was then
delegated to the chief engineer and the council committee on
fire and water. They appointed new men to the force, and
discharged such as proved unfaithful or inefficient.
The management of the department indicated great lack
of economy and financial foresight. In three years (1870
1 Mayor's Annual Message, 1874, p. XXX.
2 Mayor's Annual Message, 1883, p. XXI.
33
73) it had overdrawn its funds more than $200.000. While
some extensions of the service had been made they were
not sufficient to warrant such an increase of indebtedness.
The most objectionable feature was that it was made with-
out warrant of law by overdrawing funds. The extrava-
gance and wastefulness of the department were the cause of
its reorganization in 1874. The reform in the department
was begun in the fashion in vogue, by creating a new com-
mission. The board of fire commissioners established in
1874 was composed of the mayor, chairman of the council
committee on fire and water, and three members selected
by the concurrent action of the mayor and council.1 Coun-
cil approval was required in all contracts greater than $500
in amount. Xo officer or member was to be appointed or
removed on account of religious or political opinion, nor to
participate in the political campaigns or conventions of any
political party.
The difficulty is always to sustain a reform movement.
Relaxation of vigilance was followed by reaction. The evils
of the board system manifested themselves here earlier than
elsewhere. As is pretty sure to be the case where there is
no responsible head, the management of the department was
Unsatisfactory. Charges of irregularity were brought up.
A council committee was appointed to investigate. They re-
ported that they had found no intentional wrong doing,
only lack of business methods, engine houses built without
written contracts, and without letting them to the lowest
bidder. A second committee was appointed which brought
in a very damaging report against the department, such as
the mutilation of books, false reports, building telegraph
lines for outside parties with materials owned by the city.
The report was referred to the newly organized board which
reported back that it had no authority to look into the work
of the previous board, so there the matter ended. But some-
thing had to be done. There had to be a remedy provided
against such abuses and irregularities. The remedy hit
upon was that of making the board more democratic.
In 1876 the board was made to consist of the chairman of
jthe council committee on fire and water, together with four
citizen members elected by popular vote, for a term of four
years, one term expiring each year.
1 71 O. I,. 38.
34
This continued to be the plan of organization until the
change under the federal plan in 1891, except that during
the four years under the bicameral experiment the alder-
manic chairman of the committee on fire and water was a
member of the board. In 1888 some precautionary steps
were taken by the enactment of a system of building regula-
tions, and by the appointment of a building inspector and
assistants by the mayor and council.
WATER WORKS.
The city in 1854 took the steps necessary to furnish the
citizens with water. There was great need of an increased
water supply. The buildings at this time were mostly made
of wood. Fires were numerous, so numerous as to lead to
the conclusion that they were of incendiary origin in many
cases. Being obliged to depend upon reservoirs filled from
wells near at hand sunk for fire purposes, the fire depart-
ment was hampered in its effort to arrest the progress of
fire because of inadequate water supply. The rapid growth
of the city and the consequent necessity of digging new
wells and building new reservoirs to furnish an adequate
supply of water was becoming an important item of expense.
Besides the ravages by fire resulting from insufficient water
facilities, sanitary conditions called' for a new source of
supply.
The soil of the lake region is a loose sand which al-
lows water to filter through quickly. Under this sand is a
layer of clay which is almost impervious to water. These
strata have an upward slant from the lake. The higher
portions of the territory being built up, a constant filtra-
tion from the cesspools in the elevated portions of the city
tended toward the lower portions near the lake, and rend-
ered the water of the wells extremely filthy. Even in the
construction of sewers this seepage became very obnoxious
to workmen in the public works department1 and was det-
rimental to health. Application was made to the General
Assembly in 1854 for permission to issue bonds for the con-
struction of water works. Permission was given with the
referendum condition. The question was submitted to pop-
ular vote, and an emphatic decision in favor of a bond issue
1 Engineer's Report, 1862, p. 30.
35
was rendered. The credit of the city was good, and the
bonds were disposed of at a fair premium. The work of
construction was immediately begun. In two years the
work had advanced to such a stage that the city was able to
furnish lake water for the state fair which met at Cleve-
land in 1856. The issue of $400,000 in bonds was not suf-
ficient to complete the plant. There had been expended
up to Jan. i, 1856, $345,644.
