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The City of EIrqs l^onors tl^e rr^aq who planted its elms. 









Author of History of the Colony of New Hayex. 





W. W. M UN SELL & CO. 

■ 1887. 


COI'YKKillT, 1887, 
U\ \\. \V. MUNSELL & CO. 


■' ^ I'roadway, cor. Kiilron St., New York. 


'T T TITH diffideiice the Edttoi' presents to the people of New Haven this 
*^ y history of the getiesis and growth of their city. It is the joint product 
■of many contribtitors, some of whom have sent vahiable communications, which 
either appear anonymously or have been wrought into the work, while others have 
authorized the publication of their names and thus become personally responsible 
for what they have writteji. 

It was hoped that the chapter on the Pr adjective Arts would be compiled under 
■the supervision of the Hon. James E. Eftglish, than whom no one is better 
acquainted with the various industries of New Haven. But while the gentlemen 
who were engaged in gathering the materials for that chapter were occupied with 
their tasks, Mr. English was engaged in more pleasant activities, from which 
it could not be expected that he should ttirn aside. Since the completion of the 
■chapter it has been submitted to his perusal, and such corrections have beeji made 
m it as were suggested by him. 

The Editor returns thanks to his associates in the zvork for the patience 
with which they have received suggestions restraining excursiveness and preventing 
repetition. His thanks are also due to his life- long friend, Mr. Horace Day, zuho 
has not only contributed items of history from the storehouse of his memory, but 
has by careful proof-reading eliminated errors of the compositor. 

It is due to those zvho furnish the portraits with ivhich the volutne is 
adorned, to say that zoithout the generotis subsidy of these patrons it could not 
have been published. To them, all who value the volume are indebted both for 
the possibility of its product io7i and for the increase of its value by reason of these 
costly engravings. 

A word of commendation is dtce to the publishers for the courage with zvhich 
they have i?ivested a large sum of money in ivhat seemed to some an impracticable 
zmdertaking, and for the energy with which they have wrought out their plan. 
The success whicJi is nozv assicred, is well deserved. 

New HaveJi, January i, i88j. 



Editor's Preface, -- -- iii 


I. The Colony ol New Haven to its Absorption into Connecticut. liy the Editor, .... i 

H. The Town of New I l.-ivi-n Ijefore the War of the Revolution. By the Editor, .... lo 

III. New Haven during the War of the Revolution. Hy the EDITOR, 33 

IV. New Haven during the War of the Rebellion. l?y the Editor, 65 

V. Annals of the City of New Haven from its Incorporation in 1784 to its Centennial in 1884. I5y the Editor, So 

VI. Churches and Clergymen. I!y the Kditor, 104 

VII. Schools. By the Editor. 147 

VIII. Vale College. By William I,. Kinuslev, 164 

IX. Librariea of New Haven. By Addiso.n Van Name, 1S4 

X. Contributions to Literature. By the Ediior, 191 

XI. The Fine Arts. By Jamks M. Hoppin, 206 

XII. The Periodical Press. By the Editor, 212 

XIII. The Bench and Bar of New Haven. By Ly.nde Harriso.n, 226 

XIV. The Practice of Medicine and Surgery. By Francis Bacon, M.U., 260 

Homceopathy and its History in New Haven. By Paul C. Skiff, M.D., 280 

History of the Practice of Medicine in New Haven by I'hysicians of the Eclectic School. By Geori.e 

Andrews, M.D, 286 

XV. The Practice of Dentistry. Compiled under the direction of Ur. Joseph H. Smith, Member American 

Dental Association, -..- - 204 

XVI. The Harbor and W'harves. By Charles IIervey Townshend, 298^ 

XVII. The Custom House. By the Editor, 317 

X\'III. Banks and Bankini;. By Charles A iwater, 323 

XIX. Financial Panics. By the Editor, 335, 

XX. Insurance. By the Editor, 338 

XXI. Streets, Avenues, and Bridges. By the Editor, 346- 

XXII. Travel and Transportation. By George IIknkv Watroi's, 351 

XXIII. The Post Office. By the Editor, 373 

XXIV. Inns and Hotels. By the Editor, 383 

XXV. Public Amusements. Compiled under the supervision of C. C. Benham. - 393 

XXVI. Trees and Parks. By Henry Howe, 396 

XXVII. Artificial Illumination. liy the Ediior, 407 

XXVIII. Water Supply. By the Editor, ...... ; 410 

X.XIX. Sewerage. By the Editor, 413 

XXX. Health. By William H. Brewer, 416 

XXXI. Municipal History, 422 

1. The Town Government. By Charles H. Levermore, 422 

2. The City Government. By Charles H. Levermore, 446 

3. The City Seal and Flag. By Henry Peck, - 458 

4. Civic Buildings. By the Editor 459 

5. Police Department. By Henry 1'eck, 463. 

6. Fire Department. By A. C. Hendrick, 466 

X.XXII. 1 listory of Political Parties. By- Lynde Harrison, 479 

XXXIII. Commerce — Foreign and Domestic. By Thomas R. Trowbridge, Jr., ...... ^S(^ 

XXXIV. Traffic — Wholesale and Retail. Compiled, ---........ ^10 

XXXV. Productive Arts. Compiled, - ^31 

XXXVI. Societies and Clubs. Compiled, 635 

XXXVII. Military Organizations. By General Stephen R. Smith, assisted by Captain GEORGE M. WHITE, - 645 

XXXVIII. Philanthropic Institutions. Compiled, 675 

XXXIX. Cemeteries. By the Editor, - 6S4 

Appendix. Witchcraft in New Haven. By the EDITOR, 690 







THE Indian name of the place now covered by 
the City of New Haven — the City of Elms — 
" the cathedral city, whose streets are aisles" — was 
Quinnipiac. It is said that in the language of the 
aboriginal inhabitants, Quin is equivalent to long; 
Nippe, to ivatcr; and Ohke, to place. Quinnipiac 
was, therefore, in their conception, the long-water- 
place. To one who stands on the summit of East 
Rock Park, and follows with his eye the silver 
thread which seems to lie on the flat meadows of 
the Quinnipiac Valley, and widens itself out into 
the spacious harbor and more spacious Sound, the 
propriety of the aboriginal name is apparent. 
From the little village of Montowese in the north 
to the mouth of the harbor in the south, is a long 
water-place. It was this peculiarity of the land- 
scape — offering easy transportation from one neigh- 
borhood to another, and abundant forage with no 
other labor than to cut and stack the hay sponta- 
neously growing on the meadows — which attracted 
to the place its first European settlers. These 
were a company of English Puritans, led by John 
Davenport and Theophilus Eaton. Davenport 
had been the vicar of St. Stephen's Church, Cole- 
man street, London, and Eaton had been a parish- 
ioner in the same parish. Their friendship had 
probably been of earlier date than their residence 
in London, as they were both born in Coventry 
and there was no great difference in their ages. 
The company sailed from London in the Hector 
"and another vessel " whose name has not been pre- 
served, and arrived in Boston, June 26, 1637. 
The countr)' between Saybrook and Fairfield 
having become known to the English that summer 
by means of the Pequot war, an exploring party, 
led by Theophilus Eaton, left Boston August 31, 
and came by water to Quinnipiac. The ex- 
plorers were so well satisfied with what they 
found, that they left seven of their number to spend 
the winter, preparing for the permanent occupation 
of the place. In the ensuing April, the whole 

company arrived from Boston. It now included 
not only those who had come from London with 
Davenport and Eaton; but a company from Here- 
ford and other w'estern counties of England, which, 
sailing from Bristol, in the James, under the leader- 
ship of Peter Prudden, a nonconforming minister of 
the Church of England, had united itself in Boston 
to the London company; and in addition not a few 
residents of Massachusetts who were disposed to 
join the new enterprise. On the Sunday following 
their arrival at Quinnipiac, the company assembled 
twice for public worship; Mr. Davenport preach- 
ing in the morning and Mr. Prudden in the after- 
noon. The service was held under a spreading 
oak near the northeast angle made by George and 
College streets. Public worship was ever after 
maintained in the town, and about a year after the 
arrival of the settlers, or planters as they styled 
themselves, the erection of a House of Worship was 

In October the planters of Quinnipiac welcomed 
an accession to their number. Ezekiel Rogers, a 
much respected nonconforming minister in York- 
shire, having embarked at Hull, on the Humber, 
with a company who personally knew him and 
desired to enjoy his ministrv, arrived in Boston late 
in the summer. Such representations were made 
to him by Davenport and Eaton, or their agents, 
that he engaged to come with his followers to 
Quinnipiac; and within eight weeks after his arri- 
val in Massachusetts, a portion of his people came 
by water to the new settlement. The remainder 
of the company were expected to follow; but 
Rogers changed his mind and commenced a new 
settlement at Rowle}', in Massachusetts. He sent 
a pinnace to bring back those of his people who 
had preceded him in his intended voyage; but 
some of them, refusing to return, became perma- 
nent residents at Quinnipiac. 

In November, a formal purchase of land was 
made; the Indians rescning a small portion for 



themselves and acknowledging in the deed of sale 
that ttie protection from hostile tribes, which the 
Knglish promisoil to alTord them, was one of the 
considerations which induceil them to alienate 
the land. The marks with which the sachems 
attested the deed of sale are as follows: 


his mark. 


his mark. 

Carroughood ^fc his mark. 


his mark. 

Shaumpishuh Weesaucuck A mark. 

her mark. 

On the iith of December, Montowese, sachem 
of another tribe, in presence and with allowance 
and consent of Sawseunck, an Indian who came 
in company with him, sold to the English a tract 
of land lying north of that sold by Alomaugin, 
and described as extending about ten miles in 
length from north to south, eight miles easterly 
from the river of Quinnipiac toward the river of 
Connecticut; and five miles westerly toward Hud- 
son's river. The attesting marks of IMontowese 
and Sawseunck are as follows: 



his mark. 

his mark. 

Contemporaneously with the excitement among 
the Yorkshire people about returning to Massa- 
chusetts, there was conference among those who 
had come with Prudden from Hereford, tending 
toward a removal from (Juinni])iac to a separate 
plantation, where they might enjoy his ministrv. 
Before February 12, 1639, Prudden's friends had 
determined to commence a settlement at Milford, 
and on that day received a formal deed of land 
from Ansantaway, the .'^achem of the Wepowaugs, 
as the aborigines of Milford called themselves. 

Mi>re than a year elapsed before the planters at 
(Juinnipiac were ready for any formal establish- 

ment of civil or ecclesiastical authority. A town 
plat was immediately laid out, and house lots were 
assigned to each planter, varying in size according 
to the number of persons in his family and the 
amount of estate on which he was able and willing 
to pay rates from year to year. Probably there was 
some temporary ])rovision for the ])rotection of life 
and property, but there is no record of it extant. Cer- 
tainly there was no church organized; and though 
there was public worship on every Lord's day, 
there was no administration of sacraments. 

On the 4th day of June, 1639, a meeting of 
all the proprietors, or free planters as they were 
called, was held in the barn of ]\Ir. Robert New- 
man, " to consult about settling civil government 
according to God, and about the nominatiim of 
persons that might be found, by consent of all, 
fittest in all respects for the foundation work of a 
church." At this meeting it was voted that, in the 
civil government to be established, the right of suf- 
frage should be conferred on church members 
only; and twelve men were chosen and instructed 
" to choose out of themselves seven, that shall be 
most approved of the major part, to begin the 
church." In due time the twelve thus appointed 
and empowered, chose seven men, who on the 22d 
of August, 1639, instituted the church by a solemn 
and formal covenant one with another. 

On the 25th of October, civil government was 
instituted; the seven men appointed by the twelve 
chosen in a full meeting of free planters, conferring 
the right of suffrage upon ' ' all those that have been 
received into the fellowship of this church since the 
gathering of it, or who being members of other 
approved churches, offered themselves." Of the 
little commonwealth thus established, Theophilus 
Eaton was chosen " IMagistrate for the term of one 
whole year; and Robert Newman, Matthew Gil- 
bert, Nathaniel Turner, and Thomas Fugill, Dep- 
uties to assist the Magistrate in all Courts called 
by him for the occasions of the plantation, for the 
same term of one whole year." Thomas Fugill was 
chosen Clerk; and Robert Seeley, -Marshal. 

Prudilen, and his friends who had accompanied 
him across the ocean, did not join with Davenport 
and his followers in the institution of a church and the 
establishment of civil authority in Quinnipiac. At 
first, so far as appears, they expected to remain at 
Quinnipiac, and house-lots were assigned to them 
as to other planters. But, during the summer 
of 1638, Prudden being invited to preach for a 
time in Wethersfield, found several families so 
dissatisfied with the state of the church there, 
that they were willing to remove to a new plan- 
tation and place themselves permanently under 
his ministry. The Herefordshire people at Quin- 
nipiac, taking encouragement from this accession 
to their strength, detcrmineil therefore to remove 
to Milford, as has been already mentioned. 

In August, 1(139, their removal was not yet 
completed. But on the day after the Quinnipiac 
people had formally instituted their church, seven 
men selected by those who expected to remove 
from Quinnijiiac to Milford, also entered into a 
covenant to be a Church of Christ: the mode of 


institution being the same in both cases. The 
removal from Quinnipiac was not fully consum- 
mated till the autumn of 1639. 

It had been from the beginning the intention of 
the people of Quinnipiac that, in addition to the 
house-lots assigned in the spring of 1638, the land 
outside of the town plat should, as soon as practi- 
cable, be divided among the free planters. Accord- 
ingly arrangements were made in January, 1640, 
for the division of a tract extending in every direc- 
tion about a mile from the center, and of the salt 
meadows bordering on the rivers east and west of 
the plantation. Some months after the first divi- 
sion of outlands, and apparently before it was fully 
consummated, the free planters assembled in gen- 
eral court, ordered a division of lands outside of 
the two-miles square. This second division dis- 
posed of the greater part of the land available for 
tillage by dwellers in the town, though there were 
in subsequent years several other acts of division, 
of which the third division so called, made in 1680, 
was by far the most important. After the second 
division had been made, the rate of ta.xation was 
fixed; all the upland in the first division, with all 
the meadows in the plantation, yielding to the pub- 
lic treasury fourpence an acre yearly, and all the 
land in the second division twopence an acre 

While the division of lands was in progress, the 
name of the plantation was changed, by order of a 
General Court held on the first day of September, 
1 640, from Quinnipiac to New Haven. The record 
does not allege any reason for the adoption of the 
new name, but as the first P^nglish ship which ar- 
rived in the harborofQunnipiac brought emigrants 
from Kent, Surrey, and Sussex, it is a reasonable 
conjecture that she sailed from the port of New- 
haven, on the coast of Sussex, and that the visit of 
a vessel from that port determined the choice of the 
English name. The captain of this ship had been 
so much pleased with the harbor that he at first 
sight called it the "The Fair Haven." Probably 
the planters had some reference to expected immi- 
gration when they voted to disuse a name uncouth 
to English ears, and adopted in its stead a name 
familiar to the people of Sussex and the adjoining 

Mention has already been made of the arrival of 
an English ship in the harbor of Quinnipiac in the 
summer of 1639. This, and another vessel which 
followed at no long interval, brought emigrants 
from the southern counties of England. They 
came expecting to commence a separate plantation 
in the neighborhood of Quinnipiac, of which Eng- 
lish settlement they had evidently heard before 
leaving their native land. While on ship-board 
those who came in the vessel which first arrived 
signed the following covenant: 

We, whose names are hereunder written, intending by 
God's gracious permission to plant ourselves in New Eng- 
land, and if it may be, in the southerly part .about Quinni- 
piac: We do faithfully promise each to each, for ourselves 
and families and those that belong to us, that we will, the 
Lord assisting us, sit down and join ourselves together in 
one entire plantation; and to be helpful each to the other in 
every common work, according to every man's ability and 

as need shall require ; and we promise not to desert or leave 
each other or the plantation, but with the consent of the 
rest or the greater part of the company who have entered 
into this engagement. 

As for our gathering together in a church way and the 
choice of officers and members to be joined together in that 
way, we do refer ourselves until such time as it shall please 
God to settle us in our plantation. In witness whereof we 
subscribe our hands the first day of June, 1639. 

One of the signers of this agreement was Henry 
Whitfield, a clergyman of inherited wealth, which 
he was willing to use freely for the benefit of the 
plantation he and his associates intended to estab- 

Mr. Whitfield and his company very soon after 
their arrival at Quinnipiac, visited Guilford, and 
being pleased with the resemblance of the place to 
the coast land in the south of England, purchased 
of the aboriginal inhabitants a territory, to which 
they afterward added another tract by successive 
purchases from two different sachems, both of 
whom claimed an exclusive title. The first of these 
deeds bears the date of September 29, 1639. From 
the commencement of the plantation till the gather- 
ing of a church in 1643, the undivided lands were 
held in trust by six of the planters; four of whom 
were designated as a provisional committee in 
whom all civil power was vested. 

The same summer which witnessed the arrival 
in the harbor of Quinnipiac of the planters of Guil- 
ford, saw also the arrival of another company, with 
their minister, who purchased land on Long Island, 
allowing the deed to be given to the magistrates of 
New Haven, and thus putting themselves under 
the same civil authority with New Haven. But as 
Southold, the place in which they settled, has 
passed out of the jurisdiction, not only of New 
Haven, but of Connecticut, we need not follow 
their history further. " 

Stamford, in Fairfield County, was also pur- 
chased and settled by planters, who acknowledged 
allegiance to New Haven; and that colony claimed 
it as a part of its territory till the colony itself was 
absorbed into Connecticut. 

In 1643, Guilford and INIilford, which hitherto 
had been entirely separate and independent plan- 
tations, united with New Haven, Southold and 
Stamford in the establishment of a colonial govern- 
ment, and thereby qualified this combination of 
towns to unite with the other colonies of New Eng- 
land, viz., Massachusetts, Plymouth and Connecti- 
cut, in a confederation for ofTense and defense, 
mutual advice and succor. Milford being the 
only one of the plantations intending to unite in 
the colony of New Haven, which had deviated 
from the rule that only church members should be 
free burgesses, was obliged, before she was ad- 
mitted, to stipulate that "the present six free bur- 
gesses, who are not church members, shall not at 
any time hereafter be chosen either deputies or into 
any public trust for the combination. Secondly, 
that they shall neither personally, nor by proxy, 
vote at any time in the election of magistrates: and 
thirdly, that none shall be admitted freemen or 
free burgesses hereafter at Milford but church mem- 
bers, according to the practice at New Haven." 


Milford having matle these concessions to the 
less liberal views of the other plantations, the latter 
so far yielded as to grant 

First, that the said six freemen, already admitted by 
them, may comimic to act in all proper particular town bus- 
iness wherein the combination is not interested; and, 
secondly, that they may vote in the election of dcputic-s to 
be sent to the general courts for the combination or jurisdic- 
tion; which deputies, so to be chosen and sent, shall always 
\x church members. 

The union of these plantations in a colonial 
government, and the confcileration of the col- 
ony with Massachusetts, Piymouih and Con- 
necticut, were auxiliary to the establishment of 
security and peace. A stronger front was pre- 
sented toward their Dutch neighbors and toward 
the aborigines than when each plantation stood 

This confederation of four colonies much resem- 
bled both the confederation of thirteen colonies, 
which after«-ard prosecuted the War of the Revolu- 
tion, and the present Constitution of the United 
States. Its articles declare that the four colonies 
agree to be, and to be called The United Colonies 
of New England. Reserving to each colony its 
sovereignty, they provide for a congress of com- 
missioners, to meet yearly, clothed with power to 
make war and peace, and to frame and establish 
such orders as may preserve friendship between the 
members of the union. In case of war. offensive 
or defensive, involving the interests of the whole, 
or of any one of the confederates, the expense was 
to be assessed according to the number of male in- 
habitants in each colony between the ages of si.\- 
teen and si.\ty years. When any colony was 
invaded by an enemy, its confederates must aid it 
in the proportion of one hundred men for Massa- 
chusetts, and forty-five for each of the other colo- 
nies. The Commissioners are required to frame 
and establish rules (or the free and speedy passage 
of justice in each jurisdiction to all the confederates 
equally as to their own, and for the surrender of 
fugitive servants and fugitive criminals. 

In the spring of 1644, Totoket or Branford, " a 
place fit for a small plantation, betwixt New Haven 
and Guilford,' was sold to Mr. Swain and others of 
Wethersfield, upon condition that they should join 
in one jurisdiction with New Haven and the other 
plantations, upon "the fundamental agreements set- 
tled in 1643, '^vhich they, duly considering, readily 
accepted." P'rom this time to its dissolution in 
1665, the New Haven colony consisted of the six 
plantations of New Haven, Southold, Stamford 
(including Greenwich), Guilford, Milforil, and 

In two important particulars. New Haven differed 
from the other colonies. It was part of ' ' its funda- 
mental law,'' as we have already seen, that only 
church members should be free burgesses. By 
"fundamental" was meant unchangeable. In our 
day it is generally allowed that a people have the 
right to change the constitution of their govern- 
ment; and most written constitutions recognize 
their own mutability by indicating the method in 
which a change may be wrought. But the funda- 
mental law established by the planters of Quinni- 

piac on the "fourth da)- of the fourth month, called 
June, 1^39," and afterwards a.ssented toby the other 
plantations constituting the jurisdiction of New- 
Haven, was designed to be unalterable. It was 
understood to be a compact or agreement from 
which those who had assented to it could not 
recede. In the words of the colonial constitution, 
" It was agreed and concluded as a fundamental 
order, not to be disputed or questioned hereafter, 
that none shall be admitted to be free burgesses in 
any of the plantations within this jurisdiction for 
the future, but such planters as are members of 
some or other of the approved churches in New- 
England." In Massachusetts only church members 
could be made freemen till the law- was changed 
by command of King (Jharles the Second; but the 
requirement of church membership was not a ' ' fun- 
damental law," as it was in New Haven. 

The second particular in which New Haven 
differed from the other colonies was in not using 
juries. In the plantation courts and in the courts 
of the jurisdiction, the judges determined all ques- 
tions of fact as well as of law, and of discretionary 
punishment. It has been thought by some, that 
Governor Eaton's observations while resident in 
the Baltic countries suggestetl this departure from 
English law-. But if suggested by anything he 
had seen in other lands, it was doubtless com- 
mended to him, and those who acted with him in 
establishing a new government, by its conformity 
to the institutions of Moses. 

The records give no evidence that the disuse of 
juries occasioned any trouble; but Hubbard, a 
contemporary historian, thus criticises this pecu- 
liarity of New Haven: 

Those who were employed in laying the foundation of 
New Haven colony, though famed for much wisdom, expe- 
rience, and judgment, yet did not foresee all the inconveni- 
ence that might arise from such a frame of government, so 
differing from the other colonies in the constitution thereof, 
manifest in their declining that prudent and equal tempera- 
ment of all interests in their administration of justice, with 
them managed by the sole authority of the rulers without 
the concurrence of a jury, the benefit of which had been so 
long confirmed by the experience of some ages in our own 
nation ; for where the whole determining, as well both mat- 
ter of fact as matter of law, with the sentence and execution 
thereof, depends on the sole authority of the judges, what can 
be more done for the establishing of an arbitrary po%ver ? 

Hubbard also testifies concerning the limitation 
of the right of suffrage: "There had been an ap- 
pearance of unquictness in the minds of sundry, 
upon the account of enfranchisement and sundry 
civil privileges thence following, which they 
thought too shortly tethered up in the foundation 
of the government." His testimony on this subject 
is confirmed by that of the records. 

For ten years after iLs establishment the colonial 
government experienced no great trials. But in 
1653, England and Holland being at war, the 
Dutch at Manhattan were believed by their neigh- 
bors in New Haven and Connecticut to be instigat- 
ing a general conspiracy among the Indians against 
the English. It was rumored that a Dutch fleet 
would arrive, and that the Dutch and Indians 
would make a combined attack upon the English 
plantations. Connecticut and New Haven were 


naturally much alarmed and became clamorous for 
war. The Commissioners of the United Colonies, 
after investigation, declared war by a vote of seven 
to one. Mr. Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, voted 
against the declaration, and the General Court of 
that province being then in session, certified the 
Commissioners that they did not understand that 
they were called to make a present war against the 
Dutch. This action of the General Court expressed 
the general sentiment of its constituency. Less 
irritated against the Dutch on account of previous 
injuries, anil less exposed to present danger, the 
people of Massachusetts were not so ready to be- 
lieve that war was imperatively necessary and un- 
questionabl}' just. 

The contention between Massachusetts and the 
other colonies became so sharp as to threaten the 
immediate dissolution of the confederation. The 
Commissioners determined to adjourn sine du\ and 
would have done so but for a vote of the General 
Court of Massachusetts, declaring "that by the 
Articles of Confederation, so far as the determina- 
tions of the Commissioners are just and according 
to God, the several colonies are bound before God 
and man to act accordingly, and that they sin and 
break covenant if they do not; but otherwise we 
judge we are not bound, neither before God nor 
man. " 

In view of this communication, the Commission- 
ers were si) far pacified that they proceeded to busi- 
ness, "referring all further questions to the addresses 
the Massachusetts shall please to make to the other 
General Courts. '' But the very first matter presented 
for their consideration renewed the old dispute. 
It was a complaint that Sachem Ninigret had made 
a hostile raid upon the Indians of Long Island, 
tributaries and friends of the English, in which two 
Sachems and about thirty other Indians were slain, 
and divers women taken captive. The Commis- 
sioners immediately dispatched messengers to bring 
Ninigret's answer to this complaint. Upon return 
of the messengers, bringing an insolent reply from 
Ninigret, and reporting that he had allowed his 
men to insult and threaten them, the Commission- 
ers declared war against him. 

^Massachusetts refusing in this case to furnish her 
contingent of i66 soldiers, the Commissioners pro- 
tested that "the ^lassachusetts have broken their 
covenant," and adjourned. 

When the time for the ne.xt Congress of the Com- 
missioners drew near, the question was raised in 
the General Court of New Haven, whether Com- 
missioners should be chosen. The result of the 
debate is thus recorded: 

The Court having found such ill fruit from the Massachu- 
setts of the two former meetings, are discouraged to send ; 
yet, that they might show themselves followers of peace, and 
that they earnestly desire to continue their confederation 
upon the terms it first began, and for sundry years hath been 
carried on, did agree and choose the Governor and Francis 
Newman Commissioners for the year ensuing, and particu- 
larly for the next meeting at Hartford, if it hold; and Mr. 
Leete and Mr. Goodyear are chosen to supply, if the provi- 
dence of Ciod order it so that one or both of the others should 
be hindered; but with this direction from the Court, that if 
the mind of the Massachusetts remain as they have formerly 
declared, which hath made the other three colonies look 

upon the confederation as broken by the Massachusetts, they 
conceive there can be no fruit of their meeting, but only to 
consider the eleventh article, and require such satisfaction 
from the delinquent colony as they shall judge meet. 

No sooner had the Congress assembled than 
"they fell upon a debate of the late ditlerences 
betwixt the Massachusetts and the other colonies 

* * * and after some agitations and writing 
about the same, the Commissioners for the Massa- 
chusetts presented the ensuing writing:" 

To the intent all former diflerences and offences may bL- 
issued, determined and forgotten betwixt the .Massachusetts 
and the rest of the confederate colonies, we do hereby pro- 
fess it to be our judgment, and do believe it to be the judg- 
ment of our General Court, that the Commissioners, or six of 
them, have power, according to the articles, to determine 
the justice of all wars, etc. ; that our General Court hath, and 
dotii recall that interpretation of the articles which they sent 
to the Commissioners at Boston, dated the 2d of June, 1653, 

* * * and do acknowledge themselves bound to execute 
the determinations of the Commissioners, according to the 
literal sense and true meaning of the Articles of Confedera- 
tion, so far as the said determinations are in themselves just 
and according to God. 

With this retraction, the open quarrel between 
Massachusetts and the other colonies ended. But 
when the Commissioners, proceeding to make war 
upon Ninigret, gave the appointment of the com- 
mander-in-chief to Massachusetts, the appointee, 
Major Willard, carried out the policy of his colony 
almost as closely as if no army had been sent. The 
Commissioners censured him for inactivity, but he 
doubdess felt assured that in his own colony his 
conduct was approved. 

News of peace between England and Holland 
having arrived before ^lassachusetts retracted her 
offensive interpretation of the articles, the subject 
of hostilities against the Dutch was no more agi- 
tated, and gradually New Haven, as well as the 
other colonies, settled into tranquillity. 

In 1655, Governor Eaton presented to the Gen- 
eral Court a digest of the laws of the colony, which 
he had been requested to prepare. The Court ap- 
proved of what he had done, but desired him "to 
send for one of the new books of laws in the Mas- 
sachusetts colony, and to view over a small book 
of laws newly come from England, which is said 
to be Mr. Cotton's, and to add to what is already 
done as he shall think fit, and then the Court will 
meet again to confirm them, but in the meantime 
(when they are finished) they desire the elders of 
the jurisdiction may have the sight of them for their 
approbation also." A few months later "the 
laws which at the Court's desire have been drawn^ 
up by the Governor, viewed and considered by the 
elders of the jurisdiction, were now read and seri- 
ously weighed by this Court, and by vote concluded 
and ordered to be sent to England to be printed, 
with such oaths, forms, and precedents as the gov- 
ernor may think meet to put in; and the governor 
is desired to write to ftlr. Hopkins: and INIr. 
Newman to his brother, to do the best they can to 
get five hundred of them printed. " Ten months after 
this order for printing was made, "the Governor 
informed the Court that there is sent over now in 
Mr. Garrett's ship, five hundred law books, which 
Mr. Hopkins hath gotten printed, and six paper - 
books for records for the jurisdiction; with a seal 


for the colony, whicli lie desired them to accept as 
a token of his love. ' 

Governor Eaton died suddenly in January, 1658: 

Having worshiped God after his usual manner, ami upon 
some occasion with much solemnity charged all the 
family to carry it well unto tlicir mistress, who was 
now confined by sickness, he supped and then took 
a turn or two abroad for his meditations. After that 
he came in to bid his wife good-night, before he lelt her 
with her watchers; which when he did, she said, " methinks 
)oii look sad." Whereto he replied, "The ditVercnces 
risen in the church of Hartford make me so." She then 
added: " I,et us even go back to our native country again.'" 
To which he answered: "You may, but I shall die here." 
This was the last word that ever she heard him speak, for 
now retiring unto his lodging in another chamber he was 
overheard about midnight fetching a groan; and unto one 
sent in presentlv to inquire how he did, he answered the 
inquiry with only saying, " Very ill," and without saying 
any more, he tell asleep in Jesus. 

•'This man," says Hubbard, ''had in him great 
gifts, and as many excellences as are usually found 
in any one man. He had an excellent princely 
face and port, commanding respect from all 
others. He was a good scholar, a traveler, a great 
reader; of an exceeding steady and even spirit; 
not easily moved to passion; and standing unshaken 
in ills principles when once fixed upon. Of a pro- 
found judgment; full of majesty and authority in 
liis judicatures, so that it was a vain thing to offer 
to brave him out." 

As Eaton had been elected to the chief magis- 
tracy annually, from the institution of the colonial 
government, so Stephen Goodyear had been for 
several years chosen Deputy-Governor. Naturally 
he wouUl have succeeded to the place vacated by 
the death of Eaton; but his absence on a visit to 
England obliged the freemen to look elsewhere for 
a chief magistrate. At the Court of Election in the 
fcillowing May, Francis Newman, who had for 
some years been Secretary of the Jurisdiction, was 
chosen Governor, and William Leete, Deputy- 

Mr. Goodyear was so generally regarded as sec- 
ond only to Governor Eaton in all qualifications 
requisite for the chief magistracy, that if he had 
lived to return, he would probably have been 
called, as soon as an election occurred, to the high 
position for whicii his only disqualification in May, 
1658, was absence from the colony. 

His death occurred in London not long after- 
ward, them elancholy tidings of it having been 
received before October 20th, at which date pro- 
ceedings were commenced for the settlement of his 

Mr. Newman and Mr. Leete were re-elected in 
1659 and in 1660. On October i7tli of the 
latter year a C'ourt of Magistrates was held, at 
which the following record was made, the Governor 
being ab.sent: 

By reason of the afilicting hand of God on New Haven 
by much sickness, the Court could not pilch upon a day for 
public thanksgiving through the colony, for the mercies of 
the year p.^st; and did therefore leave it lo the elders of the 
church at New Haven, as God may l>e pleased to remove 
his hand from the Governor and others, to give notice to the 
rest of the plantations what day they judge fit for that 
duty, that we may give thanks and rejoice Iwfore the Lord 

Governor Newman died November 18, 1660. 
Mr. Davenport, in a letter to his friend, the 
younger Winthroi), thus communicates the partic- 
ulars of his decease: 

We hoped he was in a good way of recovery from his 
former sickness, and were comforted with his presence in 
the assembly two Lord's days and at one meeting of the 
church on a week day, without sensible inconvenience. 
And on the morning of the day of public thanksgiving, he 
found himself encouraged to come to the public assembly, 
but after the morning sermon he told me that he found him- 
self exceedingly cold from head to toe; yet, having dined, 
he was refreshed and came to the meeting again 
in the afternoon, the day continuing very cold. That 
night he was .very ill, yet he did not complain of any 
relapse into his former disease, but of inward cold, which 
he and we hoped might be removed by his keeping warm 
and using other suitable means. I believe he did not think 
that the time ot his departure was so near, or that he should 
die of this distemper, though he was always prepared for 
his great change. The last day of the week he desired my 
son to come to him the next morning to write a bill for him 
to be prayed for, according to his direction. My son went 
to him after the beating of the first dnim; but, finding him- 
self not fit to speak much, he prayed him to write for him 
what he thought fit. Wlicn the second drum beat, I was 
sent for to him. Hut before I came, though I made haste, his 
precious immortal soul was departed from its house of clay 
unto the souls of just men made perfect. 

In 1 66 1, William Leete was chosen Governor, 
and Matthew Gilbert, Deputy-Governor, and they 
were both re-elected in 1662 and 1663. In 1664, 
Mr. William Jones was chosen Deputy-Governor 
in place of Mr. Gilbert, the latter being elected a 
magistrate to fill the place vacated by Mr. Jones' 

About four months previous to the death of Gov- 
ernor Newman, tidings came that the Stuart fam- 
ily had been restored to the throne of England in 
the person of Charles II. These tidings were not 
joyfully received. The change from a kingdom to 
a commonwealth, twenty years before, had injured 
New England in its material interests by checking 
the emigration which was pouring into it popula- 
tion and wealth. But this disadvantage had been 
outweighed, in the judgment of the Puritan colo- 
nists, by the elevation of men in sympathy with 
themselves to supreme power and authority in what 
they called the State of England. They were more 
earnest to secure "the ends for which they had come 
hither," than to obtain a larger price for their corn 
and cattle, and they were confident that these ends 
would not be frustrated by any action of the home 
government so long as Puritans were in power in 
England. What effect upon the colonies the res- 
toration of the Stuarts might produce, it was impos- 
sible clearly to foresee ; but the Puritan colonists 
naturally feared that it would be evil. 

When the time arrived for the next election in 
the colony of New Haven, it was diflicult to find 
suitable persons willing to accept office. John 
Wakeman and William Gibbard were nominated 
for the magistracy in the Plantation Court of New 
Haven, notwithstanding their protest ; Mr. Wake- 
man, who had some thought of removing to Hart- 
ford, saying, when questioned if he intended to 
remain at New Haven, that he was not resolved 
whether to go or stay, but rather than he would 
acce])t the place, he would remove. In the Court 


of Election for the Jurisdiction they were both 
elected magistrates, but neither of them took the 
oath. Mr. Benjamin Fenn, of Milford, being elect- 
ed magistrate, took the oath, with this explana- 
tion before the oath was administered, that he would 
take the oath to act in his place, according to the 
laws of this jurisdiction; but in case any business 
from without present, he conceived he should give 
no offence if he did not attend to it, who desired 
that it might be so understood. It does not appear 
that the Governor or Deputy-Governor hesitated to 
take the oath, but from the whole history of this, 
the first election after the restoration of the Stuarts, 
it appears that it was generally apprehended that 
trouble might result from it to the colony of New 

In truth, trouble was already brewing ; for two 
members of the High Court which had condemned 
to death the father of the reigning monarch, had 
been, for more than a month before the election, 
concealed in New Haven and search warrants had 
been issued for "the finding and apprehending of 
Colonel Whalley and Colonel Goffe, who stand 
charged with crimes as by his Majesty's letter ap- 
pears." On the day of election, Whalley and Goffe 
were at the Judges' Cave on West Rock, where 
they could see the turret of the building where the 
election was held and hear the rattle of the drum 
b}' which the freemen were convened. But prob- 
ably only two or three persons knew that they were 
in the neighborhood. All who were in office were 
under the necessity of assisting to apprehend them, 
and other persons might be disposed to do so, 
either from loyalty to the King or from the hope of 
reward. Their places of concealment were therefore 
known to only a few persons; though, with scarcely 
an exception, the people of the colony were at heart 
friendly to them. But in a few months, difference 
of opinion was developed; Governor Leete and 
others beginning to fear evil results to the colony 
and to the magistrates from their neglect to appre- 
hend the fugitives. This difference of opinion 
seems to have occasioned some sharpness of feeling. 
Mr. Hooke, formerly teacher of the church at New 
Haven and a brother-in-law of Colonel Whalley, 
writes from England, where he was now residing, 
to Mr. Davenport, "I understand by your letter 
what you have lately met with from Mr. Leete," 
etc., and proceeds to explain that a certain letter 
was not designed to caution New Haven people 
against befriending the regicides, but only against 
doing it openly. 

The man was in the country when he wrote it, who sent 
it up to the city to be sent Ijy what hand he knew not, nor 
yet knoweth who carried it; and such were the times that 
he durst not express matters as he would, but he foresaw 
what fell out among you and was willing you should be se- 
cured as well as his other friends, and therefore he wrote 
that they might not be found among you, but provided for 
by you in some secret places. * * * I hope yet all will 
be well, though now I hear as I am writing of another order 
to be sent over, yet still I- believe God will suffer no man to 
touch you. 1 am almost amazed sometimes to see what 
cross capers some of you do make. I should break my shins 
should I do the like. 

Governor Leete had apparently understood the 
cautionary letter as advising an entire withholding 

of entertainment from the regicides, and had changed 
his position by a cross caper such as Mr. Hooke 
thought himself incapable of executing. 

Another intimation that Leete had changed his 
ground is contained in a letter to Deputy-Governor 
Gilbert from Robert Newman, formerly ruling elder 
in the church at New Haven, but now residing in 
England, who writes: 

I am sorry to see that you should be so much surprised 
with fears of what men can or may do unto you. The fear 
of an evil is ofttimes more than the evil feared. I hear of 
no danger, nor do I think any will attend you, for that 
matter. Had not W. L. written such a pitiful letter over, 
the business, I think, would have died. What it may do to 
him, I know not: they have greater matters than that to ex- 
ercise their thoughts. 

The fears which Leete now entertained that evil 
consequences might result to the colony and to 
himself personally fi-om the neglect to apprehend 
the regicides, led him to negotiate privately with 
Governor Winthrop, of Connecticut, who, in Au- 
gust, 1 66 1, sailed for Europe charged with a com- 
mission from the General Assembly of Connecticut 
to procure from his Majesty a charter for that col- 
ony. Leete desired Winthrop to include the terri- 
tory of New Haven with Connecticut in the appli- 
cation. In a letter to Winthrop, dated August 6, 
1 66 1, he says: 

I wish that you and we could procure one patent to reach 
beyond Delaware, where we have expended a thousand 
pounds to procure Indian title, view, and begin to possess. 
If war should arise between Holland and England, it might 
suit the King's interest; a little assistance might reduce all 
to England. But our chief aim is to piirchast- our own 

With this understanding between him and Leete, 
Winthroj) included in his application for a charter 
all the territory between Massachusetts on the 
north and Long Island Sound on the south, and 
between Rhode Island on the east and New York 
on the west. The charter which was granted him 
not only included all the territory for which he 
asked, but it was with regard to powers of govern- 
ment (as Bancroft says) still more extraordinary. 

It conferred on the colonists unqualified power to govern 
themselves. They were allowed to elect all their own of. 
ficers, to enact their own laws, to administer justice without 
appeals to England, to inflict punishments, to confer par- 
dons and, in a word, to exercise every power, deliberative 
and active. The King, far from reserving a negative on 
the acts of the colony, did not even require that the laws 
should be transmitted for his inspection; and no provision 
was made for the interference ot the English government, 
in any event whatever. Connecticut was independent, ex- 
cept in name. 

^^'inthrop was aided in his mission by a com- 
bination of favorable influences. Lord Say and 
Seal, a Puritan nobleman, who had once intended 
to remove to America, still retained his friendly feel- 
ing toward New England, and was now in a posi- 
tion where his influence with the King was very 
powerful. Although he had opposed the tyranny 
of Charles the First, he was and continued to be a 
Royalist in principle. During the Commonwealth 
he lived in retirement, and was among the first to 
move, when opportunity offered, for the restoration 
of the ancient constitution. As a reward for his 
services Charles the Second had made him Lord 
Privy Seal. The Earl of Manchester was also a 


Puritan. He likewise was high in ofllce and high 
in favor with the King. Fdrced to resign his com- 
mi-ssion as C'ommander-in-C'iiief of one of the grand 
divisions of the ParHamentary Army by the in- 
trigues of men who wislied to eHminate both 
royalty and aristocracy from the constitution, he 
too had lived in retirement, waiting for an opjior- 
tunity to assist in restoring the ancient form of 
government. He was now Lord Chamberlain and 
more active in public affairs than his aged friend, 
Say and Seal. 

Both of these noblemen lent to the Puritan 
colony their influence with the King. Winthrop 
himself was singularly well (lualified for the nego- 
tiation in which he was engaged. A university 
scholar, he had made the tour of the Continent as 
far as to Constantinople before he emigrated to 
New England. Gifted by nature, and polished 
with the best European culture, he was qualified 
to converse on those subjects which were every- 
where discussed in society, and by his experience 
in America was able to discourse of a country full 
of marvels to I'.nglishmen, whether they had trav- 
eled on the Continent or journeyed only within 
their native land. Mather relates that Winthrop 
had a ring which his grandfather had received from 
Charles the First; and that the acceptance by his 
Majestv of this souvenir of his father, effectually 
pledged him to favor the suppliant who offered it. 

The charter bore the date April 23, 1662. For 
some time after it came into his possession, Win- 
throp expected to return home that summer and 
be' himself the bearer of the document; but chang- 
ing his plans and deciding to spend a second win- 
ter abroad, he sent it by another hand. At the 
General Assembly or Court of Election held at 
Hartford October 9, 1662, "the PATENT or 
CH.'^RTER was this day publicly read in audience 
of the freemen, and declared to belong to them 
and their successors.'' 

There had been an understanding and an agree- 
ment between Winthrop and Leete, that the freemen 
of New Haven should not be brought under the 
authority established by the charter unless with 
their own consent. 

They both believed that it would be better for 
New Haven to unite with Connecticut than to 
attempt to maintain itself as a separate sovereignty; 
but they were equally agreed in the expectation 
that the freemen of New Haven would not be com- 
pelled to submit to Connecticut. But no sooner 
had the charter been and accepted at Hart- 
ford than the General Court began to receive as 
freemen of Connecticut disaffected inhabitants of 
Southold, Guilford, Stamford, and Greenwich. 

Winthrop, when he heard of it, wrote to Major 
John Mason, the Deputy-Governor, that he hoped 
it had been done " from misunderstanding and not 
in design of prejudice to that colony, for whom I 
gave assurance to their friends that their rights and 
interests shoukl not be disiiuieted or prejudiced by 
the patent.'' He recommends that "if any injury 
hath been done by admitting of freemen or appoint- 
ing of officers, or any other unjust intermeddling 
with New Haven colony in one kind or other 

without the approbation of the government, that it 
be forthwith recalled.'' 

Probably W'inthrop's letter to .Mason miscarried, 
for there was no recall of proceeilings such as he 
advised. Connecticut insisted upon the submis- 
sion of New Haven, and a long controversy ensued. 
The freemen of New Haven were divided on the 
question of uniting with Connecticut ; some desir- 
ing to avail themselves of the security afforded by a 
royal charter, and others setting more value on the 
ancient constitution of the colony with its funda- 
mental law limiting suffrage to church members, 
than on a royal charter. But however divided in 
opinion concerning the expediency of coming 
under the charter. New tiaven was unanimous 
in refusing to treat concerning a union till she was 
redintegrated and acknowledged as a distinct col- 
ony. If Connecticut had fully believed that by 
retracting she could set in motion measures which 
would result in the absorption of New Haven, she 
might have sacrificed to the pride of her sister col- 
ony, the required punctilio. But fearing that the 
party, whose professed desire was "that we may 
for the future live in love and peace together as 
distinct neighbor colonies, as wc did above twenty 
years together before you received and misunder- 
stood and so abused your patent," might become 
masters of the situation, she would not retract 
what she had done, lest she should in so doing 
admit the independence of New Haven. The 
negotiation between the two colonies was at a 
dead-lock when Royal Commissioners arrived from 
England, instructed to require the colonies to 
assist a fleet which had been sent to reduce under 
English authority, all the territory occupied by tl.e 
Dutch; the King claiming it as of right belonging 
to the I'.nglish, and bestowing it on his brother, 
the Duke of York. As the territory thus granted 
was to be bounded on the east by the Connecticut 
River, New Haven experienced a sudden change 
of heart toward Connecticut, preferring to submit 
to her juristliction rather than be subjected to the 
rule of a man who was a Royalist, a Romanist, and 
a Stuart. 

In less than three weeks after the arrival of the 
Royal Comrnissioners, Governer Leete convened 
the General Court at New Haven, and having 
explained the new aspect of affairs, and related 
some conference he had had with a committee 
recently sent from Connecticut in which he had 
signified to that committee that " if Connecticut 
woukl come and assert their claim to us in the 
King's authority, and would secure what at any 
time they had propounded to us, and would en- 
gage to stand to uphold the liberties of the patent, 
we would call the General Court together, that they 
may consider of it and be ready to give them an 
answer; and said for our parts we did not know- 
but we might bow- before it, if they assert it and 
make it good. " After much debate the Court voted 
as follows: "If Connecticut do come down and 
as.sert their right to us by virtue of their charter, 
and require us in his Majesty's name to submit to 
their government, that then it be declared to them 
that wc do submit." 


If anything was now wanting to the settlement 
of the question whether New Haven belonged to 
Connecticut, it was a formal determination by the 
Royal Commissioners of the boundary between 
Connecticut and New York. The royal grant to 
the Duke of York made the Connecticut River his 
eastern boundary; but the W'inthrop charter gave 
Connecticut one hundred and twenty miles west- 
ward from the Narragaiisett River. By one instru- 
ment New Haven was in New York, and by the 
other it was in Connecticut. There was no place 
for it as an independent colony. They had no 
title whatever from the English crown, and their 
territory was claimed by two different parties. 

The diplomacy of Winthrop was equal to the 
occasion. Having been appointed by the General 
Assembly of Connecticut to go with others to New- 
York to congratulate his IMajesty's Honorable 
Commissioners, he and his associates were em- 
powered "if an opportunity offer itself, that they 
can issue the bounds between the Duke's patent 
and ours, so as in their judgment may be to the 
satisfaction of the Court to attend to the same. " 
Winthrop had already rendered important aid to 
the Commissioners some months before, in negoti- 
ating the surrender to them of New Amsterdam; 
but still further to prepare the way for an issue that 
would be to the satisfaction of the Court, an order 
had been passed "that Colonel Nicolls and the 
rest of the Commissioners be presented with four 
hundred bushels of corn as a present from this 
colony. " 

The Commissioners after assigning Long Island, 
which Connecticut claimed as one of the adja- 
cent islands mentioned in her charter, to his 
Royal Highness the Duke of York, proceeded to 
declare : 

That the creek or river called Mamoronock, which is re- 
puted to be about twelve miles to tlie east of Westchester, 
and a line drawn from the east point or side, where the 
fresh water falls into the salt at highwater mark, north- 
north-west to the line of the Massachusetts, be the western 
bounds of the said colony of Connecticut ; and all planta- 
tions lying westward of that creek and line so drawn to be 
under his Royal Highness's government, and all plantations 
lymg eastward of that creek and line to be under the gov- 
ernment of Connecticut. 

The submission of New Haven was an unqual- 
ified triumph for Connecticut. There had been a 
time when she would have modified the qualifica- 
tions for suffrage, and made them as nearly con- 
formable to those in New Haven as the home gov- 
ernment would allow. The qualifications she had 
proposed to New Haven in the preceding year are 
almost exactly what ^Massachusetts atlopted when 
the Royal Commissioners demanded in the King's 
name that church-membership should not be in- 
sisted on. At that time she seemed willing to per- 
mit New Haven to have a court in which magis- 
trates might, without a jury, try arid determine 
causes. But New Haven, instead of securing con- 
cessions by capitulating when they were offered, 
had obstinately refused, and now submitted without 
any definite treat}'. The last General Court of the 
colony was held December 13, 1664, and voted, 

I. — That by this act or vote we be not understood to jus- 
tify Connecticut's former actings, nor anything disorderly 
done by our own people upon such accounts. 

2. —That by it we be not apprehended to have any hand 
in breaking or dissolving the confederation. 

Vet, in testimony of our loyalty to the King's Majesty, 
when an authentic copy of the determination of his Commis- 
sioners IS published, to be recorded with us, if thereby it 
shall appear to our committee that we are by his Majesty's 
authority now put under Connecticut Patent, we shall sub- 
mit; as from a necessity brought upon us by their means of 
Connecticut aforesaid, but with a saho jure of our former 
right and claim, as a people who have not yet been heard in 
point of plea. 

Relying on the following assurance, given on the 
19th day of the preceding November, by the Com- 
mittee from Connecticut, who demanded their sub- 
mission : 

We do further declare tliat it is intended by the l.ieneral 
Court of Connecticut that the freemen of New Haven, upon 
the presentment ot their names with testimony, be accepted 
as freemen of Connecticut. 

About twenty of the New Haven freemen went 
to Hartford at the next election, which was in May, 
1665, but "were sent home as repudiated, after 
they had suffered the difficulties and hazards of 
an uncomfortable and unsafe journey in that wet 
season. "* 

Naturall}', those who had made the journey to 
Hartford expecting to be received as freemen of 
Connecticut on proof that they were freemen of 
New Haven, were irritated by the treatment they 
received; and the record of a town meeting, held 
on the 8th day of May, 1666, shows that the dis- 
appointment and consequent irritation was general. 

Mr. Jones acquainted the town that Mr. Sherman was now 
in town, in pursuance of the General Assembly's order of 
last year, to tender the freemen's oath to our present free- 
men, and to as many others of the town as should orderly 
present themselves and be found fit. But there was only 
Mr. Henry Rutherford, Henry Glover, Mr. Thomas Vale, 
John Wmston, Mr. James Russell, Ralph Lines, Francis 
Brown, Jeremiah Osborne and Henry Bristow took the oath, 
and that according to the terms of our submission. 

So far as appears, these nine, with one in addi- 
tion (David Atwater), who had been sworn in at 
Hartford when the others had refused to take the 
oath, were the only freemen of Connecticut in the 
town of New Haven in May, 1666; the magis- 
trates and other civil and military officers being al- 
lowed to continue in their respective places without 
taking the oath required of its freemen by Con- 
necticut. But a beginning having been made, re- 
conciliation made progress till in 1669, the consta- 
bles of New Haven reported to the General Assem- 
bly the names of ninety persons in that town who 
were freemen of Connecticut. Probably by that 
time nearly all in the town who had been freemen 
of the New Haven colony had transferred their 
allegiance. The name of Nicholas Street, the rev- 
erend teacher of the church, is not in the list of 
1669, though his death did not occur till 1674. 

The name of John Davenport is, of course, not 
found among the freemen of 1669, for he had 
then become a resident of Boston; but there is no 
reason to believe that if he had remained in New 

* D.-ivenport's Letter to Winthrop, declining to preach the Election 
Sermon in 1666, 



Haven lie would so soon have become reconciled 
to Connecticut. 

Abraham Pierson, pastor of the church in Bran- 
ford, had, many years before, removed with sever- 
al families of his flock out of the jurisdiction of 
Connecticut into that of New Haven, because they 
so much preferred its fundamental law. They 
were naturally disappointed and grieved when Con- 
necticut followed them with its latitudinarianism in 
the admission of freemen. Their disappointment 
was so great that some of them, including the pas- 
tor, removed to Newark, New Jersey, and con- 
menced a new settlement.* 

To none was the disappointment so severe as to 
Davenport, who, on the other side of the sea, had 
devised, in co-operation with his now deceased 
friend, Eaton, the peculiar constitution of New 
Haven — who had seen the establishment of one 
plantation after another according to the pattern he 
had set, and the combination of them under a co- 
lonial government, which he fondly thought would 

* In my History of the Colony of New Haven. I followed ttie state- 
ment of Trumbnll, that Mr. Pierson and almost his whole church and 
congregation removed to Newark, and earned off the records of the 
church and town. I have since been informed by the Rev. E. C. Bald- 
win, formerly of Branford, that the records of the taivti were not carried 
away, and that Trumbull's statement respecting the number of emi- 
grants is too strong, Mr. Baldwin says that there was no intermission 
in the maintenance of public worship in Branford consequent upon the 
emigration to Newark. 

reinain till the coming nf the Lord. He speaks in 
a letter to a friend in Massachusetts of "Christ's 
interest in New Haven colony as miserably lost.'' 
In this state of mind he received an invitation to the 
pastorate of the First Church in Boston, there to 
champion the cause of orthodo.xy against the half- 
way covenant, and, contrary to the wishes of his 
church and congregation, accepted the invitation. 
-Mr. John Hull, of Boston, writes in his diary, un- 
der date of May 2, 166S: " At three or four in the 
afternoon came Mr. John Davenport to town, with 
his wife, son, and son's family, and were met by 
many of the town. A great shower of e.xtraor- 
dinaiy drops of rain fell as they entered the town; 
but Mr. Davenport and his wife were sheltered in a 
coach of Mr. Searl, who went to meet them." 

iMr. Davenport's ministry in Boston was of short 
duration. He died in less than two 3-ears after his 
removal thither. His departure from New Haven 
doubtless helped to obliterate the bitter feelings 
produced by the controversy between Connecticut 
and New Haven. The union of the two colonies 
was in itself so desirable, that resentment against 
what was wrong in the means of accomplishing it, 
yielded to the stronger feeling of satisfaction with 
the result. After two centuries, New Haven .scarce- 
ly remembers that she was once a distinct colony. 



NEW HAVEN from the first aspired to be a 
colony as well as a plantation. But there 
was onlv a theoretical difference between colonial 
and plantation authority previous to the combina- 
tion of Guilford and Milford with New Ha\en. 

The Plantation Court at New Haven had made 
and issued "orders" concerning Southold and 
Stamford when no representative of either of those 
plantations was present. But after the combination 
with Guilford and ^Milford, the plantation of New 
Haven held its general Courts distinct from those 
of the colony. Gradually the word planlation fell 
into disuse, and the word loivn took its place. 

It will not be inappropriate now, when we have 
seen the colonial government come to an end, to 
take a look at t!ic plantation as it was during the 
lifetime of its first planters. 

There is in the first volume of the Colonial 
Records — little discrimination having been made 
between the acts of the town and those of the col- 
ony — a schedule exhibiting the names of the pro- 
prietors of the plantation of New Haven in 1641; 
the number of persons each had in his family; 
the amount of his estate ; the number of acres he 
was entitled to have of upland near the town, of 
meadow, of land in the neck between Mill and 
Quinnipiac Rivers, and of upland remote from the 
town; and the amount of his annual ta.x. Omitting 
the tax column for want of room, we transcribe 
this schedule that the reader may become acquainted 

with those who commenced the settlement of the 

Names of the 

Mr. Theophilus Eaton 

Mr. Samuel Eaton 

Mrs. Eaton 

David Yale 

William Tuttle 

Kzekicl Cheever 

Captain Turner 

Richard Perry 

Mr. D.ivenporl 

Richard Malbon 

Thomas Nash 

John Benhani 

Tho. Kimberly 

John Chapman ^. 

Matthew Gilbert 

Jasper Crane 

Mr. Rowe 

.•\n Elder 

George Lamberton 

William Wilks 

Thomas JcflFrcy 

Robert Seeley 

Niclu'las Elscy 

John Budd 

Richard Hull Preston 

Benjamin Fenn 

William Jcanes 

John Brockett 

Roger Ailing 


























■ 65 




























5 + »4 






































■^e^zc^ {^Ma>7i^? 

jT^^ 1^ 



i«WT fyJTirruftMio^. 

J k 











Names of ihe 

Mr. Hickock 

Mr. Mansfield 

Thomas Gregson 

Stephen Goodyear.... 

William Hawkins 

Jeremiah VVhitnell.... 

Samuel Bailey , 

Thomas liuckingham. . 

Richard Miles 

Thomas Welch 

Nathaniel Axtell 

Henry Stonell 

William Fowler 

Peter Prudden 

Janies Prudden 

Edmond Tapp 

Widow Baldwin 

An Elder 

Richard Piatt 

Zachariah Whitman... 
Thomas Osborne. ..... 

Henry Rutherford.... 

Thomas Trowbridge.. 

Widow Potter 

John Potter 

Samuel Whitehead.... 

John Clark 

Luke Atkinson 

Arthur Halbidge , 

Edward Bannister:..., 

William Peck 

John Moss 

John Charles 

Richard Beach 

Timothy Ford , 

Peter Brown 

Daniel Paul , 

John Livemiore 

Anthony Thompson . . 

John Recder 

Robert Cogswell 

Matthias Hitchcock 

Francis Hall , 

Richard Osborne 

William Potter , 

James Clark 

Edward Patteson 

Andrew Hull 

William Ives 

George Smith 

Widow Sherman 

Matthew Moulthrop... 

Thomasjames, Sr 

Widow Greene... 

Thomas Vale 

Thomas Fugill 

John Punderson 

John Johnson 

Abraham Bell 

John Evance 

Mr. May res 

Mrs. Constable 

Joshua At water 

Thomas Fugill 

Edward Wlgglesworth . 

Thomas Powell 

Henry Browning 

Mrs. Higgin-on 

Edward Tench 

Jeremiah Dixon. 

William Thorp 

Robert Hill 

Widow Williams 

Andrew Low 

Francis Newman 

John Caffinch 

David Atwater 

— Lucas 

— Dearmer 

Benjamin Ling 

Robert Newman 

William Andrews 

John Cooper 

Richard Beckley 

Mr. Marshall 

Mrs Eldred 

Francis Brewster 

Mark Ptarce 

Jarvis Boykin 

James Russell 

George Ward 

Lawrence Ward 

Moses Wheeler 




































22 J 




























, 3^ 





2J + 24 









, 1^ 
15 + .6 
I* +16 





















42 i 





■ S+16 




























































Of these proprietors several were non-resident, 
having never come over from England; others 
soon removed to Milford. They all had their 
house-lots on the half-mile square bounded by 
George and Grove, State and York streets, or on 
one of the two irregularly-shaped blocks which 
they called suburbs; except the last four on the 
catalogue, who lived in East Water street. The 
half mile square was divided into nine squares, of 
which that one now called the Green, thev called 
the Market Place. 

In the center of the INIarket Place was the Meet- 
ing-house. It was of wood, was fifty feet square, 
had a roof shaped like a truncated pyramid, and 
was surmounted by a tower and turret. There 
were also "banisters and rails on the meeting- 
house top," which probably inclosed that higher 
and flatter portion of the roof from which the tower 
ascended. It was built in accordance with an 
order of the General Court passed November 25, 
1639, and continued in use till 1670, when its 
successor was ready for occupancy. 

The frame of the first meeting-house being in- 
suflScient to support the weight of the tower and 
turret, it became necessary to shore up the posts. 

In time it was found that the shores were 
impaired by decay, and fears were expressed that 
the house would fall. In January, 1660, there 
was a discussion at a General Court concerning 
the Meeting-house. Some were for removing the 
turret and allowing the tower to remain. Some 
thought that both tower and turret might be re- 
tained, if the shores were renewed and the frame 
was strengthened within the house. In conclusion 
it was "determined that besides the renewing of 
the shores, both turret and tower shall be taken 
down. " 

Probably the order to take down the tower 
and turret was not executed, for a committee 
on the meeting-house reported August 11, 1662, 
that " they thought it good that the upper turret 
be taken down. The thing being debated, it was 
put to vote and concluded to be done, and left to 
the townsmen to see to get it done. " 

The internal arrangement of the meeting-house 
is shown in the accompanying plan. Behind the 
pulpit was the seat of the teaching elders; imme- 
diately in front of it was the seat of the ruling elder; 
and before the seat of the ruling elder was the seat 
of the deacons, having a shelf in front of it which 
ordinarily hung suspended from hinges so as to 
present its broad surface to the congregation, but 
when needed for a communion-table was ele- 
vated to a horizontal position. The officers of the 
church thus sat facing the congregation. The 
sexes were seated apart, the men on one side and 
the women on the other side of "the middle 
alley." "The soldiers' seats, " however, were an 
exception to the rule; one-half of them being on 
the women's side of the house. The "forms" 
between the '' alleys " were long enough to accom- 
modate seven persons; but only two or three per- 
sons were assigned to the forms near the pulpit, 
the space allowed to each having some proportion 
to his dignity. 



r I 

Exterior of MeetingHouse. 

There were two pillars in the meeting-house, 
one on the side where the men were seated, and 
one on the women's side. Apparently they were 
designed to aid in supporting the weight of the 
tower and turret. On the accompanying ground- 
plan they are represented as placed in the side 
" alleys," half way from front to rear. 

The first seating which is recorded placed only 

proprietors and their wives. The '_ 

second was more liberal, including 
apparently all heads of families, 
but, with the exception of Mr. Good- 
year's daughters, no unmarried women. 
This more liberal policy in the assign- 
ment of seats rendered it necessary to 
place benches in the " alleys," before 
every front seat and before each of the 
pillars. In January, 1647, "'•• was 
ordered that the particular court with 
the two deacons, taking in the advice 
of the ruling elder, should place people 
in the meeting-house, and it was 
ordered that the governor may be 
spared therein." The governor was 
probably "spared'' because his wife 
having been excommunicated, no seat 
could, according to English custom, be 
assigned to her. But there was plenty 
of room for her in the seat with "old 
Mrs. Eaton." Nine years later, the 
governor's mother being now dead, the 
seat was assigned to his wife under the 
adroit circumlocution: "The first as it 
was." But the committee's faculty of 
circumlocution failed when they came 
to the bench in front of that scat and 
they wrote: "Before Mrs. Eaton's 






seat." There had doubtless been " a 
seating" earlier than that of 1647, but 
it escaped being recorded. At a general 
court held March 10, -1647, the com- 
mittee appointed in January having 
meanwhile performed their duty, " the 
names of people as they were seated in 
the meeting-house were read in court, 
and it was ordered they should be re- 
corded." In 1656, nine years later, 
another record was made; and in 1662 
there was a third record of the names 
of people as they were seated in the 
meeting-house. We have transcribed 
the earliest of these lists of names, so 
as to place it before the eye of the reader. 
The other two may be found in the 
" History of the Colony of New Haven 
to its Absorption into Connecticut," by 
the editor of this volume. 

The middle seals hare to sit in them: 
1st seat, the governor and deputy-governor. 
2d seat, Mr. Malbon, magistrate. 
3d seat, Mr. Kvance, Mr. Bracey, Mr. Francis 
Newman, Mr. Gibbard. 

4th seat, Goodman Wigglesworth, Bro. At- 
water, J^ro. Seeley, Bro. Miles, 
seat, Bro. Crane, Bro. Gibbs, Mr. Caffinch, Mr. 
Bro. Andrews. 

seat, Bro. Davis, Goodman Osborne, Anthony 
pson, Mr. Browning, Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Higginson. 
seat, Bro. Camfiehl, Mr. James, Bro. Benham, W™. 
pson, Bro. Lindon, Bro. Martin. 

seat, Jno. Meigs, J no. Cooper, Peter Brown, Wo". 
John Gregory, Nicholas Elsey. 

seat, Edw. Bannister, Jno. Harriman, Benj. Wilmut, 
Boykin, Arthur Halbidge. 

I 1 




Interior of MeetingHouse. 



In the cross seals at the end. 

1st seat, Mr. Pell, Mr. Tutlle, Bro. Fowler. 

2d seat. Thorn. Nash, Mr. AUerton, Bro. Perry. 

3d seat, Jno. Nash, David Atwaler, Thomas Yale. 

4th seat, Robert Johnson, Thorn. Jeffrey, John Pun- 

5th seat. Thorn. Munson, Jno. Livermore, Roger Ailing, 
Joseph Nash, Sam. Whitehead, Thomas James. 

In the other little seat, John Clark, Mark Pearce. 

In the seats on the side, for men. 

1st, Jeremy Whitnell, Wm. Preston, Thom. Kimberley, 
Thom. Powell. 

2d, Daniel Paul, Richard Beckley, Richard Mansfield, 
James Russell. 

3d, \Vm. Potter, Thom. Lamson, Christopher Todd, 
William Ives. 

4th, Hen. Glover. Wm. Thorp, Matthias Hitchcock, 
Andrew Low. 

On the other side of the door. 

1st, John Moss, Luke Atkinson, Jno. Thomas, Abraham 

2d, George Smith, John Wakefield, Edw. Patteson, 
Rithard Beach. 

3d, John Bassett, Timothy Ford, Thom. Knowles, 
Robert Preston. 

4th, Richard Osborne, Robert Hill, Jno. Wilford, Henry 

^ 5th, Francis Brown, Adam Nicolls, Goodman I.eeke, 
Goodman Dayton. 

6th, Wm. Gibbons, John Vincent, Thomas Wheeler, lohn 


In the middle. 

1st seat, old Mrs. Eaton. 

2d seat, Mrs. Malbon, Mrs. Gregson, Mrs. Davenport, 
Mrs. Plooke. 

3d seat, Elder Newman's wife, Mrs. Lamberton, Mrs. 
Turner, Mrs. Brewster. 

4th seat. Sister Wakeman, Sister Gibbard, Sister Gil- 
bert, Sister Miles. 

5th seat, Mr. Francis Newman's wife, Sister Gibbs, Sis- 
ter Crane, Sister Tuttle, Sister Atwater. 

6th seat. Sister Seeley, Mrs. Caffinch, Mrs. Perry, Sister 
Davis, Sister Cheever, Jno. Nash's wife. 

7th seat, David Atwater's wife, Sister Clarke, Mrs. Yale, 
Sister Osborne, Sister Thompson. 

8th seat. Sister Wigglesworlh, Goody Johnson, Goody 
Camfield, Sister Punderson, Goody Meigs, Sister Gregory. 

9th seat. Sister Todd, Sister Boykin, William Potter's 
wife, Matthias Hitchcock's wife, Sister Cooper. 

In the cross seats at the end. 

1st, Mrs. Bracey, Mrs. Evance. 

2d, Sister Fowler, Sister Ling, Sister Allerton. 

3d, Sister Jaffrey, Sister Rutherford, Sister Livermore. 

4th, Sister Preston, Sister Benham, Sister Mansfield. 

5th, Sister Ailing, Goody Bannister, Sister Kimberley, 
Goody Wilmot, Sister Whitnell, Mrs. Higginson. 
In the little cross seat. 

Sister Potter, the midwife, and old Sister Nash. 
In the seats on the side. 

1st seat. Sister Powell, Goody Linden, Mrs. James. 

2d seat. Sister Whitehead, Sister Munson, Sister Beck- 
ley, Sister Martin. 

3d seat, Sister Peck, Joseph Nash's wife, Peter Brown's 
wife. Sister Russell. 

4th seat. Sister Ives, Sister Bassett, Sister Patteson, Sis- 
ter Elsey. 

In the seats on the other side of the door. 

1st seat, Jno. Thomas' wife, Goody Knowles, Goody 
Beach, Goody Hull. , ' 

2d seat. Sister Wakefield, Sister Smith, Goody Moss 
James Clarke's wife. ■ ' 

3d seat. Sister Brockett, Sister Hill, Sister Clarke 
Goody Ford. ' 

4th seat. Goody Osborne, Goody Wheeler, Sister Nicolls, 
Sister Brown. 

At the town meeting at which the second list of 
names was read, "it was agreed that (because 
there want seats for some, and that the alleys are 
so filled with blocks, stools and chairs, that it 
hinders a free passage) low benches shall be made 
at the end of the seats on both sides of the alleys 
for young persons to sit on." But these additional 
seats did not suffice; for, about twelve months 
later, the townsmen, or, as we now term them, 
the selectmen, were " desired to speak with some 
workmen to see if another little gallery may not 
for a small charge be made adjoining that [which] 
is already." This mention cf the gallery prompts 
us to suggest that, as, with few exceptions, the per- 
sons who had seals assigned to them by name were 
heads of families, young men and young women 
sat in the gallery, as was the general custom in New 
England in later generations. There is reason for 
believing that the boys clustered together on the 
gallery stairs, and that though not allowed to wear 
their hats, as their fathers were, they sometimes dis- 
turbed the " e.xercise " with their exuberant vitalit_v. 
That the interior of the building was cared for and 
kept free from dust is evident from the minute: " It 
is ordered that sister Preston shall sweep and dress 
the meeting-house every week and have one shilling 
a week for her pains." 

Toward the rude sanctuary in the Market Place, 
the persons whose names are written above, and 
many others too youthful or too lowly in station to 
be dignified with an assigned seat, went up in the 
morning of every Lord's Day. The first drum was 
beaten about eight o'clock in the tower of the 
meeting-house and through the streets of the town. 
When the second drum sounded, an hour later, 
families came forth from their dttellings and walked 
in orderly procession to the House of God; chil- 
dren following their parents to the door, though 
not allowed to sit with them in the assembly after 
they were of sufficient age to be separated from their 
mothers. The ministers in the pulpit wore gowns 
and bands, as they had done in England; their 
Puritan scruples reaching not to all the badges of 
official distinction which they had been accustomed 
to see and to use, but only to the surplice. 

The only other public buildings on the Market 
Place were a school-house and a watch-house. The 
latter was for the comfort of the watchmen who 
were on duty at night, and on Sundays and lecture 
days and other days, ordinary and extraordinarv, 
of solemn worship. In 1645 

It is ordered that the market-place be forthwith cleared, 
and the wood carried to the watch-house, and there piled 
for the use and succor of the watch in cold weather; and 
the care of this business is committed to the four sergeants. 

From a record four years later, it appears that 
this work of clearing the Market Place was to be 
performed by the inhabitant.s, each working in his 
turn, either personally or by proxy; that some trees 
were then still standing; and that some of the in- 
habitants had not yet done their share of the labor. 
Probably a wood-pile had been provided sufficient 
for the use and succor of the watch for four years; 
after the lapse of which time, "it was propounded 
that some wood might be provided for the watch. 


History oP the city of kew ha vek. 

The sergeants were desired to inquire who liath not 
wrought in the market-place, that they might cut 
some wootl out; and in the meantime the treasurer 
was to provide a load." A watch ordinarily con- 
sisted of one intrusted as master of the watcli and 
six other watchmen. 

The master of the watch is to set the watch an hour 
after sunset, ilividinj; the nijjht into three watches, sending 
forth two and two toi;cther to walk their turns, as well 
without the town as within the town and the suburbs also, 
til bring to the court of guard any person or persons whom 
they shall find disorderly, or in a suspicious manner within 
doors or without, whether English or Indians, or any other 
strangers whatsoever, and keep them there safe vmtil the 
murning and then bring them before one of the magistrates. 
If the watchmen in any part of then- watch see any apparent 
common danger, which they cannot otherwise prevent or 
stop, then they are to make an alarm by discharging their 
two guns, which are to be answered by him that stands at 
the door to keep sentinel, and that also seconded by beat- 
ing of the drum. And if the danger be by fire, then with 
the alarm, the watchmen are to cry: fire ! fire ! ! And if it 
be by the discovery of an enemy, then they are to cry: 
arm ! arm ! 1 all the town over, yet so as to leave a guard 
at the covirt of guard. The master is to take care that one 
man always stand sentinel in a sentinel posture without the 
watch. house, to hearken diligently after the watchmen, and 
see that no man come near the watch-house or court of 
guard ; no, not those of the present watch who have been 
walking the round, but that he require them to stand, and 
call forth the master of the watch to question, proceed, or 
receive them as he shall see cause. The master of the 
watch is also to see that none of the watchmen sleep at all, 
and that none of their guns remain uncharged till the watch 
break up, and also that no man lay aside his arms while 
the watch continues. 

In 1647 "'' ^^■^'' propounded that men would 
clear wood and stones from their pale-sides, that 
the watclimen in dark nights might the more safely 
walk the rounds without hurt thereby." The pales 
with which the house-lots were inclosed were in 
.some cases six feet and in other cases five feet high. 
In some instances rails were used for fencing, but 
the use of such an expression as "pale-sides" in 
the record, seems to imply that the streets weie 
more commonly separated from the inclosures by 
pales. The avenues which led out of the town 
plat were provided with gates, which at night were 
shut, and doubtless locked. 

New Haven e.xcelled all the other plantations of 
New England in the elegance and costliness of its 
domestic architecture. Hubbard, the historian, 
who was seventeen j'ears of age when New Haven 
was founded, speaks of its "error in great build- 
ings," and afterward alludes to it again, saying: 
"They laid out ti>o much of their stocks and es- 
tates in builiiing of fair and stately houses, wherein 
they at the first outdid the rest of the country." 
Tradition reports that the house of Theo])hiius 
Ilaton was so large as to liave nineteen fireplaces, 
and that it was lofty as well as large. Its principal 
apartment, denominated — as in the mother coun- 
try — the hall, was the first to be entered. It was 
sufficiently spacious to accommodate the whole 
family when assembled at meals and at prayers. 
It contained, according to the inventory taken 
after the Governor's decease, "a drawing table," 
"a round table,'' "green cushions," "a great 
chair with needle-work," " high chairs, "" high 
stools," "low chairs," "low stools," "Turkey 

carpets," "high wine stools,'' and "great brass 

"The parlor," probably adjoining the hall, and 
having windows opening upon the street, seivcd as 
a witlidrawing room, to which the elder members 
of the family and their guests retired from the crowd 
and bustle of the hall. But, according to the fash- 
ion of the time, the parlor contained the furniture 
of a bedroom, and was occasionally used as the 
sleeping apartment of a guest. 

Mather, speaking of Eaton's manner of life, says 
that "it was his custom when he first rose in the 
morning to repair unto his study; " and again, that, 
"being a great reader, all the time he could spare 
from company and business, he commonly spent in 
his beloved study.'' There is no mention in the 
inventory of " the study; " but perhaps the apart- 
ment referred to by Mather was described by the 
appraisers as "the counting-house, ' the two names 
denoting that it was used both as a library and as 
an office. 

If these three rooms filled the front of the man- 
sion, the reader may locate behind them at his own 
discretion, the winter kitchen, the summer kitchen, 
the buttery, the pantry — offices necessarily implied, 
even if not mentioned, as connected with an exten- 
sive homestead of the seventeenth century — and 
then add the brew-house and the warehouse, both 
mentioned in the inventory. 

Of the sleeping apartments in the second story, 
the green chamber, so called from the color of its 
drapery, was chief in the expensiveness and ele- 
gance of its furniture, and presumably in its size, 
situation and wainscoting. The walls of the blue 
chamber were hung with tapestry, but the green 
drapery was of better quality than the blue. The 
blue chamber had a Turkey carpet, but the ap- 
praisers set a higher value on the carpet in the 
green chamber. All the other sleeping rooms were 
furnished each with a feather-bed of greater or less 
value, but the green chamber had a bed of down. 
In this chamber, probably, was displayed the silver 
basin and ewer, double gilt and curiously wrought 
with gold, which the Fellowship of Eastland Mer- 
chants had presented to Mrs. Eaton in acknowl- 
edgment of her husband's services as their agent 
in the countries about the Baltic. The appraisers 
valued it at forty pounds sterling, but did not put 
it in the inventory, because Mrs. Eaton claimed it 
as ' ' her proper estate. " 

There was in the house, in addition to the bowl 
and ewer, plate to the value of one hundred and 
seven pounds eleven shillings sterling. Taking 
into consideration what we know of the house and 
furniture, we must conclude with HubbartI, that 
the Governor "maintained a port in some measure 
answerable to his place." 

Of course there was no other house in the plan- 
tation equal to that of Governor Eaton; but Presi- 
dent Stiles has transmitted the names of three other 
planters whose mansions he includes with that of 
Eaton among the four which excelled in stateliness 
all other houses erected in New Haven by the first 
generation of its inhabitants. The three were Mr. 
lolin Davenport's, Mr. Thomas (Jregson's, and Mr. 



Isaac Allerton's. * He informs us that he had him- 
self in his boyhood been famiHar with the interior 
of Mr. Davenport's house, and that it had thirteen 
fire-places. He tells us on the authority of one of the 
mechanics who demolished the Allerton house, that 
the wood was all of oak and of the best joiner- work. 

The average dwelling-house of the first genera- 
tion of planters was supported by a frame of heavy 
timber. White oak was a favorite wood for this 
purpose, and some of the larger pieces were con- 
siderably more than a foot square. Such a house 
had a stone chimney measuring, perhaps, ten feet 
in diameter where it passed through the first floor; 
being even larger in the cellar, and tapering as it 
ascended, the fire-place in one of the apartments 
of the first floor being six or eight feet long. A 
door in the middle of the front side of the house 
opened into a hall, which contained the principal 
stairway on the side opposite to the entrance and 
opened on the right hand and on the left into front 
rooms used as parlors, but furnished, one or both 
of them, with beds; which, if not commonly in 
use, stood ready to answer such drafts upon hospi- 
tality as are frequent in a new country, where all 
traveling is by private conveyance. The apartment 
most used by the family, in which they cooked and 
ate their food, and in winter gathered about the 
spacious fire-place, was in the rear of the chimney. 
At one end of it was a small bedroom and at the 
other a buttery. 

The frame of such a house was covered with 
clapboards or with shingles, and after a little ex- 
perience the planters learned to prefer cedar shin- 
gles to perishable and inflammable thatch as a 
covering for the roof The floors were of thick 
oak boards fastened with wooden pins. The 
rooms were plastered on the sides; but the joists 
and floor above were exposed to view. In the 
parlors, the side contiguous to the chimney was 
usually wainscoted, and thus displayed wide panels 
from the largest trees of the primeval forest. The 
window sashes, bearing glass cut into small dia- 
mond-shaped panes and set with lead, were hung 
with hinges to the window-frames and opened 
outward. The doors were of upright boards, fast- 
ened together with battens, and had wooden latches. 
The outside doors were made of two layers of 
board, one upright and one transverse, fastened 
together with clinched nails, so arranged as to cover 
the door with diamond-shaped figures of equal 
dimensions. The front door was made in two 
valves, which, when closed, met in the middle and 
were fastened in that position by a wooden bar, 
placed across from one post to the other, and se- 
cured by iron staples. 

Lower in rank than these framed buildings were 
log-houses, which, when small and built with little 
expenditure of joiner-work, were called huts rather 
than houses: as on a Western prairie a log cabin is 
even now distinguished from a log-house. 

* Isaac Allerton was one of the pilgrims who came to Plymouth in 
the Mayflower. Having fallen under censure on account of some 
commercial transactions in which he was the agent of the colony, he 
removed first to Marblehead and afterwards to New Haven. A lot 
was granted him on L'liion street, near Fair street, where he built '* a 
grand house with four porches." 

In the seventeenth century, as compared with 
the present day, household furniture was rude and 
scanty, even in England; and doubtless emigra- 
tion to a new country deprived the planters of New 
England of some domestic conveniences which 
they might have possessed if they had remained at 
home. A few of the most distinguished men in 
New Haven had tapestry hangings in their princi- 
pal apartments; and Governor Eaton had, in addi- 
tion to such luxuries, two Turkey carpets, a tapestry 
carpet, a green carpet fringed, and a small green 
carpet, besides rugs; but the mansion of a planter 
who had been a London merchant is not to be 
taken as a fair specimen of contemporary dwellings. 

Besides the beds, which stood in so many of the 
apartments, the most conspicuous and costly piece 
of furniture in a house w^as, perhaps, a tall case of 
drawers in the parlor. It was called a case of 
drawers and not a bureau; for at that time a writing- 
board was a principal feature of a bureau. If, as 
was sometimes the case, there were drawers in the 
lower part and a chest at the top, it was called a 
chest of drawers. This form, being in itself less 
expensive, received less of ornament, and was to 
be found even in the cottages of the poor. Still 
another form had drawers below and doors above, 
which, w^hen opened, revealed small drawers for 
the preservation of important papers or other arti- 
cles of value. This form was sometimes called a 
cabinet. After the death of Governor Eaton, "there 
■was found in his cabinet a paper, fairly written with 
his own hand, and subscribed also with his own 
hand, having his seal also thereunto affixed, " which 
was accepted as his last will and testament, " though 
not testified by any witnesses nor subscribed by anv 
hands as witnesses." The inventory of Governor 
Eaton does not mention a cabinet, but specifies 
among the items "in the green chamber, " which 
was evidently the most elegant of his apartments, a 
cupboard with drawers. This was doubtless, under 
a more homely name, the same piece of furniture 
which in the probate record is called a cabinet. 

The inventory of Governor Eaton makes no 
mention of a clock, and probably there was none 
in the Colony of New Haven while he lived, unless 
his friend Davenport had so early become the pos- 
sessor of the "clock, with appurtenances," which, 
after the death of its owner, was appraised at ^5. 

At a later date a clock outranked the case of 
drawers however elegant, by its greater rarity and 
greater cost. For a long lime after their first ap- 
pearance, clocks were to be found only in the 
dwellings of the opulent, the generality of the peo- 
ple measuring time by noon-marks and sun-dials. 

Table furniture, as compared with that of the 
present day, was especially scanty. Forks were not 
in common use in England till after the union of 
New Haven with Connecticut, though, as Palfrey 
suggests, there was a very liberal supply of nap- 
kins, as if fingers were sometimes used for forks. 
Spoons used by families of the middle class were 
commonly of a base metal called alchymy, though 
some such families had a few spoons of silver. 
But if silverware was not in general use, families o( 
opulence seem to have been well supplied with it. 



Governor Jlaton had, inchuiing the basin and ewer 
presented to Mrs. Eaton by tlie Eastland Fellow- 
ship, more than £\^o worth of plate, and Mr. 
Davenport's plate was appraised at £^^0. 

Table dishes were generally of wood or of pew- 
ter, though china and earthenware are specified in 
the inventory of Mr. Davenport's estate. Vessels of 
glass are sometimes mentioned in inventories. 
Drinking vessels, called cans, were cups of glass, 
silver or pewter, with handles attached to them. 
Porringers were small, bowl-shaped vessels for hold- 
ing the porridge commonly served for breakfast or 
supper. Usually they were of pewter and supplied 
with handles. I\Ieat was brought to the table on 
platters of pewter or of wood, and from these was 
transferred to wooden trenchers, which, in their 
cheapest foi-m, were square pieces of board, but 
often were cut by the lathe \\\\.o the circular shape 
of their porcelain successors. 

In all but the most wealthy families, food was 
cooked in the apartment where it was eaten, and 
at the large fire-place, which by its size distin- 
guished the most frequented apartment of the 
house. A trammel in the chimney, by means of 
its hook, which could be moved up or down ac- 
cording to the amount of fuel in use at the time, 
held the pot or kettle at the proper distance above 
the fire. At one end of the fire-place was an oven 
in the chimney. Supplementary to these instru- 
ments for boiling and baking, were a gridiron, a 
long-handled frying pan, and a spit for roasting 
before the fire. At the end of the room, pewter 
platters, porringers and basins, when not in use, 
were displayed on open shelves; and hanging 
against the wide panels of the wainscot were uten- 
sils of tin and brass, the brightness of the metal 
showing forth the comparative merit of the house- 

The diet of the planters necessarily consisted 
chiefly of domestic products; though commerce 
supplied the tables of the wealthy with sugar, for- 
eign fruits and wines. Kine and sheep were few 
during the early years of the colony, but there was 
such an abundance and variety of game, that the 
scarcity of beef and mutton was but a small in- 
convenience. In town, venison brought in by En- 
glish or Indian hunters was usually to be obtained 
of the truck-master; and at the farms, wild (jeese, 
wild turkeys, moose and deer were the prizes of 
the sharpshooti r. The air in spring and autumn 
was sometimes perceptibly darkened with pigeons; 
the rivers were full i>{ fish; on the sea-shore there 
was plenty of clams, oysters and mussels. Poultry 
and swine soon multiplied to such an e.xtent, that 
they could be used for the table; and within ten 
years from the foundation of New Haven, beef had 
become an article of e,\port. The abundance of 
game, of pork, and of poultry, doubtless hastened 
the exportation of this commodity. Tillage pro- 
duced, besides the maize, the beans, and the 
squashes indigenous to the country, almost every 
variety of food to which they had been accustomed 
in England. 

The diet for breakfast and supper was frequently 
porridge made of meat and of peas, beans or 

otiier vegetables. Frequently it was mush and 
milk. A boiled pudding of Indian meal, cooked 
in the same pot with the meat and vegetables 
which followed it, was often the first and principal 
course at dinner. It seems to have been assigned 
to the first course, in the interest of frugality, to 
spare the more expensive pork and beef. Of escu- 
lent roots, the turnip was t'ar more highly prized 
and plentifully used than the potato. Tea and 
coftee had not yet come into general use so as to 
be articles of commerce even in England, but beer 
was the common drink of Englishmen at home 
and in America. A brew-huuse was regarded as 
an essential part of a homestead in the New Haven 
colony, and beer was on the table as regularly as 

While the breakfast, dinner and supper de- 
scribed above may be taken as a specimen of the 
diet frequently appearing on the table of a New 
England family in the seventeenth century, they are 
by no means to be regarded as fixed b}-a rule from 
which there was no variation. There were flesh-days 
and there were fish-days in every week; and on Sat- 
urday, the oven being heated for baking bread, a 
pot of beans was put in, which, being allowed to re- 
main for twenty-four hours, furnished a warm sup- 
per for the family when they returned from (lublic 
worship. There was variation from and addition 
to the ordinary fare on those numerous occasions, 
when friends, traveling on horseback, stopped to 
spend the night, or to rest in the middle of the 
day. Then the table was burdened with varieiv 
and abundance according to the means of the fam- 
ily and the providence of the mistress. Feasting 
reached its acme on the day of the annual thanks- 
giving, when there was such plenty of roast meats, 
and so extraordinary an outcome from the oven, 
that ordinary diet was for some days afterward dis- 
placed by the remains of the feast. 

No picture of domestic life in New England 
could be complete which did not exhibit the family 
observing the annual thanksgiving. Rejecting 
Christmas, the Puritans established in its place an- 
other festival, which became equally domestic in 
the manner of its observance. Children who had 
left their parents to prepare themselves for the du- 
ties of adult life, or to occup\' homes which the)' 
themselves had established, were gathered again in 
the home of their nativity, or under the root of 
those whom they had learned since they were mar- 
ried to call father and mother. Here they re- 
counted the blessings of the year, and united in 
giving thanks to God. If there were children's 
children, they came with their parents, and spent 
the hours which remained after worship in feasting 
and frolic. 

Family worship was an impoitant feature of do- 
mestic life in a Puritan household. It was im- 
portant because of its frequency, regularity, and 
seriousness. Whenever the lamily came to the 
table for breakfast, dinner or supper, there was a 
grace before meat, and when they left it, a grace 
after meat, every person standing by his chair while 
the blessing was asked and the thanks were given. 
The day was begun with worsiiip, which included 



the reading of Scripture and prayer, and ended 
with a similar service, all standing during the 
prayer. A member of Governor Eaton's family 

It was his custom, when he first rose in a morning, to 
repair unto his study— a study well perfumed with the med- 
itations and supplications of a holy soul. After this, calling 
his family together, he would then read a portion of Scrip- 
ture among them, and after some devout and useful reflec- 
tions upon it, he would make a prayer, not long, but 
extraordinarily pertinent and reverent; and in the evening 
some of the same exercises were again attended. On the 
Saturday morning he would still take notice of the ap- 
proaching Sabbath in his prayer, and ask the grace to be 
remembering of it and preparing for it; and when the even- 
ing arrived, he, besides this, not only repeated a sermon, 
but also mstructed his people with putting of (|ueslions re- 
ferring to the points of religion, which would oblige them to 
study for an answer; and if their answer were at any time 
insufficient, he would wisely and gently enlighten their un- 
derstanding; all which he concluded by singing a psalm. 

In the New Haven Colony the Lord's Day began, 
according to the Hebrew manner of reckoning, at 
sunset. Saturday was the preparation day. The 
diet for the morrow was made ready so far as was 
possible, and the house was put in order. The kitch- 
en floor received its weekly scrubbing, and the floor 
of the parlor was sprinkled anew with the w hite sand 
from the sea-shore. Before the sun had disappeared 
beneath the western horizon, the ploughmen had re- 
turned from the fields; the mistress and her maids 
had brought the house-work to a stop. Because 
"the evening and the morning were the first day," 
they began their .Sabbath obseivance at evening. 
It was because Saturday evening was a part of the 
Lord's Day that the master of a house added to 
the usual family worship some endeavor to impart 
religious instruction to his children and servants. 

New Haven retained ils custom of beginning the 
Lord's Day at evening through the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries. Whatever may have been the 
disadvantages of the custom, they were of a world- 
ly and not of a spiritual nature. Perhaps less labor 
was accomplished; though it admits of question 
whether the subtraction of an hour or two from 
the work-time of Saturday did not, by a more thor- 
ough restoration of strength to the laborer, increase 
rather than diminish the labor accomplished. There 
can be no question that the custom was more fav- 
orable to the religious improvement of the Lord's 
Day than that which, by e.xacting e.\tra hours of 
labor on Saturday, occasions unusual fatigue at 
the end of the week. It is also indisputable that 
the custom e.xerted a refining influence by means 
of the social intercourse on Sunday evening, for 
which it afforded opportunity. Every house was 
then dressed; and every person, even if obliged on 
other days to delve and drudge, was in his best 
apparel. Sunday in the New Haven Colony was 
at once a holy day and a holiday; the Puritan re- 
straint with which it was kept till sunset, giving 
place in the evening to recreation and social con- 

Though young men were by law forbidden "to 
inveigle or draw the affections of any maid, with- 
out the consent of father, master, guardian, gov- 
ernor or such other who hath the present interest 
or charge, or, in the absence of such, of the near- 

I est magistrate, whether it be by speech, writing, 
message, company-keeping, unnecessary familiar- 
! ity, disorderly night-meetings, sinful dalliance, 
i gifts," or any other way, yet every respectable 
young man knew of some house where he might 
I meet on Sunday evening one of the maidens whom 
t he had seen in the opposite gallery of the meeting- 
house, without fear that her father, master, guard- 
ian, or governor would be displeased. ^ 

The marriages which resulted from these Sunday 
evening visits of the young men, were not solemn- 
ized by a minister of religion, but, according to the 
Puritan view of propriety, by a magistrate. The 
requirement that marriage should be contracted 
before an officer of the civil authority, was a pro- 
test against the position that marriage is a sacra- 
ment of the Church. Clandestine marriage was 
carefully prevented by the requirement that the 
intention of the parties should be three times pub- 
lished at some time of public lecture or town- 
meeting, or be set up in writing upon some post of 
their meeting-house door in public view, there to 
stand so as it may be easily read, by the space of 
fourteen days. Although the same statute required 
that the marriage should be in " a public place," 
this requirement was sufficiently answered when 
spectators were present; and usually marriages 
were solemnized at the home of the bride. 

A marriage implied a new home — perhaps a 
farm to be cut out of the primeval forest, and a 
house to be built with lumber yet in the log. 
A portion of the work had preceded the marriage, 
but a life-long task remained. The people were 
generally frugal and industrious, and the women 
in their sphere were as truly so as the men. The 
mistress and her maids, if she had them, were as 
busy in the house as the inasler and his servants in 
the fields. Besides the house-work, the dairy-work, 
the sewing, and the knitting, there was everywhere 
spinning, and in some houses weaving. They 
spun cotton, linen, and wool. New Haven prob- 
ably had in its Yorkshire families special skill in 
the manufacture of cloth. Johnson, speaking in 
his "Wonder Working Providence" of that part of 
IMr. Rogers' company which began a settlement in 
Massachusetts and called it Rowley, after the name 
of their former home in Yorkshire, says: "They 
were the first people that set upon making of cloth 
in the Western World, for which end they built a 
fulling-mill and caused their little ones to be very 
diligent in spinning cotton, many of them having 
been clothiers in England." This industr)', so far 
at least as spinning is concerned, spread through 
the whole community. Every farmer raised flax, 
which his wife caused to be wrought into linen; 
and wherever sheep were kept, wool was spun into 
yam for the knitting-needles and the loom. A 
young woman who could spin between sunrise and 
sunset more than thirty knots of warp or forty of 
filling, was in high estimation among sagacious 
neighbors having marriageable sons. This industry 
occupied a chamber in the dwelling-house, or a 
separate building in the yard. The music of the 
wheel was frequently accompanied with song. 
Traditioii relates that when Whalley and Goffe were 



concealed at Milford in a cellar under a spinning- 
shop, the maids, being accustomed to sing at their 
work and unaware that any but themselves were 
within hearing, sang a satirical ballad concerning 
the regicides, and that the concealed auditors were 
so much amused that they entreated their friend, 
the master of the house, to procure a repetition of 
the song. 

The simple, regular life of a planter's family was 
favorable to health. As compared with the present 
time there was but little excitement and but little 
worry for man or woman. As compared with Old 
England in the seventeenth century. New Haven, 
during the twenty-seven years in which it was a 
separate jurisdiction, might be called a healthy 
region. England was then often ravaged by the 
plague. While IMr. Davenport was vicar of St. 
Stephen's, the City of London was visited with a 
pestilence which swept away thirty-five thousand of 
its inhabitants. The parish register records the 
vote of the parishioners that Mr. Davenport shall 
have of the parish funds, in respect of his care and 
pains taken in time of the visitation of sickness, as 
a gratuity, the sum of /"20. 

In coming to New Haven the planters found a 
more salubrious, or certainly a less deadly atmos- 
phere than they had breathed in England; never- 
theless they were grievously afflicted with sickness, 
malaria having been more prevalent than in the 
other New England colonies. 

" It is not annual," says Hubbard, " as in Virt;inia, there 
being sundry years when there is nothing consideralile of it, 
nor ordinarily so violent and universal; yet at some times it 
falls very hard upon the inhabitants, not without strange 
varieties of the dispensations of I'rovidence; for some years 
it hath been almost universal upon the plantations, yet little 
mortality; at other times it hath been very mortal in a plan- 
tation or two, when others that have had as many sick, have 
scarcely made one grave; it hath been known also in some 
years that some one plantation hath been singled out and 
visited after a sore manner when others have been healthy 
round about." 

Much has been written of the depression which 
settled upon the town of New Haven in conse- 
quence of the failure of its expectations in regard 
to commerce, and there is no reason to doubt that 
the planters were so much disappointed in such ex- 
pectations, that they projected a new plantation on 
the Delaware Bay, and were willing to listen to 
proposals that they should remove to Ireland and 
to Jamaica. But perhaps the prevalence of malaria 
may have had much to do with the iliscouragement 
of the people; for, as this disease in modern times 
takes away the energy and hopefulness of the patient, 
so it was then, as Hubbard testifies, " attentled with 
great prostration of spirits. " 

Mr. Davenport, writing to his friend Winthrop, 
who included a knowledge of medicine in the en- 
cyclopedia of his acquisitions, concerning the great 
sickness which prevailed in New Haven in 1658 
and 1659, mentions such symptoms as gripings, 
vomitings, fluxes, agues and fevers, giddiness, much 
sleepiness, and burning. He says, " It comes by 
fits every other day." He informs him that the sup- 
ply of medicine he had left with Mrs. Davenport is 
spent. " The extremities of the peoi)le have caused 
her to part with what she reserved for our own fam- 

ily, if need should require." He adds, in a post- 
script, " Sir, my wife desires a word or tw-o of ad- 
vice from you, what is best to be done for those 
gripings and agues and fevers; but she is loth to be 
too troublesome; yet, as the cases arc weighty, she 
desires to go upon the surest ground and to take 
the safest courses, and knoweth none whose judg- 
ment she can so rest in as in yours." 

With all the despondency resting uj)on the town, 
there was mingled the same comfort which com- 
forts all communities alllicted with malaria, namely, 
the conviction that the evil is not so great as in 
some other j)laces. Mr. Davenport, when writing 
that "many are alllictively exercisetl," adds, 
"though more moderately in this town, by the 
mercy of God, than at Norwalk and Fairfield. 
Young Mr. Allerton, who lately came from the 
Dutch, saith they are much more severely visited 
there than these parts are. It is said that at Mas- 
peag, the inhabitants are generally so ill that they 
are likely to lose their harvest through want of 
ability to reap it." 

It is evident that the care of the sick must have 
been an important part of domestic life in New 
Haven while these malarial diseases prevailed. 
With more or less of skill, and more or less of suc- 
cess, every family nursed its sick. With what de- 
gree of skill the disease was combated at first, the 
reader may guess from the declaration of Hubbard 
that the "gentle, conductitious aiding of nature 
hath been found better than sudden and violent 
means by purgation or otherwise; and blood-letting, 
though much used in Europe for fevers, especially 
in the hotter countries, is found deadly in this fever, 
even almost without escaping." 

The restraint which the Puritans put upon their 
feelings appears, perhaps, more wonderful when 
death entered the house than at any other time. 
We have a detailed report of the manner in which 
Governor Eaton carried himself when his eldest son 
was called to die: 

His eldest son he maintained at the college until he pro- 
ceeded master of arts; and he was indeed the son of his vow s 
and the son of great hopes. But a severe catarrh diverted 
this young gentleman from the work of the ministry, whereto 
his father had once devoted him; and a malignant lever, then 
raging in those jiarts of the coinitry. carrieil offlnm wilii his 
wife within two or three days of one another. This was 
counted the sorest of all the trials that ever befell his father 
in the days of the years of his pilgrimage, but he bore it 
with a patience and composure of spirit truly admirable. 
His dying son looked earnestly on him and said: "Sir, what 
shall we do?" Whereto, with a well-ordered countenance, 
he replied: "Look up to tlod." And when he passed by his 
daughter, drowned in tears on this occasion, to her he said: 
" Remember the sixth commandment, hurt not yourself with 
immoderate grief; rememlx;r Job, who said, 'The Lord 
hath given and the Lord hath taken away; blessed be the 
name of the Lord.' " You may mark what a note the spirit 
of Ciod put upon it — " In all this Job sinned not nor charged 
God foolishly." "(lod accounts it a charging him foolishly 
when we don't submit unto him patiently." Accordingly he 
now governed himself as one that had attained unto the 
rule ol weeping as if he wept not; for it being the Lord's 
day he repaired unto the church in the afternoon, as he 
had Ix-en there in the forenoon, Ihoiigli he was never like 
to sec his dearest son alive any more in this world. And 
though, before the first prayer liegan, a messenger came to 
prevent Mr. Davenport's praying for the sick person who 
was now dead, yet his aftectionate father altered not his 

The town of new ha vkN. 


course, but wrote after the preacher as formerly, and when 
he came home, he held on his former methods of divine 
worship in his family, not, for the excuse of Aaron, omitting 
anything in the service of God. In like sort, when the 
people had been at the solemn interment of this his worthy 
son, he did with a very impassionatc aspect and carriage 
then say, " Friends, I thank you all for your love and help, 
and for this testimony of respect to me and mine — the Lord 
hath given, and the Lord hath taken ; blessed be the name 
of the Lord." Nevertheless, retiring hereupon into the 
chamber where his daughter (in-law) then lay sick, some 
tears were observed falling from him while he uttered these 
words, "There is a difference between a sullen silence or a 
stupid senselessness under the hand of (lod, and a childlike 
submission thereimto. ' ' 

Social life among the planters of the New 
Haven Colony, had for its basis contemporary 
social life in England, but was modified by Puri- 
tanism and by emigration to a wilderness. Some 
features of it which seem strange to one acquainted 
only with the present age, were brought with them 
across the water and disappeared earlier than in 
the old country. They brought with them En- 
glish ideas of social rank, of the relative duties of 
parents and children, of the reserve and seclusion 
proper for )'oung women, and of the supervision 
under which young people of the different se.xes 
might associate. They did not originate the public 
sentiment or the legislation on these subjects which 
provokes the merriment of the present age. 

Their religious convictions, of course, influenced 
their social life. It would be impossible that any 
community as homogeneous and as earnest in re- 
ligion as they were, should not have some pecu- 
liarity springing from this source. A peculiarity 
of the Puritans was seriousness. Such convictions 
as they cherished will necessarily produce more 
than an average seriousness of manner; and if this 
be true in a prosperous community, whose tran- 
quillity has not been disturbed for a generation, we 
should expect to find even more seriousness among 
a people who have expatriated themselves for their 
religious convictions. If we again take Theo- 
philus Eaton as an illustration, he was a man of 
gravity when residing in London and in the East 
countries. He would have been such if the Puri- 
tan party had been in power, and he consequently 
in security. He was probably more so by reason 
of the annoyances and dangers to which he and 
his friends were exposed. Having undertaken to 
establish a new plantation in the wilderness, his 
greater responsibility would naturally produce a 
deeper seriousness. A member of his family testi- 
fies that "he seldom used any recreations, but, 
being a great reader, all the time he could spare 
from company and business he commonly spent 
in his beloved study." It would be an error, 
however, to suppose that this seriousness had with 
it no admixture of gaiety; for Hubbard, who was 
partly his contemporary, describes him as "of such 
pleasantness and fecundity of harmless wit as can 
hardly be paralleled." 

Residence in a new country also influenced 
social life, but not as much as in many other cases 
of removal to a wilderness. It has been said in 
modern time that emigration tends to barbarism; 
but this could not have been true in their case in 

any considerable degree. From the first Sabbath 
they maintained the public worship of God. Be- 
fore the first year had passed their children were 
gathered into a school. Laws were as diligently 
executed as anywhere in the world. Every planta- 
tion had in it from the first, some persons of polite 
manners, to whom those of less culture looked up 
with respect. 

New Haven was from the first a compactly set- 
tled town of more than one hundred and thirty 
families, and some of its inhabitants were not only 
refined but wealthy. The peculiarity of their 
social state was not that they were more barbarous 
than other Englishmen, but it consisted rather in 
that mutual dependence and helpfulness usually to 
be found in a new country. 

News from home was communicated to the 
neighbors. ' ' Letters of intelligence, " an institution 
which during the existence of the colony began to 
give place to printed newspapers, were passed from 
hand to hand. Corn was husked and houses were 
"raised" by neighborly kindness. The whole 
plantation sympathized with a family afflicted with 
sickness, and the neighbors assisted them in nurs- 
ing and watching. Families entertained travelers 
after the manner of Christians of the first centuries, 
and highly prized their visits as seasons of fellow- 
ship, and opportunities for learning the news of 
the day. The train-band and the night-watch were 
also peculiar features of the social system incident 
to a plantation in the wilderness. Comparing the 
social state in the New Haven Colony with that 
which now obtains on the same territory, we find 
more manifestation of social inequality. This ap- 
pears in the titles prefixed to names. The name 
of a young man had no prefix till he became a 
master workman. Then, if he were an artisan or a 
husbandman, he might be addressed as goodman, 
and his wife might be called goodwife or goody. 
A person who employed laborers, but did not labor 
with them, was distinguished from one whose pre- 
fix was goodman, by the prefix Mr. This term, 
of respect was accorded to elders, magistrates 
teachers, merchants, and men of wealth, whether 
engaged in merchandise or living in retirement 
from trade. Social inequality was also strikingly 
manifest in "the seating of the meeting-house," 
the Governor and Deputy-Governor being seated on 
the front form, and allowed its whole length for 
the accommodation of themselves and their guests, 
while others were disposed behind them and in 
the end seats according to social position; but a 
back seat of the same length as those in front was 
considered sufficiently long for seven men. The 
women on the other side of the house were ar- 
ranged with the same consideration of rank. No 
seats were assigned to persons inferior to a good- 
man and a goodwife. 

Although many of the people were much con- 
fined at home during the week by domestic in- 
dustry, all assembled every Sunday for worship. 
In but few cases was the attendance perfunctory. 
They went to the House of God from a sense of 
duty, but they went with a willing mind. They 
were interested not only in the worship and in- 



struction of the Church, but in tiie assembly. 
Their social longinj^s were gratified with the an- 
nouncement of inteniled marriages: with "bills"' 
asking the prayers of the Church for the sick, for 
the recently i)ereaved, for those about t<i make a 
voyage to Boston; or with "bills" returning 
thanks for recovery from a dangerous illness, or 
for a safe return from a journey or a voyage. Be- 
sides such personal items as reached their ears by 
way of the pulpit, others came to them in a more 
private way, as they spoke with acquaintances 
dwelling in a different quarter or at the f;irms. It 
was a satisfaction to persons who during the week 
had seen only the inmates of their own houses and 
a few neighbors, even to look on such an assembly. 
Let the reader fancy himself entering the Market 
place while Stejjhen Metcalf and Robert Bassett, 
" the common drummers for the town," are sound- 
ing the second drum on Sunday morning. The 
chimney-smoke rises, not only from the habitations 
of the town, but from as many Sabbath-day houses 
as there are families dwelling at the farms.* From 
every direction families are approaching the square. 
The limping Wigglesworth, wtiose lameness was af- 
terwards so severe " that he is not able to come to 
the meeting, and so is many times deprived of the 
ordinances," starting early from his house (which 
was in Chapel street, near the intersection since 
made by High street), is the first to enter the south 
door of the sanctuary. Lieutenant Seeley, straight 
and stalwart in contrast with this poor cripple, 
stands near, conversing with the Master of the 
Watch, as the watchmen move away to patrol the 
town. Following Wigglesworth comes " the Right 
Worshipful Stephen Goodyear, Esquire," Deputy- 
Governor, and his neighbor, the reverend Teacher 
of the church, William Hooke, afterward Chaplain 
to Oliver Cromwell, wearing gown and bands. On 
the east side of the market-place the Pastor, also in 
gown and bands, comes, in solitary meditation, 
through the passage, which the town had given 
him, between Mr. Crane's lot and Mr. Rowe's lot, 
"that he may go out of his own garden to the 
meeting-house." His family, that they may not 
intrude upon him in this holy hour, come through 
the public street. Governor Eaton, with his aged 
mother leaning on his arm, walks up on the op- 
posite side of the same street, and crosses over 
from Mr. Perry's corner, followed by his honored 
guests and the rest of his numerous household. 
When all but a few tardy families have reached the 
meeting-house, the drums cease to beat. The 
squadron on duty for the day march in and seat 
themselves on the soldiers' seats, near the east 

• A S.ibbath-day house was a hut in one end of whicli horses might 
be sheltered, and in the other end was a room having a fire-place and 
furnished, perhaps, with a bench, a few ch.iirs and a table. Here the 
owners arrived soon after the first drum, .nnd. if cold, kindled a fire. 
Here they deptAited their lunch and any wraps which might be super- 
fluous in the Meeting-house Hither they came to spend the intermis- 
sion of worship. The writer remembers such houses in a country parish 
near New Haven, where he visited when a child. In one of them he 
.spent an intermission, dividing bus attention, when in the room devoted 
to the human inmates, between doughnuts and the open fire-place, with 
its rusty fire-dciKs and large bed of live coals, but preferring the company 
of the pony behind the chimney to that of the solemn people before the 
fire. He was born a little too lale to remember S.ibl)ath-day houses in 
New Haven, but his lather told him where this and that f.tmily had 
such accommodations. 

door, which is "kept clear from women and chil- 
dren sitting there, that if there be occasion for the 
soldiers to go suddenly forth, they may have free 
passage. " 

Days of extraordinary humiliation were appointed 
by the General Court from time to time, in view of 
public calamities or apprehended danger. On such 
days there were two assemblies, and abstinence 
from labor and amusements was required, as on 
the Lord's day, though with less rigidness of inter- 
pretation, the prohibition crystallizing in later times 
into the formula, "all .servile labor and vain recre- 
ations on said day are by law forbidden." On 
Thanksgiving Day, as we learn from Davenport's 
letter to Winthrop, in which he mentions Governor 
Newman's sickness and death, there were also two 
services in the meeting-house. Adding these occa- 
sional assemblies to those of the Lord's Day, we 
find that the whole population were often called to- 
gether. But there were, besides, convocations on 
lecture days, occasional church meetings, and, in 
the several neighborhoods, "private meetings, 
wherein they that dwelt nearest together gave their 
accounts, one to another, of God's gracious work 
upon them, and prayed together and conferred, to 
their mutual edification." These private meetings 
were held weekly and in the daytime, as appears 
from a question which Mr. Peck, the Schoolmaster, 
propounded to the Court: "Whether the master 
shall have liberty to be at neighbors' meetings once 
every week .■■" Assemblies for worship were cer- 
tainly a very important feature in social life. 

