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THE 


COMMONWEALTH    AND    PROTECTORATE 


VOL.  IV. 


WOKKS 

BY 

SAMUEL    RAWSON    GARDINER. 

HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND,  from  the  Accession  of  James  I. 
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HISTORY 


OF 


THE  COMMONWEALTH 


AND 


PROTECTORATE 

1649 — 1656 


BY 

SAMUEL   RAWSON  GARDINER 

HON.  D.C.L.  OXFORD;  LITT.D.  CAMBRIDGE;  LL.D.  EDINBURGH;  PH.D.  GOTTINGEN 

FELLOW  OF  MERTON  COLLEGE  J  HONORARY  STUDENT  OF  CHRISTCHURCH  ; 

FELLOW  OF  KING'S  COLLEGE,  LONDON 


IN    FOUR    VOLUMES 

VOLUME  IV.— 1655-1656      f' 

.• 

NEW   EDITION 


LONGMANS,     GREEN,     AND     CO, 

39     PATERNOSTER     ROW,     LONDON 

NEW    YORK.    AND    BOMBAY 

1903 

All    rights     reserved 


CONTENTS 

OF 

THE    FOURTH    VOLUME 

CHAPTER  XLI 

THE   LIMITS   OF   TOLERATION 

FACE 

1655     December  13. — Ludlow  at  Whitehall 2 

October. — Lilburne  removed  to  Dover           ....  2 

1657     August  29. — Lilburne's  death           ......  3 

1655  Feake  and  Rogers  in  the  Isle  of  Wight          ....  3 
Oliver's  practical  tolerance       .......  4 

Arrest  of  Biddle 5 

October  9.— Biddle  removed  to  the  Scilly  Isles         .         .     .  6 

George  Fox  arrested    ........  7 

1656  Fox  fined  for  contempt  of  Court       ......  7 

August. — Desborough  ordered  to  liberate  him        ...  8 

The  Major-Generals  complain  of  '  Quakers  '     .          .         .     .  9 

'  Quakers '  liberated  at  Evesham  .         .         .         .         .         .10 

A  disturbance  in  Whitehall  Chapel 10 

1654  Jews  in  England  .         .         .         .         .          .         .          .  '    10 

1655  October. — Arrival  of  Manasseh  Ben  Israel         .         .         .  12 
Position  and  demands  of  the  Jews          .         .         .         .         .12 
December   4-18. — A   conference   on    the    admission    of  the 

Jews 13 

The  conference  hostile  to  the  Jews        .         .         .         .  14 

A  verbal  promise  of  connivance        .         .         .         .         .     .  15 

1656  March  24-May  1 6. —Case  of  Robles 16 

1654  Treatment  of  the  Roman  Catholics  .         .         .         .         .     .  18 

1655  April  26. — Proclamation  directed  against  them  18 


•vi  CONTENTS   OF 

PAGE 

1656  Their  private  worship  unmolested  .  .  ,  .  .  .  19 

August. — Evelyn's  experiences  ......  20 

Cases  of  Willis,  Faringdon  and  Hales 20 

A  reaction  against  dogmatic  Puritanism                •   .          .          .  21 

A  Cambridge  movement           .         .         .         .         .         .     .  22 

Tuckney  and  Whichcote 23 

1653-57     Spread  of  voluntary  associations          .         .         .         .     .  24 

Students  of  natural  science  .         .         .         .         .         .  25 

Intellectual  activity  favoured  by  the  Protector  .  .  .  .  25 

1656     Davenant's  semi-dramatic  entertainment        .          .                   .  25 


CHAPTER   XLII 

MORAL  ORDER 

1655  August  28. — Orders  against  unlicensed  printing         .  26 
Character  of  the  newspaper  press           .....  26 
Only  two  Government  newspapers  permitted  to  appear      .     .  27 
The    Major-Generals    expected    to    raise    the    standard   of 

morals          .........  28 

1656  March  5. — Oliver's  address  to  the  London  citizens   .         .     .  29 

Functions  of  the  Major-Generals 29 

The  killing  of  the  bears 32 

Imprisonment  of  idlers         .         .          .         .         .         .         •  32 

Whalley's  activity 33 

Butler's  explanations   .         .         .         .         .         .         .         -33 

The  Protector  slow  to  countenance  transportation     .         •     •  35 
Whalley  hesitates  to  outstep  his  legal  powers         .         .         -35 

Worsley's  report      .         .         .          .         .         .         .         .     .  36 

Alehouses  complained  of  .         .          .         .         .         '37 

Whalley  and  Berry  at  work 38 

Action  of  the  Middlesex  Justices  ......  39 

The  opposition  to  the  Protectorate  strengthened        .         .     .  40 

1655  November? — Vavasor  Powell's  manifesto      .          .         .         .41 
November  28 — Powell  before  Berry        .         .         .         .     .  42 
December  3. — Powell's  manifesto  read  in  London          .         .  42 

1656  January  23. — Richardson's  Plain  Dealing         .         .         .     .  43 

Animadversions  on  a  letter  .......  44 

Oliver  compared  with  Charles  I.                .         .         .         .     .  46 

Dangers  before  the  Protectorate  ......  47 


THE    FOURTH    VOLUME  Vll 
CHAPTER   XLIII 

THE  PROTECTORATE  AND  THE  CORPORATIONS 

PAGE 

1655  The  Government  and  the  Corporations     .         .         .         .     .  48 
December  I.—  Whalley  at  Lincoln  and  Coventry  ...  50 
Case  of  Alderman  Chambers  at  Coventry          .         .         .     .  50 

1656  January. — Resignation  of  municipal  officers  at  Bristol    .         .  51 
Magistrates  dismissed  at  Tewkesbury  and  Gloucester         .     .  53 

1655     Case  of  Chipping  Wycom be          ......  53 

1635     Charter  of  Charles  I.  to  Colchester 55 

1648     Reaction  in  Colchester •  5^ 

September  4. — A  municipal  coup  d'etat     .         .         .  57 

Henry  Barrington  as  a  local  leader        .....  58 

1652-3     Growth  of  the  Opposition 59 

1654  A  Parliamentary  election      .......  59 

A  municipal  election        .         .         .         .         .         .          .     .  6l 

Expulsion  of  Barrington  and  his  partisans     .         .         .         .61 

1655  May. — Barrington  appeals  to  the  Upper  Bench         .  62 
June. — Judgment  in  favour  of  Barrington    ....  63 
June  28. — The  Protector's  intervention    .         .         .         .     .  63 
August    10. — Restoration  of  the  expelled   members   of  the 

corporation  .........  65 

September  3. — The  municipal  elections    .          .         .  66 

September  26. — An  inquiry  ordered      .....  67 

Action  of  the  Government        .         .          .....  68 

December  4. — Haynes  to  be  present  at  the  new  elections        .  68 

Haynes  purges  the  Burgess  Roll /o 

December  19. — Election  of  the  Government  nominees  .         .  70 
Probable  composition  of  the  Opposition  party  .         .         ..71 

1656  Appointment  of  a  committee  for  the  renewal  of  charters          .  74 
A  new  charter  for  Colchester   .         .         .         .          .  74 
January  17. — Change  in  the  Corporation  of  Carlisle       .         .  76 

Cases  of  Salisbury  and  Leeds 76 

Significance  of  the  Colchester  case  77 

CHAPTER   XLIV 

THE   CROMWELLIAN    SETTLEMENT   OF   IRELAND 

1651  A  Plantation  policy          ........  79 

1652  Emigration  from  Ireland      .         .         .         .         •         .         .81 
August  12. — The  Act  of  Settlement 82 


viii  CONTENTS   OF 

PAGE 

1652  The  so-called  pardon  for  the  poor  and  landless      ...  84 
The  intentions  of  Parliament   .         .         .         .         .         0     .  85 
April  17. — A  meeting  at  Kilkenny        .....  86 
A  High  Court  of  Justice  established          .          .         .         .     .  87 
October    II. — Order   for   the    proclamation    of    the   Act   of 

Settlement 87 

1653  July  13. — The  Scots  to  be  transplanted 88 

Spread  of  the  idea  of  transplantation     .         .          .         .         .88 

Desolation  of  the  country         .         .         .          .         .         .     .  90 

Cromwell  faces  the  problem          .         .         .         .         .  91 

June    i.— Appointment     of    a     committee     to     settle     the 

Adventurers     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .     .  91 

June  22.— Instructions  for  a  survey        .....  92 

July  2. — Instructions  for  transplantation  .         .         .         .     .  92 

September  26. — The  Act  of  Satisfaction  93 

Cromwell's  insufficient  knowledge  of  Ireland     .          .  94 

October  14. — Declaration  by  the  commissioners     ...  94 

1654  Fear  of  a  general  transplantation      .          .                   .         .     .  96 
May  i. — The  order  for  transplantation  disobeyed           .         .  97 
Temporary  dispensations  granted      .         .         .         .         .     .  97 

Fleetwood  Lord  Deputy 98 

Fleetwood  makes  little  use  of  the  power  of  dispensation    .      .  99 
The  transplantation  of  proprietors  to  be  carried  out        .         .100 

Gookin  and  Petty    .........  101 

1655  January  3.  —  The  Great  Case  of  Transplantation    .         .          .  101 
March  9.  —  The  Interest  of  England  in   the   Irish    Trans- 
plantation       .         .         .         .         .         .         .          .     .  103 

May  12. — The  Author  and   Case  of  Transplanting    Vindi- 
cated   .         .         .         ...          .         .         .         .         .  104 

Financial  difficulties         .         .         .         .         .         .         .     .  104 

1653  August. — A  Gross  Survey  ordered         .....  105 

1654  May  4. — Beginning  of  the  settlement  of  soldiers        .         .     .  106 
December    n. — An   agreement   with    Petty   for   the   Down 

Survey          .........  106 

1655  May  10. — More  land  set  apart  for  the  soldiers  .         .         .     .  107 
July  20.  —  Further  concessions  to  the  soldiers         .         .         .107 
March  7- — Transplantation  enforced         .         .         .         .  108 

1654     Ravages  of  the  Tories           .......  108 

1653  Transportation  of  vagrants       .         .          .         .          .         .      .  no 

1654  Towns  to  be  given  up  to  English  settlers       .          .         .         .113 

Concessions  to  Protestants        .         .         .         .         .         ..114 

Fleetwood  and  Gookin          .         .         .         .          .          .          .  1 1  ^ 


THE   FOURTH   VOLUME  IX 

PAGE 

1654  Henry  Cromwell's  appointment  in  Ireland        .         .         .  116 

1655  July  9. — Henry  Cromwell  in  Dublin     .....  116 
Fleetwood's  transplantation  policy    .         .         .         .  1 17 
Septembers. — Fleetwood's  return  to  England       .         .         .  II 8- 


CHAPTER  XLV 

HISPANIOLA   AND   JAMAICA 

1654  The  objects  of  the  West  Indian  expedition        .         ...     120 

Oliver  underestimates  its  difficulties       .         .         .         .         .123 

Danger  from  a  division  of  authority  .         .         .         .     .      124 

Appointment  of  Commissioners     .         .         .         .         .         .124 

Relations  between  Penn  and  Venables      .         .         .         .     .      125 

Penn's  dissatisfaction  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .126 

December  20. — Oliver  appeals  to  Penn 127 

Character  of  the  land  forces  .         .         .         .         .         .128 

A  hasty  embarkation    ,    .         .         .         .         .         .         .     .      128 

December  20-25. — Sailing  of  the  fleet  .         .         .         .         .130 

1655  January  29. — The  arrival  at  Barbados 130 

March  31. — The  expedition  leaves  Barbados          .         .  131 

Plans  of  the  commanders          .         .         .         .         .         .     .      132 

April  13. — The  fleet  off  San  Domingo  .         .         .         .         .133 

April  14. — The  landing  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nizao    .         .     .      134 
April  14-16. — A  toilsome  march  .         .         .         .         .         .134 

April  1 6. — Buller's  escapade   .         .         .         .         .         .     .     136 

April  17. — A  terrible  march 137 

Repulse  of  the  enemy      .         .         .         .         .         .         .     .      137 

A  retreat  and  a  fresh  start    .         .         .         .         .         .         .138 

April  25. — An  unexpected  rout         ......      139 

April  28. — Officers  punished 140 

May  4-1 1. — The  voyage  to  Jamaica          ...         .     .     141 
May  12. — Occupation  of  Santiago  de  la  Vega        .         .         .      141 
June  25. — Penn,  followed  by  Venables,  sails  for  England       .      142 
August  4. — The  Protector  receives  the  news .         .         .         '143 
September  20.— Penn  and  Venables  before  the  Council     .     .      143 
Penn  and  Venables  surrender  their  commissions     .         .         -144 
The   blame  for  the  failure   in    Hispaniola  mainly  the   Pro- 
tector's   ..........      145 


X  CONTENTS   OF 

CHAPTER   XLVI 

THE    BREACH    WITH    SPAIN 

PAGE 

1654  October  8. — Blake  sails  for  the  Mediterranean       .         .         .146 

Designs  of  the  Duke  of  Guise 147 

December  21. — Blake  at  Leghorn 148 

The  Protector  and  the  Grand  Duke 149 

1646     Casson's  Treaty  with  Algiers         .         .         .         .  .         .150 

1651     June  17. — Imprisonment  of  the  Consul  at  Tunij        .  .     .      15 * 

1655  February. — Blake  in  Tunisian  waters    .         .         .  .               152 
April  3. — Blake  anchors  off  Porto  Farina          .         .  .     .      154 
April  4. — The  attack  on  Porto  Farina  .         .         .  .         -155 
Character  of  Blake's  success     .         .         .         .         .  ..156 

He  fails  to  liberate  slaves  at  Tunis 157 

May  2. — Blake  renews  Casson's  treaty  with  Algiers  .  .     .      158 

Captives  ransomed  at  Algiers       .         .         .          .  .               1 59 

1654  The  Protector's  attitude  towards  France  and  Spain   .         .     .      159 
He  refuses  to  abandon  his  claim  to  defend  the  Huguenots      .      160 
February  17. — Sedgwick's  commission  against  the  Dutch  .     .      161 
July. — Sedgwick  seizes  forts  in  Acadia  .         .         .         .162 

1655  May. — Mission  of  the  Marquis  of  Lede    .....      162 

Oliver  turns  to  France          .         .         .         .         .         .         .163 

April. — Orders  to  Blake  to  proceed  to  Cadiz  Bay      .         .     .     164 
June   13.— Blake  ordered  to  stop  Spanish   supplies  for  the 

West  Indies 166 

August  15-18. — Blake  avoids  an  engagement  off  Cape  St. 

Vincent 167 

August  22. — Blake  at  Lisbon        .         .         .         .         .         .167 

September  13. — The  Protector  permits  Blake  to  return 

home  if  he  thinks  fit 168 

October  6. — Blake  anchors  in  the  Downs  .  .  .  .169 
August. — Cardenas  sends  Barriere  to  the  Protector  .  .  .  169 
October  17. — Cardenas  leaves  London  .  .  .  i/i 

October  26. — The  Protector's  manifesto  .  .  .  .  .  172 
The  Spanish  case  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .172 

CHAPTER   XLVII 

THE    PROTESTANT    INTEREST 

1655     May  16. — Bordeaux  informed  of  persecution  in  Piedmont      .      177 

The  Vaudois  of  the  Alps 178 

Their  treatment  by  the  Dukes  of  Savoy         .         .         .  179 


THE    FOURTH    VOLUME  XI 

PAGE 

1655  They  settle  outside  the  tolerated  limits 180 

January  15. — Guastaldo's  order  for  their  expulsion         .          .180 

Petition  of  the  Vaudois 180 

April  7. — Pianezza  attacks  the  Vaudois          ....      181 

April  12.— The  massacre 183 

May  24. — The  Protector  appeals  to  the  European  Powers      .      185 
May  25.— A  collection  ordered         .         .          .         .         .     .      iS6 

June  2. — The  proposals  of  the  French  Government        .         .187 
Mazarin  puts  pressure  on  the  Duchess       .         .         .         .     .      188 

June  14. — Morland's  remonstrance        .         .         .         .          .189 

July  10. — The  Duke  ofiers  a  pardon         .         .         .         .     .      189 

AugustS. — Issue  of  the  pardon    ......      190 

July  12. — Letters  of  marque  against  the  French  recalled  .      .      191 
October  21.— Signature  of  a  treaty  with  France     .         .         .192 
Milton's  sonnet  and  Waller's  panegyric    .         .         .          .     .      193 

Charles  X.  of  Sweden  .....  .      194 

Charles  X.  and  Poland .     195 

Swedish  possessions  beyond  the  Baltic  .     195 

Position  of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg 196 

Position  of  Denmark   .         .         .         .         .         .         .  197 

July  17. — Alliance  between   Brandenburg  and   the   United 

Provinces         .........  198 

March  17.— Coyet's  reception  by  the  Protector  .  .  .198 

Oliver's  ideal  view  of  the  situation  .  .  .  .  .  .  199 

The  Dutch  view 200 

English  trade  interests  and  the  dominion  of  the  Baltic  .  .  200 

July  1 8. — Arrival  of  Bonde  in  England  ....  201 

Policy  of  Alexander  VII .  .  .  202 

Cujus  regie,  ejus  religio        .......  203 

Diplomacy  of  Bonde  and  Nieupoort          .....  204 

August-October. — Victorious  career  of  Charles  X.  .  .  205 
September  28. — Oliver's  scheme  for  settling  the  Baltic 

question  ..........  206 

October  20. — Schlezer's  mission  to  England  .  .  .  207 

December  II. — Oliver's  conversation  with  Schlezer  .  .  .  207 

November  I. — Enlargement  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  .  20^ 

Oliver  between  Sweden  and  the  United  Provinces  .  .  .  209 

Troubles  in  Switzerland  .......  209 

1656  January  7.  — Oliver  asks  for  the  support  of  Sweden  against 

the  House  of  Austria         .......     209 

January  31. — Bonde's  dissatisfaction     .         .         .         .         .210 

January  7. — The  treaty  of  Konigsberg      .....     210 


xii  CONTENTS   OF 

PAGE 

1656     Charles  X.  offers  to  guarantee  the  treaty  of  Osnabriick  .         .212 
The  Emperor  and  Spain  .         .         .         .         .         .     .     212 

Oliver's  diplomatic  failure    .         .         .         .         .         .         .213 


CHAPTER   XLVIII 

COLONISATION    AND    DIPLOMACY 

1655  Sagredo's  mission         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .214 

June  II. — Humphries  and  Sedgwick  sent  to  Jamaica         .     .  215 
November  5.— Report  on  the  state  of  the  island    .         .         .215 

September  4. — Attempt  to  send  colonists  from  Scotland    .     .  218 

Alleged  transportation  of  Irish  boys  and  girls  to  Jamaica        .  218 

1656  Barkstead's  proposal 219 

New  Englanders  refuse  to  go  to  Jamaica        ....  220 

May  24. — Death  of  Sedgwick 220 

Doyley  in  command     .         .         .    '     .         .         .         .         .221 

December  i. — Arrival  of  Brayne      .          .         .         .         .     .  222 

November. — Settlement -of  families  from  NL  vis      .         .         .  222 

1657  Amelioration  of  the  prospects  of  the  colony       .         .         .     .  223 

1655  May. — Sexby  at  Antwerp     .......  223 

He  offers  the  support  of  the  Levellers  to  Charles       .         .     .  223 
Sexby's  rodomontades .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .224 

His  mission  to  Spain       ........  225 

November   16.— Richard   Talbot  and   Halsall  charged  with 

a  murder-plot        ........  226 

November. — Arrest  and  execution  of  Manning          .         .     .  227 

Sexby  dependent  on  Lawson's  support           ....  228 

Blake  and  Montague  sent  to  the  coast  of  Spain          .         .     .  228 

1656  Difficulty  of  manning  the  fleet      ......  229 

Charles  expects  that    part   of  the    fleet   will   come   over   to 

him         ..........  230 

February. — Lawson  resigns  his  command  as  Vice-Admiral     .  230 

March. — -Liberation  of  Harrison  and  Rich         .          .          .  232 

A  meeting  of  Anabaptists  and  Fifth  Monarchy  men        .         .  232 

April  2. — Treaty  between  Charles  and  Spain    .         .          .     .  234 

Career  of  Lucy  Walter          .......  235 

July  I. — Her  expulsion  from  England  .  ....  236 

April  20. —The  fleet  in  Cadiz  Bay 236 

March  ii. — Meadowe's  mission  to  Portugal  .  .  .  .  237 
May  5. — The  Protector  orders  the  fleet  to  support  Meadowe 

at  Lisbon      .........  238 


THE   FOURTH   VOLUME  xiii 

PAGE' 

1656     May  31. — Ratification  of  the  Treaty  of  1654     .         .         .     .  239 

June  28. — The  fleet  returns  to  Cadiz  Bay       .         .                   .  240 

Losses  of  English  shipping       .         .         .         .         .         .     .  241 

End  of  the  Swiss  troubles  .......  242 

Lockhart  named  ambassador  to  France 242 

February. — Spanish  overtures  to  France        ....  243 

May  8. — Lockhart's  first  audience   .         .         .         .         .     .  244 

May  31. — Lionne's  mission  to  Madrid  .....  244 

July  5. — Valenciennes  relieved 245 

July  29. — Mazarin  promises  to  join  in  an  attack  on  Dunkirk 

in  the  next  spring          .......  245 

September  6. —  Breach  in  the  negotiation  between  France 

and  Spain        .........  246 

November  8. — An  agreement  for  an  attack  on  Dunkirk          .  246 

The  Protector  jealous  of  France       .         .         .         .         .     .  247 

A  doubtful  outlook  ........  247 


CHAPTER  XLIX 

PARLIAMENTARY    ELECTIONS 

1.656     November-December. — Insufficiency  of  the  means  assigned 

to  the  Major- Generals  ........  249 

They  ask  that  the  limit  of  decimation  may  be  lowered       .     .  249 

The  proposal  rejected  ........  249 

Complaints  of  the  difficulty  of  paying  the  militia  troops      .     .  250 

A  reduction  in  the  number  of  men  ordered    ....  250 

March  19. — Goffe  reduces  the  Sussex  troops     .         .         .     .  251 

April  7. — Berry  at  Worcester        .         .         .         .          .         .251 

Financial  arrangements  left  to  uthe  Army  Committee          .     .  251 

December  1655.— A  deficit 252 

,    May. — A  cry  lor  a  Parliament          .         .         .         ....  253 

Meetings  of  Councillors  and  Major-Generals          .         .         .  253 

A  demand  for  a  new  General  .......  254 

Opposition  between  Oliver  and  Lambert       .         .         .         .  254 

The  Protector's  arguments  for  the  extension  of  the  decima- 
tion            254 

Oliver  consents  to  summon  a  Parliament       ....  255 

June   26. — Announcement    that  a   new   Parliament  will   be 

summoned        .........  257 

The  Protector  has  no  intention  of  interfering  in  the  elections  257 
Haynes  on  the  situation        .         .         .         ,         .         .         -257 


xiv     CONTENTS  OF  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 

PAGE 

1656     Wildman  released 258 

A  petition  to  Charles  II 258 

Wildman  informs  the  Protector         ......  259 

July   8. — Meetings   of  Commonwealth's  men   and    of  Fifth 

Monarchists          ........  259 

July  29. — Lawson,  Portman,  Venner,  and  Okey  sent  for  .     .  260 
August  I. — England 's  Remembrancers .         .         .         .         .261 

August  14. — Committal  of  Rich  and  Alured      .                   .     .  262 

August  I. — Bradshaw  deprived  of  his  offices          .         .         .  263 

Ludlow  before  the  Council      .......  263 

His  argument  with  the  Protector  ......  263 

He  is  allowed  to  retire  to  Essex        ......  264 

Vane's  case          .........  264 

May  12. — A  Healing  Qtteslion         ......  264 

Vane  and  religious  liberty    .......  265 

Vane  stands  for  Parliament      .         .         .         .         .         .     .  266 

July  29. — Vane  summoned  before  the  Council  and  committed 

to  prison  (Sept.  4)         .......  266 

The  Major-Generals  and  the  elections       ...          .     .  267 

Haynes  in  the  Eastern  Counties  .         .         .         .         .         .267 

Case  of  Boatman     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         ,     .  267 

The  Norfolk  election 268 

Whalley's  reports 268 

Lilburne's  and  Kelsey's  reports     ......  269 

Result  of  the  elections     ......  269 

Borough  elections         ........  270 

Chipping  Wycombe 270 

Colchester  ..........  270 

Influence  of  the  Major-Generals       ......  270 

Two  policies  at  issue 271 

INDEX 273 


MAPS 


IRELAND  AS  DIVIDED  BY  THE  ACT  OF  SATISFACTION, 

SEPTEMBER  26,   1653 To  face  93 

THE  ATTACK  ON  SAN  DOMINGO,  1655 135 

TUNIS  AND  PORTO  FARINA 153 

VAUDOIS  VALLEYS To  face  178 

THE  LANDS  SURROUNDING  THE  BALTIC,  1655       .        .        ,,  196 


THE  COMMONWEALTH 

AND 

PROTECTORATE 


CHAPTER  XLI 

•         THE   LIMITS   OF   TOLERATION 

THE  Royalists,  against  whom  the  energy  of  the  Major-Generals 
was  directed,  were  far  from  being  the  only  enemies  of  the 

l655.  Protector.  As  the  strength  of  the  partisans  of  the 
Stuarts  lay  in  their  appeal  to  '  the  known  laws,'  the 
publicans,  strength  of  the  Republicans  lay  in  their  championship 
of  the  supremacy  of  Parliament,  though  they  might  differ  as  to 
the  mode  in  which  that  assembly  was  to  be  chosen.  Of  those 
who  adhered  to  the  ancient  methods,  one  of  the  most  unbend- 
ing was  Ludlow,  who  had  slipped  away  from  Ireland  in  October 

Oct  in  defiance  of  the  .  Protector's  orders.  He  had  no 
Ludiow;s  sooner  landed  than  he  was  arrested  and  placed  in 
confinement  in  Beaumaris  Castle,  where  he  was 


offered  liberty  on  the  sole  condition  of  signing  a  bond 
similar  to  that  by  which  Royalists  engaged  themselves  not  to 
take  part  in  any  conspiracy  against  the  Government.  For 
some  time  he  met  this  demand  with  a  blank  refusal,  though  in 
the  end  he  was  persuaded  to  sign  an  engagement  to  take  no 
step  against  the  Protector,  at  least  till  he  had  presented  himself 
before  him  at  Whitehall. 

VOL.   IV.  B 


2  THE   LIMITS   OF   TOLERATION          CHAP.  XLI. 

When  at  last,  on  December  13,  Ludlow  made  his  appearance 

before   Oliver,  he   declared   his   readiness   to   submit  to  the 

Government  and  his  ignorance  of  any  design  at  that 

Ludiow'lt     time  formed  against  it.     "  But,"  he  added,  "  if  Provi- 

Whitehall.         ,  ,      .  .          - 

dence  open  a  way  and  give  an  opportunity  ot  appear- 
ing on  behalf  of  the  people,  I  cannot  consent  to  tie  my  hands 
beforehand,  and  oblige  myself  not  to  lay  hold  of  it."  Oliver 
appears  to  have  thought  that  an  enemy  so  outspoken  could  not 
be  really  dangerous,  and  set  him  at  liberty  to  do  his  worst.1 

Long  experience  had  shown  that  Lilburne's  influence  over 
the  crowd  was  more  dangerous  than  Ludlow's  doctrinaire 
Oct.  attachment  to  Parliamentarism.  Yet,  on  giving 
bovernein  assurance  that  he  would  maintain  a  peaceable  de- 
Castie.  meanour,  he  was  relieved  from  exile  in  Jersey  and 
brought  over  to  Dover  Castle.  He  had  not  been  long  in  his  new 
prison  when  he  wrote  to  his  wife  that  he  was  now  one  of  *  those 

preciousest,  though  most  contemptible  people  called 

He  declares     ^        .  ,      .  . 

himself  a  Quakers,  and  had  consequently  abandoned  his 
Quaker.  miiitant  career  for  ever.  The  letter  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Fleetwood,  who,  ever  on  the  alert  to  alleviate  the  lot 
of  sectaries,  showed  it  to  the  Protector.  Oliver  was,  however, 
obdurate.2  A  Quaker  Lilburne  might  indeed  cease  to  stir  up 
the  populace  in  defence  of  the  outraged  laws,  but  it  was  hardly 
possible  for  anyone  connected  with  Government  to  contemplate 
with  equanimity  the  idea  of  his  heading  bands  of  fanatics  bent 
on  breaking  up  congregations  and  insulting  preaching  ministers 
.  as  hirelings  and  dead  dogs.  His  confinement  at 

prisonment     Dover  was  therefore  prolonged,  though  his  treatment 
there  was   far  more  lenient   than  it   had   been  in 
Jersey.3     Here  he  remained  till  in   August  1657  the  deputy 

1  Ludlow's   Memoirs,  ed.    Firth,  i.   427-36.      On  the  date  of  the 
interview,  see  Mr.   Firth's  note  at  p.  432  ;    and  compare  Whiteley  to 
Nicholas,  Jan.  M,  S.  P.  Dom.  cxx.  27. 

2  The  accepted  story  of  Lilburne's  liberation  is  derived  from  Wood's 
Athence,  iii.  353,  but  is  contradicted  by  the  evidence  in  The  Resurrection 
of  John  Lilburne,  E,  880,  2. 

*  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  544. 


1655  LILBURNE,    FEAKE,   AND   ROGERS  3 

governor  of  the  Castle  allowed  him  liberty  on  parole  that  he 
might  be  present  at  his  wife's  confinement  at  Eltham.  When 
the  news  of  his  temporary  release  reached  Whitehall,  a 
peremptory  order  was  issued  commanding  his  return  to  prison 

within  ten  days.     On  August  29,*  however,  just  as  the 
Aug.729.     period  of  grace  was  about  to  expire,  the  turbulent 

agitator  breathed  his  last.  He  was  far  in  advance  of 
his  age  in  upholding  the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty,  but 
his  repeated  warnings  against  the  danger  of  throwing  aside 
respect  for  law  were  appropriate  to  the  needs  of  his  time, 
though  given  with  unnecessary  asperity,  and  with  a  complete 
ignorance  of  the  political  conditions  which  limit  the  activity  of 
practical  statesmen. 

At  the  opposite  end  of  the  scale  from  Lilburne  and  the 
Levellers  were  the  men  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy.  If  they  had 
Republicans  contented  themselves  with  proclaiming  the  approach- 

m§  re^§n  °^  tne  saints,  they  would  have  been  in  no 


danger  from  the  Protector.  What  stirred  him  to 
take  action  against  them  was  that  they  were  never  weary  of 
asserting  that  the  reign  of  the  saints  was  incompatible  with  the 
tyranny  of  that  enemy  of  God,  Oliver  Cromwell  —  assertions 
greedily  welcomed  by  ignorant  men,  steeped  in  the  phraseology 
of  the  Scriptures,  but  having  no  real  understanding  of  the  con- 
ditions under  which  the  exhortations  and  prophecies  they 
adopted  had  been  addressed  to  the  Hebrew  world.  How 
difficult  it  was  to  silence  men  of  this  type  was  shown  in  the 
Oct  cases  of  Feake  and  Rogers,  who  were  removed  to 
Feake  and  the  Isle  of  Wight  in  October.2  Of  the  two, 
th?fsieof  Feake  gave  the  least  trouble.  It  is  true  that  he 

succeeded  in  making  his  escape  to  London  ;  but 
when  he  was  re-arrested,  he  was  allowed  to  remain,  under 
the  guard  of  a  single  soldier,  in  a  house  rented  by  himself,3 
doubtless  in  consequence  of  an  engagement  to  abstain 
from  political  allusions  in  his  sermons.  Rogers  was  less 

1  Petition  of  Lilburne's  widow,  Nov.  4,  1657,  S.P.  Dom.  clvii.  73. 

2  Downing  to  Clarke,  Nov.  8,  10,  Clarke  Papers,  iii.  6,  II. 

3  Feake's  Preface  to  The  Prophets  Isaiah  and  Malachi  is  dated  from 

B  2 


4  THE    LIMITS   OF   TOLERATION         -CHAP.  XLI. 

easily  controlled.  He  was  permitted  to  take  up  his  abode  in 
a  country  house  near  Freshwater,  till  his  persuasive  tongue 
attracted  the  peasants  of  the  neighbourhood  to  drink  in  his 
Rogers  per-  denunciations  of  the  Protector.  As  he  positively 
noindngThe  refused  to  hold  his  peace,  there  was  nothing  for  it 
Protector.  DUt  to  send  him  into  closer  confinement  at  Caris- 
brooke,  where  he  found  a  sympathetic  fellow-prisoner  in 
Harrison.  Even  here  crowds  flocked  to  listen  to  the  full- 
flavoured  denunciations  of  the  tyrant  which  he  delivered  from 
the  window  of  his  cell,  the  soldiers  themselves  often  finding- 
pretexts  for  remaining  within  earshot.  The  gaoler  and  his 
subordinates,  who  were  responsible  for  Rogers's 

His  ill-treat-      ..  n       r      •  j 

ment  at  silence,  were  not  unnaturally  furious,  and  revenged 
3ke'  themselves  after  the  rough  manner  of  their  kind. 
They  dragged  the  bedding  from  beneath  him,  allowed  his 
provisions  to  run  short,  ill-treated  his  sickly  wife,  and  flung 
his  maidservant  out  of  doors,  after  stripping  her  clothes  from 
her  back.1 

It  would  be  unreasonable  to  hold  the  Protector  personally 
responsible  for  the  excesses  of  his  officers.  On  the  other  hand, 
if  his  views  on  toleration  did  not  quite  reach  the 
practical  standard  of  the  nineteenth  century,  they  were  in 
advance  of  all  but  the  choicest  spirits  of  the  day  in 
which  he  lived,  whilst  his  practice  time  after  time  outran 
his  profession.  Again  and  again  he  had  associated  himself 
with  the  opinion  that  blasphemy  and  atheism,  whether  they 
were  dangerous  to  the  Government  or  not,  were  insufferable  in 
a  Christian  State.  Yet,  when  he  was  called  on  to  put  his 
opinion  in  practice,  his  generosity  of  spirit  proved  too  strong 
for  his  theories,  and  he  showed  himself  anxious  to  alleviate  the 
lot  of  the  sufferers,  if  not  to  remit  entirely  the  penalties  imposed 
on  them  by  law. 

The  Protector's  dealings  with  BiddJe  furnish  a  case  in  point. 

his  own  hired  house.     He  does  not  say  what  was  its  locality,  but  as  we 
have  no  hint  of  his  having  been  sent  back  to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  it  may  be 
presumed  that  it  was  somewhere  in  London. 
1  Rogers,  Jegar  Sahadittha,  E,  919,  9. 


1655  OLIVER   AND   SOCINIANLSM  5 

In  the  summer  of  1655,  after  his  liberation  on  bail,1  Biddle  was 
Eiddie  again  in  trouble,  not  altogether  by  his  own  fault.  A 
again  in  Baptist  named  Griffin  challenged  him  to  defend  his 
creed  in  public,  and  Biddle  naturally,  if  impru- 
dently, took  up  the  glove.  The  disputation,  opened  in 

June  28.  St.  Paul's  on  June  28,  was  adjourned  to  the  following 
donTta"  week  ;  but  before  the  appointed  day  arrived  Biddle 
St.  Paul's.  was  arrested  by  an  order  from  the  Council.2  The 
Lord  Mayor,  in  committing  him  for  trial,  hinted  that  he  might 
be  exposed  to  the  monstrous  penalties  of  the  Presbyterian 

July  27.  Blasphemy  Ordinance  of  i648.3  On  July  27  the 
SttsSto1  Council,  which  was  evidently  set  against  him,  passed 
release  him.  over  njs  petition  for  redress.  In  September,  when 


An  fepeai  ^  ^  °*  n*s  tr^  was  aPProacning>  his  supporters 
t0nthePp?o-  presented  a  petition  to  the  Protector  himself,  in  which 
refuses  u>°  they  alleged  that  Biddle's  case  was  covered  by  the 


intervene. 


articles  of  the  Instrument  which  assured  liberty  of 
conscience  to  all  who  professed  faith  in  God  by  Jesus  Christ. 
To  this  allegation  Oliver  sternly  replied  'that  the  liberty  of 
conscience  provided  for  in  those  articles  should  never,  while  he 
hath  any  interest  in  the  Government,  be  stretched  so  far  as  to 
countenance  them  who  deny  the  divinity  of  our  Saviour,  or  to 
bolster  up  any  blasphemous  opinions  contrary  to  the  funda- 
mental verities  of  religion.' 4  A  week  later,  exasperated  at  the 
discovery  that  the  wording  of  the  petition  had  been  altered 
after  some  of  the  signatures  had  been  appended,  he  used  even 

1  See  vol.  iii.  p.  258. 

2  Council  Order  Book,  fnterr.  I,  76,  p.   155.     There  is  nothing  in 
A   Trtie  State  of  the  Case  (E,  848,  12),  an  account  of  the  matter  drawn 
up  by  Biddle's  followers,  to  show  that  Griffin  appealed  to  the  secular  arm. 
It  is  said   that  the  informer  was  a  Mr.  Brookbank,  but  the  fact  that  a 
public  disputation  had  been  held  must  have  been  notorious. 

3  There  is,  however,  nothing  to  show  that  the  trial  would  have  been 
held  under  the  Presbyterian  Blasphemy  Ordinance,  or  that,  if  an  attempt 
had  been  made  so  to  hold  it,  the  Court  would  not  have  ruled  that  the 
ordinance   was    superseded   by   the   later    Blasphemy   Act.      The    Lord 
Mayor's  obiter  dictum  could  not  possibly  settle  a  question  of  law. 

4  Merc.  PoL,  £,854,  I. 


6  THE   LIMITS   OF   TOLERATION          CHAP.  XLI. 

stronger  language.  If  Biddle,  he  declared,  were  in  the  right 
he  himself  and  all  other  Christians  were  no  better  than 
idolaters.  No  countenance  should  be  given  to  the  avowal  of 
such  opinions.  Yet,  firm  as  this  declaration  was,  it  was  not 
Oct.  5.  followed  by  corresponding  acts.  On  October  5  the 
moved  to'the  Council,  with  the  full  concurrence  of  the  Protector, 
bciiiy  isles,  ordered  the  removal  of  Biddle  to  the  Scilly  Isles.1 
The  act  of  the  Protector  may  have  been  illegal,  but  it  was 
undoubtedly  one  of  kindness  to  the  sufferer,  who  would  have 
had  harder  measure  at  the  hands  of  a  court  of  law. 

The  unpopularity  of  Socinians,  however,  was  slight  in  com- 
parison with  the  unpopularity  of  '  Quakers.'  Magistrates 
Un  Q  u  detested  them  for  their  insolence  in  refusing  to 
larity  of  the  acknowledge  the  dignity  of  local  authority  by  bowing 
or  removing  their  hats,  whilst  they  alienated  the 
masses  by  condemning  their  revelries.  Religious  people  of  fixed 
opinions  were  irritated  not  only  by  the  pertinacity  of  their  argu- 
ments, but  by  the  unseemly  interruption  of  their  favourite 
preachers.  Behind  all  this  was  a  widely-spread  conviction  that 
the  doctrine  of  the  inner  light  was  a  blasphemous  assumption 
of  the  personal  inspiration  of  the  Almighty.  In  the  summer  of 
1655,  in  the  course  of  a  missionary  tour  in  the  West,  Fox 
FOX  at  arrived  at  Kingsbridge.  Seeking  a  lodging  at  an  inn, 
he  addressed  the  tipplers,  warning  them  that  it  was 
time  to  receive  light  from  Christ.  At  once  the  inn- 
keeper, fearing  a  diminution  of  his  custom,  stepped  up  to  the 
promulgator  of  a  doctrine  so  dangerous  to  his  interests. 
"Come,"  he  said,  holding  a  candle  in  his  hand,  "  here  is  alight 
and  at  for  you  to  go  into  your  chamber."  At  Menheniot 
Menhemot.  jrOX)  according  to  his  own  account,  succeeded  in 
making  a  '  priest  confess  he  was  a  minister  made  and  main- 
tained by  the  State.'  At  St.  Ives  he  and  his  companions  were 

1  Merc.  Pol.,  E,  854,  i.  Council  Order  Book,  In/err.  I,  76,  pp.  326, 
328.  On  Oct.  24  there  was  a  petition  to  the  Council  from  two  stationers, 
asking  that  steps  might  be  taken  against  a  book  with  the  title  of  Pros- 
adamitcp,  on  the  ground  that  it  cast  a  slur  on  the  Biblical  account  of  the 
Creation. 


1 655  FOX   IN   A   COURT   OF   LAW  7 

hustled  in  the  street  and  brought  before  one  Peter  Ceely,  a 
He  is  justice  of  the  peace,  who  sent  them  off  as  prisoners 

StJtetand  to  Launceston  gaol,  apparently  on  suspicion  that 
LTunceston  tne7  W6re  Roman  Catholic  missionaries  in  disguise.1 
sao1-  On  the  way  they  met  Desborough,  on  his  first 

visit  to  his  district  as  Major-General,  and  reproved  him  for 
speaking  against  the  light  of  Christ,  with  the  result  that  he  re- 
fused to  interfere  in  their  favour. 

After  many  sufferings  the  imprisoned  '  Quakers '  were 
brought  at  the  spring  assizes  before  Chief  Justice  Glyn,  who 
ig  6  rebuked  them  for  refusing  to  remove  their  hats.  On 
FOX  before  this  Fox  asked  where  there  was  any  mention  in 
Scripture  of  a  magistrate  ordering  that  hats  should  be 
taken  off.  "  If,"  he  added,  "  the  law  of  England  doth  command 
any  such  thing,  show  me  that  law,  either  written  or  printed." 
"  I  do  not  carry  my  law  books  on  my  back,"  replied  Glyn 
sharply,  and  ordered  the  gaoler  to  remove  the  prisoners.  Soon 
afterwards,  however,  Glyn,  imagining  that  he  had  found  a  satis- 
factory repartee,  directed  that  they  should  again  be  placed  at 
the  bar.  "  Come,"  said  the  judge,  "  where  had  they  hats  from 
Moses  to  Daniel  ?  Come,  answer  me  !  I  have  you  fast  now." 

It  was  ill  discussing  points  of  Scripture  with  Fox.  "  Thou 
mayest  read  in  the  third  of  Daniel,"  was  the  prompt  reply, 
"  that  the  three  children  were  cast  into  the  fiery  furnace  with 
their  coats,  their  hose,  and  their  hats  on."  "  Take  them  away, 
gaoler  ! "  cried  the  discomfited  judge.  Yet  in  the  end  he 
FOX  fined  for  mastered  his  annoyance,  and  taking  no  heed  of  the 
contempt  of  accusation  brought  against  the  prisoners— whatever 

Court  and  ,_        .  .       -     . 

sent  back  to  it  may  have  been — contented  himself  with   fining 
them  twenty  marks  apiece  for  contempt  of  court,  and 

1  In  his  Journal  Fox  says  that  Ceely  '  tendered  the  oath  of  abjura- 
tion to  us,  whereupon  I  put  my  hand  in  my  pocket  and  drew  forth  an 
answer  to  it  which  had  been  given  to  the  Protector. '  The  oath  referred 
to  was  probably  the  one  required  from  Roman  Catholics,  and  may  be 
connected  with  the  delusion  that  the  '  Quakers '  were  Roman  Catholics 
in  disguise.  Fox's  objection  was  not  to  its  substance,  but  to  its  being  an 
oath. 


8  THE   LIMITS   OF   TOLERATION          CHAP.  XLI. 

ordering  that  they  should  remain  in  prison  till  that  sum  had 
been  paid.  Glyn  probably  did  not  count  on  the  obduracy  with 
which  Fox  was  likely  to  stand  out  against  the  admission  that 
he  had  committed  a  fault  where  he  could  see  no  fault  at  all,  and, 
noisome  as  was  the  atmosphere  of  a  gaol  in  those  days,  the  im- 
prisoned '  Quakers '  preferred  to  endure  every  hardship  rather 
than  acknowledge  that  they  could  justly  be  required  to  uncover 
their  heads  in  the  presence  of  a  fellow-mortal,  however  exalted 
his  worldly  rank  might  be.  An  attempt  to  induce  Glyn  to  re- 
consider his  sentence,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  unsupported 

1656.  by  law,  having  naturally  failed,  one  of  Fox's  devoted 
£>nth?peal  Followers,  Humphrey  Norton,  sought  out  the  Pro- 
Protector.  tector,  offering  to  give  himself  up  to  imprisonment  in 
Doomsdale— the  filthiest  dungeon  in  the  filthy  gaol — if  his 
teacher  might  be  liberated  in  his  stead.  Such  devotion  roused 
Oliver's  astonished  admiration.  "Which  of  you,"  he  asked, 
turning  to  the  Councillors  who  stood  around  him,  "  would  do 
so  much  for  me  if  I  were  in  the  same  condition  ?  "  To  Norton 
he  could  but  reply  that  it  would  be  a  breach  of  the  law  to  im- 
prison him  with  no  charge  hanging  over  his  head.1 

Yet,  though  the  Protector  refused  to  commit  an  innocent 
man,  the  right  of  pardon  was  in  his  hands,  and  he  transmitted 

^u  orders  to  Desborough  to  let  the  imprisoned  'Quakers' 
Desborough  go  free.2  Desborough  accordingly  informed  them 

ordered  to  ,  ,    -  .  . .,    .  ,  , 

liberate  the  that  the  gaol-doors  were  open  to  them  if  they  would 
Qua  ers,  promise  to  go  home  and  preach  no  more.  On  their 
raising  objections,  he  asked  them  to  give  an  engagement 
to  comply  with  his  wishes  '  if  the  Lord  permitted.'  This 
compromise  was,  however,  swept  aside  by  the  indomitable 
'  Quakers,'  who  told  the  Major-General  that  they  knew  it  to  be 
the  will  of  God  that  they  should  '  go  to  speak  at  some  other 
place.'  Desborough  upon  this  refused  to  have  anything  more 
to  do  with  them  ;  but  a  month  later  Colonel  Bennet,  the  master 

1  Fox's  Joti rnal  (ed.  1891),!.  265-318.     Mr.  Hodgkin  gives  Norton's 
name  from  a  MS.  of  \hzjournal.      George  Fox,  137. 

2  Desborough  was  at  Launceston  on  Aug.  12,  Thurloe^  v.  302.     Fox's 
letter  to  him  is  dated  Aug.  13. 


1656  PERSECUTION    OF   QUAKERS  9 

of  the  gaol,  informed  them  that  he  would   detain   them  no 
longer,  on  the  sole  condition  that  they  would  pay  his  fees. 
Se  t  r       Fox  characteristically  replied  that  no  fees  were  due 
who  are  set    from  innocent  prisoners.     Fox  attributed  his  libera- 
tion  without   payment   to    the  power   of  the  Lord 
softening  the  evil  heart  of  the  Colonel.     More  worldly  observers 
might  suspect  that  the  gaoler  was  to  some  extent  influenced 
by  strict  orders  from  Whitehall.1 

As  in  Rogers's  case,  the  Protector's  instruments  had  outrun 

their  master's  wishes  in  their  persecuting  zeal.     In  their  eyes 

Fox  was  guilty  of  the  fault  which  seldom  admits  of 

Fox  de- 
nounces       pardon — the  fault  of  exaggerating  their  own  extrava- 

amusements.  T/.       .  ,  ,       ,  r 

gances.  If  they  denounced  the  amusements  of 
others  which  might  possibly  tend  to  the  nurture  of  immorality, 
he  denounced  their  amusements  even  when  they  were  obviously 
innocent.  Fox  had  condemned  Desborough  to  his  face  when 
he  found  the  Major-General  seeking  relaxation  in  a  game  of 
bowls,  using  language  which  would  have  been  appropriate  if 
Desborough  had  been  a  drunkard.  Even  the  Protector  must 
have  felt  it  impossible  to  secure  mildness  of  treatment  for  men 
who  set  at  defiance  both  the  popular  sentiment  and  the  feelings 
of  influential  classes.  In  this  respect  he  could  not  count  on 
Ma<or  the  willing  co-operation  of  the  Major-Generals. 
Generals  "We  are  extremely  troubled  in  these  parts  with 
th^  Quakers,"  wrote  Worsley  from  Cheshire.  When  he 

reached  Lancashire  he  told  the  same  tale  :  "  We  are 
much  troubled  with  them  that  are  called  Quakers.  They  trouble 
the  markets,  and  get  into  private  houses  up  and  down  in  every 
town,  and  draw  people  after  them."  Goffe  in  Hampshire  was 
even  more  disquieted.  Writing  before  Fox's  proceedings  in 
Cornwall  had  landed  him  in  Launceston  Gaol,  he  unbosomed 
himself  to  Thurloe  in  such  terms  as  these  :  "  Fox  and  two  more 
eminent  Northern  quakers  have  been  in  Sussex,  and  are  now 
in  this  county,  doing  much  work  for  the  devil,  and  delude 
many  simple  souls.  ...  I  have  some  thoughts  to  lay  Fox  and 

1  Fox's  Journal >  318-22. 


IO  THE   LIMITS  OF  TOLERATION         CHAP.  xu. 

his  companions  by  the  heels  if  I  see  a  good  opportunity."  l  It 
Nine  m&y  at  least  be  conjectured  that  the  liberation  of  nine 

ii?eratedsat  '  Quakers  '  imprisoned  in  Evesham  gaol,  apparently 
Evesham.  for  non-payment  of  fines  imposed  for  contempt  of 
court,  was  owing  to  the  intercession  of  the  kindly  Berry.2  Even 
the  Protector  probably  wavered  between  his  dislike  of  infring- 
ing the  principles  of  religious  liberty  and  his  dislike  of  the  dis- 
order which  almost  invariably  resulted  from  the  indiscretion  of 
the  new  sectaries.  He  can  have  been  little  moved  by  Fox's 
appeal  :  "  You  say  the  Quakers  come  to  disturb  you  in  your 
churches  —  as  you  call  them.  Was  it  not  the  practice  of  the 
Apostles  to  go  into  the  synagogues  and  temples  to  witness 
against  the  priesthood  that  took  tithes  ?  "  3  There  was  little 
similarity  between  the  sober  argument  of  a  Paul  in  an  avowed 
discussion  and  the  exasperating  taunts  of  a  '  Quaker  '  fanatic. 

So  far  as  disturbances  of  public  congregations  were  con- 

cerned the  Protector  had  already  made  his  mind  known  by  his 

Apr.  13.     proclamation  of  February  i655,4  an<^  about  a  year 

Protector      later  ne  personally  interfered  to  carry  out  his  prin- 


ciples  m  practice.  A  '  Quaker  '  having  stood  up  in 
'  Quaker.1  the  chapel  at  Whitehall  to  argue  in  support  of  his  creed, 
Oliver,  being  himself  present,  directed  that  the  offender  should 
be  taken  before  the  nearest  justice  of  the  peace.5  As  for  the 
punishments  inflicted  by  magistrates  and  judges  for  contempt  of 
court  or  for  supposed  contravention  of  the  Blasphemy  Act,  the 
Protector  could  only  interfere  by  exercising  his  right  of  pardon, 
and  this  right  he  may  not  in  such  cases  have  been  inclined  to  use. 
Whilst  the  *  Quakers  '  irritated  the  popular  sentiment  by 
the  arrogance  with  which  they  defied  the  social  habits  of  the 
jews  in  country,  and  by  their  determination  to  thrust  them- 
Engiand.  selves  forward  in  public  congregations,  the  little 
colony  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  Jews  who  had  for  some 
years  been  stealing  into  London,  either  to  escape  the  terrors  of 

1  Worsley  to   Thurloe,  Dec.    14,  21  ;    Goffe   to   Thurloe,    Jan.    10, 
Thurloe,  iv.  315,  333,  408. 

2  Berry  to  Thurloe,  March  14,  ib.  iv.  613.         3  Fox's^/Ewrwa/,  i.  305. 
4  See  vol.  iii.  p.  260.  a  The  Public  Intelligencer,  E,  493,  7. 


1655  JEWS   IN    ENGLAND  II 

the  Inquisition  or  in  pursuit  of  gain,  was  doing  its  utmost  to 
escape  observation.  It  was  formed,  for  the  most  part,  of  men 
of  wealth  and  position,  with  wide  commercial  alliances  on  the 
Continent  and  in  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies.  Their 
numbers  were  now  sufficient  to  suggest  the  establishment  of  a 
A  synagogue  synagogue  in  Creechurch  Lane,  access  to  which  was 
established.  jeajOusly  guarded  against  intruders,  lest  they  should 
call  down  the  action  of  the  authorities  upon  the  worshippers.1 
Yet  it  could  not  fail  to  occur  to  other  Jews  who  had  not  yet 
visited  England,  and  who  were  consequently  out  of  touch  with 
English  prejudice,  that  the  Puritan  reverence  for  the  heroes 
of  the  Old  Testament,  together  with  the  growth  of  the  spirit 
of  toleration,  might  open  the  doors  to  a  large  immigration,  and 
that  permission  might  be  given  to  the  newcomers  to  worship 
more  openly  the  God  of  their  fathers  in  the  long-established 
fashion.  The  first  to  make  the  attempt  was  Manuel  Martinez 
Dormido,  an  Andalusian,  who  had  spent  five  years 
'  in  the  prisons  of  the  Inquisition,  and  after  carrying 


on  his  trade  in  Amsterdam  since  1640,  had  found 
himself  ruined  in  1654  by  losses  sustained  in  consequence  of 
the  Portuguese  reconquest  of  Pernambuco  from  the  Dutch. 
Dec.  5.  He  accordingly  made  his  way  to  England,  where  the 
byethed  Protector  received  him  with  favour,  and  recommended 
Council.  nis  petition  to  the  Council,  which,  however,  refused 
to  make  any  order  upon  it. 

Naturally,   the   existing   colony,  fearing   to   endanger  the 

1  A  statement  in  Perfect  Proceedings  (E,  842,  6)  that  'this  day,'  i.e. 
June  2,  1655,  '  some  Jews  were  seen  to  meet  in  Hackney  —  it  being  their 
Sabbath  day  —  at  their  devotion,  all  very  clean  and  neat,  in  the  corner  of 
a  garden  by  a  house,  all  of  them  with  their  faces  towards  the  East,  their 
minister  foremost,  and  the  rest  all  behind  him,'  may  safely  be  rejected. 
This  worship  in  the  garden  is  not  in  accordance  with  Jewish  usage,  and 
everything  we  know  of  the  history  of  the  early  Jewish  community  pre- 
cludes the  notion  that  there  was  a  second  synagogue  at  Hackney. 
Mr.  Lucien  Wolf  has  suggested  to  me  that  the  congregation  was  one  of 
some  sect  of  Judaising  Christians.  For  the  customs  of  the  Jewish  colony 
see  especially  Mr.  Lucien  Wolfs  Resettlement  of  the  Jews,  CromwelFs 
Jewish  Intelligencers,  and  Crypto-Jews  under  the  Commomvealth. 


12  THE   LIMITS  OF  TOLERATION         CHAP.  XLI. 

tacit  connivance  under  which  it  lived,  abstained  from  taking 
Manasseh  Part  in  Dormido's  enterprise,  and  the  further  pro- 
Ben  Israel  secution  of  the  suit  fell  upon  Manasseh  Ben  Israel, 
an  enthusiastic  but  somewhat  dreamy  Amsterdam  rabbi  and 
physician,  who  took  the  cause  of  all  Judaism  upon  his  shoulders, 
and  imagined  that  he  could  prevail  on  England  to  become  the 
refuge  of  the  poor  and  persecuted  of  his  race.1  When  he 
l6ss.  arrived  in  London  in  October,  circumstances  had 
arriv^sin  occurred  which  made  a  more  favourable  decision 
London.  probable.  As  war  with  Spain  loomed  in  the  near 
future,  the  services  of  the  Spanish  Jews  in  England  became 
Aug.  17.  more  valuable.  On  August  1 7  the  leading  man 
made*!*1  amongst  them,  Antonio  Fernandez  Carvajal,  who 
denizen.  had  resided  in  England  twenty  years,  received  letters 
of  denization  from  the  Protector,'2  and  then,  or  possibly  at  an 
earlier  date,  offered  to  the  Government  the  services  of  his 
correspondents  on  the  Continent  to  gather  intelligence  of 
Spanish  preparations  and  Stuart  plots.  In  September  another 

wealthy  Jewish  merchant,  Simon  de  Caceres,  laid  a 
Service*  of  plan  before  Thurloe  for  an  expedition  against  Chili, 

and  another  for  the  fortification  of  Jamaica.3  Even 
the  Council  must  have  perceived  that  it  was  unwise  to  dis- 
courage such  men. 

On  November  5  Manasseh  published  his  Humble  Addresses 
to  the  Protector,  defending  Jews  from  calumnies  raised  against 
NOV.  5.  them,  and  arguing,  with  some  defect  of  worldly 
^AddreLes.  wisdom,  that  as  England  was  the  only  country  re- 
Demands  of  JectinS  them,  their  re-establishment  would,  accord- 
Manasseh.  ing  to  the  prophecies,  be  the  signal  for  the  coming 
of  the  Messiah.4  A  few  days  later  he  prepared  a  request  for 

1  [See  Mr.   Lucien  Wolfs  Menasseh  Ben  Israel's  Mission  to   Oliver 
Cromwell,  1901,  which  contains  a  detailed  account  of  the  proceedings  of 
Manasseh  in  London,  and  of  the  discussions  relating  to  the  readmission 
of  the  Jews.     Mr.  Wolf  also  reprints  '  The  Humble  Address '  and  two 
other  pamphlets  by  Manasseh.] 

2  Patent  Rolls,  1655,  Part  iv.  No.  12.  3   Thurloe,  iv.  61,  62. 
4  The  Humble  Address  of  Manasseh  Ben  Israel,  E,  490,  i. 


1655  MANASSEH    BEN    ISRAEL  13 

the  admission  of  his  race  on  an  equality  with  the  natives  of 
England.  He  also  asked  that  Jews  might  be  permitted  to  open 
public  synagogues,  to  possess  a  cemetery  of  their  own,  to  carry 
on  trade  without  hindrance,  to  erect  a  judicature  which  might 
decide  disputes  between  members  of  their  community,  reserv- 
ing an  appeal  to  the  courts  of  the  land,  and  also  that  all  laws 
enacted  to  their  disadvantage  might  be  repealed.1  The  Council, 
to  which  these  demands  were  referred  by  the  Protector,  passed 
them  on  to  a  committee  chosen  from  amongst  its  own  members.2 

NOV.  13.  The  committee,  feeling  itself  incompetent  to  decide 
Selecom°-e  tne  question  without  further  enlightenment,  asked 
mittee.  permission  to  associate  with  itself  a  number  of 
ministers  and  merchants,  together  with  Chief  Justice  Glyn  and 
Chief  Baron  Steele.3 

The  conference  thus  summoned  met  at  Whitehall  two  or 
three  times  a  week  between  December  4  and  18,  with  no  direct 

NOV.  15.  practical  result,  though  the  Protector  was  present  on 
^mmcfnedr  each  occasion  and  showed  himself  favourable  to 
bu?se'a  l8'  Manasseh's  request.  Opinion  was  divided  amongst 
rates  without  the  ministers  and  in  the  Council  itself,  and  the  only 

any  direct  .  .  * 

result.  evidence  of  an  attempt  to  arrive  at  a  common  conclu- 
sion is  to  be  found  in  an  unsigned  paper,  which  probably  gave 
the  opinion  of  the  Committee  of  Council,  though  it  does  not 
seem  ever  to  have  been  presented  to  the  Council  itself.4 

1  Wolf,  Resettlement,  15. 

2  Reference  by  the  Council,  S.P.  Dom.  ci.  117. 

3  Chief  Justice  St.  John  was  also  summoned,  but  for  some  reason  or 
another  he  did  not  take  part  in  the  proceedings. 

4  The  paper  is  printed  from  the  original  (S.P.  Dom.  ci.  118),  with  the 
title  '  Report  of  the  Council  of  State  on  Manasseh's  Petition,'  by  Mr.  Wolf 
(Resettlement^  16).     The  absence  of  any  notice  of  it  in  the  Council  Order 
Book  shows  that  this  is  not  a  correct  description.     Mrs.  Everett  Green 
does  not  commit  herself  to  the  authorship  of  the  paper,  but  dates  it  on 
Nov.    13,  which  is   obviously  a  mere    guess.      There   are   none   of  the 
erasures  which  would  show  it  to  be  a  draft,  and  I  am  therefore  inclined  to 
take  it  to  be  a  resolution  agreed   on  by  the  committee,  but  never  pre- 
sented.     It   is   not   improbable   that    Oliver   hindered   its   presentation, 
fearing  an  adverse  decision  if  it  came  before  the  Council.     The  endorse- 


14  THE   LIMITS  OF   TOLERATION          CHAP.  XLI. 

Whoever  the  compilers  may  have  been,  their  conclusion  was 
merely   hypothetical.     They   declared   it  to   be   necessary  to 

suspend  their  judgment  on  the  propriety  of  admitting 
mittee  Jews  to  England  till  certain  safeguards  had  been  pro- 

vided.1 All  claims  to  maintain  a  private  judicatory 
must  be  forbidden,  Jews  must  be  prohibited  from  defaming  the 
Christian  religion,  from  working  on  the  Lord's  Day,  from 
employing  Christian  servants,  from  bearing  office  in  the 
Commonwealth,  and  even  from  printing  in  the  English  language 
anything  opposed  to  Christianity.  Nor  were  they  to  throw 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  conversion  of  any  members  of  the 
community  ;  whilst  a  severe  penalty  was  to  be  imposed  on  any 
Christian  converted  to  Judaism.  All  this  was  followed  by  a 
strong  condemnation  of  Jewish  practices  in  general,  and  of 
Manasseh's  plausible  addresses  in  particular. 

Whether  the  members  of  the  conference  were  inclined  to  go 
even  so  far  as  this  may  be  doubted.     The  divines  were  for  the 

most   part   hostile;  the   objections   of  the   London 

citizens  on  the  score  of  danger  to  their  trade  interests 


were  insuperable.2  Manasseh's  sanguine  expectation 
of  a  vast  influx  of  Jewish  paupers  was  by  no  means  likely  to 
conciliate  opposition.  The  Protector,  therefore,  put  an  end  to 
the  conference,  intimating  that  he  would  take  the  question  into 

merit  is   partly  illegible,   but   the  following  words  can  still  be  read  : 
'  Concerning  admitting  the  Jews  with  limitations  .   .  .' 

1  The  wording  of  the  paper  is  somewhat  ambiguous.       "  That  the 
Jews  desiring  it  may  be  admitted  into  this  nation,  to  trade  and  traffic  and 
dwell  amongst  us  as  Providence  shall  give  occasion. 

"  This  as  to  point  of  conscience  we  judge  lawful  for  the  magistrate  to 
admit  in  case  such  material  and  weighty  considerations  as  hereafter  follow 
be  provided  for  ;  about  which  till  we  are  satisfied  we  cannot  but  in 
conscience  suspend  our  resolutions  in  this  case.  "  I  think,  however,  that 
the  first  paragraph  is  merely  to  be  taken  as  the  thesis  with  which  the 
report  is  about  to  deal,  not  as  a  substantive  proposition.  [Mr.  Wolf  accepts 
this  view.  Menasseh  Ben  Israel,  p.  Ixxxiv,] 

2  The  Dutch  ambassador  understood  that  the  refusal  of  the  latter  to 
concur  with  the  proposals  was  the  main  cause  of  the  Protector's  dropping 
the  affair.     Nieupoort  to  the  States  General,  Jan.  |i,  Add.   MSS.   17,677 
W,  fol.  208. 


1655  TOLERATION    BY   CONNIVANCE  15 

his  own  consideration.  That  consideration,  however,  was  of  no 
personal  benefit  to  Manasseh.  An  answer  to  his  petition  was 
refused,  and  though  the  Protector  solaced  him  with  a  pension, 
he  was  forced  to  cross  the  sea  discomfited,  together  with  a 
number  of  Jews  who  had  accompanied  him  and  had  shared  his 
hopes.1 

Nevertheless,  the  abortive  conference  had  accomplished 
much.  In  the  course  of  the  discussion  an  opinion  had  been 
elicited  from  the  two  judges  who  had  taken  part  in  the  pro- 
ceedings that  there  was  no  law  forbidding  Jews  to  return  into 
England.2  After  this  the  Protector's  strength  was  to  sit  still.3 
Unless  a  successful  action  were  brought  against  a  Jew  for  mere 
residence  in  England,  no  executive  interference  was  needed  to 
confirm  him  in  rights  which  he  had  never  lost.  As  no  such 
action  was  ever  brought,  it  may  be  held  that  the  legal  re-settle- 
ment of  the  Jews  dates  from  this  extra-judicial  opinion  of  Glyn 
and  Steele,  though  the  exact  day  on  which  that  opinion  was 
given  is  no  longer  ascertainable. 

It  did  not,  however,  follow  that  because  Jews  were 
admitted  to  live  in  England  they  would  be  allowed  to  practise 
A  verbal  their  religion.  The  benefits  of  the  Act  passed  in 
promise.  ^^Q  ^Q  repeai  anciauses  in  statutes  imposing  penalties 
for  not  attending  church  were  limited  to  those  who  resorted  on 
the  Lord's  Day  to  some  place  of  prayer  or  preaching,4  a  con- 
dition which  no  Jew  could  be  expected  to  fulfil.  Oliver,  how- 
ever, might  be  trusted  to  see  that  the  spirit  rather  than  the 
letter  of  the  Act  was  carried  into  practice,  and  he  gave  to  the 
16  6  Jews  a  verbal  assurance  that  the  recusancy  laws  should 
A  wriuen  not  ^e  en^orce(^  against  them.  A  petition  asking  for  a 
engagement  written  confirmation  of  this  engagement  was  referred 
by  the  Protector  to  the  Council  in  the  following  March, 

1  A  Narrative  of  the  Late  Proceedings  [by  H.  Jessey]. 
*  Ib.  p.  9. 

3  "The  Jews,  though  the  generality  of  the  divines  oppose,  yet  we 
hear  they  will  be  admitted  by  way  of  connivancy."    Robinson  to  William- 
son, Dec.  31,  S.P.  Dom.  cii.  77a. 

4  S cob  ell,  ii.  131. 


1 6  THE   LIMITS   OF   TOLERATION          CHAP.  XLI. 

but,  as  might  have  been  expected,  it  met  with  no  response.1 
Even  if  that  body  had  been  more  favourably  disposed  towards 
the  Jews  than  was  the  case,  it  was  hardly  likely  to  commit  itself 
by  a  formal  order  to  the  effect  that  the  existing  law  should  not 
be  carried  into  effect.  That  there  was  no  intention  of  inter- 
fering with  the  quiet  exercise  of  the  Jewish  worship  is  shown 
not  merely  by  the  uninterrupted  continuance  of  the  synagogue 
in  Creechurch  Lane,  but  also  by  the  purchase  of  a 
A  Jewish  Jewish  cemetery  in  February  1 657.2  By  that  time 
tery-  Manasseh  Ben  Israel  had  left  England,  and  the 
Government  was  able  to  feel  that  in  conferring  favours  on  the 
old  Jewish  colony  it  had  to  deal  with  men  who,  unlike  Manasseh, 
were  sensitive  to  the  danger  of  challenging  public  opinion  by 
undue  demonstrativeness. 

How  furtive  was  the  concealment  which  these  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  Jews  had  long  practised  was  brought  to  light  by  a 
I6s6-  case  which  resulted  in  the  withdrawal  of  any  claim 
cSof24'  on  t^ie  Part  °f  ^e  Government  to  interfere  with  the 
Robies.  trade  of  Jews  in  England.  A  certain  Antonio 
Rodrigues  Robies,  who  had  large  commercial  undertakings  on 
foot,  was  denounced  as  a  Spaniard,  a  demand  being  made  for 
the  confiscation  of  his  goods,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  the 
subject  of  a  prince  at  war  with  England.3  In  a  petition  referred 
by  the  Protector  to  the  Council 4  he  made  answer  that  he  was  a 
Portuguese  'of  the  Hebrew  nation,'  whose  father  and  other 
relations  had  been  burnt  or  tortured  in  Spain  by  the  Inquisition. 
Inquiry  was  ordered,  and  in  the  main  the  evidence  supported 
his  contention ;  but  not  only  was  some  support  given  to  the 
assertion  of  his  Spanish  birth,  but  it  came  out  that  he  had  been 
in  the  habit — and  the  practice  was  one  common  to  others  of 
his  race— of  attending  Mass  in  the  chapel  of  the  Spanish  ambas- 

1  Petition  of  Seven  Jews,  March  24,  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxv.  58. 

2  Account  by  Mr.    Israel  Davis  in  the  Jewish  Chronicle,  Nov.  26, 
1880. 

8  War  having  by  that  time  been  declared. 

4  On  March  24,  the  day  of  the  reference  to  the  Council  of  the  petition 
for  a  written  confirmation  of  religious  toleration. 


1656  CASE  OF  ROBLES  i; 

sador,  a  practice  of  which  the  only  conceivable  motive  was  a 
desire  to  obtain  the  support  of  Spain  if  any  commercial  difficulty 
should  arise  with  the  English  authorities.  What  had  hitherto 
been  helpful  had  become  dangerous,  and  the  members  of  the 
Jewish  community  were  now  as  anxious  to  disclaim  all  con- 
nection with  Spain  as  they  had  formerly  been  desi- 
Reportby  rous  of  establishing  it.  On  May  14  a  report  by  the 
Admiralty  Admiralty  Commissioners,  to  whom  the  investiga- 
tion had  been  referred,  professed  inability  to  decide 
Ma  i6  whether  Robles  was  a  Spaniard  or  a  Portuguese, 
itsconse-  but  two  days  later  the  Council,  giving  no  reason 
for  its  decision,  ordered  the  liberation  of  his  goods.1 
The  direct  consequence  of  this  order  may  easily  be  ex- 
aggerated. It  merely  decided  that  Robles  was  not  to  be 
treated  as  a  Spaniard.  His  legal  status,  and  that  of  all  his  co- 
religionists of  full  age,  with  the  exception  of  Carvajal  and  his 
son,  was  that  of  an  alien,2  though  as  such  he  would  be 
allowed  to  trade  in  England  under  comparatively  disad- 
vantageous circumstances.  In  the  eye  of  the  law  the  Hebrew 
nation,  to  which  Robles  claimed  to  belong,  was  non-existent. 
Nevertheless,  as  had  been  the  case  with  the  conference,  the 
indirect  result  of  the  Robles  case  was  considerable.  The  Jews 
in  England  shook  themselves  loose  from  the  Spanish  connec- 
tion, and  thereby  shielded  themselves  from  the  unpopularity 
which  could  not  fail  to  accrue  to  them  if  they  remained  attached 
to  the  enemies  of  the  State.  Practically,  if  not  legally,  even 
those  who  had  been  born  in  Spain  would  be  thought  of,  not  as 
Spaniards,  but  as  Jews  ;  whilst,  after  all,  as  children  of  aliens 
born  in  England  were  legally  recognised  as  Englishmen,  their 
disqualifications  would  not  outlast  a  single  generation.  There 
might  be  difficulties  still  in  their  way,  but  they  would  be 
difficulties  attaching  to  their  religion  rather  than  to  their 

1  Wolfs  Crypto-Jews,  7-IO,  where  references  to  the  State  Papers  are 
given. 

2  An  alien  was  defined  in  the  judgment  in  Calvin's  case  to  be  a  person 
not  born  within  the  King's  allegiance,  or,  as  it  would  be  put  in  1656,  not 
born  in  the  dominions  of  the  Commonwealth. 

VOL.  IV.  C 


1 8  THE  LIMITS  OF  TOLERATION          CHAP.  XLI. 

race.  In  the  meanwhile  they  knew  that  they  were  able  to 
render  themselves  serviceable  to  the  existing  Government  as 
intelligencers,  and  that  the  Protector's  favour  was  secured  to 
them  not  merely  by  his  tolerant  instincts,  but  by  his  interests  as 
well, 

All  that  was  required  for  the  toleration  of  Jews  was  the 
laying  aside  of  ill-founded  prejudices.  Between  the  English 
1654,  people  and  the  toleration  of  Roman  Catholics  lay 
theeR?manf  tne  memory  of  persecutions  inflicted  and  endured, 
Catholics.  anc[  j-ne  consciousness  of  the  existence  of  a  compact 
ecclesiastical  organisation  which  might  easily  be  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  political  as  well  as  upon  the  religious  develop- 
ment of  the  country.  They  were  in  consequence  excepted 
from  toleration  by  The  Instrument  of  Government  itself,  and 
though  recusancy  fines  were  no  longer  levied  under  that  name, 
they  continued  to  be  demanded  from  those  who  refused  to 
take  the  oath  of  abjuration,  which  contained  engagements — 
such  as  the  renunciation  of  the  Papal  authority  and  the  doctrine 
of  transubstantiation — which  no  Roman  Catholic  could  be 
expected  honestly  to  take.  In  April  1655,  after  the 
April  26.  explosion  of  the  Royalist  insurrection,  a  proclama- 

Procla-  .   r 

mation          tion  was  issued  announcing  that  the  law  would  be 
enforced,  not  only  against  laymen  who  refused  this 
oath,  but  also  against  priests  and  Jesuits.1    Yet  with  the  passing 
away  of  the  alarm  there  appeared  an  increased  desire  to  abstain 
from  direct  interference  with  religion.2     In  October 
Policy  of  the  Sagredo,  who  had  recently  arrived  as  the  first  ambassa- 
dor sent  by  Venice  to  England  since  the  hopeless- 
ness  of  the  resistance   of   Charles    I.  had   been  manifested, 
described  the  policy  of  the  Government  as  a  resolution   '  to 
Mass  at  the    deprive  the  Catholics  of  their  possessions,  but  to  let 
AmSssa-      tnem  near  as  manY  Masses  as  they  would.'    At  all 
dor's.  events,  when   Cardenas  left   London  twenty  priests 

1  Proclamation,  April  26,  1655,  B.M.  press-mark,  669,  f.  19,  No.  74. 

2  If  there  had  been  any  recrudescence  of  persecution  during  this  year 
it  would  surely  have  left  its  mark  on  the  correspondence  of  the  Nuncio  at 
Cologne,  whose  business  it  was  to  forward  English  news  to  Rome. 


1656  MASS  AT  THE  VENETIAN    EMBASSY  IQ 

migrated  to  the  Venetian  Embassy,  where  the  large  hall  was 
insufficient  to  contain  the  crowds  flocking  to  attend  Mass. 
The  wrath  of  the  Protestant  clergy  was  increased  by  the  know- 
ledge that  English  priests  were  allowed  to  preach  sermons 
in  their  own  language.1  Representations  were  accordingly 
made  to  the  Council  on  the  subject;  and  the  Council  sug- 
gested that  Sagredo  might  be  warned.  To  this,  however  the 
Protector  demurred,  saying  that  the  Venetian  had  done  no 
1656.  more  than  the  ambassadors  of  other  nations.  Yet, 
Englishmen  on  tne  following  Sunday,  guards  were  placed  round 
attending  it.  fae  Embassy,  and  the  worshippers  arrested  as  they 
passed  out  into  the  street.2  More  than  four  hundred  were 
conveyed  to  prison.  Many  of  these  were  compelled  to  enter 
into  recognizances  to  appear  at  the  next  Middlesex  Sessions ; 3 
but  as  neither  Sagredo  nor  his  secretary,  Giavarina — who 
after  the  ambassador's  departure  acted  as  resident  on  behalf  of 
the  Venetian  Republic — took  any  further  notice  of  the  affair, 
it  is  to  be  presumed  that  all  escaped  with  a  warning  not  to 
Sept  25  rePeat  their  offence.4  At  all  events,  Bordeaux, 
CaThoiics  WI"itmg  eight  months  later,  declared  that  though  the 
virtually5  laws  against  the  Catholics  had  not  been  modified, 
in  their  the  connivance  shown  to  them,  the  number  of 
priests  remaining  at  large  in  London,  and  the  free- 
dom with  which  the  chapels  of  foreign  ambassadors  were 
frequented,  were  sufficient  evidence  that  his  co-religionists 
received  better  treatment  under  the  Protector  than  had  been 
accorded  to  them  by  any  former  Government,  whether  Royal  or 
Parliamentary.5  There  was,  on  the  other  hand,  no  disposition 

1  Schlezer  to  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  Urkunden  tmd  Actenstiickc, 
vii.  733- 

2  Sagredo  to  the   Doge,  Oct.    12,    Venetian    Transcripts ;  R.O.     For 
Sagredo's  mission  see  infra,  chap,  xlviii. 

3  Middlesex  County  Records,  iii.  244,  245. 

4  This  presumption  is  strengthened  by  a  remark  of  the  editor,  Mr. 
Cordy  Jeaffreson  (ib.  244)  in  the  cases  of  other  persons  against  whom  a 
true  bill  was  found  for  hearing  Mass,  that  '  these  true  bills  exhibit  no 
minute  touching  arraignment  or  the  consequences  thereof.' 

5  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  ^[y,  French  Transcripts,  R.O. 

C  2 


2O  THE   LIMITS  OF   TOLERATION         CHAP.  XLI. 

to  relieve  them  of  recusancy  fines.  Their  purses,  in  short, 
were  to  continue  to  suffer.  Their  religious  worship — so  long 
as  it  was  not  too  ostentatious — was  left  unmolested. 

Little  less  may  be  said  of  those  whose  standard  was  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  who  were  politically  far  more 
dangerous.  To  join  in  worship  at  St.  Gregory's  was,  indeed, 
no  longer  permitted  them,  but,  for  the  most  part,  they  were 
Evelyn's  not  denied  the  shelter  of  a  private  roof.  In  August 
experience.  1656,  Evelyn  tells  us  that  he  '  went  to  London  to 
receive  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  the  first  time  the  Church  of 
England  was  reduced  to  a  chamber  and  conventicle,  so  sharp 
was  the  persecution.  ...  Dr.  Wilde  preached  in  a  private 
house  in  Fleet  Street,  where  we  had  a  great  meeting  of  zealous 
Christians,  who  were  generally  much  more  devout  and  religious 
than  in  our  greatest  prosperity.'  At  Christmas  in  the  same 
year  he  again  visited  London  'to  receive  the  Blessed  Com- 
munion this  holy  festival  at  Dr.  Wilde's  lodgings,  where  I 
rejoiced  to  find  so  full  an  assembly  of  devout  and  sober 
Christians.'  At  Christmas  in  1657  he  had  a  more  unpleasant 
experience.  This  time  he  was  in  the  chapel  of  Exeter  House, 
where,  whilst  Gunning  was  administering  the  Communion, 
soldiers  burst  in,  pointed  their  muskets  at  the  members  of  the 
congregation,  and  stopped  the  service,  on  the  plea  that  those 
who  attended  it  had  broken  the  ordinance  against  the  keeping 
of  Christmas  Day.  No  personal  injury,  however,  was  done  to 
the  worshippers,  who  after  a  short  detention  were  allowed  to 
return  to  their  homes.1  Other  evidence  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  there  was  little  real  persecution.  It  is  not  recorded  that 
A  congre-  tne  congregation  which  met  at  Oxford  in  the  house  of 
cSfbJd"  ^r'  W^ns'  t^ie  physician,  opposite  Merton  College, 
was  interfered  with  in  a  single  instance.2  Faringdon, 
preaching" s  an  able  and  attractive  preacher,  who  had  been 
derated.  a(^Opted  as  the  regular  pastor  of  a  church  in  Milk 

1  Evelyn's  Diary  and  Correspondence,  i.  316,  317,  323.     For  further 
interference  at  the  same  time,  see  Clarke  Papers ,  iii.  130. 
-  Wood's  Athena,  iii.  1059. 