There was needed yet for the completion of the work
$140,000. Another bond issue of $100,000 was voted. The
whole issue of $500,000 was sold at such a premium as to
avail $523,038 after paying all expenses of issue and sale.1
The interest on this fund for the first year had to be met
by general taxation, but when the system was constructed
the tax was levied on the taxable property adjoining or
bounding upon streets through which water pipes passed.-'
Private aid was given in the extension of distributing lines.
The department not having the necessary funds for exten-
sion work, in order to avail themselves of the water facili-
ties some citizens advanced the cost of pipes and of laying
them. The trustees gave them a rebate on the water rent
equivalent to seven per cent, on the cost advanced, and re-
served the right to assume possession of the pipes on pay-
ment of their original cost.3 According to the terms of an-
nexation of Ohio City in 1854 the Cleveland investments in
railroad stock were not to be used in that part of Cleveland
west of the Cuyahoga river, but were to be used for park-
purposes on the east side of the river. The authorities
did not carry out this agreement, but obtained the consent
of the General Assembly to create a sinking fund to which
they appropriated the proceeds growing out of their rail-
road investments.
This fund was set apart to pay the principal of the water
works bonds which had been issued. The $550,000 set
apart in 1862 had increased in 1875 to $1,761,543.44 which
was more than enough to pay the entire water works debt.
As the dividends and returns from the railroad stocks had
been sufficient to pay the subscriptions, we may say the
water works plant cost the taxpayers no direct outlay, ex-
cept for interest. The policy of the department has been
to make the earnings of the plant pay the cost of extension
1 Trustees Report, 1857. 3 Trustee's Report, 1857.
2 Act of April 1, 1856, sec. 26.
36
as well as the operating expenses. The interest charges
were met in part by the earnings. The water tariffs were
arranged on a graduated scale favorable to the large con-
sumer. .The cost when a less quantity than 500,000 cubic
feet was consumed in six months was about one mill per
cubic foot; those consuming a greater quantity paid about
one-half mill per cubic foot. The cost for an eight room
house was about twelve dollars per year. The source of
the water supply is Lake Erie, and as this is the termination
of the sewage system, and was for many years the dumping
ground for the city's garbage the water supply became
very much contaminated. In order to secure a purer supply,
work was begun in 1869 on a ^a^e tunnel which was pushed
out nearly two miles under the lake bed. This tunnel was
completed in 1874 at a cost of $325,000. The effect ex-
hibited by analysis on the quality of water was as follows :
In 1873 s°hd matter held in solution 240 parts in one mill-
ion. In 1874, 131 parts in one million.1.
Another tunnel was constructed later, and a third is un-
der course of construction, and when completed will ex-
tend almost five miles out under the lake bed. Through the
two tunnels completed the city pumps its water. The plant
has a capacity of 25,000,000 gallons daily which means over
one hundred gallons per inhabitant. The entire cost of
water works plants up to 1898 was $8,833,471. In return
for this the city has always had an abundance of water,
reasonable rates, and the net annual returns are about 5^/2
per cent, on the entire cost of construction.