Almost equally prominent were military train- 
ings. Soldiers were on duty every night. One- 
fourth of the men subject to bear arms were 
paraded before the meeting-house every Sunday, 
and were at frequent intervals trained on a week- 
day. Si.\ times in the year the whole military 
force of the plantation was called out. A general 
training brought together not only those obliged 
to train, but old men, women, and children, as 
spectators of the military exercises, and of the ath- 
letic games with which they were accompanied. 
Almost as many people were in the Market place 
on training day as on Sunday, and those who came 
had greater opportunity for social converse than on 
the Day of Worship. The enjoyment which each 
experienced in watching the maneuvers of the 
soldiers, and the games of cudgel, backsword, 
fencing, running, leaping, wrestling, stool-ball, 
nine-pins, and quoits, was enhanced by sharing 
the spectacle with the multitude, meeting old 
friends, and making acquaintance with persons of 
congenial spirit. 

Election days were also occasions when the 
people left their homes and came together. The 
meeting of a plantation court did not indeed bring 
out the wives and daughters of the planters as a 
general training did; but when the annual election 
for the jurisdiction took place, the pillion was 
fastened behind the saddle and the goodwife rode 
with her goodman, even from the remotest planta- 
tion, to truck some of the yarn she had been spin- 
ning, for ribbons and other foreign goods, as well 
as to gather up the gossip of the year. On such 



occasions a store of cake was provided beforehand, 
and " election cake" is consequently one of the 
institutions transmitted from our forefathers. 

For several years there were two fairs held annu- 
ally at New Haven, one in May, and one in Sep- 
tember, for the sale of cattle and other merchandise. 
These, of course, attracted people from all parts of 
the jurisdiction. 

In addition to these public assemblies of one 
kind and another, there was daily intercourse be- 
tween neighbors. Women sometimes carried their 
wheels from one house to another, that they might 
spin in company. There were gatherings at wed- 
dings and funerals. There was neighborly assist- 
ance in nursing and watching the sick. There 
was, as has been already related, social visiting in 
the evening of the Lord's Day. There were house- 
raisings, when the neighbors assembled to lift and 
put together the timbers of a new dwelling; and 
house-warmings, when being again invited, some 
months later, they came to rejoice with those who 
had taken possession of a new dwelling. There 
were huskings in the autumn when the maize had 
been gathered and brought in; but in the planta- 
tion of New Haven single persons were not allowed 
to "meet together upon pretence of husking Indian 
corn, out of the family to which they belong, after 
nine of the clock at night, unless the master or 
parent of such person or persons be with them to 
prevent disorders at such times, or some fit person 
intrusted to that end by the said parent or master.'' 

In view of the frequency wiih which the planters 
were convened in greater or less companies, it is 
evident that, however affected by their Puritanism 
and by emigration to a wilderness, they were a 
social people. They did not retire within them- 
selves to live recluse from human converse; but 
endeavored to purify their social life. In this re- 
spect New Haven resembled the other New Eng- 
land colonies; but, contrary to a somewhat prevalent 
opinion, did not go as far as the other c<.)lonies in 
attempts to control social life by legislation. In 
Massachusetts, Winthrop writes, about six months 
after the settlement at New Haven was begun, that 
"the Court, taking into consideration the great 
disorder general throughout the country in costli- 
ness of apparel and following new fashions, sent 
for the elders of the churches and conferred with 
them about it, and laid it upon them, as belonging 
to them, to redress it, by urging it upon the con- 
sciences of iheir people, which they promised to 
do. But little was done about it; for divers of the 
elders' wives were in some measure partners in this 
general disorder." Some years previously there 
had been an order of the Court prompted by sim- 
ilar feelings, and having a similar design. After- 
ward there were in different years several orders 
designed to restrain extravagance in apparel, espe- 
cially amongst people of inean condition; one of 
them expressly providing that "this law shall not 
extend to the restramt of any magistrate or other 
public officer of this jurisdiction, or any settled 
military officer or soldier in term of military service, 
or any other whose education and employments 
have been above the ordinary degree, or whose 

estates have been considerable, though now de- 

But nothing similar to this is found on the rec- 
ords of New Haven. Some writer noticing that 
both Plymouth and New Haven differed from 
Massachusetts, in that ihey did not attempt to 
regulate dress, says that Plymouth was too poor 
and New Haven too rich for such legislation. 
Perhaps, however, New Haven was restrained from 
enacting sumptuary laws more by its mercantile 
character than by its wealth. Its leading men had 
been accustomed not only to wear rich clothing 
themselves and to see it worn by others, but to 
increase their estates by selling cloth to all comers 
who were able to pay for it. Their feelings were 
consequently different from those of a man like 
Winthrop, who had never been a merchant, and 
had, like other English country gentlemen, re- 
garded rich apparel as a prerogative of the gentry. 

Did space permit, this sketch of New Haven as 
it was during the lifetime of its first planters might 
be much amplified; but we must now follow the 
history of the town as it descends the stream of 
time. The first generation had, with very few ex- 
ceptions, disappeared when the seventeenth century 
came to an end. Meanwhile the General Assembly 
of Connecticut had passed an order "that from the 
east bounds of Guilford to the west bounds of Mil- 
ford shall be for future one county, which shall be 
called the County of New Haven." In this, as in 
other counties established about the same time, a 
court was held semi-annually for the trial of cases 
which did not put in jeopardy life, limb, or con- 
tinued residence within the colony. In cases not 
involving more than twenty shillings, the trial 
might be in these County Courts before the judges 
without a jury; but in the Superior Court at Hart- 
ford, where were tried appeals from County Courts 
and all actions involving loss of life or limb or 
banishment, the law required that a jury should be 

In 1667 the General Assembly of Connecticut 
granted to "the town of New Haven, liberty to 
make a village on the East River if they see it 
capable for such a thing, provided they settle a vil- 
lage there within four years from May next. " In 
1670 the same authority incorporated " New Haven 
village" as a town and named it Wallingford. A 
few planters were on the ground before this last 
action; but during the year in which it was incor- 
porated as a town, an organized company removed 
from New Haven to occupy the New Haven village. 
A committee appiointed by the town of New Haven 
was vested with power to manage the whole busi- 
ness of commencing the settlement. This com- 
mittee held the lands as trustees and conveyed 
them to actual settlers as a free gift from the pro- 
prietors of New Haven. They also arranged and 
directed in all matters of common concern in the 
new plantation till May, 1672, when the inhabit- 
ants being fully organized, assumed the manage- 
ment of their own affairs. The committee then 
resigned their trust. 

Wallingford is the only town whose territory was 
taken out of that of the town of New Haven before 



the incorporation of the city in 1 784. The sub- 
traction of fifty families from its census for the 
settlement of VVallingford made the growth of New 
Haven appear less than it really was. The inhab- 
itants of \\'allingforcl, though in a different town, 
were tributary to New Haven in the way of trade; 
as were the people of Derby, which in 1675 "''^^ 
also incorporated, its territory being taken from 
that of Milford. It was, tloubtless, in hope of 
some advantage to the trade of New Haven, that its 
proprietors relinquished their right to the common 
lands at Wallingford. The following statistics 
show the fluctuations in the wealth of New^ Haven 
from the time of its submission to Connecticut on- 
ward. The table shows also the number of taxable 
persons in 1676 and thereafter. They are taken 
from the Connecticut Records. 

Fstates in New H.^v^^. Value. Persons. 

In 1666 /17.474 

1667 16,580 

1668 15^932 

1669 15,402 

1670 16,140 

'671 I3.759--: 

1672 13.017 

•673 14,290 

1674 14,881 

"67s 13,550 

'676 12,993 237 

'077 12,707 214 

'678 13,713 294 

■679 13-973 265 

1680 14,280 26S 

i68i 12,463 240 

1682 12,367 238 

1683 12,467 248 

1684 13,127 268 

1685 15,428 302 

1686 : .. 15,426 303 

1687 I4.'9i 323 

1688. Usurpation of Andross. 

1689 :6,286 317 

"690 15,559 322 

1691 15,622 321 

1692 14,546 316 

'693 14,413 262 

1694 14,009 256 

169s 15,101 283 

'696 15,525 290 

1697 15,642 300 

1698 15,890 310 

"699 16,534 3'5 

'700 16,769 330 

A comparison of these statistics with those of 
Hartford shows that the two towns made progress 
with nearly equal step. 

RslaiGS in HartTord. Value. Persons 

In «666 jfi6. 150 

1667 17,000 

1668 17,940 

1669 17.037 

1670 17,028 

'671 16,402 

1672 16,836 

'673 16,857 

'"74 16,334 

1675 15.462 

"^76 14,559 241 

•077 16,577 226 

1678 16,299 227 

1679 16,848 239 

1681 17,189 250 

1682 16,969 24^ 


17.105 246 

Estates in Hartford. 





Value. Persons. 

16,7.30 250 

17,162 255 

17.184 269 

. . ,. 18,118 273 

1688. Usurpation of Andross. 

l68g 19,112 298 

1690 19,102 307 

1691 19,211 253 

1692 16,633 274 

1693 17.346 267 

1694 18,115 275 

1695 17,936 285 

1696 17,435 285 

1697 17.253 302 

1698 16,900 293 

1699 17,324 300 

1700 17,844 307 

The records of Connecticut exhibit a list of tiie 
freemen in the town of New Haven in 1669, from 
which one may learn the names of nearl}' all its 
principal inhabitants one year before the settlement 
of Wallingford. The names as relucned by the 
Constables were: 

Mr. William Jone» 

Mr. James Bishop 

Mr. Matthew (lilbert 

Cap' John Nash 

Mr. Samuel Street 

W"" Andrews 

Mr. Thomas \'ale. Sen' 

\V"> Peck 

Roger Ailing 

John CHbbs 

L' Thomas Munson 

Jno Mosse 

Jno Cooper, Sen' 

Nicholas Elsey 

W'" Thorpe 

Samuel Whitehead 

John lirocket 

James Russell 

flenry Glover 

Jere Whitnell 

W"' Hradley 

Philip Leek 

John Harriman, Sen' 

1 )avid Atwater 

Thomas Morris 

W'" Basset 

John Winston 

Henry Itristow 

Joseph Alsup 

Abra: 1 )oolittle 

John Chidsey 

John Ailing 

W'" P,ayne 

John Jackson 

.Nathaniel Merriman 

Ralph Lines 

I'.phraim How 

Abra: 1 'ickerman 

Jerc: Osljorne 

lohn (iiUxTt 

Mr. William Tuttle 

Mr. Benjamin Ling 

Tho: Mix 

John Hall, Sen 

W-" Holt 

James Heaton 
Isaac Beechcr 
W'" Wooden 
John Johnson 
|ohn Clark 
\V"> Wilmot 
Joseph Mansfield 
I\ich: Sperry 
Ailing Ball 
Tho: Kimberly 
Moses .Mansfield 
Jonathan Tuttle 
Eliezer Brown 
{oseph Benham 
Thomas Tuttle 
lere: How 
Daniel Sherman 
Jno. Cooper, Jun' 
Samuel Munson 
Joseph Moss 
Windle Johnson 
John Hall, Jun' 
|, Sen' 
jno Miles 
Edward Perkins 
Samuel Miles 
Isaac Turner 
James Clark 
Slatlhew Moulthrop 
Ellis Mew 
John Potter 
lames Dennison 
John < )sbill 
Samuel Hemingway 
Mr. John Hodshon 
Mr. Tho: Trowbridge 
Thomas Barnes 
(.ieorge Ross 
Timothy Eord 
John Peck 
Joseph Peck 
Samuel Ailing 
Thomas Vale, J' 
Thomas Sand ford 
Joseph Br.adley 

In lune, 1675, Philip, of Mount Hope, which is 
perhaps an Anglicizetl form of the aboriginal 
Montaup, or I\Ionlop, commenced hostilities 
against the English in his neighborhood. Other 
tribes were soon found to be confederate with him 
and a bloody conflict ensued, known in history by 
the name of King Philip's War ; a conflict too 



dreadful, by reason of savage barbarities and tor- 
tures, to be told in its details to modern ears. 
Philip was a son of Wassasoit, the Sachem of the 
Pokanokets and the early friend of the English at 
Plymouth. Massasoit had two sons, known dur- 
ing his lifetime as Wamsutta and Metacomet. One 
day, after the death of Massasoit, his eldest son, 
who had succeeded to his father's authority, came 
to the Court at Plymouth, and, after having made 
several other requests which it was not difficult to 
grant, expressed a wish to have an English name. 
"In this matter, it cost the Court," says Pal- 
frey, "nothing to gratify him, and they may 
be supposed to have increased his content by ac- 
quainting him with the magnificent import of their 
choice. They ordered that for the future he should 
be called by the name of Alexivukr Pokanoket; and 
desiring the same thing in the behalf of his brother, 
they named him Philip." Alexander's reign was 
soon terminated by his death, and his brother 
Philip became the chief Sachem of the Pokanokets. 

In one sense King Philip's War may properly be 
said to have terminated with his death in August, 
1676; for not only all the region into which he 
himself had carried devastation and slaughter was 
henceforth quiet, but the tribes north and west of 
the Pokanokets were either driven far away from 
their homes or had submitted to the English. In 
another sense. King Philip's War may be said to 
have continued till 1678, for the English settlers in 
Maine and New Hampshire were in as great dan- 
ger of the tomahawk and scalping-knife after the 
death of Philip as those in Plymouth and Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut had been in 1675 and 

From the outbreak of King Philip's War in June, 

1675, till the death of that sachem in August, 

1676, New Haven suffered from constant danger 
and frequent alarms. 

At a town meeting on the 2d of July, just twelve 
days after hostilities were commenced. 

Mr. Jones* acquainted the town that the occasion of 
calling the meeting so suddenly, was concerning the rising 
and outrage of the Indians in Plymouth colony at Seakonk 
and Swansy, which was informed by letters sent from the 
Narragansett country to the Governor, the copies of which 
were sent to us, that we consider and prepare in time 
against the common danger. After the reading of the let- 
ters, it was moved that every person now woidd be quick- 
ened to have his arms ready by him for his use and defense. 
And it was advised that those who live abroad at the farms 
be careful not lo straggle abroad nitu the woods, at least 
not yet, till we have further intelligence of the Indians' mo- 
"tions, and that they keep watch in the night to discover 
danger, and upon intelligence of danger to get together to 
stand for their defense at the farms or else to come to the 
town. Mr. Jones further informed that I'hilip the Indian 
was a bloody man, and hath been ready formerly to break 
out against the English, but had been hitherto restrained. 
But now war was broke forth, and it is likely must be pros- 

*Hannah Eaton, the youngest child of Theophilus Eaton, returned 
to England with her mother soon after her father's death, and there 
hi came the second wife ofrWilliam Jones, a son of one of the regicide 
judges. Mr. Jones emigrated with his family to America soon after 
his marriage to Hannah Eaton, and on the 23d of May, 1662, was made 
a freeman of New Haven Colony. On the 28th of the same month he 
was elected a magistrate, and re-elected in 1663. In 1664 he was 
chosen Deputy-Governor, .^fter the union with Connecticut, he was 
chosen a magistrate of that colony, and so continued to be chosen an- 
nually for thirty-three years. 

The town was also informed that the magistrates had 
had speech with our Indians, and they denied all knowl- 
edge of Philip's motions, neither did they like them, and 
also said that they had no men gone that way, and would 
give us any intelligence they meet with, and that if any 
strange Indians come to them they will inform us and not 
harbor them. The town ordered that an account be taken 
of the Indians; how many men they are and where they 
are; and Matthew Moulthrop, who now took the constable's 
oath, was to warn them and look alter them. 

At a meeting September 24, 1675, 

The town did desire Mr. William Jones, Mr. James 
Bishop, Capt. William Rosewell, Lieut. Thomas Trow- 
bridge, Lieut. Thom;is Munson, Jeremiah Osborne, and 
Henry Glover, to be a committee to consider of and erect 
some fortification at the Meeting-house as had been spoken 
of, as also in any other place or places about the town as 
they or the major part of them agree. 

Also the town by vote desired and appointed Capt. 
William Rosewell to prepare the great guns, or so many of 
them as is necessary, to be fit for service. 

The town, considering the present commotions and our 
danger, by vote appointed, whilst these exercises are on us, 
that all the inhabitants bring their arms and ammunition to 
the meetings upon the .Sabbaths and other public days. 

On the 1 2th of October, 

At a meeting of the dwellers in the town, the farms not 
being warned, Mr. Jones acquainted the town that the 
cause of calling the town together was the sad tidings that 
was come unto us of the burning of Springfield and some 
persons slain by the Indians, and thereupon the committee 
which was appointed by the town to consider of fortifying 
for defense, thought it was necessary to call the town to- 
gether to acquaint them what thoughts they had had ; that 
besides what was doing at the Meeting-house, it might be 
useful to make some fortification at each street and at the 
angles of the town and fortify some houses; and also there 
had been speech about fortifying around the square of the 
town with a line of palisades or posts on the side of the 
quarters; and now he desired to consider and speak their 
minds . 

Upon debate of these things,it was propounded and ordered 
that at the ends of the streets and at the four angles, these 
fortifications or places of shelter against the shot of an ene- 
my should be set up as the committee shall appoint, and 
the persons in the town to work freely at it until they were 

It was appointed, and by vote ordered, that all small 
wood, brush and brushwood within half a mile of the town 
plat should be cut down and cleared away, that it might 
not afford shelter to Indians to creep in a skulking manner 
near the town. 

On the 1 8th of the same month there was an- 
other meeting, at which 

Mr. Jones acquainted the town that the occasion of this 
meeting was the danger we are in according to the intelli- 
gence that Cometh unto us as by letters from Major Andross 
to the General Court, informing that there is a strong con- 
federacy amongst the Indians in these parts against the En- 
glish, and that our pretended friends are in the plot, and 
that this light moon they did intend to attack Hartford 
and some other places as far as Greenwich; as also Major 
Treat informs that the Narragansetts are in great prepara- 
tions for war. Also the General Court and Council do ad- 
vise all the plantations to fortify themselves the best way 
they can against the common enemy. And therefore it is 
our duty to use all means for defense and to do it unani- 
mously. Also acquainted them that the Committee had 
viewed some houses for fortification, and desired that it 
might be speedily attended. 

In the debate upon the matter, some propounded for 
fortifying some houses first, others propounded and thought 
it better to fortify with a line about the town. It was put 
to vote which should be done first, and the vote was to gar- 
rison some houses first;* and then in a second vote it was 

* Mr. Harriman's was one of the fortified houses. This was the 
house built by Deputy-Governor Goodyearon thesitewhere Moseley's 
New Haven House now stands. 



agreed and ordered that there should be a line of fortifica- 
tion made about the town, as had been spoken of from the 
Committee in a former meeting. 

On the 30th of the same moiuh there was an- 
other meeting, and further arrangements were made 
for liastening the fortification. 

The Ueputy-Governor (l.eete, of Guilford) being present 
in the meetini;, fpoke much to the encouragement and ad- 
vising of the irihal>itanls to go on with the work, and to do 
it witla unanimity, seeking the safety of tlic whole as far as 
may be, but especially as m the natural body the hands 
and all the members seek the securing of tlie heart. 

'I'lie success which had attended the sudden and 
general rising of the savages was succeeded by dis- 
aster and great skiughter when the EngHsh had had 
time for military organization. In the course of 
the autumn an army of 1,000 men was raised by the 
three colonies of New England for a winter cam- 
paign against the Narragansetts, who thougli at the 
first uprising they had made a treaty of neutrality 
with tlie English, were now confederate with Philip. 
The quota re([uired of Connecticut was three hun- 
dreil and fifteen men; but she sent three hundred 
Englishmen and one hundred and fifty Mohegans 
and Pequc)ts. These were divided into five com- 
panies, one of which had for its captain Nathaniel 
Seeley, of Stratford, son of the Robert Seeley who, 
at the first settlement of New Haven, had been 
second in military command in that plantation. 

The whole corps was commanded by Major Rob- 
ert Treat, of Milford, afterward Governor of Con- 
necticut at the time when the surrender of its charter 
being demanded, the document so mysteriously dis- 
appeared from the table of the General Assembly. 

Those who planned this campaign were sensible 
that an expedition at this season would be most 
distressful and hazardous. They were not without 
apprehension that the whole army might perish 
should the troops be obliged to lie uncovered a 
single night in the open field. It did not escape 
their deliberations (says Trumbull) that the snow 
olten fell so deep that it would be extremely diffi- 
cult, if not impossible, to send any succor to the 
army in case of any misfortune; but they considered 
this as the only probable expedient of defeating the 
enemy and preventing the desolating of the country. 
Observing that "it was a humbling providence of 
God that put his poor people to be meditating a 
matter of war at such a season," they appointed the 
second of December to be observed as a solemn 
fast, to seek the Divine aid. 

The Connecticut troops formed a junction with 
those from Massachusetts and Plymouth on Satur- 
day, the 1 8th of December, and were obliged, as 
they had been the night previous, to remain un- 
covered in the open field. On Sunday morning, 
at the dawning of the day, the whole armv com- 
menced to march toward tlie enemy, who were in 
a swam]) about fifteen miles distant. The troops 
from Massachusetts led the van; the two Plymouth 
companies were in the center; the Connecticut 
men guarded the rear. Wading through the snow 
until nearly one o'clock in the afternoon, without 
fire to warm or food to refresh them, they found 
themselves in the immediate neighborhood of the 
enemy's seat. It stood upc>n an eminence in the 

center of a large swamp ; was fortified with pali- 
sades; and compassed with a hedge on the outside 
of the line of nearly a rod's thickness. The only 
entrance which appeared practicable was over the 
trunk of a tree, which had been felled in such a 
position as to form a bridge across a body of water 
l\ing between the fort and the swamp which sur- 
rounded it. This log lay from four to six feet 
above the ground, and was commanded in front 
by a block-house, and on the left by a flanker. 

As soon as the Massachusetts men entered the 
skirts of the swamp, they discovered an advanced 
party of the enemy and immediately fired upon 
them. Returning the fire, the enemy retreated to- 
ward the only passage-way into the fort, and the 
Massachusetts troops, led by their officers, mount- 
ed the log and followed the enemy into the fort, 
without waiting to form themselves or reconnoiter 
the fort. But there was more of courage than skill 
in this haste, for before the main bod\- of the army 
could wade through the deep snow and come up 
to the aid of the few who had crossed the bridge, 
these heroes, were all either slain or driven back. 
But as the troops continued to come up, they 
continued to cross the bridge, notwithstanding 
the fire which poured upon them from every part 
of that side of the fort, as well as from the sheltered 
batteries of the block-house and the flanker. 
While the Connecticut troops were thus forcing 
their way into the fort, three of her five captains 
were killed, one of them falling from the fatal log, 
and Seely, so well known in New Haven, being 
shot down at the head of his company soon after 
they had achieved an entrance. A fourth received 
a mortal wound. Possibly the attempt to force an 
entrance over the log might have proved a failure, 
if a break had not been discovered in the line of 
palisades at a distance from the spot where the fight 
was hottest. A small party of English finding this 
neglected place, where the only fortification con- 
sisted of a high and thick hedge of trees and brush, 
climbed over it unobserved, and running down 
between the wigwams, attacked on the rear the 
Indians, who were crowded closely together in 
defense of the entrance of the fort. Thus assailed 
in front and rear, they were driven from the flanker 
and the block-house, so that the English on the 
outside had no more difficulty in crossing the 
bridge. Pressing in with great spirit, they drove 
the enemy from that part ol the fort to the center, 
and from one covert to another, till, with horrible 
yells, the savage foe fled out of the fort and into the 
wilderness. As they retired, the soldiers set fire to 
the wigwams, about six hundreil in number, all of 
which were instantly consumed, together with great 
store of corn and wampum. 

It was suppo.sed that three hundred warriors 
were slain, besides many wounded, who afterward 
died of their wounds and of cold. Nearly the 
same number of men were captured, and in ad- 
dition three hundred women and children. 

It was nevertheless a dearly-bought victory. Six 
English captains had fallen in the action ; another 
had been mortally wounded: eighty men in all had 
been cither killed or fatally injured ; a hundred 

Tfjis Map was c/rawq Sy Joseph Brown in /7E'^, ana/ cop/ec/ by Pres/c/enf ofi/es //? //o/:. 
The names of the occupant's of houses area/yen as f fey yvere /'n ///'rac- 
corc/ina fo Mr. Broyyn's remembrance Number of houses /f7. 

















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and fifty more were wounded, who afterward re- 
covered. But the sufferings of the army had only 
just begun. They had too hastily destroyed the 
wigwams that might have sheltered them during the 
night ; and now, having already marched fifteen 
miles since daybreak, and fought a battle which 
lasted more than three hours, they again, as the sun 
was going down, took up their line of march, and 
spent the most of the night as they had spent the 
morning, in wading through the snow. Two hours 
after midnight they reached shelter at Wickford. 
The night was very cold and stormy, and the snow 
was deep. Several of the wounded died of cold and 
fatigue during the march. ]Many of the soldiers were 
frozen and their limbs exceedingly swollen. Four 
hundred were disabled and unfit for duty. The 
Connecticut troops suffered more than those from 
the other colonies. They had spent a night in the 
open field before they made a junction with their 
allies, and, in addition, that which immediately pre- 
ceded the battle. They had sustained a much 
greater loss in the action, in proportion to their 
number, because they had entered the fort when 
the fire of the enemy was deadliest. 

The destruction of the Narragansett fort with its 
stores, though not so utterly and immediately ru- 
inous to the Narragansetts as the similar disaster at 
Mystic had been to the Pequots in the year pre- 
ceding the foundation of New Haven, was, how- 
ever, the beginning of the end of their tribal 
existence. They were still able to harass the En- 
glish, scattering themselves in different directions, 
plundering and burning towns by surprise. But 
the fortune of war was against them after the de- 
struction of the fort with its store?. They were 
driven from their own territory in the course of the 
spring and summer, and so cut off from almost 
every kind of subsistence, that in July and August 
of the year 1676 they began to come in to the En- 
glish in large bodies, and submit themselves to the 
mercy of their conquerors. 

The town meetings at New Haven in which for- 
tification was ordered, were, so far as we have yet 
noticed the record of them, antecedent to the de- 
struction of the Narragansett fort. The next ex- 
tract from the town records which we present 
relates to a meeting held February 7, 1676, when 
the remnant of the foe, scattered in different direc- 
tions, were surprising one village after another with 
conflagration and butchery. These surprises had 
happened chiefly in Massachusetts, but friendly 
Indians, sent out "to make discovery of the ene- 
my," had brought back intelligence that they 
meant soon to fall upon the western line of the sea- 
board settlements. 

At that meeting on the 7th of February, 

It was propounded, that now tlie winter season, wliich 
had hindered the finishing of the fortificalion about the town, 
wearing off, it might go forward again and tie perfected, 
and that the present state of things as to the war calls for 
attendance to that work^ especially the Narragansetts ap- 
pearing in such liostility; and the last intelligence from the 
Council at Hartford was that the enemy doth scatter into 
several bodies to disperse themselves into the country; and 
they being hungry will seek for supply, and the consid- 
eration of what damage may come should hasten us in our 
duty to be in the use of means for our safety. 

On the 6th of March 

.Mr. Jones acquainted the meeting that the reason of 
calling them together was to consider of the fortification, 
which went slowly forward, and that it were good the in- 
habitants would be quickened to the work, the season for 
business coming on, and the war continuing; and there are 
reports of twenty-one hundred Indians in a body up in the 
country; and it is said they intend to set out about this time 
or the middle of this month, and fall upon the towns on 
the River, and so come down and along the coast as far as 
New York, and do what spoil they can. Also we hear of 
killing two men at Springfield. Therefore we had need be 
quickened into all due means for our safety, and to attend it 

Jeremiah Osborne acquainted the town that the com- 
mittee for the fortification had met according to former 
order, and had appointed himself and John Punderson, 
Junior, to oversee and set the work forward, and that they 
had gotten in all the wood which was ordered from the in- 
habitants, or within about fifteen loads; and that to finish 
the line on their side, they do think there will want one 
hundred loads; and also there are not gates; and without 
all be finished it will not be safe. John Cooper, Senior, 
also, overseer on their side, informed that there would want 
one hmidred loads of wood to finish the line on their side. 

It was propounded for a supply of wood to finish the 
line, and after it had been debated, it was by vote ordered 
that every team in the town and farms, except those on the 
east side of the East river, do each of them bring to the 
work one load of suitable wood (and those that have not 
teams to help to cut it); and to bring it, at the furthest, on 
the 8lh and 9th days of this month, and to lay it according 
as the overseers o( the work shall appoint; as also the said 
overseers to see that those who are behind for the time past 
bring in portions; and any person that shall neglect to at- 
tend the work according to this order, to be under the pen- 
alty the Council hath appointed. 

It was ordered that no Indian be suffered to come into 
the town to see the fortifications, or take notice of any of 
our actings and motions; and that, by the constable, warn- 
ing be given them that not any of them may come into the 
town, nor unto any English houses; and that if any Indian 
come into the town, he be apprehended and sent back 
again; yet, what may be, to avoid any misusage of them. 

The gates were spoken of, and it was informed that Mr. 
Augur and Mr. Trowbridge would give, each of them, 
twenty shillings toward making of them; and it was left to 
the committee to get all the gates finished, and all the forti- 
fication also. 

It was ordered that no person shall plant any Indian 
corn within two rods of the stockade line. 

On the I ith of the same month 

Mr. Jones informed that the occasion of calling the 
meeting was to publish some orders from the Council re- 
specting the towns in the colony, particularly New Haven. 
The said orders were read. 

It was moved, that now there being some quantity of 
wood brought for the line, that all persons, young and old, 
that are able to work, should work at it, whicli was with 
common consent agreed and ordered to be attended to, as 
the sergeants in their squadrons shall give notice; and to set 
out to work when the drum beateth in the morning; and 
every one that is defaulty herein shall, as a fine for his neg- 
lect, pay five shillings, which shall be improved for the ben- 
efit of the work. 

The Council, in their orders read, appointed that a 
committee be chosen to regulate the ditching and breast- 
work; and the town chose and appointed the committee for 
the fortification to do that work also, or the major part of 
them. John Xash, who had been of that committee for for- 
tification, desired the town to spare him in this, because he 
had many occasions, and he might be more beneficial to 
persons about their arms, which many stood in need of ; 
and it was by some consented unto, and none spake to the 

At a town meeting, April 25, 1676, 

It was ordered, after some debate, that the fortification 
line about the town should be attended and finished as soon 
as seed could be got into the ground; and that when all the 



wood that should be brought from several persons yet be- 
hind, is brought in, what is then wanting, the committee to 
appoint how it shall be supplied, and the line finished. 

The records do not give complete proof that 
the pahsade was ever finished. It sometimes hap- 
pened that orders pa.ssed in town meeting were 
never executed. But as we lind the town ordering 
about a year afterward, when there was a fresh 
alarm, that all persons should have their arms and 
ammunition in readiness, and that watches and 
wards should be attended, without a word about 
finishing the line, it is probable that the palisade 
was completed in the spring of 1676. In Decem- 
ber, 1678. 

On account of the peace, the town ordered that all for- 
tilicalion wood or stutf, whether set up or lying down, 
which is not cpiarter-fence, be sold by the townsmen for the 
good of the town. But the order was not carried into ex- 
ecution, for on the 31st of January, 1681, the townsmen pro- 
pounded to sell the fortification to those whose fence was 
and is to be where it is standing, at sixpence a rod. The 
town ordered that the fortification wood be sold, as it stands, 
to owners of fence, in the pl.ace where it i^tands, at sixpence 
a rod, if they will Iniy it; or else the townsmen to sell it as 
they can after the ist of May next. Also further ordered 
that every person do make his fence in the aioresaid line. 

The peace referred to was the end of the war 
with the Eastern Indians; a war which, beginning 
immediately after the uprising of Philip, continued 
two years after his death. The palisade at New 
Haven, if finished as soon after April 25, 1676, 
" as seed could be got into the ground," ceased in 
a few weeks after its completion to have that ur- 
gent reason for its existence which had impelled 
the inhabitants to its erection; but as long as there 
were any Indians in any part of New England 
waging war against the English, it was thought 
prudent to retain a fortification already set up. 

That the order to fortify private houses was car- 
ried into execution, appears in the record of a 
meeting held October 18, 1675. 

Goodman Harriman acquainted the town that the 
sentinels going daily upon his house, upon the platform, did 
do him some damage breaking or removing the shingles 
(lliey lieing decayed), so that the water came the more into 
the house, and did propound, that if the town did think it 
for their convenience to make use of his house that way, 
that they would do something in helping him to cover it. 
The town having heard what was said, answered to the 
said Goodman Harriman that what he had ^aid was con- 
siderable, and therefore the town did desire and appoint 
the townsmen to advise about the n alter and speak with 
Goodman Harriman, and so do as they shall see good 
reason and cause for. 

That the order to fortify the Meeting-house was 
carried out, appears from a record dated Decem- 
ber 6, 1685, when the town having voted to build 
some additional seats in the Meeting-house, "or- 
dered that what of those planks or timbers that 
were the flankers at the Meeting-house, which are 
not useful for the aforesaid seats, shall be sold." 

In 1680 the third division of lands was arranged 
and issued. The number of acres to be allotted 
to each proprietor was determined by the ntimber 
of persons in Iris family, and the amount of estate 
on which he paid taxes. 'I'hose who had been 
" soldiers in the late war," received for that reason 
a larger jrortion, two hundred acres being divided 
among the soldiers. A few young men who had 

never before been enrolled as taxpayers, but had 
served in the army, were allowed to draw " a por- 
tion of land for their heads, or what estate they 
have in the list." The number of acres allotted 
to a soldier was proportionate to his lime of ser- 

When the number of acres to which each was 
entitled had been ascertained, the proprietors were 
enrolled in two companies; one to have their allot- 
ments east of the town, and the other on the op- 
posite side. Then lots were drawn to determine 
which of each company should have his "accom- 
modation'' nearest to the town, and in what order 
of proximity the allotments of the others should 
be set off to them. Some who desired it v/ere per- 
mitted to divide the acres they were to receive into 
two portions, and thus, by drawing two numbers, 
increase the chances of having some of their land 
nearer to their homesteads. The two tables fol- 
lowing exhibit the names of all the proprietors in 
1680; the number of persons which each had in 
his family; the amount of his estate; and the num- 
ber of acres he was entitled to in the new division. 
Ciphers indicate that the proprietor is non-resident; 
or, that having divided his lot into two lots, he has 
connected his family with the other. 

Now for the eastern side of the town the persons who 
are to have land in the third division: Here followeth their 
names in the order their lots came forth from the first 
throughout unto the last : 


Samuel Bassett 3 

.Mrs. Gilbert 4 

Widow Talmadge 4 

Thomas Mix 8 

Widow Hodgkins 2 

Edward Keeley I 

Widow Rowe 2 

Thomas Barnes 3 

Mercy Moss 3 

Isaac Turner 5 

John Stevens 7 

John Cooper, Jr 7 

Mrs. Tuttle..! 2 

John I'aine 6 

James Clarke 2 

John Barnes 6 

Mr. William Jones 000 

Nathaniel Vale ' I 

Mrs. Miles I 

Thomas Talmadge 4 

John Davis 4 

William Collins. . . 5 

John Mix 1 4 

Joshua I lodgkins | 3 

John Brooks j 7 

John Ilumiston ■ I 

John Blaxly 4 

Thomas Johnson \ 2 

Christopher Todd j 3 

William Bassett 

William Miles 

Barthole Jacobs 

Abraham Bradley 

Jonathan Tuttle 

James I leaton 

William Gibbons 



l.ieut. Nathaniel Merriman 1 ooi 




John Holt 

Widow Morris 

John Tuttle, Sen 

Joseph Tuttle 

Samuel Hodgkins. ..... 

John Cooper, Sen 

Richard Newman 

Mr. James Bishop 

Samuel Clark 

John Johnson 

David Atwater, Jun .... 

Mr. Thomas Yale , 

Jonathan Atwater 

The School Lot 

Robert Augur 

Samuel Johnson 

John Hill 

Mr. Fenn's Lot 

John Todd 

George Pardee, Sen . . . 

Henry Stevens 

John Hancock 

Mrs. Davenport 

Nathaniel Thoip 

Abraham Dickerman. . . 

William Bradley 

John Atwater 

Lieut. Thomas Munson. 

Samuel Humiston 

Lieut. Mosts Mansfield. 

Henry Brooks 

John Hodgkins 

Widow Thorp 

David Atwater, Sen. . . . 

Widow Ball 

Mr. James Davids 

Capt. John Nash 

Jeremiah How 

Joseph Bradley 

John Frost 

Eleazar Morris 

John Ball 

Widow Judson 

Mr. William Jones 

John Brockett 

Eleazar Brown 

John Thomas, Jun 

Widow Brockett 

Thomas Tuttle 

Samuel Brown 

Thomas Leeke 

Thomas Beamont 

Joseph Mansfield 

Daniel Barnes 

John Pardee 

Mrs. Coster 

John Cooper, Sen 

John Bassett 

Joshua Atwater 

Mrs. AUerton . 

John Morris 

Richard Little 

Widow How 

Nathaniel Potter 

Nicholas Hughes 

John Watson 

Mr. James Bishop 

Joseph Jones 

Thomas Kimberley .... 

Thomas Powell 

Samuel Todd 

Thomas Sanford 

Thomas Humiston 

William Paine 

David Tuttle 


£ s. 














28 10 



20 18 
666 8 


86 18 


13 12 



16 10 





27 10 





8 10 

33 10 

51 10 









22 10 
50 10 

71 10 


13 14 

47 10 
64 10 

59 10 
12 6 

47 6 







































' 15 

i ^ 
j 20 

i 50 

. 31 

, 60 










The persons that are to have their third division of land 
on the western side of the town : Here foUoweth their names 
in the order their lot came forth from the first throughout to 
the last. 


Henry Bristow 

Mr. Thomas Trowbridge. . . 

Ebenezer Brown 

Jdremiah Hull 

1 )aniel Thomas 

William Johnson 


Isaac Beecher, Sen 

Benjamin Bunnell 

Widow Thomas 

Edward Preston 

John Downe 

Benjamin Bowden 

Nicholas Elsey 

Benjamin Bradley 

Nathan Andrews 

Joseph Allsup, Sen 

Samuel Lines 

Simon Tuttle 

Eli Roberts 

Richard Rosewell 

John Clibbs 

Thomas Hodgkins 

John Sperry 

Henry (Hover 

Jonathan / -r-. , 

Mark J- Fowler 

Samuel Smith 

Henry Glover 

Isaac Beecher, Jun , 

John Chidsey 

Edmund Dummer 

Mary Hall, widow 

John Jackson 

Widow Glover 

Jonathan Samson 

John Harriman, Sen. (^ 

Mr. John Harriman, Jun. \ 

Eleazar Beecher 

Nathaniel Kimberly 

Joseph Allsup, Jun 

William Peck 

Joseph Moss 

Joseph Preston 

Ebenezer Hill 

John Sackett 

Nathaniel Boykin 

Samuel Bristow 

Peter Mallory, Sen 

Eliezer Holt 

W'illiam Chatterton 

Widow Osborne 

Samuel Fearnes 

Peter Mallory, Jun 

William Pringle 

William Wooden 

Jeremiah Whitnell 

John Clark 

Samuel Ford 

John Thomas, Sen 

John Wolcott 

Ralph Lines, Sen 

Mrs. Gregson 

John Winston 

Richard Sperry, Jr 

Samuel Whitehead 

Mr. John Hodshon 

Benjamin Ford 

Roger Belts 

John Ailing, Jr 

































































































































1 ■ 6 





1 5 





Philip Allcock 

Zaccheus t'anl)ce 

Ensiyn John Miles 

Timotliy Ford 

William Thompson 

John Nash 

_U)hn riinilerson 

Suniuc-l Ailing 

Widow Andrews I 
Timothy ( ubbard ) 

Kdward Perkins 

John Thompson 

Richard Sperry, Sen 

Joseph IV-ck 

Mrs. (loodyear, widow to -Mr. 


John IVrkins 

Widow Thompson 

Mr. I looke's Lot 

John Culver 

William Wilmot 

John Beecher 

John Umberfield 

Ralph I .ines, Jun 

John Ailing, Sen 

John Smith 

Ebenezer Smith 

Henry ( libbons 

Edward (Iranniss 

Richard Miles 

John lieecher 

i )aniel Sherman 

Matthew Ford 





















































































These underwritten were not brought in until after the 
lots were drawn and were allowed to come in after the 
former, on the east side. 


Jeh Tuttle 

Nath. Tuttle, a soldier. . 

Widow Morell 

John & Thomas (lilbert. 
Joshua Culver 






By order of the Committee of the Third Division. 

The atrocities of Philip's War had been followed 
by dangers and alarms of a difl'erent kind. King 
Charles tlie .'second had graciously granted to Con- 
necticut a charter as liberal as it c<iuld be without 
conceding the independence of the province. Dur- 
ing his reign no attempt had been made to retract 
this royal gift. He became angry with Massachu- 
setts and vacated its charter; but had never ex- 
pressed displeasure with Connecticut. 

King James the Second had no sooner come to 
the throne than he attempted to unite all New Eng- 
land under one Governor appointed by himself 
Sir Edmund Andross accordingly was sent to New 
England to carry into execution the royal pleasure. 

Pl}niouth having no charter, and Rhode Island 
submitting at once, the only obstacle was in the 
Charier of Connecticut. On the thirty-first day of 
October, 1687, Andross made a formal demand at 

* Sold to Mr. James Pierponc and his heirs by the said Nathaniel 

Hartford, where the General Assembly were sitting, 
for the surrender of the charter. 
Trumbull says: 

The assembly were extremely reluctant and slow with 
respect to any resolve to surrender the charter, or with re- 
spect to any motion to bring it forth. The tradition is that 
Governor Treat strongly represented the great expense and 
hai'dships of the colonists in planting the country; the blood 
and treasure which they had expended in defending it, both 
against the savages and foreigners; to what hardships and 
dangers he himself had been exposed for that purpose, and 
that it was like giving up his life now to sunvnder the patent 
and privileges so dearly bought and so long enjoyed. 

The important afl'air was debated and kept in suspense 
until the evening, when the charter was brought and laid 
upon the table where the asseiubly was sitting. By this 
time great numbers of people were assembled, and men suf- 
ficiently bold to enterprise whatever might be necessary or 
expedient. The lights were instantly extinguished, and one 
Captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the luost silent and 
secret manner, carried ofT the charier and secreted it in a 
large hollow tree, fronting the house of Hon. Samuel 
Wyllys, then one of the magistrates of the colony. The 
people appeared all peaceable and orderly. The candles 
were ofhciously relighted; but the patent was gone, and no 
discovery could be made of it or o( the person who had con- 
veyed it away. Sir Edmund assumed the government, and 
the records of the colony were closed in the following words: 

"At a general court at Hartlord, October 31, 16S7, his 
excellency. Sir Edmund Andross, knight and captain-gen- 
eral and governor of his majesty's territories and dominions 
in New England, by order from his majesty, James the 
Second, King of England, Scotland, Fr.ance and Ireland, 
the 31st of ( )ctober, 1687, took into his hands the govern- 
ment of the colony of Connecticut, it being by his majesty 
annexed to Massachusetts and other colonies under his ex- 
cellency's government. 


Before returning to Massachusetts, Sir Edmund 
made a tour through the colony as far west as Eair- 
field, and as far east as New London. He spent a 
Sunday in New Haven, where, as tradition reports, 
his eye fell upon Di.xwell at the morning service in 
the ]\reeti At_noon he inquired the name 
and occupation of the person whom he described, 
and was told that he was a merchant of the name of 
James Davids. Sir Edmund replied that he knew 
he was not a merchant, and became particularly in- 
quisitive in regard to him. Probably Colonel Di.x- 
well was informed of the Governor's inquisitiveness, 
for he was not present at the afternoon service. On 
the same Sunday the Governor's anger was stirred 
because the Deacon gave out the fifty second psalm 
to be sung. In Sternhold and Hopkins' version, 
which was then in use, the psalm reads: 

" Why dost thou, tyrant, boast abroad 

" Thy wicked works to praise ? 
" Itost thou not know there is a Cod, 

" Whose luercics last always? 

" Why doth thy mind yet still devise 

" Such wicked wiles to warp ? 
" Thy tongue untrue, in forging lies, 

" Is like a razor sharp. 

" Thou dost delight in fraud and guile, 

" In mischief, blood and wrong; 
" Thy lips have learned the flattering style, 

" U false, deceitful tongue." 

The tradition is that the new Governor rcsentetl 
the choice of this jisalm as a persona! insult, but 
was obliged to subside into silence when told that 



it was the custom of the church to sing the psalms 
in course. 

Sir Edmund's government proved to be unnec- 
essarily and provokingly arbitrary, as well as con- 
trary to the charier which Connecticut so highly 
valued. One of his tools boasted, in a letter to 
England, that the Governor and his Council were 
"as arbitrary as the Great Turk." 

All business relative to the settlement of estates 
must be transacted at Boston, however distant the 
residence of the heirs might be, and the fee for 
the probate of a will was fifty shillings, however 
small the estate. The Governor laid taxes at his 
pleasure without assembling the representatives of 
the people, and even in the absence of a majority 
of his council. He declared that the titles of the 
colonists to their lands were of no value — that In- 
dian deeds were no more worth than " a scratch 
with a bear's paw. " 

Not the fairest purchases and most ample conveyances 
from the natives; no dangers,, disbursements, nor labors in 
cultivating a wilderness and turning it into orchards, 
gardens, and pleasant fields; no grants by charter nor by 
legislatures constituted' by them; no declarations by pre- 
ceding kings nor by his then present Majesty, promising 
them the quiet enjoyment of their houses and lands; nor 
fifty or sixty years undisturbed possession, were pleas of 
any validity or consideration with Sir Edmund and his 
minions. The purchasers and cultivators, after flfiy and 
sixty years improvement, were obliged to take out patents 
for their estates. For these, in some instances, a fee of 
fifty pounds was demanded. Writs of intrusion were issued 
against persons of principal character who would not 
submit to such impositions, and their lands were patented 
to others.* 

The heaviest share of this oppression fell upon 
Massachusetts and Plymouth. Connecticut, as it 
was farther removed from the seat of government, 
was less exposed to the notice of the oppressors. 
But the people throughout the entire territory 
which had recently been theColony of Connecticut, 
were ' ' in great fear and tiespontlency. They were 
no strangers to what was transacted in the neigh- 
boring colonies, and expected soon to share fully 
with them in all their miseries. A general inac- 
tivity and languishment pervaded the whole public 
body. Liberty, property and everything which 
ought to be dear to men, grew every day more 
and more insecure." 

In this slate of things, news came in April, 1689, 
that the Prince of Orange had landed in England 
to take possession of the government. The people 
of New England did not wait to see if he woukl 
succeed in his enterprise, but rose at once to rid 
themselves of their oppressors. Boston, seizing 
and imprisoning the royal governor, appointed a 
provisional government, which took to itself the 
name of a "Council for the Safety of the People 
and Conservation of the Peace." 

As soon as tidings of the revolution in Massa- 
chusetts reached New Haven, a town meeting was 
called, and was held on the third day of !May. It 
had been unlawful under the tyranny of Andross 
to have more than one town meeting in a year. 
In the preceding vear the town had been convened 
on " the third Monday of that month by order ap- 

• Trumbull. 

pointed for town meetings, to choose selectmen and 
other officers." This year it was held on the third 
day of the month, and probably as soon as it 
could be assembled after it was known that Andross 
was in prison; for the provisional government at 
Boston was organized on the 20th of April. The 
record of the meeting is as follows: 

After the opening of the town meeting and prayer 
made lor direcuon from (^od in this dangerous juncture, 
the town were informed of the late dissolution of the gov- 
ernment at Boston by the Governor, Sir Edmund Andross, 
his resignation of the same, with surrender of the Castle 
and Fort into other hands, intrusted till further orders from 
the present powers in England. And this change hast- 
ened by the discovery of a dangerous plot against Boston, 
to destroy that place as we are credibly informed; which 
great overture hath occasioned or necessitated the free- 
men in all or most places in the colony to choose their 
deputies to meet together in the usual place and at the 
usual time of election, to consider together what to do, 
and to have the proxies of the freemen ready, if need be, 
in order to the reassuming and settlement of government 
according to charter, to prevent anarchy or confusion and 
the dangerous effects thereof, especially when we have 
grounds and cause to suspect Indians or other enemies. 
And for the better understanding of the premises and our 
further consideration what to do, the printed Declaration 
from Boston was publicly read. 

It is not improbable that some of the leading 
men 'in Connecticut, as well as in Massachusetts, 
were expecting the movement of the Prince of 
Orange, for the deliverance of England from the 
yoke of the Stuarts. It is affirmed by Gershom 
Bulkley, a writer friendly to Andross, that the 
"gentlemen of Connecticut " received encourage- 
ment from P^ngland, by letter, to take their charter 
government again, "telling them the\- were a com- 
pany of hens " if they did not do it. Palfrey in- 
clines to the opinion that there was a conspiracy 
throughout New England to rise against Andross, 
and that the landing of the Prince of Orange at 
Torbay was an unexpected opportunity for the 
conspirators. He finds support for this theory in 
the care with which the " printed declaration from 
Boston is composed, as if it were "a work of 
time," to which brief mention of the enterprise of 
the Prince had been added after the news of it ar- 
rived. In either case everything favors the suppo- 
sition that the leading men in Connecticut had 
made preparation for the resumption of govern- 
ment under the charter. At the town meeting in 
New Haven, Captain Moses Mansfield and Lieut- 
enant Abraham Dickerman were appointed Dep- 
uties to the General Assembly which convened on 
the eighth day of the same month, and "ordered 
that all the laws of this colony formerly made ac- 
cording to Charter, and courts constituted in this 
colony for administration of justice as they were 
before the late interruption, should be of full force 
and virtue for the future, and till the Court should 
see cause to make further and other alteration and 
provision according to charter." "All the pres- 
ent military officers" were confirmed; Justices of 
the Peace were appointed for the towns where no 
magistrates resided; the armament of the Fort at 
Saybrook was provided for. The Governor was 
charged to convene the General Assembly, if oc- 
casion should require anything to be acted respect- 



ing the charter. Then, having appointed a day ol 
fasting the Assembly adjourned. 

Upon the 26th of Mny, a ship arrived at liostoii with 
advice that William and Mary were proclaimed Kinj; and 
(Jueon of England. The joyous news soon reached Con- 
necticut. A special Assemlily was called, which convened 
un the 13th of June. On the same day, William and Mary, 
Prince .and IVincess of Clranye, were proclaimed wall great 
ceremony. Never was there greater or more general joy in 
New England than upon the accession of William and .Mary 
to the throne of Great Britain.* 

So great was the deHght with which New Eng- 
land heard of the expulsion of the Stuarts and the 
accession of William and Mary, that they rushed 
with enthusiasm into the sacrifices and perils of 
another Imlian war. France, espousing the cause 
of the Stuarts, invaded England, and sent an army 
of Canadians and Indians to harass the English 
planters of New England. Connecticut, less ex- 
posed than her neighbors, sent assistance to New 
York and Albany, and at the satne time made prep- 
aration to resist invasion, whether by land or by 
sea. New Haven, at a town meeting March 3, 

Ordered (i) a military watch; (2) the whole body of 
listed soldiers to bring their arms on the Sabbath-days; (3) 
mounted scouts to be sent out from day to day; (4) four 
houses in town and some houses at the farms to be garri- 
soned, and the water-side to be fortified; (5) committee to 
manage the whole of this affair, and with the greatest expe- 
dition; (6) that for the fitting out of a flying army, as there 
may tie occasion, out ot our listed soldiers we will draw 
forth a tenth part, to be commanded by such officers as the 
Major-General shall appoint, with the approbation of a 
major part of said flying army. Also voted, that the inhab- 
itants agree and order, that for the present exigency, and 
till we may come to a better settlement, the Dragoon com- 
pany submit their arms to be viewed by Lieut. John Miles, 
and themselves, in case of any mroad or assault, to be com- 
manded by him, and that all others attend Captain Mans- 
field's view of Arms and Command, as there shall be occa- 
sion, for the common safety of the place. 

On the 6th of /\ugust 1690, the town meeting present 
by their vote, recommeml to the committee for fortification 
appointed by the General Court, that with all the speed it 
may be, the fortification be carried on according to former 
agreement, viz., the water-side; two of the houses at pre- 
sent, the other two to be further considered at another 
town meeting. 

Not only New Haven, but the whole Colony of 
Connecticut passed through this French and Indian 
war occasioned by the e.xpulsion of the Stuarts 
from England, without invasion. The people will- 
ingly bore great burdens of taxation in preparing 
tt) repel invasion, and in expeditions to Canada; 
but were mercifully preserved from such massacres i 
as those at Schenectady, and Salmon Falls on 
the river which divides New Hampshire from 
Maine. This war, commencing in 1690, had 
cost Connecticut, when it came to an end in 1697, 
twelve thou.sand pounds sterling. The Legislature 
had been obliged to levy taxes, amounting in the 
course of three years to more than two shillings on 
the pound, on the whole list of the colony. " The 
taxes were not collected in money, for there was 
not money enough in the colony to pay the taxes 
of a single year. " Its whole circulating cash 
amounted only to about two thousand pounds." 
"The taxes were laid and collected in grain, pork, 

• Trumbul) . 

beef, and other articles of country produce. These 
commodities were transported to Boston and the 
West Indies; and by this means money and bills 
of exchange were obtained, to pay the bills drawn 
upon the colony in England, and to discharge its 
debts at home. ' 

After five years of rest another French and Indian 
war commenced. It found Connecticut so im- 
poverished, that she was obliged to issue paper 
money. Hitherto, by heroic taxation, the colony 
had been able to pay the expenses of its protracted 
military operations. Rut when her Majesty, (^)ueen 
Anne, proposed to send a Meet to Boston witli five 
regiments of regular troops, and required Connec- 
ticut to send 350 men, and the governments east 
of Connecticut 1,200 more, to co-operate with these 
regulars in an attack on Quebec, and at the same 
time required Connecticut to furnish her quota to- 
ward an army from Connecticut, New York and 
New Jersey, to make a siinultaneous attack on 
Montreal, the Legislature of Connecticut, at a 
special assembly voted '' that to assist in the expe- 
dition, for want of money otherwise to carry it on, 
there be forthwith imprinted a certain number of 
bills of credit on the colony, which, in the whole, 
shall amount to the sum ol /"8,ooo and no more." 

It was enacted, saysTrumbull, that the bills should 
be issued from the treasury as money, but should be 
received in payments at one shilling on the pound 
better than money. One-half only was to be 
signed and issued at first; and the other was to 
remain unsigned until it should be found neces- 
sary to put it into circulation. Taxes were imposed 
for the calling in of one-half of it within the term 
of one year, and the other at the expiration of two 
years. The Legislature showed their zeal not only 
by contracting this debt, but by voting an address of 
thanks to her Majesty for her royal care and favor 
to the colonies in devising means for the removal 
of an enemy by whom the colonies had been so 
great and repeated sufferers. 

But this attack on Canada under Queen Anne 
was as fruitless as the similar attack under King 
^^'illiam had been. A treaty of peace between 
Great Britain and France, signed March 30, 1713, 
was proclaimed in Connecticut on the 2 2d of the 
following August, and, though the people regretted 
that the enemy in the rear had not been subdued, 
they rejoiced greatly in the advent of peace. 

There was a third and a fourth French war be- 
fore Canada became subject to Great Britain. 
While Canada was held by the French, the English 
colonists ever felt insecure, and were willing to 
make unexampled sacrifices of blood and treasure 
to dispossess the rival nation which had stirred up 
the red men to fall upon unsuspecting villages w'ith 
the firebrand, the tomahawk, and the scalping- 

But little can now be learned in detail of what 
Connecticut — of what New Haven— suffered in these 
Indian wars. The fields of battle were distant 
from New Haven and outside of Connecticut; but 
the impoverishment consecjuent upon so many wars 
was here felt as well as elsewhere, and almost 
every family mourned for a son who had died afar 


^j^^j^jifeaaa'-^llap ii 

■"""J a 

lUHSMUIT 1 7^1 



3 13 3K™»^" 










from home. Trumbull, the historian of Connecti- 
cut, reckons that in King Philip's War alone, the 
united colonies of New England lost one-eleventh 
of their entire militia, as well as one-eleventh of 
their homesteads. If we add, in imagination, to 
this destruction of life in a single war, the desola- 
tions of five other periods of Indian warfare, we 
shall, perhaps, better comprehend the heroism of 
our lathers and the price of our heritage. 

There was an interval of just one hundred years 
between the commencement of King Philip's War 
and the commencement of the War of the Amer- 
ican Revolution. During this period there were 
thirty years of Indian warfare; and the longest 
truce was that of the eleven years which preceded 
the battle of Lexington. But the late Indian wars 
differed from the earlier, in that they were carried 
on, not bv the unaided colonies, but by the strong 
arm of Great Britain. The war in which Canada 
was finally reduced was especially helpful to the 
colonies in the stimulus it gave to trade. 

The extension of settlements (says Trumbull); the in- 
crease of cultivation, numbers, commerce and wealth of the 
colonies, for about ten or twelve years after the pacification 
of Paris, were almost incredible. During the war, and this 
whole subsequent period, money was plenty and suffered no 
depreciation. Provisions of every kind, especially pork and 
beef, were in the best demand. This called forth the ut- 
most exertions of the husbandman in the cultivation of his 
fields, and enabled him with facility to pay the taxes which 
the slate of the country demanded. It was the policy of 
Connecticut, in this favorable period, to tax the people as 
highly as they could cheerfully bear, providing substantial 
funds, in short periods, for the payment of their whole debt. 
To assist them in supporting the war, the Legislature called 
in all their outstanding debts. Contracts were made with 
the British commissary, annually, for several years, for pro- 
visions to the amount of four thousand pounds sterling. 
This was paid in money, or in bills of exchange. These 
contracts were principally for pork. At the same time 
great quantities of fresh provisions were furnished the ar- 
mies in droves of fat cattle. The merchants had a safe and 
prosperous trade. Especially after the peace, an almost 
boundless scope of commerce and enterprise was given to 
the colonists. In these favorable circumstances, with the 
return of thousands of her lirave and industrious inhabitants 
to the cultivation of their fields and the various arts and la- 
bors of peace, the colony was soon able to exonerate itself 
from the debt contracted by the war. 

We cannot see how the colonies, without this 
income of wealth from the old country, could 
have been prepared for a successful prosecution of 
war with England. New Haven more than kept 
pace with the rest of the colony in the increase of 
wealth. Mr. Trowbridge, in his paper on the 
"Ancient Maritime Interests of New Haven," 
quotes Dr. Dana as saying that, in 1740, the whole 
navigation of New Haven consisted of two coasters 
and one West India vessel, and adds his own 
belief that such had been substantially the case 
for si.xty years previous. 

With the fall of Ouebec, and the subsequent cession of 
Can.ada to Great Britain in 1763 (says Mr. Trowbridge), the 
maritime interests of New Haven may be said to have been 
successfully established ;r and so rapidly did the commerce 
increase, that from almost nothing in the decade from 1740 to 
1750, it had, in the following ten years, grown so much, 
that from 1760 to 1770 some thirty vessels annually left the 
port on foreign voyages, and during that time commercial 
relations were initiated between New Haven and the West 
India Islands, which, with but slight interruption, have con- 

tinued to the present time. Trade was also maintained with 
Great Britain, especially with Ireland, where the flaxseed 
raised in Connecticut was in demand. In 1764 there arrived 
here from the City of Dublin the brig Derby, of forty tons, 
bringing for a cargo twenty tons of coals and thirty-eight 
Irish servants. 

The sums of the estates in New Haven returned 
for taxation show a large increase of wealth be- 
tween 1700 and the commencement of hostilities 
with England. The following schedule, which we 
copy from the Colonial Records of Connecticut, 
illustrates this statement, and shows the quinquen- 
nial increase; 

Estates in New Haven. 
Year. £ s. d. 

1700 16,769 

1705 '8,528 

1710 17.483 6 

i7'5 21,384 16 z\ 

1720 28,316 

1725 31,160 13 2 

1730 36,242 

1735 40,001 8 4 

1740 41.550 

■745 43.750 6 6 

1750 54,448 15 li 

1755 45,924 9 15 

1 760 56, 1 75 II 6 

>765-- : 55,695 '9 3 

1770 63,335 4 I 

The first movement toward the incorporation of 
a city within the limits of the town of New Haven 
preceded the Revolution. At a town meeting on 
the 9th day of December, 1771, the following was 
put on record: 

Whereas, a motion was made to the town that this 
town might have the privileges of a city, and that proper 
measures might be taken to obtain the same, it is thereupon 
voted that Roger Sherman, John Whiting, Thomas Darling, 
Daniel Lyman, David Wooster, Joshua Chandler, James A. 
Hillhouse, Simeon Bristol, Caleb Beecher, Esq., Samuel 
Bishop, Jr., and Messrs. James Peck, Benjamin Douglas, 
Ralph Isaacs, Adam Babcock, Thomas Howell, Jnel Hotch- 
kiss, Samuel Clark, Jr., and John Woodward be a commit- 
tee to take the same into consideration, and judge of the 
motion what is best for the town to do with regard to the 
same, and report thereon to the town at another meeting. 

As no report of this committee has been found, 
it is probable that in the excitement preceding the 
Revolution the project dropped out of sight, and was 
not again agitated till the war had come to an end. 

We have already mentioned that but one new 
town was taken out of the original territoiy of New 
Haven before the city was incorporated. But sev- 
eral distinct parishes, or religious societies, had 
been instituted besides that in Wallingford. East 
Haven applied for incorporation in 1707 and re- 
ceived a charter so ainbiguous, that it was, and has 
been ever since, difficult to determine what the 
General Assembly meant to authorize. 

New Haven was quite willing they should be a 
separate parish, but quite unwilling they should be 
a separate town, and ordered her townsmen, "with 
good advice in all proper methods of law, " to op- 
pose the endeavor of their "neighbors at the iron 
works. '' Mr. Dodd, in his East Haven Register, 
intimates that Governor Saltonstall, who was a 
neighbor on the other side of the iron-works, used 
official influence against East Haven, in resentment, 



because not a single vote was given for him in that 
village, the people having become incensed against 
him for waging war on their geese when they strayed 
to Saltonstall Lake ant! the Governor's farm on its 

The General's Assembly, in 1710, either with 
or without the Governor's inspiration, taking into 
consideration the act of 1 707, declared, in interpre- 
tation thereof that there is nothing contained in the 
said act that concerns property of lands, or that ex- 
cludes the said village from being within the Town- 
ship of New Haven, nor that intends to give the 
said village the liberty of choosing deputies distinct 
from the Town of New Haven. In 1716 the con- 
troversy was renewed, and the General Assembly 
reiterated its decision of 17 10. 

Silenced by the terror of lawsuits and "the 
powers that be, " ]'^ast Haven submitted till "an- 
other generation arose that had not known a 
Saltonstall. " 

On the iSth of December, 1752, at a meeting of 
the inhabitants, it was voted, that we will take 
up the privileges that the General Assembly and 
the Town of New Haven have formerly granted. 
On the 6th of December, 1753, '''^ Selectmen that 
day chosen sent a communication to the inhabitants 
of New Haven in town meeting assembled, notify- 
ing them that East Haven had organized a town 
government "in order that the said Town of New 
Haven may hereafter exempt themselves from any 
further care or trouble respecting the affairs of the 
said Town of East Haven, the regulation thereof, 
or the appointment of officers therein." 

" These proceedings, however," says Mr. Dodd, 
"brought upon them once more the broad hand 
of the General Assembly." 

Several other attempts were made, but without 
avail, till, in 1785, New Haven having given her 
consent, it was 

Resolvedhx the General Assembly, ' ' That the said 
inhabitants of said (larish of East Haven be, and 
they are hereby constituted a Town, by the name 
of East Haven. '' 

The controversy had related chietly to the title 
to common lands, and was settled by the confirma- 
tion of what the village of East Haven had done in 
the allotment of land to settlers, and the relinquish- 
ment (jn the part of East Haven of claim to all the 
common land in the otiier parts of New Haven. 

West Haven was, "upon the petition of the 
West Farmers in New Haven, constituted a sep- 
arate society to carry on the worship of God among 
themselves " by an Act of the General Assembly in 
1715; and by a similar act the same privilege was 
granted in 1716 to North Haven upon the petition 
of the "farmers on the northeast part of the town 
of New Haven. " 

.\bout the middle of the century the parish of 
.'\mity, now called Woodbridge, was separated 
from the first society in New Haven: and several 
years afterward a parish in Ilamden was estab- 
lished, part of it being taken from New Haven and 
part from North Haven. 

President Dwight, in the description which he 

gives of New Haven in the first volume of his 
travels in New England, states, without referring 
to his authority, that in 1756 the township of New 
Haven contained 5,085 inhabitants. He reports 
also a population in 1774 of 8,295. T^^ latter 
statement accords with a census taken by order of 
the Cjeneral Assembly. The town then included 
Woodbridge, Hamden, North Haven and East 
Haven. Dr. Dana, in the notes to his Century Ser- 
mon, gives the population of the city in 1787 as 
3,36+. Of these 1,657 were males and 1,707 fe- 
males. The number of each age from i to 90 
stood thus: 









'■ 3> 
















































; •■''' 























i 43 





























































































7 1 








The value of the table is diminished, but not de- 
stroyed, by errors which a discrepancy of 
21 between the total as Dr. Dana gives it and that 
which is rendered by the addition of the particu- 

The progress of the town is illustrated by the 
four maps which accompany this chapter. The 
map of 1 64 1 shows the number, names and loca- 
tion of the proprietors at that date. The map of 
1724 e.xhibits the names of householders as they 
were remembered b_v Mr. Joseph Brown, and pre- 
served by President Stiles. \\'e are indebted to 
Gen. W'adsworth, of Durham, for the map of 1748, 
on which he has inscribeil the names of nearlv all 
the householders at that time. I'he map of 1775 
shows the buildings but not the names of the 

* Professor Dexter informs iiie ihat this census w.-»s a private enter- 
terprise, undertaken, as he learns from Stiles' Diary, by Messrs. Josiah 
Meigs, Isaac Jones. David DapRett. and ottiers, Septembers, 1787 
and sontc preceding days. ^!^. Sleigs published the full result in his 
newspaper, the Nnv Haven Ctiiztttf, for September 20th. By compar- 
ing the report in the Gazette with Dr. Dana's copy, it appears that it 
was Mr. Meigs* printer who made the mistakes. 

liui-ytiiij Ihoi'iiri 
faurt ffou.rr 
Long ^Vtinif 

X,>rih Hutri, /{iw 
Ensf Kavrit ttax-en 
The Uatkft llmist 
Hrttit Strrft 
l.Mlher l.amr 
HuhbiirH Stnel 
.HitHirt Strrrl 
CcUegr Slfrrt 
UiirfH Strrrl 






THE General Assembly of Connecticut at its 
j\Iay Session in 1764, appointed a committee 
to prepare a State paper setting forth the reasons 
why the Stamp Act, which the British Ministry pro- 
posed to bring before the Parliament, ought not 
lo pass. At the October session the reasons al- 
ledged in this report were adopted by the Assembly 
as their own, and it was resolved that a copy of 
them should be sent to Richard Jackson, Esquire, 
the agent of Connecticut in London. Jared In- 
gersoU, a distinguished citizen of New Haven, 
whose monument stili stands in the crypt of the 
Center Church, was one of the committee to pre- 
pare this document. Ingersoll, soon after its adop- 
tion, sailed for England, taking with him one 
hundred printed copies of tiie statement of rea- 
sons. Soon after his arrival in London he received 
notice that the General Assembly had associated 
him with Mr. Jackson as the agent of the colony. 
But in vain did Ingersoll, Franklin, and other 
Americans, remonstrate against the passage of the 
bill. Ingersoll, before he went abroad, had written 
to a personal friend who happened to be one of 
the joint secretaries of the treasury, and as such 
was anxiously studying how the bill might be best 

The people think, if the precedent of a Stamp Act is once 
established, you will have it in yonr power to keep us as 
poor as you please. The people's minds, not only here, but 
in the neighboring provinces, are filled with the most dread- 
ful apprehensions from such a step's taking place: from 
whence I leave yon to guess how easily a tax of this kind 
would be collected. Don't think me impertinent, since you 
desire information, when I tell you that 1 have heard gentle- 
men of the greatest property in neighboring govern- 
ments say, seemingly very coolly, that should such a step 
take place they would immediately remove themselves with 
their families and fortunes into some foreign kingdom. You 
see I am quite prevented from suggestmg to j-ou which of 
the several methods of taxation that you mention would be 
the best or the least exceptionable ; because I plainly perceive 
tliat every one of them, or any supposable one, other than 
such as shall be laid by the legislative bodies here, to say 
no more of them, would go down with the people like chopt 
hay. As for your allied plan of enforcing the acts of trade 
and navigation and preve;iting smuggling, let me tell you 
that enough would not be collected here in the course of 
ten years to defray the expenses of fitting out one, the least, 
frigate for an American voyage: and that the whole labor 
would be like burning a barn to roast an egg. 

It was Ingersoll who preserved the eloquent pro- 
test which Colonel Barre made in Parliament 
against the passage of the act. One of the minis- 
ters had affirmed the right of Britain to tax "the 
children planted by our care, nourished by our in- 
dulgence, and protected by our arms.'" Colonel 
Barre, who had served in America as an officer in 
the army, and knew the history of the colonies, 
instantly e.xclaimed: 

They planted by your care I No 1 Your oppi-essions 
planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny to 
a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they 
exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which 
human nature is liable; and among others, to the cruelties 


of a savage foe, the most subtle, and, I take it upon me 
to say the most formidable of all people upon the face of 
God's earth; and yet actuated by principles of true English 
liberty, they met all these hardships with pleasure com- 
pared with those they suffered in their own country from 
the hands of those who should have been their friends. 

They nourished by _)'o«/- indulgence! They grew by your 
neglect of them. As soon as you began to care about them 
that care was exercised in sending persons to rule over 
them in one department and another, who were perhaps the 
deputies of deputies to some member of this house, sent 
to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions and 
to prey upon them; men whose behavior on many oc- 
casions has caused the blood of those sous of liberty to re- 
coil within them; men promoted to the highest seats of jus- 
tice, some of whom, to my knowledge, were glad by going 
to a foreign country to escape being brought to the bar of 
a court of justice in their own. 

They protected by_j'(7«r arms I They have nobly taken 
up arms in your defense; have exerted a valor amidst their 
constant and laborious industry for the defense of a coun- 
try whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior 
was yielding all its little savings to your enrichment. And 
believe mc, remember I this day told you so, that same 
spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first will ac- 
company them still. But prudence forbids that I should ex- 
plain myself further, tiod knows I do not speak from party 
heat; what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. 
However superior to me in general knowledge and exper- 
ience the respectable body of this house may be, yet I claim 
to know more of America than most of you, having seen 
and been conversant in that country. 

The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects 
the King has; but a people jealous of their liberties, and 
who will vindicate them it they should be violated. But the 
subject is too delicate, and I will say no more. 

Mr. Ingersoll was present when this unpremedi- 
tated eloquence burst from the lips of Barre, and 
to him we are indebted for its preservation. It 
was reported by him at the time to a friend in Con- 
necticut, and was first given to the world in a New 
London newspaper. 

The sentiments of Colonel Barre (says Mr. Ingersoll in a 
letter to Governor Fitch) were thrown out so entirely with- 
out premeditation, so forcibly and so firmly, and the break- 
ing off was so beautifully abrupt, that the whole house sat 
awhile as if amazed, intently looking and without answering 
a word. I, even I, felt emotions that I never felt before, 
and went the next morning and thanked Colonel Barre in 
behalf of my country. 

But the ministry were determined to pass the 
bill, and no argument or entreaty could turn them 
from their course or prevent them from obtaining 
a majority in both houses of Parliament. Jlr. In- 
gersoll did, by his personal influence with one of 
the Secretaries of the Treasury, who had the bill in 
his hands for revision and amendment, succeed in 
removing some of the worst features of the bill, as, 
for example, the tax on marriage licenses. But the 
bill passed the House of Commons on the 27th of 
February. 1765; was agreed to by the Lords on the 
8th of March; and a fortnight later received the 
royal assent. 

The leading civilians in the colonies, though dis- 
posed to prevent the passage of the bill if possible, 
were expecting quietly to submit to its execution if 



it became a law. Mr. Ingcrsoll therefore did not 
hesitate to accept the position of Stamp-master for 
Connecticut. ]5ul wiien lie landed in Boston early 
in August he found the city in a blaze of excite- 
ment. As soon as the Rostonians learned that An- 
drew Oliver was to be the Stamp-master in their 
city, they hung up his efligy on a stately elm, already 
known as the Groat Tree. In the evening an 
"amazing"multitude followed the image.laid out on 
a bier, through the streets, and burned it in front of 
the Stamp-master's residence. Not long afterward, 
the newspaper announced that "the Great Tree at 
the south end of the town upon which the effigies 
of a Stamp-master was lately hung, was honored 
last Wednesday with the name of the Tree of Lib- 
erty; a large plate of copper with that inscription 
in letters of gold being fixed thereon." 

Seizing upon an expression in Colonel Barre's elo- 
quent speech, those who in all parts of New Eng- 
land demonstrated their hostility to the stamp act 
by acts of violence, called themselves Sons of Lib- 
erty. In Connecticut, many of the leading civilians 
were vtry conservative. Governor Fitch having 
done all he could to prevent the passage of the act, 
was disposed to submit to its execution till its re- 
peal could be procured by lawful means. A ma- 
jority of his Council were of the same mind. But 
Timothy Pitkin, the Lieutenant-Governor, and Jon- 
athan Trumbull, one of the Councillors, were so 
strongly opposed to acquiescence, that when the 
Governor was about to take the oath required by 
the act, they indignantly left the room, refusing 
even to be present. At the next election, though 
Governor Fitch had been regularly nominated for 
re-election, the people chose Timothy Pitkin, Gov- 
ernor, and Jonathan Trumbull, Lieutenant Gov- 

The clergy were leaders of the people in opposi- 
tion to the Stamp Act. They preached and prayed 
against it as if it plainly ])roceeded from the Evil 
One in opposition to the Kingdom of God. The 
Rev. Stephen Johnson, of Lyme,* a descendant of 
Tiiomas Johnson one of the first planters of New 
Haven, wrote for the Cuniieclicut Gitzelle, printed in 
New London : 

The advocates for these measures seem to be counsellors 
of Reholioam's stamp. Instead of hearing the crie-s and 
rcdressini; the j;rievanccs of a most loyal and injincd peo- 
ple, they are for adding burden upon burden, till they 
make the little finger of his present majesty a thousand 
times heavier than the loins of his good grandfather; and 
would bind all fast with a military chain. Such counsels ended 
in Israel in such a revolt and wide breach as could never be 
healed. That this may end in a similar event is not im- 
probable to the iirovidence of God, nor more improbable 
to Britons than five years ago this Stamp Tax was to Ameri- 

But Johnson was moderate compared with the 
Professor of Divinity in Yale College. In the 
Connecticut Gazette, printeii in New Haven, there 
appeared on the 9th of August, five days before the 
outbreak in Boston, an article signed 'Cato," slid 
to have been written by Professor Daggeit. Some 

•Mr. Johnson's wife w.'is the dausihlcr of Wilji.-im Diodate, of New 
Haven, .ind c<)nld trace her de-cent from a noble It.-ili.-in f.-iniily. which 
removed from Lucca to CJeneva in 1575, having previously embraced 
rhc doctrines of the Reformation. 

one, arguing that if the Stamp Act must be in- 
forced, it was better that the stamps should be dis- 
tributed by Americans, had inquired, "Had you 
nut rather these duties should be collected by your 
brethren than by foreigners.''" 

"No! vile miscreant! indeed, we had not," answers 
Cato. " If your lather must die, is there no defect in filial 
duty in becoming his executioner, that the hangman's part 
of the estate may be retained in the family ? If the ruin of 
your country is decreed, are ymi free from blame for taking 
part in the plunder ? " 

\\'hen Ingcrsoll arrivetl at his home in New 
Haven, he found a great and dangerous excitement 
among the people. Before his arrival, the inhabi- 
tants of Norwich, in a regularly warned town meet- 
ing, had unanimously voted "that the clerk shall 
proceed in his office as usual, and the town will 
save him harmless from all damage that he may- 
sustain thereby." In this early demonstration 
against the Stamp Act there was nothing personal; 
for it was not yet known who the tlistributing 
officer would be. But, after Ingersoll's return, 
demonstrations of hostility became not only more 
frequent, but personal. Sometimes public meet- 
ings protested in an orderly and dignified manner 
against the Act as a violation of natural right and 
of the British Constitution. More frequently, 

Short, pithy sentences, ridiculing the ministry and setting 
foith the Statnp Act in vivid, though not always refined, 
language, circulated from sheet to sheet of the colonial news- 
papers, or passed from neighbor to neighbor in familiar dis- 
course; c|uaint proverbs, scornful satires, jests, with biting 
edge, ]iamphlets all glowing with indignant remonstrance 
or wailing with the cry of expiring freedom, hand -bills with 
single sentences of dark warning, posted upon the doors of 
public offices or hawked about the streets by daylight, 
moonlight, and torchlight; anonymous letters addressed to 
gentlemen in high judicial or executive places — all flew 
hither and thither upon their several errands. The passions 
and the understanding were also addressed through the eye. 
Copies of the Stnmp Act were carried in procession, and 
buried with funeral honors as equivocal as could well be con- 
ceived. Sometimes it was buried with the effigy of the 
officer who had been appointed to execute it." 

"We hear from Norwich and New London," 
&s.yi \.\\c Boston Evening Post, " that last week the 
Stamp Master for the colony of Connecticut was 
hung in effigy at each of those places, and after- 
wards burnt, amid the shouts and acclamations 
of a great number of people." These demonstra- 
tions took place on the 2 2d of August. On the 26th 
there were e.xhibitions of popular displeasure at 
Windham and Lebanon, with some vaiialions in 
the programme. In hope of allaying the excite- 
ment, Inger.-oll inserted in the Connecticut Gazette 
of August 30th, the following card : 

To THE Good rEopi.E of Connecticut. 

When I undertook the office of Distributor of Stamps lor 
this colony, I meant a service to you, and really thought 
you would have viewed it in that light, when you came to 
unc crsland the nature of the Stamp Act, and that of the 
office; but since it gives you so much uneasiness, you may 
be assured if I find (after the Act takes place, which is the 
fir^t of November) that you shall not incline to purchase or 
make use of any stamped jiaper, I shall not force it upon 
you, nor think it worth my while to trouble you or myself 
with any exercise of my office; but if, by that time, I shall 
find you generally in much need of stamped paper and very 




anxious to obtain it, I shall hope you will be willing to re- 
ceive it of me {if I shall happen to have any) at least until 
another person more agreeable to you can be appointed in 
my room. 

I cannot but wish you would think more how to i;et rid of 
the Stamp Act than of the officers who are to supply you 
with the paper, and that you had learned more of the nature 
of my office bel'ore you had undertaken to be very angry at 
it. I am yours, etc. 

J. Ingersoll. 

New Haven, 24th August, 1765. 

On the 6th of September " the Civil Authority, 
Selectmen, and a considerable number of the princi- 
pal Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the town of New 
Haven, being occasionally met at the Court House 
in said town, were informed that there was a report 
that a considerable number of persons from some 
of the neighboring towns were expected to assem- 
ble in said New Haven, and to be joined by some 
of the people of the town, to show their resentment 
against the gentleman appointed Distributor of 
Stamps for this colony, and that it was said that 
some of the principal men of the town would coun- 
tenance the thing. Whereupon the gentlemen 
present unanimously declared their dislike and dis- 
approbation of any such proceeding as being of 
dangerous tendency, and resolved to use their en- 
deavors to discourage and prevent any such riotous 
assembly, and would advise the people of this town 
not to be concerned therein. They at the same 
time declared that they were desirous that proper 
and lawful measures might be taken to obtain a 
repeal of the late Stamp Act, which occasions so 
great and universal uneasiness in the country; and 
they thought the most likely way to effect it would 
be for the colonies to unite in a dutiful remon- 
strance to the King and Parliament for relief And 
that the wisdom of the Honorable General Assem- 
bly (the time of whose session is near at hand) may 
safely be relied on to conduct the affair on behalf 
of this colony.'' 

The above is a verbatim report of this law and 
order meeting, as it was printed in the ne.xt issue 
of the Gazette. 

In the same issue appeared another card from 
Mr. Ingersoll, as follows: 

In order to show to people on this side of the water how 
little it was apprehended on the other side, by the most 
zealous friends of America, that their having anything to do 
with the stamp appointments would subject them to the 
censures of their friends, I beg leave to give some account 
of the manner in which those appointments happened, and 
in particular that for New York, in doing which I am sure I 
shall be excused by those gentlemen whose names I shall 
have occasion to mention. 

I ought in the first place to observe, that about the time 
the Parliament began their session last winter, the agents of 
the colonies met together several times in order to concert 
measures for opposing the Stamp Act; in consequence 
whereof the Minister was waited on by them in order to 
remonstrate against the same, and to propose, if we must be 
taxed, that we might be allowed to tax ourselves: a very 
particular account of which, of the difficulties that occurred 
upon every proposed plan, and of all the arguments /;■« and 
con, and of the several steps taken in the progress of the bill 
through the House of Commons, was communicated by me 
in several letters to the Governor of this colony, and which 
I understand have been publicly read to the General As- 

The merchants of London trading to America also met 
together about this time and appointed a committee of them- 

selves to make all the opposition they could to the Stamp 
Bill. Ot this committee, Mr. Alderman Trecothick was 
Deputy Chairman. 

It is well known to many people of the first figure in 
Boston and New York, as well as elsewhere, that Barlow 
Trecothick, Esq., who was brought up at Boston under the 
late Mr. Apthorp, and whose daughter he married, after- 
ward removed and settled in London, where he has acquired 
a great estate with the fairest character, and is at this time 
one of the Aldermen of the City of London, and well known 
by all who have the honor of his acquaintance, to be a 
steady, cool, but firm friend to America. This committee 
of merchants were pleased to invite the agents to a joint 
conference. They w-ere frequently together and several 
times before the Minister, upon the Stamp and other bills 
that related to America, where Mr. Trecothick was always 
principal spokesman for the merchants. 

After the Stamp Bill passed into an act, and the Minister 
had resolved on the general measure of offering to the 
Americans the offices of Stamp Distributors in the respective 
colonies, for reasons, as he declared, of convenience to the 
colonies, he sent for Mr. Trecothick, and desired him to 
name some friend of his in whom he could confide for the 
office of Distributor for the province of New York. Mr. 
Trecothick said to him, as I am well warranted to assert, to 
this elTect: " Sir, you know that I am no friend to the Stamp 
Act. I heartily wish it had never taken effect, and fear it will 
have very ill consequences; however, it is passed, and, I 
conclude, must have its operation. 1 take it as a favor that 
you are willing to put the principal offices into the hands of 
the Americans, and esteem it an honor done me that you 
permit me to name a person for New ^'ork," and so named 
Mr. McEvers, and went, I believe, of his own accord, and 
gave bond for him at the office, and all (most undoubtedly) 
without the privity or knowledge of that gentleman. 

And upon this general plan and principle were all the 
appointments made, that is to say, the offer was made gen- 
erally to those who had appeared as agents or friends of 
the colonists, to take it themselves or nominate their friends, 
and none of them all refused as I know of. Indeed things 
were not, I believe, viewed in that very strong light at that 
time, either there or here, as they now are here. 

There happened but three instances of persons then on the 
spot belonging to the old continent colonies, to whom the 
offer was made, who were in a condition to accept it them- 
selves; these were Colonel Mercer, from Virginia, and Mr. 
Meserve, son of the late Colonel Meserve, from New Hamp- 
shire (who happened accidentally in London at that time 
upon business of their own), and myself. 

Now upon this view of the matter, will not every unpreju- 
diced mind believe that Alderman Trecothick was, in the 
first place, a sincere friend to the colonies, and really averse 
to the passing the Stamp Act, when even his interest as well 
as his inclination and connections led him that way ? for 'tis 
well known he deals largely with America and could not 
expect to have his own affairs bettered by the act. In the 
next place, will anybody suppose that he imagined by this 
step he should expose a valued friend to the resentments of 
his country ? 

Again, when the measure of making the appointments in 
America was thus general, and come into as generally, will 
any one think that any one of the persons concerned imag- 
ined he betrayed his country by falling in with the measure ? 

Perhaps at this time, when popular rage runs so very 
high, some may think the friends of .\merica mistook their 
own and their country's true interest when they listened to 
these overtures, but who can think their intentions were 

I thought this brief narrative was a piece of justice due to 
those who have fallen under so much blame of late for med- 
dling with the obnoxious offices above mentioned. 

And here I cannot but take notice how unwilling some 
news writers seem to be, to publish anything that serves to 
inform the minds of the people of any matters, which tend to 
abate their prejudices. They even make use of some kind 
of caution, I observe, to prevent the people from listening to 
any such cool and dispassionate dissertations and remarks 
which at any time they happen to publish, and at the same 
time deal out their personal abuses in the most unrestrained 
manner, repeating with pleasure the accounts of the most 
extraordinary libellous exhibitions and practices — practices, 



which My Lord Coke describes as being not only the most 
injurious to iiulivnhials, but a scandal to government, lend- 
ing to the breach of the jicaco and stirring up sedition, the 
dreadful effects of which we already begin to sec, and 
which, it apiiears to me, can answer no other public purpose 
except so to incense the mother country against us as that 
they will refu-e even to treat with us upon the subject ol our 
burdens. I wish all such persons would bear in tlieir minds 
those few lines which the facetious poet so aptly applies in 
his " Iludibras " to the beginning of those civil dissensions 
which laid Kngland in ruins about a century ago. 

When civil dudgeon first grew high. 
And men fell out, they knew not why; 

When hard words, jealousies and fears 
Set folks together by the ears, etc. 

Nkw Havkn, Seplcinber lo, 1765. J. I. 

On the 1 7th of the same month, there was a town 
meeting in New Haven, which i.s thus reported in 
the Gazelle of September 20th; 

On the 17th inst., the freemen of this town met here. 
After choosing Roger Sherman, Esq , and Mr. Samuel 
Bishop to represent them in the General Assembly to be 
holden ne.xt month, they unanimously desired those Rep- 
resentatives to use their utmost endeavors (at the Assembly 
now sitting at Hartford and also at the ensuing session here) 
to obtain a repeal of the Stamp Act. The Stamp-Master 
General of this colony was at the .said meeting, where these 
words were read aloud: "Likewise voted that the freemen 
present earnestly desire Mr. IngersoU to resign his stamp 
office immediately.'' Numerous were the signs of consent 
to this vote, when a gentleman condemned it as needless and 
inconsistent alter their former proceedings. The Stamp Of- 
ficer then arose and declared in the strongest terms that he 
would not resign till he discovered how the General Assem- 
bly were in that respect. It is said he is gone to Hartford 
to make that important discovery, and he has written to 
New V'ork re<|uesting that the Stamp Paper may be detained 
there till it is wanted here. 

It was indeed true that Mr. IngersoU had gone 
to Hartford. As we have his own account of his 
journey, we will give it in full. 

As the atTair of the iqth inst, relative to my renouncing 
the office of 1 )istributor of Stamps for this colony, is too 
public to be kept a secret; and yet the particulars of it not 
enough known to prevent many vague and different reports 
concerning it, I thought it might be well to give the public 
a brief narrative of that transaction, which I shall do with 
all possible impartiality, without mentioning the names of 
any of the concerned, and without any remarks or animad- 
versions upon the subject. 

Having received repeated and undoubted intelligence of 
a design formed liy a great number of people in the eastern 
parts of the colony to come and obtain from me a resignation 
of the above mentioned ollice, I delivered to the Governor 
on the 17th at New Haven, on his way to meet the General 
Assembly at Hartford on the 19th, a written information ac- 
quainting him with my said intelligence and desiring of him 
such aid and assistance as the emergency of the affiiir should 
require. On the 18th 1 rode out with his Honor and some 
other gentlemen, members of the Assembly, in hopes of 
being able to learn more particularly the time and manner of 
the intended att.ack. 

" About eighteen miles hence on the Hartford road," we 
met two men on horseback, with pretty long, and large new 
made, white staves in their hands, whom I expected to be 
part of the main l>ody. 1 accordingly stopped short from 
the conq)any and asked them if they were not in pursuit of 
me, ac(|uainting them who I was and that 1 should not 
attempt to avoid meeting the people. After a little hesi- 
tancy, they frankly owned that they were of that party, and 
said there were a great number of people coming in three 
divisions: one from Windham through Hartford, one from 
Norwich through Haddam, and one from New London by 
the way of Branlord, and that their rendezvous was to be 
at Branford on the evening of the 19th, from thence to 
come and pay me a visit on the 20th ; these men said they 

were sent forward to reconnoitcr and to see who would 
join them. I desired them to turn and go with me as far 
as Mr. Bishop's, the tavern at the Stone House, so called. 
(Jne of them did. Here I acquainted the (iovernor and the 
other gentlemen with the matter and desired their advice. 
The Governor said many things to this man, ])ointing out to 
him the danger of such a step and charging him to go and 
tell the people to return back; but he let the Governor know 
that they looked upon this as the cause of the people, and 
that they did not intend to take directions about it from any- 

" As I knew, in case of their coming to New Haven, there 
would most likely be an opposition to their designs and most 
likely by the militia, I w'as afraid lest some lives might be 
lost, and that my own estate might receive damage: I there- 
fore concluded to go forward aixl meet them at Hartford, 
and accordingly wrote a letter to the people who were com- 
ing in the two lower divisions, acquninting them 
with my purposes with regard to my exercising the office 
aforesaid, and which I had the day before delivered to the 
Governor to be communicated lo the Assembly, which were 
in sul>stance that I should decline the business if I found it 
generally disagreeable to the people, and which I hoped 
would be sufficient; but if not that I should be glad, if they 
thought it worth their while, to meet them at Hartford and 
not at New Haven, assuring them that I should not attempt 
to secrete myself. This done, I got Mr. Bishop to go down 
to New Haven, with a letter to my family that they and my 
house might be put in a proper state of defense and secur- 
ity, in case the people should persist in their first design of 
coming that way. 

" Having taken these precautions, I tarried that night at 
Mr. Bishop's. The next morning, Thursday, the 19th, I set 
off alone about seven o'clock for Hartford, but just as I was 
mounting, Mr. Bishop said he would go along and see what 
should happen, and accordingly overlook me, as I did Major 
Hall, a member of the Assembly upon the road; and so we 
went on together until we came within two or three miles of 
Wethersfield, when we met an advanced party of about four 
or five persons. I told them who I was, upon which they 
turned, and I fell into conversation with them upon the 
general subject of my office, etc. About half a milelurther, 
we met another party of about thirty, whom 1 accosted, and 
who turned and went on in the same manner. We rode a 
little further and met the main body, who, I judge, were 
about five hundred men, all on horseback and having white 
staves, as before described. They were preceded by three 
trumpets, next followed two persons dressed in red, with 
laced hats; then the rest, two abreast. Some others, I think 
were in red, being, I suppose, militia officers. They opened 
and received me; then all went forward until we came into 
the main street in the town of Wethersfield, when one rid- 
ing up to the person with wdiom I was joined and whom I 
took to be the principal leader or commandant, said to him: 
" We cannot all hear and see so well in a house; we had as 
good have the business done here." L'poii this they formed 
into a circle, having me in the middle with some two or 
three more, who seemed to be principal managers, M.ajor 
Hall and Mr. Bishop also keeping near me. I began to 
speak to the audience, but stopped anil said I did not know 
why I should say anything, lor that I was not certain I 
knew what they wanted of me. 

" rhey said they wanted me to resign my office of Stamp 
Distributor. I then went on to tell them that I had always 
declared that I would not exercise the office against the gen- 
eral inclinations of the people: that 1 had given to the Gov- 
ernor, to be communicated to the .\ssembly, my declarations 
upon that ; and that I had given orders to have the 
stamped pajjer stopped at New ^'ork, from whence it 
should not come until I should be able to learn from the As- 
sembly that it was their choice and inclination to have it 
come, as I did not think it safe to bring it in without; that I 
was under bonds to the Stamp Office in Kngland, and did 
not think it safe or proper for me to resign the office to every 
one that should ask it of me; and that I only wanted to 
know the sense of the (iovernment, whether to conform to 
the act or not, in order to my getting dismissed from my of- 
fice in a proper manner. And as it had been said that the 
Assembly would not say anything about the matter, 1 had 
now put it ujion this fair footing, that if they did not, by 
some act relative lo the affair, plainly show their minds and 



inclination lo have the stamped paper brought into the col- 
ony, I should not think it safe, as times were, to sutler the 
same to come in, nor take any steps in my office. Also ob- 
served to them that the Governor would have jiower and in- 
structions to put in another if I should be removed; that the 
step could do them no good. They said: 'Here is the 
sense of the Government, and no man shall exercise that of- 
fice.' I asked if they thought it was fair that the counties 
of Windham and New London should dictate to all the rest 
of the colony? Upon this, one said: 'It don't signify to 
parley. Here is a great many people, waiting, and you 
must resign.' 1 said: ' 1 don't think it proper to resign till 
1 meet a proper authority to ask it of me,' and added: 
' What if I won't resign: what will l)e the consequence?' 
One said: ^ Your fate.' Upon which I looked him full in 
tlie face, and said: ^ My fate, you say?' Upon which a 
person just behind, said "The fate of your offue.' I answered 
that I could die, and perhaps as well now as another time, 
and that I should die but once. Upon which the Command- 
ant (for so, for brevity's sake, I beg leave to call the person 
who seemed to have the principal conduct of the affair said): 
' We had better go along to a tavern ' (which we did), and 
cautioned me not to irritate the people. When we came 
against the house, and tbe people began to alight, I said, 
' Vou can soon tell what you intend to do; my business is 
at Hartford; may I go there or home? ' and made a motion 
to go. They said, 'No, you shall not go two rods from 
this spot before you have resigned,' and took hold of my 
horse's bridle; when, after some little time, I dismounted 
and went into the house with the persons who were called 
the committee, being a certain number of the principal 
persons, the main body continuing without doors. And 
here I ought not to omit mentioning that I was told repeat- 
edly that they had no intentions of hurting me or my estate, 
but woukl use me like a gentleman. This, however, I con- 
clude they will understand was on condition I should com- 
ply with their demands. 

"When I came into the house with this select committee, 
a great deal of conversation passed upon the subject and 
upon some other matters, as my being supposed to be in 
England when the first leading vote of Parliament passed 
relative to the Stamp Act, and my not advising the Gov- 
ernor of it; whereas I was at that time in America — and the 
like, too tedious to relate. Upon the whole, this committee 
behaved with moderation and civility, and I thought seemed 
inclined to listen to certain proposals which I made; but 
when the body of the people came to hear them they 
rejected them, and nothing would do but I must resign. 

"While I was detained here, I saw several members of 
the Assembly pass by, whom I hailed, acquainting them 
that I was there kept and detained as a prisoner, and de- 
sired their and the Assembly's assistance for my relief. 
They stopped and spoke to the people, but were told they 
had better go along to the Assembly, where they might 
possibly be wanted. Major Hall also, finding his presence 
not altogether agreeable, went away; and Mr. Bishop, by 
my desire, went away to let the Governor and the Assem- 
bly know the situation I was in. 

" After much time spent in fruitless proposals, I was told 
the people grew very impatient, and that I must bring the 
matter to a conclusion. I then told them 1 had no more to 
say, and asked woulil they do with me? They said 
they would carry me to Windham a prisoner, but would 
keep me like a gentleman. I told them I would go to Wind- 
ham; that I had lived very well there, and should like to go 
and live there again. This did not do. They then advised 
me to move from the front window, as the sight of me 
seemed to enrage the people. Sometimes the people 
from below would rush into the room in great numbers and 
look pretty fierce at me, and then the committee would de- 
sire them to withdraw. 

"To conclude: After about three hours spent in this 
kind of way, and they telling me that certain of their gen- 
tlemen, members of the General Assembly, ha^l told them 
they must get the matter over before the Assembly had time 
to do anything about i^; and that it was my artifice to 
wheedle the matter along until the Assembly should, somehow 
or other, get ensnared m the matter, etc. The command- 
ant coming up from below, told me, with seeming concern 
in his countenance, that he could not keep the people off 
from me any longer; and that if they once began, he could 

not promise me when they would end. I now thought it 
was time to submit. I told him I did not think the cause 
worth dying for, and that I would do whatever they should 
desire me to do. Upon this I looked out at a front window, 
beckoned the people, and told them 1 had consented to 
comply with their desires, and only waited to have some- 
thing drawn up for me to sign. We then went to work to 
prepare the draft. I attempted to make one myself; but 
they not liking it, said they would draw one themselves, 
which they did, and I signed it. Then they told me that 
the people insisted on my being sworn never to execute the 
office. This I refused to do somewhat peremptorily, urging 
that I thought it would be a profanation of an oath. The 
committee seemed to think it might be dispensed with, but 
said the people would not excuse it. One of the committee, 
however, said he would go down and try to persuade them 
oft from it. I saw him from my window amidst the circle, 
and observing that the people seemed more and more fixed 
in their resolution of insisting upon it, I got up and told the 
people in the room I would go down and throw myself 
among them, and went down, they following me. When I 
came to the circle they opened and let me in, when I 
mounted a chair which stood there by a table, and having 
pulled off my hat and beckoned silence, I proceeded to read 
off the declaration which I had signed, and then proceeded to 
tell them that T believed I was as adverse to the Stamp Act 
as any one of them; that I had accepted my appointment to 
this office, I thought, upon the fairest motives; that learning 
how very obnoxious it was to the people, I had found myself 
in a very disagreeable situation ever since my coming home; 
that I found myself at the same time under such obligations, 
that I did not think myself at liberty peremptorily to resign 
my office without the leave ot those who appointed me; that 
I was very sorry to see the country in the situation it was in; 
that I could, nevertheless, in some measure, excuse the 
people, as I believed they were actuated by a real, though 
a misguided, zeal for the good of their country; and that I 
wished the transactions of that day might prove happy for 
this colony, though I must own to them I very much feared 
the contrary — and much more to the same purpose. 

When I had done, a person who stood near me told me 
to give ' Liberty and Property ' with three cheers, which I 
did, throwing up ray hat into the air; this was followed by 
loud huzzas; and then the people, many of them, pleased 
to take me by the hand, and tell me I was restored to their 
former friendship. I then went with two or three more to 
a neighboring house, where we dined. I was then told the 
company expected to wait on me into Hartford, where they 
expected I should publish my declaration again. I re- 
minded them of what they had before told me, that it might 
possibly ensnare the Assembly for them to have an opportu- 
nity to act or to do anything about this matter. Some in- 
clined to forego this step, but the main body insisted on it. 
We accordingly mounted, I believe by this time to the num- 
ber of near one thousand, and rode into Hartford, the 
Assembly then sitting. They dismounted opposite the As- 
sembly House and about twenty yards from it. Some of 
them conducted me into an adjoining tavern, while the main 
body drew up four abreast and marched in form round the 
Court House, preceded by three trumpets sounding, then 
formed into a semicircle at the door of the tavern. I was 
then directed to go down and read the paper I had signed, 
and which I did within the hearing and presence of the As- 
sembly; and only added that I wished the consequences of 
this day's transaction might be happy. This was suc- 
ceeded with ' Liberty and Properly ' and three cheers, soon 
after which the people began to draw oft', and I suppose 
w^ent home. I understand they came out with eight days' 
provision, determined to find me if in the colony. 

" I believe the whole time I was with them was better 
than three hours, during a part of which time, I am told, 
the Assembly were busy in forming some plan for my relief; 
the Lower House, thinking to send any force, were it in 
their power, might do more hurt than good to me, agreed 
to advise the sending some persons of inlluence to interpose 
by persuasion, etc., and communicated their desire to the 
Upper Board, in consequence whereof certain gentlemen of 
the House were desired and were about to come to my re- 
lief, it being about half an hour's ride; but before they set 
out they heard the matter was finished. Had they come, 
I conclude it would have had no effect. 



"This, according to the best of my recollection, is the 
substance of the transaction, and in most of it I have had 
the concurri'iit rL'nicmbrance and assent of tlie before-men- 
tioned Mr. Bishop. If I have omiltcd or niisreportcd any- 
thing material, 1 hope it will be iminitcd to want of memory 
only, as I mean not to in itate or intlame, but merely to sat- 
isfy the curious, and to place facts in a true and undisguised 

hght. "J. iNGEKSOl.L. 

"New Haven, September 23, 1765. 

"P. S.— I perceive these people, the night before this 
affair happened, placed a guard round the Court House in 
Hartfoid, and at my usual lodgings in that town, alsose- 
curuig the passage over the bridge in the town, and all the 
passes, even by the Karmington road, to prevent my getting 
into town that night— a needless pams had they' known it. 
The Members of the Assembly arrived in town the same 

Copy of the above-mentioned resignation: 

"I do hereby promise that I will never receive any 
stamped papers wliich may arrive from Europe, in conse- 
quence of any Act lately passed in the I'arliament of Great 
Britain, nor olliciate in any manner as Stamp Master or 
Distributor cf Stamps within the colony of Connecticut, 
either directly or indirectly; and I do hereby request all the 
inhabitants of this his Majesty's colony of Connecticut (not- 
withstanding the said office or trust has been committed to 
me) not to apply to me hereafter for any such stamped pa- 
pers, hereby declaring that I do resign said office, and exe- 
cute these jiresents of my own free will and accord, without 
any equivocation or menial reservation. 

"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand. 


Tradition reports that some rough jests were 
given and taken during the ride from Weihersfield 
to Hartford, the populace reminding their victim 
that his initials were those of Judas Iscariot; and 
Mr. IngersoU,^ who chanced to ride a white horse, 
declaring that he had now a clearer idea, than ever 
he had before conceived, of that passage in the 
Revelation which describes Death on a pale horse 
and Hell following with him. 

In view of the turbulent and violent proceedings 
of the 19th of September, Governor Fitch issued a 
proclamation on the 23d of the same month, warn- 
ing the people of the colony against such violations 
of the peace. 

Ingersoll's public resignation did not entirely 
satisfy the Sons of Liberty. Receiving two anony- 
mous letters calling on him to give some further 
assurance with regard to his intentions, and to con- 
firm them with an oath, and having, as he says, 
"good reason to think those letters caine from a 
large number of people belonging to this colony," 
he declared : 

1. I never was, nor am now, desirous or even willing to 
hold or exercise the aforesaid office, contrary to tlie mind 
and inclination of the general body of people in this 

2. I have for some time been, and still am, persuaded, 
that it is the general opinion and sentiment of the peojile of 
this colony (after mature deliberation) that the Stamp Act 
is an infringement i>f their rights, and dangerous to their 
liberties, and therefore I am not willing, nor will I, for that 
and other good and sufficient reasons, as I sujipose ^and 
which I hope and trust will excuse me to those who ap- 
pointetl me), exercise the said othce against such genei'al 
opinion and sentiment of the people; and generally, and in a 
word, will never at all, by myself or otherwise, officiate 
under my said deputation. As I have, so I will, in the 
most effectual manner I am able, apply to the projier board 
in England for a dismission from my sai<l office. 


New Haven, ss., Jan. 8, 1766. 

Then personally appeared Jured Ingersoll, Esq., and 
made oath to the truth of the foregoing declaration; by him 
subscribed before me. DANIEL LVMAN, Just. I'eace. 

The first day of November, 1765, was the time 
appointed for the law to go into execution. 

Friday, the first morning in NovemlKT, (says liancroft) 
"broke upon a people unanimously rescilvcd on nullifying 
the Stamp Act. From New Hampsliire to the far Soutli, the 
day was introduced by the tolling of mutUed bells; minute 
guns were firetl and pennants hoisted at half-staft; or a 
eulogy was pronounced on liberty and her knell sounded, 
and then again the note changecl, as if she were restoreil to 
life; and while ))leasiire shone on every countenance, men 
shouted "Confusion to her enemies." Even the chililren at 
their games, though hardly able to speak, caught up the 
general chorus, and went along the streets merrily carolling: 
" Liberty, Property, and no Stam])S." 

The jjublishers of newspapers which appe:iied on Fri- 
day, (continues Mr. Bancroft) were the jiersons called 
upon to stand the brunt in braving the penalties of the Act. 
Honor then to the ingenious Benjamin Mecom, the bold- 
hearted editor at New Haven, who, 011 that morning, with- 
out apology or concealment, issuet,l the Coiimclicut Gazette^ 
filled with patriotic appeals; for (said he,) the i)ress is the 
test of truth, the bulwark of public safety, the guardian ot 
freedom, and the people ought not to sacrifice it. 

As the Gazelle went to press, the editor in- 
serted this notice, 

New Haven, November i, 1665. 

This morning three bells in this town which are near 
neighbors, began to toll here, antl still continue tolling and 
saluting each other at suitable intervals. They seem to 
speak the word No-vem-ber, in the most melancholy tone 

The Americans were perhaps emboldened to 
resist the Stamp Act by the news which came 
before it went into e.\ecution, that the King had 
determined to organize a new ministry, and that 
Lord Chatham was to be at its head. They sub- 
mitted to all the inconveniences and risks which 
attended the transaction of business without the 
required stamps, in hope that legality would soon 
be restored to the forms of business bv a repeal of 
the Act. After the first day of November no 
Courts of Justice sat in New Haven for several 
months; but as spring approached, the inhabitants 
in town-meeting signified their desire that the 
Courts, and especially the Honorable the Superior 
Court, would sit as formerly for the administration 
of justice. The Courts accordingly resumed their 
functions, not only before tidings arrived of the 
repeal, but before the rep3al itself. News came to 
New Haven on Monday the 19th of May, 1766, 
that King George had approved the Bill repealing 
the Stamp Act. He had signed on the morning of 
the i8th of March, among other bills, what after- 
ward he regarded as the well-spring of all his 
sorrows, " the fatal compliance of 1766." 