1656  POSITION    OF   EPISCOPALIANS  21 

Street,   was   silenced  for  a  while,  but  appears  to  have   been 

permitted  before  long  to  return  to  his  ministrations.1 

John  John  Hales,  indeed,  upon  the  issue  of  the  Protector's 

Declaration   of  November  24,2  voluntarily   left  the 

refuge  which,  upon  his  expulsion  from  Eton,  he  had  found  as 

tutor  to  Mrs.  Salter's  son,  lest  he  should  bring  harm  on  his 

May  19.      patroness  ;  but  his  death,  occurring  not  long  after  the 

His  death.     t-me  wnen  tne  rig0ur  of  that  Declaration  began  to  be 

relaxed,  makes  it  impossible  to  say  whether,  if  his  life  had  been 

prolonged,  he  would  have  found  it  necessary  permanently  to 

forsake  that  haven  of  rest. 

The  measure  dealt  out  to  those  scholars  and  gentlemen  who 
never  failed  in  their  attachment  to  the  services  of  the  Church 
Partial  as  ^y  ^^  ^een  developed  in  the  days  of  Laud  was 
conniv-  certainly  very  far  from  religious  liberty.  Old  associa- 
tion of  their  doctrine  and  discipline  with  the  harshness 
of  episcopal  rule  before  its  overthrow  by  the  long  Parliament, 
and  still  more  a  present  fear  lest  its  revival  should  lead  the  way 
to  political  revolution,  stood  in  the  way  of  that.  There  was, 
however,  a  connivance,  seldom  violated  so  long  as  the  con- 
gregations did  not  obtrude  their  worship  on  public  notice,  and 
granted  all  the  more  readily  because  that  worship  was  in  no 
sense  popular.  It  was,  moreover,  well  understood  that  if  the 
Royalists  were  to  regain  their  hold  on  the  general  feeling,  they 
would  owe  it  to  other  causes  than  their  attachment  to  the 
Church  which  had  recently  dominated  the  land. 

Whether  the  Anglican  formularies  were  to  recover  their 
place  of  honour  or  not,  there  were  signs  that  if  Puritanism  was 
A  reaction  to  stand,  it  would  be  a  Puritanism  very  different 
dogmatic  from  the  Puritanism  which  had  fed  the  fires  of  the 
Puritanism,  opposition  against  Charles  and  Laud.  The  strict 
Calvinistic  dogmatism  which  still  furnished  material  for  most 
of  the  sermons  of  the  day  had  not  only  been  rejected  by  George 

1  Walker's  Stt/erings  of  the  Cte~gy,  ii.  96.     Wood  (Athena,  iii.  457) 
gives  no  account  of  Faringdon's  dismissal. 
•  See  vol.  iii.  p.  334. 


22  THE    LIMITS   OF    TOLERATION          CHAP.  XLI. 

Fox  and  the  Society  of  Friends,  but  was  beginning  to  relax  its 

hold  upon  deeper  thinkers  on  the   Puritan  side.     Such  men, 

indeed,  were  unlikely  to  approve  of  the  opinion  of  Sanderson, 

who,  retaining  his  parish  at  Boothby  Pagnell,  where 

Sanderson  at  °  f  .   .  . 

Boothby  he  was  in  the  habit  of  reciting  to  his  congregation 
the  petitions  of  the  Prayer  Book  from  memory,  told 
Izaak  Walton  that  the  '  Holy  Ghost  seemed  to  assist '  its  '  com- 
posers, and  that  the  effect  of  a  constant  use  of  it  would  be  to 
melt  and  form  the  soul  into  holy  thoughts  and  desires  and 
beget  habits  of  devotion  ' ; l  but  they  would  feel  some  sympathy 
Evelyn's  with  Evelyn's  complaint,  that  'there  was  nothing 
JSSSw*  practical  preached  or  that  pressed  reformation  of 
preaching.  \{f^  buj.  hjgh  an(j  speculative  points  and  strains  that 
few  understood,  which  left  people  very  ignorant  and  of  no 
steady  principles  :  the  source  of  all  our  sects  and  divisions,  for 
there  was  much  envy  and  uncharity  in  the  world  :  God  of  his 
mercy  amend  it.' 2 

The  reaction  against  Calvinism  which  had  arisen  in  the 

early  part  of  the  century  in  the  University  of  Oxford,  but  had 

received  a  check  from  the  unwise  attempt  of  Charles 

bridge1"        and  Laud  to  force  it  prematurely  on  the  world,  was 

movement.  ,     •  ,  -,      ,    ,  •, 

now  doing  its  work  in  a  more  modest  but  no  less 
serious  fashion  in  the  University  of  Cambridge.  Oxford,  re- 
formed by  the  Independents,  was  content  with  the  vigorous  Vice- 
Chancellorship  of  Owen,  and  though  making  no  inconsiderable 
progress  in  discipline  and  learning,  developed  at  this  time  no 
special  school  of  religious  thought.  With  Cambridge  it  was 
otherwise.  Reformed  by  the  Presbyterian  Manchester  whilst 
Oxford  was  still  garrisoned  for  the  King,  that  University  was 
now  giving  birth  to  ideas  which  could  not  fail  to  influence  the 
coming  generation. 

The  leader  of  the  Presbyterian  party  at  Cambridge  was 
Anthony  Tuckney,  successively  Master  of  Emmanuel  and  St. 
Anthony  John's.  Tuckney  was  by  no  means  a  sour  or  gloomy 
Tuckney.  fanatic.  He  had  done  his  best  to  save  Sancroft,  the 

1  Walton's  Lives  (ed.  1817),  ii.  253.  -  Evelyn's  Diary,  i.  317. 


1656  A   REACTION    AT   CAMBRIDGE  23 

future  Archbishop,  from  ejection  in  consequence  of  his  refusal 
to  take  the  engagement.1  He  had,  however,  been  a  leading 
member  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines,  and  though 
he  refused  to  vote  for  the  election  to  fellowships  at  St.  John's 
of  candidates  represented  to  be  godly,  on  the  ground  that  they 
might  deceive  him  in  their  godliness,  but  could  not  deceive 
him  in  their  scholarship,  he  was  none  the  less  disinclined  to 
countenance  any  open  attack  upon  the  Calvinistic  teaching 
which  he  had  adopted  as  his  own. 

In  1651  Tuckney  fell  into  a  controversy  with  his  old  pupil, 
Benjamin  Whichcote,  now  Provost  of  King's  and  Vice- 
Benjamin  Chancellor  of  the  University,  in  which  he  upheld  the 
Whichcote.  importance  of  maintaining  the  received  dogmas. 
Whichcote's  favourite  quotation  from  the  Book  of  Proverbs  : 
"  The  spirit  of  man  is  the  candle  of  the  Lord,"  reminds  us  at 
first  sight  of  Fox's  teaching  on  the  inner  light.  In  truth  the 
only  agreement  of  the  two  was  in  their  determined  opposition 
to  the  reigning  Calvinism.  Whilst  Fox  held  firmly  to  a  super- 
natural indwelling  of  God's  light  in  the  heart  and  conscience, 
Whichcote  believed  that  reason  was  given  by  God  to  enable 
men  to  appropriate  Divine  truth.  "  What,"  he  demands, 
"doth  God  speak  to  but  my  reason?  and  should  not  that 
which  is  spoken  to  hear  ?  Should  it  not  judge,  discern,  con- 
ceive what  is  God's  meaning  ?  "  2  Unlike  Chillingworth  and 
Hales,  who  had  striven  to  impose  limits  on  dogmatism,  Which- 
cote cut  at  the  root  of  dogmatism  itself.  Though  he  founded 
no  theological  school,  he  shed  round  him  an  influence  more 
powerful  than  any  school,  an  influence  dissolvent  of  the  systems 
— Laudian  or  Calvinistic — which  confronted  him  on  either 
hand.  The  Latitudinarians,  who  contributed  so  much  to  break 
up  the  narrowness  of  English  ecclesiasticism,  were  his  spiritual 
descendants.  Whichcote's  view  of  religious  life  was  far  from 
implying  a  return  to  the  Anglicanism  beloved  by  Hammond 

1  Sancroft  to  Brownrigg,  May  24,  1651,  D'Oyly's  Life  of  Bancroft, 
i.  59.  This  would  be  quite  in  unison  with  Tuckney's  wish  that  no  one 
niight  be  forced  to  sign  the  Westminster  Confession. 

?  Eight  Letters  of  Dr,  A.  Tuckney  and  £)r,  £.   Whichcote,  48, 


24  THE   LIMITS   OF   TOLERATION          CHAP.  XLI. 

and  Sanderson.  His  protest  was  made,  not  against  the  wider 
Puritanism  which  held  individual  religion  to  be  above  all 
Church  organisation,  but  against  the  cramping  hold  of  Puritan 
orthodoxy  on  the  human  mind.  Yet  in  his  appeal  to  reason 
as  the  judge  of  truth  he  was  undoubtedly  in  harmony  with 
that  spirit  of  the  Renaissance  which  for  more  than  a  century  had 
played  so  large  a  part  in  the  evolution  of  the  English  Church.1 

Equally  decisive  was  the  reaction  against  ecclesiastical 
chaos  indicated  by  the  spread  of  Baxter's  system  of  voluntary 
1653-57.  associations.2  By  the  beginning  of  1657  it  had  been 
vSuSiry  adopted  in  fourteen  counties.3  These  associations 
associations,  provided,  in  the  first  place,  for  the  ordination  of 
ministers,  and,  in  the  second  place,  for  the  establishment,  by  a 
mutual  understanding  between  the  clergy  and  their  congrega- 
tions, of  a  discipline  which  would  enable  the  former  to  repel 
persons  of  scandalous  life  from  participation  in  the  Lord's 
Supper.  Those  who  took  part  in  these  meetings  were  Presby- 
terians and  Independents,  though  all  Presbyterians  and  all 
Independents  did  not  submit  to  their  decisions.  From  the 
point  of  view  of  the  historical  development  of  religious  systems, 
this  temporary  expedient  is  mainly  interesting  as  showing  that 
the  tide  was  turning  against  sectarian  organisation  as  well  as 
against  sectarian  theology. 

So  long  as  Oliver  lived  and  ruled  there  was  no  likelihood 
that  either  of  these  movements  would  go  to  strengthen  the 
Oliver's  opposition  to  his  Government.  Resistance  to  the 
with'Sse  enforcement  of  dogmatic  belief  or  of  organised  sys- 
movements.  tems  of  discipline  was  near  to  his  heart,  and  if  the 
Protector's  life  had  been  prolonged  beyond  the  ordinary  span 
of  humanity,  it  is  likely  enough  that  those  very  elements  which 
strengthened  the  Church  of  the  Restoration  might  simply  have 
given  endurance  to  the  ecclesiastical  system  of  the  Protectorate 
by  ridding  it  of  its  harsher  elements. 

1  On  Whichcote  see  an  appreciation  by  Bishop  Westcott  in  Masters 
of  English  Theology,  147.     Compare  Tulloch's  Rational  Theology,  ii.  45. 

2  See  vol.  iii.  p.  26. 

8  Shaw's  Chitrch  wilder  the  Commonwealth,  ii.  152-165. 


1656  SCIENCE   AND    LITERATURE  25 

A  still  more  powerful  solvent  of  Puritan  exclusiveness  lay 
in  the  devotion  of  a  little  group  of  men,  mostly  Oxonians  by 
students  of  education  or  adoption,  to  the  study  of  natural  science. 

natural         This  society,  in  which  Wilkins,  the  warden  of  Wad- 
science.         ,  .  .    , 

ham,  who  was  married  to  the  Protector's  sister,  was 

officially   pre-eminent,   included  such  men  as   Robert  Boyle, 

John  Wallis,  Christopher  Wren,  and  Seth  Ward.     Its  members 

met   occasionally  in  London,  but  more   usually  at 

The  future  ...  .  . 

Royal  Oxford,  ultimately  gaining  a  sanction  for  their  labours 

on  the  creation  of  the  Royal  Society  after  the  Re- 
storation. It  does  not,  indeed,  appear  that  Oliver  showed  any 
special  protection — which,  indeed,  was  never  asked  of  him — to 
studies  so  alien  from  his  own  habit  of  mind  ;  but  he  assuredly 
Protection  tnrew  no  difficulties  in  their  way.  Intellectual 
to  inteiiec-  activity  as  such  was  certain  of  his  favour,  so  long  as 

tual  activity.    .         .  .  . 

it  did  not  attempt  to  thwart  him  on  the  political 
stage.  Cleveland,  the  satirist,  had,  as  has  been  seen,1  escaped 
persecution  through  his  goodwill.  Hobbes  was  left  undisturbed 
in  his  most  unpuritanical  lucubrations.  Cowley,  who  preferred 
to  dedicate  himself  to  the  muses  in  England  instead  of  intrigu- 
ing against  the  Commonwealth  as  secretary  to  Jermyn  and  the 
Queen-Mother,  was  left  unquestioned  ;  whilst  Davenant,  for- 
merly threatened  with  death  by  Parliament,2  was  not  only  living 
without  danger  in  London,  but  before  the  end  of  1656  started 
at  Rutland  House,  without  molestation,  an  entertainment  in 
which  declamation  alternated  with  music — which  may  justly  be 
regarded  as  the  dawn  of  the  revival  of  the  drama  in  England. 

1  See  vol.  iii.  p.  344. 

2  See  vol.  i.  309  ;  and  art.  '  Davenant '  in  the  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biography. 
The  cases  of  Brian  Walton  and  Pocock,  often  referred  to  in  this  connection, 
seem  hardly  to  the  point.     The  former  simply  received  from  the  Protector  a 
continuation  of  the  favour,  originally  granted  by  the  Council  of  State, 
of  receiving  the  paper  for  his  polyglot  Bible  Customs  free.     The  preface, 
in  which  this  statement  is  made,   is  in  a  copy  of  the  edition  of  1657 
in   the   B.M.   (press-mark  675,   c.    i).       As  for   the   latter,   the   ejectors 
received  such  testimonies  in  his  favour  from  Oxford  that  they  refused 
to  eject  him  from  his  living.     The  Protector  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
matter. 


CHAPTER   XLII 

MORAL    ORDER 

ON  August  28,  1655,  at  a  time  when  the  appointment  of  the 
Major-Generals  was  still  in  contemplation,  the  Council — pro- 
1655.  bably  in  consequence  of  a  statement  in  a  pamphlet l 
that  the  Protector  in  reducing  the  army  had  taken 
care  to  disband  as  many  Anabaptists  as  possible — 
printing.  ordered  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  put  in 
force  the  law  against  unlicensed  printing,  and  at  the  same  time 
directed  that  no  newspaper  should  be  allowed  to  appear  without 
a  license  from  the  Secretary  of  State.2  The  Protector  waited  for 
twenty-four  days  before  giving  his  approval  to  the  first  order,  and 
for  forty-two  days  before  giving  his  approval  to  the  second ;  but 
this  delay  on  his  part  was  probably  owing  less  to  any  dissatisfac- 
tion with  these  repressive  measures  than  to  a  perception  that  they 
would  require  the  strong  hand  of  the  Major-Generals  to  enforce 
them.  3 

Of  the  nine  weekly  newspapers  still   in  existence,  one  — 

Mercurius  Politicus — was  the  organ  of  the  Government ;  another 

— Mercurius  Pumi^osus — was  a  retailer  of  dull  inde- 

Character  of  .     . 

the  news-       cencies.     Of  the   remaining   seven,  five   took   care 
never  to  venture  on  dangerous  ground  ;  whereas  the 
other  two —  The  Faithful  Scout  and  The  Perfect  Diurnal — occa- 
sionally permitted  themselves  the  use  of  closely  veiled  innuen- 

1  A  Short  Discovery  of  His  Highnesses  Intentions,  E,  852,  3. 

2  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  252. 

8  Sept.  21  and  Oct.  9,  when  the  two  orders  were  respectively  ap- 
proved, were  notable  dates  in  the  development  of  the  new  system.  See 
vol.  iii.  pp.  321,  325. 


1655  GAGGING   THE    PRESS  27 

does  directed  against  the  men  in  authority.  If  the  Protector 
had  contented  himself  with  the  suppression  of  these  two  and  of 
Mercurius  Fumigosus,  his  action  would  have  gone  no  further  than 
might  have  been  expected  from  him  in  the  circumstances  in 
which  he  was  placed.  What  he  did  was  to  decree 

Only  two 

newspapers  that  thenceforward  only  two  newspapers  should  ap- 
pear— Mercurius  Politicus  and  The  Public  Intelli- 
Appearlnce  gencer — both  edited  by  the  same  man,  Marchamont 
^dependent  Needham,  in  the  interests  of  the  Government,  and 
newspaper,  appearing  respectively  on  Thursdays  and  Mondays.1 
The  last  independent  newspaper  appeared  on  October  3. 

The  character  of  these  official  newspapers  was  not  such  as 
to  compensate  for  the  loss  of  unofficial  criticism,  faint  as  that 
criticism  was  at  the  time  of  its  extinction.  It  is  true  that  they 
dealt  very  fully  with  the  transactions  on  the  Continent,  and 
that  Englishmen  were  permitted  to  discuss  with  some  know- 
ledge of  '  what  the  Swede  intends  and  what  the  French,'  and 
to  amuse  themselves  with  accounts  of  the  latest  festivities  at  the 
Court  of  Louis  XIV.,  or  of  the  latest  pranks  of  Queen  Chris- 
tina. So  far  as  home  affairs  were  concerned  the  information 
doled  out  was  of  the  meagrest.  There  was,  no  doubt,  some 
readiness  to  interest  the  reader  in  naval  affairs,  in  the  orders 
and  declarations  which  from  time  to  time  emanated  from  the 
Government,  or  in  loyal  addresses  presented  to  His  Highness. 
Other  news  was  admitted  sparingly  or  not  at  all.  It  was  only 
to  be  expected  that  criticisms  of  the  policy  of  the  Government, 
which  found  free  expression  in  men's  mouths,  should  be  ex- 
cluded, but  it  is  strange  that  no  care  was  taken  to  utilise  the 
press  in  justification  of  the  policy  of  the  Protectorate,  in  the 
way  that  had  been  familiar  to  Englishmen  when  Milton  wielded 
the  pen  in  defence  of  the  Government  of  the  Commonwealth 
when  the  Scots  threatened  invasion  in  the  days  preceding 
Dunbar.  It  is,  at  all  events,  easily  to  be  understood  that  the 

1  It  is  incorrect  to  speak  of  the  two  as  practically  one  newspaper 
appearing  twice  a  week.  They  often  contain  the  same  news  repeated  in 
the  same  words,  and  must  therefore  have  been  intended  for  two  different 
sets  of  readers. 


28  MORAL  ORDER 


CHAP.    XLII. 


author  of  Areopagitica,  however  staunch  was  his  support  of  the 
Protectorate,  would  refuse  to  demean  himself  by  writing  in  its 
defence  under  such  conditions. 

To  what  extent — if  at  all — Milton  approved  of  the  insti- 
tution of  the  Major-Generals  we  have  no  means  of  knowing. 
The  Major-  ^or  Oliver's  tolerationist  policy  and  for  his  energy 
Generals  to  in  keeping  down  the  Royalists  he  had,  doubtless, 
standard  of  the  warmest  admiration,  and  probably  he  was  not 
averse  to  his  determination  to  use  the  authority  of 
the  Major-Generals  to  raise  the  standard  of  morals.  Whether 
that  determination,  which  could  hardly  fail  to  rouse  more 
widely  spread  opposition  than  bonds  and  decimations  imposed 
on  a  single  class,  had  sprung  from  Oliver's  own  brain  or  from 
that  of  some  other  member  of  the  Council,  it  is  beyond 
question  that  the  Protector  threw  himself  with  characteristic 
energy  into  the  struggle.  The  City  of  London  had  been,  to 
some  extent,  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  equal  working  of 
skippon  the  action  of  the  Major-Generals.  Skippon,  whose 
Serai  of  personality  was  acceptable  in  the  City,  had  been 
London.  named  as  its  Major-General ;  but,  either  in  conse- 
quence of  the  infirmities  of  age,  or  through  his  own  averseness 
to  the  high-handed  duties  required  of  the  holder  of  the  post, 
he  appears  to  have  been  disinclined  to  carry  out  the  functions 
Barkstead  of  the  office  ;  and  Barkstead,  the  Major-General 
.aKnhisd  to  for  the  remainder  of  the  County  of  Middlesex,  was 
substitute,  directed  to  act  as  his  substitute  in  the  City.  Yet 
the  Government  hesitated  long  before  authorising  the  Major- 
General  to  make  use  of  his  powers  in  the  midst  of  a  com- 
munity accustomed  to  self-government  for  many  generations  ; 
and  nothing  was  done  till  it  was  found  that  the  Royalists  of 
other  districts  flocked  surreptitiously  to  London  in  order  to 
escape  notice  in  their  own  homes,  though  by  so  doing  they 
incurred  the  penalties  denounced  in  the  Proclamation  which 
forbade  them  to  come  within  a  radius  of  twenty  miles  of  the 
capital  and  which  had  been  renewed  after  its  expiry  in  the 
autumn. 

At  last,  on  March  5  the  Protector  summoned  to  Whitehall 


1656         AN    APPEAL   TO   THE   LONDON    CITIZENS  2Q 

the  Lord  Mayor,  together  with  the  Aldermen  and  other  citizens, 
in  order  that  he  might  present  his  resolution  to 
March  5.  them  in  the  fairest  colours.  Assuring  them  that  he 
address  to  had  no  thought  of  encroaching  on  their  rights, 
privileges,  or  liberties,  he  represented  his  position 
as  an  enforcer  of  the  law  on  those  who  had  hitherto  been  on 
the  side  of  disorder.  "  We  had,  indeed,"  he  said,  "  many  good 
laws,  yet  ...  we  have  lived  rather  under  the  name  and  notion 
of  law  than  under  the  thing ;  so  that  'tis  now  resolved  to 
regulate  the  same — God  willing — oppose  who  will."  Idle  and 
loose  persons,  he  added,  were  pouring  into  the  City  in  flight 
from  the  Major-Generals,  and  some  provision  must  be  made 
against  the  dangers  they  brought  with  them.  "  The  sole  end 
of  this  way  of  procedure,"  he  significantly  added,  "  was  the 
security  of  the  peace  of  the  nation,  the  suppressing  of  vice,  and 
the  encouragement  of  virtue."  * 

The  whole  activity  of  the  Major-Generals  was  summed  up 
in  these  words.  It  is,  indeed,  possible  that  if  they  had  been 
The  Major-  allowed  to  restrain  their  actions  to  that  of  a  police 
keTp^of3  f°rce  employed  to  keep  the  peace,  by  the  suppres- 
the  peace,  s{on  or  discouragement  of  active  Royalism,  posterity 
would  have  heard  little  of  the  illegality  of  their  commissions. 
It  was  as  discouragers  of  vice  and  encouragers  of 

and  as  sup-         .  ,  ,  ,  °   .  . 

pressors  of  virtue  that  they  roused  the  most  virulent  opposition. 
Yet  the  duty  imposed  upon  them  in  this  respect  had 
long  been  traditionally  expected  from  sovereign  power,  and 
though  the  procedure  against  the  Royalists  was  undoubtedly 
not  warranted  by  any  existing  law,  it  was  by  no  means  necessary 
to  make  use  of  extra-legal  powers  to  countenance  actions  which 
would  stir  up  a  hornet's  nest  in  every  county  in  England.  In 
Major-  putting  in  force  the  laws  in  this  respect  the  Major- 
SticesIofnd  Generals  had  at  their  disposal  the  services  of  the 
the  peace,  justices  of  the  peace,  through  whom  it  was  easy  to 
act  without  placing  themselves  too  clearly  in  evidence.2  In 

1  Clarke  Papers,  iii.  65. 

2  In  the  eyes  of  the  legal   purist  the  ordinances  and  Acts  of  Parlia- 
ment, not  having  received  Royal  assent,  and  the  ordinances  of  the  Pro- 


30  MORAL  ORDER  CHAP.  XLII, 

every  district,  indeed,  the  justices  of  the  peace  were  backed  by 
the  authority  and  impelled  forward  by  the  energy  of  the  Major- 
Thenum-  Generals,  who  had  under  their  orders  a  militia 
mll?tiaf. the  numbering  in  all  6,220  horse  and  200  foot.1  In 
NO  militia  London  not  a  single  militiaman  was  quartered, 
in  London,  except  those  raised  by  the  civic  authorities,2  and 
Major-General  Barkstead  was  therefore  unable  to  put  in 
motion  a  man  of  them  without  the  voluntary  co-operation  of 
those  authorities.3 

In  all  parts  the  Major-Generals  found  it  necessary  to  impart 
vigour  to  the  Boards  of  Ejectors,  which  had  been  appointed  to 
Enforce-  carry  out  the  ordinance  of  1654  for  the  ejection  of 
ejection the  scandalous  or  inefficient  ministers  who  might  have 
ordinance.  crept  into  cures  during  the  times  of  anarchy.4 
Unfortunately,  proceedings  taken  in  this  direction  have  only 
Bushneii's  reached  us  in  detail  in  the  case  of  a  certain  Bushnell, 
case.  ejected  from  the  vicarage  of  Box.  Though  the 

evidence  handed  down  is  insufficient  to  enable  a  modern 
inquirer  to  speak  positively  on  his  deserts,  there  is  enough  to 
show  that  he  was  to  some  extent  the  victim  of  the  ill-natured 
gossip  of  the  neighbourhood,  and  that  with  grave  charges  of 
immorality  were  mingled  accusations  of  having  used  in  his 
ministrations  the  forms  of  the  Prayer  Book,  of  having  played 
with  cards  and  dice,  and  of  having  been  disaffected  to  the 
Government.5 

lector  issued  before  the  meeting  of  his  first  Parliament,  were  invalid. 
In  considering  the  Protector's  intention  it  is  necessary  to  assume  the 
contrary. 

1  Including   non-commissioned   officers,  but  excluding   commissioned 
officers. 

2  See  vol.  iii.  p.  318.     The  London  militia  is  not  reckoned  among  the 
6,220. 

3  On  the  other  hand,  he  disposed  of  his  own  Tower  garrison  of  regulars. 

4  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Nov.  9,   13,  Jan.  23,  April  29,   Thurloe,  iv. 
179,  .189,  473,  746;  Whalley  to  Thurloe,  Nov.   17,  Dec.  i,  ib.  iv.  211, 
472 ;    Desborough   to   the    Protector,  Jan.   4 ;    Desborough  to  Thurloe, 
Jan.  4,  ib.  iv.  391. 

5  A  Narrative  of  the  Proceedings  .  .  .  in  the  case  of  Walter  Bushnell) 


1656  MAJOR-GENERALS  IN  ACTION  31 

The  ejection  of  scandalous  clergymen  was  an  easy  task 
compared  with  that  of  rectifying  disorders  amongst  the  lay 
Regulation  population.  In  Lancashire,  Worsley  had  much  to  say 
of  markets.  agamst  tne  practice  of  holding  markets  on  Saturday 
or  Monday,  as  occasioning  *  the  Lord's  Day  to  be  much  violated.' l 
In  other  matters  different  Major-Generals  did  not  always  see 
with  the  same  eye.  Whalley  showed  unusual  liberality  in  giving 
permission  to  the  Earl  of  Exeter  to  run  horses 

Horse-races.  . 

for  a  cup  at  Lincoln,  on  the  ground  that  the  inten- 
tion of  His  Highness  was  not  '  to  abridge  gentlemen  of  that 
sport,  but  to  prevent  the  great  confluences  of  irreconcilable 
enemies '  ;  though  Worsley  had  already  absolutely  prohibited 
Bear.  such  races  in  Cheshire.2  The  Bear  Garden  at  Bank- 

baitings.  side  had  iong  been  an  object  of  Puritan  dislike,  and 
orders  had  been  given  for  its  suppression  by  the  Long  Parliament 
in  1642,  and  by  the  Council  of  the  Provisional  Dictatorship 
in  i653-3  Powerful  as  had  been  the  Governments  which  had 
launched  these  decrees,  their  prohibitions  still  remained  without 
effect.  It  is  possible,  indeed,  that  an  incident  occurring  in  the 
autumn  of  1655  may  have  influenced  public  opinion  in  another 
direction.  Not  only  was  a  child  inadvertently  locked  in  among 
the  bears  by  the  keeper  and  incontinently  devoured,  but  the  bear- 
wards,  after  offering  to  console  the  mother  with  half  the  profits 
of  the  next  baiting,  put  her  off  with  3/.  out  of  6o/.  which  had 
come  in  on  that  occasion.4  However  this  may  have  been,  the 

E,  1837.  This  was  the  only  case  that  Walker  found  to  suit  his  purpose 
amongst  the  ejections  under  the  Major-Generals,  so  that  it  may  be 
gathered  that  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  remainder  dealt  with  mere  scandalous 
living.  There  was  a  reply  to  BushnelPs  Narrative  in  An  Answer  of 
Humphrey  Chambers ',  E,  187,  4.  Chambers,  however,  only  replies  to  so 
much  of  Bushnell's  book  as  personally  affected  his  own  character,  but 
what  he  says  leaves  the  impression  that  Bushnell's  statements  were  often 
very  inaccurate. 

1  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Dec.  3,  Thurloe,  iv.  277-78. 

2  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Dec.  4  ;  Whalley  to  the  Protector,  March  12, 
ib.  iv.  315,  607. 

3  Great  Civil  War,  \.  75  ;   Commonwealth  and  Protectorate ,  ii.  234. 

4  Perfect  Proceedings,  E,  854,  2. 


32  MORAL  ORDER  CHAP.  XLII. 

appointment  of  the  Major-Generals  was  the  doom  of  the  bears. 
Pride  kills  By  Barkstead's  order  Pride  took  with  him  a  company 
the  bears.  of  soidiers .  after  slaying  the  bears  with  his  own 
hand,  he  employed  his  men  to  wring  the  necks  of  the  game- 
cocks in  other  parts  of  the  town. l 

It  soon  became  evident  that  there  was  much  to  be  done 
before  vice  could  be  defeated  and  virtue  triumph.  "  One  great 
evil  I  find  here,  which  I  know  not  how  to  remedy,"  reported 
Berry  from  Brecon,  "and  that  is  the  want  of  able  preachers. 
Certainly,  if  some  course  be  not  taken  these  people  will  some 
of  them  become  heathens."  '2  From  Carmarthen  he  wrote 
somewhat  more  cheerfully :  "  I  had  a  very  good  appearance 
of  the  gentlemen  in  these  parts,  and  they  act  very  cordially ; 
and  I  am  persuaded  that  not  only  the  tax,  but  something  of 
reformation,  will  be  carried  on  in  poor  Wales,  whom  I  seriously 
profess  my  heart  pities  and  loves.  They  are  a  poor  people  and 
have  suffered  much."  At  Winchester,  reported  Goffe,  'the 
justices  do  all  seem  desirous  to  endeavour  after  the  reformation 
of  open  profanes.' 

It  was,  however,  easier  to  inflict  punishment  on  '  profanes ' 
than  to  reform  them.  The  order  for  the  imprisonment  of 
im  riser  Cavaliers  with  no  visible  means  of  support  suggested 
m™nt1o?Iidie,  the  idea  of  ridding  the  country  of  all — whether 
inlfproflne  Cavaliers  or  not — whose  lives  made  them  burden- 
persons.  some  to  the  neighbourhood.  "  The  commissioners," 
wrote  Worsley  from  Cheshire,  "  some  of  them  this  day  ex- 
pressed that  they  could  find  near  sixty  gentlemen  in  this 
county — many  of  them  younger  sons — that  were  fit  to  be  sent 
out  of  this  Commonwealth ;  which  done  would  much  tend  to 
the  security  thereof  and  terrify  others."  3  To  purge  the  wheat 
from  the  chaff  by  the  banishment  of  evil-doers  was  the  fixed 
idea  of  the  Major- Generals  and  the  commissioners.  Though 

1  Clarke  Papers,  iii.  64  ;  Letter  of  Feb.  28  in  Carte's  Original  Letters, 
ii.  82. 

2  Berry  to  Thurloe,   Jan.    12,  Feb.  28,   March   6,    Thttrloe,  iv.  413, 

565,  582. 

3  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Feb.  23,  ib.  iv.  534. 


1656  TRANSPORTATION    RECOMMENDED  33 

the  prisons  were  filled  to  overflowing,  it  was  difficult  to  keep 
abreast  of  the  tide  of  roguery.  "  This,"  boasted  Whalley,  "  I 
may  truly  say,  you  may  ride  over  all  Nottinghamshire,  and  not 
see  a  beggar  or  a  wandering  rogue."  "  I  hope,"  he  was  in  con- 
science compelled  to  add,  "  suddenly l  to  have  it  so  in  all  the 
counties  under  my  charge,  if  it  be  not  already ;  but  I  much 
fear  it."  Part  of  the  blame,  at  least,  he  put  on  the  shoulders  of 
the  Government.  "When  I  was  last  in  London,"  he  had 
written  a  fortnight  earlier,  "  I  told  you  the  not  taking  rogues, 
such  as  our  instructions  ordered  to  be  sent  beyond  the  seas,  off 
our  hands,  makes  us  neglect  the  imprisoning  of  them ;  a  better 
work  for  the  safety  and  satisfying  the  country  cannot  be.  I 
wonder  it  should  be  so  much  neglected.  .  .  .  Sir,  I  beseech 
you,  let  it  not  be  forgotten,  but  consider  how  the  gaols  may  be 
delivered  for  the  ease  and  safety  of  the  countries."  Three 
months  later  he  repeats  the  same  demand :  "  Horse-stealers, 
robbers,  and  other  condemned  rogues  lie  in  the  gaols.  To  con- 
tinue them  there  is  a  charge  to  the  country;  to  give  them 
liberty  there  is  to  make  more ;  and  your  this  long  forbearing 
them  without  sending  them  beyond  the  seas,  I  fear  hath  in- 
creased their  number,  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  country. 
When  you  expect  great  things  from  them,2  you  shall  do  well  to 
gratify  them  with  as  many  small  things  as  you  can.  The  clear- 
ing of  gaols  and  countries  of  rogues  would  be  very  pleasing  to 
them."  3  Butler  wrote  from  Oundle  in  much  the  same  strain  : 
"  The  other  humble  motion  is  that  you  would  please  to  help 
me  to  a  vent  for  those  idle  vile  rogues  that  I  have  secured  for 
the  present  .  .  .  being  not  able  to  provide  security  for  their 
peaceable  demeanour,  nor  fit  to  live  on  this  side  some  or  other 
of  our  plantations.  I  could  help  you  to  two  or  three  hundred 
at  twenty-four  hours'  warning,  and  the  countries  would  think 
themselves  well  rid  of  them."  4 

If,  indeed,  the  two  or  three  hundred  at  all  resembled  the 

1  I.e.  'soon.'  2  I.e.  'from  the  people  of  the  country.' 

3  Whalley  to  Thurloe,  April  21,  April  9,  July  14,  Thurloe,  iv.  718, 
686,  v.  211. 

4  Butler  to  Thurloe,  April  14,  ib.  iv.  696. 

VOL.  IV  D 


34  MORAL  ORDER  CHAP.  XLII. 

sixteen  whose  names  were  set  down  on  a  list  sent  up  by  the 
A  list  of  same  Major-General,  it  would  be  easy  to  agree  with 
committed  n^m  tnat  tnc  Countl7  would  be  the  better  for  their 
by  Butler,  absence ;  though,  on  the  other  hand,  it  can  hardly 
be  doubted  that  the  advantage  would  be  more  than  counter- 
balanced by  the  evil  consequences  of  the  introduction  of  a 
system  of  administrative  punishment  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
judicial  or  legal  procedure.  Of  the  sixteen  persons  named, 
the  first  three  had  no  employment  or  profession,  were  '  very 
drunken  fellows  and  quarrelsome,  and  are  all  single  men,  fit 
for  the  service  beyond  the  seas ' ;  the  fourth  '  hath  a  wife  in 
London,  hath  wandered  up  and  down  this  twelvemonth,  pre- 
tending himself  to  bo  a  farrier,  hath  gone  a  wooing  to  two 
maids  in  this  country,  and  got  monies  of  them  to  the  value  of 
io/.  upon  promise  of  marriage,  and  hath  been  formerly  in  the 
King's  army.'  The  next  three  and  the  twelfth  were  of  the  same 
quality  as  the  first  three  ;  the  eighth  and  ninth  were  '  suspected 
to  live  only  upon  the  highway,  keeping  each  a  good  horse  and 
pistols  and  having  no  estate  at  all,  nor  following  any  calling ' ; 
the  tenth  had  '  brewed  these  nineteen  years  without  a  license, .  .  . 
kept  a  lewd  house,  and  is  suspected  for  the  highway,  at  least  to 
harbour  highwaymen  ' ;  the  eleventh  was  *  a  mad  ranting  blade 
who  had  paid  6d.  for  swearing,  and  had  run  two  countrymen 
through  the  arms  without  provocation';  the  thirteenth  was 
strongly  suspected  to  be  a  highwayman,  and  had  *  in  a  few 
years  made  away  with  a  good  estate,  abused  his  wife  by  words 
and  blows  to  her  utter  distraction,'  having  also  in  his  business 
as  a  bailiff  committed  '  the  greatest  abuses  imaginable,  forging 
writs  and  frightening  men,  and  forcing  them,  where  no  debt  is, 
to  confess  judgments ' ;  the  fourteenth  was  '  a  pitiful  drunken 
wretch,  every  way  as  profane  as  the  devil  can  make  him ' — was 
believed  to  have  no  estate  and  to  live  'upon  the  snatch  alto- 
gether, and  being  a  profane  jester  to  some  gentlemen  of  the 
country.'  Of  the  fifteenth,  a  certain  Goddard  Pemberton, 
Butler  professes  it  to  be  unnecessary  to  say  anything,  as  '  he  is 
so  notorious.'  Of  the  last,  Paine  Clarke,  he  avers  that  '  he  is 
almost  as  scandalous  in  point  of  filthiness  as  the  other,  and 


1656  HESITATION    OF   THE   COUNCIL  35 

hath  spoken  most  scandalous  words  of  the  Protector,  as  hath 
been  proved  before  me.' 1 

Yet,  in  spite  of  the  urgency  of  the  Major-Generals,  the 
Protector  and  Council  were  slow  to  move  in  this  matter.  It 
was  not  till  July  22  that  an  order  was  given  to  hand  over 
persons  reprieved  or  discharged  at  the  last  assizes  to  the  Major- 
General  of  the  district  for  transportation  or  banishment,  and 
that,  too,  only  in  the  single  county  of  Surrey;2  whilst  it  was 
not  till  August  14  that  the  Major-Generals  in  all  districts  were 
directed  to  send  in  lists  of  such  dangerous  persons,  rogues  and 
vagabonds  as  they  had  apprehended  or  might  apprehend  at  any 
future  time,  with  a  view  of  their  being  conveyed  to  some  sea- 
port and  conveyed  beyond  the  sea.3  As  the  earliest  of  these 
dates  was  subsequent  to  the  announcement  that  a  Parliament 
was  to  meet,  it  looks  as  if  Whalley  and  Butler  were  in  the  right 
in  holding  that  the  transportation  of  these  vagabonds  would  be 
a  means  of  securing  popularity. 

In  other  directions,  Whalley,  at  least,  hesitated  to  step  out- 
side his  legal  powers.  He  was,  indeed,  able  to  enforce  the  law 
Enforce-  against  mclosures,  which  ordered  that  two  parts  of 
Ewnag°afinhst  three  of  arable  land  should  be  kept  under  tillage; 
inciosures.  fo^  ne  restricted  himself  to  forwarding  to  the  Govern- 
ment a  suggestion  that  a  proclamation  might  be  issued  com- 
manding the  officials  in  market-towns  to  open  their 

Grievances  .  . 

about  markets  at  ten  or  eleven  in  the  morning  instead  of  at 

ets>  one  in  the  afternoon — a  delay  which  told  against 
the  countryman,  who,  especially  in  the  short  winter  days,  was 
forced  to  sell  his  corn  at  low  rates  if  he  was  to  sell  it  at  all 
and  inn-  before  darkness  supervened.  The  tricks  of  inn- 
keepers,  keepers  were  for  the  same  reason  hard  to  reach. 
Some  of  them  sold  oats  at  Stamford  at  six  pecks  the  strike 

1  A  list  of  the  names  of  several   persons  committed  to  the  gaol  by 
Major-General   Butler  within  his  association,    Thurloe,   iv.    632.      They 
were  in  gaol  at  Northampton,  Huntingdon,  Oakham,  and  Bedford,  thus 
coming  from  four  counties. 

2  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77,  p.  270. 

3  Lawrence  to  the  Major-Generals,  ib.  p.  330. 

D2 


36  MORAL   ORDER 


CHAP.   XLII. 


instead  of  five,  and  that,  too,  at  what  was  regarded  as  the 

insufferable    price   of    &d.    the    peck.1     The    more   practical 

difficulty,  that  the  law  which  condemned  the  offence 

and  weights  J  ' 

and  of  using  false  weights  and  measures  had  allowed  no 

measures.  ,  .         .     _  ...  _     . 

reward  to   the   informer,   stood   in  the  way  of  the 
infliction  of  punishment  on  the  offender. 

Whalley's  disinclination  to  carry  out  reforms  on  which  his 
heart  was  set  indicates  plainly  his  reluctance,  and  no  less  the 

reluctance  of  the  Government,  to  usurp  the  func- 

The  repres- 

sion of          tions   of  the   local   magistrates,  except  in  cases   of 
and"  e      s  absolute  political    necessity.     There   could   be    no 


norahty.  £oufa  tnat  jaws  agajnst  drunkenness,  swearing  and 
immorality  existed  in  plenty.  But  their  execution  fell  within 
the  attributes  of  the  justices  of  the  peace.  It  was  the  attempt 
to  override  their  jurisdiction  which  had  provoked  the  storm 
which  had  swept  away  Mitchell  and  Mompesson  in  1621,"  and, 
though  Oliver  had  committed  these  matters  to  the  Major- 
Generals,  he  was  too  wise  to  persist  in  a  course  which  would 
have  alienated  the  gentry  —  not  too  numerous  —  of  his  own 
party  by  attempting  to  act  without  them.  Justices  of  the 
peace  left  to  themselves  had,  indeed,  been  sluggish,  and  un- 
willing to  bring  down  on  themselves  the  hatred  of  their  neigh- 
bours. When  the  Major-General  of  their  district  became  a 
justice  of  the  peace  himself,  and  took  part  in  their  resolutions 
with  all  the  authority  of  the  Protector,  by  whose  favour  alone 
they  retained  their  position  and  dignity,  they  might  be  ex- 
pected to  move  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Govern- 
ment. 

So  far  as  our  information  reaches,  this  latter  method 
proved  effective.  Worsley  had  scarcely  reached  the  scene  of 
Worsiey's  his  labours  when  he  reported  himself  as  urging 
activity.  mayors  and  aldermen  to  execute  the  '  laws  against 
drunkenness,  swearing,  profaning  the  Lord's  Day,  and  other 
wickednesses.'  2  On  January  4  he  ordered  an  inquiry  to  be 
made  not  only  into  the  doings  of  Royalists,  but  also  into  the 

1  Whalley  to  Thurloe,  April  9,  Thurloe,  iv.  686. 
8  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Nov.  12,  id.  iv.  187. 


1656  AN    ATTACK   ON   ALEHOUSES  37 

number  and  condition  of  alehouses,  and  the  persons  guilty  of 
drunkenness  and  other  sins.1  On  the  24th  he  reported  that 
after  a  meeting  between  himself,  the  commissioners,  and  the 
justices  of  the  peace  for  the  hundred  of  Blackburn,  in  Lanca- 
shire, it  had  been  resolved  to  suppress  no  less  than  two 
hundred  alehouses  in  that  hundred  alone.  Worsley,  indeed, 
wished  that  these  stringent  measures  could  be  taken  without 
diminishing  the  revenue  from  the  Excise,  but  no  one  could  be 
more  firmly  convinced  of  the  righteousness  of  the  deed.  The 
alehouses,  he  wrote,  were  '  the  very  bane  of  the  county,'  bring- 
ing forth  '  all  manner  of  wickedness.' 2  A  fortnight  later  he 
proceeded  to  Chester,  where  near  upon  two  hundred  alehouses 
were  shut  up,  either  because  they  were  kept  by  Royalists  or 
persons  too  well  off  to  need  the  profit,  or  as  standing  in  dark 
corners,  or  as  being  of  bad  repute.  "  These,"  wrote  the  com- 
missioners, "  were  the  places  of  receipt  of  wickedness,  drunken- 
ness, sabbath-breaking,  and  other  impieties."  Nor  did  these 
energetic  reformers  stop  here.  "We  .  .  .  have  also,"  they 
reported,  "  suppressed  the  excessive  number  of  malsters,  and 
restrained  them  and  the  beer-brewers  from  selling  malt  or  beer 
to  any  suppressed  or  unlicensed  alehouse-keeper,  other  than  for 
his  own  private  use  ;  and  have  also  inflicted  deserved  punish- 
ment upon  several  persons  unduly  and  pretendedly  married, 
contrary  to  the  law,  and  the  persons  that  married  them; 3  as 
also  upon  several  persons  which,  by  a  strict  enquiry,  were 
found  to  be  loose  and  idle  persons  that  live  without  calling,  and 
upon  common  tiplers,  drunkards,  and  sabbath-breakers,  and 
others;  and  we  are  resolved — with  our  said  Major-General — 
unanimously  to  make  it  our  business,  not  only  to  take  care  of 
the  performance  of  what  is  already  ordered,  but  also  to  use  our 
utmost  endeavours  ...  to  punish  offenders,  discourage  such 

1  Declaration  by  Major-General   Worsley,   Jan.    4,   Merc.   Pol.,    E, 
91,  19. 

2  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Jan.  24,  Thurloe,  iv.  449. 

3  This  would  mean  persons  married  not  by  a  justice  of  the  peace,  as 
the  law  directed,  but  by  a  minister  of  religion,  presumably  an  Episcopalian 
clergyman. 


3§  MORAL   ORDER  CHAP.  XLII. 

as  are  loose  and  idle,  and  to  free  ourselves  of  discontented 
spirits  that  bear  ill-will  to  the  so  dearly  purchased  peace."  1 

The  course  taken  by  Whalley  was  very  similar.  In  Warwick- 
shire, for  instance,  the  justices  decreed  that  one-third  of  the  ale- 
whaiiey  houses,  and  also  the  whole  of  those  'in  by-corners,' 
and  Berry.  should  be  put  down.2  At  Shrewsbury  the  justices, 
amongst  whom  Berry  was  reckoned,  forbade  anyone  to  keep  an 
inn  or  alehouse  who  was  not  of  honest  conversation  or  well- 
affected  to  the  present  Government.  Nor  was  anyone  to  receive 
a  license  for  the  sale  of  ale  or  beer  who  could  not  entertain  at 
least  two  soldiers  or  travellers  with  their  horses;  while  all 
licenses  to  houses  standing  alone  and  out  of  the  town  were  to 
be  suppressed.  A  list  of  licensed  houses  was  to  be  publicly 
read  at  the  Shropshire  quarter  sessions,  in  order  that  those  who 
heard  it  might  be  ready  to  inform  against  unlicensed  houses. 
The  preamble  of  this  order  shows  how  inextricably  the  desire 
to  safeguard  the  Government  was  entwined  with  the  desire  to 
safeguard  morality.  "  The  justices  of  the  peace  of  this  county," 
it  begins,  "being  very  sensible  of  the  great  mischiefs  and 
inconveniences  which  do  daily  happen  to  this  Commonwealth 
by  the  multitude  of  inns  and  alehouses,  especially  where  those 
that  keep  them  are  persons  of  lewd  life  and  conversation,  and 
considering  that  the  end  of  the  law  in  licensing  inns  was  not  to 
set  up  houses  to  tipple  in  but  to  make  provision  for  entertain- 
ment of  strangers  and  travellers,  where  officers  and  soldiers  of 
the  army  are  by  the  discipline  of  the  war  also  ordered  to 
quarter,  and  nowhere  else ; — and  finding  by  sad  experience  that, 
where  persons  of  dissolute  life  and  disaffected  to  the  Govern- 

1  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Feb.  9;  the  Commissioners  for  Cheshire  to 
Thurloe,  Feb.  9,  Thurloe  >  iv.  522,  523.  There  is  no  mention  in  either 
of  these  letters  of  justices  of  the  peace,  but  the  latter  bears  only  six 
signatures,  the  first  being  that  of  the  Mayor  of  Chester.  The  number 
shows  that  all  the  commissioners  for  the  county  cannot  have  signed,  and 
the  reference  at  the  end  to  His  Highness's  encouragement  to  '  what  else 
our  city  shall  stand  in  need  of  seems  to  imply  that  they  belonged  to  the 
corporation,  and  probably  included  amongst  themselves  the  justices  oLthe 
city. 

7  Merc.  Pol.,  E,  492. 


1656  SHROPSHIRE  AND   MIDDLESEX  39 

ment  are  licensed  to  sell  ale  or  beer,  those  houses  are  the  cages 
of  all  uncleanness  and  wickedness,  and  that  in  them  the  late 
secret  plots  and  conspiracies  against  His  Highness  and  this 
Commonwealth  have  been  promoted  and  carried  on,  do  jointly 
agree  and  resolve  to  put  the  laws  that  concern  the  regulating  of 
inns  and  alehouses,  and  correcting  the  evils  therein  committed, 
in  effectual  execution,  whereby  they  may  discharge  the  trust 
reposed  in  them,  be  faithful  to  their  country,  and  deliver  their 
own  souls  from  the  guilt  of  those  many  abominations  that  are 
daily  committed  in  such  places."  l  If  such  orders  as  these  were 
observed,  wrote  Berry  exultingly  to  Thurloe,2  *  I  am  persuaded  it 
would  suppress  one  half  of  the  deboistnessand  profane  practices 
of  this  nation.' 

In  February  the   Middlesex  Justices   in   quarter   sessions 
issued  an  order  even  more  drastic  than  that  which  had  delighted 

Berry.     All  alehouse-keepers  were  to  be  suppressed 

wno  mignt  be  convicted  '  for  the  profanation  of  the 
work.  Lord's  Day  by  receiving  into '  the  *  house  any 

company,  or  for  swearing,  drunkenness,  suffering  disorderly 
tippling,  gaming  or  playing  games  of  skill  or  chance,  or  of 
permitting  anyone  who  might  be  in  the  house  on  Sunday 
morning  to  leave  it  before  Monday,  except  with  the  object  of 
repairing  to  divine  worship,  without  the  approbation  of  a  justice 
of  the  peace.' 3  A  few  weeks  later  the  soldiers  took  possession 

in  London  of  a  considerable  number  of  horses  taken 
Seizure  of  '  out  by  their  grooms  for  exercise  on  Sunday,  and  their 

masters  were  only  allowed  to  recover  them  on 
Monday  morning  by  paying  a  fine  of  los.  for  each.4  Harsh  as 
these  proceedings  were,  they  at  least  emanated  from  the 
authorities  known  to  the  law,  and  in  no  single  particular  did 

1  Order  of  the  Justices  for  Shropshire,    The  Public  Intelligencer ;  E, 

491,  16. 

2  Berry  to  Thurloe,  Jan.  12,  Thurloe,  iv.  413. 

3  Order  of  Quarter  Sessions,  Feb.    19,    The  Public  Intelligencer,  E, 

492,  ii.     See  also  the  form  of  recognisances  drawn  up  in  June  by  the 
Westminster  Justices,  Merc.  Pol.,  E,  494   4. 

4  Letter  from  London,  March  21,  Carte's  Original  Letters,  ii.  93. 


40  MORAL  ORDER  CHAP.  XLII. 

they  deviate  from  the  line  traced  out  by  two  ordinances  of  the 
Long  Parliament.1  The  same  may  be  said,  so  far  as  the  observ- 
ance of  ordinances  is  concerned,  of  the  suppression  of  bear- 
baiting  and  other  popular  amusements. 

The  fact  was  that  Puritan  legislation  had  hitherto  been  very 
imperfectly  carried  out.  Its  thoroughgoing  enforcement  under 
TheOppo-  tne  impulsion  of  the  Major-Generals  must  have  con- 
sstrlngth.  tributed,  far  more  than  such  of  their  actions  as  over- 
ened.  stepped  the  legal  pale,  to  spread  the  notion  that 

Puritanism  in  authority  was  no  better  than  a  canting  hypocrisy. 
The  Royalist  Opposition,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted,  was  rein- 
forced not  merely  by  the  roysterers  and  drunkards,  but  by  that 
widespread  class  of  good  fellows  who  care  more  for  the  ease 
and  enjoyment  of  life  than  for  its  stricter  duties,  who  form  a  vast 
and  inert  mass  when  spirited  action  is  called  for,  but  who  offer 
a  stubborn  resistance  to  a  Government  which  calls  on  them  for 
a  forward  step  towards  a  purer  and  a  nobler  life.  The  strong 
measures  of  the  Protectorate  were  too  far  in  advance  of  the 
average  morality  of  the  age  to  be  otherwise  than  generally 
offensive.  In  strict  theory,  no  doubt,  the  Englishman's  alehouse 
was  closed  and  his  Sunday  liberty  curtailed  by  constitutional 
justices  of  the  peace,  but  he  knew  perfectly  well  that  if  there 
had  been  no  Major-Generals  the  justices  of  the  peace  would 
not  have  been  roused  from  their  habitual  inertness.  It  was, 
therefore,  only  to  be  expected  that  the  wrath  of  the  aggrieved 
tippler  would  flare  up,  not  against  the  magistrates  under  whose 
direct  authority  he  suffered,  but  against  the  Major-General  who 
inspired  them,  and  still  more  fiercely  against  the  Major-General's 
master. 

Streams  of  opposition  have  a  tendency  to  combine  in  one 
channel,  and  the  dislike  of  interference  with  formed  habits  of 
life  could  not  but  add  weight  to  the  demand  for  a  restoration 
of  some  sort  of  Parliamentary  authority  whereby  Englishmen 
might  secure  themselves  against  the  forcible  interruption  of 

1  Passed  respectively  on  April  6,  1644,  and  April  19,  1650,  Scobell,  i. 
68,  ii.  119. 


1655  POWELL'S   MANIFESTO  41 

those  habits.  Strangely  enough,  the  outcry  for  Parliamentary 
Opposition  government  was  re-echoed  by  the  extreme  Baptists, 
extreme  whose  only  ostensible  difference  with  the  Protectorate 
Baptists.  arose  from  its  recognition  of  an  endowed  Church. 
i6S5.  To  make  known  the  sentiments  of  these  men  Vavasor 
Powell,  who  in  the  autumn  of  1655  was  diligently 


petition!  preaching  in  North  Wales,  drew  up  a  petition  to  the 
Apolitical  Protector  to  which  he  obtained  the  signatures  of  323 
manifesto.  of  his  followers.  It  was  less  a  petition  than  a  hostile 
manifesto  accusing  Oliver  of  having  deserted  the  blessed  cause 
supported  by  the  old  Parliament  —  the  cause  of  true  religion. 
The  Protector,  it  was  urged,  had  ceased  to  take  thought  for 
'the  advancement  of  Christ's  kingdom,  the  extirpation  of 
Popery,  the  privileges  of  Parliament,  and  the  liberty  of  the 
subject.'  According  to  Powell,  by  the  terms  of  the  Instrument 
he  had  engaged  to  draw  the  sword  against  those  who  conscien- 
tiously objected  to  the  establishment  of  a  tithe-receiving 
minister  in  each  parish.  Yet  he  was  now  raising  taxes,  not  only 
without  the  consent  of  the  people,  but  in  defiance  of  the  very 
Instrument  on  which  his  power  was  based.  Oliver  was  next 
charged  with  exalting  his  sons,  his  favourites,  and  his  servants, 
though  some  of  these  were  wicked  men.  Moreover,  soldiers 
were  maintained  in  pomp  and  luxury,  whilst  the  poor  were 
impoverished  by  taxation,  and  treasure  wasted  in  the  late  secret 
design  in  the  Indies,  whereby  the  Commonwealth  had  been 
thrown  open  to  invasion  and  rendered  *  a  scorn  and  snuff  to 
the  nations  round  about.'  l  The  conclusion  was  still  more 
trenchant.  "  We,"  the  subscribers  testified,  "  disclaim  all  ad- 
herence to,  owning  of,  or  joining  with  these  men  in  their  ways  ; 
and  do  withdraw  and  desire  all  the  Lord's  people  to  withdraw 
from  these  men,  as  those  who  are  guilty  of  the  sins  of  the 
latter  days,  and  that  have  left  following  the  Lord,  —  and  that 
God's  people  should  avoid  their  sin,  lest  they  partake  with  them 
in  their  plagues."  2 

1  The  same  complaint  appears  in  Feake's  Preface  to  The  Prophets 
Isaiah  and  Malachi.  By  this  time  the  failure  of  the  expedition  was 
known  in  England.  *  A  Word  for  God,  E,  861,  5. 


42  MORAL  ORDER  CHAP.  XLII. 

Such  a  declaration  was  incoherent  enough,  but  was  none 
the  less  acceptable  to  an  easily  excited  people,  and  Powell  was 
NOV.  28.  accordingly  arrested  and  brought  before  Berry  at 
brought  be-  Worcester.  Berry,  who  joined  to  kindliness  of  heart 
fore  Berry.  a  Sp[ce  of  humour,  a  quality  for  the  most  part  lacking 
amongst  the  Cromwellian  officers,  was  the  very  man  to  deal 
with  an  honest  enthusiast.  He  listened  with  friendly  attention 
to  Powell's  protestation  that  he  had  no  thought  of  raising  dis- 
turbances in  the  country,  and  that  he  intended  nothing  more 
than  to  work  on  the  Protector's  heart  by  the  petition,  without 
any  other  thought  than  to  discharge  his  own  conscience. 
Then,  with  sympathetic  tact,  the  Major- General  soothed  the 
perfervid  Welshman,  allowing  him  to  preach  four  sermons  on 
one  day  in  four  several  churches ;  after  which  he  invited  him 
Powell  to  dinner,  and  sent  him  home  in  a  calmer  frame  of 
dismissed,  mind,  having  simply  bound  him  over  to  appear 
whenever  he  was  summoned.1 

Powell's  wish  to  maintain  a  peaceable  attitude  was  no  doubt 

sincere,  but  amongst  his  admirers  there  were  some  less  discreet 

than  himself.     On  December  3  the  Welsh  manifesto 

Dec.  3. 

His  mani-  was  in  print,  a  copy  of  it  having  been  conveyed  to 

London.  the  Protector.2     On  the  same  day  a  certain  Cornet 

it  is  read  by  Day   read   it  at  Allhallows,   and   was   followed  by 

£md"ampi£y  Simpson,  the  Fifth  Monarchy  preacher,  who  stigma- 

fied  by  simp-  tised  all  who  took  part  in  the  Government  as  thieves 

son.  * 

and  robbers,  and  the  Protector  himself  as  a  thief, 
Sbif'sonir?'  tyrant,  and  usurper.  Day  was  at  once  arrested  and 
hiding.  thrown  into  prison,  whilst  Simpson  found  means  of 
concealment,  from  which  he  emerged  from  time  to  time  to  hurl 
bitter  words  against  the  occupants  at  Whitehall.  After  a  while, 
however,  he  changed  his  tone,  announced  his  belief  that  the  ex- 
pectation of  the  Fifth  Monarchy  was  a  delusion,  and  repudiated 
any  desire  to  forward  an  insurrection  against  the  Protectorate.3 

1  Berry  to  Thurloe,  Nov.  17,  21,  Thttrloe,  iv.  211,  228. 

2  The  date  of  publication  (E,  86 1,  5)  is  given  by  Thomason. 

8  Thurloe  to  H.  Cromwell,   Dec.   17,  25,  Jan.   I,   Feb.  19,  Thurloe, 
iv..  321,   343,    373,    545      Newsletter,   Dec.   22,    Clarke  Papers,  iii.   62, 


1655  THE   PROTECTORATE  DEFENDED  43 

His  motives   in  this  sudden  change  of  front  have  not  been 
ascertained. 

At  Whitehall  the  situation  was  regarded  more  seriously  than 
might  have  been  supposed,  perhaps  on  the  suspicion  that 
Alarm  at  Cornet  Day  had  found  sympathisers  in  the  army. 
Whitehall.  «It  is  certain,"  wrote  Thurloe,  "that  the  Fifth 
Monarchy  men  —  or  some  of  them,  I  mean  —  have  designs  of 
putting  us  in  blood."  The  danger  appeared  the  greater  as 
pamphlets  hostile  to  the  Protectorate  were  being  surreptitiously 
circulated  through  the  country.1  This  knowledge  of  the  exist- 
ence of  latent  hostility  amongst  those  who  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Government  ought  to  have  been  its  close  allies  in  the  conflict 
it  was  waging  against  Royalism  found  expression  in  two  remark- 
able pamphlets  which  appeared  in  defence  of  the  policy  of  the 
Protectorate  against  the  aspersions  of  the  men  who  had  bound 
themselves  —  as  it  were  —  to  assail  it  in  the  rear. 

The  first  of  these,  entitled  Plain  Dealing,  was  the  work  of 
Samuel  Richardson,  himself  a  Baptist,  who,  like  Fleetwood, 
i6  6        had  given  his  support  to  the  Protectorate.     Arguing 


RichaVd3'  ^at  t^ie  Government  was  not,  as  Powell  had  asserted, 
son's  Plain  centred  in  a  single  person,  but  in  a  Protector  and 
Council,  he  declared  it  to  have  been  owned  by  God, 
and  to  have  made  itself  notable  by  asserting  '  the  noble  prin- 
.ciple  '  of  denying  to  '  the  civil  magistrate  a  coercive  power  in 
matters  merely  religious.'  Such  a  benefit,  continued  Richard- 
son, could  be  conferred  by  the  Protectorate  alone.  "  There  is 
no  ground,"  he  urged,  "  to  believe  that  the  people  of  this  nation 
would  ever  have  given  us  this  freedom,  or  that  any  Parliament 
chosen  by  them  would  ever  give  us  this  freedom,  seeing  the 
ministers  and  magistrates  cannot  see  that  the  bond  between 
magistrate  and  people  is  essentially  civil."  2 

Merc.  Pot.,  £,491,  7.  The  last-named  speaks  of  Powell  as  in  custody 
concerning  the  paper.  He  may  have  been  re-arrested  but,  if  so,  as  we 
hear  no  more  of  him  in  this  connection,  he  was  probably  released  soon 
afterwards. 

1  Merc.  Pol.,  E,  491,  7  ;  Thurloe  to  H.  Cromwell,  Feb.  5,  Thurloe, 
iv.  505.  2  Plain  Dealing,  E,  865,  3. 


44  MORAL  ORDER  CHAP.  XLII. 

Richardson's  idea  was  developed  at  greater  length  and  with 
more  force  in  a  direct  answer  to  Powell's  manifesto,  attributed 
Jan.  28.  to  William  Sedgwick  of  Ely.1  The  writer,  whoever 
f£n7™var~  he  was>  saw  clearly  that,  for  the  time  at  least,  the 
Protectorate  rested  on  the  army.  "Now,"  he  wrote, 
"  the  General  of  these  forces  hath  an  unlimited  power  to  en- 
large his  militia,  to  take  in  all  honest  men  if  he  please,  and  to 
give  them  what  pay  he  judges  reasonable,  and,  in  order  to  it, 
to  raise  what  money  he  pleases  in  the  three  nations  ;  to  re- 
strain and  secure  what  persons  he  suspects  to  be  disturbers  of 
his  army  and  command,  to  inflict  what  punishment  he  pleases 
upon  his  enemies,  to  make  what  constitutions  he  will  for  the 
security  of  these  forces,  and  to  repeal  all  laws  that  are  against 
their  safety  and  quiet ;  these  things  are  natural  and  essential 
to  a  General  in  and  with  his  army,  which  will  be  accounted 
absurd  for  either  King  or  Protector  of  England  to  do.  So 
royal  and  absolute  authority  in  the  hands  of  an  honest  General 
entrusted  for  and  in  fellowship  with  the  whole  party  in  a 
capacity  distinct  from  the  nation's  is  a  thing  worth  remember- 
ing." Evidently  the  writer's  model  is  pure  Caesarism,  but  it  is 
Csesarism  directed  not  against  a  corrupt  oligarchy,  but  against 
popular  folly  and  presumption.  The  army,  at  all  events,  is  to 
be  the  basis  of  the  State.  "Were  it  not,"  proceeds  this  author, 
"  for  the  strength,  honour,  and  success  of  the  army,  that  which 
we  call  Parliament,  Government  and  Commonwealth  would 
have  been  made  conspiracy  2  and  rebellion."  Then,  turning 
on  Powell — and  his  arguments  strike  the  Levellers  as  directly 
as  they  strike  Powell — he  argues  that  it  is  mere  folly  to  look 
to  any  Parliament,  however  chosen,  to  take  thought  for  the 
interest  of  the  Commonwealth.  If,  on  the  one  hand,  it  is 
elected  only  by  honest  men,  it  will  represent  so  many  hostile 
opinions  that  the  result  will  be  mere  distraction.  A  free 

1  The  attribution  rests  on  Wood's  assertion  (Athena,  iii.  894).     There 
are  passages  which  would  be  appropriate  to  Sedgwick.     The  main  diffi- 
culty lies  in  the  strength  of  the  argument,  for  which  none  of  Sedgwick's 
other  writings  prepare  us. 

2  Misprinted  «  confederacy.' 


1656  A    STRANGE   PAMPHLET  45 

Parliament,  on  the  other  hand,  would  be  destructive  of  all  the 
aims  which  men  like  Powell  had  set  before  them,  the  majority 
of  the  nation  being  '  either  malignant  and  opposing  Reforma- 
tion, or  lately  offended  at  it,  or  neutral  and  sottishly  mindless 
of  anything  but  their  profit.'  l 

The  dangers  attending  military  despotism  had  no  terrors 
for  this  champion  of  the  Protectorate.  "  Tis  a  thing,"  he  con- 
tinues, "  that  the  Protector  hath  seemed  a  long  time  to  design 
and  that  good  people  have  talked  of,  —  that  honest  men  should 
only  have  place  and  power  ;  and  yet  now  we  have  it  we  either 
mind  it  not  or  know  not  which  way  to  settle  it  :  I  do  heartily 
wish  that  we  understood  what  a  prize  we  have  in  our  hand, 
and  had  light  and  judgment  either  to  keep  it  justly  or  resign  it 
wisely."  2 

To  the  historian,  at  least,  no  utterance  has  such  a  value  as 
that  proceeding  from  the  mouths  of  those  who,  like  children 
Drift  of  the  blurting  out  things  which  their  parents  would  fain 
argument.  conceai)  display  before  the  eyes  of  all  men  that  hard 
skeleton  of  fact  which  the  actors  round  into  softness  by  cover- 
ing it  with  the  fair  flesh  of  ideal  hopes.  The  existing  Govern- 
ment was  but  a  Puritan  oligarchy  —  and  that,  too,  counted 
hostile  by  large  numbers,  perhaps  by  a  majority,  of  Puritans  — 
resting  on  the  pikes  and  guns  of  an  armed  force.  With  this 
state  of  things  Sedgwick  —  if  Sedgwick  was  indeed  the  author 
of  the  pamphlet  —  was  well  content.  It  is  to  Oliver's  credit 
that  he  knew  better  than  his  outspoken  defender,  and  that  he 
strove,  though  always  in  vain,  to  rest  the  Government  on  a 
civil  basis,  hoping  that  the  time  would  arrive,  and  that  speedily, 
when,  as  he  expressed  himself  to  the  Nominated  Parliament, 
all  the  Lord's  people  would  be  prophets—  or,  in  other  words, 
when  all  Puritan  men  would  come  to  accept  his  policy,  as  alone 
capable  of  maintaining  their  cause.  No  wonder  Thurloe,  in 
Thurioe's  forwarding  this  perplexing  pamphlet  to  Henry  Crom- 
shook  his  head  dubiously  over  its  arguments, 


1  The  three  classes  are  the  Cavaliers,  the  Presbyterian  Royalists,  and 
those  who  stand  outside  party  altogether. 

2  Animadversions  upon  a  Letter  and  Paper,  &c.,  E,  865,  5. 


46  MORAL   ORDER 


CHAP.  XLII. 


as  being  '  of  a  very  strange  and  extraordinary  nature.'  "  It  is 
hard,"  he  complained,  "  to  judge  whether  they  be  for  us  or 
against  us.  This  book  stole  out  into  the  world,  and  now  it  is 
abroad  I  know  not  whether  it  be  fit  or  convenient  to  stifle  it."  1 
It  was  soon,  however,  rumoured  that  the  Protector  had  read  it 
more  than  once,  and  the  circulation  of  this  rumour  was 
attributed,  probably  without  foundation,  to  Oliver  himself.2 
It  is  more  likely  that  it  arose  among  those  who  wished  him  ill. 
However  this  may  have  been,  the  mere  inability  to  have 
recourse  to  Parliament  for  the  purpose  of  legitimatising 
Oliver's  measures  required  by  the  circumstances  of  the  hour 

Government  had  led  the  Protector  into  unexpected  results.    Start- 
compared      .  .  . 
with  that  of   ing,  whilst  the  Parliament  of  1654  was  still  in  session, 

from  the  sound  principle  that  the  country  must  not 
be  left  to  the  irresponsible  vagaries  of  a  single  House,  he  had 
attempted,  after  the  dissolution  of  that  Parliament,  to  rule 
England  by  the  help  of  his  Council  alone,  for  the  most  part  in 
accordance  with  the  fixed  Constitution  set  forth  in  the  Instru- 
ment;  just  as  Charles  I.,  after  the  dissolution  of  1629,  had 
attempted  to  rule  England,  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of 
former  sovereigns  in  times  when  Parliament  was  not  in  session. 
Like  Charles  I.  he  had  been  baffled  by  the  fact  that  emer- 
gencies arising  from  time  to  time  require  to  be  dealt  with  either 
with  the  assistance  of  fresh  legislation,  or,  if  that  is  not  to  be 
had,  with  the  tacit  support  of  the  nation  itself.  Neither  of 
these  conditions  being  present,  Charles  I.  in  1629,  having  the 
judges  on  his  side,  was  driven  to  have  recourse  to  external 
legality,  thus  setting  at  naught  the  spirit  of  the  law  whilst  pre- 
serving his  loyalty  to  its  literal  meaning.  Oliver,  a  stronger  and 
more  daring  character,  broke  through  the  meshes  of  the  law, 
whilst  preserving  his  loyalty  to  the  spirit,  if  not  always  to  the 
letter,  of  the  new  Constitution.  Unfortunately  for  him,  that 
Constitution  had  never  been  ratified  by  the  expressed  or 
tacit  approbation  of  the  country.  It  had,  moreover,  been 

1  Thurloe  to  Henry  Cromwell,  Feb.  5,  Thurloe,  iv.  505. 

2  Schlezer  to ?     Actenstiicke  und  Urkunden  zur  Geschichte   des 

Kurfiirsten  Friedrich  Wilhelm^  vii.  738. 


1656       THE    WEAKNESS   OF   THE   PROTECTORATE         47 

launched  with  the  expectation  that  it  would  be  put  in 
action  as  a  whole,  and  was  based  on  the  belief  that  a  way 
had  been  discovered  in  which  Protector  and  Parliament  might 
healthily  react  on  one  another,  to  the  advantage  of  the  whole 
nation.  With  Parliament  silenced,  each  action  of  the  executive, 
even  when  fulfilling  no  more  than  its  constitutional  functions, 
took  an  unexpected  shape.  Having  no  thought  of  rendering 
account  for  his  actions,  the  Protector  grew  more  and  more 
careless  whether  they  were  in  accordance  with  the  law  ;  suiting 
them  to  his  own  sense  of  what  was  just  and  fitting,  and  thinking 
less  and  less  of  the  impression  created  in  the  minds  of  the 
multitude  outside  his  own  sphere  of  influence. 

That  Oliver  should  elect  to  accompany  the  author  of 
Animadversions  on  a  Letter •,  at  least  part  of  the  way,  was  the 
Oliver's  more  probable  as,  in  a  less  crude  form,  the  advice 
given  him  was  that  he  had  already  chosen.  Yet, 
whilst  the  pamphleteer  had  been  satisfied  to  acclaim  the 
existing  state  of  things  as  satisfactory  in  itself,  Oliver  could 
not  but  look  further  in  advance.  Some  day  or  other,  in 
accordance  with  his  views,  all  the  Lord's  people  must  be 
prophets.  It  was  because  this  was  not  so — at  least  in  the 
sense  in  which  he  understood  the  phrase — that  his  efforts  were 
doomed  to  failure.  He  was  not  wrong  in  holding  that  the 
Government  must  be  in  the  hands  of  a  minority — every  Govern- 
ment, as  a  matter  of  fact,  is  in  the  hands  of  a  minority — but  in 
holding  that  the  governing  minority  can  defy  the  habits  and 
beliefs  of  the  majority  for  longer  than  the  undefinable  length 
of  time  which  enables  it — if  that  prove  possible—  to  draw  over 
the  majority  to  its  side.  It  was  because  the  Protectorate 
undertook  too  much  that  it  dug  deep  the  pit  into  which  it  was 
to  fall.  Royalism  was  not  in  itself  a  danger,  still  less  was  an 
ecclesiastical  reaction.  The  enemies  of  the  Protectorate  were 
many,  and  the  day  might  come  when  they  might  find  a  rallying- 
point  in  the  Crown  and  the  Prayer  Book  ;  but  in  1656  that  day 
had  not  yet  arrived. 


CHAPTER  XLIII 

THE  PROTECTORATE  AND  THE  CORPORATIONS 

WITH  whatever  limitations  it  may  have  been  restricted,  the 

principle  laid   down  in  the   replies   to  Powell's  manifesto — 

!656.       that   Government   must  be   controlled  not  by  the 

The^JFn-      nation   at  large,   but  by  a   sober  and  trustworthy 

GoveSrnmehnet   minority,  was  the  basis,  for  the  time  being,  of  Oliver's 

constitutional  views.     So  far  as  the  country  districts 

Town  and  i      •         •   i  •  i- 

country.  were  concerned,  the  right  to  appoint  and  dismiss  the 
justices  of  the  peace  had  placed  local  government  in  the  hands 
of  the  Protector,  whilst  the  curtailment  of  the  franchise  had 
gone  at  least  some  way  to  secure  him  a  hold  over  Parliament. 
It  was  otherwise  with  the  towns,  the  homes  of  self-government, 
where  the  magistrates  were  named  without  any  reference  to 
Protector  or  Council.  It  would,  indeed,  be  absurd,  except  in 
a  very  few  instances,  to  speak  of  the  town  corporations  as  in 
The  corpora-  anv  sense  popular  bodies.  Though  the  rule  pre- 
tions.  vailing  in  the  various  municipalities  was  far  from 

uniform,  citizenship  was  for  the  most  part  confined  to  the  free 
burgesses,  who  owed  their  position  to  apprenticeship,  to  descent 
from  former  burgesses,  or  to  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  a 
burgess.  Authority,  however,  was  invariably  in  the  hands  of 
a  smaller  governing  body,  for  the  most  part  known  as  the 
common  council,  and  of  certain  executive  officials,  usually 
styled  the  mayor  and  aldermen,  a  certain  number  of  whom 
acted  within  the  borough  as  justices  of  the  peace.  The  rela- 
tions between  these  governing  bodies  or  corporations  and  the 
free  burgesses  varied  in  different  towns,  and  is  to  be  regarded 


1656  MUNICIPAL  ELECTIONS  49 

as  the  resultant  of  a  long  struggle  carried  on  in  past  centuries 
between  the  general  body  of  freemen  and  the  smaller  body 
entrusted  with  the  conduct  of  affairs. 

Whatever  might  be  the  exact  constitution  of  each  corpora- 
tion, its  characteristic  feature  was  that  the  choice  of  its  members 1 
did  not  emanate  from  the  central  Government.     The 

Relations 

between  the   existence  of  a  civil  war,  however,  had  unavoidably 

corporations     ...  . 

and  the         led  to  some  interference,  and  the  Long  Parliament 
had — notably  in  the   case   of  London — laid   down 
restrictive  rules  for  the   conduct   of  municipal   elections.     A 
sweeping   measure,   passed   as  an  Act   on  October   8,   1652, 
i6  2        excluded  from   office,   and  also   from  the   right  of 
Oct.  s.      voting  in  municipal  or  parliamentary  elections,  not 
regulating     only    all   delinquents  whose   estates   had    been  se- 
questered or  their  persons  imprisoned,  as  adherents 
of  the  Royalist  cause  in  the  first  Civil  War,  but  also  those  who 
had  adhered  to  that  cause  in  the  second  war.2     This  Act,  how-' 
ever,   was   to   expire   on   September    28,    1655,   and   it  was, 
therefore,  only  by  stretching  his  constitutional  powers  beyond 
the  bounds  of  strict  legality  that  on  September  21 — the  day  on 
i6          which  the  commissions  of  the  Major-Generals  were 
Sept.^1.     made   out — the   Protector    issued    a    proclamation 
byprocia-      directing  that  this  Act  should  continue  in  force.     In 
so  doing  he  defended  himself  on  the  ground  that  the 
Commonwealth   had    been   endangered   by   'the  late   horrid 
treason  and  rebellion,'  carried  on  by  a  party  which  had  made  it 
its  object  'to  involve  these  nations  in  blood  and  confusion,' 
and  which  had  openly  professed  its  end  to  be  '  to  set  up  that 
power  and  interest  which  Almighty  God   hath   so   eminently 
appeared  against.'     So  far  the  proclamation,  like  the  Act  on 
which  it  was  based,  was  directed  against  Royalists  alone ;  but  a 
clause  ordering  that  '  all  magistrates,  officers  and  ministers  of 
justice  elected  and   chosen  within  the  several   places  of  this 
Commonwealth  shall  be  such  as  are  of  pious  and  good  con- 

1  Except  that  when  a  new  charter  was  granted  the  first  members  of 
the  corporation  were  usually  named  in  it. 