The control and administration of the water works de-
partment was vested in a board of three trustees elected by
popular vote ; board continuous. This board was given au-
'thority to manage the entire business of the plant, furnish
supplies of water, collect water rents, appoint all necessary
officers and agents, determine their salaries and term of
service. It made monthly reports to the council of re-
ceipts and expenditures and an annual report for the bene-
fit of the public. In its relation to the central organ, the
council, the board was almost independent. The outside
control over the department was only a council power to
appoint a committee to examine the books. Said Mayor
j-'arley: "Of the water works department but little is
known, as it is as near a close corporation as could be de-
1 Trustee's Report, 1874.
37
vised. Its salaries are high and not subject to approval by
the council. Its employees are numerous, and expenditures
for various purposes very great. Yet that department
handles its own funds without other scrutiny and draws
from the treasury in lump for pay rolls that do not pass
through the same channel of investigation so wisely im-
posed upon other departments."1
The sewerage system was a correlate to the water works
system. The sewerage system was necessary both from a
sanitary and an economic point of view. As the two were
thus intimately connected the construction of both works
was supervised by the board of improvements so as to en-
sure the greatest degree of economy and avoid conflict of
authority. The main sewers were constructed from funds
obtained by loan, while all lateral sewers were made by
special tax upon property benefitted. A later law made
the cost of constructing main sewers a charge upon abutting
property, but in no case could the expense exceed two dol-
lars per foot front. The excess was paid out of the sewer
fund of the corporation.2
HEALTH AND SANITATION.
The department of health and sanitation, the germs of
which appeared under the first charter in the torm of
council ordinances, is being perfected by experience. The
department was reorganized in 1866, and the board made
to consist of the mayor, city marshal, director of the infirm-
ary, city physician, and chairman of the committee on health
and cleanliness. The health officer was appointed by this
board and held the office during its pleasure. He was as-
sited in his duties by policemen appointed by the mayor,
and known as the sanitary squad.
Ten years later the board of health was abolished, and its
duties transferred to the police commissioners.3 This was
an experiment which proved unsatisfactory because the po-
lice commissioners as a rule were not men who were com
petent to direct sanitary administration. In 1880 the old
system was re-established.4 The board as constituted under
its re-organization was appointed by the council.5 The
1 Cleveland Annual Report, 1§84, p. 10 4 Ibid, 1882, p. 27
2 Revised Statues of Ohio, sec. 2384. 5 Act of March 29, 1880.
3 Codified Ordinances of 1877, p. 172.
38
defect of the former system was remedied by appointing on
the new board a number of physicians of reputation. One
of the earliest fruits of the efforts of the new board was
the abatement of nuisances emanating from packing, rend-
ering and .fertilizing establishments on Walworth run, from
which a sickening stench found its way into the business
and residence portions of the city. Precautionary meas-
ures were required of manufacturers of commodities the
production of which was injurious to the health of the pro-
ducer, factories had to be thoroughly cleansed within cer-
tain specified periods. Employers of females were required
to furnish them with chairs and allow them to sit down
whenever the nature of their work would permit. The
plumbing of all new houses is thoroughly inspected by the
plumbing inspector before it is covered or in any way con-
cealed. During 1887, 327 written notices were served on
plumbers and sewer builders giving notice that their work
was unsatisfactory.
The penetration of sewer gas into the houses has given
rise to no small amount of annoyance. The outlet of the
main sewers being the lake and the river they are exposed to
the strong north and north-west winds. The tremendous
force exerted upon the interior of these sewers by the winds
is sufficient to drive the sewer gas through the traps into the
residences. This sewer gas nuisance has been overcome
in large measure through ventilating the main sewers by
means of perforated lids covering the manholes. These re-
lieve the gas pressure by allowing the gas to escape into the
streets.1
Considerable attention has been given to the inspection of
the food supply. This work is done by special inspectors
and their efforts have been attended by good results, which
have been most noticeable in the quality of milk in regard
to adulteration and dilution. These inspectors have been
giving special attention to milk depots, butter, meat and fish
markets, groceries, ice cream factories, restaurants, ice and
filters.
How to dispose of the city's garbage has, for a long time
been a vexed question, and only within the last year has it
come to any thing like a satisfactory solution. The plan for
a time was to dump it into the lake, but since the lake is the
1 Cleveland Annual Report, 1887, p. 11.
39
source of the water supply that plan became objectionable.