Mr. Mecom in his Gazelle of M:iy 23d, announces : Last 
Monday morning, early, an express arrived here with the 
charming news; soon after which many of the inhabitants 
were :iwakened with the noise of small arms from dillerent 
quarters of the town ; all the l)ells were rung, and cannon 
roared the glad tidings. In the afternoon the clergy pub- 
licly returned thanks for the blessing, and a company of 
mililia were collected under the principal direction of Colonel 
Wooster. In the evening were illumination, bonfire and 
dances; all without any remarkable indecency or disonler. 

The repeal of the Stamp Act was not the end of 
the controversy between the Parliament and the 
Colonies. Pitt, now created Earl of Chatham, did 



indeed form a new Ministry, but of heterogeneous 
elements, some of which were hostile to America. 
If the Premier had retained his health he might 
perhaps have guided the course of events so that 
the troubles of the next decade would never have 
occurred. As it was, the Ship of State, though 
nominally commanded by a friend ofAmeiica, was 
actually guided by those who believed that Amer- 
icans should be taxed by Parliament rather than by 
their own colonial assemblies. Such men might 
think it a matter of policy to repeal an Act which 
they found could be enforced only by importing 
armies into the colonies and retaining them 
there perpetually; but their views of what was just 
were unchanged. Charles Townshend, the Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer, was determined to tax 
America; not so much for the avails of the tax, as to 
maintain the right to do so. In the absence of 
Chatham, an Act was passed ostensibly for the reg- 
ulation of trade, but pioviding that tea, paints, 
paper, glass and lead should pay a duty at the 
colonial Custom-Houses. 'I'he colonists on their 
part resisted this mode of taxation, by non-importa- 
tion. Leagues were formed in every town, of 
persons pledged not to use any manufactured 
articles but such as were of home product, and not 
to trade with merchants who kept on sale goods 
imported from Great Britain. 

The year 1770 was (says Hollister) one of peculiar in- 
terest in Connecticut. The merchants of the colony had 
kept the articles of agreement entered into with those of 
New York, in relation to the non importation of British 
goods, with singular fidelity. In New York, on the other 
hand, these articles had been in many instances violated 
with a shamelessness that elicited such universal indignation 
that it was resolved that a general comx'ntion of delegates 
from all the towns in the colony should meet at New Haven 
on the 13th of September, to take into consideration the 
perilous condition of the country, to provide for the growth 
and spread of home manufactures, and to devise more 
thorough means for carrying out to the letter the non-im- 
portation agreement. 

Preparations for this meeting occupied the minds 
of the people throughout the colony for months, 
and the zeal in behalf of home manufactures, and 
in opposition to trade with Britain, increased as ihe 
discussion proceeded. " Frequent town meetings 
were held, speeches were made, and resolutions 
were passed; many of which found their way to 
England, and caused the ears of the British ministry 
to tingle, and their cheeks to redden with anger." 
This mode of opposition enlisted women as well as 
men and " the popular feeling in favor of domest'c 
manufactures grew to be a passion. The women 
of the colony, without reference to rank, encour- 
aged their liusbands, sons and lovers, and vied 
with them in bringing back the age of home-spun. 
The sliding of the shuttle, the buzz of the spinning- 
wheel, the bleaching of cloth upon the lawn that 
sloped downward from the kitchen door of the 
family mansion to the rivulet that threaded the 
bottom of the glade, found employment for the 
proudest as well as' the humblest female in the 
land. " 

New Haven appointed its delegales to this con- 
vention on the loth of September. In town- 
meeting it was "voted that Colonel Nathan 

Whiting, Mr. Adam Babcock, Joshua Chandler, 
Esq., Daniel Lyman, Esq., Mr. Jesse Leavenworth, 
Mr. Ralph Isaacs, Captain Joel Hotchkiss, and Dea. 
David Austin, be a committee to meet the gentle- 
men who may be appointed in the other towns in 
this colony, to meet on the 13th day of instant 
September, to ci^nsider what may be done toward 
promoting the commercial interests of the colony." 
On the 1 8th of September, at another town- 
meeting, a committee of thirty-eight, consisting of 
Thomas Darling, Adam Babcock, David Wooster, 
Joshua Chandler, Daniel Lymm, Roger Sherman, 
John Hubbard, Simeon Bristol, Samuel Heming- 
way, Benjamin Smith, Andrew Bradley, Thomas 
Howell, Joseph INIunson, William Greenough, 
Nathan Whiting, Joel Hotchkiss, David Austin, 
Samuel Bishop, Jr., Ralph Is,iacs, Phineas Bradley, 
John Whiting, Stephen Ball, Jeremiah Atwater, 
John Woodward, James Thompson, Jesse Leaven- 
worth, Enos Ailing, William Gregory, Jacob Pinto, 
Hezekiah Sabin, Samuel Sacket, Caleb Beecher, 
William Douglas, Jared IngersoU, James A. Hill- 
house, Isaac Beers, Timolhy Jones Jr., and Amos 
Botsford, was appointed "to take into considera- 
tion the present state of the commercial interests of 
this place, and report their opinion what they 
judge is best and needful to be done relative 
thereto. '' 

It does not appear that this committee ever made 
a report to the town. Not long after its ap- 
pointment, the Parliament, frightened at the 
unanimity with which the Americans had joined 
in and adhered to their non-importation agreement, 
and moved by petitions from British merchants 
whose traffic with America had been interrupted, 
amended the Act for the regulation of trade, so as 
to remove all duties except that on tea. This was 
retained at the express command of the King, for 
the sake of bearing testimony to the right of 
England to tax the colonies. But as the Amer- 
icans would not use tea, there was no collision till 
'773) when an attempt was made to secure the 
payment of three-pence per pound at the colonial 
Custom-Houses, by remitting the duty of nine-pence 
per pound which had been required when tea was 
imported into England. The King was willing 
his subjects in America should purchase tea at a 
lower price than those in England, if they would 
pass through the form of paying a duty on it. But 
when the tea ships arrived in the harbor of Boston, 
there was a tea-party of an unexpected character, 
and the tea was thrown overboard. The 
which had reigned for three years was suddenly 
terminated by this outbr^-ak of popular indignation. 
Even those who had stood up in Parliament in 
defense of the Americans were now ready to sup- 
port the Ministry. A bill introduced into Parlia- 
ment in the beginning of 1774, punished Boston 
for the tea-party by closing its port against all 
commerce. Another punished RIassachusetts by 
abridging the privileges secured to it by its charter. 
The Boston Port Bill contributed more than any 
other one thing to precipitate the collision between 
the mother-country and the colonies which had 
been impending since tidings came of the Stamp 



Act. Hr' inhabitants of Boston assembled in town 
meeting on tlie I4tli of May, and 

Resolvtii, Thai it is tin- (ipiiiion of this town that ilthc other 
colonics conif into a joint rcsohition to stop all imi)ortation 
from and exportation to Ciriat Britain and every part of the 
West Indies till the Act lie repealed, the same will jirove the 
salvation of North America and her liberties; and that the 
impolicy, injnstice, inhimianity, and cruelty ot the Act 
exceeil our powers of expression. We therefore leave it to 
the just censure of others, and appeal toUml and the world. 

Copies of this vote were transmitted to each of 
the colonies. The General Assembly of Connecticut 
being in session at the time, appointed a day of 
humiliation and jirayer; ordered an inventory to be 
taken of all the cannon, small arms, ammunition, 
and other military stores belonging to the colony 
at the battery of New London; incorporated several 
new military companies, and pa.ssed pungent reso- 
lutions in censure of the ministry. The several 
towns throughout the colony held town-meetings 
in which resolution of sympathy with Boston were 
passed, and committees of correspondence were 
appointed to communicate with other towns and 
especially with B.-iston. One of the earliest of 
these town-meetingi was at New Haven. 

At a leyal town meeting, held at New Haven on the 23d 
day of May, 1774, Daniel Lyman, Moderator; 

Voted, That we will to the titniost of our abilities, assert 
and defend the lilierties and imnumities of British America, 
and that we will co-operate with our sister towns in this and 
the other colonies in any constitutional measiues that may 
Ix.- thoujjht most conducive to the preservation of our invalu- 
able rij;hts and iirivilei:;es. 

/'c/«/. That Joshua Chandler, Esij., Samuel Bishop, Jr., 
Esi|;, Daniel Lyman, Esip, Mr. Stephen Ball, Pierjjont 
Edwards, Es(|., John Whitini;, Esq , Mr. Isaac Doolittle, 
Mr. David Austin, Capt. Josejih Munson, Mr. Peter Colt, 
Mr. Jeremiah Atwater, Mr. Timothy Jones, Jr., .Mr. Isaac 
Beers, Cajit. Timothy Bradley, Mr. Silas Kimlxrly, Simeon 
Bristol, Esq., Mr. Joseph Woodward, and Capt Joel Ilotch- 
kiss, Ixr a standini; committee for the salutary purpose of 
keeping up a correspondence \\ith the ttiwns of this and the 
neighborini; colonies, and, in conjunction with them, pursu- 
ing in the present important crisis, such juilicious and con- 
stitutional measures as shall apjiear to l>e necessary for the 
preservation of our just rights, the maintenance of public 
|)eace, and sujiport of general iniion, which at this time is so 
absolutely reipiisitc to be preserved throughout this con- 

Also, J'olfJ, That a copy of the alx)ve resolves shall be 
transmitted to the Committee of Correspondence for the town 
of Boston, in answer to their letter to this town. 

This meeting adjourned to the third Monday of June 
next, at two of the clock in the afternoon. 

At a to«n meeting held in New Haven, by adjournment, 
U]ion the 20th day of June, 1774; 

I'oted, That Samuel Bishop Esq., be desired to inform the 
Honorable Committee of Correspondence of this colony, 
that it would l>e very agreeable to this town to have a 
General Congress as soon as may be, and that in their 
opinion a General Animal Congress would have a great 
tendency to promote the welfare and ha])piness of all the 
American Colonies. 

/ 'olfd. That upon the reijuest of the Committee of Corre- 
siKindencc, the Selectmen Ix: desiretl to call a town meeting. 

'l"he lime fixed for closing the port of Boston 
was the first day of June. With only a few days' 
notice, the inhabitants found their means of sub- 
sistence cut off. The immense property in ware- 
houses and wharves became in a measure useless. 
Persons dependent on wages and salaries were des- 
titute of income. But so deep and wide-spread 
was the sympathy with Boston, that contributions 

flowed in from every quarter. The ne.xt town- 
meeting in New Haven was chiefly occupied with 
arrangements for the relief of those thus deprived 
of an opportunity to earn a livelihood. 

At a town-meeting hehl in New Haven, by adjournment, 
upon the l8th day of Octolier, 1774; 

I'offd, That it is the opinion of this town, that a sutecrip- 
tion Ix' set on foot for the relief of inhabitaiUs of the town of 
Boston that are now sufiering in the common caitse oi 
American freedom, and that .Messrs. Joseph Munson, David 
Austin, Beiij. Douglass, Adam Babcock, Enos Ailing, Isaac 
Doolittle, Henry Daggett, Jonathan Oslxirne, Isaac Chidsey, 
A/ariah Bra<lley, Silas KimlxTly, .Samuel Candee, James 
Heaton, Jr., Stephen Jacobs, Timothy Bradley, Amos 
Perkins, Simeon Bristol. Theoph. G(K)dyear, Isaac Beechcr, 
Jr., Timothy Ball, and Samuel lieecher. be a committee to 
receive in subscrijitions, and transmit what may Ix- so col- 
lected to the Selectmen of the town of Boston, to In- by them 
disposed of for the support of the Inhabitants of the town 01 

No report appears on the records of the amount 
of these subscriptions, but there is reason to believe 
that as New Haven was not behind other towns in 
its zeal for "the common cause of American free- 
dom," so it was not deficient in generous gifts to 
Boston. In some towns the amount contributed 
was put on record. The town of Windham sent 
two hundred and fifty fat sheep; the contributions 
from Norwich consisted of money, wheat, corn, 
and a flock of three hundred and ninety sheep. 
\\'ethersfield sent a large quaniitv of wheat. 

But arrangements for this subscription were not 
the only transactions of the town-meeting held on 
the iSth of October. It was also 

Voted, That the Selectmen build a suitable house to put 
the town's stock of powder in, of such dimensions as they 
shall judge needful, either upon the land of Messrs. Beers, 
Doolittle or .Meloy, 

Votid, That the .Selectmen procure a stock of powder, 
agreeable to the l.iw In such case provided, as soon as may 
lie, for the town's use. 

Adjourned without day. 

The action in regard to powder was doubtles* 
occasioned by a resolution passed a few days 
before by the General As.sembly, viz. : 

A\-si>/z'id h\ this Assembly, that the several towns in this 
ciilony be antl are herby ordered U> pro\'lde. as soon as may 
be, double the quantity of p<iwder, ball, and flints that they 
were heretofore by law obliged to provide, under the same 
directions anil i>enaltles as by law already ])rovided. 

It is evident in the light of history that this 
resolve of the Assembly, and the corresponding 
action of the town, meant more than appears in the 
language used. They were preparing to use powder 
if necessary; but they spoke with a reserve like 
that with which the Assembly si.\ months later 
referred to Lexington and Concord 

IVereas it is represented to this Assendily that sundry 
acts of hostility and violence have lately l)een committed in 
the jirovlnce of Massachusetts Bay by which many lives 
have Ixen lost: and that some inhabitants of this colony arc 
gone to the relief of the people distressed: It Is thereupon. 

Jiesohtd by this Assendily, that Captain Joseph Truinbull 
and Mr. Amasa Keyes Ix- and they are hereby appointed a 
committee to procure all necessary provisions for the in- 
habitants of this colony who have gone to the relief of the 
people aforesaid, and that they superintend the delivery out 
and apportioning the same among them, till this Assembly 
shall consider what measures are proper to be taken relative 
thereto, and give orders accordingly. 

Meanwhile the General Congress, which the in- 



habitants of New Haven at their meeting in June 
were hoping for,* had met and recommended as a 
means of redress for the grievances which threatened 
the destruction of the lives, liberty and property of 
his Majesty's subjects in North America, "the non- 
importation, non-consumption, and non-exporta- 
tion agreement." They recommended that commit- 
tees of inspection should everywhere be appointed 
to see that the articles of agreement were faithfully 
observed. Three delegates from Connecticut attend- 
ed and acted in this Congress with delegates from 
each and every of the other twelve colonies. Roger 
Sherman, an honored citizen of New Haven, was 
one of the three delegates from Connecticut. The 
recommendations of Congress were approved by 
the General Assembly at the October session; and 

At a town-meetins; holdcn in New Haven, U]5on the 14th 
(lay of November, 1774, in pursuance of the resolve of the 
House of Representatives in October last in New Haven, to 
choose a committee for the purpose mentioned in the nth 
article in the association entered into by the late Continental 
Congress, held at Philadelphia, it was — 

Voted, that Roger Sherman, Esq., be Moderator. 

Voled, that this town will choose a committee for the pur- 
pose mentioned in the nth article of said association, agree- 
al)le to the resolve and recommendation of said House of 

I'oted, that the major part of the committee be chosen 
within the limits of the First Society. * 

Voted, that the following persons be a committee for the 
pur|iose aforesaid, viz. Jonathan Fitch, Michael Todd, 
Da\'id At\vater, Jr., Samuel Bird, Da^'id Austin, Timothy 
Jones, Jr., Joseph Munson, Peter Colt, Abraham Bradley, 
Samuel Mansfield, Henry Daggett, John White, Jr., James 
Gilbert, Robert Brown, Thomas Bills, John Miles, Thomas 
Green, Daniel Benham, Jonathan Osborn, Stephen Smith, 
Azariah Bradley, Jonathan Smith, John Benham, Jesse 
Todd, Giles Pierpont, Timothy Bradley, Enoch Newton, 
Isaac Beecher, Jr., Joel Hotchkiss, Samuel Martin and Joel 
Bradley, Jr. 

For some reason there was dissatisfaction with 
this Committee as not being large enough, so that 
we find this record : 

At a town-meeting held at New Haven, by adjom-nment, 
upon the 20th day of December, A. D. 1774. 

Voted, That this town do. approve of the association 
entered into by the late Continental Congress held at Phila- 

Il'/ierens, The inhabitants of the town of New- Haven, at 
their town-meeting, held on the 14th day of November last, 
called for the piu'pose of choosing a Connnittee of Inspection 
(according to the advice of the Continental Congress, and a 
vote of the Lower House of Assembly of this Colony), 
to carry into e.Kecution the resolutions of said Congress, did 
nominate and appoint a committee of thirty-one persons, 
named in the records of the proceedings of said town, which 
committee are now unanimously approved by this meeting; 

IVhc-reas, A nimiber of the inhabitants of this town are 
desirous to have said committee enlarged, in order there- 
fore that there may be peace and imanimity in this town; 

Voted, That tbe following persons be added to said Com- 
mittee, viz.: Messrs. Ste|)hen Ball, Benjamin Douglass, 
Phineas Bradley, John Mix, William Greenough, Levi Ives, 
Isaac Doolittle, Elias Shipman, Amos Morris, Isaac Chidsey, 
Lamberton Painter, Lamberton Smith, Jr., Joseph Pierpont, 

*As early as 1766. Jonathan Mayhew one of the pastors in Boston, 
being greatly moved by the dangers which threatened the colonies on 
account of the Stamp Act. wrote to James Otis: Lord's day morning, 
8 June, 1766. You have hearfl of the communion of churches While 
I was thinking of this m my bed, the great use and importance of a 
communion of colonies appeared to me in a strong light. Would it not 
be decorous for our .\ssenibly to send circulars to all the rest, express- 
ing a desire to cement union among ourselves. A good foundation for 
this has been laid by the Congress at New York ; never losing sight 
of it may be the only means ofperpetuating our liberties. 

Joshua Barnes, Amos Perkins, Samuel Newton, Samuel 
Atwater, Jonathan Dickerman, Timothy Ball, and Amos 

The Committee of Inspection as thus con.sti- 
tuted consisted of fifty-one persons, and, like 
similar committees in the other towns of the 
colony, had almost absolute power over the com- 
fort and prosperity of their townsmen. 

The reader may discover what was expected of 
the Committee from the following communication 
to the Co7inecticut ynuinal. 

Messrs. Printers, — Please to give the following lines a 
place in your next, and you will oblige your humble 

Wednesday evening last, a number of ladies and gentle- 
men belonging to this town, collected at a place callerl East 
Farms, where they had a needless entertainment, and made 
themselves extremely merry with a good glass of wine. 
Such entertainments and diversions can hardly be justified 
upon aity occasion ; but at such a day as this, when every- 
thing around us has a threatening aspect, they ought to be 
discountenanced, and every good man should use his influ- 
ence to suppress them. Are not such diversions and enter- 
tainments a violation of the eighth article of the Association 
of the Continental Congress ? And is it not expected that 
the Committee of Inspection will examine into such matters, 
and if they find any persons guilty of violating said Associ- 
ation, that they treat them according as the rules of it 
prescribe ? 

July 19, 1775. 

The following extracts from the minutes of the 
Committee also illustrate the work it was expected 
to do. 

In Committee Meeting, March 7, 1776. 

A complaint being made against William Glen, merchant, 
for a breach of association, by buying tea and selling it at 
an extortionous price, and also refusing paper currency 
therefor: said Glen was cited to appear before the Com- 
mittee and make answer to the foregoing charge; he 
appeared and plead not guilty, wherefore the evidences 
against him were called in and sworn, and on motion, voted 
that the evidence is sufficient to convict William Glen of 
bitying and selling tea contrary to the Association, and 
ordered that he be advertised accordingly, that no person 
hereafter have any dealing or intercourse w ith him. 

Also, Freeman Huse, Jr., being complained of for buying 
and selling tea contrary to Association, was cited to appear 
before the Committee. He neglecting to appear, or make 
his defense, the evidences were called in and sworn. On 
motion, voted that the evidence is sufficient to convict Free- 
man Hiise, Jr., of a breach of the As.sociation, by buying 
and selling tea, and ordered that he be advertised accord- 
ingly, that no person have any further dealing or intercourse 
with him. 

Signed per order of the Committee, 

Jon'th. Fitch, Chairman. 

A copy of the minutes. Test. Peter Colt, Clerk. 

I, William Glen, merchant, being advertised by the Com- 
mittee of Insjiection in this town, as a violator of the Conti- 
nental Association, for buying tea, and selling it at an 
exorbitant price, confess myselt guilty of the same, for 
which I humbly ask their and the jniblic's pardon, and prom- 
ise for the future, my conduct shall be such as shall give 
no occasion of offense. Professing myself firm for the liber- 
ties of -America, I desire the Committee and the public to 
restore me to my wonted favor. 

I am, with sincerity, their most humble and otedient 
servant, \Vm. Gle.n. 

The confession of Wm. Glen being read, voted satisfac- 
tory, and ordered to be published. 

Jon. Fitch, Chaimmti. 
A true copy of minutes, examined by 

M.\RK Leavenworth, CUrh, pro temp. 
May I, 1776. 



An extract of a letter from New Haven to the 
printer of a royalist paper in New York, will also 
illustrate the function of a Committee of Inspec- 
tion. It is dated April i, 1775. 

Our Commitlee of Inspection have proceeduil to very 
unwarrantaljle leiijjtlis. Tliey or<lere<l summonses to lie 
served on several persons who had not l>een altoijelher com- 
plaisant enouijh to the mandates of the Congress. ( )ne ol 
the committeemen demanded of a loyal Conslilntionalist : 
"What! do you drink tea? Take care what you do, Mr. 
C, lor you are to know the committee command the mob, 
and can in an instant let them loose u|)on any man who 
opposes their decrees and complete his destruction." But 
upon his damnini; the Kinj;, the spirit of the gallant royalist 
grew imjialient, and he opened a battery of execrations upon 
Committees and Congresses of all denominations. This of 
course occasioneil his being ordered before the whole 
sanheilrim, where he is to be interrogated after the manner 
of the Spanish and Portuguese inquisitions. To this com- 
plexion IS American liherty, through the influence of the 
King-killing republicans, already arrived. But the culprit 
is true game and will jnove as tough a saphng as ever these 
big-wigs have tried their strength on. If these choose to 
carry matters to eictreniity, now is the time to repel force by 
force, in defense of the constitutional liberty of the colony; 
and be the strength of the disaflected what it may, the lives 
and fortunes of many in this country will be freely hazarded 
in defense of King C.eorge Third and the laws of his realm. 

Wednesday, April 19, 1775, having been ap- 
pointed by his Excellency Jonathan Trumbull, 
Governor of Connecticut, to be observed through- 
out that colony as a day of fasting and prayer, the 
people of New Haven were assembled in their 
respective places of worship "to offer up fervent 
prayers to Almighty God for his blessing on our 
rightful Sovereign, King George the Third, that he 
may have the divine direction in all his adminis- 
tration, and his government be just, benign, gra- 
cious and happy to the nation and these colonies. " 

Very early in the morning of the same day the 
troops of that rightful sovereign had shed the first 
blood in a war which ended in the acknowledg- 
ment by King George that his American colonies 
had become independent States. But no telegraph 
flashed the news to New Haven to disturb the 
quiet of its worshiping assemblies. When the tidings 
came on Friday, about noon, Benedict Arnold, Cap- 
tain of the Governor's Guards, immediately called 
out his company, and proposed that they should 
start for the aid and defense of their friends in 
Massachusetts. About fifty of the company con- 
senting to accompany their commander, he paraded 
them the next morning, before the tavern where a 
committee were in session, and applied to the com- 
mittee for pow'der and ball.* 'I'iiosc who had 
charge of the ammunition declining or delaying to 
supply him, Arnold threatened to take by force what 
he needed. Colonel David Wooster, who, a few 
days later, was appointed Major-(jeneral of the 
Militia of the colony, being present in the meeting 
of the committee, went out and endeavored to re- 

* This was probably a committee appointed at a meeting of citizens, 
who, without previous concert, assembled in the "Middle Brick " as 
soon as the news arrived. The records of the meeting have not been 
preserved, but tradition relates that Roger Sherman was appointed 
Moderator by a nl.^jority of one over a citi/en of more conservative 
views. 'ITie opposition to taxation l)y any other Legislature than that 
of the colony was universal, but the shedding of blood brought on a 
crisis and a division of sentiment. .Many who up to this day bad been 
more or less in sympathy with the Sons of Liberty, and a few weeks af- 
terwards were aiding and al)etting the rebels, were not ready instantly 
to take arms against the King, for whom they had sincerely prayed on 
the preceding Wednesday. 

strain the impetuosity of the young man, advising 
him to wait for orders from the proper authority, 
before starting for the scene of conflict. Arnold 
answered the veteran of three-score and four years: 
" None but Almighty (iod shall prevent my march- 
ing." The committee, perceiving his fixed resolu- 
tion, supplied him, or did not prevent him from 
supplying himself with the powder and ball he re- 
quired; anil he with his company marched off im- 
mediately, reaching Wetherslield on the next day 
at evening, and the quarters of the Massachusetts 
army at Cambridge on the 29th of April. 

In Force's "American .\rchives" may be found 
"An agreement subscribed by Captain Arnold and 
his company of fifty persons when ihey set out from 
Connecticut as volunteers to assist the provincials 
at Cambridge. '' 

To all Christian peopti bclievingin and relying on that God, 
to 7uliofn our c-mmit's have at last Jorced us to appeal: 
Be it known, that we, the subscribers, having taken up 
arms for the relief of our brethren, and defense of their, as 
our, just rights and privileges, declare to the world that we 
from the heart disavow every thought of rebellion to His 
Majesty as supreme of the British Empire, or opposi- 
tion to legal authority, and shall on every occasion manifest 
to the world, by our conduct, this to be our fixed principle. 
Driven to the hast necessity, and obliged to have recourse to 
arms in defense of our lives and lil)erties, and from the sud- 
denness of the occasion deprived of that legal authority, the 
dictates of which we ever with pleasure obey, we lind it 
necessary, for preventing disorders, irregidarities and mis- 
understandings in the course of our march and service, sol- 
emnly to agree to and with each other on the following 
regulations and orders, binding ourselves by all that is dear 
and sacred, carefully and constantly to observe and keep 

In the first place, we will conduct ourselves decently 
and inoffensively as we march, both to our countrymen and 
one another, paying that regard to the advice, admonition 
and reproof of our officers, which their station justly entitles 
them to expect, ever considering the dignity of our own 
character, and that we are not mercenaries, whose views ex- 
tend no farther than pay and plunder, whose principles arc 
such that every path that leads to the obtaining these is 
agreeable, though wading through the blood of their coun- 
trymen; but men acquainted with and feeling the most gen- 
erous fondness for the liberties and inalienable rights of 
mankind, and who are, in the course of divine providence, 
called to the honorable service of hazarding our lives in 
their defense. 

Secondly. — Drunkenness, gaming, profaneness and every 
vice of that nature shall be avoided by ourselves and dis- 
countenanced in us by others. 

Thirdly. — So long as we continue in our present situation 
of a volunteer independent company, we engage to submit 
on all occasions to such decisions as shall be made and given 
by the majority of the officers we have chosen; and when 
any diflerence arises between man and man, it shall be laid 
before the officers aforesaid, and tlicir decision shall be final. 
We mean by officers the captain, lieutenants, ensign, Ser- 
jeants, clerk, and corporals; the captain, or, in his absence, 
the commanding oflicer, to be the moderator and have a 
turning or casting voice in all debates; from whom all or- 
ders shall from time to time issue. Scorning all ignoble 
motives, and superior to the low and slavish practice of en- 
forcing on men their duty by blows, it is agreed that when 
private admonition for any ofTense by any of our body com- 
mitted will not reform, public admonition shall be made: 
and if that should not have the desired elTect, after proper 
pains taken and the same repeated, such incorrigible person 
shall be turned out of the company as totally unworthy of 
serving in so great and glorious a cause, and be delivered 
over to suffer the contempt of his countrymen. 

As to jiarticular orders, it shall from time to time be in the 
power iif ihe officers to make and vary them as occasion 
may require, as to tleliveruig our provisions, ammunition 



rules and orders for marching, etc. The annexed order for 
the present, we think pertinent and agreealile to our mind. 
To which, with the additions or variations that may be made 
by our said officers, we bind oiu'selves by the ties above 
mentioned to submit. 

In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, this 
24th of April, 1775. 

[From the date of this document it appears to have been 
signed while the company \\'ere on the march and probably 
on Monday morning Ix'fore they left Wethersfield. It was 
jirobably copied from a similar covenant drawn by Silas 
Deane for Captain Chester's company.*] 

It has been stated that as this company p.issed 
through Pomfretthe)' were joined by Israel Putnam; 
but tliis is an error which ought not to pass uncor- 
rected. Putnam receiving on Thursday at 8 a.m. 
a despatch from the Committee of Safety at Cam- 
bridge, dated Wednesday, 10 a.m., and, at a later 
hour on Thursday, a second despatch, had mount- 
ed his horse, and, riding all night, had reached 
Cambridge on Friday before Arnold called out his 
company at New Haven. A letter written by 
Putnam from Concord, on Friday, to Colonel 
Williams, soon after appointed to be one of the 
Connecticut Committee of Safety, was printed in 
Norwich on Sunday, the 23d, at 4 p. m. , in an 
extra from the office of the Norwich Packet. 

Not long after the departure of Arnold and his 
men. Captain Hezekiah Dickerman, with nine 
members of his militia company, followed their 
townsmen to the camp at Cambridge. 

Both these squads went as volunteers and with- 
out assurance of pay from any public treasury, but 
doubtless with assurances from many of their 
neighbors of contributions for their support while 
engaged in the common cause. Perhaps when 
Captain Dickerman left New Haven, the commit- 
tee whom Arnold could not wait for, had come to 
some conclusion what they should do for the 
maintenance of the volunteers. However it may 
have been with the town authorities, the General 
Assembly, at an adjourned meeting which com- 
menced on the 26th of the same month, provided 
for provisioning " those inhabitants of this colony 
who had gone to the relief of the people at the 
Bay; " and at the May Session, directed " all of- 
ficers who assisted in assembling, or furnishing 
ammunition to, such of the colony, in the late 
alarms, who marched East or West, to deliver to 
the selectmen of their respectives towns, their 
accounts, and the names of those who marched in 
relief of those in distress and the names of those 
who supplied, to be laid before the committee of 
pay table for settlement." 

The Selectmen of New Haven received under this 
resolution of the Assembly, the sum of/"238 is. i id. 
for the services and expenses of New Haven men, 
"in the Lexington alarm." 

Benedict Arnold, who thus makes his first ap- 
pearance on the stage of history, was at this time 
thirty-five years of age, having been born at Nor- 
wich, January 3, 1740. Though regarded as 
courageous even to Tecklessness, he was not in 
high esteem among his townsmen as a man of 
honor. He had been for some time in business at 

• See Collections of Conn. Hisl. Soc., Vol. 11, p. 215. 

New Haven as a druggist, and his sign may still be 
seen at the rooms of the New Haven Colony Histor- 
ical Society. He did not confine his traffic however 
to drugs, as the following advertisement in the Con- 
neclicut Gazette will make evident. 

Benedict Arnold 
wants to buy a number of large, genteel, fat horses, pork, 
oats, and hay. — And has to sell choice cotton and salt, by 
quantity or retail; and other goods as usual. 
New Haven, January 24, 1766. 

The goods which he offered for sale he had 
himself imported ; and those he desired to pur- 
chase were doubtless for export to the West Indies. 
He was part owner of three small vessels; the For- 
tune, of forty tons; the Charming Sally, of thirty 
tons; and the Three Brothers, of twenty-eight tons. 
It appears from a card in the Gazette, dated only a 
few days after the above advertisement, that he 
sometimes went as supercargo in his vessels, and 
that he was not careful to comply with the require- 
ments of the Custom-House. In evading customs, 
however, he probably was not at all singular; as 
smuggling was one way of opposing the Stamp Act 
which about two months before had gone into 
operation. One of his sailors having given infor- 
mation against Arnold, the Custom-House Officer 
declined to receive it on Sunday and desired the 
informer to come on Monday; but Arnold having 
learned early on Monday what was to be done by 
the seaman, "gave him a little chastisement," and 
ordered him to leave town. Afterward finding him 
in town, Arnold, with others — apparently the other 
seamen in the same vessel — took the infoimer to the 
whipping-post "where he received near forty lashes 
with a small cord and was conducted out of 
town. " 

Mr. Horace Day informs me, that many years 
ago, desiring to ascertain from one of the oldest and 
most prominent citizens of New Haven what was the 
social standing of Benedict Arnold while he was 
living in New Haven previous to the Revolution, he 
inquired: " How did your father treat him .'" The 
respectable old gentleman replied: " ]\Iy father 
bowed to him whenever they met and said: ' Good 
morning, Captain Arnold.' ' " Well! didyour father 
respect him enough to invite him to his house ?" 
"My father invite Arnold to his house.? No, sir; 
the extent of their acquaintance was ' Good 
morning, Captain Arnold.'" 

As the first blood of the Revolution was shed by 
British troops in the endeavor to capture munitions 
of war belonging to the Colony of Massachusetts, 
the first thought of the provincials was to seize 
upon Ticonderoga, Crown Point and St. John's, 
the defenses of LakeChamplain, which were known 
to be provided with abundant munitions of war 
and extremely small garrisons. Immediately after 
the skirmishes at Lexington and Concord, some 
gentlemen in Connecticut, of whom these at least, 
David Wooster, Samuel Bishop, Jr , and Adam 
Babcock, were New Haven men, formed a plan for 
seizing these fortresses without the publicity incident 
to any mention ofitinthe General Assembly. Some 
of these gentlemen giving their individual obliga- 
tions with security, they were allowed to borrow 



the necessary funds from the public treasury. Six- 
teen men left Connecticut as secretly as possible, 
and, as they passed through the Western County of 
Massachusetts, persuadetl about forty yeomen of 
Berkshire to unite with them in the enterprise. 
They then advanced to Bennington, where they were 
joineil by Col. Kthan Allen, Seth Warner, and 
about t)ne hundreil (Ireen Mountain boys. At 
Castleton they received further reinforcements, so 
that their numbers amounted to two hundred and 
seventy men. 

While this party of sixteen were journeying from 
Connecticut toward Castleton, and adding to their 
number as they went, Benedict- Arnold was travers- 
ing the country from Cambridge to Casdeton on a 
similar errand. Arriving at Cambridge on his 
Marcii from New Haven, on the 29th of April, he 
had immediately suggested to the Committee of 
Safety die importance of seizing Ticonderoga and 
its tributary fortresses. Whether his mind had 
spontaneously conceived the idea, or received it a.s 
he passed through Hartford and Windham Counties 
it may be impossible to determine. However that 
may be, he suggested the adventure to the Massa- 
chusetts Committee, and asked that he might him- 
self receive a commission to carry the plan into ex- 
ecution. They gave him the commission and he 
overtook the Connecticut party at Castleton, arriv- 
ing there with no companion but a servant. The 
Connecticut party were already organized, having 
chosen Ethan .Mien, a resident of Vermont, though 
a native of Connecticut, as chief: James Easton, of 
Berkshire County, Massachusetts, as second; and 
Seth Warner, of Roxbury, Connecticut, as third in 

With characteristic assumption of superiority, 
Arnold demanded that the whole force should be 
put under his command. Neither the Connecticut 
men, who had brought the pay chest with them, nor 
the hardy mountaineers of the neighborhood, were 
ready to relinciuish the right to choose their own 
leaders. However, Arnold's commission was ex- 
amined, and he was, by the choice of those whom 
he desired to lead, appointed the associate and as- 
sistant, of Ethan Allen, the chief commander. 

The day before the attack on Ticonderoga was 
made. Captain Ncxdi Phelps, one of the original 
sixteen from Connecticut, having disguised himself, 
entered the fort in the character of a countryman 
wanting to be shaved. In searching for a barber, he 
examined everything critically and passed out un- 
suspected. The story of the capture of the fort at 
daylight, when Allen meeting the officer in com- 
mand coming out of his bedroom with his breeches 
in his hand, ilemanded the instant surrender of the 
fort "in the name of the great Jehovah and the 
Continental Congress," is too familiar to need rep- 
etition in all its detail. 

The subsidiary fortresses of Crown Point and 
St. John's were both captured a few hours later. 
Colonel Warner being sent against the former, and 
Colonel Arnold against the latter. In one day the 
Americans gained possession not only of a most 
important strategic point, but of a large amount of 
munitions of war not otherwise to be acquired. 

The volunteers, who upon the Lexington alarm 
marched from New Haven to the aid of Massachu- 
setts, remained with the army before Boston only 
a few weeks. By that time Connecticut had two 
well organized regiments on the ground, under the 
command of Generals Spencer and Putnam; and 
those who did not choose to enlist for permanent 
service could return to their homes. It is said that 
about a dozen of Arnold's company enlisted in 
these Connecticut regiments. One of them, Elias 
Stilwell, continued in service through the war and 
rose to the rank of Captain. When the army be- 
fore Boston was taken into the service of the Con- 
tinental Congress, Washington, on his way to 
Massachusetts to take the command, passed through 
New Haven. The local newspaper, under date of 
July 5, 1775, announces; "Last Wednesday, his 
I'^xcellency, General Washington, Major-General 
Lee, Major Thomas INIifflin, General Washington's 
tf/ir/c (/t'-C(W//, and Samuel Grifiin, Esq. .General Lee's 
aide-dc-camp,^.vv\\QA in town, and early next morning 
they set out for the provincial camp near Boston, 
attended by great numbers of the inhabitants of 
the town. They were escorted out of town by 
two companies dressed in their uniform, and by a 
company of young gentlemen belonging to the 
Seminary in this place, who made a handsome ap- 
pearance, and whose expertness in the military 
exercises gained them the approbation of the gen- 
erals. " 

At home, arrangements were made for the de- 
fense of the colony, and especially of the towns on 
the coast. Fifty men, under the command of 
Captain Joseph Thompson, were employed in 
building a breastwork and battery at Black Rock, 
on the eastern shore of New Haven harbor, to 
repel any hostile attack from British ships. This 
was done by order of the Governor and Council, 
and at the expense of the colony, but the work 
was to be done under the direction of a committee 
appointed by the town. The Governor was re- 
quested by the Council to write to the Committee 
of the City of New York for the loan of eighteen 
pieces of iron cannon, and one hundred muskets 
were ordered to be sent to New Haven from the 
interior. In December, Captain Thompson and 
his men being obliged, through the severity of the 
weather, to discontinue their work, were discharged 
from further service at Black Rock. In March the 
work was resumed and was finished in June, when 
the ' ' colony cannon " * at New Haven were or- 

*ThL'rc is rexson 10 suspect that these "colony cannon " were bor- 
rowed from Ring George's storehouse in New York. Force's American 
Archives contains the following letter from the Selectmen of New Ha- 
ven to Clovemor Trumbull. 

" New Haven, May 29, 1775 

" Sir, — One of our number waits on your Honor with this to infoim 
the General Assembly, through the channel of your Honor, that we are 
now in possession of upwards of sixty cannon — nine, six and three 
pounders — for the use of the colony: out of which a sufficient number 
may be made use of for the defense I'f this town, if the honorable Gen- 
eral .Assembly think proper to order a battery built and carriages made 
for the guns, with suitable stores of powder and ball to be provided. 
We refer you to Mr Hall lor the particulars of the manner of our being 
possessed of these cannon, which we think a great acquisition, and 
shall esteem ourselves happy to receive the directions of the honor- 
able Cieneral Assembly how they are to be disposed of. 

" We arc, with great respect, your most obedient servants, 

"Jerhmiah .\twatbr, 
" Isaac Dooi.ittlk, 

" jAMtS Gll.llKRT, 

" Honorable Jonathan TRrMiiii.T., Ks(|." " SfUitmeti. 

MA^ , ii]Err. ©Al'^llL) 7r(ji>UST KM . 



dered to be placed at Black Rock in the care of 
Captain Thompson, who was directed to build a 
cheap barrack near Black Rock, doing the labor 
with his soldiers, and at an expense not exceeding 
£2'-,. At the same date, J^qx los. 8d. was al- 
lowed Captain Thompson toward expenses in 
building the fort at Black Rock. Also an order 
was made in his favor for .j^20o for his company. 
In October of the same year, Captain Joseph 
Thompson drew ^"300 to pay the wages of his 

An intercepted letter from the Massachusetts 
traitor, Dr. Church, of a little later date, says: 

The people of Connecticut are raving in the cause of lib- 
erty. A number from this colony, from the town of Stam- 
ford, robbed the kuig's stores at New York, with some 
small assistance the New ^'orkers lent them. These were 
growing turbulent. I counted two hundred and eighty pieces 
of cannon, from twenty-four to three pounders, at Kings- 
bridge, which the committee had secured for the use of the 

At the end of the war, when it became necessary 
that borrowed articles should be put back as the 
borrowers had found them, the gentlemen who, as 
selectmen, had taken some responsibility in regard 
to the cannon brought from New York, had to de- 
termine what should be done with them. 

At a town-meeting December 13, 1784, 

Voted, That Messrs. Stephen Ball, Jeremiah Atwater, Isaac 
Doolittie, James Gilbert and James Rice, be a committee to 
in<|uire concerning the cannon brought to this city from 
New York by Thomas Ivers, etc., and make report at the 
adjourned meeting. 

1784, December 27. Voted, That Messrs. Jeremiah At- 
water, Stephen Ball, James Rice and Hezekiah Sabin be a 
committee to examine further with regard to the great guns 
brought from New York, and do what they judge is needful 
to be done with regard to them, so as to save the town from 
any loss and charge relative thereto. 

At a town-meeting in New Haven, November 
6, 1775, it was 

] 'otcd, That every person who looks upon himself bound 
either in conscience or choice to give intelligence to oiu' en- 
emies of our situation, or otherwise take an active part 
against us, or to yield obedience to any command of his 
majesty King George the Third, so far as to take up arms 
against this town or the United Colonies — that every such 
person be desired peaceably to depart from the town. A 
special committee of fifteen was appointed to call before 
them "to-morrow, or as soon as may be, every person sus- 
pected of harboring the sentiments above mentioned," and 
on conviction desire them to depart the town, as soon as may 
be, in a peaceable way. 

On the nth of December, in the same year, it 

Voted, That there be a Committee of Inspection chosen, 
and that there shall be four persons chosen in each society 
within the limits of the First Society, and two persons in each 
of the other parishes in the town. 

Voted, That Messrs. Jonathan Fitch, Michael Todd, Eneas 
Monson, Adam Babcock, I'eter Colt, Timothy Jones, Jr., 
David .\ustin, John McChive, Isaac Doolittie, Joseph Trow- 
bridge, Thomas Bills, Daniel Bonticou, James Gilbert, Mark 
Leavenworth, Abram .Xugur, Joel Gilbert, Joshua Austin, 
Stephen Smith, l.amberton Painter, Silas Kimberly, Jesse 
Todd, Noah Ives. Timothy Bradley, Amos Perkins, Joel 
Bradley, Jr., Bazel MunSon, Isaac Beecher, Jr., and Joel 
Hotchkiss, be the Committee of Inspection for the year ensu- 

In December, 1776, it was voted that the Select- 
men of the town be the Committee of Inspection 

for the ensuing year. In December, 1777, a vote 
similar to the above was passed, but three weeks 
afterwards the Selectmen w-ere released from being 
a Committee of Inspection, and Isaac Beers, Peter 
Johnson, Levi Ives, John Miles, Isaac Chidsey, 
Silas Kimberly, Stephen Ives, Jesse Ford, Stephen 
Goodyear, and Jared Sherman, were appointed to 
that service. In the following March, Messrs. 
James Hillhouse, Abel Burrit, Timothy Atwater, 
Newman Trowbridge, and Hezekiah Sabin, Jr., 
were added to the Committee of Inspection. 

In March, 1776, Mr. Babcock, of New Haven, 
moved the Council of the Colony in behalf of Jere- 
miah Atwater, Isaac Doolittie, David Austin and 
himself, for liberty to erect a powder-mill imme- 
diately, for manufacturmg gunpowder at New Ha- 
ven. It was reported to the Council, on the 27th 
of August, next following, that "Doolittie and 
Atwater had manufactured at this date 4, 100 pounds 
of powder at New Haven." 

Iminediately after the commencement of hostili- 
ties at Lexington, the General Assembly of Con- 
necticut set about raising an army. At first it con- 
sisted of six regiments, to which two' more were 
soon added. David Wooster, of New Haven, was 
appointed to the chief command of this colonial 
army with the title of Major-General. The same 
summer, he was appointed a Brigadier-General in 
the continental service. 


Major-General David Wooster was born in Strat- 
ford, Conn., March 2, 1710, and died at Danbury, 
May 2, 1777. He graduated at Yale College in 
1 738, and in 1 739, when the war broke out between 
England and Spain, he entered the provincial army 
as Lieutenant. Subsequently he was appointed to 
the command of a vessel built and equipped by the 
colony for the defense of its coast. In 1745 he 
was a Captain in the regiment of Col. Burr, which 
participated in the capture of Louisburg, and from 
that place went in command of a cartel ship to 
England, where he was received with great favor 
and made a Captain in the regular British army, to 
serve under Sir William Pepperell. In the French 
War, which ended in 1763, he was commissioned 
b)' the Governor of Connecticut as Colonel and 
subsequently as Brigadier-General, and served dur- 
ing the whole war. 

Upon the return of peace he engaged in trade in 
New Haven; first in partnership with his college 
classmate, Aaron Day, and afterward alone. Dur- 
ing his connection with Mr. Day, he resided in a 
house in George street, which is still standing, and 
is depicted on the following page by the engraver. 
Not many years before the outbreak of hostilities 
with Great Britain, he removed to the new township, 
where both the dwelling and the warehouse which 
he occupied are still standing in the street which 
bears his name, though the gambrel roof which he 
put upon the house has been removed. This is 
the warehouse of which Capt. Townsend speaks, in 
his chapter on the Harbor and Wharves, as the 
place to which Gen. Wooster conveyed cargoes of 



goods, in scows, across fields which are now covered 
with buildings. 

When tidings came of bloodshed at Lexington, 
Wooster, though less iniiietuous, was not less 
prompt than Arnold. In June he had gathered a 

Woobter s House. 

regiment, and with a commission from the Gover- 
nor of Connecticut as Major-General, Commander- 
in-Chief of the six regiments raised by that colon)-, 
he was ready to march to New York, where it was 
expected that a part of the British army which 
came over in 1775 would land. 

Deacon Nathan Beers, himself an officer in the 
revolutionary army, communicated to the Ameri- 
can His/on'cil Magazine the following statements 
concerning Genei-al Wooster's departure for New 

The last time I saw General Wooster was in June, 1775- 
He was at the head of liis regiment, which was then emliod- 
ied on the Green, in front of where the Center Church now 
stands. They were ready for a march, with their arms glit- 
tering and their knapsacks on their backs. Colonel Wooster 
had already dispatched a messenger for his minister, the 
Rev. Jonathan Edwards, with a request that he would 
meet the regiment and pray with them before their depar- 
ture, lie then conducted his men in military order into the 
meeting-house and seated himself in his own pew, awaiting 
the return of the messenger. He was speedily informed 
that the clergyman was absent from home. Colonel Wooster 
immediately stepped into the deacon's scat, in front of the 
pulpit, and, calling his men to attend to prayers, offered up 
a humblepctition for his beloved country, for himself, for the 
men under his immediate command, and for the success of the 
cause in which they were engaged. His prayers were offered 
with the fervent real of an apostle, and in such pathetic 
language, that it drew tears from many an eye and affected 
many a heart. When he had closed, he left the house with 
his men in the same order they had entered it, and the regi- 
ment took up its line of march for New Vork. 

Before his departure, Wooster with other Con- 
necticut men had concerted the plan for seizing 
upon the defenses of Lake Champlain, and his sig- 
nature w^as affixed to the bond of indemnity to the 
person who supplied the funds for that service. 

From New York, Wooster went with his regi- 
ment to Canada, where, after General Montgom- 
ery's death, he was chief in command. Returning 
home in tiie summer of 1776, he was appointed 

first Major-General of the Militia of Connecticut, 
and was in active service during the whole of the 
winter of 1776-77, guarding the coast. In the 
spring he spent a little time at home with his fam- 
ily, where, on Saturday, April 26th, he received in- 
formation that a large body of the enemy had landed 
at Compo, in Fairfield. He immediately set ofl" 
for Fairfield, leaving orders for the militia to be 
mustered and sent forward as soon as possible. 
When he arrived at Fairfield, finding Genera! Silli- 
man had marched in pursuit of the enemy with 
the troops then collected, he followed on with all 
expedition, and at Reading overtook General Sil- 
liman, with a small body of militia, of which he of 
course took the command, and proceeded the 
sime evening to the village of Bethel. Here it 
was determined to divide the troops, and part were 
sent off, under Generals Arnold * and Silhman. 
The rest remained with General Wooster, who led 
them liy the route of Danbury, in pursuit of the 
encmv, whom he overtook on the Sabbath, about 
4 o'clock, near Ridgefield. Observing a party of 
the enemy who seemed to be detached from the 
main body, he determmed to attack them, though 
the number of his men was less than two hundred. 
He accordingly led them on him.self, ordering 
them, with great spirit and resolution, to follow 
him. But, being inexperienced militia, and the 
enemy having several field pieces, our men, after 
doing considerable execution, were broken, and 
gave way. The General was rallying them to re- 
new the attack, when he received a mortal wound. 
A musket ball, from the distance of fifty roils, took 
him obliquely in the back, broke his back-bone, 
lodged within him, and could not be found. He 
was removed from the field, had his wound dressed 
by Dr. Turner, and was then conveyed back to 
Danbury, where all possible care was taken of him. 
The surgeons were from the first sensible of the 
danger of the case, and informed the General of 
their apprehensions, which he heard with the ut- 
most composure. The danger soon became more 
apparent. His whole lower parts became insen- 
sible, and a mortification, it is thought, began very 
early. However, he lived till Friday, the 2d of 
JMay, and then, with great composure and resigna- 
tion, expired. It was designed to bring his re- 
mains to New Haven, to be interred here, but this 
was found impossible, and thev were therefore 
buried at Danbury. 

The above narrative of the death of General 
Wooster is from the Connecticut Journal of May 
14, 1777. Hollister thus describes the death scene: 

A messenger was immediately dispatched to New Haven 
for Mrs. Wooster, and the wounded man was speedily re- 
moved to Danbury. Inflammation soon extended to the 
brain, and when Mrs. Wooster arrived he was too delirious 
to recognize her. For three days and nights he suffered the 
most excruciating agony. On the morning of the 1st of 

♦Arnold was journeying through Connecticut, on his way from 
Providence, where he wat in command, to Philadelphia, when 
this inv.osion occurred, and volunteered aid to Wooster and Sil- 
iiman. In this engagement he showed hi-; usual coolness under fire. 
Havmg had his horse shot vujdcr hun. he sat s ill upi»n his fallen steed, 
with his eye upon a British soldier, who was approaching to run him 
tiirough with a b.iyonet, till, the man being so near that a pistol could 
not miss the mark, Arnold drew one from his holsters, and shot the 
man dead. 



May the pain suddenly ceased. During that whole day and 
the next, his wife, who remained constantly at his bed-side, 
noticed, with the quick eye of a woman's affection, that his 
mind was laboring with tlie broken images of scenes that 
had long ago faded from his recollection, and were now 
passing in wild review before him. Still, she called vainly 
upon him for a token of recognition. The paleness of 
death, the short breathing, the fluttering pulse, at length in- 
dicated that the last moment was at hand. She was stoop- 
ing over him lo wipe the death-dew from his forehead, 
when suddenly he opened his eyes and fixed them full upon 
her, with a look of consciousness and deep love. His lips 
trembled. He sought to speak, but his voice was stifled in 
the embrace of death. 

General Wooster was not the only citizen of New 
Haven who .sacrificed his life on that occasion. 
Against the west wall of the Grove street Cemetery 
is a brown sandstone, on which is inscribed: 

In memory of Mr. David Atwater, a noted apothecary, 
a valuable member of society, just and upright in his deal- 
ings, generously beneficent to the public, diffusively chari- 
table to the poor; a kind and amiable husband, a faithful 
friend, and a firm advocate for his country; in defense of 
which he fell a volunteer in the battle at Compo Hill, April 
28th, A.D. 1777, ae. 41. 

This patriotic volunteer, who, seizing a musket, 
marched to the defense of his country, was of the 
Wallingford branch of the Atwater family, but had 
been for several years in business in New Haven 
as a druggist. His son, of the same name, his fourth 
and youngest child, was born in 1777 (the other 
children having previously died), graduated at Yale 
College in 1797, and died in 1805. By his death 
this branch of the family became e.\'tinct. 

Mr. Atwater's latest advertisement appeared in 
the Cunneclicut Journal oi K'^tW 9th: 

Just come to hand and to be sold by 
David Atwater, Junior. 

Rhubarb, Camphor, Balsam Capivi, Oil of Almonds, 
Gum Arabic, Liqorice Ball, Carohna Pink Root, Linilive 
Electuary, Cinnamon and Mace by the quantity, and other 
Medicines as usual. 

Also Paper by the ream, large and small. Looking 
Glasses, Dutch Spectacles, Shoemakers' Awls, Brass and 
Washed Thimbles, Children's Shoe Buckles by the gross, 
French Barley in small casks. Oatmeal, Currants, the best 
French Indigo, Whalebone, Logwood, etc. 

The same journal, in its issue of April 30th, thus 
mentions his burial: 

''This day the remains of Doct. Atwater were 
brought to town and buried with military honors." 

Three companies of volunteers went from New 
Haven, of whom the only private killed was the 
one mentioned above. Abner Bradley and Tim- 
othy Gorham were wounded, though not mortally. 
E.xcepting the death wound of General Wooster, 
the casualties to the New Haven men all took place, 
at Compo Hill, as the British were re-embarking 
under the protection of fresh troops. 

In December, 1777, Articles of Confederation of 
the United States having been proposed by the Con- 
gress to the consideration of the Legislatures of the 
several States, the General Assembly of Connecti- 
cut submitted them to the towns, and New Haven 
appointed a committee of thirty-three, who, at the 
ne.xt town-meeting, made a report favorable on the 
whole to the articles, but indicating a few e.xpres- 
sions they could wish otherwise. Among their 
criticisms is, "objection to furnishing troops in 

proportion to the white inhabitants only, as we hope 
the time may be when a black may be a freeman 
and the owner of property, and then he ought to 
contiibute his proportion toward furnishing troops." 
In March, 1778, a Committee on Measures for 
the Defense of the Town, appointed at a previous 
meeting, made a report recommending as imme- 
diately necessary the following, viz. : 

That two small works should be erected at the West 
Bridge capable of receiving four pieces of ordnance; which 
would cost two days' work with a good team, and about 
seventy days' of other labor. 

The other only pass into the town from the westward 
is on the road by or near the paper-mill. The ground there 
is very advantageous for defense; the whole of it, by which 
the enemy could pass between the West Rock and any part 
of the river which is fordable, being easily commanded by 
cannon. We are of opinion that a small work or redoubt on 
the east side of the West River on the road leading to Amity, 
capable of receiving two or three field pieces, is necessary 
in order to secure that pass. This probably would cost about 
half the labor of the work proposed at the West Bridge. 

The committee proceed to mention the impor- 
tance of a field piece at West Haven and another 
at East Haven, and recommend that the State be 
asked to establish a camp for recruits in each of 
those suburbs of the town. 

An important measure for the defense of the town 
had been provided in the first year of the war, viz., 
a beacon to communicate an alarm to the neighbor- 
ing towns. We can best inform our readers in re- 
gard to the beacon by copying from the Connecticut 
fournal the advertisement of the committee ap- 
pointed for its erection. 


The town of New Haven having this day erected a 
beacon on Indian Hill at East Haven, now Beacon Hill, 
about a mile and a half southeast of the town, and ordered us, 
their committee, to give public notice thereof, we now uiform 
the public in general, and the neighboring towns in particu- 
lar, that the Beacon will be fired on Monday evening next, 
the 20th instant, at 6 o'clock. All persons are then desired 
to look out for the Beacon and take the bearing of it 
from their respective places of abode, that they may know 
where to look out for it in case of an alarm, which \\ill be 
announced by the firing of three cannon. If our enemy 
should attack us, and we be under the necessity of making 
use of this method to call in the assistance of our brethren, 
we request that all persons who come into the town will take 
care to be well armed with a good musket, bayonet, and 
cartridge-box well filled with cartridges, under their proper 
officers, and repair to the State House, where they will 
receive orders from Colonel Fitch what p(jst to take. 

The ministers of the several parishes of this and the 
neighboring towns are ret|uested to mention to their respec- 
tive congregations the time when the Beacon will be fired. 
Phineas Bradley, 
Isaac Doolittle, 
Ja.mes Rice, 


New H.wen, 14th November, 1775. 

The invasion of New Haven, which its inhabitants 
apprehended in 1778, came to pass in 1779. On 
Sunday evening, the fourth day of July in that year, 
the Lord's day being kept according to the Puritan 
custom from evening to evening, and holy time 
having ceased at the going down of the sun, a 
public meeting was held to prepare for the celebra- 
tion of the anniversary of the Declaration of In- 
dependence. The programme arranged for the 
morrow has not been preserved to our day, but the 



custom of ihc time authorizes us to believe that 
there was to have been a pubhc rcadin.c: of the 
Declaration of Independence and an oration, fol- 
lowed by a dinner with toasts and speeches. But 
the order of proceedings was changed by the un- 
welcome intelligence that the ]5ritish troops were 
landing at West Haven. 

"The Invasion of New Haven by the British 
troops, July 5lh, i779." 's t''e theme of a paper 
read to the New Haven Colony Historical Society, 
bv Rev. Chauncey Goodrich, and published in the 
Collections of the Society. "The British Invasion 
of New Haven, Connecticut," is the title of a 
brochure by Charles Hervey Townshend published 
in connection with the celebration of the one 
hundredth anniversary of the invasion. We shall 
avail ourselves freely of the researches of both these 
writers, and transcribe their language with or with- 
out alteration as may best subserve our purpose. 

The British lleet, composed of two men-of-war, 
with tenders and transports to the number in all of 
about forty-eight vessels, anchored off West Haven 
Point at an early hour in the morning. It was 
commanded by Sir George Collier, Commodore, 
and had on board some three thousand troops 
under the orders of Major-General Tryon. Fifteen 
hundred of these were lantled at West Haven under 
Brigadier-General Garth; and the rest were sub- 
sequently landed at South End in East Haven, 
Tryon himself conducting the movement in that 
(|u'arter. The appearance of the fleet ofl' West 
Haven had at first occasioned some excitement, 
which increased when the vessels came to anchor. 
Alarm guns were then fired, and Colonel Sabin, of 
the militia, ordered the drums to beat to arms. In 
the early light of the summer morning, between 
four and five o'clock. President Stiles, standing on 
the tower of the College Chapel, saw with the aid of a 
spy-glass, the movement of boats conveying troops 
to the shore. This becoming known, the town was 
at once full of confusion, excitement and alarm. 
Many persons began to remove furniture and other 
articles of value back into the country; important 
papers were secured; articles of plate were buried 
or secreted. Numbers of men, women, and chil- 
dren went out to the East and West Rocks or to the 
adjacent country, some as far as Mount Carmel 
and North Haven. Some remained quietly in 
their houses; among them were aged, infirm and 
feeble folk; also some timid Whigs and some who 
were, openly or secretly, Tories. 

The movements of the British fleet, as it ad- 
vanced to its anchorage, had been watched by 
several men on the shore, connected with a mili- 
tary company. One of them, Thomas Painter by 
name, thus relates what he saw : 

About the first of March, in the year 1779, 1 enhstcd in 
a company of artillery under the command of Capt. 
Bradley, which had been raised and stationed in and about 
New Haven for the defen^e of the town. The company 
was divided into three portions: one for the East Haven 
side of the harbor; one for the West Haven side; and one 
for New Haven itself. My place of service was my native 
village (West Haven), under the immediate command of 
T^ieut. Azel Kimberly. While I was servint; in this com- 
pany, the enemy paid us a visit early in the month of July, 
landing at the 1 >ld Field shore. The night when they came, 

I was upon guard at the house then owned by Deacon 
Josiah I'latt, now the property and residence of Mr. Wilmot. 
Not far from niidnii;ht the news came tliat a large lleet of 
the enemy's ships were in the Sound, and it was learcd that 
they were destined for New Haven. Soon I with some 
others of the guard, extended our walk to Clark's Point. 
As it was a starlight night, we soon discovered the fleet 
standing in to the eastward, with a slight breeze on the 
land. We watched their maneuvers until they came to 
anchor oH' the Old Field shore, a little before day. I then 
h.istened up to my L'ncle Stevens' to inform them of the im- 
pending danger; but they were extremely incredulous and 
unwilling to believe there was really any danger, for ihcy 
had become accustomed to fretpient and unnecessary alarms. 
I told them that they must be up immediately and get their 
breakfast if they intended to have it at home and in peace; 
and 1 also advised them to hide their valuables and handy 
articles of clothing, for fear of the worst. Then, mustering 
up what anununilion I had, and crossing into the other 
street, I with three others of the guard obtained permission 
of an officer to go down to the shore and watch the enemy's 
landing. We then went to the Old Field shore, where we 
waiteil until sunrise, when a gun was tired from the Com- 
modore as a signal for landing; and instantly a string of 
boats was seen dropping astern of every transport ship, full 
of soldiers and pulling directly lor the shore. It was near high 
water and a lull tide, so that the boats could come plump 
up to the beach. As soon as they came within point blank 
shot, we fired into them, and continued to lire until they 
began to land within a few yards ot us. Then I thought it 
was time either to retreat, or, on the other hand, beg for 
cpiarter, rather than run the risk of crossing the open field 
under the shower of shot which I well knew would be 
hurled after me. It was an emergency in which I knew 
not what to do; for after we had been so foolish and impu- 
dent as to fire into an army of men, all huddled into their 
boats, with no opportunity of returning our well-aimed 
shots, I knew they would soon make short work with us if 
they once had us in their power. So there was really no 
alternative but to run and abide the consequences. I there- 
fore instantly started across the fields at the top of my speed 
and the bullets after me like a shower of hail, which seemeil 
to prostrate all the grass around me. But fortunately I 
escaped unhurt, and retreating to another good stand on the 
Rock pasture, I waited the approach of the flank guard. 
Then I would lire a few shots and retreat to another 
ambush, and fire a few more and again retreat, and so I 
continued to <lo until I got nearly up to the Milt'ord turn- 
pike road, where there was an ailjutant of the enemy killeil 
and left behind. 

The British, after landing and forming in line of 
march, proceeded up the road toward West Haven 
Green, plundering and destroying on the way. 
Houses were violently entered, furniture was bro- 
ken to pieces, beds were cut open to discover any 
articles of value concealed therein, and many things, 
as books, papers, and the like, were taken out of 
doors, heaped up, and set on fire. Tradition tells 
us that Rev. Mr. Wiiliston, then Pastor of the Con- 
gregational Church in West Haven village, was 
engaged in removing some articles from the par- 
sonage, which stood on the west side of the Green, 
when the enemy appeared close at hand. Passing 
out of the back door, he attempted to escape to the 
woods in the rear of the parsonage, but fell, in 
climbing over a fence, and broke one i>f his legs. 
The Tories of the place and the soldiers, into whose 
hands he came, threatened to kill him, as he had 
been active in rousing the patriots to resist British 
aggression. But Adjutant Campbell, of the British 
service, rescued him from their violence, had him 
carried into the house, ordered the surgeon of the 
regiment to set the fractured limb, and provided 
that he should be suitably cared for. Mr. Willis- 



ton, it is said, "after being saved, sung, and blessed 
the Lord all the remaining part of the day that he 
had broken his leg, and thus providentially escaped 
being shot while running from the enemy. He 
used, in subsequent years, to tell his friends that, 
though he was suftering bodily pain, it was the 
happiest day of his life."* 

The enemy, on reaching the Green in West 
Haven, made a halt of two hours. Adjutant Camp- 
bell, with other officers, breakfasted at a house oppo- 
site tlie northwestern corner of the Green, then a 
tavern, and by their presence protected it from at- 
tempts at pillaging made by the sokliers. After 
resting about two hours, the troops took up their 
line of march, moving in a main column of three 
divisions of ten companies each, General Garth be- 
ing nearly in the middle of the column. Their 
flanking parties e.xtended perhaps fifty or sixty rods 
on either side. 

While the British were marching up through 
West Haven toward West Bridge, Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Sabin and Captain Phineas Bradley, with such 
of the militia as made their appearance, marched 
out on the Milford road to prevent the entrance of 
the enemy into the town across West Bridge. 
James Hillhouse, then Captain of the Governor's 
Foot Guards, having assembled such of his com- 
pany as he could, and accepted the services of sev- 
eral volunteers, some of whom were members of 
Yale College, went out with the militia; and while 
the latter halted at the bridge, Hillhouse crossed 
the bridge and the causeway, and went down the 
road within a quarter of a mile of the British. 
Much of the time for a year or two previous, a 
Connecticut regiment had been stationed at New 
Haven for the defense of the place, but at this time 
there were no American troops within reach, except 
such as lived in the town. In the course of the 
day, hundreds came in from the country to render 
such aid as they could, but too late to prevent the 
incursion of the enemy. Probably the defenders of 
tne town on the west side did not number two hun- 
dred, while the British division, which landed at 
West Haven, contained nearly ten times as many. 
Mr. Goodrich informs us that one of the volunteers 
was his grandfather, Elizur Goodrich. ■" He was 
then eighteen years of age, a member of the Senior 
Class in Yale College, and was boarding at the 
house of his uncle, Hon. Charles Chauncey, which 
stood in Church street, where the Third Congrega- 
tional Church was afterwards built. On hearing of 
the approach of the enemy, he procured a musket 
and equipments, and started to join the party under 
Captain Hillhouse. As he was passing along the 
street, a lady called to him from the window of a 
house, asking whether he had a supply of bullets. 
He replied that he had some. She urged him to 
come in and get more, and, on his entering the 
house, opened a drawer, full of bullets, which she 
had been casting. He seized a handful, and hur- 
ried on to join the party, already in motion." 

The Rev. Naphtali Daggett, Professor of Divinity 
in Yale College, had been from the first an ar- 
dent champion of the rights of the colonists. 

* Historical Discourse by Rev. Erastus Coltotl- 

Ten years before the outbreak of hostilities, he 
published in the Cmineelicut Gazette a series of papers 
in opposition to the Stamp Act, one of which has 
been already cited in this chapter and may be 
found in full in the chapter on the periodical press. 
The Professor was as prompt with his gun as with 
his pen. Mr. Elizur Goodrich thus relates how he 
rode past his pupils on his way to meet the foe. 

"I well remember the surprise we felt as we 
were marching over West Bridge toward the enemy, 
to see Dr. Daggett riding furiously by us on his 
old black mare, with his long fowling-piece in hand 
ready for action. We knew the old gentleman had 
studied the matter thoroughly and settled his own 
mind as to the right and propriety of fighting it 
out, but were not quite prepared to see him come 
forth in so gallant a style to carry his principles into 
practice. Giving him a hearty cheer as he passed, 
we turned down toward West Haven, at the foot of 
Milford Hill, while he ascended a little to the west 
and took his station in a copse of wood, where he 
seemed to be reconnoitering the enemy like one 
who was determined to bide his time. As we passed 
on toward the south, we met the advanced guard 
of the enemy and taking our stand at a line of 
fence we fired on them several times, and then 
chased them the length of three or four fields as 
they retreated, till we found ourselves involved with 
the main body and in danger of being surrounded. 
It was now our turn to run, and we did for our 
lives. Passing by Dr. Daggett, in his station on 
the hill, we retreated rapidly across West Bridge, 
which was instantly taken down by perstms who 
stood ready for the purpose, to prevent the enemy 
from entering the town by that road. 

" In the meantime Dr. Daggett, as we heard after- 
ward, stood his ground manfully, while the British 
columns advanced to the foot of the hill, deter- 
mined to have the battle to himself as we had left 
him in the lurch, and using his fowling-piece now 
and then to excellent effect as occasion offered, 
under cover of the bushes. But this could not last 
long. A detachment was sent up the hill-side to 
look into the matter, and the commanding officer 
coming suddenly to his great surprise on a single 
individual in a black coat, blazing away in this 
style, cried out: ' What are you doing there, you 
old fool, firing on his Majesty's troops V ' Ex- 
ercising the rights of war,' sa3-s the old gentleman. 
The very audacity of the reply and the mixture of 
drollery it contained, seemed to amuse the officer. 

" ' If I let you go this time, you rascal ' said he, 
' will you ever fire again on the troops of his 
Majesty.'' 'Nothing more likely,' said the old 
gentleman in his dry way. This was too much for 
flesh and blood to bear, and it is a wonder that 
they did not put a bullet through him on the spot. 
However they dragged him down to the head of the 
column, and as they were necessitated by the des- 
truction of West Bridge to turn their course two 
miles further north'to the next bridge above, they 
placed him at their head and compelled him to 
lead the wa)'. I had gone into the meadows in the 
meantime, on the opposite side of the river, half a 
mile distant and kept pace with the march as they 





advanced towards the north. It was, I think, the 
hottest day 1 ever knew. The stoutest men were 
melted by the heat." 

The following narrative of the treatment of Prof. 
Daggett by the soldiers, was written by himself and 
sworn to before Davitl Austin, a Justice of the 

.\n account of the cruelties and barbarities which I re- 
ceived from the Hritish troops after I liad surrendered my- 
self a prisoner into their hands. 

It is needless to relate all the leading circumstances which 
threw me in their way. It may be suflficient to observe 
that on Monday, the 5th inst., the town of New Haven was 
justly alarmed with very threatening appearances of a speedy 
invasion from the enemy. Numbers went out armed to op- 
pose them. I, amonjj the rest, took the station assigned me 
on Milford Hill, but was soon directed to quit it and retire 
farther north, as the motions of the enemy required. Ilav- 
'"R gone as far as I supposed sufficient, 1 turned down the 
hill to gain a little covert of bushes which I had in my eye, 
but to my great surprise I saw the enemy much nearer than 
I expected, their advanced guard being little more than 
twenty rods distant; plain, open ground between us. They 
instantly tired upon me, which they continued till I had run 
a dozen rods, discharging not less than fifteen or twenty 
balls at me alone; however, through the preserving provi- 
dence of God 1 escaped them all unhurt, and gained the 
little covert at which I aimed, wdueh concealed me from 
their view, while I could plainly see them through the woods 
and bushes advaiKing toward me within about twelve rods. 
I singled out one of them, took aim and tired upon him. I 
loaded my musket again, but determined not to discharge it 
any more; and as I saw I could not escape from them, I de- 
termined to surrender myself a prisoner. I liegged for 
quarter, and that they would spare my life. They drew 
near to me, I think only two in number, one on my right 
hand, the other on my left, the fury of internals glowing in 
their faces. They called me a damned old rebel, and swore 
they would kill me instantly. They demanded, " What 
did you fire upon us for ? " I replied, " ISecause it is the 
exercise of war." The one made a pass at me with his b,iy- 
onet, as if he designed to thrust it through my body. With 
my hand I tossed it up from its dncction, and sprung in so 
near to him that he could not hit me with his bayonet. I 
still continued pleading and begging for my life with the 
utmost importunity, using every argument in my power tt) 
mollify them and induce them to desist from their murderous 
purpose. One of them gave me four gashes im my head 
with the edge iif his bayonet to the skull bime, which caused 
a plentiful effusion of blood. The other gave me three slight 
pricks with the point of his bayonet on the trunk of my 
body, but they were no more than skni deep. But what is 
a thousand tnnes worse than all that has been related, is the 
blows and bruises they gave me with the heavy barrels of 
their guns on my bowels, by which I was knocked down 
once or more, and almost deprived of life; by which bruises 
I have been confined to my bed ever since. These scenes 
might take up about two minutes of time. They seemed to 
desist a little from their design of murder, alter which they 
stripped me of my shoe and knee buckles, an<l also my 
stock buckle. Their avarice further led them to rob me of 
my pocket-handkerchief and a little old tobacco box. They 
then bade me march toward the main body, which was 
about twelve rods distant, where some ofhcers soon ini|uired 
of me who I was. I gave them my name, station and char- 
acter, and begged their protection, that I might not be any 
more hurt or abused by the .soldiers. They promised me 
their protection. But I was robbed of my shoes, and was 
committed to one of the most unfeeling savages that ever 
breathed. They then drove me with the main body, a hasty 
march of five miles or more. I was insulted in the most 
shocking manner by the ruffian soldiers, many of whom 
came at me with fixed bayoTiets and swore they would kill 
me on the spot. They damned me and those who took me, 
because they spared my life. Thus, amidst a thousand in- 
sults, my infernal driver hastened me along faster than my 
strength would admit in the extreme heat of the day, weak- 
ened as I was by i»y wounds and the loss of blood, which, 
at a moderate computation, could not be less than one quart'. 

And when I failed in some degree through fainlness, he 
would strike me on the back with a heavy walking staflf, 
and kick me behind with his foot. At length, by the sup. 
porting power of (Jod, I arrived at the (Ireen in New Ha 
ven. But my life was almost spent, the world around me 
several limes appearing as dark as midnight. I obtained 
leave of an officer to be carried into the widow Lyman's, 
and laid on a bed, where I lay the rest of the day and suc- 
ceeding night in such acute and excruciating pain as 1 never 
felt before. 

NArllTAI.I Dacijett. 
New Havkn, July 1(1, 1779. 

Dr. Daggett was for a considerable lime in much 
danger of his life from physical exhaustion ant! the 
wounds he received. lie recovered, however, so 
far as to be able to preach in the College Chapel 
during a part of the next year. But it cannot be 
doubted that his death, which occurred si.xteen 
months afterward, was hastened by this experience 
of hartlship. His affidavit makes no mention of 
any intercession in his behalf by persons who were 
on the British side. But there is a tradition that 
William Chandler, who acted as guide to the enemy 
on their march, having formerly been a student in 
theCollege, interceded for the Brofessorand secured 
that his life should be spared. It is also said that 
when he reached the New Haven Green, in his 
exhausted condition, he was recognized by one of 
the Tories of the town who came to meet the 
British, and at the request of this Tory was set at 
liberty. Perhaps in the confusion of the affair, the 
Professor did not know of these acts of mediation 
in his behalf 

Not far from the spot where Dr. Daggett was 
taken prisoner, Adjutant Campbell, who had 
shown so much generosity to Parson Williston, 
was killed. On reaching the foot of Milford Hill, 
the British found the fire from the field pieces at 
West Bridge so effective as to deter them from an 
attempt to cross the causeway. These guns, served 
by Captain Phineas Bradley, threw shot across to 
the foot of the hill and swept the causew-ay. It 
being decided to continue the march northward to 
the next bridge, the Adjutant riding up the hill, 
perhaps to give the necessary orders to the flanking 
companies, was seen by a young man belonging 
in the neighboihood, who, having been engaged in 
the skirmish, was now sitting behind a tree or wall. 
As the olTicer rode near him, he raised his musket, 
fired, and saw that his shot had taken efl'ect. He 
then ran from the approaching enemy, whose balls 
Hew around him, escaping to live through a long 
life and tell the story of shooting this officer to a 
son born some years after, from whom the narrative 
came to our time. Campbell was carried into a 
house, then standing on the south side of the road, 
where he died, attended by his servant. When the 
enemy had passed on, and the people of the neigh- 
borhood returned, his dead body was found strip- 
ped of clothing. Only a cambric handkerchief 
which had been pressed into the wound remained. 
It had his name on it, and was for a long time 
preserved as a relic. The next day he was carried to 
a place of interment on the north side of the road. 
His grave was long unmarked by any memorial, 
and was in danger of being wholly forgotten, until 
in October, 1831, Mr. J. W. Barber placed over it 



a small rough stone bearing Campell's name and 
the year of his death. The pocket dressing-case of 
Adjutant Campbell is in the possession of the New- 
Haven Colony Historical Society, his servant having 
sold it to a resident of New Haven. 

We now return to the march of the enemy from 
the foot of Milford Hill into town by way of West- 
ville. While most of their New Haven assailants 
had retired across West Bridge, a number of pa- 
triots hung on the left flank of the British column 
and kept up a constant firing all along the road 
to Hotchkisstown (as Westville was then called) 
from behind trees and stone walls. 'I'hese were for 
the most part militiamen from the vicinity, and 
were under the general direction of Aaron Burr, 
afterward Vice-President of the United States, who, 
then a young man, was visiting relatives in New 
Haven That morning he conveyed his cousin, 
the youngest daughter of Pierpont Edwards to a 
place of safety in North Haven and hastened back 
to aid in repelling the invaders. 

Mr. Goodrich has incorporated into his narrative 
of the invasion, a statement received through Dr. 
G. O. Sumner from Mrs. Robert Brown. "She 
was born in 1774, and was consequently about five 
years of age when the events of which we are 
speaking occured. Although of tender years, she 
seems to have received a very distinct impression of 
the facts, and to have retained then in a remarkable 
degree in advancing years. Her father, a Mr. Mi.x, 
was a baker by trade and resided in the Hotchkiss- 
town of that day. On the morning of the invasion, 
a relative who lived near by, came running into the 
house and said to Mr. Mix, ' The enemy have 
landed; you must take your gun immediately and 
go out to meet them.' He seized his musket, had 
a few hurried words with his wife, directing her to 
hide some valuables in the well and to take her 
children and go to her father's house, which was a 
mile or more further in the country, and then 
went out to meet the advancing foe. From an 
eminence near the house of her grandfather, the 
child of five years old had a distinct view of the 
British troops as they marched on. She observed 
their red coats, the e.xactness of their march, as 
though it was all one motion, and thought how 
small they looked, as being at a distance of a mile 
or more. On the way to her grandfather's house, 
the road was full of men hurrying into town with 
their guns, some on foot, others on horseback. 
The day was exceedingly hot, and the dust fiew in 
clouds. When they reached the house, she saw 
her grandfather cutting up great pieces of raw 
pork and of bread, which she understood to be for 
the men coming in from the country to defend the 
t( iwn. '' 

I.everett Hotchkiss was in a company of militia 
which came over from Derby as soon as possible 
after the alarm was given, and was one of those 
who annoyed the enemy on their left flank, keep- 
ing along the side of the hill, west of the road from 
Allingtown to Hotchkisstown. For a time the at- 
tacking party were behind a stone wall crouching 
down and firing over it. They had fired several 
times in this way, when the enemy made a move- 

ment intended to flank and capture them. The 
Captain of the company from Derby was behind 
a large rock and did not perceive the movement of 
the enemy ; but a Lieutenant Holbrook saw it, 
and jumping up on the rock, urged the Captain to 
give orders to move so as to escape the danger. 
He, however, did not appreciate the state of the 
case, and would not give the order for a change of 
position. After attempting to rouse the Captain 
to the emergency of the situation, Holbrook, seeing 
that the enemy nearly completed their flanking 
movement, took the responsibility, and shouted to 
the men thateveiy one should take care of himself, 
whereupon they scattered and retreated along the 
side of the hill. As Leverett Hotchkiss was thus 
retreating, in company with a man named Bradley, 
from Derby, the two passed, in crossing a field, 
under a tree. A limb of the tree hung low, and 
Hotchkiss bent down his head in passing under it. 
Just then, a bullet from the pursuing enemy cut 
off a small branch from the tree, which fell on the 
neck of Hotchkiss. Bradley w-as hit and killed at 
the same time, and, as he dropped, his musket fell 
on Hotchkiss. The latter escaped, and after the 
skirmish was over, when inquiries were made about 
Bradley, he told the story of their experiences, 
and guided the way to the spot where the body 

Later in the fight, one of the British soldiers was 
captured, and Hotchkiss was appointed to guard 
him until it was determined what to do with him. 
As he was watching the prisoner, a man named 
Humphrey, from Derby, came near them. Hav- 
ing been at first of Tory proclivities, he had enlisted 
in the service of King George, but had deserted 
and joined the rebels. The British prisoner seeing 
him, said, " I know that man; he was in the same 
regiment, and company, and mess with me." 
Hotchkiss replied, "Oh ! he is not English; he be- 
longs about here." But the prisoner persisted in his 
statement. The matter was dropped, but afterward 
Humphrey said to some one, "That man was 
right, and you see what would have become of me 
if I had been captured." 

The Lieutenant Holbrook referred to, was a man 
of much courage and efficiency. In the morning, 
as he was about leaving home, his father said to 
him, " You are going to fight the enemies of your 
country; now remember that I had rather see you 
brought back wounded in front than in running 
from the enemy. " After the enemy gained posses- 
sion of New Haven, he was in and out of town 
several times. He saw, as evening came on, how 
drunk and disorderly they became, and went to the 
American General in command of the militia w-ho 
had gathered on the outskirts (General Ward), 
proposing a night attack on them, asserting that 
they could easily be captured. When this proposi- 
tion was rejected, he pleaded hard for a few men to 
go with him and make an attack, as he was sure 
that he could greatly alarm them, and probably 
could capture a large number. But cautious coun- 
sels prevailed, and his desire was not granted. He 
continued in the military service during the war, 
and became colonel of a regiment. 



While the enemy were movino; toward Hotch- 
kisstown, Liculenant-Coloiiel Sabiii, Captain Hill- 
house, ami Captain Bradley, with tlie men whom 
they comminilcd, went across the fields on the east 
side of the river, to meet and oppose the enemy 
at 'fhompson's Bridge, as that at Hotchkisstown 
was then called. 

Some persons who Ikd from New Haven to 
the houses of friends near West Rock, ascended 
the rock, and from its front edge viewed the march 
uf the British as they advanced antl entered the 
village. One of the number in after years de- 
scribed the sight as very striking, and even beauti- 
ful. The long ct)lumn of men moving with the 
regular step of tlisciplincd troops; the mingling 
color of the uniforms worn, as the bright red of the 
English Guards blended wiih the graver hues of the 
Cierman mercenaries: the waving line of glittering 
bayonets; the hurried riding back and forth of 
mounted officers, and the frequent flashes of mus- 
ketry, no doubt combined to make up a scene 
which might well attract atlmiration, were not the 
occasion so fraught with terror to the spectators. 

At the west end of the village was the ])owder- 
mill of Doolitile & Atwater, which has been 
already mentioned. The enemy made a movement 
in that direction for the purpose of destroying the 
powder-mill. Tiiis being resisted by the patriots, 
some sharp fighting took place and the attempt 
was abandoned, and this mill continued to furnish 
powder throughout the war. 

Resuming their march toward the town of New 
Haven, the enemy's right flank forded the stream a 
few rods below the bridge, while the main boily 
crossed on the bridge itself Colonel Sabin, and 
those who went with liim from West Bridge, did 
not reach the ])lace till the enemy had gained pos- 
session of the bridge and the fordable part of the 
river. They took, however, a position on top of 
the slight eminence to which the road ascends 
eastwardly, and gave the invaders a smart fire from 
the field-pieces till their ammunition failed. The 
Americans probably availed themselves here, as 
well as at West Bridge, of the intrenchments 
thrown up about fifteen months before. An ac- 
count of the invasion in " Barber's History and An- 
tiquities of New Haven," states tliat these embank- 
ments were (piite recently visible; but eviilentlv the 
writer thought they were cast up on that memorable 
fifth day of July, not sufficiently considering the 
difllculty of removing so much eanh in a single 
morning. 'I'he Americans being no longer able to 
use artillery, retreated slowly, continuing to use 
their muskets as they retired. The tradition is that 
the enemy came in on GoUc street and on Whalley 
avenue. Probably the main body moved from 
Thompson's Bridge, or Derby Bridge, as President 
Stiles calls it, through Gofte street, skirmishers 
being thrown out on their right as far as Whalley 
avenue, and their left flank being jirotected by the 
Beaver Pond. When ihey had passed the Beaver 
Pond thev encountered a body of militia who had 
come in from the north, and then began the warm- 
est and most jirotracted fighting which occurred 
during the day. .\t Ditch Corner there was, says 

President Stiles, "incessant firing on both sides all 
the afternoon and sundry were slain, and at length 
the firing ceased in the evening.''* 

The Connecticut ymirmil of July 7, 1779, ^'''O 
says: " A body of militia suflicient to penetrate the 
town could not be collected that evening. We 
were oliged, therefore, to content ourselves with 
giving the enemy every annoyance in our power, 
which was done with great spirit for most of the 
afternoon at or about Ditch Corner." 

Leaving their skirmishers fighting at Ditch Cor- 
ner, the main body passed on, ]'reserving military 
order, till they reached the dwellings on Broadway, 
where the)' broke ranks, and rushed to the work of 
cruelly and devastation. They vented their spite 
on the houses, breaking windows and demolishing 
furniture. Some of them having caught a flock of 
geese, did not stay to pluck and dress the geese, 
but boiled them in a large brass kettle and made a 
hasty meal at the tavern of Mrs. luinice Tultle, 
where Christ Church now stands. Mrs. Tuttleand 
her family, with the exception of her son, Klisha Tut- 
tle, who, being insane, could not be persuaded to go 
with his friends, had lied for safety to the Hubbard 
Farm near West Rock, now owned by the town. 
This unfortunate man had, on attaining his major- 
ity, married and removed into the wilderness of 
Northern New York, where, while he was on a 
visit to New Haven, his whole family had been 
murdered by Indians, except a little daughter, 
whom thev carried into cajitivity. After a vain 
search for his daughter, he came back to New Ha- 
ven heart-broken and deranged. As his derange- 
ment often inanifesteil itself in silence, it is probable 
that his refusal to speak brought upon him the 
anger of the soldiers. They beat him cruelly, 
pried open his mouth with a bayonet, and cut his 
tongue, injuring him so that he died the same day. 

The enemy reached the Green a little before one 
o'clock P.M. Their dead and wounded were car- 
ried across the Green and to Long \Miarf in seven 
chairs, a name given to the old-fashioned chaise 
without a lop, and in five wagons (one of which con- 
tained ten men). This fact was reported to Pres- 
ident .Stiles by an eye-witness, and is recorded by 
him in his diary. 

On entering the town, the enemy ilistributed 
printed copies of a Proclamation signed by Com- 
modore Collier and I\Lajor-( General Tryt)n, which 
was as follows: 

By Sir Cieorge Collier, Commaiuicr-in Chief of his 
Majesty's ships aiul vessels in North America, and Major- 
(leneral 'Pryon, comniandinir his Majesty's land forces on a 
separate expedition. 

AdJrtss to Iht Inliabilanis of Connecticut . 

The ungenerous and wanton insurrection against tlie 
sovereignty of Great Britain, into which this colony has been 
deluded by ihe artifices of designing men for privale pur- 
poses, might well justify you in every fear which conscious 

* Ditch Corner was between what is now known as Miinson Park on 
tlic east, and the Beaver Pond on the west. Goffe street is here wedge- 
shaped, and at lliat time the road to Haniden and Cheshire started 
from the west end of the wedge, the lower end of Dixwell a\'enue lieing 
of modern oriKin. Orchard street is a part of this old road, or Long 
lane, as it was called. lint Long lane was. as Mr. Sylvanus Butler in- 
forms me, bro.ader than Orchard street; a strip two rt>ds wide having 
been sold to the adjoining proprietors. The militia from the north 
coming down lane, cncotintercd the British at Ditch Comer. 



guilt could form respecting the intentions of the present 

Vour towns, your property, yourselves, lie within the 
grasp of the power whose forbearance you have ungraciously 
construeil into fear, but whose lenity has persisted in its mild 
and nnble efforts, even though bran<led with the most un- 
worthy imputation. The existence of a single habitation on 
your ilefenseless coast ought to be a subject of constant re- 
proof lo your ingratitude. Can the strength of your whole 
province cope with the force which might at any time be 
poured through any district in your country ? You are 
conscious it cannot. Why then will you persist in a ruinous 
and ill-judged resistance ? We hoped that you would re- 
cover from the phrensy which has distracted this unhappy 
country; and we believe the day to be near when the 
greater part of this continent will begin to blush at their de- 
lusion. You who lie so much in our power, affonl the most 
striking monument of our mercy, and therefore ought to set 
the first example of returning to allegiance. 

Reflect on what gratitude requires of you; if ihat is 
insufficient to move you, attend to your own interest; we 
offer you a refuge against the distress which, you universally 
acknowledge, broods with increasing and intolerable weight 
over all your country. 

Leaving you to consult with each other upon this invita- 
tion, we do now declare that whoever shall be found, and 
remain in peace, at his usual place of residence, shall be 
shielded from any insult either to his person or his property, 
excepting such as bear offices, either civil or military, under 
your present usurped government; of whom it will l^e fur- 
ther required that they shall give proofs of their penitence 
and voluntary submission; and they shall then partake of 
the like immunity. 

Those whose folly and obstinacy may slight this favor- 
able warning, must take notice that they are not to expect 
a continuance of that lenity, which their inveteracy would 
now render blamable. 

(jiven on board his Majesty's ship Camilla, on the 
Sound, July 4, 1779. 

George Collier. 
William Trvon. 

Notwithstanding the promise of protection to 
those who should remain at their homes, the town 
was given up to promiscuous pillage by the soldiers, 
from the time of their arrival till the darkness of 
night came on. A few houses were exempted as 
occupied by favorers of the British cause. Build- 
ings were forcibly entered; articles of value, as 
silver plate, watches, buckles, clothing, money, 
and the like were taken, often in a brutal manner; 
nor was this the worst, for personal violence was 
added in many cases to such robbery, and both 
aged men and helpless females were shockingly 

The invaders did not always discriminate be- 
tween Whigs and Tories, for many of the latter 
were badly treated. One lady who felt secure in 
her loyalty to his Majesty, was compelled to fly to 
the cellar for safety. She concealed herself in an 
empty hogshead, but the rude soldiers found her 
and rolled the hogshead with her in it, over and 
over, till she fearetl for her life. Before leaving 
the house, they tore her ear-rings from her ears, as 
was done in many other cases. 

It is said that nine hundred feather beds were 
carried to New 'S'oik, and many more wantonly 
ripped up; some of which were thrown into the 
harbor. Looking-glasses were generally broken; 
some few were saved, one of which was in Captain 
Bradley's It appears that on some former 
occasions Captain Bradley had saved the life of 
his neighbor, Joshua Chandler, aTory law3-er, when 
some furloughed American soldiers in a drunken 

frolic had seized him and were threatening to hang 
him to a neighboring tree. As a return for this 
kindness, the property of Captain Bradley was 
protected, though he had been that day foremost 
in resisting the invaders; a guard being placed at 
his house by the sons of Chandler, who were of- 
ficers in the British service. 

No buildings were set on fire while the enemy 
thus had possession of the town. The public 
buildings, as those of Yale College, the .State 
House, and the churches were injured little il at 
all. The soldiers dispersed about the town, quar- 
tering themselves on the inhabitants and engaging 
in the work of pillage. 

The following incident is given by Rev. Dr. 
Bacon in his brief memoir of James Hillhouse, 
published originally in the American Journal of 

Mrs. Hillhouse, widow of James Abraham Hillhouse, was 
a member of the Church of England, and her political 
sympathies were with the British. Hers therefore was one 
of the few houses to be protected from pillage. .Some of the 
British officers were quartered there and weie received with 
the courtesy due to men who bore his Majesty's commission. 
Yet the loyal lady was in great danger from the imputation 
of her nephew's patriotism. It happened that the news- 
paper containing Captain Hillhouse's patriotic call for 
recruits came under the notice of the officers almost as soon 
as they entered the house which was to be protected for its 
loyalty. The house and its contents would have been im- 
mediately given up to the plundering soldiers, had not the 
lady, with a dignified frankness which repelled suspicion, 
informed her guests that though the young man whose name 
was subscribed to that call was a near and valued relative of 
hers, and was actually resident under that roof, the property 
was entirely her own, and that the part which he had taken 
in the conflict with C.reat Britain was taken not only on his 
own responsibility, but in opposition to her judgment and 
her sympathies. 

This explanation was accepted and the protec- 
tion was continued. The " call for recruits " was 
printed in the New Haven paper of the preceding 
week, and ends thus: 

Who is there that will deprive himself of the pleasure 
and satisfaction he would derive through his whole life, from 
reflecting upon his having served a campaign in so im- 
portant a period of the war. I hereby invite all, and shall 
make the offer to as many as possible, to engage before the 
loth day of July next, when I am to make return to his Ex- 
cellency. Those who incline to accept, will by making ap- 
plication, receive their bounty in bills, and be kindly treated 
by their most obedient and humble servant, 

James Hillhouse. 

New Haven, June 21, 1779. 

Another instance in which a dwelling was pre- 
served from pillage by female intervention is told in 
"Barber's History and Antiquities of New Haven," 
and in his " Historical Collections of Connecticut. '' 
Mr. Amos Doolittle was one of the Governor's 
Foot Guards who went to Cambridge in 1775, and 
was no less prompt in his country's service on this 
occasion. When obliged to retire from Westville, 
as the enemy advanced, he returned to his house, 
which was on the west side of College street a little 
north of Elm street. Throwing his musket and 
equipments under a bed, he waited the approach 
of the enemy, and the more anxiously as his wife 
lay on a sick bed. When the British soldiers 
came in front of the house, an English lady who 
was residing with him, went to the door and re- 



quested of one of the officers that a guard might be 
assigned to protect it. The ofhcer with an oath 
asked who she was. She repHed that she was an 
Englisiiwoman and had a son in his Majesty's 
service. On iiearing this, the officer ordered a 
Higldander of his command to protect the house 
andsectliat wo ihimage was done to its inmates. It 
was owing to the atldress of the same lady that Mr. 
Dooliltle was nt)t carried to New York by the 
enemy; for some of the soldiers entering the house 
by the back tloor and discovejing tlie gun, in- 
cpiired what it meant, and were for taking tlie 
owner prisoner. Tlie lady, with great presence of 
mind, replietl that the law obliged every man to 
have a gun in his house, adding that the owner of 
it was as great a friend to King George as them- 

A musket is in possession of the New Haven 
Colony Historical Society which was captured with 
its owner, a Hessian, by Mr. Jonah Hotchkiss, 
who at liie time had his last charge of powder and 
ball in iiis own gun. Pointing his weapon at the 
Hessian he demanded surrender on pain of im- 
mediate death. The man surrendered readily, and 
on searching him, it was found that he had twenty- 
three charges remaining in his cartridge-bo.x, of 
which Mr. Hotchkiss availed himself The Hes- 
sian was taken to the dwelling of his captor 
and remained there several days, being kindly 
treated. When it became known that the fithcr 
(Mr. Caleb Hotchkiss) of his captor had been 
killed in the fight, Jonah Hotchkiss said to him, 
" If I had known that your people had killed my 
father, I would not have spared you. " The man at 
last asked permission to go; which, being granted, 
he left town. This statement came from Mr. 
Henry Hotchkiss, who deposited with the Histor- 
ical Society the musket which his grandlather took 
from the Hessian. 

There are in the rooms of the Historical Society 
four framed maps, not a little defaced by time, two 
of whicli are perforated by bullets. They hung at 
the time of the invasion in the east front chamber 
of the Mansfield House, which stood between Hdl- 
house avenue and Prospect street as now laid out, 
and a little north of the spot where North Sheffield 
Hall now stands. Mr. Nathan Mansfield, tlie 
owner and occupant of the house, was a decided 
favorer of the British side, and was accustomed to 
offer a petition every morning at family prayers for 
the success of the arms of King George. Hence 
he was not among those who resisted the invaders. 
His sons and sons-in-law were all Whigs, and by 
their influence saved iiim from much abuse which 
he might otherwise have received from the patriots 
of the town. When the British entered New 
Haven, the families of his children, and other 
friend.s, sougiit refuge in his house as likely to 
escape molestation on account of his known sym- 
pathies. Then, too, the house was tliought to be 
so far out of town that the enemy would not 
come to it. In this opinion however, people were 
mistaken. The enemy advanced in that direction 
and occupied an old building standing where 
Sheffield Hall now is, as a guard-house. A strong 

guard was stationed there, and the red-coats were 
soon .scattered through the neighborhood. The 
day was very warm, antl the soldiers came to the 
well in Mr. Mansfield's yard to get water. Some 
of them entered the house, and one stole a silver 
tankard belonging to the family, which had been 
.secreted under a bed. Afterward some British 
officers visited the house, ami Mr.s. Mansfield 
made complaint to them of the theft. They 
promised to make an effort to find and restore the 
tankard, but she never hearil anything more of it. 
Early on Tuesday morning, as the British were 
preparing to leave town, some militiamen from an 
adjoining town came into the vicinity of the house, 
and seeing the red-coats, fired on them, and then 
retreated behind the house. The British guard 
seeing from what direction the shot came, returned 
the fire, and some bullets passing through the 
front of the house lodged in the wall. The maps 
referretl to were pierced at the same time. 

An account of the injuries anti death of Nathan 
Beers is given in a letter from Isaac Beers, his son, 
to Nathan Beers, another son, who was a Lieutenant 
in the .American army and on service in Rhode 
Island. This letter is in the valuable collection of 
autographs belonging to Prof K. H. Leffingwell, 
a grandson of Isaac Beers, who kindly gave Mr. 
Goodrich permission to copy it. 

Nkw H.wkn, i6th July, 1779. 

Dear lirother, — I suppose long before this that you have 
licartl of the ijreat misfortune that has befallen this town in 
beini; plundered by the enemy. As I was taken up in 
attending on fatlier and was in much confusion other ways, 
I desired Mr. Hazard, who was then here, to inform yon ol 
our situation and that our dear father was then near his end 
by a wound received from those liloody savages; which 
letter was sent by last post and I hope came to hand. Our 
father was wounded in his own house some time after the 
enemy had been in town; the shot was aimed at his breast, 
Imt he pushed the gun so far on one side that it passeil 
through his hip; it was at first thought that the wound was 
not ilangerons; but he had lost so much blood before he 
could have relief that the wound proved f.ital. He lived 
from Monday afternoon, the time he received the wound, till 
the Saturday following, the most of the time in great dislres.s, 
and then left this troublesome world, I hope for one far 
better. Thus wc have lost a kind parent by the hands of these 
merciless wretches at a time which added greatly to the dis- 
tress we already had to l>car with. 

.\s I suppose you will learn liy the papers the particulars 
of the action while they were here, I shall omit it, only just 
inform you of their liehavior in town. They landed at 
West Haven about sunrise, but were kept from getting into 
town till al)c>ut noon on Momlay, 5th July. I was made 
prisoner, but had the gooti luck to l)e releaseil soon. No 
sooner had the enemy got into town than they began to 
pluiuler without any distinclion of Whig or Tory, carrying 
ofV all the valuablearticlcs they could, breaking and destroy- 
ing the remainder. In many housc> they broke the doors, 
windows, wainscot-work, and demolished everything inside 
of the house they possibly could. Some few houses cscapeil 
bv mere accident: Joel Atwater's, Michael lialdwin's, and 
five or six others in that neighborhood, although the families 
had all fled. I had the good fortune to be plunilereil but 
little. Elias was not pitmdei'ed a great deal. I'".ither's 
house was plundered considerably, but not damaged any. 
OKI Mrs. Wooster stayed in her house an<l was most shock- 
ingly abused; everything in the house was destroyed or car- 
ried otT by them, not a bed left or the smallest article in the 
kitchen; Deacon Lyman's shared as bad; also William Lyon's 
and several others in iliflerent parts of the town. They left 
the town early on Tuesday morning; Chandler, Botsford 



and Captain Cani]i with their families went willi them. Bill 
Chandler was their guide into town, tor which the Lord 
reward hin\ I The\' have carried off seveial inhabitants 
prisoners, amoni^j theni Captain John Mix, Hezekiah Sabin, 
Senior, EsqV WhitinLC, Thomas Barrett, Jere Townsend, 
Captain EHjah Foster, Adonijah Sherman, etc. There 
were killed, belonging to town, Constable Hotchkiss, John 
Ilotchkiss, Ezekiel Hotchkiss, Elisha Tuttle, a crazy man. 
Captain Jolni Gilbert, Joseph Dorraan, Asa Todd and several 
others from the farms and country roiind. 

Since the enemy left this place they have burned the 
towns of Fairlield and Norwalk, and we were again alarmed 
that they were returning to burn this town. A person who 
made his escape from them at Norwalk, says tlie oflicers 
fomid much fault with theCeneral for not burning this town 
■when they were here, anil they swore it shoidd be done yet. 
This alarms us so much that we have moved all our effects 
from the town back into the country, and a great many 
families have gone out, so that we are almost desolate 
already. Indeed it is the most prevailing opinion among the 
most judicious that they intended to burn all the seaports. 

So far the letter of Mr. Beers goes and then 
breaks off abruptly. Another account of the cir- 
cumstances attending the wounding of Mr. Beers 
is to this effect: When the alarm spread that the 
enemy were approaching the town, the family of 
Mr. Beers made ready to leave their home. ^ But 
the old gentleman would not go with them, saying 
that he had never taken up arms against the King, 
and it was not likely that he would be molested. 
So he remained quietly in his house, on the comer 
of Chapel anil York streets, and his two negro ser- 
vants stayed with him. As the British troops came 
toward the corner, and the noise in the street at- 
tracted his attention, he went to the door to look 
out. While he stood there, three shots in rapid 
succession were fired on the enemy from the gar- 
den attached to the house. The smoke being seen 
to rise in that direction, three British soldiers 

rushed toward him, calling out, "You d d old 

rebel, why do you harbor men in your house who 
fire on his INIajesty's troops .' " He replied, 
"Gentlemen, no one has fired from this house; I 
can't control men outside of my house. " They 
persisted in abusmg him and aimed their muskets 
at him; he pushed aside two of these and changed 
the direction of the third, so that the charge entered 
his hip instead of his breast, as intended. This 
history of the transaction was narrated by himself 
to Dr. j-Eneas Munson, Senior, who was his medical 
attendant, by whose son (who himself, on one oc- 
casion dressed the wound of Mr. Beers) it was 
transmitted, says Mr. Goodrich, to our time. 

On another corner of Chapel and York streets, 
where the Calvary Baptist Church now stands, and 
diagonally opposite to the residence of Mr. Beers, 
stood the house of Mrs. Jeremiah Parmelee. Her 
husband had been a Captain in Colonel Hazen's 
continental regiment, and having been severely 
wounded about two years before, in the battle of 
Brandywine, had since died. On the near ap- 
proach of the invaders to that part of the town, 
Mrs. Parmelee prepared to take her departure for 
the country. But bejore her arrangements were 
completed, she was both surprised and alarmed at 
a volley of musketry near by, which sent the bul- 
lets flying about the house. ' Recollecting that a 
keg of gunpowder was in the cellar — a most 

precious as well as dangerous article — she went 
downstairs, brought it up, and with her own hands 
concealed it near the well, having previously satu- 
rated it with water. While she was so engaged, a 
ball occasionally whizzed through the air above her 
head, giving token of the approach of the enemy. 
Mrs. Parmelee witnessed the assault on her neigh- 
bor Mr. Beers, and at a later hour of the day she 
saw the unfortunate Elisha Tuttle, after he received 
his wounds and before he died. While filled with 
horror at what she had seen across the street, she 
was alarmed by the entrance of soldiers into her 
own dwelling. They demanded men's shoes, but 
she told them she had none, as no man lived 
there. One of the soldiers who had been cove- 
tously eyeing a string of gold beads which she wore 
on her neck, clutched it with a strong hand ; she 
resisted with so much force and success that the 
string gave way, and the beads flew into the open 
fire-place among the ashes. The rufllan, discom- 
fitted by his failure, left without further attempts at 
violence. In searching through the ashes after- 
ward, she recovered all the beads but two. To 
escape further molestation in her isolated and de- 
fenseless condition, Mrs. Parmelee left her house, 
to seek temporary refuge in that of Deacon Stephen 
Ball, which was in Chapel street, nearly where the 
Yale School of Art now stands. 

Mr. Ball, as a Deacon of the First Church, had 
the care of the vessels used at the Lord's Supper 
and for the administration of baptism. They are 
of solid silver, and some of them have interesting 
associations connected with them.* When the 
news came that the British were actually marching 
into town, the good Deacon felt a natural and 
proper an.xiety to save these sacred vessels. The 
chimneys of those days were large, and in many 
cases were provided with ledges or recesses for 
keeping valuable articles. As the chimney of 
Deacon Ball's house was so constructed, it was 
determined to deposit the silver there. His daugh- 
ter, then eight years old, was lifted up into the 
chimney sufficiently high to put the vessels into the 
hiding place. As the British came near the house, 
this daughter, with two playmates (one of whom 
was Sally Maria Beers, afterward the wife of Mr. 
William Leffingwell, and the other .•Vnna Atwater, 
afterward the wife of I\Ir. Jeremiah Townsend), 
went down into the cellar. While there, they 
heard the soldiers enter at the front door, place 
their muskets in the hall and disperse through the 
house for plunder. Mrs. Ball, who remained 
quietly in the house, wore a string of gold beads, 
which was taken from her neck. The church sil- 
ver however remained in safety, and is still in use. 

The little girl who hid the silver in the chimney 
became the wife of Mr. Abraham Bradley. 

The house of Mrs. Wooster, which is still stand- 
ing in Wooster street, was specially obno.xious to 
the enemy, it being known that she was the widow 
of an officer in the British army who had espoused 

* Ttie baptismal bowl has on it this inscription: '* The Gift of Mr. 
Jeremiah Atwater to the First Church of Christ in New Haven, A. u. 
1735." The history of tliu bowl is given in the chapter on Churches 
and Clergymen. 



the cause of the rebels. Everything; valuable in the 
house was destroyed or carried away. Among the 
spoils were a bo.\ and two large trunks containing 
manuscripts. The following correspondence will 
sufficiently explain their nature and value to New 
Haven and Vale College. 

Nkw Havkn, July 14, 1779. 

Sir,— The troojis of the separate ex])edition under your 
Kxcellciicy's commami, when they left New Haven on 
the 6th inst., tarried away with them, among other things, 
the papers MSS. of the Kev. President t'lap, the late head 
of this seat of learning. Tliey were in the hands of his 
daughter, Mrs. Woostcr, lady of the late General Wooster, 
and lodged in the (ieneral's house. Among them, besides 
some compositions, were letters and papers of consequence 
respecting the college, which can Ix; of no service to the 
present ])Ossessor. This waits upon you, Sir, to request this 
box of MSS., which can have no respect to the present 
times, as Mr. Clapp died in 1767. A war against science 
has Ixien reprobated for ages by the wisest and most 
powerful generals. The irreparable lojs sustained by the 
republic of letters by the destruction of the Alexandrian 
Library and other ancient monuments of literature, have 
generously prompted the victorious commanders of modern 
ages to exempt these monuments from ravages and desola- 
tion inseparalile from the highest rigor of war. 1 lieg leave 
upon this ticcasitm to address myself only to the principles 
of politeness and hormr, humbly asking the return of those 
MSS., which to others will be useless— to us valuable. 

I am. Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient and very 
humble servant. EzR.\ Stiles, Presidetit. 

His Excellency Major-General Tryon. 

Sent by Captain Sabin, August 17, 1779. 

New York, 25th September, 1779. 

Sir, — Disposed by principle, as well as inclination, to pre- 
vent the violence of war from injuring the right of the 
republic of learin'ng, I very much approve of your solicitude 
for the ])reservation of Sir. Clap's MSS. Had they lx:en 
found here, they should most certainly have been restored, 
as you desire; but, after dilligent inc|uiry, I can learn nolhing 
concerning them. The officer of the ])arty at the house 
where the box i> ^uppciM.iI to have been dejMsited, has Ix-en 
examined, ami doe^ not remenilx-'r to have seen it, nor appre- 
hends that any such papers fell into the hands of the soldiery. 
I would therefore indulge a hojie that Ijetter care has been 
taken of the collection tlian you were led to imagine at the 
date of your letter. This however will not abate my atten- 
tion and inr|uiry; nur shall I, if I .succeed, omit the gratifi- 
cation of yiiur wishes. 

I am, Sir, your very olx;dicnt servant, 

\Vm. Trvon. 