2  Act  of  Parliament^  B.M.  press  mark,  506,  d.  9,  No.  146. 
VOL.  IV.  E 


50        PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLiil. 

versation,  and  well  qualified  with  discretion,  fitness,  and  ability 
to  discharge  the  trust  committed  to  them,'  left  the  door  open 
to  the  exclusion  of  some  who  had  never  taken  part  in  a  .Royalist 
movement.1 

At  the  time  when  this  proclamation  was  issued  the  Major- 
Generals  were  intended  to  act  against   Royalists   alone,  the 
instructions  to  them  .to  support  moral  order  being  of 

Complaints 

of  the  Major-  a  later  date.2  Yet  when,  two  or  three  months  later, 
the  Major-Generals  reported  on  the  conduct  of 
magistrates  in  the  towns,  they  complained  less  of  their 
Royalism  than  of  their  slackness  in  the  suppression  of  vice. 
Dec. ,.  The  first  note  was  struck  by  Whalley.  "  It  hath  been 
iScoin^Sd  a  general  complaint  to  me,"  he  wrote,  "  in  Lincoln 
Coventry.  an(j  Coventry  especially,  that  wicked  magistrates,  by 
reason  of  their  numbers,  overpower  the  godly  magistrates. 
They  3  no  sooner  suppress  alehouses  but  they  are  set  up  again. 
They  comfort  themselves  at  present,  as  they  tell  me,  with  the 
hopes  of  my  assistance,  which  they  should  presently  have,  were 
I  in  commission  of  peace  in  their  corporations.  However, 
they  imagine  I  am.  I  shall  at  present  declare  to  them  what 
His  Highness  expects  from  them — that,  as  they  are  called  to  be 
magistrates,  so  they  should  answer  the  end  of  their  magistracy, 
viz.,  suppress  sin  and  wickedness,  and  encourage  godliness. 
I  shall  give  them  in  charge  to  put  down  as  many  alehouses  as 
shall  be  judged  necessary."4  At  Coventry  Whalley's  special 
attention  had  been  drawn  to  Alderman  Chambers, 

Alderman 

chambers  at  one  of  the  justices  of  the  peace,  who  was  charged  by 
try>  the  city  constables  with  encouraging  a  man  whom  he 
had  been  obliged  to  convict  of  swearing  to  bring  an  action 
against  the  informer.  He  was  also  charged  with  abating  the 
penalties  required  by  law,  and  with  threatening  the  constables 
for  attempting  to  recover  fines  which  he  had  himself  imposed 
on  the  bench.  It  was  also  said  that,  under  his  protection,  at 

1  The  proclamation  is  printed  in  the  Hist.   Rev.  (Oct.  1900)  p.  655, 
note  58. 

2  See  vol.  iii.  p.  325.  3  I.e.  the  godly  magistrates. 
4  Whalley  to  Thurloe,  Dec.  i,  Thurloe,  iv.  272. 


1655  DISMISSAL  OF   MAGISTRATES  51 

least  fifty  unlicensed  alehouses  drove  a  traffic  in  the  city.1  Such 
conduct,  if  it  could  be  proved,  would  be  severely  dealt  with 
under  any  Government.  Convented  before  the  mayor  and  four 
or  five  aldermen,  in  accordance  with  the  regulations  in  the  city 
charter,  though  in  the  presence  of  the  Major-General,  Chambers 
was  not  only  deprived  of  his  office  as  alderman,  but  was 
deprived  of  removed  from  the  common  council,  and  declared 
office.  incapable  of  holding  any  municipal  office  for  the 

future.  "This,"  reported  Whalley,  "hath  struck  the  worser 
sort  with  fear  and  amazement,  but  exceedingly  rejoices  the 
hearts  of  the  godly.  Many  have  been  with  me,  and  bless  God 
for  His  Highness's  care  of  them,  it  being  a  mercy  beyond  what 
they  expected."  2 

In  other  places  recourse  was  had  to  the  method  which  had 

proved  successful  at  Coventry.     "I  ...  shall  take  the  bold- 

i6  6        ness  at  present,"  wrote  Desborough,  "  to  acquaint 

Jan.        your  Highness  that  at  Bristol  intimation  was  given 

Resignation  ,  .  ,  ,  _       . 

of  aldermen    me   by   some    honest  people   that    sundry   or    the 


aldermen  and  justices  were  enemies  to  the  public 
interest,  retaining  their  old  malignant  principles,  dis- 
countenancing the  godly  and  upholding  the  loose  and  profane, 
which  indeed  is  a  disease  predominating  in  most  corporations. 
Now  I  adjudged  it  my  duty  to  declare  against  such  wheresoever 
I  find  them,  but  resolved  to  do  it  with  as  little  noise  as  I  could  ; 
and  in  order  thereunto  I  made  my  repair  to  Mr.  Mayor,  and 
acquainted  him  that  such  of  his  brethren,  I  understood,  were 
so  and  so  ;  and  desired  him  from  me  to  advise  them  tacitly  to 
resign,  otherwise  I  should  be  necessitated  to  make  them  public 
examples.  Whereupon  Mr.  Mayor  engaged  to  deal  faithfully 
with  them,  and,  as  I  understand,  they  have  taken  my  advice, 
which  will  make  way  for  honester  men."  3  It  is  impossible  to 
come  to  any  definite  conclusion  as  to  the  political  opinions  of 
the  three  aldermen  who  resigned  under  compulsion,  Knight, 
Locke,  and  Sherman.  They  may  be  taken  as  having  been 

1  Petition  of  certain  constables  of  Coventry,  Thurloe^  iv.  273. 

2  Whalley  to  Thurloe,  Dec.  5,  id.  iv.  284. 

8  Desborough  to  the  Protector,  Jan.  7,  ib.  iv.  396. 

E  2 


52         PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

Puritan  Parliamentarians  in  October  1645,  when  the  corporation 
was  purged  by  ordinance  after  the  capture  of  the  city  by 
Fairfax,  as  they  were  then  allowed  to  retain  their  official 
positions.  On  the  other  hand,  two  of  them— the  third,  Knight, 
died  before  the  Restoration — were  replaced  in  their  seats  when 
Charles  II.  was  established  on  the  throne.1  The  most  probable 
conclusion  from  Desborough's  language  is  that  they  had  shrunk 
from  associating  themselves  with  the  sanctimonious  morality  of 
their  colleagues,  who  fined  young  men  for  walking  in  the  fields 
on  Sunday,  and  even  ordered  that  the  conduits  which  supplied 
water  to  the  houses  should  stop  running  on  the  sacred  day.2 
Bristol  was  a  city  in  which  the  Royalist  spirit  which  had 
welcomed  Rupert  in  1643  was  still  widely  prevalent — as  indeed 
might  be  expected — and  had  even  gained  strength  as  a  recoil 
from  the  Sabbatarian  action  of  the  magistrates.  In  December 
1 654  there  had  been  fierce  riots,  directed  against  the  *  Quakers,' 
which  the  aldermen  were  unable,  and  perhaps  unwilling,  to 
control,  though  shouts  for  King  Charles  had  been  raised  by 
prominent  sharers  in  the  disturbance.3  Whether  the  three 
aldermen  were  led  into  Royalism  by  their  dissatisfaction  with 
the  extreme  pursuit  of  morality  at  the  expense  of  others,  or 
were  thought  by  Desborough  to  be  Royalists  because  they  did 
not  rise  to  the  official  standard  of  morality,  is  of  little  moment. 
The  significant  point  is  that  not  being  Royalists  before,  they 
took  the  part  of  the  King  at  the  Restoration,  passing  through  a 
period  in  which  they  held  aloof  from  the  moral  coercion  which 
was  carried  out  under  the  shield  of  the  Major-Generals.  What 
took  place  at  Bristol  is  likely  to  have  taken  place  elsewhere. 

1  Information  derived  from  the  municipal  records,  furnished  me  by 
Mr.  John  Latimer. 

•  Garrard's  Edward  Colston,  171-75. 

3  The  Cry  of  Blood,  E,  884,  3.  Nothing  in  their  relation  with  the 
'  Quaker '  troubles  throws  any  light  on  the  position  of  the  three  aldermen 
as  bringing  down  Desborough's  displeasure  on  their  heads.  Sherman's 
name  does  not  appear.  Knight  and  Locke  were  strongly  against  the 
'  Quakers  ' ;  but  so  were  many  others,  against  whom  Desborough  had  no 
charge  to  bring. 


1656          MAJOR-GENERALS   AND   CORPORATIONS  53 

As  Desborough  had  intimated  in  his  letter  to  the  Pro- 
tector concerning  Bristol,  he  was  prepared  to  proceed  by  direct 
Dismissals  executive  action  wherever  appearances  could  not  be 
bu ?yand*~  saved  by  a  seemingly  voluntary  resignation.  "  There 
Gloucester.  were  aiso>"  he  continued  in  the  same  letter,  "  articles 
of  delinquency  proved  against  nine  of  the  magistrates  of 
Tewkesbury,  and  particularly  against  Hill,  their  town  clerk.  I 
have  also  dismissed  them,  and  four  of  the  common  council 
of  Gloucester,  for  adhering  to  the  Scots  King's  interest."  l 
According  to  the  authorities  at  Whitehall,  the  legal  basis  for 
this  action  was  the  view  that  the  Protector  was  justified  in 
putting  in  force  the  expired  law  against  the  presence  of 
Royalists  in  corporations.2  It  was  on  a  hint  from  Thurloe  that 
Butler  allowed  the  Mayor  of  Bedford  and  four  common 
councilmen  to  resign  office  rather  than  meet  the  charges 
brought  against  them.3  Yet  that  there  was  some  shrinking 
from  putting  in  force  the  proclamation  of  September  2 1  appears 
from  a  letter  written  in  July  by  Packer,  Fleetwood's 
A  demand  deputy  in  Hertfordshire,  asking  *  to  know  His  High- 
ness's  pleasure,'  whether  he  might  not  proceed  in 
virtue  of  that  proclamation  to  get  rid  of  '  some  very  bad  men 
in  corporations  '  in  the  county  who  had  '  been  decimated  and 
under  bond,  and '  of  *  others  that  are  drunkards  and  profane 
swearers.' 4 

Even  when  the  interference  of  the  Government  was  of  a 

more   sweeping  character,    care   was   taken   to   act — at   least 

ostensibly — on  the  initiative  of  a  party  within  the 

NOV.  14.     borough.)    On   November    14   a  petition   from   the 

chipping       burgesses  of  Chipping  Wycornbe,  complaining  that 

lbe'     the  mayor,  the  justices  of  the  peace,  and  the  majority 

of  the  common  council  had  combined  to  exclude  fit  persons 

1  Desborough  to  the  Protector,  Jan.  7,  Thurloe  >  iv.  396. 

2  See  vol.  iii.  p.  324. 

3  Butler  to  Thurloe,  Feb.  16,  March  20,  Thurloe,  iv.  540,  632.     The 
new  mayor,  as  appears  by  the  Bedford  Corporation   records,  was  John 
Grew,  a  leading  member  of  Bunyan's  congregation. 

4  Packer  to  Thurloe,  July  5,  ib.  v.  187. 


54        PROTECTORATE  AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

from  the  corporation,  and  to  admit  others  who  were  unfit,  was 
referred  to  Colonel  Bridge  for  inquiry,  together  with  another 
petition  which  charged  them  with  fraudulent  ill-treatment  of  the 
poor.1  Bridge,  before  entering  on  the  inquiry,  obtained  from 

the  persons  concerned  an  engagement  to  submit  to 
Award  by'  his  award.  When  that  award  appeared,  it  was  found 

to  contain  not  merely  a  detailed  opinion  on  the 
charges  of  malfeasance,  but  also  a  recommendation  that  three 
aldermen,  together  with  Bradshaw,  the  mayor,  should  be  struck 
off  the  burgess-roll ;  and  further,  that  the  charter  of  the  cor- 
poration should  be  surrendered  for  renewal,  and  eight  new 
members  added  to  the  common  council,  to  remain  in  it  till  the 
new  charter  had  been  granted.  This  award  was,  on  Lambert's 
Feb.  20.  report,  confirmed  by  the  Council.2  Ultimately  a 
byntfihTed  new  charter  was  granted  to  the  borough,3  the  pro- 
Council,  visions  being  doubtless  in  accordance  with  Bridge's 
suggestions.  In  these  proceedings  no  allusion  was  made  to 
political  distractions,  yet  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  they  were 
altogether  absent.  At  all  events,  it  is  noticeable  that  the 
borough  which,  in  1654,  had  returned  its  recorder,  Thomas 
Scot,  one  of  the  most  determined  enemies  of  the  Protectorate, 
chose  Bridge  as  its  member  in  1656.  It  may  at  least  be 
affirmed  with  safety  that  a  place  which  in  the  space  of  two  years 
returned  a  regicide  and  a  Cromwellian  officer  can  have  had  no 
strong  leaning  towards  the  cause  of  the  Stuarts.4 

1  Petition.     Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  378.     S.  P.  Dom. 
cxxiii.  482. 

2  Bridge's  award,  Jan.  31,  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxiv.  80,  ii. 

3  The  only  evidence  of  the  grant  of  the  charter  is  a  note  over  a  page 
in  the  municipal  records  relating  to  a  levy  of  money  for  the  payment  of 
expenses  incurred  in  its  procurement : — "  This  is  to  gain  a  charter  from 
Oliver,  in  the  Rumpers'  time,  which  charter  was  burnt  on  the  day  our 
most  gracious  King  Charles  II.  was  crowned,  whom  I  pray  God  to  send 
long  to  reign."     Hist.  MSS.  Com.  R.ep.  v.  556. 

4  On  Oct.  9,  1650,  Parliament  resolved  that  'for  the  better  settling  of 
the  peace  of  Wycombe,  and  the  promoting  of  the  Parliament's  interest 
there,  .  .  .  Stephen  Bate,  a  discreet,  religious  person,  nominated  by  the 
well-affected  of  that  town,  be  appointed  mayor.'     It  was  now  proposed  to 


1656  THE   COLCHESTER   MUNICIPALITY  55 

Whatever  interest  may  be  attached  to  the  changes  enforced 
at  Chipping  Wycombe  is  outweighed  by  the  dealings  of  the 
The  case  of    Government    with    Colchester,   partly   because    far 
Colchester.     more  js  known  about  them,  but  still  more  because 
political  feeling  had  a  more  considerable  share  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  case.     During  the  greater  part  of  the 
in  taheges       later  Middle  Ages  the  corporation  had  consisted  of 
two  bailiffs  and  a  commonalty  of  free  burgesses.     By 
the  time  of  Edward  IV.,  however,  we  hear  of  an  elected  common 
council,    which    eventually   claimed    the    right   of    returning 
members  to  Parliament,  and  was  permitted  to  do  so,  at  least 
from  the  accession  of  Mary  to  the  third  Parliament  of  Charles  I. 
1628.       In    1628,   however,  a   resolution  of  the   House  of 
Absolution  commons  restored   the  franchise   to   the  free  bur- 
Commons.     gesses  .  i  an(}  in  ^tj  Charles  settled  the  question, 
,  l63S-  f     as  he  hoped  for  ever,  by  granting  a  new  charter  to  the 

Charter  of  J  ° 

Charles  I.  town.  By  this  charter  the  place  was  to  be  governed 
by  a  mayor,  nine  aldermen,  sixteen  assistants,  and  sixteen 
ordinary  common  councillors.  Of  these  the  mayor  was  to  be 
elected  annually  by  the  free  burgesses,  whilst  the  remaining 
forty-one  were  to  be  chosen  for  life,  aldermen  by  the  aldermen, 
assistants  by  the  assistants,  common  councillors  by  the  common 
council,  though  in  each  case  the  choice  was  restricted  to  one  of 
two  persons  nominated  by  the  burgesses.  The  first  members 

restore  Bate  to  his  aldermanship,  of  which  he  had  been  deprived  in  favour 
of  Bradshaw,  who  was  now  in  turn  expelled.  Bradshaw  was  described 
by  Lambert  as  '  an  unquiet  and  disaffected  spirit,  ...  a  very  contentious 
person,  .  .  .  and  the  original  cause  of  the  long  and  tedious  suits  in  the 
said  borough,  .  .  .  appearing  always  in  opposition  to  the  rights  of  the 
poor,  the  well-government  of  the  said  corporation,  and,  by  stirring  up 
factions  and  making  parties,  to  the  intent  to  carry  on  his  own  design, 
according  to  his  own  arbitrary  will,  contrary  both  to  law  and  equity,  and 
the  charter  and  peace  of  the  said  corporation,  to  the  great  grief  and  sorrow 
of  the  sober  and  well-affected  people  thereof,'  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxiv.  80. 
Before  the  election  of  1656  Bridge  had  been  removed  to  the  North  to  act 
as  Major-General  in  succession  to  Worsley,  so  that  there  can  have  been 
no  question  of  undue  influence  exercised  by  himself. 

1  Report  to  Parliament,  March  22,  1659,  C.J.  vii.  617, 


56        PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

of  the  new  corporation  were,  according  to  a  usual  practice, 
nominated  in  the  charter  by  the  King.1  In  consequence  of  the 
adoption  of  this  system  variations  in  the  temper  of  the  free 
burgesses  were  indicated  by  the  character  and  aims  of  the 
mayor,  who  was  annually  replaced,  and  not  by  those  of  the  alder- 
men and  other  members  of  the  corporation,  who  retained  their 
places  till  death  or  some  misdemeanour  ensured  their  removal.2 
In  ordinary  times  such  a  system  might  have  worked  well, 
but  it  was  hardly  suited  to  the  rapid  changes  of  sentiment  which 

arise  in  the  midst  of  revolutionary  excitement.  In 
Reaction  in  1647  and  1648  the  Presbyterian  opposition  due  to 

the  interference  of  the  army  in  politics,  if  not  even 
more  to  the  increase  of  taxation  which  the  mere  existence  of 
that  army  rendered  necessary,  raised  its  head  even  higher  in 
Essex  than  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  A  petition  for  a 
personal  treaty  with  the  King,  presented  to  the  House  of 
Commons  on  May  4,  1648,  is  said  to  have  received  30,000 
and  in  Col-  signatures  in  the  county,  out  of  which  1,300  were 
Chester.  contributed  by  Colchester  alone.3  There  can  be  no 
question  that  many  of  the  townsmen  who  had  stood  for 
Parliament  in  the  first  Civil  War  welcomed  the  Royalist  com- 

1  1 1  Pat.  Charles  I. ,  Part  9,  No.  3. 

2  This  is  remarked  by  Mr.  Round  in  an  article  on  Colchester  and  the 
Commonwealth  in  the  Hist.  Rev.  (Oct.  1900),  xv.     The  local  knowledge 
of  the  writer  has  enabled  him  to  throw  light  on  some  difficult  points, 
and  I   have   to   a   considerable  extent   modified   my  opinion   in   conse- 
quence.    As  there  are  still  some  few  points  on  which  our  agreement  is  not 
complete,  I  shall  have  frequently  to  refer  to  this  article.      I  shall  for 
brevity's  sake  quote  merely  from  the  Review  by  volume  and  page. 

3  C.J.  v.   551;    The  Kingdom's    Weekly  Intelligencer,  £,441,    19; 
Haynes  to  Fleetwood,  Dec.  20,   1655,   Thurloe,  iv.  330.     It  would  be 
convenient   if  we   could  find  a  shorter  description   of  these   men   than 
Presbyterian  Royalists,  but  I  cannot  bring  myself  to  call  them,  as  Mr. 
Round  does,  Loyalists,  partly  because  it  seems  to  imply  that  one  can  be 
loyal  only  to  a  king ;    but,   still  more,  because  there   was  in  them  no 
element  of  the  personal  devotion  which  we  usually  connect  with  loyalty. 
They  wanted  to  use  Charles  for  their  own  purposes,  and  were  too  dull  to 
see  that  they  could  not  do  so.     If  the  term  '  Loyalist '  is  to  be  used  at  all, 
I  would  apply  it  to  the  old  Cavaliers, 


1648  A   MUNICIPAL   PURGE  57 

manders  in  the  second,  and  even  took  arms  on  their  behalf  in 
the  defence  of  the  besieged  town.1  The  almost  inevitable 
result  was  that  when  victory  declared  itself  on  the  side  of 
Parliament  in  1648,  those  who  had  adhered  to  the  Parlia- 
mentary cause  resolved  that  the  town  should  not  be  left  in  the 
hands  of  men  whom  they  regarded  as  traitors  to  the  cause.  As 
they  had  a  majority  of  the  free  burgesses  on  their  side,  they 
were  able  to  carry  their  wishes  into  effect  in  accordance  with 
their  charter — at  least  on  the  probably  ill-founded  assumption 
that  the  misdemeanour  or  other  reasonable  cause  which  that 
charter  allowed  as  a  sufficient  reason  for  ejection  from  offices 
tenable  for  life  were  terms  applicable  to  men  guilty  of  taking 
the  King's  part  in  the  late  war.2 

On  September  4 — the  day  fixed  for  the  election  of  the 
mayor,  the  justices  of  the  peace,  and  other  officials — the  majority 
Sept.  4.  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  get  rid  of  the 
£ku"«/cl"  obnoxious  life  members  of  the  corporation.  Amidst 
<fttat.  the  wildest  excitement 3  three  aldermen,  four  assis- 
tants, and  six  common  councillors  were  expelled,  and  their 
places  filled  by  others  whose  principles  were  more  in  accord- 
ance with  those  of  the  victorious  party.  The  number  of  new 
members  was  swollen  to  sixteen,  as  there  were  some  death 
vacancies  to  be  filled.4 

1  Hist.  Rev.  xv.  645. 

2  In  an  order  by  the  new  council,  printed  by  Mr.  Round  (ib.  xv.  646), 
the  '  words  of  the  Charter '  are  given  as  '  ill-behaviour  or  scandahun  mag- 
natum.'     As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Charter  allows  expulsion  '  pro  male  se 
gerendo  in  officio  suo  .  .   .  aut  alia  justa  et  rationabili  de  causa ' —  lan- 
guage loose  enough  to  cover  almost  anything. 

3  "The  tumultuous  scene,"  writes  Mr.  Round,  "  that  must  have  been, 
witnessed  on  this  occasion  at  the  moot  hall  is  reflected  on  the  leaf  of  the 
assembly  book   that   records   its  results.       It   was  headed  by  the  clerk 

'  fourth  day  of  August,  it  being  election  day  ' ;  and  although  '  August '  is 
erased,  September  has  not  been  substituted.  The  list  of  the  council,  as 
it  stood  till  then,  was  first  set  out  by  the  town  clerk,  and  then  altered  and 
cut  about,  as  the  Loyalist  members  were  expelled  and  others  elected  in 
their  places.  Thus  defaced  it  is  unintelligible  until  we  can  compare  the 
corporation  lists  before  and  after  the  purge."  Ib.  xv.  645. 

4  Jb.  xv.  647. 


58        PROTECTORATE   AND    CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

The  mayor  elected  on  the  same  occasion  was  Henry 
Barrington,  the  leader  of  the  successful  party.  He  was  a 
Henry  wealthy  townsman,  who  appears  to  have  made  his 
Bamngton.  fortune  as  a  brewer.1  His  selection  as  a  member  of 
the  Nominated  Parliament  in  1653  gives  a  clue  to  his  religious 
position;  and  the  same  result  is  obtained  from  the  charge 
subsequently  brought  against  him,  that  he  had  refused  to  pay 
over  any  part  of  the  money  subscribed  in  London  for  the  suf- 
ferers by  the  siege,  except  to  the  *  poor  of  the  separate  congre- 
gations.' 2  His  name,  indeed,  is  marked  in  a  contemporary 
list  as  one  of  those  who  were  against  ministry  and  magistracy ;  3 
but  as  he  at  once  rallied  to  the  Protectorate,  he  must  have  been 
a  most  unscrupulous  turncoat,  unless  either  the  mark  was  in- 
serted in  error  or,  what  is  more  probable,  he  was  one  of  those 
who  voted  with  the  extreme  party  in  the  last  division  without 
entirely  concurring  with  their  views.4 

At  all  events,  this  violent  purge  of  the  corporation  was  a 
source  of  weakness  rather  than  of  strength.  Even  in  the  hour 
A  reaction  of  triumph  one  of  the  aldermen,  one  of  the  assistants, 
sets  in.  an(j  three  of  the  common  councillors  selected  by  the 
victorious  party  refused  to  take  the  oath  required  on  entering 
upon  office,  thereby  dissociating  themselves  from  the  party 
which  had  put  them  forward.  In  1652  opinion  had  so  veered 

1  He  is  distinctly  called  a  brewer  in  Merc.  Rusticus,  E,  103,  3,  but 
as  he  was  named  mayor  in  the  charter  of  1635,  which  prohibited  brewers 
from  becoming  members  of  the  corporation,  either  the  exclusion  must 
have  been  mere  verbiage  or,  as  is  more  likely,  he  had  by  that  time  ceased 
to  be  actively  employed  in  the  trade.     As  other  trades,  not  susceptible  to 
Puritan   objection,   also   disqualified  from  seats  in  the  corporation,  the 
probability  is  that  the  objection  to  those  who  exercised  these  trades  was 
that  if  elected  they  would  have  to  enforce  rules  for  the  regulation  of  a  trade 
in  which  they  themselves  shared.       In  a  grant  of  the  mastership  of  a 
hospital  in  the  suburbs   made   to  him  on  Feb.   I,   1650,  Barrington  is 
described  as  esquire,  which  would  hardly  be  the  case  if  he  carried  on 
business  as  a  brewer.     See  the  Patent  Rolls  for  that  year. 

2  Hist.  Rev.  xv.  663.  3  See  vol.  ii.  308. 

4  That  there  were  members  of  this  kind  appears  from  a  passage  in 
An-  Exact  Relation.  See  vol.  ii.  324. 


1652-4  A  COALITION   FORMED  59 

round  amongst  the  free  burgesses  as  to  carry  the  election  to 
^52.  the  mayoralty  of  John  Radhams  an  opponent,  though 
theTppo°f  not  a  thoroughgoing  opponent,  of  Barrington's  party ; 
sition.  an(j  jn  j5^  to  give  him  as  a  successor  Thomas  Peeke, 
l653  whose  antagonism  to  Barrington  was  of  a  more  un- 
eiected  bending  character.  So  far  as  the  general  political 
Mayor.  situation  may  be  supposed  to  have  influenced  the 
development  of  municipal  parties,  with  which  the  personal 
element  is  often  of  preponderating  influence,  it  would  appear 
that  at  least  one  of  the  causes  in  the  reaction  was  the  growth 
of  a  party  which,  without  being  distinctly  Royalist,  was  never- 
theless shocked  at  the  increasing  weight  of  the  soldiery  in 
public  affairs.  The  years  which  intervened  between  Barring- 
ton's  election  in  September  1648,  and  Peeke's  in  September 
1653,  witnessed  Pride's  purge,  the  King's  execution,  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Long  Parliament,  and  the  setting  up  of  the 
Nominees,  Barrington  himself  being  amongst  those  who,  at  the 
last-named  date,  were  sitting  and  voting  at  Westminster.  Men 
who  had  been  revolted  by  these  proceedings  would  naturally 
coalesce  with  their  old  opponents,  the  Presbyterian  Royalists  of 
T648.1  Peeke's  name,  however,  seems  to  indicate  that  the  party 
was  not  entirely  composed  of  these  materials,  as  he  was  one  of 
those  who,  in  1662,  refused  to  conform  to  the  requirements  of 
the  Corporation  Act.2  The  evidence  becomes  still  more  clear 
x6§4.  when,  in  the  Parliamentary  elections  in  July  1654, 
memary"  Colonel  Goffe  was  put  forward  by  Barrington's  op- 
eiection.  ponents,  and  succeeded  in  securing  98  votes  against 
1 02  given  to  Maidstone,  the  treasurer  of  the  Protector's  house- 
hold.3 

1  Hist.  Rev.  xv.  648.  2  Ib.  xv.  662. 

3  "As  the  names  of  the  voters,"  writes  Mr,  Round,  "are  fortunately 
preserved,  we  can  see  that  the  voting  went  on  strict  party  lines,  except 
that  Mr.  Shaw  voted  for  Maidstone,  and  Alderman  Cooke  for  Goffe. 
The  latter's  supporters  were  headed  by  Peeke,  then  mayor,  followed  by 
Radhams,  Gale,  Reynolds,  Rayner,  and  Milbanke ;  while  Maidstone's 
list  is  headed  by  Barrington,  who  is  followed  by  Greene,  Vickers,  the 
Furleys,  and  the  other  members  of  his  party.  My  own  explanation  of 
this  voting  would  be  simply  that,  as  Goffe  was  the  only  candidate  in  the 


60        PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

The  mere  number  of  Goffe's  supporters  proves  nothing  as  to 

the  political  principles  of  the  very  large  minority  by  which  he 

was  supported.     Candidates   have   neither  the  will 

Character 

of  Goffe's       nor  the  power  to  reject  votes  given  by  those  whose 

candidature.          .    .         '      ,  ,  ... 

opinions  do  not  entirely  square  with  their  own. 
The  remarkable  thing  is  not  that  Goffe  was  nearly  elected,  but 
that  it  occurred  to  anyone  in  Colchester  to  invite  him  to  be  a 
candidate,  or  to  assure  him  of  support  if  the  overture  proceeded 
from  himself.  In  many  elections  the  point  at  issue  was  the 
acceptance  or  rejection  of  the  schemes  of  the  Nominated 
Parliament,  and  those  who  wished  to  show  their  animosity  to 
that  Parliament  had  an  excellent  candidate  in  Maidstone,  an 
official  of  the  Government  on  terms  of  close  intimacy  with  the 
Protector  himself.  If  the  Presbyterian  opponents  of  Barring- 
ton's  party  were  on  the  look-out  for  a  candidate  of  their  own,  they 
would  have  no  difficulty  in  finding  one  who,  like  Maidstone,  but 
unlike  Goffe,  had  a  local  connection  with  the  county  of  Essex. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  they  were  anxious  to  catch  votes  amongst 
a  class  which  had  little  in  common  with  themselves,  and  which 
comprised  members  of  extreme  sects,  religious  and  political — 
Baptists,  Fifth  Monarchy  men,  Levellers,  and  thorough-paced 
Parliamentarians — Goffe  was  the  very  man  to  bind  together  so 
loose  a  coalition.  As  an  officer  in  the  army  he  was  not  only  as 
attached  to  Oliver  as  Maidstone  himself,  but  had  actually  taken 
part  in  expelling  from  the  House  those  members  of  the  extreme 
party  who  clung  to  their  seats  after  their  colleagues  had  gone 


field  whose  election  could  be  deemed  embarrassing  to  Cromwell,  the 
anti-Cromwellians,  even  if  Presbyterians,  agreed  to  vote  for  him  en 
masse.  Their  support  of  him  in  that  case  would  not  of  necessity  imply 
their  own  predilections  "  (Hist.  Rev.  xv.  663).  It  is  only  fair  to  give 
Mr.  Round's  words,  as  they  appear  to  point  to  a  solution  which  may 
reconcile  the  differences  between  us.  That  the  Presbyterians  were  not 
the  whole  of  the  party  is  acknowledged  in  the  words  just  quoted.  My 
suggestion  is  that  it  included  members  of  the  advanced  sects  as  well  as  a 
few  Royalists  of  the  original  stamp.  At  first  I  laid  less  stress  on  the 
Presbyterian  side  of  the  party  than  I  ought  to  have  done,  but  I  still  think 
that  he  lays  too  great  stress  on  the  Royalist  or  semi- Royalist  element. 


1654  A  SECOND   PURGE  6l 

to  lay  their  authority  at  the  feet  of  the  Lord-General.1  Yet,  if 
such  a  record  may  have  commended  him  to  the  lovers  of  order, 
his  fervent  religion  was  likely  to  secure  him  a  favourable 
verdict  from  those  who  held  that  the  Protectorate  was  too  con- 
servative, and  who  were  ready,  if  power  came  into  their  hands, 
to  sever  the  still  existing  connection  between  Church  and 
State.2 

Defeated  in  the  Parliamentary  election  in  July,  the  coalition 
had  its  revenge  in  the  municipal  elections  in  September,  when 
Sept.  its  leader,  Thomas  Reynolds,  who  ultimately  rallied 
municipal  to  tne  Restoration,  was  chosen  mayor.3  His  success 
elections.  encouraged  his  party  to  the  strongest  measures. 
Unlike  the  occupant  of  the  mayoralty,  aldermen,  assistants  and 
common  councillors  could  only  be  removed  by  death  or  mal- 
feasance, and  some  years,  therefore,  must  pass  before  the 
majority  amongst  the  burgesses  could  secure  a  majority  in  the 
corporation.  To  get  over  the  difficulty  Reynolds,  taking  ex- 
ample by  the  purge  of  1648,  assembled  a  meeting  of  the 
burgesses  and  persuaded  them  to  expel  from  the  corporation 
Harrington  n°t  only  Barrington  himself,  but  also  his  son, 
partisans  Abraham  Barrington,  as  well  as  to  deprive  Arthur 
expelled.  Barnardiston  of  the  recordership.  The  charges  brought 
against  these  three  were  that  they  had  neglected  their  duty,  and 
had  otherwise  misconducted  themselves.  Against  such  violence 

1  See  vol.  ii.  327. 

2  This  view  of  the  case  derives  support  from  other  arguments  which 
will  be  adduced  further  on  (see  infra,  pp.  70,  71).      It  does  not  militate 
against   this   view   that   Harrington's  party  included   a   Baptist,   Samuel 
Crisp,  amongst  its  adherents.      The  Baptists  were  split   politically  into 
two  parties — those  who  accepted  the  Protectorate,  and   those  who  op- 
posed it. 

3  It  is  not  desirable  to  lay  too  great  stress  on  party  statements,  but 
it   is  remarkable   that   Barrington   and   his  party   should   have   charged 
Reynolds  with  having  been  '  a  very  good  friend  to  Mr.  Alderman  Barring- 
ton  until  he  endeavoured  to  procure  an  Act  of  Parliament  for  maintenance 
of  ministers  in  the  said  town,  saying  that  that  Act  would   enslave  them 
and  their  posterities.' — S.  P.  Dom.  xcviii.  22.     If  this  is  true  it  makes 
Reynolds,  and  not  Barrington,  an  extremist. 


62        PROTECTORATE  AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

Barrington  was  certain   to   protest,  and  his  protest  took  the 
l655.       form  of  an  application  to  the  Upper  Bench  to  restore 
himself  an(l  tne  recorder  —  Abraham  Barrington  was, 


thePurt6erby  ^or  some  unknown  reason,  not  included  in  the  case 
Bench.  —  to  the  posts  they  had  formerly  occupied.  Chief 
Justice  Rolle,  in  giving  judgment,  took  the  reasonable  ground 
that  it  was  unjust  to  an  official  to  deprive  him  of  his  office  on 
certain  charges  without  giving  him  an  opportunity  to  disprove 
them,  and  ordered  the  restitution  of  the  claimants,  unless  their 
opponents  could  show  cause  to  the  contrary.1 

Whilst  the  case  was  still  pending  both  sides  were  doing 

their  best  to  secure  the  goodwill  of  the  Protector,  a  statement 

April.       °f  Barrington's  case  having  been  drawn  up  about  the 

the  ppr?eal  to  beginning  or  the  middle  of  April.2     It  may,  however, 

tector.          be  concluded,  with  some  probability,  that  Oliver  held 

1  Only  the  case  of  the  recorder  is  reported  in  Styles's  Narrationcs 
Moderna,  446,  452  ;  but  we  learn  from  the  articles  of  Barrington's  party 
(S.  P.  Dom.  xcviii.  22)  that  both  gained  their  case,  and  the  Protector's 
letter  of  June  28,  cited  in  the  reply  of  Reynolds's  party  (ib.  xcviii.  23), 
shows   that   the   recorder   and   one   alderman  were  concerned.      Rolle's 
judgment  must  have  been  delivered  on  or  before  May  28,  the  last  day  of 
Easter  Term,  as  he  resigned  before  Trinity  Term  commenced. 

2  There  is  a  reference  in  it  (S.  P.  Dom.  xcviii.  20)  to  a  commission  of 
gaol  delivery  to  be  executed  '  the  23rd  of  this  instant  April.'     The  dates 
given  in  the   Calendar  of  State  Papers  are  hopelessly  misleading,  most 
of  these  documents  being  placed  under  the  date  of  June  9,  without  any 
hint  that  this  is  merely  the  day  on  which  the  Council  referred  the  state- 
ments and  counter-statements  to  a  Committee.      This  incorrect  date  is 
also  assigned  to  other  papers  evidently  written  much  later.     The  answer 
of  the  Reynolds  party  (ib.  xcviii.  21)  is  one  of  those  dated  in  the  margin 
of  the  Calendar  June  9,  whilst  in  the  text  it  is  said  to  have  been  referred 
to  the  Council  on  April  3.     As  a  matter  of  fact  the  date  of  the  reference 
is  given,  in  Thurloe's  hand,  in  the  original,  as  April  31,  which  might  be 
a  mistake  for  April  30  or  May  I  ;  though  it  is  more  likely  to  have  been 
May  31,  a  supposition  which  would  be  favoured  by  the  likelihood  that 
the   Protector   would   have   waited,    before   consulting  the  Council,    for 
Rolle's  iudgment,  and  also  by  the  fact  that  the  papers  on  both  sides  were 
referred  by  the  Council  to  the  Committee  on  June  9  ;  it  being  improbable 
that  the  Council  should  have  waited  for  some  forty  days  if  the  Protector 
had  requested  its  opinion  on  April  30  or  May  i. 


1655          THE  PROTECTOR'S  INTERVENTION  63 

back  the  papers  presented  to  him  on  both  sides  till  the  end  of 

May  31.      May ;  and  it  is  at  all  events  certain  that  it  was  not 

pitbts  on      ti]1  June  9  l  that  tne  Council  appointed  the  Committee 

rd£rSedeto     wmcn  ^  empowered  to  examine  the  allegations  of 

the  Council,   the  two  parties.     Before,  however,  this  Committee 

June  9.      had  time  to  wade  far  into   the   business   the  case 

came  again   before   Glyn,  the   new    Chief   Justice, 

who  had  stepped  into  Rolle's  place,2  and  who  now 
the  case.  pronounced  as  strongly  as  his  predecessor  in  favour 
GI  n"ne'  °^  ^  eJected  officials.  It  is  true  that  Glyn,  before 
judgment,  his  elevation  to  the  Bench,  had  acted  as  counsel 
for  Barnardiston ;  but  the  judgment  delivered  by  Rolle  was  so 
evidently  just  that  it  is  useless  to  inquire  whether  this  fact 

weighed  to  any  extent  with  the  new  judge.  Decisive 
atTof-  "  s  as  was  the  ruling  of  the  court,  the  first  news  which 

reached  London  from  Colchester  was  that  the 
majority  of  the  corporation — now  composed  of  Barrington's 
opponents— had  resolved  to  put  themselves  in  order  bypassing 
a  fresh  vote  of  expulsion,  doubtless — though  nothing  has  come 
down  to  us  to  that  effect — after  giving  a  formal  hearing  to  the 
aggrieved  parties.3  It  was  more  than  Oliver  could  endure,  and 
June  28.  on  June  28  he  sent  a  sharp  order  to  the  corporation, 
rfthe'So-"  commanding  them  to  reinstate  the  ejected  persons  in 
tector.  accordance  with  the  direction  of  the  court,  and  pro- 
hibiting them,  at  the  same  time,  from  making  any  further 

1  The  date  given  in  the  Calendar  (June  7)  is  a  misprint.     Council 
Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  129. 

2  See  vol.  Hi.  p.  301. 

8  The  report  in  Styles's  Narrationes  Moderns,  452,  ends :  "Therefore 
let  him  be  restored  nisi  and  to-morrow."  This  judgment  of  Glyn's  must 
have  been  delivered  after  June  15.  The  following  passage  in  a  later  set 
of  articles  by  Barrington's  party  (S.  P.  Dom.  xcviii.  22)  shows  that  the 
rule  was  afterwards  made  absolute,  and  was  understood  to  cover  the  case 
of  the  younger  Barrington.  They  say  '  that  the  three  persons  as  above 
turned  out  were  by  due  course  of  law  restored  to  their  places.  The  said 
Mayor' — i.e.  Reynolds— '  and  Mr.  Thomas  Peeke  threatened  to  turn 
them  out  again  ;  but  His  Highness,  being  acquainted  with  their  design, 
sent  an  order  to  the  Mayor.' 


numerous. 


64        PROTECTORATE  AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLiit. 

changes  till  the  complaints  of  both  parties  had  been  fully  in- 
vestigated by  the  Council.1 

When  the  petitions  and  declarations  were  laid  before  the 
Council  there  could  be  little  doubt  which  side  represented 
The  popular  feeling  in  Colchester.  The  Barrington 

Reynolds  memorial  was  signed  by  four  aldermen,  six  assistants, 
nine  common  councillors,  121  burgesses,  and  122 
other  inhabitantSj  the  signatures  on  the  whole 
amounting  to  262.  The  Reynolds  petition  was  signed  by  no 
less  than  971  persons,  of  whom  eight  were  members  of  the  cor- 
poration, whilst  no  distinction  was  drawn  between  the  bur- 
gesses and  other  inhabitants  who  made  up  the  remaining  963. 
It  was  easy  enough  to  count  the  signatures.  It  was  far  harder 
at  Whitehall  to  get  to  the  bottom  of  the  charges  and  counter- 
charges preferred  on  either  side  on  matters  of  local  notoriety. 
The  Com-  What,  for  instance,  was  the  Committee  to  do  with  an 
hiltu£  °It  allegation  that  Peeke,  the  mayor  chosen  under  the 
work.  influence  of  the  Reynolds  party  in  1653,  had  sold 

defective  cloth  to  the  Corporation  for  distribution  amongst  the 
poor  ;  or  that  Reynolds  himself,  at  the  opening  of  his  mayoralty, 
had  summoned  a  meeting  of  the  burgesses  only  to  inform  them 
that  he  invited  them  to  drink  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Shaw,  one  of 
his  own  prominent  supporters  ;  or,  again,  that  he  and  Radhams, 
who  had  followed  Peeke  as  mayor,  had  shown  countenance  to 
John  Rayner,  in  spite  of  his  having  been  convicted  of  swearing, 
whilst  he  himself  had  licensed  a  multitude  of  alehouses  and  had 
winked  at  the  existence  of  many  that  were  not  licensed  at  all  ? 
Peeke,  too,  it  was  alleged,  had  said  at  the  time  when  he  held 
the  office  of  mayor  that  it  was  no  matter  how  many  alehouses 

1  The  order  is  given  in  full  in  the  reply  of  the  Reynolds  party  : 
"Oliver  P.,  —  Being  informed  that  writs  from  our  Upper  Bench  are 
issued  out  for  restoring  of  the  recorder  and  one  of  the  aldermen  lately  by 
you  ejected,  our  will  and  pleasure  is  that,  after  the  execution  of  the  said 
writs,  you  do  forbear  the  displacing  of  the  said  persons,  or  making  any 
alteration  in  the  magistracy  or  common  council  of  this  town,  until  the 
business  be  determined  by  our  Council,  to  whom  the  petitions  of  our  town 
are.  referred.  Whitehall,  June  28."—  S.  P.  Dom.  xcviii.  22. 


i6ss  A   PUZZLED  COUNCIL  65 

were  opened,  as  '  if  they  were  let  alone  one  alehouse  would 
break  another.'  The  latter  charge  was  explained  away  by 
Peeke  as  merely  indicative  of  his  desire  to  see  as  many  ale- 
houses as  possible  reduced  to  bankruptcy,  whilst  he  absolutely 
denied  the  suggestion  that  the  cloth  supplied  by  him  was  of 
inferior  quality.  Rayner,  on  his  part,  averred  that  he  had  only 
once  given  vent  to  a  profane  oath,  and  that  only  under  circum- 
stances of  the  greatest  provocation,  so  that  he  could  not  be 
held  guilty  under  the  charter  of  1635,  which  referred  only  to 
frequent  swearers.  Reynolds  then  carried  the  war  into  the 
enemy's  quarters,  charging  them  with  neglect  of  duty  and  mis- 
appropriation of  the  property  of  the  town. l 

If  it  was  hard  for  the  Committee  to  discover  the  truth  amidst 

these  revelations,  it  was  still  harder  to  pacify  the  excited  factions. 

Aug.  10.     It  was   something  gained   that   on   August   10   the 

membxe?sofd  expelled  members  of  the  corporation  were  restored  to 

pomtta        tne^r  seats-2     Time,  however,  was  flowing  rapidly  by, 

restored.       &n&  on  September  3  the  municipal  elections  to  the 

mayoralty  and  other  executive  offices  must  be  herd  in  accordance 

with  the  charter.     As   the  result  was  certain  to  give  another 

triumph  to  Reynolds  and  his  associates,  the  Council, 

The  Council  .     J  J  .      .      _, 

anxious  to  seeing  no  prospect  of  a  report  from  their  Committee 
elections.1  e  before  that  date,  consulted  the  Commissioners  of  the 
The  Treasury  whether  the  elections  could  not  be  avoided 

Treasury  on  the  highly  technical  ground  that  the  charter  having 
sioners  con-  been  removed  from  the  custody  of  the  town  might  be 

suited. 

regarded  as  no  longer  in  force,  and  that  the  Protector 
would  therefore  be  acting  within  his  rights  if  he  appointed  the 
new  mayor — presumably  only  for  the  time  being — a  step  which 
Barrington  and  his  allies  had  asked  him  to  take  as  long  ago  as 
the  preceding  April.3  The  Treasury  Commissioners  replied  in 
the  negative,  though  they  thought  that  the  Protector,  whilst 
leaving  the  town  to  choose  its  own  magistrates,  might  request 
that  the  names  of  those  so  chosen  should  be  submitted  to  him 

1  These  charges  are  scattered  over  the  petitions  and  declarations  of  the 
two  parties. 

-  Hist.  Rev.  xv.  652.  8  Ib.  650. 

VOL    IV.  F 


66        PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

for  his  approval.1     Acting  on  this  hint,  the   Council  at  once 

Au     o      passed  an  order  on  August  30  that  a  letter  should  be 

A  letter        written  to  this  effect ; 2  and  there  can  be  no  doubt 

that  it  was  actually  written,  and  was,  in  all  probability, 
but  not3'*  signed  by  the  Protector  on  the  following  day.  At  the 

last  moment,  however,  its  despatch  appears  to  have 
been  countermanded.3  The  explanation  of  this  apparent 
vacillation  may  be  that  Reynolds,  meeting  with  Colonel  Jones, 
a  member  of  the  Council,  gave  some  assurance  that  the  election 
would  fall  on  candidates  who  had  not  committed  themselves 
strongly  to  either  of  the  factions.  Jones,  at  all  events,  in  parting 
with  Reynolds  recommended  him  to  '  go  home  and  cause  an 
honest  mayor  to  be  chosen.' 

Either  Reynolds's  notions  of  honesty  differed  from  those 
prevailing  at  Whitehall  or  he  found  himself  unable  to  control 

his  followers.  The  elections  on  September  3  were 
The  carried  on  strict  party  lines.  Radhams  was  chosen 

mayor,  Peeke  and  Milbanke — the  latter  having  been 
one  of  the  signatories  of  the  Essex  petition — were  named 
justices  of  the  peace,  whilst  Rayner,  who  had  acknowledged 
himself  guilty  of  having  once  sworn  a  profane  oath,  was  elected 
chamberlain. 

The  result  was  a  fresh  petition  from  the  leaders  of  the 
Barrington  party,  declaring  that  the  Protector's  order  of  June  28 

1  Report  of  the  Treasury  Commissioners,  Aug.  30,  S.  P.  Dom.  c.  70, 
I.  It  is  difficult  to  say  why  the  Treasury  Commissioners  were  consulted, 
unless  it  were  on  account  of  the  legal  eminence  of  two  of  them— White- 
locke  and  Widdrington. 

-  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  260. 

3  The  letter  is  given  in  Th^^rIoe,  iii.  753,  dated  Aug.  31,  but  unsigned. 
It  is,  however,  entered  in  the  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  262, 
with  the  letters  O.  P.  at  the  head.  That  it  was  not  sent  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  no  reference  was  ever  made  to  it  by  either  side,  even  under 
circumstances  which  would  almost  have  compelled  its  mention.  The 
explanation  in  the  text,  that  the  Protector  heard  of  Jones's  conversation 
with  Reynolds  after  he  had  signed  the  letter,  does  not  profess  to  be  more 
than  a  probable  hypothesis.  For  the  conversation  with  Jones,  see  the 
«  Reply  of  Reynolds  and  others/  S.  P.  Dom.  xcviii.  23. 


1655  A   LOCAL   INQUIRY  67 

—by  which,  as  they  alleged,  elections  had  been  prohibited  till 
An  appeal  tne  questions  in  dispute  had  been  settled — had  been 
Ba£in"eton  set  at  naught  by  the  late  proceedings  at  Colchester, 
party.  on  wnicn  ground  they  recurred  to  their  former 

suggestion,  asking  that  the  Protector  should  himself  *  appoint  a 
mayor  or  some  other  person  to  govern  the  said  town  till  the 
consideration  of  the  charter  .  .  .  may  receive  such  an  issue  as 
may  be  an  effectual  remedy  to  the  aforesaid  grievances.' l 
Whether  the  order  in  question  could  fairly  be  made  to 

A  question  .  .     -1  . 

ofinterpre-  bear  this  interpretation  or  not — and  its  wording  was 
undeniably  ambiguous  2 — it  was  as  open  to  Barrington 
to  argue  that  a  prohibition  'to  make  any  alteration  in  the 
magistracy  or  common  council '  forbade  the  holding  of  ordinary 
elections,  as  it  was  to  Reynolds  to  argue  that  it  merely  forbade 
a  repetition  of  the  revolutionary  measures  by  which  the  two 
Barringtons  and  the  recorder  had  been  thrust  out  of  office. 
The  Council  prudently  refused  to  involve  themselves  in  the 
meshes  of  an  academical  discussion,  and  were  no  less  unwilling 

Sept.  26.  to  advise  the  Protector  to  appoint  a  mayor  by  his  own 
m?ssbnce°r?"  authority.  On  September  26,  doubtless  feeling  the 
t™cPo°nducetd  impossibility  of  threshing  out  the  points  in  dispute 
an  inquiry,  without  more  local  knowledge  than  they  possessed, 
they  named  seven  commissioners  to  conduct  the  inquiry,  most 
of  them  being  Essex  men,  and  all  of  them  East  Anglians.  In 
Reynolds  the  meanwhile  they  directed  that  the  newly  elected 
offi5,alt  mayor  was  to  forbear  to  act,  and  that  his  predecessor, 

Oct  IX  Reynolds,  was  to  retain  office  till  further  orders.  On 
as  well  as  October  1 1  this  order  was  extended  to  the  mainten- 

other  ma- 
gistrates,      ance  in  office  of  the  other  magistrates,  who  would 

1  This  petition  is  printed  by  Mr.  Round,  Hist.  Rev.  xv.  653. 

2  For  the  order  see  supra,  p.  64,  note  I.     It  may  be  argued   that  the 
letter  of  Aug.  31,  by  making,  as  Mr.   Round  shows,  '  no  mention  of  the 
alleged  order  of  June  28  forbidding  any  further  election,'  shows  that  the 
Protector  did  not  intend  in  June  to  prohibit  ordinary  elections.     Barring- 
ton,  however,  so  far  as  we  know,  had  not  seen  the  suppressed  letter  of 
Aug.  31,  and  it  was  open  to  him  to  draw  inferences  from  the  actual  word- 
ing of  the  order  of  June  28. 

F2 


68        PROTECTORATE  AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

in  due  course  have  been  superseded  by  those  recently  elected 
in  their  room.1 

Up  to  this  point  it  is  hardly  possible  to  speak  of  the  conduct 

of  the  Government  otherwise  than  in  terms  of  commendation, 

except  on. the  general   ground  that  it  ought  not  to 

The  action  .°  ...  ... 

of  the  GO-      meddle  at  all  in  municipal  disputes — a  view  of  the 

vernment  •  »   »  /-  i  ,1  j 

fair  and  case  which  was  not  put  forward  at  the  time,  and 
sonabie.  ^^  cou\^  hardly  be  urged  by  those  who,  like 
Barrington  and  Reynolds,  had  voluntarily  submitted  to  the 
Protector's  judgment.  How  fairly  and  reasonably  the  Council 
had  acted  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that,  instead  of  re- 
sponding to  Barrington's  proposal  that  the  mayoralty  should  be 
filled  by  the  Protector  himself,  it  had  left  that  office  in  the 
possession  of  the  leader  of  the  party  most  distasteful  at  White- 
hall. It  may  have  hoped  that  the  relegation  of  the  case  to  local 
commissioners  would  expedite  a  settlement. 

Towards   the   end   of  November,  however,  the   death   of 

Barnardiston  brought  matters  to  a  crisis,  as  it  became  necessary 

either  to  force  upon  the  town  a  successor  in  the  re- 

Deathofthe  cordership,  or  to  submit  to  having  a  Royalist   like 

der'  Shaw2  established  as  a  life-holder  of  that  important 
office.  Moreover,  by  this  time  the  Major-Generals  were  at  work 
in  their  districts,  and  the  minds  both  of  the  Protector  and 
of  the  Councillors  were  turned  in  the  direction  of  more 
authoritative  action  than  they  would  have  countenanced  in  the 
Dec  summer.  On  December  4  Oliver  no  longer  hesi- 
Haynes4to  tated,  but,  assuming  that  Barrington's  interpretation 
at  &reser  of  his  letter  was  the  right  one,  proceeded  to  order 
elections.  HayneS)  the  deputy  Major-General  of  the  district,  to 
visit  Colchester,  and  to  give  directions  to  the  mayor  not  merely  to 
hold  the  election  of  a  new  recorder,  but  also  to  carry  out  the 
elections  of  other  office  bearers  in  place  of  those  chosen  on 
September  3 ;  Haynes  himself  being  required  to  remain  in  the 
town  till  this  order  had  been  executed.  Yet,  unless  the  mere 

1  Order  in  Council,  Sept.  26,  S.  P.  Dom.  c.  153. 
*  Shaw  had  been  chosen  recorder  when  Barnardiston  was  turned  out 
Petition  of  the  mayor  and  others,  ib.  xcviii.  21. 


1655  A   STRONG   MEASURE  69 

presence  of  Haynes  were  sufficient  to  cow  the  hitherto  deter- 
mined opponents  of  the  Barrington  party,  little  would  have 
been  gained  by  this  measure,  if  it  had  stood  alone.  Oliver, 
accordingly,  put  a  weapon  into  Haynes's  hands  which  could 

hardly  fail  in  procuring  submission.  Care,  he  in- 
ciamauon  formed  his  subordinate,  was  to  be  taken  '  that  the 
to  been-21  electors  and  elected  be  qualified  according  to  our 

late  proclamation ' — the  one,  that  is  to  say,  of  Sep- 
tember 21,  ordering  the  execution  of  an  Act  of  Parliament 
which  expired  on  September  28,  and  which  consequently  had 
no  legal  validity  at  the  time  when  these  instructions  were  given.1 
In  this  case,  as  in  so  many  others,  the  Protector  departed  as  slightly 
from  strict  legality  as  was  possible  if  he  was  to  gain  his  ends.2 
Haynes  perfectly  understood  the  intentions  of  his  master. 
The  proclamation  in  question,  reciting  the  words  of  the  expired 
Act,  declared  *  that  no  person  or  persons  whatsoever  that  had 
his  estate  sequestered,  or  his  person  imprisoned  for  delinquency, 
or  did  subscribe,  or  abet  the  treasonable  engagement  in  the 
year  1647,  or  had  been  aiding  or  assisting  the  late  King,  or 
any  other  enemies  of  the  Parliament,  should  be  capable  to  elect 
or  be  elected  to  any  office  or  place  of  trust  or  power  within 
this  Commonwealth,  or  to  hold  or  execute  any  office  or  place  of 
trust  or  power  within  the  same.' 3  Such  a  definition  included  not 
only  the  old  Cavalier  party,  which  had  openly  sided  with  Charles  I. 
in  the  first  Civil  War,  as  well  as  those  Presbyterian  Royalists  who 

1  The  Protector   to   Haynes,  Dec.   4,  Morant's  Hist,    of  Essex,   I, 
Colchester,  74.     For  the  Proclamation,  see  vol.  iii.  p.  324. 

2  It  might,   indeed,  be  argued  that  the  deviation  from  the  law  was 
even  slighter  than  is  expressed  above.     When  the  Act  was  passed  Parlia- 
ment had  fixed  its  own  dissolution  for  Nov.  3,  1654,  and  expected  to  be 
succeeded  by  another  which  would  be  in  session  in  Sept.    1655.     It  might 
therefore  be  argued   that  the  intention  of  the  Legislature  was  merely  that 
the  Act  was  then  to  be  reviewed  in  the  light  of  a  situation  existing  at  the 
time  named.     As  no  Parliament  happened  to  be  in  existence  at  the  time 
the  intention  of  the  makers  of  the  Act  would  be  best  carried  out  by  its 
prolongation.       Such   an    argument,    however,    would   hardly   commend 
itself  to  a  court  of  law. 

3  Hist.  Rev.  xv.  655. 


7O        PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

had  thrown  in  their  lot  with  Capel  and  Norwich  in  the  siege  of 
1648,  but  also  those  who,  without  taking  any  active  part  on 
that  occasion,  had  given  their  signatures — as  it  is  said  that  no 
less  than  1,300  had  done — to  the  Essex  petition,  in  which 
what  was  now  styled  the  treasonable  engagement  had  received 
support.1 

The  elections  having  been  fixed  for  December  19,  Haynes, 
who  had  arrived  in  the  town  some  days  before  that  date,  went 
Another  carefully  over  the  burgess  roll,  marking  for  exclusion 
purge  at  the  names  of  all  who  fell  under  one  or  other  of  the 

heads  set  forth  in  the  proclamation.  Yet,  after  all 
his  efforts,  there  still  remained  so  many  of  the  opposition  on 
the  roll  that  when  the  day  of  election  arrived  the  majority  for 
Barrington's  party  was  no  more  than  74  to  66  ;  showing  that 
so  far  as  the  numbers  voting  at  the  Parliamentary  election  of 
1654  can  be  taken  as  a  standard,  some  70  burgesses  must 
have  been  struck  off  the  list.2  Small  as  the  majority  was,  it 
Dec  i,  was  sufficient-  A  Barringtonian,  Thomas  Lawrence, 
The  Govern-  was  chosen  mayor ;  and  the  other  officers  were  elected 
nominees  from  the  same  party,  except  that  Peeke,  either  as 

a  matter  of  personal  favour  or  in  order  to  show  some 
semblance  of  comprehensiveness,  was  placed  in  the  unimportant 
office  of  coroner.3 

It  is  impossible  to  speak  with  certainty  on  the  interesting 
question  of  the  composition  of  what  before  this  last  purge  had 
what  was  k£en  a  majority  amongst  the  burgesses,  and  had 
the  com-  been  also — upon  the  evidence  of  the  far  greater 
fhe'fwo1  °  number  of  signatures  to  Reynolds's  first  reply  than 

could  be  secured  for  Barrington's  original  petition  4 
—  a  considerable  majority  amongst  the  inhabitants  who  were 

1  See  supra,  p.  56. 

2  Haynes  to  Fleetwood,  Dec.  20,  Thurloe,  iv.  330.    The  voters  in  1654 
were  200,  which  would  give  60  as  the  number  of  the  exclusions ;  but  as 
some  voters  must  have  been  absent  from  the  poll  from  illness   or  other 
causes,  the  probable  number  of  the  excluded  may  be  set  at  70  or  there- 
abouts. 

8  List  of  officers,  ib.  *  9?i  to  262.     See  siipi-a,  p.  64. 


1655  COMPOSITION    OF   PARTIES  71 

not  burgesses.  One  thing,  however,  is  clearly  shown  by  the 
evidence  before  us,  namely,  that  Barrington's  supporters  were 
not  merely  a  minority,  but  also  a  diminishing  minority.  At 
the  Parliamentary  election  of  1654  they  mustered  102  ;  at  the 
municipal  election  of  1655  they  were  reduced  to  74.  Of  the 
majority,  those  now  struck  off  the  burgess  roll  can  only,  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  Proclamation,  have  been 
those  who  had  shown  themselves  hostile  to  Parliament  before 
the  end  of  1648;  and  the  nucleus  of  the  new  party,  which  in 
1654  supported  Goffe,  and  which  supported  Reynolds  in  1655, 
may  therefore  be  looked  for  amongst  the  well-to-do  and  more 
or  less  conservative  burgesses,  who  are  vaguely  credited  with 
the  style  of  Presbyterians,  and  who,  whether  or  not  they  had 
any  conscious  tendency  to  Royalism,  were  at  least  alienated 
by  the  existing  Government.  The  increase  of  the  majority 
hostile  to  Barrington  since  the  summer  of  1654  may  fairly, 
though  only  conjecturally,  be  set  down  to  dissatisfaction  with 
the  dismissal  of  the  first  Protectorate  Parliament,  and,  still 
more  recently,  with  the  establishment  of  the  Major- Generals.1 
Yet,  after  all  is  said,  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  party  led 

by  Reynolds  did  not  entirely  consist  of  sober-minded 
opposition  Puritans  dissatisfied  on  political  grounds  with  the 
composite*  Government  of  the  day.  The  choice  of  Goffe  as  a 

candidate  in  1654  points,  as  has  been  already  shown, 

1  As  will  be  seen,  I  accept  Mr.  Round's  argument  as  conclusive  so  far 
as  the  main  body  of  Reynolds's  party  amongst  the  burgesses  is  concerned. 
He  says  of  the  signatories  of  the  Barrington  petition  :  "When  their 
names  are  examined  they  do  not  appear  to  me,  with  the  exception  of  the 
first  three,  to  be  those  of  men  of  any  account,  so  far  as  the  social  history 
of  the  town  at  this  time  is  known.  When,  on  the  other  hand,  we  turn  to 
the  petition  of  the  Reynolds  party,  one  recognises  name  after  name  of 
the  substantial  men  in  the  town.  Mr.  Thurston,  for  instance,  had  himself 
paid  no  less  than  5oo/.  of  the  6,ooo/.  extorted  by  Fairfax  and  his  troops 
from  the  non-Dutch  inhabitants  after  the  siege.  Several  of  the  other 
signatories  are  known  to  me,  as  is  their  good  commercial  position.  The 
petition  was  also  signed  by  many  of  the  Dutch  congregation,  whose 
wealth  was  such  that  6,ooo/.  was  exacted  from  them  alone  "  (Hist.  Rev. 
xv.  651). 


72        PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

to  the  necessity  of  conciliating  burgesses  whose  religious 
fervour  was  of  a  quality  very  different  from  that  of  men  content 
with  the  ministrations  of  a  Presbyterian  clergy,  and  such  men 
were  likely  to  be  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  Baptist  extremists, 
or  even  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men  and  Levellers.  Harrington's 
party,  on  the  other  hand,  according  to  this  view  of  the  case, 
would  mainly  consist  of  the  Independents  and  of  such  of  the 
Baptists  as  had,  like  Fleetwood  and  the  bulk  of  the  London 
ministers,  ranged  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  Government. 
That  the  wilder  elements  of  Puritanism  were  fully  represented 
in  Colchester  is  known  from  Evelyn's  remark,  made  after  a 
visit  in  the  summer  of  1656,  that  it  was  '  a  rugged  and  factious 
town  now  swarming  with  sectaries '  ;  whilst  it  is  also  significant 
that  out  of  the  971  who  signed  Reynolds's  petition,  no  fewer 
than  277,  or  more  than  a  fourth  of  the  whole  number,  were 
unable  to  sign  their  names  except  with  a  mark.1  How  many 
illiterates  there  were  amongst  the  122  inhabitants,  not  being 

1  I  have  taken  it  for  granted  that  all  the  burgesses  would  be  able  to 
write.  The  charges  brought  by  the  Barringtonians  against  the  other 
party  indicate,  if  they  do  no  more,  that  the  latter  was  to  some  extent  of  a 
composite  character.  On  the  one  hand  they  charge  them  with  '  designing 
to  introduce  notorious  and  grand  malignants  to  be  magistrates  ...  as 
appeareth  by  their  propounding  Mr.  John  Meridale  and  Mr.  Henry  Lamb 
to  be  elected ; '  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  they  speak  of  them  as 
'threatening  utter  ruin  to  the  interest  of  religion  and  sobriety,'  language 
which  would  be  inappropriate  to  a  party  composed  entirely,  or  almost 
entirely,  of  Conservative  Presbyterians  or  the  like.  Again,  one  of  the 
declarations  of  Reynolds's  party  thanks  the  Protector  for  having  brought 
with  him  '  that  which  is  the  greatest  of  all  mercies,  a  just  freedom  and 
liberty  in  the  worship  of  Jesus  Christ.'  S.  P.  Dom.  xcviii.  19,  21,  24. 
I  quite  acknowledge  that  we  must  not  look  too  closely  into  the  arguments 
put  forward  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  by  partisans,  but  there  is,  never- 
theless, some  conclusion  to  be  drawn  from  the  nature  of  the  arguments 
chosen,  and  still  more  from  the  omission  of  other  arguments.  There  were 
so  many  things  which  Barrington  might  have  said  of  a  purely  Conservative 
and  Presbyterian  opposition  which,  nevertheless,  he  did  not  say.  It  may 
be  remarked  that  the  subsequent  petition  for  a  new  charter  proceeding 
from  the  triumphant  Barringtonians  claims  support  on  the  ground  that 
they  countenanced  'religion  and  sobriety.'  They  can  hardly  have  meant 
that  Presbyterians  were  deficient  in  these  qualities. 


1655  INCREASE   OF   OPPOSITION  73 

burgesses,  whose  names  are  to  be  found  at  the  foot  of  the 
Barrington  petition  we  cannot  say,  as  all  the  names  are  written 
in  a  single  hand. 

Such  considerations,  however,  it  must  be  admitted,  cannot 
be  stretched  to  cover  the  whole  ground.  In  municipal,  even 
more  than  in  national  disputes,  personal  questions 
questions  range  themselves  side  by  side  with  political  ones, 
involved.  ^ich  they  not  infrequently  overtop.  It  is  by  no 
means  unlikely  that  Barrington  had  given  offence  by  some 
peculiarity  of  his  character  or  demeanour,  and  that  he  had 
shown  himself  overbearing  and  contemptuous  in  his  dealings 
with  his  fellow-citizens.  Nor  can  there  be  much  doubt  that  the 
opposition  to  his  authority  was  reinforced,  not  only  by  those 
who  conscientiously  differed  from  him  in  politics  or  religion, 
but  also  by  a  large  number  of  the  easy-going  and  self-indulgent, 
to  whom  the  Puritan  strictness  of  his  rule  was  abhorrent. 
On  the  whole,  it  may  be  concluded  that  the  growth  of  Reynolds's 
party  up  to  the  summer  of  1654  is  best  explained  on  the  sup- 
position that  Presbyterians  who  were  not  Royalists  tended  to 
coalesce,  on  the  one  hand,  with  the  Presbyterian  Royalists  of 
1648,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  with  the  more  fanatical  sects, 
but  that  the  great  increase  in  the  numbers  of  the  combined 
party  in  1655  must  be  set  down  to  the  dissatisfaction  arising  in 
the  minds  of  the  non-political  class  with  the  growing  tendency 
of  those  in  power  to  enforce  the  strict  observance  of  Puritan 
legislation.1 

The  majority  thus  secured  by  Haynes  was  too  slight  to  be 

Dec  2c       depended  on  after  his  own  minatory  presence  had 

Haynes        been  withdrawn,  and  it  was  the  Major-General  him- 

calls  for  .  , 

further  re-      self,  who   pointed  out   that  further   measures  were 
°ns'      required  if  the  municipal  situation  was  to  be  saved. 

1  This  is  brought  out  in  many  of  the  charges  against  Reynolds's  party. 
In  one  he  is  said  to  have  been  asked  why  he  had  connected  himself  with 
the  wicked  party,  and  to  have  answered  that  it  had  stood  by  him  when 
the  others  forsook  him.  Whether  the  conversation  was  distorted  or  not, 
this  report  of  it  points  to  its  being  understood  that  some  at  least  of  his 
followers  did  not  reach  the  standard  of  Puritan  morality. 


74         PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

"  How  great  need,"  he  wrote  to  Thurloe,  "  these  few  and 
weak  hands  and  hearts  have  to  be  strengthened  I  submit  to 
your  Honour's  consideration,  especially  considering  the  popu- 
lousness  of  the  place,  and  that  here  were  1,360  hands  set  to 
the  personal  treaty  and  petition.  I  humbly  offered  this  as  a 
consideration  to  His  Highness  that,  unless  some  speedy  change 
be  made  in  such  malignant  corporations,  it's  not  for  such 
honest  men  that  would  serve  you  to  abide  in  their  present 
stations ;  for  no  longer  than  such  a  severe  hand  as  there  was  in 
this  election  be  held  over  them  will  any  good  magistracy  be 
countenanced ;  which,  if  it  may  by  any  means  provoke  to  the 
doing  something  effectual  in  the  charters  of  corporations,  I 
have  my  end,  and  I  am  sure  the  hearts  of  most  that  fear  God 
will  be  rejoiced."  L 

Haynes's  hint  was  soon  taken.  Early  in  the  spring  a  Com- 
mittee of  Council  was  appointed  to  consider  the  renewal  of 
charters  in  which  changes  were  demanded 2  by  the 
A  Com-  corporations  themselves.  So  far  as  Colchester  was 
Xe're^wai  concerned,  it  was  easy  to  procure  a  petition  from 
of  charters.  ^Q  purged  corporation  laying  blame  for  the  past 
AMetition°'  distractions  on  the  defective  constitution  of  the 
Doroughj  by  which  'in  many  particulars  too  great 
power  is  given  to  the  people  to  slight  the  magistracy 
of  the  ...  town,  and  render  them  useless  in  their  places, 
whereby  wickedness  and  profanity  is  much  increased,  to  the 
great  discouragement  of  honest  men.'  The  conclusion  to 
which  all  this  tended  was  that  a  new  charter  should  be  granted 
which  would  give  better  support  to  the  magistracy  than  the  old 
one  had  hitherto  done.3  The  Committee,  as  might  have  been 
The  new  expected,  pronounced  in  favour  of  the  proposal,  and 
charter.  jn  fae  course,  of  the  summer  a  new  charter  was  pre- 

1  Haynes  to  Fleetwood,  Dec.  20,  Thurloe,  iv.  330. 

2  The  date  of  its  appointment  is  unknown,  but  the  first  notice  of  it  is 
on  April  4,  though  it  must  have  been  in  working    order    before   that. 
Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77,  p.  29. 

3  Petition  to  the  Protector.     Account  of  the  proceedings,    March   10, 
S.  P.  Dom.  cxxvi.  14,  14,  i. 


1656  A   REFORMED    MUNICIPALITY  75 

pared,  transferring  the  right  of  nomination  to  offices  and  to 
the  common  council  from  the  burgesses  to  the  common 
council  itself.1  Henceforward,  the  burgesses  being  excluded 
from  the  new  corporation,  were  to  preserve  no  other  right  than 
that  of  exclusive  eligibility  to  office.  The  new  corporation, 
moreover,  was  to  choose  the  Parliamentary  members,  the  free 
burgesses  being  excluded  from  the  franchise  in  political  as  well 
as  in  municipal  elections.  In  other  respects  the  amendments 
were  distinctly  for  the  better.  The  high  steward,  recorder, 
aldermen  and  common  councillors,  were  to  hold  office  for  life, 
and  to  be  liable  to  removal  for  misdemeanour  as  before,  but 
the  vague  authority  to  remove  them  '  for  any  reasonable  cause  ' 
was  omitted,  and  it  was  specified  that  the  charges  made  against 
accused  persons,  together  with  the  answers  given  in  reply, 
should  in  future  be  delivered  in  writing.  Alehouses  were  to 
be  licensed  only  at  quarter  sessions,  and  then  by  the  mayor  and 
two  justices.  To  secure  the  permanency  of  this  system  the 
first  mayor,  aldermen  and  common  council  were  named  in  the 
charter,2  as  Charles  had  named  them  in  his  charter  of  1635. 
It  is,  however,  one  thing  to  secure  the  temporary  predomin- 
ance of  certain  persons  at  a  time  when  party  divisions  are  com- 
paratively undeveloped,  and  another  thing  to  stereotype  the 
victory  of  a  minority  which  would  never  have  secured  power 
without  the  employment  of  overwhelming  force.  Something  of 
this  kind  appears  to  have  been  present  to  the  mind  of  the 
Protector  and  his  advisers,  as,  though  they  took  good  care  to 
Aug.  21.  place  in  the  new  corporation  a  considerable  majority 
Sporl^  of  the  Barrington  party,  they  allowed  some  of  their 
natned.orm"  opponents  to  take  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  borough, 

1  As  before,  after  the  nomination  of  two  persons  to  each  vacancy  had 
taken  place,  the  final  choice  was  vested  in  different  bodies,  according  to 
the  nature  of  the  position  or  office.     See  p.  55. 

2  The  charter  itself  has  not  been  preserved,  but  we  have  notes  of 
alterations  proposed  by  Desborough  and  Sydenham  to  the  Council,  and 
an  Order  of  Council  of  June  12  recommending  that  the  charter  be  pre- 
sented to  the  Protector,  as  amended,  for  renewal.     As  nothing  is  heard  of 
the  Protector's  dissent,  it  may  be  taken  that  we  have  in  these  notes  the 
charter  as  it  finally  passed  the  seal.     S.  P.  Dom.  cxxviii.  59,  60,  60,  I. 


76        PROTECTORATE   AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

at  least  as  critics.  Radhams  and  Gale,  though  belonging  to 
the  now  depressed  party,  retained  their  seats  as  aldermen, 
whilst  two  of  their  allies  were  placed  in  the  common  counciL 
These  latter,  however,  forfeited  their  seats  by  refusing  to  take 
the  oath  of  office.1 

Charters  were  renewed  in  several  places  besides  Colchester, 
but  the  only  trace  of  a  political  object  is  to  be  found  in 
jan  i  Carlisle,  from  which  city  a  complaint  reached  the 
The  business  Council  in  January  that  a  Royalist  mayor  had  been 
elected,  who  opposed  the  reformation  of  alehouses, 
favoured  the  election  of  disaffected  aldermen,  besides  being 
guilty  of  other  misdemeanours.2  The  result  was  a  sharp  order 
for  the  execution  of  the  proclamation  of  September  21,  though 
at  the  request  of  the  Major-General  of  the  district  four  Royalist 
common  councillors  were  allowed  to  retain  office  for  the  benefit 
of  the  town.3 

In  the  remaining  cases  there  is  nothing  to  lead  us  to 
suppose  that  any  other  than  a  local  object  was  served  by  the 
remodelling  of  the  corporations.  At  Salisbury,  for  instance, 
Cases  of  ^  corP°ration  itself  petitioned  for  a  new  charter, 
Salisbury  mainly,  it  would  seem,  to  obtain  thereby  a  confirma- 

and  Leeds.  _    .  .         .          .  .  . 

tion  of  the  purchase  by  the  city  of  property  formerly 
belonging  to  the  dean  and  chapter;  though  they  at  the  same 
time  asked  for  a  diminution  of  their  numbers,  on  the  ground 
that  the  trade  of  the  place  having  decayed — perhaps  because 
the  cathedral  dignitaries  were  no  longer  purchasers  from  the 
tradesmen  of  the  place — a  sufficient  number  of  qualified 
citizens  were  no  longer  available  for  service  in  the  common 
council.4  A  petition  from  Leeds,  too,  reveals  no  more  than 

1  Hist.  Rev.  xv.  658.     Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77. 

2  Petition  read  in  Council,  Jan.  17,  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxiii.  42. 

3  Lawrence  to  the  Mayor,  &c.,  of  Carlisle,  Jan.  18  ;  Lawrence  to  the 
Major-General  for  Cumberland,  Jan.  18,  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I, 
76,  p.  484 ;  77,  p.  484. 

4  Petition  of  the  Corporation  of  Salisbury.     A  copy  of  the  Protector's 
charter  is  amongst  the  Municipal  Records,  as  is  also  the  Journal  of  the 
Common  Council. 


1656  THE   HONEST   PARTY  77 

dissatisfaction  with  local  conditions ; l  and  it  is  probable  that 
the  other  demands  for  the  renewal  of  charters  which  were 
brought  before  the  Committee  bore  the  same  complexion. 

The  troubles  at  Colchester,  therefore,  were  from  one  point 
of  view   exceptional,  as   nowhere   else   were   parties   arrayed 

against  one  another  in  a  struggle  so  decided  and  pro- 
Coichester  longed.  From  a  different  point  of  view  they  furnish 
fromPon°enal  a  sample  of  the  conflict  which  was  disturbing  the 
view,  and  of  nati°n  itself .  In  Colchester,  as  in  England  at  large, 
pomnie"1"  tlie  opposition  to  tne  Protectorate  showed  no  sign  of 
from  an-  crystallising  into  a  distinctly  Royalist  movement. 

One  party  asserts  that  its  opponents  are  tainted  with 
malignancy,  a  charge  which  those  opponents  promptly  disclaim. 
There  is  no  hint  of  that  kind  of  talk  about  bringing  back  the 
King  which  might  be  prudently  kept  from  observation  in 
quieter  times,  but  would  be  sure  to  spring  to  light  when 
divisions  ran  as  high  as  they  did  in  the  Essex  borough.  In 
Colchester  again,  as  in  England  at  large,  a  heterogeneous 
majority  was  arrayed  against  the  Protectorate.  Wherever  this 
phenomenon  met  his  eye,  Oliver's  remedy  for  the  mischief  was 
the  upholding  in  power  of  a  determined  minority,  capable  of  I 
keeping  at  arm's  length  alike  the  political  opposition  of  the 
Royalists,  the  religious  opposition  of  the  sects,  and  the  social 
opposition  of  the  worldly  and  profane.  So  long  as  he  lived  he 
was  resolved  that  the  ill-informed  and  evil-minded  multitude 
should  not  bear  sway  in  England.  The  '  honest  party '  alone 
was  to  be  placed  and  maintained  in  power.  That  the  *  honest 
party '  owed  its  pre-eminence  to  the  sword  that  he  wielded  was 
to  him  an  unfortunate  accident,  which  he  strove  to  mitigate, 
but  which,  in  the  nature  of  things,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
shake  off.  Unfortunately  for  the  permanence  of  the  Pro- 
tectorate, the  increasing  prominence  which  the  doctrine  that 
the  supremacy  of  the  '  honest  party '  must  at  all  hazards  be 
maintained  had  assumed  in  Oliver's  mind  had  seriously  affected 
his  chance — never  very  great — of  reconciling  the  nation  to  his 

1  Petition  of  the  inhabitants  of  Leeds,  Dec.   2,    1656,  S.  P.  Dom. 
cxxxi.  7. 


78        PROTECTORATE  AND   CORPORATIONS      CHAP.  XLIII. 

Government.  Starting  after  the  dissolution  of  his  first  Parlia- 
ment with  the  notion  that  he  was  justified  in  disregarding  the 
law  whenever  it  came  in  conflict  with  the  duty  of  maintaining 
the  Constitution,  he  found  himself  towards  the  end  of  1655  in 
possession  of  the  military  organisation  of  the  Major-Generals, 
which  he  had  established  as  a  weapon  against  the  enemies 
of  the  Constitution,  but  which  readily  lent  itself  to  other 
services.  The  sword  drew  on  the  man  ;  and  he  sought  to  use 
that  organisation,  not  merely  to  combat  the  partisans  of  the 
exiled  claimant  of  the  throne,  or  the  partisans  of  the  sovereignty 
of  a  single  House,  but  the  elements  of  society  in  which  the 
moral  and  religious  standard  was  lower  than  his  own.  In  such 
a  struggle  he  found  himself  necessitated  to  trespass  beyond  the 
limitations  of  the  law  even  more  frequently  and  more  decisively 
that  when  his  efforts  had  been  directed  to  the  maintenance  of 
a  political  claim  which  was  in  itself  sound.  By  this  course  he 
had  unconsciously  arrayed  against  him  not  merely  the  careless 
and  the  profligate,  but  all  who  valued  the  rule  of  law,  and  who 
strenuously  objected  to  a  Government  which  measured  the 
obligations  of  Englishmen  by  the  length  of  its  own  desires.  It 
was  not,  however,  in  England  that  the  doctrine  that  govern- 
ment should  rest  on  the  minority  of  the  Well-affected  was  to  be 
observed  in  its  most  glaring  colours.  Those  who  wish  to 
examine  its  character  thoroughly  must  turn  to  its  extreme 
development  in  Ireland. 