The method next adopted was to have it removed outside of
the city under contract, but the garbage man went the
rounds only on request sent to the health officer. Very few
availed themselves of their opportunity, but either burned
their garbage or threw it on the ash heap.
Ai shed was erected at an out of the way place where
garbage from provision stores, fish markets, etc., could be
taken and be hauled away every day by the contractor, but
this became a nuisance to workmen in the vicinity. It was
finally enacted that swill and garbage at every household be
deposited in earthen or galvanized iron vessels and had in
readiness for the scavenger when he called. The garbage
is now removed by a fertilizer company to their plant, and
made up into land fertilizer. The city produces from 75 to
150 tons of garbage daily.1 The local streams have an im-
portant relation to the sanitary conditions of Cleveland.
The system of sewerage adopted by the city government
gave it what was equivalent to two open sewers. These
were the Cuyahoga river and the Walworth run. The form-
er extends the entire length of the city from south to north,
the latter traverses the western portion from west to east.
The Cuyahoga river has a drainage area of about 1000
square miles. The river for the last thirty miles of its
course flows to the northwest and empties into the lake
at right angles with the shore lines, about mid way between
the east and west limit of the city, and divides it into two
nearly equal districts. It is a very crooked little stream es-
pecially near its mouth. From a point which is not more
than two and a half miles from the harbor in a direct line,
the river in its meandering course traverses a distance of
five miles in reaching the harbor. During the dry months
of the year the flow of water in the river is so slow that
under the most favorable circumstances it takes nearly two
weeks to displace the volume of water contained in the
channel between the southern limits of the city and the
mouth of the harbor.2 This causes the river to become a
good deal of a stagnant pool. In planning the sewer system
only such portions were turned into these channels as could
not well be provided for otherwise. But a large part of the
1 Health Officer's Report, 1895, p. 644.
2 Cleveland Annual Report, 1895, p. I^XV.
40
house and surface drainage from a considerable area found
its way to these natural outlets.
In addition to this the "filth from the slaughtering hous-
es, oil refineries and manufactories" which are situated on
the banks of these streams was discharged into these chan-
nels. The hot sun of the summer caused a stench to rise-
from this filth-impregnated water. Some of the solid mat-
ter sank to the bottom of the stream and remained there un-
til it was stirred up by the action of some large steamer,
and after giving off its noxious odors sank again to the
river bottom only to rise again at the first opportunity.
Then, too, in time of an ice gorge at the mouth of the
river, the ice of the lake prevents the egress of the ice in
the river. When the river ice breaks away it is "forced by
the current under the lake ice until it reaches such a depth as
to plow up the concentrated filth at the bottom of the river
in the lake "just at the river's mouth." This filth finds its
way out toward the water pipes and is distributed through
the city.1
There is always a good deal of sickness in the spring re-
sulting from this cause.
Street, cleaning by its relation to health belongs to the
health department, but this was in charge of the city com-
missioners. On account of the width and length of the
streets, cleaning, paving and sewering are important items
of expense. Street cleaning up to 1884 was done under con-
tract, and was generally unsatisfactory especially on dirt
streets owing to the difference in the character of the var-
ious streets, and different portions of the same street. No
general specifications could be drawn up to meet the re-
quirements, and render the contract system satisfactory. As
there were at this time but about 55 miles of paved streets,
and 280 miles unpaved, the cleaning of the latter was some-
thing of a problem. Not even the paved streets werL kept
clean. "About the only difference," said Mayor Farley,
"under the old method of cleaning, between a dirt street
and a paved one is the depth of the mud."2. The
frequent criticism in the local press indicate that the streets
never have been kept in a good sanitary condition. Some
allowance must be made for this on account of the heavy
expense borne by the city for the maintenance of bridges.
1 Mayor's Annual Report, 1880, p. 29.
2 Cleveland Annual Report, 1883, p. XVI.
41
If the annual outlay for this purpose could be added to the
street cleaning fund the streets could be kept in the best of
condition.