'l"o the Rev. Mr. Ezra Stiles, President of Yale College, 
at New Haven. 

Received Oct. 21, 1779. 

Yale College, December 14, 1779. 
Sir, — The latter end of October last, I received your letter 
of 25th Septenilier. It is unnecessary for you to make any 
further impiiry respecting President Clap's manuscript. 
Capt. Boswell, of the guard, while here on the fatal 5th of 
July last, showed some of them in town, which he said he 
had taken from Gen. W'ooster's house, and it is presumed 
that he well knows the accident which befell the rest. Your 
troops carried away from Mrs. Woostcr's a box and two 
large trunks of papers. One of them was a trunk of papers 
which the (general took to Canada; the others were his own 
and the President's. On the night of the conflagration of 
Fairlield, three whale lx)ats of our people, on their way from 
Norw alk to the eastward, passed by your fleet, at anchor ofl' 
Fairlield (then in flames), sailed through a little ocean of 
floating papers, not far from your shipping. They took up 
some of them as they passed. I have since se])aratetl and 
reduced them all to three sorts and no more, viz.: Gen. 
Wooster's own papers; Gen. Carlton's French Commissions 
and orders to the Canadian Militia; .and Mr. Clap's, a few of 
which last l>elong to this College. This specimen, .Sir, shows 
us that the rest are unhappily and irrevocably lost, unless, 
]x-rhaps Capt. Boswell might have selected some lx;forc the 

rest were thrown overboard. If so, your polite attention to 
my request convinces me that I shall l)e so fortunate as to 
recover such ;i5 may have lieen saved. 

I am. Sir, your very humble servant, 

To his Excellency Gen. Tryon, New York. 
Sent by Major Uarnage, of the Saratoga Convention 

Mr. Ebcnezer Huggins resided in the lower part 
of Crown street in a house which is still standing. 
The experience of Mr. Huggins and his wife on 
that memorable da}- was related to Mr. Goodrich 
by their granddaughter, Mrs. E. B. M. Hughes. 

When the alarm was given in the morning that 
the enemy were approaching New Haven, Mrs. 
Huggins, in view of the possibility that her husband 
might be taken prisoner and carried away, sewed a 
guinea into the waistband of his clothes. Having 
occasion to go into the street after the enemy had 
possession of the town, he took with him a musket 
for self-defense. This caused him to be made a 
prisoner on meeting some British soldiers, as 
" bearing arms against the King of England." He 
was captured in State street, opposite the spot now 
occupied by the Mechanics' Bank. Being carried 
to New York, he was put on board the old prison 
ship near the Long Island side of the East River. 
His wretchedness was very great, being uncertain 
of the fate of his wife and two little children left 
unprotected in their home. He could neither eat 
nor sleep, but sat or paced about silently, in anguish 
insupportable. The commander of the prison ship 
asked him why he did not eat, and why he appeared 
so unhappy. He replied, "should you not be wretch- 
ed had you left a wife and two babes in the midst 
of the British army .' "' With compassionate looks 
and words the officer directed that Mr. Huggins 
should not be furnished with the ordinary prison fare, 
but should be supplied from his own table. He was 
afterward treated with great kindness during the time 
he remained on the vessel. With the guinea so 
fortunately sewed into his waistband he managed 
to purchase a boat, and in this he made his escape 
at night, crossed the Sound safely and reached New 
Haven. He brought with him Mr. Robert Town- 
send, who had also been taken as a prisoner from 
New Haven. It would seem as if Mr. Huggins 
were allowed to buy the boat and make his escajie; 
for how otherwise could he have done this under 
the mouths of British guns.' 

Mrs. Huggins sat alone in her house on that 
eventful afternoon, with her two babes, the oldest 
being about two years old on her knee, and the 
younger in her arms, her husband gone and no 
one to advise her what to do — no one to speak to 
her. .\ cannon boomed and the ball passed 
through the room where she was sitting. She 
heard the tramp of soldiers in the street. Her 
heart was very desolate as she looked forwanl to 
the destruction of herself and her children. She 
did not ever e.xpect to see her husband again, but 
already mourned him as dead. She was in moment- 
ary expectation that her fate would be decided, 
when there entered the house a gentleman in the 
dress of a British ollicer of the highest rank. Every 



word he spoke was polite, kind, and respectful. 
He told her to fear nothing and wrote on the door 
of the house, " Let no one enter here. By order 
of General Garth.'' She never forgot this kind 
treatment, and in her old age spoke with gratitude 
of the fact that there had been human hearts in the 
breasts of her country's enemies. Later in the day 
her brother, Mr. Isaac Dickerman, came and took 
her out to the house of Colonel John Hubbard 
near West Rock, where she remained during her 
husband's captivity. 

In the early part of the dav, this Mr. Dickerman, 
who lived where Edgewood Farm now is, came 
into town with an ox-cart to convey persons and 
things from the house of his father's family in 
Broadway out to that of the Mr. Hubbard just 
referred to as a little back of West Rock. He 
went in the first place down to the residence of Mr. 
Huggins to bring away some articles for that 
family. As he passed along the streets with his 
cart, so many valuable articles were thrown into 
it by persons endeavoring to save their property, 
that by the time he reached his father's house, little 
room was left for the use of those whom he had 
come especially to help. Some of them climbed 
on the heaped-up load ; others walked by the side 
of it, driving the cows before them. 

John Hotchkiss is mentioned as among those 
killed in the skirmish on the way from Milford 
road to Hotchkisstown. He went out in the 
morning with others to oppose the march of the 
British, and was shot, among the first of the patriots 
who fell. He was robbed after being shot, of his 
silver shoe buckles, knee buckles, stock buckle, 
sleeve buttons and pistols. Mr. Hotchkiss had 
married a daughter of Timothy Jones, who was a 
descendant of Theophilus Eaton by his daughter 
Hannah. Mr. Goodrich states that Mr. Hotchkiss 
lived where Alumni Hall now is at the corner of Elm 
and High streets; that his widow lived there till 
her death; and that an unmarried daughter occupied 
the house after her mother's death. The latter 
part of the statement is probably true ; but the 
Connecticut Jounhil o{ VLzsoh 12, 17S8, advertises 
that by direction of the Court of Probate, "the 
Administrators on the estate of John Hotchkiss, late 
of New Haven, deceased, will e.xpose for sale, at 
public vendue, the lot and dwelling-house and 
other buildings where the deceased dwelt * * * 
situate in State street." 

The house of Michael Baldwin, in George street, 
mentioned in the chapter on Inns and Hotels as 
' ' Mr. Baldwin's Tavern, and near the upper end of 
Leather lane," is said to have been protected and 
so to have escaped pillage. The story is that " a 
British officer who was in this expedition had been 
a paroled prisoner in the latest French War, and had 
in some way found a temporary home at this house, 
which was at that time a sort of country tavern." 
The writer ventures to correct this tradition by 
suggesting that this house was in the time of 
the French War the residence of Colonel David 
Wooster, and that the recollection of hospitalities 
received from a brother officer saved the house 
from pillage. 

There was once a house where the Tontine 
Hotel now is, which some persons still living re- 
member as Ogden's Coflee-house. At the time of 
the invasion it was the residence of Joshua Chandler, 
a lawyer of some note in his day. He was a strong 
Tory and made himself otTensive by the advocacy of 
the British side of the question. Mention has 
already been made of his rescue from some Amer- 
ican soldiers who were threatening to hang him. 
It is said that the family of Chandler prepared a 
grand supper in anticipation of the arrival of their 
British friends, but that, owing to the confusion of 
the time, and the preoccupation of those for whom 
it was designed, the expected guests did not appear. 
Notice was given to ]\Ir. Chandler of the intention 
of the British to leave on Tuesday morning, and 
he and his family left with them, never to return. 
They finally went to Nova Scotia, and on some oc- 
casion when most of them were passing from one 
point on the coast to another by sea, the vessel was 
wrecked, and, though they reached the shore, they 
perished miserably by cold and starvation while 
attempting to make their way through an unin- 
habited country. The property of Chandler was 
confiscated and his house passed into other hands. 
It w-as variously occupied until removed to make 
room for the Tontine. It is still standing on Church 
street further north than when occupied by the 
Chandlers, and was for many years the home of the 
Rev. Dr. Leonard Bacon. The Hon. Mr. Upham, 
of Salem, once called on Dr. Bacon and announced 
that he was a son of a daughter of Joshua Chandler. 
His mother had escaped the calamity which fell on 
the rest of her family, and her son came to look at 
the house from which his mother had gone out at 
fifteen years of age never again to visit the home of 
her childhood. 

Two sons of Joshua Chandler were guides to the 
two divisions of the British troops which landed at 
the mouth of New Haven harbor on the 5th of 
July, 1779. William Chandler (Y. C. 1773) was 
with the party which landed at West Haven, and his 
brother "rhomas was with General Tryon's division 
in East Haven. 

The house now occupied by Miss Foster on Elm 
street, was in 1 779 the residence of Mr. John Pier- 
pont, a grandson of Rev. James Pierpont, an early 
pastor of the First Church. For some time before 
the invasion, Mr. Pierpont and his wife (who was a 
daughter of Nathan IBeers, Senior) had felt much 
anxiety as to the probability of such an occurrence. 
This anxiety influenced him to make arrangements 
for the tiansportation of his family to a certain place 
in Hamden or North Haven, and for their accommo- 
dation there if the exigency should arrive. Mr?. 
Pierpont had also formed her plans to the same end. 
When therefore the alarm was given, they were soon 
ready and on their way to the place of refuge. 
Part of their valuables were buried in the cellar, 
and part were carried with them. On the return 
of the family, one of the chambers was found to 
bear marks of having been occupied as a temporary 
hospital. The family had left in such haste, that a 
batch of bread which had been put into the oven to 



bake was overlooked. It was not there when the 
f;\niily returned. 

Captain William Lyon resided in a house which 
stood where the Lyon buiUling now is, in Chapel 
street. While the British held possession of the 
town, as some of them were passing down Chapel 
street on the opposite side from this house, a mus- 
ket shot was fired at them from its windows, which 
wounded one of them. It would appear that, the 
fiimily having vacated the house, some person had 
entered, gone upstairs, and from one of the 
windows had fireil on this i)arty of the enemy, and 
then tied by some back way. The soldiers came 
across the street in great rage, and searched the 
rooms to find the person who fired on them. Not 
finding him they committcil considerable damage 
in the way of breaking doors and windows, and by 
ransacking desks, drawers, and other repositories, 
and by tearing up and scattering papers. Two of 
the doors, one having a panel replaced where it 
had been dashed out by the soldiers, and the other 
pierced by a musket ball, continued in use as long 
as the house remained. 

There is, in the collection of curiosities in the 
rooms of the Historical Society, a cannon ball, 
which, being fired from the British fieet just before 
it left the harbor, k)dged in the chimney of a house 
then standing at the corner of State and Fair streets. 
This house, which has given place to a brick 
block, was built in 1771 by Major William Munson, 
who died in 1826. It was his residence at the 
time of which we are speaking, but the family had 
gone from it when the British entered the town. In 
the course of the afternoon of Monday, the mother 
of Major Munson's wife, Mrs. John Hall, who 
lived a few rods south of the deserted house, went 
to it to secure some articles of value which had 
been left there. In coming out of the house after 
accomplishing her purpose, she was met by two 
British Oflicers, one of whom rai.sed his sword in a 
manner which seemed to indicate to the lady an 
intention of cutting her throat; but it was only to 
cut from her neck a string of gold beads w^hich she 
wore. He also cut the silver buckles from her 
shoes. It is a tradition, which seeins well founded, 
that after the enemy had finally embarked their 
troops, and their vessels were leaving the harbor, a 
gunboat returned up the harbor and fired several 
times toward the town. The ball in question 
probably came from one of these discharges. The 
daughter of Major ^lunson, Mrs. Crace Wheeler, 
from whom Mr. Goodrich received the account, 
remembered to have heard her father say that it 
came from the harbor, tearing its way through the 
old .Sabin House in Union street, entering his house 
under a window on the south side, and finally 
loiiging in the chimney near or in the fire-place. 
She had often seen him when there were visitors at 
the house, brush oft' the soot from the exposed 
surface of the ball, to show it to them. 

A brick house is still standing on the corner of 
West Water and Columbus streets which was in- 

habited at that time by Rutherford Trowbridge, 
an earnest patriot. When the alarm was given tliat 
the "Regulars" were coming, he placed his wife 
and children in a boat at the dike just east of his 
house, and sent them up the (^)uinniiiiac River to 
North Haven. The family left in so much hurry that 
a batch of bread put into the oven to bake was left 
there. Having thus provided for their safety, Mr. 
Trowbridge took his musket an old "King's arm," 
with powder-horn and bullet-i>ouch, all of which 
had done good service in the French War in 
Canada, and went out with the volunteers to West 
Haven. This musket and equipments are now in 
the rooms of the Historical Society. He with 
others went down toward West Haven Green and 
attacked the British. He was accustomed to say 
that "after crossing West Bridge, every man 
seemed to be fighting on his own hook." When 
the enemy came on in force and were compelletl to 
march up to Hotchkisstown, he went to the hills 
at their left and aided in annoying them by firing 
from behind trees and walls. He said that the 
British kept together and did not attempt to pursue 
the assailants on the hill sides, but returned the fire 
whenever they could see the patriots, and that bul- 
lets came whizzing abundantly past the heads of 
those w^ho were behind the trees. After the enemy 
gained possession of the town, Mr. Trowbridge 
was in it, but did not dare to go to his own house 
lest he should fall into their hands. This house 
was in plain sight from another, since known as 
the Totten House, at the corner of West Water and 
Meadow streets. At this latter place, then in- 
habited by Captain Thomas Rice, who was a Tory, 
General Garth and other British oflicers were en- 
tertained. Captain Rice was a strong personal 
friend of Mr. Trowbridge, though they difl^ered 
diametrically as to public affairs. Some of the 
British officers noticed the house of Mr. Trow- 
bridge and asked, "Who lives there.'" On hearing 
the name of the owner, and that he was what they 
called a rebel, and also that he had a brother who 
was a captain in the " rebel " army, and a near rel- 
ative who was in command of an armed brig 
holding a letter of marque and cruising against 
British commerce, they gave orders to visit the 
house. Captain Rice, desirous of saving his friend's 
property, interceded, saying that the family had 
been gone from town for some time, and that the 
house was shut up. Whereupon the order was 
countermanded and the house escaped visitation. 
On the return of Mr. Trowbridge and family after 
an absence of two days, everything was found un- 
disturbed, even to the bread in the oven. When 
Captain Rice was asked, after the British had gone, 
how he could say that the family had been absent 
"for some time,' his reply was that some time 
was a very indefinite ])eriod. 

The house of Captain Caleb Trowbridge, which 
was across Meadow street from Captain Rice's, did 
not fare so well. It was furnished with unusual 
elegance for those day.s, and was replete with con- 
veniences and luxuries. The cellar was stored 
with choice wines and liquors. The owner was 
the relative of Mr. Rutherford Trowbridge already 



referred to as commanding a war vessel cruising 
against British commerce. On learning this fact, 
the enemy sacked his house, brought his fine 
furniture out to the street and burned it. Long 
afterward when the house was undergoing repairs, 
bullets were found in the ceiling and wainscoting 
which had been fired into the building by the 

Not far from this house was one in Whiting street, 
occupied by Rev. Bela Hubbard, D.D., the Rector 
of Trinity Church. He was a man of great kind- 
liness of heart, and at this time of trouble many of 
his parishioners came to his house for comfort and 
protection. A party of British soldiers were 
pursuing a poor deaf and dumb girl through the 
street, and she rushed into the house of Dr. Hub- 
bard. He had witnessed the whole affair and both 
excited and anxious to keep the pursuers from 
seizing the girl, he called to his wife, "Grace, what 
shall I do .' '' She said, " put on your gown. " He 
did so and appeared in the door of the house 
in his gown with the Prayer Book in his hand. 
The soldiers as they saw him, said, " Oh ! there is 
a clergyman of the Church of England," took off" 
their caps, bowed and passed along. 

John Whiting, Esq., Clerk of the Courts, was also 
resident in this neighborhood. He was asked, 
previous to the possession of the town by the ene- 
my, whether he would not make his escape. His 
reply was that he had not borne arms, that he was 
loyal to the King, and, pointing to an engraving of 
King George which hung on the wall of the room, 
he added, " This will protect me." But when the 
soldiers came into the house, they did not respect 
his claim to loyalty. He was holding an office 
under the rebel government, and moreover, was 
a Deacon in the First Church. He was carried off 
a prisoner, and so quickly, it is said, that he had 
not time to put on his wig. 

Among those who had been wounded was Elizur 
Goodrich, the grandfather of the Rev. Chauncey 
Goodrich to whom we are indebted for collecting 
many of the incidents related in this narrative. Mr. 
Goodrich received a bullet in his leg, but continued 
in the fight till the enemy entered the town. He 
then went to his room and lay down on his bed, 
overcome with excitement and the extraordinary 
heat of the day. A British soldier entered the room, 
and, either informed of the part he had taken, or 
suspecting it by reason of his appearance, stabbed 
iiim in the breast. The wound was severe, but not 
mortal; for he sprang up and, wounded as he was, 
seized the soldier, pushed him against the wall antl 
handled him so severely that the man begged for 
his life, and was let off" on this appeal. Though 
exhausted by the struggle and suff'ering with pain, 
Mr. Goodrich made his way down Chapel street to 
the house of Abiathar Camp, originally from Dur- 
ham, where Mr. Goodrich's father was settled minister 
of the town. This house stood where the Chapel 
street Church afterward s^ood, and where Masonic 
Temple now is, and was protected, its owner being 
a Tory. Mr. Camp readily gave all needed assist- 
ance to the wounded son of his former pastor; had 
the wounds cared for; and provided him with food 

and shelter for the night. It was the last night that 
Mr. Camp and his family spent in that house. They 
left New Haven in the morning with the British 

Among those who were wounded were two 
brothers of the name of Bassett, James and Timo- 
thy. They lived with their parents in a house still 
standing when Mr. Goodrich read his article to the 
Historical Society, near the station of the New 
Haven and Northampton Railroad at Hamden 
Plains. Each of them had served a term of either 
draft or enlistment in the continental army. Timo- 
thy had been under General Gates, and had taken 
part in the battles near Saratoga which preceded 
the surrender of Burgoyne. James had served in 
New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and had come home 
in broken health. On hearing the alarm, the young 
men took down their muskets and hurried into 
town with others from that quarter. They partici- 
pated in the fight at Ditch Corner, and both were 
wounded; James being hit by a musket ball, which 
broke his arm, and Timothy being shot through 
the body. As the last fell, a British soldier stepped 
forward, and after appropriating whatever on his 
person was of value, was about to inflict a fatal 
blow, when William Chandler interposed, saying 
that he was well acquainted with the young man; 
that they had often hunted foxes together; and 
begged that, as the wound already inflicted seemed 
likely to prove fatal, no further violence should be 
used. James reached home in the evening and 
reported that his brother had been killed. The 
next morning, the father came into town in search 
of Timothy, and found that he had been carried 
into a house and was yet living, though in a condi- 
tion of extreme exhaustion. With much difficulty 
he was conveyed home, and after continuing for 
nearly a year in a feeble state of health, he recov- 
ered in a measure, although he suffered to the end 
of life from the eff"ect of his wound. This statement 
was furnished to Mr. Goodrich by Mr. George B. 

Our narrative has dwelt thus far on the move- 
ments of that part of the invading expedition which 
landed in West Haven. We have still to give at- 
tention to that detachment which landed on the 
east side of the harbor. 

We have already taken notice that soon after the 
commencement of the war, a beacon was established 
on what has since been known as Beacon Hill. In 
the night of Sunday, July 4th, about midnight, 
the three guns gave the signal of alarm appointed 
to accompany the firing of the beacon. Chandler 
Pardee, then eighteen years of age, was sitting at the 
door of a friend's house not far distant from Black 
Rock Fort, engaged in social chat with other 
young people. It being Sunday evening he was 
wearing the dress-suit of those days, part of which 
consisted in short breeches, and shoes with silver 
buckles. On hearing the alarm guns the young 
men sprang for their muskets, and hastened to the 
appointed rendezvous. Pardee with his mind 
more intent on present duty than on his silver 



buckles, did not wait to change his dress shoes for 
others more suitable for the work before him, an 
omission which came near costing him his life. 
The httle company of militia proceeded to the point 
where the old light-house still stands, taking with 
them, in addition to their muskets, a small cannon 
or swivel drawn by an old white mare. There 
they waited for the landing of the enemy, which 
was delayed till late in the forenoon: the boats 
being busy in the service of the other detachment. 
" Before noon, (says General Tryon) I disembarked 
with the 23d, the Hessian, Landgrave, and King's 
American Regiments, and two pieces of cannon, on 
the eastern side of the harbor, and instantly began 
the march of three miles to the ferry from New- 
Haven east toward Hranford. We took a field- 
piece, which annoyed us on our landing, and pos- 
sessed ourself of the Rock Battery of three guns, 
commanding the channel of the harbor, abandoned 
by the rebels on our approach. The armed vessels 
then entered and drew near the town." 

The landing was efi'ected in two divisions, one 
of which directed its course so as to reach the 
shore on the south or Sound side of Light-house 
Point, the other on the harbor side. Each boat 
had a gun mounted on the bow, and as it neared 
the shore, opened fire on the little company that 
obstructed the landing. Our men replied with 
their swivel; but being only a handful against so 
many, they saw that it would be useless to resist 
the landing of the enemy ; and a retreat was 
ordered. But one of them, more plucky or more 
rash than the others, declared that he would not go 
till he had had one shot at them with his musket, 
and look position behind a tree, waiting till they 
should came w-ithin range. As they drew near 
the shore, an officer stood erect in the foremost 
boat, flourishing his sword, and shouting "disperse, 
ye rebels." Here was an opportune mark for the 
man behind the tree, of which he took advantage. 
He fired, apparently with deadly effect, as the 
oflScer fell into the bottom of the boat, and it is 
certain that one of the enemy was buried hastily a 
little north of the spot where the light-house stands. 
It was probably Ensign and Adjutant Walkins, of 
the King's American Regiment whose commanding 
officer was Colonel Edmund Fanning, a son-in-law 
of General Tryon and a graduate of Yale College in 
the class of 1757. 

The route our men took in their retreat w-as 
along the Cove, where they halted, probably with 
the idea of making a stand behind some .slight 
breast works which had been thrown up there. 
But seeing that the enemy were moving so as to 
surround them, they again retired. 

The first man killed by the British on this side of 
the harbor was Adam Thorpe, of Cheshire. He had 
been drinking freely of cider-brandy, and had fired 
several times on the enemy. When he came to a place 
in the road opposite the north gate of Raynham, 
the seat of the family of Townsend, he refused to 
go any further, declaring that he would not run an- 
other step for all Great Britain. He was as good 
as his word, and consequently was soon pierced by 
many bayonets. A stone was afterward placed on 

the spot where he was killed, bearing the inscrip- 
tion, " Here fell Adam Thorpe, July 5, 1779." 

.'Somewhere along the course of the retreat oc- 
curred the aflair which nearly |)roved fatal to Chand- 
ler Pardee. In passing through a piece of marshy 
ground he missed his footing, and stepping into the 
soft earth, one of his feet sunk in quite deep, so 
that in pulling it out, he lost his shoe off with its 
silver buckle attached. Hoping to recover it, he 
tarried behind. While in a stooping position, feel- 
ing in the mud with his hand for the shoe, a mus- 
ket ball from the inusuing enemy struck him 
in the lower part of the back, and traversed 
his body to the breast, where it lodged near 
the surface. He was able to get to a com- 
fortable place to lie down before the enemy 
came up with him. They were in three squads, 
each of which stopped to hold some conversation 
with him. Those in the first and second of these 
squads spoke kindly and offered assistance, which 
he declined. Those in the third were quite abusive 
and threatened to finish him with their bayonets; 
but the officer in command restrained them from 
violence and offered to take him with them. This 
offer he declined, preferring to take the chance of 
being found by his friends. After examining his 
wounds and pronouncing him surely beyond hope 
of recovery, the squad went on, leaving him to his 
fate. Some hours passed before he succeeded, by his 
repeated signals, in attracting friends to his assist- 
ance. At last, being heard and discovered, he was 
carried into a house near by, where surgical aid 
being procured, the ball was easily extracted. His 
recovery from so dangerous a wound amazed every 
one; but none more than the surgeon who attended 
him. He lived to be the father of several children, 
and to have many grandchihlrcn. Among the lat- 
ter were Alfred W. Morris, and the three brothers. 
Chandler, Luman, and Ruel Pardee Cowles. A 
subsequent incident in his history is of interest in 
connection with the story of his wound. About a 
year passed before he was sufficiently recovered to 
engage in active employment. Afterward, he en- 
gaged in the service of his country, and at the age 
of twenty was a prisoner of war in New York City. 
On one occasion he heard some British soldiers on 
guard over him, in conversation about their ex- 
ploits at the invasion of New Haven, relating how 
many rebels they had killed and where they had 
killed them. He interrupted them by calling in 
question the accuracy of iheir statements, and re- 
marked that he thought lliey did not kill all whom 
they thought they had killed. But the soldiers were 
quite confident, and meniioncd the case of the man 
shot in the fresh meadow in East Haven. Said 
Pardee, " I can convince }'ou that you did not kill 
that man.' Their reply was that ihey were sure 
that they killed him. One of them claimed to have 
fired the fatal shot, to have seen the man on the 
ground in the agonies of death, and to have exam- 
ined the wound where the bullet passed through 
the body. Chandler then by way of convincing 
them, related the conversation between himself and 
them as they passed by him Then, removing 
his clothing, he showed where the ball entered and 



where it was cut out by the surgeon. " Yes," said 
he, " I am the man you shot in the fresh meadow." 
"Well," said some one, "have not you got enough 
of fighting us yet .'" "No," he answered, "I hope 
to kill a thousand of you before I die." "You are 
a good fellow," was the reply, "come and take a 
glass of toddy.'' 

Within the Black Rock Fort was a garrison of 
about nineteen men, including the neighbors who 
came in to assist. They were, it is believed, un- 
der the command of Captain Moulthrop. Mr. 
Joseph Tuttle, who lived quite near the fort, and 
his eldest son, a latl of seventeen years, were among 
the volunteers who had come into the fort in the 
morning. Mrs. Tuttle, taking six younger chil- 
dren and a few valuables, retired in an ox-cart to 
the north part of the town, looking back upon her 
home as the llames rose to heaven. The little 
garrison held the fort till their ammunition was ex- 
hausted, when they left it after spiking and dis- 
mounting the guns, hoping to escape along the 
beach. But they were taken prisoners by the skir- 
mishers and carried oft' to New York. 

A chief object of the invaders was to gain pos- 
session of Beacon Hill; and toward Beacon Hill 
was the retreat of the patriots. To the northeast 
of the Tuttle House, on the site of the present resi- 
dence of Hon. A. L. Fabrique, was a clump of 
bushes, and toward the road a brush hedge. Some 
of the patriots masked themselves behind this 
hedge, and poured a destructive fire upon the ene- 
my as they were pursuing at the double quick the 
rebels whom they saw retreating toward the hill. 

While widening Townsend avenue, June, 1870, 
the tradition of the slaughter of the enemy near 
the Tuttle House was well sustained, says Mr. 
Charles Hervey Townshend, by the discovery of 
human bones found while moving stumps of trees 
planted by Mr. Townshend's father forty years be- 

These bones were proved not to be Indian by Dr. T. 
Beers Townsend, who was on the spot when the graves were 
opened, and made a most careful examination. These dead 
were all probably buried in the ryelands on the west 
side of the road and just north of the Tuttle mansion; and 
the spot being burnt over, the locality of the graves was 
not discovered; and as many wounded soldiers were seen to 
be taken to the boats and carried to the ships, it wa.s sup- 
posed that the dead were also removed in order to hide 
their great loss. While the doctor was making a careful 
examination of the bones, the writer with a spadu thoroughly 
searched the graves, and, besides bones, found a number of 
German silver buttons, and some of lead and composition 
(white metal) about the size of a dime. A copper coin was 
also found, which has excited much interest. It was the 
size of an English half-penny, and known as a stiver. It 
had a hole in the circumference, and was probably held by 
means of a string attached to the neck of the wearer. On 
the face side is the motto: " Dominus Auxit Nomen;" in its 
center the figure of a man with a mantle about his loins, in 
a sitting position, left hand on his hip and in his right hand 
a sword drawn over the head as if to strike; to the right a 
laurel branch. The figure is represented sitting inside a 
circular fence with gate in front. The other side is a laurel 
wreath with the word in center, "Hollandia." 

The invaders having possessed themselves of 
the Rock Fort and Beacon Hill, spread themselves 
out upon the adjacent heights, where they lay 
upon their arms during the night. We have little 

account of their movements during the rest of 
Monday and the morning of Tuesday, except that 
small parties roamed through the neighborhood, 
taking whatever they could carry away, and destroy- 
ing whatever they could not carry. General 
Tryon crossed the ferry to New Haven to confer 
with General Garth, and returned the same evening 
to his quarters. 

Very early on Tuesday morning, the British be- 
gan to evacuate New Haven in accordance with the 
plan determined on by the two Generals in their 
conference on Monday afternoon. The 54th 
Regiment marched to Long Wharf, and was sent 
from the wharf to their transports. The remainder 
of General Garth's division crossed the ferry and 
joined General Tryon's division. The militia of 
the surrounding towns had collected in such num- 
bers that the British Generals probably had some 
apprehension that their two divisions might be 
separated, and one or both cut off from their 
vessels in the harbor. Tryon reports that at half- 
past one on Monday the plan had been that Garth 
should commence burning the town as soon as he 
had secured Neck Bridge, but that " the collection 
of the enemy in force on advantageous ground, 
and with heavier cannon than his own, diverted the 
General from that passage." The great amount of 
drunkenness among his troops seems to have 
troubled General Garth. It was this trouble, prob- 
ably, which caused the embarkation of the 54th 
so early in the morning, and the transfer of the re- 
mainder across the ferry, where they would find less 
rum while waiting for the boats. 

The families of Tories were notified of the intended 
evacuation, and four families went with the troops 
who embarked at Long Wharf A rear guard of 
one hundred and fifty men set fire to the store- 
houses on the wharf between six and seven o'clock, 
and were then conveyed to the ships. 

In the course of Tuesday forenoon, Major- 
General Ward, of the State militia, crossed Neck 
Bridge with four regiments, which by this time had 
gradually assembled, and pressed on the enemy, 
compelling them to evacuate Beacon Hill, which 
our people immediately occupied, planting a field- 
piece there, from which a lively fire was kept up on 
the British vessels. Tryon, in retiring, burnt the 
barracks at Black Rock, and embarked his troops 
toward evening. The houses near Light-house 
Point were, with one exception, burned before the 
embarkation. As the fleet did not sail till Wednes- 
day, a boat was sent to burn the one house which 
had thus far escaped. It belonged to Mr. Jacob 
Pardee, the father of Chandler, whose adventures 
have been related. 

Mr. Townshend gives a list of the nimes of East 
Haven residents who went forth to meet the in- 
vaders, adding "There were many others which I 
have no means now of knowing." 

Rev. Nicholas Street, Captain Amos Morris, 
Captain John Moulthrop, Captain Josiah Bradley, 
Captain Jedediah Andrews, Elam Luddington, 
John Morris, Dan Bradley, Moses Thompson, 
Jesse Luddington, Isaac Hotchkiss, Elihu Bradley, 
Dan Tuttle, John Dennison, Edward Russell, Jr., 


Isaac Chidscy, ist, Joshua Austin, Israel Bishop, 
Abram Iir;uliey, Phincas Curtis, Jacob Goodsell, 
Nathan I.uJJington, Ambrose Smith, Joseph Rus- 
sell, Stei)hen Slie])par(.l, 'I'imothy Bradley, Daviii 
Grannis, Joseph Tuttle, Matthew Rowe, John 
VVoodwaril, ]r. , |olin Hughes. Klisha Anilrews, 
Patterson Smith, Stephen Smith, Samuel Holt, 
John Fillet, Samuel Townsend, Stephen Pardee, 
Samuel Smith, Jr., Thomas Grannis, Samuel 
Crumb, Samuel Holt, Abram Chidsey, James 
Adkin Broton, Isaac Forbes, Moses Hemingway, 
James Thompson, Asa Mallory, Caleb Smith, 
Samuel Hemingway, Samuel Sheppard, Eben 
Roberts, Daniel \Vheden, Samuel Thompson, 
Simeon Bradley, John Hemingway, F^yria Field, 
Stephen Tuttle, John Barnes, Levi Chidsey, Israel 
Potter, Joseph Mallory, Jared Bradley, John Good- 
sell, Stephen Woodward, John Woodward, Sr. , 
Isaac Parilee, lehiel Forbes, Levi Pardee, Isaac 
Chidsey, 2d, Gurdon Bradley, Dan Holt, Abijah 
Bradley, George Londcraft, Asa Bradley, David 
Eggleston, Ezra Rowe, Amos Morris, Jr., Henry 
Freeman Hughes, Elias Townsend. 

From the "East Haven Register" by Rev. 
Stephen Dodd, it appears that the enemy burned 
on the east side of the harbor, eleven dwelling- 
houses, nine barns, and several other buildings. 
The value of the buildings thus destroyed, as esti- 
mated by a Committee of the Legislature was /'4, 154 
9s. 5d. The largest individual loss was that of Mr. 
Amos Morris, being /"i, 23 5 15s. 4d. 

Mr. Morris and his son Amos, Jr., residing at 
the Point, were peculiarly exposed to annoyance 
from the British and the lories. They had built a 
fine new house a few years before the war, and this 
was among the houses destroyed. On that mem- 
orable Monday morning, he with his large family 
had been busy in the early hours removing articles 
of furniture and the like, to hiding-places where 
they hoped they might be secure. All the stock 
except swine were driven away; small things as 
tools, pieces of crockery-ware, were concealed in 
the woods; and a stocking-leg filled with silver 
coin was thrust into a hole in a stone wall. Much 
of this property, however, was found and carried 
off, probably in part at least by Tories. The 
crockery was broken in pieces. The stocking-leg 
full of silver remained undiscovered, notwithstand- 
ing the fact that the red-coats passed directly over 
the wall where it was hid, and that one end of the 
stocking was exposed to view. The women and 
children were sent away in full time to escape per- 
sonal danger, while I\Ir. Morris and his hired man 
remained at the work of securing the property to 
the last moment. When it seemed to him quite 
unsafe to slay longer, he said "Now I will put a 
tankard of cider on the table and perhaps they will 
spare my house." He went to the cellar for the 
cider, and as he came back he caught sight of the 
enemy, and exclaiming, " Here they are upon us," 
made a hasty retreat, followed by the man. Moving 
so as to keep the house between themselves and 
the approaching enemy, they reached a stone wall. 
In climbing over this they were seen and a shower 
of bullets flew over them as they skulked along the 

wall with their heads down. Presently they came 
to the usual gateway in such walls, an open 
space with rails for closing it. As they passed this 
opening and were seen, another volley of musketry 
greeteil them, but they escaped unhurt and were 
soon out of danger. The rails did not escape so 
well, being riddled by the balls. One of these 
rails, notwithstanding its perforated condition, con- 
tinued in use as late as the year 1845, when a 
relic-hunter saw and coveted it. The perforated 
part was sawed out and found its way to the rooms 
of the Historical Society at Hartford. 

The amount of property destroyed by the British 
in New Haven was estimated by a Committee of 
the Legislature at ^^24,893 7s. 6d. This includes 
of course the amount mentioned above as destroyed 
on the east side of the harbor. 

There were, accortling to the Connecticut Jnurnai 
of the following Wednesday, tw^enty-seven persons 
killed and nineteen wounded on the American 
side. The loss on the British side, as reported by 
General Tryon to General Sir Henry Clinton, 
amounted to fifty-two. Of these he reports three 
killed, thirty-two wounded and seventeen missing. 

There is no reason to doubt that it was at first 
designed to burn the town. General Garth probably 
changed his mind in consequence of the great 
amount of drunkenness among his troops, and the 
strength of the military force which soon assembled. 
By Monday night so many militiamen had come 
in, that the British General preferred a quiet with- 
drawal to the fight which would certainly have fol- 
lowed a conflagration. " The enemy unexpectedly, 
and with the utmost stillness and dispatch, called in 
their guards and retreated to their boats," says the 
Connecticut Journal, and the report of General 
Tryon says: "As there was not a shot fired to mo- 
lest the retreat, General Garth changed his design 
and destroyed only the public stores, etc." In 
concluding the narrative of the invasion, we present 
the greater part of the letter of Genera! Tryon from 
which this extract is taken. It was copied into the 
Comiecticut Journal from the London Gazette of 
October 6, 1779. 

New York, July 20, 1779. 

Having on the 31I instant joined the troops asscmljled on 
boanl llic tr.iiisports at Wliitestone, Sir Gcorj;c Collier got 
the fleet under way the same evenini;; but the winds l^ing 
lij;ht. we did not reaeh the harbor of New Haven until the 
5th, in the morning;. The tirst division, consisting of the 
ilank coni])anies of the (iuaRls, 'lie Fusiliers, tlie 54th 
regiment, .and a detachment of the Yagers, with fom- Ik-Id- 
pieces, under the command of Brig. General Ciarth, landed 
alioul 5 o'clock, a mile south of West Haven and began their 
march, making a circuit of u]iwards of seven miles, to head 
a creek on the west side of the town. 

The second division could not move till the return of the 
boats: but iK'fore noon I disembarked with the 23d, the 
Hessian, Landgrave, and King's American regiments, and 
two pieced of cannon, on the eastern side of the harlxir, and 
instantly liegan the march of three miles to the ferry, from 
New Haven Kast to Branford. We took a field piece which 
aiuioyed us on our landing, and possessed ourselves of the 
Rock Battery of three guns, commanding the channel of the 
harbor, abandoned by the relx'Is on our approach. The 
armed vessels then entered and drew near the town. 

(jcneral Garth got into the town, but not without oppo- 
sition, loss, and fatigue, and reported to me at half-past one 
that he should begin the conflagration, w hich he thought it 
merited, as soon as he had secured the bridge lietween us 

Netv r/r. 

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over Neck Creek. The collection of the enemy in force on 
advantageous groimd, and with heavier cannon than his 
own, diverted the General from that passage, and the boats 
that were to take off the troops l)eing not up, I went over to 
him, and the result of our conference was a resolution that 
with the first division he should cover the north part of the 
town that night, while with the second I should keep the 
heights above tile Rock Fort. In tlie morning the first 
division embarked at the southeast part of the town, and, 
crossing the ferry, joined us on the East Haven side, except- 
ing the 54th, which were sent on board their transports. In 
the progress of the preceding day from West Haven, they 
were under a continual fire; but by the judicious conduct of 
the General, and the alertness of the troops, the reliels were 
everywhere repulsed. The next morning, as there was not a 
shot fired to molest the retreat. General Garth changed his 
design and destroyed only the public stores, some vessels 
and ordnance, excepting six field-pieces and an armed 
privateer, which were brought ofl". 

The troops re-embarkecl at Rock Fort in the afternoon 
with little molestation; and the fleet leaving the harbor that 
evening, anchored the morning of the Sth oft" the village of 
Fairfield. • * • The general eftect of the printed address 
from Sir George Collier and myself to the inhabitants, 
recommended by your Excellency, cannot be discovered till 
there are some further operations and descents upon their 
coasts. Many copies of it were left behind at New Haven 
and at Fairfield. 

I have the honor herewith to transmit to yoiu- Excellency 
a general return of the killed, wounded and missing on this 

At the first town-iiteeting after the invasion, it 
was voted that the commissioned officers in the 
parishes call upon those persons who neglected to 
appear and oppose the enemy, and defend the 
town in the late invasion, and know their reasons 
for their neglect, and the same report to the town. 

At the same meeting a committee was appointed 
to examine into the reasons of the conduct of those 
persons who continued in town at the time when 
said town was in the possession of the enemy, and 
report at the next meeting. On the i6th of August 
that committee reported 

That Messrs. Ebenezer Lines, Stephen Mimson, Martin 
Gatter, Ebenezer Chittenden, Abraham Bradley.John Chand- 
ler, Theophilus Munson, James Rice, Eli Beeclicr, Richard 
Eld, Abel Buel, Joseph Bradley, Benjamin Sanford, Stephen 
Bradley Thomas Davis, Truman Huse, Joseph Munson, 
James Lane, Samuel Nesl^it, Elizur Brown, James Sherman, 
James Gilbert, Elias Shipman, Newman Trowbridge, Zcjiha- 
niah Hatch, Thomas W'ilniot, Edward Burk, Jehiel Forbes, 
Eli Forbes, William Day, Enos Hotchkiss, Jesse Upson, 
Thaddeus Perrit, John Miles, Jr., Nehemiah Hotchkiss, Noah 
Tucker and Patrick O'Collely have waited on the said com- 
mittee and given their reasons for tarrying in town diu-ing 
the time aforesaid ; which reasons appear to the committee suf- 
ficient to justify their conduct in tarrying in town at said time. 

The committee further re])ort that Messrs. Stejihen Ball, 
Thaddeus Beecher, John Townsend, Richard Cutler, Leveret 
Hubbard, Jr., Ebenezer Huggins, Joel Buck, Josiah Roberts, 
Gad Wells, Charles Prindle, Edmund French, Isaac Beers, 
Elias Beers, Thomas Rice, Samuel Chatterton, Nathan How- 
ell, Stephen Trowbridge, William Lyon, Jeremiah Atwater, 
George Cook, Asa Austin, Miles Gorfiam, Leveret Hubbard, 
John Whiting, Thomas Howell, Prout Boiiticou, William 
Mansfield, Joseph Adam, Jeremiah Townsend, Jr., Benoni 
Pardee, James Thompson and Henry Gibbs have waited on 
the committee and give their reasons for tarrying in town 
at the lime aforesaid, which reasons do not appear 
sufficient to justify their conduct in tarrying in town at 
said time; but the committee taking into their serious 
consideration the particular situation said persons were 
in at that time; that the alarm was sudden and the time too 
short for them to move their families and eflects; and that 
many of them were kept from their own concerns by lend- 
ing their useful aid and assistance to repel the common 
enemy ; and the most of them being persons who have ever 

been accounted good members of the community; the com- 
mittee think it their reasonable duty to recommend them to 
the good will and candor of the inhabitants of the town; 
hoping they \\\\\ jiass o\-er in silence whatever was wrong in 
their conduct at that time, as it fully appears to the com- 
mittee an error in judging what was best for them to do in 
the hurry and confusion they were in, rather than from any 
design or predetermination to tarry in town, and submit and 
put themselves under the protection of the enemies of the 
United States of America. The committee make the fore- 
going report in favor of said persons, on condition that they 
associate themselves with the rest of the good people of this 
town to repel our merciless enemy, if they should ever in- 
vade us again. 

The committee further report that tliey have notified 
Messrs. Enos Ailing, Bela Hubbard, Richard Woodhull, 
John Ailing, David Cook, Edward Carrington, Benjamin 
Pardee and Daniel Upson of their app^tintnient, and the 
time when and the place where the committee would wait 
upon them, but they have either refused or neglected to 
appear and give their reasons; which refusal or neglect of 
said persons, the committee judge to be in contempt of 
the authority of this town. 

The committee find that Messrs. Elijah Forbes, William 
Ward, Oliver Burr, Abraham Bradley, Jr., Samuel Goodin, 
Zinah Denison, Amos Doolittle, William Brintnall, John 
Mix, Thomas Burrit, Adonijah Sherman, William Doaks, 
Benjamin Osborn, Jonah Baldwin, Samuel Tuttle and John 
Baldwin, were in town when the enemy took possession ; but 
they were either taken off by the enemy or have since 
moved out, or have otherwise been out of the way, and 
have never been notified of the appointment of the com- 
mittee for the purpose aforesaid. 

The committee would likewise acquaint the town that they 
have made up the foregoing report upon the reasons which 
these persons gave themselves, without calling on any evi- 
dence to contradict them; which method of taking their 
reasons appears to the committee very partial. Moreover 
the committee are very confident that there are evidences, 
which if called would contradict the account that hath been 
given by some of said persons. 

All which the committee humbly submit. 

By order of said committee, 

Phineas BR.A.DLEV, Chairman. 

The report of the committee is to a modern 
reader in more than one respects ine.'iplicable. For 
illustration, Amos Doolittle, who upon the first 
tidings of hostilities in 1775, had marched to Cam- 
bridge with the Governor's Guards, and had on the 
very day of the invasion been in the ranks of the 
Guards repelling the enemy, is arraigned as rec- 
reant to duty and left under reproach. On the 
other hand some are cleared on their own testimony, 
when the committee knew of conflicting evidence. 

New Haven was not again visited by the enemy. 
In 1 78 1 New London was invaded by the traitor 
Arnold, and sufl^ered atrocities compared with which 
the conduct of Try on and Garth was honor and 

The recurrence of the name of Arnold is a temp- 
tation to copy from the Cuiinccticul jLurnal 2. recital 
of the ceremonies with which the people of New- 
Haven expressed their wrath when they heard of 
his treason. 

ucTOHER 19, 17S0. 

A concise descrijition of the figures exhibited and paraded 
through the streets of this city on Saturday last. 

A stage raised on the body of a cart, on which was an 
efiigy of General Arnold sitting. This was dressed in regi- 
mentals, having two faces, emblematical of his traitorous 
conduct, a mask in his left hand, and a letter in his right hand 
from Beelzebub, telling him that he had done all the mischief 
he could do, and he must hang himself. 

At the back of the General was a figure of the Devil 
dressed in black robes, shaking a purse of money at the 
General's left ear, and in his right hand a pitchfork, ready 



to ilrivc him iiiUi hell as the reward due for the many crimes 
which his thirst for ^;old had made him commit. 

In the front ol the sta^je, and lx;fore lleneral Ainold, was 
placetl a lar^^e lanthorn of transjiarent paper with the conse- 
(|uences of his crime thus delineated, i.^., one part, Cleneral 
Arnoltl on his knees iK'fore the Devil, who is pulling him 
into the flames; a latiel from the General's mouth with these 
words, "My dear sir, I have scrve<l you faithfully," to 
which the Devil replies, "And I'll reward you." On an- 
other side, two (inures h.m^in^, inscriK'd '*The Traitor's 
Reward," and written underneath, "The Adjutant-General 
of the British army and Joshua Smith, the tirst hanging as 
a spy, and the other as a traitor to his country." On the 
front of the lanlhorn was written the follow inj;: " Major- 
General Benedict Arnold, late Commander of the Fort 
West I'oint. The crime of this man is hi)^h treason. He 
lias deserted the im|iortant Jio-st, West Point on Hudson's 
River, committeil to ids charj^e by his Excellency, the Com- 
mander-in-Chief, and is g(»iie tiff to the enemy at New York. 

" His desij;n to have j,'iven u|) this fortress to our enemies 
has Ix'en discovered by the goodness of the omniscient Cre- 
ator, who has not only prevented him carr\'ing it into execu- 
tion, but has thrown into our hands Andre, the .\djutant- 
Gencral of their army, who was detected in the infamous 
character of a spy. 

"The treachery of this unt;ratcful General is held up to 
l)ublic view for the exposition of infamy, and to proclaim 
with joyful acclamation another instance of the interposition 
of iHumtetnis Providence. 

"The eftigy of this ingrate is therefore hanged (for want 
of his Ixidy) as a traitor to his native country and a betrayer 
of the laws of honor." 

The jiroccssion began about four o'clock in the following 

Several gentlemen mounted on horseback. 

A line of Continental ofiicers; sundry gentlemen in a line. 

A guard of the City Infantry. Just before the cart drums 
and fifes ])laying the Rogues' March. Guards on each side. 

The ]irocession was attended with a numerous concourse 
of people, who, after expressing their abhorrence of treason 
and the traitor, committed him to tlie flames, and left both 
the effigy and the original to sink into ashes and oblivion. 

The alarm which the visit of Arnold to the sea- 
coast of Connecticut occasioned, is the only event 
in the history of New Haven to which we need call 
attention before the announcement of peace. On 
the very day when New London was in flames, 
and the garrison at Fort Griswold was put to the 
sword after their surrender, the New Haven paper 
contained this notice. 

New Haven, Scptemlxr 6, 1781. 
( )n Kriday morning last, betw cen one and two o'clock, 
three of the enemy's vessels, a brig of sixteen guns and two 
armed sloops, came ofT to West Haven and lamled one 
hundred and fifty men, who, having secured the sentinels 
and guards, eleven in all, surrounded several houses, where 
they fixed guard in such a manner that not the least alarm 
was given, nor was the invasion generally known in the 
parish (though compact) till near sunrise; all which time the 
enemy were collecting cattle, horses and other plunder. 
Several families knew nothing of the affair, nor missed their 
cows till they went to milk them. The alarm was not given 
in town till too late to afford any assistance, the enemy hav- 
ing effected their designs and got on board the vessels. 
They took off four of the inh.ibitants and about thirty head 
of cattle and horses. 

The capture of Cornwallis, at Yorktown, in Oc- 
tober of the same year, determined the great contest 
in favor of the Americans. The armies of the two 

nations remained in the field for anotiier year; but 
there was but little fighting, and a well-founded 
expectation of peace prevailed. The Omnedicul 
Journal thus notices the rejoicing over the surren- 
der of Cornwallis: 

New Haven, Novemlier 8, 1781. 
There have been public rejoicings in this and the neigh- 
boring towns on account of the signal and important victory 
obtained by His Kxcellency, General Washington, over Gen- 
eral Karl Cornwallis. In this town, on Monday last, a 
numerous assembly convened at the Brick Meeting- House, 
where the audience were highly entert. lined with an animat- 
ing, ]>atlietic. and ingenious oration, ilelivered by one of the 
tutors of the college, and a triumphant hymn sung by the 
students. The clergy and a number of other gentlemen 
dined in the State House. In the evening, the State House, 
College, and all tlie other houses round the Market pl.icc, 
were beautifully illuminated; the whole was conducted with 
the greatest regularity, good nature, festivity and joy. 

On the 30th of November, 1782, provisional 
articles between the United States and His Jkitan- 
nic Majesty were signed at Paris, in which the 
United .'states were declared to be free, sovereign, 
and independent. On the 19th of April next fol- 
lowing, at noon. General Washington proclaimed 
to the American army the cessation of hostilities. 
As soon as trustworthy tidings of that announce- 
ment reached New Haven, arrangements were made 
for a celebration. The following notice of the cel- 
ebration appeared in the Cunneclicut Jminial. 

New Haven, May i, 1783. 

Thursday last was observed as a day of festivity and re- 
joicing in this town, on receipt of indubitable testimony of 
the most important, grand, and e\er memor.ilile e\ent, the 
total cessation of hostilities lietween lireat Britain and these 
United States, and the full acknowledgment of their sover- 
eignty and inde])endence. Accordingly, the day, with the 
rising sun, was ushered in by the discharge of thirteen 
cannon, ]iaraded on the green for that purpose, under ele- 
gant silk colors, with the coat of arms of the United States 
most ingeniously represented there(.>ii, which wa> generously 
contributed upon the occasion by the ladies of the town. At 
nine o'clock in the forenoon, the inhabitants met ill the Brick 
-Meeting-House for di\'ine service, where were coiivenetl a 
very crowded assembly. The service was opened with an 
anthem, then a very pertinent prayer, together with thanks- 
giving, was made by Rev. Dr. Stiles, President of Yale 
College; after was sung some lines purposely composeii for 
the occasion, by the singers of all the congregations in con- 
sort. Then followed a very ingenious oration, spoken by Mr. 
Elizur (fooilrich, tine ol the tutors tif the college, after which 
a very lilieral collection was made for the poor of the town, 
tti elevate their hearts for rejoicing. The service concluded 
with an anthem. 

A nuiiilier of respectable gentlemen of the town dined 
together at the coffee-house. After dinner, several patriotic 
tf^asts were drank. 

At three o'clock were discharged thirteen cannon; at 
ftiur, twenty-one tlitto; at five, seven tlittti; at six, thirteen 
ditto; at seven were displayed the fireworks, with rockets, 
serpents, etc. ; at nine ti'dtick a bonfire tm the green con- 
cluded the tliversitins of the day. The w hole affair was con- 
ductetl with a tiectirum ami tlecency uncommon for such 
occasions, withtiut any unfortunate accitlent. \ most pa- 
cific disptisitioii anti heartfelt jtty was universally conspicuous, 
and most emphatically expressed by the features of every 





ON the 7th of November, i860, it was known 
that Abraham Lincoln had been elected Pres- 
ident of the United States. This election was a 
triumph of the policy of the party which aimed to 
restrict slavery to the territory in which it already 
existed. It extinguished in the breasts of those 
who loved the institution of slavery, all hope of ex- 
tending it into the virgin soil of the public domain 
by constitutional measures. Their only remaining 
hope now lying in illegal and revolutionary expe- 
pedients, they determined to make war upon the 
National Government, to prevent, if possible, the 
inauguration of the President-elect, and to use the 
months that intervened before his accession to au- 
thority, in possessing themselves of the national 
purse and the national sword. By the aid of trai- 
tors in high places, they seized upon forts and arse- 
nals within the States which afterward seceded, 
having first filled them with arms and ammunition; 
they scattered the army by sending the soldiers 
who had garrisoned the fortresses of the South to 
the forts on the remotest frontier of the West; they 
dispatched the vessels of the navy to the remotest 
seas; they emptied the treasury of the public money. 
By the aid of patriots as watchful to preserve the 
national life as the traitors were to destroy it, Lin- 
coln escaped the plot for assassinating him on the 
way to the seat of Government, and was inaugu- 
rated on the 4th of March, 1861. On Friday, the 
1 2th of April, the War of the Rebellion began by 
the bombardment of Fort Sumter, in the harbor 
of Charleston. ]Major Robert Anderson, a faithful 
and loyal officer of the United States Army, having 
refused to surrender the fortress to the rebels, they 
commenced to fire upon it at half-past four o'clock 
on the morning of that memorable day. On Sun- 
da}' the fort was evacuated, and on Monday, Presi- 
dent Lincoln, recognizing the fact that hostilities 
had begun, issued a call, for three months' service 
of 75,000 volunteers, and summoned an extra ses- 
sion of Congress to meet on the 4th of July. 
Saturday, Sunday, and Monday were days of in- 
tense excitement in New Haven. The strife of 
parties had been running high for months. Many 
citizens of New Haven had blamed the Republican 
party for exasperating the South by the election of 
Lincoln, and their sympathies had been with the 
secessionists more than with the men who had just 
come into power at Washington. But the bom- 
bardment of Sumter excited the indignation of this 
class of men, so that, with few exceptions, they 
immediately espoused the side of the Union against 
those who had fired upon the flag of the nation. 
Whatever fears had been previously entertained; 
whatever doubts disturfcred the minds of thoughtful 
men in regard to the fidelity of Northern Demo- 
crats to the Union — it was immediately apparent 
that they were going to bury the issues of the past 

and join with those who had elected Lincoln, in 
maintaining the Constitution and the LTnion. On 
Tuesday, the i6th, came the proclamation of the 
Governor of the State, calling for one regiment of 
volunteers for immediate service, and immediately 
enlistments began. On Wednesday, the 17th, about 
1,200 of the Massachusetts quota of troops passed 
through New Haven, and were received at the de- 
pot, between Chapel and Wooster streets, by a 
great crowd, and saluted with cheers and music. 
On Thursday, the 18th, a second regiment was 
called for, and New Haven designated as its 
rendezvous. On Friday, a Home Guard of sev- 
eral hundred men — many of them too old to go to 
the war — was organized to preserve the peace of 
the city and prevent insurrection. Sunday was a 
day of as much excitement as the preceding Sab- 
bath had been, but much less quiet. Another de- 
tachment of Massachusetts troops passed through 
the city in the course of the day. On Monday a 
large temporary building on Olive street, fronting 
Court street, built for the Presidential campaign, 
and named "National Hall," was hired for one 
year for the use of the Home Guard and other 
military uses, and here the Guard were drilled on 
successive evenings. Here also squads of men, 
who had enlisted in country towns, were quartered 
for several days, till regimental quarters were pro- 
vided. Other squads found shelter at the State 
House. As soon as tents could be obtained the 
regiment was full, and went into camp on Monday, 
April 2 2d, near the hospital, in a field which is 
now covered with dwellings and gardens. So 
great was the zeal for enlistment, that within two 
days after the First Regiment was mustered in, 
several companies of the Second had arrived in 
New Haven, and all of its ten companies were 
making daily progress in filling their ranks. The 
companies, as they successively arrived, were pro- 
vided with temporary shelter. 

On Monday evening, the 22d of April, a crowded 
and spirited meeting was held in Music Hall to 
give voice to the popular feeling. The Nav Haven 
Daily Register of the next day reports it with the 

"Glorious Meeting in Music H.\ll. 
New Haven, Union All Over." 

Mayor Welch presided, and men of all parties par- 
ticipated. Addresses were made by Rev. Dr. Leon- 
ard Bacon, Rev. Dr. Cleaveland, James F. Bab- 
cock, James Gallagher, Thomas H. Bond, W. 
S. Charnley, Thomas Lawton, Charles Ives, C. 
S. Bushnell, Ira Merwin and Rev. W. T. Eus- 
tis; and every patriotic sentiment was cheered 
to the echo. Resolutions were passed recommend- 
ing the Common Council to appropriate ten thou- 
sand dollars for the families of volunteers. The citv 



authorities confonnetl to the recommendation, but 
doubleil the amount. On Tuesday, the 23d, the 
ladies of the city met in huge numbers at the shirt 
factory of Winchester iS: Davies, in Court street, to 
make garments and bedding for the soldiers. At 
the. North Church, at Dr. Cleaveland's Church, and 
at the rooms of Mr. Shaver, a teacher of drawing, 
there were also parties of ladies making shirts, 
bandages and lint. A day or two afterward the 
Veteran Grays organized themselves as a home 
guard. Such was the record of New Haven during 
the last half of the memorable month in which the 
War of the Rebellion commenced. 

Earlv in Mava third regiment was called for, and 
immetliatcly began to fill up. The greatest enthu- 
siasm prevailed among the young men; and fatheis 
and mothers willingly permitted their sons to enlist 
for the preservation of the national life. 

On Thursday, May 9th, the First Regiment left 
New Haven for the theatre of war. At 3 o'clock 
P.M., they were reviewed at the camp near the 
hospital by Governor Buckingham and staff, and 
immediately commenced their march, through 
Davenport avenue, Broad, College, Chapel, Union, 
and Water streets, to the steamer Bienville, on 
which they were to sail without knowing whither. 
The next day, Friday, May loth, tlie Second Regi- 
ment, under Colonel Alfred H. Terry, left its camp 
in Brewster Park, now Hamilton Park, about 6 
o'clock i>. M., and marched down Whalley avenue, 
Broadway, and F-lm street to the Green, where at 7 
o'clock a set of regimental colors was presented 
and received. Prayer having been offered by the 
venerable Dr. Leonard Bacon, the march was re- 
sumed, and the soldiers, accompanied and followed 
by an immense crowd of sympathizing friends, pro- 
ceeded through Chapel and State streets, to the 
Steamer Cahawba, lying at Long wharf. The steamer, 
casting off its hawser about half-past eleven o'clock, 
moved away amid the cheers of the multitude. 
The patriotic enthusiasm of New Haven on that 
diy was not greater than when the First Regiment 
departed, but there w-as a deeper and more tender 
personal interest in the Second, for the reason that so 
many of its officers and privates were citizens of 
New Haven. Two companies were entirely made 
up from the city in which the regiment had been 
organized, and one of them was the historic " New- 
Haven Grays." The Colonel, Alfred H. Terry, 
though born in Hartford, had been brought up 
in New Haven, and three other New Haven men 
were on his stalT. 

On the 20ih of May the Third Regiment, which 
had rendezvoused at Hartford, passed through 
New Haven. Arriving by train, they left the cars 
at Grand street, and marched to Long wharf, 
escorted by the Governor's Horse Guard, under 
command of Major IngersoU, the Governor's Foot 
Guard, under ^lajor Norton, and a company from 
General Russell's .School. This was the last of the 
regiments enlisted for three months of service. 
Orders came about the time that the Third Regi- 
ment passed through New Haven that a fourth 
regiment should be raised, and that the enlistment 
should be for three years. 

New Haven's first martyr to the war was Theo- 
dore Winthrop, who was killed at the battle of 
Great Bethel, Va., June 10th, 1861. He was born 
in New Haven, September 22, 182S; graduated at 
Yale College in 1848; and for the sake of his health 
visited soon after his graduation, F.ngland, Scot- 
land, P'rance, Germany, Italy and (Jreece. Relum- 
ing to New York, he became tutor to Mr. W. H. 
Aspinwall's son, and afterward accompanied his 
pupil to Europe. On his return he entered the 
counting-house of Mr. Aspinwall in New York. He 
resided about two years in Panama, in the employ 
of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company; visited 
California, Oregon, and Vancouver's Island; re- 
sumed his situation in the counting-house for a 
short time; and then joined the unfortunate expedi- 
tion of Lieutenant Strain, to explore the Isthmus of 
Darien. In 1854 he came home with shatteretl 
health, studied law, was admitted to the bar, and 
commenced practice in St. Louis; but the climate 
proving uncongenial, he soon returned to New 
York. When President Lincoln's proclamation 
calling out the militia was issued, after the fall of 
Fort Sumter, he joined the famous Seventh Regi- 
ment of New York, and went with it to Washing- 
ton. Before the expiration of its term of service, he 
became military secretary to General Butler, at 
Fortress Monroe, with the rank of Major. He vol- 
unteered to accompany the expedition to Great 
Bethel, and when leading a charge upon the 
enemy's redoubt, leaped upon a log, shouting, 
"Come on, boys, one charge and the day is ours." 
A North Carolina drummer, seeing so fair a mark, 
borrowed a gun, took deliberate aim and buried 
a bullet in his bosom. He fell dead, "nearer to 
the enemy's works than any other man." His body 
was brought to New Haven and buried in the 
Grove street Cemetery. 

Winthrop had fine literary taste, and would, 
doubtless, if his life had continued, have distin- 
guished himself in literature. He was the writer 
of an article which appeared in the Allanik Monthly 
of the same month in which he was killed, de- 
scribing the march of the New York Seventh Regi- 
ment from Annapolis to Washington; and he left 
in manuscript three novels, "Cecil Dreeme," 
"John Brent," and "Edwin Brothertoft," which, 
since his death, have been given to the public. 

The first regiment of volunteers for three months 
completed the quota of Connecticut; but three 
regiments were filled and accepted, and still there 
were twenty-four companies in dift'erent parts of 
the Slate and in different degrees of progress 
toward fullness. The second and third regiments 
ha\ing been accepted by President Lincoln, on 
condition that Connecticut should send two regi- 
ments of men enlisted for three years, and Gov- 
ernor Buckingham having agreed to the condition, 
well knowing that they would be needed, a call 
was issued on the nth of May for the enlistment 
of men for three years, and in sufficient numbers to 
constitute two regiments. At the same time the 
men enlisted for three months were discharged. 
Most of them immediately gave their names to be 
enrolled for three years, and were in haste to go to 



the front lest, as they said, the regiments already 
in the field should inconsiderately finish the war 
without waiting for reinforcements. 

The General Assembly of Connecticut having 
adjourned sine die on the 3d of July, Governor 
Buckingham spent the Fourth at New Haven. In 
the forenoon there was a review of the volunteer 
and militia companies; in the afternoon a mass 
meeting to listen to addresses and the singing of 
the Children's Brigade. 

Some weeks before, Mr. Benjamin Jepson, 
teacher of music in the public schools, had issued 
a circular, in which he urged that all children 
should be imbued with ineradicable love of country 
by early instruction in our national songs, and in- 
vited the children to assemble and rehearse a pro- 
gramme for the Fourth of July. In response to 
this call, a thousand children had assembled from 
time to time for practice. At two o'clock on the 
anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, 
the Children's Brigade assembled at the National 
Hall in Olive street, and, forming in procession, 
marched through some of the principal streets to 
the State House. The line included in the boys' 
division a representation of the Boston Tea-party in 
the costume of Indians, the Washington Zouaves, 
the Wide-awake Fire Engine Company, with a 
miniature engine, the Marine Guard, and the In- 
fant Rifles; and in the division of the girls, the 
Daughters of Columbia, the Goddess of Liberty in 
a floral car, Young America with Continental Guard, 
Brother Jonathan in full costume, and the Union 
of the States, represented by thirty-four young 
ladies. The costumes of the children accorded 
with the parts assigned them; each carried a flag, 
and the entire procession was interspersed with 
banners and various appropriate devices. Arriv- 
ing at the State House, the children were seated 
on the steps ascending to the north portico, and 
thus presented a beautiful tableau to the vast au- 
dience of from ten to twenty thousand, who stood 
below to listen to their songs. 

The time of the three-months' men expired in 
July, and the First and Second regiments were mus- 
tered out at New Haven. The First arrived on the 
28th of July, and the Second on the 5th of August. 
As the people had assembled to see them depart, sa 
they now came in equal numbers to welcome their 
return. The volunteers for three months, almost 
unanimously re-enlisted for three years. !More than 
five hundred men of these three regiments were 
afterward commissioned officers. They arrived 
home just in time to re-enlist and make themselves 
useful in drilling recruits; for on the 15th of August 
Governor Buckingham called for four more regi- 
ments, to be numbered in the order in which they 
were mustered in. The Si.xth to be commanded 
by Colonel Chatfield, recently Colonel of the First, 
and the Seventh, under Colonel Terry, formerly of 
the Second, were to rendezvous at New Haven. 
The camp was located'on Oyster Point, and there 
squads and half-formed companies from different 
parts of the State were received. Many who had 
been in the three-months' service joined these regi- 
ments. The veterans put their awkward comrades 

rigidly through the manual, exercising them in 
company and battalion drdl, morning, afternoon, 
and evening. The Sixth left New Haven on the 
17th of September for Washington, and the Seventh 
followed on the i8th. From Washington they 
were despatched to the coast of South Carolina. 

The highth did not pass through New Haven, 
but left Hartford on a steamboat. 

The Ninth, recruited at Camp English, New 
Haven, was composed of men of Irish birth or 
parentage. Its commanding officer was Colonel 
Thomas W. Cahill, a much-respected cidzen of 
New Haven, long connected with our State 
militia as Captain of the Emmet Guards. The re- 
cruits for this regiment came chieffy from the cities 
and large towns in the lower counties of the State, 
New Haven contributing about 250 men. 

When Governor Buckingham issued orders in 
September, 1861, for the formation of the Tenth, 
he reached the limit set by the General Assembly 
in its May session. He therefore convened the 
assembly in a special session. In that session a 
law was passed, authorizing the Governor to enlist, 
organize and equip, according to his discretion, an 
unlimited number of volunteers, and directing the 
Treasurer to provide two million dollars in addidon 
to the two mdlions already appropriated. 

In accordance with this acuon of the General 
Assembly, the Eleventh, the Twelfth and the 
Thirteenth were organized in the autumn of 186 1, 
and the Thirteenth spent the winter in barracks 
in the carriage factory of Durham & Booth, at the 
corner of Chapel and Hamilton streets. Their 
quarters being in the city, they were constintly 
visited by patriotic men and women, who brought 
the soldiers not only sympathy and moral support, 
but many physical comforts and luxuries. Prayer- 
meetings were numerously attended in the chapel 
by citizens as well as soldiers ; quartets came and 
sang, and orators discoursed in the hearing of the 
soldiers. There was more sickness, however, 
within those brick walls than in the tented field of 
the Twelfth at Hartford. 

Colonel Birge, who commanded the Thirteenth, 
was a strict disciplinarian. He enjoined neatness, 
cleanliness, and military bearing. Every belt and 
every shoe must be polished; every gun-barrel and 
bayonet must shine like a mirror; every hand must 
wear a glove of spotless white; every form must be 
erect, ^"j some the Thirteenth was called "a 
dandy regiment,'' and it was thought that the men 
would never be willing to spoil their clothes in a 
fight. A year or two afterward, at the close of a 
hot battle. Colonel Birge being reminded of this 
prediction, replied: " I notice that they did not run 
away like some dirty regiments." Life at the bar- 
racks ended March 17th, when the regiment em- 
barked on the Granite State for New York, thence 
to be conveyed by ship to the mouth of the Missis- 

About the time when the Thirteenth began to 
appeal to the people of New Haven, by its presence 
in the midst of them, for personal attention, came 
also a circular from the National Sanitary Com- 
mission, which called for much labor, especially of 



women. In the fitting out of the first three regi- 
ments, individuiils, and especially women, iiad 
rendered much aid. The Stale being unprepared 
for war, everything for the outfit of soldiers was 
wanting, and was needed immediately. The ladies 
of New Haven, as lias been already said, met and 
prepared bedding and clothing for ihe recruits who 
came to New Haven in April and May. The 
Fourth and Fifth Regiments needed less of this aid 
from private persons, because the State had taken 
care that the soldiers should be supplied through 
commissary officers, with clothing and other com- 
forts, such as the earlier recruits had received from 
the bounty of patriotic individuals. Friends of the 
three-months' volunteers, however, continued to 
send to them bo.\es of comforts and lu.xuries as 
long as they were away from home. The Sanitary 
Commission had been organized at Washington in 
June, but the responses to its calls were not very 
liberal till autumn. The need of such an organi- 
zation became so apparent, that, in October, ar- 
rangements were made for forwarding contributions 
of every kind suitable for hospital use as fast as they 
might be brought in. At a meeting for making 
such arrangements, A. C. Twining, Alfred Walker, 
Charles Carlisle, S. D. Pardee, Thomas R. Trow- 
bridge, and Moses C. White were appointed a 
committee to aid in furnishing supplies for sick 
and wounded soldiers. Other members of the 
committee aideil, but Mr. Walker was foremost in 
the work of this committee. On the loth of Octo- 
ber, he gave public notice that he w-ould receive, 
pack and forward whatever the people saw fit to 
contribute for the Sanitary Commission. That he 
did not expect a large business, either in receiving 
cash or forwarding goods, is evident from the fact 
that he began to keep his account on the last leaves 
of an old ledger, devoting the last two pages to 
the cash account, and the preceding four to a rec- 
ord of articles received and forwarded. On the 
19th he sent the first box; by November 6th he 
had filled the four pages, ending with box 287. 
Seeing such an unexpected increase of business, 
he secured free transportation by steamboat to New 
York, and thence with Government freight to Bal- 
timore and Washington. The records and ac- 
counts were kept gratuitously by himself and those 
in his employ. The packing was done gratuitously 
by volunteers, who were for the most part of the 
sex that cannot fight. By such means the entire 
cash expenditure for a year was only $1,242.01, 
which included boxes and freight. The cash 
brought in with other articles amounted to 
$1,232.03. The record for the first year shows 
that Mr. Walker had forwarded 371 boxes and 
barrels to tiie Sanitary Commission and 44 bo.xes 
to Connecticut regiments. The value of the whole 
was, at a moderate estimate, more than $25,000. 
At the commencement of his second year's work, 
the ladies of New Haven came to his aid, organiz- 
ing the New Haven Soldiers' Aid Society, to act 
mainly in co-operation with the United States San- 
itary Commission, but with a special eye to the re- 
quirements of Connecticut regiments. The Society 
was permitted to occupy rooms in the State House, 

and here the ladies were constantly employed for 
three years. Here cloth was cut and delivered to 
friends from towns in the interior to be made up; 
here garments were received when made, and 
jiacked to be sent to hospitals for distribution to 
tiie sick and wounded. The New Haven Society 
was, soon after its formation, authorized to act for 
the whole State in behalf of the U. S. Sanitary 
Commission, and one hundred and twenty towns, 
througli their local associations, became its tribu- 
taries. These auxiliaries greatly swelled the list of 
consignments to Washington. 

The officers of the New Haven Society were: 
First Directress, Mrs. A. N. Skinner; Second Di- 
rectress, Miss M. T. Twining; Third Directress, 
Mrs. W. A. Norton; Mnmiger^, Mrs. William Ba- 
con, Mrs. E. Barrett, Mr.s. Bassett, Miss E. Brad- 
ley, Miss C. L. Brown, Mrs. L. Candee, Mrs. C. 
Candee, Mrs. R. Chapman, Miss R. Chapman, 
Miss C. Collins, Miss Dickerman, Mrs. H. Du- 
Bois, Mrs. J. W. Fitch, Miss J. Gibbs, Mrs. J. 
Goodnough, Mrs. E. .S. Greeley, Miss M. Hill- 
house, Miss I. Hillhouse, Miss S. B. Harrison, 
Mrs. C. A. Ingersoll, Mrs. B. Jepson, Miss A. 
Larned, Mrs. H. Mansfield, Mrs. H. Plumb, Mrs. 
D. C. Pratt, Miss P. Peck, Mrs. W. H. Russell, 
Mrs. G. B. Rich, Mrs. J. A. Root, Miss E. Sher- 
man, Mrs. J. Sheldon, Miss M. Storer, Miss A. 
Thacher, Mrs. A. Treat, Mrs. C. R. Waterhouse, 
Mrs. William Winchester, Miss D. Woolsey; Cor- 
responding Secretaries, Mrs. B. S. Roberts, Miss J. 
W. Skinner; Recording Secretiiry, Mrs. H. T. 
Blake; Treasurer, Mrs. Emily M. Fitch; Advisory 
Committee, Messrs. Alexander C. Twining, Charles 
Carlisle, Thomas R. Trowbridge, Alfred Walker, 
Stephen D. Pardee, and Dr. Moses C. White. 

This society received and disbursed in cash be- 
tween November i, 1862, and November 18, 1865, 
the sum of $27,304.96, of which amount the ladies 
earned by a Sanitary Fair, in 1862, $2,912.26. 
The balance came from various towns and individ- 
uals, but New Haven was not behind any town 
in the State in the generous competition. 

The records of the society, anil the letters which 
it received from the U. S. Sanitary Commission 
and other consignees, are deposited with the New- 
Haven Colony Historical Society. With them are 
the records which Mr. Walker kept from October, 
1861, to November, 1865, of which the following 
is a summary: 

Number of cases sent to the U. S. Sanitary 
Commission since October, 1S61 1,292 

Number of cases sent to Connecticut rcj;i- 
nients and liospitals 120 

Total . 


The cases forwarded by !Mr. Walker contained, 
of course, contributions from all parts of the State; 
but the ladies of New Haven not only gave their 
time and labor at the rooms of the society in the 
State House, but were zealous contributors anil 

The following table exhibits the contents ol the 

1,412 cases forwarded from New Haven to the U. 

I S. Sanitary Commission and to Connecticut regi- 



merits and to hospitals, from October i, 1861, to 
November i, 1865: 

Denomination. Qi^antity. 

Dried apples 36 barrels. 

Other dried fruit (4 barrels) 323 pounds. 

Blackberry and iitlier cordials... 25 1 ijallons. 

Wine and spirits 346 *' 

Bay rum and cologne 1S8 liottles. 

Jellies and jams (160 pounds). . . . 1,686 jars. 

Farinaceous food I>346 pounds. 

Crackers 8 barrels. 

Tea and coffee 14S pounds. 

Bronia, cocoa, etc 260 " 

Sugar 266 ' ' 

Spices 25 1 " 

Fresh fruits 8 barrels. 

Tomatoes and fruits in cans 141 cans. 

Pickles 960 gallons. 

Lemons 17 boxes. 

Condensed milk 290 cans. 

Catsup 22j^ gallons. 

Tamarinds 4 tubs. 

Ginger 6 jars. 

Cider 6 barrels. 

Vinegar 6 " 

Cheeses 16. 

Onions 810 bunches. 

Beets 880. 

Squashes 150. 

Vegetables 453 barrels. 

Groceries in packages 556 packages. 

Miscellanies 470 cases. 

Shirts— Flannel, 5,291: Cotton, 

4.723 10,014. 

Drawers —Flannel, 4,207; Cotton, 

1.765 5.972- 

Dressing-gowns 1,122. 

Handkerchiefs and napkins 15.098. 

Socks '0,755 P'lirs. 

Mittens 1,412 " 

Slip])ers. 682 *' 

Towels 9,291. 

Sheets 6,360. 

Pillow-cases 4)449' 

Quilts 2,400. 

Blankets 787. 

Pillows 3,333. 

Pads and cushions 2,750. 

Bed and pillow-s.icks 203. 

Neckties 300. 

Fans 250. 

Second-hand garments 261. 

Arm-slings 261. 

Abdominal supporters 2lg. 

Needle-books and comfort-bags.. 700. 

Bandages 31 liarrels. 

Rags 53 " 

Lint 5 " 

Crutches 36 pairs. 

Mosquito netting 1 73 yards. 

Books 2, 156. 

Magazines 3.300- 

Miscellaneous articles. 1,639. 

Cases (contents unknown) 54. 

On Thanksgiving Day, 1864, final victory being 
within the field of vision, the U. S. Sanitary Com- 
mission sent to the soldiers in the field a dinner, 
consisting, among other things, of six hundred 
tons of turkeys, numbering about 200,000. Con- 
necticut furnished her full share of these; but it 
having been ascertained' that the First Connecticut 
Cavalry was beyond the reach of those who carried 
the Thanksgiving dinner, the New Haven Soldiers' 
Aid Society sent them a dinner for New Year's 
Day. It was thus acknowledged by their Chaplain: 

Camp of First Connecticut Cavalry, 
Near Winchester, Va., 

January 3, 1865. 
Mrs. B. S. Roberts, Soldiers'' Aid Society, New Haven. 

M.\DAM, — You will be glad to know that the many good 
things contributed by our friends in New Haven reached 
here safely, and were a very considerable contribution to the 
grand dinner which our regiment enjoyed yesterday after- 
noon. Everything came in good condition— thanks be to 
excellent cooking and excellent packing. Our tables spread 
upon the snow, were covered with seventy-eight turkeys, one 
hundred and twenty-five chickens and with any quantity ot 
mince pies, cakes, cheese, apples, jiickles, jjreserves, etc. — an 
ample supply, not only for the immediate occasion, but for 
one or two meals to-day. If you could have heard the 
"Three cheers for the friends at home," and the many ex- 
pressions of delight at the jiractical assurances afforded that, 
in all the holiday enjoyment, the soldier was not forgotten, 
you \^■oll!d have been fully rejiaid for the troul)Ie which our 
enjoyment has cost you. Witli the help of your contribution 
of gloves and mittens, I was enaliled to jiresent to the regi- 
ment about 350 pairs — a very acceptable New Year's gift to 
men who had for two cold months done, barehanded, the 
hardest of cavalry work. « • • 

Be good enough to accept our hearty acknowledgment 
to yourself and the ladies of your association, believing me, 
in liehalf of the command, 

. Very respectfully and gratefully, 

Theodore J. Holmes, 
Chaplain First Connecticut Cavalry. 

The Chaplain's Aid Commission was organized 
not long after the New Haven Soldiers' Aid So- 
ciety. Mr. Alfred Walker, who had for a year 
been very active in forwarding cases to the Sanitary 
Commission, learning that his son, the Rev. Ed- 
ward A. Walker, the Chaplain of the Fourth Reg- 
iment, which had been transformed from the Fourth 
Infantry to the First Heavy Artillery, desired a large 
tent for a chapel and reading-room, collected two 
hundred and twenty-five dollars and purchased the 
tent. After it had been exhibited for a day or two 
on the Green, it was forwarded to the regiment in 
Maryland, where it was set up, much to the satisfac- 
tion not only of the Chaplain, but of the officers 
and privates generally. The Chaplain soon after 

The Temple of Natui'e, sufficient in summer, is too chilly 
in December; and of late it has been too leaky overhead and 
too wet under foot to be very inviting, and the number of 
worshipers has been sadly out of proportion to the accom- 
modation. Now we have a church and Divine Service and 
something more like a Sabbath. W^e have our prayer-meet- 
ings and Bible-class, our lectures, temperance-meetings and 
musical society. We have also a melodeon; for when the 
men heard that the tent was coming, they started at once a 
subscription, declaring that they would now have service in 

This canvas chapel and reading-room being 
found so useful, an association was formed of men 
from all parts of the State to supply Connecticut 
regiments with chapel-tents, books, magazines and 
newspapers, and generally to aid chaplains in pro- 
moting the moral and spiritual welfare of the 
soldiers. It was called the Chaplains' Aid Commis- 
sion. Its oificers were; President, Governor Will- 
iam A. Uuckingham; Vice-President, Lieutenant- 
Governor Benjamin Douglass; Corresponding Sec- 
retaries, Rev. L. W. Bacon, Rev. A. R. Thompson; 
Recording Secretary, Francis Wayland; Treasurer, 
Stephen D. Pardee. The members of the commis- 
sion, in addition to those in office, were; President 
Theodore D. Woolsey, Right Rev. John Williams, 



Rev. Robert Turnbull, Rev. Leonard Bacon, Rev. 
G. W. Woodrufr, Re\-. P. S. Kvans, H. I\I. Welch, 
H. B. Harrison, William II. Russell, William B. 
Johnson, Edward W. Hatch, Richard D. Hubbard, 
Henry T. Blake, F. J. Kingsbury. 

The jieoplc responded to the call of the commis- 
sion with great liberality. Money sufficient to 
purchase tents for the Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, F^ighth, 
Tenth. Eleventii, Twelfth, and Thirteenth Regi- 
ments was soon collected. Each of the ten regi- 
ments in tiie field was also furnished with a library 
of from seventy-five to one hundred and twenty- 
five bound volumes. Mr. Wayland who, his brother 
being Chaplain of the Seventh, had special facilities 
for informing himself concerning the value of the aid 
thus rendered to the chaplains, cheerl'ully gave not 
only much time, but the use of his law office to the 
commission. For each of the libraries he provided 
a strong portable case, so constructed that by turning 
the key it was prepared for transportation and as 
easily preparetl for use on its arrival at a new camp. 
By luly, 1,284 bound volumes and 5,448 magazines 
had been sent, and an uncounted number of illustra- 
ted and religious newspapers. The books sent were 
of high character ami great variety. Many of them 
were purchased expressly for the purpose by the 
Secretary, and others were choice volumes culled 
from their private libraries by friends of the soldiers. 
The tents and libraries were received with delight by 
officers and privates. Chaplain Hall, of the Tenth, 
wrote : 

It is the most convenient tliinij imagin.iblc. I liavc con- 
structed .1 loni; writinjj-dcsk, on wliicli I pl.icc all tlie papers 
which yon so kindly fiu-nish nie : at the end of the desk is 
my library of books. You will always hnd from ten to fifty 
men in the tent, reading or writing. The library is just the 
thing needed. The l)ooks are well assorted and entertain- 

The chapel-tents, how-ever, were found to be 
so liable to seizure for military uses, that only those 
regiments which have been mentioned were sup- 
plied with them, and most of these were either left 
behind for want of transportation, or converted 
into hospitals. After about a year of active service, 
the Chaplains' Aid Commission rested for a time 
from its labor, till the Connecticut branch of the 
United States Christian Commission was organized 
in 1864. The officers of this branch were, with a 
few changes, the same as the officers of the Chap- 
lains' Aid Commission. The work also was similar 
in some respects, but included the sending of volun- 
tary Christian workers to the camps and hospitals. 

The winter of 1861-62 saw a revolution in the 
construction of naval vessels. The old dynasty of 
wooden ships of war passed away, and the new 
era of iron came in. The Navy Department had 
determined to build an iron-clad as an experiment, 
and the contract had been taken by Mr. Cornelius 
S. Bushnell, an enterprising citizen of New Haven. 
To assure himself of the stability and buoyancy of 
the vessel under the stipulated coat of iron, he con- 
sulted with Ca])tain John Ericsson, of New York, 
who showed him the plan of a vessel which was 
not merely iron-clad, but wholly of iron. Want of 
money had prevented Ericsson from constructing 

a vessel according to his plan, but he believed that 
the vessel, if constructed, would be a success. Mr. 
Bushnell became a convert to Ericsson's opinion, 
and offered to risk his entire fortune in the experi- 
ment. A contract between the two was written 
and signed, and the work of construction com- 
menced immediately. In just one hundred days 
the monitor was launched and immediately pro- 
ceeded to Fortress Monroe, just in time to sink 
the Merrimac, and demonstrate the future worth- 
lessness of "wooden walls.'' Mr. Bushnell had 
been much respected in New Haven, but by this 
achievement he became the hero of the day. 


was born in Madison, New Haven County, Conn., 
July 18, 1828. His father, Nathan Bushnell, and his 
mother, Chloe Scranton. were each descended in 
direct line from Francis Bushnell and John Scran- 
ton, who emigrated from F.ngland to the New- 
Haven Colony in 1638, in the company which 
purchased the Guilford plantation from the Indi- 
ans, and erected the stone house which may 
still be seen in good condition just north of the 
Guilford depot. The boyhood of Mr. Bus'inell 
was spent in the retirement of his native town. 
Opportunities were few, but work was plenty on 
the farm and in his father's quarry. In winter he 
attended the village school, making the best use he 
could of the meager facilities it afibrded. At the 
age of fifteen his life-work began. Starting out on 
a coasting vessel, he became, in less than a year, 
master of a sixty-ton schooner, and, by great efibrt 
and economy, succeeded in saving during the next 
five years the sum of $2,700. This he invested in 
a house in New Haven, which henceforth became 
his home. The day after he became of age he 
was married to Emily Fowler CMrke. The result 
of the marriage was the birth of nine sons and one 
daughter, viz. : Sereno Scranton, Samuel Clarke, 
Charlotte Beecher, Cornelius Judson, Nathan, 
Henry Northrop, Ericsson Foote, Winthrop Grant, 
Edward William, Levi Ives. 

Soon after his marriage he entered into partner- 
ship with his brother, Nathan Townsend Bushnell, 
in the wholesale and retail grocery business, estab- 
lishing what has been, and still is, the largest bus- 
iness of its kind in the State. Early in 1858 he 
had become interested in the New Haven and 
New London Railroad, which was greatly embar- 
rassed for want of funds. It had become evident 
that the running of trains must be abandoned un- 
less a larger earning capacity could be secured; 
which could only be obtained by extending the 
road to Stoninglon. Mr. Bushnell was chosen 
president, and pushed the new enterprise with such 
vigor (obtaining assistance on his own notes in- 
dorsed by friends, and by securing a contract with 
Daniel Drew, of the Stonington steamboat line, 
to advance his notes for $15,000, as rent of the 
steamboat dock at Groton) that through trains 
began to run from Boston to New York in 1S60. 
Great difficulty was experienced, however, by the 
refusal of the New York road to sell through tick- 

(2^ ^ J^ i-^t-<y'lA^n^->^n^..j^_J^'^^ 



ets, or check baggage, owing to a contract then in 
force with the Hartford road. Mr. Bushnell accord- 
ingly had recourse to the Legislature, then in session 
at Hartford, and by the help of Charles R.lngersoll, 
representative from New Haven, and afterward 
Governor of the State, secured the passage of a bill 
compelling the New York and New Haven Rail- 
road to aftbrd the Shore Line Railroad equal facil- 
ities with those granted to any other line. The 
bill was stoutly opposed by the powerful railroad 
corporation, which was managed then in Hartford, 
and not obeyed until the Supreme Court of the 
Slate issued a mandatory order after wearisome 
litigation. Mr. Bushnell's next effort was to ob- 
tain recognition- of the U. S. Postal Department, 
and secure through mails over the Shore Line Road, 
but a long and exciting struggle was necessary be- 
fore the result was gained. Meanwhile the war had 
begun, and Mr. Bushnell turned his attention to 
ship-building, employing the services of Samuel 
H. Pook, one of the most experienced and scien- 
tific naval constructors in the United States, who 
(after the completion of the steamship Stars and 
Stripes) had matured plans for the iron-plated 
steamship Galena. At the request of Hon. Gid- 
eon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Bushnell, 
greatly aided by Hon James E. English, Member 
of Congress from New Haven, had already secured 
the passage of a bill authorizing the Secretary of 
the Navy to appoint three naval experts to examine 
all plans for iron vessels, and adopt whatever might 
be approved. Under this bill a contract was en- 
tered into for the construction of the Galena. But 
many naval officers, doubting the ability of the 
vessel to carry the amount of armor proposed, the 
plans were submitted to Captain John Ericsson, of 
New York, who pronounced them satisfactory, 
saying that the vessel would easily perform the 
work that was expected of her. It was at this in- 
terview, however, that the plan of the Monitor was 
first brought to light. Mr. Bushnell having gained 
the information he desired concerning the Galena, 
was about to retire, when Captain Ericsson asked 
him if he would like to see a battery which would 
be absolutely impregnable to the heaviest shot or 
shell, and then placed before him the model of the 
Monitor, which he had invented many years before, 
but which, owing to the strained relations existing 
between him and the Navy Department, he had 
never presented to the LTnited States Government. 
Overjoyed at the discovery of the Monitor, and 
receiving carle blanche to do with the invention as 
he thought best, Mr. Bushnell at once called upon 
Secretary Welles and laid the plans before him, 
announcing that now the country was safe. He 
next associated with himself Messrs. Griswold and 
Winslow, of Troy, N. Y., as partners in the enter- 
prise, offering each of them a quarter interest in 
the undertaking, retaining a quarter each for Cap- 
tain Ericsson and himself and then, with his asso- 
ciates, submitted the rplans to the Naval Board. 
President Lincoln was greatly pleased with the 
plan, as were two members of the Board, Admirals 
Smith and Paulding. But Captain Davis declared 
that he would never sign a report recommending 

its adoption. Matters thus had come to a stand- 
still, and would have so remained indefinitely, had 
not Mr. Bushnell succeeded, by a pardonable sub- 
terfuge, in getting Captain Ericsson to come to 
Washington and plead the case before the assem- 
bled Board, which resulted in the adoption of the 
Monitor, though under such conditions as to 
make her construction the result of the ardent pa- 
triotism of her builders; who were under obligation 
to refund the money advanced by Government on 
account, in case the vessel should not prove a suc- 
cess on her trial trip. It should be borne in mind, 
therefore, that the Monitor was the property of the 
gentlemen above named when she went into action 
at Hampton Roads, and by defeating the Merri- 
mac, saved Washington and the Union. Mean- 
while other enterprises were on foot. A ship-yard 
was established at Fairhaven, Conn., from which 
Mr. Bushnell turned out more steamships for the 
Government than were furnished by any other 
builder in the country. In connection with Cap- 
tain Ericsson and associates, eight monitor bat- 
teries, much improved on the original, were con- 
structed, among them the Puritan and Dictator, 
either of which could have contended successfully 
with the navy of any nation in the world. 

His relations with the Government necessitated 
his frequent presence in Washington, and brought 
him into contact with many public men. One of 
them. Senator Dixon of Hartford, placed Mr. 
Bushnell's name in the original Pacific Railroad 
bill as one of the corporators, and from that time 
forward this enterprise commanded his closest at- 
tention. He attended the meeting for organization 
at Chicago in 1863, and was appointed on the 
committee to procure subscriptions to the stock; 
two millions being required and twenty per cent, 
paid in, before the company could begin business. 
Of this two millions Mr. Bushnell secured more 
than three-quarters, and was himself the largest 
subscriber to the original stock. He was also 
largely instrumental in securing the amendment of 
1864, without which it would have been impossible 
to finish the road. He was also the only corpora- 
tor who remained from first to last in connection 
with the enterprise; leaving the Company only after 
it had become a great success, and, unfortunately 
for himself, embarking in the construction of what 
is now the Atlantic end of the Southern Pacific 
Railroad. Owing to the great financial depression 
of 1873, and the repudiation of Louisiana, the Com- 
pan)', from which Mr. Bushnell was to have re- 
ceived millions of dollars on contract, failed, and 
so embarrassed him that he was compelled to sus- 
pend, losing thus the large fortune which he had 
spent twenty years in accumulating. Overw'ork 
and anxiety prostrated him, and for some years 
his health was far from good. During 1864 he 
purchased an extensive iron property,- called Iron 
Ridge, in Wisconsin, and erected a blast fur- 
nace, using charcoal as fuel, making pig iron 
at a lower price per ton than at any other fur- 
nace in the country. This property he sold to 
Byron Kilbourn's Rolling Mill Company for a 
large profit on the original cost. He also, with 





associates, purchased a large lead and silver mine 
in I'tah, which was afterwards sold to English 
capitalists for over $300,000 profit. In 1871-72 
he erected the Masonic Temple in New Haven, 
at a cost of more than $200,000 ; at the pres- 
ent time not worth half the cost, owing to the 
removal of the railroad depot. In 1865-70 he 
built the horse railroad over the Cincinnati and 
Covington, Ky. , great wire bridge, extending for 
several miles into the latter city. On January 10, 
1869, Mr. Bushnell's wife died at New Haven, and 
was universally mourned. 

On the 15th of March, 1S70, Mr. Bushnell was 
married to Mrs. Caroline M. Hughston. widow of 
Hon. J. A. Hughston, of New York, by whom she 
had had three children, one son and two daughters. 
One of these daughters, Annie, has since died; the 
other has been married to Mr. Bushnell's third 
son, Cornelius Judson. 

On the 9th of June, 1862, the General Hospital 
of Connecticut at New Haven was, by special ar- 
rangement with the War Department, opened for 
the reception of sick and wounded soldiers. The 
patients were, like other patients, under the care 
of the Hospital Society until April 7, 1863, at 
which time the care of the sick and wounded sol- 
diers was transferred to the War Department. The 
building was vacated by the Hospital Society and 
leased to the Government, and thus became an 
army hospital, under the name of "The Knight 
Hospital." The name honored a beloved physi- 
cian of New Haven, and the presence of hundreds 
of sick and wounded heroes in the city excited 
sympathy and desire to help in every humane and 
patriotic heart. P'very day the hospital was vis- 
ited by ladies, who wrote letters, assisted the sur- 
geons in dressing wounds, and in many ways made 
themselves useful. The clergymen of the city were 
in turn present every day, to celebrate Divine Ser- 
vice for the benefit of those who were well enough 
to attend, and to administer the consolations of 
religion at the bedside of those who sent for them. 
These visitors brought daily gifts of fruit and flow- 
ers. The accommodations of the hospital were 
supplementcil with temporary barracks and tents, 
so that hundreds could be simultaneously under 

The battle of James Island occurred June 16, 
1862. In it fell Captain Edwin S. Hitchcock, 
who was a private in the New Haven Grays when 
that company went to the war as part of the Second 
Regiment. Returning at the end of three months, 
he was appointed the deputy of the Postmaster in 
New Haven, but being solicited by Colonel Terry 
to raise a company for the Seventh, he did so, and 
received a Captain's commission. Hon. James M. 
Townsend, a former Captain of the Grays, who 
had befriended the company in many ways during 
its three months of service, permitted Captain Hitch- 
cock to organize his company under the name of 
the "Townsend Rifles," and the popularity of both 
the patron and the commanding (ifliccr accelerated 
enlistment. The Townsend Rifles were the first 
company of Union troops that landed on the soil 

of South Carolina, in November, 1861. From 
that time until the following June, Hitchcock par- 
ticipated in the toils and privations of the siege of 
Charleston. A day or two previous to the battle of 
James Island, he was sent forward, in command of 
Companies B and G, to reconnoitre the position of 
the foe. Preparations were made in accordance 
with the information thus obtained, and on the 
morning of the 1 6th of June an intrcnchment of 
the rebels was assailed, the First Connecticut Bat- 
tery opening with artillery, and the Seventh charg- 
ing at double-quick. The official report says: 
"Captain F^dwin S. Hitchcock, of Company G, 
among the foremost, and enthusiastically cheering 
on his men, was severely wounded in the thigh. 
He continued to call out cheerfully, and to fire 
rifles handed him by his men, until he received a 
rifle ball straight from the front through his upper 
lip. Four of his men undertook to carry him to 
the rear. While they were doing this, two of 
them — Sergeant W. H. Haynes and Private J. N. 
Dexter — were wounded by rifle balls, and they were 
obliged to leave the gallant Captain dying there." 
He died within the rebel lines, but his conspicuous 
valor had so stirred the admiration of the foe that 
they placed his body in a box and buried it with 
honor. The body was afterward taken home and 
reburied, with additional honors. A monument 
was erected to his memory by members of his 
company, which will be more appropriately de- 
scribed in the chapter on cemeteries. 

In August of the same year, the battle of Cedar 
IMountain saddened every heart in New Haven, for 
in that fatal engagement she lost two of her noblest 

Lieutenant Henry M. Dutton was born at New 
Haven September 9, 1836. He was a son of the 
Hon. Henry Dutton, Professor of Law in Yale 
College, and in previous years Governor of Con- 
necticut. Graduating at Yale College in the class 
of 1856, he studied law, and when the war burst 
into flame had acquired a larger practice than usu- 
ally falls to the lot of lawyers in the first years of 
their profession. Inducing scores to join him, he 
left his office in Litchfield, and went to Hartford as 
a private in the Fifth Regiment. As a reward of 
success in recruiting, he received a Lieutenant's 
commission, and his popularity and influence were 
not less when he was an oflicer than they had been 
when he was in the ranks. From August, 1S61, 
to August, 1862, he was on the bank of the Poto- 
mac, and learned its fords and ferries for nearly a 
hundred miles in doing duty as an oflJicer of the 
picket. Sometimes only four of the twenty Lieu- 
tenants of his regiment were on the roll as ready 
for service, the others being absent or sick; but 
Dutton was constantly on hand, and found his 
pleasure in the discharge of duly, even when re- 
quired to watch every fourth night. At the camp 
in Hartford and in Maryland, by the camp fire at 
night and as the regiment halted at noon on the 
march, Dutton was a fiivorite with oflficers and sol- 
diers, on account of the buoyancy of his spirits. 
None ct)uld tell more amusing stories; none could 
repeat more snatches of poetry; none could better 



sing a song; none so good a physician amid dis- 
comfort, home-sickness and blues as he. His 
cheerfulness shortened many a weary mile, and 
burst forth refreshingly in gleeful laughter and 
winning story. On Sunday morning, May 25, 
1862, the regiment was for the first time exposed 
to a shower of rebel bullets, and one of Button's 
comrades says: 

Wfll ci<i I recollect amid that ^\■ikl storm of the rebel 
charge, when their advance forced itself almost up to our 
lines, the splendid bearing of Lieut. Dutton as he maintained 
the line of his company, and with upright form and sword 
gleaming through the smoke, encouraged his men, until 
Ewell's whole division fell back repulsed before three scant 

About this time his friends noticed that a change 
had come over him. He was still as cheerful and 
occasionally as gay as ever, but he was also at times 
thoughtful and serious. The same friend who 
described his bearing at Winchester, says: 

From our first crossing into Virginia he had l^ecome 
gradually changed. Books became the companions of his 
leisure hours, or alone with some esteemed comrade, he 
gave voice to that thorough religious and heroic spirit that 
lay beneath the sparkling surface, and told of his glorious 
aspirations for the future life and his bright hopes for the 
future of his country. At Front Royal, about the last of 
June, in company with him I attended the last little prayer 
meeting which assembled in the regiment previous to his 
death; and as he did our singing that day, I felt that not the 
lips only but the heart entered into the spirit of tlie hynuis. 
Soon after he became for a time a tent-mate of my own, and 
my intereviews wiih him led me more than ever before to 
admire in him the man, the hero and the Christian. 

The battle of Cedar Mountain was fought 
August 9th, 1862. Commencing at 5 p. m. it was 
at first an artillery duel, the two forces being about 
a mile from each other. Rapidly the enemy multi- 
plied their batteries and concentrated upon the 
National troops a fire of such intolerable severity 
that it was determined to silence some of the guns 
by a charge of infantry. To General Crawford's 
Brigade, consisting of the Forty-si.xth Pennsylvania, 
Tenth Maine, Twenty-eighth New York, and Fifth 
Connecticut was assigned the duty of capturing an 
enfilade battery on the right front. It was about 
six o'clock when the order was given. The troops 
sprang forward at the double quick into a mur- 
derous fire, which came not only from the battery 
in front, but from the whole line of the enemy. 
Still they pressed on, leaving in their path a wake 
of their dead and wounded. With loud cheers 
they rushed into the woods from which the unseen 
batteries were belching forth their incessant volleys, 
when there sprang from the underbrush such an 
overwhelming force of the rebels, pouring in such a 
point-blank fire of musketry, that the battery could 
not be taken. The Fifth Connecticut preserved 
its ranks till the men reached a small brook that 
flowed through the field. Here fifty men were 
struck down in two minutes. Most of the compa- 
nies lost their leaders and straggled back to the 
protection of the wood from which they had issued. 
A large number, borne forward by the impetuosity 
of the charge, rushed into the midst of the enemy 
concealed near the battery and were there slain or 
captured. All the field officers were killed or made 
prisoners, and all the other officers, except five, 

were wounded. After Captain Corliss was wounded, 
Lieut. Dutton led his company across the field, 
though but a remnant reached the wood in which 
the enemy were concealed. He is reported to 
have seized more than once the regimental flag 
from some fallen hero and borne it on till he could 
commit it to some one still able to carry it aloft. 
His commanding form could not long escape, and 
he fell, pierced by a volley of musketry. "Histor}', " 
says John S. C. Abbott, ' ' has presented to my 
view few scenes more sad than the vision of the 
venerable father of this young man, wandering, a 
few days after the battle, over this field in the un- 
availing endeavor to find the remains of his beloved 
and only son." 

INIajor Edward F. Blake, a son of Eli W. Blake, 
was born at New Haven, November 25, 1837. 
Graduating at Yale College in the class of 1858, 
he was for a time undecided in respect to his career 
in life, and spent two years in the study of modern 
languages and general literature. In i860 he made 
choice of the law as a profession, and entered the 
Yale Law School. A few months afterward the 
war broke out, and though as yet uncertain whether 
duty called him to the tented field, he began at 
once to study army tactics and joined a company 
organized for daily drill. It cost him a severe strug- 
gle to decide upon entering into army life, so many 
phases of which were repugnant to his tastes and 
feelings. But he was not one to shut his eyes on 
any duty, and from month to month he approached 
nearer to the devotion of himself to his country. 
Accustomed from boyhood to annual camping-out 
parties and long rowing excursions, he went in the 
summer of i86[ with a party of friends to spend 
his vacation in the usual manner. While thus ab- 
sent from home, he said one day to his compan- 
ions, " Who would believe, fifty years hence, that we 
spent a month roving in this way up the Connecti- 
cut River, when great armies were fighting for the 
life of our Government .'" In August, soon after his 
return from this excursion, he tendered his services 
to the Governor. A friend writes his recollections 
of a conversation he had with him as they chanced 
to meet one moonlight evening soon after he had 
come to a decision. 

Although perfectly cheerful, as he always was, he was less 
gay — not in such exuberant spirits as I had often see him. 
He had evidently been thinking very seriously and deliber- 
ately. He told me that he had not yielded to a first im- 
pulse — to any hasty enthusiasm — which might have prompt- 
ed him to go at once into the army. He had preferred to 
wait, to satisfy himself that the war was what it seemed to 
hull, " one of the pivotal wars of the world." I remem- 
ber his expression perfectly. 1 le had thought about it, he 
said, calmly, and was sure now that it was so — a war of 
principles; a war on which immense results for the whole 
world depended. And he said that with this conviction he 
was resolved to go as soon as he could, to have his share in 
it. I wish that I could remember our talk, word for word. 
I can only recall its general tone, and his manner and ex- 
pression, so serious, so unselfish, so good, and that particu- 
lar phrase, "one of the pivotal wars of the world." 

In October he was appointed Adjutant of the 
Fifth Connecticut, then in the field in Maryland, 
and in the summer of 1862 was promoted to be 
Major. Shortly after his promotion, he was ordered 
to Connecticut as bearer of dispatches to the Gov- 



ernor. It so happened that this detail brought him 
liome on the day of the C'ullege Commencement, 
when chissmates and friends were present to join 
with his family in welconiin'i; his return. It was a 
dark hourol tliewar,and iiis heart was full of solici- 
tude for his country. He said in private conversa- 
tion, and saiil again when called up for a speech. 
••\'oung men ol intelligence and education nught 
to join the ami)-; the)' are needed and can ilo 
much." The next Sabbath lie was at the commun- 
ion t.ible in die church where his fiimily worshiped, 
with fiither ami mother, brothers and sisters around 
him: before the ne.xt Sabbath he had returned to 
the fielil, had letl his men into action, and had led 
them for the last time. In the heat of the action, 
as the Fifth was crossing the open field, a few men 
on the left llank fitllered in their advance and 
sought shelter behind some rocks and bushes. 
Major Blake, running toward them, shouted, 
" Never let it be said that Connecticut men wavered 
to-day," rallied them and led them on to the woods 
in which the rest of the regiment were gallantly con- 
tending against great odds of numbers and position. 
Here Major Hlake was instantly killed by a rebel 
bullet as he was waving his sword and encouraging 
his men. His body rests in an unknown grave. 

During the winter of 1861-62, it had been 
thought that the number of enlisted men was 
sufficient to put down the Rebellion. The War 
Department issued orders April 3, 1862, discontinu- 
ing the recruiting service, and the ardor of the peo- 
ple for enlisting subsided. In May, when the Sec- 
retary of War asked Governor Buckingham for 600 
men to fill up the Eighth, Tenth and Eleventh, so 
few responded that, the call was modified into an 
order for the organization of a Fourteenth Regi- 
ment to join the 50,000 men designed for the camp 
of instruction at Annapolis. But the Fourteenth 
made slow progress in filling up, till in midsummer 
a new uprising of the people commenced, which 
was occasioned by disasters to the Union arms. 
As long as the people believed that there were men 
enough in the field, they preferred the pursuits of 
peace; but they were determined to save the coun- 
try. The Governors of the loyal States united in 
a letter to the President, urging him to "call for such 
numbers of men as might in his judgment be nec- 
essary to garrison and hold all the numerous cities 
and military positions that have been captured by 
our armies, and to speedily crush the Rebellion." 
In response, the President issued a proclamation on 
the 1st of July, calling for 300,000 men, and on 
the 3d of July for the "immediate formation of 
si.x or more regiments." The response was speedy 
and vigorous. A large and spirited meeting was 
held in New Haven at Music Hall. Commodore 
Foote presided, and speeches were made by Governor 
Buckingham, Senator Dixon, Rev. Dr. Bacon, and 
Charles Chapman, of Hartford. It was resolved to 
put a regiment (the Fifteenth) into the field imme- 
diately. A recruiting committee was appointed, of 
which the active men were William S. Cliarnle\', 
H. M. Welch, H. B. Harrison, S. D. Pardee, \\'iil- 
iam H. Russell, A. D. Osborne, P. A. Pinkerman, 
Francis Wayland, Jr., J. W. King, E. S. Quintard, 

D. J. Peck, Luman Cowles, Lucius R. Finch, Wyllis 
Bristol, v.. A. Lindslc}-, John Woodruff, Lucius Gil- 
bert, K. I. .Sanforil, Eli Whitney, B. S. Bryan, James 
H. Lansing, J. C. Hollister, |. D. Candee, D. H. 
Carr, E. Downes, C. S. J5ushnell, Charles \V. Elliot, 
D. C. Gilman, Rev. William T. Eustis, John A. 
Porter, C. B. Rogers, John W. Farren, R. S. Fel- 
lowes, L. R. Smith, H. E. Pardee, Alexander Mc- 
Allister, II. I). White, N. D. .Sperry. 

Recruiting began immediately, and the commit- 
tee, meeting dail)', pushed the work so rapidly 
that the regiment was full and ready to move on 
the 25th of August. Dexter R. Wright was ap- 
pointed Colonel, Samuel ToUes was Lieutenant- 
Colonel, and Eli W. Osborne was Major. These 
gentlemen were all from New Haven. 