79 


CHAPTER   XLIV 

THE    CROMWELLIAN    SETTLEMENT    OF    IRELAND 

STERN  as  were  the  measures  needed  to  secure  the  reign  of 
what  Oliver  counted  as  godliness  in  England,  they  were  mild- 
ness itself  in  comparison  with  the  drastic  measures 
EngHsh1  and  required  to  secure  its  predominance  in  Ireland.  In 
that  unhappy  country  it  was  of  little  consequence 
whether  one  party  or  another  gained  the  mastery  at  Westmin- 
ster. In  any  case  Irishmen,  whether  of  Celtic  or  of  Anglo- 
Norman  descent,  would  be  doomed  to  suffer.  Nor  is  it  easy 
to  see  how  it  could  be  otherwise.  More  than  a  century  of 
strife  had  taught  Englishmen  to  dread  lest  Ireland  should  be 
used  as  a  stepping-stone  for  the  armies  of  their  Continental 
rivals.  It  was  only  in  consonance  with  average  human  nature 
that  they  still  preferred  forcibly  to  disable  the  Irish  people, 
rather  than  seek  to  win  them  over  to  the  side  of  England,  even 
if,  after  the  past  experience  by  the  Irish  of  English  cruelty,  it 
A  plantation  were  any  longer  in  their  power  to  do  so.  Three 
policy.  generations  of  English  statesmen  had  striven  to 
secure  Ireland  by  replacing  the  native  population  by  English 
settlers,  and  the  policy  of  Mary  and  Elizabeth,  of  Bacon  and 
Strafford,  still  counted  for  wisdom  on  the  banks  of  the  Thames. 
To  hold  Ireland  securely  by  the  extension  of  the  plantation 
system  was  the  policy  which  had  been  handed  down  to  the 
Long  Parliament  by  preceding  Governments.  If  that  Parlia- 
ment attempted  to  carry  out  the  same  design  more  completely, 
it  was  because  Cromwell's  sword  had  made  that  possible  which 
had  been  impossible  before.  Whether  Irishmen  would  be  the 


80    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  xuv. 

better  or  the  worse  for  this  violence  not  one  of  these  Governments, 
past  or  present,  either  knew  or  cared.  In  the  eyes  of  Englishmen, 
the  resistance  of  the  '  Irish  enemy  '  was  no  patriotic  struggle  for 
independence,  no  well-justified  refusal  to  bow  the  neck  beneath 
the  yoke  of  an  alien  who,  apart  from  his  cruelty  and  his  greed, 
brought  with  him  a  religious  and  political  system  distasteful  to 
Celtic  nature  and  Celtic  traditions,  but  rather  the  bestial  re- 
pugnance of  the  savage  to  accept  the  rudimentary  conditions 
of  civilised  order. 

It  is  not  within  the  province  of  the  historian  to  conjecture 

how  things  might  have  fallen  out  if  only  the  mental  habits  and 

the  passions  of  the  actors  on   the  stage   had  been 

Consistency  „    .  ..        ,  .  ,        , 

of  English  changed.  It  is  sufficient  for  him  to  mark  the  con- 
sistency of  a  policy  which  sprang  from  definite  causes 
unremoved  during  the  lapse  of  years — a  policy  which  led  almost 
inevitably  to  what  is  usually  known  as  the  Cromwellian  settle- 
ment, though  it  was  in  reality  sketched  out  by  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment before  Cromwell  was  in  a  position  to  make  his  weight  felt. 
It  was  Parliament  which,  roused  in  1641  by  the  tale  of 
horror  wafted  across  the  Irish  sea,  starting  from  the  principle 
that  resistance  to  Parliament  was  sheer  rebellion  against  a 
legitimate  Government,  proceeded  in  1642  to  decree  the  con- 
l642.  fiscation  of  the  estates  of  the  rebels,  and  to  set  aside 
Adven-°  the  fr°m  tne  forfeited  land  2,500,000  acres  for  the  Adven- 
turers, turers  who  advanced  money  for  the  reconquest  of 
Ireland.1  To  this  Act  the  Royal  assent  was  given  just  before 
the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War,  and,  though  the  money  obtained 
by  this  means  was  diverted  into  other  channels,  the  Adven- 
turers retained  their  claim  to  the  security  on  which  payment  had 
been  made. 

Years  passed  by  before  a  chance  was  offered  to  the  Adven- 
turers of  converting  this  claim  into  possession  ;  and  it  was  only 
in  1651,  when  Ireton  set  forth  to  lay  siege  to  Limerick 
A  proposed    for  the  second  time,  that  the  prospect  of  reducing 
Ireland  was  such  as  to  justify  the  Lord  Deputy  and 
his  fellow-commissioners  in  taking  into  consideration  a  scheme 
1  Scobell,  i.  26. 


1651  LAND-GRANTS  8 1 

for  satisfying  the  Adventurers,  and  for  inducing  fresh  purchasers 
its  con-  to  lend  money  upon  the  security  of  lands  yet  un- 
posTp^oned,  pledged.  Military  necessities,  however,  put  an  end 
1652  to  the  discussion  for  the  time,1  and  it  was  not  till 
but  resumed  after  Ireton's  death  that  it  was  possible  to  resume  it 

after  Ireton  s 

death.  with  advantage.  To  clear  the  way  it  was  necessary 
to  secure  the  emigration  of  the  armed  forces  of  the  enemy,  thus 
rendering  the  Irish  incapable  of  resistance  for  at  least  a  genera- 
tion. According  to  the  best  calculation,  no  less  than  34,000 
Irish  soldiers  consented  to  quit  their  native  soil  to  serve  in 
Continental  armies,  and  6,000  women,  children,  and  priests 
brought  the  number  of  the  emigrants  up  to  40,000. 2 

In  January  1652,  whilst  this  emigration  was  still  in  the 
future,  the  Commissioners  of  Parliament — Ludlow,  Corbett, 
Jan.  s.  Jones  and  Weaver — no  longer  associated  with  a  Lord 
thtvcom°-f  Deputy,  sketched  out  a  plan  of  operations.  A  line 
missioners.  of  defence  was  to  be  drawn  from  the  Boyne  to  the 
Barrow,  and  secured  by  fortifications,  within  which  lands  might 
be  assigned  to  English  and  Protestants  only,  the  entire  Irish 
population  being  cleared  away.3  It  was,  however,  proposed  to 
distribute  the  Adventurers,  in  accordance  with  the  Act  of  1642, 
over  the  four  provinces,  and  to  satisfy  the  soldiers  by  assigning 
to  them,  in  lieu  of  their  arrears,  lands  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  garrison  towns  in  which  they  were  quartered.  An  allusion 
was  made  to  the  classification  of  Irish  lately  in  rebellion  under 
several  categories  or  qualifications,  in  the  way  in  which  it  had 
been  proposed  to  deal  with  English  Royalists  in  various 
negotiations  carried  on  in  the  course  of  the  Civil  War,  but  it 

1  The   Commissioners   to   Vane,   Aug.    2,    1651,  Irish   R.O.,  £   49, 
P-  39- 

2  Petty's  Political  Anatomy  of  Ireland  (ed.  1719),  p.  19. 

3  The  line  was  to  be  drawn  *  for  securing  of  the  inhabitants  within  the 
said  line,  the  same  being  once  clear  of  the   Irish.'     Particulars  humbly 
offered,  Jan.  8,  Irish  R.O.,^  49,  p.  286.     A  copy  in  the  Calendar  of  the 
Portland  MSS.,   Hist.   MSS.    Com.    Rep.    xiii.    App.    I.,    pp.    622-25. 
substitutes   'enemy'  for  'Irish.'      If  this  be  accepted  the  expulsion  of 
Irish  who  submitted  may  not,  perhaps,  have  been  contemplated. 

VOL.  IV.  G 


82    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  XLIV. 

does  not  appear  that  any  certain  conclusion  was  arrived  at.  In 
l652  April,  Weaver— one  of  the  commissioners — was 
wtfver-s  despatched  to  England  to  discuss  the  scheme  with 
mission.  Parliament.  On  his  arrival  he  found  the  Adventurers 
decidedly  opposed  to  any  plan  which  would  scatter  their  home- 
steads among  the  Irish,  and  inclined  to  ask  that  the  labourers 
Au  required  to  till  their  lands  might  be  imported  from 

England.     The  discussion  which  followed  l  resulted 

in  the  Act  of  Settlement  passed  on  August  12. 
By  this  Act   Irishmen,  with   few  exceptions,  were   placed 
under  one  or  other  of  eight  qualifications,  all  who  came  under 

the  first  five  being  excepted  from  pardon  for  life  and 
fivequaii-  estate — in  other  words,  sentenced  to  be  hanged  with 

confiscation  of  property.  The  first  included  not 
merely  persons  who  had  *  contrived,  advised,  counselled,  pro- 
moted or  acted  the  rebellion,  murders  or  massacres,'  but  also 
those  who  during  the  first  year  of  the  rebellion  had  assisted  it 
'  by  bearing  arms,  or  contributing  men,  arms,  horse,  plate,  money, 
victual,  or  other  furniture  or  habiliments  of  war,'  unless,  indeed, 
these  things  had  been  taken  from  them  by  force.  The  second 
comprised  priests,  Jesuits,  and  other  persons  in  Roman  orders 
who  had  abetted  the  massacres  or  the  war;  the  third,  one 
hundred  and  six  persons  of  note  mentioned  by  name ;  the 
fourth,  principals  and  accessories  in  the  act  of  killing  any 
Englishman,  though  an  exception  was  made  in  favour  of 
those  who,  being  themselves  enlisted  in  the  Irish  army,  had 
killed  soldiers  enlisted  on  the  other  side ;  the  fifth,  persons  in 
arms  who  did  not  lay  them  down  within  twenty-eight  days  after 
the  publication  of  the  Act.  So  far  as  it  is  possible  to  suggest 
an  estimate,  we  can  hardly  reckon  at  less  than  100,000  the  number 
of  persons  sentenced  to  death  on  the  first  and  fourth  qualifi- 
cations.2 No  such  deed  of  cruelty  was  ever  contemplated  in 
cold  blood  by  any  State  with  pretence  to  civilisation. 

1  Considerations  to  be  offered  by  Mr.  Weaver,  Portland  MSS. ,  p.  644. 
For  further  particulars  on  the  subject  of  the  transplantation  than  are  given 
in  this  chapter  see  Hist.  Rev.  (Oct.  1899)  xiv.  700-734. 

2  « Petty,  ...  in    his    Political    Anatomy    of  Ireland,    puts    the 


1652  LAND   FORFEITURES  83 

There  remained  to  be  dealt  with  those  Irishmen  who,  being 
of  full  age  or  nearly  of  full  age  in  1641,  had  taken  no  part  even 
in  assisting  the  actors  in  the  first  year  of  the  rebellion,  or  those 
who  were  too  young  to  have  been  responsible  agents  at  that 
time.  A  small  number  of  these,  who  had  held  high  office,  civil 
The  sixth  or  m^^*ary>  were  sentenced  under  the  sixth  qualifica- 
quaiifica-  tion  to  banishment,  and  to  the  forfeiture  of  their 
existing  estates,  though  lands  to  the  value  of  a  third 
part  were  to  be  granted  to  their  wives  and  children  '  in  such 
places  in  Ireland  as  the  Parliament,  in  order  to  the  more  effectual 
settlement  of  the  peace  of  this  nation,  shall  think  fit  to  appoint 
for  that  purpose.'  The  seventh  qualification  covered  those  who, 
Seventh  not  being  included  in  the  former  qualifications,  had 
quaiffiS-h  borne  arms  against  Parliament — that  is  to  say,  those 
dons.  Wh0  had  taken  part  for  the  first  time  in  the  war  after 

November  10,  1642,  as  regularly  enlisted  soldiers.  These,  if 
they  made  submission  within  twenty-eight  days  after  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Act,  were  to  receive  an  equivalent  of  a  third  of  their 
estates  in  some  part  of  Ireland  appointed  by  Parliament.  The 
eighth  qualification  was  directed  against  every  person  of  the 
Popish  religion  who,  having  resided  in  Ireland  at  any  time 
between  October  i,  1641,  and  March  i,  1650,  had  not  mani- 
fested constant  good  affection  to  the  Commonwealth,  who  were 
to  receive  the  equivalent  of  two-thirds  of  their  estates  in  like 
manner.  Others — that  is  to  say,  Protestants  who  had  failed  to 
show  good  affection — from  them  constant  good  affection  was 

population  in  1652  as  850,000,  from  which  some  160,000  may  perhaps 
be  deducted  as  Protestants  of  British  descent.  There  remain,  therefore, 
690,000  Catholic  Irish,  of  whom  about  180,000  must  have  been  males  old 
enough  to  be  responsible  for  their  conduct  in  1641.  Of  these  34,000 
escaped  by  emigration  the  penalties  imposed  on  them,  leaving  some 
146,000  under  consideration.  If,  instead  of  adopting  Gookin's  exaggera- 
tions, we  allow  that  two  out  of  three  of  such  Irishmen  had  taken  some 
part  in  the  first  resistance,  we  have  about  93,000  liable  to  suffer  death 
under  the  first  qualification,  to  which  number  must  be  added  an  incalcu- 
lable number  of  Tories  who,  having  shed  blood,  had  come  under  the 
fourth  qualification,  bringing  the  total  up  to  at  least  100,000.'  Hist.  Rev. 
(Oct.  1899)  xiv.  703. 

G  2 


84    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  XLIV. 

not  required — were  to  forfeit  one-fifth  of  their  estates, 
retaining  the  remaining  four-fifths,  without  the  obligation  of 
exchanging  them  for  land  elsewhere.  However  loose  may  be 
Thos<  the  wording  of  these  two  clauses,  it  is  evident  from 

having  an  the  nature  of  the  penalty  that  persons  having  an 
laSTaione  interest  in  land  were  alone  affected,1  the  object 

ted'  of  the  Legislature  being  to  clear  the  soil  for  the 
new  settlers. 

The  language  of  the  next  clause  has  been  the   object  of 

much   misplaced  commendation.      "  Whereas,"   it  had  been 

declared  in  the  preamble  to  the  Act,  "  the  Parliament 

Pardon  for          _,_.,,.  -  1111  -, 

the  poor  and  of  England,  after  the  expense  of  much  blood  and 
treasure  for  the  suppression  of  the  horrid  rebellion 
in  Ireland,  have  by  the  good  hand  of  God  upon  their  under- 
taking brought  that  affair  to  such  an  issue  as  that  a  total  reduce- 
ment  and  settlement  of  that  nation  may,  with  God's  blessing, 
be  speedily  effected ;  to  the  end,  therefore,  that  the  people  of 
that  nation  may  know  that  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  Parliament 
to  extirpate  that  whole  nation,  but  that  pardon  both  as  to  life 
and  estate  may  be  extended  to  all  husbandmen,  ploughmen, 
labourers  and  others  of  the  inferior  sort,  in  manner  as  is  here- 
after declared — they  submitting  themselves  to  the  Parliament 
of  the  Commonwealth  of  England,  and  living  peaceably  and 
obediently  under  their  Government — and  that  others  also,  of 
higher  rank  and  quality,  may  know  the  Parliament's  intention 
concerning  them,  according  to  the  respective  demerits  and 
considerations  under  which  they  fall ;  be  it  enacted  and 
declared  .  .  .  that  all  and  every  person  and  persons  of  the 
Irish  nation,  comprehended  in  any  of  the  following  qualifica- 
tions, shall  be  liable  unto  the  penalties  and  forfeitures  therein 
mentioned  and  contained,  or  be  made  capable  of  the  mercy 
and  pardon  therein  extended  respectively,  according  as  is  here- 
after expressed  and  declared." 

To  carry  out  these  promises  to  the  landless  man  it  was,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  enacted  and  declared  *  that  all  and  every 

1  "An  estate  .  .  .  signifieth  that  title  or  interest  which  a  man  hath 
in  land  or  tenements,"  Cowers  Interpreter,  s.v. 


1652  TREATMENT   OF   THE    LANDLESS  85 

person  and  persons,  having  no  real  estate  in  Ireland  nor 
personal  estate  to  the  value  of  io/.,  that  shall  lay  down  arms, 
and  submit  to  the  power  and  authority  of  the  Parliament  by 
the  time  limited  in  the  former  qualifications,  and  shall  take 
and  subscribe  the  engagement  to  be  true  and  faithful  to  the 
Commonwealth  of  England,  as  the  same  is  now  established,  .  .  . 
such  persons — not  being  excepted  from  pardon,  nor  adjudged 
for  banishment  by  any  of  the  former  qualifications — shall  be 
pardoned  for  life  and  estate  for  any  act  or  thing  by  them  done 
in  the  prosecution  of  the  war.' 

The   charitable  intentions  of   Parliament  in  shielding  the 

poor   from   the  consequence   of  their  acts  have   been  often 

praised.    It  is,  therefore,  worth  while  to  ask  what  was 

What  were       r  '  ' 

the  inten-  the  intention  of  the  Legislature.  In  the  first  place, 
Pariia-  it  may  be  noticed  that  no  remission  of  personal  trans- 
plantation was  granted,  if  only  for  the  simple  reason 
that  there  is  no  mention  of  personal  transplantation  in  any  part 
of  the  Act.  Proprietors  of  land  were  to  exchange  the  posses- 
sions left  to  them  for  estates  in  some  distant  part  of  the  country, 
but  were  under  no  obligation  to  reside  on  their  new  property. 
In  the  second  place,  a  landless  man,  whose  stock  of  money  and 
goods  did  not  reach  io/.  in  value,  was  just  as  liable  to  be 
hanged,  if  he  had  assisted  the  fighting  men  during  the  first 
year  of  the  rebellion,  or  at  any  later  stage  had  joined  the  Tories 
in  killing  a  single  Englishman,  as  if  he  had  counted  his  acres 
by  the  thousand.  Only  acts  done  in  prosecution  of  the  war 
having  been  mentioned,  those  alone  profited  by  the  clause  who, 
being  either  too  young  in  1641  to  be  mixed  up  in  the  troubles 
of  the  first  year,  or  having  kept  themselves  singularly  aloof 
from  the  early  troubles,  had  since  taken  arms  in  the  regular 
forces  under  the  Irish  leaders.  As  the  great  majority  of  these 
men  elected  to  emigrate,  only  a  very  few  can  have  benefited 
by  this  clause,  and  even  those  who  did  gained  no  more  advan- 
tage by  it  than  permission  to  keep  the  whole  of  their  petty 
savings ;  whereas  if  they  had  possessed  landed  property  even 
below  the  value  of  io/.,  they  would  have  forfeited  two-thirds 
of  their  estates.  It  is  but  a  small  residuum  of  the  beneficence 


86    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  xuv. 

lavishly  attributed  by  English  writers   to  the  framers  of  this 
clause.1 

Immediate  interest,  however,  centred  on  the  question  how 
far  the  authorities  in  Ireland  would  be  prepared  to  carry  out 

the  sweeping  death  sentence  pronounced  by  Parlia- 
A  meeting  at  ment.  On  April  1 7,  some  months  before  the  passing 

of  the  Act  of  Settlement,  there  had  been  a  meeting 
of  officers  and  civilians  at  Kilkenny.  Irritated  by  recent 
military  failures,  the  conference  piously  concluded  that  God 
was  for  some  reason  offended  with  their  conduct.  "  Which," 
reported  the  commissioners,  "  with  the  sense  we  have  of  the 
blood-guiltiness  of  this  people  in  a  time  of  peace  doth  —through 
dread  of  the  Lord  only,  we  trust — occasion  much  remorse  for 
particular  weaknesses  past,  in  most  minds  here  concerning  some 
treaties  which  are  liable  to  be  attended  with  sparing  when  He 
is  pursuing,2  .  .  .  And  whilst  we  were  in  debate  thereof,  and 
of  our  dealing  with  those  who  yet  continue  in  rebellion,  an 
abstract  of  some  particular  murders  was  produced  by  the  Scout- 
master-General, who  hath  the  original  examinations  of  them 
more  at  large.  ...  So  deeply  were  all  affected  with  the 
barbarous  wickedness  of  the  actions  in  these  cruel  murders 
and  massacres,  being  so  publicly  in  most  places  committed, 
that  we  are  much  afraid  our  behaviour  towards  this  people  may 
never  sufficiently  avenge  the  same;  and  fearing  that  others  who 
are  at  greater  distance  may  be  moved  to  the  lenity  [to  which] 
we  have  found  no  small  temptation  in  ourselves; — and  we  not 
knowing  but  that  the  Parliament  might  shortly  be  in  pursuance 
of  a  speedy  settlement  of  this  nation,  and  therefore  some  tender 
concessions  might  be  concluded  through  your  being  un- 
acquainted with  those  abominations,  we  have  caused  this  en- 
closed abstract  to  be  transcribed  and  made  fit  for  your  view."  3 

1  Scobell,  ii.  197. 

2  I.e.  negotiations  then  in  progress  for  the  surrender  and  transportation 
of  Irish  soldiers  which  might  lead  to   sparing  the  Irish  when  God  was 
pursuing  them  with  the  purpose  of  destroying  them. 

3  The  Commissioners  to  Parliament,  May  5,  Irish  R.O.  ~  50,  p.  69  ; 
Abstract  of  depositions,  ib.  p.  71. 


1652  TRIALS   OF    PRISONERS  8/ 

It  may  well  be  that  the  harshness  of  the  Act  of  Settlement 
was  in  the  main  due  to  these  representations.  That  the 
Effect  of  its  massacre  of  1641  cried  aloud  for  punishment,  if  not 
representa-  for  vengeance,  was  the  settled  belief  of  every  English- 
man who  had  any  connection,  official  or  unofficial, 
with  Ireland.  Yet,  when  the  call  for  repressive  action  was 
once  reduced  into  a  judicial  channel,  it  soon  lost  its  exaggera- 
1652-54.  ti°n-  A  High  Court  of  Justice  was  erected  for  the 
Co?rtgof  trial  °f  murderers.  During  the  two  years  in  which  it 
justice.  remained  in  existence  murderers  and  accessories  to 
murder  were  sentenced  by  it — not  those  who  had  aided  the 
rebels  in  their  earliest  warlike  operations.  English  judges,  once 
seated  on  the  Bench,  were  steadied  in  the  exercise  of  their 
functions,  and  every  latitude  was  given  to  prisoners  to  plead 
their  cause  and  to  produce  witnesses  in  their  favour.  Though 
hearsay  evidence  was,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  times, 
freely  admitted,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  intentional 
injustice  was  inflicted.  There  was  no  browbeating  of  the 
accused,  and  there  were  at  least  as  many  acquittals  as  might  be 
expected  in  proportion  to  the  numbers  tried. l 

When,  at  the  beginning  of  September,  Fleetwood  arrived  as 
Commander-in-Chief  with  a  seat  amongst  the  commissioners, 
Fleetwood  ^  might  be  supposed  that  something  would  be  done 
arrives  as  to  put  the  Act  of  Settlement  in  force.  Yet,  except 

acorn-  ... 

missioner.      that  on  October  1 1   an  order  was  given  for  its  pro- 
Oct.  ii.      clamation  in  every  precinct  in  Ireland,2  no  attempt 
proclaim        was  made  to  translate  the  verbal  cruelties  of  Parlia- 
ment into  action.     Notice,  indeed,  was  taken  that 
the  Act  had  proved  defective  in  one  important  respect.     A 

1  Judge  Lowther's  notes  of  some  of  these  trials  are  in  the  library  of 
Trinity  College,  Dublin,  under  the  press-mark  F,  4,  16.  Miss  Hickson 
has  published  a  few  in  Ireland  in  the  Seventeenth  Century -,  ii.  171-239. 
The  issue  of  the  Commission  for  the  erection  of  the  court  is  mentioned  in 
a  letter  from  the  Commissioners  to  Reynolds,  Dec.  17,  Irish  R.O.,^  50, 
p.  372.  On  Jan.  15,  1653,  fifty-four  persons  had  been  condemned,  most 
of  them  being  considerable  men,  ib,  p.  397. 

-  Order  by  the  Commissioners,  Oct.  ii,  Prendergast ',  96. 


88    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  XLIV. 

body  of  commissioners  despatched  north  to  arrange  for  the 
settlement  of  Ulster  appear  to  have  perceived  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  deduct  the  fifth  part  of  the  lands  owned  by  the 
Scots  of  Down  and  Antrim  so  long  as  the  old  proprietors  were 
fixed  in  their  old  homes.  They  therefore  proposed  *  the  trans- 
1653.  plantation  of  popular  men  ...  of  whose  dutiful 
Pejjonai9'  and  peaceable  demeanours  '  they  '  had  no  assurance.' 
triantation  ^e  idea  was  welcomed  by  the  commissioners,  who 
proposed.  On  July  13  issued  orders  for  the  transplantation  of 
July  13.  Scottish  landowners  to  the  south  of  Ireland.  It  was 
Snspfant-  a  mere  act  of  executive  authority,  based  upon  no 
ing  Scots.  iega|  foundation  whatever. l 

Before  this  order  had  been  issued  the  idea  of  personal 
transplantation  had  taken  root  in  England,  doubtless  in  conse- 
quence of  the  unwillingness  of  the  Adventurers  to 

Spread  of  the    n,  to_ 

idea  of  trans-  take  up  lands  hampered  with  the  presence  of  the 
old  proprietors.  The  government  of  England  was 
now  in  stronger  hands  than  those  of  the  Long  Parliament, 
Cromwell  having  entered  in  April  upon  his  temporary  dictator- 
ship. He  was  not  the  man  to  be  content  with  touching  the 
mere  fringe  of  a  great  problem,  and  before  laying  down  his 
authority  upon  the  meeting  of  the  Nominated  Parliament  he 
sketched  out  with  a  vigorous  hand  the  policy  to  be  pursued 
in  Ireland.  According  to  the  Act  passed  in  1642  the  Ad- 
venturers were  to  receive  land  scattered  over  the  four 
provinces,  but  Cromwell,  collecting,  as  may  be  believed,  the 
unanimous  opinions  of  the  Adventurers  themselves,  decided 
that  no  settlement  was  possible  unless  the  English  colonists 
were  in  some  way  relieved  from  the  dangerous  presence  of 
their  dispossessed  predecessors. 

Lar  e  The  difficulty  of  providing-  secure  homes  for  those 

numbers  of    Englishmen  who  were  now  invited,  either  as  Adven- 

Enghshmen 

to  be  pro-       turers  or  as  soldiers,  to  take  up  their  abode  in  Ire- 
land was  the  greater  because  those  of  the  latter  class 

1  The  Commissioners  to  the  Ulster  Commissioners  [Apr.  13];  The 
Ulster  Commissioners  to  the  Commissioners,  Apr.  24  ;  Order  by  the 
Commissioners,  July  13,  Irish  R.O.,  ±  50,  pp.  478,  489  ;  £  44,  P-  84. 


1653  IRISH   MISERY  89 

were  now  found  to  be  far  more  numerous  than  had  been 
expected  in  the  preceding  year,  when  it  had  been  imagined 
that  adequate  provision  might  be  made  for  their  needs  by 
setting  apart  for  them  a  certain  number  of  acres  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  posts  which  they  would 
Cost  of  the  contmue  to  guard.1  The  cost  of  the  subjugation  of 
conquest  of  Ireland  had  been,  and  was  still,  enormous,  no  less 

than  3,509,3967.  being  spent  on  it  between  July  6, 
1649,  and  November  i,  1656.  Of  this  sum  as  much  as 
1,942,5487.  had  been  wrung  from  starving  and  devastated 
Ireland,  leaving  i,566,848/.  as  a  burden  on  the  English 
Treasury.2  No  wonder  there  was  an  outcry  in  England  for  a 
reduction  of  expense,  practicable  by  no  other  means  than  the 
disbandment  of  soldiers  whose  just  demands  could  only  be 
satisfied  by  the  offer  of  land  in  lieu  of  the  money  due  for  their 
arrears.  As  for  the  Irish,  the  very  self-interest  of  the 
conquerors  called  for  a  change  of  the  cruel  system  actually  in 
practice,  which  nothing  but  military  necessity  could  even 

palliate.      "  The   tax,"   wrote    one  who   had   good 

Enormous  .  . 

taxation.  opportunity  of  learning  the  truth  concerning  the 
Misery  of  misery  of  the  Irish,  "  sweeps  away  their  whole 
substance,  necessity  makes  them  turn  thieves  and 
Tories  ;  and  then  they  are  prosecuted  with  fire  and  sword  for 
being  so.  If  they  discover  not  Tories,  the  English  hang  them ; 
if  they  do,  the  Irish  kill  them  ;  against  whom  they  have  nothing 
to  defend  themselves,  nor  any  other  that  can : — nay,  if  any 
person  melted  with  the  bowels  of  a  man,  or  moved  by  the  rules 
of  common  equity,  labour  to  bring  home  to  them  that  little 
mercy  which  the  State  allows,  there  are  some  ready  to  asperse 
them  as  favourers  of  Tories,  coverers  of  bloodguiltiness ;  and, 
briefly,  in  a  probable  computation,  five  parts  of  six  of  the  whole 
nation  are  destroyed ;  and  after  so  sharp  an  execution,  is  it  not 
time  to  sound  a  retreat  ?  " 3 

1  See  supra,  p.  81. 

2  Note  by  Mr.  Firth  in  Hist.  Rev.  (Jan.  1899)  xiv.  105. 

3  Statistical  accuracy  is  not  to  be  expected  from  Gook-in,  the  writer 
of  this  anonymous  work.      See  infra,  p.  101.     Petty,  whose  authority  in 


90    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  XLIV. 

Ireland,   indeed,   after   the   close   of    the   war   was    in    a 

condition  to  call  for  peaceful  labour.     The  greater  part  of  the 

country  was  lying  waste  and  desolate.    "Frequently," 

Desolation  ^  ,  ,  •  .      .        " 

of  the  we  are  told   on  the  authority  of  the  commissioners 

themselves,  "  some  are  found  feeding  on  carrion 
and  weeds,  some  starved  in  the  highways,  and  many  times 
poor  children  who  lost  their  parents,  or  have  been  deserted 
by  them,  are  found  exposed  to,  and  some  of  them  fed  upon  by,' 
Wolves  to  ravening  wolves  and  other  beasts  and  birds  of  prey."  x 
be  de-  The  devastation  caused  by  wolves  was  so  great  as  to 

call  forth  public  action.  In  April  1652  the  emi- 
grants were  prohibited  from  carrying  their  wolf-dogs  to  the 
Continent.  In  November  a  certain  Richard  Toole  was 
authorised  to  kill  wolves  in  the  counties  of  Kildare,  Wicklow, 
and  Dublin;  and  in  June  1653  orders  were  issued  to  the 
Commissioners  of  Revenue  in  every  precinct 2  to  offer  rewards 
for  the  destruction  of  the  noxious  beasts.3 

Yet  it  was  to  little  purpose  to  destroy  wolves  unless  the 
blind  forces  of  Nature  could  be  replaced  by  the  protective 

amenities  of  civilised  life.  Whether  it  would  have 
to  be  been  feasible  to  re-establish  in  their  homes  what 

remained  of  the  Irish  people,  with  the  expectation 
that — even  if  no  English  colonists  were  set  down  amongst 
them — they  would  be  content  to  submit  for  the  future  to 
English  government,  may  reasonably  be  doubted.  The  rivers 
of  blood  that  had  been  shed,  and  still  more  the  contumely 
which  Englishmen  had  poured  upon  Irish  thought  and  Irish 
habits,  stood  in  the  way  of  such  a  consummation.  Cromwell,  at 
all  events,  was  but  in  accordance  with  the  unanimous  opinion  of 

such  matters  is  far  higher,  calculates  that  one-third  of  the  Irish  « perished 
by  the  sword,  plague,  famine,  hardship,  and  banishment.'  Petty's 
Political  Anatomy  of  Ireland (ed.  1719),  p.  19. 

1  Prendergast)  307,  note  I.     • 

2  Ireland  was  at  this  time  divided  for  military  and  official  purposes 
into  fifteen  precincts. 

8  Prendergast,    309-311.       Orders   of  the   Commissioners,   Apr.    27, 
1652,  June  29,  1653,  Irish  K.O.,  £  42,  p.  202 ;  £  44,  p.  255. 


1653  A   SCHEME   OF   PLANTATION  9 1 

his  countrymen  in  believing  that  if  Ireland  was  to   be  brought 
within  the  pale  of  civilisation,  it  must  be  by  English 

Cromwell          ,  .    ,        . 

faces  the  hands  and  brains.  How  eager  he  was  to  proceed 
rapidly  with  the  work  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  whilst 
he  left  over  every  problem  relating  to  England  to  the 
weiiian  decision  of  the  Nominated  Parliament,  he  took  the 
case  of  Ireland  in  hand  during  the  last  month  of  his 
own  temporary  dictatorship.  It  is  true  that  the  settlement 
thus  launched  upon  the  world  had  little  in  it  that  was  new, 
except  the  resolute  energy  of  a  man  determined  to  enforce  his 
June  i.  behests.  On  June  i,  in  co-operation  with  his  impro- 
vised  Council,  Cromwell  appointed  a  Committee  to 
examine  the  claims  of  the  Adventurers,  and  to 
Preside  over  a  lottery  which  should  decide,  first,  in 
lottery.  which  of  the  three  provinces  of  Munster,  Leinster, 
or  Ulster,  their  share  should  fall,  and,  secondly,  to  assign  those 
shares  in  one  or  other  of  ten  counties  specified  in  those 
provinces.  Negatively,  at  least,  this  provision  indicated  that 
Cromwell  had  made  up  his  mind  that  Connaught  was  to  be 
the  part  of  Ireland  assigned  in  the  Act  of  Settlement  for 
division  amongst  the  proprietors  whose  estates  had  been 
forfeited  elsewhere ;  whilst  the  restriction  of  the  allotment  to 
certain  counties  was  a  concession  to  the  desire  of  the  colonists 
that  their  shares  of  land  might  be  as  near  as  possible  to  one 
another. [ 

By  the  army  in  Ireland  the  case  of  the  soldiers  was  held  to 
be  even  more  pressing  than  that  of  the  Adventurers,  as  a  dis- 
bandment  of  considerable  numbers  was  now  imminent.  On 
June  9.  June  9,  a  meeting  of  officers  held  at  Dublin  asked 
of  Officer?  tnat  tne  soldiers  whose  services  were  no  longer 
in  Dublin,  needed  should  at  once  be  put  in  possession  of  land 
estimated  as  equivalent  to  their  arrears.  If,  when  a  survey 
was  completed,  it  was  found  that  any  man  had  received  too 
little,  the  deficiency  was  to  be  made  good ;  if  he  had  received 
too  much,  he  was  to  be  allowed  to  purchase  the  surplus  at  the 

1  Scobell,  ii.  250. 


92     CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  XLIV. 

rates  laid  down  in  the  Act  of  1642,  namely,  an  acre  in  Ulster 

for  45.,  in  Munster  for  Ss.,  and  in  Leinster  for   125".     On  this 

advice   Cromwell   acted.      A  new  commission   was 

Acom-         issued  to  Fleetwood,  Ludlow,  Corbett,  and  Tones,1 

mission  ,  .  . 

with  in-        as  governors  of  Ireland,  accompanied  by  instructions 

structions.  .    ,  ,    ,  r  , ,       c     c  •  ,     •, 

to  appoint  surveyors  to  take  a  survey  of  the  forfeited 
lands  in  the  ten  counties  set  apart  for  plantation — Waterford, 
Limerick,  Tipperary,  Queen's  and  King's  counties,  Meath, 
Westmeath,  Armagh,  Down,  and  Antrim — dividing  them  by 
baronies  into  two  equal  parts — the  one  to  go  to  the  Adven- 
turers, the  other  to  the  soldiers.  In  the  meanwhile,  *  that  the 
Adventurers,  soldiers,  and  officers  should  be  satisfied,  and 
Ireland  planted  with  as  much  expedition  as  may  be,'  a  gross, 
that  is  to  say  a  rough,  survey  was  to  be  taken,  in  order  that  the 
persons  interested  might  receive  provisional  allotments.  When 
this  survey  was  completed,  complaints  of  persons  alleging  that 
their  land  had  been  unduly  described  as  forfeited  were  to  be 
examined.  The  county  of  Louth,  apparently  intended  to  sup- 
plement deficiency,  was  also  to  be  surveyed  ;  and,  finally,  the 
commissioners  were  empowered  to  select  five  other  counties — 
other  than  those  of  Dublin,  Kildare,  Carlow,  or  Cork — on 
which  to  settle  disbanded  soldiers  temporarily  till  permanent 
allotments  could  be  assigned  to  them.2 

The  needs  of  the  settlers  having  been  thus  attended  to, 
additional   instructions  were  issued  on  July  2  to  clear  their 
July  2       Patn  from  tne  namPermg  presence  of  the  old  pro- 
tionl  for        Prietors-     The  idea  of  personal  transplantation  which 
had   occurred   to   the  Ulster   Commissioners3  now 
received  a  development  which  they  had  little  con- 
templated.    It  was  announced  that  Connaught  and  Clare  were 
to  be  the  districts  to  which  all  who  were  allowed  favour  and 
mercy  by  the  Act  of  Settlement  were  to  be  personally  trans- 
planted, and  that  this  transplantation  was  to  be  carried  out  by 

1  Weaver's  name  had  been  removed  before  the  dissolution  of  the  Long 
Parliament. 

2  Commission  and  Instructions,  Scobell,  ii.  255. 

3  See  supra,  p.  88. 


1653       PROPOSED   TRANSPLANTING   OF   THE   IRISH        93 

May  i,  1654,  on  pain  of  death,  thus  reading  into  the  Act  an 
injunction  and  a  date  which  were  not  found  within  its  four 
corners.  Persons  so  transplanted  were  to  receive  from  com- 
missioners appointed  for  the  purpose  lands  in  such  proportion 
to  the  value  of  their  original  property  as  was  set  forth  in  the 
Act  of  Settlement,  and  they  '  or  others  '  might  take  leases,  on 
terms  not  exceeding  twenty-one  years,  or  three  lives,  under  the 
Commonwealth.  These  words,  '  or  others,'  are  the  only  indica- 
tion in  these  instructions  that  any  one  not  a  landowner  or  lease- 
holder was  thought  of  as  joining  the  transplanters  ;  and  as  the 
condition  as  to  the  length  of  lease  precludes  the  idea  that  the 
presence  of  mere  peasants  was  contemplated,  it  may  fairly  be 
set  down  as  referring  to  younger  sons  of  transplanters  or  to 
leaseholders  voluntarily  accompanying  them.  The  whole  gist 
of  these  instructions  shows  them  to  apply  to  landed  men,  who 
were  required  to  make  way  for  the  new  settlers.  The  Act  of 
Sept.  26.  the  Nominated  Parliament  for  the  satisfaction  of  the 
SatLfac-°f  Adventurers  and  soldiers,  passed  on  September  26, 
tion.  regulating  the  details  of  the  scheme  of  colonisation, 

gave  the  force  of  law  to  the  commission  and  instructions  issued 
by  Cromwell  on  the  subject  of  the  Irish  settlement.  It  was 
also  enacted  L  that,  in  the  event  of  the  ten  counties  proving 
insufficient,  the  Adventurers  were  to  be  satisfied  in  four  out  of 
the  five  baronies  of  Louth,  the  soldiers  out  of  other  counties 
to  be  selected  by  the  commissioners.  The  further  needs  of 
those  immediately  disbanded  were  to  be  met,  not,  as  Cromwell 
had  formerly  suggested,  by  a  provisional  grant,  but  by  permanent 
assignments  in  the  remaining  barony  of  Louth  and  in  certain 
districts  in  the  counties  of  Cork  and  Fermanagh.  These 
military  settlers  were  also  to  occupy  a  circuit  of  one  mile  round 
the  town  of  Sligo,  as  well  as  a  belt  of  land,  not  more  than  four 
miles  in  breadth,  round  Connaught  and  Clare,  thus  cutting  the 
transplanters  off  from  the  hope  of  receiving  relief  by  sea.2 

That  this  Act  was  passed  at  Cromwell's  instigation  hardly 


1  Further  instructions,  Scobell^  ii.  257, 

2  Ib.  ii.  240. 


94     CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  XLIV. 

admits  of  a  doubt ;  and  its  evidence  is  conclusive  that  he  had 
not  sufficient  acquaintance  with  the  Irish  problem  to 

Cromwell  \ 

insuffi-  treat  it  as  a  whole,  even  from  the  English  point  of  view, 
acquainted  The  commissioners,  present  on  the  spot,  knew  well 
Irish th€  the  importance  of  the  question  raised  by  the  fact  that 
problem.  the  High  ^ourt  of  Justice  had  only  condemned  a  few 
— perhaps  two  or  three  hundred  of  notorious  malefactors—  out 
of  the  thousands  sentenced  to  death  by  the  Act  of  Settlement. 
The  problem  of  the  fate  to  be  meted  out  to  tenants  at  will  or 
labourers  who  had  made  themselves  liable  to  death  according 
to  that  Act,  either  by  giving  support  to  the  insurgents  in  the 
first  year  of  the  war,  or  by  killing  an  Englishman  without  being 
themselves  enlisted  in  the  regular  forces  at  a  later  stage,  was  a 
pressing  one  in  Ireland,  especially  as  there  was  a  large  party 
among  the  officers  who  called  for  an  entire,  or  nearly  entire, 
clearance  of  the  land,  that  it  might  be  handed  over  to  English 
and  other  Protestants  free  from  molestation  by  the  older  inhabi- 
tants. With  this  party  Fleetwood  sympathised,  and  when,  on 
Oct.  14.  October  14,  the  commissioners  issued  a  Declaration  l 
?^he  con£  ^^  tne  Acts  would  be  put  in  execution,  they  solved 
missioners.  the  problem  in  their  own  way  by  transferring  to  the 
ranks  of  the  transplanters  not  merely  those  who  had  aided  and 
abetted  the  rebellion  in  its  first  year,  but  even  those  who  had 
been  concerned  as  assistants  in  the  first  year  of  the  insurrec- 
tion, though  it  had  not  been  thought  expedient  to  send  them 
for  trial  before  the  High  Court  of  Justice.  A  second  category 
was  formed  of  those  who  had  borne  arms  since  the  end  of  the 
first  year,  and  a  third  of  those  whom  the  transplantation  scheme 
was  mainly,  if  not  entirely,  intended  to  affect — persons  having 
an  interest  in  land  as  proprietors  or  leaseholding  tenants 2 — 
together  with  their  families,  and  others  who  might  willingly 
accompany  them. 

1  Reprinted,  from  a  unique  copy  in  the  possession  of  the  Marquis  of 
Ormonde,  in  Hist.  Rev.  (Oct.  1899)  xiv.  710. 

2  It  was  determined  on  the   Instruction  of  July  2,  confirmed  by  the 
Act  of  Satisfaction,  that  only  leaseholders  were  to  be  regarded  as  tenants, 
Hist,  Rev.  (Oct.  1899)  xiv.  716. 


1653  HESITATION    IN    EXECUTION  95 

If  these   orders  had  been  carried  out  literally,  Connaught 

and  Clare  would  have  been  too  small  for  the  multitude  which 

would  have  been  driven  across  the  border.1     The 

Irresolution  ,.  _     ,          _       ,  .  . 

of  the  com-  very  wording  of  the  Declaration,  however,  carries 
conviction  that  its  authors  were  very  imperfectly 
aware  of  the  effect  of  their  language.  On  the  one  hand,  they 
speak  of  Connaught  and  Clare  as  being  set  apart  for  the 
habitation  of  the  Irish  nation.  On  the  other  hand,  they  con- 
tent themselves  with  directing  that  certain  lands  which  cannot 
have  been  very  extensive  shall  be  leased  out  to  such  of  the 
newcomers  as  are  not  proprietors.2  When  they  descend  to 
detail,  they  are  mainly  concerned  with  persons  belonging  to  the 
landowning  class.  It  is  these  who  are,  before  January  30, 
1654,  to  announce  their  claims  to  the  authorities  of  their  pre- 
cinct and  to  receive  certificates  describing  the  physical  pecu- 
liarities of  those  who  are  to  accompany  them.  It  is  these  who 
were  to  hasten  to  Loughrea  by  January  30  to  secure  a  pro- 
visional assignment  of  lands  in  proportion  to  the  stock  of  corn 
or  cattle  they  owned,  and  who  were  to  be  busy  during  the 
spring  months  in  preparing  habitations  for  those  who  were  to 
follow  them  by  May  i,  a  date  which,  as  it  corresponded  to  the 
nth  in  the  reformed  calendar,  would  be  far  enough  on  the 
way  towards  summer  to  make  travel  less  difficult  than  it  would 

1  Of  the  examinations  to  prove  delinquency,  only  those  relating  to  the 
precinct  of  Athlone  have  reached  us  (Irish  J?.0.,  —  30).     Selecting  the 
first  and  last  twenty  cases,  we  find  that  of  forty  persons  eleven  were  dead 
or  had  gone  beyond  sea,  and  that  four  only  had  taken  the  English  side. 
There  remain  twenty-five,  of  whom  eighteen  would  have  been  liable  to  be 
hanged  by  the  Act  of  Settlement,  and  seven  only  would  have  escaped 
with  partial  forfeiture  of  property.     By  the  Declaration  of  Oct.  14,  1653, 
the  whole  of  the  twenty-five  would  have  been  liable  to  transplantation. 
No  doubt  only  proprietors  and  leaseholders  appeared  at  Athlone,  and  we 
are   left   to   conjecture   as   to  the    men  who,   being  tenants   at   will   or 
labourers,  joined  in  murders,  or  had  assisted  murderers,  in  the  first  year, 
or  had  borne  arms  subsequently.      But  their  numbers  must   have   been 
enormous. 

2  These  may  be  those  willingly  accompanying  the  proprietors,  leaving 
not  much  room  for  the  landless  men-in-arms,  murderers,  &c. 


96    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH. 

have  been  at  an  earlier  season.  In  other  respects  the  sentence 
could  scarcely  have  been  harsher.  The  cruelty  of  this  Declara- 
tion has  been  sufficiently  descanted  on.  What  is  hardly  less 
astonishing  is  that  the  crime  should  have  been  contemplated, 
in  a  fit  of  thoughtlessness,  by  men  who  did  not  give  themselves 
the  trouble  to  ascertain  whether  they  were  banishing  a  nation, 
or  only  a  selected  few. 

To  the  victims  the  meaning  of  the  Declaration  was  clear 
enough.     If  it  was  not  the  entire  Irish  nation,  it  was  at  least  a 

very  large  majority  of  it,  that  was  to  be  crowded  into 
transpianta-    a  rocky  and  inhospitable  district,  in  which  it  would 

be  impossible  to  find  adequate  sustenance.  The 
belief  in  a  general  transplantation  spread  widely.  On  one 
estate  owned  by  an  Englishman  in  Munster,  the  tenants  re- 
fused to  plough  or  sow  till  the  agent  vowed  that  they  at  least 
1654.  should  be  secured  against  the  fate  they  dreaded.1 
Large1'  Others  bowed  before  stern  necessity,  and  in  crowds 
of  UrtTfi-  gave  m  tneir  names  to  accompany  the  proprietor  of 
cates.  tne  forfeited  estate  on  which  they  had  lived.2  Yet, 

when  the  appointed  time  arrived,  few  presented  them- 
remove.  selves  before  the  commissioners  sitting  at  Loughrea 
to  deal  out  lands  beyond  the  Shannon  provisionally  in  propor- 
tion to  the  stock  of  corn  and  cattle  owned.  Even  in  Dublin 
Feb.  6.  doubts  were  expressed  whether  numbers  so  large 
Seupbosssf-st°  could  be  compelled  to  shift  their  homes.  "By  the 
cSiSg  out  *ast  orders  touching  transplantation,"  we  are  told  in 
the  order.  February,  "  it  is  not  intended  that  any  should  be 
sent  into  Connaught  but  proprietors  and  soldiers.  The  rest 
stay."  3  Hesitation  at  headquarters  was  naturally  followed  by 
floods  of  petitions  asking  for  dispensation,  and  by  an  almost 
universal  neglect  to  comply  with  the  orders  of  the  Govern- 
ment. 

1  Dobbins  to  Percival,  Jan.  24,  Egmont  MSS. 

2  In  Limerick  precinct  339  proprietors  received  certificates  to  trans- 
plant, on  which  were  noted  the  names  of  3,048  followers — wives,  children, 
tenants,  and  servants. 

:|  Percival  to  Capt.  Gething,  Feb.  6,  Egmont  MSS. 


1654  THE   IRISH    HANG   BACK  97 

On  May  i,  the  day  by  which  all  transplantable  persons 
were  to  have  crossed  the  Shannon,  it  appeared  that  certificates 
Ma  r  had  been  lodged  at  Loughrea  by  1,589  heads  of 
Few  present  families  on  behalf  of  43,308  persons.1  It  does  not 
in  Con-  *  follow  that  those  named  in  the  certificates  departed 
at  once,  or  that  all  of  them  moved  forward  at  any 
subsequent  time.  Petitions  claiming  exemption  poured  in,  and 
Temporary  the  Government,  to  gain  time  to  examine  them, 
SoSf*  granted  temporary  dispensations  in  many  cases,  but 
granted.  allowed  to  very  few  a  complete  suspension  of  the 
order  for  transplantation.  It  was  still  more  difficult  to  deal 
with  the  mass,  which  met  the  declarations  of  the  will  of  the 
Government  with  sheer  inertia.  On  July  31  the  commissioners 
commuted  to  transportation  to  Barbados  the  death  sentence 
pronounced  on  one  Peter  Bath  for  refusing  to  transplant.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  attempted  to  make  the  way  easy  for  the 
transplanters  by  insisting  that  servants  left  to  gather  in  the 
crops  already  planted  should  not  be  deprived  of  a  lodging  by 
the  new  claimants,  who  were  already  forcing  their  way  into 
possession.2  The  result  was,  however,  little  or  nothing — the 
transplantation  remaining  at  a  standstill  during  the  greater  part 
of  1654.  The  condition  of  the  country  into  which  the  trans- 
planters were  required  to  remove  was  far  from  attractive.  In 
Clare,  out  of  1,300  ploughlands,  only  forty  were  inhabited,3  the 
remainder  being  rocky  and  uncultivated.  Connaught  had  been 
devastated  by  both  parties,  and,  where  the  Irish  inhabitants 
remained  in  possession,  they  resented  the  order  to  remove  to 
other  parts  of  the  province  to  make  way  even  for  persons  of 
their  own  race.4 

1  Between  May  i  and  the  end  of  July  only  36  certificates,  covering 
902  persons,  were  handed  in.      Hardinge,   Circumstances  attending  the 
War,  Trans,  of  the  Roy.  Irish  Academy  (Antiquities),  xxiv.  186. 

2  The  Commissioners  to  the    Commissioners   of  Revenue,   May  26, 
Irish  R.O.,^^,  p.  702. 

8  Grievances  of  the  inhabitants  of  Clare,  ib.  ~  44,  p.  205. 
4  Hardinge  on  Surveys  in  Ireland,  p.  34,  in  TYansattMKS  of  the  Roy. 
Irish  Academy  (Antiquities),  vol.  xxiv. 

VOL.  IV.  H 


98    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND    CH.  XLIV. 

Meanwhile  the  lot  of  those  who  craved  a  mitigation  of 
their  sentences  depended  to  some  extent  on  political  develop- 
ireiand  ments  in  England.  Before  the  end  of  1653  Oliver 
Protect  nad  assumed  the  Protectorate,  and  in  consequence  of 
torate.  rumours  calling  in  question  the  fidelity  of  the  army, 
and  even  of  the  Government  in  Ireland,  one  of  his  first  acts 
was  to  despatch  his  son  Henry  to  examine  the  posi- 
tion.1  Such  an  enquiry  was  the  more  needed  as 
there  were  rumours  that  the  Baptists  —  strong  not 
only  in  numbers  among  the  officers,  but  also  in  the  adhesion  of 
Fleetwood  —  intended  to  join  the  Feakes  and  the  Powells  in  re- 
pudiating the  Protectorate.  On  both  these  heads  Henry  Crom- 
well was  able  to  bring  back  satisfactory  assurances,2  and  in 
August  Oliver  felt  himself  able  to  carry  out  a  scheme  which  he 
had  for  some  time  contemplated,  in  appointing  Fleetwood  Lord 
Aug.  Deputy  with  a  Council  limiting  him  in  the  same  way 
Lordtw°°d  as  Oliver  was  himself  limited  by  the  Council  in  Eng- 
Deputy.  land.3  The  question  of  the  policy  to  be  pursued  in 
Ireland  was  far  more  dubious  than  the  selection  of  the  person  of 
the  Governor  ;  though  all  that  is  known  about  the  discussions 
The  ques-  in  the  Council  at  Westminster  is  that  Lambert  on 
piTntetion"5"  one  occasion  casually  referred  to  transplantation  or 
atSwSt-d  not-transplantation  as  an  issue  on  which  no  deci- 
minster.  sion  had  yet  been  taken.4  The  probability  is  that 
Oliver's  good  sense  perceived  that  the  general  transplantation 
decreed  by  the  Declaration  of  October  14,  1653,  was  absolutely 
impracticable,  but  that,  as  his  manner  was,  he  hesitated  long 
before  coming  to  a  decision.  At  last,  on  August  17,  a  clause 
Power  of  in  Fleetwood's  instructions  gave  him  and  his 
granetedafo°n  Council  power  to  dispense  with  the  orders  of  the 
ate  Parliament  or  Council  of  State  relating  to  trans- 


1  See  vol.  iii.  p.  10. 

2  Cromwell  to  Thurloe,   March  8;    Lloyd   to   Thurloe,    March    13, 
Thurloe,  ii.  149,  162. 

3  Order  for  the  Dissolution  of  the  Board  of  Commissioners,  Aug.  22, 

frisk  R.  0.,  £  25,  p.  28. 

4  Clarke  Papers,  iii.  207. 


1654         ENFORCEMENT   OF   TRANSPLANTATION  99 

plantation,  so  far  as  they  judged  fit  for  the  public  service.1  At 
the  same  time  there  was  a  talk  of  sending  Henry  Cromwell  to 
Ireland  to  command  the  forces  in  Ludlow's  place,2  and  there 
could  be  no  doubt  that  his  voice  would  be  raised  in  the  Irish 
Council  on  the  side  of  moderation. 

Such  a  solution  of  the  difficulty,  if  loyally  carried  out  in 
Dublin,  would  probably  have  saved  the  situation,  at  least  for 
Fieetwood  tne  t*me<  Dispensations  for  the  mass  of  the 
unwilling  peasantry,  and  for  the  more  inoffensive  of  the  pro- 
advantage  prietors  of  land,  would  have  left  Connaught  and 
Clare  as  a  residence  for  the  more  pronounced 
enemies  of  England.  Henry  Cromwell,  however,  remained  at 
Westminster,  and  neither  Fieetwood  nor  his  Council  was  in  a 
mood  to  act  on  the  powers  conferred  upon  them.  Fieetwood 
was  himself  embittered  against  the  Irish  race,  and  had  too 
little  strength  of  character  to  shake  off  the  influence  of  his 
military  surroundings.  "  The  truth  is,"  he  had  written  to 
Thurloe  in  June,  "these  people  are  an  abominable,  false,  cun- 
ning, and  perfidious  people,  and  the  best  of  them  to  be  pitied, 
but  not  to  be  trusted."  3  He  was  in  the  same  frame  of  mind 
in  November.  "  We  are  endeavouring,"  he  and  his  Council 
informed  the  Protector,  "  to  carry  on  the  work  of  transplanting 
the  Irish  proprietors  and  such  as  have  been  in  arms." 4  It  was 
by  a  mere  slip  of  the  pen  that  the  abettors  of  rebellion  did  not 
reappear  in  this  letter.  In  a  Declaration  issued  on  Novem- 

1  Instructions  to  the  Lord  Deputy  and  Council,  Aug.  17,  Irish  R.O., 
^  25,  p.  38.    A  month  earlier  a  well-informed  person  wrote  from  London : 
"  I  apprehend  great  mischief  likely  to  accompany  this  transplantation, 
not  only  to  Carrig  in  particular,  but  also  to  all  the  rest  of  our  estate  in 
general.   .   .   .  When  our  new  Council  goes  over — which,  it  is  said,  will 
be  suddenly — I  believe  they  will  give  some  stop  to  the  transplantation,  it 
being  one  of  their  instructions  to  moderate  it  as  they  shall  think  fit." 
Percival  to  Gething,  July  19,  Egmont  MSS. 

2  Percival  to  Gething,  Aug.  i,  ib. 

3  Fieetwood  to  Thurloe,  June  2,  Thurloe,  ii.  343. 

4  The  Deputy  and  Council  to  the  Protector,  Nov.  14,  Irish  R.O.,  - 
28,  p.  13. 

H  2 


100  CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

her  30,  [  ordering  that  the  transplantation  shall  be  completed 

NOV.  3o.  by  March  i,  1655,  this  class  of  persons  is  included 

^antation  w^k  t'ie  otner  two-     Yet  ^  was  necessarily  with  pro- 

MbedCbm"  Prietors>  whose   estates  were   required  for  the   new 

March.  settlers,  that  the  Irish  Government  was  principally  con- 

Dec.  28.  cerned,  and  when,  on  December  28,  a  new  body  of 

Commis-  commissioners  was  directed  to  sit  at  Athlone  2  to 

sioners  a.t 

Athlone.  examine  into  the  character  of  the  delinquency  of 
those  who  claimed  lands  beyond  the  Shannon,  it  was  only  with 
persons  having  interest  in  land  that  they  were  called  on  to  deal. 
Indirectly,  this  commission  might  be  read  as  an  intimation 
that  the  transplantation  of  other  than  landed  men  was  either 
dropped  or  postponed,  but  no  public  announcement  was  made 
to  that  effect.  So  far  as  the  proprietors  were  concerned  the 
The  trans-  Declaration  of  November  30  was  treated  as  decisive. 
There  was  to  be  no  more  hanging  back  in  hope  of 


prietors        better  terms.       "The   transplantation,"   writes   the 

carried  out  x 

in  earnest.  Dublin  correspondent  of  a  London  newspaper,  "  is 
now  far  advanced,  the  men  being  gone  for  to  prepare  their  new 
habitations  in  Connaught.  Their  wives  and  children  and  de- 
pendents have  been,  and  are,  packing  away  after  them  apace, 
and  all  are  to  be  gone  by  the  first  of  March  next."  3  The 
emigration,  however,  was  far  from  complete,  even  amongst  the 
landowners.  Large  numbers  still  held  back,  and  there  was 
some  expectation  of  securing  better  terms  from  the  Parliament 
then  in  session  at  Westminster.4  On  the  other  hand,  there 
was  a  strong  opinion  amongst  the  military  party  that  the 
Government  ought  to  effect  a  far  more  general  clearance,  and 
this  view  of  the  case  was  expressed  in  a  petition  comparing  the 
Irish  to  the  Midianites,  whose  very  neighbourhood  was  cor- 
rupting to  the  people  of  God  —  which  was  not,  indeed,  presented 

1  This  Declaration  has  not  been  preserved,  but  its  contents  are  recited 
in  a  later  one  —  Order  by  the  Lord  Deputy  and  Council,  Feb.  27,  B.M. 
press  mark,  806,  i.  14,  No.  12. 

2  Commission,  Dec.  28,  Irish  R.O.,  ~  24,  p.  33. 

3  Merc.  Pol.,  E,  823,  5. 

4  This  is  stated  by  Lawrence  in  The  Interest  of  England,  E,  829,  17. 


1654  VINCENT  GOOKIN  IOI 

to  Fleetwood  till  March,  but  which  must  have  been  circulated 
for  signature  some  time  before.1 

Whilst  the  policy  of  the  Government  was  still  doubtful  a 
champion  of  the  moderate  party  appeared  in  Vincent  Gookin.2 
Gookin  Gookin,  who  had  sat  in  the  Nominated  Parliament 

pleads  for      as  one  of  the  six  members  for  Ireland,  was  the  pro- 
moderation.    ,    ,  *    i  .  . 

bable   author    ot   the   clause   giving   power  to   the 

Dublin  Government  to  dispense  with  transplantation,3  which 
had  hitherto  produced  little  effect  at  Dublin.  Towards  the 
end  of  June  he  returned  to  Ireland,  and  during  his  visit  there 
Gookin  he  seems  to  have  discussed  the  transplantation  with 
and  Petty.  Dr  pettV)  a  man  of  varied  ability,  who,  as  physician- 
general  of  the  army  in  Ireland,  had  effected  a  series  of  far- 
reaching  reforms.  Petty,  though  he  is  not  to  be  classed  among 
the  enemies  of  English  rule,  was  no  admirer  of  the  drastic 
measures  adopted  in  Ireland.  He  was,  however,  by  no  means 
inclined  to  endanger  his  own  prospects  by  opposition  to  the 
Government,  and  though  he  seems  to  have  provided  Gookin 
with  a  few  pages  of  argument  directed  against  general  "trans- 
plantation, he  preserved  a  discreet  silence  on  his  authorship, 
and  doubtless  enjoined  a  similar  reticence  on  his  friend.1 
Gookin,  coming  back  to  England  to  take  his  seat  for  Cork 
l6ss.  and  Bandon  in  the  first  Parliament  of  the  Protec- 
torate,  incorporated  Petty's  argument  with  some  fiery 
exhortations  of  his  own,  and  issued  the  whole  anony- 
.  mously,  on  January  3,  1655,  under  the  title  of  The 
Great  Case  of  Transplantation. 

1  The  petition  is  printed  in  the  Hist.  Rev.  (Oct.  1899)  xiv.  723. 

2  He  was  a  persona  grata  with  the  Protector,  ib.  p.  720,  note  35. 

3  See  supra,  p.  98. 

4  On  Petty's  part  in  Gookin's  tract  see  Lord  E.  Fitzmaurice's  Life  of 
Petty,  32,  note  3,  and  Hist.  Rev.  (Oct.   1899)  xiv.  721.     In  after  years, 
at  least,  Petty  was  a  Unionist  of  the  most  pronounced  type.     He  advised 
that  all  the  marriageable  young  women  of  Irish  birth,  20,000  in  number, 
as  he  reckoned,  should  be  transported  to  England,  to  become  the  wives  of 
Englishmen,  and  that  the  same  number  of  English  girls  should  be  brought 
to  Ireland,  to  be  the  wives  of  Irishmen,  and  to  indoctrinate  their  chil- 
dren with  English  ideas.     Political  Anatomy  of  Ireland  (oa.  1691),  p.  30. 


IO2   CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

Accepting  the  removal  of  the  landed  proprietors  as  needful 
for  the  new  English  settlement,  Gookin  dwelt  upon  the  good 

1655.  qualities  of  less  exalted  Irishmen.  English  labour, 
he  argued,  would  never  be  available  to  any  appreciable 
and'oft'he  extent  in  Ireland,  and,  if  the  settlers  were  to  avoid 
need  of  the  rum  tnev  must  COntent  themselves  with  the  service 

employment  '  J 

of  Irish.        of  the  natives. 

"The  first  and  chiefest  necessaries,"  he  wrote,  "are  those 
natural  riches  of  food,  apparel  and  habitations.  If  the  first 
be  regarded,  there  are  few  of  the  Irish  commonalty  but  are 
skilled  in  husbandry,  and  more  exact  than  any  English  in  the 
husbandry  proper  to  that  country.  If  the  second,  there  are 
few  of  the  women  but  are  skilful  in  dressing  hemp  and  flax, 
and  making  of  linen  and  woollen  cloth.  If  the  third,  it  is  believed 
to  every  hundred  men  there  are  five  or  six  masons  or  carpenters, 
at  least,  of  that  nation,  and  these  more  handy  and  ready  in 
building  ordinary  houses  and  much  more  prudent  in  supply- 
ing the  defect  of  instruments  and  materials,  than  English 
artificers."  [  Yet,  if  the  bulk  of  the  Irish  population  was  to  be 
retained  as  tenants  and  servants  of  the  English  settlers,  how 
was  the  difficulty  raised  by  the  military  party  to  be  met? 
With  what  feeling  of  confidence  could  the  settlers  establish 
themselves  in  their  new  homes,  amidst  an  Irish  population  far 
outnumbering  their  own  families,  and  alienated  from  them  by 
every  sentiment  by  which  human  action  is  governed  ?  Gookin 
Hisexpecta-  rnet  these  questions  in  that  spirit  of  unfounded 
conversion  optimism  which  marred  his  usefulness  as  a  political 
of  the  Irish,  adviser.  The  Irish,  he  argued,  deprived  of  their 
priests  and  of  their  landlords,  would  readily  accept  the  religion 
and  habits  of  their  conquerors.2 

At  Dublin  these  sanguine  hopes  found  but  little 
ecno-  "  There  is>"  wrote  Fleetwood,  "  a  very  strange, 
scandalous  book,  Arguments against '  Transplantation? 

1  The  Great  Case  of  Transplantation,  p.  17,  E,  234,  6. 

2  Ib.  pp.  18-20. 

8  Fleetwood  cannot  have  studied  it  very  deeply,  or  he  would  have 
given  the  title  more  correctly. 


i65S         GOOKIN,   FLEETWOOD,   AND   LAWRENCE  103 

that  is  now  come  forth,  which  doth  very  falsely  arid  un- 
worthily asperse  those  that  did  and  now  do  serve  the  State 
here.  The  person  who  is  said  to  write  this  will,  I  doubt,  as 
much  deceive  your  estimation  in  England  as  he  hath  been 
disingenuous  to  us  here,  who  have  been  ready  on  all  occasions 
to  show  respect  to  him  ;  but  those  who  know  him  better  than  I 
do  have,  before  this  time,  bespoken  what  manner  of  spirit  he 
was  of,  which  I,  in  too  much  charity,  did  hope  had  been  other- 
wise. It  will  be  a  great  discouragement  to  the  State's  servants 
if  such  may  be  allowed  their  liberty  to  traduce  them."  l  The 
indignation,  which  Fleetwood  shared  with  his  military  advisers, 
March,  found  a  voice  not  only  in  the  petition  demanding  a 
Petn>ersair  umversa^  transplantation,  which  was  presented  to  him 
transpianta-  about  the  middle  of  March,2  but  also  in  a  pamphlet 
published  in  London  on  the  9th  of  the  same  month, 
Latarenhce9''s  under  the  title  of  The  Interest  of  England  in  the 


pamphlet,  y^  Transplantation.  This  pamphlet,  written  by 
Colonel  Richard  Lawrence,  a  brother  of  the  President  of  the 
Council,  and  himself  a  member  of  several  Committees  upon 
which  the  work  of  transplantation  devolved  in  Ireland,  is  notable 
as  giving  away  the  case  of  those  whom  Gookin  attacked,  by 
maintaining  that  that  writer  was  in  the  wrong  in  charging  the 
Dublin  Government  with  having  even  contemplated  a  general 
transplantation.  The  orders  given,  he  alleged,  had  referred  to 
no  more  than  the  removal  of  proprietors  and  men  who  had  been 
in  arms.  The  proprietors,  he  asserted,  were  not  'near  the 
twentieth  part  of  the  people  of  Ireland,5  whilst  the  greater  num- 
ber of  those  who  had  borne  arms  had  been  sent  abroad  ;  c  so 
that,  though  it  be  hard  to  determine  the  number  of  these  two 
sorts  of  persons,  yet  any  man  that  knows  the  state  of  Ireland 
must  acknowledge  they  are  probably  so  inconsiderable  that  they 
will  not  be  missed  or  discerned  as  to  their  numbers  from  whence 
they  remove.'  3  The  attempt  to  include  the  numbers  who  had 
borne  arms  but  had  laid  them  aside  before  the  final  surrender, 

1  Fleetwood  to  Thurloe,  Feb.  7,  Thurloe,  iii.  139. 

2  See  supra,  p.   100. 

3  The  Interest  of  England,  p.  17,  E,  829;   F,  17. 


104  CROMWELLTAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

as  well  as  the  far  greater  numbers  who  had  aided  or  abetted  the 
rebellion  in  its  beginnings,  was  thus  tacitly  dropped  by  the 
l655>  mouthpiece  of  the  Irish  Government  ;  and  Gookin 
GTOkTn™ '  could  but  rePty  in  The  Author  and  Case  of  Trans- 
repiy.  planting  .  .  .  Vindicated,  that  whatever  might  be  the 
intentions  of  the  Irish  Government,  its  public  declarations  em- 
braced a  more  sweeping  system  of  transplantation,  and  that 
there  was  nothing  to  prevent  them  from  stepping  on  some  future 
occasion  beyond  the  limits  which,  according  to  Lawrence,  they 
had  imposed  on  themselves  for  the  present.1 

The  policy  of  the  Government  with  respect  to  transplanta- 
tion was  necessarily  affected  by  the  progress  made  with  the  new 
Necessit  settlement.  So  far,  indeed,  as  landed  men  were 
of  disband-  concerned,  the  increasing  necessity  of  disbandment 
placed  their  sentence  beyond  recall.  In  the  summei 
StJength40f  of  1652  the  strength  of  the  army  was  34,128,  exclusive 
he  army.  ^  commissioned  officers.2  Towards  the  end  of  1654 
the  Deputy  and  Council  gave  their  opinion  that  the  garrison 
of  Ireland  could  not,  consistently  with  safety,  be  reduced  below 
1 5, 600. 3  Some  small  numbers,  indeed,  had  been  disbanded 
in  1653;  but  it  was  not  a  moment  too  soon  to  complete  the 
Financial  work,  as  Parliament  was  at  this  time  crying  out  for  a 
difficulties,  diminution  of  military  expenses  in  all  the  three 
countries,  and  the  revenue  of  Ireland  was  no  more  than 
i'97,ooo/.,  against  an  expenditure  of  630,8147.,  thus  leaving  a 
deficit  of  433,8i4/.  Of  the  expenditure  incurred,  no  less  than 
523,8427.  was  needed  on  account  of  the  army.4 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Irish  Government  had  been 
diligently  preparing  for  the  assignment  of  land  to  disbanded 

1  The  Author  and  Case  of  Transplanting,  published  on  May  12.     E, 

63*,  7- 

2  Statement   by  the    Commissioners,   Aug.   u,   1652,  Irish  R.O.,  — 
50,  p.  215. 

3  The  Deputy  and  Council  to   the   Protector,  Nov.   14,   1654,  tb.  ^ 
28,  p.  14. 

4  Hardinge  on  Surveys  in  Ireland,  p.  7.      Trans,  of  the  Roy.  Irish 
Academy  (Polite  Literature),  xxiv. 


1653  A   GROSS   SURVEY  105 

soldiers.  In  August  1653  the  Surveyor-General,  Benjamin 
Aug.  Worsley,  was  directed  to  make  a  gross  survey — or, 
^rgve°ys  as  ^  would  now  be  styled,  a  rough  survey  of  the  for- 
ordered.  feited  estates.  Profitable  lands  were  to  be  set  forth, 
with  their  acreage  and  boundaries  ;  unprofitable  lands  to  be 
mentioned  but  not  measured.  Such,  at  least,  had  been  the 
scheme  adopted  in  the  instructions  embodied  in  the  Act  of 
Satisfaction.1  So  far  as  can  be  conjectured  by  the  result,  even 
less  precise  instructions  were  given  in  Dublin,  as  it  seems,  from 
the  few  returns  preserved,  that  Worsley  and  his  subordinates 
contented  themselves  with  setting  down  the  estimated  acreage 
of  the  land,  as  well  as  the  rent  due  from  it  at  the  time  and  also 
in  1641,  together  with  its  estimated  value  at  the  outbreak  of" 
the  rebellion.2 

The  survey  had  not  proceeded  far  when  the  commissioners 
who  at  that  time  governed  Ireland  were  startled  by  a  suggestion 

that  the  forfeited  land  would  be  insufficient.     Ac- 
Doubt  as  to 

the  sum-        cording  to  existing  Acts  the  grant  of  an  acre  would 

ciency  of  the  ,         ..,          r  ,T.  _  .       _  r 

forfeited  cancel  a  debt  or  125.  in  Lemster,  ot  os.  in  Munster, 
and  of  45-.  in  Ulster.  It  was  calculated  that  the 
acreage  of  forfeited  lands  was  2,697,000,  and  that,  after  setting 
aside  565,000  acres  for  the  Adventurers,  there  would  remain 
2,131,500,  of  which,  if  the  lands  reserved  for  the  Government 
in  the  four  counties  of  Dublin,  Kildare,  Carlow,  and  Cork 
were  deducted,  only  1,727,500  would  be  available  to  meet  a 
debt  to  the  soldiers  of  1,550,0007.,  to  which  was  to  be  added 
2oo,ooo/.  due  to  other  public  creditors  ;  so  that  the  whole  debt 
to  be  satisfied  amounted  to  i, 750,0007.  Unfortunately,  at  the 
rates  set  down  in  the  Act  the  disposable  acres  were  worth  no 
more  than  802,5007.,  leaving  an  unsecured  debt  of  947,5007. 
In  this  difficulty  the  commissioners  took  the  sense  of 

NOV.    21,   22. 

A  council  of  a  council  of  officers  which  met  in  November  and  re- 

torais/the    commended  that  the  rates  should  be  raised — in  other 

words,  that  the  acres  dealt  out  should  be  estimated  at 

1  Scobell,  ii.  252. 

2  Hardinge's  Survey  in   Ireland,  9-13,  39-41.      Trans,   of  the  Roy. 
Irish  Academy  (Polite  Literature),  xxiv. 


106  CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

a  higher  sum  than  the  Act  prescribed — on  the  understanding 
that  the  new  rates  should  be  separately  appraised  in  each 
county,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  soil.1 

By  the  end  of  1653  the  gross  survey  had  proceeded  so  far 
that  Worsley  was  able  to  send  in  an  estimate  of  the  acreage  of 
Dec.  1653.    the  several  baronies,  though  without  specifying  what 
onLddsision  lands  were  forfeited  or  unforfeited,  profitable  or  un- 
ordered.       profitable.2     Rough   as    this    calculation    was,    the 

^654.  Dublin  Government  announced  in  May  that  4,711 
The  Stle-  soldiers  would  be  provided  with  land  before  the  end 
soldiers  of  June.3  These  lands,  however,  could  only  be  pro- 
visionally assigned  till  a  more  exact  admeasurement 
had  been  taken,  and  the  officers,  having  grown  impatient  of 
the  loose  methods  of  the  gross  survey,  obtained  from  the 
Government  a  commission  to  take  what  is  known  as  the  Civil 
survey,  in  which  Crown  lands,  Church  lands  and  lands  forfeited 
by  private  owners  were  to  be  distinguished  from  one  another. 

June  2.  On  June  2  commissions  for  surveying  the  ten  counties 
IurveyVl1  were  issued,  seventeen  other  counties  being  subse- 
begun.  quently  added.  The  surveyors  were  instructed  to  take 
the  baronies  assigned  to  soldiers  first.4  Still,  however,  it  was  felt 

Sept.  s.  that  there  was  room  for  improvement  in  the  methods 
mitteeto  pursued,  and  a  Committee  appointed  on  September  8 
whole'"6  the  to  conslder  tne  whole  question  resulted  on  December  1 1 
question.  in  the  acceptance  of  an  offer  made  by  Dr.  Petty  to 

Dec.  ii.  survey  the  forfeited  lands  in  the  three  provinces  in  a 
men^whh  far  more  accurate  manner  than  had  hitherto  been 
thee"lfcw*  attempted.  The  Down  Survey  as  it  was  called,  simply 
survey.  because  its  results  were  set  down  on  a  map,  and  not 
merely  described  in  words  and  figures,  was  to  be  completed  in 
thirteen  months  dating  from  February  i,  1655 — that  is  to  say, 

1  The  Commissioners  to  the  Council  of  State,  Dec.  16,  1653,  Irish 
£.0.t±so,  p.  587- 
«  Ib.  *  45,  P-  80. 

3  Instructions  to  Rowe  and  Kindon,  May  4,  ib.  £  45,  p.  341. 

4  Petty's  Down  Survey,  382,  383.     Hardinge  on  Surveys  in  Ireland, 
14,  in  Trans,  of  the  Roy.  Irish  Academy  (Polite  Literature),  xxiv. 