BOARD OF IMPROVEMENTS.
The council under the charter of 1852 was relieved of a
good deal of responsibility in the matter of public improve-
ment. This work was delegated to the board of improve-
ments, composed of the mayor, civil engineer, and a board
of three city commissioners. By a later act the elective
membership was reduced to one member.1 This board
supervised the cleaning, repairing, improving, sprinkling
and lighting of the streets. Initiative in matters of public
improvement was entirely with this board. The council
could make no improvements unless recommended by this
board, but the board could authorize improvements to the
i- \ tent of $300 without the action of the council. In recom-
mending improvements the board estimated the cost charge-
able upon the city, and the amount to be assessed on abutt-
ing property. Monthly estimates of funds required to pay
for improvements ordered by the council were submitted
to that body with the design of keeping the expenditures
within the income. The efficiency of this board was crippled
by the constant changes. The civil engineer was the import-
ant member. In eight years prior to 1864 there were eight
changes in the office. The peculiarity of the situation was
that the same men were elected to the office more than once,
but not for consecutive terms. This was a most imprudent
policy, for it was a difficult matter to get hold of the details
in improvements in the course of construction and about to
be constructed. In the construction of improvements there
was not an intimate relation between the board of improve-
ments, the council, and the legal adviser of the city. Dur-
ing periods of prosperity and real estate speculation street
improvements and openings were projected without refer-
ence to future results, and in the end the city became in-
volved in serious litigation. The board of improvements
with a mere quorum of three members attempted to order
improvements. The court held that it was not sufficient for
a mere quorum to order improvements which the law had
imposed upon five members.2 The action of the board of
1 Act of March 1, 1861. 2 Ohio State Report, New Series, No. 28, p. 545.
42
improvements and council gave occasion for the appoint-
ment of a tax commission to look into the legal aspect of
tax levies. Extensive improvements had been made prior
to 1874. The collection of the tax was enjoined by the
court. In the cases enjoining the city from the collection
of taxes for special improvements the lower courts decided
in favor of the city, but the Supreme Court decided against
it. In making a reassessment part of the levy was put upon
the general duplicate, with a view to conciliating the abutt-
ing property owners, but they immediately instituted pro-
ceedings when an attempt was made at collection. The
board of equilization appointed to apportion these special
taxes in 1874 transcended its authority in increasing the
amount by $9,000 as estimated by the board of improve-
ments. Their action was confirmed by the council. Pro-
ceedings were immediately begun to restrain its collection.
The plaintiff in his petition set forth fourteen grounds upon
which the assessment was illegal and void. The law1 as
amended in 1873 was the first in Ohio which authorized
the assessment of improvements upon property benefitted
without reference to frontage or the value of the abutting
property as assessed for taxation. This case involved the
subject of "special benefits." The court granted a perma-
nant injunction on the ground that some of the steps were
illegal.2 These illegalities in assessment gave rise to the tax
commission which was created to examine the legal side of
assessments. After this there was less litigation over street
improvemnts.
1 Municipal Code of Ohio, 1869, sec. 539.
2 Ohio State Report, No. 34, pp 551 et seq.
VITA.
Charles Snavely was born Nov. 6, 1864, near Massillon,
Ohio, His elementary education was received in the dis-
trict school. He taught one of these schools from 1886 to
1888. In September of 1888 he entered the preparatory
department of Otterbein University at Westerville, Ohio.
In 1890 he entered the freshman class of this college, and
received the degree of A. B. in 1894. From 1894 to 1896
he was engaged in public school work in Massillon, O. In
October of 1896 he entered the Johns Hopkins University
as a graduate student in History, Economics and Politics,
and spent three years in that institution.
In June, 1900, he was elected professor of History and
Economics in Otterbein University, where he has remained
up to date.
UNIVERSITY )
f
•f
**<«
ril,
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11