The camp was at Oyster Point, where the .Seventh 
had rendezvoused, and from this camp the regi- 
ment took its departure on the 28th of August for 
Washington. No sooner was the camp vacated 
by the Fifteenth than it was occupied by the squads 
and companies that came for the Twentieth, which 
was immediately full, and departed on the 11th of 

The call of the Governor was for six or more 
regiments, and the response was seven full regi- 
ments and a battery of light artillery, with 1 1 5 
men . 

But the call of July 3d was followed by another 
call from the Governor on the 4th of August for 
seven regiments of nine-months' men. Many, whose 
duties at home would not permit them to be absent 
for three years, cheerfully volunteered for nine 
months, but before the quota of Connecticut was 
full, recruiting lagged, and the Governor announced 
on the 2 1st of August that there would be a draft 
on the 3d of September, unless the requisition 
should be previously filled. Preparations were 
made for the draft, and among other preparations, 
four camps were established in difi'erent parts of 
the State, one of which was Camp Terry, at Grape- 
vine Point, in New Haven. ^lany towns, and 
among them New Haven, filled their quota. On the 
day appointed for a draft, a crowd, estimated at 
from three to five thousand, gathered in the morn- 
ing at the north portico of the State House. A 
citizens' meeting was organized, with Thomas R. 
Trowbridge as Chairman, and Edwin A. Tucker as 
Secretary. Joseph Sheldon immediately ottered, 
on behalf of Arthur D. Osborne, $15 each for two 
volunteers, in addition to all bounties. James 
Gallagher oftereii $15 for one man. I. W. Hine 
and \\'illiam \. Beckley each made the same offer. 
William Franklin offered $15 for each of ten men; 
N. D. Sperry $15 for each of ten more; John 
Woodruff $15 for each of twenty more; Thomas 
R. Trowbridge $15 each for thirty more; Hiram 
Camp $15 for each often more. Each announce- 
ment was greeted with loud applause. Rev. George 
De F. Folsom made a short and spirited address, 
and offered $15 for each of five men. A call was 
made for a general contribution, to be equally di- 
vided among those who should volunteer. S. T. 
Parmelee off'ered $100; D. J. Peck, $50; and 
James Gallagher having called for more, sums 



of from $1 to $20 were passed up till the sum of 
$i,20o for equal distribution had been received. 
At noon fifty- two men had volunteered, and $15 
each had been offered for eighty-eight more, be- 
sides an interest in the fund for equal distribution. 
Enlistments were continued, but at 3.45 o'clock 
twenty-five men were needed to fill the quota. 
The Selectmen then gave notice that the draft 
would begin at 4 o'clock; but as the number was 
nearly complete at 4 o'clock they delayed, and at 
half-past 4, N. C. Hall announced that the quota 
was full, and that there would be no draft in New 
Haven. Nine tremendous cheers broke forth, and 
the crowd dispersed. 

The Twenty-third, the Twenty-seventh, and the 
Twentv-eighth rendezvoused at New Haven at the 
camp on Grape-vine Point. One of them left for 
the front in October and the others in November. 
In the course of two months Connecticut had 
awaked from the sleep to which she had resigned 
herself after the departure of the Thirteenth, and 
had raised fifteen additional regiments. New Ha- 
ven had furnished her quota, and had been, and 
still continued to be, one of the chief centers of 
military activity. Many of her citizens made fre- 
quent visits to the camp, and welcomed to their 
homes the soldiers with whom they became ac- 

In September, 1862, one of the heroes of the 
war in whom New Haven felt a special interest, fell 
in battle. Joseph King Fenno Mansfield was 
born in New Haven, though his parents removed 
to Middletown in his infancy. His ancestors had 
resided in New Haven from the first settlement of 
the town. Educated at West Point, he had con- 
tinued in the army till the breaking out of the Re- 
bellion, when he was promoted to be a Brigadier- 
General in the regular army. While bravely lead- 
ing on his forces in the battle of Sharpsburg, Sep- 
tember 17, 1862, he received a mortal wound, 
which soon terminated his life, \^'hen informed 
that there was no hope for him, he calmly replied, 
"If it be God's will, it is well." Middletown was 
the chief mourner. " No man was better known 
or loved in IMiddletown than Mansfield; " but the 
city of his birth was in sympathy with the city of 
his residence in the mourning at his burial. 

At the battle of Fredericksburg, New Haven lost 
Captain Bernard E. Schweizer, a brave German 
soldier; Captain Addison L. Taylor, who being, 
when the war broke out, a pupil and a military in- 
structor in General Russell's Collegiate and Com- 
mercial Institute, had drilled Captain Joseph R. 
Hawley's Company in the three months' service; 
Frank E. Ailing, a student at V'ale when he en- 
listed; and Sergeant Thomas E. Barrett, a much es- 
teemed and successful teacher in the Eaton School. 
All these were in the Twenty-seventh Connecticut. 

The State election of 1862 had been very quiet. 
Party excitement had subsided. The peace Demo- 
crats had shut their mouths, and the war Democrats 
were not disposed to displace Governor Bucking- 
ham. New Haven, unlike some other towns, had 
never witnessed any public anti-war demonstra- 
tions. Apparently the whole community were 

united in the prosecution of the war. There was 
really, however, among those who were united in 
the prosecution of the war, a difference of opinion 
in regard to the manner of conducting it. The 
Democrats insisted that nothing should in any case 
be done that was not in accordance with the Con- 
stitution. The Republicans, though not disposed 
to alienate any true patriots, held that in such a 
struggle for the national life, the rebels had lost 
their right to that property in men which the Con- 
stitution guaranteed, so that whenever military ne- 
cessity demanded the abduction or emancipation 
of slaves, the rebels were to be deprived of such 
auxiliaries. But there was great difference of opin- 
ion among Republicans during the year 1862 on 
the question whether all disloyal masters should 
be deprived of their slaves. One blow after another 
was struck at slavery. In March it was abolished in 
the District of Columbia, Congress appropriating 
$i,ooo,oco for the compensation of loyal masters, 
and offering to give pecuniary aid " to any State 
which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slav- 
ery." It caused great joy in New Haven that its 
distinguished son, the Hon. James E. EnglLsh, 
voted for the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia. In June, a bill prohibiting slavery in 
the Territories was passed. On the 2 2d of Sep- 
tember the President announced by proclamation 
that on the ist day of January, 1863, he should, 
as an act of military necessity, declare all slaves 
free in every State then in rebellion against the 
United States. On the ist day of January the 
proclamation was accordingly issued. Though ap- 
proved by Republicans, it awakened some opposi- 
tion, and a division took place in the ranks of the 
Democrats of Connecticut, some continuing to act 
with the Republicans in the support of Governor 
Buckingham, and others endeavoring, in the State 
election of 1863, to place Thomas H. Seymour in 
the gubernatorial chair. Two years of war had 
not sufficed to restore the Union. It had now be- 
come a war against slavery, and no great advan- 
tage had resulted to the Union cause from the 
emancipation of the slaves. The " peace men" 
of Connecticut rallied under the cry of " No more 
war," and declared that the Union could be saved 
only by the cessation of hostilities. So many "war 
men " were absent from the State, that there was 
reason to fear that the peace men were in the 
majority, and furloughs were freely given to sol- 
diers to come home and fight the foe who were in 
the rear. The soldiers were unanimous in the 
opinion that the war should continue, and those 
who could not procure furloughs sent home the 
most impassioned appeals. This was in New Ha- 
ven as dark a time as there was during the war. A 
daily union prayer-meeting was held to express the 
desire of the people that God would save the nation. 
The contest was so close, that though the State 
polled more votes in the absence of twenty-five 
regiments than she did in the Presidential election 
of i860, Buckingham's majority was only 2,637. 

While the Assembly was in session, tidings 
reached New Haven of the death of another of 
her heroes. 




was born at New Haven, September 12, 1806. His 
father, the Hon. Samuel A. Foote, graduated at Yale 
College in 1797, and studied law; but the want of 
health compelling him to engage in active life, he be- 
came junior partner with his wife's father, in the West 
India tratle, in New Haven. The trade with the 
West Indies was unusually prosperous in the latter 
part of the eighteenth century and the first few- 
years of the nineteenth, hut was crippled by the Way 
of 1812. The next year after this war commenced, 
Mr. Foote removed from New Haven to Cheshire, 
his native town, and there his home was till his 
death. He was one of the representatives from 
Connecticut in the fifteenth and in the si.xteenth 
Congress, a Senator of the United States from 1827 
to 1833. He was again elected a representative 
to Congress, but being also chosen Governor of the 
State, he soon resigned his seat in Congress. His wife, 
Eudosia, daughter of Gen. Andrew Hull, of Chesh- 
ire, was a woman worthy of her husband. Andrew 
Hull Foote, the second son of this excellent couple, 
was bright, strong-willed and amiable, with a full 
share of that adventurous spirit which prompts boys 
to "go to sea." His father, instead of urging him 
to go to college, consented, after he had spent 
some years at the Episcopal Academy in Cheshire, 
that he should follow his bent and enter the navy. 
His first voyage was under the command of Lieu- 
tenant Gregory, better known now to New Haven 
people as Admiral Gregory, and was the occasion 
of a life-long friendship between the two Admirals. 
His second voyage was with Commodore Hull, in 
the Pacific Ocean. His hope was that his next 
cruise would be in the Mediterranean, trusting that 
his father's inlhience would procure for him what 
all young naval officers covet. But he was disap- 
pointed, antl found himself assigned to further duty 
amid the West In<lia Islands, where he had served 
with Gregory. While he was absent on that voy- 
age, his mother received from him a letter which be- 
gan with such words as these: "Dear Mother, — You 
need not be anxious any more about your sailor 
boy. By the grace of God, he is safe for time and 
for eternity." From this announcement he pro- 
ceeded to tell of a great change that had come over 
him, including the definite purpose, "henceforth, 
in all circumstances, I will act for God." From 
that high purpose he never receded. His brothers 
saw a great change in him when he came home 
from sea the third time. The natural qualities which 
made him attractive, and were of themselves a 
pmmise of eminence in his profession, were begin- 
ning to be exalted and ennobled by this purpose to 
act for God. In that purpose there was the germ 
of a new and higher life. Such a purpose, breathed 
by God's spirit into a manly soul, makes that soul 
more manly. In eight years from the time he 
entered the service, during which he had been al- 
most continually at sea, the midshipman became a 
lieutenant. Twenty-five years more made him a 
commander. After many years of almost uninter- 
rupted service at sea, he was assigned to duly at 
the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia, that he might 

enjoy a season of rest Devoting himself to the 
welfare of the pensioners under his command, he 
won their alTectionate confidence, obtained a bene- 
ficial moral influence over them, and by persuad- 
ing many of them to give up their spirit ration and 
to pledge themselves for total abstinence from in- 
toxicating drinks, introduced into the navy a new 
principle — the principle of voluntary self-reforma- 
tion and self-improvement among the common 
sailors. That principle was further establishetl in 
his next cruise. As first lieutenant of the Cumber- 
land, on the Mediterranean, he persuaded the 
entire crew to abstain from intoxicating thinks. 
On his return from the two years' cruise in the 
Cumberland, being disabled by a painful disease of 
the eyes, he was ordered, after six months' absence, 
to the Navy Yard at Charlestown, Mass., where he 
remained through the whole period of the Mexican 
War. As soon as he was sufficiently recovered, he 
was put in command of the brig Perry, and sent 
to the coast of Africa, to serve again under his old 
friend. Commodore Gregor}-. Here he did much 
to promote harmonious co-operation between the 
British an^l American squadrons, and thus to break 
up the slave trade. In the Perry also he per- 
suaded the seamen to forego the liquor ration, and 
had the pleasure of bringing back his vessel from 
that sickly c<.iast without the loss of a single man. 
After another rest he sailed from the Chesapeake 
Bay in command of a magnificent sloop-of-war, the 
Portsmouth. Two years afterward he returned, 
having won the applause not only of his own 
countrymen, but of all "outside barbarians," by 
the bombardment and storming of the barrier forts 
in the Canton river. 

His career as a navigator was now ended. He 
was assigned to duty at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, 
and when after three years the great rebellion broke 
out, his naval experience, wonderful promptitude 
and executive ability were put in requisition to pre- 
pare vessels for service. But the hero of the barrier 
forts of China was thought to be the right man to 
storm the forts which the rebellion had built on the 
Mississippi, the Tennessee and the Cumberland, for 
the protection of the States on the Gulf of Mexico. 
Foote was sent to Cairo, Illinois, to prepare a fleet 
of gunboats as speedily as possible. In three 
months everything was readv, and on Monday, the 
2d of February, 1862,* a combined naval and 
land expedition left Cairo for the purpose of reduc- 
ing P'ort Henry on the Tennessee River. The land 
forces were under the command of General Grant. 
The naval armament consisted of seven gunboats 
under Commodore I*"oote. None but the olTicers 
knew its destination. It was generally believed that 
it was to descend the Mississippi. On Thursday of 
that week Fort Henry surrendered to the gunboats 
before the arrival of the land forces, which had dis- 
embarked nine miles below the fort. Ten days 
afterward, by the co-operation of army and navy, 

* On Sund.iy. the day preceding his departure from Cairo, ComroO' 
dore Foote went to church as usual, and finding that no minister was 
present, went into the pulpit, read a ponion of Scripture, offered a 
fervent prayer, and in an address pertinent to all, but especially to the 
soldiers present, recommended (hat faith in (>od which fie exemplified 
in his life. 





Fort Donelson was captured, General Grant making 
his neat little speech to the commander who in- 
quired for terms of capitulation; "Unconditional 
surrender. I propose to move immediately upon 
your works." Foote was severely wounded at Don- 
elson, but, supported by crutches, he remained on 
duty till Island Number Ten, the uppermost and 
strongest of the rebel forts which obstructed the 
passage down the Mississippi, was captured on the 
8th of April. His health was now so impaired by 
long and close application, by the pain of his wound, 
and grief at the sad tidings from home that three of 
his children had sickened and died, that his physi- 
cians enjoined him to leave the remainder of the 
work in other hands. He came home and spent a 
few months with his family, but before he was 
physically able reported himself ready for service. He 
was ordered to Washington to organize a new bu- 
reau in the Navy Department, and when his work 
w^as so far advanced that other hands could carry it 
on, he was transferred to the South Atlantic squad- 
ron. He accepted the appointment, feeling that his 
health was so impaired that he should never return, 
but determined to do his utmost for his country. 
Promoted soon after the capture of Island Number 
Ten to be a Rear-Admiral, he left home for his new 
command with higher rank than ever before; but 
was not permitted to enter upon hisnew career. 
The disease which his strong constitution had so 
long resisted, obliged him to stay in New York, and 
there he died, at the Astor House, June 26, 1863. 

The time of the nine months' regiments expired 
in the summer of 1863, and in August the Twenty- 
third was formally received in New Haven and wel- 
comed in an address by Mayor Tyler; the Twenty- 
seventh by Rev. Dr. Leonard Bacon; and the 
Twenty-eighth by Alderman Edwin Marble. The 
greater part of the Twenty-seventh had been cap- 
tured at Chancellorville, and had recently been re- 
leased from Libby Prison; but the seventy-five who 
escaped capture had fought in the thickest of the 
fight at Gettysburg, where of the seventy-five, eleven 
were killed, twenty-four wounded, and four cap- 
tured. Henry C. Merwin, its Lieutenant-Colonel, 
was among the dead. He went as Sergeant with 
the New Haven Cirays into the Second Regiment at 
the outbreak of war. After the muster-out, he re- 
mained at home till it became evident that the nation 
must put forth all its strength. He then gathered 
around him a full company of men for the Twenty- 
seventh, and was elected Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Along the weary march to Gettysburg he inspired the 
men witli his own indomitalile spirit, and on that fated 
wheat-field, where the missiles of the enemy mowed down 
the waving grain, he fell mortally wounded, breathing words 
of noble self-forgetfulness: "My poor regiment is sufiering 
fearfully ! " 

Though a native of Brookfield, he spent most of 
his life in New Haven. 

In the same battle. Captain Jedediah Chapman, 
of New Haven, was killed. He also was a mem- 
ber of the Grays, and went with them in the three- 
months' service. 

In the summer of 1863, when the soldiers who 
had enlisted for nine months were about to return 

to their homes, another requisition was made for 
troops. On the ist of Jul}', it was ordered by the 
War Department that there should be a draft; that 
Connecticut should furnish 7,692 men; and that 
to cover exemptions 11,539 should be drafted. 
The draft was in many places opposed with great 
violence, and hostility to it culminated in New- 
York in a bloody mob, in which the peace men 
vented their hatred of the war upon the unfortunate 
race who had been the innocent occasion of the 
strife. Negroes could not walk the streets in safet}-, 
and in several instances were clubbed to death or 
hung upon lamp-posts. Similar violence was threat- 
ened in New Haven, and was only prevented by 
the vigilance of the Mayor, Morris Tyler, and the 
co-operation of hundreds of good citizens, who 
kept themselves in constant readiness to support 
the right with all their might. Once, when the ex- 
citement was at the highest, every house occupied 
by people of color was vacated, and its inmates 
were sheltered for a night under the roof of some 
friendly neighbor. 

So many of the drafted men were exempted for 
one cause and another, and so many deserted, that 
the gain to the army was of little importance. An- 
other requisition was therefore made in October, 
and a draft ordered in case the requisition was not 
filled by January 5, 1864. Large bounties being 
oftered, enlistments multiplied. Nevertheless, a 
draft would have been inevitable, but for a change 
of policy and of orders. Other States were already 
sending as soldiers men of color, and Connecticut 
in the draft of July had not refused to enroll men of 
color, or to accept their service if the lot fell upon 
them. A bill was now passed in the General As- 
sembly authorizing the organization of regiments of 
colored men, and Governor Buckingham immedi- 
ately called upon that class of citizens to volunteer, 
promising the same pay as for other soldiers. A 
thousand men soon offered themselves, and were 
organized as the Twenty-ninth Regiment. The Thir- 
tieth Regiment was soon afterward commenced, 
and during the winter was recruited with material 
of the same kind, though it never became full. 
In addition to this expedient for completing the 
quota of the State, recruiting officers were sent to 
the three years' regiments in the field to offer a fur- 
lough of thirty days and a large bounty to those 
who would re-enlist. The large bounties attracted 
also veteran soldiers from Europe, so that, though 
the call in October for 300,000 men before Janu- 
ary 5, 1864, had been modified into a call for 
500,000 before March loth, and the quota of Con- 
necticut thereby increased from 5,432 to 9,053, the 
requisition was fully met, and there was no occa- 
sion for a draft. "The next requisition was made 
March 14th, and the whole number required by 
the President being 200,000, the quota of Con- 
necticut was 5,260. In two weeks the quota was 
full by voluntary enlistments, with so large a sur- 
plus to be credited on any subsequent call, that no 
demand was afterwards made upon Connecticut. 

The year 1864 was a time of more hopefulness 
in New Haven than any preceding year since the 
commencement of hostilities. There were vicissi- 



tudes in the fortune of war; but the public mind 
had settled since the battle of Gettysburg in the 
summer of 1863, into the belief that sooner or 
later the Rebellion must collapse. The Southern 
Confederacy was surrounded by a military cordon 
so strong, that the utmost its Generals could ac- 
complish was to keep possession of the territory 
thus surrounded. They could spare no forces for 
another invasion of the North. The Union armies 
must, sooner or later, advance their lines inward 
upon the territory they inclosed, or, by patient 
waiting and masterly inactivity, exhaust the re- 
sources of the foe. As the year advanced, and 
Sherman marched through Georgia to the sea, the 
hopelessness of the Confederacy became more and 
more apparent; and confidence of final success su- 
pervened upon the doubt and uncertainty which 
had burdened the public mind at an earlier stage 
of the conllict. 

But the brighter prospect for the republic did not 
immeiliately bring to the soldiers exemption from 
danger and death, or to their friends an end of be- 
reavement. In every church in New Haven many 
pews were occupied with families clad in the ap- 
parel of mourning, and every month increased the 
number. In June, Captain William Wheeler was 
killed while on the march with Sherman through 
(jeorgia. He was born in the City of New York 
August 1 4, 1 836, but when he entered Yale College, 
his widowed mother removed to New Haven, and 
the family have, from that time, continued to reside 
here. When the war commenced he was practicing 
law in New York, and joined the famous Seventh 
Regiment. When the Seventh returned, he joined 
a Battery of Light Artillery, and was in several en- 
gagements in 1862 and 1863, including that of 
Gettysburg, where his battery was actively engaged 
on each of the three days. On the second and 
third days it was stationed on the crest of Cemeter)- 
Hill at the curve in our convex line, where the 
hardest fighting took place. He was soon afterward 
promoted to the Captaincy of his battery as a re- 
ward for his faithful and efficient service in a sub- 
ordinate position. In October, he, with his battery, 
was transferred to Sherman's army, and arrived at 
Lookout Mountain a little too late to participate in 
its capture. At Chattanooga the question of re-en- 
listment came up, and Captain Wheeler, who had 
previously determined to leave the army in Octo- 
ber, 1864, when the three years for which he had 
enlisted would expire, finding that all the men in 
his battery, except two, were willing to re-enlist if 
he would remain with them, but not otherwise, de- 
termined to retain his commission, and thus secure 
so many more men to the service of the country. 
But in the battle of Gulp's Farm, near Marietta, 
seeing a vacant space between the First and Second 
divisions of the Corps, he moved his battery into 
the gap, and though informed by the General com- 
manding one of these divisions that he could spare 
no infantry to support him, bravely replied, "Then 
I will support myself" A few minutes after, as 
he was sighting a gun, a rifle ball from a rebel 
sharpshooter pierced his heart, and he died in- 

Another family in the same congregation mourn- 
ed the death of Colonel Frank H. Peck. He was 
born in New Haven in 1836; graduated at Yale 
College in 1856, and went out to New Orleans 
in 1 86 1 as Major of the Twelfth. Almost immedi- 
ately it devolved ujion him to be in command of 
the regiment, Colonel Deming being detailed to 
act as Mayor of New Orleans, and Lieutenant- 
Colonel Colburn as Superintendent of a railroad. 
In January, 1863, Colonel Deming having re- 
signed. Major Peck was promoted to be Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel. During November and December, 
1863, the men of his regimenal having re-enlisted, 
the General commanding the division to which they 
belonged issued the following order: 

He.\dqu.\rti;rs, First I^ivision, 
19TH Army Corps, 
New Idf.ri.v, L.\., January i, 1864. 
General Orders. No. 2. — The Twelfth Cimiiecticiit Vol- 
untetTS, Lieutenant-Colonel F. H. Peck commantlin^, hav- 
ing re-cnlisteil, will ct)niply with Special Orders, No. i, from 
headquarters 19th .Army Corps, and proceed to New Or- 

The General commanding this division thinks it due to 
this regiment, and to the Lieutenant-Colonel commanding 
it, to express his high opinion of iis good conduct, whether 
in the face of the enemy or in camp, and especially the 
promiJtness with which it has come forward to reenlist 
under the first call of the President of the United States. 
His regiment is the first that has been called upon under the 
law. It has set a good example. The country, and the au- 
thorities which represent the country, will not fail to honor 
the Twelfth Connecticut. 

By command of Brigadier-General Emery, 

Frederick Speed, 

A. A. General. 

The regiment then returned home on the thirty 
days' furlough allowed to re-enlisting veterans. 
Arriving at New Haven on Friday morning, Feb- 
ruary 1 2th, in the steamer Traveler, the regiment 
was met at the dock by the city authorities, and, 
under escort of the Fair Haven Band, Battalion 
X'eteran Reserve Corps, New Haven Grajs, a Com- 
pany from Russell's School, National Blues, Light 
Guard, city officers in carriages, marched to ^Music 
Hall, where a breakfast had been prepared for 
them. After the repast. Mayor Tyler welcomed 
the men in a brief and graceful speech, to which 
Lieutenant-Colonel Peck responded as follows: 

In behalf of the oflicers and members of the regiment I 
thank j-ou. We have been reminded many times that we 
were not forgotten by the friends at home. For a long 
period we have felt we possessed your friendship. But 
we feel that your generous demonstrations are entirely 
beyond our deserts. Two years ago this month, we Icl'l this 
city to join the army of General Butler. Since that time we 
have been in active service in the face of the enemy. How- 
active that service has been, four hundred vacancies on our 
rolls to-day show. But discouragements and failures have 
never yet appalled us, we assure you. On the contrary, not 
to have re-enlisted would have seemed like abandoning the 
principles which actuated us in entering the service. At a 
proper time we shall be ready to take the field again. And 
let me say that it depends upon you who remain at home, as 
much, if not more than upon us, what the result of this 
contest will be. You w ho lemain enjoying the blessings of 
eace should see to it that you are loyal in your legislation, 
oval in your conversation, loyal in all things; and we pleilge 
you our lives to carry your flag and our flag with honor into 
the face of the enemy. 

The furlough having been extended, the regiment 
left New Haven on the morning of May 8th, and 




arrived at New Orleans on the 17th of that 

In the course of the summer, the Army Corps to 
which the Twelfth belonged was transferred from 
the Department of the Gulf to the command of 
General Sheridan in the valley of the Shenandoah 
in Virginia. On the 26th of August, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Peck received a commission as Colonel, in 
consequence of the resignation of Colonel Colburn. 
About the middle of September, Sheridan advanced 
up the valley of the Shenandoah, and in an engage- 
ment near Winchester on the 19th of the month. 
Colonel Peck yielded up his life for his country. 
As the command, " Forward, double-quick '' issued 
from his lips, he was struck by a piece of a shell 
which exploded within a few feet of his head and 
severely wounded him. He died the next morning, 
saying: "I do not regret that I came to the war; 
it is all perfectly right;" and again, "I do not know- 
how I could die in a better cause. " 

Still another family in the same congregation was 
smitten in the spring of 1865, when Major PL. Wal- 
ter Osborn, of the Pifteenth Regiment, having been 
mortally wounded in North Carolina, and taken 
prisoner, died in captivity. He was born in New 
Haven, and was thirty years old at the time of his 
death. He was for several years Captain of the 
Grays, and at all times was an active and enthusias- 
tic member of that popular organization, which he 
commanded at the first battle of Bull Run when 
the Grays were in the Second Regiment. When 
the Fifteenth, or Lyon, Regiment was formed, he 
accepted the position of Major, in which he had 
nearly served through his three years of enlistment. 
He was on detached service when his regiment 
moved to battle, and on his own application ob- 
tained leave to join his comrades and share their 
fortune. His equable and generous temperament, 
his unselfishness, and his kindly manner, joined 
with high manly attributes, attracted love and con- 
fidence; and his death was sincerely mourned by 
the brave men who had know^n him in camp and 

These instances of chivalric surrender of life are 
conspicuous by reason of the military rank of those 
who died; but there were hundreds of privates who 
gave their lives to their country with equal un- 
selfishness. New Haven holds the dust of 625 
patriot soldiers of the War of the Rebellion. The 
verse which a poet of New Haven had previously 
written of soldiers of the Revolution, is equally ap- 
propriate when applied to the graves of these 
heroes of a later day. 

Man}' of them died here in hospital and were 
interred afar from home and the graves of their 
kindred. But many of the soldiers whose remains 
lie in our cemeteries were natives or residents of our 
city. The soldier of the Revolution was buried 
on the field where he fell; but increased facilities 
of transportation have permitted the modern soldier 
to be gathered to the garnered dust of his fathers. 

Here they repose 
After their generous toil. A sacred Ijand, 
They take their sleep together, while the year 
Conies with its early flowers to deck their graves, 

And gathers them again, as Winter frowns. 

Theirs is no vulgar sepulcher — green sods 

Are all their monument, and yet it tells 

A nobler history than pillared piles. 

Or the eternal pyramids. They need 

No statue nor inscription to reveal 

Their greatness. It is round them; and the joy 

With which their children tread the hallowed ground 

That holds their venerated bones, the peace 

That smiles on all they fought for, and the wealth 

That clothes the land they rescued— these, though mute, 

As feeling e\er is w hen deepest — these 

Are monuments more lasting than the fanes 

Reared to the kings and demigods of old. 

'Pidings of the evacuation of Petersburg and 
Richmond reached New Haven on Monday, the 
3d of April. Immediately a national salute was 
fired, and the bells rang out a joyous peal. Flags 
waved all over the city. At a meeting in Brewster 
Hall in the evening, to hear the result of the State 
election, there was great enthusiasm at the an- 
nouncement of the news from the seat of the war, 
as well as at the report that the people of Connec- 
ticut had given a majority of 1 1,066 for their War 
Governor, and were not disposed to acknowledge 
that the war was a failure. 

About this time, so many discharged soldiers 
were passing through New Haven on their way 
home, that a Soldiers' Rest was established in Olive 
street, where they might find food and shelter. 
The Quartermaster for the post furnishing an im- 
mense tent, and the officer in charge of the Knight 
Hospital a supply of mattresses and blankets, while 
a committee of citizens made an arrangement with 
a restaurant in the neighborhood for meals. The 
institution was put under the charge of Mr. George 
Buell, a discharged soldier, with instructions to 
keep it open night and day for all old soldiers re- 
turning home through -New Haven, and to supply 
them gratuitously with food and lodging undl 
they were able to proceed on their journe}-. 

News of Lee's surrender reached New Haven on 
Sunday evening, April 9th. Between nine and ten 
o'clock the message flashed over the wires, but be- 
fore the tidings could be extensively circulated, 
many, if not most, of the citizens had retired to 
their beds. They were, however, speedily awakened 
with the noise of bells and a national salute. The 
people sprang from their slumbers and rushed to 
the public square. Wood-piles and lumber-yards, 
and quartermaster's boxes, were appropriated with- 
out preliminary arrangements, and huge bonfires 
glowed in Chapel street, rendering the principal 
thoroughfare of our city as light as day. The crowd 
becoming larger and larger, a procession was 
formed and proceeded to visit the residences of 
prominent men. His Honor the Mayor first re- 
ceived the congratulations of the rejoicing people. 
He briefly responded, expressing his thanks for the 
honor, and his very great joy at the occasion of 
this demonstration. Hon. E. C. Scranton, Prof. 
Northrop, Hon. Henry B. Harrison, C. S. Bush- 
nell, Esq., Hon. E. K. Foster, Hon. N. D. Sperry, 
Hon. John Woodruff, Edwin Marble, Esq., Rev. 
W. T. Eustis, Hon. E. L Sanford, Major Pliny 
A. Jewett, and Major-General Russell were among 
those who were called upon. As the procession 



moved, a blaze of fireworks was kept in the air, 
gongs were sounded, liinner-bells were rung, and 
horns added to the general jubilation of the occa- 
sion. The John Brown anthem was sung, and 
from hundreds of strong voices went up the dox- 
ology " Praise God from whom all blessings flow." 
Houses were illuminated from top to bottom; 
ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and banners and 
streamers were everywhere displayed. Till day- 
light, the city was wild with joy. At sundown 
the thunder of cannon was again heard on the 
Green, and simultaneously the bells in all the 
steeples rang forth a joyful peal. 

On Tuestlay evening, Tyler's Hall was filled 
with citizens to make arrangements for a celebration. 
A committee was appointed, and instructed to report 
at a meeting to be called by them when they were 
ready. That committee never reported, for the 
reason that, on the following Saturday morning, a 
message came on the wire that Lincoln had been 
ass.issinaled. As soon as the despatch was put on 
the bulletin board, business was suspended; stores 
were closed; in less than an hour private and 
public buildings began to exhibit the drapery of 
mourning; flags were put at half-mast; the boom- 
ing of cannon and the tolling of bells proclaimed 
the mournful tidings to the most secluded citizen. 
Abt)Ut ten o'clock a. m., a call for a meeting on the 
Green at noon was bulletined, and at twelve o'clock 
the largest assemblage ever witnessed in New 
Haven came together at the south portico of the 
State House. Prayer was offered by Rev. Dr. 
Bacon, and resolutions expressive of sorrow for 
the death of the martyred President, and determina- 
tion to support the cause of the country against his 
murderers, were presented by Hon. James F. 
Babcock. Rev. Dr. Harwood, Hon. James E. 
English, Rev. W. T. Eustis, Hon. H. B. Harrison, 

Judge E. K. Foster, Hon. R. I. Ingersoll, Rev. 
Dr. Bacon, and Rev. S. D. Phelps addressed the 
meeting, and the resolutions were adopted. 

On Monihiy, a week later, the following Procla- 
mation was issued: 

Mayor's Oifice, 
dry OF New Have.n, Ajiril 17, 1865. 

Weilncsilay, llieigth iiist. haviiij^ l)een officially apiminteil 
a- the (lay for public funeral services in honor of our late 
l*resi<lent, Alirahani Lincoln, I hereby rei|uest that all places 
of business Ik.- clo>eil; ami that no public amusements l)e 
permitted; ami that the people assemble at twelve o'clock 
noon, with their relit^ious teachers, in their respective places 
of worship, for prayer to Almij^hty God in behalf of our 
bereaved country, and for all in authority, especially for him 
who has been so suddenly called to the executive chair; 
that he may he enabled to emulate the wisdom and virtue of 
his illustrious jircdecessor, and to t;ain, like him, the confi- 
dence and affection of the loyal people of the United States. 

By order of the Aldermen. Morris Tyler, 


In accordance with the request of the Chief 
Magistrate of the city, funeral honors were rendered 
to the Martyr President. It was a day of sorrow, 
and yet of joy. The people mourned for Lincoln 
as many a family had mourned for a son slain in 
battle. But as the joy of such a family was greater 
than their sorrow, so the rejoicing of the people 
over the downfall of rebellion, could not be drowned 
in their mourning for the death of Lincoln. Sim- 
ultaneous with his death was the restoration of the 
L^nion. The joy which otherwise might have been 
intemperate and forgetful of God, was chastened 
into seriousness, but was nevertheless a great joy. 
In the course of four years, from April, 1861, to 
April, 1865, the War of the Rebellion had many 
times called the people of New Haven to assemble 
for prayer or the enlistment of volunteers, or va- 
rious works in aid of soldiers, but after the solemn 
obsequies of the 19th of April, 1865, the city was 
no more distiuicted with rumors of war. 




BEFORE the War of the Revolution there was 
some movement, as we have seen, toward the 
incorporation of a city within the limits of New 
Haven. But the war was so imperative in its de- 
mands, that neither the General Assembly, nor those 
who desired a city charter, had leisure to attend to 
anything else than the salvation of the country 
from the invading armies of the enemy. But 
within a year after the ])roclamation of peace, the 
movement was resumed. If there had been oppo- 
sition from persons living in remote parts of the 
township, much of it had been silenced by the 
erection of three new towns, viz. : F'ast Haven, 
North Haven, and Woodbridge. A petition for 
incorporating New Haven as a city was presented 
to the General .Assembly at the October session of 
1783, and a bill in accordance with this petition 
was passed by the Upper House; but as an ad- 

journed session was to be held in January, the 
Lower House deferred the consideration of the 
subject. In a town-meeting on the 5th day of Jan- 
uary, 1784, the representatives of the town in the 
(leneral Assembly were requested to exert them- 
selves, that the act for incorporating a part of the 
town of New Haven be passed with all convenient 
speed. Three days afterward, the General Assem- 
bly passed the desired act of incorporation, enact- 
ing that all freemen of this State, inhabitants of 
New Haven, residing within certain limits, "shall 
be one body corporate and politic, in fact and in 
name, by the name of the Mayor, Aldermen, Com- 
mon Council, and Freemen of the City of New 
Haven. " 

The people who asked for the act of incorpora- 
tion were moved to do so by the hope that it would 
promote the revival of trade. We have spoken of 



the increase of wealth in the town for several years 
before the war. Commerce was then in a more 
prosperous condition than ever before. In the 
year ending May i, 1774, the exports amounted to. 
J14 2,000. Of the articles which contributed to 
make up this amount, there were 150,000 pounds 
of fla.x-seed, 15,000 bushels of wheat, 20,000 of 
ry^i 33)Ooo of Indian corn, 2,000 oxen, and 1,400 
horses. But the war put an end to commerce, and 
for about eight years New Haven suffered a paral- 
ysis of business and a wasting of its wealth. At the 
conclusion of the war, the ancient enterprise of 
the merchants of the place immediately began to 
reappear in the renewal of their intercourse with 
foreign countries. The incorporation of a city was 
one of a system of measures for developing and in- 
creasing the business of the place. Another was 
the removal of the animosities produced by a war 
in which neighbors had arrayed themselves on op- 
posite sides. In a town-meeting, March 3, 1784, 
it was, on motion of Pierpont Edwards, Esq., 

VoU\l, That Pierpont Eihvanls, John WTiiting, David 
Austin, David Atwaler, Sam Hugi;ins, James Hillhouse, 
Jonathan IngersoU, and Jonathan Dickerman be a cumniittec 
to consider the propriety and expediency of admitting as in- 
habitants of this town persons who in the course of the late 
war adhered to the cause of CIreat Britain against the 
United States, and are of fair characters, and will be good 
and useful members of society and faithful citizens of this 
State, and that said committee report to this meeting. 

The committee immediately brought in a report, 
which doubtless had been previously prepared, as 

We, your committee appointed to consider, etc., beg leave 
to report that by the Federal Constitution of the United 
States, each State, as to its internal police, is sovereign and 
independent to all purposes not specially excepted in the Ar- 
ticles of Confederation, and the power of admitting to in- 
habitancy is reserved imimpeached to each State, liable to 
no restriction or limitation but by its own municijial law; 
that there is no law of this State that forbids the persons 
pointed out in the vote of the town from coming into or 
dweUing therein; that by the express provisions of the stat- 
utes of this State, each town has the exclusive right and power 
of admitting its inhabitants: that by the articles of the De- 
finitive Treaty, and the recommendations of Congress found- 
ed thereon, a spirit of real peace and philanthropy toward 
our countrymen of the aforesaid description is most strongly 
inculcated; that as these United States, by the blessing of 
Heaven, established their independence and secured their 
lit)erties on that basis, to which their wishes and exertions 
were directed, and as the great national question on which 
those i^ersons differed from us in sentiment is terminated 
authoritatively in favor of the United States, it is our opinion, 
that in point of law and constitution, it will be proper to ad- 
mit as inhabitants of this town such persons as are specified 
in said vote, but that no persons who cominitted unauthor- 
ized and lawless plundering and murder, or have waged war 
against these United States contrary to the laws and usages 
of civilized nations, ought on any account to be admitted. 

With respect to the expediency of such a measure, we beg 
leave to report that in our opinion no nation, however dis- 
tinguished for prowess in arms and success in war, can be 
considered as truly great luiless it is also distinguished for 
justice and magnanimity, and no people can with the least 
jiropriety lay claim to the character of being just who violate 
their most solemn treaties, or of being magnanimous who 
persecute a cont-|uered and submitting enemy; that, there- 
fore, the present and future national glory of the United 
States is deeply concerned in their conduct relative to per- 
sons described in said vote; for although at the present 
moment, while the distresses and calamities of the late war 
are fresh in our recollection, we may consider a persecuting 
spirit as justilialile, we must, whenever reason assumes her 

empire, reproach such a line of conduct, and be convinced 
that future generations, not being influenced by our passions, 
will form their ideas of our character from those acts which 
a faithful historian shall have recorded, and not from our 
passions, of which they can have no history. That as this 
town is most advantageously situated for commerce, having 
a spacious and safe harbor, surrounded by a very extensive 
and fertile country, which is inhabited by an industrious and 
enterprising people fully sensible of the advantages of trade, 
and as the relative and essential importance and consequence 
of this State depend cm the prosperity and extent of its agri- 
culture and commerce, neither of which can alone render it 
important and happy, we are of opinion that in point of real 
honor and permanent utility, the measure proposed will be 
highly expedient. 

The report of the committee was accepted and 
approved, and the Selectmen were directed to act 
according to it in the admission of inhabitants. 

The General Assembly had already provided, in 
the act incorporating the city, that. 

Whereas, There are many persons living within said limits, 
who by law are qualified to be freemen of this .State, that 
have not taken the oath provided by law to be taken by free- 
men — that all such persons living within said limits, who 
shall, l>efore the second Monday of February next, procure 
the major part of the Selectmen of the said town of New 
Haven, to certify that they are qualified to be admitted and 
made free of this State, and shall, after procuring such certi- 
ficate, take, before some Assistant of this State or Justice of 
Peace within and for the County of New Haven, the oath 
provided by law for freemen, shall, to all the purposes in 
this act mentioned, be considered as freemen of this State and 
freemen of the said City of New Haven. 

Dr. Stiles records that the total number in the 
city qualified to become freemen, as certified by 
the Selectmen, was three hundred and fort3'-three. 
Fifty-five of them were college graduates. Eighty- 
four of the three hundred and forty-three had not 
taken the freeman's oath; some being absent, some 
disabled, and some indifferent. Dr. Stiles judges 
that there were about six hundred adult males liv- 
ing within the city limits; so that if his estimate 
was accurate, nearly one-half of the adult males 
were disqualified. The disqualification may have 
been owing to the want of the required amount of 
property or to adherence to the enemies of the 
United States during the war. 

In the same session in which the city was incor- 
porated, the General Assembly had made the cities 
and ports of New London and New Haven free 
cities and ports for the term of seven rears from the 
first day of June, a.d. 1784, exempting merchants, 
whether citizens of Connecticut or not, importing 
foreign goods to the amount of ^3, 000, or bringing 
in ;^2,ooo in money, from taxation on the profits 
of their business; exempting also their ships, if em- 
ployed four months in a year in the European, 
Asiatic, or African commerce, "Provided, never- 
theless, that no person, who having adhered to the 
King of Great Britain in the course of the late war, 
and under pretext of such adherence has been guilty 
of lawless and unauthorized plundering or murder, 
or who has waged war against the United States, 
contrary to the laws and usages of civilized nations, 
shall be entitled to the benefit of this act." It was 
further provided that nothing in the act should be 
construed to interfere with any laws or regulations 
of Congress, or to imply countenance or allowance 
of the slave trade. 



If, after such declarations from the General As- 
sembly, those inhabitants of New Haven who had 
been Tories iliirint!; tiie war needed any further as- 
surance thai they wouiti be kindly received as free- 
men of the State of Connecticut and of the new City 
of New Haven, the action of the town must have 
given them the assurance they required. 

There seems to have been a general disposition 
on the part of those who had sympathized with 
Great Britain to accept the situation. Both parties 
united with equal alacrity in the organization of 
the city government. That the citizens not only 
desired the co t)peration of all residents, however 
alienated in the time past, but wished also to 
attract strangers io make New Haven their place of 
residence, appears in a vote passed at a meeting of 
the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council and Free- 
men on the 23d day of September, 1784. 

I'oli-tJ, That Charles Chauncey, Pierpont Etlwartls, James 
Hillhouse, Tiniuthy Jones, Jonathan Ingcrsoll, David Austin, 
and Isaac Beers, Esin's., lie a conunitlee in behalf of this 
city, to as.--ist all such straiij^ers as shall come to the city for 
the purpose of settlement therein, in procuring houses ami 
laiul on the most reasonable terms, and to jirevent such per- 
sons, as far as possible, from beinj; imposed upon with 
respect to rent and the value of houses and lands, .ind to 
f\\c them such information and intelligence with respect to 
business, markets and commerce, mode of living;, customs 
and manners, as such strangers m,iy need: and to cultivate 
an easy acquaintance of such strangers with the citizens 
thereof, that their residence therein may be rendered as 
eligible and agreeable as possible. 

It appears from contemporary newspapers that 
there was a particular class of strangers whom New 
Haven hoped to attract. Articles con/ra and pro, 
appear in the Connvclicul Journal of May 8th and 
May 15th, respecting the desirableness of permitting 
and encouraging the Tory merchants of New York 
to remove to New Haven. The action of the State, 
as well as of the town and of the city, doubtless 
had reference to those New York men who, it was 
thought, could bring wealth and business to New 
Haven At least one wealthy firm did remove 
from New York to New Ha\-cn. The Comieclicul 
Journal of August 2'5, 1874, contains this an- 

The subscribers, being desirous of availing thenselves of 
the generous laws and invitation of the Legislature of this 
State at their late session, have removed from New York to 
the City of New Haven, where they will open and have 
ready for sale on Monday, the 6th of September next, a 
large and elegant assortment of ICuropean and India Goods, 
suitable to the present and approaching seasons, whicli they 
will sell at the same adv.ance as they do in New York, a 
mode they mean strictly to adhere to through the course of 
their trade. Their friends in general, and particularly those 
of this State, arc rei|nested to call upon them at the alwve 
day, or any future period; when they will have the satis- 
faction of lieing supplied with goods immediately imported 
from Europe by inhabitants of this State. 

We have for sale Madeira and Sherry wines, of the liist 
quality, by the pipe or i|uartercask; also, London I'orter in 
casks and bottles. N.l! -Cash, Pork, Beef, Potash, Butter 
and Flaxseed will Ik; taken in payment. 

Broome & Platt. 

New IIave.n, August 25th. 

It is not known to the writer that any other 
merchants removed from New York to New Haven. 
New Haven grew by a natural growth, but New- 
York could not be grafted in upon so small a 

stock. The firm of Broome & Platt were for a 
time, or seemed to be, very prosperous, importing 
in vessels sailing from Great Britain direct to the 
harbor of New Haven. But after a few years 
the business was removed back to New York, 
and the firm finally failed. The partners both 
died in poverty in New Haven. Twins were born 
to INIr. Broome, whom he named res])ectively 
George Washington and Horatio Gates; and for 
the twins, he iiad constructed the double-headed 
mahogany cradle which is preserved in the rooms 
of the New Haven Colony Historical Society. It 
was received with other articles of furniture by Mr. 
Ezra Lines in payment of rent when i\Ir. 
Broome hail become old and impoverished. Mr. 
Augustus Lines, in his history of the cradle, relates 
that his father, Mr. Ezra Lines, was accustomed, 
when a young man, to work as a tailor in the 
houses of both the partners of this wealthy firm, for 
"fifty cents a day and his keeping." He also re- 
lates that the younger of the twins spent his last 
years in Hartford, where he earned a meager sup- 
port in old age by sweeping and making fires in 
several offices. The last time Mr. Lines saw him, 
he inquired, being then nearly eighty years of age, 
about the mahogany cradle. 

Reference has already been made to the census 
taken in 17S7, and we repeat in this )ilace the 
figures which it reported, showing the sum total of 
the population within the city limits at that time. 
The total was 3,364; of whom 1,657 w-ere males 
and 1,707 were females. 

Dr. Dana gives us another census taken in iSco 
or 1801, just before the printing of his century ser- 
mon. He repoits the population at that time as 
1,914 males; 2,086 females. This makes a total 
of 4,000. Families, 730; dwelling-houses, 524; 
stores, no; barns and shops, 337. 

Dr. Dwight says that the whole number of 
in the spring of 1808, as he numbered them, was 
720, ami that 314 of them were built "on the 
streets forming the squares." 

The same authority gives 5, 1 57 as the population 
of the town of New Haven in 1800; of which 
4,049 were included in the city. The United 
States Census gives New Haven in 18 10 a popula- 
tion of 6,967. Dr. Dwight explains that this 
signifies that there were so many in the town; the 
number in the city being 5,772. 

By the act of incorporation, it was provided that 
there should be a meeting of said city holden an- 
nually in June, at such time and place as by the 
by-laws of .said city shall be directed, for the pur- 
pose of choosing all the annual officers of said city. 
And that the annual officers of said city, chosen at 
such meeting, shall continue in office until the ex- 
piration of the month of June then ne.\t. unless 
others shall be sooner chosen and i|ualified in their 
stead. It was also provided that the Mayor, hiving 
been chosen by the city assembled in legal meeting, 
should hold his office during the pleasure of the 
General Assembly. The .\ct having also provided 
that the first meeting of the city should be holden 
at the State House in New Haven on the loth day 
of the next February, at nine of the clock in the 



forenoon, for the choice of the Mayor, Aldermen, 
Common Council, and Sheriffs of said city, and 
minutely defined the method in which the freemen 
should proceed in their meeting, Roger Sherman 
was at that meeting elected the first Mayor, and 
the General Assembly having never intimated that 
it was their pleasure that he should be removed 
from the office, continued Mayor as long as he 


died in 1793. To this record of his death 
ought to be added some of the principal events 
of his honorable and useful life. He was born 
at Newton, Mass., April 19. 1721. When he was 
at the age of twenty years, his father died, and 
consequently the care of a large family devolved on 
him and an older brother. In 1743 he removed to 
New INIilford, Conn., and became a partner with 
that brother in a mercantile business. His oppor- 
tunities of attending school in his boyhood had 
been very limited; but his clear and strong intellect 
gathered knowledge from every quarter. In 1745 
he was appointed county surveyor, and in 1754 he 
was admitted to the Bar. While a resident of New 
Milford he also became a Justice of the Peace and a 
Justice of the Quorum, a Deacon of the Church, and 
a representative of the town in the General Assembly. 
Removing to New Haven in 1761, he was soon 
appointed Judge of Common Pleas, and an Assistant 

Roger Sherman's House in Chapel Street. 

or Member of the Upper House in the Legislature. 
He was annually re-elected to the latter office for 
nineteen years, and held his judgeship till 1789, 
tlie latter portion of the time on the Bench of the 
Superior Court. In 1774 he was appointed a Mem- 
ber of the first Congress, a post in which lie con- 
tinued till his death; at which time he held a seat 
in the Senate, having been elected thereto in 1791. 
In the Congress of 1776 he was one of the com- 
mittee to draft the Declaration of Independence, 
and during the war he sefved on some of the most 
important committees, and was successively a 
member of the Board of War and Ordnance and 
of the Board of Treasury. While so much occupied 

with national aff"airs, he was also during the war a 
member of Governor Trumbull's Council of Safety. 
For many years previous to the Revolutionary War 
he was the Treasurer of Yale College; and, the 
war being ended, his fellow-citizens in New Haven 
called him to be the chief officer of the newly 
incorporated city. 

In the Columbian Register o{ kwgwsX 19, 1845, 
is "A Plan of part of Chapel Street, showing the 
Buildings and Occupants about the year 1786." 


Richard Cutler's 


Richard Culler's 


and Storg. 



Hezekiah Beardsley's 
Houst and Drug Slori 

Eli Beecher's 

John Cook's 

Divelling House and 

Tailor Shop. 


Samuel Covert's 
Tailor Shop. 


Bishop & Hotchkiss 
Ilat Store. 

Wm. McCracken's 
House and Store. 



Eben. Beardsley's 
House and Drug Slori 


Theophilus Munson's 
Dwelling House and 

Blacksmith Shop. 



Watts House.occupied 
by Messrs. Sher- 
man, A. Bradley, 
2d, and D. Cook. 


Titus Street's 
House and Store. 




□ Thad. Beecher's 
House, Store and 

□ Warehouse. 

Timothy Phelps' 
^—'Dry Goods Merchant. 


John Miles' 


Ruth Crane. 


John Beecher. 


Maltby & Fowler, 


N. Kimberly, 

— An old house where 

1 now is the New Haven 


Now Orange Street. 



Pember Jocelyn. 


1 — 1 Jeremiah Atwater, 2d, 
1—1 House. 



Atwater & Lyon's 


Z. Read's 


Z. Read's 




1 " 

Joseph Mix's 
Dwelling House. 

1 1 

Col. Wm. Lyon's 


Nath. Lyon's 
Tin Shop. 



Bradley & Huggins' 




It was drawn hy Deacon Cliarles Bostwick, who is 
said in the context to be tlie only person remain- 
ing who resided or liad his place of business in 
that section of Chapel street in 1 786. Probably 
Mr. Bostwick was at llut date an apprentice to a 
sadiller on fha|)el street. In an advertisement in 
the Connirtimt Journal of November 6, 1794, 
"Cliarles Bostwick respectfully informs the public 
that lie lias taken a shop opposite the Church in 
New Haven, where he carries on the saddling and 
harness-making business in their various branches. " 
Ten years later he was in Ch.ipel street, informing 
ills customers and the public on the 9lh of Febru- 
ary, 1804, " that he has removed his saddling bus- 
iness to his new shop, nearly opposite Miles' 
Tavern. " At the time which the diagram repre- 
sents there was not a brick building on that part of 
Chapel street. Tiie first brick building between State 
and Cliurch streets was erected by Colonel William 
Lyon, and was occupied as a banking-house for 
the New Haven Bank for several years. 

At a city meeting, September 22, 1784, it was 

Voted, That the streets in the City of New Haven be 
named as follows, viz.: The street from Captain Samuel 
Munson's corner to Thomas Howell, Esq.'s shop, St.vte 
SrREEr. The street from Cooper's corner to Captain Rob- 
ert Brown's corner, Church Street. The street from 
Dixwell's jcorner to Dunbar's corner. College Street. 
The street from Tench's corner to Andrus' corner, York 
Street. The street from Captain Samuel Munson's corner 
to Tench's corner, Gro\ E SrREET. The street friim Bish- 
op's corner to Darhng's corner, Klm Street. The street 
from Rhode's corner to Mr. Isaac I )oohttle's corner. Chapel 
Streei'. The street from Andrus' corner to Thomas 
Howell, Esq.'s shop, George Spreet. The street from 
John Whitinj;, Esq.'s corner to the head of the Wharf, 
FLEEr SrREKT. The street from Captain Thomas Rice's to 
Ferry Point, Waier Street. The street from Captain 
[.everett Hubbard's corner to Captain Trowbridge's corner. 
Meadow SrREET. The street from Mr. Hezekiah Sabin's 
to Uouylas' House, I'nion STREEr. The street from the 
Rope Walk to Storer's Ship-yard, ( )live Street. The 
street from Major WilMuni Munson's to Captain Solomon 
Phipps', Fair Strekp. The street from Grove street 
across the Sfjuares, a little west of Pierpont Edwards, Esq.'s 
house over into George street. Orange Street. The 
street across the middle s<iuares in front of the Court House 
and other public Ijuildings, Temi'Lk Street. The street 
lietween the dwelling-houses where Mr. Timothy Jones, de- 
ceased, dwelt, and where Mr. David Austin, jun., now lives, 
up through the square to the Green and across the opposite 
square, near the new Jail, Court Street. The street across 
the upper squares from Grove street to George street, which 
runs Ktween the dwelling-house and store of Henry Daggett, 
Esq., Ww.n Street. The street from Mr. Joseph Howell, 
across the squares, between the old and new houses of Mr. 
Joel Atwater, Crown Street. The street from Mr. Eben- 
ezcr Townsend's corner to Captain Moses Ventre's house, 
Cherry Street. The streets or ways from Mr. Josiah 
Burr's house, out on Mt. Carmel and Ainity Roads, Bkoad- 
WAV. Test. TiMOTiiv Junes, 


We propose to follow, in the remainder of this 
cliapler, the course of events through the century 
which followed ne.xt after the incorporation of the 
city; avoiding, however, as much as possible, sub- 
jects which in our Table of Contents have been 
designated for treatment in separate chapters. 

The first tiling, alter the organization of the city 
government, which requires mention, was the visit 
of the first President of the United States. 

Washington, having been inaugurated in April, 

had suffered with a severe illness in August. Con- 
gress having, in September, taken a recess of three 
months, the President determined to make a tour 
through New England for the re-establishment of 
his enfeebled health; for the pleasure of reviewing 
the scenes of his first military campaign as Com- 
mander-inChief; and of meeting the associates 
who had contributed to les.sen his toils and invig- 
orate his spirit in times of peril and despondency. 

About the initldle of October he left New York, 
accompanied by his two secretaries, Mr. Lear and 
Mr. Jacksun, and was absent a month. lie trav- 
eled in his own carriage, and proceedeil by way 
of New Haven, Hariford, Worcester, Boston, Sa- 
lem, and Ncwburyport, as far as Porlsmouth in 
New Hampshire. He returned by a difi'erent route 
through the interior of the countr)' to Hartford, 
and thence to New York.* 

We extract from the Coniiedkiil Jounitil oi (Jc\.o- 
ber 21, 1789, the following narrative of his passage 
through New Haven. 

On Saturday last the Legislature of this State, now in ses- 
sion in this city, having received information of the approach 
of the IVesident of the United States of .\merica, passed 
the following resolve, viz.: 

General Assembly, State of Connecticut. 

New' Haven, October, a.d. 1789. 

In the House of Representatives, Mr. Edwards, Gover- 
nor Griswold, Mr. Tracy, Major Hart, Mr. Dana, Mr. 
Lamed, Mr. Ingersoll, Colonel Seymour, ColonelI.efHngwell, 
Colonel Grosvenor, Mr. Davenport, are ;ii>pointed, with such 
gentlemen as the Honoralile Council shall join, a committee 
to ])repare and report an address from this Legislature to 
the President of the United States, on his arrival in this city, 
and to meet the President at some convenient distance from 
said city, and attend him to his lodgings, and to present such 
:uldress as shall be ordered, and to attend the President on 
his journey as tar as propriety shall in their opinion require. 
Test. James Daveniort, Cln-t. 
In The Upper House. 

John Chester and James Hillhouse Esquires are appointed 
to join the Committee of the House of Representatives in the 
affair above mentioned. 

Test. George Wvi.LYS, Secretary. 

The Legislature also requested his Excellency the Gover- 
nor to order his C'ompany of Guards in this city to attend the 
committee in escorting the President. 

At the time appointed by the President, the committee 
presented him witli the following address. 
To George Washington, President of the United Stales 
of America. 

Impressed with the sentiments which animate the millions 
of our fellow-citizens. We, the Legislature i>f the State of 
Connecticut, cannot on this occasion Ix.- silent. 

Your presence recalls to our admiration that ;issembly of 
talents, which with impenetrable secrecy and unvarying 
<lecision, under the smiles of l>ivine Providence, guided to 
victory an<l jieace the complicated events of the late long 
and arduous war. 

The scenes of perilous horror through which you conducted 
the American arms, taught your country and mankind to 
receive you as the greati-st of heroes. \'our sacreil regard 
to the rights of freemen and the virtues of humanity, inspired 
the united voice of all America to hail you as the first and 
worthiest of citizens. 

With grateful veneration we liehold the father of his coun- 
try ~ our friend; our fellow-citizen; our supreme magistrate. 

When peace had succeeded to the vicissitudes of war, your 
ardent <lesire for retirement was sanctioned by the voice of 

Your country has again solicited your aid. In olx.-dlence 
to her wishes, you have sacrificed the felicity of dignified 
retirement, and have hazarded on the temiwstuous ocean of 

•Sparks' Life of Washington. 


public life, the rich treasure of your fame. This display of 
patriot zeal gives you a new right to what you before pos- 
sesseil, the hearts of all your fellow-citizens. 

While we thus express our sentiments and those of the 
freemen whon\ we represent, we beg liberty to assure you of 
oiu' zeal to support yt)iir public administrations. 

May the Divine Being, who has given you as an example 
to the world, ever have you in his Holy keeping; may He 
long preserve you, the happiness and the glory of your coun- 
try; may the assurance that the go\'ernment formed under 
your auspices will bless future generations, rejoice the e\en- 
ing of your life; and may you be rtnally rewarded with 
the full glories of immortality. 

In the name and behalf of the Legislature of the State of 
Connecticut. Samuel Huntington, Gcn'irnor. 

To which address the President was pleased to return the 
following answer. 
To the Le^ishitttre of the State of Connecticut > 

Gentlemen, — Could any acknowledgment which lan- 
guage might convey, do justice to the feelings excited by yoiu" 
partial approbation of my past services, and your afiectionate 
wishes lor my future happiness, I would endeavor to thank 
you; but to minds disposed as yours are, it will suffice to 
observe that your address meets a most grateful reception, 
and is reciprocated in all its wishes with an unfeigned 

If the prosperity of our common country has in any degree 
been promoted by my military exertions, the toils which 
attended them have been amjily rewarded by the ai>proving 
voice ot my fellow-citizens. 1 was but the hmnl»le agent 
of favoring heaven, whose benign interference was so often 
manifested in our behalf, and to whom the praise of victory 
alone is due. 

In launching again on the ocean of events, I have obeyed 
a summons to which I can never be insensible. When my 
country demands the sacritice, personal ease will always be 
a secondary consideration. 

I cannot forego the opportunity to felicitate the Legisla- 
ture of Connecticut on the pleasing prospect which an abun- 
dant harvest presents to its citizens. May industry like theirs 
ever receive its reward, and may the smile of hea\en crown 
all emleavors which are prompted by virtue, among which it 
is justice to estimate your assurance of supporting our efjual 
government. G. WASliiNtnoN. 

New Haven, October 17, 1789. 

The President received also the following address from the 
Congregational Ministers of the City of New Haven. 
To the President of the United States. 

Sir,— The Congregational Ministers of the City of New 
Haven beg leave to make their most respectful address to 
the President of the United States. We presume that we 
join with the whole collective body of the Congregational 
pastors and Presl)yterian ministers throughout these States 
in the most cordial congratulations of themselves, of their 
country, and of mankind, on your elevation to the head of 
the combined American Republic. As ministers of the bless- 
ed Jesus, the Prince of Peace, we rejoice and have inexpres- 
sible pleasure in the flem<instrations you have given of your 
sincere affection towards that holy religion which is the 
glory of Christian States and will become the glory of the 
world itself at that happy period when liberty, public right, 
and the veneration of the Most High, who presides in the 
universe with a most holy and benevolent sovereignty, shall 
triumph among all the nations, kingdoms, empires and 
republics on earth. We most sincerely rejoice in the kind 
and gracious providence of Almighty God, who hath been 
pleased to preserve your life dmnng your late dangerous 
sickness, and to restore you to such a degree of health as gives 
us this opportunity to express our joy, and affords us the 
most iileasing hopes that your health may be firmly estab- 
lished. We pray the Lord of Hosts, by whose counsels and 
wisdom you have been carried triumphantly and gloriously 
through the late war, terminating in the establishment of 
American Liljerty, and perhaps in the liberty of all nations, 
that He would be pleased ever to have you under His holy 
protection; continue you a blessing to Church and State; 
support you under your arduous cares; and perpetuate that 
estimation and honor which you have justly acquired of 
your country. May this new and rising republic become, 
under yoin- auspices, the most glorious for population, per- 

fection of policy, and happy administration of government, 
that ever appeared on earth; and may you, Sir, having 
finished a course of distinguished usefulness, receive the 
reward of jmblic virtue in the kingdom of eternal glory, 

Ezra Stiles. 

James Dana. 

JiiNATHAN Edwards. 

Samuel Wales. 

Samuel Austin, Jun. 
City of New Haven, October 17, 17S9. 

To which the President was pleased to relurn the follow- 
ing answer. 
To the Congregational Ministers of the City of Neiv Ifaven. 

Gentlemen, — The kind congratulations contained in your 
address, claim and receive my grateful anil affectionate 
thanks. Respecting, as I do, the fa\orable opinions of men 
distinguished for science and piety, it would be false delicacy 
to disavow the satisfaction which I derive from their appro- 
bation of my public services and private conduct. Regard- 
ing that deportment which consists with true religion, as the 
best security of temporal peace and the sure means of 
attaining eternal felicity, it will be my earnest endea\'or (as 
far as human frailty can resolve) to inculcate the belief and 
practice of opinions which lead to the consummation of those 
desirable objects. The tender interest which you have 
taken in my personal happiness, and the obliging manner in 
which you express yourselves on the restoration of my 
health, are so forcibly impressed on my mind, as to render 
language inadequate to the utterance of my feelings. If it 
shall please the great Disposer of Events to listen to the pious 
supplication which you have presented in my behalf, I trust 
the remainder of my days will evince the gratitude of a heart 
devoted to the advancement of those objects which receive 
the approbation of Heaven and promote the happiness of our 

My best prayers are offered to the Throne of Grace for 
your happiness and that of the Congregations committed to 
your care. G. Washington. 

City of New Haven, October 17, 1789. 

The citizens of this place were highly gratified by the pi-es- 
ence of the President of the United States, who came to town 
last Saturday aiternoon in good health. The next day he 
attended Divine Service in Trinity Church. His Excellency 
the Governor-, his Honor the Lieutenant-Govei'nor, Hon. 
Roger Sherman, the honorable the Speaker of the House 
of Representatives, with the Treasurer, dined with him; and 
attended the afternoon service at the Rev. Dr. Edwards' 

Early on Monday morning the President set out from 
hence for the Eastern States. 

Dr. Button, in his " History of the North Church 
in New Haven," relates this anecdote. 

President Washington, when passing through 
this part of the country, spent a .Sabbath in New 
Haven. Appointment was made by or for him to 
attend the Epi.scopal Church in the forenoon, and 
the White Haven Church in the afternoon. Some 
of Dr. Edwards" people, who were desirous (as 
often happens in similar cases) that their minister 
should do credit to himself and them by preaching 
what is flippantly called '■ a crack sermon," took 
care that he should know of the appointment. In 
the afternoon a great multitude followeil Washing- 
ton to the White Haven Church. When Dr. Ed- 
wards rose to deliver his discourse, much to the 
disappointment of those who were desirous of a 
specially great sermon, he gave out this text: "Train 
up a child in the way he should go, and when he 
is old he will not depart from it," and observed: 
"In speaking from words, I shall direct my 
remarks principally to the children in the galleries." 
He had designed that discourse for that afternoon, 
and doubtless thought that the services of the sane- 



tuary of the King of kings should not be changed 
on account of the entrance of an earthly magistrate. 
IVvibabiy Washington resjiected him more than he 
liiil the minister in Rhode Islanil, who, in similar 
circumstances, preached a sermon, the object of 
which was to compare Washington, as the deliverer 
(if his country, with Christ as the Redeemer of the 

Washington was everywhere greeted on this oc- 
casion with demonstrations of attachment to him- 
s If personally, an^l was plea-;ed to find evidence 
that the new constitution and the administration of 
ihe goveriiinonl under it were acceptable to the 
public. IMr. Sparks says: 

Such was the enthusiasm which was now felt by all classes 
of the community in rei^ard to \V.ishin';;ton —an enthusiasm 
inspirol by his virtues .iiul his fame -that it was impossilile 
for him to move in any direction without drawing around 
him thousands of spectators, eager to gratify their eyes with 
a sight of his person, to greet him with acclamations of joy, 
and to exhibit testimonies of their respect and veneration. 
Men, women and children, people of all ranks, ages and 
occupations, assembled trom far and near, at the crossings of 
the roads and other public ])laces where it was known he 
would pass. Military escorts attended him on the way, and 
at the principal towns he was received and entertained by 
the civil authorities. Addresses were, as usual, presented 
to him by corporate bodies, religious societies, and literary 
institutions, lo which he returned appropriate answers. 

This journey was in all respects satisfactory to him. not 
more as furnishing proofs of the strong attachment of the 
people, than as convincing him of the growing prosperity 
of the country, and of the favor which the constitution 
and the administration of government were gaining in the 
public mind. He was happy to see that the effects of the 
war had almost disappeared, that agriculture was pursued 
with activity, that the harvests were abundant, manufactures 
increasing, the towns nourishing, and commerce becoming 
tlaily more extended and profitable. The condition of so- 
ciety, the progress of improvement, the success of indus- 
trious enterprise, all gave tokens of order, peace, and con- 
tentment, and a most cheering promise for the future. 

On his return from this journey the President 
spent a night in New Haven, but w-ithout any pub- 
lic demonstration. The Connecticut yournal of 
November ii, 1789, contains the following: 

Yesterday afternoon tlie I'rcsident of the United States 
came to town from the eastward via Hartford, and early 
this morning set out for New York. 

In order to promote the increase of traffic, both 
foreign and domestic, the Chamber of Commerce 
was instituted April 9, 1794. At first a by-law 
rendered the oHicers ineligible to the same offices 
for more than two years. It appears to have been 
forgotten for several years after 18 14, and, having 
been brought to light, was repealed in 1837. In 
the first year of the history of the Chamber, "in 
consequence of a contagious fever in this city, 
many of the members left the place, and no meet- 
ing was held from the last ftf July to the 29th of 
October.'' With this exception, monthly meetings 
were held for several years after the organization of 
the Chamber. Then the interest declined for some 
years till 1872, when many new members joined 
simultaneously, and the organization returned to 
the [)osition and infiuence it occupied at the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century. 

Its Presidents have been Klias Shipman, 1 794-96; 
Joseph Drake, 1796-98; Elias Shipman, 1798- 

1800; Isaac Beers, 1800-2; Elias Beers, 1802-4; 
Henry Daggett, 1804-6; Joseph Drake, 1806-8; 
Isaac Tomlinson, 1808-10; Henry Daggett, Jun. , 
1810-12; Isaac Tomlinson, 181 2-14; Elias Ship- 
man, 1814-21; Gilbert Totten, 1821-34; Roger 
Sherman, 1834-37; Ezra Hotchkiss, 1837, died 
1866; Thomas R. Trowbridge, 1872-83; Henry G. 
Lewis, 1883-S6; James D. Deweil, 1886. 

The contagious fever mentioned as occurring in 
the yetr when tlie Chamber of Commerce was in- 
stituted, was a more severe epiilemic than has oc- 
curred in New Haven from that time to the present. 
In the appendi.v to Dr. Dana's C'entury Sermon, 
he observes: " In the former part of the year 1794, 
the scarlet fever, or putrid sore throat, prevailed. 
To this succeeded the yellow fever. The dysentery 
followed in 1795. The mortality by the first was 
50; by the second, 63; by the last, 75. Of 140 
who had the yellow fever, 77 recovered. " 

The terror which the epidemic of 1794 inspired, 
may be better appreciated by reading the following 
edict of non-intercourse. We copy it from a paper 
which has evidently been "posted up." 

North Haven, August 26, a.u. 1794. 

At a meeting of the Civil Authority and Selectmen of the 
Town of North 1 laven, together with a numl)er of other re- 
spectable inhabitants, 

Rtsolved: Mrsl. —That we heartily sympathize with the 
inhabitants of the City of New Haven in their present dis- 
tressed circumstances, and are willing and desirous to assist 
them every way we are able, consistent with safety. 

Sfcomt. — That it is our earnest desire that the inhabitants 
of this town would refrain from going into said city until 
such measures shall be adopted by the said citizens as shall 
render it safe for us to go in, of which the earliest notice 
shall be given. 

Tliird. — It is our desire that the householders of this town 
would not receive any individual or family that shall come 
out of said city into their houses until sulVicient proof can be 
obtained of their being clear of that contagious disorder now 
among them. 

Lastly. — That these resolutions be posted up in suitable 
places, and we will use our influence, and wish all the in- 
habitants to do the same, to carry them into execution. 

Samuki. Mt,\, 

Civil Authority. 
Peter Eastman, 
Joseph Hkocket, 
Joshua Har.nes, 


The first notice in the newspaper of the sickness 
occurs April 10, 1794: 

It is reported in many parts of this State that a disease 
now rages in this city similar to that which prevailed in 
Philadelphia last fall, which report is without foundation. 
The scarlet fever, sometimes denominated the ulcerous sore 
throat, or canker rash, which has raged in the neighlMring 
towns, has Iwen the prevailing epidemic in this city ever 
since the 1st of January, 1794. The numlx-r who have been 
affected with this epidemic is 29O, of which only S have 
died. The m.alignancy of the disease has abated, and its 
symptoms appear comparatively mild. 

The following official notice was issued in July, 
and was foUoweil by weekly reports of the state of 
the city, published in the Journal, by the same 

t:iTY oi- New IIavkn, July S, 1794. 

To the J'ul)lU. 

The epidemic disease which has for some months past 

l)een prev.alent among the inhabitants of this city, and other 

sickness, has been truly afflicting to many of the citizens 



thereof; and as the reports in the country respecting the 
mortality of this disease have been various, and, as we be- 
lieve, very much exaggerated; To relieve the minds of our 
friends in the country, and by order and direction of the 
authority and the body of the people in this city, we beg 
leave to submit to the public the following as an exact state- 
ment of the numbers who have died within the limits of thi-i 
city since the first day of January last past in each month, 
and shall continue to publish the numbers hereafter weekly 
during the continuance of the di-ease: 


From January 1st to February 1st 8 

" February ist to March ist g 

" March 1st to April 1st 13 

" April 1st to May 1st 10 

" May 1st to June 1st 11 

" Jiuie 1st to July Ist 26 

Total 77 

Forty-three of the abDve number died with the malignant 
scarlet fever, eighteen with the consumption, sixteen with 
erratic diseases. Of the above numbers have died fifty-one 
persons under twenty-one years of age. Six persons have 
died since July Ist, one of which was an adult. 

Eneas Munson. 

Simeon Baldwin. 

Dyer White. 

A week later ihe committee report two deaths, 
and that few persons are now sick in town, and 
that the epidemic is evidently decreasing. July 23d 
they repwrt that two deaths only have happened 
during the week, and that though the epidemic still 
continues, there are few persons sick with it, and 
' ' none of them to our knowledge dangerous. " July 
30th, the committee report that one person only 
had died the week past. The next report is dated 
August 13th. The committee state that having ac- 
cidentally omitted to publish a list of deaths in this 
city last week, they now report the names of four 
persons who died between July 30th and August 5th, 
and the names of four persons who died between 
August 5th and August 12th. The next week they 
report that there have been only four deaths, and 
certify that they know of Ijut five persons who are 
now sick with putrid fever, and that some of them 
are in a fair way of recovery, and they flatter them- 
selves that an observance of the regulations lately 
adopted will prevent the progress of the fever and 
remove the apprehensions of their friends in the 

The next report bears the same date as the poster 
of the civil authority and .Selectmen of North Ha- 
ven. There hatl been during the week, nine 
deaths; all but one of putrid fever. 

September 2d. — The committee to make weekly reports 
of the deaths and state of sickness in this city, ctrtify that the 
following deaths have taken place since the date of their last 
publication. [Names of five persons.] 

As the committee consider their honor concerned in the 
faithfulness of their reports, they have felt a degree of nlor- 
tification to hear that the truth of their reports has in some 
instances been scrupled; and as they are convinced that a 
uniform relation of the simple truth is the best mode of cor- 
recting the errors of vague and unguarded rumors, they 
have only to assure the public that in preparing their reports 
of deaths, their own recollection has always been corrected 
by the books of the sexton; ^nd they are confident that not 
a single death in the city has escaped their notice. They are 
happy further to certify that the scarlet fever, which was the 
prevailing epidemic at the time they began their reports, is 
now, they hope, nearly extinct. They do not know of a 
single patient sick of that disease in the city. They further 

certify that they have fiattering prospects of a speedy ter- 
mination of the putrid fever. Several who were sick with 
it at the date of their la-t publication have since recovered, 
and only one has died. We know of but three persons 
who are haid sick at this lime: and four convalescents, 
some of whom have had the disease very severely. They 
also certify that no person is now sick of that disease in 
any part of the city west of the creek dividing the Old from 
the New Township, nor on the Wharf or its vicinity where 
the disease began; and that the utmost care has been used 
for several days past, thoroughly to cleanse the wharf and 
buildings adjoining, of everything that is thought to aid the 
progress of the contagion. 

September loth. — The committee report six 
deaths, and after careful inquiry, further certify that 
they know of but twelve persons who are any ways 
aflected with the disease, four of whom have had 
the disease severely and are recovering fast; four or 
five of the others have the disease slightly, and but 
one of ih^m is at present considered dangerous. 
That the sick are still principally in theNew Town- 
ship, two in Fleet street, one in a cross street of the 
south square, and none on the Wharf; that the dis- 
ease has evidently within ten days past assumed a 
milder aspect, and that where a physician has been 
called on the first appearance of the disease, they 
have of late been very successful. 

September i6th. — The committee report four 
deaths, and further certify that they know of but 
seven persons sick of the fever this day; two of 
these have been very sick and are now convalescing; 
three are yet hard sick; the others have a pros- 
pect of having it lightly. 

September 23d. — The committee report three 
deaths, and further certify that there are fourteen 
persons sick of the putrid fever; that six of them 
are better and in a fair way of recovery; that three 
aie dangerous; that the fever has not arrived at a 
cribis with the others; that the disease still grows 
milder in its attacks and more readily yields to the 
power of medicine. They further certify that there 
is but one person sick in all that part of the city 
northward of George street and west of Union 
street, which divides the Old from the New Town- 
ship; that the public roads leading to and through 
the city and the principal streets of trade are en- 
tirely free from it. 

September 30th. — The committee report eighteen 
deaih', and further certify that there are fifteen per- 
sons sick with the putrid fever; eight of whom are 
getting belter, four are dangerous, and the fever 
has not arrived at a crisis with the other three; and 
that there is but one person sick with the fever in 
all that part of the city north of George and west 
of Union streets. 

October 7th. — The committee report seven deaths 
and further certify that there are twelve persons 
sick with the fever, three of whom are dangerous; 
that the fever has not arrived at a crisis with the 
others, and that one only of the above list has been 
taken sick within the last three days. They further 
certify that Dr. Hotchkiss, wiio is in a fair way of 
recovery, is the only person sick of the fever within 
the nine original squares of the city. 

October 1 4 th. — The committee report five deaths, 
and further certify that there are but eight persons 
in any way afflicted with the disease; that only one 



of them has been taken sick within the last six 
days (with her the fever lias not arrived at a crisis); 
that all the rest, except one whose case is doubt- 
ful, are better and in a {\\x way of recovery. 

October 21st. — The committee certify that Mr. 
Nathaniel Jocelyn, aj!fed 73, who died last evening, 
is the only person since their last report. He hid 
been sick with the putrid fever, which left him in a 
declining state. They certify that there are only 
three persons in any way alTccted with the fever, 
one of whom is dangerous, the others recovering; 
that those sick of the fever arc in the new township. 
They further certify that the fimilies which left the 
city on account of the sickness, have many of them 
returned and others are daily returning. 

October 29111. — The committee report two deaths, 
and further certify with peculiar pleasure that the 
putrid fever (as the late contagious disease has been 
called) is now wholly extinct, and no remains of 
it exist in the city. They also certify from their 
own observation, and particular inquiry of the 
physicians, that the city at this time, compared 
with former seasons, enjoys an uncommon degree 
of health. The committee are happy to find that 
the alarm of the country has subsided with the 
cause of it; that the intercourse with the country is 
again freely oi)ened; and they assure the few of 
their fellow-citizens who still remain in the country 
that they may safely return. 

Here the work of the committee ends. The 
Connec/ictil /ournal o[ ]3.nn?i.xy i, 1795, contains the 
names of persons who died during the year 1794, 
and of persons who have recovered from yellow 

The deaths by scarlet fever were.. 50 
" yellow " " .. 63 
" " " consumption and 

lingering diseases were 51 

The deaths by other infirmities 

and diseases were 15 

Died at sea 12 


Census of the city in 1791, souls, 3,471. 

The mortality of 1794 is more than one-twentieth 
part of the souls. 

The number who recovered from the yellow 
fever was 77. 

In the above summary of deaths in 1794, one of 
the epidemics of that year is called the yellow fever; 
but that name iloes not occur in any of the weekly 
reports issued by the committee. 

In 1795, New Haven was again afflicted with an 
epidemic sickness. This time it was the dysentery. 
There were, according to Dr. Dana's report, seventy- 
five deaths in that year by dysentery; a greater 
number than by either one of the epidemics of the 
preceding year. A Middletown newspaper reported 
"in New Haven twenty-five have died in one week, 
which is seven more than in any one week last 
year." This statement was made in advocacy of 
Middletown as the place for the autumnal session 
of the General Assembly, Hartford being also 
visited with epidemic sickness. The New Haven 
paper replies : 

The fact is New Haven has sufi'ered greatly from the prev- 
alence of thf yellow fever last year and the dysentery this; 
but when it is insinuated that the distress of the present 
epidemic is greater than that of the fever in 1794, we declare 
the information lalse. Last year two-thirds of those who 
fell victims to the al)Ovementioned fever were heads of 
families; this year, of those who have died with the dysen- 
tery more than three-rjuarters have been children. We 
cannot boast of the health of our city, but we can say with 
truth that there is not now more than one-third the number 
of sick that there were three weeks ago; that not more than 
four persons are deemed dangerous; that the deaths within 
the last live days have greatly diminished; and that no per- 
son has been attackcil with the epidemic for four days past. 
We can also assert that this disease in its former attacks on 
this city has invariably subsided in the early ])art of Octo- 
ber or sooner, and that the present weather is happily calcu- 
lated to obstruct contagion and restore health. Thus cir- 
cumstanced we lutpe and believe that the iidi.ibit.mts of 
Middletown before t/ie Slh of the ensuing Oi/o/'c-r may con- 
gratulate this city on a restoration to health. 

.\s the session of the General Assembly was held 
in New Haven, we may conclude that the frosts of 
autumn had put an end to the ejHdemic before the 
8th of October. But for some reason a different 
policy prevailed in 1795 from that which the civil 
authority adopted in 1794. There were no weekly 
rejiorts in the newspaper of the sanitary condition 
of the city. It is only by way of Middletown that 
we learn that there were twenty-five deaths in one 

The only other epidemic in New Haven during 
the century now under review, sufficiently severe 
to require a notice from the general historian, is 
the visitation of the Asiatic cholera in 1832, in 
which there were twenty-si.x fatal cases. Taking 
into consideration the increase in population dur- 
ing the thirty-six intervening years, this was an 
epidemic much less destructive than those of 1794 
and 1795. It was in comparison so mild, that, 
having here mentioned it, we need not again call 
it to mind. In 1849 there were a few cases of 
cholera, but they were too few to constitute an 

In xh^Connec/icul Journal o^'Mzxch, 1798, is "an 
accurate account of the number of inhabitants, 
buildings, etc., in the city'' on the 15th day of 
February in that year. 

White males '.S^g 

" females 1,827 

.Students of Yale College 124 

Whites 3,480 

Ulack males 95 

" females 130 


Tulal numl)er of inhabitants 0.705 

Families 692 

Mean numlier in each family 5.3 

State I louse 1 

Fpiscopal church i 

Congregational churches 3 

Tubiic school-houses 2 

Colleges 2 

Chapel I 

Hall I 

Alms-house 1 

Jail I 

Jailer's house i 

Public buildings 14 



Dwelling-houses 59^ 

Stores S2 

Shops 90 

Barns 176 

Total number of buildings 958 

Deaths from Jan. i, 1792, to Jan. I, 1793 5' 

" " I, J793 " " I. '794 72 

" " " I, 1794 " " I, 1795 180 

" " I, 1795 " " I. 1796 155 

" " " I, 1796 " " I, 1797 67 

" " 1, 1797 " " 1,1798 58 

Number of deaths in six years 583 

Mean number 96. 1 

Ditto, excluding two very sickly years, viz., 1794 

and 1795 62 

Number of inhabitants Sep. 29, 1787 3.364 

•' " Feb. 15, 1798 3,705 

Increase 341 

Number of buildings, Septemlier, 1787 893 

" " " 1798 958 

Increase 65 

Number of families in 17S7 614 

' ' in each family 5.4 

The number of buildings has increased in a very equal 
proportion to the number of inhabitants. 

Proportion of males to females in 1787, as 1,000 to 1,030; 
in 1798, as 1,000 to 1,205. 

After this unofficial, but apparently careful cen- 
sus, there is nothing which requires notice till we 
come to the description of New Haven, which 
President Dwight wrote in 18 10. 

President Stiles dying in 1795, Timothy Dwight, 
D. D. , was elected the same year to the presidency 
of Yale College, so that for the remainder of his life 
he was a resident of New Haven. Entering with zeal 
into the privileges and duties of local citizenship, 
he acquainted himself with the statistics and re- 
sources of the place, and more than almost any other 
person wrote out, for the information of his con- 
temporaries living elsewhere, and of subsequent 
generations of people residing in New Haven, the 
description of the cit}' as it was during his resi- 
dence within it. Believing that one who would 
acquaint himself with the New Haven of that day 
should see the description of the place as given by 
Dr. Dwight, we transcribe nearly the whole of it 
from his "Travels in New England and New 

The area occupied by New Haven is probably as large as 
that which usually contains a city of six times the number 
of inhabitants in Europe. A considerable proportion of the 
houses have court-yards in front and gardens in the rear. 
The former are ornamented with trees and shrubs; the lat- 
ter are liLxuriantly filled with fruit-trees, flowers, and culi- 
nary vegetables. The beauty and healthfulness of this ar- 
rangement need no explanation. 

The houses in this city are generally decent, and many of 
the modern ones handsome. The style of building is neat 
and tidy. Fences and out-houses are also in the same style; 
and, being almost imiversally painted white, make a delight- 
ful appearance to the eye ; an appearance not a little enhanced 
by the great multitude of shade trees, a species of ornament in 
which this town is unrivaled. Most of the buildings are of 
wood, and may be considered as destined to become the fuel 
of a future conflagration. Building with brick and stone is, 
however, becoming more and ''more frequent. The mode of 
building with stone which seems not unlikely to become gen- 
eral, is to raise walls of whinstone, broken into fragments of 
very irregular form, laid in strong mortar, and then to over- 
cast them \\ith a peciUiar species of cement. 

The corners, frames of the doors, arches and sills of the 
windows, cornices and other ornamental parts, are of a 
sprightly-colored freestone. The cement is sometimes di- 
vided by lines at right angles in such a manner as to make 
the whole resemble a building of marble; and being smooth 
and white, is, of course, very handsome. Several valuable 
houses have been lately built in this maimer, and the cement, 
contrary to the general expectation, has hitherto perfectly 
sustained the severity of our seasons. This mode of building 
is very little more expensive than building with wood, and 
will, I suspect, ultimately take the place of every other. I 
know of no other equally handsome where marble itself is 
not the material. Both these kinds of stone are found, in- 
exhaustibly, at a moderate distance. 

The public buildings in New Haven are the State House, 
County House, Jail, Alms-house, three Presbyterian, one 
Episcopal and one Methodist Churches, the Collegiate 
Buildings, School -houses and Bridges. The State House is 
a plain and barely decent edifice, in which the Legislature 
holds one of its semi-annual sessions. The lower story of 
this building contains the oHice of the Secretary of State, a 
jury room, lobbies, etc., and a convenient hall for the Ju- 
dicial Courts. The second story contains the Council Cham- 
ber and the Chambers of the House of Representatives. 
The churches are of considerable standing, and are barely 
decent structures. The County flouse is a good building. 
The Jail is a strong and decent stone edifice. 

A bridge, named the Harbour Bridge, is thrown over 
the mouth of Wallingford River between this town and 
East Haven. Three-fourths of this structure are formed of 
two stone piers, extending from the shores to the channel. 
The remainder is built on trestles of wood, often styled in 
this country, piers of wood. It is half a mile in length, 
is the property of an incorporated company, and cost sixty 
thousand dollars. This is a useful erection, as it forms a 
]5art of the great road from New Haven, through New Lon- 
don and Providence, to Boston, and as it will facilitate 
several important objects of navigation and commerce. A 
wharf is already erected from it on the western side of the 
channel, at which large vessels are moored and repaired, 
and at which they load and unload with perfect conve- 

The Alms-house is a plain building of considerable size, 
standing in a very healthful situation on the western side 
of the town. The mode in which it is conducted is prob- 
ably not often excelled. 

There are two Presbyterian* congregations in this town, 
and one Episcopal. Two of these are nearly equal in their 
numbers, and contain each between two and three hundred 
families. The third contains probably more. This was 
formerly divided, and has since been wisely and happily 
reunited. There is also a small society of Methodists, who, 
by the aid of their charitable fellow-citizens, have been 
enabled to build a church for their worship. 

New Haven, in the legal sense, is both a city and a town- 
ship. The city includes the eastern part of the township. 
The western, which is a much larger tract, is bounded by 
the township of Woodbridge on the north, by that of Milford 
on the west, and by the Sound on the south. This tract 
contains the parish of West Haven; and a collection of fami- 
lies, living chiefly on scattered plantations, about equally 
numerous. The number of inhabitants in both is probably 
not less than twelve hundred. The last-mentioned division 
of these people belong to the congregations in the city. 
This part of the township lies chiefly on the hills, which 
have been heretofore mentioned as the southern termination 
of the Crreen Mountains. The inhabitants of this tract are 
principally farmers. 

A general view of the state of society in the city is given 
in the following list, taken in the year 181 1. At this period 
there were in New Haven 29 houses concerned m commerce; 
41 stores of dry goods: 43 grocery stores; 4 ship-chandlery 
stores; 2 wholesale hardware stores; 3 wholesale dry goods 
stores; i wholesale glass and china store; I furrier's store; 
10 apothecaries' stores; 6 traders in lumber; I trader in 
paper-hangings; 6 shoe stores; 7 manufactories of hats; 5 
hat stores; 4 book stores; 3 rope walks; 2 sail lofts; I ship 

* Dr. Dwight preferred that construction of the Saybrook Platform 
which assimilated the Congregationalism of Connecticut to Presbyler- 
ianism, .and uniformly used the word Presbyterian to denote the ec- 
clesiastical communion to which he belonged. 



yard; 17 butchers; 16 schools; I2 inns; 5 tallow-chandlers; 

2 brass-founders; 3 bra/icrs; 29 blacksmiths; i bell-founder; 
9 tanners; 30 shoe and boot -makers; g carria(,'e makers; 7 
jjoldsmiths; 4 watchmakers: 4 harness-makers; 5 cabinet- 
makers; 50 carpenters and joiners; 3 eom!)inakers; 4 
Windsor chair-makers; 15 masons; 26 tailors; 14 coopers; 

3 stonecutters; 7 curriers; 2 block-makers; 5 barl)ers; 3 
tinners; I whivhvrighl; I leallier-ilresser; i nailer; 2 paper- 
makers; 5 printiiii,'-oflices; 2 book-binders; 5 bakers; and 2 
newspapers publi>lie<l. There were also 6 clergymen; 16 
lawyers; 9 practicinjj physicians; and I surjjeon. 

One of the cler^'ymen is attached to the College; one was 
the Uishopofllie Kpiscopal Church of Coiniecticut: one, far 
advanced in life, wa^ willnmt a cure. Most of the lawyers 
in the county reside in New Haven. The physicians also 
practice extensively in the surrounding country. 

I ha\e given you this list, partly because it is, on this side 
of the Atlantic, the only specimen of the same nature within 
my knowledge; and partly because it exhibits more perfectly 
in one point of \ iew, the state of society in an American 
town than it would be possible to derive from any other 

The conunerce of New Haven is divided into the coast- 
ing, foreign, and inland trade. The coasting business is 
carried on with all the Atlantic States from St. Mary's to 
Machias. With New York an intercourse is kejit up by a 
succession of daily packets. The foreign trade is princi- 
]>ally carried on with the West Indian Islands, and occasion- 
ally with South Americ.i, most of the countries of Europe, 
the Madeira Islands, Batavia, and Canton. Several of our 
ships have circumnavigated the globe. The inhabitants of 
this town Ix'gan the business of carrying sealskins from Mas- 
s;»fuero, ami, I l>elieve, of carrying sandal-wood fr(^m tlie 
Sandwich Islands to Canton. The ship Neptune, in the year 
1796, fitted out for a sealing voyage at the expense of forty- 
eight thousand dollars, returned from Canton with a cargo 
worth two humlred and forty thousand. A considerable 
part, not far from one-half, of the cargoes imported by the 
New Haven merchants are sold in New York. A great 
part also of the ])roduce jiurchased in New Haven is sold in 
the same market. This renders it impossible to give an ex- 
act account of its commerce. The inland trade consists of 
an extensive exchange of European, East Indian and West 
Indian goods, for cash and produce, with the inhabitants of 
the interior. The following statement, derived from the Re- 
ports of the Secretary of the Treasury, will give you the 
best view of the foreign trade of New Haven which can be 
obtained ; 

Ye.irs. Duties on Imports. Amounts of Imports. Tonnage. 

1801 $172,888.95 S950.396 597 79 

1802 110,007.86 439,216 719-33 

1803 136,429.42 545.<>«> 657 35 

1804 213,196.57 581,952 S57.75 

1805 205,323.31 821,264 867.24 

1806 146,548.36 586,456 595-77 

1807 157,590.96 630,356 720. 88 

1808 106,358.19 425,424 57S.97 
"809 55.335-19 224.352 62354 
l8io 94,617.92 378,400 650.72 

Ycirs. E.\ports. 

1801 $650,471 

1802 483,910 

1803 416,773 

1804 476,421 

1805 608,420 

1806 483,477 

1807 505.844 

1808 Embargo. 

1809 309,862 306,650 3.212 

1810 390.335 387.210 3,125 
Tonnage registered and enrolled in 1801 7,252 .88 

" " " 1810 6,177,12 

Alx>ut one-third of the imports belonging to the merchants 
of New Haven are landed in New York, and are not in- 
cluded in the almve estimate. 

The trade of this t.iwn is conducted with skill, as well .as 
spirit. Of this the fact that during the last fifteen years the 
number of failures has been pro])ortionally smaller than in 
almost any town in the Union, is uneijuivocal proof. At the 

















same time it is conducted in a manner fair and honorable. 
A trick in trade is rarely heard of, and when mentioned, 
awakens alike surprise and indignation. 

It deserves to be mentioned here that the vessels built for 
the merchants of this town, and intended for foreign com- 
merce, are built with more strength and furnished in a 
better manner than in most places on this continent. Those 
whn command them are generally distinguished by their 
enterprise, skill and probity; and are entrusted with the 
sale anil purchase of their cargoes, as well as with the con- 
iluct of their vessels, and thus frequently become possessed 
of handsome properly. Several of them also are distin- 
guished by their good manners, good sense, and extensive 
inlbrmation. Erom these facts united it has arisen that very 
few vessels from this port meet with those accidents which 
are fatal to others. Indubitable proofs of the enterprise of 
the inhabitants are seen in the institutions already men- 
tioned; in the formation of turnpike roads; the erection of 
the bridge described above; and the imjirovemcnts lately 
made in the town itself. Of these, leveling an<l enclosing 
the green, accomplished by subscription, at an expense of 
more than two thousand dollars, and the establishment of a 
new public cemetery, accomplished at a much greater ex- 
pense, are particularly creditable to their spirit. 

The original settlers of New Haven, following the custom 
of their native country, buried their dead in a church. yard. 
Their church was erected on the Green, or public square, 
and the yard laid out immediately behiiul it in the north- 
western half of the siiuare. While the Romish apprehension 
concerning consecrated burial places and concerning pe- 
culiar advantages supposed at the resurrection to attend 
those who are interred in them, remained, this location of 
burial grounds seems to have been not unnatural. But since 
this apprehension has been perceived by common sense to 
be groundless and ridiculous, the impropriety of such a lo- 
cation forces itself upon every mind. It is always desirable 
that a burial ground should be a solemn object to man ; be- 
cause in this manner it easily becomes a source of useful 
instruction and desirable impressions. Hut when placed in 
the center of a town, and in the current of daily intercourse, 
it is rendered too familiar to the eye to have any beneficial 
effect on the heart. From its proper, venerable character, 
it is degraded into a mere common object, and speedily 
loses all its connection with the invisible world in a gross 
and vulgar union with the ordinary business of life. 

liesides these disadvantages, this ground was filled with 
coffins and monuments, and must either be extended farther 
over the beautiful tract unhappily chosen for it, or must 
have its place supplied by a substitute. To accomplish 
these purposes, and to efiecluate a removal of the numerous 
monuments of the dead, already erected, whenever the con- 
sent of their survivors could be obtained, the Honorable 
James Hillhouse, one of the inhabitants to whom the town, 
the .State and the country owe more than to almost any of 
their citizens, in the year 1796 purchased a field of ten acres 
near the northwestern corner of the original town, which, 
aided by several respectable gentlemen, he leveled and en- 
closed. The field was then divided into parallelograms, 
handsomely railed and separated by alleys of sulhcient 
breadth to permit carriages to pass each other. The whole 
field, except four lots given to the several congregations and 
the College, and a lot destined for the reception of the poor, 
was distributed into family burying places, purch.ased at the 
expense actually incurred, and secured by law from every 
civil process. Each parallelogram is sixty-fourfect in breadth 
and thirty-six feet in length. Each family burying ground 
is thirty-two feet in length and eighteen in breadth; and 
against each an opening is made to admit a funeral proces- 
sion. At the divisions between the lots, trees are set out in 
the alleys, and the name of each proprietor is marked on 
the railing. The monuments in this ground are almost 
univei-sally of marble, in a few instances trom Italy; in the 
rest, found in this and the neighboring States. A consider- 
able number are obelisks; others are tables; and others, 
slabs, placed at the head and foot of the grave. The obelisks 
are placed, universally, on the middle line of the lots, and 
thus stand in a line succe^^ively through the parallelugrams. 
The to]) of each post and the railing are painted white: the 
remainder of the post, black. After the lots « ere laid out 
they were all thrown into a common stock. A meeting was 
then summoned of such inhabitants as wished to become 



proprietors. Such as attended drew for their lots and lo- 
cated them at their pleasure. Others in great numbers have 
since purchased them, so that a great part of the field is now 
taken up. 

It is believed that this cemetery is altogether a singularity 
in the world. I have accompanied many Americans and 
many foreigners into it, not one of whom had ever seen or 
heard of anything of a similar nature. It is incomparably 
more solemn and impressive than any spot of the same kind 
within my knowledge; and if I am to credit the declarations 
of others, within theirs. An exquisite taste for propriety is 
discovered in everything belonging to it; exhibiting a regard 
for the dead, reverential but not ostentatious, and hai>pily 
fitted to influence the views and feelings of successive gener- 

At the same time it precludes the use of vaults, by taking 
away every inducement to build them. These melancholy 
and, I think I may say, disgusting mansions seem not to 
have been dictated by nature, and are certainly not approved 
by good sense. Their salubrity is questionable: and the im- 
pression left by them on the mind transcends the bounds of 
mourning and sorrow, and borders at least upon loathing. 
That families should wish to be buried together seems to be 
natural; and the propensity is here gratified. At the same 
time a preparation is in this instance happily made for re- 
moving finally, the monuments in the ancient burying 
ground, and thus freeing one of the most beautiful squares 
in the world from so im]5roper an appendage. 

To this account I ought to add that the proprietors, when 
the lots were originally distributed, gave one to each of the 
then existing clergymen of the city. Upon the whole it may, 
I think, be believed that the completion of this cemetery will 
extensively diffuse a new sense of propriety in disposing of 
the remains of the deceased. 

The Wharf is also a respectable proof of enterprise. 
Three-fourths of this pier are built of timber and earth, and 
the other fourth of stone, by an incorporated company, aided 
in a small degree by lotteries. It is three thousantl nine 
hundred and forty-three feet in length; longer than any 
other in the United States by more than two thousand feet. 
On the western side, lots for the erection of stores are laid 
out and purchased throughout a great part of the extent. 
On many of them stores are erected. 

The inhabitants of New Haven deserve credit for their in- 
dustry and economy. Almost every man is active in his 
business; and lives at a prudent distance within his income. 
Almost all, therefore (with one considerable exception), are 
in ordinary circumstances, thriving. 

The exception, to which I have alluded, is that of the 
laborers. By this term I intend that class of men who look 
to the earnings of to-day for the subsistence of to-morrow. 
In New Haven, almost every man of this character is 
either shiftless, diseased, or vicious. Employment is found 
everywhere, and subsistence is abundant and easily obtamed; 
the price of labor is also very high, a moderate tlay's work 
being usually purchased at a dollar. Every healthy, indus- 
trious, prudent man may, therefore, live almost as he wishes, 
and secure a competence for old age. The local and com- 
mercial circumstances of this town have allured to it a large 
(|)roportional) number of these men; few of whom are very 
inthistrious. fewer economical, and fewer still virtuous. 

The mechanics are in all respects of a difierent character, 
and are therefore generally prosperous. 

The market in this town is moderately good. The sup- 
plies of flesh and fish are ample; and of vegetables suffi- 
cient for the demand of the inhabitants, most of whom are 
furnished from their own gardens. Of fruit, neither the 
variety nor the quantity is such as could be wished, and 
might be easily obtained. Indeed this article is fast im- 
proving in both respects, and almost every garden yields its 
proprietor a considerable quantity of very fine fruit; particu- 
larly of cherries, pears and peaches; as well as of currants, 
gooseberries, strawberries and raspberries. The greatest 
evil which the inhabitants suffer, is the want of a regular 
system. A few years since, a new market was established 
in a convenient part of the tpwn and placed under proper 
regulations. The consequence was that all the customary 
supplies were furnished abundantly and of the best quality. 
I.'nfortunately, however, several respectable citizens opposed 
the establishment so strenuously and perseveringly, as 
rmally to destroy most of its gooil effects. There is some- 

thing very remarkable in the hostility of the New England 
people to a regular market. Those who buy and those who 
sell, manifest this opposition alike; nor has the imperfection 
and precariousness of the supplies brought in carts to their 
doors reconciled the former class; nor the superior conven- 
ience and certainty of selling at the highest ])rice, persuaded 
the latter to the adoption of a system so obviously advan- 
tageous in all respects to both. A striking example is here 
presented of the power of habitual prejudice. As the fact 
is, however, an epicure, may find all his wishes satisfied 
without much difficulty in this town. 

The market prices of beef, round the year, are for the 
best pieces, by the pound, from 7 to 10 cents; for the poorer 
pieces, from 3 to 6 cents; of beef, by the 100 lb., from 4)^ 
dollars to 8 dollars; of pork, by the 100 lb., from 4J/2 dollars 
to 8 dollars; of good veal, mutton and Iamb, by the lb., from 
5 to 7 cents; of chickens, ducks and turkeys, by the lb., from 
7 to II cents; of geese, by the lb. from 6 to 8 cents; of 
sea bass, striped bass, and blackfish, by the lb., from 4 to 6 
cents; of lobsters, liy the lb., from 5 to 6 cents; of oysters, 
by the bushel, from 50 cents to one dollar; of long and 
round clams and escallops, by the bushel, from 75 cents to 
one dollar; of flour made of wheat, Iiy the barrel, from six 
to nine dollars; of rye, by the bushel, from 75 cents to one 
dollar; of Indian corn or maize, by the Imshel, from 75 cents 
to one dollar; of oats, by the bushel, from twenty-five to 
thirty-seven and a half cents; of apples, by the bushel, from 
33 cents to one dollar; of cider, by the barrel, from one and 
a half to three dollars. 

These prices I have set down to give a succinct view of 
the expense at wdiich the means of living are furnished 
here. The article of fuel, which is universally wood, is in 
this town, and a few others, particularly dear; hickory being 
from seven to eight dollars the cord of one hundred and 
twenty-eight feet; oak, five; and pine, three. In the in- 
terior, even in old and thrifty settlements, the price is 
often not more than a third part of what 1 have specified. 
It ought to be observed that every marketable article bears 
here an advanced price on account of the easy and regular 
communication with New York. Nor ought it to be omitted 
that, antecedently to the year 1793, all these articles were, at 
an average, sold for half of the sums mentioned above.* 

Dr. Dwight's Table of Exports from 1 801 to 18 10, 
placed the word embjrgo opposite the year 1808. 
The embargo was established by an Act of Congress 
in retaliation upon Great Britain for the repeated 
insults which American merchantmen had suffered 
from British men-of-war. It was thought by the 
supporters of the act that England would accede 
to the demand that American vessels should be 
exempt from search bv British cruisers, rather than 
see her West Indian colonies sutler from the absence 
of American breadstuffs and provisions. But this 
was a policy which caused as much distress in the 
seaports of the United States as in the West Indies. 
In July, 1808, there were seventy-eight vessels lying 
idle in the harbor of New Haven. Hundreds of 
seamen became dependent on charity and were daily 
fed at a soup kitchen. All along the sea-coast there 
was indignation, and perhaps nowhere more than 
in New Haven; for almost all its inhabitants were 
dependent, in one way or another, on foreign com- 
merce. The merchants, the ship-chandlers, the 
rope-makers, the block-makers, and the ship- 
wrights, as well as the mariners, found their occu- 
pation and means of subsistence taken away. 
There was not much sale for the produce of the 
husbandman, nor much employment for the me- 
chanic. A special town-meeting was held on the 
20th of August, at which an address to President 

* Ttiis description ofNew Haven may be found in Dwight's Travels, 
Vol. I. Many of the statistics may also be found in a "Statistical 
Accjvint of the City of New Haveri," by Timothy Dwight, President 
of Vale College. 



Jefferson, preparcil by Elias Shipman, Noah Web- 
ster, Daviil Daggett, Jonathan Ingersoll, and 
Thomas Painter, was adopted, praying for a modi- 
fication or suspension of the embargo. The doc- 
ument closed as follows: 

In i.\ Liy view of this sulijict, your memorialists conceive 
;i ciiiUiiui.ince of (he eni\«rj;o to Ik; as distressing as it is 
impolitic, and far more injurious to our own people than lo 
any other nation. We therefore rei|uest that— in pursuance 
of the power vested in you as IVesident of the I'niled States, 
by an Act of Conjjress for that puqrase — the operations of 
the several laws imposing an embargo may be immediately 

But it will be more appropriate to speak at 
length of the distress and indignation felt in New 
Haven on account of the embargo, in the chapter 
on Commerce. We allude to this embargo in this 
connection, because it was so important an event 
in the general history of the city. 

The embargo was removed in June, 1809, and 
non-intercourse w-ith and non-importation from 
Great Britain and its dependencies were substituted 
in its place. The change allowed indirect trade 
with the British West India Islands, the New 
Haven vessels landing their cargoes at Dutch and 
Swedish islands, whence they were transferred to 
British islands in the vicinity. The Connecticul 
/ounia/ o( June 15th, notices the activity and joy 
which had suddenly returned to the city. In May, 
1 8 10, the non-intercourse act was repealed, and 
the non-importation act ceased to be enforced. 
From that time, till the War of 1812 with Great 
Britain, trade with the British West Indies was very 
active and lucrative. From 1812, till the news of 
peace arrived in February, 181 5, New Haven was 
of course blockaded by the British fleet in the 
Sound, and its commerce languished. 

But the War of 181 2 was so exclusively mari- 
time, that, apart from its influence on commercial 
prosperity, it added but little to the history of New 
Haven. The fort which Colonel Thompson built 
at Black Rock in 1775 and 1776, known during 
the Revolution as Rock Fort, and afterwards as 
Fort Hale, being regarded as insufficient for the 
defense of the town, supplementary works were 
erected on Beacon Hill, of such extent that hun- 
dreds of men were employed for more than a 
month. The younial of October 4, 1814, says: 

This work has progressed with great rapidity, and is now 
nearly completed. The inhabitants of the neighboring towns 
deserve and receive the thanks of the public for volunteer- 
ing their aid in this patriotic lalxir. On Wednesday an<l 
Thursday last, one hundred men from Cheshire, under the 
direction of Andrew Hull, Ksrj., labored with great in- 
dustry and efiort at the fortifications for two days. On their 
return through tlie city in wagons, with music playing, they 
were saluted with a discharge of artillery and cheered by 
the citizens, who had collected in great numbers at the 
Public .Sijuare. On Thursday, one hundred men from the 
town of North Haven, under the direction of their reverend 
pastor. Dr. Trumbull, the venerable historian of Connecti- 
cut, eighty years of age, volunteered their services, and 
spent the day in the same patriotic work. This aged min- 
ister addressed the throne of grace and implored the Divine 
blessing on their undertaking. On Friday the same number 
from Hamden, under command of Captain Jacob Whiting, 
with great industry labored at the same work, and were 
saluted and cheered by tlic citizens on their return. The 
inhabitants of the town of Meriden, with a patriotism not 
exceeded by their ncighl>ors, have volunteered their aid for 

Wednesday next. It is confidently hoped that our fellow- 
citizens of other towns in this vicinity, and our own citizens, 
will in the course of the present week complete the works, 
which are now nearly finished. Parties who are willing to 
give their assistance in this preparation for the common 
defense, are desired to give notice to the committee of the 
time when it will be agreeable to them to give their attend- 
ance. The enemy is hovering on the coast. Where the 
next blow will loe attempted, no one can tell. Preparation 
to repel invasion cannot too speedily be made. 