1654  LANDS   FOR   THE   SOLDIERS 

by  March  i,  1656.  As  might  have  been  expected,  the  substi- 
Petty's  con-  tution  of  Petty  for  Worsley  led  to  violent  recrimina- 
Shersy  tions  between  them.  Petty  described  Worsley  as 
Worsley.  ignorant  and  grasping,  whilst  Worsley  described 
Petty  as  a  charlatan  without  practical  knowledge  of  the  sur- 
veyor's art.  The  truth  seems  to  have  been  that  Worsley  was 
an  ordinary  surveyor,  incapable  of  rising  to  the  height  of  his 
gigantic  task,  whilst  Petty  was  possessed  of  unusual  organising 
skill,  with  a  keen  eye  for  the  requirements  of  a  new  situation.1 
Pending  the  completion  of  the  new  survey  the  officers 
agitated  for  immediate  possession  of  the  lands  assigned  to 
The  officers  tnem>  at  ^east  m  some  provisional  fashion.  Nor  did 
demand  they  find  Fleetwood  and  his  Council  obdurate.  On 

immediate  * 

possession.     May   io,   1655,  they  received  an   engagement  that 

X655.       several  additional  baronies  would  be  set  apart  to  satisfy 

MJJay  io.     tkejr  ciajms>2     Qn  tne  22n(j  fae  Government  allowed 

the°soidsief?sr.    the  officers  to  withdraw  their  offer  of  a  higher  rate 

May  22      ky  counties,3  and  to  revert  to  the  rates  established  in 

immediate     the  Acts  of  Parliament  by  provinces.     At  the  same 

possession  of 

lands  to  the    time  they  directed  that  they  should  be  placed   in 
thirds°of  the  immediate  possession  of  lands  to  the  value  of  two- 
thirds  of  their  arrears,  a  limitation  obviously  prudent 
in  view  of  the  uncertainty  as  to  the  real  acreage  of  any  lands 
that  were  now  available  for  division.     The  officers  were,  how- 
ever, to  state  the  order  in  which  the  regiments  were  to  be  dis- 
banded, so  that  the  survey  might  proceed  with  the  baronies 
,  j          assigned  to  those   regiments    in   the   same  order.4 
pissatisfac-    With  this  arrangement,  however,  the  agents  appointed 

tion  of  the  ,  . 

army  agents,  by  the  army  to   treat   With  the   Government   were 

July  20.     altogether  dissatisfied,  and  on  July  20  the  Deputy 

Concessions   and  CQ^^^  though  still  refusing  to  give  immediate 

Government.  pOSSession  of  unsurveyed  lands  to  individual  soldiers, 

1  Petty's  Down  Swvey,  4-30. 

2  Order  by  the  Deputy  and  Council,  May  io,  Irish  R.O.,  *  5,  p.  154. 
8  See  sttpra,  pp.  105,  106. 

4  Order  by  the  Deputy  and  Council,  May  22,  Petty's  Down  Survey, 
64- 


IOS   CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

agreed  to  allow  the  rents  of  the  soldiers'  moiety  of  lands  in  the 
whole  of  the  ten  counties  to  be  received  by  the  army  agents, 
with  assurance  that  the  land  itself  would  be  divided  in  due 
course  as  soon  as  the  Down  Survey  was  complete.  The  rents 
of  other  baronies  assigned  as  collateral  security,  to  be  divided 
amongst  the  soldiers  if  it  appeared  that  the  ten  counties  were 
insufficient,  were  to  be  collected  on  behalf  of  the  Government, 
but  set  aside,  to  be  divided  amongst  the  soldiers  in  the  event 
of  the  lands  in  these  districts  being  required  for  their  use.1 

The  approaching  completion  of  the  settlement  necessarily 

led  to  increasing  stringency  in  the  removal  of  the  old  proprietors. 

i6ss        Soon  after  the  first  of  March  the  corn  of  those  who 

March  7.     had  neglected  to  remove  was  seized,  and  sold  for  the 

Seizure  of  °  _  ' 

the  corn  of  benefit  of  their  compatriots  who  had  already  started 
lectinsto  for  Connaught.2  On  March  19  courts-martial  were 

anspiant.  established  for  the  trial  and  execution  of  transplan table 
persons  still  to  be  found  in  any  of  the  three  provinces  j  3  but  at 
the  same  time  the  courts  were  instructed  to  substitute  transporta- 
tion to  the  colonies  for  the  death  penalty  whenever  they 
considered  it  desirable,  and  in  any  case  to  send  no  prisoners  to 
execution  without  special  approval  by  the  Government.  On 

April  2.  April  2,  however,  the  Government,  resolving  to  make 
Alton's  at  least  one  example,  gave  its  consent  to  the  execu- 
execution.  tion  of  a  certain  Edward  Hetherington.  The  sen- 
tence passed  on  him  was  solely  for  not  transplanting,  but  it 
was  alleged  against  him  that  he  had  taken  part  as  a  Tory  in 
the  slaying  of  Englishmen.4  On  the  following  day  he  was 
hanged.5 

The  Tories,  in  truth,  were  even  greater  obstacles 
to  tne  success  of  the   plantation   than  the  recalci- 
ToHes.          trant  proprietors.     Their  bands,  lurking  in  the  fast- 

1  Petty's  Down  Survey^  66-80. 

1  Declaration  by  the  Deputy  and  Council,  March  7,  B.M.  press-mark, 
806,  i.  14,  No.  14. 

3  Declaration,  March  19,  Irish  R.O.,  A  24,  p.  75. 

4  Resolution  of  the  Deputy  and  Council,  Apr.  2,  ib.  —  5,  p.  114. 

5  Carte  Papers,  vii.  fol.  6. 


1654          A  PROLONGED  STRUGGLE 

nesses  of  the  bogs  and  mountains,  consisted  of  the  hardiest 
of  the  natives  who  refused  to  submit  to  the  strangers'  yoke. 
Swooping  down  upon  English  habitations,  and  with  still  greater 
delight  on  the  habitations  of  Irishmen  who  had  submitted,  they 
plundered  and  slew  to  their  hearts'  delight.  Fear,  or  reluctance 
to  betray  countrymen,  rendered  the  Irish  peasant  slow  to  give 
information  which  might  lead  to  the  capture  of  the  marauders. 
To  check  the  complicity  of  the  natives  orders  were  given  in 
Cork  precinct  that  the  Irish  remaining  in  their  old  quarters 
May  12.  should  be  collected  in  villages,  in  which  at  least 
coiiectedbe  thirty  families  were  to  be  drawn  together,  and  that 
in  villages.  faese  villages  should  not  be  within  half  a  mile  of 
wood,  bog,  or  mountain.  Care,  too,  was  to  be  taken  for  the 
appointment  of  a  head-man,  with  the  duty  of  bringing  in  the 
cattle  every  night  and  setting  a  watch  over  them.1  A  few 
,ul  weeks  later  a  party  of  Tories  murdered  an  Irishman 
Murder  of  who  served  the  English  as  a  constable  at  Timolin. 
constable  As  the  Tories  were  countenanced  by  the  inhabitants 

of  the  neighbourhood,  and  no  information  had  been 
given,  all  Irish  Papists  in  Timolin  were  ordered  to  transplanta- 
tion as  a  punishment,  their  cabins  being  burnt  and  rates  levied 
on  the  barony  for  the  relief  of  the  widow.2  Later  on,  perhaps 
in  revenge  for  this  punishment,  another  band  of  Tories 

swooped  down  on  eight  English  surveyors  at  Timolin, 
March?  carried  them  into  the  woods,  and  there  murdered 

them.3     In  ^vain  prices  were  set  on  the  heads  of  the 


surveyors.  leaders  of  Tories.4  If  some  were  brought  in  and 
hanged,  others  quickly  slipped  into  their  places.  At  last,  in 
January  1655  the  Government  denounced  the  ingratitude  of 
the  Irish  rebels,  who,  notwithstanding  the  mercy  and  favour  of 
Parliament  to  all  who  would  live  peaceably  under  English 

1  Instructions  touching  the  Irish,  May  12,   1654,  Irish  R.O.,  ^45, 
p.  361. 

2  Order  by  the  Deputy  and  Council,  July  21,  ib.  p.  505. 

3  Order,  Dec.  25,  1655,  Prendergast,  206,  note  3.     Prendergast  says 
that  no  murder  was  committed,  but  does  not  give  his  authority. 

4  Instances  are  given  in  Prendergast,  343-4. 


I  10  CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

rule,  nevertheless  continued  in  their  evil  courses,  disturbing  all 

who  desired  to  live  peaceably  by  '  murders,  spoils, 

Jan.  27.      rapines,  and  thefts.'     The  officers  in  each  precinct 

martial         were  therefore  ordered  to  act  as  a  court-martial  to 

established.  j  ...  .  XT 

judge  summarily  in  such  cases.  No  quarter  was 
any  longer  to  be  given.1 

So  the  renewed  struggle  was  carried  on  in  all  its  horrors. 
As  in  the  days  when  Bruce  was  holding  out  against  the  officers 
The  of  Edward  I.,  the  men  who  were  thieves  and 

struggle        murderers  to  the  one  side  were  heroes  and  patriots 

continued.  . 

to  the  other.  Not  to  submit  to  the  contemptuous 
alien  was  the  resolution  which  armed  the  heart  of  the  Irish 
Tory.  If  he  walked  in  darkness,  it  was  because  open  resistance 
had  ceased  to  be  possible.  He  at  least  would  not  justify 
Gookin's  dream  of  a  submissive  Ireland  waxing  fat  under 
English  landlords,  caressing  the  hand  that  chastised  him,  and 
making  sport  for  the  master  who  loathed  and  despised  him. 

Again  and  again  in  the  course  of  this  inglorious  struggle 
did  the  Government  at  Dublin  attempt  to  reduce  the  number 
of  its  enemies.  Thinking  in  terms  of  English  law,  it  was  never 
Vagrants  weary  of  decreeing  that  vagrants  and  other  persons 
t?ant  wno  refused  to  work  were  to  be  disposed  of  in  the 

ported.  English  colonies  beyond  the  sea — to  New  England, 
Virginia,  the  West  Indies,  and  especially  to  Barbados.  The 
first  instance  appears  to  be  one  in  which  Messrs.  Sellick  and 
l653>  Leader,  of  Bristol,  offered  in  the  autumn  of  1653  to 
Oct.  25.  gj^p  2^0  Irishwomen  between  the  ages  of  15  and  50 
to  New  England.  At  the  instance  of  Lord  Broghill  this  pro- 
posal was  set  aside  in  favour  of  another  to  send  out  persons, 
both  men  and  women,  from  the  county  of  Cork.  The  persons 
so  sent  were  to  be  such  as  '  live  like  beggars  and  vagabonds, 
and  follow  no  lawful  vocation.'  Permission  was  accordingly 
granted  to  search  for  such  persons  *  of  the  Irish  nation  that  are 
rogues  and  vagabonds,  idlers  and  wanderers,  and  such  as  have 

1  Order  of  Deputy  and  Council,  Jan.  27,  1655,  Irish  ./?.  0.,  ^24, 
p.  27. 


1654  SERVICE   IN    THE  COLONIES  III 

no  means  to  get  their  livelihood  by  labour  or  otherwise,  or  such 

as,  being  able  to  labour,  shall  refuse  to  do  so.'     In  January 

1654  the  governors  of  certain  towns  were  directed  to 

Further        hand   over   to   three   merchants   of  Waterford,    for 

orders  .  .. 

for  trans-       transportation,  all  rogues  and  vagrants,  whether  men 

or  women,  taking  care  that  no  one  was  sent  off  who 

was  living  in  a  family  and  whose  good  behaviour  was  certified 

by  the  master  of  that  family.     In  April  one  Norris  was  to 

transport  rogues  and  vagabonds  from  Limerick  precinct  to  the 

Caribbee  Islands,  and  the  same  class  of  persons  from  Galway 

precinct  to  Virginia.     In  June  a  similar  order  was  given  to  the 

same  person  to  transport  to  Barbados.1     These  orders,  which 

were  followed   by  others  to  the  same   effect,  were  obviously 

ig          liable  to  abuse,  and  in  1655  we  hear  of  directions  to 

Abuse!5'        search  a  ship  lying  in  Dublin  harbour,  on  suspicion 

that  persons   had   been   forcibly  carried   on   board 

though  they  were  neither  rogues  nor  vagrants.2 

That  the  persons  condemned  to  transportation  were  doomed 
to  a  lifelong  slavery  is  a  delusion  propagated  by  writers  un- 
The  trans-  acquainted  with  the  social  condition  of  the  colonies. 
slants  The  system  of  service  prevailing  in  Barbados  was 
not  slaves,  applicable,  at  least  in  the  more  northern  colonies,  to 
free  emigrants  as  well  as  to  persons  sent  abroad  under  compul- 
sion, and  both  there  and  in  the  West  Indies  the  service  came 
to  an  end  at  the  expiration  of  a  fixed  term  of  years,  the  money 
paid  to  the  shipper  by  the  master  who  acquired  these  limited 
rights  being  supposed  to  be  paid  for  the  expenses  of  the 
voyage,  which  the  servant,  on  his  part,  was  bound  to  repay  by 
his  labour.3  No  doubt  the  passage  across  the  Atlantic  was 

1  Orders  by  the   Commissioners,  Oct.  25,  1653 ;    Jan.  23,  April  21, 
April  24,  June  7,  1654,  Irish  R.O.,  £44,  p.  663;  |  45,  pp.  66,  298,  301, 
436. 

2  Order  by  the  Deputy  and  Council,  July  6,  1655,  ib.  j  5,  p.  188. 

8  In  June  1654  the  commissioners  write  to  Col.  Phayre  that  they  have 
been  unable  to  transport  some  of  O'Dwyer's  soldiers  intended  for  service 
on  the  Continent  but  that  men  are  wanted  in  Barbados  and  other  West 
Indian  islands,  '  where  they  will  have  as  good  condition  as  any  English  or 


112   CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

accompanied  with  considerable  hardship,  and  those  who  were 
assigned  to  a  rough  and  cruel  master  had  to  endure  suffering 
for  a  time ;  whilst  even  under  more  favourable  circumstances 
the  servant  in  Barbados  had  to  work  under  a  tropical  sun. 
Nor  would  it  be  possible  to  deny  that  women  cut  adrift  from 
family  life  were  subject  to  peculiar  perils.  Yet,  when  their 
term  of  service  was  expired,  the  paucity  of  numbers  of  white 
women  enabled  them  to  command  their  own  price,  and  there 
is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  greater  number  of  them 
ultimately  settled  down  as  the  free  wives  of  free  men.1 

other  servants  there,  and  after  4  years  are  to  be  free  men  to  act  for  their 
advantage.'  They  add  that  14^.  a  head  will  be  paid  to  the  officers  who 
accompany  them,  '  which  otherv/ise  is  to  be  allowed  to  every  such  Irish- 
man as  voluntarily  goes  abroad  upon  this  contract.'  The  same  is  to  be 
paid  by  the  Undertaker  to  each  '  of  the  said  Irish  now  kept  together  upon 
the  charge  of  the  country  as  shall  be  put  aboard,  who  are  to  have  the  like 
provision  and  accommodation  ;  and  for  such  women  as  shall  go  abroad, 
they  are  to  be  provided  for  as  to  apparel.'  If  the  number  did  not  reach 
400,  it  was  to  be  made  up  by  apprehending  vagrants  and  idle  persons 
judged  to  be  such  by  justices  of  the  peace.  The  Commissioners  to  Phayre, 
June  15,  1654,  Irish  R.O.,*-  50,  p.  708.  On  the  evidence  that  the 
service  to  which  Irishmen  and  others  were  sent  was  temporary  servitude, 
not  slavery,  see  vol.  iii.  p.  309,  note  I.  In  Virginia,  a  special  Act  was 
passed  in  1655  that  all  Irish  servants  that,  from  '  the  first  of  September, 
1653,  have  been  brought  into  this  colony  without  indenture  .  .  .  shall  serve 
asfolloweth,  viz.,  "all  above  16  years  old  to  serve  six  years,  and  all  under 
to  serve  till  they  be  24  years  old."  '  Hening's  Laws  of  Virginia,  i.  411. 
In  his  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Persecution  suffered  by  the  CathoHcs  of 
Ireland,  Cardinal  Moran  takes  the  usual  view,  that  the  transported 
Irishmen  were  slaves,  supporting  it  almost  entirely  on  the  evidence  of 
priests  and  others  in  Europe,  who  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  the 
colonies.  An  apparent  exception  is  a  statement  that  '  when  the  Rev. 
John  Grace  visited  these  islands  in  1666,  he  found  that  there  were  no 
fewer  than  12,000  Irish  scattered  amongst  them,  and  that  they  were 
treated  as  slaves. '  Fortunately,  Cardinal  Moran  has  published  the  letter 
on  which  this  statement  is  founded,  and  in  that  letter  there  is  nothing 
about  slavery.  The  men  had  been  sent  by  Cromwell  '  in  agrorum  cultura 
ministratum,  cum  quibus  misere  et  crudeliter  agitur  turn  in  temporalibus 
turn  maxime  in  spiritualibus. '  SpicilegiTim  Ossoriense,  p.  485. 

1  Prendergast  gives  the  most  gloomy  account  of  the  fate  of  the  women 
transported,  telling  us  that  * the  West  India  sugar  planters  .   .   .  desired 


1654  TREATMENT   OF   THE   TOWNS  113 

Next  to  the  elimination  of  Tories,  no  subject  was  deemed 
more  important  to  the  success  of  the  plantation  than  the 
Towns  to  be  securing  of  centres  of  trade  in  English  hands.  On 
hands?18  May  io,  1655,  orders  were  given  that  'Papists  and 
Cases  of  other  superfluous  Irish '  should  be  expelled  from 

Dublin,  Kil-    _     .  ,.  ..  _,      , 

kenny,  Wex-  Dublin.1     A  year  earlier,  in  1654,  the  Roman  Catho- 
cionmei,       lie  inhabitants  of  Kilkenny,  Wexford,  and  Clonmel 

the  men  and  boys  for  their  bondsmen,  and  the  women  and  Irish  girls,  in  a 
country  where  they  had  only  Maroon  women  and  negresses  to  solace 
them.'  Writing  again  of  a  later  project  of  sending  1,000  boys  and  1,000 
girls  to  Jamaica — a  project  which,  as  will  be  seen  (see  infra,  p.  218),  was 
never  carried  into  effect — he  says  that  the  *  boys  were  to  go  as  bonds- 
men, and  the  girls  to  be  bound  by  other  ties  to  these  English  soldiers  in 
Jamaica '  (Prendergast,  89,  93).  To  these  reckless  statements  we  may 
oppose  the  fact  that  Ligon  gives  us  an  account  of  the  expenses  of  an 
estate  in  Barbados,  reckoning  those  of  ten  white  women  servants,  '  four  to 
attend  in  the  house,'  and  '  the  other  six  that  weed  and  do  the  common 
work  abroad  yearly'  (Hist,  of  Barbados ',  115).  Mr.  Bruce's  very  full 
account  above  referred  to  puts  the  matter  in  a  clear  light  so  far  as  Virginia 
is  concerned.  '  A  certain  degree  of  liberty  in  the  sexual  relations  of  the 
female  servants  with  the  male,  and  even  with  their  masters,  might  have 
been  expected,  but  there  are  numerous  indications  that  the  general  senti- 
ment of  the  colony  condemned  it,  and  sought  by  appropriate  legislation 
to  restrain  and  prevent  it.'  The  marriage  of  a  woman  servant  during  her 
time  of  service  without  her  master's  consent  was  punishable,  because  it 
deprived  the  master  of  her  services.  Speaking  of  a  somewhat  later  time, 
when  women  of  bad  character  were  transported  in  large  numbers, 
Mr.  Bruce  writes:  "The  women  who  were  exported  from  England  to 
the  colony  had  unusual  opportunities  of  advancing  their  welfare  in  life. 
If  they  enjoyed  an  honourable  reputation,  they  found  no  difficulty  in 
marrying  into  a  higher  station  than  they  had  been  accustomed  to.  Bul- 
lock," in  1649,  "  mentions  the  fact  that  no  maid  whom  he  had  brought 
over  failed  to  find  a  husband  in  the  course  of  the  first  three  months  after 
she  had  entered  into  his  service.  The  fortunes  of  these  imported  women 
were  frequently  superior  to  their  deserts,  for  a  large  proportion  of  them 
were  considered  to  be  worthless"  (Bruce's  Economic  Hist,  of  Virginia, 
ii.  51).  The  eagerness  with  which  women  were  sought  in  marriage  in 
Barbados  is  shown  by  a  statement  made  in  1654,  by  an  English  visitor, 
that  « a  whore,  if  handsome,  makes  a  wife  for  some  rich  planter  '  (Whist 
ler's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  3926,  fol.  9). 

Order  by  the  Deputy  and  Council,  May  7,  Irish  R.O.,  j  5,  p.  147. 

VOL.  IV.  * 


114  CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

were  expelled,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  artisans  and  fisher- 
men, though  they  were  almost  all  of  English  descent.1  In 
their  case,  however,  the  Government  was  content  to  allow 
the  expelled  families  to  reside  outside  the  walls  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  their  old  homes,  without  insisting  on  transplanta- 
tion. In  Galway,  houses  deserted  by  their  owners  in 

of  Galway,  .       ,    , 

1652  were  seized  by  the  Government ;  and  in  July 
1655,  on  the  ground  that  the  articles  of  capitulation  had  pro- 
vided for  the  expulsion  of  the  inhabitants  if  their  presence  was 
found  to  endanger  the  security  of  the  place,  all  Irishmen,  with 
the  exception  of  the  sick  and  infirm,  were  ordered  to  leave,  the 
value  of  their  property  being  provided  for  them  elsewhere.2 
and  of  Limerick,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Shannon,  was  of 
Limenck.  special  importance,  and  in  May  1654  it  was  ordered 
that  no  more  than  forty  artificers  and  fishermen  might  remain, 
and  they  only  if  they  had  not  borne  arms  and  were  not  pro- 
prietors of  land.3 

To  weaken  Papists  and  to  strengthen  Protestants  was  the 

chief  object  of  the  Government  in  Dublin  and  Westminster. 

ig          For  erring  Protestants  the  path  was  made  easy  by  two 

May-Sept,    ordinances  issued  by  the  Protector  before  the  meeting 

Concessions        ri.  .  .  . 

to  Protest-  ot  Parliament — the  one  covering  with  an  indemnity 
those  of  Munster  who  had  supported  Ormond  and 
Inchiquin  in  1648,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  brought  their  pro- 
vince over  to  the  Commonwealth  in  1649  ;  the  other  letting  off 
Protestants  in  other  parts  of  Ireland  with  a  fine,  in  lieu  of  the 
confiscation  of  one-fifth  of  .their  property  adjudged  to  them  by 
the  Act  of  Settlement.4  Taking  the  two  together,  and  noticing 

1  Prim's   Men   of  the  Family  of  Langton,   Kilkenny  Archaeological 
Journal,  New  Series,  iii.  85  ;  Orders  by  the  Commissioners,  March  6,  13, 

15,  1654,  Irish  R.O.,  £  44,  p.  62;  £  45,  pp.  157,  179. 

2  Order  by  the  Commissioners,  March  1 5  ;  Order  by  the  Deputy  and 
Council,  Oct.  1 8,  1655,  ib.  £  42,  p.  705  ;  £  5,  p.  254. 

3  Order  by  the  Commissioners,  May  15,  1654,  ib.,  g  45,  p.  363. 

4  Ordinance  for  Protestants  of  Munster,  Aug.  I,  1654,  E>  1064,  27; 
Ordinance  for  Protestants  in  Ireland  Sept.  2,  Scobell,  ii.  359. 


1654  FLEET  WOODS   DISSATISFACTION  115 

that  they  were  nearly  coincident  in  point  of  time  with  the  grant 
Coincidence    °^  t^ie  Power  °^  dispensation  from  transplantation  to 

with  the        Fleetwood  on  August  ly,1  it  would  seem  that  the  Pro- 

grant  of  a 

dispensing     tector  was  at  that  time  inclined  to  adopt  a  policy  of 

conciliation  on  both  sides  ;  though  it  was  only  to  be 
expected  that  conciliation  should  go  very  much  further  in  the 
case  of  Protestants  than  in  that  of  Catholics.  Nor  is  this  all. 
That  Gookin  was  the  warm  advocate  before  the  Council  of  the 

Munster  indemnity  is  beyond  dispute.2  It  is  equally 
Land"6  beyond  dispute  that  in  June  1  654  the  Protector  showed 


m's  favourable  opinion  of  Gookin   by  conferring  on 
Ireland.        fam  a  grant  of  jan(j  jn  ireiand  •  and  that  Fleetwood 
o^csTtion  >s    manifested  his  hostility  by  refusing  for  a  twelvemonth 
to  Gookin's    to  carry  the  grant  into  effect.3  On  November  30,  1654, 
in  spite  of  the  dispensing  power  conferred  on  him, 
Fleetwood  had  issued  that  sweeping  order  for  transplantation  4 
i6          which  rendered  the  crisis  acute.    On  May  23,  1655,  he 
May  23.     complained  of  being  discountenanced  in  England,  and 
of  having  no  pleaded  for  a  letter  from  the  Protector  to  encourage 
him  in  the  prosecution  of  the  work  of  transplantation.5 
The  fact  was  that  Fleetwood's  conduct  as  Deputy  had  given 
cause  for  much  searching  of  heart  at  Whitehall.     In  addition 
to  the  difference  of  opinion  between  Fleetwood  and 

Differences  L 

between        the  Protector  in  the  matter  of  the  transplantation,  the 

Fleetwood       _ 

and  the  Pro-  Deputy  s  notorious  patronage  of  the  Baptists,  to 
which  sect  he  himself  belonged,  and  who  were 
numerous  and  influential  in  the  Irish  army,  could  not  but  give 
umbrage  to  a  Government  which  had  had  experience  of  the  revo- 
lutionary tendencies  of  many  of  their  co-religionists  in  England.6 

1  See  supra,  p.  98.  2  Egmont  MSS. 

8  Hist.  Review  (Oct.  1899),  xiv.  734.  *  See  supra,  p.  100. 

5  Fleetwood  to  Thurloe,  May  23,  Thurloe,  in.  468. 

6  "  In  Ireland  they  "   (i.e.  the  Anabaptists)  "  were  grown  so  high 
that  the  soldiers  were  many  of  them  re-baptised  as  the  way  to  preferment  ; 
and  those  that  opposed  crushed  with  much  uncharitable  fierceness.     To 
suppress   these   he  sent  hither  his  son,   Henry  Cromwell,  who  so  dis- 
countenanced the  Anabaptists,  as  yet  to  deal  civilly  by  them,  repressing 

I  2 


Il6  CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

The  first  remedy  which  occurred  to  the  Council  was  to  send 
Henry  Cromwell  in  the  room  of  Ludlow,  whose  continuance  in 
office  was  incompatible  with  the  Protectoral  system.     Accord- 
1654.       ingly>  on  August  24,  1654,  at  the  request  of  the  Eng- 
HACKJmweii  ^sn  Council,  Henry  Cromwell  received  a  commission 
*°  command  tne  Irish  army  under  Fleetwood,  with 
^  ^e  °^  major-general ', l  and  on  December  25  he 
was  named  a  member  of  the  Irish  Council.2     The 
ancUobea    delay  in  sending  the  new  commander  to  Ireland  was 
llon     probably  due  to  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Protector 
to  conciliate  his  son-in-law.3     Subordinate  as  Henry  Cromwell 
would  be  in  both  capacities,  his  relation  to  the  Protector  could 
hardly   fail   to  give   him    a  preponderating   influence   in  the 
Council. 

The  opposition  between  the  Protector  and  the  Deputy  in- 
creasing in  the  spring  of  1655,  the  young  commander  was  at 
l655.  last  despatched  to  his  duties,  landing  in  Dublin  on 
H /Cromwell  Juty  9-  He  was  preceded  by  a  letter  which,  in  its 
in  Ireland,  involved  arrangement,  testifies  to  Oliver's  embarrass- 
ment. Embedded  in  the  midst  of  pious  remarks  is  his  dis- 
claimer of  an  intention,  which  had  been  attributed  to  him,  of 
sending  Henry  as  Deputy  in  Fleetwood's  place.  Then,  after  a 
further  instalment  of  religious  observations,  the  real  object  of 
the  letter  is  slipped  in  : — "  If  you  have  a  mind  to  come  over 
with  your  dear  wife,  &c.,  take  the  best  opportunity  for  the  good 


their  insolencies,  but  not  abusing  them  or  dealing  hardly  with  them.' 
Rel.  Baxteriana,  i.  74. 

1  Order  of  Council,  Aug.  22,  Interr.  I,  75,  p.  523,  O.      Cromwell's 
Memoirs  of  the  Protector,  693. 

2  He  had  been  recommended  for  this  post  by  the  English  Council. 
Order  of  Council,  Aug.  23  ;  Commission,  Dec.  25,  Fourteenth  Report  of 
the  Deputy  Keeper  of  Records  in  Ireland,  p.  28. 

8  Mr.  Firth,  in  the  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biogr.,  Art.  'Henry  Cromwell,' 
attributes  the  delay  to  the  Protector's  unwillingness  to  advance  so  near  a 
member  of  his  own  family.  If  so,  why  did  he  name  him  to  the  command 
on  Aug.  24  ?  The  membership  of  the  Council  could  hardly  be  separated 
from  that  post. 


FLEETWOOD'S  HARSH  POLICY  117 

of  the  public  and  your  own  convenience."  ]  It  is  easy  to  read 
between  the  lines.  Though  the  Protector  had  no  wish  to  de- 
prive his  son-in-law  of  his  high  dignity  as  Lord  Deputy,  he 
would  be  glad  if  he  would  voluntarily  abandon  the  personal  ful- 

ne  19.  filment  of  its  duties.  This  letter  was  emphasised  by 
another,  written  only  three  days  earlier,  ordering 
land.  Fleetwood  to  place  Gookin  in  possession  of  the  land 

which  had  been  granted  to  him  twelve  months  before.2 

Fleetwood's  temper  was  none  the  more  amiable  for  this 
expression  of  the  Protector's  sentiments.  On  July  14,  five 
Fleet-  days  after  Henry  Cromwell's  arrival,  he  issued  two 

de°fi£it.  declarations  which,  taken  together,  showed  his  deter- 
juiy  14.  niination  to  carry  out  his  transplantation  policy  in 
definition  of  the  most  extreme  way.  One  of  these  took  the  form 
men  in  arms,  of  a  reply  to  certain  queries  sent  to  him  by  the 
Protestants  of  Limerick,  in  which  he  defined  those  who  had 
borne  arms  as  including  persons  who  had  attended  any 
rendezvous,  or  had  kept  watch  and  ward,  even  if  they  had 
been  *  forced  or  pressed  '  into  the  service.3  The  other  was  an 
order  issued  by  him  as  Commander-in-Chief,  reminding 
officers  and  soldiers  that  they  had  not  only  neglected  to  search 
Soldiers  to  f°r  persons  condemned  to  transplantation  under  the 
tXJspiam-  tnree  qualifications,  but  had  entertained  such  persons 
able  persons.  as  tenants  or  servants.  If  they  did  not  amend  their 
ways  they  would  be  sent  before  a  court-martial,  to  be  dealt 
with  in  accordance  with  the  articles  of  war.4 

The  resistance  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  to  the  attempt 

1  The  Protector  to  Fleetwood,  June  22,  Carlyle,  Letter  cxcix.     It 
should  be  said  that  the  correspondence  in  the  Lansdowne  MSS.  furnishes 
proof  that  Fleetwood  was  desirous  of  coming  over  on  personal  grounds, 
though  he  may  have  wished  to  pay  no  more  than  a  temporary  visit.     See 
also  Fleetwood's  own  letter  in  Thurloe>  iii.  602. 

2  The  Protector  to  the  Deputy  and  Council,  June  19,  Irish  R.O.^ 
26,  p.  64. 

3  Answers  to  Queries,  July  14,  ib.  —  5,  p.  199. 

4  Declaration  by  the  Deputy,  July  14,  B.  M.   press-mark,  806,  i.  14, 
No.  24. 


JlS    CROMWELLIAN  SETTLEMENT  OF  IRELAND  CH.  XLIV. 

to   deprive  them,   in  their  quality  of  present  or   future  pro- 

.        prietors,  of  the  service  of  Irish  labourers  or  tenants 

anceofthe     lay  at  the  root  of  Fleetwood's  difficulties.     During 

Fieetwood's    the  last  few  months  he  had  encountered  the  same 

opposition  nearer  Dublin,  where  an  attempt  to  clear 
off  the  native  Irish  from  what  were  popularly  known  as  the 
The  five  Five  Counties— that  is  to  say,  Wexford,  Wicklow, 
counties.  and  Kildare,  together  with  parts  of  Dublin  and 
Carlow — had  broken  down  before  the  resistance  of  the  new 
proprietors.1  For  some  weeks  Fleetwood  hung  on  at  Dublin. 
By  the  beginning  of  August  his  retirement  was  a  matter  of 
common  talk.  The  crowd  which  had  hitherto  followed  him  in 

his  attendance  on  the  service  of  the  Baptist  congre- 
and  Henry  gation  now  followed  Henry  Cromwell  to  the  lately 

deserted  'public  service'  instituted  by  the  Instru- 
ment of  Government.  The  Provost  of  Trinity  College  hailed 
Sept.  6.  the  son  of  the  Protector  as  the  future  ruler  of  the 
kaeveT°od  country.2  It  was  impossible  to  hold  out  longer, 
Dublin.  an(}  on  September  6  the  Lord  Deputy  took  shipping 
for  England. 

The  departure  of  Fleetwood   was  a  turning-point  of  the 

Cromwellian    policy   in    Ireland.      It   indicated   a   policy   of 

•  nifi  ar  e   Distrust  of  those  officers  who  arrogated  to  themselves 

0!gthe  °a    "   the  title  of  '  the  godly,'  and  announced  at  least  an 

intention  to  introduce  a  more  secular  regime.  It 
signified,  too,  the  abandonment  of  the  plan  of  sweeping  the 
large  majority  of  the  Irish  population  out  of  three  provinces, 
and  supplying  their  places  by  English  labourers.  Under  the 
influence  of  Henry  Cromwell  no  more  is  heard  of  the  large 
class  of  those  who  had  taken  part  in  or  had  given  assistance  to 
the  rebellion  in  its  earliest  stage,  the  Government  being 
content  with  the  transplantation  of  landowners  and  men  who 
had  borne  arms,  the  latter  class  being,  as  Colonel  Lawrence 

1  Orders  by  the  Deputy  and  Council,  May  21,  June  7,  B.M.  press- 
mark, 806,  i.  14,  No.  21  ;  Irish  R.O.,  ~  5,  p.  173. 

2  Letters  from  Dublin,  Aug.  I,  13,  19,  Sept.  5  ;  Merc.  Pol.t  E,  851, 
8;  E,  852,  18;  E,  853,  22  ;  Perf.  Diurnal,  E,  852,  15. 


i65S  A   CHANGE   OF   POLICY  1 19 

had  argued,1  comparatively  a  small  one.  For  the  earlier  and 
more  extensive  plan,  regarded  from  a  merely  English  point  of 
view,  there  had  been  something  to  be  said.  To  put  an  end  to 
the  constant  resistance  of  Irishmen  to  the  imposition  of  English 
government  and  English  custom  by  replacing  the  natives 
of  three-fourths  of  Ireland  by  Englishmen  seemed  a  desirable 
end  to  men  to  whom  Irishmen  appeared  to  stand  outside  the 
pale  of  civilisation,  and  who  doggedly  believed  that  Irishmen 
were  alone  to  blame  for  the  catastrophe  which  had  shocked  the 
whole  of  England  in  1641.  Fortunately  for  the  progress  of 
the  race  nature  does  not  allow  any  people  to  regard  the  fate 
of  another  purely  from  its  own  point  of  view.  The  English 
project  had  recoiled  partly  because  the  grip  of  the  native 
population  on  the  soil  could  not  be  shaken  loose,  but  still 
more  because  the  English  population  was  not  prepared  to  rush 
in  where  no  vacuum  had  been  created.  The  new  project,  of 
retaining  the  mass  of  Irishmen,  whilst  depriving  them  of  their 
natural  leaders,  and  so  tempting  them  to  be  as  Englishmen, 
remained  yet  to  be  tried,  though  with  little  chance  of  success. 
1  See  supra^  pp.  103,  104. 


120 


CHAPTER     XLV 

HISPANIOLA     AND    JAMAICA 

ALTHOUGH  the  speech  in  which  the  Protector  had  set  forth  the 
delinquencies  of  his  first  Parliament  as  a  justification  of  its 
i654.  approaching  dissolution  contained  no  reference  to 
ofhthepurp°se  the  tw°  fleets  which  had  by  that  time  left  the  shores 
fleets.  of  England,  its  silence  can  safely  be  ascribed  to 

prudential  motives.  Second  in  Oliver's  mind  only  to  his  desire 
to  protect  '  the  people  of  God '  was  his  resolution  to  extend 
beyond  the  seas  the  power  of  England,  a  resolution  which  with 
July  20.  him  assumed,  to  some  extent,  the  character  of  a 
AnSist  Divine  mission.  "We  consider  this  attempt,"  he 
projected,  nad  said  in  recommending  the  West  Indian  ex- 
pedition to  his  Council,  "because  we  think  God  has  not 
brought  us  hither  where  we  are,  but  to  consider  the  work  that 
we  may  do  in  the  world  as  well  as  at  home."  l  To  weaken  the 
grasp  of  Spain  on  the  New  World  was  to  strike  an  effectual 
blow  at  the  dominion  of  Antichrist,  and  Oliver  could  not  fail 
to  be  bitterly  mortified  when  he  found  the  Parliament,  on 
whose  co-operation  he  had  looked  with  hope,  leaving  this  holy 
enterprise  without  financial  support. 

Yet,  with  all  his  religious  enthusiasm,  Oliver  never  lost  sight 
of  the  practical  objects  to  be  attained  by  the  destruction  of 
Antichrist ;  nor  did  he  fail  to  perceive  that,  if  the  enterprise 
was  to  be  justified  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  it  must  be  justified 
on  other  than  religious  grounds.  The  commercial  interests  of 

1  See  vol,  iii.  p.  159,  and  also  Clarke  Papers,  iii.  207. 


1654  RELIGION    AND   TRADE  121 

England  led  him  to  challenge  the  claim  of  Spain,  not,  indeed, 
as  has  often  been  erroneously  alleged,  to  refuse  to 

and  also  the  .      J      . 

defence  of  Englishmen  the  right  of  trading  with  Spanish  colonies, 
but  to  seize  English  ships  and  to  maltreat  English 
crews  merely  because  they  were  found  in  some  part  or  another 
of  the  Caribbean  Sea,  even  though  they  might  be  destined  for 
some  island  in  actual  possession  of  an  English  colony.1  Setting 
aside,  therefore,  the  religious  grounds  of  strife,  the  impending 
conflict  based  itself  on  a  conflict  between  two  opposing 
principles.  For  England  the  right  of  possession  rested  on 
effective  occupation.2  For  Spain,  so  far  as  America  was  con- 
cerned, it  rested  on  the  arbitrament  of  Alexander  VI.  Taking 
his  view  of  the  position  for  granted,  Oliver  assured  Venables  of 
the  righteousness  of  his  mission.  "  Either,"  he  argued,  "  there 

1  Oliver's  views  on  this  subject  are  clearly  set  forth  in  the  commission 
issued  by  him  to  the  five  commissioners  charged  with  the  control  of  the 
West  Indian  expedition.      "  We  having  taken  into  our  serious  considera- 
tion the  state  and  condition  of  the  English  plantations  and  colonies  in  the 
western   parts   of  the  world   called  America,  and   the  opportunity  and 
means  which  God  hath  betrusted  us  and  this  Commonwealth  with  both 
for  securing  the  interest  we  already  have  in  those  countries  which  now  lie 
open  and  exposed  to  the  will  and  power  of  the  King  of  Spain-^who 
claims  the  same  by  colour  of  a  donation  of  the  Pope— at  any  time  when 
he  shall  have  leisure  to  look  that  way  ;  and  also  for  getting  ground  and 
gaining » ujpon   the   dominions   and    territories   of  the  said  King   there; 
'whereurito  we  also  hold  ourselves  obliged  in  justice  to  the  people  of  these 
nations  for  the  cruelty,  wrongs  and  injuries  done  and  exercised  upon  them 
by  the  Spaniards  in  those  parts.     Having  a  respect  likewise  in  this  our 
undertaking  to  the  miserable  thraldom  and  bondage,  both  spiritual  and 
civil,  which  the  natives  and  others  in  the  dominions  of  the  said  King  in 
America  are  subjected  to  and  lie  under  by  means  of  the  Popish  and  cruel 
Inquisition  and  otherwise,  from  which,  if  it  shall  please  God  to  make  us 
instrumental  in  any  measure  to  deliver  them,  and  upon  this  occasion  to 
make  way  for  the  bringing  in  the  light  of  the  Gospel  and  power  of  true 
religion  and  godliness  into  those  parts,  we  shall  esteem  it  the  best  and 
most  glorious  part  of  any  success  or  acquisition  it  shall  please  God  to 
bless  us  with."     Commission  of  the  Commissioners,  Dec.  9,  Narrative  of 
Venables,  109. 

2  The  Protector  had  here  adopted  Raleigh's  view,     Hist,  of  England, 
1603-1642,  iii.  39-41. 


122  HISPANIOLA   AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

was  peace  with  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies  or  there  was 
not.  If  peace,  they  had  violated  it,  and  to  seek  reparation  was 
just.  If  we  had  no  peace,  then  there  was  nothing  acted  against 

articles  with  Spain."  1  The  expedition  once  resolved 
theexpe-  on,  Oliver  had  no  thought  of  limiting  it  to  the 

seizure  of  any  single  port  or  island.  He  was  bent 
on  bringing  under  English  dominion  the  track  of  the  gold 
convoys  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.2  This  scheme  was  a 
reversion  to  the  Elizabethan  gold-hunt,  as  opposed  to  the 
agricultural  and  commercial  settlements  of  more  recent  years. 
There  was  nothing  strange  in  the  adoption  of  such  a  policy. 
What  was  strange  was  that  Oliver  should  have  thought  it 
possible  to  cut  off  the  supplies  through  which  alone  Spain  was 
able  to  save  herself  from  bankruptcy,  and  yet  to  remain  at 
peace  with  her  in  Europe.  It  is  to  be  presumed  that  the  long- 
suffering  with  which  Philip  II.  had  postponed  hostile  action,  in 
spite  of  Drake's  roving  exploits  in  American  waters,  led  him  to 
forget  that  the  hesitating  and  inactive  character  of  that  Philip 
was  unlikely  to  be  reproduced  in  his  grandson ;  and  also  that 
his  personal  experience  of  his  relations  with  France  had  con- 
vinced him  of  the  possibility  of  carrying  on  warfare  by  sea  with- 
out coming  to  a  formal  breach  which  would  carry  with  it  the 
opening  of  hostilities  in  a  wider  sphere.  However  this  may 
have  been,  Oliver  seems  to  have  thought  that  he  could  justify 
an  attack  on  the  treasure-house  of  the  world  by  the  happy  results 
which  his  action  was  likely  to  produce  on  the  balance  of  power 
amongst  the  churches  of  Europe.  In  New  England  the  great 
enterprise  was  discussed  with  approval,  Cotton's  satisfaction 
taking  the  form  of  a  prediction  that  it  would  lead  to  the  drying 
up  of  the  river  Euphrates  foretold  in  the  Apocalypse.  To 
Captain  Leverett,  fresh  from  service  in  New  England,  Oliver 
had  used  much  the  same  language,  adding  that  '  he  intended 
not  to  desist  till  he  came  to  the  gates  of  Rome.'  3 

1  Variables'  Narrative^  3. 

2  Instructions   to   Venables.       Burchett's    Complete   History  of  .  .  . 
Transactions  at  Sen,  385. 

3  See  an  article  by  Mr.   Strong  in  the  American  Historical  Review 


1654  MISCALCULATIONS  123 

If  there  is  anything  which  at  first  sight  appears  unaccount- 
able in  the  history  of  this  expedition,  it  is  Oliver's  belief  that  its 
Oliver  ex-  task  of  conquest  was  an  easy  one,  though  such  heroes 
?oebeantask  as  Hawkins  and  Drake  had  never  been  able  to 
easy  one.  accomplish  more  than  the  sacking  of  a  few  towns  and 
the  temporary  occupation  of  a  few  ports.  Partly,  perhaps,  he 
was  influenced  by  a  not  unnatural,  though  misplaced,  con- 
fidence in  the  superiority  of  regular  troops  and  a  national  fleet 
over  the  crews  brought  together  by  private  adventurers,  but 

still  more  by  the  representations  of  two  men  who  had 
by  Gage  and  had  personal  experience  of  the  West  Indies,  and 

whose  information  passed  current  at  Whitehall  as 
undisputed  truths.  One  of  these — Thomas  Gage — had  been 
sent  out  to  Spanish  America  by  the  Dominican  order,  of  which 
he  had  become  a  member,  but  had  returned  to  England  in 
1641,  where  he  had  announced  his  conversion  to  Protestantism, 
after  which  he  took  the  side  of  Parliament  and  adopted  the 
career  of  a  minister.  In  1648  he  published,  under  the  name 
of  The  English- American,  an  account  of  the  West  Indies  ;  and 
in  the  summer  of  1654,  or  even  earlier,  he  laid  before  the 
Protector  a  memorial  in  which  he  recapitulated  the  conclusions 
of  that  work,  assuring  him  that  the  Spanish  colonies  were  thinly 
peopled,  and  that  the  few  white  inhabitants  were  unwarlike,  and 
scantily  provided  with  arms  and  ammunition.  He  alleged  that 
the  conquest  of  Hispaniola  or  Cuba  would  be  a  matter  of  no 
difficulty,  and  even  that  Central  America  was  not  in  a  condition 
to  resist  long.1  Colonel  Modyford,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
Council  of  Barbados,  recommended,  on  the  other  hand,  an 

(Jan.  1899),  iv.  2.  The  Diary  of  Samuel  Sewall  is  there  quoted  as 
evidence  that  Leverett  was  to  have  been  Governor  of  Hispaniola.  It  is 
most  improbable  that  a  mere  captain  would  have  been  destined  to  such  a 
position,  and  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  conversation  in  which  the 
statement  was  made  did  not  occur  till  1696. 

1  Gage's  observations,  Thurloe,  iii.  59.  For  a  fuller  account  of  Gage, 
see  his  life  in  the  Diet,  of  Nat.  JBiogr.,  and  Mr.  Strong's  above-mentioned 
article,  where  it  is  demonstrated  that  neither  Gage's  nor  Modyford's 
papers  can  have  been  handed  in  so  late  as  December,  under  which  date 
they  are  placed  in  the  printed  Thurloe. 


124  HISPANIOLA   AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

attack  on  Guiana ;  but  he  too  regarded  the  enterprise — com- 
prising the  occupation  of  the  coast  as  far  westward  as  Cartagena 
— as  '  very  easily  compassed.' 1 

Though  Oliver  was  led  astray  in  a  matter  of  which  he  had 
no  personal  experience,  he  was  well  aware  of  the  existence  of 
Danger  one  source  of  danger  against  which  it  behoved  him 
diSioneof  to  Provide.  When  Drake  or  Raleigh  sailed  for  the 
authority.  Indies,  the  commander-in-chief  exercised  undisputed 
authority  over  every  single  person  on  board.  The  differentia- 
tion between  the  naval  and  military  services  made  it  no  longer 
possible  to  follow  their  example  in  this  respect.  Even  as  early 
as  in  1589  the  division  of  the  command  between  Drake  and 
Norris  had  been  attended  with  disastrous  results  to  the  expedi- 
tion they  conducted  against  Lisbon.  Yet  it  was  impossible  to 
revert  to  the  earlier  system.  To  appoint  either  Penn  or 
Venables  to  the  supreme  command  over  the  land  and  sea 
forces  would  but  spell  instant  ruin,  and,  with  this  problem  to 
face,  the  Protector  fell  back  on  a  solution  which,  if  not  ideally  the 
best,  was  probably  the  best  of  which  circumstances  admitted. 
The  general  conduct  of  the  expedition  was  to  be  entrusted  to 
Five  com-  ^ve  comrmssi°ners>  of  whom  Penn  and  Venables 
missioners  were  to  be  two.  the  General  and  Admiral  each 

appointed,  of  .     .  ,  .... 

whom  Penn  retaining  executive  authority  in  his  own  service, 
bies  wire  Such  an  arrangement  had  little  in  common  with  the 
often-condemned  blunder  of  appointing  a  body  of 
civilian  commissioners  to  control  a  single  general.  It  was 
intended  to  supply  a  means  of  keeping  a  double  command  in 
tolerable  harmony ;  whilst  the  inclusion  of  Penn  and  Venables 
themselves  in  the  number  of  the  commissioners  afforded  each 
of  them  a  means  of  pleading  his  own  cause  within  doors, 
instead  of  being  driven  to  accept  or  reject  orders,  definitely 
given  by  a  merely  civilian  authority  which  claimed  superiority 
over  the  professional  heads  of  the  expedition. 

Yet,  though  no  better  provision  suggests  itself  as  available, 
the  contrivance  was  at  the  best  a  clumsy  one,  and  required  the 

1  A  paper  of  Col.  Modyford,  Thurloe,  iii.  62. 


1654  THE   FIVE   COMMISSIONERS  125 

utmost  care  in  the  selection  of  the  three  external  commissioners. 
Unfortunately,  one  only  even  approached  the  necessary  condi- 
tions.    Edward  Winslow,  who  had  been  one  of  the 

Winslow,  ' 

Searie,  and  adventurous  band  which  sailed  for  New  England  in 
commL  the  '  Mayflower,'  had  three  times  served  as  Governor 
of  Plymouth  Colony,  and  had  returned  to  England 
in  1646.  Though  he  had  sided  with  Parliament  at  the  time  of 
its  expulsion  in  1653,  his  knowledge  of  colonial  affairs,  to- 
gether with  the  repute  of  his  abilities  and  character,  had  gained 
for  him  the  confidence  of  the  Protector.1  The  choice  of 
Daniel  Searie,  the  Governor  of  Barbados,  would,  but  for  one 
circumstance,  have  been  as  satisfactory  as  that  of  Winslow. 
He  was  a  capable  man,  but  necessarily  hampered  by  his 
relations  to  the  colony  whilst  the  expedition  remained  at  the 
island,  and  after  it  left  he  would  be  unable  to  leave  his  post  to 
accompany  it  into  action.  His  absence  would  be  of  the 
greater  consequence  because  Winslow's  other  colleague, 
Captain  Gregory  Butler,  selected  apparently  on  account  of  his 
local  knowledge,  was,  by  the  testimony  of  all  who  came  into 
contact  with  him,  weak  in  those  qualities  of  temper  and  discre- 
tion which  are  indispensable  in  a  councillor.2 

Some  time  before  the  sailing  of  the  fleet  it  had  become 
evident  that  the  danger  of  a  misunderstanding  between  Penn 
Relations  an^  Venables  was  by  no  means  imaginary ;  and  the 
instructions  issued  on  December  9  to  all  concerned 
must  have  served  to  increase  that  danger,  Penn's 
services  being  therein  limited  to  the  conveyance  of  the  land 
forces  to  their  destination,  to  the  employment  of  the  fleet  in 

1  See  Mr.  Firth's  account  of  his  career  in  the  Preface  to  Venables' 
Narrative,  x. 

2  Mr.  Firth  has  collected  the  statements  of  those  who  served  with 
him.      "  Truth  is,"  wrote  Major-General  Fortescue  after  the  force  had 
landed  in  Jamaica,  "  I  know  not  of  what  use  he  is,  unless  to  make  up  a 
number.  ...   If  I  may  without  offence  speak  it,  he  is  the  unfittest  man 
for  a  commissioner  I  ever  knew  employed  ;  I  suppose  His  Highness  and 
Council  had  little  knowledge  of  him."     And  again,  "  He  may  very  well 
be  spared,  his  whole  business  having  been  to  engender  strife  and  create 
factions  among  the  officers,"  Venables'  Narrative,  xii. 


126  HISPANIOLA   AND   JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

the  destruction  or  capture  of  French  or  Spanish  vessels,  and  to 
the  promotion  of  the  design  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West 
Indies.  That  design  was  to  be  carried  out,  as  the  Protector 
informed  his  Admiral,  '  in  the  manner  expressed  in  our  instruc- 
tions to  General  Venables,  which  he  is  to  communicate  to  you. ' l 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  instructions  given  to  Venables  were  in 
far  greater  detail  than  Penn's.  The  object  of  the  expedition, 
he  was  told,  was  '  to  gain  an  interest  in  that  part  of  the  West 
Plan  of  the  Indies  in  possession  of  the  Spaniards.'  He  was  not, 
design.  however,  bound  to  any  definite  plan.  It  had  been 
proposed,  he  was  told,  to  seize  on  Hispaniola  or  Puerto  Rico, 
or  even  upon  both  ;  after  which  Havana  might  be  won,  a 
place  invaluable  as  the  port  of  call  for  the  homeward-bound 
treasure-fleet  on  its  way  from  Panama  to  Europe  before  it 
entered  the  Bahama  Channel.2  An  alternative  scheme  was  a 
landing  at  some  point  between  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco  and 
Porto  Bello,  with  the  intention  of  ultimately  securing  Cartagena. 
Yet  a  third  proposal  was  to  begin  with  San  Domingo  or 
Puerto  Rico,  and  afterwards  to  attempt  Cartagena  instead 
of  Havana.  It  was,  however,  left  to  those  on  the  spot  to  decide 
which,  if  any,  of  these  schemes  should  be  carried  out.3 

It  is  not  strange  that  Penn,  captious  as  he  was,4  and  already 
prejudiced  against  Venables,  took  umbrage  at  the  fulness  of 
Penn's  dis-  instructions  which,  having  been  withheld  from  him- 
tfon!faCl  self,  were  to  be  communicated  to  him  by  his  military 
Dec.  4.  colleague.  Even  before  the  issue  of  these  instruc- 
A  gram  of  tions  the  Protector,  anxious  to  conciliate  him,  had 

Irish  land 

to  him.  confirmed  a  grant  of  Irish  land  made  to  him  in 
September,  and  accompanied  his  concession  with  pressing 

1  Penn's   instructions,   Mem.    of  Penn,   ii.   23.     Penn's   commission, 
which  these  instructions  accompany,  is  there  dated  Oct.  9.     Mr.   Firth 
shows  (Venables'  Narrative^  ix.,  note  i)  that  this  must  almost  certainly 
be  an  error  for  Dec.  9. 

2  Corbett,  Drake  and  the  Ttidor  Navy,  i.  90. 

3  Instructions  to  Venables,  Burchett's  Complete  History,  385. 

4  This  was  Winslow's  opinion  of  him.     Winslow  to  Thurloe,  March 
l6,.T/iut'toe,  iii.  249. 


1654  OLIVER    TO    PENN  127 

letters  to  the  authorities  in  Dublin  to  see  that  the  matter  was 
not  neglected,  After  this  Oliver  felt  himself  justified  in l 
Oliver  re-  recommending  two  young  kinsmen  of  his  own  for 
tSoktoffliMi!  appointments  in  the  fleet,  and  even  in  sharply 
to  Penn.  reprimanding  the  Admiral  for  giving  to  one  of  his 
own  relatives  a  place  which  he  had  promised  to  the  Protector's 
nephew.2 

On  December  20,  when  the  fleet  was  almost  ready  to  sail, 

Oliver  made  one  final  appeal  to  Penn's  better  feelings.     "  I 

understand,"  he  wrote,  "so  much  of  your  care  and 

Dec.  20.  .',...'          , 

An  appeal  industry  m  this  business  that  1  cannot  but  acknow- 
ledge it,  and  let  you  know  how  much  you  make  me 
beholden  to  you ;  and  I  pray  you  persist  therein.  I  do  humbly 
hope  the  Lord  will  have  an  eye  upon  this  business,  and  will 
bless  it.  And  therefore,  if  it  be  His  business,  it  will  certainly 
provoke  every  good  heart  to  eye  Him  in  it,  and  to  be  able  to 
overcome  every  thing  in  a  man's  own  heart  that  may  anywise 
lie  as  an  impediment  in  the  way  that  may  hinder  the  bringing  of 
it  to  its  perfection ;  and  in  this  I  have  full  assurance  of  you, 
notwithstanding  I  have  had  some  knowledge  of  a  little  dissatis- 
faction remaining  with  you,  which  I  hope  by  this  time  will  be 
removed,  and  I  desire  you  it  may  be  so.  You  have  your  own 
command,  full  and  entire  to  yourself,  nothing  interfering  with 
it,  nor  in  the  least  lessening  you.  The  command  at  land  is  also 
distinct,  and  there  the  General  at  land  must  exercise  his 
authority  ;  and  thus  I  trust  you  will  both  consent  to  carry 
on  the  public  work  without  hesitation ;  and  God  forbid  that 
any  thing,  either  in  you  or  him,  should  in  the  least  hinder  that. 
I  hope  it  shall  not ;  and  know  assuredly,  upon  the  experience 
you  have  had  of  me,  that  I  shall  be  as  tender  of  your  honour, 
as  sensible  to  uphold  your  quality,  as  you  shall  be  to  desire  me. 
The  Lord  make  your  journey  prosperous  and  bless  you  ! " 3 

1  Mem.  of  Penn,  ii.  19. 

-  The  Protector  to  Penn,  Dec.  I,  Jan.  15,  Portland  MSS.,  Hist.  MSS. 
Com.  Rep.,  xiii.  App.  ii.  88,  89. 

3  The  Protector  to  Penn,  Dec.  20,  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rep.,  xiii.  App. 
ii.  88. 


128  HISPANIOLA   AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

For  the  time  being  this  pleading  was  not  without  effect.  Before 
the  sailing  of  the  fleet  Winslow  was  able  to  write  to  Thurloe 
that  that  sore  was  easily  cured ;  and  after  his  arrival  in  the 
West  Indies  he  could  report  that  the  demeanour  of  the  General 
and  Admiral  mutually  towards  *  each  l  other  at  sea  was  sweet 
and  hopeful.' 2  The  wound,  however,  still  rankled,  and  when  the 
time  of  action  arrived  it  was  likely  to  break  out  again,  with 
disastrous  consequences. 

Far  more  damaging  than  Penn's  jealousy  was  the  Protector's 

own  blunder  in  ignoring  the  strength  brought  to  an  army  by 

regimental  discipline  and  comradeship.     Instead  of 

Character  ,  .  .  ,          _,  .        , 

of  the  land  taking  complete  regiments  the  Government  resolved 
that  the  army  for  the  West  Indies  should  be  com- 
posed of  drafts  from  the  regiments  serving  in  different  parts  of 
the  country,  and,  what  was  worse  still,  that  these  drafts  should 
be  selected  by  the  colonels  of  the  regiments  in  which  they  had 
served.  The  natural  consequence  was  that  the  men  chosen  for 
foreign  service  were  for  the  most  part  those  of  whom  their 
colonels  were  most  anxious  to  be  rid,  and  when  the  numbers 
thus  supplied  were  found  insufficient,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
fill  the  vacant  places  with  the  riff-raff  of  the  London  streets. 
In  vain  Venables  pleaded  that  the  men  he  was  to  command 
might  be  raised  from  the  seasoned  regiments  with  whose  mar- 
tial qualities  he  had  been  familiar  in  Ireland  ;  or,  if  this  might 
not  be,  that  volunteers  might  be  drawn  from  the  troops  in 
England. 

Such  proceedings,  inexplicable  to  Venables,  can  only  be  ex- 
plained by  the  brevity  of  the  time  available  for  the  collection 
Necessity  of  the  forces.  The  Protector  had  been  warned  by 
of  haste.  Gage  that  the  rainy  season  began  in  May,  and  when 
November,  and  even  December  arrived,  his  anxiety  to  see  the 
last  of  the  fleet  must  have  been  intense.  As  for  the  employ- 
ment of  volunteers,  tropical  service  was  none  too  popular  in  the 
army,  and  it  is  probable  that,  if  Venables'  advice  had  been 

1  Misprinted  'every.' 

2  Winslow  to  Thurloe,  March  16,  Thurloe,  iii.  249. 


1654  DIFFICULTIES   IGNORED  1 29 

taken  in  this  direction,  he  would  have  found  himself  without 
any  following  worthy  of  consideration.1 

The  same  conviction  of  the  value  of  time  which  made  it 
impossible  to  send  to  Ireland  for  soldiers  stood  in  the  way  ot 
A  muster  compliance  with  the  request  of  the  General  that  he 
refused.  should  be  allowed  to  hold  a  general  muster  of  his 
soldiers  at  Portsmouth  before  their  embarkation.  "  Before  I 
came  thither,"  he  bitterly  complained,  "  some  were  shipped 
and  sent  away,  and  all  were  reproached  for  not  shipping  faster 
than  wind  and  tide  and  boats  would  serve  us."  2  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  causes  of  this  haste,  the  consequences  bade 
fair  to  be  disastrous.  The  army  from  which  so  much  was 
expected  was  without  cohesion  and  without  confidence  in  its 
commander.  Everything  that  it  most  behoved  soldiers  to  know 
would  have  to  be  learnt,  not  merely  in  the  presence  of  the 
enemy,  but  under  climatic  conditions  against  which  neither 
they  nor  those  who  sent  them  knew  how  to  provide.  It  had 
not  been  by  gathering  a  mob  and  styling  it  an  army  that 
Oliver  had  beaten  down  his  enemies  at  Marston  Moor  and 
Naseby. 

Nor  was  it  only  from  the  deficiencies  of  the  force  thus 
hurriedly  brought  together  that  danger  was  to  be  expected. 
The  force  to  According  to  the  accepted  plan,  Venables  was  to 
ened?nnfhe~  nave  taken  with  him  3,ooo  men — though  the  number 
indies.  was  found,  in  fact,  to  be  no  more  than  2,500 — and 
this  body  was  to  form  the  nucleus  of  an  army  to  be  made  up 
by  recruits  in  Barbados  and  the  other  English  islands.  What 
likelihood,  however,  was  there  that  these  raw  levies  would  find 
in  a  force  composed  as  was  the  one  now  hurried  on  shipboard 
a  nucleus  round  which  to  rally  ?  The  case  was  the  more  hope- 
The  soldiers  less  as  both  officers  and  men  were  under  the  impres- 
exdpectan  si°n  tnat  tneir  object  was  less  to  defeat  an  enemy 
easy  task.  tnan  to  foun(i  a  colony.  Even  Venables  was  left 

1  F.  Barrington  to  Sir  J.  Barrington,  July  14,  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rep., 

vii.  571. 

2  Venables'  Narrative,  6;  A  Brief  and  Perfect  Journal,  Harl.  Misc., 

iii.  SIS- 

VOL.  IV.  K 


130  HISPANIOLA   AND   JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

under  this  delusion.  The  city  of  San  Domingo,  according  to 
his  instructions,  'not  being  considerably  fortified,'  might 
*  probably  be  possessed  without  much  difficulty  ' ;  and  he  gave 
evidence  of  his  belief  that  little  danger  was  to  be  feared  by 
carrying  with  him  his  wife,  whom  he  had  recently  married  as  a 
mature  widow,  pleading  subsequently  that  *  his  Highness  did 
only  intend  a  plantation,  where  women  would  be  necessary.' l 

On  December  20  the  first  portion  of  the  fleet  put  to  sea,  and 
the  remainder  followed  on  the  25th.  Two  storeships  which 
were  to  have  carried  necessaries  for  the  soldiers  failed  to 
arrive  in  time  ;  whilst  the  provisions  already  placed  on  board  for 
their  use,  being  found  defective,  Venables  threw  the  blame  on 
Desborough,  who  had  been  appointed  to  arrange  for  the  supplies, 
and  whom  he  charged — probably  without  foundation — with 
acting  in  collusion  with  the  victuallers.2 

The  outward  voyage  to  Barbados  was  uneventful,  and  on 

January  29  the  fleet  cast  anchor  in  Carlisle  Bay.     The  arrival 

X6S5.        of  a  hostile   force   could   hardly   have   been   more 

TjJefleetat    unwelcome   to   the   planters,  who  had  been  in  the 

Barbados,      habit  of  importing  goods  in  Dutch  bottoms  in  defiance 

of  the  provisions  of  the  Navigation  Act.     Almost  immediately 

after  their  arrival  the  commissioners  made  seizure,  by 

Seizure  of  J 

Dutch  the  Protector's  orders,  of  a  number  of  Dutch  vessels 
lying  in  the  bay,  and  that,  too,  in  virtue  not  only  of 
the  Navigation  Act,  but  also  of  another  Act  which  prohibited 
all  foreign  trade  with  the  colony  in  consequence  of  its  adhesion, 
at  the  time  when  the  Statute  was  passed,  to  the  Stuart  cause.3 
Such  a  proceeding  could  only  be  justified  by  the  clause  in  the 
Navigation  Act  forbidding  the  importation  into  an  English 
colony  of  goods  not  the  produce  of  the  countries  in  which  the 
ships  bringing  them  were  owned,  a  clause  which  had  been 
violated  by  the  Dutch  ship-masters  if,  as  is  highly  probable, 
they  had  carried  negro  slaves  across  the  Atlantic.4  Angry  at 

1  Memoranda  of  Eliz.  Venables,  Chetham  Soc.  Misc.  iv.  9-28. 

2  Venables'  Narrative,  5-7,  102.  3  See  vol.  i.  317. 

4  Winslow  to  Thurloe,   March   16,    Thurloe,  iii.  249;  Venables'  Nar- 
rative* 8. 


1655  FRESH    LEVIES  131 

this  interruption  of  their  trade  the  colonists  raised  difficulties 
Enlistment  when  an  attempt  was  made  to  enlist  volunteers  to 
of  men.  make  up  the  numbers  required  to  complete  the  army. 
The  planters,  not  unreasonably,  cried  out  against  the  induce- 
ment offered  to  their  servants  to  desert  their  work,  and  it  was 
only  after  the  commissioners  had  entered  into  an  engagement 
that  freemen  only  should  be  entertained  that  the  enlistment 
made  any  progress.1  The  engagement,  however,  was  in  many 
cases  evaded,  and  in  one  way  or  another,  so  far  as  numbers  were 
concerned,  the  force  under  Venables  began  to  present  a  for- 

midable  appearance.  At  a  muster  taken  on  March  2 1 
A  muster  it  was  found  to  reach  6,873, l  including  a  troop  of 

horse  raised  in  Barbados  to  supply  the  place  of  one 
which  had  been  detained  by  contrary  winds  in  an  Irish  port. 
March  i  When  the  fleet  put  to  sea  on  March  31,  it  picked  up 
The  fleet'  some  i,2oo  volunteers  at  Montserrat,  Nevis,  and  St. 

Kitts ;  to  whom  must  be  added  a  naval  regiment  of 
about  the  same  strength,  serving  under  Vice-Admiral  Goodson 

as  its  colonel,  thus  bringing  the  entire  force  above 

Numbers  >      &. 

of  the  army    o,ooo  men/  now  divided — including  the  seamen — 

onboard.          ,\        .   _. 

into  eight  regiments. 

The  quality  of  the  new  levies,  with  the  notable  exception 
of  the  sea  regiment,  was  not  commensurate  with  their  numbers. 
Bad  uaiit  "  planters,"  wrote  Venables  after  the  catastrophe 
of  the  new  had  occurred,  "we  found  most  fearful,  being  only 

bold  to  do  mischief,  not  to  be  commanded  as  soldiers, 
nor  to  be  kept  in  any  civil  order,  being  the  most  profane, 
debauched  persons  that  we  ever  saw,  scorners  of  religion ;  and, 

1  The  freemen  are  described  as  '  such  as  [had]  served  in  the  country 
for   freedom,    or   paid   their   passage   when   transported  from   England.' 
J.  Barrington  to  Sir  F.  Barrington,  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rep.,  vii.  572.     I 
have   added    '  had '    on   my   own    responsibility,  as  the  sentence  makes 
nonsense  without  it. 

2  Venables'   Narrative,    122.       Mr.     Firth    makes   the   number    TOO 
more,  having  omitted  to  take  into  account  his  own  correction  on  the  same 
page. 

3  The  question  of  numbers  is  fully   discussed  by    Mr.    Firth  in  his 
Preface  to  Venables'  Narrative,  xxx. 

K  2 


132  HISPANIOLA  AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

indeed,  men  kept  so  loose  as  not  to  be  kept  under  discipline, 
and  so  cowardly  as  not  to  be  made  to  fight"  If  Venables' 
words  may  be  thought  to  be  exaggerated,  as  those  of  a  man  on 
his  defence,  they  were  at  least  no  harsher  than  those  of  more 
impartial  witnesses.  "  To  say  the  truth,"  wrote  three  of  the 
commissioners  to  the  Governor  of  Barbados,  "  your  men  and 
the  men  of  St.  Christopher's  lead  all  the  disorder  and  confusion." 
The  testimony  of  Captain  How  to  the  worthlessness  of  the 
Barbadians  is  to  the  same  effect.  "The  men  we  had  from 
thence,"  he  declares,  "  for  the  most  proved  good  for  little.  I 
dare  say  that  1,000  of  our  soldiers  that  came  out  of  England  or 
Ireland  is  better  than  5,000  of  them."  l  Their  discipline,  too, 
was  shaken  by  the  difficulty  of  procuring  arms  for  more  than  a 
part  of  the  army.  Gunsmith's  tools  had  been  left  behind,  and 
the  wood  of  the  island  was  not  such  as  to  enable  the  pike-heads 
brought  from  England  to  be  fitted  with  shafts  of  the  usual 
length.  The  result  was  that  it  was  only  for  a  short  time  at  the 
end  of  the  stay  at  Barbados  that  the  whole  force  in  the  island 
could  be  drilled.2  The  evil  was  complicated  by  the  ineffective- 
ness of  many  of  the  officers,  who  had  been  brought  together 
without  sufficient  discrimination  before  the  troops  left  England. 
Food,  too,  was  running  short,  and  on  the  voyage  the  landsmen 
were  put  on  half-rations,  a  circumstance  which  again  roused  the 
spirit  of  contention  between  Penn  and  Venables,  the  latter 
declaring  that  the  best  bread  was  reserved  for  the  sailors,  the 
worst  being  served  out  to  the  soldiers.3 

On  one  important  subject,  however,  Penn  and  Venables 
were  agreed.  Knowing  the  motives  which  actuated  the  large 
Question  of  majority  of  the  soldiers,  they  proposed  that  the 

plunder  should  be  brought  into  a  common  stock,  to 
be  divided  amongst  all  who  were  concerned  in  its  capture.  To 
this,  however,  the  other  commissioners  took  exception.  It  had 
gan  been  resolved  that  the  city  of  San  Domingo  should 

Domingo  to   be  the  object  of  the  first  attack,  and  on  April  13, 

when   the    expedition   was    nearing    the    coast    of 

1  Venables'  Narrative,  30,  40.  2  Id.  12.  •  Ib.  13. 


1655  AN   ORDER   AGAINST   PILLAGE  133 

Hispaniola,  Venables  was  compelled  to  issue  an  order  offering 
to  the  soldiers  six  weeks'  pay  in  lieu  of  pillage.  The  reason  for 
such  an  unpopular  decision  was  plainly  given.  "Whereas," 
the  General  declared,  "  the  city  of  Domingo,  where  we  design 
our  first  attempt,  is  intended  by  His  Highness  for  a  colony  of 
Apr.  i3.  the  English,  which,  if  destroyed  by  pillage,  ruineth 
beUcom-rt°  tne  whole  design,  making  us  incapable  to  reap  the 
muted.  fruit  Of  our  success,  if  the  Lord  shall  please  to  bless 
us  with  the  same  :  I  do  therefore  order  and  require  officers  and 
soldiers  under  my  command  not  to  pillage  or  plunder  any 
money,  plate  or  jewels  whatsoever,  or  to  waste  or  destroy  any 
houses,  tame  cattle,  or  any  other  goods  or  things  which  are 
necessary  for  us  to  plant  within  the  country,  or  to  improve  with 
the  best  advantage  of  his  Highness  the  present  design."  l  The 
men  to  whom  these  words  were  addressed  were  as  unfit  to  be 
colonisers  as  to  be  soldiers,  and  preferred  the  wild  gamble  of 
pillage  to  the  distribution  of  an  evenly  divided  sum  of  money.2 
The  order  of  the  General  led  to  an  outcry,  which  portended  little 
less  than  a  mutiny  when  the  time  should  arrive  for  putting  it  in 
force. 

On  April  13,  the  day  on  which  the  order  was  issued,   the 
fleet  was  off  San  Domingo,  near  enough  to  the  coast  to  descry 

the  inhabitants  hurrying  to  take  refuge  in  the  city. 
off  San  The  commissioners  had  sensibly  agreed  that  the 

troops  should  be  landed  near  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Jaina,  at  the  spot  chosen  by  Drake  on  his  famous  expedition. 
This  was  far  enough  from  the  city  to  avoid  the  danger  of 
surprise  before  the  whole  force  had  been  put  ashore,  and  near 
enough  to  it  to  enable  the  men  to  approach  the  object  of  their 

enterprise  without  a  long  and  wearisome  march.  It 
tionsfor  was  found,  however,  that  a  heavy  surf  rendered 

landing  impracticable  at  this  point,  and  the  greater 
part  of  the  army  was  therefore  sent  to  the  westward,  to  find  a 


1  Venables'  Narrative,   14.     Order  by  Venables,  Apr.    13,  Portland 
MSS.,  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rep.,  13,  ii.  91. 

-  Whistler's  Journal,  in  the  Appendix  to  Venables'  Narrative^  150. 


134  HISPANIOLA   AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

safer  landing-place  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nizao,1  whilst  a  regi- 
ment and  a  half,  under  Colonels  Holdip  and  Buller,  was  to  be 
sent  ashore  to  the  east  of  the  city,  where  they  would  be  cut  off 
by  the  river  Ozama  from  any  chance  of  joining  in  the  assault, 
though  they  might  render  service  by  blocking  the  place  on  that 
side. 

On  the  1 4th  the  bulk  of  the  army  was  landed  at  the  mouth 

of  the  Nizao  without  opposition,  where  there  was  a  march  of 

A      i        some  twenty  miles  to  the  Jaina,  and  of  about  ten 

The  army      more  from  the  Taina  to  the  city  walls.2     Orders  had 

landed.  .         .  .  .  .    .  ,. 

been  given  to  supply  the  men  with  provisions  for 
A  toilsome  three  days  ;  but  the  orders  were  but  superficially 

carried  out,  as  the  sailors  themselves  were  on  short 
allowance  and  the  naval  authorities  took  care  to  put  the  soldiers 
on  shorter  allowance  still.  Even  more  distressing  was  the  want 
of  water.  Not,  indeed,  that  it  was  altogether  lacking.  Dry 
beds  of  streams  had  a  few  pools  remaining  in  them,  from  which 
it  was  possible  to  drink,  and  occasionally  a  fuller  stream  slipped 
sluggishly  past  towards  the  sea.  It  had,  however,  never 
occurred  to  those  in  authority  in  England  to  furnish  vessels  in 
which  water  could  be  carried.3  Venables,  whose  military 
experience  had  been  gained  in  a  land  in  which  food  was  scarce 
and  water  plentiful,  awoke  too  late  to  the  gravity  of  the  danger. 
"Whoever,"  he  wrote,  u comes  into  these  parts  must  bring 
leather  bottles,  which  are  more  needful  here  than  knapsacks  in 
Ireland."  Yet,  toilsome  as  was  the  march  in  the  drought  and 
heat,  its  hardships  were  not  without  alleviation.  For  seven 

1  The  narratives  on  which  my  account  is  based  are  either  printed  by 
Mr.    Firth  in  Venables'   Narrative,  or   are    referred  to  by  him    in    the 
Preface.      Venables  held   that    the  change  of  place  was  entirely  due  to 
Penn's  carelessness  or  misconduct  ;    but  the  account  given  above  is  far 
more  probable,  as  Penn  had  nothing  to  gain  by  endangering  the  success  of 
the  expedition. 

2  As  the  crow  flies  it  is  about  fifteen  miles  to  the  Jaina  and  about 
seven  more  to  San  Domingo,  but  the  winding  of  the  track  must  have 
lengthened  the  distance.     Contemporary  narratives  naturally  make  it  still 
longer. 

3  See  the  list  of  stores  in  Thnrloe,  iii.  203. 


136  HISPANIOLA  AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

miles  the  soldiers  tramped  along  a  lane  overshadowed  by 
orange  trees,  tempting  them  with  fruit  hanging  within  reach  of 
the  wayfarer's  hand.  In  many  cases  over-indulgence  brought 
on  dysentery  and  fever,  and  not  a  few  dropped  out  of  the  ranks 
to  die. 

On  the  way  the  regiments  stumbled  on  a  deserted  monas- 
tery. The  image  of  the  Virgin  with  the  Saviour  in  her  arms, 
A  deserted  rendered  more  attractive  by  the  gold  and  jewels 
monastery.  which  stiffened  her  robe,  was  torn  from  its  place  in 
the  chapel  and  pelted  with  oranges  by  these  rough  intruders  on 
the  sanctuary.1  When,  on  the  third  day's  march,2  the  Jaina 
was  reached,  the  water  was  so  high  that  it  was  impossible  to 
cross  it  except  by  swimming.3  Here  Venables  learnt  that 
A  r  ig  Buller,  having  failed  to  effect  a  landing  to  the  east  of 
'  San  Domingo,  had  come  on  shore  with  his  1,50° 


men  near  the  mouth  of  the  Jaina,  but,  finding  that 
the  Spaniards  had  evacuated  a  small  fort  commanding  the 
landing-place,  had,  in  spite  of  instructions  to  the  contrary, 
marched  off  in  the  direction  of  the  city,  taking  with  him  the 
only  guide.  Buller  would  have  done  better  if  he  had  prepared 
the  way  for  his  commander  by  examining  the  river  which  the 
main  army  had  to  cross,  as  in  default  of  such  aid  the  afternoon 
and  evening  were  spent  by  the  wearied  regiments  in  search  of  a 
ford.  When  darkness  fell  with  tropical  swiftness,  the  wanderers 
had  not  only  failed  in  achieving  their  object,  but  had  straggled 
from  the  river  banks.  Consequently,  their  three  days'  pro- 
visions having  been  already  exhausted,  they  had  to  pass  the 

night  without  food  or  water.  When  morning  dawned 
A  fresh  '  the  search  for  the  ford  was  resumed,  and  the  army 

was  at  last  able  to  cross  the  river  at  some  distance 

1  In  the  Rawlinson  MS.  printed  in  Venables'  Narrative,  p.  130,  this 
is  said  to  have  taken  place  near  the  Jaina.     The  same  scene  may  easily 
have  occurred  twice. 

2  They  had  started  at  4  P.M.  on  the  I4th,  and  reached  the  Jaina  in 
the  afternoon  of  the  i6th. 

3  As  want  of  water  is  still  spoken  of,  and  as  there  was  a  bar  across  the 
entrance,  the  estuary  was,  no  doubt,  a  tidal  one. 


I65S  SUFFERINGS   OF   THE   ARMY  137 

from  its  mouth ;  after  which  a  plantation  was  reached,  which 
provided  water  and  a  certain  amount  of  food.  In  the  after- 
noon the  men  resumed  their  march,  tempted  by  a  captured 
Irishman,  who  offered  to  bring  them  to  the  Ozama  at  a  point 
above  the  city  where  they  would  find  a  sufficiency  of  water 
and  be  in  a  position  to  attack  the  place  on  its  least  guarded 
side. 

The  march  from  the  Jaina  was  even  more  trying  than  that 
of  the  preceding  days.  Not  a  single  stream  now  crossed  the 
A  terrible  path,  and  what  wells  there  were  had  either  been 
rendered  useless  by  the  Spaniards  or  were  under  the 
protection  of  fortifications.  The  road,  for  some  way  at  least, 
no  longer  led  under  the  shade  of  orange  trees,  but  was  broad 
and  hard,  reflecting  the  rays  of  the  glaring  sun.  Again  and 
again,  in  disobedience  to  their  officers,  the  men  refused  to 
march  till  they  had  rested.  The  return  of  Buller's  men  with  a 
tale  of  suffering  did  not  tend  to  raise  their  spirits,  and  when, 
at  the  parting  of  two  roads,  their  Irish  guide  persuaded  them 
to  take  the  right-hand  turning,  which  led,  not  to  the  Ozama, 
but  in  front  of  the  fort  of  San  Geronimo,  which  was  situated  on 
the  sea-coast  and  commanded  the  way  to  the  city,  the  want  of 
water  was  hardly  likely  to  be  overcome.  It  might,  however, 
be  expected  that  9,000  armed  men  could  defend  themselves 
from  attack.  The  country  was  but  thinly  populated,  most  of 
the  few  inhabitants  being  cow-killers,  who  were  armed  with 
long  lances  for  slaughtering  the  wild  cattle  which  roamed 
amongst  the  woods  and  were  valuable  for  their  hides  and 
tallow  alone.  As  Venables,  who  was  himself  suffering  from 
dysentery,  was  reconnoitring  the  fort,  a  party  of  these  men 
An  attack  dashed  unexpectedly  from  an  ambuscade  on  the 
repulsed.  advanced  guard — or,  as  it  was  then  called,  the  for- 
lorn— and  broke  through  it ;  after  which  they  found  little  re- 
sistance till  the  seamen's  regiment  stood  firm,  and  by  their 
superior  discipline  converted  what  bid  fair  to  be  a  rout  into  an 
assured  victory.  It  was  the  only  regiment  in  the  whole  army 
in  which  the  bond  of  tried  comradeship  was  strengthened 
by  the  habit  of  obedience  to  officers  long  known  and 


138  HISPANIOLA   AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

trusted.1  The  material  difficulties  of  the  enterprise  were  not, 
however,  lessened  by  the  repulse  of  the  enemy,  and  though  the 
Spaniards  evacuated  a  smaller  fort  beyond  San  Geronimo,  they 
first  rendered  its  well  unserviceable.  In  the  evening  Venables 
The  city  found  himself  in  front  of  the  wall  of  San  Domingo 
approached,  unprovided  with  appliances  for  an  attack,  and  with 
his  men  dropping  fast  from  hunger  and  thirst.  In  spite  of  the 
A  retreat  remonstrances  of  some  of  the  old  soldiers  he  had  no 
resource  but  to  order  a  retreat  to  the  plantation 
where  the  troops  had  found  refreshment  in  the  morning. 