The earthwork thus thrown up on Beacon Hill 
was called Fort Wooster. Fortunately peace was 
proclaimed a few months after the fort was com- 
pleted, and it encountered no enemy but storms of 
rain, which have, at length, nearly obliterated its 

One of the excitements which the war occasioned 
in New Haven, followed the capture of the packet 
Susan the week after the above notice of the fort 
on Beacon Hill appeared in the Journal. The 
beacon daily signaled to New Haven the passage 
through the Sound of the blockading vessels, and 
sometimes when the coast was clear, a packet ven- 
tured out on a voyage to New York. Such a 
signal on Sunday morning, October ist, tempted 
Captain Miles, of the packet Susan, who had been 
waiting several days for a chance to venture out. 
A week afterward, October yth, he left New York 
on the return voyage with a cargo valued at 
not less than $15,000. Most of this sum was rep- 
resented by imported goods of every description. 
One part of his cargo was several months' supply 
of paper for the Conncclicul Journal, the printer of 
which, in his next issue apologizes to his patrons 
for giving them an inferior quality of paper. We 
give the remainder of the story in the language of 
I\Ir. Thomas R. Trowbridge, Jr. : 

Shortly after passing Stratford Point, in the afternoon 
of Monday, the Susan observed a sail approaching, ev- 
idently from Long Island. The advancing craft was a 
stranger to all on board, but they did not at all fancy 
her appearance, and as she continued her course to- 
ward him. Captain Miles tacked ship and heade<l his 
vessel for Stratford River. The Susan made good head- 
way toward the desired haven, but it was too late. The 
stranger gained rapidly; and though she had a load of cord- 
word upon her deck, the practiced eye of Captain Miles 
perceived through her disguise that she was a vessel in the 
service of the blockading squadron. He thought, however, 
that if he could only reach the river, all would l)e well. He 
would try at all events; and crew and passengers bent 
bravely to the sweeps, which had been quickly put out, 
while visions of Dartmoor and of Halifax Jail presented 
themselves to their imaginations. The stranger hoisted a 
British ensign, ran down abreast of them, luffed to the 
wind, and threw an eight-pound shot across the bow of the 
Susan. Captain Miles was too old a sailor not to compre- 
hend that marine language, and, with a sigh, he told his 
helmsman to bring his vessel to the wind. He then dropped 
his gaff, and in a few minutes a boat came alongside from 
the cruiser, and out of it a midshipman stepped upon the 
deck of the Susan, informing Captain Miles that his vessel 
was a prize to his Majesty's brig 1 )ispatch, and that he would 
at once relieve him of the further command of the 
Several men were immediately sent on Kiard; and, with the 
passengers and crew. Captain Miles' packet, carrying her 
rich cargo, was soon standing toward the British fleet off 
New London. 

After a few days, a flag of truce sent out from 
New Haven returned with Captain Miles and some 
of his passengers, ^^■ho were permitted to leave 
on parole. "The Captain came home," says the 



Journal ol October i8th, "for the purpose of ob- 
taining the means of ransoming the packet and 
cargo. He has returned to the squadron with the 
money, and will probably arrive here again with 
his vessel to-day."' 

Great was the joy when the news reached New- 
Haven, on the 13th of February, that the Commis- 
sioners at Ghent had agreed on terms of peace. 

Immediately the church bells were rung and cannon were 
fired on the Green. Citizens shook hands and congratulated 
each other as they met on the streets. The ever. busy boy 
marked the word Peace on doors and fences. The cannon 
from the fortifications at Beacon Hill and Fort H.ale pro- 
claimed to the surrounding villages the joyful tidings that 
peace was once more to reign over our land. At night the 
city was illuminated; not a house but had a candle at every 
window. The streets were filled with a happy multitude: 
and, if report be true, most of the rum which had weathered 
the gales of non-intercourse, the embargo act, and the 
blockat-le, was consumed during the joyful night of Feb- 
ruary 13, 1815. There was great rejoicing again when 
it was known that the President had ratified the treaty. 
The newspa]K'r in its next issue said: Wednesday last, the 
treaty having been previously ratified (being also the birth- 
day of Washington), was devoted to the celebration of these 
two great events, the one as the harbinger of our former 
glory, the other of our future prosperity. A committee hail 
been appointed to make the necessary arrangements. The 
day was ushereil in with the roar of cannon and the ringing 
of the church bells. The military were called out. The 
Governor's Horse and Foot Guards, and the Artillery, ap- 
peared in their usual brilliancy. At eleven o'clock the 
military and citizens repaired to the new Brick Meeting- 
House, where discourses were delivered by Dr. Dwight and 
the Rev. Messrs. Merwin and Taylor.* 

The years of the war witnessed a great change in 
the aspect of the Green. Dr. Dwight says in a 
marginal note to his description of the city: 

All the congregations in New Haven voted in 18 12 that 
they would take down their churches and build new ones. 
Accordingly two of them commenced the work in 1813, the 
other in 1814. The church of the first congregation was 
finished in 1S14. The other two have been completed the 
present year (1815). They are all placed on the western 
side of Temple street, in a situation singularly beautiful, 
having an elegant square in front. The Presbyterian churches 
are of Grecian architecture. The Episcopal Church is a 
Ciothic building, the only correct specimen, it is believed, in 
the United Slates. Few structures devoted to the same pur- 
pose on this side of the Atlantic are equally handsome; and 
in no place can the same number of churches be found, 
within the same distance, so beautiful and standing in so ad- 
vantageous a position. 

The erection of these three churches, and the 
obliteration from the Green of the burial ground, 
by the removal of its monuments a few years after- 
ward, must have greatly enhanced the beauty of 
a public square, which Dr. Dwight said was the 
handsomest ground of this nature he had ever seen. 
As he did not live to see the monuments removed, 
his commendation must have been pronounced 
while the Green was still disfigured with grave- 

In the same year in which peace with Great 
Britain was proclaimed, New Haven was for the 
first time visited by a steamboat. Travel between 
New Haven and New York had been, before the 
time of steamboats, chiefly in packets, such as the 
Susan; a round trip occupying a week, or a longer 

♦Thomas R. Trowbridge's paper on the Ancient Maritime Interests 
ol Nfw H.aven, in New H.iven Historical Society Papers. Vol. III. 

period as the wind was more or less propitious. 
The price of passage was from three to five dollars 
each way. The first steamboat that passed through 
the Sound was the Fulton, Captain Bunker. She 
made her first trip from New York to New Haven 
in March, 18 15, starting a little past five in the 
morning and arriving at half-past four in the after- 
noon. There were thirty passengers on board. 
On her return she had a large number of passen- 
gers, and was fifteen hours on the way, being de- 
layed by a dense fog. The cost of the boat was 
about $90,000. The New York Advocate, giving 
an accountof the first trip, says, among other things, 
"We believe it may with truth be affirmed that 
there is not in the whole world such accommoda- 
tion afloat as the Fulton affords; indeed it is hardly 
possible to conceive that anything of the kind can 
exceed her in elegance and convenience." It was 
then predicted that the time would come when im- 
provements would be made in the inachinery and 
in the model of boats, so that the passage would 
be made in ten hours. In the course of a few 
weeks she commenced to make regular trips, the 
price of passage being five dollars. The following 
notice of her appeared in the Columbian Register of 
May 13, 1815: 

The steamboat Fulton arrived here on Monday last at 6 
o'clock in the afternoon; she returned to New York the same 
evening, and arrived here again on Tuesday evening. At 
6 o'clock on Wednesday morning she left here with about 
80 passengers for Hartford, intending to arrive there on 
Thursday morning, the day of oiu' great General Election 
and collection; she arrived at Middletown (a distance of be- 
tween sixty and seventy miles, one-half of which distance 
was on the Connecticut River and against a strong current) 
at 6 o'clock p. M. She stopped there until 4 o'clock on 
Thursday morning, when she proceeded on and arrived at 
Hartford in four hours, where she was saluted by the dis- 
charge of cannon and the huzzas of the multitudes who were 
gratified with the sight of a steamboat fifty miles above the 
mouth of Connecticut River. The steamboat arri\ed here 
last night from Hartford and proceeded this day to New 
York. ' 

In 181 7, New Haven was favored with a visit 
from the President of the United States, James 
Monroe. Coming from New York in the steam- 
boat Connecticut, he arrived at the wharf about 4 
o'clock p. M. on Friday, the 20th of June. The 
President was received by a committee of citizens, 
and several military companies, and escorted 
through Wooster, Olive, Chapel, State, Elm and 
Temple streets, to his lodgings at Mr. Butler's 
Hotel. On Saturday he visited the gun factory of 
Eli Whitney, Esq. , and the Chemical Laboratory, 
Library, Mineralogical Cabinet, and Philosophical 
Chamber of the College. At 12 o'clock he reviewed 
the troops under arms. After partaking of an ele- 
gant dinner, served up in superior style, at Mr. 
Butler's, in company with the Governor and several 
other gentlemen he visited the public buildings, 
the new burying ground, and other places which 
were deemed worthy of notice. On Sunday morn- 
ing he attended Divine Service at the Center Church, 
and in the afternoon at the F'piscopal Church. In 
the evening the Committee, in behalf of themselves 
and their fellow-citizens, took leave of his Excel- 
lency in a short address, expressing the high sense 
they entertainetl of his visit, with their sincere 



wishes for his individual prosperity and his success- 
ful administration in his exalted station. The ad- 
dress was reciprocated in a manner honorable to 
his Excellency, and highly gratifying to tiie Com- 
mittee. Early on Monday morning the President 
and his party, which included Mrs. Monroe, de- 
parted for Hartford. 

From the absorption of the Colony of New 
Haven into the Colony of Connecticut, to the year 
1 701, the General Assembly had met in Hartford. 
Thereafter, the May Session was in Hartford, and 
the October .Session in New Haven, till the adop- 
tion of the new constitution in 1S18; which, requir- 
ing but one session in a year, ordered that the 
Assembly shouUl meet alternately at Hartford and 
New Haven on the first Monday in May, New 
Haven having the even, and Hartford the odd 
years. Bv this requirement of the new constitution, 
New Haven became equally with Hartford a semi- 
capital, and remained so, till, by an amendment 
to the constitution, it was determined that there 
should be but one place for the annual sessions of 
the Legislature, and, by a majority of votes, Hart- 
ford was selected as the capital of the State. Under 
the new constitution of 1 81S, the first meeting of 
the General Assembly at New Haven was held 
in 1S20. The writer well remembers, though it 
was a few days before he had completed the fourth 
year of his age, the military and religious cere- 
monies which distinguished " Jllection Day." 

New Haven was brushed in the evening of Sep- 
tember 3, 1 82 1, by a tornado of so great severity, 
that some notice of it should be recorded in a his- 
tory of the city. A large church was then in pro- 
cess of erection on the Green, near its northwestern 
corner. The Methodists of the city, who at that 
time were few in number, and, though rich in faith, 
poor in this world's wealth, had made great sacri- 
fices for the accomplishment of their desire to pos- 
sess such a sanctuary. The town had allowed 
them to place it on the public glebe. Members of 
other churches had for various reasons lent a help- 
ing hand. The walls were finished; the roof was 
nearly, but not quite complete, when the wind 
prostrated the structure into a heap of ruins. It 
was a terrible disappointment to those who, as it 
appeared to human judgment, had already given 
more than they were able, to build their house of 
worship. But the Methodists were equal to the 
trial which it was fore-ordained should befall 
them, anil with redoubled sacrifices they re-erected 
the house, and worshiped in it till they became 
able to build the more commodious and costly 
structure now standing on the other side of Elm 

Great damage was done elsewhere in the city, to 
dwellings and other buildings, and to the shipping 
in the harbor. For more than three hours, fami- 
lies were in painful suspense between remaining in 
their cracking dwellings and venturing on the dan- 
gers without. The "September Gale" was charac- 
terized by those who at the time were adult, as ex- 
ceeding, everything of the kind which they could 

remember; and by those who were then children, 
it is remembered as more dreadful in its severity 
than any storm of wind which has since visited 
New Haven. 

The only other tornado which requires distinct 
mention, occurreil in 1839. It differed from that 
of 1821, in the instantaneousness with which it 
came and went, passing with a narrow swath 
through the northwestern part of the city where 
houses were few, carrying with it in its course every 
work of man which it encountered, and vainly en- 
deavoring to do likewise with East Rock. 

In 1824, the Marquis de Lafayette, attracted by a 
natural desire to see with his own C3es the marvel- 
ous progress made by the country in behalf of 
whose liberty he had unsheathed his sword almost 
half a century before, visited America. Alihnugh 
Washington was no more in the land of the living, 
there were still many companions in the War of 
the Revolution whom he desired again to take by 
the hand. Everywhere he was received with the 
greatest enthusiasm. As soon as information of his 
arrival in New York reached New Haven, the pub- 
lic joy was expressed by the discharge of cannon 
and the ringing of all the bells of the town. A 
deputation immediately sent to New York to invite 
him to visit New Haven, received a favorable reply. 
He was expected in this city on the night of the 
20th of .August, in consequence of which expecta- 
tion the whole city was illuminated, and a large and 
splendid transparency with the words, "Welcome 
Lafayette," legible at a great distance, appeared 
aloft in front of Morse's Hotel, Church street, with 
American and French flags waving around the 
legend. Smaller transparencies with the same 
words were seen over the doors of many houses. 
The shops were full of people, old and young, 
ladies and gentlemen, inquiring for the General. 
Owing to numerous detentions on the way he did 
not reach the city till 10 o'clock the next day, when 
his arrival was announced by the discharge of 24 
guns, and a procession was formed by which he 
was conducted to the room of the Court of Com- 
mon Council, where an address was presented 
by the Mayor to the distinguished guest of the city. 
The General was presented to the Governor, those 
ofTicers of the Revolution who were in New Haven, 
the civil and military authorities, the Faculty of 
Yale College, the clergy, and hundreds of the citi- 
zens; and as they were presented, the General look 
them each by the hand. The troops were paradeil 
in front of the hotel and fired a salute. They then 
marched by in review, followed by a train of three 
hundreil students of the college, two and two, with 
the badges of their several societies. He addressed 
them to the following effect: 

He thanked them for the very kind reception 
they gave him. He had passed through the town 
in 1778. He was now most agreeably surprised at 
the great improvements since made. To see such 
very fine troops had given him a particular pleas- 
ure; but above all, he shouKl always have the pro- 
foundest sense of the cordial welcome here given 
him. Pressing his hand upun his breast, he said 



he was delighted with the manner of his reception 
by every kind of person. 

At 1 1 o'clock, the General, with his suite, sat 
down to breakfast with the Common Council. 
Among the guests were his Excellency Governor 
Wolcott, and all the authorities, civil and military, 
the Reverend Clergy, the Faculty of the College, 
the New York Committee and the surviving officers 
of the Revolution. At the same time refreshments 
were furnished to the military. While at breakfast, 
the rooms just left by the gentlemen were immedi- 
ately occupied by the ladies, more than three hun- 
dred of whom, with their children, had the pleasure 
of a particular introduction to the General. At 12 
o'clock the General passed to the Green, and re- 
view-ed the troops, consisting of the Horse Guards, 
commanded by Major Huggins; a squadron of cav- 
alry, by Adjutant Harrison; the Foot Guards, by 
Lieutenant Boardman; the Artillery, by Lieutenant 
Reillield; the Iron Grays, by Lieutenant Nicoll; 
and a battalion of infantry, by Captain Bills; the 
whole under IMajor Granniss. The General walked 
down the whole line, shaking hands with the officers 
and bowing to the men, making appropriate re- 
marks on the troops; and he observed that such an 
improvement in the appearance of the troops he 
had not expected. 

Standing in the door of Mr. Nathan Smith, in 
whose house he was introduced to the family, he 
received the marching salute of the troops, and 
while waiting for the barouche volunteered by Mr. 
Street, he was introduced to the house of David C. 
Deforest, Esq., where, after partaking of some re- 
freshments, he stepped into the carriage, and riding 
to the south gate of the College yard, was there re- 
ceived by the President at the head of the Faculty, 
who conducted him through a double line of stu- 
dents to the Lyceum, visiting the Cabinet and Li- 
brary. Passing through Chapel and York streets 
to the new burying ground, he stopped a moment 
to view it. He was pointed to the graves of Hum- 
phreys, the Aid of Washington, and of Dwight, the 
Chaplain of Parsons, whom he remembered in the 
War of the Revolution. He then proceeded to the 
house of Professor Silliman; here he made a short 
visit to Mrs. Silliman's mother, the widow of the 
late Governor Trumbull. Returning, the students 
again met him at the bottom of Hillhouse avenue, 
and passing through Temple street, he again entered 
the hotel. In a few minutes, it being past two 
o'clock, he ascended the carriage to depart. The 
citizens again shouted their acclamations. A squad- 
ron of horse led the way, and a long train of 
coaches and mounted citizens followed. Fifteen 
guns announced his departure. The city authori- 
ties accompanied him to the East Haven Green, 
and then took leave. He expressed his thanks in 
a very touching manner for the kind reception he 
had met with Irom the New Haven citizens. 


Not many inventors have been able to anticipate 
the wants of the future so completely as to prevent 
the necessity of fundamental changes in their work. 

Most machines are produced by evolution, or by 
the fusion of different ideas from as many minds. 
Even in this industrial and inventive age, only a 
few men stand forth as creators in the mechanical 
arts, as men who have framed their ingenious 
thought in a model which all their successors must 
preserve and imitate.. Such pioneeers were Ark- 
wright. Watt, and one whom New Haven is proud 
to claim as a citizen, Eli Whitney, the inventor of 
the cotton-gin. He was born at Westborough, 
Worcester County, Massachusetts, December 8, 
1765. His father's progenitors, and his maternal 
ancestors, the Fays, were both of English stock, and 
among the early settlers of Massachusetts. The 
bent of Eli Whitney's mind was unmistakable from 
the earliest j'ears. Before he entered his teens he 
had made a violin for himself, and had improved 
a fortunate Sunday morning at home, while the 
rest of the family were at church, by taking his 
father's watch to pieces, and putting it together 
again so dexterously that the operation was not 
suspected. During the Revolutionary War, when 
iron and steel goods were in high demand, and 
when the domestic product was of the crudest kind. 
Eli Whitney, though yet in his boyhood, engaged 
in the manufacture of nails, and became expert 
not only in the use, but even in the construction of 
tools. Not until the age of nineteen had been 
reached, did he resolve to obtain, if possible, a 
collegiate educadon. He persisted in the purpose, 
in spite of opposidon by some of his family and 
by intelligent neighbors, who thought it "a pity 
that such a fine mechanical genius as his should 
be wasted." Owing however to sickness, and to the 
time spent in preparation and in acquiring money 
for the necessary expenses, Mr. Whitney was un- 
able to enter Yale College until May, 1789. 

While in college, he seems to have devoted 
especial attention to mathematics and mechanics. 
When a tutor regretted that he could not show a 
philosophical experiment to his class because the 
apparatus was out of order and could not be re- 
paired in this country, Mr. Whitney undertook the 
task of restoration, and performed it with complete 

Soon after graduation, in 1792, he went to Geor- 
gia, expecting to obtain employment as a private 
tutor. Disappointed in this hope, he was invited 
by Mrs. Greene, the widow of General Nathan- 
niel Greene, in whose company he had sailed from 
New York to Savannah, to reside in her family and 
pursue his chosen study of the law. Not long 
afterward, a company of gentlemen visiting at Mrs. 
Greene's, fell into conversation about the state 
of agriculture among them and lamented that the 
cultivation of cotton was unprofitable on account 
of the difficulty of separating the cotton from the 
seed. Mrs. Greene — whose house contained many 
proofs of Mr. Whitney's mechanical skill — intro- 
duced him to the company as one who could dis- 
cover a more convenient method of cleaning cotton, 
if such a thing were possible. Mrs. Greene desired 
only to bring her prol&ji to the notice of her 
friends, but Mr. Whitney took hold in earnest of 
the subject under discussion. Having obtained in 



Savannah some cotton in the seed, he formed a 
workshop in the basement of l\Irs. Greene's house 
and devoted the winter of 1792-93 to the construc- 
tion of a macliiiie for cleaning cotton. None knew 
his cniploymcnl beside Mrs. Greene and Mr. Phin- 
eas i\Iiller, a native of Connecticut, and a gradu- 
ate of Vale also, who had now become the husband 
of Mrs. Greene. Wiicn the machine was finished, 
it was lioused in a temporary building and dis- 
played to a number of gentlemen who were invited 
from various parts of the .Slate. It was acknowl- 
edged to be a success, the fame of it was spread 
abroad, and in the ensuing excitement, some of 
the pojiulace broke open the building by night and 
carrietl otT the machine. In this way, before Mr. 
Whitney could complete his model and secure his 
patent, there were already a number of machines 
in successful operation, each constructed with some 
slight deviation from the original, in the hope of 
evading tiie inventor's claim to a patent right. Mr. 
Miller, who was both zealous and wealthy, foresaw 
a golden future for the new invention, and. May 
27, 1793, formed a partnership with Mr. Whitney 
under tiie firm name of ^Miller ifc Whitney, for the 
manufacture and sale of cotton-gins. The junior 
jjartner immediately started for Connecticut, where 
it had been determined to locate the factory. On 
the 20th of June, 1793, his application for a patent 
was filed with the Secretary of State, Thomas Jeffer- 
son, who evinced an especial interest in this ma- 

The firm of Miller & Whitney met with discour- 
agements only. Their purpose was to erect 
machines in every part of the cotton district, and to 
secure for themselves the entire business of ginning. 
But they were embarrassed by unavoidable delays; 
were obliged to borrow money at e.xorbitant rates; 
to sustain losses by fire, by sickness, and by number- 
less defiant infringements upon their patent; and 
were even assailed by slanderous attempts to preju- 
dice public opinion against the product of the 
cotton-gin. Appeals to the law against the Geor- 
gian trespassers resulted only in loss and vexation, 
chiefly because the Georgia juries chose to favor 
their neighbors rather than ^Miller & Whitney. In 
April, 1799, Mr. Miller wrote to his partner as 
follows: "The jurymen at Augusta have come to 
an understanding among themselves that they will 
never give a verdict in our favor, let the merits of 
the case be as they may. " In the opening years of 
this century, the patentees succeeded in obtaining 
some compensation for their public services from 
the Legislatures of North Carolina, South Carolina, 
and Tennessee, but the relief came too late to cheer 
Mr. Miller, who died December 7, 1803. In the 
United States Court in Georgia, in 1807, Mr. 
Whitney obtained his first verdict for damages 
against a trespasser upon his patent, and afterwards 
he won several other suits. But these events availed 
him very little, for thirteen years of his patent right 
had elapsed, and more than sixty suits in Georgia 
had been begun before this first decision upon the 
merits of his claim was granted. " In prosecution 
of this troublesome business he had made six dif- 
ferent journeys to Georgia, several of which were 

accomplished by land, at a time when, compared 
with the present, the difliculties of such journeys 
were exceedingly great, and exposed him to exces- 
sive fatigues and privations, which, at times, seri- 
ously affected his licalth, and even jeopardized his 
life. ■' 

All this expenditure of time, and toil, and talent 
was but little better than futile. Nowhere in the 
South ilid Mr. Whitney receive the treatment which 
his inestimable public services merited. He be- 
stowed upon the whole cotton-i)lanting community 
a benefit which should have evoked a universal 
tribute of gratitude and generous acknowledgment. 
His property was stolen, his claims ignored or de- 
nied, and he himself was treated rather as a swin- 
dler than as a benefactor. Measures were taken to 
secure to him some profit from his skill. They 
were foiled by persistent opposition and by a stupid 
prejudice against patents. With proper spirit, Mr. 
Whitne}' endeavored to maintain his rights against 
the legion of aggressors. From the State of Geor- 
gia, into which he first introduced his machine, and 
which profited most by its use, he received nothing, 
and that which he obtained elsewhere was doled 
out with so niggardly a hand, that the whole sum 
did not equal the product of half a cent per pound 
on the cotton cleaned with his machines in one 
year. If one man's labor was worth only twenty 
cents per day, the whole sum which IMr. Whitney 
received for his invention was less than the value 
saved in one hour by his machines then in use. 

From that time to this, the South has refused or 
has failed to do justice to Eli Whitney. Through- 
out the length and breath of the land which he im- 
measurably enriched, there is no public mention of 
him, no towns bear his name, no monuments are 
erected to his memory. 

In 1S12, Mr. Whitney applied to Congress for a 
renewal of his patent, but the majority of the mem- 
bers from the cotton-growing States opposed the 
petition and the request was refused. The popular 
disregard of his just claims in the South was de- 
scribed by the inventor himself to Robert Fulton in 
these words: 

"The use of this machine being immensely 
profitable to almost every planter in the cotton dis- 
tricts, all were interested in trespassing upon the 
patent-right, and each kept the other in counte- 
nance. In one instance I had great difficulty in 
proving that the machine had been used in Georgia, 
although at the same moment there were three 
separate sets of the machinery in motion so near, 
that the rattling of the wheels was distinctly heard 
on the steps of the court-house." 

Already in 1798, Mr. Whitney had perceived the 
necessity of some other financial reliance than his 
great invention, and with that rare sound judg- 
ment and self-reliant daring which always charac- 
terized him, he determined to engage in the manu- 
lacture of arms for the United States. 

Through the inlluence of the Hon. Oliver Wol- 
cott, of Connecticut, then Secretary of the Treasury, 
Mr. Whitney obtained a contract (January 14, 
1 798) by which ten thousand stand of arms were 
to be deliveretl within a little more than two years. 



The works were to be erected, the machinery 
to be made, and much of it to be invented; the 
materials were to be collected, the workmen to be 
instructed, and Mr. Whitney himself was hardly 
conversant with the proposed manufacture. Ten 
citizens of New Haven, who knew and valued Mr. 
Whitney's genius and indomitable spirit, secured 
for him a loan of ten thousand dollars. The Sec- 
retary also, from time to time, advanced money. 
Mr. Whitney purchased the site at the base of East 
Rock, now known as Whitneyville, and began 
operations. The filling of the contract indeed 
occupied ten years instead of two, but Mr. Whit- 
ney's product was so satisfactory, and his improve- 
ments were so great, as to win the highest encomi- 
ums from the Government officials. He was the 
most successful pioneer in this branch of manufac- 
ture in our country. He applied his ingenuity and 
industry to every detail of the business, and even 
gave to each workman his personal supervision. 
Instead of adopting the English method of giving 
to different workmen the entire construction of 
different parts of the gun, i\Ir. Whitney allotted to 
several workmen different tasks upon the same 
limb, each man performing continuously a single 

In this way the various parts of the gun were 
shaped and finished in lots of some hundreds or 
thousands of each. Foreign officials who had an 
opportunity to examine Mr. Whitney's method of 
manufacture, prophesied that each weapon thus 
made would be a model indeed, but that the cost 
of its production would be comparatively enor- 
mous. The ingenious American had the satisfac- 
tion of proving that by his system muskets were 
made not only better, but cheaper than under the 
former mode. 

His division of labor so commended itself to 
manufacturers generally, that it gradually gained an 
imiversal adoption. Our larger factories now could 
hardly be conducted on any other principle, and 
the tendency is to specialize still farther. England 
adopted this system of uniformity in the manu- 
facture of arms in 1855. In 1870 and 1872, Rus- 
sia and Prussia followed her example, and other 
European States are now falling into line. 

Much of the machinery in Mr. Whitney's factory 
was original with him or adapted by him; and since 
his improvements were useful also in the general 
manufacture of iron and steel, they became of the 
widest service. Other contracts were obtained by 
him from the United States Government, and also 
from the State of New York, and up to the year 
1836, the Government was said to save by his im- 
proved methods over twenty-five thousand dollars 
per annum at the two public armories alone. At 
the present day the saving which has accrued to 
the Government and to private individuals from the 
adoption of Mr. Whitney's methods in the man- 
ufacture of arms and machinery, has amounted to 

In person Mr. Whitney was considerably above 
the ordinary size, of a dignified carriage, and of an 
open, manly, and agreeable countenance. In New- 
Haven he was universally esteemed. Many of the 

prominent citizens of the place supported him in 
his undertakings, and he inspired all whom he met 
with a similar confidence. Throughout the com- 
munity, and in foreign lands, he was known and 
honored as a benefactor of the race. With all the 
Presidents of the United States, from the beginning 
of the Government, he enjoyed a personal acquaint- 
ance, and his relations with the leading men of the 
country w'ere unimpaired by political revolutions. 

While his information was extensive and his cul- 
ture man)'-sided, a great power of mechanical in- 
vention remained the most remarkable trait of his 
character. But he possessed an abundant share of 
one faculty which most inventors lack, and whose 
absence has caused frequent ruin — the faculty of 
reasonable patience. His mind indeed wrought 
with precision rather than with rapidity. His aim 
was steady. He never abandoned a half-accom- 
plished effort in order to make trial of a new and 
foreign idea. No man knew better than himself 
the value of his conceptions, yet no man was more 
capable of taking a dispassionate view of the chances 
of success. His early partner, Mr. Miller, was of 
a very sanguine nature, and Mr. Whitney's calm 
and judicial temper was often exercised in restrain- 
ing his more ardent colleague. ]\Ir. Whitney's ex- 
perience in Georgia afforded him a wide field for 
the practice of both patience and perseverance. 
Habitual caution and painstaking industry aided 
in preserving the admirable balance of his char- 
acter. His faithful attention covered the minutest 
details. He constructed factory, machinery, mill- 
dam, shops, houses and buildings, not only with 
due regard to artistic propriety and completeness, 
but also with a seemingly inexhaustible fertility of 
resource in devising new conveniences and labor- 
saving contrivances. Mr. Whitney was fortunate 
in that he lived long enough to receive in some 
measure the homage due to his achievements. 

" He has changed the state of cultivation and 
multiplied the wealth of a large portion of the 
country. Every cotton garment bears the impress 
of his genius. 

' 'The ships in which the great staple is transported 
across the waters are the heralds of his fame. The 
cities that rose to opulence by the cotton trade 
must attribute no small share of their prosperity to 
the inventor of the cotton-gin. In mechanical 
operations generally, he set an example of method 
and precision w'hich others had not even thought of 
attempting. His liberal view's, his knowledge of 
the world, his public spirit, and his acts of benefi- 
cence, insured him a commanding place in society." 
Moreover, the gentleness of his manners and the 
delicate kindliness of his feelings endeared him to 
a large circle of relatives and friends. 

In January, 1817, he married !Miss Henrietta F. 
Edwards, yougest daughter of the Hon. Pierpont 

Four children were born to them, a son and 
three daughters: but one of the latter died in in- 
fancy. The son, who inherited his father's name, 
has remained an active and honored citizen of New 
Haven, and conducts to-day the manufactory which 
his father founded, but which has been greatly en- 



larged and altered to meet the demands of modern 

In SeptcinbcT, i8.'2, Mr. Wliitncy was fiist at- 
tacked bv a dangerous and extremely painful disease 
which immediately imperiled his life, ami which 
from that time progressed slowly but steadily to the 
fatal end. He studied his malady composedly and 
thoroughly; alleviated his sutTerings, so liir as pos- 
sible, by ingenious appliances of his own invention; 
and faced the inevitable result with quiet resigna- 

After the i2ih of November, 1824, his sufferings 
were almost continuous until the 8th of January, 
1825, when he expired. He w^as accompanied to 
the grave with every token of respect and afTection 
from the citizens of New Haven; and the Rev. Dr. 
Day, President of Yale College, pronounced an 
eulogv over the remains. His tomb, modeled after 
that of Scipio, at Rome, stands in New Haven's 
ancient burying ground, and bears the following 
inscription : 

The Inventor of the Cotton-Gin. 

Of useful Science .inil Arts tlic Efficient Tatron and 

In tlie social rcl.itions of life a model of excellence. 

While private afTection weeps at his tomb, his country 

honors his memory. 

Born December 8, 1765. Died January 8, 1S25. 

It has been shown how quickly the planters of 
the South appreciated the utility of the cotton-gin, 
and with what avidit)' they apjiropriated to them- 
selves its immediate benefits. But the influence of 
Mr. Whitney's invention was not confined to one 
generation nor to any limited community. The 
men who first beheld and used it, lived to see only 
the beginning of its grand efli"ects. In 1784 a ship 
sailed into Liverpool harbor with eight bales of 
cotton from the United States, and was seized, on 
the ground that so large a quantity of cotton in a 
single cargo could not be the produce of the United 
States. From 1791 to 1793 the production of cot- 
ton was nearly stationary, and the amount of ex- 
portation actually decreased, the total crop in the 
latter year being about 12,000 bales (5,000,000 
pounds) and the total exportation being 487,600 
pounds. In 1845, the cotton crop of the United 
States amounted to 2, 395, 000 bales(i, 029, 850,000 
pounds) of which more than two-thirds was ex- 
ported; while by the census of 1880, fifteen mil- 
lions of acres in the United States were shown to pro- 
duce in one year 6,000,000 bales of cotton (about 
2,400,000,000 pounds), and the export was almost 
twice as much as the entire crop of 1845. This 
enormous quantity has not only supplied a cheap 
fabric suitable for clothing the world over, but it has 
also placed our country high in the ranks of the pro- 
ducing nations and enabled us to increase with 
safety our importations fromEurope. These achieve- 
ments the cotton-gin rendered possible. An es- 
timate of the influence of this wonderful industrial 
development upon our commercial relations can 
only approximate to the truth, but it is probable 
that the cotton-gin has been worth to the United 
States through the exportation of cotton, over five 
billions of dollars. 

That winter's work of a Yankee schoolmaster in 
a Georgia mansion helped to clear the way for 
more than a passing glance reveals. It revolution- 
ized the agriculture of the .South and enriched its 
inhabitants. It assured an active market for the 
public lands in the southwest, accelerated the 
develo()ment of the United States, and bestowed 
an immediate and perpianent value upon regions 
that must otherwise have remained for a long time 
valueless. It aitled in the discharge of our obliga- 
tions to foreign countries. It placed hundreds of 
factories upon our Northern and -Southern streams 
and in the villages of Old England. It strength- 
ened for a time the institution of Slavery in the 
South, but to the overweening confidence of the 
South in the importance of its cotton-staple was 
partially due the Civil War, and the consequent 
triumph of Northern Free Labor. Above all it 
cheapened the clothing of man, and to clothe the 
naked is secondary only to feeding the hungry. 
Mr. Whitney by this invention created the pros- 
perity of the South, ""made l^ngland rich, and 
changed the commerce of the world. Lord I\Iac- 
aulay, in one of his brilliant sentences, placed the 
cotton-gin at the foundation of our republican 
prosperit)-, saying "What Peter the Great did to 
make Russia dominant, Eli Whitney's invention of 
the cotton-gin has more than equaled in its relation 
to the power and progress of the LInited Stales.'' 

The battle of Navarino on the 20th of October, 
1827, achieved the deliverance of Greece from the 
Turkish yoke. The people of America had warmly 
sympathized with the Greeks, and there was great 
joy in New Haven when tidings came of the de- 
struction of the Turkish and Egyptian fleets in the 
Bay of Navarino by the combined Christian Powers 
of Europe. The New Haven Chronicle, of Decem- 
ber 22, 1827, says: 

The intelligence reached New Haven on Tuesday morn- 
ing, and at 12 o'clock the ringing of the bells, the music 
from the bands, and the shouts of ciii/ens bespoke the joy 
that was csjierienced from the tidings of so glorious a victory 
— glorious not so much from the merits of the battle as from 
its bearing on the salvation of the (Jreeks. On Thursday 
evening the Tontine Coffee House was brilliantly illuminated 
and a transparency of the words, Naxarino, Octoiif.r 20, 
1827. was placed over the portico of that spacious building. 
On Wednesday an invitation was circulated by the students 
of Yale College, requesting the citizens to join them in an 
Illumination on the evening of that day. Accordingly 
at half-past seven, the College Uuildings were brilliantly 
lighted, an<l also many of the dwellings, stores and shops of 
the city. A beautiful transparency, representing a Turk's 
Head, underneath which were the words. Tins Moslem 


at South College. 


The Hon. James Hillhouse died in 1832. To 
him New Haven is indebted for much of its thrift 
and beauty. \Vc have already seen him in the be- 
ginning of his manhood, going out to repel the 
hostile troops who were invading the city. In 
1780, the next year after the invasion, "the roll of 
the House of Representatives in the State Legisla- 
ture shows the name of " Caj)tain James Hill- 


house " as the second representative from the town 
of New Haven. The next year he was first rep- 
resentative; and thenceforward he was frequently 
elected by his townsmen to this trust, till the peo- 
ple of the whole State in 1789 called him to a seat 
in the Council. 

In 1790, INIr. Hillhouse was elected one of the 
five representatives from Connecticut in the Second 
Congress of the United States, and being success- 
ively re-elected, served through the Third Congress 
and the first session of the Fourth. In 1796 he 
left the Lower House to enter the Senate, having 
been chosen to complete the unexpired term of 
Oliver Ellsworth, who had resigned his seat in the 
Senate for the seat of Chief Justice in the Supreme 
Court of the United Slates. At the inauguradon of 
President John Adams, March 4, 1797, he pre- 
sented the credentials of his re-election for the full 
term then commencing. When Mr. Jeflferson, 
after being elected President, withdrew from the 
presidency of the Senate, Mr. Hillhouse was made 
President /ro tempore of that body. He was duly 
elected to the Senate a third time in 1803, and a 
fourth time in 1809. The Legislature of Connec- 
ticut appointed him in iSio Commissioner of the 
School Fund acquired by the sale of lands in Ohio, 
which Connecticut reserved when she ceded to the 
United States all her right and title in the land 
which she claimed under the charter which made 
' ' the South Sea " her western boundary. This fund, 
amounting to $1,200,000, consisted chiefly of the 
debts due from the original purchasers of the West- 
ern Reserve and those substituted securities which, 
in the course of a dozen years, had been accepted 
in their stead by a Board of Managers to whom it 
was entrusted. From the report of these Commis- 
sioners to the Legislature in the October Session in 
1809, it appeared not only that a large amount of 
interest remained unpaid, but that considerable 
portions of the capital, also, were in danger of being 
lost by the failure of collateral securities. A com- 
mittee, of which the Hon. David Daggett was 
chairman, recommended that the fund should be 
entrusted to the care and control of one man; and 
at the next session, in May, 18 10, the office of 
"Commissioner of the School Fund " was created, 
and the Board of Managers was abolished. Mr. 
Hillhouse was fore-ordained to be Commissioner of 
the School Fund. Naturally he was fitted to be- 
come a financier, and had had much experience. 
For twenty-eight years previous to this appointment 
by the Legislature, he had been the Treasurer of 
Yale College, giving personal attention to the du- 
ties of the office, even when, by reason of his absence 
from New Haven, an Assistant Treasurer was em- 
ployed. The committee who recommended the 
substitution of one manager in the place of five, 
the Members of the Legislature who changed the 
mode of managing the fund, and the people of the 
State who were alarmed for its safety, all had James 
Hillhouse in mind as sipgularly competent to a 
work so laborious and so complicated. With dis- 
interested patriotism and exemplary devotion to 
the public welfare, Mr. Hillhouse resigned his 
seat in the Senate and gave his time and his extra- 

ordinary strength for fifteen years to the School 

In this period, says Roger Minott Sherman, without a 
single litigated suit, or a dollar paid for counsel, he restored 
the Fund to safety and order, rendered it productive of large 
and increasing amiual dividends, and left it augmented to 
seventeen hundred thousand dollars, of well secured and 
solid capital. During his administration of the school fund, 
he attended to little else. At all seasons of the year, how- 
ever inclement, he journeyed over the extensive country 
through which his cares were dispersed, guarded the public 
land from depredation, made himself familiar with every 
delitor, and the state of his property, and by indefatigable 
labor, and by kind attention and assistance, improved the 
circumstances of improvident debtors, through the very 
measures which he pursued for the security of the P\md. 

His extraordinary power of bodily endurance; 
his superior tact in business; his marvelous pa- 
tience and perseverance; his sweetness of disposi- 
tion, perpetually w-elling up in the presence of un- 
foreseen difficulties and new frustrations, were all 
necessary elements in the wonderful adaptation he 
displayed for his work. He had for the first six or 
eight years of his travels, an assistant almost as ex- 
traordinary as himself, in the little mare he called 
Young Jin, which carried his sulky through the 
States where the School Fund lands lay, sometimes 
getting over seventy miles in a day. Once he 
pushed her thirty miles after twilight without stop- 
ping, having in a desolate region been dogged by two 
ruffians who attempted to relieve him of his trunk, 
containing, though unknown to them, twenty thou- 
sand dollars of the public money. Another in- 
cident illustrates the multiplicity of perils through 
which he passed. On one of his school-fund 
journeys, traversing a forest in Ohio, which for 
many a long mile had seemed as destitute of human 
habitations as on the day of creation, there sudden- 
ly glided into the path an armed Indian. The ap- 
parition was startling, but the rider having nodded 
to his new companion, kept the sulky moving. 
The Indian surveyed him earnestly from time to 
time; and, whether Young Jin quickened or slack- 
ened her pace, kept at the wheel. After about six 
miles had been traversed, the sulky drew up, and 
a fourpence-ha'penny was handed to its persever- 
ing attendant. The Redskin received it with a 
grunt of thanks, turned off into the woods, and 
was seen no more. James A. Hillhouse, the poet, 
relating this anecdote of his father, in the notes to 
his "Sachem's Wood," suggests thatif any evil pur- 
pose was harbored, perhaps his father owed some- 
thing to the sac/iem-marks which distinguished his 
person and aspect. By heredity Mr. Hillhouse re- 
sembled an Indian. " He seemed,'' says Dr. Bacon, 
his |iastor, who describes him as " tall, long-limbed, 
with high cheek-bones, swarthy, lithe in motion, 
lightness in his step, and strength and freedom in 
his stride — he seemed a little like some Indian 
chief of poetry or romance — the Ontalissi of Camp- 
bell's Gertrude of Wyoming; the Massasoit or 
King Philip of our early history, as fancy pictures 
them." "The Sachem "'was the sobriquet by which 
Mr. Hillhouse was known in Congress as well as 
elsew'here. It used to be said in the Senate Cham- 
ber that he kept a hatchet under the papers and 
red tape in his desk, and that when the debate 



waxed personal he took it out and laid it by the 
side of his iiiksUintl. Mis favorite toast among 
friends was, in allusion to the sol/rii/uel by which 
they called him: " Let us bury the hatchet. " 

It was the good fortune of the First Commis- 
sioner of the School Fund that the measures which 
he was obliged to take lor the safety of the fund 
were as beneficial to the embarrassed debtors in 
whose bonds and mortgages the Fund was invested 
as to the Fund itself. Instead of acting against 
them as the mere attorney of an adverse party, he 
was their adviser and acted with them and for them. 
The forbearance which he (with powers almost un- 
limited, save by his own fidelity to his trust) was 
able to exercise, the legal and financial advice which 
he was so well qualified to give; and the aid, which 
in one way or another he could render when the 
claims of other creditors were pressed too urgently, 
were at the service of any debtor, who, when his 
embarassments were cleared away, would give good 
security for what he owed to the Fund. Thus by 
the manner in which he discharged his official duty 
he became at once the saviour of the Fund and the 
benefactor of those who could not have extricated 
themselves from their embarrassments by any efforts 
of their own, and in whose final insolvency the 
State w-ould have been a losing creditor. In one 
instance a family were so much benefited by the 
services which Mr. Hillhouse rendered them be- 
yond what the interests of the School Fund required, 
that they not only willingly went beyond the require- 
ments of law in the settlement of accounts, allow- 
ing compound interest where only simple interest 
could have been legally demanded, but tendered 
the sum of six thousand dollars to the Commissioner 
for his extraordinary exertions in clearing their es- 
tate from a complication of mortgages and imper- 
fect titles, so that they were able to secure to the 
Fund, with solid mortgages, the debt of nearly three 
hundred thousand dollars which they owed. Similar 
service rendered in another case where the debt was 
of less amount was acknowledged by a similar tes- 
timonial of gratitude, amounting to nearly twent)^- 
five hundred dollars. And in a third instance of 
similar character, an allowance of more than fifteen 
hundred dollars was made by one whose estate had 
been extricated from embarrassment. Did Hill- 
house accept these presents and put the money into 
his own pocket 'i Let us divide the question into 
two, and answer them separately. He did accept 
the offered presents, but instead of devoting the 
money to his own use, he paid it all into the treas- 
ury of the School Fund. He would not accept for 
his own benefit a present from those with whom he 
dealt as a public agent. 

What Mr. Hillhouse did for the School Fund in 
the fifteen years of his administration, was in many 
respects a different work from that of his successors 
in office. His task was to extricate the Fund from 
the embarrassed and perilous condition which 
threatened its extinction. If that magnificent en- 
dowment yields any benefit to the people of Con- 
necticut; if it diminishes the weight of their public 
burdens; if it secures a school in every neighbor- 

hood and within reach of every family, it is to 
James Hillhouse, more than to any other man, that 
the debt of public gratitude is due. 

At the time when Mr. Hillhouse retired from his 
office as Commissioner of the School Fund, the 
citizens of New Haven had determined on attempt- 
ing the construction of a canal from their harbor 
to the Connecticut River at Northampton, and he 
was persuaded to take the leadership of that en- 
terprise. The canal was built, notwithstanding 
many difficulties and discouragements, and might 
have been a great public benefit, if canals had not 
been, soon after it was ready for business, superseded 
by a mode of travel and transportation which, in 
its present imjiroved condition, had not entered into 
the imagination of man at the time when Hill- 
house threw the first spadeful of earth from the bed 
of the Farmington Canal, 

From youth to old age, Mr. Hillhouse was an 
active leader in every concerted endeavor to ad- 
vance New Haven toward its present beaut)'. He 
leveled the Lower Green and inclo.sed the whole 
square with a fence; thus obliterating the winding 
cart-path which, from the time of Faton and Daven- 
port, had traversed the Market Place diagonally 
from the northwestern corner to the southeastern. 
He brought from a farm he owned in Meriden, and 
set out partly with his own hands, the elms that 
now interlock their giant arms over the famous 
colonnade of Temple street. The once renowned, 
but now almost deserted, air-line turnpike road from 
New Haven to Hartford, though not laid out by 
him, was by his executive ability brought to com- 
pletion. It is related in the folk-lore of New Haven, 
that while I\Ir. Hillhouse was superintending the 
construction of this road, he received a visit from 
(General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina, one 
of his associates in Congress; that it was a part of 
his hospitality to show his Southern friend the 
great public work w-hich was in progress; and that 
the well-trained oxen at work upon it were much 
admired by the stranger. " See ", said Hampton to 
the negro servant who attended him, " how those 
oxen work! Why, Tom, they know more than you 
do." "Yes, massa," responded Tom, "but dem ar 
oxen has had a Yankee bringing up." Mr. Hill- 
house formed and carried into efiect the plan of the 
Grove street Cemetery, which has become so 
honored with historic graves, his own among the 
most illustrious. That was the earliest attempt 
anywhere to provide a public cemetery so arranged 
that every family might have its own family burial 

One oHice Mr. Hillhouse retained to the end of 
life. Elected Treasurer of Yale College before he 
was elected to Congress, he never ceased his care 
of its finances under all his burdens and labors 
while in public life; and when, in old age, he had 
relinquished all other offices and public employ- 
ments, lie still remained the Treasurer of the Col- 
lege. About noon on the 2yth of December, 1832, 
as he was reading a letter on College business, 
he rose from his chair, and, without saying any- 
thing went into his bedroom. Only a moment had 
passed when his son, having occasion to speak to 



him, followed. But the old man was asleep. He 
had lain down quietly on his bed, and a gentle 
touch of the Angel of Death had released him from 
his labors. 

President Andrew Jackson visited New Haven 
in 1833, coming from New York in the steamboat 
Splendid, and arriving on Saturday, June 15th. 
On landing, the President was received with the 
salutes of the military and the cheers of the citi- 
zens. A procession was formed, according to ar- 
rangements previously made, which proceeded 
under military escort, the ringing of bells, and every 
demonstration of joy and honor, through some of 
the principal streets to the State House, where the 
President was received by the Governor of the 
State, the Mayor and other officers of the city, the 
Faculty of the College, and the veterans of the Revo- 
lution. He was welcomed in addresses by the 
Governor and the Mayor, and responded in brief 
and appropriate remarks. After paying his respects 
to the ladies assembled in the Senate Chamber, he 
received the congratulations of citizens in the hall. 

He was then, says the Connecticut Herald, escorted to the 
Colleges by the Faculty and students, and having visited the 
Cabinet and other buildings, was again escorted by the 
whole procession to his lodgings at the Tontine, where the 
military passed in review. On Sunday, the President, with 
his suite, attended Trinity Church; and in the afternoon the 
North Presbyterian and the Methodist Church, the service 
at the latter being prolonged for the purpose of having the 
honor of a visit. At an early hour on Monday morning, 
the President, the Vice-President, and several gentlemen of 
his suite visited the manufactory of Messrs. Brewster & 
CoUis, coach manufacturers, in the beautiful villa which has 
sprung up, as if by magic, in that portion of our city called 
the Xew Township. The visit was both early and casual, 
but everything was m operation and in order, and no one 
that feels a pride in the honor and interests of our town 
could fail to be gratified at the exhibition of the extent and 
economy of the establishment, the industry and skill of the 
operators, and the courtesy and politeness of the proprietors. 
From the coach establishment he proceeded to the ax fac- 
tory of Messrs. Harrison & Co., in the same vicinity. He 
was conducted through the works by Mr. Harrison, was 
cheered by the workmen, and was evidently gratified by the 
hasty view which his limited time permitted. He returned 
to the Tontine to breakfast, immediately after which, at 
about half-past six o'clock, he departed for Hartford. On 
his way, two miles from the city, he visited the gun factory 
of the ilessrs. Blake, at Whitneyville. 

The morning of November 13, 1833, was ren- 
dered memorable by an exhibition of the phenom- 
enon called Shooting Stars, more extensive and 
magnificent than any hitherto recorded. The 
morning itself was, in most places where the 
spectacle was witnessed, remarkably beautiful. The 
firmament was unclouded; the air was still and 
mild; the stars seemed to shine with more than 
their wonted brilliancy, a circumstance arising not 
merely from the unusually transparent state of the 
atmosphere, but in part, no doubt, from the 
dilated state of the pupil of the eye of the spectator, 
emerging suddenly from a dark room: the large 
consiellation Orion in the southwest, followed by 
Sirius and Procyon, formed a striking counterpart 
to the planets Saturn and Venus, which were shin- 
ing in the southeast; and, in short, the observer of 
the starry heavens would rarely find so much to 

reward his gaze as the sky of this morning pre- 
sented, independently of the magnificent spectacle 
which constituted its peculiar distinction. Prob- 
ably no celestial phenomenon has ever occurred in 
this country since its first settlement which was 
viewed with so much admiration and delight by 
one class of spectators, or with so much astonish- 
ment and fear by another class. For some time 
after the occurrence, the " Meteoric Phenomenon " 
was the principal topic of conversation in every 
circle, and the descriptions that were published by 
different observers, were rapidly circulated by the 
newspapers through all parts of the United States. 

Professor Denison Olmsted commences with the 
above paragraph an article in the American Journal 
of Science, which he entitles "Observations on the 
Meteors of November 13, 1833." He then reprints 
a short article communicated by him to the New 
Haven Daily Herald, and published in the evening 
of the same day on which the meteors appeared. 
We reproduce his communication to the Herald as 
an excellent, though brief, description of the re- 
markable phenomenon seen by so many in New 
Haven as well as elsewhere. 

About daybreak this morning, our sky presented a re- 
markable exhibition of Fire-Balls,'commoniy called Shoot- 
ing Stars. The attention of the writer was first called to 
the phenomenon about half-past five o'clock; from which 
time until sunrise, the appearance of these meteors was 
striking and splendid beyond anything of the kind he has 
ever witnessed. 

To form some idea of the phenomenon, the reader may 
imagine a constant succession of fireballs, resembling rock- 
ets, radiating in all directions from a point in the heavens 
a few degrees southeast of the zenith, and following the arch 
of the sky towards the horizon. They commenced their 
progress at different distances from the radiating point, but 
their directions were uniformly such, that the lines they de- 
scribed, if produced upward, would all have met in the 
same part of the heavens. Around this point, or imaginary 
radiant, was ■ a circular space of several degrees, within 
which no meteors were observed. The balls as they traveled 
down the vault, usually left after them a vivid streak of light, 
and just before they disappeared, exploded or suddenly re- 
solved themselves into smoke. No report or noise of any 
kind was observed, although we listened attentively. 

Besides the foregoing distinct concretions, or individual 
bodies, the atmosphere exhibited phosphoric lines, following 
in the train of minute points that shot off in the greatest 
abundance in a northwesterly direction. These did not so 
fully copy the figure of the sky, but moved in paths more 
nearly rectilinear, and appeared to be much nearer the 
spectator than the fire-balls. The light of their trains also 
was of a paler hue, not unlike that produced by writing 
with a stick of phosphorus on the walls of a dark room. 
The number of these luminous trains increased and dimin- 
ished alternately, now and then crossing the field of view 
like snow drifted before the wind, although in fact their 
course was toward the wmd. 

From these two varieties, the spectator was presented 
with meteors of various sizes and degrees of splendor; some 
were mere points, but others were larger and brighter than 
Jupiter or Venus; and one, seen by a credible witness before 
the writer was called, was judged to be nearly as large as 
the moon. The flashes of light, although less intense than 
lightning, were so bright as to awaken people in their beds. 
One ball that shot off in the northwest direction, and ex- 
ploded a little northward of the star Capella, left just be- 
hind the place of explosion, a phosphorescent train of pecu- 
liar beauty. This line was at first nearly straight, but it 
shortly began to contract in length, to dilate in breadth, 
and to assume the figure of a serpent drawing itself up, until 
it appeared like a small luminous cloud of vapor. This 



cloud was borne eastward (by the wind, as was supposed, 
which was blowing; tjently in that direction in which the 
meteor had proceeded), remaining in sight several minutes. 
The light of the meteors was usually white, but was oc- 
casionally prismatic with a predominance of blue. 

A fjuartcr before six o'clock, it appcare<l to the com- 
pany that the point of apparent radiation was moving east- 
ward from the zenith, when it occurred to the writer to 
mark its place accurately among the lixed stars. The point 
was then seen to be in the constellation Leo, within tlie l)end 
of the Sickle, a little to the westward of Gamma Leonis. 
During the hour following, the radiating point remained 
stationary in the same part of I,eo, although the constella- 
tion in the meantime, by the diurnal revolution, moved 
westward to the meridian nearly 15 degrees. By referring 
to a celestial globe, it will !« seen that this point has a right 
ascension of 150 degrees and a declination of about 21 de- 
grees. Conseiiuently it was, when on the meridian, 20 
degrees iS minutes south of the zenith. The weather had 
sustained a recent change. On the evening of the nth, a 
very copious southerly rain fell, and on the I2th, a high 
westerly wind prevailed, by gusts. Last evening the sky 
was very serene; a few " falling stars " were observed, but 
they were not so numerous as to excite particular attention. 

The writings of Humboldt contain a description of a 
similar appearance observed by I'.onpland, at Cumana, in 
1799. It IS worthy of remark that this phenomenon was 
seen nearly at the same hours of the morning, and on the 
12th of November. 

Yale College, November 13, 1833. 

The second centennial anniversary of the plant- 
ing of New Haven was celebrated April 25, 
1838. The following narrative, describing the 
formalities which distinguished the day, was printed 
with the historical discourse delivered by Professor 
James L. Kingsley: 

Arrangements having been made by a joint committee of 
the Connecticut Academy, the Mayor, Aldermen and Com- 
mon Council of the city, and the Selectmen of the town of 
New Haven for the celebration of this anniversary, — at 
about half-past eight o'clock in the morning, the citizens 
began to assemble near the southern portico of the State 
House. Scholars of both sexes of the several schools of the 
city, under the superintendence of their respective in- 
structors, were arranged on the public square, from fifteen 
hundred to two thousand in number. The military escort 
consisted of the arldlery, under the command of Captain 
Morris Tyler, and the grays, under the command ot Captain 
Klijah Thompson. The procession was formed under the 
superintendence of Charles Robinson, Esq., marshal of the 
day, assisted by several others. From the State House, the 
procession, comprising the various classes of citizens and 
strangers, proceeded to Temple street, up Chapel street to 
College street; through College street to its intersection with 
(leorge street, at which place, under a spreading oak, Mr. 
Davenport preached his hrst sermon just two hundred years 
before. Here the procession halted for religious exercises. 
Not only the streets were lilled, but the roofs of neighbimr- 
ing houses were partially covered, and some persons had 
taken their stations in the trees. The numlier here as- 
sembled was variously estimated from four to five thousand. 
The exercises at this place were commenced by singing four 
stanzas of the 80th Psalm, in the version of Sternhold and 
Hopkins. Tune, Si. Marlins. 

" O take us I^rd into thy grace, 
convert our minds to thee: 
Shew forth to us thy joyful face, 
and we full safe shall be. 

" From Egypt, where it grew not well, 
thou brought'st a vine full deare: 
The heathen folke thou didst expel, 
and thou didst plant it here. 

"Thou didst prepare for it a place, 
and set her rootes full fast: 
That it did grow, and spring apace, 
and filled the land at last. 

"O, Lord of Hoasts through thy good grace, 
convert us unto thee; 
Behold us with a pleasant face, 
and then full safe are we." 

Near the spot where the oak tree is believed to have 
stood, a stage had been erected, standing on which the Rev, 
Frederick W. Hotchkiss, of Saybrook, attended by the Rev. 
I,eonard Hacon, ofiered prayer. Mr. Hotchkiss is a native 
of New Haven, His mother was a direct descendant of 
(jov, Jones, and thus connected with the family of (jov. 
Eaton. Mr. Hotchkiss was distinctly heard by the whole 
assembly, and the prayer was peculiarly appropriate, solemn 
and impresivc. After the religious exercises were closed, 
the procession was again formed, and moved down lieorge 
street to State street; up State street to Elm street: up Elm 
street, by the place where the houses of Gov. Eaton and 
Mr. Davenport formerly stood, till it reached Temple street: 
and then down Temple street to the First Congregational 
Church, where the Society, whose first pastor was Mr. 
Davenport, worship, and near which spot the first house 
of worship was erected. At church, the following exercises 
were performed. The music was a full choir, under the 
direction of Mr. Ailing Brown. 

1. Hymn. By William T. Bacon, A. B. 

" I.ol we are gathering here 
Now in the young green year. 

And welcoming 
The days which the ocean o'er 
Did, to New England's shore. 
Those noble souls of yore. 

Our fathers bring. 

" Here where now temples rise. 
Knelt they 'neath these same skies, 

The woods among: 
And to the murmuring sea, 
And to the forest free. 
The home of liberty, 

Echo'd their song 

" Lives not then in our veins — 
Speak not our battle plains — 

A blood like theirs ? 
Aye 1 and from this same sod. 
Fearing no tyrant's rod. 
To the same Father, God, 

Ascend our prayers. 

" Make theirs, O God, our fame; 
Worthy to bear their name, 

O may we ever be; 
Thus, while each gladsome spring 
Comes with its blossoming, 
Ixiud shall our anthems ring, 

For them and thee. 

" Theirs was the godlike part — 
Theirs were the hand and heart — 

Trust tried, though few: 
Grant that our souls be led. 
Thinking of our great dead. 
And by their great spirit fed, 
To deeds as true. 

" So dolh the eaglet, nursed 
High where the thunders burst, 

Ga/e with fixed eye. 
Till, gained its parent's form. 
With the same instinct warm. 
It breasts the s.ame loud storm. 

And cleaves the sky." 

2. Reading. Isaiah xxxv. By Rev. Lorenzo T. Bennet, 
Assistant Minister of Trinity Church. 

3. Vrayer. By Rev. Leonard Bacon, Pastor of the 
First Congregational Church. 

4. Anthem, from Isaiah xxxiv, 17, and xxxv. 1-2. 
Words selected by Rev. L. Bacon. Music composed by Rev. 
Prof. Fitch. The Lord, He hath cast the lot for them, 



and his hand hath divided it unto them by hne; they shall 
possess it fore\er. From generation unto generation they 
shall dwell therein. 

The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad for 
them; the desert shall rejoice and blosom as the rose. 

It shall blossom abundantly, and rejoice even with joy and 
singing. The nations, they shall see the glory of the Lord, 
and the excellency of our God. 

5. Historical Discourse. By Prof. Kingsley. 

6. Pr.wer. By Rev. Edwin E. Griswold, Minister of the 
Methodist Church. 

7. Hymn. By Rev. T.. Bacon. 

" The Sabbath morn was briglit and calm, 
Upon the hills, the woods, the sea, 
When here the prayer and choral psalm. 
First rose, our fathers' God, to thee. 

" Thou heard'st, well-pleased, the song, the pray'r; 
Thy blessing came, and still its power 
Goes onward, through all time to bear 
The mem'ry of that holy hour. 

" What change ! through pathless woods no more 
The tierce and naked savage roams; 
Sweet praise, along the cultured shore. 
Breaks from a thousand happy homes. 

" Law, freedom, truth, and faith in God, 
Came with those exiles o'er the waves; 
And where their pilgrim feet have trod, 

The God they trusted, guards their graves. 

" Here peace, beneath thy wings, and truth 
And law-girt freedom still shall dwell; 
And rev'rend age to manly youth 
His treasured stores of wisdom tell. 

" And here thy name, O God of love. 
Successive thousands shall adore. 
Till these eternal hills remove. 

And spring adorns the earth no more." 

8. Benediction. By Rev. L. T. Bennett. 

From this celebration of the second centennial 
anniversary of the settlement of the town, we pass 
to the celebration of the first centennial anniversary 
of the incorporation of the city. Early in the 
year 1S84, citizens began to speak of it as the cen- 
tennial year, but the celebration was postponed by 
common consent to the Fourth of July. The act 
of incorporation passed the Legislature, as we have 
already related, in the month of January, and the 
city government was organized in February follow- 
ing. The postponement of the celebration to the 
Fourth of July, provided a more genial tempera- 
ture for festivities in the open air, and gave to the 
national holiday a double gladness. 

The day was ushered in with the ringing of bells 
for one hour and a salute of one hundred guns 
from the summit of East Rock. At 10 o'clock .\. m., 
his Excellency Governor Waller and staff, were re- 
ceived at the New Haven House, and his Honor, 
Mayor Lewis, and invited guests at the City Hall, 
by the second company of Governor's Foot Guards, 
the second company of Governor's Horse Guards, 
and the Veteran Grays. At 1 1 o'clock a procession 
previously formed, began to move up Chapel street. 
It proceeded through Chapel to York, York to 
Broadway, up Broadway and around the triangular 
Park back to York, York to Chapel, Chapel to 
Church, Church to George, George to State, State 
to Eld, Eld to Orange, Orange to Elm, and up Elm 

to the north gate of the Green. The procession 
consisted of eight divisions, all under the direction 
of Brigadier-General Stephen R. Smith, as Grand 
Marshal, and each under its own Division jMarshal. 
General Smith was accompanied by his Brigade 
Staff and many other Aids, and each Division Mar- 
shal had a full staff of Assistant JLirshals. Between 
the staff of the Grand Marshal and the head of the 
first division, was borne the ship Constitution, 
belonging to the New Haven Colony Historical 
Society. This miniature man-of-war was picked 
up in the British Channel in 1764, by the Lark, 
on a passage from Marseilles to New Haven, and 
was carried in the procession, at the celebration of 
peace in 1783, at the celebration of peace in 181 5, 
and at the celebration of the second centennial in 

The first division, led by Division-^Iarshal Gen- 
eral George M. Harmon, consisted of the Second 
Regiment of the Connecticut National Guard, 
having all its ten companies in line, followed by a 
battalion of artillery. Colonel Charles P. Graham, 
commanding the regiment was accompanied by 
the officers of his staff. The second division of 
the procession, led by Division Marshal Colonel 
Simeon J. Fox, consisted of the Grand Army of the 
Republic and civic societies. In this division was 
the Barge Mayflower, containing one young lady 
representing the " Goddess of Liberty," and thirty- 
eight voung ladies, in appropriate costumes, repre- 
senting the States of the Union. 

The third division, led by Colonel John G. 
Healey, consisted of civic societies. The fourth 
division, led by Division-Marshal Captain Jacob P. 
Richards, consisted also chiefly of civic societies, 
but was supplemented by a battalion of Antiques 
and Horribles, which caused much laughter. 'The 
fifth division, led by General Edward E. Bradle)', 
contained the invited guests and their military 
escort, consisting of the second company of Gov- 
ernor's Foot Guards, the Veteran Gravs, and the 
second company of Governor's Horse Guards. 

His Excellency the Governor of the State and 
his staft" were on horseback. The Mayor and other 
officers of the City of New Haven were in carriages 
attending the Mayors of Hartford, of Bridgeport, 
of IVIiddletown, ofMeriden, of New Britain, of New 
London, of Norwich, of South Norwalk, of Water- 
bury. In this division also was the Rev. Thomas 
R. Bacon, the orator of the day. The sixth division, 
led by ex-Chief Engineer Hiram Camp, consisted of 
veteran firemen of New Haven and fire companies 
from abroad; this part of the procession being so ar- 
ranged as to show the progress made during the 
century in apparatus for extinguishing fires. The 
seventh division, led by Division Marshal Fire Com- 
missioner Luther E. Jerome, consisted of the fire 
department of New Haven, with all its engines. 
The eighth division, led by Division Marshal Major 
Ruel P. Cowles, represented the multiform indus- 
tries of the city. The procession was about three 
miles long, and its rear was later by more than an 
hour, in passing any given" point, than the platoon 
of police which marched at its head. Its several 
divisions, having passed over the appointed route, 



were dismissed as they passed successively through ' 
the Elm street gate into the public square. 

The programme of the celebration included two 
exhibitions of (ireworks. The day fireworks at 2.30 
I'. M., interesteii a host of people. It was estimated, 
says tlie newspaper report, that there were 10,000 
people on or surrounding the Green. 

At 4 I'. .M., as many persons as the house could 
contain, were assembled in the Center Church 
to listen to the oration of the day. The exercises 
were introduced by an organ voluntary by Mr. 
H. P. Earle. Prayer was oflered by Rev. Dr. Ed- 
win Harwood. The pupils of the Hillhouse High 
School sang a Triumphal March from the Oratorio 
of Naaman. The Declaration of Independence 

was read by Rev. Dr. Vibbert, from the same manu- 
script which he used in the same place fifty years 
before. After the singing of the hymn, commenc- 
ing "God ever glorious, .'sovereign of Nations," the 
Rev. Thomas R. Bacon delivered a discourse com- 
memorative of both the Declaration of Independ- 
ence and the organization of the city government. 
Afterward was sung the hymn, commencing, " My 
country, 'tis of thee," and the benediction was 
pronounced by Rev. Dr. Newman Smyth. 

A drizzling rain necessitated the postponement 
of the fireworks prepared for the evening; and 
the public celebration terminated at sunset with 
the ringing of bells and a salute of thirty-eight 



NOT only were the first planters of New Haven 
religious men, but religion was tTie end they 
had in view in establishing a new plantation. Nat- 
urally, therefore, during llie early years of the col- 
ony its religious institutions furnish the material 
for a large part of its history. John Davenport, the 
clerical leader of the immigrants, had some years 
before, while vicar of St. Stephen's Church, Cole- 
man street, London, become a Puritan; but he had 
never, while in England, separated himself from 
the national Church, and probably never would 
have done so, if the Puritan party m the Church 
had been in the ascendant. Forced by circum- 
stances to become a separatist from the Church of 
England, he adopted the principles of the pilgrims 
of Plymouth in regard to the true model of a Chris- 
tian Church; but retained the view- in which he had 
been brought up, that only those whose Christian 
character was certified by the Church, should have 
authority in the civil government. The company 
which he led out of Massachusetts to settle at 
Quinnipiac, comiiriscd, it is likely, a great variety 
of opinions. His friend, Theophilus Eaton, the 
IMoses, as Davenport was the .\aron, of the e.xodus, 
seems to have agreed entirely with the clerical 
leader of the colony; but Samuel Eaton, the brother 
of Governor Eaton, was at the opposite extreme 
of opinion. He had become, while in England, 
a separatist, and the pastor of a Congregational 

There were others in the colony who, having 
become Congregalionalists either in England or 
in .Massachusetts, leaned to the Plymouth idea 
of keeping civil government independent of the 
Church. It was perhaps this divergence of views 
which obstructed for fourteen months the organi- 
zation of both Church and State. During these 
months of abeyance, a discussion in writing was 
carried on between Davenport and Samuel Eaton, 
a fragment of which has been preserved in a printed 
treatise of Davenport entitled, "A Discourse about 
Civil Government in a New Plantation whose De- 

sign is Religion. " Ultimately the views of Daven- 
port prevailed, so that when the meeting was held 
on the 4th day of June, 1639, "to consult about 
settling civil government according to God, and 
about the nomination of persons that might be 
found, by consent of all, fittest in all respects for 
the foundation work of a church, " the action was 
unanimous, Samuel Eaton being the only dissenter 
from the views of Davenport, and he, when in- 
treated to give his arguments and reasons where- 
upon he dissented, refusing to do so, saying "that 
they might not rationally demand it, seeing he 
let the vote pass on freely and did not speak till 
after it was past, because he would not hinder what 
they agreed upon." 

In requiring church membership as a qualifica- 
tion for suffrage. New Haven did not differ from 
^lassachusetts; but she went further than Massa- 
chusetts, and incorporated the requirement into her 
fundamental and unchangeable law; so that, in re- 
spect to such requirement, she stood at the end of 
a list at the other end of which was Plymouth. 

The Pilgrim Fathers did not require that a man 
should profess his faith in Christ before he was 
elected a free burgess. They conferred the right of 
suffrage on Miles Standish and others who were 
not members of their church as willingly as on their 
deacons. Connecticut stands next to Plymouth in 
the breadth of her liberality, having no law requir- 
ing as a condition of being elected a freeman of the 
colony, that a man shall be a church member, but 
exercising such care in the nomination of persons 
to be elected freemen, that the result was the same 
as if only church members were eligible. Massa- 
chu.setls follows next after Connecticut; having at 
first a law excluding from the freedom of the 
colony those who were not members of some 
church, and retaining it till, by command of King 
Charles the Second, it was expunged from the stat- 
ute book. After the law was changed, they took 
care, like the people of Connecticut, that none but 
satisfactory candidates should be proposed for elec- 



tion. Furthest removed from the liberality of Ply- 
mouth was New Haven, which, under the leader- 
ship of Davenport, undertook to confine the ad- 
ministration of civil government to Christian men, 
not only for the time being, but for all time. 

In this comparison we make no mention of 
Rhode Island, which was planted by another class 
of people; but only of the four colonies settled by 
men who, being ecclesiastically in sympathy, dif- 
fered in opinion concerning the limitation of suf- 

We have already related that in the meeting held 
on the 4th day of June, 1639, 'o "consult about 
settling civil government according to God, and 
about the nomination of persons that might be 
found by consent of all, fittest in all respect for the 
foundation work of a church," twelve men were 
chosen, and instructed to choose out of their own 
number seven " that shall be most approved of the 
major part, to begin the church." The seven who 
were chosen by the twelve were Theophilus Eaton, 
John Davenport, Robert Newman, Matthew Gil- 
bert, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson, and Jere- 
miah Di.Kon. " By these seven persons, covenant- 
ing together, and then receiving others into their 
fellowship, the first Church of Christ in New Haven 
was gathered and constituted on the 22d ofAugust, 
1639." * 

In modern times, a Congregational Church has a 
Confession of Faith as well as a Covenant. But 
the First Church of Christ in New Haven had at 
its institution no such formula as a Confession of 
Faith. It was constituted " by these seven persons 
covenanting together." Unquestionably they satis- 
fied one another before they entered into covenant 
that their opinions were sufficiently accordant to 
justify them in taking such a step. But so far as 
appears, it never entered into their thought to re- 
quire assent to any formula of belief as a condition 
of being admitted to the church. Mr. Davenport 
made a statement of his belief which he afterward 
sent to some friend in London, by whom it was 
printed in 1642. f The pamphlet is entitled, "The 
Profession of the Faith of that Reverend and Worthy 
Divine, Mr. J. D., sometimes preacher of Steven's, 
Coleman street, London. Made Publicly before 
the Congregation at his Admission into one of the 
Churches of God in New England." About the 
middle of the present century this confession ot 
Davenport was reprinted at New Haven, by request 
of the church of which he had been pastor; and 
Dr. Leonard Bacon, in an "Editor's Preface," 
says of it: " There is no evidence that this confes- 
sion was drawn up to be imposed on all candidates 
for admission to the Church, or to be used at all as 
a test of soundness in the faith. It is to be under- 
stood as the form in which John Davenport made 

* Bacon's Hist. Dis., p. 24. Dr. Bacon ascertains the date from the 
records of the First Church in Milford, which was gathered in New 
Haven, where its members still resided, and. as the local tradition 
says, on the same day with the New Haven Chuich. Mather Mag., 
book iii., ch. 6, records the tradition somewhat differently, giving to 
each church one of two consecutive days employed in the formalities 
of institution. 

t It was probably printed for the puipose of proving that Congre- 
gationalists were orthodox; English Presbyterians being disposed to 
uuestion it. 

public profession of his own faith, when he and 
the six others who had been designated to that 
service, united in constituting the New Haven 
Church. The others may have adopted the same 
form, or they may have had each his own form of 
sound words. ' Few learned men (says Cotton 
Mather, Magnalia, book v, part i, sec. 3) have 
been admitted as members of our churches, but 
what have, at their admission, entertained them 
with notable confessions of their own composing, 
insomuch that if the Protestants have been by the 
Papists called Confessionists, the Protestants of 
New England have, of all, given the most laudable 
occasion to be called so. ' " 

The Church thus constituted was of the Congre- 
gational order, as distinguished from Independency 
on the one hand, and from Diocesan or Presby- 
terial combination on the other. It soon proceeded 
to the election of officers. John Davenport being 
chosen pastor, was solemnly inducted into office, 
I\Ir. Hooker and Mr. Stone, elders of the church 
in Hartford, being present to assist in the solem- 
nity. The first deacons were Robert Newman 
and Matthew Gilbert. The theory of Congre- 
gationalism fhen in vogue required two other offi- 
cers, a teacher and a ruling elder, who, with the 
pastor, would form a Presbytery within the 
Church. Such a board of elders would, according 
to the theory, originate all motions to be brought 
before the church for its determination. In some 
churches the function of the Presbytery was so 
magnified that the rank and file could not discuss 
any matter proposed, but only vote yes or no cate- 
gorically. Mr. Stone, pastor at Hartford, so highly 
appreciated the office of an elder, that he defined 
Congregationalism as a "speaking aristocracy in the 
faceof a silent democracy." Others, going to the op- 
posite extreme, refused or neglected to fill the bench 
of elders, being satisfied when their church had a 
pastor, or had both a pastor and a teacher. Those 
who magnified the office of an elder were some- 
times called Presbyterians by those who magnified 
the rights of the brotherhood; but they did not 
so denominate themselves, maintaining that theirs 
was the true Congregational way. 

The Church at New Haven was at neither of the 
extremes. For about five years it left the offices of 
teacher and of ruling elder vacant, and then filled 
them by the election of the Reverend William 
Hooke as teacher, and Mr. Robert Newman, rul- 
ing elder. " The three elders, one of whom was to 
give attention chiefly to the administration of the 
order and government of the Church, while the 
others were to labor in word and doctrine, were all 
equally, and in the same sense elders or overseers 
of the flock of God. The one was a mere elder; 
but the others were elders called to the work of 
preaching. The distinction between pastor and 
teacher was theoretical, rather than of any practical 
importance. Both were in the highest sense, minis- 
ters of the gospel; as colleagues they preached by 
turns on the Lord's day and on all other public oc- 
casions; they had an equal share in the administra- 
tion of discipline; and if Mr. Davenport was more 
venerated than Mr. Hooke, and had more influ- 



inawRy uf the cut of .\k\v iiavex. 

ence in the Church and in the community gener- 
ally, it was because of the acknowledged personal 
superiority of the former in respect to age, and 
gifts, and learning, tlian because of any oflicial 

"The Cambridge I'iatforui, which was framed 
in i^mS, and widi which Mr. Davenport, in his 
writings on church government, I'ully agrees, says 
in defining the difference between pastors and 

TIk' pastur's >|iL'cial wurk is to attciul to cxluiitatiDii, ami 
tlK'iX'iu to atlininistcr a word of wisdom; tliu leachcT is to at- 
iL'iui t»> doctrine, ami therein to a<lniinister a word of knowl- 
edge; and either of them to administer the seals of that 
covenant unto the dispensation whereof they are alike called ; 
and also to execute the censures, being but a kind of appli- 
cation of the word, the preaching of wliich, tojjether with 
tlie ai>plicatiiin thereof, they are alike charged withal. 

' ' The pastor and teacher gave themselves wholly 
to their ministry and their studies, and accordingly 
received a support from the people; they might 
properly be called clergymen. The ruling elder 
was not necessarily educated for the ministry; he 
might, without impropriety, pursue some secular 
calling, and though he fed the Hock occasionally 
with a word of admonition, the ministry was not his 
profession. Inasmuch as he did not live by the 
ministry he was a layman. 

"It being the custom then for a minister to 
preach at his own ordination, Mather relates that 
Mr. Hooke took for his te.xt those words in the 
book of Judges: 'Go thou with Phurah thy ser- 
vant,' and raised from them the doctrine that in 
great matters a little help is better than none, which 
he gave as the reason of his own being joined with 
so considerable a Gideon as ]Mr. Davenport."* 

While Mr. Hooke resided at New Haven, one 
of his correspondents in England was his wife's 
near kinsman, Oliver Cromwell, and from that cir- 
cumstance (says Bacon) as well as from the family 
alliance, it may be inferred that before he came to 
this country he was on terms of intimacy with that 
extraordinary man. 

"And when at last his friend Cromwell had 
mounted to all but absolute power over the whole 
British empire; when his wife's brother, Edward 
Whalley, was one of the eight military chiefs who 
ruled the eight districts into which the Protector 
had divided the kingdom of England; when the 
fear of a Presbyterian hierarchy over the Churches 
of England had been taken away, and Congrega- 
tional principles seemed likely to triumph — it is 
not strange that he felt himself drawn toward his 
native country. The New Haven Colony was at 
that time greatly depw'essed and the prospect of its 
growth was gloomy. Why should he remain here 
in the woods at this outpost of civilization, preach- 
ing to a feeble, disheartened company of exiles in a 
little meeting-house of fifty feet square — with only 
slender advantages for the education of his numer- 
ous family and with little prt>spect of accomplish- 
ing any great result^ — when Old England offered to 
talents like his, and to a man of his principles and 
connections, so wide a field of action 'i And besides, 
how much might he do for New England and 

♦Bacon's Historical Discourses. 

especially for his dear friends and flock in New 
Haven, if he were at the seat of empire, and at the 
car of him who swayed the emprie.'' Accord- 
ingly we finil that in 1654, ' Mr. Hooke's wife was 
gone for England, and he knew not how God 
would disjiose of her;' and in 1656, we find Mr. 
llooke himself removing to England. We find 
him not long after his arrival there, writing to 
Governor Wiiithrop: 

As touching myself, 1 am not yet settled, the I'roteclor 
having engaged me to him nut long after my landing, who 
hitherto hath well pro\ ided lor me. His desire is that a 
church may be gathered in his family, to which purpose I 
have had sjieech with him .several times; l)ut though the 
thing be mo^t desirable, I foresee great difficulties in sundry 
respects. I think to proceed as far as I may by any rule of 
God, and am altogether unwilling that this motion should 
fall in his heart. 13ut my own weakness is discouragement 
enough, were there nothing else. 

"Cromwell's desire to have a Congregational 
ctiurch in his own household at the royal palace 
of Whitehall, was at least so far carried into effect, 
that Mr. Hooke became the Protector's domestic 
Chaplain, in which office he was associated with 
no less a man than John Howe. He also had con- 
ferred upon him the mastership of the hospital 
called the Savoy in the City of Westminster, a place 
which in other times had been, and afterw^ard be- 
came again, the Bishop of London's city residence 
■ — a place of some note in ecclesiastical history, as 
having received that Synod of Congregational El- 
ders and Delegates which framed the Savoy Con- 
fession, and as having been also, after the Restora- 
tion, the scene of several of those conferences and 
debates between some of the dignitaries of the es- 
tablishment and some leading Nonconformists, 
by which the court imposed upon the Puritans 
with hypocritical professions of candor, till it grew 
strong enough to throw off the disguise and show 
its hatred. 

" In these circumstances, the late teacher of the 
church in New- Haven might very reasonably feel 
that he had found a much more important field of 
usefulness than that which he had left behind. 
Here, indeed, his Sabbath auditory had included 
the great men of the jurisdiction, the honorable 
Governor, the Worshipful Deputy-Governor, the 
magistrates, the deputies, ; but there he preached 
to his Highness, the Lord Protector of the three 
nations, and to one and another of the men 
whcse counsels and agency Cromwell employed in 
his most politic and energetic administration. 
Here he had preached with a little array of armed 
men, commanded by the valiant Captain Malbon, 
guarding the humble sanctuary against the savages; 
there +ie had before him those veteran chiefs whose 
energy had swept away the king 'and all his peer- 
age,' and whose names were words of terror. Here 
he felt that he was but 'a little help' to 'so con- 
siderable a Gideon as Mr. Davenport;' there he 
was himself, both by station and by his popular 
talents, one of the most 'considerable' of the min- 
isters in the metropolis of Protestant Christendom. 

"But how imperfectly can we, in our short- 
sightedness, judge of the comparative importance of 
different stations and spheres of usefulness. In 



less than two years after Mr. Hooka's arrival in 
England, his great friend, the Protector, died, and 
immediately the pillars of that uncemented fabric 
of empire tottered. Within two years more — years 
of anxious excitement — Richard Cromwell had re- 
signed the iron scepter, which no hand but his 
father's could wield; and treachery and dissimula- 
tion, taking advantage of dissensions among the true- 
hearted, had restored the monarchy in the person 
of the ever infamous King Charles the Second. " 

Reasons similar to those which drew Mr. Hooke 
back to the mother country, induced the ruling 
elder to return home when Puritanism had come 
into power in England. The church did not fill 
the vacanc}' created by his removal, and by the 
continuance of the vacancy to this day the office 
has become obsolete. Its function is, however, to 
some extent performed by a standing committee. 

Samuel Eaton, though he came from England 
with Davenport, was never an officer in the New 
Haven Church. There is evidence that during the 
year between the arrival of the planters at Quinni- 
piac and the institution of the church, he had some 
share in the work of preaching; but in the year 
following the organization of the church, he re- 
turned to England expecting to bring back a com- 
pany with him to commence a settlement at Bran- 
ford. But before he was ready to return, affairs in 
England were so much more pleasant and promis- 
ing for Puritans, that instead of leading a company 
to New England, he himself remained in his native 

The preaching Elders of the Church were main- 
tained from the treasury of Ihe church and not of 
the town, the treasury being supplied by contribu- 
tions, made every Lord's Day; but these contribu- 
tions were, if not from the beginning, certainly 
very soon after the beginning, made in accordance 
with a pledge, which every inhabitant was required 
to give, that he would contribute a certain amount 
yearly for the maintenance of the ministry. The 
plan did not work smoothly, for on one occasion 
the Deacons came to the General Court with a 
complaint that "the wampum that is put into the 
church treasury is generally so bad that the Elders 
to whom they pay it cannot pay it away." The 
court, appointing a committee to inquire further 
concerning the matter, found that "the contribu- 
tions for the church treasury are by degrees so 
much abated that they afford not any considerable 
maintenance to the teaching officers, and that much 
of the wampum brought in is such and so faulty, 
that the officers can hardly, or not at all, pass it 
away in any of their occasions." The voluntary 
principle was given up soon after the death of Mr. 
Street, when, the pulpit being supplied by minis- 
ters who were not officers of the church, and not 
so much beloved as Davenport, and Hooke, and 
Street, the voluntary plan was less efficient. In 
March, 1677, a propositicjn in writing from the 
church, was presented in town-meeting by Deacon 
Peck, upon which, " after debate, the town for the 
encouragement of those that preach the word of 
God unto us, according as had been propounded. 

did by vote order and appoint, that for the ensuing 
year there shall be levied and paid from the inhab- 
itants two rates and a half," that is, a tax of two 
and a half-pence in the pound. 

Thus the support of the ministry was transferred 
from the church to the town, but not till the first 
planters had passed away. By them it seems to 
have been held as obligatory that the Elders of the 
Church should be supported out of the treasury of 
the church. 

But though in the first generation the Elders were 
maintained by voluntary contributions to the church 
treasury, the meeting-house was owned by the pro- 
prietors of the plantation, and was used for meet- 
ings of the General Court as well as of the church. 
This twofold use of the edifice did not offend the 
religious sentiment of the people ; for the Court was 
composed of church-members, who came together 
in a religious spirit to serve God in the business of 
the court as truly as they served him in the ordi- 
nances of the church. It was not a temporary ex- 
pedient such as a people believing in a more 
thorough separation of Church and State, might 
adopt in a new plantation till they were able to 
provide more appropriately for each; but it was in 
its design a permanent arrangement, befitting a 
theocratic constitution of society. 

Lechford, a Boston lawyer, who being disbarred 
for talking with a juryman out of court, returned 
to England, wrote a book, in which he described 
the manner in which the Bostonians worshiped 
God. As there was no great difference among the 
churches of New England in respect of the ritual 
of worship, we may take his relation as the best 
description, within our reach, of Divine Service in 
the church at New Haven: 

Every Sabbath, or Lord's Day, they come together at 
lioston, by ringing ot a bell about nine of the clock, or 
lielore. The pastor begins with solemn prayer, continuing 
about a quarter of an hour. The teacher tlien readeth and 
expoundeth a chapter. Then a psalm is sung; whichever 
one of the ruling elders dictates. After that the pastor 
preacheth a sermon and sometimes ex tempore e^horis. Then 
the teacher concludes with prayer and a blessing. 

Once a month is a sacrament of the Lord's Supper, 
whereof notice is given usually a fortnight before, and then 
all others departing save the church, which is a great deal 
less in number than those that go aw.iy, they receive the 
sacrament; the ministers and ruling elders sitting at the 
table, the rest in their seats or upon forms. All cannot see 
the minister consecrating, unless they stand up and make a 
narrow shift. The one of the teaching elders prays before, 
and blesseth and consecrates the bread and wine according 
to the words of institution ; the other prays after the receiv- 
ing of all the members; and next communion they change 
turns; he that began at that, ends at this; and the ministers 
ileliver the bread in a charger to some of the chief, -and 
peradventure give to a few the bread into their hands, and 
they deliver the charger from one to another till all have 
eaten ; in like manner the cup till all have drunk, goes from 
one to another. Then a psalm is sung and with a short 
lilessing the congregation is dismissed. Any one, though 
not of the church, may, in Boston, come in and see the 
sacrament administered, if he will; but none of any church 
in the country may receive the sacrament there without 
leave of the congregation, for which purpose he comes to 
one of the ruling elders, who propounds his name to the 
congregation before they go to the sacrament. 

Al)out two in the afternoon they repair to the meeting- 
house again; and then the pastor begins as before noon, and, 
a psalm being sung, the teacher makes a sermon. He was 



wont, when I came first, to read and expound a chapter 
also, before liis sermon in the afterno<m. After and before 
liis sermon he |>rayeth. 

After that ensues bajitism, if there Ik; any; which is done 
liy eitlier pastor or teacher, in tlie deacon's seat, the most 
eminent place in the church, next under the elders' seat. 
The pastor most coiinnonly makes a speech or exhortation 
to the church and parents concerninj; baptism, and then 

f)rayeth liefore and after. It is done by washing or s)>rink- 
inj;. One of the parents beiny of the church, the child 
may be baptized, and the baptism is into the name of the 
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. No sureties 
are lequired. 

Wliich ended, follows the contribution, one of the deacons 
saying: " brethren of the congregation, now there is time 
left for contribution; wherefore as God hath prospered you, 
so freely offer." Upon some extraordinary occasions, as 
building or repairing of churches or meeting-houses, or other 
necessities, the ministers press a liberal contribution, with 
effectual exhortations out of Scripture. The magistrates and 
chief gentlemen first, and then the elders and all the congre- 
gation of men, and most of them that are not of the church, 
all single ])ersons, widows and women in absence of their 
husbands, come up one after another one way, and bring 
their offerings to the deacon at his seat, and put it into a box 
of wood for the ]>urpose, if it be money or papers; if it be 
any other chattel, they set it or lay it down Ix-fore the 
deacons, and so pass another way to their seats again. 

The sermons were much longer than would be 
endured at the present day, but were not regarded 
by the hearers as too long, such was the interest 
which the people felt in the exposition of the Scrip- 
tures, and so little else was there to occupy their 
intellectual and spiritual faculties. Long sermons, 
however, were not a peculiarity of New Haven or 
of New England. At that time the churches of 
the mother country were commonly supplied with 
hour-glasses, one hour being the ordinary measure 
of a sermon ; but when an able preacher turned 
the glass to signify that he wished to speak longer, 
the congregation would give visible, if not audible, 
expression of their approval. 

After the contribution, candidates were "pro- 
pounded " for admission to the church, or, having 
been previously announced as candidates, were, on 
their assenting to the covenant of the church, re- 
ceived into its communion. If there were any 
matters of offense requiring censure they were then 
attended to, "sometimes till it be ver}' late." " If 
they have time, after this is sung a psalm, and then 
the pastor concludeth with a prayer and blessing." 

In the church at New Haven, it was the custom 
for the assembly to rise and stand while the 
preacher read the passage of Scripture which he 
had selected as a text for his sermon. But Hutch- 
inson says that this was a peculiarity of that 
church, and quotes a letter from Hooker to 
Shepard, referring to the Sunday when the practice 
commenced in the afternoon, Mr. Davenport hav- 
ing advocated in his morning sermon such an ex- 
pression of reverence for the word of God. 

The church in New Haven, though not requir- 
ing that its members should give assent to any one 
formula of faith, approved of the confession pub- 
lished by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, 
being represented in the General Synod at Cam- 
bridge in 1648, which thus recorded its testimony: 

This synod, having jierused and considered with much 
gladness of heart and thankfulness to (led, the confession of 

faith published of late by the reverend assembly in England, 
do judge it to be very holy, orthodox, and judicious in all 
matters of faith, and do therefore freely and fully consent 
thereunto, for the substance thereof. Only in those things 
which have respect to church goverinnent and discipline, we 
refer ourselves to the platform of church discipline agreed 
upon by this jjresent assembly. 

The Presbyterian party being at that lime in the 
ascendant in Kngland, the Synod adopted the 
Westminster Confession, instead of framing one for 
themselves, for the sake of vindicating in the 
mother country the orthodoxy of New England 
Congregationalism. They say in their preface: 

We who are by nature Englishmen, do desire to hold 
forth the same doctrine of religion, especially in funda- 
mentals, which we see and know to be held by the churches 
of England, liy this our professed consent and free con- 
currence with them in all the doctrinals of religion, we hope 
it may ajipear to the world, that as we are a remnant of the 
people of the same nation with them, so we are professors 
of the same common faith, and fellow-heirs of the same 
common salvation. 

If the Church of England had been at that time 
Episcopal, the Cambridge Synod would with equal 
willingness have adopted the doctrinal part of the 
Thirty-nine Articles. These articles they heartily 
received according to the interpretation commonly 
given to them in the reign of Elizabeth, in the first 
part of the reign of James I, and by the Calvinistic 
party in the Church of England subsequently. 
Both the first teacher and the first pastor of the 
New Haven Church retained the Calvinistic the- 
ology in which they had been indoctrinated at 
Oxford, and believed, as did their theological in- 
structors at the university, that it was consistent 
with and embodied in the Thirty-nine Articles. 
After the restoration of the Thirty-nine Articles in 
the National Church of England, the churches of 
Connecticut publicly agreed with the dissenters in 
the mother country, in adopting them as a standard 
of orthodoxy. The Heads of Agreement which 
accompany the Saybrook platform say : 

As to what appertains to soundness of judgment in 
matters of faith, we esteem it sufficient that a church ac- 
knowledge the Scriptures to be the word of God, the]>erfect 
and only rule of faith ami jiractice, and own cither the 
doctrinal ]iart of those commonly called the Articles of the 
Church of Englanil, or the confession, or catechisms, 
shorter or longer, compiled by the AsseiHbly at Westminster, 
or the confession agreed on at the Savoy, to be agreeable to 
the said rule. 

This declaration, though made after the first 
generation had passed away, would have been 
uttered by the fathers as willingly as by their 
children, if justified by an appropriate occasion. 

The vacancy caused by the retirement of Mr. 
Hooke was filled by the election of Rev. Nicholas 
Street, who had been Mr. Hooke's colleague at 
Taunton in the colony of Plymouth, to succeed him 
in the ofiice of teacher in the church at New 

Mr. Street was born at Taunton, England, was 
educated at Oxford, and was doubtless recom- 
mended to theciiurch at New Haven by his former 
colleague in the town named for his birth-place. 

For eight or nine years he was associated here 
with Mr. Davenport. After the removal of his col- 



league, he continued the only elder in the church 
till his death, on the 22d of April, 1674. Since 
that time there has been no distinction attempted 
in this church between the office of teacher and 
that of pastor. 

When the colony of New Haven was absorbed 
into Connecticut, Air. Davenport was so severely 
disappointed by the dissolution of the political 
fabric which he had devised and helped to build, 
that he was willing to leave the place where the 
timbers of the fabric were lying in shapeless and 
hopeless ruin. Concurrently with this change of 
feeling toward New Haven came an opportunity of 
removing to Boston. 

As a natural result of the policy which Daven- 
port favored, of confining political power to church- 
members, a party had come into being and grown 
to some strength, w-hich advocated the broadening 
and smoothing of the way into the church. They 
demanded that all baptized persons not positively 
scandalous in their lives, should be recognized as 
church-members, and that their children in turn 
should be admitted to baptism. 

Both the pastor and the teacher of the First 
Church in Boston were of this "half-way-covenant " 
party; and when by the death, first of Norton and 
then of Wilson, the eldership of that church was 
entirely vacant, many of its members felt that for 
such a church no young minister, and no minister 
educated in this country, could be a fit pastor. Mr. 
Davenport, as by far the most distinguished of the 
surviving fathers of Ne.w England, though he was 
known to be opposed to the half-way covenant, 
was invited to the pastorate, September 24, 1667; 
and a committee was appointed to convey letters to 
him and to his church. Against this movement, 
there was within the church which sent the invita- 
tion, a strong opposition. Their former ministers 
had favored the half-way-covenant; the church had 
been brought to adopt it in practice ; its partisans 
were in the ascendant throughout the colony; a 
synod of churches had approved it. " The giving of 
this call to Davenport, the greatest of the ' Anti- 
Synodisls,' was, "says Dr. Bacon, "a triumph of the 
party which in that church had been in the minor- 
ity; and such a triumph would naturally have a 
great effect on other churches, and on the politics of 
the colony, as affected by the chief ecclesiastical 
question of the day. Opposition on such grounds, 
though exhibited in the formal 'dissent' of 'thirty 
brethren, ' among whom where many of the prin- 
cipal members ' of that eminent church,' had of 
course no effect to discourage so strenuous an 
opposer of the new practice from accepting the 

" The messengers and letters from Boston found 
here a much more unwilling reception from the 
church than from the pastor. Mr. Davenport was 
beforehand inclined to a removal. The independ- 
ent jurisdiction of his own colony had been extin- 
guished. The principle, that the trust of govern- 
ment and of electing magistrates, should be com- 
mitted to none but members of the churches, — for 
which he had so strenuously contended, and which 

he regarded as the only full security for the peace- 
able enjoyment of the gospel with its ordinances — 
was here given up. 'In New Haven Colony,' as he 
expressed himself; Christ's interest is miserably 
lost!' Besides, the great ecclesiastical controveryof 
the day was to be carried on and decided in Mas- 
sachusetts; and there his personal influence would 
bear upon the controversy far more efficiently than 
if he continued here. Under the influence of such 
considerations, he determined on removing, not- 
withstanding his attachment to his people and 
their unwillingness to part with him. 

" This church refused to accept his resignation, 
or in any way to consent to his removal. The 
utmost to which they could be brought by his per- 
suasions, as well as by the entreaties of the church 
in Boston, was, that if he was determined to go, 
they would no longer oppose his determination, 
though they still refused to take the responsibility 
of consenting. Upon this, he considered himself 
at liberty to act according to his own judgment; 
and, in 1668, probably in the month of April, just 
thirty years after the commencement of his ministry 
here, he removed to Boston with his family. He, 
and his son, with their wives, were received into 
the church at Boston on the nth day of October, 
and his ordination as pastor there — or, as we 
should say, his installation — took place on the 9th 
of December. 

" His removal in such circumstances occasioned 
much difficulty. The minority of the church in 
Boston charged him and the other elders with 
equivocation, because they communicated to the 
church only those parts of the letters from New 
Haven which seemed to imply a dismission; 
whereas it was maintained that, if the whole had 
been read, it would have appeared that there was 
no dismission. .Several letters were written, and 
messengers were sent from that church to this, in 
the hope of prevailing on this church to declare 
their owning of the letter sent from them to be a 
true dismission of Mr. Davenport. Of that cor- 
respondence nothing remains but a fragment of 
one of the letters from this church. That fragment 
is so full of reverent affection toward their pastor, 
even after he had torn himself away from them, and 
breathes so much of the Christian spirit, that it is 
well worthy of preser\'ation : 

Though you, say they, judge it the last expedient 
for your relief, and the remedy of some evils growing in the 
coiuitry, as also we might do the same if we had nothing 
before our eyes but his accomplishments and titness fur high 
service to God in his church; but being so much in the dark 
about his way in leaving this church and joining to yours, 
that we are not without doubts and fears of some uncomfort- 
able issue, we therefore cannot clearly act in such a way as 
is expected and desired. We are of the same mind as when 
we returned an answer to your first letter, thus expressing 
ourselves : We see no cause nor call of God to resign our 
reverend pastor to the church of Boston, by any immediate 
act of ours, therefore not by a formal dismission under our 
hands. It is our great grief and sore affliction that we can- 
not do for him, whom we so highly esteem in love for his 
work's sake and profitable labors among us, what is desired, 
without wrung to our consciences. Anything that we have 
or are, beside our consciences, we are ready to lay down at 
his feet. Such is our honorable respect to him, our love to 
peace, our desire of your supply, that we shall go as far as 
we safely- can in order to his and your satisfaction in this 



matter, Iiavin^; before us for our warrant Acts xxi, 14. 
When he would not be |iersua<lccl, we ceased saying "The 
will of the Lord be done." Therefore, to supjircss what we 
could say touehinj; that passage in onr lirst letter, whereof 
such hold hath been taken, and what we have said in our 
last letter to you, of onr reverend pastor's making null the 
liberty U-fore grantel, which we doubt not, we are able 
clearly to demonstrate, yet if this will satisfy (but not other, 
w ise), we are content to waive and bury in silence, and leave 
l»)lh youselves and him to make what improvement you see 
cause (without any clog or inipedimenl frijm us upon that 
account) of the liberty before mentioned. As he hafh been a 
faithfid laborer in God's vineyard at New Haven for many 
years, to the bringing home many souls to God, and Inu'ld- 
ing up of many others, so it is, and shall be, our prayer to 
God to lengthen his life and tranquillily in Boston, to ilonble 
his spirit upon hnn, assist liim in his work, and make him 
a blessed instrument of much good to yourselves and many 
others. The good Lord pardon, on all hands, what he hath 
sc-en amiss in these actings and motions, that no sinful ma- 
lignity may obstruct or hinder God's blessing upon churches 
or church administrations. As himself and his son have de- 
sired, we do dismiss unto your holy fellowship ^b■. John 
Davenport, Jr., and Mrs. l)aven])ort, elder and yoin)ger, 
desiring you to receive them in the Lord as becometh samts, 
and imploring Almighty God for His blessing upon them 
from His holy ordinances, in their communion and walking 
w'ith you. The God of all grace supply all your and our 
need, according to his riches in glory through Jesus Christ. 
Thus craving your prayers for us in our alHicted condition, 
we take our" leave, and rest yours in the fellowship of the 
Gospel, Nicholas Street, 

In the name and with the consent of the Church of 
Christ at New Haven. 

"Mr. Davenport was at this time more than 
seventy years of age. VVliat minister so far ad- 
vanced in life would now be called from one 
church to another, because of the eminency of his 
qualifications for usefulness. When was there ever 
another such instance of competition and contro- 
versy between churches for the enjoyment of the 
ministry of one who, always an invalid, had num- 
bered more than three-score years and ten } How 
rarely can you find a church who, when a minister 
has turned himself away from them, retain for him 
so strong and reverent an affection .' 

" Those in the church at Boston who had [iro- 
tested against the call given to JNIr. Davenjjort, 
were inflexible in their opposition. Having ap- 
plied in vain for a dismission, they seceded and 
formed a new church, now known as the ' Old 
South Church in Boston.' A new impulse was 
thus given to the controversy then in progress. 
The two churches, the First and the South, had no 
mutual communion, and the whole colony of 
Massachusetts took sides with one or the other. 
The questions about the recommendations of the 
Synod had become involved with and, in a meas- 
ure, superseded by questions about the conduct of 
]\Ir. Davenport and the old church on the one 
hand, and the proceedings of the new church and 
its adherents on the other. It is not strange then 
that under his short ministry in Boston, there were 
no large additions to the church. Nor did he 
succeed in arresting the progress of the innovation 
which he so greatly feared. The half-w'ay covenant 
system prevailed in the churches of New England 
for more than a century. " 

Mr. Davenport's ministry in Boston was of short 
duration. He died March 11, 1670, less than two 
years after his removal to Boston, and was buried 

in the Stone Chapel burial-ground, in the same 
tomb with his friend, John Cotton. 

Immediately after Mr. Davenport's removal to 
Boston, the good |)eople of New Haven proved 
that they were nt)t in despair by resolving to 
erect a new meeting-house. After many delays, 
on the 3d of October, 1670, the committee ap- 
pointed for the seating of the peo])le in the new 
meeting-house, informed the town that they iiad 
prepared something that way for a present trial, 
which was now read to the town. On tiie 14th of 
November, the old meeting-house was ordered to 
be sold "to the town's best advantage." 

In April, 1681, "there being a bell brought in a 
vessel into the harbor, it was spoken of, and gen- 
erally it was desired it might be jMocureil for the 
town; and for the present it was desired that Mr. 
Thomas Trowbridge would, if he can, prevail with 
Mr. Hodge, the owner of it, to leave it with him 
until the town hath had some further ct)nsideration 
about it." In August, " the owner of the bell had 
sent to have it sent to the Bay in Joseph Alsop's 
vessel"; "and it having lain so long, it w'ouUl not 
be handsome for the town to put it off. ' There- 
upon, " after a free and large debate, ' it was voted 
to purchase the bell for £1"], the price asked. In 
April, 1682, a year after the bell had been first 
brought to the attention of the people, they were 
informed that it was now hanged in the turret, 
and in November they were told that the townsmen 
had agreed with George Pardee, for his son Joseph 
to ring the bell for the town's occasions on the 
Sabbaths and other meetings, as it was wont to be 
by the drum; and also to ring the bell at nine of 
the clock every night." 

After the death of Mr. Street, the pulpit was 
supplied for several years by ministers who were 
not officers in the church, but either candidates or 
temporary supplies. It w^as while the pulpit was 
thus supplietl that the support of the ministry was 
transferred to the town. "The change," says Dr. 
Bacon, "seems to indicate not only that the 
ministers then serving in the pulpit had a much 
lower place in the aflections of the people than Mr. 
Davenport and his colleagues had possessed; but 
also that the power of religion itself in the com- 
munity was declining. The change shows the 
growth of selfish and narrow feelings, and the de- 
cay of public spirit. It shows that one generation 
was passing away and that another was coming." 

After a vacancy of about ten years, an oppor- 
tunity seemed to open for the church to secure a 
worthy successor of its former officers. The rojal 
governor of New Hampshire had made an order 
that the ministers within the province should admit 
all persons of suitable age and not vicious in their 
lives to the Lord's Supper, and their children to 
baptism; and that if any person should desire to 
have these sacraments administered according to 
the liturgy of the Church of England, his desire 
should be complied with. The minister who 
should refuse obedience to this order was to incur 
the same penalties as if he were in England, and a 


-^^^ /J a-'i 'ty, c^i?t^ , 



minister there of the Established Church. He then 
sent a written message to the Rev. Joshua Moody, 
pastor of the church in Portsmouth, stating that he 
and two of his friends intended to partake of the 
Lord's Supper the next Sunday, and requiring that 
it be administered to them according to the liturgy. 
Mr. Moody refusing to comply with the demand, 
was prosecuted, convicted, and imprisoned. For 
thirteen weeks he was in close confinement, and 
wa.s then released under threat of further imprison- 
ment if he should preach within the province of 
New Hampshire. 

The church in New Haven hearing that "Mr. 
Moody was attainable if looked after," and con- 
sidering him to be "a man, by report, singularly fit 
for the ministry," sent messengers to treat with 
him. But Mr. Moody declined to entertain the 
proposition, feeling himself bound to his former 
people, "and would try the providence of God, 
if he might not preach near them, and they 
have liberty to hear him." The messengers thus 
thwarted went beyond their commission, and at the 
advice of some ministers and other friends in 
Boston, applied to Mr. James Pierpont to come to 
New Haven, and preach as a candidate for the 
pastoral office. Mr. Pierpont was then about 
twenty-five years of age, and had graduated at 
Harvard College less than three years before. The 
result was that the young man came in August, 
and made so good an impression that " the ordi- 
nation of Mr. Pierpont took place on the second 
day of July, 1685, after he had been with the 
people about eleven months as a candidate. " 

The town provided for the new minister a house- 
lot with such an amount of meadow and upland as 
belonged to such a lot by the customary propor- 
tion. The magistrates and townsmen were ap- 
pointed a committee to obtain by free-will oflerings, 
the means of building a house for the minister on 
the lot provided by the town. The committee 
were directed to plan the house according to the 
amount contributed, but to submit the plan to 
Mr. Pierpont for his approval. When finished, the 
house was one of the most commodious and stately 
dwellings in town. 

About twelve years after the settlement of Mr. 
Pierpont, a further change was made in the mode 
of maintaining the ministry. The town had al- 
ready taken the place of the church in collecting 
the funds, but as at first the amount depended on 
the liberality of the people, so under the second 
arrangement the amount depended on the proceeds 
of the rate levied. In 1697, a regular salary was 
proposed, and "after a long debate, the town by 
their vote granted to pay the Rev. Mr. James Pier- 
pont annually, while he shall preach the word of 
God to us, the sum of ^^120 in grain and flesh," 
at fixed prices, "also to supply him with firewood 
annually." Mr. Pierpont seems to have been 
pleased with the change, but took care to stipulate 
that "the offering be brought into the house of 
God without lameness of reflections on the ministry 
in the respective years." Before, they had paid 
him what they chose to give, and their gifts meas- 
ured their esteem and love. Now they had made 

a contract with him, and he had a right to expect 
that they would fulfill their promises, and avoid 
criticism of what he gave in return. 

Contemporaneously with this arrangement for 
the payment of a stated salary to the minister, the 
town began to agitate the proposition to build a 
new meeting-house. Soon after the ordination of 
Mr. Pierpont, some additional seats had been put 
in vihereever space could be found for them; a'nd 
there being still need of more, the galleries were 
brought forward so as to make room for a row of 
additional seats in front of each gallery. But now, 
not so much by any extraordinary influx of popu- 
lation as by the growth of children into adults, the 
meeting-house was too small. February 15, 1696- 
97, after some preliminary debate at a previous 
meeting, the town by their vote did declare that 
they would build a new meeting-house of stone 
and brick and leave it with a committee chosen by 
themselves to agree with a person or persons to 
build a meeting-house of sixty feet long, forty feet 
wide and twenty feet high, with brick and stone, 
provided they can have it completely finished for 
500 pounds current money of Boston, to be paid 
in three years; the seats in the present meeting- 
house to be disposed of by the said committee, 
and, if need be, added above the 500 pounds." 