The  check  was  not  altogether  owing  to  the  unmilitary 
qualities  of  the  private  soldiers.  It  was  at  least  partially  due 
Cause  of  the  to  the  mistake  of  trusting  to  the  word  of  a  perfidious 
failure.  Irishman  and  marching  hastily  to  the  Ozama,  instead 
of  waiting  near  the  mouth  of  the  Jaina  till  arrangements  had 
been  made  with  the  fleet  for  the  supply  of  necessaries  to  the 
soldiers.  If  Venables'  memory  is  to  be  trusted,  the  mistake 
had  arisen  in  consequence  of  his  allowing  himself  to  be  over- 
ruled by  Butler,  who,  as  a  single  commissioner,  had  no 
authority  to  give  orders  to  a  colleague. 

1  Confidence  in  the  account  which  assigns  the  merit  to  the  seamen  is 
strengthened  by  its  being  found  in  the  journal  of  an  officer  of  Fortescue's 
regiment.  Whistler  writes  :  "There  did  fly  forth  of  the  woods  a  party  of 
the  enemy  which  did  lie  in  ambush  upon  our  forlorn,  and  General 
Venables  being  one  of  the  foremost,  and  seeing  the  enemy  fall  on  so 
desperately  with  his  lances,  he  very  nobly  ran  behind  a  tree  ;  and  our  sea 
regiment  having  this  day  the  forlorn  hope,  did  fall  on  most  gallantly  and 
put  the  enemy  to  fly  for  their  lives,  and  coming  where  General  Venables 
was  got  behind  a  tree,  he  came  forth  to  them,  but  was  very  much  ashamed, 
but  made  many  excuses,  being  so  much  pressed  with  terror  that  he  could 
hardly  speak."  Venables'  Narrative,  154.  Whistler,  however,  was  not 
present,  and  is  clearly  in  the  wrong  in  representing  the  seamen  as  being  in 
the  'forlorn.'  Moreover,  his  malicious  account — which  no  doubt  reflected 
the  ill-will  of  the  fleet  towards  the  soldiers — is  explained  by  the  writer  of 
the  letters  printed  in  App.  D.  of  Venables'  Narrative^  who  tells  us  that 
after  the  skirmish  '  the  General  came  out  of  the  wood  .  .  .  where  he  had 
lain  hid  beyond  the  enemy's  ambush.'  Evidently  he  had  gone  too  far  in 
advance,  and  had  been  cut  off  from  his  army  by  the  men  attacking  from 
the  ambuscade. 


1655  A   SECOND   ATTEMPT  139 

The  mischief  was  now  remedied.     Communications  were 
opened   with    the    fleet,    and    arrangement    made    that    pro- 
visions and  other  stores  should  be  landed  near  the 

The  fleet 

to  furnish      mouth  of  the  Jama,  or  sent  in  boats  to  meet  the 

troops   on   the   completion    of  their  next   advance. 

Venables  himself  took  advantage  of  the  delay  to  go  on  board 

Venabies       *°  ^e  nursec^  ^Y  ms  w^e»  a  proceeding  which  drew 
on  ship.        down  on  him  the  rude  jests  of  the   men,  many  of 

board.  . 

whom  were  suffering  from  the  same  disease  as  him- 
self, and  who  had  no  shelter  or  assistance  as  they  lay  on  the 
bare  ground.  Their  condition  was  rendered  worse  by  the 
The  rains  rainy  season,  which  had  now  set  in,  and  which 
threatened  a  rapid  increase  of  the  sickness  whose 
ravages  had  been  already  felt.  On  the  24th,  the  much-needed 
supplies  having  been  delivered,  though  ships  were 
TheParmy  detached  to  take  up  their  stations  off  the  city  and 
am'  San  Geronimo,  their  fire  proved  ineffectual,  as, 
either  from  bad  gunnery  or  because  the  men-of-war  stood  too 
far  out  to  sea,  no  damage  was  done  on  either  side.  On  the 
same  day  the  army,  dragging  a  mortar,  and  carrying  provisions 
for  six  days,  once  more  started,  it  .might  seem  under  more 
favourable  omens.  Yet  it  had  accomplished  but  two  miles 
when  daylight  failed.  The  rain  had  ceased  for  a  time,  and  the 
night  was  passed  without  water,  as  no  streams  now  crossed  the 
line  of  march,  and  the  supply  from  the  fleet  was  not  to  be 
counted  on  till  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city  was  reached. 

On  the  morning  of  the    25th  the  exhausted  troops  once 
more  addressed  themselves  to  their  enterprise.     Slow  and  toil- 
some was  the  march,  and  it  was  only  in  the  after- 
ThePmarch     noon  that  San  Geronimo  was  in  sight.     Once  more 
ied>       Venables  took  no  precautions  to  search  the  woods  on 
either  side  of  his  march,  and  just  as  the  head  of  the  army  was 
passing  the  fort,  and  all  eyes  were  fixed  on  its  guns,  a  party 
of  cow-killers  whom  no  estimate  reckons  above  200 
e."pecnted       dashed  from  behind  the  trees  and  charged  the  front 
ranks  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Murphy,  an 
Irishman,  eager,  we  may  well  believe,  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of 


140  HISPANIOLA  AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

his  suffering  nation.  The  short  pikes  manufactured  in  Bar- 
bados were  no  match  for  the  long  lances  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
again  the  advanced  guard  turned  and  fled,  carrying  away  one 
regiment  after  another  in  its  rush  of  headlong  panic.  In  vain 
Major-General  Heane  attempted  to  stem  the  tide.  Isolated 
among  the  enemy,  with  but  two  comrades  at  his  side,  he  fell 
mortally  wounded,  whilst  one  of  his  companions,  wrapping  the 
flag  of  England  round  his  body,  perished  with  him.  Venables, 
weakened  by  disease,  and  only  able  to  stand  with  the  help  of 
two  men,  did  his  best  vainly  to  check  the  flight.  Once  more 
the  steadiness  of  the  naval  regiment  saved  the  army.  Opening 
out  to  allow  the  fugitives  to  stream  through  its  ranks,  it  then 
formed  up,  and  drove  the  assailants  into  the  woods. 

After  such  a  disaster  all  thought  of  renewing  the  attempt 
upon  the  city  was  of  necessity  abandoned.  The  army  regarded 
Venables  as  an  inefficient  commander,  and  with  even  greater 

justice  Venables  regarded  his  troops  as  a  disorganised 
Officers  '  rabble.  Adjutant-General  Jackson,  a  man  of  low 

character,  prone  to  vicious  indulgences,  who  had  been 
the  first  to  fly,  was  cashiered  and  sent  to  the  hospital  ship  to  swab 
the  decks  for  the  wounded.  Other  officers  were  also  broken. 
Their  disgrace  could  not  restore  discipline  amongst  the  unruly 
mob  which  had  followed  them  in  flight.  Bad  as  was  the 
character  of  many  of  the  men  brought  from  England,  that  of  the 
West  Indian  levies  was  even  worse.  It  was  to  no  purpose  that 
Penn  offered  the  assistance  of  the  fleet,  and  actually  rendered 
every  service  in  his  power.  The  spirits  of  the  men  had  fallen 
too  low  for  further  exertion.  In  their  flight  they  had  thrown 
away  their  arms,  and  even  the  provisions  they  carried.  On 
their  return  to  the  Jaina,  as  a  party  of  1,500  had  thrown  them- 
selves on  their  faces  to  drink  of  the  stream,  the  appearance  of 
two  of  their  own  negro  attendants  scared  them  into  the  belief  that 
Apr.  28.  the  enemy  was  upon  them.  Numbers  took  to  flight, 

and  others  leapt  into  the  water,  three  being  drowned 

before  tneY  could  be  rescued.  On  the  28th  three  of 
hopeless.  the  commissioners  —  Penn,  Winslow,  and  Butler — 
acknowledged  that  every  single  officer  was  of  opinion '  that  these 


1655  OCCUPATION   OF  JAMAICA  141 

people  will  never  be  brought  to  maich  up  to  that  place  again.' 
In  consequence  of  this  conviction  it  was  resolved  to  try  whether 
an  attempt  upon  Jamaica  might  be  more  successful.  It  was, 
however,  difficult  to  keep  order  amongst  the  men  till  the  fleet 
was  able  to  receive  them.  By  their  fevered  imaginations  the 
noise  made  by  the  land-crabs  as  they  moved  down  towards  the 
shore  was  taken  as  the  rattling  of  the  bandoliers  of  a  hostile 
army,  whilst  parties  sent  out  to  forage  allowed  themselves  to 
be  slaughtered  with  impunity  by  the  smallest  groups  of  the 
enemy.  The  rain  poured  down  in  torrents  ;  hunger,  too,  was 
added  to  their  miseries,  and  every  horse  was  slaughtered  for 
food  before  the  island  was  abandoned.1 

At  last,  on  May  4,  the  remains  of  the  expedition  embarked 

Ma  for   Jamaica,  the    sagacious   Winslow   unfortunately 

Hispanbia     dying    on   the   voyage.      On    the    nth    the   noble 

abandoned.  ,  ,  T;r. 

anchorage  now  known  as  Kingston  Harbour  was 
The  rieeVat  reached.  Three  small  forts  on  its  western  side  were 
iaica'  at  once  battered  by  Penn's  guns,  and  as  soon  as  the 
troops  began  to  land  the  garrisons  abandoned  their  posts. 
Venables,  still  under  the  power  of  disease,  watched  the  landing 
from  on  board,  muffled  in  his  cloak,  with  his  hat  slouched  over 
his  face,  not  deigning  to  cast  a  glance  on  the  men  to  whose  mis- 
May  12.  conduct  he  attributed  his  failure.2  The  next  day 
faavegfde  the  English  occupied  Santiago  de  la  Vega— the 
occupied.  Spanish  Town  of  the  present  day — some  six  miles 
distant  from  the  sea.  The  Spanish  population  of  the  island 
did  not  exceed  1,500  persons,  of  which  500  at  the  utmost  were 

fighting  men,  who  abandoned  all  thought  of  active 
Terms  resistance.  The  terms  offered  by  Venables  to  these 

Spaniards  were  hard  enough — emigration  within 
ten  days  on  pain  of  death,  together  with  the  forfeiture  of  all 
their  property.  These  terms,  however,  were  no  more  than  the 
counterpart  of  'those  exacted  from  the  English  settlers  in 

1  The  Commissioners  to  Searle,  April  28,  Venables'  Narrative,  30. 

2  According  to  Whistler,  he  looked  '  as  if  he  had  been  a  student  of 
physic  more  than  like  a  general  of  an  army.' 


142  HISPANIOLA   AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

Providence l  when  the  Spaniards  made  themselves  masters  of  that 
May  17.  island  in  1640.  It  was  only  on  the  iyth  that  they 
cepted."  were  accepted,  and  the  Spanish  Governor — so  at  least 
A  Spanish  ^  was  Believed — surrendered  himself  as  a  hostage, 
trick.  Before  long,  however,  it  appeared  that  the  Spaniards 

had  merely  entered  into  the  negotiation  to  gain  time  to  with- 
draw with  their  families  and  property  to  the  hills,  and  that 
the  pretended  Governor  was  but  an  old  man  of  no  repute. 

In  the  meantime  the  military  settlers  were  learning  that 
colonisation  has  its  dangers  as  well  as  war.  Penn  sent  on  shore 
Distress  every  pound  of  biscuit  he  could  spare,  as,  though 
for  food.  herds  of  cattle  were  pastured  on  the  Savannah,  this 
would  not  meet  the  demand  for  bread.  On  the  iQth,  indeed, 
the  two  long-expected  storeships  arrived,  but  the  supplies 
brought  by  them  were  limited,  and  it  was  resolved  to  appeal 
for  assistance  to  New  England,  and  meanwhile  to  send  home 
the  larger  ships,  in  order  to  diminish  the  number  of  mouths, 
leaving  the  frigates  to  remain  on  guard,  or  to  cruise  on  the  look 
out  for  prizes.  Penn,  disgusted  at  the  failure  in  Hispaniola, 
and  on  bad  terms  with  Venables,  was  easily  persuaded  that  it 
was  his  duty  to  return  in  order  to  report  in  person  on  the 
situation,  and  on  June  25,  after  appointing  Goodson  as  his 
June  25.  successor,  he  sailed  for  England  with  the  homeward- 
fornEngiand,  bound  division  of  his  fleet.  With  far  better  excuse 
f0nwedby"  Venables,  whose  life  was  despaired  of,  resolved  to 
Venables.  follow  his  example,  making  over  the  military  com- 
mand to  Fortescue,  a  capable  and  devoted  officer,  who  had 
acted  as  major-general  since  the  death  of  Heane. 

Long  before  this  catalogue  of  troubles  reached  the  Protector 
the  comparative  failure  of  his  great  enterprise  had  been  brought 
home  to  him.     The  first  news  of  the  rout  before  San  Domingo 
July  24.      reached  him  on  July  24.     The  resolution  to  despatch 
th^WesT"     t'ie  expedition  had  been  forced  through  the  Council 
indies.          by  his  own  personal  resolution,  and  its  failure,  there- 
fore, stung  him  more  sharply  than  any  other  catastrophe  of  equal 
importance  would  have  done.     For  a  whole  day  he  shut  himself 
1  Now  New  Providence. 


CROMWELL'S  VEXATION  143 

up  in  his  room,  brooding  over  the  disaster  for  which  he,  more  than 

Au  anyone  else,  was  responsible. l     On  August  4  a  letter 

A  letter  from  from  Venables  announced  the  occupation  of  Jamaica, 

Venables.  -111-,  • 

an  island  which,  to  save  appearances,  was  given  out 
either  as  part  of  Hispaniola,  or  at  least  as  standing  in  the  same 

relation  to  Hispaniolaas  the  Isle  of  Wight  to  England.2 
lector's  No  attempt  to  show  that,  island  for  island,  Jamaica 

was  more  fit  than  Hispaniola  to  be  the  seat  of  an 
English  colony  could  assuage  the  bitterness  of  Cromwell's 
meditations.  He  had  aimed — in  opposition  to  the  common- 
sense  of  Lambert — not  merely  at  planting  one  more  colony  in 
the  Indies,  but  at  making  himself  master  of  at  least  so  much  of 
the  West  India  Islands  and  the  American  continent  as  would 
dominate  the  trade-route  of  the  Spanish  treasure-ships,  and 
towards  that  end  Jamaica,  held — if  held  it  could  be— by  a 
disorganised  and  cowardly  mob,  could  contribute  Ijttle  or 
nothing. 

In  such  a  mood  Oliver  was  hardly  likely  to  be  very  com- 
plaisant to  the  two  commanders   who   had   left   the   post  of 

danger  to  others.  On  September  i  Penn  arrived  at 
Amvai  of  Portsmouth,  bringing  with  him  a  doubtful  rumour  that 

Venables  was  dead.  On  the  loth,  however,  Venables 
aJdSf* x<  reached  Plymouth,  very  weak,  but  in  a  hopeful  way 
Venables.  Qf  recoverVj  and}  continuing  his  voyage,  notified  his 
arrival  at  Portsmouth  in  a  letter  to  Thurloe.3  On  the  2oth 

both  commanders  were  summoned  before  the  Council 
Penn  and'  to  answer  the  charge  of  having  deserted  their  posts. 
brfS^the  For  Penn  there  was  little  to  be  said,  as  his  presence 

was  manifestly  required  at  the  head  of  the  fleet 
remaining  in  the  Indies,  and  which,  weak  as  it  was,  might  yet 

1  Merc.   Pol.,  E,   850,    10;    The   Weekly  Intelligencer,   E,   851,    3; 
Cardenas  to  Philip  IV.,  J**,  Simancas  MSS.  2529. 

2  Letter  of  Aug.  4,   Clarke  Papers,  iii.   47  ;    A   Perfect  Account,  E, 

851,  5- 

8  Penn  to  the  Protector,  Aug.  31,  Mem.  of  Penn,  ii.  131  ;  Mabbott  to 
-Clarke,  Sept.  8  ;   Clarke  Papers,  iii.  51  ;  Venables  to  Thurloe,  Sept.  12, 
Thurloe,  iv.  27. 


144  HISPANIOLA  AND  JAMAICA  CHAP.  XLV. 

have  to  play  its  part  in  the  defence  of  the  new  settlement  in  the 
not  improbable  case  of  a  Spanish  attack.  Venables,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  guilty  at  the  most  of  saving  his  own  life  at  a 
time  when  hundreds  of  his  officers  and  men  were  perishing.  It 
was  out  of  the  question  that  he  could  have  lived  long  enough 
to  render  efficient  service  in  Jamaica. 

What  Penn  had  to  say  for  himself  there  are  no  means  of 
knowing.  Venables,  truly  enough,  represented  his  own  return 
Venables  as  authorised  by  the  officers  serving  under  him. 
byethe°ned  "Have  you  ever  read,"  replied  the  Protector,  "of 
Protector.  any  general  that  had  left  his  army,  and  not  com- 
manded back  ?  "  Venables  pleaded  his  health  as  affecting  his 
historical  memory,  but  after  some  hesitation  produced  the 
instance  of  the  Earl  of  Essex  of  Elizabeth's  day.  "A  sad 
Both  com-  example  ! "  was  Oliver's  curt  reply.1  In  the  end 
Smdtorthe  botn  ne  an(i  Penn  were  committed  to  the  Tower. 
There  was  no  intention  of  dealing  harshly  with  either 
of  them,  but  Oliver  had  made  up  his  mind  not  to  set  them  at 
liberty  till  they  had  formally  acknowledged  their  offences  and 
Oct.  25.  had  surrendered  their  commissions.  Penn  complied 

Liberation  •  ,        ,  •,•   . 

of  Penn,        with  these  conditions   on  October  25.      Venables, 

and^f 3I*  wno  was  ^ar  ^ess  to  blame>  ne^  out  longer,  and  did 
Venables.  not  pass  the  prison  gates  till  the  3ist.2 

Turning  to  the  larger  question  of  responsibility  for  the 
failure  at  Hispaniola,  there  is  little  to  be  said  against  Penn. 
Conduct  of  He  may  have  been  to  some  extent  jealous  of  his 
Penn,  colleague,  and  he  seems  to  have  taken  care  that 

in  the  distribution  of  provisions  the  sailors  should  have  a 
preference  over  the  soldiers.  After  the  final  retreat,  too,  he, 
not  unnaturally,  expressed  his  contempt  for  the  poltroons  on 
shore,  and  that,  too,  not  merely  in  words,  but  also  by  slackness 
in  supplying  the  provisions  of  which  they  were  in  urgent  need. 

1  Venables'  Narrative,  71-88. 

2  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  pp.  296,  345,  353  ;  Mabbott  to 
Clarke,   Sept.    22,   Clarke   Papers,   iii.    52;    Thurloe   to    H.    Cromwell, 
Sept.  25,  Thurloe,  iv.  55  ;  Penn's  Petition,  Oct.  25,  S.  P.  Dom.  ci.  76. 


1655  CAUSES  OF   THE  DISASTER  145 

In  the  actual  conduct  of  the  forces  confided  to  him  he  was  with- 
out reproach,  ready,  so  long  as  hope  was  left,  to  aid  and  support 
and  of  the  military  forces  to  the  utmost  of  his  power.  It 
Venabies.  js  more  difficult  to  characterise  the  behaviour  of 
Venables,  because  the  extreme  physical  weakness  to  which  he 
was  reduced  leaves  little  opportunity  of  judging  what  energy  he 
might  have  shown  if  his  state  of  health  had  been  other  than  it 
was.  Yet,  so  far  as  it  is  possible  to  form  an  opinion,  there 
appears  to  be  no  reason  to  object  to  the  view  which  would 
relegate  him  to  a  place  in  that  numerous  body  of  officers  who 
make  excellent  subordinates,  but  display  their  inefficiency  in 
supreme  command. 

It  is  the  less  necessary  to  pursue  this  subject  further  as  the 

principal  cause  of  failure  must  evidently  be  sought  elsewhere 

than  in  the  misconduct  of  the  commanders.     It  was 

The  fault 

mainly  the  not,  indeed,  to  be  expected  of  the  Protector,  over- 
whelmed as  he  was  with  political  and  administrative 
anxieties,  that  he  should  have  applied  himself— as  he  would 
have  applied  himself  twelve  years  earlier,  when  he  was  a 
simple  colonel  of  a  cavalry  regiment— to  the  details  of  service; 
that  he  should,  for  instance,  have  inquired  into  the  provision 
of  longer  shafts  for  the  pikes,  or  of  leather  bottles  for  the 
carrying  of  water.  But — in  all  probability  from  sheer  ignor- 
ance of  tropical  conditions — he  had  sent  forth  an  army  to 
establish  England's  supremacy  in  the  Indies  which,  in  the 
military  sense,  was  no  army  at  all.  He  had  been  told  of  the 
weakness  of  the  Spaniards,  and  had  a  sincere  conviction  that 
he  had  Providence  to  friend.  Of  the  war  against  the  burning 
sun  and  of  the  waterless  roots  of  the  hills  he  had  no  conception. 
It  was  said,  probably  with  truth,  that  out  of  the  9,000  who 
landed  in  Hispaniola  there  were  but  1,000  old  soldiers  ; l  the 
rest  were  the  rejected  of  English  regiments  or,  still  worse,  the 
offscourings  of  the  West  Indian  colonies,  not  one  of  whom  had 
seen  service  in  any  shape  or  form.  Oliver,  as  ever,  trusted 
in  God.  For  once  in  his  life  he  had  forgotten  to  keep  his 
powder  dry. 

1  Venables'  Narrative,  p.  44. 
VOL.  IV.  L 


146 


CHAPTER  XL VI 

THE   BREACH    WITH   SPAIN 

GREAT  as  was  the  indignation  of  the  Spanish  Government  at 
the  proceedings  of  Penn  and  Venables  in  the  Indies,  that 

1654.  aroused  by  Blake's  action  on  the  coast  of  Spain 
Biake'saiis  could  have  been  no  less.  The  attack  on  Jamaica 
Mediter-  was  but  an  act  of  war  committed  without  previous 
ranean.  announcement ;  whilst  Blake's  hostility  was  but 
thinly  veiled  under  the  mask  of  friendship.  All  that  can  be 
said  on  the  part  of  the  Protector  is  that  when  he  sent  forth 
his  two  fleets  he  was  still  under  the  extraordinary  delusion 
that  he  would  be  allowed  to  fight  Spain  in  America  whilst 
remaining  at  peace  with  her  in  Europe.  At  all  events, 
at  the  time  of  Blake's  final  putting  to  sea  on  October  8, 
i654,1  more  than  two  months  before  Penn's  departure, 
England  and  Spain  had  a  common  enemy  in  France,  so  far 
as  maritime  captures  were  concerned,  and  for  some  time  to 
come  it  would  be  to  the  interest  of  Spain  to  give  comfort 
and  support  to  Blake,  whose  first  object  was  the  ruin  of 

Aug.  5.  French  commerce  in  the  Mediterranean.  On  this 
S  wriSfto  basis  Oliver  had  on  August  5  despatched  a  letter 
Philip  iv.  jn  advance  to  the  King  of  Spain,  requesting  him  to 
receive  Blake  as  the  admiral  of  a  State  in  amity  with  himself.2 
How  useful  to  Spain  was  the  appearance  of  the  English  fleet  in 
the  Mediterranean  at  that  conjuncture  may  be  gathered  from 

1  Blake  sailed   originally  for  Plymouth   on  Sept.  29,  but  was  driven 
back  by  a  storm.      Weale's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  foil.  7-10. 

2  The  Protector  to  Philip  IV.,  Aug.  5,  1654,  Guizot>  ii.  486. 


1654  BLAKE   AND   THE   SPANIARDS  14; 

the  fact  that  the  Duke  of  Guise  was  preparing  to  sail  from  Tou- 

The  Duke  Ion  at  the  head  of  an  expedition  designed  for  the 

dL?gnSseoSn  conquest  of  Naples,  and  that  Blake  was  ordered  to 

Blade's* in.  frustrate    that  undertaking  by    attacking  and   ruin- 

structions.  ing  his  fleet.1     Having  this   object   in  view,  Blake 

Dec  naturally  met  with  the  most  friendly  reception  in  the 
His  arrival     Spanish  ports.2     If  his  design  was  not  carried  out, 

at  Naples.        .  -11  i  •  i  -».T       i         i 

it  was  simply  because  on  his  arrival  at  Naples  he 

1  Blake's  instructions  are  not  known  to  exist,  with   the  exception  of 
one  of  July  22,  1654,  relating  solely  to  his  mission  to  Algiers,  of  which 
a  copy,  misdated   1656,  and  so  calendared  by  Mrs.  Everett  Green,  occurs 
in  Entry  Book,  Charles  II.,  No.  iv.  p.  17.     I  suspect  that  it  was  origin- 
ally intended  to  send  him  merely  to  Algiers,  which  would  account  for  the 
language  reported  by  Sagredo.     See  infra,  p.  214.     Blake's  employment 
against  the  Duke  of  Guise,  which  was  probably  an  afterthought,  is  men- 
tioned in  a  letter  of  Mazarin  to  Bordeaux  of  ^~>   Thtirloe,   iii.   41. 
Cardenas,  too,  in  his  despatch  of  ^^s,  speaks  of  Blake's  instructions  to 
fight  the  Duke  as  well  known.     Simancas  MSS.    2529.      Compare  an 
extract  from  a  letter  from  the  secretary  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany 
published  by  Mr.  Whitwell  in  the  Hist.  Rev.  (July  1899,  xiv.  536). 

2  According  to  Burnet  (Hist,  of  His  Own  Time,  i.  80),  Blake  had  an 
altercation  with  the  Spanish  Governor  of  Malaga  about  an  English  sailor 
who  had  insulted  the  Sacrament;  telling  him  that   '  an  Englishman  was 
only  to  be  punished  by  an   Englishman.'     The  account  given  by  Weal e 
shows  that  the  fleet  arrived  in  Malaga  Road  about  six  in  the  evening  of 
the  22nd,  and  left  at  noon  on  the  following  day.     It  may,  therefore,  be 
taken  for  granted  that  no  shore-going  was  allowed  during  so  short  a  stay  ; 
and   Weale   himself  certainly   remained  on  board,   as  is  shown   by  his 
description  of  the  general  appearance  only  of  the  town.     Sloane  MSS. 
1431,  fol.    14.      Weale's  account  of  his  landing  at  Alicante  shows  the 
footing  on  which  the  English  were  with  the  Spaniards  :  "  This  day  went 
Mr.  Whitchote,  Mr.  Eades  and  myself,  and  several  of  our  officers  ashore, 
this  being  a  very  great  holiday  amongst  them.     We  saw  their  procession- 
ing,  and  were  very  courteously  entertained  by  an   English  Father  ;  his 
name   is   Thomas,    a  Jesuit    amongst    them.      We   did   eat   with   them 
pomegranates  and  prepared  quinces  in  abundance,  and  he  gave  us  some  at 
our  coming  away  or  departure."     Weale,  however,  made  his  own  com- 
ments :  "  It  would  have  melted  a  heart  of  stone  to  have  seen  how  the 
poor  people  went  after  and  followed  their  deceivers,   ravening  wolves, 
anti-Christians  ;    how  they  were  obedient  to  all  their  follies ;  how  they 
sang  and  played  in  public  places,  and  carried  about  their  Virgin  Mary 

L  2 


148  THE   BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

found  that  the  Duke  had  abandoned  his  attempt,  and  had 
returned  discomfited  to  Toulon.1 

Before  undertaking  further  enterprises  Blake  was  compelled 
to  provision  his  ships,  and  he  therefore  sailed  with  the  greater 

part  of  his  fleet  to  Leghorn,  which  he  reached  on 
Blake  at  '  December  2i.2  He  was  there  hospitably  received, 

though  forbidden  for  some  days  to  hold  communica- 
tion with  the  shore  3 — a  prohibition  due  to  his  having  brought 
in  two  French  prizes  which  had  taken  on  board  their  lading 
at  infected  ports.  The  Grand  Duke  must  have  been  the  more 
satisfied  with  Blake's  friendly  bearing  as  he  was  aware  that  the 
A  Genoese  Genoese  had  been  urging  the  Protector  to  transfer 
intrigue.  tke  tra(je  of  his  countrymen  from  that  port  to  Genoa. 
It  was  true  that  some  dissatisfaction  had  been  caused  in 
London  by  the  sale  at  Leghorn  of  some  prize  goods  captured 
by  Prince  Rupert  from  an  English  trader,  and  by  the  measures 
of  retaliation  taken  by  the  Tuscan  authorities  in  the  time  of 
the  Dutch  war,  when  the  '  Phoenix '  was  recaptured  by  English 
sailors  within  the  Mole  of  Leghorn.  Oliver,  however,  though 
outwardly  courteous  to  Ugo  Fiesco,  the  Genoese  ambassador 
who  had  been  sent  to  make  the  proposal,  refused,  after  con- 
sulting the  merchants,  to  countenance  it  in  any  way,  though 
the  Genoese  had  done  their  utmost  to  stir  up  ill-will  in  London 
by  spreading  the  false  news  that  English  vessels  were  no  longer 

through  their  town.  The  Churchmen  and  their  friars  did  look  like  bull 
beef  on  us."  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  fol.  I4b.  The  last  expression  must  mean 
that  they  looked  as  if  they  would  like  to  eat  them. 

1  A  Letter  of  Intelligence,  Dec.  T6ff ;  Longland  to  Thurloe,  Dec.  T8g, 
Boreel  to  the  States  General,  Jan.  ~,  Thurloe,  iii.  10,  12,  102. 

2  Weale's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  fol.  I7b. 

3  Blake  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Admiralty,  Jan.  15,  Add.  MSS. 
9304,  fol.    99.      On  the  legend  of  Blake's  exaction  of  money  from  the 
Grand  Duke,  and  its  probable  origin  in  a  diplomatic  invention  of  the 
Genoese,  see  Hist.  Rev.  (Jan.    1899),  xiv.  109.     Even  in  the  absence  of 
the  testimony  there  cited  the  truth  would  appear  in  the  expression  of  the 

•  Tuscan  secretary  that  the  English  fleet  was  in  the  port  of  Leghorn  '  con  i 
soliti  termini  di  buona  corrispondenza  con  S.  A.'  Extract  from  Gondi's 
letter  to  Banducci,  Jan.  rj,  ib.  xiv.  536. 


1654  BLAKE   AT   LEGHORN  149 

safe  in  the  port  of  the  Grand  Duke.1  The  truth  was  that  the 
Friendi  relations  between  the  two  Governments  were  on  so 
between  the  ^en<^^  a  footing  tnat>  a  few  days  before  Blake  sailed 
Protector  from  Plymouth,  the  Master  of  the  Ceremonies  called 
brand  on  Salvetti,  the  Grand  Duke's  minister  in  London, 
requesting  in  the  name  of  the  Lady  Protectress  that 
his  master  would  send  her  his  own  portrait,  together  with  those 
of  the  Grand  Duchess  and  his  young  son,  that  she  might  add 
them  to  her  collection.2  Not  only  was  this  complied  with,  but 
a  present  of  a  cask  of  the  choicest  wine  of  Tuscany  accom- 
panied the  portraits,  a  present  which  was  received  with  gratifi- 
cation, though,  in  consequence  of  the  delicacy  of  its  flavour, 
the  wine  was  ruined  by  the  sea  voyage,  and  proved  undrink- 
A  request  able.3  One  request,  indeed,  made  not  by  Blake,  but 
church  at  by  Longland,  the  agent  of  the  Levant  Company  at 
refuse0™  Leghorn,  met  with  a  refusal.  Asking — doubtless  by 

1  The  despatches  of  Ugo  Fiesco,  published  by  Sign  or  Prayer  in  Atti 
della  Societct  Ligure  (xvi.   209-281)  should  be  compared  with  Salvetti's 
information,  from  which  extracts  are  given  in  the  Hist.  Rev.  (Jan.  1899, 
xiv.   no).     That  the  story  of  Blake's  exactions  was  of  Genoese  origin 
appears  from  the  way  in  which  it  is  mentioned  in  the  newspapers :  "  From 
Genoa  we  hear  that  General  Blake  is  about  Leghorn,  where,  it  is  said,  he 
doth  expect  some  satisfaction  from  the  Great  Duke  of  Tuscany  for  the 
losses  which  the  English  have  received  before  that  port  some  few  years 
since."     A  Perfect  Account,  E,  826,  15.     In  another  newspaper  we  have 
as  news  from  Genoa:    "General  Blake  is  still  at  Leghorn,  from  whence, 
it  is  said,  he  will  not  depart  till  he  has  received  150,000  crowns  that  the 
Great  Duke  of  Tuscany  is  to  pay  for  the  damages  done  heretofore  to  the 
English  ships  within  his  port.     Yet  this  is  not  believed."     Merc.  Pol.,  E, 
826,  1 6.     The  last-mentioned  newspaper,  being  a  Government  organ,  was 
doubtless  better  informed  than  its  contemporary,  and  added  the  note  of 
warning  at  the  end.     "Da  che,"  wrote  Salvetti,  "  si  vede  assai  chiara- 
mente  i  buoni  uffizii  che  vengono  fatti  dai  Genovesi  per  rovinare  il  porto 
di  Livorno  .   .   .  ma  io  spero  che  non  sia  per  riuscirgli ;  non  ostante  che 
questo  lor  ministro  facci  qui  quanto  puol  mai  per  ottenere  il  suo  intento 
fino  ad  offerire  di  prestare  qua  grossa  somma  di  denari."      Salvetti   to 
Gondi,  Feb.  T25,  1655,  Add.  MSS.  27,962  O,  fol.  382. 

2  Salvetti  to  Gondi,  Oct.  {}-.,  1654,  ib.  fol.  324^ 

3  The   history    of  these  presents  may    be    traced    through    Salvelti's 
despatches  of  1655. 


150  THE   BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

the  Protector's  orders — for  permission  to  erect  a  Protestant 
church  at  that  port,  he  was  told  that  the  Grand  Duke  would 
take  the  matter  into  consideration  whenever  a  similar  demand 
was  conceded  in  other  parts  of  Italy.1 

Having  thus  knitted  firmly  the  good  relations  which,  but 
for  a  passing  cloud,  had  long  existed  between  England  and 
Blake's  Tuscany,  Blake  found  himself  at  leisure  to  fulfil 
next  object.  another  point  of  his  instructions 2  which  bound  him 
to  do  his  utmost  to  compass  the  liberation  of  Englishmen 
En  lish  ^e^  *n  captivity  by  tne  Barbary  pirates.  The  con- 
captives  of  dition  of  these  unfortunate  prisoners,  kept  in  slavery 
pirated  al  f  in  Algiers,  Tunis,  Tripoli,  and  Sallee,  had  long  called 
1646.  out  sympathy  in  England,  and  in  1646  Edmund 
treatywith  Casson  had  been  sent  out  to  the  Mediterranean  to 
Algiers.  negotiate  for  their  liberty.  At  Algiers  he  was  so 
far  successful  that  he  procured  a  treaty  with  the  Dey  assuring 
freedom  of  trade  to  English  merchants,  and  an  engagement 
that  no  Englishmen  should  in  future  be  condemned  to  slavery. 
The  treaty,  indeed,  would  not  affect  the  lot  of  the  650  English 
slaves  captured  before  the  date  of  its  signature,  but  Casson  was 
permitted  to  ransom  some  240  of  them  with  the  consent  of 
their  masters,  and  it  was  only  lack  of  means  which  prevented 
his  bargaining  for  the  remainder.  From  that  time,  though  it  is 
impossible  to  affirm  that  no  English  slaves  were  surreptitiously 
landed,  the  Algerines  are  at  least  known  to  have  set  free  some 
which  had  been  brought  in  by  their  ships.  It  is  not  impro- 
bable that  similar  treaties  were  concluded  at  Tunis  and  Tripoli, 
but  we  have  no  certain  information  on  the  subject.3 

1  Longland   to   Thurloe,   Jg-L6,    Thurloe,   iv.    464.      This    letter  is 
wrongly  placed  amongst  those  of  i65|. 

2  See  supra,  p.  147,  note  I.     No  doubt  the  instructions  there  referred 
to,  which  only  relate  to  Algiers,  were  afterwards  enlarged  so  as  to  include 
the  other  Barbary  ports. 

3  A  copy  of  Casson's  treaty,   with   additions  subsequently  made  by 
Blake,  is  in  S.  P.  Barbary  States— Algiers,  ii.  fol.   252.      Compare  A 
Relation  of  the    Whole   Proceedings   concerning  the   Redemption   of  the 
Captives  of  Algiers  and  Tunis,  1647,  B.M.  press-mark,  1432,  i.  4.     In  a 
le.tter  of  Nov.  16,  1646,  Gascon  writes  of  'the  business  to  be  acted  at 


1655  A   FAITHLESS   ENGLISHMAN  151 

Unfortunately,  if  any  understanding  had  been  arrived  at 
with  Tunis,  it  was  brought  to  an  end  by  the  villainy  of  an 

l6si>  English  sailor.  In  1651  a  certain  Mitchell,  having 
ofStephen  engaged  to  carry  thirty-two  Turks  on  board  his  ship 
Mitchell.  t0  Smyrna,  had  scarcely  left  Tunis  when,  falling  in 
with  some  galleys  of  the  Knights  of  Malta,  he  sold  his  helpless 
passengers  to  their  most  deadly  enemies,  who  sent  them  to  tug 
at  the  oar  in  their  galleys.  Intelligence  of  Mitchell's  conduct 
had  no  sooner  reached  Tunis  than  the  whole  city 

Indigna-  _  a  .... 

tionin  Was  stirred  with  well-merited  indignation.  The 
June  i7.  English  Consul,  Boothouse,  was  thrown  into  prison, 
HsheCon?ui  whilst  his  countrymen  went  about  in  fear  of  their 
ied>  lives.1  Luckily  for  him,  Penn's  fleet,  which  was  at 
that  time  cruising  in  the  Mediterranean,2  made  its  appearance 
in  Tunisian  waters,  and  obtained  leave  to  remove  him,  on 
condition  that  he  would  do  his  utmost  to  procure  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  kidnapped  Turks.  Boothouse  scraped  together 
June  25.  about  2,5oo/.  and  made  his  way  to  Malta,  where  he 
|3outg*1|°wed  was  baffled  by  the  refusal  of  the  Knights  to  liberate 
Malta.  tneir  slaves  for  less  than  io,ooo/.  Inflamed  with 
anger  at  this  failure  to  restore  to  freedom  the  men  who  were 
suffering  through  the  violation  of  an  Englishman's  word,  the 
Dey,  not  unnaturally,  took  his  revenge  by  suffering  his  cruisers 
to  bring  in  Englishmen  as  captives  wherever  they  could  light 
upon  them.3 

Tunis,'  and  of  sending  the  Parliament's  letters  to  the  consul  and  merchants 
there.  It  is  therefore  to  be  presumed  that  he  carried  on  negotiations 
there,  but  this  is  all  that  can  be  said. 

1  Boothouse's  complaint  of  his  treatment  at  Tunis  was  heard  in  the 
Council  on  July  27,  1654.     Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  75,  p.  454. 

2  See  vol.  i.  315. 

3  Boothouse's  Narrative,  S.  P.  Tunis.     Penn  in  his  Journal  mentions 
taking  him  on  board  on  June  29,  Mem.   of  Penn,   i.    346.     [Boothouse 
printed  in  1653  a  tract  called  A  brief  Remonstrance  of  Several  National 
Injuries  perpetrated  on  the  public  Ministers  and  Subjects  of  this  Common- 
wealth by  the  Dey  of  Tunis.     It  gives  an  account  of  his  negotiations  at 
Malta  for   the   redemption   of  the   Tunisian    captives,    and    states    the 
circumstances  of  their  capture  more  favourably  tq  Mitchell.] 


152  THE   BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

Accordingly  Tunis  was  the  object  to  which  Blake's  atten- 
tion was  first  directed.  Neither  he  nor  the  Protector  appears 
l6ss.  to  have  taken  into  account  the  irritation  which  the 
Biakebaims  wrong  done  by  Mitchell  had  aroused.  It  was 
at  Tunis.  enough  for  them  that  Englishmen  were  held  in 
slavery.  Tunis  itself,  however,  was  unassailable  by  sea  so 
long  as  the  Fort  of  Goletta  remained  untaken,  it  being  placed 
astride  on  the  narrow  channel  forming  the  only  entrance  into 
the  basin  at  the  extremity  of  which  the  city  stands.  When, 

Feb.  s.  therefore,  on  February  8,  Blake,  with  eighteen  of  his 
InTanfc0™  smPs>  arrived  in  Tunis  Road,  his  object  was  merely 
Road.  ^0  open  negotiations  with  the  Dey  for  the  release  of 

some  sailors  who  had  been  captured  in  an  English  vessel 

Feb.  13.  named  the  '  Princess.'  Finding  him  obdurate,  Blake 
Porto  °ff  passed  on  to  Porto  Farina,  where  so  much  of  the 
Farina.  ancient  harbour  of  Utica  as  had  not  yet  been  silted 
up  sheltered  nine  of  the  Dey's  men-of-war.  These  ships,  as 
could  be  perceived  from  the  sea,  lay  close  inshore  under  the 
protection  of  a  strong  fort,  whilst  additional  batteries  were 
being  thrown  up  and  guns  carried  on  board.  A  considerable 
body  of  troops  had  also  been  brought  to  the  place,  in  expecta- 
tion that  the  English  admiral  would  land  troops  in  support  of 
his  naval  operations.  Blake,  however,  had  no  such  intention, 
and  an  immediate  attempt  on  the  ships  seems  to  have  been 
considered  out  of  the  question,  perhaps  in  consequence  of  the 

Feb.  22.  direction  of  the  wind.  On  the  22nd  a  council  of  war 
tiontomo-  decided  that  before  making  the  attack  the  bulk  of 
flSt  before  *ke  ^eet  snou^  be  temporarily  withdrawn  to  pro- 
attacking,  vision  itself  at  a  Spanish  port,  the  beef  which  had 
been  brought  from  England  proving  defective,  and  the  stock 
of  bread  and  liquor  having  fallen  very  low.  On  the  following 
morning,  therefore,  Blake  sailed  for  Cagliari,  in  the  island  of 
Sardinia,  leaving  eight  frigates  behind  to  blockade  the  Gulf  of 
Tunis.1 

1  Blake  to  Thurloe,  March  14,  Thtirloe,  iii.  232  ;  Blake  to  the 
Admiralty  Commissioners,  March  14,  Add.  MSS.  9304,  fol.  103;  Weale's 
Journal,  Shane  MSS.  1431,  fol.  2ob-22b. 


and 

PORT©    FARINA 


154  THE   BREACH  WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

It  was  not  till  March  18  that  Blake  was  once  more  in  Tunis 

Road,  where  he  made  yet  another  attempt  to  induce  the  Dey 

to    yield.       Finding    him    still    impracticable,    the 

Biake '  *       Admiral   made   sail  for  Trapani,  .near   the   western 

ximb.^       extremity  of  Sicily,  to  take  in  water,  hoping  also  to 

Mar.  23.     disguise  by  his  departure  his  intention  to  attack  the 

TraSanif°r    S*"PS   m   P°rto   Farina.1      There   he   remained   till 

March  31.     On  April  2  a  council  of  war,  held  as  the 

He  makes'     fleet  was  beating  up  against  a  south-westerly  gale,2 

Farina?0       resolved  to  enter  Porto  Farina  as  soon  as  the  wind 

April  3.      was  favourable.     On  the  3rd  Blake  cast  anchor  in 

anchors  in     tne  Roads  outside  that  harbour,  which  was  at  that 

the  Roads.     time  a  fairiy  wide-mouthed  bay.3     At  daybreak  on 

1  Blake  to  Thurloe,  April  18,  Thttrloe,  iii.  390. 

2  One  would  think  that,  unless  the  violence  of  the  gale  was  exag- 
gerated, the  captains  must  have  come  on  board  before  leaving  Trapani. 

3  Porto  Farina,  as  laid  down  in  the  charts  of  the  present  day,  is  a 
shallow  lagoon  with  an  entrance  so  narrow  that  Blake  could  never  have 
escaped  from  the  trap  when  the  action  was  over  without  a  change  of  wind, 
unless  the  enemy  had  been  utterly  disabled.     Moreover,  it  is  inconceivable 
that  the  Turks,  having  so  many  weeks  in  which  to  make  their  preparations, 
would  not  have   raised  batteries  at  the   entrance   after   the   fashion  of 
Goletta.     There  was,  however,  as  late  as  1729  an  older  coast-line,  which 
was  very  different  from  the  one  given  in  our  present  charts.     This  is 
shown  by  a  map  published  in  Shaw's  Travels,  which  were  published  in 
1738,  but  which,  as  it  was  founded  on  his  own  observations  taken  in  1729, 
must  be  held  to  refer  to  that  date  (Shane  MSS.  3986,  foil.  54,  55).     His 
description  of  the  locality,  contained  in  a  letter  written  by  him  on  Oct.  10, 
1729  (#.  fol.  56),  is  as  follows:  "  A  few  miles  within  Cape  Zibeeb,"  a 
point  to  the  west  of  Cape   Farina,   "is   Port   Farina.     The  village,  at 
present,  is  of  small  repute,  but  the  port  is  a  beautiful  basin,  safe  in  all 
accidents  of  weather,  and  where  the  Tunisians  keep  their  small  navy. 
Before  the  port  is  a  large   pond  formed   by  the  Medjerda,   which  dis- 
charges itself  here  into  the  sea.    ...   As  the  shore  is  all   along  very 
shallow,  and  as  the  mud  brought  down  by  the  Medjerda  is  always  in  great 
abundance,  there  seems  to  be  nothing  extraordinary  why  this  river  might 
not  have  shifted  itself  in  time  from  one  channel  to  another,  till  at  last  it 
retired  to  where  it  now  is,  and  where  those  winds,"  i.e.  the  N.E.  winds, 
"  can  give  it  no  disturbance.     Yet,  even  now,  under  this  position,  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  in  a  few  years  only  it  will  be  obliged  to  look  out  for 


i655  A   NAVAL  SUCCESS  155 

the  4th,  favoured  by  a  light  westerly  breeze,1  he  made  his  way 
April  4.  inside  with  fifteen  sail  to  attack  the  enemy's  nine 
Ii?porto°k  smPs>  lying  inside  two  moles,  on  which  batteries  had 
Farina.  been  placed  in  support  of  those  in  the  large  fort. 
Favoured  by  the  sea  breeze,  which  blew  the  smoke  of  the 
Tunisian  guns  into  the  faces  of  the  gunners,  he  easily  over- 
powered the  batteries  on  the  moles,  and  after  a  longer  time 
also  silenced  those  in  the  fort.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  enemy 
being  thus  occupied,  boats  were  despatched  to  set  the  Tunisian 
ships  on  fire.  This  object  having  been  successfully  accom- 
plished, the  English  fleet  had  merely  to  fire  an  occasional  shot 
into  the  burning  mass  in  order  to  keep  in  check  any  attempt 
of  the  enemy  to  extinguish  the  flames.  When  all  was  over 
Blake's  ships  were  warped  out  of  the  harbour,  as  the  wind, 

another  channel ;  for  the  pond  or  anti-harbour  spoken  of  above,  which 
was  formerly  an  open  bay  or  creek  of  the  sea,  till  the  Medjerda  by  degrees 
circumscribed  those  limits,  is  now  almost  filled  up  by  the  mud  lodged 
there  continually  by  the  river ;  and  the  bar  or  mouth  of  it,  which  would 
likewise  some  years  ago  admit  of  vessels  of  the  greatest  burden,  and  a 
great  number  at  the  same  time,  is  now  so  shallow  and  narrow  that  one 
vessel  only  of  a  hundred  tons  runs  a  great  risk  in  entering  it,  and  the 
cruisers  of  thirty  or  forty  guns  discharge  all  their  lumber,  guns  and  ballast 
while  they  lie  at  anchor  without."  I  suppose  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  basin  described  by  Shaw  is  the  port  within  the  moles,  and  the 
pond  the  existing  harbour,  though  not  then  in  its  present  form.  I  also 
notice  that  it  was  in  Shaw's  time  difficult  of  approach  on  account  of  the 
narrowness  of  the  entry.  Shaw,  however,  speaks  of  a  bar,  not  of  points 
of  land  approaching  one  another,  and  though  his  language  is  ambiguous, 
I  am  inclined  to  interpret  his  description  as  implying  two  banks  approach- 
ing one  another,  but  both  still  under  water.  This,  however,  is  of  little 
importance  for  my  purpose,  as  Shaw  states  that  '  vessels  of  the  greatest 
burden,  and  a  great  number  at  the  same  time,'  could  enter  '  some  years 
ago,'  and  therefore  at  the  time  of  Blake's  attack.  The  map  on  page  153 
is  founded  on  Shaw's  map,  though  the  moles  have  been  added  from  a  plan 
dated  1756  in  Add.  MSS.  13,959,  No.  80.  There  is  also  a  drawing  of 
Porto  Farina,  dated  1777,  in  the  British  Museum,  marked  K.  117  (66). 

1  This  is  implied  by  Weale's  statements  that  on  the  morning  of  the  3rd 
they  had  « an  indifferent  fair  gale '  on  the  way  from  Trapani,  and  that  the 
fleet  warped  out  after  the  action  on  the  4th.  Blake,  too,  in  the  letter  cited 
in  the  last  note,  speaks  of  having  '  a  gentle  gale  off  the  sea.' 


156  THE   BREACH    WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

continuing  in  the  same  quarter,  did  not  permit  the  fleet  to 
make  its  way  back  to  the  Roads  under  sail.  Its  loss  was 
found  to  be  no  more  than  twenty-five  killed  and  forty  wounded, 
most  of  whom  had  been  struck  down  by  small  shot  aimed  at 
the  men  in  the  boats.1  The  design,  evidently  planned  with 
care,  had  been  executed  with  a  precision  which  'left  nothing  to 
be  desired.  Students  of  naval  history  may  look  upon  the 
Blake's  achievement  as  a  rehearsal  of  the  destruction,  two 
achieve-  years  later,  of  the  Spanish  fleet  at  Santa  Cruz,  and 
may  count  it  as  the  first  successful  attempt  to  over- 
power shore  batteries  by  the  guns  of  a  fleet.2  No  doubt,  at 
Porto  Farina  as  at  Santa  Cruz,  failure  to  silence  the  enemy's 
guns  would  have  been  attended  by  mischievous,  and  probably 
by  disastrous,  consequences.  It  is  the  incommunicable  at- 
tribute of  genius  not  to  be  the  slave  of  theoretical  rules,  but  to 
judge  how  far  they  are  applicable  to  each  case  as  it  arises. 
The  superior  gunnery  of  English  ships  3  and  the  superior  dis- 
cipline of  their  crews  gave  Blake  his  chance,  and  of  that  chance 
he  was  not  slow  to  avail  himself.  Within  a  few  days  after  he 
had  brought  off  his  ships  from  a  complete  victory  Penn  and 
Venables  were  approaching  the  coast  of  Hispaniola  to  meet  as 
complete  a  failure.  If  we  are  tempted  to  draw  a  contrast 
between  the  two  enterprises,  it  is  at  least  well  to  remember  that 
Blake's  task,  hard  as  it  was,  was  at  least  the  easier  of  the  two. 

1  Blake  to  Thurloe,  April   14,   Tkurloe,  iii.   390;    Letters  from  the 
Fleet,  April  9,  18,  Perfect  Diurnal,  E,  840,  n  ;  Weale's  Journal,  Sloane 
MSS.  1431,  fol.  26.     Weale  distinctly  speaks  of  the  fleet  as  warping  out. 
Blake's  statement  is  that  '  the  same  favourable  gale  continuing,  we  re- 
treated out  again  into  the  Road.'     He  can  only  have  intended  to  refer  to 
the  lightness  of  the  wind,  not  to  its  direction,  as  the  wind  was,  by  his  own 
account,  off  the  sea  at  the  time  of  his  entrance.     He  contrasts  it  with  the 
stormy  weather  mentioned  afterwards  as  following. 

2  Fort  Puntal  was  attacked  by  Wimbledon's  guns  in  1625,  but  it  only 
surrendered  to  a  land  force. 

3  Blake  was  able  to  estimate  the  weakness  of  the  gunnery  opposed  to 
him,  as  he  had  seen  a  good  deal  of  it  when  he  was  last  off  Porto  Farina, 
many  shot  having  been  then  fired  at  his  ships  without  any  appreciable 
result. 


1655  RESULTS   OF   BLAKE'S   ACTION  157 

He  had  undivided  command  over  his  own  force,  and  he  was 
not  hampered  by  military  considerations.  He  was  placed  at 
the  head  of  a  purely  naval  force,  and  in  his  hands  a  purely 
naval  success,  which  left  nothing  more  to  be  accomplished  from 
a  naval  point  of  view,  was  the  result. 

Unfortunately,  the  object  of  Blake's  presence  in  these 
waters  was  unattainable  without  the  assistance  of  a  strong  military 
He  fails  to  ^orce<  ^n  n^s  reappearance  before  Tunis  the  Dey 
procure  free-  stiffly  refused  to  make  the  least  concession.  The 

dom  for  the        -  n     .  .         .  ,.  ,  .          .  r     . 

slaves  in  destroyed  ships  he  alleged  to  be  the  property  of  the 
Sultan,  and  it  was  with  the  Sultan  that  Blake  would 
have  to  reckon.  If  the  English  Admiral  wished  to  negotiate, 
let  him  come  ashore.1  Blake  knew  better  than  to  trust  himself 
in  such  a  trap,  and  as  he  also  knew  that  his  guns  would  not 
carry  far  enough  to  reach  any  part  of  Tunis,  there  was  nothing 
for  it  but  to  return  to  Cagliari,  though  he  had  not  procured  the 
liberty  of  a  single  captive.2  If  Blake  was  led  to  express  him- 
self in  apologetic  language  in  his  report  to  Thurloe,  hoping  that 
the  Protector  would  not  be  offended  at  what  had  been  done, 
'  though  he  expected  to  hear  of  many  complaints  and  clamours 
of  interested  men,' — he  was  certainly  influenced  not  merely  by 
a  supposed  defect  in  his  instructions,  to  which  he  had  pointed 
in  an  earlier  letter,  but  also  by  the  knowledge  that  trade  with 
Tunis,  which  had  hitherto  been  carried  on  in  spite  of  the  cap- 
tures made  by  Tunisian  freebooters,3  was  likely  to  be  brought 
to  an  end  in  consequence  of  the  blow  that  he  had  struck.4  Nor 

1  The  Dey  to  Blake  [April  7],  Merc.  Pol.,  E,  841,  3. 

2  Blake  to  Thurloe,  March  14,  April  18,  Thurloe,  iii.  232,390. 

a  Weale's  Journal  shows  that  at  the  time  of  Blake's  first  arrival  off 
Tunis  an  English  ship  was  lying  in  the  harbour,  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  fol. 
21.  Blake,  too,  in  his  despatch  of  April  18,  mentions  sending  a  letter  to 
Constantinople  by  'the  "Merchant's  Delight"  of  London,  which  was 
then,  by  Providence,  in  the  road  of  Goletta.'  I  do  not  know  why  some 
vessels  were  captured  by  the  Tunisians  and  others  not.  Can  it  have  been 
that  only  those  bound  for  Tunis  were  spared  ? 

4  The  best  comment  on  this  is  to  be  found  in  the  following  information 
from  London  after  the  story  of  Blake's  action  was  known  there:  "II 
danno  che  1'  Ammiraglio  Blake  ha  fatto  ai  Turchi  di  Tunis  ha  messo 


158  THE  BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

was  the  trouble  predicted  by  the  Dey  as  likely  to  arise  in  Con- 
stantinople by  any  means  imaginary.  In  London,  at  least, 
credit  was  for  some  time  given  to  a  rumour  that  the  English 
Reported  ambassador  in  that  city,  Sir  Thomas  Bendish,  had 
ConS^  been  put  to  death,  together  with  all  Englishmen  on 
nopie.  whom  the  Sultan  was  able  to  lay  his  hands,  and  that 
the  massacre  had  been  followed  by  a  general  confiscation  of 
English  property.  In  time,  however,  it  was  discovered  that  the 
report  was  without  foundation,  and  that  the  Sultan  had  no 
inclination  to  take  up  the  quarrels  of  a  vassal  so  independent 
as  the  Dey  of  Tunis.1 

After  once  more  replenishing  his  stores  at  Cagliari  Blake 

made  for  Algiers.2     The  Dey  of  that  place,  whose  fortifications 

A  r  IQ      lay  within  reach  of  the  English  guns,  and  who  had 

Blake  leaves  no  offence  received  from  English  sailors  to  avenge, 

accorded    him   a   most    friendly    reception.     Since 

and  anchors   Casson's   treaty3   he  had  remained  on   fairly  good 

off  Algiers.     terms  ^fa  sucn  Engiisn  merchants  as  had  visited  his 

dominions,  and  had  recently  agreed  to  the  ransom  of  a  con- 
siderable number  of  English  captives  in  the  hands  of  his  sub- 
jects, Blake's  arrival  quickened  his  good  resolutions,  and  on 
May  2.  May  2  Casson's  treaty  was  renewed,  with  two  addi- 
trtatynre-  tional  clauses,  of  which  the  first  extended  protection 
newed.  to  inhabitants  of  Scotland  and  Ireland,  whilst  the 
second  declared  that  the  agreement  was  not  intended  to  cover 
the  cases  of  Englishmen  serving  for  wages  on  board  foreign 
vessels.4  After  this  numerous  captives  were  given  over  to  Blake 

quest!  mercanti  di  Levante  in  grande  apprehensione  d'  avere  a  suffrire 
gran  perdite  in  quelle  parti,  come  anche  rovinare  affatto  il  lor  gran  com- 
mercio  che  hanno  in  quelle  parti,  come  al  certo  seguirebbe  mentre  detto 
Ammiraglio  Blake  continuasse  a  minacciare  quei  barbari."  Salvetti's 
Newsletter,  ^^,  Add.  MSS.  27,962  O,  432b.  On  the  further  history 
of  this  question  see  Thurloe,  iii.  637,  663,  726. 

1  Salvetti's  Newsletter,  July  ^_,  ib.  455b. 

2  Weale's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  fol.  26b-28. 
8  See  siipra,  p.  150. 

4  Treaty,  May  2,  S.  P.  Algiers.     Nieupoort,  in  his  despatch  of -j1^627, 
mentions  a  subsequent  treaty  with  Tripoli.     It  is,  however,  certain  from 


1655  SLAVES   REDEEMED  AT   ALGIERS  159 

upon  payment  of  their  value.  A  difficulty  occurred  when  forty 
Captives  Dutch  slaves  made  their  escape  from  their  masters 
ransomed.  an(j  swam  out  to  the  fleet,  as  Blake  had  no  money 
to  buy  the  freedom  of  any  who  were  not  his  fellow-countrymen. 
It  was  got  over  by  the  offer  of  his  sailors  to  subscribe 
subscribe*3  a  dollar  apiece  for  the  freedom  of  these  venturous 
DutdS  Dutchmen.  The  tender  was  thankfully  accepted  by 
ugitives.  ^  Algerine  masters,  who  may  have  thought  it  im- 
probable that  they  would  regain  their  living  property,  and  the 
amount,  at  the  motion  of  the  sailors  themselves,  was  deducted 
from  their  pay  after  their  return  to  England  1 

Hitherto,  whenever  a  chance  offered,  Blake's  ships  had 
picked  up  French  prizes,  whilst  the  assistance  which  he  received 
Blake  su  ^rom  t^ie  Spanish  authorities  at  Trapani  and  Cagliari 
ported  by  had  alone  rendered  his  enterprise  feasible.  All 
through  the  winter  the  attitude  maintained  by  the 
Dec!  Protector  in  his  relations  with  the  ambassadors  of  the 
tecto?s°"  two  countries  had  failed  to  show  even  an  appearance 
attitude.  of  friendliness  towards  France,  either  because  he 
wished  to  drive  as  hard  a  bargain  as  possible  with  Mazarin,  or 
because,  in  spite  of  his  knowledge  of  the  intentions  with  which 
he  had  sent  forth  Penn  and  Venables,  he  was  slow  to  realise 
the  inevitable  result  of  their  attack  on  the  Spanish  islands  in  the 
Indies,  and  no  less  slow  to  accept  the  alliance  of  a  Power 
which  he  believed  to  be  ill-disposed  towards  the  Huguenots, 
and  which,  if  it  succeeded  in  wresting  Flanders  from  Spain, 
would  occupy  ports  threatening  English  commerce.  "  Oh," 
he  had  said  to  Stouppe  in  December,  "  if  there  were  but  means 
He  wishes  to  Dr^nS  t^ie  Pfmce  "  of  Conde  "  over  to  our  religion, 
Conde 'were  it  would  be  the  greatest  blessing  that  could  befall 
our  Churches.  I  hold  him  to  be  the  greatest  captain, 
not  merely  in  our  own  age,  but  in  many  ages  past.  It  is 

Weale's  Journal  that  Blake  did  not  go  near  that  place.  As  Nieupoort 
writes  of  the  escape  of  the  Dutch  slaves  as  having  occurred  at  Tripoli,  it 
may  be  taken  that  he  was  really  thinking  of  the  treaty  with  Algiers. 

1  Longland  to  Thurloe,   June  ^,    Tkurloe,   iii.    526  ;    Blake  to  the 
Admiralty  Commissioners,  Oct.  2,  S.  P.  Dom.  ci.  2. 


160  THE  BREACH  WITH  SPAIN        CHAP.  XLVL 

unfortunate  that  he  should  have  engaged  himself  to  those  who 
seldom  keep  their  promises."  1  Evidently,  if  he  could  have 
had  his  way,  Oliver  would  have  been  as  ready  to  take  up  arms 
against  France  as  against  Spain.  Distrust  of  the  French 
Government,  however,  did  not  imply  any  confidence  in  Spain. 
Cardenas  ^  was  hardly  possible  that  it  should.  Cardenas  at 
formlSon""  ^attime  was  doing  his  utmost  to  worm  out  the  secret 
about  Perm's  of  Penn's  destination.  He  complained  to  his  master 
that  none  of  the  confidants  from  whom  he  usually 
derived  his  information  had  been  allowed  to  participate  in  the 
secret.  All  he  could  say  was  that  there  were  rumours  abroad 
that  Penn  was  to  sail  in  the  direction,  as  some  said,  of  Rochelle, 
or,  as  others  said,  of  Madagascar.  Reports  of  his  object  being 
either  Cuba  or  Hispaniola,  however,  gained  consistency  as  time 
went  on.2  An  attempt  to  put  a  direct  question  to  Oliver  him- 
self was  naturally  repelled.  The  ambassador  could  obtain  no 
other  answer  from  the  Protector  than  that  it  was  unheard-of 
for  the  minister  of  a  foreign  State  to  expect  information  on  the 
secret  designs  of  the  Government  to  which  he  was  accredited.3 
However  dissatisfied  Cardenas  may  have  been,  the  com- 
plaints of  Bordeaux  were  pitched  in  as  high  a  key.  All  through 
the  winter  and  the  early  spring  his  negotiation  dragged  on.  It 
was  in  vain  that  he  announced  that  Mazarin  was  prepared  to 
expel  the  Stuarts  from  France  on  condition  of  the  expulsion 
from  England  of  the  agents  of  Conde  and  the  city  of  Bordeaux; 
and  that  he  would  also  consent  to  a  mutual  engagement 
between  the  two  Governments  to  give  no  assistance  to  one 
Oliver  will  anotner's  enemies  or  rebels.  Against  this  last  con- 
not  abandon  dition  Oliver  took  his  stand.  Never,  he  said,  would 

his  claim  to  .... 

defend  the     he  sign  away  his  right  to  help  the  Huguenots  against 
their   Government  if  at  any  time  their  persecution 

1  Barriere  to  Conde,  Dec.  |f,  Chantilly  Transcripts,  Add.  MSS. 
35,252,  fol.  227. 

-  Cardenas  to  Philip  IV.,  Dec.  if,  Simancas  MSS.  2529. 

3  Bonde  to  Charles  X.,  Oct.  19,  1655,  Stockholm  Transcripts.  The 
story  was  told  by  Cardenas  to  Bonde,  showing  that  he  had  no  charge  to 
bring  against  Oliver  for  having  verbally  deceived  him. 


1655  REPRISALS   IN    AMERICA  l6l 

should   be    renewed.     Bordeaux   was    powerless    to   alter   his 

resolution.     Week  after  week  he  had  to  report  that  he  had 

made  no   progress;  and   though   he  attempted  to 

Bordeaux      emphasise  his  own  determination  by  demanding  his 

often  asks  .  ,  .  , 

for  his          passports,  he  repeated  the  request  so  frequently,  with- 
passports.      out  acting   upon   itj  that   he   mereiv   displayed   his 

reluctance  to  break  off  his  negotiation.1 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Oliver  trusted  to  the  blows  he 
was  striking  at  French  commerce  to  bring  Mazarin  to  what  he 
Oliver  ho  PS  conceive<^  to  ^e  reason ,  and  amongst  those  blows 
to  bring  must  be  counted  one  which  had  been  struck  in  North 

Mazarin  to  .         .  r\       -r>   * 

reason.  America  in  the  course  of  1654.  On  February  17  in 
!654.  that  year,  at  a  time  when  the  Dutch  Government  was 
Sedgwick's  stiH  resisting  the  English  demand  for  the  disqualifi- 
commission.  cation  of  tne  prince  of  Orange  from  office,  the  Pro- 
tector had  commissioned  Major  Sedgwick  to  invite  the  New 
England  colonies  to  raise  a  force  for  the  conquest  of  the  Dutch 
settlement  of  New  Amsterdam,  now  known  to  the  world  as  the 
city  of  New  York.  Sedgwick  had  done  no  more  than  make 
preparations  for  the  execution  of  his  orders  when  the  news  that 
peace  had  been  concluded  with  the  Dutch  reached  America. 
His  commission,  however,  included  what  at  that  time  was  the 
usual  clause  empowering  him  to  make  reprisals  on  the  French.2 
The  New  Englanders  were  accordingly  glad  to  take  the  oppor- 
tunity of  serving  under  him  in  order  to  settle  in  their  own 
favour  a  dispute  about  the  border-line  between  their  own 
settlements  and  the  French  colony  of  Acadia,  which  at  that 
time  included  not  merely  the  later  Nova  Scotia,  but  also  the 
coasts  of  the  present  New  Brunswick  and  Maine.  With  this 
object  in  view  Sedgwick  was  so  well  supported  that  he  was 

1  The  despatches  of  Bordeaux  for  the  first  four  months  of  1655  should 
be  compared  with  those  of  the  Dutch  ambassador  in  De  Witt's  Brieven, 
Hi.  5-61. 

2  Sedgwick  to  the  Protector,  July  I,   1654,    Thurloe,  ii.  418.     The 
commission,  however,  seems  only  to  have  given  him  leave  to  seize  French 
ships,  not  to  attack  French   settlements.      Leverett   to   the   Protector, 
July  4,  ib.  ii.  425. 

VOL.   IV.  M 


162  THE   BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

able  to  possess  himself  of  the  three  forts  held  by  the  French 
juiy.  in  Acadia,  and  was  consequently  received  by  the 
colonists  on  his  return  with  the  warmest  manifesta- 
in  Acadia.  tions  of  their  gratitude.  The  Protectorate  revealing 
itself  in  such  a  guise  had  no  warmer  supporters  than  in  New 
England,  where  it  was  accepted  as  a  working  of  Divine 
Providence.1  When  the  news  reached  England  in  October, 
Oct.  Bordeaux  found  to  his  sorrow  that  the  Protector 
tIctorPim  showed  no  signs  of  an  intention  to  surrender  his  new 
not  hear  of  acquisition,  and  though  for  some  months  he  lost  no 

restoring  .  f  •          ,  •         i    •         r         • 

them.  opportunity  of  pressing  his  claim  tor  its  restoration, 

he  was  forced  to  acknowledge  that  he  had  little  prospect  of 
success.2 

If  Bordeaux  continued  to  believe  that,  so  far  as  his  main 

object  was  concerned,  time  was   fighting  on  his  side,  it  was 

because    he    suspected    that   the    Protector  would 

Bordeaux      ultimately  be  driven  into  war  with  Spain.     Suspicion 

thnekfs  on  *    must  have  been  changed  into  certainty  when,  towards 


his  side.  tjie  en(^  Qf  jyiarc]^  news  reached  London  of  Penn's 
arrival  at  Barbados,3  and  when,  about  the  same  time,  the 
Protector  warned  the  merchants  trading  with  Spain  not  to 
embark  their  capital  too  deeply  in  that  treacherous  country,  a 
warning  which  was  repeated  in  the  course  of  the  following 
month.4  Yet  it  is  doubtful  whether  even  at  this  late 
Oliver"^!!  hour  Oliver  had  positively  determined  to  break  with 
hesitates.  gp^  it  was  known  that  a  Spanish  ambassador,  the 
Marquis  of  Lede,5  was  on  his  way  towards  England,  nominally 
with  a  message  of  compliment,  but  in  reality  in  the  hope  of 
renewing  the  good  understanding  which  had  formerly  prevailed 

1  Leverett  to  the  Protector,  Sept.  5,  Thurloe,  ii.  583. 

2  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  Oct.  if,  3f~s,  French  Transcripts,  R.  0. 

3  Salvetti's  Newsletter,  ^£f  ,  Add.  MSS.  27,962  O,  fol.  4100. 

4  Bordeaux  to  Mazarin,  ^p^f2,  April  if,  French  Transcripts,  R.  O. 

6  Bordeaux  gives  his  name  as  Leyde,  and  the  mistake  has  been 
followed  by  Guizot  and  later  writers.  The  family  name  of  the  Marquis 
was  Bette.  See  Gobelinus,  Preuves  de  la  Maison  de  Bette.  Lede  is  in 
East  Flanders,  near  Alost. 


1655  FAILURE   OF   LEDE'S   MISSION  163 

between  the  two  countries.  It  is  probable  that  before  finally 
making  up  his  mind  Oliver  wished  to  hear  what  the  Marquis 
had  to  say,  in  the  hope  that  Spain  might  be  prepared  at  last  to 
May  ix.  give  way  on  the  two  main  points  in  dispute.  On 
t^gieveewaSyS  May  JI>  wnen  Lede  announced  distinctly  that,  what- 
on  the  indies  ever  ejse  might  be  conceded,  his  master  would  never 

and  the  °  ... 

inquisition,  give  way  either  on  the  Inquisition  or  the  Indies,  all 
hesitation  was  at  an  end.  The  ambassador  in  vain  engaged 
that  his  master's  troops  would  join  the  English  forces  in 
recovering  Calais,  on  condition  that  Oliver  would  join  the 
Spaniards  in  recovering  Bordeaux  for  Conde.1  The  French 
ambassador  was  at  once  informed  that  the  commissioners 
appointed  to  treat  with  him  were  ordered  to  draw  up  a  treaty 
with  France.  "  I  have  never,"  he  wrote  to  Mazarin,  "  had  any 
The  nego-  word  so  positive  before." 2  It  was  obviously  to  gain 
Fra^cneToth  time  to  take  the  measures  required  by  this  change  of 
be  seriously  front  that  the  answer  to  Lede's  proposition  was 

pursued. 

delayed  ;  and  it  was  only  on  June  6,  after  a  com- 
ThePro."  plaint  from  both  the  Spanish  ambassadors,3  that  they 
answer  to  were  informed  that  the  Protector  would  come  to  no 
Spain.  terms  with  them  unless  they  were  empowered  to  give 
way  on  the  questions  of  the  Indies  and  the  Inquisition,  and  also  to 
make  certain  concessions  to  English  trade  in  Spain,  notified  in 
a  paper  which  had  been  placed  in  their  hands  about  a  fortnight 
before.4  To  this  Lede  had  no  reply  to  give  except  to  refer  the 

1  Papel  presentado  al  Sermo  Protector,  May  li.     It  is  published  in 
Remarques  sur  la   reddition    de    Dunkerque   (ascribed   to    Hugues   de 
Lionne),  p.  5. 

2  Bordeaux  to   Mazarin,    May  if ;    Bordeaux   to  Brienne,   May  l|, 
French    Transcripts,  R.O.      The   ambassador's   first   meeting  with   the 
commissioners  was  on  the  1 6th  ;  but  he  had  expected  them  on  Monday 
the  I4th,  so  that  the  resolution  must  have  been  promptly  taken— perhaps 
on  Saturday  the  I2th,  the  day  after  Lede's  audience. 

3  Lede  and  Cardenas  to  the  Protector,  Thurloe,  iii.  154.     The  letter 
is  undated,  but  was  evidently  written  not  long  before  June  6. 

4  The  proposals  on  commerce  are  to  be  found  in  Certain  Passages^ 
E,  840,  7.     Cardenas's  despatch  of  June  ^,  giving  an  account  of  this 
negotiation,   is  not  to  be  found   at   Simancas,  but   its   purport   can  be 
gathered  from  the  instructions  issued  to  hirn  on  Sept.  y^. 

M  2 


1  64  THE  BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

Protector  to  the  King  of  Spain  ;  and  though,  when  the  special 
ambassador  took  his  leave  on  the  i2th,  he  was  dismissed  with 
every  expression  of  friendliness,  he  could  discover  no  sign  that 
Oliver  had  the  slightest  disposition  to  modify  his  demands.1 

The  effects  of  the  failure  of  Lede's  negotiation  were  most 

strongly  felt  in  the  instructions  given  to  Blake.     Scanty  as  is 

the  evidence  which  has  reached  us,  it  is  known  that  about  the 

A  rfl        middle  of  April  the  Protector  informed  Blake  that  a 

A  message     supply  of  provisions  for  three  months  would  shortly 

be  forwarded  to  him  —  no  doubt  because  the  friendly 

offices  of  Spanish   governors   would   not   be  available   much 

longer  ;   and  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that   he  at  the  same 

time  added  instructions  for  him  to  proceed  to  Cadiz  Bay.     At 

April  3o?     all  events,  these  instructions  were  repeated  and  con- 

firmed"""      firmed  on  or  about  April  30.2     Yet,  even  if  these 


1  Cardenas  to  Philip  IV.,  Jgp,  Simancas  MSS.  2570. 

2  The  Protector  in  his  letter  of  June  13  (Thurloe,  iii.   547)  speaks  of 
two  messages,  one  sent  by  sea  in  a  ketch,  and  the  other,  which  appears 
to  have  been  written  in  confirmation  of  the  first,  by  way  of  Leghorn. 
The  former  is  shown  by  this  letter  to  have  been  sent  off  before  April  28. 
The  proximate  date  of  the  other  is  known  from  a  letter  of  Lawson's  of 
May  I  (S.  P.  Dom.  cviii.  9),  in  which  he  mentions  sending  on  a  despatch 
for  Blake  by  Captain  Nixon.     Nixon  was  in  command  of  the  *  Centurion,' 
a  large  ship,  and  so  can  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  ketch.    He  must 
have  taken  the  messenger  to  some  port  on  the  other  side  of  the  Straits, 
and  have  sent  him  on  to  Leghorn  overland.     [The  facts  stated  above  are 
not  quite  correct.      The  Protector  mentions  two  communications  —  (i) 
'  former  despatches  by  way  of  Leghorn  '  ;  (2)  <  those  sent  by  a  ketch  imme- 
diately from  hence.'     Both  were  apparently  duplicates  of  the  same  de- 
spatch, containing,  as  Cromwell  writes  to  Blake,  an  order  '  for  your  coming 
to  Cadiz  Bay  with  the  fleet  '  (Tkurloe,  iii.  547).     The  ketch  «  Sea  Adven- 
ture,' Capt.  Abraham  Pearse,  sailed  about  the  beginning  of  April,  and 
had  reached  Malaga  by  April  19  ;  but  the  exact  date  when  Pearse  reached 
Blake's  fleet  does  not  appear  (Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  1655,  pp.  136,  452,  459, 
525).     As  to  the  overland  despatch,  the  post  from  London  to  Leghorn 
took  four  or  five  weeks.       Longland,   the   agent   at   Leghorn,  sent  the 
*  Warwick  '  pinnace  on  May  £  to  Alcudia  Bay  with  letters  to  Blake  from 
Thurloe  (Tkitrloe,  iii.  422).     They  seem  to  have  reached  Blake  at  For- 
mentara  on  May  16,  and  on  May  17  he  started  for  Cadiz  (Weale's  Journal, 


1655  BLAKE'S  INSTRUCTIONS  165 

instructions  contained  a  definite  order  to  attack  the  home- 
ward-bound treasure-fleet,  Blake  knew  too  well  that  the  prize 
he  sought  to  grasp  was  not  to  be  expected  in  European 
waters  so  early  in  the  year,  and,  leaving  Algiers  on  May  10,  he 
remained  cruising  off  the  Balearic  Isles  for  some  days  before 
he  made  for  the  Straits.  That  he  contemplated  a  breach  with 
Spain  in  the  near  future  as  probable  is  shown  by  his  despatching 

May  23.  on  tne  1 8th,  two  frigates  to  Cartagena  to  take  on  board 
gunssie-8  ^6  guns  °f  Rupert's  ships  wrecked  there  in  1650, 
cured.  which  he  claimed  as  the  property  of  the  English 
Commonwealth.  The  request  was  promptly  complied  with, 
and  when  on  the  3oth  the  frigates  rejoined  Blake,  who  had  by 
that  time  anchored  off  Cadiz,  the  Admiral  found  himself  in 
possession  of  fifty  additional  pieces  of  ordnance. l 

On  June  4  Blake  put  to  sea.  On  the  i2th,  as  he  was  lying 
off  Cape  Santa  Maria  on  the  Portuguese  coast,  he  acknowledged 

June  4.  to  the  Protector  the  receipt  of  secret  instructions  in 
S S  Jnrtie  confirmation  of  earlier  ones,  instructions  which  appear 
secret*^  to  ^ave  reac^e(i  him  before  he  left  Cadiz,  and  must, 
structions.  therefore,  so  far  as  we  can  judge  by  the  date,  have 
been  drawn  up  after  May  u,  the  day  on  which  Lede's  memorial 
put  it  out  of  doubt  that  the  King  of  Spain  had  no  intention  of 
giving  way  on  the  two  points  at  issue  between  himself  and  the 

Sloane  MSS.  1431).  Captain  Nixon  did  not  carry  either  of  these 
despatches.  He  with  the  « Centurion'  and  the  'Dragon,'  convoying 
victuallers  for  Blake's  fleet,  sailed  about  the  end  of  April.  The  despatch 
sent  by  him  was  a  later  one :  probably  that  containing  the  '  secret 
instructions '  acknowledged  by  Blake  in  his  letter  of  June  12,  and 
distinguished  therefrom  'a  former  instruction  touching  the  silver  fleet' 
(Thurloe,  iii.  541).  This  'former  instruction'  was  apparently  the  dupli- 
cate despatches  sent  off  at  the  beginning  of  April.] 

1  Weale's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  foil.  2915-31.  Weale  does  not 
say  that  the  guns  had  been  Rupert's,  but  he  treats  them  as  belonging  to 
the  Commonwealth,  and  I  cannot  imagine  that  they  can  have  been 
demanded  on  any  other  ground.  The  King  of  Spain  had  allowed  the 
claim  put  in  by  Blake  in  1650  for  the  contents  of  the  wrecks.  See  vol.  i. 
305.  That  the  two  frigates  also  brought  off  some  anchors  points  in  the 
same  direction. 


1 66  THE  BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

Protector.1  Blake  now  wrote  that  the  Plate  Fleet  was  expected 
in  four  or  five  weeks,  and  that  he  intended  to  range  the  sea 
between  the  Portuguese  and  African  coasts  in  the  hope  of  in- 
tercepting it.2  Lede's  pronouncement  on  May  n  had  thus 
led  to  definite  instructions  for  the  capture  of  the  homeward- 
bound  Plate  Fleet,  whilst  his  departure  on  June  12  led  to  no 
less  definite  instructions,  given  to  Blake  on  the  follow- 
Biaketo  ing  day,  to  hinder,  by  the  seizure  of  outward-bound 

stop  supplies        *?          Ji  '      J        . 

for  the  West  ships,  any   relief  or  assistance  being   given   to  the 
Spanish  possessions  in  the  Indies.     The  order  was 
accompanied  by  a  full  acknowledgment  of  Blake's  services  at 
Porto  Farina,  thus  setting  at  rest  any  doubt  as  to  their  accept- 
ance.3    A  paper  of  instructions  added  on  the  i4th  directed 
him  to  send  home  part  of  the  fleet,  whilst  keeping  his  station 
with  the  remainder.4     Almost  imperceptibly  the  war 

Extension  of  .... 

the  limits  of  was  spreading  beyond  the  limits  originally  designed. 
The  claim  to  defend  traders  in  the  Indies  was  first 
held  to  justify  an  English  admiral  in  intercepting,  even  in 
European  waters,  supplies  sent  to  Spain  from  the  Indies,  and 
then  to  give  a  right  to  intercept  supplies  sent  from  Spain  for 
the  defence  of  the  Indies.  It  could  not  be  long  before  war 
would  be  openly  avowed. 

It  was  not  Blake's  fault  that  he  was  unable  to  gratify  the 

1  The  « Amity,'  which  no  doubt  conveyed  Blake's  letter  of  the  I2th, 
parted  from  the  fleet  on  that  day.     She  was,  however,  '  designed  home ' 
on  the  1st.     Weale's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.   1431,  foil.   3ib,  32b.     She 
may  not  have  been  ready  to  sail ;  or  Blake  may  have  wished  to  keep  her 
till  he  could  announce  that  he  was  actually  on  the  look-out.     A  message 
sent  later  from  England  on  June  14  reached  Blake  on  July  I,  or  in 
seventeen  days.     Blake  to  the  Protector,  July  4,  Thurloe^  iii.  6ll. 

2  Blake  to  the  Protector,  June  12,  July  4,  ib.  iii.  541,  6li. 

3  The  Protector  to  Blake,  June  13,  ib.  iii.  547.     The  letter  as  printed 
begins  with  an  acknowledgment  of  Blake's  letter  of  March  25,  as  con- 
taining an  account  of  the  affair  at  Porto  Farina.     As  this  did  not  take 
place  till  Apr.  3,  there  must  be  a  mistake  of  some  kind.    Blake's  despatch 
relating  to  it  was  dated  Apr.  18. 

4  These  instructions,  which  have  not  been  preserved,  are  referred  to 
in  Blake's  reply,  Thurloe^  iii.  611. 


i65S  BLAKE  OFF  CAPE  ST.   VINCENT  167 

Protector.     The  Plate  Fleet,  alarmed  by  the  threatenings  of  war, 
had  held  back  from  crossing  the  Atlantic.     In  the 
Preparations  meanwhile  there  was  anxiety  at  Cadiz  and  a  deter- 
mination not  to  leave  it  to  fall  unsuccoured  into  the 
hands  of  the  English.     On  July  6  Blake  announced  that  a  fleet 
was  being  got  together  in  the  harbour,  and  that  Dutch  and 
French   ships   had    been   taken    up    to   strengthen   it.1     On 
Aug.  12.     August  12  he  heard  that  it  had  actually  sailed,  and, 
fleetPcTffCape  having  slipped  past  him,  was  beating  up  and  down 
St.  Vincent.   off  Cape  gt  yincent.     Blake  at  once  followed  it  up, 
it awidsan   an(^  ^or  ^our  ^s  ^  his  best  to  bring  on  an  action, 
engagement.  The  Spaniards,  however,  having  no  reason  to  com- 
mence a  war  unless  in  defence  of  their  own  treasure-ships,  were 
successful  in  avoiding  an  engagement.     "  These  checks  of  Pro- 
vidence," reported  Blake,  "did  put  us  upon  second  thoughts.'' 
A  council  of  war  was  called,  when  the  instructions 

Aug.  1 8. 

A  council  of  from  home  were  carefully  scanned  without  finding  any 

authority  to  attack  a  fleet  not  bound  for  the  Indies. 
Blake  accordingly  resolved  to  leave  the  Spaniards  alone,  all  the 
more  because  his  ships  were  foul  from  having  been  so  long  at 
sea,  while  his  liquor  was  running  short,  some  of  his  ships  not 
having  more  on  board  than  would  serve  for  four  days.  Yet 
Au  22  he  kept  the  Spaniards  in  sight  till  the  22nd,  and 
Biake  makes  then,  being  assured  by  one  of  their  captains  that  they 

had  no  order  to  begin  the  war,  and  also  that  they 
andlkgrriv4es    knew  nothing  of  the  coming  of  the  Plate  Fleet,  made 

the  best  of  his  way  to  Lisbon,  where  he  arrived  on 
the  24th. 

On  August  30  Blake  announced  to  the  Protector  his  purpose 
of  returning  to  his  station,  if  only  his  needs  could  be  supplied. 

His  account  of  the  condition  of  his  fleet  was  indeed 
His  com-       pitiable.     "How  these  passages  of  Providence,"  he 

wrote,   "  will  be  looked  upon,  or  what  construction 

1  Blake  to  the  Protector,  July  6,  Thurloe,  iii.  620.  The  line  only 
partially  deciphered  should  be  read :  '  to  set  forth  a  force  of  ships  to 
secure  the  Plate  Fleet.'  Compare  Weale's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  1431, 
fol.  37- 


1 68  THE  BREACH   WITH  SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

our  carriage  in  this  business  may  receive  I  know  not — although 
it  hath  been  with  all  integrity  of  heart — but  this  we  know,  that 
our  condition  is  dark  and  sad,  and  without  especial  mercy  like 
to  be  very  miserable  :  our  ships  extreme  foul,  winter  drawing 
on,  our  victuals  expiring,  all  stores  failing,  our  men  falling  sick 
through  the  badness  of  drink,  and  eating  their  victuals  boiled 
in  salt  water  for  two  months'  space,  the  coming  of  a  supply  un- 
certain—we received  not  one  word  from  the  Commissioners  of 
the  Admiralty  and  Navy  by  the  last — and  though  it  come 
timely,  yet  if  beer  come  not  with  it  we  shall  be  undone  that 
way.  We  have  no  place  or  friend,  our  recruits  l  here  slow,  and 
our  mariners — which  I  most  apprehend — apt  to  fall  into  dis- 
contents through  their  long  keeping  abroad.  Our  only  com- 
fort is  that  we  have  a  God  to  lean  upon,  although  we  walk  in 
darkness  and  see  no  light.  I  shall  not  trouble  your  Highness 
with  any  complaints  of  myself,  of  the  indisposition  of  my  body 
or  troubles  of  my  mind  ;  my  many  infirmities  will  one  day,  I 
doubt  not,  sufficiently  plead  for  me  or  against  me,  so  that  I 
may  be  free  of  so  great  a  burden,  consolating  myself  in  the 
mean  time  in  the  Lord  and  in  the  firm  purpose  of  my  heart 
with  all  faithfulness  and  sincerity  to  discharge  the  trust  while 
reposed  in  me."  2 

The  Protector's  reply,  written  on  September  13,  was  a 
model  of  the  considerate  treatment  due  to  a  faithful  servant  of 
ge  t  ^  his  Government.  Without  concealing  his  persuasion 
TheProtec-  that  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  fleet  off  Cape  St. 
him  to  stay  Vincent  would  have  been  in  accordance  with  the 
hemayThfnk  Admiral's  instructions,  or  that  it  would  be  desirable 
to  carry  it  out  even  now,  he  left  it  to  Blake  to  decide 
whether  it  would  be  best  for  him  to  remain  at  sea  or  to  return 
to  England.  It  was  not,  he  explained,  his  fault  that  provisions 
had  not  reached  the  fleet.  They  had  been  sent  away,  but  the 
ships  carrying  them  had  been  driven  back  by  a  storm.3  How 
great  was  Oliver's  disappointment  at  Blake's  avoidance  of  an 

1  I.e.  supplies  to  make  up  deficiencies. 

8  Blake  to  the  Protector,  Aug.  [30],  Thurloe,  iii.  719. 

*  The  Protector  to  Blake,  Sept.  13,  ib.  i.  724. 


1655  IMMINENT   WAR  169 

action  may  be  gauged  from  the  very  date  of  his  letter.  On 
September  13  Penn  and  Venables  were  already  before  the 
Council,  and  the  whole  miserable  story  of  the  failure  of  the 
attack  on  San  Domingo  was  publicly  known.  It  would  have 
been  something  to  have  been  able  to  set  off  against  that  disaster 
a  victory  over  a  Spanish  fleet,  however  profitless  that  victory 
might  have  been.  When,  therefore,  Blake,  having  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  it  would  be  ruinous  to  keep  the  sea  longer, 

Oct  g       anchored  in  the  Downs  on  October  6,1  the  talk  in 
Blake's  re-     London   was  that  he  would   find   his   way   to   the 
Tower.2     Those  who  spread  the  rumour  had  little 
knowledge  of  Oliver's  skill  in  the  judgment  of  men. 

It  is  not  improbable  that,  in  his  interpretation  of  his  instruc- 
tions to  Blake,  the  Protector  was  influenced  by  his  growing 
assurance  that  the  general  war,  which  he  deprecated,  could  not 
be  avoided  much  longer.  When  the  news  from  Hispaniola 

juiy.  reached  England  on  July  24,  Cardenas,  though  quali- 
tof  fymg  Oliver's  proceedings  as  infamously  hypocritical, 
nioia  ?nispa"  c^ung  to  tne  n°Pe  tnat  ne  might  be  so  alarmed  at  his 
Cardenas,  danger  on  the  one  hand  from  Spanish  fleets  in  the 
Indies,  and  on  the  other  from  English  merchants  exasperated 
by  the  ruin  of  their  trade,  as  to  draw  back  from  the  course  on 
which  he  had  entered.  Unwilling  to  thrust  himself  forward  at 
such  a  crisis,  the  Spanish  ambassador  sent  Barriere  to  WThite- 

Aug         hall  about  the  middle  of  August  to  urge  these  con- 
Barriere's      siderations  on    the    Protector.     Barriere    could;  he 

interview  •        •  '«  «  /.        ,  . 

with  the  thought,  speak  more  freely  as  the  representative  of 
Conde,  who  had  everything  to  lose  from  a  breach 
between  Spain  and  England.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
language  used  on  both  sides  at  that  interview,  the  civility  of  the 
reception  which  Oliver  accorded  to  the  agent  of  one  for  whom 
he  had  the  profoundest  admiration  was  such  as  to  lead  Cardenas 
to  imagine  that  a  restoration  of  Jamaica  was  not  impossible.3 
At  Madrid  no  such  illusions  were  cherished.  The  Spanish 

1  Weale's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  fol.  39. 

2  Sagredo  to  the  Doge,  Oct.  if,  Venetian  Transcripts,  R.  0. 

8  Cardenas  to  Philip  IV.,  July  |f,  Aug.  £-,  |g,  Simancas  MSS.  2529. 


I/O  THE   BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

Government  persistently,  and  not  unreasonably,  believed  that 
Oliver  was  determined  on  war. 

War,  it  may  fairly  be  assumed,  could  at  this  stage  only  have 
been  averted  by  Philip's  acceptance  of  the  conditions  which 
Phir  'ii  Oliver  had  laid  down  in  his  answer  to  the  Marquis  of 
not  give  Lede.1  Such  concessions,  entirely  opposed  to  the 
principles  which  had  animated  the  Spanish  councils 
for  more  than  a  century,  could  never  have  been  made  by  Philip, 
even  if  there  had  been  no  seizure  of  Jamaica  and  no  threaten- 
ing appearance  of  an  English  fleet  off  his  own  coasts.  In  the 

AU^  instructions  to  Cardenas  drawn  up  on  August  26,  and 
instructions  finally  despatched  to  him  on  August  3i,2  thatambas- 
to  Cardenas.  sador  was  directed  to  demand  an  audience  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  leave,  and  to  cross  the  sea  to  Flanders  as 
soon  as  possible.  If  the  reason  of  this  sudden  departure  were 
asked,  he  was  to  ground  it  on  the  claims,  put  forward  in  the 
answer  made  to  Lede,  to  free  commerce  in  the  Indies,  to  an 
extension  of  the  consideration  hitherto  shown  to  the  consciences 
of  Englishmen,  and  to  commercial  privileges  unheard  of  in  any 
former  treaty.  If  anything  was  said  about  Jamaica,  the  Pro- 
tector was  to  be  told  that  what  had  happened  there  was  in  itself 
a  breach  of  the  peace,  and  that  he  knew  it  to  be  so.  Nothing 
short  of  his  abandonment  of  the  three  points,  and  offering  re- 
paration for  the  events  in  the  Indies,  could  be  accepted  as 
satisfactory  ;  but  even  in  that  case  Cardenas  was  not  to  defer  his 
leave-taking.  If  any  fresh  negotiations  were  opened,  they  must 
be  conducted  through  some  other  channel.3 

On  September  17,  before  these  orders  reached  the  ambas- 
sador, it  was  known  in  London   that  Philip,  not  contenting 

Sept.  i?..  himself  with  a  mere  demonstration  of  his  resentment, 
fp^nkno^n  na(*  ^^  an  embargo  on  all  English  goods  and  vessels 
in  London.  jn  njs  dominions. 

1  See  sufra,  p.  163.  2  £**  %,  as  we  learn  from  Cardenas's  reply. 


3  Instructions  to  Cardenas,  ~^6,  Simancas  MSS.     There  is  a  trans- 

oept.  5 

lation  of  them  in  Guizot,  ii.  548,  incorrectly  dated  October.  That  the 
earlier  date  is  right  is  shown  by  the  action  taken  by  Cardenas  when  he 
received  them  on  Oct.  . 


1655  DEPARTURE   OF   CARDENAS  I?I 

Loud  was  the  outcry  amongst  the  London  merchants,  and 
when,  on  October  9,  Cardenas  demanded  an  audience  for  the 
Oct  A      purpose  of  taking  leave,  those  cries  were  redoubled, 
Cardenas       and  found  an  echo  in  the  clothing  districts,  where 
audience  to    goods  were  largely  manufactured  for  export  to  Spain. 
ive.     r  '     answer  to  the  complaining  mer- 


chants,  reminded  them  that  he  had  already  warned 
merchants,  them  of  their  danger,1  and  he  now  advised  them  to 
set  out  a  fleet  of  privateers  to  recoup  themselves  at  the  expense 
of  Spain.  The  proposal  fell  on  deaf  ears,  and  Oliver  was  forced, 
if  he  went  to  war,  to  wage  it  on  the  now  scanty  resources  of  the 
Government.  Yet  he  was  aware  that  the  feeling  of  the  mer- 
chants was  shared  by  many  influential  members  of  the  Council, 
and  it  was  probably  this  knowledge  that  led  him  to  interpose 

Oct.  15.  delays  in  the  way  of  the  departure  of  Cardenas.  On 
dedd^soncil  October  15  the  Council  met  to  take  into  considera- 
war-  tion  the  Spanish  demands,  and  some  influential 

voices,  among  which  it  may  safely  be  conjectured  Lambert's 
was  heard  the  loudest,  were  raised  in  favour  of  a  policy  of 
abstinence  from  aggression  and  the  maintenance  of  peace. 
Oliver,  however,  spoke  strongly  against  the  abandonment  of  his 
great  design,  and,  as  usually  happened  when  he  was  himself  in 
earnest,  he  brought  over  the  majority  to  his  side.  On  the 

Oct.  i7.  i  yth  Cardenas  received  his  passport,  but  so  clogged 
sen?toporl  with  unusual  conditions  that  he  refused  to  make  use 
Cardenas.  Qf  ^  .  an(j  wnen  at  jast  these  obstacles  were  removed, 

H^feaves  an<^  ^e  was  a^e  to  ^eave  London  on  the  27th,  the 
London.  officials  of  the  Custom  House  at  Dover,  surely  not 
without  a  hint  from  Whitehall,  broke  open  his  chests  and 
searched  his  baggage  in  the  hope  of  discovering  prohibited  goods. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  outrage  was  due  to  the  misplaced 
zeal  of  some  subordinate,  and  not  to  the  Protector  himself.2 

1  See  p.  162. 

2  Cardenas  to  Philip  IV.,  Sept.  -Jf,-^f  ,  Oct.  &,  Oct 

Before  leaving  Cardenas  took  care  to  secure  the  services  of  two  intel- 
ligencers ;  whilst  Barriere,  who  was  left  in  England  by  Conde  at  the 
special  request  of  Don  Luis  de  Ilaro,  remained  till  April  1656.  Fiesque 


I72  THE   BREACH   WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

On  October  26,  the  day  before  Cardenas  began  his  journey, 
the  Protector  ordered  the  issue  of  a  manifesto  in  justification 
Oct.  26.  of  his  breach  with  Spain.  The  wrongs  which  English- 
StoK°"  men  nad  suffered  from  the  Spanish  Government  were 
manifesto,  recounted  at  large,  and  it  was  energetically  asserted 
that  Spain,  not  England,  had  begun  the  war  in  the  Indies.  As 
usually  happens  when  contending  parties  put  forward  diametri- 
cally opposite  views  on  the  line  of  conduct  pursued  by  them- 
selves or  their  adversaries,  it  is  necessary  for  those  who  desire 
to  form  an  independent  judgment  to  seek  out  the  unexpressed 
axioms  on  which  these  various  judgments  are  founded.  In 
Nature  f  ^s  case  the  search  is  attended  with  no  difficulty, 
the  Spanish  In  Spain  it  was  held  as  an  axiom  that  the  Indies, 
land  and  sea,  were  the  property  of  the  King  of  Spain. 
In  England  it  was  held  with  equal  tenacity  that  the  sea  at  least 
was  free  to  all.  These  differences  of  opinion  once  admitted  to 
exist,  it  is  intelligible  that  Philip  should  believe  it  to  be  within 
his  rights  to  make  captives  of  Englishmen  who  traded  in  his  seas 
without  permission,  and  to  put  Englishmen  to  death  who,  in  the 
teeth  of  his  prohibition,  were  found  as  colonists  on  islands 
which,  from  his  point  of  view,  were  as  much  his  own  as  the 
seas  which  washed  their  coasts. 

To  Oliver  also  the  case  he  was  resolved  to  maintain 
appeared  beyond  dispute.  "  The  just  and  most  reasonable 
The  English  grounds,"  he  began,  "of  our  late  enterprise  upon 
some  islahds  possessed  by  the  subjects  of  the  King 
of  Spain  in  the  West  Indies  are  very  obvious  to  any  that  shall 
reflect  upon  the  posture  wherein  the  said  King  and  his  people 
have  always  stood,  in  relation  to  the  English  nation  in  those 
parts  of  America,  which  hath  been  no  other  than  a  continual 
state  of  open  war  and  hostility  ;  at  the  first  most  unjustly  begun 

to  Conde,  Nov.  £,  Conde  to  Fiesque,  Jan.  £,  ^Jf2,  1656,  Chantilly 
Transcripts,  Add.  MSS.  35,  252,  foil.  239,  241.  License  of  transporta- 
tion, Interr.  I,  72,  pp.  299,  301.  The  issue  of  the  Declaration  was  kept 
back  till  after  Cardenas  was  gone.  Nieupoort  to  the  States  General, 
Nov.  ^,  Add.  MSS.  17,  677  W,  fol.  176.  A  translation  wrongly  dated 
is  in  Thurloe,  iv.  117. 


1655  A   MANIFESTO   AGAINST   SPAIN  1/3 

by  them,  and  ever  since  in  like  sort  continued  and  prosecuted, 
The  ^  contrary  to  the  common  right  and  law  of  nations  and 

begun  by  the  particular  treaties  between  England  and  Spain." 
The  English,  he  continued,  had  of  late  years  been 
so  patient  that  some  might  regard  the  recent  expedition  as  an 
act  of  aggression  rather  than,  as  it  really  was,  an  act  of  defence 
Themis-  against  the  Spaniards,  "who,  as  oft  as  they  have 
Spain  re-  opportunity,  without  any  just  cause  or  provocation 
counted.  at  au5  Cease  not  to  kill  and  slaughter,  nay  sometimes 
in  cold  blood  to  murder  the  people  of  this  nation,  spoiling  their 
goods  and  estates,  destroying  their  colonies  and  plantations, 
taking  also  their  ships,  if  they  meet  with  any  upon  those  seas, 
and  using  them  in  all  things  as  enemies,  or  rather  as  rovers 
and  pirates ;  for  so  they  .  .  .  brand  all  nations,  except  them- 
selves, which  shall  presume  to  sail  upon  those  seas,  upon  no 
other  or  better  right  or  title  than  that  of  the  Pope's  donation, 
and  their  first  discovering  some  parts  of  the  West  Indies ; 
whereupon  they  would  appropriate  to  themselves  the  sole 
signory  of  the  new  world." 

In  Oliver's  eyes  it  was  no  small  justification  that  he  was 

reverting  to  the  policy  of  the  Elizabethan  sea-kings.     Yet  he 

.       never  failed  to  fall  back  from  general  considerations 

A  reversion 

bethan*"  uPon  particular  facts.  "As  to  the  state  of  our 
policy.  quarrel  in  the  West  Indies,"  he  explained,  "  whereas 
Attacks  on  we  have  colonies  in  America  as  well  in  islands  as 
bnthesweest  uP°n  tne  continent  upon  as  good  and  a  better  title 
indies.  than  the  Spaniards  have  any,  and  have  as  good  a 
right  to  sail  in  those  seas  as  themselves  ;  yet  without  any  just 
cause  or  provocation — and  when  the  question  of  commerce  was 
not  at  all  in  the  case — they  have  notwithstanding  continually 
invaded  in  a  hostile  manner  our  colonies,  slain  our  country- 
men, taken  our  ships  and  goods,  destroyed  our  plantations, 
made  our  people  prisoners  and  slaves,  and  have  continued  so 
doing  from  time  to  time,  till  the  very  time  that  we  undertook 
the  expedition  against  them." 

Omitting  the  very  numerous  acts  of  violence  cited  by  the 
Protector  as  having  been  committed  before  the  last  peace  in 


174  THE   BREACH    WITH   SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

1630,  there  were  quite  enough  to  justify  his  indictment.     Pro- 
Acts  of  vio-    vidence  and  Tortuga  had  in  1627,  at  a  time  of  war 


-  with  Spain,  been  occupied  by  Englishmen  as  unin- 
habited islands.  When  peace  was  made  in  1630  the 
case  of  these  islands  was  passed  over  in  silence  ; 
Providence.  wnereupon  Charles  I.  had  not  hesitated  to  grant  them 
both  to  a  colonising  company,  which  despatched  settlers  to 
occupy  them.  The  Spaniards,  however,  refused  to  regard  the 
occupation  as  legitimate,  attacked  one  of  the  company's  ships 
in  1633,  and  in  the  following  year  invaded  Tortuga,  destroyed 
the  property  of  the  colonists,  and  hanged,  shot,  or  carried  away 
as  captives  all  the  Englishmen  in  the  island.  In  1635  a  similar 
attempt  was  made  on  Providence,  and,  though  it  ended  in 
failure,  it  was  renewed  in  1640,  when  the  colonists  agreed  to 
abandon  the  island  with  the  loss  of  all  their  property.  In  1651 
another  body  of  English  settlers  was  attacked  in  Santa  Cruz, 
and  about  a  hundred  of  them  killed  ;  whilst  the  remainder, 
who  hid  themselves  in  the  woods,  gave  up  all  hope  of  resistance, 
and  made  their  escape  to  other  islands.  Then  followed  a  tale 
of  ships  driven  by  stress  of  weather  into  Spanish  ports,  only  to 
be  seized  with  their  cargoes.  One  ship  was  even  captured  on 
the  high  seas  and  carried  into  Havana,  with  the  goods  on  board, 
where  ship  and  goods  were  confiscated,  '  and  most  of  the  men 
kept  prisoners  and  forced  to  work  in  the  bulwarks  like  slaves.' 
Another  vessel,  having  sprung  a  leak  off  the  coast  of  Hispaniola 
as  she  was  returning  from  an  English  plantation,  the  crew  were 
forced  to  put  themselves  ashore  in  a  boat,  where  they  were 
taken  by  the  Spaniards  '  and  made  to  work  like  slaves  in  their 
fortifications.' 

As  such  conduct  could  only  be  defended  on  the  plea  that 
the  whole  of  the  Indies  was  a  Spanish  preserve  into  which  no 
one  of  foreign  nationality  could  rightfully  intrude,  Oliver 
proceeded  to  deny  that  Spain  could  base  any  such  claim  either 
upon  the  arbitrament  of  Alexander  VI.,  or  upon  prior  dis- 
covery of  lands  she  had  never  possessed  or  planted.  The 
conclusion  of  this  part  of  the  manifesto  was  a  stirring  appeal  to 
his  countrymen.  "  We  need  not  enlarge  our  discourse  upon 


1655  OLIVER'S  MANIFESTO  175 

this  subject  ;  for  there  is  not  any  understanding  man  who  is 
not  satisfied  of  the  vanity  of  the  Spaniards'  pretensions  to  the 
sole  sovereignty  of  all  those  parts  of  the  world  ;  but  we  have 
opened  a  little  the  weak  and  frivolous  pretences  whereupon  the 
Spaniards  ground  all  their  cruel  and  unworthy  dealings  with 
the  English  in  the  West  Indies  —  enslaving,  hanging,  drowning, 
and  cruelly  torturing  to  death  our  countrymen,  spoiling  their 
ships  and  goods,  and  destroying  their  colonies  in  the  times  of 
the  greatest  peace,  and  that  without  any  just  cause  or  provo- 
cation at  all  —  that  the  English  nation,  reflecting  upon  the 
indignity  of  such  proceedings  against  their  own  flesh  and  blood 
and  the  possessors  of  the  same  true  Christian  religion  with 
them,  might  consider  with  themselves  how  the  honour  of  this 
nation  would  lie  rotting  as  well  as  their  vessels  of  war,  if  they 
should  any  longer  surfer  themselves  to  be  used,  or  rather  abused 
in  this  manner,  and  not  only  excluded  from  commerce  with  so 
great  and  rich  a  part  of  the  world  against  all  right  and  reason, 
but  also  be  accounted  and  executed  as  rovers  and  pirates  for 
offering  to  sail  or  to  look  into  those  seas,  or  having  any  inter- 
course —  though  with  our  own  plantations  only  —  in  those  parts 
of  the  world."  l 

On   these  words  —  appealing  to   our  own   generation  even 
more  than  to  Oliver's  contemporaries  —  must  be  founded  the 
justification  of  the  policy  on  which  the  Protector  had  at  last 
definitely  embarked.      Cardenas,  in   defending   his 
master's  conduct  in  a  conversation  with  the  Swedish 


ambassador  before  leaving  England,  had  nothing  to 
say  on  the  Spanish  ill-treatment  of  English  colonists,  except 
that  Providence  had  been  a  mere  nest  of  pirates  ;  whilst  he 
naturally  inveighed  against  the  Protector  for  his  stealthy  attack 
on  Hispaniola  and  Jamaica,  and  spoke  of  the  idea  that  it  was 
possible  for  the  two  nations  to  be  at  war  in  America  and  at 
peace  in  Europe  as  too  childish  to  be  discussed.2  It  is  on 

1  Declaration,  Oct.  26,  E,   1065,  I.     The  composition  was  probably 
the  work  of  Fiennes,  to  whom  other  State  Papers  of  the  time  are  attri- 
buted. 

2  Bonde  to  Charles  X.,  Oct.   19,  Stockholm  Transcripts.     The  dates 


1 76  THE  BREACH   WITH    SPAIN  CHAP.  XLVI. 

these  latter  grounds,  if  at  all,  that  our  sympathies  must  be  with 
the  Spaniard.  If  Oliver  had  good  cause  for  war,  he  did  not 
open  hostilities  in  honourable  fashion.  Though  he  was  not 
bound  to  inform  Cardenas  of  the  destination  of  his  fleets,  he 
was  bound,  on  the  grounds  of  common  honesty,  to  let  him 
plainly  understand,  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  that  an 
attack  on  Spain  in  some  quarter  of  the  globe  would  be  the 
result  of  a  refusal  to  grant  the  concessions  he  demanded. 

show  that  Cardenas's  words  cannot  be  taken  as  a  direct  reply  to  the 
Declaration  published  nine  days  after  they  were  spoken  ;  but  the  Pro- 
tector's complaints  about  the  conduct  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies 
must  have  been  conveyed  to  him  verbally  many  times  during  the  previous 
months. 


177 


CHAPTER    XLVII 

THE    PROTESTANT    INTEREST 

As  the  outbreak  of  war  with  one  country  necessarily  affects 
the  relations  of  the  belligerent  Power  with  all  others,  it  was 
jess,  inevitable  that  Oliver  should  be  drawn  closer  to 
br^ach0wihe  France  as  the  distance  widened  between  his  own 
fehuions the  Government  and  that  of  Spain.  In  May,  almost 
between  immediately  after  Lede's  memorandum  had  made  it 

Englandand  J  .  .  .    . 

France.  certain  that  Philip  had  no  intention  of  giving  way,1 
Bordeaux  found  reason  to  believe  that  the  commissioners 
appointed  to  treat  with  him  had  been  instructed  to  apply 
themselves  seriously  to  the  settlement  of  outstanding  disputes  ; 
and  but  for  an  unfortunate  occurrence  it  is  almost  certain  that 
a  satisfactory  conclusion  would  have  been  reached  in  a  much 
shorter  time  than  was  in  reality  the  case.  The  commissioners, 
Ma  16  wno  on  ^-ay  I^  na(^  ^eft  a  satisfactory  impression 
Bordeaux  on  the  French  ambassador,2  informed  him  before 

informed  of  . 

the  persecu-  taking  leave  that  information  had  been  received  of  a 
Protestants  persecution  of  Protestants  in  the  dominions  of  the 
in  Piedmont.  Duke  of  gavoVj  the  crueities  exercised  having  been 

not  only  suggested  by  the  French  ambassador  at  Turin,  but 
carried  out  by  English  regiments  in  the  service  of  the  King  of 
France.  If  this  proved  to  be  true  the  Protector  would  be 
unable  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  the  oppressor  of  his  co- 
religionists, and  he  therefore  required  an  explanation  before 
he  could  proceed  further  in  the  matter.3  Bordeaux  naturally 

1  See  supra,  p.  163.  2  See  supra,  p.  163. 

3  "Us  me  dirent  que  son   Altesse  et  le  Conseil  avait  appris  avec 

beaucoup  de  ressentiment  la  persecution  des  Protestans  de  Savoye,  que 
VOL.  IV.  N 


178  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

retorted  that  as  Catholics  were  persecuted  in  England  his 
master  was  not  bound  to  give  account  of  the  persecution  of 
Protestants  in  his  own  dominions,  far  less  in  those  of  another 
French  prince.  Finally,  the  commissioners  told  Bordeaux 
mediation  that  all  that  His  Highness  desired  of  him  was  to 

convey  to  his  master  a  hope  that  he  would  interpose 
in  any  way  he  pleased  in  favour  of  the  injured  Protestants.1 

Though  the  story  told  by  the  commissioners  was  in  some 
respects  exaggerated,  and  the  persecution  was  in  nowise  due  to 

the  instigation  of  Servien,  the  French  ambassador  at 
Vaudois  of  Turin,  it  was  not  far  from  the  truth.  Westward  of 

Turin,  the  two  Alpine  valleys  of  the  Pellice  and  the 
Chisone  were  inhabited  by  peasants  whose  ancestors  had  early 
in  the  thirteenth  century  imbibed  the  ascetic  doctrines  taught 
by  the  Waldenses  or  followers  of  Peter  Waldez.  Though  from 
time  to  time  subjected  to  persecution,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
valleys  succeeded  in  maintaining  their  existence  as  a  religious 
community  under  the  name  of  Waldensians  or  Vaudois, 
but,  coming  in  the  seventeenth  century  under  the  influence 
of  Geneva,  they  dropped  their  older  tenets  in  favour  of 
the  more  recent  doctrines  of  Calvin.  Holding  such  opinions, 

suivant  les  ad  vis  de  ce  pays  1'Ambassadeur  de  sa  Majeste  1'avoit  suggere 
et  ses  troupes,  entr'autres  quelques  Regimens  Anglois,  execute"  avec  un 
esprit  de  vengeance,  que  nos  ennemis  se  servoient  de  ce  pretexte  pour 
refroidir  les  bonnes  intentions  de  son  Altesse,  luy  representant  que  la 
bienseance  ne  luy  permettoit  pas  de  s'unir  avec  sa  Majeste  dans  le  temps 
qu'elle  faisoit  persecuter  lesdictz  Religionnaires,  et  qu'ilz  avoient  ordre  de 
me  demander  quelque  satisfaction  sur  ce  sujet."  Bordeaux  to  Brienne, 
May  ||,  French  Transcripts,  R.O.  The  commissioners  diplomatically 
asserted  that  the  enemies  of  France  were  making  use  of  the  affair  of  the 
Vaudois  to  keep  up  the  estrangement  between  the  two  countries ;  but, 
considering  what  happened  afterwards,  it  is  justifiable,  as  I  have  done  in 
the  text,  to  lay  the  warning  at  Oliver's  own  door.  Bordeaux  says  that 
the  news  was  brought  by  Stouppe,  and  requested  the  commissioners  to 
ask  him  *  ce  qu'il  avoit  fait  chez  1'Ambassadeur  d'Espagne  samedy  dernier 
et  pour  quel  service  il  en  avait  re9eu  deux  mille  francs  ce  mesme  jour/ 
Saturday  last  was  May  12,  and  the  news  must  therefore  have  reached 
England  not  later  than  that  day. 
1  Ib. 


1655  THE   CASE    OF   THE   VAUDOIS  1/9 

they  had  their  full  share  of  persecution  ;  but  the  Dukes  of 
Savoy,  in  whose  Piedmontese  territories  their  valleys  were 
situated,  had  found  it  difficult  to  subdue  them,  and  in  1561 

Philibert  Emmanuel  granted  them  toleration  within 
Edict  of       certain    well-defined    geographical    limits.       These 

limits  did  not  include  La  Torre,  Luserna,  or  San 

Giovanni,  situated  in  the  lower  part  of  the  valley  of  the  Pellice, 

i6  8         still  less  any  places  in  the  open  plain.1     From  1638, 

Government  when  the  Duchess  Christina,  the  sister  of  Henrietta 

Duchess        Maria,  became    Regent   in  the   name   of  her   son, 

Charles  Emmanuel  II.,  and  who  virtually  governed 
the  country  for  some  years  after  he  reached  his  nominal  majority 
in  1648,  a  different  spirit  prevailed  at  Turin.  On  the  one  hand 
missionaries  were  introduced  to  convert  the  inhabitants  of  the 
valleys,  and  these  missionaries,  indiscreet  and  presumptuous 
even  by  the  confession  of  their  supporters,  had  at  their  disposal 
all  the  temptations,  and  sometimes  the  armed  force,  of  the 
Government.  The  Vaudois  on  their  part  occasionally  allowed 
their  indignation  to  get  the  better  of  their  prudence.  In  1650, 
for  instance,  they  burnt  a  mission-house  at  Villar.  This  and 
other  similar  offences,  however,  were  condoned  by  the  Govern- 
l653.  ment  in  1653,  when  an  edict  was  issued  confirming 
Sflr^n°f  tne  privileges  granted  in  1561  to  all  who  lived  within 
confirmed.  tjie  iimits  then  fixed  ;  2  on  which  consideration  the 
Vaudois  replaced  the  burnt  mission-house.  It  was  also  de- 
creed that  mass  was  to  be  said  and  the  doctrines  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  proclaimed  wherever  the  missionaries  took  up 
their  quarters.3 

Though,  with  certain  intermissions,  the  Duchess  had  on  the 


Edict,  grf  ,  1561.     Morland's  History  of  the  Evangelical  Churches 
of  the  Valleys  of  Piedmont,  237. 

2  Ib.  291. 

3  Muston,  L?  Israel  des  Alpes,  ii.  261-94  ;  Claretta,  Storia  del  Regno 
.  .  .  di  Carlo  Emanuele  II.  ,  i.  75-91.     The  first  of  these  authors  is  a 
strong  partisan  of  the  Vaudois,  the  second  an  equally  strong  opponent  ; 
but  they  both  refer  to  documents,  many  of  them  unpublished,  and  it  is 
usually,  though  not  always,  possible  to  make  out  the  truth  between  them. 

M  2 


180  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

whole  been  favourable  to  the  maintenance  of  the  privileges  of 
the  Vaudois  within  the  limits  denned  in  1561,  she  had  con- 
stantly testified  her  dislike  of  their  extension  to  the 

Vaudois  J  .  . 

settle  out-  plain.  A  sober  and  industrious  race  was  unlikely  to 
tolerated  confine  itself  to  the  higher  valleys,  and  the  Vaudois, 

like  most  mountaineers,  pushed  down  into  the  lower 
levels,  filling  the  towns  as  traders  and  occupying  farms  in  the 
open  country.  Their  industrial  energy  was  equalled  by  their 
religious  zeal,  and  by  1650  they  had  erected  no  less  than  eleven 
temples — as  their  places  of  worship  were  styled — in  places 
where  they  were  forbidden  even  to  take  up  their  abode.1  From 
time  to  time  efforts  had  been  made  by  the  Government  to  put 
an  end  to  what  it  regarded  as  an  insolent  defiance  of  its 
authority,  but  up  to  1655  it  had  in  every  case  recoiled  before 
the  resistance  it  provoked. 

In  January  1655,  however,  the  Duchess,  egged  on  by  the 
fanatics  who  surrounded  her,  resolved  to  enforce  the  law.  In 
l6ss>  January  the  auditor  Guastaldo  ordered,  in  the  Duke's 
GiStaWo's  name>  au"  families  'of  the  pretended  Reformed  re- 
order, ligion'  to  quit  Luserna,  Lusernetta,  San  Giovanni, 
La  Torre,  Bibiana,  Fenile,  Campiglione,  Bricherasio,  and  San 
Secondo,  within  three  days,  under  pain  of  death  and  the  loss 
of  their  property  if  they  remained  outside  the  tolerated  limits, 
unless  within  three  days  they  declared  their  resolution  to  be- 
come Catholics  or  to  sell  their  property  to  Catholics.2  It  was 
hardly  to  be  expected  that  such  an  order  would  meet  with 

prompt    obedience.      The  Vaudois   settled   in   the 

The  Vaudois    v 

outside  the  places  named  were  for  the  most  part  not  new-comers. 
tion?orfeave  Their  families,  their  trade,  and  their  possessions 
to  remain.  bound  tnern  to  the  soil,  and  they  took  the  reasonable 
course  of  memorialising  the  Government,  in  the  hope  of  obtain- 
ing such  a  permission  to  remain  as  had  from  time  to  time  been 
granted  them  before.  There  was  the  more  ground  for  com- 
plaint as  the  upper  valleys,  to  which  they  were  relegated,  were 
not  only  covered  with  snow  at  the  time,  but  had  been  impover- 

1  Musfon,  280. 

2  Guastaldo's  Order,  Jan.  if,  1655,  Morland,  303. 


1655  THE   VAUDOIS   ATTACKED  I  Si 

ished  by  the  action  of  the  Government  in  quartering  on  the 
inhabitants  a  large  number  of  French  troops  on  their  passage 
to  or  from  the  war  which  was  at  that  time  raging  in  North 
Italy.  Their  petitions,  however,  were  waived  aside,  on  the 
plea  that  their  representatives  were  not  empowered  to  tender  a 
complete  submission — the  meaning  of  these  words  being,  as 
they  imagined,  that  they  were  expected  to  assent  to  the  com- 
plete suppression  of  the  liberty  of  their  religion,  even  within  the 
limits  of  the  Edict  of  1561. 1 

The  Duchess  was  resolved  to  enforce  obedience,  and  on 
April  6  the  Marquis  of  Pianezza  was  despatched  from  Turin 

April  T%  with  a  small  force,  which  it  would  be  easy  for  him 
leave?2*  to  convert  into  a  large  one  by  the  accession  of  troops 
already  quartered  in  the  neighbouring  valleys.  On 
He  auacJcs  t^ie  f°H°wing  day  ne  found  most  of  the  villages  in  the 
La  Torre,  plain  deserted,  and  only  late  in  the  evening,  as  he 
approached  La  Torre,  did  he  become  aware  that  it  was  held  by 
a  considerable  party  ofVaudois.  Sending  forward  a  messenger 
to  demand  quarters  for  his  men,  he  was  answered  that,  in 
obedience  to  the  late  edict,  those  now  in  the  place  had  removed 
their  domiciles  to  the  upper  part  of  the  valley,  and  that  as  they 
no  longer  possessed  houses  in  La  Torre  they  were  unable  to 
give  quarters  to  his  soldiers.  Dissatisfied  with  so  halting  an 
explanation,  Pianezza  pushed  on  to  the  attack.  The  Vaudois 
within  were  desperate  men,  whose  livelihood  was  at  stake  as 
well  as  their  religion.  Throwing  up  barricades,  they  defended 

April  A.     themselves  to  the  uttermost,  and  it  was  only  in  the 
and  takes  it.  early  morning  that}  finding  their  position  turned,  they 

1  Much  has  been  said  about  the  murder  of  the  parish  priest  of  P'enile. 
Claretta  (i.  94)  throws  the  bJame  on  Leger,  the  minister  who  took  the 
foremost  part  amongst  the  Vaudois.  Leger,  on  the  other  hand,  throws  it, 
not  very  probably,  on  a  Catholic  official,  Morland,  310.  The  priest  had 
made  enemies  by  insisting  on  the  duty  of  evacuating  Fenile,  and  in  the 
excited  state  of  feeling  which  existed  these  persons  are  likely  to  have  been 
at  the  bottom  of  the  murder.  The  evidence  as  it  stands  hardly  permits  of 
a  strong  opinion  on  the  subject.  The  important  thing  is  that  the  Duchess, 
as  will  be  seen,  did  not  rest  her  case  on  the  murder. 


1 82  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

cut  their  way  through  their  assailants  and  took  refuge  in  the 
surrounding  hills.1 

The  affair  of  La  Torre  necessarily  made  a  different  impres- 
sion on  the  two  parties  concerned.  To  the  Vaudois  the  attempt 
Different  to  force  soldiers  on  their  villages  was  but  the  com- 
affJr.°  "  mencement  of  systematic  persecution.  To  the 

April  -»-.  authorities  at  Turin  the  resistance  to  the  troops  was 
attackTthe  an  act  °^  avowed  rebellion.  Pianezza  and  his  men 
fugitives.  held  themselves  at  liberty  to  follow  up  their  victory 
by  an  attack  on  the  fugitives  who  had  taken  refuge  amongst  the 
hills.  Whomsoever  they  lighted  on  they  killed,  setting  fire  to 
the  houses  and  cottages.2  For  the  next  two  days  the  advantage 
was  not  on  the  side  of  the  assailants.  Occupying  well-chosen 
positions,  with  numbers  increased  from  the  neighbouring  valley, 

A  riUi      *ke  Peasants  repulsed  all  attacks  till,  on  the  nth,  the 

A  negotfa-     Piedmontesc  general  invited  to  a  conference  the  men 

whose  defences  he  was  unable  to  storm,  and  required 

1  The  story  as  given  above  is  taken  from  Muston  (303-310),  who  is 
here  much  fuller  than  Claretta.     His  narrative,  he  tells  us,  is  founded  on 
that  of  a  Piedmontese  officer  preserved  in  the  archives  of  Turin.     He 
gives  the  number  of  the  defendants  as  three  or  four  hundred.     Morland 
tells  us  that  Pianezza  '  fell  into  the  Burgh  of  La  Torre,  where  they  met 
with  not  so  much  as  one  soul  of  the  Protestants,  save  only  a  little  company 
of  eight  or  ten  persons,  who,  not  at  all  thinking  that  the  enemy  was  there, 
were  seeking  up  and  down  for  something  to  satisfy  their  hunger  ;  but  so 
soon  as  ever  they  approached  the  convent  they  were  immediately  descried 
by  the  monks  and  the  troopers,  who  had  been  there  concealed  several 
days  before  for  that  very  purpose,  who,   to  show  the  kindness  they  had 
for  them,  saluted  them  with  a  great  volley  of  shot,  whereby  they  slew 
upon  the  place  one  Giovanni  Combe  of  Villaro,  and  hurt  Pietro  Rostain 
of  La  Torre  ;  thereupon  the  rest,  who  saw  themselves  thus  encompassed 
on  every  side,  immediately  fled  for  their  lives.'     Those  who  place  implicit 
confidence  on  Morland — or  rather  in  Leger,  who  supplied  the  materials  for 
his  book — should  examine  carefully  this  extraordinary  misstatement.     No 
doubt  reports  of  the  wildest  description  were  flying  about,  many  of  which 
he  swallowed  without  discrimination. 

2  "  Andarono   scarmucciando    per   quelle   montagnuole    rentrezzando 
gli  eretici,  ammazzando  molti  ed  abruciando  qui  sue  case  o  cassine  che 
possono  prendere."     Muston,  ii.   312,  note  I,  quoting  the  Piedmontese 
officer. 


1655  THE   SLAUGHTER   OF   THE   VAUDOIS  183 

them  to  receive  garrisons  into  their  respective  villages.  Lulling 
them  to  sleep  by  his  apparent  friendliness,  he  held  back  from 
suggesting  to  them  any  terms  likely  to  be  accepted,  in  the  hope 
that  their  rejection  of  his  demand  for  unqualified  submission 
would  enable  him  to  make  an  example  of  them  without  com- 

punction.1  He  had  his  wish.  On  the  1 2th  he  pushed 
The  his  troops  up  the  valleys  of  Pellice  and  Angrogna. 

The  peasants,  taken  unawares,  were  speedily  over- 
powered. Then  began  a  massacre,  accompanied  with  such 
deeds  of  cruelty  as  befitted  a  rude  and  exasperated  soldiery  in 
whose  ranks  released  criminals  were  to  be  found.  In  many 
cases,  it  is  true,  prisoners  were  taken  and  children  were  saved 
and  sent  to  Piedmont,  that  they  might  there  be  educated  in 
Catholic  families. 

It  is  indeed  also  possible  that  some  of  the  tales  spread 
abroad  of  hideous  and  unmentionable  tortures  were  unfounded 
or  exaggerated.2  Yet,  after  all  is  said,  the  account  of  an  eye- 

1  Muston   says   that  the  Vaudois  agreed  to  the  occupation  of  their 
villages,   and   that   they  were    thereby   tricked   into   letting   him   pass. 
Claretta  thinks  the  Vaudois  were  in  fault  for  refusing  complete  obedience. 
It  is  better  to  suspend  judgment  till  the  documents  in  the  Turin  archives 
are   published.     In  the  meanwhile,  it  may  be  remarked   that  an  extract 
from  a  letter  of  April  ||  from  Pianezza  to  the  Duchess,  printed  by  Claretta 
(i.  99),  tells  against  the  view  that  Pianezza  was  straightforward  in  the 
matter.     He  distinctly  says  that  he  did  not  wish  to  propose  to  the  Vaudois 
the  terms  of  their  submission  '  dubitando  se  le  proponeva  cose  mediocri  che 
1'accettassero  essi  ed  io  mi  legassi  le  mani,  sicche  non  potessi  poi  tirar  le 
cose  a  quell'  alto  segno  del  servizo  di  S.A.R.  che  io  pretendevo,  ed  io  per 
contro  le  scoprivo  cosi  sulla  fine  tutto  il  rigore  non  venisse  a  mettergli  in 
total  disperazione  avante  il  tempo.'     He  says  he  had  sent  them  back  with 
orders  to  bring  a  better  answer  next  morning,  but  when  they  came  they 
only  expressed  in  general  terms  their  readiness  to  submit. 

2  Dr.   Melia,  in  The  Origin,  Persecutions  >  and  Doctrines  of  the  Wal- 
denses,  73-83,  publishes  a  number  of  depositions  taken  in  1673-74,  in 
which  many  of  the  most  horrible  cases  which  Morland  derived  from  Leger 
are  denied,  and  persons  said  by  the  same  author  to  have  been  killed  in 
1655  are  alleged  to  have  died  before  that  date,  or  to  have  been  subse- 
quently alive.     The  time  in  which  the  depositions  were  taken  was  too 
late  for  extreme  accuracy,  and  though  many  of  the  witnesses  were  Vaudois, 


1 84  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

witness,  Captain  du  Petit  Bourg,  a  Huguenot  officer,  who  threw 
Petit  up  his  commission  in  a  French  regiment  rather  than 

Bourg's  take  a  part  in  such  villainy,  goes  far  enough  to 
justify  the  resentment  of  the  Protestant  populations 
of  Europe.  Petit  Bourg  had  been  authorised  by  Servien  to  offer 
his  mediation  between  Pianezza  and  the  Vaudois.  Though  his 
intervention  was  refused,  he  remained  with  the  army,  and  sub- 
sequently gave  an  account  of  its  proceedings.  "  I  was  wit- 
ness," he  wrote,  "  to  many  great  violences  and  extreme  cruelties 
exercised  by  the  Piedmontese  outlaws  and  soldiers  on  persons 
of  all  sorts  and  conditions,  and  of  both  sexes.  I  saw  them 
massacred,  dismembered,  hanged,  burnt  and  violated,  with 
many  frightful  conflagrations.1  ...  It  is  certain  that,  without 
any  distinction  of  those  who  made  resistance  from  those  who 
made  none,  they  were  used  with  every  sort  of  inhumanity,  their 
houses  burnt,  their  goods  plundered,  and  when  prisoners  were 
brought  before  the  Marquis  of  Pianezza,  he  gave,  in  my  sight, 
order  to  kill  them  all,  because  his  Highness  wished  to  have 
none  of  the  religion  in  his  dominions.  And  as  for  what  he 
protests  .  .  .  that  there  was  no  damage  done  to  any  except 
during  the  fight,  and  that  not  the  least  outrage  was  committed 
upon  any  persons  unfit  to  bear  arms,  I  do  assert  and  will 

they  may  have  spoken  under  pressure.  Still,  I  think  that  the  exception 
to  Morland's  account  is  in  the  main  justified.  A  letter  from  the  Vaudois 
written  on  April  ||  speaks  of  the  soldiers  as  having  '  cruelly  tormented  no 
less  than  150  women  and  children,  and  afterwards  chopped  off  the  heads 
of  some  and  dashed  the  brains  of  others  against  the  rocks. '  Of  prisoners 
who  refused  to  go  to  mass,  they  '  hanged  some,  and  nailed  the  feet  of 
others  to  trees,  with  their  heads  hanging  towards  the  ground.'  This  is 
bad  enough,  and  possibly  some  abatement  must  be  made  on  the  score  of 
the  excitement  in  the  midst  of  which  the  writers  were  living  ;  but  at  least 
there  is  no  specific  mention  here  of  the  worst  of  the  unmentionable  horrors 
detailed  by  Morland.  It  does  not  of  course  follow  that  some  of  them  did 
not  occur. 

1  '  Plusieurs  effroyables  incendies. '  This  probably  means  that  houses 
were  burnt.  Morland  translates  'with  many  horrid  confusions.'  Accord- 
ing to  the  Relation  veritable  de  Piedmont,  many  persons  were  burnt  with 
the  houses.  The  worst  horrors  in  Morland's  list  are  to  be  found  in  this 
book,  published  at  Villafranca  in  1655. 


1655  AN   APPEAL   TO   THE    POWERS  185 

maintain  that  it  is  not  so,  as,  having  seen  with  my  eyes  several 
men  killed  in  cold  blood,  as  also  women,  aged  persons  and 
young  children  miserably  slain."  l  The  inclemency  of  the 
weather  came  to  the  aid  of  the  persecutors.  A  heavy  fall  of 
snow  blocked  the  passes,  and  many  of  the  fugitives  were 
either  swept  away  by  avalanches  or  perished  of  cold  and 
hunger. 

According  to  an  official  calculation  made  about  three  weeks 
after  the  massacre,  out  of  884  persons  in  the  two  communes  of 
An  official  Villar  and  Bobbio  alone,  there  were  55  refugees  in 
calculation.  jrrance  Or  in  the  mountains,  whilst  75  were  prisoners 
or  scattered  in  Piedmont.  Of  the  remaining  759,  36  had 
perished  in  an  avalanche,  274  had  been  killed,  whilst  no  less 
than  449  had  renounced  their  religion  and  professed  themselves 
to  have  adopted  the  faith  of  their  persecutors.  The  number  of 
this  last  class  is  the  surest  measure  of  the  terror  that  had  fallen 
on  the  valleys.2 

Such  was  the  news,  exaggerated,  it  may  be,  like  that  of  the 
Irish  massacre  in  1641,  which  reached  the  Protector  towards 
May  24.     the  middle  of  May.      On  the  25th  he  despatched 
Protector      Samuel  Morland,  who  had  been  attached  to  White- 
writes  to       locke  in  his  Swedish  embassy,  as  the  bearer  of  a 

European  J ' 

Powers.  letter  composed  by  Milton,  in  the  hope  of  rousing 
the  Duke  of  Savoy  to  a  sense  of  his  iniquity.  It  was  supported 
by  another  written  on  the  same  day  to  the  King  of  France, 
diplomatically  assuring  him  that  it  was  scarcely  credible  that 
any  of  his  troops  had  taken  part  in  the  massacre,  and  asking 
him  to  use  his  influence  with  the  Duke  to  obtain  what  repara- 
tion was  still  possible.  In  another  letter  he  reminded  Mazarin 
of  his  own  tolerant  practice,  and  hinted  that  the  all  but  suc- 
cessful close  of  the  negotiation  in  England  was  an  argument 
for  yielding  to  his  wishes  in  this  matter.  To  Protestant  rulers 
Oliver  wrote  in  another  style.  He  had  long  had  it  on  his  mind 
to  gather  round  him  a  league  in  defence  of  the  Protestant 
interest,  and  he  now  urged  the  Kings  of  Sweden  and  Denmark, 

1  Petit  Bourg's  Declaration,  Nov.  27,  1655,  Morland,  333. 

2  Mustoit)  ii.  306,  note  I. 


1 86  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

the  States  General,  and  the  Prince  of  Transylvania,  to  join  him 
in  obtaining  redress  for  so  unparalleled  a  wrong.1 

In  the  letters  to  France  and  Piedmont  not  the  shadow  of  a 
threat  was  to  be  found.     The  Protector's  earnestness  in  the 

matter  was  clearly,  though  delicately,  shown  in  his 

negotiation    with    Bordeaux.      On    the     i6th    the 
Bordeaux.     English    commissioners    were    allowed     to    exhibit 
every   sign   of  eagerness   to   complete   the    treaty.      On   the 
May  24.     24th,   however,   Thurloe   informed  the  ambassador 

tnat  the  Protector  would  sign  nothing  till  an  answer 
aner  s  na(^  keen  receiye(l to  tne  missive  which  he  was  about 
received  to  despatch.2  That  nothing  on  his  part  might  be 

left  undone,  Oliver  on  the  day  on  which  his  letters 
A  collection  were  sent  off  issued  a  Declaration  appointing  June  14 
red)  as  a  day  of  humiliation,  and  inviting  English  Pro- 
testants, as  being  under  safe  protection,  to  contribute  out  of 
their  means  to  the  help  of  the  miserable  survivors  of  the 
June  i.  massacre.3  On  second  thoughts  it  appeared  better 
house-to-  to  reinforce  this  appeal  by  a  house-to-house  visita- 
vfsUation.  tion  by  the  minister  and  churchwardens  of  each 
jui  12  parish.  Six  weeks  later,  when  it  was  found  that 
A  fresh  many  parishes  had  contributed  nothing,  a  proclama- 
tion, tion  called  on  these  laggards  to  fulfil  their  duty,  and 
enjoined  upon  those  parishes  in  which  a  collection  had  been 
made  to  send  in  the  proceeds  without  delay.4  The  Protector's 
own  name  headed  the  list  of  subscribers  with  a  magnificent 
donation  of  2,ooo/.,  and  in  the  end  the  collection  amounted  to 
Large  sums  3%i232f-  The  amount  was  so  large  that,  after  meet- 
coiiected.  jng  aji  tne  necessities  of  the  case,  no  less  than 

1  Milton's  Prose  Works,  ed.  Symmons,  vi.  25-28  ;  Hamilton,  Original 
Papers  Illustrative  of  the  Life  .  .  .  of  John  Milton,  p.  2 ;  Masson,  v. 
184-190. 

2  Bordeaux  to  Mazarin,   j^y,  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  j^*J»  French 
Transcripts,  R.O. 

3  Declaration,  May  25,  S.  P.  Dom.  xcvii.  82. 

4  Instructions  by  the  Protector,  June  I,  S.   P.  Dom.   xcviii.  4;    Pro- 
clamation, July  12,  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  ;6a,  p.  75. 


1655  AN    ERRAND   OF   MERCY  l8/ 

17,8727.  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  treasurers,  who,  with  the 
assistance  of  an  influential  committee,  had  been  appointed  to 
guard  the  fund.  This  sum  was  put  out  at  interest,  the  divi- 
dends being  destined  to  provide  pensions  for  sufferers  and  to 
meet  any  fresh  needs  that  might  arise.  So  long-  as  the  Pro- 
tectorate lasted  this  source  of  revenue  continued  intact.1 

In  the  meanwhile  the  Protector's  diplomatic  intervention 
had  not  been  without   result.     Morland,   the   bearer  of  the 
juneTv     letters,  reached  the   French  Court   at   La  Fere  on 
theVrench     June  i.     On  the  next  day  Louis's  answer  was  placed 
in  his    hands.     In  it  the  French  King  gave  assur- 
The^French   ances  tnat  m's  troops  had   been  employed  without 
reply.  his  knowledge,  adding  that  he  had  already  signified 

his  dissatisfaction  with  the  use  to  which  they  had  been  put, 
and  had  given  orders  that  such  of  the  fugitives  as  had  taken 
refuge  in  French  territory  should  be  kindly  treated.  He 
would  continue  Jo  entreat  the  Duke  to  re-establish  the  un- 
fortunate sufferers  within  the  limits  assigned  them  by  his  pre- 
decessors.2 Two  results  may  be  deduced  from  these  phrases. 
In  the  first  place,  France  would  intercede  but  would  not 
threaten.  Oliver,  indeed,  had  asked  for  no  more  than  this ; 
and,  in  fact,  the  doctrine  that  each  prince  was  responsible  to 
no  external  Power  for  his  treatment  of  religious  questions 
arising  in  his  own  dominions  had  not  only  been  consecrated 
by  the  recent  Treaties  of  Westphalia,  but  was  firmly  rooted  in 
the  conscience  of  Europe,  being  even  accepted  by  Oliver  him- 
self, who  would  not  have  hesitated  to  give  a  sharp  answer  to 

1  The  original  accounts,  as  well  as  the  minutes  of  the  committee,  are 
in  the  Record  Office.      A  useful   summary  of  the   former   is   given   by 
Mr.  W.  A.  Shaw  in  the  Hist.   Rev.   (Oct.    1894),  ix.   662.     This  may  be 
compared  with  an  abstract  given  in  Morland,  586.     On  July  9,   1659, 
Parliament  misappropriated  some  of  the  capital,  but  this  was  after  the  fall 
of  Richard  Cromwell. 

2  "  Je  continuerai  mes  instances  envers  ce  prince  pour  leur  soulage- 
ment  et  pour  qu'il  consente  qu'ils  puissent  retablir  leurs  demeures  aux 
lieux  de  ses  etats  esquels  il  leur  avail  ete  concede  par  les  dues  de  Savoie 
ses    predecesseurs."      Louis   XIV.    to   the    Protector,    June   ^,    Guizot, 
ii.  522. 


1 88  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

any  foreign  ambassador  who  ventured  to  question  his  right  to 
deal  at  his  own  pleasure  with  the  Irish  Catholics.  In  the 
second  place,  Louis  did  not  propose  even  to  ask  the  Duke  of 
Savoy  to  repatriate  the  exiles  outside  the  limits  fixed  by  the 
edicts  of  his  ancestors.  The  Protector,  who  was  himself  acting 
much  on  the  same  principle  when  he  transplanted  Irishmen  to 
Connaught,  must  be  content  if  the  system  established  in  1561 
were  reverted  to,  and  all  Vaudois  refusing  conversion  to  the 
religion  of  the  State  required  to  fix  their  domicile  within  the 
assigned  limits. 

The  French  Government  had  already  acted  in  accordance 
with  the  spirit  of  the  King's  engagement.  It  is  true  that  in  the 
letters  sent  to  Servien  at  Turin,  before  Morland's  arrival  at 
Ma  La  Fere,  no  pretence  had  been  made  of  showing  pity 
Pressure  for  the  sufferers.  The  ambassador  was  to  found  his 
Mazarin  on  case  on  merely  political  considerations.  The  Duchess 
ess>  was  to  be  urged  to  consider  that  her  own  States 
would  suffer  if  the  hostility  of  England  and  the  Protestant 
cantons  of  Switzerland  were  roused  against  her  at  a  time  when 
all  her  energies  should  have  been  devoted  to  the  war  against 
Spain.1  From  this  argument  Mazarin  never  varied.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Duchess  defended  the  rectitude  of  her  con- 
duct, and  at  first  declined  to  concede  anything.  Her  position 
was  simply  that  the  Vaudois,  by  refusing  to  obey  legal  orders 
to  depart  from  the  places  in  which  the  edicts  had  forbidden 
them  to  settle,  had  committed  an  act  of  rebellion,  which  had 
been  legitimately  punished.2  The  Duchess  held  out  for  some 

1  Le  Tellier  to  Servien,  j^,  Brienne  to  Servien,  J^5,  Arch,  des 
Aff.  Etrangtres,  Savote,  xlix.  foil.  299,  301. 

2  "S.  A.  R.  Monsieur  mon  filz  ayant  essay  e  inutilement  par  la  voye 
de  la  douceur  et  de  la  negotiation  de  ramener  a  leur  devoir  les  heretiques 
des  vallees  de  Luzern,  ses  sujets,  qui  en  estoient  ecartez  par  la  desobeis- 
sance  a  ses  ordres,  et  par  le  mespris  de  son  auctorite,  accompagne  d'une 
manifeste  rebellion ;   elle  a  este"  contrainte  d'y  employer  la  force  de  ses 
armes,  qui  ont  eu  par  tout  1'heureux  succez."     The  Duchess  of  Savoy  to 
Mazarin,  -jj~?,  Arch,  des  Aff.  Etrangtres,  Savoie,  xlix.  fol.  234.     There 
is  not  a  word  here  of  any  special  misbehaviour  of  the  Vaudois.     Every- 
thing is  charged  to  their  disobedience. 


1655  THE  DUCHESS   ON    HER   DEFENCE  189 

time,  and,  when  Morland  appeared  and  remonstrated  in  strong 
June  H.  language,  she  contented  herself  with  expressing  her 
?emon.nd  s  regret  that  the  Protector  had  been  deceived  by  false 
strance.  reports  of  what  was  in  reality  a  fatherlike  and  tender 
Expiana-  chastisement.1  To  Servien  she  confided  her  opinion 

tions  of  the 

Duchess.  that  the  English  Government  might  have  been  less 
trenchant  in  their  criticism,  considering  the  measure  they 
were  dealing  out  to  their  own  Catholics.  Her  real  feelings 
were  further  exhibited  in  the  assertions  of  her  representatives 
that  there  was  no  evidence  that  the  Edict  of  1561  had  been 
actually  signed  by  the  Duke  of  that  day ;  and  that,  even  if  his 
signature  could  be  proved,  he  had  no  power  to  bind  his  suc- 
cessors. It  was  precisely  the  suspicion  that  such  arguments  as 
these  would  be  broached,  and  that  their  religious  existence  was 
at  stake,  even  within  the  limits  assigned  to  them,  that  had 
roused  the  Vaudois  to  the  resistance  now  qualified  as  rebellion.2 
On  July  19  Morland  left  Turin,  after  receiving  a  formal 
memorandum  in  which,  after  the  case  for  the  Piedmontese 
Government  had  been  duly  set  forth,  the  Duke 
ended  by  expressing  his  intention  to  pardon  his 
Turin.  rebellious  subjects  at  the  intercession  of  His  High- 
pa'Jdon*8'  ness<3  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  not  to  His 
offered  by  Highness  that  the  Court  of  Turin  made  this  conces- 
sion. Mazarin  had  been  doing  his  utmost  to 
puTonhim  trample  out  a  fire  so  dangerous  to  his  own  schemes. 
by  Mazarin.  Having  rejected  a  proposal,  made  through  Pianezza, 
that  the  King  of  France  should  take  over  the  heretic 
valleys  in  exchange  for  some  other  territory,  he  urged  the 
Duke  and  Duchess  to  give  way  with  a  good  grace.  There  was 
the  more  reason  for  him  to  require  haste  as  voices  had  already 
been  raised  in  Paris  to  object  to  the  way  in  which  he  was 
employing  his  influence,  on  the  ground  that  England,  however 
powerful,  could  not  send  an  army  or  a  fleet  into  a  Piedmontese 

1  Morland,  568,  575. 

2  Servien  to  Brienne,  ]j™j~,  Arch,  des  Aff.  £trangtres,  Savoie,  xlix. 
fol.  392 ;  Morland,  579. 

3,  Morland,  580. 


190  THE    PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

valley.  It  was  quite  true,  wrote  Brienne  to  Servien  ;  but  it 
was  also  true  that  English  money  could  raise  troops  in 
Switzerland,  and  that  English  influence  might  stir  up  the 
French  Huguenots  to  give  assistance  to  their  brethren  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Alps.1 

Mazarin's  intervention  had  the  greater  weight  as  there  were 
signs  that  Oliver  had  part,  at  least,  of  the  Protestant  world 
interven-  behind  him.  The  Swiss  Protestant  cantons  and 
Swhsancf  tne  United  Provinces  were  sending  envoys;  whilst 
the  Dutch,  before  the  end  of  July  he  not  only  directed  Pell,  his 
agent  in  Switzerland,  to  support  Morland,  who  was  by  that 
time  at  Geneva,  but  despatched  a  third  agent  —  George  Down- 
ing2 —  to  encourage  them  both.  In  order  to  give  an  air  of 
spontaneity  to  the  concessions  he  was  compelled  to  make  the 
Aug.  T8s  Duke  summoned  representatives  of  the  Vaudois  to 
"1"5  Pinerolo,  where  on  August  8  he  issued  a  pardon  to 


pardon.  an  concerned  in  the  rebellion,  even  enlarging  the 
limits  of  toleration  so  as  to  include  La  Torre  and  part  of  the 
commune  of  San  Giovanni  ;  whilst  he  prolonged  to  November  i 
the  time  within  which  those  whose  property  lay  outside  the 
new  limits  were  required  to  dispose  of  it.3  It  had  originally 
been  intended  that  the  French  and  Swiss  ambassadors  should 
sign  the  Duke's  pardon  in  the  character  of  mediators.  Servien, 
however,  purposely  absented  himself,  with  the  intention  of 
making  it  impossible  for  the  Swiss  to  append  their  signatures, 
hoping  by  this  means  to  strengthen  the  presumption  that  the 
pardon  was  a  free  act  of  grace  on  the  part  of  the  Duke.4 

1  Brienne  to  Servien,  July  ^  ;  Servien  to  Brienne,  July  ||  ;  Brienne  to 
Chauvelin,  Jg^f;  Brienne  to  Servien,  £|2i,  Arch,  des  A/.  Etranglres, 
Savoie,  xlix.  foil.  410,  446,  471,  479. 

2  Morland,  601-612.  8  Ib.  652. 

4  Servien  to  Brienne,  Aug.  |^,  Arch,  des  Aff.  EtrangZres,  xlix.  fol.  531. 
It  has  been  often  said  that  the  Protector  intended  Blake  to  attack  Nice 
and  Villafranca,  and  it  is  indeed  probable  that  Oliver  had  the  design  of 
seizing  the  two  ports—  not,  indeed,  for  the  purpose  of  sending  an  army 
across  the  mountains  to  Turin,  but  as  a  blow  to  the  Duke.  On  Aug.  if 
Bordeaux  wrote  that  the  Protector  had  mentioned  to  him  these  two  places 
as  suitable  for  the  landing  of  troops  ;  and  in  a  brief  narrative,  written 


1655  NEGOTIATIONS   RESUMED  IQI 

Though  Oliver  had  to  some  extent  got  his  way,  he  was  far 

from  satisfied  either  with  the  extent  of  the  concessions  or  with 

Sept  10     ^e  wav  *n  wnicn  tney  had   been  made.     On  Sep- 

oiiyerdis.     tember  10  he  ordered  Downing  to  return  home  to 

satisfied 

with  the  give  an  account  of  the  situation,  resolving  at  the 
same  time  to  hold  back  from  the  negotiation  with 
Bordeaux  till  this  matter  had  been  cleared  up.1  A  little  further 
Se  t  16  consideration,  however,  convinced  him  that  it  was 
but  resolves  useless  to  protest  further  against  a  settlement  which 
had  been  accepted  by  the  Vaudois  themselves,  and 
to  which  the  Protestant  Swiss  had  raised  no  objection.2  His 
abandonment  of  any  intention  to  make  further  demands  upon 
the  Duke  led  to  the  resumption  of  the  negotiation  with 
July  12.  Bordeaux.  Already  on  July  12  the  Protector  had 
mlr^u!  °f  signified  his  acceptance  of  the  French  offer  of  media- 
recalled.  tion  by  recalling  all  letters  of  marque  issued  against 
French  subjects.3  On  September  19,  three  days  after  the 
resolution  to  drop  the  question  of  the  Vaudois  had  been  taken, 
Bordeaux  was  informed  that  though  the  Council  disliked  the 
idea  of  requesting  him  to  resume  the  discussion  of  the  treaty 
so  soon  after  their  disaster  in  the  Indies,  they  would  not  object 
to  take  it  up  if  he  asked  them  so  to  do.  On  this  hint  Bordeaux 
made  the  required  demand,  and  the  negotiation  entrusted  to 
him  was  once  more  in  full  swing.4 

Under  these  circumstances  difficulties  which  some 

Difficulties 

removed.       months  before  had  hampered  the  negotiation  were 

A  treaty        speedily  dispelled.    There  was,  of  course,  no  mention 

in  the  treaty  now  drawn  up  of  any  active  co-operation 

shortly  after  the  time  of  these  events,  Morland  speaks  of  the  Protector's  in- 
tention  of  sending  ships  for  this  purpose,  Clarendon  MSS.  liii.  fol.  132.  I 
fancy  that,  if  it  had  been  necessary,  ships  would  have  been  sent,  but  not  under 
Blake,  who  was  at  that  time  employed  in  looking  out  for  the  Plate  Fleet, 
an  occupation  from  which  the  Protector  was  hardly  likely  to  recall  him. 

1  Thurloe  to  Pell,  Sept.  10 ;  Thurloe  to  Morland,  Sept.  10,  Vaughan's 
Protectorate,  i.  259-65. 

2  Thurloe  to  Downing,  Pell,  and  Morland,  ib.  i.  268. 

8  Proclamation,  July  12,  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76a,  p.  76, 
4  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  Sept.  fg,  French  Transcripts,  R.  O. 


THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

against  Spain,  as  England  was  still  formally  at  peace  with  that 
Power.  All  that  was  now  aimed  at  was  the  restoration  of 
friendly  relations  with  France.  The  disputed  clause  about  the 
renunciation  by  each  Power  of  any  claim  to  protect  the  rebels 
of  the  other  l  was  modified  into  a  perfectly  harmless  phrase 
forbidding  assistance  to  be  given  to  rebels  *  now  declared,'  thus 
leaving  the  possibility  that  Oliver  might  wish  to  assist  some 
future  rising  of  the  Huguenots  entirely  unnoticed.  After  a 
succession  of  articles  tending  to  facilitate  commercial  inter- 
course, the  question  of  recouping  the  merchants  and  shipowners 
on  either  side  for  their  losses  was  met  by  an  engagement  to 
appoint  arbitrators  to  assess  the  damages  —  an  engagement 
which  was  never  carried  out,  because  the  French  Government 
preferred  in  the  end  to  leave  the  profits  on  both  sides  in  the 
hands  of  those  who  had  already  secured  them.  Equally 
ineffectual  was  an  article  referring  the  question  of  the  restoration 
of  the  Acadian  forts  to  the  same  arbitrators.  As  no  such 
arbitrators  were  appointed,  these  forts  remained  in  English 
hands  as  long  as  the  Protectorate  lasted.2 

A  secret  article  gave  satisfaction  to  the  Protector  on  a  point 
of  no  little  importance.  A  list  of  persons  no  longer  to  be 
Banish-  harboured  in  France  included  Charles,  eldest  son  of 
SuTartf  the  tne  late  king?  James,  Duke  of  York,  and  seventeen 
and  their  of  the  principal  adherents  of  the  Stuart  cause,  many 

adherents  .       '         ,    J 

from  France,  of  whom,  however,  were  no  longer  residing  in  Louis  s 
dominions.  Henrietta  Maria,  as  the  daughter,  sister,  and  aunt 
of  three  kings  of  France,  was  pefmitted  to  remain  in  the  refuge 
she  had  chosen.  In  return  Oliver  willingly  consented  to  send 
away  Barriere  and  nine  other  persons  who  were  or  had  been 
agents,  either  of  Conde"  or  of  the  rebellious  community  of 
Oct.  24.  Bordeaux.  The  treaty  was  at  last  signed  on 
October  24,  three  days  before  Cardenas  left  London.3 


the  treaty.     Though  it  did  no  more  than  remove  the  obstacles 

1  See  supra,  p.  160. 

'-'  Acadia  was  not  restored   to   France   till    1667.      Lucas,    Colonial 
Geography:  Canada,  i.  180. 

3  Treaty,  °,  Dutnont,  VI.,  ii.  121. 


1655  AN   APPEAL  TO   HEAVEN  193 

standing  in  the  way  of  a  good  understanding  between  the 
nations,  it  could  hardly  fail  to  pave  the  way  for  a  closer  alliance 
between  Governments  now  threatened  by  a  common  enemy. 
No  doubt  the  victory  for  humanity  which  Oliver  had  achieved 
with  the  help  of  France  was  but  a  halting  victory.  For  the 
victims  who  had  been  slain  or  tortured  by  the  brutal  soldiery 
of  the  Duke  of  Savoy  no  vengeance  had  been  taken  and  no 
Milton's  justice  had  been  exacted,  and  Milton's  appeal  to 
Heaven  was  in  itself  a  confession  of  earthly  failure  : — 

Avenge,  O  Lord,  thy  slaughter'd  saints,  whose  bones 

Lie  scatter'd  on  the  Alpine  mountains  cold.; 

Ev'n  them  who  kept  Thy  truth  so  pure  of  old, 
When  all  our  fathers  worshipp'd  stocks  and  stones, 
Forget  not ;  in  Thy  Book  record  their  groans 

Who  were  Thy  sheep,  and  in  their  ancient  fold 

Slain  by  the  bloody  Piedmontese,  that  roll'd 
Mother  with  infant  down  the  rocks.     Their  moans 

The  vales  redoubled  to  the  hills,  and  they 
To  Heav'n.     Their  martyr'd  blood  and  ashes  sow 

O'er  all  th'  Italian  fields,  where  still  doth  sway 
The  triple  Tyrant ;  that  from  these  may  grow 

A  hundredfold,  who,  having  learn'd  Thy  way 
Early  may  fly  the  Babylonian  woe. 

The  poet's  prayer  was  but  a  pious  aspiration.  In  Oliver's 
mind  it  was  the  leading  thought,  which  gave  energy  to  a  foreign 
Waller's  policy  nobly  conceived,  but  too  complex  to  be  carried 
panegyric.  out  jn  successfui  action.  Waller,  writing  about  the 
time  when  Milton's  sonnet  was  penned,  and  certainly  before 
the  bad  news  from  Hispaniola  had  reached  England,  had 
celebrated  in  his  facile  verse,  not  the  spiritual  hopes  and  fears, 
but  the  earthly  glory  of  the  Protector : — 

The  sea's  our  own,  and  now  all  nations  greet 
With  bending  sails  each  vessel  of  our  fleet ; 
Your  power  extends  as  far  as  winds  can  blow, 
Or  swelling  sails  upon  the  globe  may  go. 

Heaven,  that  halh  placed  this  island  to  give  law, 
To  balance  Europe,  and  her  States  to  awe  — 
VOL.  IV.  O 


IQ4  THE  PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

In  this  conjunction  doth  on  Britain  smile, 
The  greatest  leader,  and  the  greatest  isle  1 


Hither  the  oppressed  shall  henceforth  resort, 
Justice  to  crave  and  succour  at  your  Court ; 
And  then  His  Highness,  not  for  ours  alone, 
But  for  the  world's  Protector,  shall  be  known. 