About three weeks later, " the committee for the 
meeting-house informed the town that not any 
person doth yet appear to build the meeting- 
house. " 

Some months later at a town-meeting, "Lieut. 
Abram Dickerman, one of the townsmen, informed 
the town that the occasion of the town-meeting was 
principally to consider of either building a new or 
enlarging the old meeting-house; and, after much 
debate, the town by their vote declared that they 
would enlarge the old meeting-house, and by en- 
largement, by their vote, declare it to be an addi- 
tion of sixteen or twenty feet on the side next to the 
burying-place, as shall be thought best by a com- 
mittee that the town shall chose. The town by 
their vote did make choice of the civil authority, 
and the present townsmen, Mr. Thomas Trow- 
bridge, Senior, and Mr. Richard Rosewell, as their 
committee, or the major part of them, to agree with 
workmen to enlarge the meeting-house." 

The enlargement of the meeting-house seems to 
have produced an architectural effect analogous to 
that of enlarging an old garment with new cloth. 
The people's taste was offended when they saw 
that the windows in the addition were not of the 
same size as in the older part of the edifice, and 
that the new lumber with which it was covered, 
revealed the defects of clapboards which for thirty 
years had been exposed to the weather. The 
town "voted that the old meeting-house be new 
boarded and that the windows in the old house be 
enlarged like the windows in the new part of said 

" The town by their vote desire and appoint the 
committee formerly chosen for the meeting-house 
to take the care of doing the outside work of the 
whole meeting-house. Also the inside work of the 
meeting-house; as making seats what is needful, 



removing the pulpit, plastering the house, and 
what is neetlful about doors, and what else is 
needful. The form of the seats, both for work- 
mansliij) and placing of them, as the committee 
hatii formerly discoursed of, and was now declared 
to the town — which is to remove the pulpit back 
the full breadth of it, or thereabout, and the short 
seats on each side the pulpit, their length back into 
the new house, and make one long seat on each 
side, and one short seat on each side, and the re- 
mainder of the new house to be seated on seats 
placed facing into the house ; and a door in the 
house where George Pardee now sitteth, and 
another door opposite to it on the other side, so a 
convenient alley across the house before the Dea- 
cons' seat ; and the stairs up into the new gallery, 
behind the pulpit.'' 

The internal arrangement thus ordered was 
afterward changed. "The town by their vote do 
now see cause to order that the doors into the new 
meeting-house be at the place where they were laid 
out by the carpenters, and an alley be left, next to 
the wall, to the stairs behind the pulpit." 

The date of this last order is March ii, 1700, 
and as no further orders in regard to the alteration 
of the meeting-house are on record, we may believe 
that the carpenters finished their work and deliv- 
ered over the house to the plasterers a few weeks 

During Mr. Pierpont's ministry, Yale College 
was founded; and to him, with the Rev. Samuel 
Andrew, of Milford, and the Rev. Samuel Russell, of 
Branford, more than to any other persons, is due the 
honor of being its founders. These three men, 
contriving the establishment of a college for Con- 
necticut, were so wise and so magnanimous as not 
to connect the design at its first proposal with any 
particular location, though they would naturally 
prefer New Haven. With much deliberation among 
themselves and consultation with others, they de- 
signated ten ministers in various parts of the colony 
as trustees for founding the institution. Two of 
the three who had been most active in the prelimi- 
nary work, viz., Mr. Pierpont and Mr. Andrew 
were of the ten. In 1700, the ten designated 
ministers met and formally organized themselves as 
a college, though they did not at that time locate 
the society. Corporate powers having been con- 
ferred by the Legislature in October, 1701, the cor- 
poration located the school in Saybrook. 

During the ministry of Mr. Pierpont, a synod, 
or general council of the churches, was held at the 
College in Saybrook, for the purpose of forming a 
system that should better secure communion of 
churches than the simple Congregationalism which 
had come down from the fathers. Some ministers 
I)referrcd a system more like Presbyterianism; some 
politicians wanted a way of bringing the churches 
into subjection to the civil power; all felt the need 
of more communion and mutual helpfulness. "Of 
the synod at Saybrook, " says Dr. Bacon, " Mr. 
Pierpont was a leading member. • The Articles for 
the Administration of Church Discipline,' which 
were adopted as the result of the synod, and which 

constitute the so famous 'Saybrook Platform,' are 
said to have been drawn up by him. By the order 
of the Legislature, the ministers and delegates in 
each county, at the preliminary meeting at which 
their representatives were to be chosen for the Gen- 
eral Council, ' were to consider and agree upon 
those methods and rules for the management of 
ecclesiastical discipline which by them should be 
judged conformable to the word of God;' and the 
duly of the General Council was to compare the 
results of the ministers of the several counties, and 
out of and from them to draw a form of ecclesias- 
tical discipline. " The Saybrook Platform was capa- 
ble of being interpreted almost into Presbyterian- 
ism; and also capable, when taken in connection 
with the Heads of Agreement which accompanied 
the Articles, of preserving to the churches their 
Congregational liberties. The laity generally gave a 
Congregational meaning to the Articles, while some 
of the clergy were apt to make the consociation 
e(|uivalent to a presbytery. For a century or more 
the Saybrook Platform was a peculiarity of the Con- 
gregationalism of Connecticut. At present little re- 
mains of it to distinguish the Congregationalism of 
Connecticut from that of the rest of New England. 
Mr. Pierpont was thrice married. When he 
came to New Haven as a candidate, he was enter- 
tained, as the guest of the church, in the house of 
the widow of the only son of the first pastor of the 
church. Soon after his arrival. Deacon Peck, in 
behalf of the church, reported to the town that the 
church were well satisfied with this man, and were 
"desirous that the town would concur with them 
in encouragmg him; and that there might be a 
maintenance provided, he being at INIrs. Daven- 
port's to his content." Some si.x years after his 
settlement he was married to Abigail Davenport, 
the granddaughter of his predecessor in the pas- 
toral office. The bride went to meeting on the 
Sundav after the wedding in her bridal dress, took 
cold, and in about three months died of consump- 
tion. Two years afterward he was married at 
Hartford to Sarah Haynes, a granddaughter of Gov- 
ernor Haynes. About two years after her marriage 
his second wife died, leaving him a daughter, to 
whom he had given the name of his first wife. 
This daughter of James and Sarah (Haynes) Pier- 
pont became the wife of the Rev. Joseph Noyes, 
her father's successor in the pastorate. After an- 
other interval of two years Mr. Pierpont was mar- 
ried to Mary Hooker, a granddaughter of the first 
pastor in Hartford. By her he had several chil- 
dren, one of whom deserves mention, not only as 
the wife of that extraordinary man, Jonathan Ed- 
wards, but as the worthy consort of such a hus- 
band. It was Sarah Pierpont, then in her thirteenth 
year, whom Edwards liescribes in the following 
words, which he wrote upon a blank page of one 
of his books: 

They s.iy there is ;i youiii; lady in New Haven wlio is Ix;- 
lovcd of thai (ireat Being who made and rules the world, 
and that there are certain seasons in which this Crcat Being, 
in some way or other, comes to her and tills her mind with 
exceeding; sweet delight, and that she hardly cares lor any- 
thing exce|it to meditate on Him that *he expects to l)e 
received up where He is, to be ruiseil up out ot the world, 



and caught up into hcavtn; being assured that lie loves lier 
too well to let her remain at a distance from Him always. 
There she is to dwell with Him and to be ravished with His 
love and delight forever. Therefore, if you present all the 
world before her, with the richest of its treasures, she disre- 
gards it, and cares not for it, and is unmindful of any path 
of affliction. She has a strange sweetness in her mind, and 
singular purity in her affections; is most just and conscien- 
tious in all her conduct; and you could not persuade her to 
do anything wrong and sinful, if you would give her all this 
world, lest she should oft'end this Great Being. She is of a 
wonderful sweetness, calmness, and universal benevolence of 
mind; esjiecially after this Great God has manifested hunself 
to her mintl. She will sometimes go about from place to place, 
singing sweetly; and seems to be always full of joy and 
|)leasure, and no one knows for what. She loves to lie alone, 
walking in the fields and groves, and seems to have some 
one invisible always conversing with her. 

In less than one year after the ileath of Mr. Pier- 
pont, at "a meeting of the Society" — for the 
town was now by the erection of new parishes in 
the outlying districts divided into several ecclesi- 
astical societies — the inhabitants were called upon 
"to nominate a man to carry on the work of the 
ministry on probation.'' The people were divided 
in their preferences between two young men, both 
of whom had probably occupied the pulpit, but 
Mr. Joseph Noyes had a majority of votes. Having 
heard him for two months after this nomination, 
the society expressed their approbation of Mr. 
Noyes' labors so far ' ' as they had experienced the 
same," and engaged to give him, while he should 
labor in the ministry among them, "one hundred 
and twenty pounds per annum in money, or in 
grain and flesh" at certain jirices; and two hundred 
pounds in the same pay as a settlement. Then, the 
church having elected him to the office of pastor, 
he was ordained July 4, 1716. Mr. Noyes had 
spent the three years intervening between his grad- 
uation and his first appearance in the New Haven 
pulpit, as a tutor in the College at Saybrook. The 
College being removed to New Haven soon after 
his ordination, the collegians were an important 
addition to the audience to which he preached. 
From year to year a succession of men of superior 
intellect, including such as President Clap, Samuel 
Johnson, Jonathan Edwards, Eleazar Wheelock, 
Aaron Burr, and Joseph Bellam)', sat under his 
preaching. His ministry seems to have been pros- 
perous for a score of years after his ordination; but 
afterward the church passed through a stormy 
period, in which it suffered many unpleasant ex- 
periences, even to schismatic division. 

Spiritual religion had much declined in New 
England while the second and third generations 
were passing over the stage. The half-way cove- 
nant had gradually come into use, if not in every 
church, in nearly all; the church in New Haven 
falling into line when Pierpont came to it from 
eastern Massachusetts. Some of the churches 
adopting the belief that the Lord's Supper is a con- 
verting ordinance, admitted all who were of decent 
outward deportment and seekers after inward grace 
to full communion. The union of Church and 
State had subjected the churches to the civil power; 
and in Connecticut the Saybrook Platform had re- 
stricted the liberties of individuals and of individ- 
ual churches, to the detriment of believers and of 


churches as the instruments and organs of the Spirit 
of God. 

This declension was so great, that when the reac- 
tion came, there came evils with it which balanced 
and neutralized a great part of the good which there 
was in the return to spirituality. "The year 1735," 
says Bacon, "is commonly regarded as the com- 
mencement of that great religious excitement and 
revival in New England which made the middle of 
the last century so memorable in the history of our 
churches." The revival began in Northampton 
under the ministry of Jonathan Edwards. But 
many other towns in Massachusetts and Connecti- 
cut witnessed in the same year phenomena such as 
Edwards describes as appearing in Northampton. 

Presently a great and earnest concern about the great 
thnigs of religion and the eternal world became universal 
in all parts of the town and among persons of all degrees 
and all ages. All talk but about spiritual and eternal things 
was soon thrown by; all the conversation in all companies 
was upon these things only, except so much as neces- 
sary for people carrying on their ordinary secular business. 
The minds of people were wonderfully taken oft' fro^ the 
world: it was treated among us as a thing of very little 
conse<iuencc. All woidd eagerly lay hold of opportunities 
for their soids, and were wont very often to meet together 
in private houses for religious purposes: and such meetings 
when appointed were generally thronged. 

Mr. Edwards, who was a brother-in-law of Mr. 
Noyes, their wives being sisters, says in his narra- 
tive of the awakening in Northampton: 

There was a considerable revival of religion last summer 
at New Haven— old town — as I was once and again in- 
formed by the Rev. Mr. Noyes, the minister there, and 
by others. And by a letter which I have very lately received 
from Mr. Noyes, and also by information we have had 
otherwise, this nourishing of religion still contiuues and has 
lately much increased. Mr. Noyes writes that many this 
summer have been added to the church, and particularly 
mentions several young persons that belong to the principal 
families in that town. 

Thus far the revival had brought only unmingled 
joy to the ministers in general, and to Mr. Noyes in 
particular. But in 1 740 came Whitefield to New 
England; and the great revival which accompanied 
and followed his preaching, occasioned trouble for 
conservative ministers. Born and reared in Eng- 
land, where many of the clergy had entered the 
ministry without professing to have experienced a 
change of heart, ]\Ir. Whitefield felt at liberty to 
assume that the same state of things existed in New 
England, and to pronounce judgment against any 
minister who seemed to him to be in an uncon- 
verted state. Imitators of Mr. Whitefield assumed 
to themselves a similar authority of pronouncing 
judgment against' ministers who did not approve 
of the new methods. This was one of the troubles 
of conservatives among the clergy. Another, was 
the intrusion into their parishes of itinerant preach- 
ers, who having no flocks of their own, or hav- 
ing left their own sheep without a shepherd, went 
wherever they could find any to listen to them. 
Another, was the springing up of lay exhorters, 
who usurped the functions of the ministry, and 
put themselves into competition with educated and 
ordained ministers. Still another, was the occur- 
rence of bodily manifestations of spiritual experi- 
ence, such as outcries and agitations, visions, 
trances and ecstacies, wherein women, and some- 



limes men, of nervous temperament, lost their 
strenglli iind fell down on the floor, or on the 

These accompaniments of the revival divided the 
community, anil esjiccially the clergy, into three 
parties. One party oi)])osed the whole mttvement. 
Another favored it as a whole, hut endeavored to 
preserve it as jiure as possible from ingredients 
which came not from the Spirit of God, but from 
human weakness or satanic malice. A third party, 
could see nothing but good in the work, and 
thought all who criticized or opposed it were chil- 
dren of "The Wicked One." 

Mr. Noyes, though not oppofcd to revivals, as is 
evident from the way his brother-in-law writes of 
him in 1736, jirobably did not give Mr. Whiiefield 
a warm welcome when he came the first time to 
New Haven. Whiteiieid having preached in Boston 
and vicinit\- with much acceptance, visited Mr. 
Kdwards at Northampton, and stayed there several 
days. Thence he came to New Haven, where he 
was received as the guest of Mr. James Pierpont, a 
son of the pastor of the same name, and a brother- 
in-law of Mr. Edwards and of Mr. Noyes. Trum- 
bull, who favored the side of Whitefield, says: 
"Several ministers waited on him, with whose 
pious conversation he was much refreshed,' but 
does not mention Mr. Noyes. 

I\Ir. Whitefield was followed in his itinerant evan- 
gelistic work by Gilbert Tcnnent and others, under 
whose preaching there was great activity of mind 
througiiout the country on the subject of religion. 
Trumbull says that "Connecticut was more re- 
markably the seat of the work than any part of 
New England, or of the American colonies. In 
the years 1740, 1741 and 1742, it had pervaded, 
in a greater or less degree, every part of the col- 
ony. In most of the towns and societies it was 
very general and powerful." As the work pro- 
ceeded, more and more that was objectionable 
appeared. Let us take New Haven as an e.\- 
ample. When Mr. Whitefield came here in 1740, 
he was the guest of Mr. Pierpont rather than 
of IMr. Noyes; but it does not appear that Mr. 
Noyes actively used his influence against Mr. 
Whitefield, or that Mr. Whitefield in any respect, 
or in any degree, arrayed himself against Mr. 
Noyes. But in September, 1741, less than a 
year after Mr. Whitefield's visit, came the Rev. 
James Davenport to New Haven on a similar 
errand. He was a son of the Rev. John Daven- 
port, of Stamford, and a great-grandson of the first 
pastor at New Haven. Dr. Bacon thus describes 
him and his method of doing the work of an evan- 
gelist: "This man, having been educated at Yale 
College, where he graduated in 1732, had been 
for several jcars settled in the pastoral oflice at 
Southold on Long Island, and had been esteemed 
a pious, sound and faithful minister. But in the 
general religious excitement of 1740, he was carried 
away by enthusiastic impulses, and without asking 
the approbation and consent of his people, set out 
upon an itinerancy among the churches, leaving 
his own particular charge unprovided for. Wher- 
ever he went he caused much exxitement and 

much mischief. His proceedings were constantly 
of the most extravagant character. Endowed with 
some sort of eloquence, si)eaking from a heart all 
on fire, and accustomeil to yickl himself without 
reserve to everv enthusiastic impulse, he was able 
to produce a powerful effect upon mintis prepared 
by constitution or by prejudice to sympathize with 
him. His preaching was with the greatest strength 
of voice, and with the most violent gesticulation. 
It consisted chiefly of lively appeals to the imagi- 
nation and the nervous sensibilities; and in the 
mimicry or pantomime with which he described 
things absent or invisible, as if they were present to 
the senses, he appears to have been more daring, 
if not more powerful, than Whitefield himself. He 
would make nervous hearers feel as if he knew all 
the secret things of Gotl, speaking of the nearness 
of the day of judgment like one from whom noth- 
ing was hidden. He would work upon their fancy 
till they saw, as with their eyes, the agony, and 
heard, as with their ears, the groans of Calvary, 
and felt as the Popish cntiiusiast feels when, under 
the spell of music, he looks upon the canvas alive 
with the agony of Jesus. He would so describe 
the surprise, consternation and despair of the 
damned, with looks and screams of horror, that 
those who were capable of being moved b)- such a 
representation, seemed to see the gale of hell set 
open, and felt, as it were, the hot and stifling 
breath of the pit, and the •hell-flames flashing in 
their faces.' And if by such means he could cause 
any to scream out, he considered that as a sign of 
the special presence of the Holy Spirit, and re- 
doubletl his ow'n exertions till shriek after shriek, 
bursting from one quarter and another in hideous 
discord, swelled the horror of the scene. In one 
instance it is recorded of him as follows — and this 
I suppose to be an exaggerated description of the 
manner in which he ordinarily proceeded at the 
close of his sermon, when he found suft'icient en- 
couragement in the state of his audience: 'After a 
short prayer, he called all the distressed persons 
(who were near twenty) into the foremost seats. 
Then he came out of the pulpit and stripped off 
his upper garments, and got uj) into the seats, and 
leapeil up and down some time, and clapped his 
hands, and cried out in these words, 'The war 
goes on, the fight goes on, the Devil goes down, 
the Devil goes down ! ' and then betook himself to 
stamping and screaming most dreadfully." 

In 1740, Mr. Davenport became unduly excited, 
and exhibited, within his own parish, such svmp- 
toms of derangement as in these days would, 
doubtless, be regarded as justifving restraint In 
1 74 1 he felt an impulse, which he regarded as a 
call from God, to leave his parish and go from 
place to place and preach the Gospel. Crossing 
the Sound, he commenced at Stonington, and 
with such success that "the first day he preached, 
he believed near a hundred were struck with 
deep distress almost in a moment, inquiring 
what they should do to be saved .■' Many of his 
opposers, among the rest, came trembling and ask- 
ing forgiveness of God and him for all their hard 
speeches." Continuing his journey westward, he 



tarried awhile in Saybrook and other places, mak- 
ing a great impression upon multitudes of the peo- 
ple, by reason of his intense earnestness, but de- 
nouncing those who thought his zeal the result of 
derangement, especially if they were ministers. As 
everywhere, there were earnest Christians at New 
Haven, who, not suspecting that his mind was un- 
balanced, gladly received a man so earnest in his 
piety and so magnetic in his preaching. The fact 
that he was descended from the first pastor of the 
church, and that his mother was of the New Haven 
family of Morris, may have added somewhat to the 
friendliness with which he was received. Though 
allowed to occupy Mr. Noyes' pulpit, he soon be- 
gan to denounce the pastor. A contemporary 
letter to the Boslon Posl-Bo\\ probably written by 
President Clap, and cited in "Chauncey's Sea- 
sonable Thoughts," says : 

Mr. D.ivenport, in almost every prayer, ventre himself 
ai^ainst the minister of the pKice, and often dechires him to 
be an unconverted man; says that thousands are now curs- 
ing him in hell for being the instrument of their damnation. 
He charges all to pray for his destruction and confusion. 
He frequently calls him a hypocrite, a wolf in sheep's cloth- 
ing, and a devil incarnate; and uses such vile and opprobrious 
language as that, had it been done by any other man, he 
would have been immediately sent to the workhouse. I 
think that few or none of his greatest admirers undertake 
peremptorily to justify these things; but they have conceived 
such an extraordmary opinion of his holiness and success, as 
that they seem to suppose that he has had some extraordi- 
]iary assistance or commission to do that which may not be 
done by any other man. 

A week later, another letter to the Posl-Boy 
continues this account. 

New Haven, September 21, 1741.— Sundry of the breth- 
ren of the church in New Haven, being offended at Mr. 
Davenport's publicly condemning their pastor, the Rev. Mr. 
Noyes, as an unconverted man: calling him a wolf in sheep's 
clothing, with many other the like opjirobrious expressions, 
being met together at the house of the Rev. Mr. Noyes, 
desired Mr. Davenport to give the reasons why he has thus 
reproached and scandalized their pastor, which he did, as 
follows, viz.: 

1. That a woman came to Mr. Noyes mider conviction, 
and said that she was the greatest sinner in the world, and 
that Mr. Noyes endeavored to abate her convictions; to 
which Mr. Noyes replied that he did not remember the in- 
stance, but supposed that it might be thus, viz. : That he 
might tell her that she was a very great sinner, and that 
she ought to be sensible of it, and more sensible of her own 
sins than of any other person's in the world, but that he did 
not suppose she was really the greatest sinner in the world. 
Upon this, Mr. Davenjiort declared that Mr. Noyes's saying 
so was an evidence to him that he was an unconverted man : 
and afterwarils, explaining himself upon the word evidence, 
said that it gave him reason to believe it was so. 

2. Another reason was, because Mr. Noyes assumed an 
honor to himself in the ministry which did not belong to 
him, because a woman told him that sc-me years ago, she 
came to Mr. Noyes and brought a reLilion, wherem she 
mentioned the names of several ministers whom she supposed 
to have been instrumental of her conversion, and Mr. 
Noyes asked her if he had not also done something towards 
her conversion, and asked her why his name was not men- 
tioned. Mr. Davenport also added that several other per- 
sons had told him that Mr. Noyes disliked their relations be- 
cause there were so many names in them besides his; to 
which Mr. Noyes replied. 

That he did not remember apy such thing, and was confi- 
dent that it was a misrepresentation. 

3. Another reason was that Mr. Noyes was not a friend to 
this work going on among them; and that he did not coun- 
tenance itinerant preachers, and that several persons had 
told him that they came to meeting with their affections 

raised, and that Mr. Noyes' preaching deadened and dis- 
couraged them, and tended to stifle their convictions; to 
which Mr. Noyes replied, that his preaching and conduct in 
these things were publicly known, and that every one was 
capable of judging without his saying anything on the 

4. That Mr. Noyes, in private conversation with Mr. 
Davenport, had said to this effect, that he had been deeply 
sensible of the vileness and corruption ol his own nature,and 
that every one that turned his thoughts inward might easily 
have such a sense, and that Mr. Noyes seemed to suppose 
that it was an easy thing; that Mr. I)avenport thence con- 
cluded that he had never experienced it himself: to which 
Mr. Noyes replied, 

That he at that time utterly refused to give Mr. Daven- 
port any account of his experiences, but that they had some 
discourse upon some doetrimii pointi, but he could not think 
that Mr. Davenport could reasonably understand him to 
mean or intentl that every natural man had a sense of the 
vileness and corruption of his nature, or that it was an easy 
thing to have it. Several things were said upon this head, 
which could not easily be minuted down, but on the whole, 
there seemed to be a misunderstanding between them. 

Upon the whole, Mr. Davenport declared that these 
reasons were sufficient to justify him in censuring and con- 
demning Mr. Noyes as he had done. Then he said he 
would make a sort of acknowledgment, and without any 
notice given, while divers in the room were talking loud and 
others smoking, and some with their hats on, he began a 
l^rayer; but there being so much noise in the room, he was 
hardly heard at first. Many kept on talking; others cried 
out " stop him; " the Rev. Mr. Noyes spoke once or twice, 
and said: "Mr. Davenport, I forbid your praying in my 
house without my leave; " but he persisted, and went on in 
the midst of the greatest noise, confusion, and consternation, 
and declared Mr. Noyes an unconverted man, and his people 
to be as sheep without a shepherd, and prayed that what he 
had now said might be a means of his and their conversion, 
" or else according to thy will let them be confounded;" 
and after that manner went on near a quarter of an hour. 
.\nd when he had done, Mr. Noyes forbad him ever going 
into his pulpit any more; and some declared to Mr. Daven- 
port that his praying in that manner was a-takingthe name 
of God in vain, and so the assembly broke up in great con- 

This is the truth according to the best of our remem- 
brance; and the substance of the conference was minuted 
down at the time of it, and publicly read to Mr. Davenport 
and the rest, immediately after. 

Thomas Clap, Rector of Vale College, 

John Punderson, 

John Munson, 

Theoph. Munson, 

Andrew Tuttle, 

Samuel Mix, Suiseriiers. 

"From this time," says Rev. Dr. Button, speak- 
ing of the conference on the 21st of September, 
" there began to be an or^tj/ii'seJ opposilion to Mr. 
Noyes, and parties began to be formed and to run 
high, w'hich probably then and certainly ere long, 
took the forms, the one of hostility and the other 
of friendship to the revival, and the names of New 
and Old Lights; Mr. Noyes and his friends on the 
one side, and his opposers and their adherents on 
the other." 

At the next society's meeting, which was on the 
28th of December, about three months after Mr. 
Davenport's visit, the follow'ing memorial was pre- 
sented, signed by thirty-eight men. 

To the First Society in t/ie To-.un of New [{aven. 

Whereas, We the subscribers, have by long and sorrowful 
experience, found that the preaching and conduct of the 
Rev. Mr. Noyes has been in great measure unprofitable to 
us, and that we have also reason to think that he differs 
from us in some points of faith, we desire (^not, as we hope, 
out of any prejudice to the persons of Mr. Noyes and our 
brethren and friends of the society, to whom we heartily 



wish all goixl) tlijt (hey would allow us and others that 
may incline to ioin Willi u>, lo diaw oil' from llicm in charity, 
wishing; lo lie a dislinct socicly, that wr may put our- 
selvi.'S under the best advanta^je to worship (lod, under such 
means, as he in his i;ood providence may allow, and we 
hope will liless, for our spiritual good and edilication. 

Tlic sii,Miois t)f this petition were Gideon Antirews, 
Calel) 'I'utlle, Jusepli Mix, Caleb Bradley, Joseph 
Btirroughs, David Austin, Jacob Turner, Caleb 
Andrews, Enos Tultle, Obadiah IMunson, Stephen 
Johnson, Samuel Cook, Timothy Mix, Samuel 
Horton, Thomas Punderson, Jr. , Joseph Sackett, 
Hezekiah Beeclier, Joseph Mix, Jr., Knos Thomp- 
son, John Jkill. Caleb Ilotchkiss, Jr., Benjamin 
Woodin. Caleb Bull, 'i'imothy Jones, Benjamin 
Wilniolt, Daniel Turner, Stephen Austin, Thomas 
Wilmott, Abraham Tliom[)son, Mercy Ailing, Ja- 
bez Slierinan, Amos Tuttlc, Thomas Leek, Ezekiel 
Sanford, Timothy Ailing, Amos Peck. 

" To us at this day, "says Dr. Bacon, •' it seems 
perfectly obvious that the only wise or reasonable 
course in regard to such a memorial, and indeed 
the only course consistent with the principles of 
religious freedom, was either to take such measures 
as might conciliate the petitioners and overcome 
their prejudices ; or, if that seemed impracticable, 
to grant them their request at once. The town, as 
experience soon proved, was large enough for two 
congregations. In Hartford there had been two 
churches, both recognized in law, for seventy years. 
A controversy not unlike that which was now 
breaking out here, had commenced in Guilford 
twelve years before, and had been adjusted, after 
several years of confusion, only by the interference 
of the Legislature to erect the minority into a new 
society. Yet in the face of the lessons taught by 
the experience of other places, the people here, 
when the question was proposed to the society 
whether they would do anything with respect to 
the memorial of the dissatisfied party, answered in 
the negative. Contention was now of course to be 

"The next step of the dissatisfied party was to 
prefer to the church, articles of complaint against 
the pastor, expecting, or at least demanding, that 
the charges should be investigated according to the 
strict Congregational discipline, either by the church 
itself or by a council agreed upon between the par- 
ties. In opposition to this demand, it was claimed 
that the Saybrook articles, which were a part of the 
ecclesiastical constitution of the colony and of this 
church, had provided a different and better way for 
investigating charges against a pastor. By that 
rule, the ministers of the county in their associa- 
tion were in the first instance to receive charges 
against a brother pastor, and, if they saw reason, 
were to direct to the calling of a council of the con- 
sociated churches of the county. But such was 
the standing of Mr. Noyes with the ministers and 
churches of the vicinity, that the complainants were 
unwilling to bring their cause before such a tri- 
bunal. The question was therefore raised whether 
the church had ever adopted the Saybrook articles 
as a rule of discipline; and though the former pas- 
tor of the church had been not only a leading 
member of the synod that framed the platform, but 

even the principal author of that instrument; and 
though the church was present, by its pastor and 
delegate, in the council wiiich had approved the 
platform and formed the consociation R)r the county, 
and had uniformly acted as one of the confederate 
churches of the county, it was now maintained by 
the complainants that, inasmuch as there was no 
wiitten record of any action of the church formally 
acceding to the Saybrook continuation, it was still 
to be considered as under the old rule of strict Con- 
gregationalism. And when the church overruled 
their objection and adopted a vote declaring that 
in this church the Saybrook articles were to be ob- 
served, the ground of complaint was altered. They 
now profe.ssed to be the aggrieved jiarly: they pro- 
fes.sed that they had always considered themselves 
as belonging to an unconsociated church; and they 
insisted that .Mr. Noyes and his friends had ' di- 
vested them of their ancient ecclesiastical privilege^,' 
and by adopting the Saybrook platform, had formed 
themselves into another church than that with which 
they, the complainants, were in covenant. 

" Accordingly, considering their relation as mem- 
bers of this church to be at an end, they proceeded, 
without delay, to take the benefit of the Act of Tol- 
eration, and to organize themselves as a religious 
congregation dissenting from the established wor- 
ship of the colony. 

"On Friday, the 7th of May, 1742, they were 
solemnly constituted a Congregational Church, by 
four ministers called for the pur]iose from the east- 
ern district of Fairfield County, namely, Samuel 
Cooke, John Graham, Elisha Kent and Joseph 

The number of persons uniting in the organi- 
zation was forty-three — eighteen males and twenty- 
five females. But in a few weeks the number in- 
creased to between seventy and eighty. 

Leaving for the present the history of the new 
church, we follow the history of that which re- 
mained, after the secession, as the First Church, or 
to use the full name by which it has chosen to be 
called, "The First Church of Christ in New Haven." 
But for seventeen years the history of the new church 
was very much mixed with that of the old, for the 
reason that its members and adherents belonged by 
law to the Fir»t Society. The Act of Toleration 
permitted them to worship by themselves, but they 
were still bound to pay taxes for the support of 
Mr. Noyes as if they had continued to attend upon 
his ministry, anil tiiey still had a right to vote in 
meetings of the society. Our narrative will first 
follow the history of the old church to the present 
day, and then return to the church which separated 
from it in 1 742. 

There was unipiestionably a dissatisfaction with 
Mr. Noyes' preaching widely and deeply felt in his 
society; and this feeling was intensified by the con- 
trast between his cold and dull discourses and the 
fervent and nervous appeals of the preachers whom 
the new church brought here to preach for a Sab- 
bath or two in the private house of Mr. Timothy 
Jones. Mr. Noyes was charged by his opponents 
with heterodoxy; but this must have been but a 
partisan accusation. Nothing was heard of it till 



the visit of Mr. Davenport, and Mr. Noyes ever 
professed allegiance to the Westminster standards. 
Such hard appellations as an Arminian, aUniversal- 
ist, and even a Deist, were sometimes used in the 
warfare against him. Probably as the contest pro- 
ceeded he did become less and less earnest in pre- 
senting and enforcing such doctrines as the entire 
sinfulness of man and the need of regeneration by 
the Spirit of God. Probably he did oppose what 
he considered the errors of the Revivalists by seda- 
tives rather than by promoting a puie revival, but 
it is not established that he departed from the or- 
thodoxy of his time. 

Before the organization of the new church, the 
First Society had resolved, by a full vote, to proceed 
to the settlement of a colleague pastor, and had 
requested Mr. Noyes, Deacon Punderson and Cap- 
tain John Munson to apply to the association at 
their next meeting for advice and direction in regard 
to the person that might be suitable to be called as 
assistant in the work of the ministry. The Sepa- 
ratists did not postpone their separation on account 
of this proposal, having probably no hope that 
either the association would recommend, or the 
old church would receive, a pastor satisfactory to 
those who were dissatisfied with Mr. Noyes. After 
the organization of the new church, the First So- 
ciety continued to talk about a colleague, but 
nothing decisive was done till Mr. Noyes was fifteen 
years older than he was at the organization of the 
second church. 

During these years the new church had prospered. 
They had built a meeting-house, settled a minister, 
and outgrown the extravagances which naturally 
resulted from the derangement of the man under 
whose leadership their secession commenced. In- 
deed, Mr. Davenport himself, some four years after 
his visit to New Haven, which precipitated, if it did 
not occasion, the schism in the church, emerged 
from his derangement, and bitterly repented of 
many things which he had done inconsistent, both 
with a sound mind and with the law of love. 

Not only had the new church in New Haven 
prospered, but throughout the country the New 
Lights, as the party which favored the revival were 
called, had greatly increased in number. Yale 
College, whose President, and Fellows, and Faculty 
had been strongly opposed to the New Lights, was 
suffering in its interests from its connection with 
Mr. Noyes. His preaching had become devoid of 
interest to both the instructors and the students of 
the college; and as the New Lights were multiplied 
in the colony, many parents disliked to intrust their 
sons to the religious instruction of Mr. Noyes. 
President Clap, who had been in entire sympathy 
with Mr. Noyes in his opposition to the revival, 
became convinced that the welfare of the college 
required a dilTerent preacher for the students, and 
seeing no prospect of a successor or a colleague to 
Mr. Noyes, took the bold step of establishing sep- 
arate worship in the college. The Rev. Naphtali 
Daggett was appointed Professor of Divinity, and 
the instructors and students assembled on the 
Lord's Day in the College Hall for worship, instead 
of going to the meeting-house of the First Society. 

When Professor Daggett had preached in the College 
Hall about a year, the First Society, "with Mr. 
Noyes's good liking," made an effort to secure him 
as colleague pastor with Mr. Noyes, and thus bring 
back the college to their congregation. When that 
proposal had been declined, they requested that 
the professor would preach in their pulpit half the 
time. But the college corporation being unwilling 
to recede from the position they had taken, that 
worship ought to be maintained within a Christian 
college, theie was no. deliverance for the First So- 
ciety out of their troubles by means of Professor 
Daggett. But the negotiation with so thorough a 
Calvinist shows that the old church, however op- 
posed to what the New Lights called " the revival," 
had not departed from their ancient faith. Indeed 
in the course of this negotiation, they solemnly de- 
clared their adhesion to the Confession of Faith 
owned in the churches of the colony, and to the 
Westminster Assembly's catechism. 

About fifteen years after the organization of the 
new church, and about six years after the installa- 
tion of Rev. Mr. Bird as its pastor, it became evi- 
dent that a majority of the voters in the First Soci- 
ety were New Lights. While they were still in a 
minority they had made strenuous endeavors to 
persuade the General Assembly of the colony to 
set them oflf as a distinct society, and when their 
increase threatened a possibility that they might soon 
outnumber their opponents, the Old Lights became 
willing to second their endeavors. With a view to 
a division into two societies, the society ordered 
that all the inhabitants have liberty to enter their 
names, declaring to which party they choose to be- 
long, by the general distinction of " Mr. Noyes's 
party," and "Mr. Bird's party." But when by this 
enrollment it became evident that the New Lights 
were the majority, they appeared in a society meet- 
ing in suflicient numbers to rescind what had been 
done with a view to a division, and voted a call to 
Mr. Bird " to be the minister of this society," and 
an appointnent of the New Light meeting-house to 
" be the place of public worship for the present." 

The settlement of the Rev. Chancey Whittlesey 
as a colleague with Mr. Noyes so far restored 
power to the Old Lights, that they were able, in 
1759, to secure the division which at first they 
would not allow and afterward could not obtain. 
In October of that year, by an act of the General 
Assembly, the adherents of the First Church were 
constituted the first society; and ^the adherents of 
the new church were incorporated as a new ec- 
clesiastical society by the name of the White Haven 
Society. "The plate and all the property of the 
First Church remained undivided. The new brick 
meeting-house, erected partly by the funds of the 
church, and partly by donatinns from individuals 
was declared the property of the First Society. The 
old meeting-house, the bell, and all the property 
which had belonged to the society before the com- 
mencement of the difficulties, was declared to be- 
long to the two societies in equal proportions. " * 

The mention of the church plate in the .Act of the 
General Assembly, suggests an interesting incident 

* Bacon's Historical Discourses. 



which occurred during the ministry of Mr. Noyes. 
A merchant of New Haven, Mr. Jeremiah Atwater, 
purciiaseti a keg of nails in lioston in wiiith lie 
fountl concealed some silver dollars. He wrote to 
the lioston merchant, aci|uainting him with the dis- 
covery, and iiu|iiiring how the money could here- 
stored to tile rightful owner. The merchant re- 
plied that the nails were imported with many other 
similar packages; that the keg had passed through 
many hands, and, liaving no distinguishing mark, 
could not be traced back; that as for himself he 
purchaseil the goods for nails and sold them for 
nails, and t)f course had no claim for the money; 
and that the present possessor must dispose of it 
as he saw fit. -Mr. Atwater kept the money for the 
rightful owner till, a few days before his death, he 
made a will, in which he gave the money to the 
church of w hich he was a member. This traditional 
history, preserved in the family of his nephew and 
namesake, Jeremiah Atwater, .Steward of Vale Col- 
lege, and by his children related to Rev. Dr. Bacon is 
confirmed by the following facts: That church now 
possesses and uses a baptismal basin of solid silver, 
12 inches in diameter and 3 inches deep, weighing 
two pounds and one ounce avoirdupois, and bear- 
ing this inscri[)tion on its broad brim: " The gift 
of Mr. Jeremiah Atwater to the First Church of 
Christ in New Haven, a.d. 1735. ' 

In the Probate Office of New Haven is recorded 
the last will and testament of Jeremiah Atwater, 
dated New Haven October 21, 1732. In this docu- 
ment he thus disposes of his property: I give and 
bequeath unto the First Church of Christ in New 
Haven the sum of fifty pounds, to be improved, for 
plate, or otherwise, as the Pastor and Deacons for 
the time being shall direct, as most useful and prop- 
er, for the use of said First Church forever. Item: 
ten pounds for the relief of the poor in fellowship 
with the church aforesaid, as the Pastor and Dea- 
cons aforesaid shall think proper. After a few other 
items he becjueaths all the residue of his estate to 
his dear-and only child, Lydia Atwater, to her and 
her heirs forever. Mr. Atwater, died October 27, 
1732, six days after the date of the will. The will 
was probated November 6, 1732. The interval of 
more than two years between his death and the 
date inscribed on the basin was the time during 
which the settlement of the estate and the fabrica- 
tion of the plate were proceeding. * 

Mr. Noyes died June 14, 1761, a little more 
than three years after the ordination of his col- 
league. His tomb, like that of Pierpont, is beneath 
the edifice where his successors in the pastorate 
preach the gospel to the descendants of his parish- 

The Rev. Channcey Whittlesey, a son of the 
second pastor of the church in Wallingford, was 
born October 28, 1717. He graduated at Vale 
College in 1738, and continued his studies as a 
resident graduate till he was appointed a tutor in 
1739. He remained in this office for si.\ years. 
President Stiles, who preached the sermon at his 
funeral, testifies of him: 

• See an article on this subject by Rev. Dr. Bacon in the Journal 
and Courier of July 15, 1853. 

He was an excellent classical scholar, well acquuinted 
witli the three learned languages- the Latin, (Ireek and 
Hebrew; 1)Ut especially the I.:itin and (Iieek. He was well 
acqiKiintc^l with geography, mathematics, natural philoso- 
phy and astronomy; with moral philosophy and history; and 
with the general cyclopedia of literature. He availed him- 
self of the ailvantages of an acailemic life, and amassed, by 
laborious reading, a great treasure of wisdom; and for lit- 
erature he was, in his day, oracular at college; for he 
taught with facility_and success in every branch of knowl- 
edge. He had a very happy talent of instruction, and com- 
municating the knowledge of the lilieral arts and sciences. 

About a year after his appointment as tutor, he 
was " approbated " to preach as a candidate R)r ihe 
ministry, ami during his connection with the col- 
lege was often called to render occasional assist- 
ance to Mr. Noyes. His piety was too sober ami 
his manner too calm to please the New Lights. 
David liraineril made him famous by saying of 
him, "He has no more grace than this chair." 
Urainerd, entering college whert Mr. Whittlesey 
commenced his work as tutor, was so modest and 
humble in his Freshman year that "on Lord's Day, 
July 6 (1640), being Sacrament Day, (he) found 
some divine life and spiritual refreshment in that 
holy ordinance," and "next Lord's Day, July 13, 
had some special sweetness in religion; and again, 
Lord's Day, July 20, (his) soul was in a sweet and 
precious frame ' under the ministry of Mr. Noyes. 
Having in his Sophomore year grown more "cold 
and dull " in matters of religion by means of am- 
bition in his studies, he was " much quickened " 
in the great and general awakening," which, begin- 
ning in January, 1741, spread itself over the Col- 
lege. 15ut after the coming of James Davenport to 
New Haven in September of that year, Brainerd 
had the unhappiness, as President Edwards ex- 
presses it, "to have a tincture of that intemperate, 
indiscreet zeal, which was at that time too preva- 
lent: and was led from his high opinion of others 
that he looked upon as better than himself into 
such errors as were really contrary to the habitual 
temper of his mind. " It once happened that he 
and two or three of his intimate friends were in 
the hall together after Tutor Whittlesey "had en- 
gaged in prayer with the scholars, no other person 
now remaining in the hall but Brainerd and his 
companion.s. Mr. Whittlesey having been un- 
usually pathetical in his prayer, one of Brainerd's 
friends on this occasion asked him what he thought 
of Mr. Whittlesey. He made answer, ' He has no 
more grace than this chair.' " 

One of the Freshman, happening at that time to 
be near the hall, though not in the room, overheard 
these words, and reported them to a woman in the 
town, who communicated them to the Rector of 
the college. For this oftense, aggravated by going 
to the New Light meeting when forbidden by the 
Rector, and by saying that he wondered the Rector 
did not ex])ect to flill down dead for fining the 
scholars who followed Mr. Tennent to Milford to 
hear him preach there, he was expelled from col- 

"In 1745," says Dr. Bacon, "Mr. Whittlesey 
resigned his office in the college, and, for reasons 
which do not appear, relinquished his design of 
entering into the ministry, and settled in this place 



as a merchant. He continued in business about 
ten years. During all that time he was an active 
member of this church and society. He was 
bn>ught forward by his fellow citizens into political 
life. He represented this town in the General As- 
sembly of the colony, and ' in a variety of public 
trusts he discharged himself with fidelity and grow- 
ing influence.' 

"At length, after the affairs of the society had 
arrived at the greatest perplexity, the members and 
partisans of the separating congregation having be- 
come a majority in all society meetings, and the 
efforts to obtain the services of the college Professor 
of Divinity as assistant minister having proved un- 
successful, the church, with entire unanimity, 
elected Mr. Whittlesey to be colleague pastor with 
Mr. Noyes. The concurrence of the society, as a 
legal body, was of course out of the question; for 
the church and those who adhered to the old pas- 
tor had already become a separate meeting, with a 
place of w^orship erected by themselves. Instead 
of this, the members of the congregation worshiping 
with the church united in a subscription to a paper 
expressing their preference of Mr. Whittlesey, and 
pledging him a support in case of his settlement as 
pastor of the church. " Accordingly an ecclesias- 
tical council was convened, by whom Mr. Whittle- 
sey was "separated to the work of the gospel 
ministry, and inducted into the pastoral office in 
and over the First Church and Congregation of 
New Haven." 

The place of worship of which Dr. Bacon speaks 
as erected by the church and its adherents, was 
the third meeting-house in which the church 
had worshiped. The first having been poorly 
built, gave place to the second in 1670, during the 
ministry of Mr. Street. The second house had a 
pyramidal roof, which, after 1680, was surmounted 
by a bell, the bell-ringer standing in the "alley," 
under the apex of the pyramid. In the course of 
its service of more than eighty years, it was not 
only supplied with additional seats and additions 
to its galleries, but, to meet the requirements of 
the town, which, though not growing rapidly, made 
some progress from one generation to another, was 
enlarged in 1699, by an addition "on the side next 
to the burying place." 

The third edifice was not built by the ecclesi- 
astical society within whose bounds it stood, but by 
the Church itself; which, in November, 1753, con- 
sidering that a more decent and comfortable house 
to worship God in was needful, and the many 
public stations in this place make it more expedi- 
ent, judged it is proper for them to promote the 
building said house." To this end they appointed 
a building committee, and voting to sell two par- 
cels of land, appropriated the proceeds to the 
building of the new meeting-house. At subse- 
quent meetings several other appropriations were 
made for finishing the edifice, the last of which was 
in June, 1756. At that time, " after prayer to the 
God of all wisdom, the Church observing the de- 
cayed state of the house they now worship in, and 
in consequence the necessity of finishing the brick 
house, and having the report of the committee for 

building said house, judge it their duty to improve 
part of what their forefathers laid up for pious uses, 
for building an house for the Lord and accord- 
ingly" gave to that end six several pieces of land 
to be sold, "to finish the said brick house with, 
hoping it will prepare the same for our meeting in 
it next winter." 

The brick meeting-house erected in the time of 
Mr. Noyes by the Church and owned by the 
Church, was, according to the measurement of Dr. 
Stiles, 72i feet long, and 50 feet wide.* It stood 
a little east of where its successor was erected in 
181 2. Its longest dimension was a nearly north 
and south line; its pulpit was on its west side; its 
tower or steeple projected from the north end; 
there were three entrances, one through the tower, 
one at the south end, and one on the east side, 
where the steps encroached upon Temple street. 

At the time of Mr. Whittlesey's ordination he was, 
says Dr. Bacon, "in the fortieth year of his age. 
His ministry, though begun so late in life, and in 
circumstances so inauspicious, was long, peaceful, 
and, for the age in which he labored, prosperous. 
The Church and congregation were perfectly united 
in him; and during the whole period of his minis- 
try there appears to have been no division among 
them and no alienation of their affection from him." 

Dr. Bacon, in explanation of his remark that Mr. 
Whittlesey's ministry was i)rosperous for the age in 
which he labored, alludes to three respects in which 
the age was unpropitious. One was the extrava- 
gances of the revival which had preceded. Presi- 
dent Edwards says in a letter to a friend in Scot- 
land in 1 751: 

TViere are undoulitedly very many instances in New Eng- 
land, in tlie wfiole, of the perseverance of such as were 
thought to have received the saving benefits of the late re- 
vival of religion, and of their continuing to walk in newness 
of life and as becomes saints— instances which are incontest- 

al-ile, and whicli men must be most liMnd not to see but I 

believe the proportion here is not so great as in Scotland. I 
cannot say that the greater [lart of supposed converts give 
reason, by their conversation, to suppose that they are true 
converts. The proportion may perhaps be more truly rep- 
resented by the proportion of the blossoms on a tree which 
abide and come to mature fruit, to the whole number of 
blossoms in the spring. 

Such spurious experiences are exceedingly de- 
structive to true religion, both in those who have 
been self-deceived and in those who have watched 
the process and seen the end. 

Another respect in which Mr. Whittlesey's age 
was unpropitious to his work w-as the prevalence 
of church quarrels. The revival had resulted not 
only in the falling off of many blossoms, but in the 
division of churches, and the bitter alienation, one 
from anotlier, of those who called themselves the 
servants of the same master. How bitter this alien- 
ation was in New Haven we shall have occasion 
to see when, going back to the place in our narra- 
tive where the second church broke oft' from the 
first, we follow another thread of the story. 

Then, thirdly, Mr. Whitdesey's ministry was 
synchronous with the political and social agitations 
which preceded and accompanied the Revolution-^ 

*Sules' Literary Diary. 



ary War. The public mind was excited for years 
by the passage of tlie Stamp Act, and the measures 
taken to jirevent its uperalion. Jarcd Ingcrsoll, the 
Stamp-Master fur Connecticut, was a leading mem- 
ber of Mr. Wliittlesey's ciiurcii. Then came the 
sliock of arms and tiie division of the people into 
Whigs and Tories. Josliiia Chandler, the Tory, 
was an active anil influential member of Mr. Whit- 
tlesey's church. It is a wonder that the Church 
was not split into factions and the pastor involved 
in the social tjuarrels of the day. It was good suc- 
cess to pass safely through such a stormy period, 
even though there were few accessions to the 
church, and no unusual manifestations of interest 
in the things of the spirit. 

But, notwithstanding all the disadvantages of his 
time of service, his ministry was not without fruit, 
two hundred and si.xty being added to the church 
while he was p.istor. He died July 24, 1787, in 
the seventieth year of his age and in the thirtieth 
year of his ministry. His grave, like those of 
Pierpont and Noyes, is beneath the present church 

"After the death I if the venerable Whittlesey," 
says Dr. Bacon, "the pulpit was supplied for a 
season, according to one of the most beautiful of 
the ecclesiastical usages of New England, by the 
neighboring pastors — each of the thirteen ministers 
who were present at the funeral volunteering to 
give one Sabbath's service for the benefit of the 
widow of their ileceased brother and father. Imme- 
diately afterwards, the Rev. Dr. James Dana, of Wal- 
lingford, being at that time free from the labor of 
preaching in his own church, was called in to sup- 
ply the vacant pulpit statedly. In January, 1789, 
the Church and society, with unanimity, elect- 
ed him their pastor; and on the 29th of April he 
was inducted into the pastoral office. Dr. Dana 
preached the sermon at his own installation, which, 
I believe, is the latest instance of that ancient 
usage in New England. Thus, in less than two 
years after the church's bereavement, another pas- 
tor was harmoniously settled." 

Dr. Dana's health having failed some years before 
his removal from Wallingford, he had relinquished 
his salary anti been released from the duties of his 
office without a dismission from the office itself. 
Having now regained his health, he was willing, 
though more than fifty years old, to undertake a 
new pastorate. He had been, in his youth, a man 
of suspected orthodoxy. Naturally conservative, 
as he was known to be, the New Lights had op- 
posed his settlement at Wallingford, thinking that 
he would set himself against what they regarded as 
a work of God. But as he advanced in the minis- 
try, he advanced in the respect of ministers and 
churches. They were "constrained to recognize 
in him a man of great talents and learning; of great 
judgment and prudence in the management of af- 
fairs; of great fearlessness and conscientiousness in 
performing what he conceived to be his duty: and 
of eminent public usefulness." The honorary de- 
gree of Doctor of Divinity, bestowed upon him by 
the University of Edinburgh, did not diminish, and 
perhaps incrcasetl, the esteem in which he was held. 

Besides, during Dr. Dana's residence in Walling- 
ford, the distinction between "Old Light and New 
Light "had in some measure given place to the 
distinction between " oUI divinity and new divin- 
ity." The New Lights had generally gone with 
Bellamy, Hopkins, West and the younger Ed- 
wards for those "improvements," which distin- 
guish New England theology from an older Calvin- 
ism. But some ol them did not receive "im- 
provements " and "were willing to acknowledge 
Dana as orthodox in comparison with these in- 
ventors of new divinity, and to forget the heresy 
and schism of his youth for the sake of the strength 
with which he could lead them to war against such 
metaphysical giants as those of licthlehem, and 
Stockbridgo, and Newport.'' The Church in New 
Haven was well acipiainted with Dr. Dana, hav- 
ing not only heard him as a candidate for more 
than a year, but often when he exchanged pulpits 
with Mr. Whittlesey ; for, though eighteen years 
younger than his predecessor at New Haven, he 
was ordained in the same year with him, and they 
had been accustomed to frecpient exchanges. 

The two younger churches in New Haven were 
invited to the council called for the induction of 
Dr. Dana. During the calamities and terrors of the 
Revolutionary War the churches, which before had 
had no communion one with another, were drawn 
together by their common aflliction. Dr. Stiles 
writes in his diary a few weeks after the British had 
invaded New Haven: 

.\ugusl 12, 1779, TuKSiiAV. — Last week the ministers 
of the township of New I lavcn met vohiiUarily and a^'rced 
to jiropose to tlieir churches a voluntary Kast, on account 
of the (listrcssinj; calamities and peculiar danger of the 
seaports; proposing Thursday, 12th inst., as tlie day. This 
was laid licforc the churches and congregations List Lord's 
Day and approved. This day the nine churches in the several 
parishes in this town observed as a day of solemn fasting, 
prayer and humiliation. It was observed here with great 
decency and apparent solemnity, the militia attending divine 
service. I went to Mr. Edwards' meeting in the forenoon. 
Mr. Whittlesey's and Mr. Mather's agreed to meet together 
in Mr. Whittlesey's mc-ting-house, which they did. As Mr. 
Mather is in ill-health, it relieved him of one exercise. I at- 
tended Mr. Whittlesey's i\ m., when he i)reached upon 
Isaiah xlviii, 911. The presence of Ciod seemed to be 
with us all the day. Blessed be Ciod that he has put it into 
the hearts of His people to seek to Ilim in the hour of dis- 
tress; especially now that we arc threatened with the return 
of the enemy to lay New Haven in ashes. 

Perhaps from the time of this Fast in 1779 — cer- 
tainly for some years before the death of Mr. Whit- 
tlesey — there was so much of peace and love among 
the three Congregational churches within the limits 
of the First Society, that the mondily lecture pre- 
paratory to the Lord's Supper was preached at the 
three houses of worship in rotation as a united 
service. But the ministers of the two younger 
churches were so dissatisfied with Dr. Dana, when 
he was examined by the council, that they withdrew 
from this union in the prejiaratory lecture. In this 
withdrawal they had the sympathy and perhaps 
the advice of other new divinity ministers. 

Dr. Dana's ministry in New Haven does not 
show large visible results. "The average annual 
addition to the number of communicants during 
his ministry of sixteen years anil a half was only 



between five and six: ninety-three in all." " Yet it 
deserves to be noticed, "says Dr. Bacon, "that the 
period of Dr. Dana's ministry in this church, es- 
pecially the former part of it, was the period im- 
mediately following the Revolutionary War, when 
the disastrous and demoralizing influences of that 
long conflict were felt most powerfully in all the 
churches; and when the country in the joy of its 
new liberty, and in its sympathy with the hopes and 
horrors of the French Revolution, was continually 
blazing with intense excitement; the period in 
which the long darkness that ensued upon the ex- 
travagances of 1740 was just the deepest; the 
period in which the ministry of so gifted and 
evangelical a divine as the younger Edward.s; came 
to an end in this very town for the want of success; 
the period just before the commencement of those 
great, successive, spreading, religious awakenings, 
which characterize" the early years of the nineteenth 

"Dr. Dana, by his discretion and his dignified 
propriety of conduct; by his diligence and courage 
in visiting the sick, especially in times of pestilence, 
when some other ministers retreated from the 
danger; by the venerable beauty of all his public 
performances, particularly of his prayers; and by 
his unquestionable reputation for learning and 
wisdom; continued to hold the affections of the 
people much longer than most men could have 
done in similar circumstances.'' But when, in the 
winter of 1804-5, during the confinement of the 
pastor by illness, the people listened to the eloquence 
of Mr. IVIoses Stuart, impetuous by reason of his 
temperament, his youth, and his radical theology, 
they discovered, and especially the younger portion 
of them, that Dr. Dana was old and dull. Arrange- 
ments were therefore commenced for procuring Mr. 
Stuart as a colleague, and when he declined to 
accept such a position, the society signified by vote 
their will that " Dr. Dana retire from his pastoral 
labors." The right to do this they had reserved 
at the time of his settlement. Dr. Dana's relation 
to the church and society was consequently dis- 
solved by an ecclesiastical council in December, 
1805; and Mr. Stuart, being elected pastor of the 
church and invited to become the settled minister 
of the society, was ordained March 5, 1806. 

With Mr. Stuart's induction there came a great 
change in the condition of the church and society. 
His sermons were fitted to awaken activity of the 
intellect and of the sensibilities in any congre- 
gation, but their effect was augmented by the long- 
continued attendance of the people on the sedative 
preaching of Dr. Dana. During his brief ministry 
207 persons were added to the church. 

Mr. Stuart, after having served the church as 
pastor a little less than four years, was dismissed at 
his own request, the church and society reluctantly 
consenting. Having been invited to the Professor- 
ship of Sacred Literature in the Theological Semi- 
nary at Andover, he considered himself called in 
the providence of God to relinquish the pastoral 
office, and to be employed in forming the minds 
and hearts of others for the service of the spiritual 


" For two years after the removal of Professor 
Stuart, the church was without a pastor. On the 
8th of April, 181 2, the vacancy was filled by the 
ordination of the Rev. Nathaniel W.Taylor. In this 
ordination Dr. Dana officiated as moderator of the 
ordaining council, joined in the laying on of the 
hands of the Presbytery, and in the name of the coun- 
cil gave the charge to the candidate. During the 
ministry of his immediate successor his stern and 
wounded feelings had forbidden him to unite with 
this church in public worship. Still more had he 
felt him.self forbidden to sit under the preaching of 
the man for whom the Society had treated him, in 
his old age, with what he esteemed great disrespect. 
He had therefore withdrawn, and at the College 
Chapel had attended on the ministry of President 
Dwight. The eff'ect of this had been in one im- 
portant respect happy. Formerly he had enter- 
tained strong prejudices against the President, look- 
ing upon him as tinctured with the ' new divinity,' 
not only of his grandfather, the first Edwards, but 
also of his uncle and theological teacher, the 
second Edwards. But his six years' attendance on 
the preaching of the President, and especially his 
hearing that four years' course of sermons on the 
doctrines and duties of religion, which, since it 
was given to the public, has been read by so many 
thousands of intelligent men in all evangelical de- 
nominations with equal admiration and profit, 
went far to annihilate his prejudices. He is said 
to have acknowledged not only that he thought 
much better of Dr. Dwight than formerly, but also 
that the preaching of Dr. Dwight had led him to 
new views of some important subjects. Accord- 
ingly he saw with gratification the progress of 
measures for the settlement of one of Dr. Dwight's 
favorite pupils over what had once been his own 
beloved flock. Occasionally he came to the old 
meeting-house to join in the worship w^hich he 
had formerly been accustomed to lead. The sight 
of his venerable form in the old place awakened 
old afl'ections. The society expressed by vote 
their pleasure at seeing him, and their desire that 
he would attend there in future. The gentleman 
who was appointed to communicate to him this 
vote lately gave me some account of the interview. 
'Dr. Dana,' said he, presenting a copy, 'I have a 
communication for you from the society. ' ' Please 
to read it, sir,' said the old man in reply, putting 
the paper back into the hands of the other, and 
straightening himself up to a little more than his 
usual dignity. The vote was read distinctly, and 
with due emphasis. ' Please to read it again, sir,' 
said the doctor, still sitting in stiff and antique 
dignity, with his thin, ghastly countenance un- 
moved, as if he were something between a ghost 
and a monument. Again the communication 
was read, with earnest desire that it might make a 
favorable impression. 'It is well,' said the old 
man, and his voice quivered and broke as he 
uttered his reply, ' I know not but that I may say. 
Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace.' 
On the first Sabbath after Mr. Taylor's ordination, 
Dr. Dana, at the invitation of the young pastor, 
took his seat in the pulpit, and there he was seen 



thenceforward every Sabbath till his last sickness. 
He died in August of that year at the age of 77. " 

Mr. Taylor's jjastorate coniinucd about ten years 
and a half, when like his pretlcces.sor, he was 
drawn away from iiis parish to fill the chair of a 
professor in a theological seminary. He was a 
popular and powerful preacher, a beloved and 
useful pastor while connected with the First Church 
in New Haven; but as a teacher of theology he 
exerted a wider induence than any pastor. The 
"improvements" liistinguishing the New England 
theology from the old Calvinism, begun by Presi- 
dent Jonathan Kdwards, and promoted by his 
son of the same name, and his grandson. President 
Dwight, were still further advanced b}' Dr. Taylor, 
who was a jjupil c)f Dwight's. Not only was Taylor 
himself a powerful preacher, but the young men 
whom he trained for the pulpit were able to make 
an impression upon the public mind greater than 
the preachers of the preceding generation. Dr. 
Taylor and his pupils were often misunderstood by 
those who had been trained in the "old school," 
and by some were thought to have fallen into dan- 
gerous error; but more and more the "natural 
ability " of man to do what God requires, which 
Taylor maintained, is assumed by preachers, and 
the assumption finds response in the conscience 
of their hearers. 

The house of w-orship now occupied by the First 
Church in New Haven was built during the minis- 
try of Dr. Taylor. The first mention of it on the 
records of the society is under the date of Novem- 
ber II, 1 81 2, when William Letfingwell, Henry 
Daggett, Jr., William W. Woolsey, Isaac Mills, 
James Goodrich, Gad Peck, and Abraham Bradley, 
3d, proposed to build a new meeting-house at their 
expense, reimbursing themselves by the sale of the 
pews. The proposition was accepted November 
23, 18 1 2. But when it was found that the house 
as located by the society's committee, under the 
direction and order of the County Court would 
cover some of the graves west of the old meeting- 
house, there was strong opposition to the location 
of the house. April 10, 1S13, the society directed 
the contractors to proceed as had been ordered, 
"having due respect to the dead and a regard to 
decency in the manner of doing the business." 
Another meeting of the society was held May 3, 
1813, "for the purpose of conciliating the dift'er- 
ences now subsisting relative to the location of the 
meeting-house." The greatest opposition to the 
location came probably from those who had friends 
buried where a trench must be dug for the founda- 
tion of the new edifice; but some objected even to 
the erection of the house over the graves of their 
friends. Could this latter class have foreseen what 
a protection the church would become to the 
graves and monunienis beneath it, they wn.ukl have 
been content to see it erected. Some monuments 
and Some human remains were, at that time 
removed with the consent of survivors, to the new 
cemetery, and thus the way prepared for the re- 
moval, some eight years afterward, of nearly every- 
thing which could remind one that there had 
once been a burial place on the green. The cost 

of the new edifice was about $34,000. It was dedi- 
cated December 27, 1814. 

As it was necessary to demolish the old meeting- 
house before laying the foundation of the new, the 
F'irst Society, in December, 1812, asked and re- 
ceived ])ermission to u-e one of the two houses 
which the United Society had acquired by the 
union of the two societies of White Haven and F'air 
Haven. At first the use of the Fair Haven house 
was granted them, but soon afterward the United 
Society, having voted to build a new meeting- 
house, and to place it on the site of the F'air Haven 
house, both the First Society and the United Society 
used the White Haven or Blue l\Ieeling-house; the 
United Society going in at 9 and i o'clock, and 
the First Society at 1 1 and 3. Mr. Charles Thomp- 
son, then a child, remembers that when Mr. Taylor 
was preaching one Sunday afternoon in the Old 
Blue Meeting-house there was an alarm of fire, 
which causeil the men in the congregation to leave 
the house; and that after their retirement a woman 
called out, "Mr. Taylor, Mr. Tavlor, where is the 
fire .' " 

Dr. Taylor having been dismissed in December, 
1822, Rev. Leonard Bacon, previously ordained to 
the work of the ministry, was installed pastor 
March 9, 1825. He continued in that oflice till 
his death, December 24, 1881, though he was re- 
leased from active duty in September, 1866, and 
was thenceforth designated as Pastor F^meritus. 


was born in Detroit, ]\Iich., February 19, 1802, 
graduated at Yale College in 1820, and studied 
theology at Andover. His ministry is so recent 
that it does not yet need the pen of the historian. 
The church to which he had so long ministered, 
adopted and put on its record the following minute: 
" It having pleased God to remove out of this world 
the soul of Dr. Leonard Bacon, who for nearly 
fifty-seven years has been pastor of this church, the 
surviving members of the church desire to record, 
for the information of the generations to come, 
their veneration and love for their departed friend, 
and their gratitude to God for the natural and spirit- 
ual gifts which have rendered his ministry a bene- 
diction to our parents and to us; " and the Fxclesi- 
astical Society connected with the church placed in 
the south wall of its house of worship a tablet bear- 
ing this inscription : 

By tht Grace of Cod, 
L !■; O N A R D BACON, 

a servant of Jusus Christ, and of all men for His sake, here 
preached llie (jospel for fifty seven years. Kearinj; tied, 
and havini; no fear beside, loving righteousness and hating 
iniquity, friend of lilwrty and law, helper of Christian mis- 
sions, teadier of teachers, promoter of every i^ood work, 
he blessed the city and the nation by ceaseless labors and a 
holy life, and departed peacefully into rest December 24, 
1S81, leaving the world Ixjtter for his having lived in it. 

The services Dr. Bacon rendered in many ways 
to the city of which he was so long an inhabitant, 
caused him to be regarded in his later years by the 
whole population of the city with somewhat of the 






respect and affection he had received from his 
parishioners. The bell on the Town Hall aided 
the church bells of the city in voicing the common 
mourning at his burial. Belonging to a communion 
of churches which acknowledges no hierarchy, he 
was in every ecclesiastical 2.siemb\y /aci/e prhiceps. 
In all questions res[)ecting the polity of his de- 
nomination in the past and in the present, he was 
"the Nestor of Congregationalism. '' His mind was 
constitutionally progressive, but so deeply rooted 
in the past by historical studies, that his progress 
was like the growth of a tree pushing its branches 
upward with vigor and safety proportionate to the 
depth of its roots. At an early stage of the battle 
against slavery. Dr. Bacon espoused the cause of 
freedom, and his pen continued to be active, both 
against slavery and those who, in destroying the 
cancer, would have destroyed the body which it 
imperiled, till slavery was abolished by Lincoln's 
proclamation of freedom. Lincoln once said to 
the Rev. Dr. Joseph P. Thompson that he received 
his first convictions of the enormity of slavery from 
the writings of Dr. Bacon. 

The personal character of the man is thus de- 
picted by the Rev. Dr. Richard S. Storrs, with 
whom he had been long associated in the conduct 
of the Independent : 

He was a delightful man in social life, earnest in his con- 
victions, catholic in his sympathies with whatever seemed 
to him true and good, aftectionate in his feelings, and very 
fearless in the expression of his thought. He was a brilliant 
talker, with a great deal of wit and anecdote and his- 
torical reminiscence. He was one of the very ablest debaters 
among American clergymen, extremely clear and forcible in 
the expression of his views, and quick in repartee. He was 
a man of devout religious feeling, thoroughly sincere and 
earnest in his evangelical convictions. He was extremely 
appropriate and impressive in all public religious services, 
especially in prayer. He was a man of the utmost simplicity 
and truthfulness of character, thoroughly generous and sin- 
cere. His personal friends will miss him for his delightful 
personal qualities, his courage, his affectionate nature, his 
ardent Christian faith and hope, and his tender interest in 
whatever concerned them and their welfare. 

Soon after the release of Dr. Bacon from active 
duty, the Rev. George Leon Walker was invited to 
supply the pulpit, and so acceptable were his ser- 
vices to the church and society, that they called him 
to the pastorate. He was installed November i8, 
1868; but after four years of service he requested a 
dismission on account of ill health, and the church 
and society reluctantly yielded to his request. 

The Rev. Frederick Alphonso Noble, D. D. , was 
installed pastor November 3, 1875, and was dis- 
missed Ajjril 30, 1S79, 'hat he might accept a call 
he had received to become the pastor of the Union 
Park Congregational Church, in Chicago, Illinois. 

The Rev. Newman Smyth, D. D., the present 
pastor, was installed September 20, 1882. 

We now return to the year 1742, when forty-three 
seceders from the First Church uttered and pub- 
lished the following declaration: 

We, tlic subscribers, members'' of the said Chmxh, firmly 
adhering to the Congregational principles and privileges on 
which the said Church was founded and hath stood un- 
shaken from the beginning, through successive generations, 
until the twenty-fifth day of Januai'y last, being by the said 

innovations hereunto necessitated.apprehend ourselves called 
of God, in company to vindicate our ancient rightful powers 
and privileges, ancl to put ourselves into a proper cajiacity 
for the enjoyment thereof upon the ancient footing: and for 
that purpose do now, under the conduct of Divine Provi- 
dence, humbly sought by fasting and prayer, assume a 
church state of the gospel, on the ancient basis of that 
church, whereof we stood members in fact, as well as of 
right, until the unhappy period above mentioned, wherein 
the pastor, and a number of the brethren with him, went off 
from the ancient foundation as aforesaid. 

The claim of the seceders was that they had a 
right to a mutual council, i e. a council agreed on 
by the church and its aggrieved members. But 
Mr. Noyes told them that the church, having 
adopted the Saybrook Platform, belonged to the 
Consociation, and could have no council but the 
Consociation. The complainants did not wish to 
submit their case to the Consociation, for the minis- 
ters and churches belonging to it were known to 
be opposed to the revival. For the same reason 
Mr. Noyes and his friends insisted that no other 
council than the Consociation should investigate 
and decide the case. On the one side it was 
claimed that there was no record of a vote of the 
church adopting the Saybrook Platform; and on 
the other side the well-known facts were alleged 
that the former pastor of the church was a leading 
member of the synod that formed the platform, and 
indeed the author of that instrument; and that the 
church was present by its pastor and delegate in 
the council which had approved the platform and 
formed the Consociation for the county; and had 
uniformly sent delegates, from year to year, to the 

Neither party being convinced that the other had 
correctly judged the case, Mr. Noyes put the ques- 
tion to the church; but, as moderator, excluded the 
petitioners for a mutual council from voting. Of 
course under such ruling the church decided that 
it was consociated. 

It was this vote, on the 25th of January, 1742, 
which the aggrieved members regarded as taking 
those who voted in the affirmative "off from the 
ancient foundation." Dr. Dutton, in his "History of 
the North Church, "says: "The complainants then 
— considering their grievances greatly aggravate 
and declaring that Mr. Noyes and his friends, by 
voting in the Saybrook Platform, had divested them 
of their ancient ecclesiastical privileges, and form- 
ed themselves into another church than that with 
which they (the complainants) were in covenant — 
drew off, affirming that they were the church on 
the original foundation; and proceeded to take the 
benefit of the Act of Toleration, which allowetl per- 
sons, on qualifying themselves by taking a pre- 
scribed oath before a magistrate, to organize them- 
selves as a religious congregation dissenting from 
the established worship of the colony; though it 
did not free them from ta.xation by the society from 
which they dissented. " 

The new church, claiming to be on the ancient 
foundation from which Mr. Noyes and his friends 
had taken themselves off, strengthened their posi- 
tion by using the same Confession of Faith and 
Covenant which was in use in the old church. 
Dr. Dutton evidently regarded it as "theconfes- 



sion of faith ami cluirch covenant which had been 
used in ilie ancient churcli of New Haven from the 
beginning," and probably it was so regarded by the 
members of tlie new church. Actually the cov- 
enant was the same; but the ancient churcli at first 
had no form of confession, every individual at his 
admission satisfying the church as to his belief by 
means of such form of confession as heinilividually 

At the outset the new church had to struggle 
with great difliculties. "The Act of Toleration," 
says Dr. Dutton, " only gave them the liberty of 
worshiping by themselves — it did not exempt 
them fn>m ta.xation for the support of Mr. Noyes. 
so that their pecuniary burden was great. 1 his, 
however, was slight, compared with the violent op- 
position which they met from the opposers of the 
revival, the Old Lights, as they were called. Tliese 
were very numerous and powerful in Connecticut, 
embracing many of the leading ministers, and 
generally the magistrates and principal gentlemen. 
They employed all their art and power to suppress 
the revival; to keep all ministers from abroad who 
favored it, out of the colony, and to confine all 
who favored it in the colony, to their own pulpits. 
The Old Light party was especially .strong and active 
in New Haven County; and the powerful influence 
of the First Church and its pastor, and of the Pres- 
ident and Corporation of the College, and of the 
Association of the County, leagued with the gov- 
ernment of the commonwealth, was brought to 
bear upon this infant and feeble church. 

"A short time — two or three weeks — after the 
church was formed, the Legislature of the colony, 
doubtless urged by ecclesiastical influence, espe- 
cially from this county, pas.sed a law which would 
prevent them from employing any minister with- 
out the consent of the pastor and the majority of 
the First Society. According to that law, if any 
tirdamed or licensed preacher should preach or ex- 
hort within the limits ol any parish without the 
consent of the pastor and majority of that parish, 
if he was from without the colony, he was to be 
arrested and carried out of the colony as a I'agrant. 
If he was from within the colony, he was to be 
deprived of his salary, and that without any trial, 
simply upon information, whether true or false, 
lodged by any person with the clerk of his parish. 

"This law also provided that if any person not 
licensed to preach should exhort within the limits 
of any parish, without the consent of the pastor 
and majority of that parish, he might for every 
such oflTense be bound to keep the peace by any 
assistant or justice of the peace in the penal sum 
of (me hundred pounds. 

"For this law, the Association of New Haven 
County, in their meeting in September, 1742, ex- 
pressed their thanks to the Legislature, and prayed 
that it might continue in force. L'nder this law. a 
minister as judicious and distmguished as Mr. 
Pomeroy, of Hebron, was twice arraigned before 
the Legistature of the colony; obliged to pay costs 
of prosecution; bound to keej) the peace in a penal 
sum of fifty pounds; and deprived of his lawful 
salary for seven years. Under this law, Rev. Sam- 

uel Finley, afterward President of Princeton Col- 
lege, and whose name is familiar to all who have 
read the eloquent contrast, by Dr. John Mason, 
between the tleath of David Hume and that or 
Samuel Finley, was arrested and carried out ot 
Connecticut as a vagrant for preaching to a seced- 
ing church in Milforil. He returned very soon and 
preached to this church; when he was again ar- 
rested and transported as a vagrant. He returned 
and preached again to this church, when the Legis- 
lature, on representation that he greatly disquieted 
and disturbed the people, passed an additional act, 
providing that every person transported under the 
former act should pay the costs of his transporta- 
tion; and if he should return again and ofiend in 
the same way, that it should be the duty of any 
assistant or justice of the peace to bind him to 
peaceable behavior in the penal sum of one hun- 
dred pounds. 

"The Association of New Haven County also 
took up the matter of Mr. Finley 's preaching in 
Millord and New Haven, and formally resolved 
that no member of the Presbytery of New Bruns- 
wick (a New Light Presbytery) should be admit- 
ted into any of their pulpits till satisfaction had 
been made for Mr. Finley 's preaching within their 

"On the 1 8th of the next January, as we learn 
from the records of the County Court, the church 
applied to that Court through a committee, re- 
questing that Mr. James Sprout, a preacher, might 
be permitted to take oaths and make subscription, 
according to the Act of Toleration, in order that 
he might be allowed to preach to them, and was 
refused. This seems to have been the only attempt 
to have a stated ministry, after the enactment of the 
above law, for five or six years. They knew, prob- 
ably, that they should be refused the privilege of 
hearing any man of their choice. 

"At the same session at which this extraordinary 
law was enacted, the Assembly advised the faculty 
of the college to take all proper care to prevent the 
students from imbibing any of the prevalent errors; 
and that those who would not be orderly should 
be exjielled. Accordingly, the students were for- 
bidden to attend the meetings of this church; and 
it was partly for his once disobeying this prohibi- 
tion, in order to hear Rev. Gilbert Tennent, of 
New Jersey, that David Brainerd was expelled from 

"In 1743 the Assembly, in order to suppress 
enthusiasm, as was said, repealed the Act of Tol- 
eration, of which the founders of this church had 
availed themselves when they seceded; so that 
thereafter no class of men could be permitted to sep- 
arate from the e-;tablished churches, and worship 
according to the dictate of their consciences, unless 
leave should be granted by special act of the Legis- 
lature; and moreover it was intimated in the .\ct of 
Repeal, that Coni;rei;atiiinalisls or Presbyterians, who 
should apply for such leave, would meet with no 
indulgence from the Assembly." 

Besides persecution from the civil and ecclesias- 
tical powers, the new church suffered from social 



proscription. Some of its members were by birth, 
education, and wealth, equal to any of the Old 
Lights; but as such were few in number, they could 
not uphold one another so much as did the domi- 
nant party. In some cases families were divided 
between the parties, and the proverbial bitterness of 
a family quarrel was mingled with theological con- 
troversy. For example, the wife of the Rev. Mr. 
Noyes was a daughter of Rev. James Pierpont, a 
former pastor of the old church, and her brother, 
James Pierpont, was a leader in the secession. Dr. 
Dutton says, "The father of one of the deacons of 
this church was a deacon of the First Church. The 
child of the son died. The father, in a written note, 
declined to attend the funeral, bceause the son be- 
longed to the New Tight Church." Dr. Bacon 
used to relate with evident relish a traditional anec- 
dote like this: A family living in the Yorkshire 
quarter of the town were walking across the Green 
on Sunday morning in procession, as was the habit, 
the parents in front, the children following, and the 
negro servants in the rear. As the procession 
reached the old meeting-house, it turned toward 
the door; but a daughter of the family who had re- 
cently married a "New Light " passed on with her 
husband toward the Blue Meeting-house. "Oh!" 
said an old negro in the rear, who had been long 
in the family, " Isn't it sad to see young mistress 
going after strange gods! ' After the frame of the 
New Light Meeting-house was prepared to be 
raised, the long sticks of timber were cut in two in 
the night. They were replaced with others, over 
which the New Lights kept guard every night. The 
hostility between the two parties was kept alive and 
aggravated by the collection by force of law of the 
tax upon the seceders for the support of Mr. Noyes. 
Dr. Dutton says: " Many went to jail rather than 
pay it." 

The new church began in 1744 to make prepar- 
ations for building a meeting-house, but probably 
several years elapsed before it was completed. 
Meanwhile thev met for worship at the house of 
Mr. Timothy Jones, on the northwest corner of 
State and Court streets. As might be expected, 
they were opposed in their efforts to build. They 
asked permission to place the house on the Green, 
and were refused. When they had acquired a site 
at the corner of Church and Elm, one of their mem- 
bers being fortunately the owner of the lot, the First 
Society, "entering upon the consideration of the 
separate party's raising a meeting-house on the cor- 
ner of Mr. Joseph Burroughs home-lot, adjoining 
to the Market-place, voted that the same is very 
grievous to the said society, and that they esteem 
it very hurtful to the public peace of said society; 
and that Col. Joseph Whiting, Esq., Dr. John 
Hubbard, and ]Mr. Jonathan Mansfield be a com- 
mittee from said society, immediately to represent 
to said separatists that their doings herein are un- 
lawful and hurtful, and esteemed a public nuisance, 
and to desire them forthwith to desist their work." 
At the same meeting a committee was appointed 
to appeal to the Legislature, or to prosecute the 
offenders in the law. But, notwithstanding all the 
opposition which the New Lights encountered, the 

house was at last completed. Its front was on Elm 
street. Some years afterward, at the expense of in- 
dividuals wanting seats, it was enlarged by an ad- 
dition built on the westerly side, the roof of the 
addition joining the old part at right angles. A 
steeple, sixteen feet square at the base, was also 
built in front of the new part By this addition, 
the front of the building was changed from Elm to 
Church street; and the west front was brought, by 
means of the steeple, so far west as to encroach 
upon the street. From its color it was called, at 
least in its later days, the Blue Meeling-house. 

In 1748 an attempt was made to secure a stated 
preacher. " In order the more effectually to pro- 
vide for his support, as they could not yet hope to 
procure an incorporation from the Legislature, 
they formed a society by voluntary compact." 
Rev. John Curtiss was called to the pastoral office 
and work of the ministry, and he came and served 
them in that capacity for two years; but it does 
not appear that he was formally inducted into of- 
fice. "On the iith of March, 1751, the committee 
of the church, having heard that the Rev. Samuel 
Bird had been dismissed from the church in Dun- 
stable, Mass., invited him, by advice of one of the 
council for his dismission, to visit this church, 
which he did in the month of May following. Some 
time in the month of June, he was unanimously 
invited by the church, with the unanimous concur- 
rence of the society, to become their pastor. He 
gave them encouragement that he would comply 
with their invitation, provided that their difficulties 
with the ancient church could be removed." 

" The members of the new church, that there 
might be no obstacle on their part to a reconcilia- 
tion, sent to Mr. Noyes a confession to be com- 
municated to his church, acknowledging the in- 
formality of their secession and condemning that 
informality, together with whatever of heat and 
bitterness of spirit had appeared in any of them, 
and asking forgiveness therefor. It does not ap- 
pear how the confession was received by the First 
Church. Probably they took no action upon it. 
But the council, which the new church called for 
the installation of Mr. Bird, were satisfied to pro- 
ceed. From the time of his installation the new 
Church grew rapidly. When first instituted, the 
church suftered in the public estimation from the 
extravagances connected with it. It was organized 
the same year in which the crazy James Davenport 
preached in New Haven, and though the seceders 
never committed themselves to an approval of his 
eccentricities, they were compromised by their con- 
nection with a man whom the General Assembly of 
Connecticut, a few months afterwards, ordered to 
be sent to his home as "disturbed in the rational 
faculties of his mind, and therefore to be pitied and 
compassionated, and not to be treated as other- 
wise he might be," and whom being presented by 
the grand jury in Boston not long afterward for 
trial as a slanderer, the petit jury which tried him 
pronounced not guilly for the reason that he was at 
the time he uttered the slanderous words tion cum- 
pos mentis. Probably if Mr. Noyes had retired from 



the pulpit at any time before the new meeting- 
house was built, and his successor had been an 
acce])table preacher, the seceders would have re- 
turned to the ancient church. ]?ut after the erec- 
tion of the Blue Meeting-house and the settlement 
of Mr. Bird, whose " form and manner were com- 
manding, his voice powerful, his elocution hand- 
some and impressive, his sentiments evangelical," 
those in the First Society who preferred him con- 
stantly increased in number, and those who pre- 
ferred Mr. Noyes decreased with ecjual rapidity; 
till Mr. Bird's adherents, having a majority, gave 
him a call to settle with tliem as the minister of the 
First Society, and at the same time voted that the 
Bhie Meeti'ng-iiouse should be the place of wor- 
ship for the First Society. 

As the new congregation made progress in num- 
ber and iutluence, it deviated from the peculiarities 
in which it had its origin, and came more into 
harmony with the type and tone of religion gener- 
ally prevalent in the colony. In about nine years 
after the installation of Mr. Bird, the half-way 
covenant was adopted by the vote of "a great ma- 
jority. " Previously only those who professed to 
have experienced a change of heart were permitted 
to bring their chiklren for baptism. 

Mr. Binl was dismissed in 1767, on account of 
ill-health, and Mr. Jonathan Edwards, then a tu- 
tor at Princeton, was called to the pastorate in the 
course of the ne.xt year. He was ordained Janu- 
ary 5, 1769, but not without a protest signed by 
sixty-eight persons. Mr. F'dwards was strenuously 
opposed to the half-way covenant, and probably 
made its renunciation by the church a condition of 
his accepting the call. ' ' For, " says Dr. Button, ' ' it 
appears from the church records, that after their 
presentation, and before his acceptance of their 
call, the church voted to abolish the hatf-ivay cove- 
nant praclkc." Before the end of the year those 
who had opposed the settlement of Mr. Edwards 
resolved unanimously to "go off and worship by 
themselves." They met in the State House till 
they could erect a house of worship. The house 
was finished in December, 1770. It stood on the 
ground now occupied by the North Church, and 
was called the Fair Haven Meeting-house. In 
June, 1 77 1, a church was organized in the Fair 
Haven Society, and, as might be expected, adopted 
the half-way covenant. 

Mr. Edwards continued to labor with unwearied 
diligence through the discouraging years of the 
Revolutionary War, and through equally discour- 
aging years which followed, till 1795, when he was 
dismissed for the alleged reason that his society 
was unable to sustain him. The author of the 
memoir prefixed to the works of Dr. Edwards hav- 
ing mentioned the dissensions in the church ami 
society at the beginning of his ministry, and the ter- 
mination of that trouble by the formation of the 
Fair Haven Church, proceeds as follows: "After a 
time, however, and for several years previous to 
his dismission, an uneasiness had arisen in the 
society from another cause. Several members of the 
church, of considerable influence, had adopted cer- 
tain princii)les (by themselves deemed liberal, but 

now understood to have been of the school of Dr. 
Priestly), on some of the most important doctrines 
of religion. 'I'hese views were widely ilitlerent from of Dr. I'ldwards, and of the church at the time 
of his ordination, and widely different from 
what hail been professed by the very persons who 
lieKl them in their original covenant with the church. 

"This diversity of opinion was undoubtedly the 
//•///(V/i?/ cause of the separation between him and his 
people, though others of less moment, and arising 
from this, had also their inlluencc. The ostensible 
reason, however, assigned by the society was that 
they were unable to support their minister. He 
was accordingly dismissed by an ecclesiastical 
council at the request both of the society and him- 
self All parties, however — the church, the society 
and the council — united in the most ample testi- 
monials to liis faithfulness and his abilities." 

About eighteen months after Dr. Edwards' dis- 
mission, his church and the church in the F'air 
Haven Society were united under the denomina- 
tion of the Church of Christ in the United .Socielies 
of White Haven and Fair Haven. The name 01 
the society was abbreviated in 181 5, by an act 01 
the Legislature, into the "The United Society, "and 
the church was thereafter called the "Church in 
the United Society. ' Popularly its house of wor- 
ship, erected m 1815, has been known as the North 

We must return now to the year 1771, and fol- 
low the history of the Fair Haven Church till, in 
1795, its members came back to the fold from 
which they went out in 1 769. From the lime of 
their secession in September, 1769, till l-'ebruary, 
'773. they had no settled minister. Their i)ulpit 
was supplied chietly by Mr. Bird, who, with his 
family, worshiped with them, and had formerly sus- 
tained to most of them the relation of pastor. On 
the 3d of February, 1773, Mr. Allyn Mather was 
ordained as their minister. His health failing 
about eight years after his settlement, he went to 
Savannah, and there died in November, 1784. 
Mr. .Simuel Austin was ordainetl pastor, November 
9, 1 786. The ordination sermon was preached by 
Dr. Edwards. ' ' This," says Dr. Dutton, ' ' is the first 
act of communion, so far as I can learn, between 
the Church of \\'hite Haven and its seceding 
daughter, the church in Fair Haven Society. The 
reason of the change is obvious. Mr. Austin, the 
pastor-elect, was a favorite pupil of Dr. lulwards, 
and fully adopted his sentiments both as to the half- 
way covenant and the new divinity." " Mr. Austin 
made a sort of compromise with those inthe society 
who were in favor of the half-way covenant, which 
at that time was often made in similar circumstances. 
He consented that those who had already owned 
the half-way covenant might continue to have their 
children bapti/.cd; not by himself, but by some 
minister who had no conscientious scruples against 
the practice, with whom he woulil exchange, to af- 
ford an ojiportunity for the performance of the 
rite." But this compromise did not secure unan- 
imity of satisfaction with him, and he escaped 
from the dilliculties of his position by requesting a 



dismission, that he might accept a call from the 
First Church and Society in Worcester, Mass. Af- 
ter his retirement, which was in 1 790, the pastorate 
was vacant till the church was reunited with the 
White Haven Church. 

As the United Society came into possession, by 
means of the union, of two houses of worship, they 
occupied each on alternate months, and continued 
to do so till the Fair Haven Meeting-house was 
taken down, in order that the new North Church 
might be erected on the same site. In December, 
181 2, twenty members of the society offered terms 
for building a new meeting-house, which were ac- 
cepted. The terms were, in substance, that the pro- 
posers should build the house at their own expense, 
and reimburse themselves by the sale of the two 
old meeting-houses, the land on which the White 
Haven house stood, and the pews in the new house, 
reserving one-eighth of the new house for the soci- 
ety. The whole expense of the house, including 
chandeliers, was $32,724. 58. The sale of the pews 
and other assets, after reserving an eighth of the 
pews, produced an excess over the costs of 
$5,491. 97, which was funded for the support of the 
gospel ministry in the society, but, unfortunately 
was lost by the failure of the Eagle Bank in 1824. 
The persons who generously made this proposal to 
build a meeting-house at their own risk, were 
Thomas Punderson, Increase Cook, HerveyMulford, 
Timothy Dwight, Jun., Jared Bradley, James 
Henry, Abel Burritt, Jun., William Stanley, Leman 
Dunning, William H. F^lliott, Hezekiah Howe, 
Ebenezer Johnson, Jun., William Dougal, Reuben 
Rice, Nathan Peck, Eleazar Foster, Charles Sher- 
man, Samuel Punderson, Eli Hotchkiss, Luther 
Bradley. The house was planned entirely by Mr. 
Ebenezer Johnson, one of the twenty contractors. 

The first pastor of the church in the united so- 
cieties of White Haven and Fair Haven, the Rev. 
John Gemmil, was installed in November, 1798, 
and was dismissed in November, 1801, at his own 
request, but "to the great satisfaction of the 
society," as Dr. Dutton believed. He was "a man 
of brilliant talents and a popular speaker," but 
better fitted for some other calling than for the 
sacred office. We have had occasion to notice 
that after the installation of Dr. Dana in the First 
Church, the two younger churches refused to have 
fellowship with him. But May 12, 1798, the Unit- 
ed Society voted that in case Mr. Gemmil should 
settle in this society as their minister, it shall 
be in his discretion to exchange with Dr. Dana, 
Dr. Dwight, or any of the neighboring ministers, 
at such times as he may think proper, and as he 
may find for the spiritual interest of this society. 
From the time of the above vote, the harmony and 
co-operation of the two churches on the Green in- 
creased, till, during the partially synchronous pas- 
torates of Dr. Taylor and Mr. Merwin, they be- 
came almost like a collegiate church. 

I\Ir. Samuel Merwin was ordained on the 13th 
of Februar)', 1805, and dismissed at his own re- 
quest on the 29th of December, 1831. During his 
ministry, over eight hundred were added to the 

The Rev. Leicester A. Sawyer was installed on 
the 2d of June, 1835, and dismissed on the 20th of 
November, 1837. 

Mr. Samuel William Southmayd Dutton was or- 
dained pastor on the 26th of June, 1838, and died, 
much lamented, on the 26th of January, 1S66. 

Mr. Edward L. Clark was ordained pastor Janu- 
ary 3, 1867, and was dismissed July 17, 1872, that 
he might accept a call to a Presbyterian church 
in the City of New York. 

The Rev. Edward Hawes was installed Septem- 
ber 17, 1873, and was dismissed April i, 1884, at 
his own request, and with great regret on the part 
of his people, in order that the way might be pre- 
pared for a union of the church with the Third 
Congregational Church. 

The Third Congregational Church, which was 
thus to be united with the Church in the United 
Society, was organized in 1826, and worshiped in 
the Orange Street Lecture-room, belonging to the 
First Society, till a house of worship, erected at the 
corner of Chapel and Union streets, with a view of 
providing especially for the eastern part of the city, 
was completed in January, 1829. The pulpit was 
supplied from 1826 to 1830 by the Rev. N. W. 
Taylor, D. D., Professor of Didactic Theology in 
the Theological Department of Yale College. The 
first pastor was the Rev. Charles A. Boardman, a 
man of popular talents, but without academic 
training. He was installed March 24, 1830, and 
was dismissed in September, 1832. 

Mr. Elisha Lord Cleaveland was ordained in 
July, 1833. Under his ministry, the church and 
society removed from the house of worship they 
had occupied, surrendering the property to the 
stockholders who had advanced the funds requisite 
for its erection. For several years they worshiped 
at Saunders' Hall, at the corner of Chapel and 
Orange streets, until, with help from abroad, they 
built a church in Court street, now occupied as a 
Jewish Synagogue. Dr. Cleaveland being regarded 
by old school theologians as more orthodox than 
other New Haven pastors, his congregation natur- 
ally received important accessions of families re- 
moving to the city, who were recommended by 
their former pastors to attend his church. Thus it 
came to pass that a more elegant edifice, and in a 
belter location, was required; and, with a great 
effort, the society built a stone church on Church 
street, between Chapel and Court streets. Dr. 
Cleaveland was highly esteemed as an able preacher 
by the whole community, and, during the remain- 
der of his life his church had great prosperity; 
his congregation being little, if any, inferior in 
number, wealth and social position to the older 
churches. He died suddenly February 16, 1866, 
in the sixtieth year of his age and the thirty-third of 
his ministry. 

After Dr. Cleaveland's death, the Rev. Daniel S. 
Gregory, since then President of Forest City Uni- 
versity, was pastor of this church from January 10, 
1867, till April 20, 1869. 

Dr. Gregory was succeeded October, i, 1869, by 
the Rev. David Murdock, who was dismissed IMay 
15, 1874. The last pastor of the Third Congrega- 



lional Church and Society was the Rev. Stephen 
R. Dennen, D. D. , who was installed Af)ril 28, 

He resigned in order that the church might 
unite with tlic church in the United Society, and 
was dismissed simultaneously with Dr. Hawes. 
Tlie two churciies, l)eing previously united as one 
church, commenced to worship together in April, 
1884. For a few weeks the congregation occupied 
the two houses alternately, but witii the intention 
t>f making the North Churcli its permanent home. 
The name of the church, constituted by the union 
of these two churches, is the United Church, and 
the name of the society is the same as one of the 
two societies had borne before the union, viz., The 
United Society. The reason for their union was, 
that a cordon of new Congregational churches sur- 
rounding the city, at a distance from the center, 
had drawn away many families, which in the olden 
time would have come to the Green as their place 
of worship, and it was thought to be an unwise 
stewardship to continue to support so many 
cliurches on the original nine scpiares in the center 
of the city. 

When the Third Congregational Church and So- 
ciety left the house which they had erected at the 
corner of Chapel and Unicjn streets, some of the 
congregation remained, believing that a church 
was needed in that part of the city, and that with 
a pastor sympathizing with the other pastors of the 
city, it could be sustained. A new^ organization 
was formed, calleii the Chapel Street Church. Mr. 
John O. Colton was ordained pastor in November, 
1839, but his health failed almost immediately, 
and he died in April, 1840. 

Mr. Joseph P. Thompson was ordained pastor 
in October, 1840, and under his ministry the 
church and congregation greatly increased. With 
reluctance, his people consented to his dismission, 
when he was called to the Broadway Tabernacle 
Church in New York in 1845. He was succeeded 
by the Rev. Leverelt Criggs, who was installed in 
August 1845, and w'as dismissed in September, 
1847. The Rev. William T. Eustis was installed 
in March, 1848. During his administration, which 
continued till 1869, the house of worship was en- 
larged by an addition to the rear end. Afterwards, 
in consequence of the growth of the city eastward, 
the site, which in Dr. Cleaveland"s day had been 
thought by some too remote from the center, be- 
came too noisy for a place of worship, and the 
cjuestion began to be agitated of building another 
house in some more quiet location. Mr. Kustis's 
foresight of the difliculty of securing unanimity in 
the choice of a new location, and his reluctance 
to become a partisan in the strife which might en- 
sue, probably inlluenced him to accept a call to 
the iMeninrial Church in Springfield, Mass. The 
church, soon after his dismission, built a new 
house of worship on the corner of Orange and 
Wall streets, and when it removed to the new 
house changed its name to the Church of the Re- 
deemer. The Rev. John V.. Todd was installed 
pastor before the removal, and has continued in 

office till the present time. The church has greatly 
prospered under his ministry. 

In the order of age, the next of the Congrega- 
tional churches after the Third Church is the 
Temple Street Church. In the olden time people 
of color sat by themselves in a corner of the meet- 
ing-house. Those of them who became communi- 
cants were sometimes enrolled on the catalogue as 
having a surname, but more frequently without. 
Among those who were in full communion with 
the First Church at the time of Mr. Whittlesey's 
ordination were Pero, Sabina, and Dinah. Among 
those admitted under his ministry were Phyllis 
and Pompey. The Seconil Church had on its list 
within three months after its organization, the 
names of Phyllis, servant to James Pierpont; 
.\bigail (Indian); Cufl", servant of Stephen Mun- 
son; Ruth, servant of Mr. Mather; Thomas, ser- 
vant of Mr. Prout; Sanorus, servant of Mr. Mather; 
and Jane, servant of Mr. Mather. 

In 1829, some of the colored people preferring to 
have a congregation of their own, the Temple street 
Churcli was organized, and has continued to the 
present time with lluctuating prosperity. Its pulpit 
was supplied from 1829 to 1834 by the Rev. 
Simeon S. Jocelyn. He has had many successors, 
but it would be difficult and perhaps impossible to 
make a complete list. One of the longest pastorates 
was that of the Rev. Amos G. Beman. The present 
pastor, the Rev. Albert P. Miller, was installed 
June 18, 1885. Since his installation, the house 
of worship in Temple street has been sold, and 
another has been bought in Di.xwell avenue, a 
large part of the congregation residing in the 
northwest part of the city. 

The First Congregational Church in Fair Haven 
was organized in 1830. It should not be con- 
founded with the church in the Fair Haven Society, 
which lost that name by its union with the church 
in White Haven Society in 1795. The First 
Congregational Church in Fair Haven derives its 
name from the village of Fair Haven, in which it 
was organized before the City of New Haven ex- 
tended its limits to inchuie the village of Fair 
Haven. Its first house of worship was the building 
on Grand street now used as a public school. It 
w^as dedicated June 23, 1830, the same clay on 
which the church was organized. The number of 
original members was 53, of whom thirty were 
from the church in East Haven, and twenty-three 
from the North Church in New Haven. Eighteen 
more were soon after added from the North Church. 
Its second house of worship, which it still occupies, 
was dedicated April 20, 1854. The growth of the 
church was so vigorous, that, besiiles building a large 
house for itself, it sent out a colony of 1 19 mem- 
bers to form the Second Congregational Church in 
Fair Haven; the history of which, as it is outside 
of the city, though now within the town of New 
Haven, does not come within the rcciuirements of 
our title-page. It may be of use, however, to say 
that a small number of seceders from the Second 
Church in Fair Haven formed the Center Church 
in Fair Haven, which, under the ministry of the 



Rev. William B. Lee, had a brief existence and then 
expired. The pastors of the First Church have been 
the Rev. John Mitchell, from 1830 to 1S36; the 
Rev. B. L. Swan, from 1836 to 1845; ^"d 'he Rev. 
Burdett Hart, who having served from 1846 to 
1S60, was dismissed on account of failing health, 
but after several years of rest, returned to his former 
charge, and, being reinstalled, is now the pastor of 
the church in which he was ordained in his youth. 
During the absence of Mr, Hart, the Rev. George 
De F. Folsom and the Rev. Henry T. Staats were 
successively pastors of this church. 

The College street Congregational Church was 
formed in 183 1. For two years it worshiped in the 
Orange street Lecture-room; then for three years 
in a large hall in Exchange Building. A house of 
worship having been erected m Church street, the 
church commenced to occupy it in .'■September, 
1S36. This house being found less convenient and 
pleasant than had been expected, it was sold in 
1848, and another was erected in College street. 
Previously to its removal to College street, its sit- 
tings were free. For the first six years after its or- 
ganization it had no pastor. The Rev. Henry G. 
Ludlow was installed in 1837, and was dismissed in 
1842. The Rev. Edward .Strong was ordained in 
1S42, and was dismissed in 1862. The Rev. O. T. 
Lanphear was installed in 1864, and was dismissed 
in 1S67. The Rev. James W. Hubbell was install- 
ed in 1869, and was dismissed in 1876. The Rev. 
William W. McLane D. D. was installed February 
13, 1S84. 

The Congregational Church in Westville was 
formed in 1832, but as Westville, though in the 
town of New Haven, is not within the limits of the 
city, the title of our book does not require us to 
relate its history. 

For a similar reason we may pass by the Second 
Church in Fair Haven; which by a recent change 
of town boundaries, is included in the town, but is 
not in the city. 

The Davenport Congregational Church origi- 
nated in a mission work of the Center Church, 
which was begun in Wallace street, and thence 
transferred to a chapel which the Center Church 
erected for it in Franklin street. This chapel being 
destroyed by fire May i, 1864, another was built 
on Greene street, and occupied till 1874, when the 
present house of worship was completed. The 
pastors of this church have been the Rev. Edward 
E. Atwater, under whose ministry the church was 
gathered; the Rev. John W. Partridge, whose fail- 
ing health obliged him to retire after a short 
pastorate, and the Rev. Isaac C. Meserve, who 
was installed May i, 1874, and is still the useful 
and beloved shepherd of this flock. 

The Howard Avenue Qhurch was organized in 
1865, by persons who seceded from a church, since 
defunct, because its minister and some persons who 
controlled its property were in sympathy with the 
rebellion against the United States. Its first pastor 


was the Rev. Orlando H. White, under whose 
ministry the church edifice was erected. The Rev. 
C. H. Williams, as acting pastor, succeeded Dr. 
White, but was not installed. The Rev. C. W. Park 
was installed in 1SS4, and dismissed in 1885. The 
Rev. Wdliam James Mutch was installed in Decem- 
ber of the latter year. 

The South Congregational Church, built in Co- 
lumbus avenue, chiefly at the expense of Gerard 
Hallock, of the New York Journal 0/ Commerce, 
was diverted from the Congregational denomination 
by the dissensions of the war, and soon after Mr. 
Hallock's death was purchased by Roman Catho- 
lics, by whom it is called the Church of the Sacred 

The Dwight place Church succeeded to the Howe 
street Church, which, beginning in a room prepared 
for It in Park street, was at first called the Park 
street Church, and afterward, having built a church 
at the corner of Howe and Martin streets, changed 
its name to that of Howe street Church. The Rev. 
Leicester A. Sawyer, who had been pastor of the 
North Church, was the first pastor of the Park 
street Church. His successors in the office were 
the Rev. Abraham C. Baldwin, 1842-45; the Rev. 
William De Loss Love, 1848-52; the Rev. S. 
Hale Higgins, 1852-55; the Rev. David H. Hamil- 
ton, 1855-58; the Rev. John .S. C. Abbott, 1861-66; 
the Rev. George B. Beecher, 1866-68. When the 
house for the Dwight place Church was finished in 
1870, a new organization was effected which suc- 
ceeded to the Howe street Church, inheriting its 
property and furnishing its congregation with a new 
home. The Rev. George B. Newcomb was the 
first minister of the Dwight place Church. He 
preached in Howe street when the new edifice was 
commenced, and in the new house, at the corner of 
Chapel street and Dwight place, for several years 
after its completion; but was not installed. The 
Rev. Thomas R. Bacon was installed pastor De- 
cember 8, iSSo, and was dismissed December 31, 
1SS4. The Rev. J. E. Twitchell is now the acting 
pastor of this church. 

The Taylor Church, now worshiping on Dix- 
well avenue, at the corner of Division street, origi- 
nated in a mission, and has been fostered by the 
Center Church. It is in a prosperous condition, 
and promises to become in every respect a self- 
sustaining institution. Several different ministers 
have been acting or installed pastors of this church. 
Mr. Henry L. Hutchins was ordained pastor INIay 
27, 1873, and was dismissed January i, 1880. 
His successors have been: the Rev. Newton I. 
Jones, 1S81-83; the Rev. Daniel W. Clark, 1S83- 
85; the Rev. John Allender, 1S85. 

The Humphrey street Church originated in a 
mission of ihe Center Church, as did the Daven- 
port at an earlier date. Situated in a part of the 
city destitute of church accommodation, the chapel 
was soon filled with those who were capable of 
managing their own affairs, and a church and 



society were organizcii. Tlic first pastor was tlie 
Rev. R. G. S. McNcille, who was ordained to the 
ofiice in 1870, and dismissed January i, 1872. 
lie was succcedeti by the Rev. R. P. Hilibard, 
who was installed March 30, 1876, and dismissed 

Humphrey Street Congregational Church. 

March 31, 1879, 'o accept a call to the New 
England Church in Brooklyn, N. Y. The Rev. 
John A. Ilanna was installed November 19, 1879. 
and was removed by death July 30, 1880. The 
Rev. S. II. Bray has been for several years acting 
pastor. During his ministry the society has erected 
a new and conimodious church on the north side 
of Humphrey street, which was dedicated January 
18, 1883. 

Besides the churches which have been mentioned 
as becoming defunct by transmigration into some 
other church — as, for example, the South into the 
Howard avenue, and the Howe street into the 
Dwight place — the Woosier place Congregational 
Church siiould be mentioned in any catalogue of 
the Congregational churches in New Haven which 
claims to be complete. The edifice, now popu- 
larly called the W'ooster Place Baptist Church, own- 
ed and occupied by the First Baptist Church, was 
built l)y Mr. Chauncey Jerome, then a prosperous 
manufacturer, for a Congregational church, and 
when completed it was occujjied for a short time 
by a church organized for that purpose. But 
pecuniary reverses thwarted Mr. Jerome's benevo- 
lent intentions, and the church was disbanded. 
The Davenport Church occupies the territory 

which was to have been covered by the disbanded 


There are no recortls to indicate the exact time 
when the oldest parish in New Haven, of the Prot- 
estant Episcopal Church, was organized. When 
the Rector of Yale College and one of its tutors, 
and two of the Congregational pastors in the 
neighborhood of New Haven declared for Epis- 
copacy in 1722, there was neither any Episcopal 
Church in New Haven, nor any clergyman of the 
Church of England resilient in the town. The 
movement of these gentlemen originated in their 
own studies, and not in any effort of Episco- 
palians to draw them away from the ecclesiastical 
order in which they hail been educated. The 
College had received from England generous gifts 
of books, which so far as they were thci "logical or 
ecclesiastical, were, with few exceptions, written by 
divines of the Church of England. Those who 
read them perceived and appreciated the culture 
of the authors, so much the more by reason of its 
superiority to any they had seen at home. New- 
England was too new and raw at that time to pro- 
duce elegant literature, and these books drew those 
who studied them into admiring and loving con- 
cord with the writers. But the movement was 
among scholars, and not among the people. 
(Jllier Congregational ministers were more or less 
interested in it, but drew back when they found 
what sacrifices they must make if they stepped 
down and olT from the Saybrook Platform, as by 
law established. These accessions of clergymen 
to the Episcopal Church adding to the number of 
missionaries employed in the colony of Connec- 
ticut by "The Society for Propagating the Gospel 
in Foreign Part.s, ' resulted in later years in the 
growth of Episcopacy among the people. It was 
about thirty years after Rector Cutler was "ex- 
cused from all further services as Rector of Yale 
College,'' when in July, 1752, Samuel Mix, of New 
Haven, executed a deed, conveying to I'.nos Ailing 
and Isaac Doolittle a certain piece of land "for 
the building of a house of public worship, agree- 
able and according to the establishment of the 
Church of England." 

The history of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
in New Haven may be considered as commencing 
with the purchase by Messrs. Ailing and Doolittle 
of the aforesaid land; for, though Trinity Parish was 
not yet organized, the land was designed for its 
benefit, and was purchased in anticipation of its or- 
ganization. Missionaries from "The Society for 
Pro]>agating the Gospel in Foreign Parts" had in- 
deed sometimes conducted public worship accord- 
ing to the ritual of the Church of England, and 
one unsuccessful atteni])t had been made to secure 
the erection of a church. 

In March, 173^1, the Rev. Jonathan Arnold, who, 
having been previously the Congregational pastor 
in West Haven, received Episcopal ordination in 
England in the year just mentioned, [irocureil a 
written conveyance of a piece of land from Will- 



iam Grigson, of the City of London, in trust for 
the " building and erecting a church thereupon for 
tlie worship and service of Almighty God accord- 
ing to the practice of the Church of England, and 
a parsonage or dwelling-house for the incumbent 
of the said intended church for the time being, and 
also for a churchyard to be taken thereout for the 
poor, and the residue thereof to be esteemed and 
used as Glebe Land by the minister of the said 
intended church for the time being, forever." It 
is said that when Mr. Arnold went in the autumn 
of 1738 to take possession and make improve- 
ment of this land, "he was opposed by a great 
number of people, being resolute that no church 
should be built there, who in a riotous and tu- 
multuous manner, being (as we have good reason 
to believe) put upon it by some in authority and 
of the chief men in the town, beat his cattle and 
abused his servants, threatening both his and their 
lives to that degree that he was obliged to quit 
the field." 

The land which William Grigson conveyed to 
Mr. Arnold, he claimed as an heir of his great- 
grandfather, Thomas Grigson, or, as the ancestor 
wrote it, Gregson, one of the original planters of 
New Haven. It had been for more than forty years 
in the possession of other descendants of Thomas 
Gregson, he having several daughters who remain- 
ed in New Haven when their brother, the father of 
William Grigson, of London, removed to England. 
These descendants of Thomas Gregson, who were 
in possession of the land, and claimed exclusive 
ownership, resisted Mr. Arnold's attempt to take 
possession. If it was generally known that he 
intended to build upon it an Episcopal Church, it 
is not at all unlikely that the crowd which gathered 
around the contestants made such demonstrations 
that their sympathies were with those who had been 
for a long time in possession, as Mr. Arnold would 
consider " riotous and tumultuous." The case was 
never brought into a court of law, probably because 
the conveyance from William Grigson to Jonathan 
Arnold was legally invalid for want of the acknowl- 
edgment of the grantor. 

The land which Mr. Arnold claimed and at- 
tempted tcj take possession of, afterward became 
the property of Trinity Church b)' purchase from 
those who derived their title from the daughters of 
Thomas Gregson. Having thus acquired possession 
and the inchoation of a title, the parish prudently 
obliterated whatever defect there might be in their 
title, by procuring a quit claim deed, properly ex- 
ecuted and acknoivledged, from William Gregson, 
of Exeter, England, the son of the William Grigson, 
of London, who had thirty-two years before execut- 
ed, but not acknowledged, a conveyance of similar 

At the time when Mr. Arnold attempted to 
secure "the glebe land" for the erection of a 
church, " the members of the Church of England 
were very few in New Haven. According to the 
best information that can Tie obtained, there was 
then but one churchman in the town.' 

In relating the history of Trinity Church, we 
shall avail ourselves of a valuable paper, read to the 

New Haven Colony Historical Society, March 30, 
1863, by Frederick Croswell, Esq., to whom we 
are indebted for the citation in the preceding 

"The exact time of the organization of the parish 
of Trinity Church has not been ascertained. But 
the churchmen of New Haven had become suf- 
ficiently numerous in 1752 to contemplate at that 
time the building of a house of worship. On the 
28th day of July in that year, Samuel Mix executed 
a deed, conveying for the consideration of ;^200, 
old tenor, to Enos Ailing and Isaac Doolittle, for 
the building of a house of public worship, agreeable 
and according to the establishment of the Church 
of England, a certain piece of land containing 
twenty square rods, being four rods wide, fronting 
westerly on what is now called Church street, and 
being five rods deep. 

" Thus far a remarkable fatality seems to have 
attended the conveyances of land for the benefit of 
the Episcopal Church. This deed, like that of 
William Grigson, was not acknowledged by the 
grantor, who died shortly after its execution. But 
upon the petition of the grantees to the General 
Assembly, at the October session of 1 756, that body 
confirmed their title to the land by a resolve ' That 
the petitioners have liberty to record said deed in 
the Records of the town of New Haven, and the 
same being so recorded, shall and may be used 
and improved as the deed of said Mix for the pass- 
ing of the estate in said lands as fully and effectu- 
ally to all intents and purposes as if the same had 
been acknowledged by the said Mix.' The land 
conveyed by this deed is that upon wdiich the first 
house of worship of Trinity Church was built. The 
edifice was completed in 1753. Stiles mentions it 
in his ' Itinerary ' and states its dimensions as being 
58 by 38 feet, according to the measurement made 
by him in 1760. From the same source it appears 
that the churchmen then residing in New Haven 
had increased to the number of twenty-four fami- 
lies, comprising eighty -seven souls." 

The first minister of the Church of England who 
resided in New Haven was Ebenezer Punderson, a 
native of New Haven, and a graduate of Yale Col- 
lege in the class of 1726. He Nvas settled over the 
Second Congregational Church in Groton, as pas- 
tor, from January, 1728, to February, 1734. Soon 
afterward he conformed to the Church of England, 
and became an itinerant missionary in Connecticut. 
In 1753 he was, at his own request, appointed to 
reside in his native town, and officiate in the church 
which had been erected, in some considerable de- 
gree, by his own benefactions, he having given the 
greatest part of the timber. In 1762 he received 
an invitation from the vestry of the church in Rye 
to become their Rector, and as the church in New- 
Haven was declining under his ministrations, he 
accepted the call. He died at Rye, September 22, 
1764, at 60 years of age. Dr. Samuel Johnson, 
upon whose advice the Propagation Society seemed 
to have very much depended, wrote to the Society 
in December, 1762: 

You h.ive herewith a letter from the Churchwardens and 
Vestrymen of Rye, praying that Mr. Punderson may be ap- 



pointed their missionary, which also I earnestly desire, as 
they are (after much coiitention) happily uniteil in him, and 
his reincival from New Haven is rendered liij;lily espedienl 
l>y an unhappy corUroversy about a house with a dissenter 
of some note there, by whom he has been very injuriimsly 
treated, whereby his life has been most uncomfortable ami 
the Church has nuich suflered. but I hope it may soon be 
provided with some other worthy incundient not liable to the 
like difhculties. 'I'lie clerv;y thoiii;ht it advisable, lhou^,di he 
continues this winter in New Haven, that he shoulil as fre. 
tjuently as mijjht lie visit the people at Rye. 

In a letter of earlier date to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, he had written: 

Mr. I'underson seems a very honest and laborious man: 
yet the Chinch at New Haven appears imeasy and rather 
declinini; under his nu'nistry, occasioned, 1 believe, partly by 
his want of politeness, and partly by his beini; absent so 
much, haviuj^ live or six places under his care. I wish he 
was atjain at (iroton, and some politer person in his place. 

The Propagation Society, ignorant that the 
Church at Rye had invitetl Mr. Punderson to be- 
come their Rector, had appoiiued tlie Rev. Solomon 
Palmer, of Lilchfiekl, to the same post. To allevi- 
ate the disappointment of the latter gentleman, it 
was arranged that he should remove to New Haven, 
and become the successor of Mr. Punderson. In 
his report of June 8, 1763, after mentioning that 
the people had purchased a glebe near the church, 
and were completing a house for his accommoda- 
tion, he adds: 

They have enijaged to [jive me an aiuuiity of ^^30, w liich 
is as much as they are at present able to do, lieing in number 
but sixty families, and more than half of them in low circum- 
stances; yet, after all, though New 1 lavcn is a jileasant situa. 
tion and would be (piite aijreeable to me, I slioiild, upon my 
own account, be content to [;o to Rye; and if, all things con- 
sidered, the Society shall order me there, 1 shall be well 
suited. But then I should be concerned for the Church in 
New Haven, which in the latter part of Mr. Punderson's 
time there was really in a pining and langnishiug state; 
anil should he return to them again— though he obtains a 
gooil ch:Macter, and is really a valuable man — ( fear he 
would have the mortification of seeing it expire in his hands. 

Some months later, he wrote again from New 
Haven, and referring to the embarrassments which 
had grown out of the action of the people at Rye, 
he said : 

As matters now stand, and as Mr. Punderson's return 
would certainly prove fatal to this church, which was even 
panting for breath, and just ready to expire when he left it, 
1 shall be well pleased, with the society's approbation and 
consent, to succeed him, though Rye would have suited me 

"The e.\change of places between the two gen- 
tlemen," says Dr. Beardsley, " proved beneficial to 
the interests of the church. As vigor is adtled to 
the tree by transi)lanting it into a newer and stronger 
soil, .so years and inlluence are sometiincs added to 
the life of a clergyman by changing his associations 
and ])ermitting liim to breathe in a different atmo- 
s])here. Mr. Punderson was eminently blessed in 
ills ministry at Rye, and we leave Mr. Palmer in 
New Haven at the close of the year 1763 engaged 
in the zealous discharge of his pastoral office, and 
toiling successfully to bring back tlie scattered 
members of the church.'' * 

" ISIr. Palmer was born at Branford; graduated at 
Yale College at 1729; was settled over a Congrega- 

* History of the Cliurch in Connecticut. Vol. I, p. 222. 

tional church in Cornwall, where he remained till 
1754, at which time he conformed to the Church 
of England. He dieil in Litchfield, November 2, 
1 77 1, having relurneil from New Haven to the 
place of his former residence and labor, for the rea- 
son that he could not support his large family in 
the exjjensive town of New Haven on his salary. " 

Rev. Ik'la Iltibbard, the successor of Mr. Palmer, 
commenceil his ministry in New Haven in I7^>7. 
He was a native of Guilford, a graduate of Vale Col- 
lege in the Class of 1758, and had officiated three 
or four years in his native town before he came to 
reside in New Haven. Up to the commencement 
of his incumbency, no light is thrown upon the 
history o[ Trinity Church from its own records. 
IMr. Hubbard kept a register, in which is written 
with his own hand, on the fiist page, "Trinity 
Church, New Haven, Nolilia Piiidc/iia/is, a. n. 1767. 
Bela Hubbard, Missionary." 'Jliis opening sen- 
tence shows that the parish had been organized, 
though no previous recoril of the event is extant. 
There is little of general interest in the volume; its 
contents consisting luainly of the records of mar- 
riages, baptisms and funerals, from which he made 
his periodical reports to the society of which he 
was a missionary. His relation to that society as 
their minister continued till 1785, when Trinity 
parish assumed his entire sujiport. ]5ut, though 
residing at New Haven, he hail the care also of 
Christ Church, West Haven, and, as appears from 
this " Notitia," his fiekl of labor extended far be}ond 
these two parishes. Services are recordcnl by him 
which were jjcrformed in Amity, Bethany, Bran- 
ford, East Haven, Fairfield, Farmington, Foxon, 
Guilford, Hamden, Killingworth, Milfortl, New 
Haven, North Guilford, Stratfonl, Saybrook, Strat- 
field, Woodbury and West Haven. 

Mr. Hubbard wrote to the society, whose com- 
mission he held, in April, 1772 : 

I am pleased and happy in my situation, kindly treated 
and resjiected by my own people and the tlissenters in this 
growing and populous town, many of whom occasionally 
attend our .services on Sundays: and I have the hajipiness 
to see the greatest unanimity reigning among us and the de- 
nominations with whom we live. My congregation in some- 
thing less than five years, has increased one-third in nuinlier. 
The souls, while and black, belonging to the church in New 
Haven are 503, and in my church in West Haven there 
are 220. 

The first record of the choice of ofiiccrs ofTrin- 
it}' Parish found in the "Notitia" is in the follow- 
ing words: 

"At a meeting of Vestry of Triiiit)' Church, 
New Haven, on Easter Monday, April 16, 1770. 

"Chosen: Mr. Isaac Doolittle and 

" Capt. Stephen Mansfield, 

" Church Warikns. 

" Vix. Enos Ailing, 

"■ Clerk. 
" Capt. Christopher Kilby, 
" Capt. Abialhar Camp, 
" Mr. John Mile.s, 

■' I't's/rymen. 

" James Powers, 

" Se.v/on." 



But a list of officers at an earlier date is fouml 
in the quit-claim deed, in which P'nos Ailing con- 
veys to the parish the glebe land which he had 
purchased of some of the heirs of Thomas Greg- 
son. The deed is dated October 31, 1765, and 
conveys the land to Timothy Bonticou and Isaac 
Do(jlittle, Churchwardens, and Christopher Kilby 
and Stephen Mansfield, Vestrymen of Trinity 
Church. This was two years before Dr. Hubbartl 
removed to New Haven. 

The "Notitia" records the annual election of 
Wardens, Vestrymen, etc., on Easter Monday of 
each succeeding year till 1777, but has no account 
of their proceedings, or those of the parish. The 
first record of the parish as a society is dated Easter 
Monday, March 31, 1777, and is commenced 
in these words: "The parishioners of Trinity 
Church convened at the usual place, and chose 
Enos Ailing, Esq., and Mr. Isaac Doolittle, Church 
Wardens for the )'ear ensuing; Messrs. Charles 
Prindle, Benjamin Sanlord, Daniel Bonticou, Eb- 
enezer Chittenden and Samuel Nesbit, Vestry- 

Timothy Bonticou, Enos Ailing and Isaac Doo- 
little, the first three Wardens of Trinity Church, 
deserve especial mention as early and prominent 
advocates of Episcopacy. 

Timothy Bonticou, the son of a French Huguenot 
refugee, was born in New York City June 17, 1693, 
and was baptized in the French Church on the 2d 
of July. In his boyhood he went to France, where 
he acquired the trade of a silversmith. It is not 
known when he returned to America, but his wife 
died in New Haven November 5, 1735, at the age 
of thirty-three years. He again married September 
29, 1736, Mary Goodrich, of Wethersfield. Before 
the organization of Trinity Church he was a regis- 
tered communicant in the Ei)iscopal Church at 
Stratford, and from 1741 to 174S was a resident 
there. There is no record that shows him to have 
been an owner of real estate in Stratford, and it is 
believed that he removed thither from New Haven 
on account of greater convenience in the enjoy- 
ment of his church privileges. In 1748 he was 
again a resident in New Haven, and perhaps the 
only Episcopalian in the town, for Henry Caner, 
who came here from Boston in 171 7 to build the 
first college edifice, died in 1731. Converts from 
the "Standing Order" were ready to join with 
him soon after his return to New Haven in insti- 
tuting Trinity Church, of which he was probably 
the first Warden. In the new church edifice he 
owned and occupied a large scjuare pew, promi- 
nently located. 

"At the time of the British invasion of New Ha- 
ven, Mr. Bonticou was an old man eighty-si.\ years 
of age, a resident of the household of his son Peter, 
on the corner of Wooster and Olive streets. On 
this occasion he was the victim of outrage by the 
British troops. A mob of soldiers visited the house 
and the old gentleman ^was robbed of his silver 
knee and shoe buckles, his daughter-in-law, the 
wife of Captain Peter, being ordered to pull them 
oif. Personal violence was offered; and on an at- 
tempt by the soldiers to bayonet him, she inter- 

posed herself between them and saved his life. In- 
furiated at being baffled in their murderous design, 
they were ripe for any degree of iniquity, and the 
daughter of Captain Peter, unfortunately presenting 
herself at this juncture, she was seized by the soldiers, 
and her abduction attempted; but her mother, 
with great tact and courage, interfered, and while 
entertaining the soldiers with food and drink, se- 
cretly seni for assistance; which speedily arrived in 
the form of a guard of soldiers, obtained through 
the eftbrts of an influential Royalist neighbor. 
This put a stop to their outrageous conduct, but 
they had well-nigh succeeded in their designs on 
old Timothy, for he was found by the guard with 
a rope around his neck, the other end thrown over 
a beam of the house, and the mob evincing a dia- 
bolical disposition to pull him up, which was pre- 
vented by the ofiicer in charge.* 

Timothy Bonticou, or else his son. Captain Peter 
Bonticou, built the large house, afterward known 
as the DeForest House, on the corner of Wooster 
and Olive streets. His home-lot, extending through 
to Chapel street, included the ground on which 
St. Paul's Church stands. Another son, Dr. Daniel 
Bonticou, graduated at Yale College in 1757, 
studied medicine in France, and commenced prac- 
tice in New Haven in 1771. He was a vestryman 
of Trinity Church in 1774-75 and 1777-78. 

Enos Ailing was a native of New Haven; be- 
came a communicant in the Church in the First 
Society, August 19, 1741, under the ministry of 
the Rev. Mr. Noyes, and was one of the seceders 
who were organized in 1742 as the Church in the 
White Haven Society. He graduated at Yale Col- 
lege in the class of 1746. Soon after his gradua- 
tion he engaged in commercial pursuits in his native 

As early as 1752, as appears from the occurrence 
of his name with that of Isaac Doolittle in the con- 
veyance from Samuel Mix, he was known and 
trusted as an Episcopalian. From that time till his 
death, which occurred September 11, 1779, he was 
an earnest friend and servant of his church. The 
earliest record shows him to have been Parish Clerk 
in 1770, and the Rector had chosen him to the 
same office at the annual meeting of the parish on 
Easter Monday next preceeding his death. As 
Clerk of the Parish, his duty was to lead the re- 
sponses of the congregation and to designate the 
psalms and hymns to be sung. Being the Clerk of 
the Parish, and withal a man of liberal education, 
he probably officiated as lay-reader in the frequent 
absences of the minister. "It is the occasion of 
much regret, "says Mr. Croswell in thejiaper which 
supplies most of our material, "that so little has 
been preserved concerning the personal history of 
Enos Ailing, whose zeal in the cause of the Epis- 
copal Church obtained for him among his contem- 
poraries the honorary title of ' Bishop ' Ailing; 
by which name he is better remembered, and is 
more frequently mentioned even now, than by his 
baptismal one. He left no lineal descendants, which 
may perhaps account for the absence of more per- 

* Bonticou Genealogy. By John E. Morris, Hartford, 1885. But a 
friend suggests that Timothy Bonticou lived in Miiford. 



feet memorials of him than can now be obtainetl." 
He was a member of the Society for the Propagation 
of the (Jospcl, liaving been elected on the nomina- 
tion of the Rev. Solomon Palmer, who recom- 
mendcil him as worthy of this honor, " both for his 
liberal education and aflhient circumstances, " add- 
ing; " lie is truly catholic in his temper; has 
been the greatest benefictor to this church (New 
Haven); and would, 1 doubt not, do all he could 
for the interests t>f the society and the furtherance 
of their pious and charitable designs; and as he is 
childless, though a married man, would at least 
leave them a legacy." Mr. Ailing died September 
II, 1779, in the sixty-first year of his age. His 
first wife, Phebe, ilaughter of Joseph Whiting, dijd 
December 23, 1751. His second wife was Hannah, 
daughter of Captain Samuel Miles. After the death 
of Mr. .Mling she became the wife of Hon. Jared 
Ingersoll. She died December 3, 17S6, in the 
fifty-forth year of her age, the wile of Captain Joseph 
Bradley, to whom she had been married in April of 
that year. 

In the volume of " Notitia " is a record of the 
death of Isaac Doolittle, February 13, 1800, age 
78. Mr. Doolittle was an enterprising citizen of 
New Haven. He was a native of Wallingford, but 
came here to reside at a very early age. The church 
of which he was so long a member was the object 
of his warm, zealous and earnest attachment. His 
contributions of the means necessary for building 
the (irst house of worship were more liberal than 
those of any of his contemporaries. 

He was by trade a brass-founder, and a maker of 
brass-wheel clocks, such as in the olden time stood 
in the hall or parlor of an aristocratic mansion. 
He was also engaged in the business of casting 
bells. In 1774, he advertises that, having erected 
a suitable building and prepared an apparatus con- 
venient for bell-founiling, and having had good 
success in his first attempt, he intends to carry on 
that business, and will supply any that please to 
employ hmi with any size bell commonly used in 
this or the neighboring provinces on reasonable 
terms. His residence was on the south side of 
Chapel street, between High and York streets, and 
his bell foundry was on the same street between 
Park and Howe streets, at the plaee where Dr. 
Henry Bronson now resides. During the Revo- 
lutionary War, he, in company with Jeremiah 
Atwater and Elijah Thompson, made large quan- 
tities of gunpowder at their powder-mill in West- 
ville. Unlike most of his brethren in his church, 
he was a Whig, entering into the contest with 
Great Britain as ardently as he did into the attempt 
to establish an Episcopal C'liurch in New Haven. 
In 1778 he was not re-elected a churchwarden; 
and from that time till 1783 he was passed by at 
the annual election. The tradition is, that this 
neglect of one who had been so early and so strong 
a friend of the church was occasioned by his zeal 
for the war; but as the church was dependent on 
the mother country, perhaps its action was prompt- 
ed by i)rudence more than by unfriendly feelings 
towards Mr. Doolittle. 

Tiie antagonism between \N'hig and Tory prob- 

ably made more trouble for the Episcopal parish 
in New Haven than for any other of the ecclesias- 
tical organizitions. The little society of .Sande- 
manians seem to have been unanimously Tories, 
and whatever trouble they had with the civil au- 
thority, or with the committee of inspection, they 
had none with one another. So far as a])pears, 
both the "New Light" societies enjoyed a similar 
unanimity on the other side of the dividing line, 
there being no Tories in the White Haven or in the 
Fair Haven Society. They were all zealous in 
patriotism as they were in religion. In the First So- 
ciety there was adivision of feeling, a few of its mem- 
bers being active Tories, and many more being 
ready in the first years of the war to submit to 
King George whenever their more enterprising and, 
accoiding to their judgment, rash countrymen 
should become convinced that the rebellion must 
be unsuccessful. In the Episcopal Society there 
was a similar division of feeling, but the proportion 
of Tories was much greater, both of such as were 
active and of such as avoided overt demonstration. 
The loyalty of Dr. Hubbard to King George was 
well known, but he was so discreet and inoflensive 
that perhaps the most serious consequence of his 
loyalty which he suffered was the censure of the 
committee appointed to inquire and report the 
reasons why he, with others, remained in the town 
when it was invailed by the British. In other towns 
some of the Episcopal missionaries were subjected 
to indignities from mobs, and to c^)nstraint from 
the civil authorities, the measure of punishment or 
of tliscipline depending somewhat on the amount 
of provocation they gave, and somewhat on the sub- 
jective condition of those who administeretl it. 
Dr. Hubbard's position must have been a delicate 
one when a warden of his church was manufactur- 
ing powder for the rebels, and the persons in Lon- 
don who remitted the Rector's salary, required him 
to pray that God would strengthen the King to 
"vancjuish and overcome all his enemies." After 
the Declaration of Independence, the performance 
of divine service according to the ritual of the 
English Church, which before had been only an 
oficnse to individual Whigs, became an act of dis- 
loyalty to the United .States, and very few clergy- 
men continued to use the prayers for the King and 
Royal Family according to the Liturgy. A con- 
vention of the clergy was held at New Haven, July 
23, 1 776, at which, after deliberation, it was resolved 
to suspend the public exercise of their ministerial 
functions. There is nothing in his "Notitia" to 
prove that Dr. Hubbard acted in accordance with 
this resolve or to indicate when he resumed his 
ministrations. But President Stiles has supplied in 
his diary the information which the Rector faileil to 
give. He writes under the date 011778, December 
20, Lord's Day: 

III July, 1776, immediately upon the Pcclaration of liide- 
peiiclcnco, the Kpiscopal clerj^y left in New Knglaiul met, 
anil decided to shut up the churches, that is, to cease the 
Liturj^y and preaching; and only occasionally on Lord's 
D.xy, at church or elsewhere, the minister was to read some 
printed sermon and the Lord's prayer, because they miyht 
not pray for the King, and they might not pray forCongress. 
Mr. Ueacli and Mr. Newton, however, upheld the Liturgy 



anil kept up public preaching ami service, praying also for 
the King. AH the rest ceased. Corresponrlingly with them, all 
the few clergy uf Massachussetts and Providence ceased 
service except Mr. Parker, of Boston. In general, all the 
churches from Maryland to Nova Scotia have been shut up, 
while those of the Southern States have been kept open, 
particularly in Virginia, whose assembly expunged from the 
Ijiturgy prayers for the King, and substituted a form or 
collect for public authority. 

This fall the Bishop of London has sent over to all the 
clergy to open their churches, set up divine service, and use 
the Liturgy as usual, omitting, however, the prayers for the 
King and the Royal Family. This day, Mr. Hubbard opened 
lor the first time his church in New Haven. 

The Rector at New London being infle.xible in 
his loyalty, would not open his church even upon 
the Bishop's order, and the parish, longing for the 
resumption of public worship, "voted that the 
Wardens call on some reverend gentleman to of- 
ficiate in the Church of St. James after the manner 
of the Rev. Mr. Jarvis or yl//-. Hubkird." 

The termination of Mr. Hubbard's relation to 
the Propagation Society was not voluntary on his 
part or that of his parish, as may be seen from the 
Rillowing extract from a letter of the Society's Sec- 
retary in reply to one from the Right Rev. Samuel 
.Seabury, who had just been consecrated in Scot- 
land, in which the Bishop solicited for himself and 
his clergy the continuance of the Society's benefac- 

I am directed by the Society to express their approbation 
of your service as their missionary and to acquaint you that 
they cannot, consistently with their charter, employ any 
missionaries except in the plantations, colonies and factories 
belonging to the Kingdom of Cireat Britain; your case is, of 
course, comprehended under that general rule. 

In the year preceding that in which Dr. Hub- 
bard ceased to be a missionary of the Propagation 
Society and began to receive a full support from 
the parishes of which he was the Rector, an organ 
was placed in Trinity Church, and at a vestry meet- 
ing held December 29, 17S4, it was 

" Voted, That those persons who have been bene- 
factors to the church by contributing for an organ, 
should, as a tribute of gratitude for their liberality, 
have their names, with the respective sums of their 
subscriptions, recorded in this book." 

At the annual parish meeting, Easter Monday, 
March 28, 1785, it was 

" Voted, That the wardens and vestrymen are the 
Society's committee according to law, and as such 
they have been held and regarded ever since — their 
powers and functions being the same as those of 
such committees of the other ecclesiastical societies.* 
It was also voted that there be no further burials 
under the body of the church, except those families 
some members of which have already been buried 
there — by which is understood the heads of those 
families and their children — only excepting any 
person leaving a legacy of thirty pounds and par- 
ticularly desiring that liberty." 

At the regular annual meeting in 1787, Moses 
Bates was appointed organist, and was allowed to 
occupy the house in whi<;h he then lived, without 

* In 1877 an Act of the Legislature was procured, enacting that the 
Ecclesiastical Societies of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Connec- 
ticut shall be known as Parishes as well as Ecclesiastical Societies, and 
that such parishes shall conduct their affairs according to the constitu- 
tion, canons and regulations of the said Protestiint Episcopal Church, I 

being required to pay rent, as a compensation for 
his services. At the vestry meeting March 31, 
1 788, Moses Bates was reappointed organist, with 
the additional office of Sexton, and for his services 
was to have his house rent free as before. At the 
same meeting it was voted that for the conveniency 
of describing the lots and boundaries of the church 
lands, the street beginning in Chapel street, between 
the houses of Robert Fairchild and Abel Buel, be 
called and known by the name of Gregson street, 
and that the street beginning in Church street, run- 
ning between the house of Levi Hubbard and the 
house at present leased to Moses Bates, westerly 
until it meets Gregson street, be called and known 
by the name of School alley." But it was a long 
time before the new name of Gregson street dis- 
placed the older name of Toddy alley, which seems 
to have been for some reason strongly fixed in the 
popular mind. 

At a .special parish meeting November 17, 1788, 
" a proposition was received from Messrs. William 
McCracken and Josiah Burr to build an addition 
of twenty-feet to the rear of the church, and lo make 
such alterations in the position of the pulpit, read- 
ing desk and chancel as the proposed atldition 
might make proper, and to have the whole finished 
in two years, without expense to the church, pro- 
vided the parish would secure to them and their 
heirs the possession of all the new pews in the space 
created by the proposed addition and alterations, 
to be built and placed under the direction of a 
committee to be appointed by the parish for the 
purpose." This offer was accepted by the parish, 
and a committee was appointed to "negotiate an 
exchange with Richard Cutler for land on the east 
end of the church lot belonging to him, for so 
much of land on the north side of said church lot 
as may be necessary for extending the rear of the 
church twenty feet." 

Some time in 1793, a bell was procured and 
hung in the belfry. It was the Puritan custom to 
ring a bell at 9 o'clock in the evening; but Saturday 
was an exception, because as holy lime had begun 
at sunset, there was no need to notify the people to 
cease from their labors and pleasures. 

The Episcopal Church having now a bell of its 
own, some over-zealous partisan disturbed the quiet 
of the town by ringing the bell on Saturday even- 
ing, and a week later repeated the offense. At a 
meeting of the vestry, September 26, 1793, the 
following record was made: "It being reported 
that, without any order or direction of the Wardens 
and Vestrymen of said Church, the bell has been 
rung on the two preceding Saturday nights by some 
person unknown, therefore, 

" Voted, That in our opinion the ringing of the 
bell at the above-mentioned time was very improper 
and irregular, and that we do not countenance the 
same; and that no person in future be permitted to 
ring the said bell on Saturday or any other nights, 
unless ordered by the Society at large." 

"At the annual meeting, April 20, 1794, the War- 
dens were authorized to have the church painted, 
and to borrow a sum not exceeding /"50 to pay for 
it. And at a vestry meeting in the same year, Mr. 



Salter, an organist from England, was engaged to 
play the organ for six months, to be paid at the 
rate of twenty guineas per annum. Mr. Salter 
remained for many years in the situation to 
which lie was at this time appointed. He lived to 
(|uite an advanced age, and became wholly blind 
before he died. By the exercise of his talents he 
supported his family in a respectable manner; and 
it is no disi)aragement to his successors to say that 
none of them have surpa.ssed him in skillful execu- 
tion and tasteful performance upon an instrument 
which is better adapted than any other to the pur- 
poses of public worship." 

"At the annual meeting in 1 795, a committee was 
raised to inquire into the expciliency and probable 
cost of building a gallery in the church; but as the 
estimated cost was over j^ioo, the consideration of 
the subject was postponed, for the reason that the 
town had been put to great expense in consequence 
of the sickness that hatl prevaileil the previous year." 

" A vote was passed at the annual meeting in 
1797, that ten dollars be paid out of the Society's 
treasury toward the public wells and pumps in 
this city." At a parish meeting November 27th 
in the same year, it was voted "That there be a 
contribution every Sabbath, after church at night, 
for the benefit of the ])0or of the Parish, the con- 
tributions to continue through the winter." " The 
custom begun at this time has been continued," 
says Mr. Croswell, "in Trinity Church to this 
day; but the collections in late years have been 
made monthly iluring the winter, instead of weekly, 
as then." A similar custom in the Center Church 
is probably of equal antiquity. 

In the course of the same year (1797) after 
various conferences, estimates, and votes on the 
subject, a contract was made for building side 
galleries in the church, and the Wardens and 
Vestrymen were auUiori/.ed to borrow six hundred 
dollars on the credit of the parish to meet the ex- 

In 1804, IMr. Ihiblmrd was made a Doctor of 
Divinity by the Corporation of Yale College. 

At a vestry meeting October 20, 1806, there was 
a vote authorizing the erection of a stove in the 
church, under the direction of the Wardens and 
Vestrymen, provided it should be done fiee of ex- 
pense to the Society. 

In the course of 1807, at the request of Dr. Hub- 
bard, the parish secured the services of Rev. Salmon 
Whealon as an assistant minister, the Rector's salary 
being reduced from S700 to $650. Mr. Wheaton's 
engagement ended about October 20, 18 10, and 
he was paid at the rate of $200 per annum. At a 
special parish meeting June 9, iSti, the Wardens 
and ^'est^ynlen, as the Society's Committee, were 
authorized to extend a call to the Rev. Henry 
Wliitlock, ofNorwalk, to be the assistant minister 
of the Parish, with a salary of $Soo a year. The 
call was accepted, and Mr. W'hitlock commenced 
his duties soon afterward. 

In the "Register," is recorded the death of Eb- 
enezer Chittenden, l\Iay i r, 181 2, at the age of 86. 
Mr. Chittenden had been one of the earliest war- 
dens of the church, having been first chosen in 1 779, 

to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Enos 
Ailing. He was also appointed Parish Clerk by 
Mr. Hubbard in 1791, which oflice he continued 
to hold until the time of his death, when it expired 
with him.* 'I'he year 181 2 was also made memor- 
able in the annals of Trinity Church by the death 
of its Rector. Dr. Hubbard died on the 6th day 
of December, 181 2, in the seventy-third year of his 
age, and the forty-fifth of his ministration to Trinity 
Church as missionary and rector. An obituary no- 
tice sa3s of him: 

Ur. Hublianl possessed great vivacity of iiitfllcct and 

gc-miinc j,'(Ki(lnrss of lu-art. His education, liis sc-nlimcTits, 
anil his nianncis were lilicral. His conversation anil <lc|iort- 
niont were easy anil iinaflecteil— courteous anil kind. With 
hahits stronjjly social, he was an excellent companion, a 
warm friend, a kind brother, a tender ]iarent, and an afl'cc- 
lionate husliand. 

His wife was Grace (Dunbar) Hill, of Fairfield. 
In a private letter, his grandson. Rev. T. C. Pitkin, 
D. D., writes, " He was used to say that though he 
could not subscribe to the five points of Calvinism 
as a whole, yet he had always held — turning toward 
his wife — to irresistible Grace." 

The subject of building a new church to super- 
sede the old edifice erected in 1753, was first dis- 
cussed at the annual meeting in 18 10, and Elias 
Shipman, John H. Jacocks and John Hunt, Jr., 
were appointed a committee "to set a subscription 
on foot to ascertain the minds of the members of 
the Society." In December, 1S12, application was 
made to the town for ])ermission to build on the 
Green, and the town gave its consent. The corner- 
stone was laid with appropriate solemnities. May 
17, 1S14; the Rev. Samuel F. Jarvis, of New York, 
officiating in the absence of the Rev. Henry Whit- 
lock, who, by the death of Dr. Hubbard, had be- 
come rector of the parish. 

Declining health obliged Mr. Whitlock not long 
afterward to resign his office, and the Rev. Harry 
Croswell, being invited to become die rector, com- 
menced his service on the ist of January, 181 5. 
Having done duty for more than a year in the old 
wooden edifice on Church street, he was (niblicly 
instituted February 22, 1816, on the day after the 
new edifice, now known as Trinity Church, was con- 

Dr. Croswell, after forty years of service, thus ad- 
dresses his parishioners: "We look back, of course, 
to comparatively small beginnings. The church in 
which 1 commenced the duties of my rectorship, 
on the I St of January, 181 5, was a comfortable 
wooden edifice, erected, before the Revolution, on 
the east side of Churcli street. But two rectors 
had preceded me in this cure, the venerable Bela 
Hubbard, D. D., who had been a missionary, before 
the Revolution, in the employ of the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel, and the Rev. Henry 
Whitlock, who had resigned the cure on account of 
declining health. The parish consisted at this time 
of about one hundred and thirty families; liut as 
this was the only church edifice, with the e.xceptii^m 
of those at East Haven and West Haven, within a 
distance of several miles, the congregation was 

• Mr. Chiltcndcn was the mnker of the two earliest fire-engines in 
the cily. Sec Chapter on the Fire Department. 



gathered not only from the Episcopal famiHes re- 
siding in the compact part of the town, but from 
among the sparse settlements in the neighborhood. 
In that church we continued to worship until the 
month of February in the ensuing year, when this 
building, then in progress of erection, was finished, 
and consecrated by the name of Trinity Church." 

For thirteen years after his settlement, Dr. Cros- 
well continued to discharge the entire duties of the 
parish, with only occasional and transient aid. 
Rut in the year 1S28 it was deemed expedient to 
[irocure assistance; and the number of families 
having increased to about five hundred, it was soon 
perceived that the congregation required increased 
accommodations. This led to the adoption of 
measures for erecting a chapel of ease; and in the 
spring of 1S29 the corner-stone was laid for such a 
chapel (now St. Paul's Church), which was finished 
and consecrated in the spring of 1S30. From that 
time till 1845, divine service was performed both 
in Trinity Church and in the Chapel of Ease, Dr. 
Croswell sharing the duties of the cure with his as- 
sistant, and alternating between the church and 
chapel. The following clergymen were from time 
to time elected by the parish as assistants to Dr. 
Croswell, and are designated in the records by di- 
verse titles, such as assistant minister, assistant rector, 
or associate rector, viz.; Rev. Francis L. Hawks, 
D.D., 1S28-29; Rev. John S. Stone, D.D., 1830- 
32; Rev. William Lucas, 1832-33; Rev. W. L. Keese, 
•833-35; Rev. L. T. Bennett, 1835-40; Rev. W. F. 
Morgan, D. D., 1S41-44; Rev. J. H. Nichols, 1841 
-46; Rev. T. C. Pitkin, D.D., 1S47-56; Rev. S. 
Benedict, 1856-58. 

The first named of these assistants resigned in 
1829, before the completion of the chapel, and the 
Rev. J. H.Nichols was still in oflice when St. Paul's 
became a separate parish. As early as 1843 some 
desire was manifested for a separation of St. Paul's 
from Trinity Church. At the Easter meeting in 
that year a committee was appointed to take the 
matter into consideration, and that committee re- 
ported, at the Easter meeting in 1S44, that if there 
was a general desire for such a separation it would 
be expedient that such a separation take place, 
and in such event there would be no insuperable 
legal difliculty. Two weeks later, at an adjourned 
meeting, the following resolution, offered by Nathan 
Smith, was passed by a vote of 37 in the affirmative 
and 32 in the negative. 

" Resolved, That the future prosperity of the 
Parish of Trinity Church would be promoted by a 
dissolution of the connection which at present exists 
between Trinity Church and St. Paul's Chapel, pro- 
vided that the dissolution can be legally efl!"ected. " 

The vote, though so far from being unanimous, 
availed to secure a separation; the venerable Rector 
of Trinity doing duty at St. Paul's as a chapel of 
case for the last time on the 27ih of April, 1845. 
So rapidly did St. Paul's, grow that some thought 
there was room for still another new parish, and 
St. Thomas was organized in 184S, Trinity contrib- 
uting about thirty families toward the commence- 
ment of its congregation. In 1853, chiefly by the 
liberality of a single family in "Trinity Church, a 


mission chapel was erected on land at the corner 
of Elm and Park streets, and consecrated in Janu- 
ary, 1854, by the name of Christ Church. By the 
same name it became an organized parish in 1856. 

The interval between Dr. Croswell's retirement 
from St. Paul's and his death, was about thirteen 
years. In the course of that time he had as his as- 
sociates the Rev. Messrs. Nichols, Pitkin, and Bene- 
dict. He died March 13, 1858, in the eightieth 
year of his age and the forty-fourth year of his 
ministry. Commencing in New Haven in a small 
wooden edifice, he had removed to a building of 
stone which was then "the largest Gothic structure 
in New England, if not in the country,'' and had 
lived to see it so crowded that more than one edifice 
of large dimensions was needed to receive the over- 

In 1859, the Rev. Edwin Harwood was elected 
rector of Trinity Church, and remains in the office 
to this day. For almost a cjuarter of a century he 
had only occasional and temporary assistance; but 
in 1883, the Rev. Harry P. Nichols was elected as- 
sistant minister. In 1884, the parish having ob- 
tained permission from the city to extend its church 
westward, built a spacious chancel at an expense, 
including the cost of the additional pews which the 
new arrangement permitted, of $23,000. 

This relation of the history of Trinity Church 
must not come to an end without mention of a 
charitable foundation presented to the parish by Mr. 
Joseph E. Sheffield in his life time. It comprises 
three departments: a parochial school, a home for 
aged women, and a free chapel. The buildings for 
the three departments are grouped together on a lot 
in George street. There is a resident minister who 
regularly performs divine service in the chapel. 

St. Luke's Church is a parish of the Protestant 
Episcopal Church, organized by and for persons of 
color belonging to that communion. As its organi- 
zation dates from 1844, and St. Paul's from 1845, 
it is next in age to Trinity. Divine service was 
celebrated in the chapel of Trinity parish till the 
present house of worship in Park street was pur- 

The following clergymen have been rectors of 
the parish by election, and several others have 
officiated for long periods. Rev. Worthington 
Stokes ; Rev. Theodore Hawley, who is now 
Bishop of Hayti; Rev. \Vm. F. Floyd; Rev. Alfred 
C. Brown, who is still in oftke. 

The first rector of St. Paul's Church was the 
Rev. Samuel Cooke. Elected July 22, 1845, he 
commenced duty in November of that year. The 
church edifice was closed in August and reopened 
in January 1846, having been meanwhile internally 
renovated and enlarged by the addition of a chancel 
extending to the south line of the lot. Mr. Cooke 
was formally instituted January 14, 1846, after the 
reopening of the church. On the last day of No- 
vember, 1850, he sent in his resignation, and on the 
first Sunday in January, 1S51, preached his last 
sermon as Rector of St. Paul's, having accepted an 
invitation to become rector of St. Bartholomew's, 



New \'iirk. During his incumbency a new organ 
was placcil in llie church, wl)ich is slill in use, and 
is regarded as a superior instmnicnt. The Rev. A. 
N. I.iitlejohn was elected rector, June i6, 1S51. 
In tlie first year of his ministry in St. Paul's, a 
work of church extension was begun wliicli fuially 
resulted in the organization of two independent 
parishes, St. John's Church and the Church of the 
Ascension. A voluntary association was formed 
for the prosecution of city mission work, which in 
1854 was incorporated i>y the name of the Mission- 
ary and Jk-nevolent Society of St. Paul's Church. 
Meanwhile the Rev. Frederick Sill was employed as 
A niis.sionary, and a chapel was built on the corner 
of Eld and .State streets. This mission prospered so 
rapiillv, that the worshipers at the chapel expressed, 
in the spring of 1857, an earnest desire to organize 
a new parish, to be called St. John's Church. 
Their recjuest was acceded to: a parochial organi- 
zation was instituted; and the parish was represented 
in Convention in June, 1857. 

The iMissionary Society being thus relieved from 
the support of St. John's, turned their attention to 
a new field, building a house of worship on Daven- 
port avenue, corner of Ward street, whicii they 
called St. Paul's Chapel. In creating these two 
new congregations, many families were detailed 
from St. Paul's as helpers in the work. But it was 
found to be a healthy process which took away 
members, but not life, while it added both members 
and life to the new congregations. St. Paul's had 
never been more prosperous and strong than while 
giving so many of her own people to other con- 
gregations. Dr. T.ittlejohn resigned in February, 
i860, to accept a call to the Church of the Holy 
Trinity, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

The Rev. Edward L. Drown was invited to the 
rectorship in June, i860, and commenced duty in 
September of that year. On Ascension Day, 1S68, 
a new [larish was organized, to which the chapel 
in Davenport avenue was transferred, with prom- 
ise of aid for four years. The new parish was 
called the Church of the Ascension. Mr. Drown 
resigning in 1868, was succeeded by the Rev. 
Francis Lobdell, who preached his first sermon 
as rector September i, 1869, and was instituted 
on the 29th of the same month. At the an- 
nual meeting of the parish in 1873, a vote was 
passed authorizing the vestry to renovate the 
church and enlarge the chancel, providing no debt 
should be incurred in so doing. The previous pur- 
chase of the house and lot next south of the church, 
for a rectory, having made it possible to extend 
the church in that direction, this opportunity was 
improved to build a larger and more churchly 
chancel, extending outward in depth about twenty 
feet, anil upward to the full height of the ceiling. 
At the same time a new building on the east side 
of the church was erected for meetings of the vestry 
and of the parish, and the whole interior of the edi- 
fice was renovated. These improvements exceeded 
in cost the amount expended by Trinity Parish in 
purchasing the land and erecting upon it St. Paul's 
Chapel of Ease. Mr. Lobdell, having been invited 
to the rectorship of St. Andrew's, New York, re- 

signed his charge of St. Paul's in 1879, and the 
present Rector, the Rev. F'dwin S. Lines, suc- 
ceeded him, commencing work in October of the 
same year. 

St. Thomas' Church was organized in 1848, less 
than three years after the separation of St. Paul's 
from Trinity. Their first service was held in the 
Orange Street Lecture-room on Easter Sunday, 
April 23, 1848, and there they continued to wor- 
ship till a tem|)orary chapel of brick was erected in 
Elm street. This was opened for divine service 
August 12, 1849. The records of the parish and 
t)f the vestry for the year 1853, detail the successive 
steps that were taken to enter upon the erection of 
a larger building in its place. The last religious 
services were held in the temjKtrary structure Sun- 
day, March 12, 1854, and soon the walls were 
leveled with the ground and the trenches were dug 
for the foundations of the present edifice. The 
corner-stone was laid April 24, 1854. A large 
upper room received the congregation while the 
building was in progress of erection; and when the 
year came round they returned to consecrate at 
F^aster the edifice tif stone which we now know as 
St. Thomas' Church. The Rev. F'. Edwards Beards- 
ley, D. D. , was elected rector of St. Thomas' at 
the commencement of its existence as a parish, 
and has remained in the office till the present time. 

Christ Church was organized, as has been already 
told, in 1856. It continued to worship in the 
chapel at the corner of Elm and Park till August 
14, 1859. The building was removed across Elm 
street, and added as a transept to a new building 
already in progress of construction. The first ser- 
vice in the new edifice was held on the 6th of 
January, i860. The Rev. Joseph Brewster was 
rector from July i, 1856, to January 17. 1882. 
His successor was the Rev. William C. Spencer, 
D. D. , who resigned his oftice on Easter Monday, 
1S84. The Rev. F]. J. Van Deerlin is now the 
rector of this i)arish. 

St. John's Church originated in a mission chapel 
belonging to St. Paul's. Since its organization as 
a parish the following clergymen have been its 
rectors: Rev. John T. Ihiiitington, Rev. Benjamin 
W. Stone, Rev. Richanl Whittinghain, Rev. C. H. 
B. Tremaine, Rev. Stewart Means. 

The Church of the Ascension, originating like 
St. John's, in a mission chapel belonging to St. 
Paul's, continued to worship in the budding it re- 
ceived from the mother church till July 12, 1S83, 
when its present substantial edifice of stone was 
consecrated. It has enjoyed since its parish or- 
ganization was jicrfected the services of the follow- 
ing rectors: Rev. Charles T. Kellogg, Rev. Elisha 
S. Thomas, Rev. Arthur Mason, Rev. William W. 
Andrews, Rev. F'dward W. Babcock, Rev. C. E. 

Grace Church, Blatchley avenue, corner of Ex- 
change street, was organized April 10, 1 871, to 
provide for the requirements of the rapidly growing 
village of Fair Haven, now comprehended within 



the city limits. Its rectors have been Rev. John W. 
Leek, Rev. Peter A. Jay, Rev. John H. Fitzgerald, 
Rev. Herbert N. Denslow, Rev. Elihu T. .Sanford. 

There are, in addition to those mentioned above, 
two parishes of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
whose houses of worship are within the limits of 
the town, but outside of the limits of the city, viz., 
St, fames', Westville, and St. James', Fair Haven 


A Sandemanian Church was in existence at New 
Haven when the Revolutionary War commenced. 
The Sandemanians are, or were, a sect of Chris- 
tians which originated in Scotland by secession 
from the Established Church, or from one of the 
Presbyterian sects which had already seceded. 
They were at first called Glassites, from the Rev. 
John Glass, a native of Dundee, who was the 
leader of the schism. The Rev. Robert Sandeman 
was his son-in-law. He was born in Perth in 1723, 
and, after officiating as a minister in Scotland for 
about twenty years, joined a party of emigrants 
and settled in Danbury, Conn., where he died in 
1771. Under his influence churches were gathered 
in the principal cities in Scotland, in some cities of 
England, and in several towns of Massachusetts 
and Connecticut in New England. Most of these 
churches, jirobably all in America but one, have 
died out. 

The peculiarities of the Sandemanians are their 
construction of the word "faith," which they inter- 
pret as simple assent to the teaching and divinity 
of Christ; rejection of all mystical or double sense 
from the Scriptures; prohibition of all games of 
chance; a weekly love feast, being the dinner eaten 
by all the church together every Sunday; the kiss 
of brotherhood, which passes from one member to 
another at their solemn meetings; strict abstinence 
from all blood and things strangled; plurality of 
elders, two at least being required for all acts of 
discipline and all administration of ritual; denial 
that college training is a necessary prerequisite to 
the eldership; the absence of prayer at funerals. 
Their religious services are mostly confined to the 
reading and explanation of Scriptures; and where 
there is no house expressly set apart for worship, 
the meetings are held in the houses of the brethren, 
where, indeed, all are at home at all times. 

A correspondent in Danbury writes, uniler date 
of September 8, 1884, concerning the Sandeman- 
ians in that town: "They have a Church of five 
or six members (one male), and hold regular ser- 
vices in their own meeting-house and have their 
love feasts in their Sabbath-house adjoining. It 
amounts to a regular dinner together, the fimily 
who rent their Sabbath-house preparing the dinner 
for them. Formerly, some of the first families of 
the place belonged to them; but their children, 
when of age, have graduf^lly left them, until now- 
only a very few remain. There is no Elder of the 
Church resident, and so they cannot have the Lord's 
Supper administered, which is a great grief to them. 
Now and then there is a funeral in some one of 

their families, the mode of conducting it being as 
follows: The friends and neighbors meet at the 
house at the appointed time, sit for half an hour or 
more in silence, then quietly form the procession 
to the cemetery. There is no religious service. " 

Richard Woodhull was an important and influ- 
ential member of the Sandemanian Church in New 
Haven. He was descended from Richard Wood- 
hull, one of the first settlers of Brookhaven, Long 
Island, then under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. 
That he had qualifications for leadership appears 
in his having graduated at Yale College in 1752, 
and filled the office of a tutor in that institution 
from 1756 to 1761, and again from 1763 to 1765. 
He was afterward an attorney and a merchant in 
New Haven, where he died in 1797, the same year 
in which the Sandemanian house of worship in 
Gregson street passed into the possession of the 
Methodists. Almost all which is now known of 
the Sandemanians in New Haven comes to us 
through the record of the civil authorities in regard 
to the adhesion of the people of this sect to the 
Tory side, in the strife of the Revolutionary War. 
The town voted, November 6, 1775, that every 
person who looks upon himself bound, either in 
conscience or choice, to give intelligence to our ene- 
mies of our situation, or otherwise take an active 
part against us, or yield obedience to any command 
of his Majesty, King George HI, so far as to take 
up arms against this town or the United Colonies, 
every such person be desired peaceably to depart 
from the town. A committee of fifteen was then 
appointed and desired to call before them "to- 
morrow, or as soon as may be," every person sus- 
pected of harboring the sentiments above men- 
tioned. Mr. Woodhull and his associates in the 
Church, for the vote seems to have been passed 
with reference to the Sandemanians. when exam- 
ined, gave an answer which did not satisfy them- 
selves when they had had time for reflection, and 
they sent to the committee a note in which they 
acknowledged that their answer aforesaid should 
have been plain and simple, and they should have 
made answer that "we hold ourselves bound in 
conscience to yield obedience to the commands of 
his Majesty, King George III, so far as to take up 
arms against New Haven or the United Colonies; 
and avoiding to give a plain answer to so plain a 
question at a time when the town and country were 
disavowing their allegiance to the King, and were 
going into open rebellion against God and the King, 
was evidence to them that they were influenced in 
the first answer by fear of man and not of God." 

The result of these proceedings seems to have 
been that the Sandemanians remained in town. 
The Whigs probably did not feel justified in oblig- 
ing them to leave, upon a mere statement of their 
conscientious convictions, as long as they were care- 
ful to avoid overt acts of hostility. But in 1777, 
one of their company was, for some reason which 
does not appear, imprisoned. Some of the princi- 
pal Whigs, one of whom was at that time Chairman 
of the Board of Selectmen, who were also the Com- 
mittee of Inspection, in an interview with one of 
the Sandemanians, requested a statement of their 



belief touching loyalty to the King, and received 
the following declaration in reply: 

New Haven, SiptcmlK-r 14, 1777. 
To Messrs. Siimiitl Bishop, David Aiisliii, and Timothy 
Jonts, Jr. 

Hen 1 i.EMKN, — Voiir ilcsiiv havini; liivn sii^nilicil to us In- 
Mr. Cliamlnrlaiii, thiit «f wmilil m.iUr a cli-claralioii of what 
\vc profi-is toiichiiii; that sul)jictiuii h hich \vc arc bouml by 
the wonl of CukI ti> yklil Id thi- hi^jhcr powers, ilo say: we 
arc tMiund to hearken to that word: " Be not afraid of them 
who kill tlu- IkkIv, anil alter that have no more that they can 
do, but 1 will foiewarn you whtini yon shall fear; fear Him, 
who after he hath killetl hath power to cast into hell ; yea 1 
say unto you, fear Him." His word and authority obliges 
us to Ik- subject to the hii;her powers— the powers that be — 
which are ordained of (lod; to be subject to the King as 
sui>reme; and to governors, as those who are sent by him 
for the punishment of evil-doers and the jiraise of them 
who do well; to fear the Lord an<l the King, and not med<lle 
with them who ;ire given to change. These and such like 
words, by which we must be judged at the last day, bind 
our consciences to Ik- faithful and loyal subjects to our 
Sovereign King George the Third, whom God preserve, 
to whose government we are heartily attached; to give no 
countenance, aid or assistance to any design formed against 
this government, but to conduct as loyal sulijects; to obey 
his laws, his coiumands, and those of subordinate rulers in 
all things wherein they do not interfere with the commands 
of our Klaker, in which case we ought to obey God rather 
than man. That as according to the Scriptures, the king- 
doms of this world are to be ilefendcd by the swt>rd, a com- 
mand from the Sovereign to liis faithful subjects to assist in 
the defense of his government at the peril of their lives, 
when they arc in a situation that admits of it, is a lawful 
comm;ind; and even in the situation in which we now are, 
we are Ixmnd to a dutiful, loyal, obedient conduct, such as 
our situation will admit of; and though we earnestly wish to 
live in peace, and have no inclination to bear arms or be- 
come soldiers in a lawful war, yet the exhortation of John 
the I'.aptist, and the case of Cornelius olilige us to conclude 
that the soldiers' calling is a lawful one for Christians as well 
as other men. 

This faith respecting the commands of the Lord touching 
subjection we have heretofore possessed when it apjieared 
to us that we were, in the course of I'rovidence, called to 
speak of it, antl for this we have suftered; neither can we 
conceal, or dissemble, or soften the commands before men- 
tioned without being ashamed of Christ and his words be- 
fore men, and incurring that much-to be-dre,ided conse- 
quence, the Son of Man^s being ashamed of ns before his 
Father and before his angels. We hold ourselves equally 
obliged, if it Ix: possible, as much as in us lieth, to live ])eace- 
ably with all men; to do good to all men as we have 
opportunity; to be inoffensive among our neighbors; tci 
love ;ind pray for our enemies; never to avenge ourselves, 
nor to lx:ar ill-will to any man; to be no busy-bodies in other 
men's matters, but with c|uietness to work and eat our own 
bread. How far our conduct has corresponded to this 
we must appeal to our neighbors. Suffering for these senti- 
ments, it must a]>])ear to our consciences that we suffer for 
the wonl of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ; this we 
ought to esteem a great honor, of which we were never 
worthy. Our consciences do not condemn us as suffering 
for evil doing, or as having done anything against men that 
will acquit them in the righteous judgment of God for 
bringing such sufferings upon us. 

If we are to be deprived of that liberty which we have in 
nowise forleited, happy shall we be if it be given to us from 
above to suffer with patience. We are able to get a subsist- 
ence in this place in our lawful callings without being 
a burden to our neighbors; if we are removed or conlined, 
this is taken from us; we would be glad, therefore, to 
be permitted to continue here if we may live in ipiiet 
and unmolestc<l. We wish not to be sent ijito the country, 
or to be separated to prevent our assembling on the lirst 
day of the week, to continue steadfastly in the Apostle's 
doctrine and fellowship, and the breaking of bread and 
the prayers. Itut if we are not to be permited the tree 
exercise of the Christian profession in this place, as 
Christians may lawfully wish to enjoy the protection 

and blessings of government, that merciful ordinance of God 
—and as the Lord has, in his lender mercy, permitted His 

disciples tollee from persecutions, saying: " II they persecute 
you ni one city, (lee ye to another "ciur wish is that we 
may be sutTered ]HMCeably to retire, with our families, to 
some convenient place more imnutliately umler the King's 
protection, that we may seek some place where we may 
sojourn in and worship Goil according to His word; 
and that this may be allowed in such a way tliat we may not 
Ik- molested by the people in departing. .And we w i>h that 
our brother, Oliver Hurr, suffering in prison for 
hearkening to that connnand of the Lord whi<h requires us 
to do good to all men as we have opportunity, may !« suf- 
fered to go w ith us, w ith his family. 
We are, Genllemen, your well w ishers, 

JiiSKl'll Pynciiiin, 
"TiiiMii' Cii.\.\iiii:Ki.AiN, 


William Kuhmond, 


Titus Smith, 
Richard Woddhull, 
Thomas Gold. 


The history of Meihotiism in Connecticut dates 
from I 789. According to the testimony of the Rev. 
Abel Stevens, in his "Memorials of Methodism," 
the Rev. Messrs. Cook and Black had preached in 
Connecticut a year or two previous. But they 
were only travelers passing through the Slate. The 
Rev. Jesse Lee spent three months in 1789, visiting 
one town after another, wherever the voice of God's 
providence seemed to call him. New Haven was 
one of the places where he tarried to preach. His 
first sermon in this town was deliveied c^n the 21st 
of June, in the State House, at 5 o'clock on a Sab- 
bath afternoon. He was invited to take te.i with a 
Mr. Jones, and afterward "put up at Parinalee's 
Tavern." P'our weeks later he was again in New 
Haven, and preached in one of the meeting-houses, 
the Rev. Jonathan P'.dwards being among his 
hearers. 1 his time he was entertained at the house 
of David Beecher, the father of the Rev. Dr. Lyman 
Beecher. In 1790 he matlc another preaching tour 
in New England, spending much time in Con- 

A communication in "Cn^ Connecticut yoiirnal oi 
March 31, 1790, from a conservative New Havener 
probably reveals the feeling with which most of the 
town-born regarded a Methodist preacher. 

Messrs. Green, — I would beg leave through the channel 
of your paper to ask the serious citizens of New Haven 
whether it is consistent with reason or the word of CJod to 
give i.-ncoinagemenl to the itinerant pieacher wlio frequently 
holds forth in this city ? No reflection is intended either 
upon his jirinciples or abilities. The poorest talents, if 
rightly improved, are not to lie despised. And in this land 
of freedom every one has his full liberty to think for himself 
and publish his thoughts on religion or any other subject, 
piovided he does it in a proper manner. 

I'or his errors, if he has any, he is answerable to God 
alone. Men arc not to lie blamed for entertaining different 
sentiments. Vet they may be blamable for attempting an 
undue mode of propagating them. Though all denomina- 
tions are and ought to \x equally protected, most certainly 
the Pharisaic rage of compassing sea and land to make 
proselytes ought to l>e lUscountenanced by every lover of 
order and propriety. Religious societies are apt enough to 
disagree. The friends of religion, therefore, should not un- 
necessarily multiply the occasions of disagreement. While 
they encourage freedom of impiiry on religious subjects, 
while they cultivate, and by their own example recommend, 



a spirit of true candor and Catholicism, they onght to frown 
upon those who, under pretense of spreading a favorite sys- 
tem of doctrines, run about from town to town preacliing 
wherever they can find hearers, poisoning; tlic minds of tire 
vulL;ar by tlieir intem[^eratc haran^^ucs an<l thus sowing the 
secils of discortl and taction. Such conduct cannot proceed 
from the mild temper i>f the Gospel. The man who purposely 
promotes a difference of sentiments, merely to excite divi- 
sions and separations, to draw ofla party of followers and 
obtain employment or fame for himself at the expense of the 
community, is, in plain English, a villain, though he wear a 
face as solemn as Sunday and pretend to as much sanctity as 
ever an apostle jiossessed. 

I ain far from charging the preacher referred to with so 
foul an intention. On the contrary, I hope he is honest. No 
man should be condemned without proof. However, let me 
ask the candid readers and believers of the Bible if his 
crowding into the congregations of other pastors without an 
invitation or recommendation, without producing any 
credentials of character, or any testimonials of a regular 
admission into the sacred office, and especially his offering 
his service gratis, are not Scriptural marks of a "wolf in 
sheep's clothing." False teachers have been freciuent in the 
Church from the days of our Saviour down to the present 
time, and we are warned to beware of them. We are told 
that " lie who entereth not by the door into the sheepfold, 
but climbeth u]i some other way, the same is a thief and a 
robber," instead of the tiue shepherd. Does he who is not 
regularly introduced according to the order of the Gospel, 
but creeps in unawares and intrudes himself as a busy-body 
in other men's matters — does he, 1 ask, enter by the door ? 
Does he not rather climb up some other way ? Let candor 

St. Paul directs us to mark them who cause divisions and 
offenses, and to avoid them, for they serve not the Lord 
Christ Jesus; but with good words and fair speeches deceive 
the hearts of the simple. A common artifice of such deceivers 
is to demand no reward for their labor at first; although as 
soon as they have once gained a sufficient party they gen- 
rally find it written that the laborer is worthy of his hire. 
Though that kindof preaching which can be had for nothing 
is commonly known to be good for nothing, yet this is a bait 
often used to catch the selfish and unwary. Men of small 
abilities, but high pretensions, are sometimes able by such 
insinuations to collect a number of disciples from the lower 
ranks of people, and occasion much mischief. 

A zealous profession in a stranger is not indeed always 
the badge of a hypocrite or a pretender; neither is it by any 
means an infallible proof of sincerity. For vice very often 
appears dressed in the lovely garb of virtue. The worst of 
sinners may for a whde assume the appearance of saints. 
Even Satan himself, to serve a turn, is sometimes transformed 
into an angel of light, and, to carry on the deception more 
effectually, can quote texts of Scripture as fluently as any 
itinerant pedlar of peculiar tenets. Perhaps, however, 
these itinerants are really zealous and conscientious. I 
believe many of them are. But is it a breach of Christian 
charity to suppose that their zeal is not according to knowl- 
edge and that their conscience is sometimes, at least, misin- 
formed ? This city is furnished with preachers of various 
denominations, eminent in their several ways for learning, 
elo(]uence and piety. We have as numerous a clergy as we 
are willing to supjiort in a proper style. Why then, in the 
name of common sense, shall we indulge a silly itch of hear- 
ing strangers, whose characters and designs are unknown, 
and who may insensibly divide us more than we are already? 
I am informed that some who lately attended one of the 
itinerant's 5 o'clock meetings, disgusted with the dullness 
and extravagance of his performance, left him in the midst 
of his sermon. Perhaps they had sufficient provocation for 
such a piece of rudeness. Kut it would be more decent and 
conformable to thj solemnity i:)f the Sabbath to tarry at 
home, in the humble opinion of A CiTlZKN. 

The same year Jesse Lee was appointed Elder 
of a Conference which covered a large part of 
New England, and included New Haven among 
its circuits. The published minutes report New- 
Haven in 1790, with a membership of nine per- 
sons, and under the pastoral care of the Rev. John 

Lee; "but," says the Rev. George W. Woodruff, 
in a Historical Sermon which he preached in 1859, 
"from all I can le:irn, these nine members were 
probably persons living in the region round about, 
since I can find no record of any Methodists in the 
City till two years afterward." The name of New 
Haven now disappears from the ofiicial record and 
does not reappear until 1811. In 1792, this city 
was included in the Middletown circuit, and had 
for its preachers the Rev. Richard Swain and the 
Rev. Aaron Hunt; who gave such attention to the 
work as could be given by them to one of perhaps 
thirty preaching places, usually preaching once in 
two or three weeks in such private houses as could 
be obtained for that use. In this year, Samuel 
Pool and his wife removed from Farmington to 
New Haven, and were the fir.^t Methodists resident 
in New Haven. They opened their dwelling in the 
new township as a regular preaching place to the 
Methodist circuit riders. In 1793, William Thatcher, 
who had been converted to God in Baltimore in 
the year i 790, and had become a member of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church in that city, came 
and settled in New Haven. Marrying a daughter 
of Mr. Israel Munson, he and his wife commenced 
housekeeping in York street, and the Methodist 
preaching place was soon after transferred from the 
new township to the house of Mr. Thatcher. "The 
first fruit of ^Methodism unto God in New Haven 
was Anna, the wife of William Thatcher, which 
happy event took place about the close of the year 
1794." In the early part of 1795, the Rev. Daniel 
Ostrander formed the first Methodist class in New 
Haven. It consisted of Samuel Pool and Martha, 
his wife, William Thatcher and Anna, his wife, and 
Anna Mix. In 1797, the little society purchased, 
for $90, the Sandemanian Meeting-house in Greg- 
son street. For ten years this was their place of 
worship. Here they prayed and preached, and 
sometimes fought for the right to do so. Lewd 
fellows of the baser sort gave them much annoy- 
ance in their meetings. - On one occasion, soon 
after the society had taken possession of the 
little sanctuary, some rowdies, offended because 
they could not have their own way in Toddy alley, 
determined to put an end to the Methodist meet- 
ings by demolishing their house. At eleven o'clock 
at night, the leader of the gang obtaining entrance 
to the building, began to hew down the pulpit with 
a broad ax, intending that the first blow should 
be a signal for the crowd outside to tear off the 
siding; but the brethren, getting some word of 
their design, were waiting in darkness and silence. 
No sooner had the leader struck the pulpit than a 
muscular Methodist, who perhaps before his con- 
version had been an amateur pugilist, knocked him 
on the head with a hickory cudgel, and thus 
arrested the further progress of the intended demo- 
lition. On the following day the aggressors were 
brought before a court of justice and fined. The 
prompt action of the Methodists, supported by the 
civil authority, was a lesson in behavior to their 
previously untutored antagonists. After worshiping 
several years in Gregson street, the society desired 
larger accommodations, but could find no one 



willing to sell them ground on which to build a 
house. The Methodists were themselves noisy, and 
their meetings atiracted antagonists who were not 
only noisy, but tlisorderly ami violent. No place 
for a new church would have been obtained hail 
not a lover of lair i)lay, on whom rested no sus- 
picion of Methodism, purchaseil a piece ofgrounil 
on his own account and sold it to the Methodists. 
The lot thus purchased is on the east side of 
Temple street, and has been successively occupied 
by the Methodists, by the Temple street Congre- 
gational Church, and by a synagogue of Russian 
jews. Here a church, fort)- by thirty feet, was 
erected, which was the place of worship for the 
Methodists of New Haven from 1807 to 1822. It 
was erected, but not linished. It was inclosed and 
occupied, but stood through the whole period of 
fifteen years with unplastered w-alls. It had a 
scanty gallery, a very plain pulpit and the cheapest 
sittings. What was worse than all else, it was 
burdened with a debt of three or four hundred 

Until 1 813 New Haven was only a part of a cir- 
cuit; but on the 23d of December in that year, 
under the superintendence of the Rev. N. Bangs, 
Presiding Elder of the Rhinebeck District, New 
Haven was set off as an independent station. The 
first stationed preacher in New Haven was the Rev. 
Gad .Smith. He was appointed to this new station 
at the Conference in 18 14. The Rev. Truman 
Bishop was the preacher in 181 5 and 1816. The 
Rev. i'homas Thorp succeeded him in 1 8 1 7. The 
preacher in 181 8 and 1819 was the Rev. Elijah 
Hebard, so strict a disciplinarian, that at the com- 
mencement of his ministry he reduced the number 
of the society to seventy-one, of whom thirty-six 
were white and thirty-five were colored persons. 
That the discipline which reduced the society to 
so small a number was strict, may be inferred from 
the fact that one sister was removed from fellowship 
for conformity to the world in wearing a Leghorn 
bonnet. But at the end of his second year, Mr. 
Hebard carried to the Conference the names of one 
hundred and fifty-eight members, all good and 
true. In 1820, the Rev. William Thatcher, one of 
the original members of the society in New Haven, 
having become a preacher, was stationed in New 
Haven and remained two years. It was during his 
pastorate that the society began and comi)leted a 
new house of worship on the Green. By a vote of 
the town in July, 1820, the Methodist society were 
authorized to build a new church on the north- 
west corner of the Upper Green, in a line with the 
North Church anil twenty feet from College street, 
provided it should be built of solid materials. On 
the 15th of Ma}-, 1821, the corner-stone was laid, 
and the work went on with such rapidity that the 
roof was nearly completed by the 3d of September. 
On the evening of that day the memorable Septem- 
ber Gale demolished the building. Aid being so- 
licited and obtained from abroad, it was immediately 
rebuilt, and was dedicated May 23, 1822. 

The following certificate was furnished to Rev. 
Mr. Thatcher when he set out on a journey to so- 
licit aid in rebuilding the house: 

New Haven, September 26, 1821. 
The Metlioilisl society which appeals to the benevolence 
of a Christian people, is respectable lor numbers and char- 
acter. Its pulilic services have been edifying and, as we 
trust, conducive to the ^;reat ends of Christian worship and 
comnuinion. While with very laudable exertions they were 
building a new church, they met the disaster which has nn- 
pelled them to seek relief. We commend them to the con- 
fidence and aid of those to whom they may address them- 
selves through their pastor, the Kev. William Thatcher. 

Oli\. WoLCorT, 

Jii.v,\rnAN Inorrsoll, LiailenantGcnurnor. 

Isaac Gilbert, 

r. i. i.ngersoll, 

I.KNT Bishop, 

John Rowe, 

ScUelinen of Nnu Haven. 
El.lzuR (looDRicii, Mayor of the Cily. 
AliRAilAM Hisiioi', ColUclor of New Haven. 
Wm. Bristol, Judge of the Superior Court. 

The size of the house was 80 by 68 feet. Hun- 
dreds of town-born men remember it, for the reason 
that they attended the Lancastcrian School kept in 
its basement story by Mr. John E. Lovell. The 
building being very plain, and not at all ornamental 
to the Green, the city offered in 1848 to give the 
society five thousand dollars if they would remove 
it from the public square and build another church 
elsewhere. To this gift from the public treasury 
the sum of about three thousand dollars was added 
by donors not belonging to the Methodist con- 
gregation, Yale College contributing five hundred 

The Methodists willingly consented to the ar- 
rangement, and built upon the northeast corner of 
Elm and College streets the commodious edifice 
now known as the First Methodist Church, at a 
cost of about $30,000 for the house and lot. 

The preachers in charge while the society wor- 
shiped on the Green were Rev. William Thatcher, 
1820-22; Rev. Samuel Luckey, 1822-24; Rev. E. 
Washburn, 1824-25; Rev. Heman Bangs, 1825-27; 
Rev. T. Spicer, 1827-29; Rev. James Young, 
1829-31; Rev. Noah Levings, 1831-33; Rev. 
William Thatcher, 1833-34; Rev. Robert Seney, 
1834-35; Rev. Heman Bangs, 1835-37: Rev. E. 
E. Griswold, 1837-39; Rev. O. V. Amerman, 
1839-40; Rev. G. L. Stillman, 1840-41: Rev. 
Joseph Law, 1841-43; Rev. Francis Hodgson, 
1843-45; Rev. A. M. Osborn, 1845-46; Rev. 
Daniel Curry, 1846-48; Rev. James Floy, 1848- 

During the administration of Rev. Dr. Floy, the 
edifice now occupied by the First Methoilist So- 
ciety, on the Corner of Elm and College streets, was 
erected, and in 1850 Rev. W. H. Norris was ap- 
pointed pastor of the congregation. He remained 
from 1850 to 1852. 

His successors have been Rev. J. II. Mitchell, 
1852-54; Rev. J. Kenneilav, 1854-56; Rev. M. 
L. Scudder, 1856-58: Rev. L S. Weed, 1858-60; 
Rev. J. Kennedav, 1860-62; Rev. B. H. Nadal, 
1862 64: Rev. T.'H. Burch, 1864-67; Rev. C. 
Fletcher, 1867-69: Rev. W. F. Watkins, 1869-70; 
Rev. G. W.Woodruff, 1870 73; Rev. J.W. Beach, 
1873-75; Rev. L. S. Weed, 1875-78; Rev. B. M. 
Adams, 1878 81; Rev. C. H. Buck, 1881-84; 
Rev. D. A. Goodsell, 1884. 



The East Pearl Street Methodist Episcopal 
Church originated in a "class of twelve persons, 
of which Ammi Mallory was leader" 1831-32. 

The first house of worship (a building 24 by 32,) 
still standing on Exchange street was dedicated 
January 30, 1833. The ecclesiastical society was 
organized according to the requirements of the 
laws of Connecticut, April 25, 1833. A second 
church edifice was built in 1S35. The corner-stone 
of the present church edifice, the third, was laid 
April 25, 1871, by Rev. Moses L. Scudder, D.D., 
and the house was dedicated by Bishop Simpson, 
May 13, 1873. The pastors have been Rev. Noah 
Levings: Rev. Th. Bambridge, 1832-33; Rev. 
Lunian Andrus, 1833-34; Rev. Hart F. Pease, 
1834-35; Rev. Oliver V. Ammerman, 1835-36; 
Rev. Hart F. Pease, 1836-38; Rev. John "M. 
Pease, 1838-40; Rev. Edward S. Stout, 1S4C-41; 
Rev. J. Burton Beach, 1S41-43; Rev. Ira Abbott, 
1843-45; Rev. Henrv D. Lathom, 1845-46; Rev. 
Samuel W. Law, 1846-48; Rev. Charles F. Mal- 
lory, 1848-50; Rev. George A. Hubbell, 1850-52; 
Rev. George C. Creevy, 1852-54: Rev. Timothy 
C. Young, 1854-55; Rev. S. J. Stebbins, 1855- 
56; Rev. Friend W. Smith, 1856-58; Rev. J. "W. 
Home, 1858-60; Rev. W. H. Gilder, 1860-61; 
Rev. John W. Leek, 1861-63; Rev. George Still- 
man, 1863-65; Rev. R. H. Loomis, 1865-68; 
Rev. W. F. Collins, 1868-70; Rev. A. S. Graves, 
1870-72; Rev. George A. Hubbell, 1872-73; Rev. 
C. W. Gallagher, 1873-76; Rev. R. H. Loomis, 
1876-79; Rev. G. A. Parkington, 1879-81; Rev. 
S. M. Hammond, 1881-84; Rev. E. Cunningham, 

The St. John street Methodist Episcopal Church 
was organized in 1840. For several years it wor- 
shiped in a hall prepared for it in an edifice known 
by the name of Mi.\'s Museum, situated on the east 
side of Olive street, where Court street was after- 
ward cut through to Wooster square. Its present 
edifice in St. John street was erected in 1845. 

The preachers in charge of it have been Rev- 
Mr. Wymond, 1840-42; Rev. W. W. Brewer, 
1842-44; Rev. Heman Bangs, 1844-46; Rev. He- 
man Bangs, Supernumerary, Rev. M. C. White, 
Assistant, 1846-47; Rev. J. Law, 1847-48; Rev. 
F. W. Smith, 1848-50; Rev. J. E. Searles, 1850- 
S2; Rev. J. G. Smith, 1852-54; Rev. Morris Hill, 
1854-56; "Rev. J. Pegg, Jr., 1S56-58; Rev. G. VV. 
Woodruff, 1858-60; Rev. Benjamin Pillsbury, 
1860-62; Rev. Thomas J. Osborn, 1862-64; Rev. 
C. E. Glover, 1864-67; Rev. Arza Hill, 1867-70; 
Rev. S. H. Bray, 1870-73; Rev. C. H. Buck, 
1873-75; Rev. C. S. Wing, 1876-79; Rev. ]. W. 
Barnhart, 1879-81; Rev. C. E. Harris, i8S"i-84; 
Rev. A. H. Wyait, 1884-. 

The George street Methodist Episcopal Church 
is on the south side of that street, and between 
State and Meadow. It^ house of worship was 
erected in 1853, but has since been enlarged to 
accommodate an increasing congregation. 

Its preachers in charge have been Rev. J. E. 
Searles, who gathered a congregation in Brewster's 

Hall as a missionary under the patronage of a soci- 
ety of ladies; Rev. William C. Hoyt, 1854-56; Rev. 
William F. Collins, 1856-58; Rev. C. B. Ford, 1858- 
60; Rev. A. S. Francis, 1860-62; Rev. J. Sim- 
mons, 1862-64; Rev. J. E. Searles, 1864-67; Rev. 
John Pegg, 1867-69; Rev. Joseph Pullman, 1869- 
71; Rev. Samuel H. Smith, 1871-73; Rev. Will- 
iam T. Hill, 1873-74: Rev. George L. Taylor, 
1874-76; Rev. George A. Parkington, 1876-79; 
Rev. William H. McAllister, 1879-81. 

Mr. McAllister removed from the city before his 
second year expired, and Rev. William R. Webster 
filled the unexpired term; Rev. William P. Corbet, 
1881-83; Rev. C. B. Ford, 1883-85. 

The Howard avenue Methodist Episcopal 
Church was organized in 1872. lis pastors have 
been: Rev. Perry Chandler, 1872-74; Rev. Nathan 
Hubbell, 1874-77; Rev. W. W. Elder, 1877-78; 
Rev. S. W. Tolles, 1878-81: Rev. Smith A. Sands, 
1881-83; Rev. A. H. Mead, commencing in 1883, 
is still in charge. 

The Summerfield Methodist Episcopal Church 
is on Dixwell avenue, corner of Henry street. It 
began as a mission in a carriage-shop at Newhall- 
ville in 1871. The present edifice was erected in 
1875, under the ministry of the Rev. Nathan Hub- 
bell. The Rev. Perry Chandler was the first regular 
Conference minister, and he continued in charge 
till 1874; the Rev. Nathan Hubbell, 1874-77; 
the Rev. W. W.Elder, 1877-78; the Rev. Smith 
W. Toles, 1878-81; the Rev. H. M. Livingston, 
1881-83; the Rev. W. R. Rogers, 1883. 

Trinity IMethodist Episcopal Church was con- 
stituted in 1882, by the union of two churches, 
one of which worshiped in Chapel street, corner of 
Day, and the other in Davenport avenue. The 
building in Chapel street was sold to Emmanuel 
Baptist Church, and the congregation united with 
the congregation in Wesley Chapel, Davenport 
avenue. Measures were immediately taken to pro- 
cure a site for a new house of worship, suitably 
located, to accommodate all the members of the 
conjoined congregation. A lot on the corner of 
Dwight and George streets was purchased, and 
the commodious edifice which the Church now 
occupies w^as erected at a cost of about $50,000. 
It was dedicated February 18, 1883. The Rev. 
D. A. Goodsell was pastor 1881-84, the Rev. J. O. 
Peck, 1884. 

German Methodist Episcopal Church — After the 
George street Church had ceased to be a mission, 
the Ladies' Missionary Society turned their atten- 
tion to the Germans, and by praiseworthy exertions 
assisted in sustaining German preaching in the city 
for several years. Out of these exertions grew a 
German Methodist Society, whose house is on the 
north side of George street. 

There are in the City of New Haven three con- 
gregations of colored people who call themselves 



Methodists. It is much to he regretted that they 
arc not consohdatecl into one. 

There is also a Metliodist Episcopal Church in 
Westville; l)ut as it is outside of the city limits, 
our i)lan docs not require us to enumerate it among 
the churches of the city. 


The First Haptist Church in New Haven was or- 
ganized October 30, )8i6, with twelve members. 
The public services of institution, the Rev. Klislia 
Cushman ])rc'aching the sermon, were held in the 
old Einscopid ("liurcli, which stood on the eastsitlc 
of Church street, near the Cutler Corner. The 
first place of stated public worship was a lod^c 
room in the house of Amos Doolittle, located on 
the west side of College street, a little north of 
I'"lm street. The second was the new township 
Academy, at the corner of Chapel and Academy 
streets. The first pastor, the Rev. Henry Lines, 
resigning in 1821, was succeeded by the Rev. Ben- 
jamin IM. Hill, who commencing his work in April 
of that year, was formally instituted as pastor in 
July ne.xt following. The Academy being too small 
for the increasing congregation, the State House 
on the Green, standing between Center Church and 
Trinity Church, but much nearer to the latter than 
to the former, was secured. The congregation still 
continuing to increase, it was thought best to de- 
vise ways and means for erecting a house of wor- 
ship. The first step taken was to petition the town 
for permission to build on the Green. The town 
voted that the Baptist Society might build on the 
southwest corner of the public square. But, 
although it does not appear on the Town Record 
that there was any opposition in the meeting, many 
citizens were in heart opposed to the proposal, 
having already repented of giving a similar per- 
mission to the Methodists. To avoid pos-sible liti- 
gation and conciliate the ])ublic mind, the plan of 
building on the Green was abandoned, and a lot 
on the south side of Chapel street, between Union 
and 01i\e street-:, was purchased. The corner-stone 
was laid September 23, 1S22, and a rejoicing con- 
gregation assembled at its dedication July 27, 
1824. It was built of East Rock stone and coated 
with stucco. Its dimensions were 50 feet in width 
and 60 feet in length. 

Mr. Hill, having resigned the pastorate, was fol- 
k)wed by the Rev. John Pratt. Mr. Pratt was or- 
dained May 12, 1830, and, after a brief pastorate 
of only about one year, was succeeded by the Rev. 
Elisha Cushman, who remained here three years. 
The Rev. Rollin II. Neale, afterward a pastor in 
Boston, took the charge of this church in ^lay, 
1834, and, like his predecessor, continued here three 
years. During his ministry a baptistry was placed 
in front of the pul[)it, and the edifice was en- 
larged by the addition of 23 feet to its length. 
The Rev. Thomas C. Teasdale became pastor in 
April, 1 840, about three years after Dr. Neale's re- 
moval, and remained nearly five years. During 
his ministry large numbers were added to the 
church, mainly as the result of special efiTort-:, in 

which he was assisted by Elder Knapp and other 
revival preachers. But there was much difTerence 
of feeling, interruptit)n of concord, and scattering 
of the congregation when Mr. Teasdale's pastorate 
came to an end. 

In 1842 a secontl Bajitist Church was formed, 
forty-nine members taking letters for that purpose. 
Their meetings were at first held in the Orange 
Street Lecture-room, and subsequently in the 
building called the Temple, on a corner of Orange 
and Court streets. In 1845 they erected a house 
of worship on the corner of Academy and Greene 
streets. In 1856 they purchaseil the spacious 
and elegant edifice which hail recently been 
erected in Wooster place, for the Congregation- 
alists, by Mr. Jerome. Soon afterward it was 
thought desirable, if not necessary, that the two 
liaptist churches should be united in one, and, ac- 
cordingly, the property was conveyed to the First 
Baptist Society, and the two churches were united 
into one, which is sometimes called the First Bap- 
tist Church and sometimes, from the location of its 
house of worship, the Wooster Place Baptist Church. 
By this union the Second Church lost its organic 
life, being merged in the older and stronger church 
which came to unite with it. 

Returning now to the history of the First Church 
as it was after the departure of Mr. Teasdale, we 
find them inviting Mr. S. Dryden Phelfis, then a 
student in the Theological Department of Vale 
College, to supply the pulpit, and inviting him after 
he had supplied the pulpit for about a year, to be- 
come their pastor. Accepting the call, he was or- 
dained January 21, 1846. In 1850 the interior 01 
the church was remodeled and beautified, the pul- 
pit being changed from the end nearest the street to 
the rear end of the building. In 1S54 a chapel 
was erected in the rear. It was in 1865 that the 
union of the two churches above mentioned took 
place, Dr. Phelps becoming the piistor of the church 
and congregation formed by the union. In 1873 
Dr. Phelps resigned his jiastorate and has since 
been employed in editorial and other literary 

The pastors subsequent to him have been: Rev. 
T. Harwood Pattison; Rev. J. M. Stiller, D. D. ; 
Rev. W. H. Butrick, who is now the pastor. 

The Calvary Baptist Church began its history as 
a mission or branch of the First Church. A small 
buikling in Dwight street was purchased and fitted 
up for a .'^unday-school in i8C)5. It was soon 
overcrowded, was enlarged, and was again filled with 

About this time Mr. John M. Davies removed 
hither fiom New York, became interested in the af- 
Axirs of the tienomination, and was desirous of pro- 
moting such a co-operation by the churches as 
would strengthen the cause. In connection with 
Rev. B. M. Hill, who had been pastor of the 
First Church in its infancy, he held such con- 
sultation with the churches as resulted favor- 
ably to the main object in view. The First and 
Second Churches were consolidated; the house of 
worship of the Second Church was transferred to the 
First Church: that of the First Church was sold.and 



with the avails of the sale all the financial obliga- 
tions of the two churches were cancelled, and by 
voluntary subscriptions their beautiful house of 
worship was thoroughly repaired and improved, 
with no debt remaining. 

Immediately after the consummation of this 
union, a movement was commenced for carrying 
out other contemplated objects. Meetings were 
held by members of the church and its friends, in 
which the subject of church extension was fully dis- 
cussed and concert of action was decided on. An 
organization called the ]iaptist Association, was 
formed, and a committee was appointed to co- 
operate with it. After some delay, a suitable build- 
ing lot was secured at the corner of Chapel and 
York streets, at a cost of $19,000, which was about 
double the amount originally proposed for that 
purpose. It was transferred to the association in 
the month of January, 1867. 

In the preamble to the Articles of Association, it 
was declared that, ' ' Regarding a debt upon a church 
as an unmitigated evil, it is the fixed purpose of 
this association to conduct the business in hand 
so that, when the house is completed, it shall be 
fully paid for before passing it over to the church 
(hereafter to be formed) for public service." This 
provision, though admitted as a good and necessary 
one, and unanimously adopted, caused many long 
and tedious delays. 

To insure more vigorous action, a meeting was 
held March 16, 1868, when an executive com- 
mittee of fifteen members was elected, with power 
to fill vacancies in their own number, to make con- 
tracts, raise funds, provide a pastor, and to act in 
all things necessary to the consummation of the 
object in view. 

A delay of more than a year now occurred in ob- 
taining the necessary subscriptions, but finally 
ground was broken for the foundation September 
2g, 1869. The corner-stone was laid on the 30th 
of November following, by Rev. B. M. Hill, who 
had performed the same ceremony, about forty- 
eight years previously, at the foundation of the 
First Baptist Church. The building was ready for 
its internal finish in the course of the next summer, 
when the original plan of preparing a room for 
public worship was commenced, and would have 
been followed to an early completion, but for the 
standing obstacle, the lack of funds as required by 
the constitution. Notwithstanding the dela}', the 
basement-room was ready on May 14, 1871; and 
on that day it was opened for public worship, and 
occupied by a happy company of brethren and 
sisters from the First Church and its Dwight street 
branch, and numerous others, who filled it to its ut- 
most capacity. The preacher was Rev. C. E. Smith, 
who ultimately became pastor of the church. 

The monetary embarrassment having been over- 
come about the time when the basement was 
finished, work on the main audience-room was 
commenced and carried rforward so thas it was 
ready for use in the following August. A church 
of loi members, dismissed by letter from the First 
Church, was formed August 7, 1871, and the Rev. 
C. E. Smith became its pastor. 


The entire cost of the lot, building and organ 
was about $100,000. The furnishing was gener- 
ously given by Mr. Davies, at a cost of $8, 500 more. 
The main audience-room was used for the first 
time in a dedication service, November 22, 1871. 

In March, 1882, a fire originating in the edifice 
destroyed its interior. The damage was appraised 
at $24,800 on the building, $4,000 on the organ, 
and $2,500 on the furniture. In repairing the 
damage, $7,000 more than the sum received from 
the insurance companies was expended, and this 
amount was subscribed by the congregation on the 
day when the restored building was first occupied 
for worship. 

German Baptist Church. — In 1865, twenty-four 
members were dismissed from the First Baptist 
Church to form a church of Germans. The church 
thus originated has grown to be an active and in- 
fluential body, with a neat house of worship of its 
own. It is at the corner of George and Broad 
streets. The Rev. William Appel is the present 

The Grand street Baptist Church was organized 
October 24, 1871. Rev. W. C. Walker, missionary 
of the Connecticut Baptist Convention, was largely 
instrumental in effecting it. The church depended 
upon "supplies" for preaching until the Rev. S. 
M. Whiting became pastor. He entered on his 
labors Julv 7, 1872, and his resignation took effect 
June 30, 1876. He was succeeded by the Rev. A. 
H. Ball, who was pastor from September i, 1876, 
to June ID, 1883. The Rev. T. E. Busfield was 
ordained September 12, 1883. The house of 
worship, on the corner of Grand and Poplar streets, 
cost, including the lot, about $15,000. It was 
dedicated December 29, 1874. 

Emmanuel Baptist Church. — When Trinity 
Methodist Episcopal Church was formed by the 
consolidation of two small churches, the edifice at 
the corner of Chapel and Day streets, in which one 
of the two had worshiped, was purchased by a 
Baptist society of people of color, and denomi- 
nated Emmanuel Baptist Church. The parish was 
not a new organization when it began to worship 
in Chapel street, but removed thither from Webster 
street. The Rev. James G. Ross was the pastor 
at the time of the removal. 


The First Universalist Society erected a church 
in 1850 on the corner of State and Court streets. 
When the FirstBaptist Society removed from Chapel 
street to Wooster place, their house in Chapel street 
was purchased by the Universalist Society and oc- 
cupied by them as their place of worship for several 
years. Afterward they erected a new house of 
worship, with a parsonage attached, in Orange 
street near the Church of the Redeemer, and called 
it the Church of the Messiah. 

The Second Universalist Church, having pre- 
viously worshiped in a hall, purchased, in 1883, a 



chapel in Davenport avenue which had been the 
home of one of tlie two congregations wtiich unitcii 
to form Trinily Methodist Kpiscopal Cliurcli. 'I'lie 
Rev. Phebe A. Hanaford is pastor. 


There is a house of worship on Beers street, cor- 
ner of Elm, called liccrs Street Christian Chapel 
It is occupied by a church which makes prominent 
among its articles of faith the speedy second advent 
of Christ. 


The German Evangelican Eulheran Trinity 
Church was organized on the 19th of December, 
1865, and purchased its present place of worship 
in 1871. It is in Wooster street, corner of Brew- 
ery, in the same building in which the pastor re- 
sides. The Rev. C. H. Siebke has been pastor of 
this church from its beginning to the present time. 
A second German f-ulheran Church was organized 
in May, 1885. It has hitherto worshiped in Beth- 
any Chapel in Oak street. 

Swedish Lutheran Church. — k Lutheran Church 
in which the worship is conducted in the Swedish 
language meet in a chapel in Humphrey street. 
Its name is Swedish Bethesda Evangelical Lutheran 
Church. Its pastor is the Rev. J. O. Sanstrom. 


There is so close a resemblance between Presby- 
terianism and Congregationalism that Presb\ terians 
residing in New Haven have usually been content 
to worship with and become members of Congre- 
gational Churches. During the year 1885, how- 
ever, a second attempt has been made to establish 
a Presbyterian Church; the first having been made 
when the South Congregational Church was rent 
by the dissensions consequent on the War of the 
Rebellion. It worships at present in the lecture- 
room of the edifice vacated by the late Third Con- 
gregational Church, and is under the jjastoral care 
of tlic Rev. J. G. Rodger. 


The troubles ofthe Revolution in France induced 
a considerable emigration of Frenchmen to .\mer- 
ica, and in 1796 there were so many Roman Cath- 
olic Frenchmen in Connecticut that a priest came 
to administer to them the rites of their church. 
The announcement of his intention to reside in 
New Haven was ])ublished in the Conncrtkul Jour- 
nal, and a copy of it may be seen in the chapter on 
the periodical press. I5ut for the restoration of 
tranquillity in France, the Roman Catholic Church 
might have acquired at that time a permanent home 
in our city. The construction of the larmington 
Canal, a generation later, brought Irish laborers to 
this neighborhood, and from the lime of their arri- 
val occasional missionary visits were made by 

clergymen of the Roman Catholic Church. The 
Rev. James Fitton is believed to be the first priest 
who regularly ministered to the Catholics C)f New 
Haven. In 1834, their first ecclesiastical edifice 
was erected on the corner of Davenport avenue and 
York street. .\ parish had previously been organ- 
ized and temporary accf)mmodalions obtaineil over 
a bakery at the corner of Wooster and Chestnut 
streets, 'i'he new edifice, named Christ Church, 
was consecrated in May, 1834, by Bishop Fenwick, 
of Boston, to whose diocese it belonged. During 
the services the organ gallery fell, and a convert 
to the Roman Catholic Church, by the name of 
Hardyear, belonging in Derby, and his grandson, 
a boy of about twelve years, were both killed. 
This building was destroyed by fire in the year 
1848. The parish of Christ Church immediately 
purchased an edifice in Church street which had 
been vacateil by a Protestant congregatit)n, now 
known as the College street Congregational Church, 
and, giving it the name of St. Mary's Church, oc- 
cupied it as their place of worship. 

St. Mary's Church, having worshiped for several 
years in Church street, removed to the large and 
beautiful edifice which the parish erected and is 
now occupying, on Hillhouse avenue. The parish 
priests have been: Rev. James McDermott, 1832- 
40; Rev. William Willey, 1840; Rev. James 
Smith, 1S40-48: Rev. Philip O'Reilly, 1848-51; 
Rev. Edward J. O'Brien, 185 1; Rev.' Patrick A. 
Murphy; Rev. P. P. Lawlor; Rev. M. J. Daly; Rev. 
T. E. Whalen (Assistant Pastor). This jiarish has 
recently been placed under the care of the Order 
of Dominicans. 

St. Patrick's Church is a large stone edifice situ- 
ated on the corner of Granil and Wallace streets. 
The parish to which it belongs was organized in 
1850, and in 1S53 the edifice was completed and 
consecrated by Archbishop Bedini, the Pope's 

Its parish priests have been: Rev. Mathew Hart, 
1850; Very Rev. James Lynch, 1876; Rev. Jere- 
miah S. Fitzpatrick, 1S76; Rev. John Russell, 

St. John's Church was built on the site of the 
original Christ Church, and was consecrated in 
185S. The parish priests have been: Rev. John 
Smith; Rev. Hugh Carmody, D. D. ; Rev. John 

Under Father Smith's administration the school- 
house adjoining the church was erected. The 
parochial residence on Davenport avenue and 
St. Elizabeth's Convent were erected during Dr. 
Carmody s administration. St. Elizabeth's Convent 
cost $30,000, and has accommodation for 600 
pupils. St. John's Church numbers about 3, 500 
members, and represents one of the most valuable 
church properties in the city. 

St. Francis' Church, on Ferry street. Fair Haven, 
is next in the age of its organization, to St. John's. 

The site on which St. Francis' Church stands 
was purchased by the late Rev. Mathew Hart, 
then pastor of St. Patrick's Church, in 1864. In 



1867 the church was commenced by the late Rev. 
P. A. Gaynor, the first pastor. The corner-stone 
was laid May, 1868, and the edifice was open for 
divine service October i, 1868, though far from 
being finished. The pastor died May 2yth in the 
following year. 

On the 6th of June, 1869, the present pastor, the 
Rev. Patrick Mulholland, was appointed by Bishop 
McFarland to take charge of the parish. Since that 
time a parochial residence has been built, the heavy 
debt on the church almost paid, a twenty thousand 
dollar school-house built and furnished, and the 
valuable property, corner of Ferry and Chatham 
streets, lately owned by S. N. English, secured for 
a convent, and a school erected thereon. The 
parish has increased wonderfully in fifteen years in 
numbers and strength. Eight hundred children 
are in daily attendance at the parish schools, and 
the congregation is contemplating the erection of 
another school building the coming year. "At 
present," says the pastor, "there is not room for all 
the Catholic children who are anxious to come to 
our schools. " 

Church of the Sacred Heart. — The edifice of the 
Church of the Sacred Heart was erected in 185 1- 
52 for a Protestant congregation. In 1875 it was 
purchased by the Catholics. 

The pastors have been: Rev. Stephen P. Shef- 
frey; Rev. J. A. Mulcahey; Rev. Michael McCune. 

St. Boniface Church(German). — This church was 
organized September 20, 1868. Services were held 
in various halls until 1873, when the present church 
edifice on George street was erected at a cost of 
$7, 500. The first pastor was the Rev. Henry 
Windelsmidt. He was succeeded in 1872 by the 
present pastor, the Rev. Joseph A. Schaele. The 
parsonage adjoining the church was erected in 1 883, 
as a cost of $3,800. This church numbers about 
500 parishioners. 


Before the incorporation of the city, a few Hebrew 
families had resided for a time in New Haven. The 
first of them, says Prof. Dexter, appeared here in 
1772. Before the end of the century they had 
disappeared, preferring to reside in New York or 
in Newport, where they had synagogues. About 
1840 some Hebrews came to New Haven, and in 
1842 they bought land for a cemetery between the 
city and the village of Westville. They then num- 
bered about 15 families and were mostly from 
Bavaria. Their first place of worship was in the 
Simpson Block, corner of State and Chapel streets. 
In 1849 they elected Samuel Zunder their first 
rabbi, and he remained with them two years. In 
1856 they bought the edifice in Court street, which 
had been vacated by the Third Congregational 
Society, and converted it into a synagogue. They 
numbered at that time about 50 families. Another 
congregation was formed in 1857; the first consist- 
ing of those who call themselves Reformed Hebrews 
and admit that they have deviated somewhat from 
the customs and opinions of their fathers, and the 
second consisting of those who claim to be orthodox, 
and to adhere to the ancient traditions of their 
race. The proper name of the congregation in 
Court street is Mishkan-Israel. The second wor- 
ships in William street under the name of Beni 
Shulem. Both these congregations consist of Ger- 
man Hebrews. In 188 1 a congregation of Russian 
Hebrews was gathered. They are said to adhere 
to "orthodoxy ' more tenaciously than either of the 
German congregations. They have purchased the 
house in Temple street vacated in 1885 by the 
Temple street Congregational Church, who remov- 
ed to Dixwell avenue. 

The entire Hebrew population of the city now 
amounts to 850 families.* 

* The editor is indebted to Mr. Maier Zunder for information con- 
cerning the advent and increase of the Hebrews. 



THE first planters of New Haven brought with 
them an excellent schoolmaster. Ezekiel 
Cheever, born in London, January 25, 1615, was 
twenty-three years of age when he first saw Quin- 
nipiac. Though so young, he was one of the 
twelve chosen for the foundation - work of the 
Church and State, and as soon as civil authority was 
instituted, was chosen a member of the court for 
the plantation. In 1646 he was one of the depu- 
ties to the General Court of Jurisdiction. Dis- 
senting from the judgment of the church and its 
elders in regard to some cases of discipline, he com- 
mented on their action with such severity that he 
was himself censured in 1649. Soon after this, and 
probably on account of it, he removed to Massa- 

chusetts, and became in the course of his long life 
schoolmaster at Ipswich, Charlestown and Boston, 
successively. According to Mather, he "died in 
Boston, August 21, 1708, in the ninety-fourth 
year of his age, after he had been a skillful, pain- 
ful, faithful schoolmaster for seventy years. " Presi- 
dent Stiles mentions two aged clergymen of his 
acquaintance, who had been pupils of Cheever, 
one of whom said that "he wore a long white 
beard terminating in a point; that when he stroked 
his beard to the point, it was a sign to the boys to 
stand clear." Cheever, though never ordained to 
the ministry, occasionally preached when he was 
at New Haven, and was an author both in the 
field of education and the field of theology, hav- 



ing written "-4 Short Introduction to the Latin 
Tongue," which he called an "Accidence, " and a 
book on the millennium, under the title, ''Scripture 
Prophecies Explained." The " Accidence " passed 
through more than twenty editions; the twentieth 
being dated Salem, 1785, and a subsequent edition 
having the imprint, "Boston, 1838." Michael 
Wigglesworth, whose "Buy 0/ Doom" passed 
through even more editions than the "Accidence,'' 
becarne a pupil of C'heever in the summer of 1639, 
being then in the eighth year of his age. He says, 
in his " Autobiography," " 1 was sent to school to 
Mr. Ezekiel Cheever,' who at that time taught 
school in his own house; and under him in a year 
or two I profited so much, through the blessing 
of God, that I began to make Latin and to get on 
apace. '' 

The town record, as redacted by the committee 
of revision after the impeachment of Fugill, gives 
the following minute concerning INlr. Cheever's 
school : 

For the better training of youth in this town, that through 
God's blessing they may be tilted tor jjublic service here- 
after, either in cliureh or coinmonw eal, it is ordereil that a 
free school be sel up, and the ma^'islrates, with the teaching 
elders, are entreated to consider what rules and orders are 
meet to be observed, and what allowance may be convenient 
for the schoolmaster's care and pains, which shall be paid 
out of the town's stock. According to which order j/'20 a 
year was paid to Mr. Ezekiel Cheever, the present school- 
master, for two or three years at first; but that not proving 
a conipetenent maintenance, in August, 1644, it was en- 
larged to _^30 a year and so coulinueth. 

Tiie end chiefly in view in providing a school at 
the public expense seems to have been to qualify 
persons for public stations in the succeeding gen- 
eration. The planters had not conceived the idea 
prevalent among their posterity, that it is the duty 
of the State to provide schools for all the children 
within its domain. Mr. Cheever's school was for 
boys onlv, and for such boys only as were to be 
taught to " make Latin. ' The General Court de- 
fined the work they e.xpected of his successor "that 
his work should be to perfect male children in the 
English after tiiey can read in their Testament or 
Bible, and to learn them to write, and to bring 
them on to Latin, as they are capable and desire 
to proceed therein." So far as appears, no provi- 
sion was made at the public expense for the in- 
struction of girls, or of such boys as were not 
sutliciendy advanced to enter the town school. 
Much to the annoyance of the teacher, such boys 
were sometimes sent by parents who wisheil to 
avoid the expense of a private school. Hut the 
teacher was authorized to "send back such schol- 
ars as he sees do not answer the first agreement 
with him: and the parents of such children were 
desired not to send them. " 

After the removal of Mr. Cheever from New 
Haven, no teacher could be immediately obtained 
to whom the town was willing to pay so large a 
salary as he had received. Mr. Jeanes, one of the 
proprietors of the town, was willing to teach, but as 
he was not a thorough Latin scholar, some doubted 
the expediency of paying him a salary. "Much 
debate was about it, but nothing was ordered in it 
at present; only it was propounded to him, that if 

the town would allow him £\o z. year, whether he 

would not go on to teach and take the rest, of the 
parents of the children, liy the (piarter; but he re- 
turned no answer. ' On further rcflectit)n, Mr. 
jeanes concluded to accept the town's ofTer; so 
that about two months afterwarii the town "ordered 
that he should have £\o for this year.'' In 1651, 
a worthy successor to Mr. Cheever was obtaineil in 
Mr. John Hanford, afterward settled in the minis- 
try at Norwalk. After about eight months, Mr. 
Hanford removed to Norwalk, having reserved to 
himself in his first agreement with the town, 
the right to do so. In 1653, "the Governor 
acc[uaiiued the town that Mr. Bowers, whom 
they sent for to keep .school, is now come, and that 
it had been difficult to find a place for his abode; 
but now Thomas Kimberly's house is agreed up- 
on, and he intends to begin his work next fifth 
day, if the town please; with which the town was 
satisfied, and declared that they would allow him 
as they did Mr. Hanford — that is, twenty pounds 
a year, and pay for his diet and chamber; and they 
expected from him that work which Mr. Hanford 
was to do; anil some who had spuken with him, 
declared that upon these conditions he was con- 
tent. " 

Mr. Bowers continued to teach the town school 
for about seven years. He was at first troubled, as 
Mr. Hanford had been, with so many children sent 
to him to learn their letters and to spell, that 
others, for whom the school was chiefly intended, 
"as Latin scholars," were neglected. The town, 
hearing of this, charged two of the selectmen (as 
such officers are now called, or townsmen, as they 
were then denominated) to send all such children 
home, and desired the schoolmaster not to receive 
any more such. He does not appear to have been 
hindered in his usefulness, after his first year, by 
this or any other difliculty, till the last year of his 
service. He then informed the court, April 23, 
1660, " that the number of scholars at present was 
but eighteen, and the}' are so unconstant that 
many times there are but six or eight. He desired 
to know the town's mind, whether they would have 
a school or no .school; for he could not satisfy him- 
self to go on thus. The reason of it was inquired 
after, but not fully discovered. But that the school 
might be settled in some better way for the further- 
ance of learning, it was referred to the consider- 
ation of the court, elders, and townsmen, who are 
desired to prepare it for the next meeting of the 
town.'' .'Vt the next meeting " the Governor de- 
clared that the business of the school had also been 
considered by the committee, but was left to be 
further considered when it appears what will be 
done by the jurisdiction general Court concerning 
a colony school." The institution of a colony 
.school at New Haven, a few months later, put an 
end to the town school, absorbing into itself all the 
boys in the plantation whose parents wished them 
to " make Latin." 

The town school being chiefly intended for 
" Latin scholars," and ability to read in the Testa- 
ment being required for admission, parents were 
obliged to provide as they could for the instruction 



of their daughters and younger sons. There are 
indications on the records that private schools were 
sometimes kept by persons resident in the planta- 
tion, for instruction in English branches. So early 
as February, 1646, "Mr. Pearce desired the plan- 
tation to take notice, that if any will send their 
children to him, he will instruct them in writing 
or arithmetic. " There may have been what the 
English of the olden time call " Dame schools," in 
which the teacher was of the gentler sex, but there 
are no traces of them on the records. 

Though making no provision of schools for 
teaching children the first rudiments of learning, 
the law of the New Haven Colony, even in its ear- 
liest years, required parents to take care that all 
their children, male and female, should be taught 
to read. The statute is as follows: 

It is ordered, that the deputies for the particular court in 
each plantation within this jurisdiction for the time being, 
or where there are no such deputies, the constable or other 
officer or officers in public trust, shall, from time to time, 
have a vigilant eye over their brethren and neighbors within 
the limits of the said plantation, that all parents and masters 
do duly endeavor, either by their own ability and labor, or 
by improving such schoolmaster or other help and means as 
the plantation doth afford or the family may conveniently 
provide, that all their children and apprentices, as they 
grow capable, may, through God's blessing, attain at least 
so much as to be able duly to read the .Scriptures and other 
good and profitable printed books in the English tongue, 
being their native language; and in some competent meas- 
ure to understand the main grounds and principles of Chris- 
tian religion necessary to salvation. 

As the colony grew in years it required of boys 
a greater minimum of scholarship; for we find the 
following minute recorded by the General Court in 
1660: "To the printed law concerning the edu- 
cation of children, it is now added that the sons of 
all the inhabitants within the jurisdiction shall, 
(under the same penalty), be learned to write a 
legible hand so soon as they are capable of it." The 
reader should take notice, however, that the earlier 
order refers to all children and apprentices, and 
the later to boys only. The standard to which Mr. 
Davenport would have brought the people by moral 
suasion, if not by authority of law, was even higher 
than that enforced by the court; for, when he de- 
livered up all his power and interest as a trustee of 
Mr. Hopkins's bequest in aid of a college, he 
embraced the opportunity to express his desire 
" that parents will keep such of their sons con- 
stantly to learning in the schools, whom they 
intend to train up for public serviceableness; 
and that all their sons may learn, at the least, to 
write and cast up accounts competently, and may 
make some entrance into the Latin tongue. " As 
this communication was made at the meeting when 
the order was passed requiring that boys should be 
taught to write, it would seem that the freemen 
were moved by Mr. Davenport's communication to the order, but did not think it expedient to 
require arithmetic and Latin. 

It was designed from the beginning that " a 
small college should be settled at New Haven," 
and at several tim