This  thought   of  being   the  world's  protector   lay  at  the 

bottom  of  Oliver's  suggested   league   for   the  defence  of  the 

Protestant  interest.     As  he  himself  had  put  it  a  year 

Oliver  to  be 

the 'world's  earlier,  "God  had  brought  them  where  they  were,  in 
order  that  they  might  consider  the  work  they  had  to 
do  in  the  world  as  well  as  at  home."  l  It  was  a  noble  and 
inspiriting  thought,  needing  even  for  its  partial  realisation  not 
merely  a  political  self-abnegation  rarely,  if  ever,  to  be  found, 
but  also  the  fullest  and  most  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
character  and  aims  of  the  Governments  and  peoples  of  other 
nations,  a  knowledge  never  completely  attained  to  by  any 
statesman,  and  in  which  Oliver  was  himself  singularly  deficient. 
Of  all  the  Continental  rulers,  none  had  attracted  Oliver's 
sympathies  more  strongly  than  the  new  King  of  Sweden, 
Charles x.  Charles  X. ;  and  when,  in  the  spring  of  1655,  the 
of  Sweden.  nephew  and  successor  of  the  great  Gustavus  was 
threatening  an  attack  on  Poland,  he  was  regarded  at  Whitehall 
as  a  champion  of  Protestant  truth  against  a  Popish  nation.  In 
reality  Charles  was  incited  to  war  by  very  different  motives. 
"  Other  nations,"  a  Swedish  diplomatist  had  confessed,  "  make 
war  because  they  are  rich ;  Sweden  because  she  is  poor."  2 
When  Christina  abdicated  in  1654,  she  had  left  the 

His  position  .  J       . 

at  his  Swedish  Crown  even  more  impoverished  than  when 

that  remark  was  made.     Between   her  own   lavish 

expenditure  and  the  encroachments  of  the  nobility  it  was  hard 

for  her  successor  to  provide  for  the  bare  necessities  of  govern- 

1  Clarke  Papers,  iii.  207. 

2  Erdmannsdorffer,  Detttsche  Geschichte  vom  ivestphalischen  Frieden, 
i.  212. 


1655  CHARLES  X.  IQ5 

ment.  Yet  he  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  well-disciplined 
army  out  of  proportion  to  the  number  of  his  subjects,  of  whom 
there  were  little  more  than  a  million  in  Sweden  itself,  and 
perhaps  a  somewhat  larger  number  in  the  subject  lands.1  Like 
Oliver  himself  when  he  planned  the  war  with  Spain,  and  like 
Frederick  the  Great  when  he  planned  the  invasion  of  Silesia, 
he  was  carried  away  by  the  temptation  to  seek  for  war.  The 
temptation  was  the  stronger  as  Charles  was  what  Frederick  was 
not  at  the  time  of  his  accession,  a  tried  warrior,  who  had 
already  commanded  armies  in  the  field. 

If  war  there  was  to  be,  there  was  much  to  determine  the 
King  to  fix  on  Poland  as  the  chosen  enemy.  Poland  was  weak 
Charles  x.  through  the  insubordination  of  her  nobles,  and  was 
and  Poland.  ^  j^  ^^  much  to  her  disadvantage,  at  war  with 
the  Cossack  outlaws  within  her  own  borders  and  their  Russian 
allies,  the  troops  of  the  Tsar  Alexis.  There  was,  moreover,  a 
hereditary  dispute  between  Charles  and  John  Casimir,  the 
Polish  king,  relating  to  the  succession  to  the  crown  of  Sweden, 
which  made  it  easy  to  pick  a  quarrel. 

The  real  cause  of  war  must,  however,  be  sought  elsewhere. 
When  Charles  X.  mounted  the  throne,  Sweden  held,  beyond 
Swedish  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia  and  the  Baltic,  lands  which  gave 
Eeyond  the  ner  alm°st  every  point  of  vantage  on  the  further 
Baltic.  shore  of  the  sea.  Hers  were  —  before  Gustavus 
Adolphus  landed  in  Germany  —  Finland,  Esthonia,  Ingria, 
Livonia.  To  these  she  had  added  at  the  Peace  of  Westphalia 
Western  Pomerania,  Wismar  and  the  Duchies — formerly  the 
bishoprics — of  Bremen  and  Verden,  and  had  established  a 
garrison  at  Warnemiinde,  which  commanded  the  port  of  Ros- 
tock. Though  her  occupation  of  the  coast  to  the  west  of  the 
Courland  frontier  was  not  continuous,  she  at  least  held  positions 
of  the  greatest  importance  from  a  commercial  point  of  view, 
planting  herself  on  the  mouths  of  the  Weser,  the  Elbe,  and  the 
Oder.  It  was  but  natural  that  a  King  of  Sweden  should  desire 

1  Carlson,  Carl  X.  Gusto,/,  14,  says  the  population  of  Sweden  proper 
was  about  1,000,000.  Philippson,  Der  grosse  Kurfurst,  i.  176,  puts  it  at 
1,200,000. 

03 


196  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

to  lay  his  hands  on  the  Vistula  as  well — the  great  river  which, 
flowing  through  Polish  territory  from  its  source  to  its  mouth, 
brought  down  the  wood,  the  hemp,  and  the  pitch  which  were 
the  chief  of  Poland's  products.  Such  an  acquisition  would  be 
of  exceeding  value  to  Charles  in  the  exhausted  state  of  the 
finances  of  Sweden,  now  that  the  Crown  had  been  robbed  of 
the  greater  part  of  its  revenue.  His  eye  was  set,  not  so  much 
on  territorial  acquisition  as  upon  the  tolls  which  would  arise 
from  the  possession  of  the  ports  beyond  the  sea.  War  must 
be  waged,  not  for  the  legitimate  interests  of  Sweden,  but  to 
replenish  the  empty  exchequer  of  the  nation. 

Sooner  or  later  the  attempt  of  any  State  to  hold  strips  of 
land  beyond  the  sea  for  the  sake  of  revenue  alone  is  doomed  to 
failure.  It  rouses  too  many  interests  in  opposition  amongst  the 
inland  inhabitants,  whose  way  to  the  sea  is  blocked  and  whose 
material  interests  are  detrimentally  affected.  The  position 
inherited  by  Charles,  and  still  more  the  position  he  coveted, 
could  only  be  held  by  the  strong  hand.  Some  day  another 
Swedish  king  would  be  compelled  to  defend  against  a  Tsar  the 
Position  of  ^an&s  by  which  Russia  was  cut  off  from  an  approach 
Russia,  to  the  Baltic.  The  future  enmity  of  Brandenburg 
and  of  the  was  no  less  assured.  The  Elector's  territories 

Elector  of  .       .     ,  .  ...... 

Branden-  stretched  from  west  to  east  —  mtermittmgly,  like 
the  Swedish  possessions  on  the  coast — in  a  line 
from  beyond  the  Rhine  to  the  further  limits  of  East  Prussia, 
for  the  most  part  to  the  landward  of  the  Swedish  possessions. 
A  glance  at  the  map  is  sufficient  to  show  that  the  Elector  was 
urged  by  the  geographical  position  of  his  States  to  drive  the 
Swedes  into  the  sea ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  fact  that,  but  for 
the  weight  which  the  Swedish  sword  had  thrown  into  the 
balance  when  the  treaties  of  Westphalia  were  under  discus- 
sion, he  would  have  put  forward  an  unanswerable  claim  to  the 
possession  of  Western  Pomerania,  which  had  been  appropriated 
by  the  Swedes. 

It  is  true  that  the  want  of  geographical  coherence  in  these 
territories  was  an  element  of  weakness  ;  but  it  was  an  element 
which  might  be  turned  into  strength  by  a  great  ruler  mingling 


1655  THE   ELECTOR   OF   BRANDENBURG 

vigour  with  caution,  and  ready  to  seize  opportunities  as  they 
Frederick  rose,  whilst  turning  away  from  impossible  ideals. 
and'iXT  Such  a  ruler  was  Frederick  William,  who  was  one 
states.  day  to  gain  the  title  of  the  Great  Elector.  Geography, 
indeed,  forbade  him  to  be  the  author  of  a  persistent  policy 
carried  out  to  the  end  in  spite  of  obstacles.  His  aims  were  as 
many  as  the  fragments  of  his  territory,  and  it  was  incumbent 
on  him  to  change  them  from  time  to  time  as  circumstances 
allowed.  Yet,  shifty  as  his  policy  necessarily  was,  he  was  in 
no  sense  a  trickster  or  a  flatterer.  As  an  ally  he  could 
thoroughly  be  depended  on  for  to-day,  though  it  would  be 
folly  to  depend  on  him  for  to-morrow.  His  chief  merit  is  to 
have  thoroughly  grasped,  in  the  first  place,  the  fact  that  the 
Empire  was  virtually  dissolved,  and  that  his  duty  to  his  own 
territorially  complex  State  must  take  precedence  of  all  personal 
interests  of  his  own ;  and,  in  the  second  place,  that,  considering 
that  men  and  not  frontiers  constitute  the  State,  it  was  his  duty 
to  keep  on  foot,  in  lands  guarded  by  no  deep  rivers  or  lofty 
mountains,  as  well-disciplined  and  well-equipped  an  army  as 
possible,  and  thereby  to  establish  his  own  absolute  power  at 
the  expense  of  the  local  oligarchies,  which  represented  the 
special  interests  of  certain  classes  in  the  several  fragments  of 
his  dominions. 

So  far  as  the  impending  war  was  concerned  the  Elector's 
interests  drew  him  in  two  directions.  What  principally  con- 
The  cerned  him  was  to  take  care  that  the  Swedes,  by 

cmSers  seizing  West  Prussia  from  the  Poles,  did  not  cut  him 
uncertain.  off  from  ^{s  own  outlying  duchy  of  East  Prussia.  If, 
however,  it  proved  too  dangerous  to  oppose  the  King  of  Sweden, 
there  was  always  a  chance  of  gaining  with  his  help  the  conver- 
sion into  absolute  sovereignty  of  the  feudal  tenure  by  which  he 
held  East  Prussia  from  the  Crown  of  Poland.  It  was  therefore 
impossible  to  foretell  what  the  Elector's  course  would  be — at 
least  in  the  immediate  present. 

From  other  quarters  hostility  to  the  Swedish  plans  was 
Position  of  more  surely  to  be  counted  on.  Denmark,  indeed, 
Denmark,  established  as  she  was  on  both  shores  of  the  Sound, 


198  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

was   an   ancient   enemy,  only  waiting  for  an   opportunity  to 

recover  the  losses  she  had  suffered  at  the  Peace  of  Bromsebro 

in  1645.     The  ill-will  of  the  United  Provinces  was 

and  of  the  ^J  .  „        «.  ,  ... 

United         just  as  certain,     Swedish  acquisition  ot  seaports  to 

'rovinces. 


trade  of  other  nations,  and  no  nation  had  so  firm  a  hold  upon 
the  commerce  of  the  Baltic  as  the  Dutch.  In  1634  they 
employed  6,000  ships  in  the  Baltic  trade,  and  only  1,500  in 
that  of  the  rest  of  the  world.1  A  state  so  circumstanced,  to 
which  commerce  was  as  its  life-blood,  could  not  submit  to  the 
seizure  by  Sweden  of  the  mouths  of  such  a  river  as  the  Vistula. 
-  j  „  With  this  calamity  in  prospect  it  was  natural  that 
Alliance7  the  States  General  and  the  Elector  of  Branden- 
Branden-  burg  should  draw  closer  together.  On  July  17  a 
UnkeT  '  ie  defensive  alliance  was  signed  between  them,  directed 
Provinces.  against  any  attempt  of  Sweden  to  increase  the  exist- 
ing tolls.2 

For  some  time  before  the  signature  of  this  treaty  the  States 
General  and  the  King  of  Sweden  had  been  bidding  against 
March  i7.  one  another  for  the  alliance  of  the  Protector.  On 
Co^eTin  March  17  Coyet  had  landed  in  England,  charged  by 
England.  Charles  X.  with  the  duty  of  announcing  the  speedy 
arrival  of  an  ambassador  whose  work  it  would  be  to  lay  the 
foundations  of  an  alliance  between  the  two  States.  His  own 
business  was  to  exchange  the  ratifications  of  the  Treaty  of  i654,3 
to  obtain  an  agreement  settling  in  detail  the  points  relating  to 
commerce  which  that  treaty  had  laid  down  in  general  terms, 
and  to  procure  leave  for  the  levy  of  six  or  eight  thousand 
Highlanders  for  the  Swedish  service.  Coyet  was  received  with 
April  ii  t^ie  utmost  friendliness  by  Oliver  himself,  and  he 
His  was  able  to  report  that  the  popular  feeling  ran 

reception.  .          A  JT    IT 

strongly  against  Poland.  Yet,  for  some  reason  or 
other,  his  negotiation  dragged.  Leven,  who  was  now  in 
London,  had  sufficiently  remembered  his  ancient  ties  to 

1  Vreede,   Inleiding  tot   eene    Geschiedenis  der  Nederlandsche  Diplo- 
matic, Gedeelte  ii.,  Stuk  2,  Bylage  xxviii. 

2  Erdmannsdorffer,  i.  227.  3  Vol.  iii.  76. 


COYET'S  NEGOTIATION  199 

Sweden  to  promise  to  raise  2,000  men  in  Scotland,  who  were 
Question  of  to  ^e  commanded  by  his  son-in-law,  Lord  Cranston, 
allowing  one  of  the  prisoners  taken  at  Worcester,  and  still  in 

Sweden  to 

levy  High-     custody.     Month  after  month,  however,  rolled  away, 
and  the   required   permission  was   still   held  back, 
possibly  because  the   English   Government   remembered   too 
well  how  Leven  had  himself  invaded  England  in  command  of 
Scottish  soldiers,  many  of  whom  had  been  trained  in  the  service 
of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  an  example  which  might  be  repeated 
by  the  Highlanders  who  had  lately  been  in  arms  under  Glen- 
cairn  if  they  were  sent  abroad  under  the  command  of  a  Royalist 
colonel.1     The  progress  of  the  commercial  negotia- 

andofa  .  .      r  .      . 

commercial  tions  was  quite  as  slow.  The  commissioners  had 
always  excuses  to  make  for  being  unable  to  meet. 
The  Council  was,  as  they  truly  said,  overwhelmed  with  business, 
or  some  of  their  most  important  members  were  in  ill-health. 
In  any  case,  the  month  of  July  was  at  an  end  before  a  single 
forward  step  had  been  taken. 

The  truth  was  that  such  questions  as  these  were  subor- 
dinate to  the  greater  question  whether  England  and  Sweden 
Oliver's  should  enter  into  a  fighting  alliance.  It  is  beyond 
odfetheview  doubt  that  Oliver  yearned  for  such  an  outcome  of 
situation.  Coyet's  mission.  On  June  15,  after  assuring  Coyet 
that  the  permission  to  levy  men  in  Scotland  was  only  delayed 
till  the  fleet  in  the  West  Indies  returned  with  the  good  tidings 
which  he  then  expected  in  two  or  three  weeks,  he  burst  forth 
into  a  eulogy  of  the  great  Gustavus  Adolphus,  relating  how  he 
had  welcomed  the  news  of  his  successes  with  tears  of  joy  in  his 
eyes,  and  how  he  had  mourned  for  his  death  as  if  he  had  been 
himself  a  Swede.  He  now  hoped  that  Charles  would  follow 
his  example.  He,  for  his  part,  was  ready  to  help  in  the  good 
work,  though  he  acknowleged  that  in  former  days  England  had 
failed  to  do  her  duty.2 

1  This   is   suggested  by  Coyet   in   his   letter  of  May  1 8,  Stockholm 
Transcripts  ;  compare  Carlbom,  Sverige  och  England,  17. 

2  Coyet  to  Charles  X.,  June  22  ;  compare  Sverige  och  England^  25. 


20O  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

So  far  as  can  be  judged  from  incidental  remarks  dropped 
by  Coyet,  the  greater  number  of  the  councillors,  with  Lawrence, 
view  taken    Fiennes,  and  Strickland  at  their  head,1  took  a  more 
Council         practical   view    of    the    situation.      Nieupoort,    the 
Dutch  ambassador,  had  left  no  stone  unturned  to 
o/fS"  s     convince  them  of  the  danger  which  English  com- 
merce  would  run,  together  with  that   of  his   own 
countrymen,  if  the  mouths  of  the  Vistula  were  allowed  to  fall 
into  Swedish  hands.     Was  it  really  for  the  interest  of  England, 
he  asked,  that  the  whole  of  the  Baltic  coast  should  be  under 
one  dominion?     Nieupoort  had   reason  to  believe   that  this 
view  of  the  case  found  acceptance  even  with  the  Protector, 
whose  good  sense  was  never  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  senti- 
May9.      mental  considerations.     On  May  9  Thurloe  assured 
th    tne  Dutch  ambassador  that  he  concurred  with  his 
Thurloe.       views,  and  told  him  that  they  were  about  to  despatch 
an  emissary  to  the  King  of  Sweden — Rolt,  a  gentleman  of  the 
Protector's  bedchamber,  who  was  ostensibly  to  carry  the  ratifi- 
june.       cation  of  the  last  treaty — to  examine  the  question  on 
Sana6-5      the    sPot-2     A   month  later    Thurloe   explained   to 
tions.  Nieupoort  that  the  levy  of  men  had  been  refused  to 

Coyet  merely  to  please  the  States  General,  though  it  was  to 
the  Protector's  interest  to  clear  the  Highlands  of  every  single 
Highlander.3  It  is  unnecessary  to  take  these  diplomatic  reve- 
lations too  literally,  but  they  at  least  testify  to  the  energy  of  the 
struggle  between  the  two  ambassadors.  About  the  same  time 
The  d  Coyet,  alarmed  at  the  news  that  the  Dutch  were  about 
minion  of  to  send  armed  vessels  through  the  Sound  as  a  con- 

the  Baltic.  .      .  ...... 

voy  to  their  merchant  fleet,  took  care  that  Nieupoort 
should  hear  of  his  boast  that  the  dominion  of  the  Baltic  rested 
with  his  master,  and  that  any  men-of-war,  save  those  of  Sweden 

1  Coyet  speaks  distinctly  of  Lawrence's  tendencies,  and  hints  as  much 
of  Fiennes.     Strickland's  Dutch  propensities  are  subsequently  mentioned 
by  Bonde. 

2  Nieupoort  to  the  States  General,  May  |g,  Add.  MSS.  17,677  LLL, 
fol.  208. 

3  Nieupoort  to  De  Witt,  June  T8y,  De  Witt's  Prieven,  iii.  71. 


1655  THE   DOMINION    OF   THE   BALTIC  2OI 

and  Denmark,  attempting  to  sail  in  that  sea  would  meet  with 
forcible  resistance.  Charles  had  already  supported  his  minis- 
ter by  ordering  him  to  appeal  to  the  Protector's  supposed 
jealousy  of  his  Dutch  neighbours,  and  to  assure  him  that,  if 
only  he  would  side  with  the  Swedes  against  them,  privileges 
should  be  granted  to  English  traders  which  would  place  them 
at  a  distinct  advantage  over  their  rivals.1 

As  an  appeal  to  English  commercial  interests  the  proposal 
was  not  attractive,  as  there  was  no  security  that,  when  once 

ish        the  Swedes   had   made   themselves  masters  of  the 

Baltic  ports  for  the  present  outside  their  sphere  of 

theersideSofn    domination,  they  would  not  take  away  those  privi- 

the  Dutch.     jegeg  wkich  tjiev  were  rea(jy  to  grant  in  a  time  of 

conflict.  The  Dutch  policy  of  hindering  any  one  Power  from 
securing  a  monopoly  in  the  trade  seemed  to  be  the  more 
advantageous  for  England  as  well  as  for  the  Netherlands. 
Oliver  was  thus  dragged  asunder  by  conflicting  policies.  His 
determination  to  forward  the  interests  of  English  trade  drew 
him  to  the  side  of  the  United  Provinces  ;  his  ideal  hopes 
of  being  able  to  do  something  for  oppressed  Protestants  drew 
him  to  the  side  of  Sweden.  He  would  not  have  been  the  man 
that  he  was  if  he  had  not  persisted  in  attempting  to  conciliate 
opposing  factors  long  after  it  had  been  possible  to  do  so. 

The  difficulty  became  greater  when  the  promised  ambas- 
sador— Christer  Bonde,  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  Charles's 
July  18.  Swedish  councillors  —  landed  at  Gravesend  on 
arrFval5  July  i8.2  In  the  course  of  the  following  month  he 
Aug  was  received  with  exuberant  delight  by  Oliver.  At 
donbecethe  one  °^  n*s  aucuences  tne  new  ambassador,  knowing, 
Protector,  as  he  explained  to  his  master,  that  *  discourses  about 
religion  pleased  him  much,'  took  care  to  recall  to  the  mind  of 
.the  Protector  that  the  Pope  had  condemned  the  treaties  of 
Westphalia,  and  that  the  Poles,  against  whom  he  craved  the 
Protector's  help,  were  a  Popish  nation.  The  bait  took. 
Oliver  repeated,  almost  word  for  word,  the  language  he  had 

1  Instructions  to  Coyet,  May  15,  Carlbom,  Sverige  och  England,  35. 
8  Bonde  to  Charles  X.,  July  20,  Stockholm  Transcripts. 


2O2  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

used  in  speaking  to  Coyet  about  his  veneration  for  the  great 
Gustavus  and  his  admiration  of  his  successor.  Admitting  that 
many  thought  the  war  with  Poland  unnecessary,  he  declared 
that  he  was  under  no  obligation  to  that  State.  It  was,  however, 
otherwise  with  the  Dutch,  who  were  of  the  same  religion  with 
himself,  and  had  borne  themselves  nobly  in  throwing  off  the 
yoke  of  the  Papacy.  In  face  of  such  a  complication  he  must 
take  some  time  to  consider  the  proposal  of  an  alliance  between 
England  and  Sweden.  Then  followed  an  outburst  against  the 
Catholic  Powers.  The  Pope,  he  said,  was  eager  to  make  peace 
between  all  Governments  of  his  own  religion,  and  to  direct 
their  energies  against  the  Protestants.  It  was,  therefore,  much 
to  be  desired  that  the  design  which  the  Most  High  God  had 
only  begun  to  accomplish  in  Germany  through  Gustavus  of 
glorious  memory  might  be  completed  by  the  great  King  Charles. 
To  such  a  consummation  he  would  gladly  lend  a  hand.1 

Oliver's  reference  to  Gustavus  Adolphus  was  a  clear  indica- 
tion of  his  hope  that  Charles  X.  would  engage  in  war,  not  with 
Poland  alone,  but  with  the  Emperor  as  well,  whom  he  believed 
to  be  threatening  the  rights  of  Protestants  at  the  bidding  of  the 
Poiic  of  P°Pe<  So  far,  indeed,  as  concerned  Pope  Alexander 
Alexander  VII.,  who  had  succeeded  Innocent  X.  in  the  pre- 
ceding April,  Oliver's  fears  were  undoubtedly  well 

1  [The  Protector]  "upreppade  hwadh  fahra  som  war  Religion  hafwer 
sigh  af  the  Paweske  att  wanta,  att  jag  wall  om  denne  Pawenz  protest 
hade  pamint  thet  wara  een  saak  utaf  ofvermattan  stoor  importance,  och 
kunde  han  migh  thet  seya  sig  wetta  therom'  godh  skedh  at  thenne  Pawen 
medh  all  macht  arbetar  uppa  att  gora  fredh  emellan  the  Catholiske  Konun- 
gar,  och  sedhan  wanda  all  theraz  macht  emoot  oss.  Hanzock  the  Catho- 
liskez  actioner  emoot  the  fattige  reform erade  i  Savoyen  som  ofwer  100  ahr 
ther  sin  Religion  oturberade  exercerat  hafwe,  sa  wall  som  i  Tyskland, 
uthyder  nogsambt  theraz  intention.  Han  .  .  .  sadhe  sigh  wisserligen 
troo  att  K1  M*  widh  thenne  narwarende  intention  icke  skall  stadna  utan 
hoppaz  att  then  nyttige  dessein  som  den  hogste  Gudh  syntez  igenom 
K.  Gustaf  hoglofligst  i  aminnelse  i  Tyskland  arna  att  uthratta,  och  likwall 
af  honom  ey  annat  an  begynt  bleef,  skall  af  thenne  stoore  K.  Carl  blifwa 
fulbordat,  och  sin  onskelige  effect  till  Gudz  ahraz  hogste  befordran,  na 
och  erhalla,  hwartill  han  hwadh  han  kunde  contribuera  wille."  Bonde  to 
Charles  X.,  Aug.  23,  Stockholm  Transcripts. 


1655  OLIVER'S   MISAPPREHENSIONS  203 

founded.  From  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  had  set  his 
heart  on  concluding  a  peace  between  France  and  Spain,  and, 
whatever  his  precise  designs  may  have  been,  he  may  safely  be 
credited  with  a  desire  to  induce  these  two  Powers,  as  well  as 
the  German  branch  of  the  House  of  Austria,  to  co-operate  for 
unaccept-  tne  weakening  of  Protestantism.  What  Oliver  did 
SthoHche  not  understand  was  that  the  material  interests  which 
Powers.  divided  France  and  Spain  would  never  allow  them  to 
work  together  for  a  common  object,  and  that  the  Emperor 
Ferdinand  III.  was  in  reality  the  most  peace-loving  sovereign 
in  Europe.  Prematurely  aged,  and  saddened  by  the  death  of 
his  eldest  son,  whose  election  as  King  of  the  Romans  he  had 
with  some  difficulty  secured,  he  was  too  conscious  of  the 
hideous  sufferings  inflicted  on  his  subjects  in  the  course  of  the 
late  war  to  be  desirous  to  embark  on  another  in  the  guise  of  an 
anti-Protestant  crusade.1 

Oliver's  mistake  in  believing  that  a  general  attack  on 
Protestants  was  imminent  was  closely  connected  with  his  mis- 
Cu'us  apprehension  of  German  feeling  on  the  relations 

re^ejus  between  rulers  and  subjects  in  matters  of  religion. 
As  every  German  knew,  an  attempt  to  interfere  with 
the  internal  government  of  any  single  State  would  bring  back 
the  horrors  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  and  such  a  recurrence  of 
evil  was  the  one  thing  which  every  German,  from  prince  to 
peasant,  was  determined  to  avoid.  Though  it  was  perfectly 
true  that  Ferdinand  was  persecuting  his  own  Protestant  sub- 
jects in  Bohemia  and  Silesia,  it  did  not  follow  either  that  he 
was  dreaming  of  suppressing  Protestantism  in  Brandenburg  or 
Saxony,  or  that  the  Electors  of  Brandenburg  and  Saxony  were 
dreaming  of  intervening  to  stop  his  cruelties  in  his  own 
dominions.  As  often  happens,  an  opinion  based  on  political 
convenience  took  shape  in  men's  minds  as  a  conviction  of 

1  For  Mazarin's  treatment  of  the  Pope's  scheme  see  Valfrey,  H.  de 
Lionne,  ses  ambassades  en  Italic,  pp.  347-51.  Pribram's  Freiherr  von 
Lisola,  and  Carlbom's  Sveriges  Fbrhallande  till  Osterrike,  give  full  proof 
of  the  constancy  with  which  Ferdinand  III.  attached  himself  to  the 
maintenance  of  peace. 


204  THE   PROTESTANT    INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

absolute  justice,  and  neither  the  Emperor  nor  any  other 
German  prince  being  prepared  to  interfere  in  matters  of 
religion  outside  their  own  territories,  they  held  that  such  an 
action  would  be  not  merely  replete  with  danger,  but  also  posi- 
tively unjust. 

Neither  Bonde  nor  Charles  was  therefore  likely  to  be  hood- 
winked by  so  preposterous  a  policy  as  that  which  dazzled  the 
Bonde's  eyes  °^  Oliver.  ^n  replying  to  the  Protector  the 
ambassador  had  some  difficulty  in  using  expressions 
Protestant  warm  enough  to  conceal  his  real  feelings.  In  con- 
ferring subsequently  with  the  commissioners  ap- 
pointed to  negotiate  with  him  he  let  slip  a  few  words  which 
should  have  convinced  them  how  little  he  realised  the  phantom 
of  a  religious  war.  Although,  he  said,  the  general  Protestant 
interest  appeared  to  be  in  some  danger,  yet  peace  still  pre- 
vailed, and  up  to  the  present  time  the  Catholics  had  attempted 
little  except  in  the  case  of  the  Savoyard  Protestants.1  What 
Bonde  sought  was,  not  an  alliance  against  the  Catholic  Powers 
in  general,  but  twenty  English  ships  in  the  Baltic  to  assist  in 
keeping  off  the  Dutch ;  in  return  for  which  aid  the  King  of 
Sweden  would  assist  the  Protector  with  the  like  number  of 
ships  in  the  North  Sea  whenever  he  needed  them.  Virtually 
the  request  was  one  for  an  alliance  against  the  United 
Nieu  Provinces.2  At  the  same  time  Nieupoort  was  urging 

Oliver  to   enter  into   an   alliance   with    the   States 
General,    Brandenburg   and    Denmark   against    the 
Swedish  attempt  to  monopolise  the  Baltic  trade.3 

1  Mr.  Guernsey  Jones  (Cromwell  and  Charles  Gustavus,  35,  note  2) 
follows   an    exaggerated    rendering    of    this    passage   by   Railing   (Chr. 
Bondes    Ambassad,    17).      The    words    of    the    original   despatch   are: 
"  Utforde  sa  att  huru  almenne  Protestantiske  wasende  syntez  n£gon  fahra 
hafwa  att  forwanta,  sa  woro  likwall  annu  fredh,   och  foga  annat  af  the 
Catholiske,  an  hooz  the  Savoiske  Protestanter  in  till  thenna  dagh  atten- 
terat,"  Stockholm  Transcripts. 

2  Ib. 

3  Nieupoort  to  De  Witt,  Aug.  if,  |— ^4,  De  Witt's  Brieven,  iii.   in, 
114. 


1655  CHARLES   X.    IN    POLAND  2O5 

Oliver's  hesitation  to  accept  the  overtures  on  either  side  may 
perhaps,  to  some  extent,  be  accounted  for  by  the  failure  of  his 
The  Pro-  expectation  of  the  inflow  of  wealth,  which  was  to 
have  resulte(i  from  the  expected  reduction  of  His- 
paniola  by  Venables,  and  from  the  no  less  expected 
capture  of  the  Plate  Fleet  by  Blake.  Another  motive  for 
hanging  back  was  undoubtedly  his  reluctance  to  abandon  the 
hope  of  bringing  about  a  harmonious  co-operation  between  the 
Dutch  and  the  Swedes.  On  the  other  hand,  as  the  summer 
drew  to  a  close,  the  military  sympathies  of  the  Protector  were 
enlisted  on  behalf  of  the  Swedish  King,  whose  brilliant 
achievements  in  the  field  took  all  Europe  by  surprise,  and 
could  hardly  fail  to  stir  to  the  depths  the  heart  of  the  soldier 
who  now  held  the  reins  of  power  in  England.  Having  sent  his 
lieutenant,  Wittenberg,  across  the  Polish  frontier  on 
The  vie-  '  July  ii,  he  followed  in  person  on  August  4.  On  the 
camera*  23rd  he  defeated  John  Casimir's  army  at  Sobota, 
5X'  and  occupied  Warsaw  on  the  3oth.  After  another 
victory  won  at  Czarnova  on  September  16,  he  advanced  against 
Cracow,  compelling  it  to  surrender  on  October  8.1  The 
Polish  Republic,  to  all  appearance,  lay  bleeding  at  the  feet  of 
the  conqueror.  Polish  nobles,  jealous  of  one  another,  and  still 
more  jealous  of  their  elected  King,  flocked  in  crowds  to  the 
headquarters  of  the  intruder,  whom  they  welcomed  as  their 
lawful  sovereign.  The  towns  on  the  Vistula,  German  by  origin 
and  institutions,  dreading  the  strong  hand  of  the  Swede,  con- 
tinued to  hold  out  for  Poland,  whose  yoke  in  matters  of  trade 
had  been  an  easy  one.  The  rapid  return  of  Charles,  however, 
Surrender  threatened  to  bring  them  to  reason.  Thorn  and 
of  Thorn  Elbing  surrendered  on  November  24.  On  Decem- 
ber 1 1  Danzig  alone — the  queen  of  Baltic  commerce 
— persisted  in  setting  him  at  defiance.2 

The  successes  of  Charles  X.  gained  him  one  favour  at  the 
hands  of  the  Protector.     George  Fleetwood,  a  brother  of  the 

1  Carlson,  Sveriges  Historia  under  Konungarne  of  Pfalziska  f/usef,  i. 
232-49. 

8  16.  i.  252,  253. 


206  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST      CHAP.  XLVII. 

Lord  Deputy,  who  had  been  in  the  Swedish  service  since  1629, 
had  been  for  some  time  in  England,  soliciting  the  Protector  to 
give  permission  for  the  levy  of  troops  in  Scotland.  On 
Oct  12  October  12  leave  was  given  to  Cranston  to  raise  a 
A  levy  of  bare  one  thousand  men  in  the  place  of  the  six  or 
allowed  in  eight  thousand  for  which  Coyet  had  asked.1  It  was 

not  much  to  Bonde's  taste  that  so  little  was  accorded, 
and  still  less  was  he  satisfied  when  Oliver's  congratulations 
Sept.  21.  took  the  shape  of  a  fervent  hope  that  when  all  was 
SwPerdSsed  over  the  Swedish  monarchy  might  have  the  Caspian 
alliance.  for  a  boundary,  whilst  no  progress  was  made  with  the 
proposal  of  sending  an  English  fleet  to  support  its  claims  in 
the  Baltic.2  On  the  other  hand,  it  might  be  argued  that  there 
was  no  immediate  need  of  such  assistance,  as  the  Dutch  had 
by  this  time  relinquished  the  idea  of  sending  armed  ships 
through  the  Sound.3 

It  was  the  fault  of  Oliver's  diplomacy  that  he  did  his  best 
to  ignore  the  deep-seated  commercial  opposition  between 
Sweden  and  the  United  Provinces,  as  well  as  the  worldli- 

ness  of  the  aims  of  Charles  X.     On  September  28 

bept.  20. 

A  scheme  he  directed  Thurloe  to  announce  to  Nieupoort  a 
the  Baltic  scheme  for  the  settlement  of  the  Baltic  difficulty. 
Sweden,  he  thought,  might  be  asked  to  enter  a 
general  alliance  with  England,  Denmark,  the  United  Provinces, 
and  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  Such  a  plan  was  hardly 
suited  to  meet  the  demands  of  a  sinful  world.  All  that  can  be 
said  for  it  as  a  contribution  to  practical  politics  is  that  it  paved 
the  way  to  a  better  understanding  between  England  and 
Oct.  Brandenburg.  The  Protector  had  for  some  time 
StoJtod  had  S°0<i  reason  to  regard  Frederick  William  with 
the  Elector  the  gravest  distrust.  The  Elector  was  not  merely 

of  Bran-  °  * 

denburg.  allied  to  the  Stuarts  by  his  marriage  with  a  sister  of 
the  last  Prince  of  Orange,  but  had  thrown  himself  warmly  into 
the  cause  of  the  exiled  family,  having  contributed  to  Charles's 

1  See  supra,  p.  198. 

2  Bonde  to  Charles  X. ,  Sept.  28,  Stockholm  Transcripts. 

3  De  Witt  to  Nieupoort,  Sept.  £,  De  Witt's  Brieven,  iii.  120. 


1655  TRADE  INTERESTS  2O? 

support  more  largely  than  any  other  German  prince.1  The 
Elector,  however,  was  too  anxious  for  the  support  of  England 
to  hesitate  in  sacrificing  a  family  alliance  to  the  needs  of  the 
State ;  whilst  Oliver  was,  on  his  part,  inclined  to  look  favour- 

Oct.  f§.  a°ty  on  the  friendship  of  a  Protestant  ruler.  On 
fo  be5  the  October  20  the  Elector  was  able  to  issue  instructions 
burg  agent  to  one  °^  ms  sut>jects  who  bore  the  name  of  Schlezer 
in  England,  to  act  as  his  representative  at  Whitehall,  with  the 
knowledge  that  his  reception  would  meet  with  no  obstacle  in 
England.2 

Oliver,  in  short,  was  gradually  coming  round  to  the  belief 
that  the  Swedes  intended  to  establish  over  the  Baltic  tolls  a  sole 
proprietorship  which  could  not  but  be  injurious  to  English 

Oct.  17.      trade.     On  October  1 7  he  assured  Nieupoort  that 

Projector's     ^e  wou^  accept  no  offers  from  Sweden  without  the 

?oSNr£u'fs     concurrence  of  the  United  Provinces.    He  continued, 

poort.  however,  to  harp  on  the  necessity  of  union  between 

all  Protestant  Powers  in  the  face  of  the  mischievous  designs  of 

the  new  Pope.3     About  a  month  later  he  returned  to 

the  subject,  and  expressed  his  readiness  to  mediate 

between  the  Swedes  and  the  Dutch  without  regard  to  his  own 

Dec.  it.  interests.4  Later,  on  December  n,  the  Protector 
satloiTwith  appears  to  have  opened  his  mind  to  Schlezer,  who, 
Schlezer.  \fce  Bonde,  had  the  advantage  of  being  able  to  con- 
verse in  English.  Ever  since  he  had  taken  up  the  govern- 
ment, he  declared,  he  had  done  his  utmost  to  keep  all  Pro- 
testant States  in  friendship  with  one  another,  a  friendship  which 
was  the  more  necessary  in  view  of  the  dealings  of  the  Papists 
with  the  Vaudois.  What,  therefore,  could  be  said  for  those— 
the  King  of  Sweden  was  evidently  intended — who  misused  this 

1  Urkunden  und  Aktenstiicke^  vii.  706-12. 

2  Instruction  to  Schlezer,  Oct.  fg,  id.  vii.  721. 

3  Nieupoort  to  De  Witt,  Oct  if,  De  Witt's  Brieven,  iii.  135.     Nieu- 
poort to  the  Greffier  of  the  States  General,  Oct.  if,  Add-   Mss-   17^77 
W,  fol.  1 68. 

4  Nieupoort  to  the  Greffier  of  the  States  General,  Nov.  *|,  ib.  fol. 
225. 


208  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

conjuncture  of  affairs  to  extend  their  own  territory  or  to  draw 
commerce  to  themselves.  His  own  first  thought  on  assuming 
the  Protectorate  had  been  to  place  himself  on  good  terms  with 
the  Dutch.  If  only  he  could  have  had  the  same  consideration 
from  the  King  of  Spain  he  would  never  have  gone  to  war  with 
him,  and  he  regarded  his  inability  to  keep  the  peace  in  that 
quarter  as  a  sore  burden  imposed  on  him  by  God.  If,  in  the 
end,  he  had  preferred  an  understanding  with  France,  it  was 
because  the  French  Government  was  comparatively  tolerant  as 
contrasted  with  Spain.  Schlezer  sought  to  bring  the  Protector 
back  to  the  consideration  of  the  Baltic  question,  which  pressed 
the  harder  on  the  Elector  as  Charles  X.  was  requiring  him  to 
place  the  two  ports  of  East  Prussia,  Memel  and  Pillau,  in 
Swedish  hands.  As  Schlezer  had  not  yet  received  a  cipher,  he 
omitted  to  record  the  Protector's  answer.1 

There  can  be  little  doubt  what  was  the  nature  of  that  reply. 
Diplomatists  engaged  in  a  negotiation  with  Oliver  could  run 
into  no  more  fatal  error  than  by  imagining  that  his  devotion 
to  the  Protestant  cause  made  him  oblivious  to  commercial 

Nov  j  interests.  On  November  i,  a  few  weeks  before  his 
The  Com-  interview  with  Schlezer,  he  had  enlarged  the  Corn- 
Trade  mittee  for  Trade,  originally  named  in  July,  by  adding 
to  its  numbers,  besides  his  own  son  Richard,  the 
two  Commissioners  of  the  Treasury,  and  three  judges,  a  con- 
siderable number  of  persons  actually  enga.ged  in  commerce  in 
the  chief  ports  of  the  country.2  The  man  who  thus  sought  for 
the  advice  of  experts  was  unlikely  to  belittle  the  subject  of 

Dec  14      t^ie^r  inquiries-     At  his  next  interview  with  Bonde 
Oliver  he  besought  the  Swedish  ambassador  to  remove  the 

urges 

Bonde  to  material  causes  of  disagreement.  Bonde,  however, 
faction"5  pleaded  that  he  had  as  yet  no  precise  instructions, 
:'  and  the  question  of  trade  was  therefore  held  over 
for  the  present.  The  Swede,  however,  took  the  opportunity  of 
magnifying  so  convincingly  his  master's  zeal  for  religion  as  to 

1  Schlezer  to  the   Elector,  Dec.  ~,    Urkunden  und  Aktenstiicke,  vii. 

7.27- 

'2  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  357. 


1656  SWISS   TROUBLES  209 

draw  from  the  Protector  the  exclamation,  "  I  wish  your  instruc- 

i6s6        tions  were  as  wide  as  your  heart."  l     Yet  on  New 

HJan.  i.      Year's  Day  Oliver  took  an  opportunity  of  assuring 

language  to    Nieupoort  once  more  that  he  would  never  come  to 

icupoort.     an  agreement  wjth  sweden  apart  from  the  United 

Provinces.  At  the  same  time  he  showed  himself  not  altogether 
satisfied  with  the  course  taken  by  Charles.  He  would  have 
been  better  pleased,  he  said,  if  that  King  '  had  struck  towards 
those  territories ' — Bohemia  and  Silesia  were  evidently  in  his 
mind — 'where  large  numbers  of  Protestants  had  for  many 
years  been  exposed  to  persecution.'  As  for  himself,  he  was  in 
duty  bound  not  only  to  hinder  a  rupture  between  Protestant 
States,  but  to  unite  them  in  a  league  against  the  inhuman 
cruelties  of  the  Papacy.2 

By  this  time  Oliver  had  a  fresh  grievance  against  the  Pope. 
In  Switzerland  the  Papal  canton  of  Schwytz  had  expelled  its 
Troubles  in  Protestants  and  had  stripped  them  of  their  property. 
Switzerland.  RemOnstrances  from  the  Protestant  cantons,  in 
which  the  refugees  had  found  shelter,  had  been  answered  with 
an  assertion  that  Schwytz  was  a  sovereign  State,  and  as  such 
had  a  right  to  treat  its  own  subjects  as  it  pleased.  The 
principle  of  Cujus  regie  ejus  religio  was  thus  asserted  by  a 
Swiss  canton  as  boldly  as  by  any  German  prince.  Truly  or 
falsely,  Oliver  believed  that  the  peasants  of  Schwytz  had  a 
whole  confederacy  behind  them,  and  his  partial  success  in 
relieving  the  Vaudois — due  in  reality  to  special  circumstances 
in  his  diplomatic  relations  with  France,  which  were  most 
unlikely  to  recur — led  him  to  imagine  that  similar  results 
could  be  obtained  in  this  instance.  For  him  it  was  a  short  step 
from  a  protest  against  the  policy  of  a  single  Government  to 
a  protest  against  the  policy  of  every  Catholic  Power  in  Europe. 
On  the  yth  he  complained  to  Bonde  that  Spain, 
A  complaint  Bavaria,  and  the  Pope  were  ready  to  support  the 

lde'  tyrannical  canton.  After  this  he  proposed  more 
clearly  than  he  had  as  yet  done  that  his  alliance  with  Sweden 

1  Bonde  to  Charles  X.,  Dec.  21,  Stockholm  Transcripts. 

2  Nleupoort  to  De  Witt,  Jan.  £,  Add.  MSS.  17,677  LLL,  fol.  239. 
VOL.  IV.  P 


2IO  THE   PROTESTANT   INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

must  be  directed  against  the  Catholic  Powers,1  and  more 
especially  against  the  House  of  Austria.  A  merely  defensive 
alliance  would  be  of  little  use.  The  enemy  was  so  powerful 
that  it  would  be  necessary  for  all  Protestant  States  to  combine 
together  against  him.  In  other  words,  Sweden  would  have 
to  begin  by  renouncing  all  claims  to  the  East  Prussian  tolls, 
and  by  satisfying  the  Dutch  in  the  matter  of  the  commercial 
independence  of  Danzig.  Bonde,  being  still  without  instruc- 
tions, took  care  to  humour  the  Protector,  and  suggested — no 
doubt  ironically — that  if  any  Protestant  States  refused  to  join 
the  league  it  would  be  reasonable  to  coerce  them.2 

With  plans  so  enlarged  the  Protector  was  resolved  to  have 

Jan    i       a  clear  understanding   on   the   trade   dispute.     On 

Bonde          January  *i    Bonde  had  an  interview  with  the  com- 

chssatisfied   -         .  J    °  . 

with  the  missioners  appointed  to  treat  with  him  on  the  sub- 
commercial  .  .,  ij-  .  J  U^U 

proposals,      ject.     He  was  surprised  and  disgusted  at  what  he 
Feb.  4.      considered   to   be  the  harshness  of  the  terms  pro- 
posed.     An  appeal  to  the  Protector   produced  no 
effect.     It  was  necessary,  replied  Oliver,  to  take  the 
Dutch  into  consideration.3 

In  one  quarter  the  risk  of  war  between  two  Protestant 

States  had  been  at  least  temporarily  averted.     The  Elector  of 

Brandenburg    had   every   reason   to   deprecate   the 

Branden-  .  .,.  , 

burg  and       establishment  of  a  strong  military  monarchy  on  the 

ruins    of    anarchical    Poland  ;    but    the    army    of 

Charles  X.  was  very  near,  and  neither  England  nor  the  United 

Provinces  was  prepared  to  assist  him.     Bowing,  therefore,  to 

Jan.  •&.      necessity,  he  accepted  from  the  King  of  Sweden 

o^Ku^S-7    sucn  terms  as  were  offered  him.     By  a  treaty  signed 

bers-  at  Konigsberg 4  he  received,  indeed,  Ermeland  as  an 

1  France,   in   the  Protector's   eyes,   must   certainly  not  be   included 
among  these. 

2  Bonde  to  Charles  X.,  Jan.  n,  Stockholm  Transcripts. 

3  Bonde  to  Charles  X.,  Feb.  i,  8,  ib.  ;  Carlbom,  Sverige  och  England^ 
59,  62. 

4  Sometimes  known  as  the  Treaty  of  Welau,  where  it  was  signed  by 
Charles. 


1656  A   SWEDISH   OFFER  211 

accretion  to  East  Prussia,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  exchanged, 
so  far  as  that  duchy  was  concerned,  the  light  overlordship  of 
the  Polish  King  for  the  heavy  feudal  superiority  of  Charles  X. 
Moreover,  he  consented  to  abandon  to  Sweden  half  the  tolls 
of  Memel  and  Pillau,  and  to  admit  Swedish  men-of-war  into 
his  harbours.  The  march  of  Charles  to  commercial  supremacy 
in  the  Baltic  was  proceeding  apace.1 

Such  a  treaty,  so  one-sided  in  its  effects,  was  made  only 
to  be  broken ;  but  in  the  meanwhile,  so  far  as  Brandenburg 

Feb.  i.  w^s  concerned,  it  removed  the  danger  of  an  im- 
kno^nTn*7  mediate  outbreak  of  hostilities  between  two  Pro- 
England,  testant  Powers.  The  arrangement,  the  news  of 
which  reached  England  on  February  i,2  appeared  so  satisfactory 
in  the  eyes  of  the  Protector  that  he  omitted  to  consider  the 

Feb  bearing  of  the  agreement  on  the  commercial  ques- 
The  Pro-'  tion  in  which  he  was  interested.  On  February  7  he 

tectors  .  ... 

letter  to  took  the  opportunity  of  the  news  that  a  son  and  heir 
had  been  born  to  Charles  to  despatch  to  the  King  a 
letter,  drawn  up  by  Milton,  congratulating  him  on  his  political 
as  well  as  on  his  domestic  fortune,  and  dwelling  on  the 
service  he  had  done  by  wresting  Poland  '  as  a  horn  from  the 
Papal  Empire,'  and  by  making  peace  with  the  Elector,  '  to  the 
great  satisfaction  of  the  pious.' 3 

The  day  after  this  letter  was  written  Bonde  received  the 
instructions  for  which  he  had  been  waiting.  He  was  to  offer 
Feb.  s.  to  the  Protector  a  defensive  alliance  on  the  one 
Jecehfes  hand  against  all  enemies  of  either  party,  and  on  the 
instructions,  other  hand  against  all  who  infringed  the  Treaty  of 
Osnabriick.4  The  Protector's  overtures  received  a  rebuff  on 

1  Philippson,  Der  grosse  Kurfiirst>  i.  218-21  ;  Carlson,  Sveriges  His- 
toria,  i.  251,  265-67.  '-  Carlbom,  Sverige  och  England,  62. 

8  The  Protector  to  Charles  X.,  Feb.  7,  Milton's  Prose  Works,  ed. 
Symmons,  vi.  21.  The  date  of  the  letter  is  given  by  Carlbom  from  the 
original  document  at  Stockholm,  Sverige  och  England,  62,  note  4. 

4  Ib.  64.  The  instructions  were  dated  January  6,  the  day  before  the 
signature  of  the  Treaty  of  Konigsberg  (Carlbom,  Sverige  och  England,  64). 
They  were  accordingly  given  in  full  assurance  that  Charles  had  nothing  to 
fear  from  the  side  of  Brandenburg. 

P  2 


212  THE   PROTESTANT    INTEREST       CHAP.  XLVII. 

every  point.  A  defensive  alliance  against  all  enemies '  might 
easily  lead  him  in  the  course  of  the  summer  into  a  war  with 
The  Treaty  the  Dutch,  whilst  the  proposal  of  a  joint  guarantee 
bracK  be  °^  tne  Treaty  of  Osnabriick  left  out  of  the  question 
guaranteed.  anv  concerted  interference  with  the  claim  of  Catholic 
States  to  deal  with  their  own  Protestant  subjects  at  their 
pleasure.  It  based  itself  on  a  pretended  acceptance  of 
Oliver's  notion  that  a  Papal  crusade  was  impending,  and 
offered  no  more  than  an  engagement  to  take  arms  in 
defence  of  the  religious  independence  of  the  Protestant  States 
of  Germany — an  independence  which,  as  Charles  knew  perfectly 
well — though  Oliver  did  not — was  in  nowise  endangered,  and 
on  behalf  of  which,  if  there  had  existed  any  design  against  it,  all 
Protestant  Germany  would  have  risen  as  one  man,  with  the 
willing  assistance  of  a  considerable  number,  if  not  of  the  whole, 
of  the  Catholic  princes. 

Nor  was  this   all.     It  was   notorious   that   though  Ferdi- 
nand III.  had  no  desire  to  break  the  peace  in  Germany,  and 

though  he  was  at  this  time  stubbornly  resisting  the 
Emperor  efforts  of  his  ablest  diplomatist,  Lisola,  to  drag  him 

into  a  war  with  Sweden  on  behalf  of  Poland,  he  had 
not  been  able  to  resist  the  temptation  of  rendering  some 
assistance  to  his  Spanish  kinsman  in  his  prolonged  struggle 
with  France.  It  was  not  impossible,  therefore,  that  Oliver, 
now  himself  at  war  with  Spain,  might  plead  that  Sweden  was 
bound  to  protest  against  the  help  given  by  the  Emperor  to  the 
enemies  of  England.  The  reference  to  the  Treaty  of  Osna- 
briick cut  short  such  expectations.  There  had  been  two 
treaties  which  together  made  up  what  is  usually  known  as  the 
Peace  of  Westphalia.  Of  the  two,  that  of  Miinster  con- 
cluded between  the  Emperor  and  France,  contained  the 
obligation  of  those  two  Powers  to  take  no  hostile  measures 
against  one  another.  Charles  X,,  by  confining  his  proposed 
guarantee  to  the  Treaty  of  Osnabriick,  which,  having  been 
concluded  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Protestant  States 

1  Bonde  to  Charles  X.,  Feb.  16,  March  27.     The  Swedish  proposals, 
as  ultimately  presented  on  March  17,  are  printed  in  Thurloe,  iv.  623. 


1656  THE   TREATY  OF   OSNABRUCK  213 

in  and  out  of  Germany,  naturally  kept  silence  on  the  future 
relations  between  the  Emperor  and  France,  virtually  refused  to 
.  ,  interfere  in  such  a  case.  Oliver  had  to  learn  the 
diplomatic  bitter  truth  that  if  he  was  to  do  anything  against  the 
House  of  Austria  on  the  Continent,  he  must  not 
expect  the  co-operation  of  the  King  of  Sweden.  His  aims 
had  been  high  and  his  wish  to  benefit  the  world  had  been  un- 
doubted. The  lesson  taught  him,  if  he  had  ears  to  hear,  was 
that  no  beneficence  of  intention  could  avail  him  aught  in  this 
direction  so  long  as  his  mind  was  steeped  in  ignorance  of 
Continental  modes  of  thought  and  of  the  intentions  of  Con- 
tinental statesmen. 


214 


CHAPTER  XLVIII 

COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY 

THE  financial  condition  of  the  Protectorate  being  what  it  was, 
the  King  of  Sweden  must  have  known  that,  if  he  had  accepted 
1655.  Oliver's  scheme  of  an  aggressive  war  against  the 
with  Splin.  House  of  Austria,  the  burden  of  the  proposed  war 
against  the  German  branch  of  that  House  would  have  fallen 
exclusively  upon  himself;  whilst  the  fight  against  the  Spanish 
branch,  with  its  chances  of  booty  to  be  acquired  if  only  the 
Plate  Fleet  could  be  captured,  would  have  fallen  to  the  share 
of  the  Protector.  When  he  was  not  dazzled  by  the  glitter  of 
his  imagined  championship  of  the  Protestant  interest,  Oliver 
was  well  aware  that  the  work  he  had  already  undertaken  was 
sufficient  for  his  own  shoulders  to  bear.  In  September  1655, 

the  Venetian  ambassador  Sagredo1  having  urged 
Sagredo's  upon  the  Protector  the  advantages  of  an  alliance 

against  the  Turks,  soon  discovered  that  he  was  but 
beating  the  air.  He  was  told  that  if  he  had  arrived  a  year 
earlier,  at  the  time  when  Blake's  expedition  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean was  in  contemplation,  he  might  have  prevailed  on  the 
English  Government  to  give  precedence  to  a  Turkish  war,  but 
that  it  was  useless  to  make  such  a  proposal  at  a  time  when  a 
war  with  Spain  was  unavoidable.  Sagredo,  though  by  orders 
from  the  Senate  he  remained  in  England  till  February,  soon 
discovered  that  his  mission  was  fruitless.  When  he  was  pre- 
paring for  his  departure,  the  Senate  contented  itself  with 

1  See  p.  1 8. 


1655  THE   COLONY    IN   JAMAICA  215 

directing  him  to  leave  behind  him  his  secretary,  Giavarina,  as 
agent  for  the  Republic.  No  Venetian  ambassador  again  landed 
in  England  till  after  the  Restoration.1 

The    war   with    Spain  was   undoubtedly    unpopular    with 
English    merchants.      Those   of  them    who  traded   with  that 

country  had  to  lament  the  loss  of  their  property  se- 
with  Spain  questered  in  Spanish  ports,  and  complained  that  the 

issue  of  letters  of  marque  to  make  reprisals  on  Spanish 
vessels  was  no  adequate  compensation  for  the  interruption  of 
so  lucrative  a  trade.  The  French  markets  now  opened  to 
them  promised  little  in  comparison  with  that  which  they  had 
lost.2 

On  one  point  at  least  the  Protector  had  made  up  his  mind. 
Whatever  might  happen  in  Europe,  he  would  maintain  his  hold 

upon  Jamaica.  On  June  n,  1655,  before  the  disaster 
Humphries  in  Hispaniola  was  known  in  England,  he  had  sent 
wick  ^5 "to  out  a  fresh  regiment,  under  Colonel  Humphries,  to 
Jamaica.  keep  Up  the  numbers  of  the  army,  and  Humphries 
was  accompanied  by  Major  Sedgwick,  who  was  empowered  to 
act  as  an  additional  commissioner.  When,  on  October  i, 
^  the  party  reached  Jamaica,  Sedgwick  found  himself 
Their  without  a  colleague.  Winslow  had  died  on  the 

voyage  from  Hispaniola,  Searle  had  never  left  Bar- 
bados, and  Butler,  following  the  example  of  Penn  and  Venables, 
had  taken  ship  for  England.  Under  these  discouraging  cir- 
cumstances Sedgwick  made  an  informal  agreement  with  Good- 
son,  to  whom  Penn  had  handed  over  the  command  of  the 
fleet,  and  with  Fortescue,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  military 
forces,  to  act  as  commissioners  with  himself.  A  month  later 
Nov  he  sent  over  a  melancholy  report  to  the  Protector. 
Sedgwick's  "  For  the  army,"  he  wrote,  "  I  found  them  in  as  sad 

and  deplorable  and  distracted  condition  as  can  be 
thought  of,  and  indeed  think,  as  never  poor  Englishmen  were 
in  :  the  commanders — some  dead,  some  sick,  and  some  in 
indifferent  health  :  the  soldiery — many  dead,  their  carcasses 

1  Sagredo's  despatches,  Sept.  |*,  Feb.  ^,   Venetian  Transcripts,  R.  0. 

2  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  Nov.  ^V,  French  Transcripts,  R.O. 


2l6  COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

lying  unburied  in  the  highways  and  among  bushes  .  .  .  many 
of  them  that  were  alive  walked  like  ghosts  or  dead  men,  who, 
as  I  went  through  the  town,  lay  groaning,  and  crying  out, 
'  Bread,  for  the  Lord's  sake  ! '  The  truth  is,  when  I  set  my 
foot  first  on  land,  I  saw  nothing  but  symptoms  of  necessity 
and  desolation.  I  found  the  shore  thereabout  filled  with 
variety  of  several  casks  and  hogsheads,  puncheons,  butts, 
barrels,  chests,  and  the  like,  and  several  dry  goods  of  the 
State's,  as  linen  shirts  and  drawers,  shoes,  stockings,  hats, 
armour,  arms  and  nails,  with  divers  other  things  lying  without 
any  shelter,  exposed  to  all  the  damage  that  either  rain  or  sun 
could  do  to  them,  and  to  the  theft  and  rapine  of  either  soldiers 
or  strangers  who,  without  question  embezzled  much  of  them. 
All  the  little  bread  they  had,  which  was  about  thirty  thousand, 
only  kept  in  casks  without  doors,  and  much  of  it  damnified  by 
weather,  which  bread  was  kept  to  distribute  a  little  to  the 
soldiers — and  most  when  sent  upon  parties.  The  people  here 
were  in  daily  expectation  of  a  supply  of  provisions,  yet  made 
not  the  least  preparation  for  the  receiving  of  them.  It  is  a 
wonder  to  consider  so  many  wise  men  that  had  been  here 
should  leave  the  State's  goods  so  exposed  to  rain  that  were  so 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  well-being  of  the  army ;  when,  in 
a  few  days,  a  few  men  might  have  made  a  house  to  have  secured 
them  all ;  but  so  things  lay,  as  if  men  had  run  away  in  a  strange, 
distracted,  affrighted  condition,  as  leaving  all  to  the  spoil,  and 
never  once  looking  back." 

Once  more  it  devolved  on  the  seamen  to  make  good  the 
deficiency  of  the  soldiers.  A  party  of  Goodson's  sailors  ran  up 
a  storehouse  in  six  or  eight  days.  Yet  the  provisions  thus 
secured  from  the  effects  of  the  weather  could  not  be  counted 
on  to  last  longer  than  six  months  at  the  utmost,  even  if  the  men 
were  put  on  short  allowance.  The  comparative  vigour  of  the 
sailors  was  undoubtedly  due  to  their  living  on  board  ship  under 
healthier  conditions  than  those  to  which  the  men  belonging  to 
the  land  service  were  exposed.  The  soldiers  owed  the  dysentery 
and  fever  from  which  they  were  suffering  not  only  to  the  tropical 
heat  striking  on  bodies  enfeebled  by  a  low  diet,  but  to  the 


i65S  SOLDIERS   AND   SAILORS  21? 

absolute  neglect  of  all  sanitary  precautions.1  Fortescue  himself 
fell  a  victim ;  and  after  his  death  his  authority  passed  into  the 
hands  of  a  council  of  officers,  Colonel  Doyley  being  ultimately 
appointed  President  and  Commander-in-Chief.  Yet  the 
ravages  of  disease  were  not  stayed.  The  regiment  brought 
over  by  Humphries  landed  with  a  strength  of  831  'lusty,  health- 
ful, gallant  men.'  In  a  few  weeks  fifty  of  them  were  dead, 
'whereof  two  captains,  a  lieutenant,  and  two  ensigns.'  The 
Colonel  himself  was  'very  weak,  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  at 
death's  door.'  All  the  surviving  captains  were  ill ;  no  more 
than  four  commissioned  officers  were  fit  to  march,  and  the 
men,  for  the  most  part,  were  suffering  •  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent.  "  Soldiers,"  continued  Sedgwick,  "  die  daily.  ...  It  is 
strange  to  see  young  lusty  men,  in  appearance  well,  and  in 
three  or  four  days  in  the  grave,  snatched  away  in  a  moment 
with  fevers,  agues,  fluxes  and  dropsies — a  confluence  of  many 
diseases."  The  island  itself  was  *  desirable,  capable  of  produc- 
ing any  kind  of  merchandise  that  other  islands  do ;  full  of 
several  sorts  of  cattle.'  Yet  of  these  cattle  the  disorderly  mob 
which  called  itself  an  army  had  recklessly  slaughtered  at  least 
20,000,  and  had  rendered  the  remainder  so  wild  that  there  was 
little  chance  of  capturing  more.  Though  the  soldiers  were 
ready  to  claim  allotments  of  land,  not  one  of  them  would 
cultivate  his  lot  under  that  burning  sun,  and  there  were  no 
negroes  available  to  undertake  a  burden  beyond  the  white 
man's  powers.  "  Dig  or  plant,"  complained  Sedgwick,  "they 
neither  can  nor  will,  but  do  rather  starve  than  work."  No 
wonder  officers  and  men  with  one  accord  cried  out  to  be  led 
back  to  the  fleshpots  of  England.2 

1  This  is  Dr.  C.  Creighton's  opinion.     He  holds  that  the  disease  from 
which  the  force  suffered  was  '  certainly  not  yellow  fever,'  but  '  was  pro- 
bably allied  to  it  in  type.'     "Dysentery,"  he  adds,  "had  been  almost 
universal ;  there  was  no  care  of  the  sick,  and,  so  far  as  one  hears,  no 
medical  attendance,  no  hospitals,  no  scavenging,  no  security  taken  to  keep 
the  water  supply  pure — nothing,  in  short,  of  what  is  now  called  sanitation." 
A  History  of  the  Epidemics  in  Britain,  i.  643,  644. 

2  Sedgwick  to  the  Protector,  Nov.  5,  Thurloe,  iv.  151.     Goodson,  on 
Jan.   24,  1656,  writes  in  as  melancholy  a  strain,  ib.  iv.  451.     In  a  joint 


21 8  COLONISATION    AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

Before  this  miserable  account  was  written  it  had  naturally 
occurred  to  Thurloe  that  a  supply  of  other  than  military 
jess.  colonists  would  be  likely  to  improve  the  position,  and 
PropSafio  requests  were  accordingly  sent  to  those  in  authority 
mii?tanryn~  in  Scotland  and  Ireland  to  make  provision  by  sending 
colonists.  young  persons  of  both  sexes  to  Jamaica.  The  reply 
from  Scotland  was  somewhat  discouraging.  "If  I  do  not 
mistake,"  wrote  Thurloe's  correspondent,  "  there  are  three  sorts 
of  persons  to  be  exported,  viz.,  such  men  as  are  to  be  recruits ; 

Scotch  suc^  as  are  to  ^e  planters  ;  and  such  women  as  will 
colonists  go  over  with  their  husbands,  or  will  adventure  to 
seek  husbands  there."  To  send  men  as  soldiers, 
unless  voluntarily,  would  *  put  the  country  in  a  flame.'  Planters 
might  perhaps  be  secured  if  good  conditions  were  offered.  As 
for  *  women  and  maids,  there  were  not  many  likely  to  consent, 
and  it  was  probable  that  more  might  be  got  out  of  Ireland 
than  here.' 1  In  Ireland  the  transplantation  had  taught  the 
authorities  to  deal  with  such  matters  with  a  high  hand.  "  Con- 
irish  girls  ccrning  the  young  women,"  wrote  Henry  Cromwell, 
from  ire-'  "  although  we  must  use  force  in  taking  them  up,  yet, 
land.  it  Deing  so  much  for  their  own  good,2  and  likely  to 

be  of  so  great  advantage  to  the  public,  it  is  not  in  the  least 
doubted  that  you  may  have  such  number  of  them  as  you  shall 
think  fit  to  make  use  of  upon  this  account."  A  few  weeks  later 
it  was  resolved  in  England  that  1,000  boys  and  1,000  girls 
should  be  shipped  at  Galway  in  December,  the  age  fixed  in 
both  cases  being  under  fourteen.3  From  time  to  time,  how- 
ever, Thurloe  wrote  that  the  Council  was  too  busy  to  attend  to 


report  of  the  same  day  Goodson  and  Sedgwick  write  that  '  it  is  our  desire 
to  attend  your  Highness's  command,  in  keeping  up  love,  unity,  and  amity 
between  army  and  fleet,  which  through  mercy  we  have  attained  to  in  a 
good  measure.'  Goodson  and  Sedgwick  to  the  Protector,  Jan.  24,  1656* 
Thurloe^  iv.  455. 

1  Broghill  to  Thurloe,  Sept.  18,  ib.  iv.  41. 

2  These  words  imply  Henry  Cromwell's  intention  that,  as    Broghill 
said  of  Scotland,  they  were  to  be  wives  to  colonists,  military  or  otherwise. 

3  Order  in  Council,  Oct.  3,  Penn's  Mem.  of  Sir  IV.  fcttn,  ii.  585. 


1656  PROPOSED   SETTLERS  2IQ 

the  affair.  In  the  end  it  dropped  out  of  sight,  and  not  a  single 
Alleged  *r*sn  k°y  or  girl  was  despatched  across  the  Atlantic 
transporta-  jn  consequence  of  this  resolution.1  It  was  well  that 

tion  of  Irish  •  .      . 

boys  and       the  scheme  was   not   carried  out.      In  its  existing 

state  of  disorder  Jamaica  was  no  place  for  the  inrush 

of  a   couple  of  thousand  lads  and   lasses,  especially  as  the 

matrons  already  in  the  colony  were  too  few  in  number  to  afford 

1656.        fit  guardianship   for   a  large  importation  of  young 

widows'        girls.     So  deplorable  did  the  situation  appear  about 

sell  them-       this  time  on  the  SpOt  that  widows  of  soldiers  pre- 

selves  into  r  r 

servitude.  ferred  to  sell  themselves  into  temporary  servitude  in 
other  islands  rather  than  keep  their  freedom  on  the  accursed 
soil  of  Jamaica.2 

In  the  spring  of  1656  a  proposal  still  more  reprehensible  in 
modern  eyes  was  said  to  have  been  made.  Full  of  his  great 
Re  orted  design  °f  establishing  morality  in  London,  Barkstead 
proposal  made  a  raid  on  the  houses  of  ill  fame,  and  com- 
loose  women  mitted  some  four  hundred  of  their  inmates  to  the 
lca'  Tower.  It  was  at  once  rumoured  that  these  women 
were  to  be  sent  to  Jamaica — as  the  Dutch  ambassador  quaintly 
put  it — to  nurse  the  sick.3  Such  immigrants  were  not  unknown 
in  Barbados,4  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  Barkstead  may  have 
been  eager  to  rid  himself  of  his  unruly  charges,  whose  own 
moral  position  might  be  improved  if  they  could  be  induced  to 
settle  in  Jamaica  as  soldiers'  wives.  His  plan,  however,  pro- 


1  Not  only  can  no  such  transportation  be  traced  in  the  records,  either 
in  London  or  in  Dublin,  but  there  is  the  negative  evidence  of  the  absence 
of  any  mention  of  the  arrival  of  so  numerous  a  body  by  the  writers  of  the 
voluminous  letters  which  chronicle  the  position  of  affairs  in  Jamaica.  So 
careful  are  the  writers  to  tell  everything  that  concerns  the  colony  that  it  is 
incredible  that  they  should  have  closed  their  eyes  to  such  an  importation, 
if  it  had  ever  taken  place. 

-  Sedgwick  to  Thurloe,  Jan.  24,  Thurloe,  iv.  454. 

3  Nieupoort  to  the  States  General,  ~~%-0,  Add.  MSS.  17,677  W,  fol. 
235.     The  translation  in   Thurloe,  iv.  567,  is  less  plainspoken  as  to  the 
character  of  the  women. 

4  See  supra.)  p.  112,  note  I. 


220  COLONISATION   AND  DIPLOMACY     CHAP.  XLVIII. 

bably  did  not  commend  itself  to  the  Protector  and  Council,  as 
it  appears  to  have  been  definitely  abandoned.1 

The  Protector,  indeed,  was  doing  his  best  to  induce  settlers 
of  a  different  stamp  to  throw  in  their  lot  with  the  military 
1655.  colonists  in  Jamaica.  In  September  1655  he  de- 
Aniimta-  spatched  Daniel  Gookin,  a  cousin  of  the  Vincent 
N°ewtEng"  Gookin  whose  advice  on  the  affairs  of  Ireland  he  had 
landers,  gladly  taken,  to  urge  on  the  people  of  New  England 
e  a(^van^age  °f  transferring  themselves  to  a  more 


India  productive  soil  ;  2  whilst,  about  the  same   time,  he 

appealed  to  the  Governors  of  the  West  India  islands 
Refusafof  to  induce  their  surplus  population  to  seek  fresh 
Engenders,  homes  in  Jamaica.3  Gookin,  on  his  arrival,  had  to 
in  the  West  reP°rt  tnat  tne  miserable  condition  of  the  Jamaica 
indies,  colony  was  sufficiently  well  known  to  deter  the  New 

Nevis  alone  '  ' 

accepts.  Englanders  from  embarking  on  the  proposed  transfer 
of  their  homes.4  As  for  the  West  India  colonies,  it  was  only 
from  Luke  Stokes,  the  Governor  of  Nevis,  whom  the  Protector 
at  once  named  to  one  of  the  vacant  commissionerships,5  that  a 
favourable  response  was  returned.  From  Jamaica  itself  the 
news  which  continued  to  reach  England  was  indeed  deplorable. 
A  resolution  was  taken  by  the  Protector  to  confer  the  title 
of  Governor  on  Sedgwick,  but  when  the  news  of  his  appoint- 
May  24.  ment  reached  him  he  took  to  his  bed  and  died  from 
sheer  hopelessness,  as  was  alleged,  of  being  able  to 


1  The  story  is  told,  with  variations,  by  most  of  the  foreign  ambas- 
sadors,   as  well  as  by   Royalist  letter-  writers.       On  *%™£**t   however, 
Bordeaux  states  that  the  women  were  not  yet  sent,  and  as  in  the  case  of 
the  Irish  girls,  the  silence  of  the  letter-writers  in  Jamaica  must  be  held  to 
be  conclusive  that  they  never  were  sent. 

2  Instructions  to  Gookin,  Sept.  26,  Penn's  Mem.  of  Sir  W.  Penn,  ii. 
585. 

3  The  Protector  to  Goodson,  Oct.  ?,  Thurloe,  iv.  449,  v.  6. 

4  Goodson  to  Thurloe,  Jan.  24,  May  10,  ib.  iv.  449,  v.  6. 

5  The  Protector  to   Stokes,   Oct.,   Carlyk,  Letter  CCV.,  where,  as 
Mrs.  Lomas  has  pointed  out  to  me,  the  letter  is  incorrectly  said   to  have 
been  addressed  to  Searle.     For  Stokes's  commissionership,  see  Brayne  to 
the  Protector,,  March  12,  1657,  Thurloe,  vi.  no. 


1656  DISCONTENT   AMONGST   THE   OFFICERS         221 

accomplish  any  good.1  Nor  were  the  prospects  of  winning 
spoil  from  the  enemy — on  which  Oliver  had  counted  as  a 
means  of  recouping  his  expenses — any  brighter.  In  1655, 
after  Penn's  departure,  a  squadron  of  the  fleet  under 
Burning  Goodson  had  sacked  and  burnt  Santa  Marta.  The 
Ma«a,ta  whole  of  the  plunder,  however,  amounted  to  no 
and  of  Rio  more  tnan  47T^2  1°  1656  Goodson  burnt  Rio  de 
de  la  Hacha.  ia  Hacha,  carrying  off  nothing  but  four  brass  guns,  a 
cargo  of  wine,  and  another  of  cacao,  which  latter  he  sent  over 
to  England,  in  consequence  of  its  value  in  producing  the 
beverage  known  as  chocolate,  recently  introduced  into  Europe 
as  a  medicament  to  be  used  under  the  advice  of  physicians.3 
The  products  of  these  two  enterprises  went  but  a  little  way 
towards  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  fleet. 

Sedgwick  was  succeeded  in  the  command  in  Jamaica  by 
Doyley,  the  senior  officer  in  the  island,  an  active  and  energetic 
DO  le  in  s^dier.  Having  no  commission  from  the  Protector,  he 
command  in  found  it  difficult  to  maintain  order.  The  great  body  of 

the  officers,  bent  on  returning  to  England,  threw  every 
Misconduct  possible  difficulty  in  the  way  of  plantation  by  the 

soldiers  under  their  authority.  The  machinery  of  a 
court-martial  was  even  brought  to  bear  against  those  who  at- 
tempted to  fulfil  the  object  which  they  had  been  sent  to  accom- 


plish. By  this  means  Colonel  Holdip  was  cashiered  on 

unjust!  _ 
cashiered. 


Holdip  '  . 

unjustly^  a  charge  of  malversation  in  respect  to  the  regimental 
chest,  though  Goodson  believed  that  his  real  offence 
was  that  he  had  been  more  forward  in  the  encouragement  of  plan- 
tation than  was  approved  of  by  his  brother-officers,  who  wished 
the  private  soldiers  to  be  as  discontented  as  themselves.4  It 
was  known,  too,  that  these  very  officers  had  freely  threatened 
the  men  that,  if  they  planted  at  all,  it  must  be  as  compulsory 
servants,  and  not  as  owners  of  the  soil  assigned  to  them  as  their 

1  Aylesbury  to  Thurloe,  June  25,  Thtirloe,  v.  154. 

2  Goodson  to  the  Council,  Nov.  7,  1655,  ib.  iv.  159. 

3  Goodson   to   Thurloe,    Jan.    7,    25,    ib.   v.    96,    151.      The   use   of 
chocolate  is  illustrated  by  many  letters  amongst  the  Verney  AfSS. 

*  Holdip  was  however  disliked  by  more   reputable  persons  on  other 
grounds. 


222  COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

property.  The  true  remedy  for  the  evil  was  to  cut  the  mischief- 
makers  adrift,  and  Doyley  went  so  far  as  to  send  home  one  of  the 
Humphries  most  seditious,  Colonel  Humphries.  One  example, 
sent  home,  however,  was  far  from  being  enough.1  It  was  left  to 

Dec.        Brayne,  who  arrived  in  December  at  the  head  of  a 
BrTyne.°f      considerable  force,  with  a  commission  from  the  Pro- 
tector establishing  him  as  Governor,  to  find  a  remedy 
allowed  to      by  informing  the  dissatisfied  officers  that  they  were 
at  liberty  to  return  to  England  as  soon  as  they  pleased.2 
Those  who  remained  after  the  exodus  which  resulted  from  this 
permission  threw  themselves  into  the  work  of  planting,  now 
that  the  principal  influences  working  for  evil  had  been  removed, 
and  though  hard  times  were  still  in  store  for  Jamaica,  the  neck 
of  its  difficulties  was  broken. 

The  growing  progress  of  the  colony  was  not,  however,  en- 
tirely owing  to  Brayne's  firmness  and  good  sense.  The  nego- 

Nov.  tiation  with  Luke  Stokes  3  resulted  in  November  in 
of  femSfe?  ^s  removal  to  Jamaica  at  the  head  of  no  less  than 
from  Nevis.  I?6oo  of  the  poorer  inhabitants  of  his  island.  Their 
number  was  the  least  part  of  the  advantage  they  brought  to 
their  new  homes.  They  came  in  whole  families — men,  women, 
children  and  servants — to  introduce  those  domesticities  of  home 
life  which  had  been  wanting  to  the  military  settlers. 

It  was  quite  as  much  to  the  purpose  that  by  Goodson's 
advice  they  avoided  the  pestilential  district  round  Santiago  de 
la  Vega,  and  established  themselves  at  Port  Morant,  near  the 
eastern  extremity  of  the  island.4  In  fresh  ground  these  family 
settlements,  accustomed  as  they  had  long  been  to  West  Indian 
life,  might  be  expected  to  pay  some  regard  to  the  laws  of 
health,  so  far,  at  least,  as  they  were  recognised  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Yet,  even  with  these  advantages,  the  settlers 
from  Nevis  lost  two-thirds  of  their  numbers,  including  Stokes 

1  Goodson  to  Thurloe,  June  25  ;  Doyley  to  Thurloe,  Oct.  6,  Tkurloe, 
v.  151,  476.  2  Brayne  to  the  Protector,  Jan.  9,  1657,  ib.  v.  770. 

8  See  supra,  p.  220. 

4  Goodson  and  Stokes  to  the  Protector,  Oct.  18,  1656  ;  Stokes  to  the 
Protector,  Jan.  7,  1657,  Thurloe,  v.  500,  769. 


1656  LEVELLERS   AND    ROYALISTS  223 

himself,  before  they  had  been  three  months  in  their  new  homes.1 
,657.  In  the  spring  of  1657  the  remaining  third  were  in 
set*ie»Vrom  g°°d  health,  and  established  themselves  without 
Nevis.  further  check.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  proxi- 
mate causes  of  this  turn  of  events,  the  retention  of  Jamaica  is 
primarily  due  to  the  dogged  persistency  with  which  the  Protec- 
tor refused  to  admit  the  possibility  of  failure  after  the  disaster 
of  1655 — a  disaster  which  had  been  mainly  caused  by  his  in- 
ability to  grasp  the  conditions  of  military  success  under  circum- 
stances outside  of  his  personal  experience. 

Nearer  home  the  position  of  the  Stuart  princes  could  not 
fail  to  be  affected  by  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  with  Spain. 
l6ss.  Even  before  that  event  had  actually  taken  place 
tS£aistuidt  overtures  had  been  made  to  Charles  at  Cologne  to 
princes.  put  his  trust  in  a  combination  in  which  the  Levellers 
in  England  were  to  play  a  leading  part  in  connection  with  the 
Spanish  monarchy.  Of  this  strange  coalition  the  protagonist 
Ma  was  Sexby,  who  after  his  escape  from  Portland2 
Sexbyat  reached  Antwerp  in  May  1655,  where  he  at  once 
sought  out  the  leading  Royalists  in  the  Low  Countries, 
assuring  them  that  both  king  and  kingdom  would  be  the  better 
if  they  relied  on  the  assistance  that  he  was  able  to  secure  among 
June.  his  own  friends.  In  June  he  was  more  explicit,  ex- 
plaining that  the  English  Levellers  would  gladly  see 
the  King  restored,  on  condition  that  he  would  accept 
the  system  of  constantly  recurring  Parliaments,  and  would  con- 
tent himself  with  exercising  the  executive  power  only  when 
Parliament  was  not  in  session.  Personally,  he  added,  he 
would  gladly  see  the  King  in  possession  of  his  legal  rights, 
if  only  the  liberties  and  the  property  of  his  subjects  could  be 
secured.  The  chief  difficulty,  he  added,  would  be  to  satisfy 
the  purchasers  of  the  lands  of  ecclesiastical  dignitaries,  who 
would  be  certain  to  oppose  a  restoration  unless  their  claims 
could  be  secured.3  At  the  same  time  he  pressed  Fuensaldana, 

1  Brayne  to  the  Protector,  March  12,  1657,  Thurloe,  vi.  no. 

2  See  vol.  iii.  p.  270. 

8  Phelips  to  Nicholas,  May  ii,  June  ^,  Nicholas  Papers^  ii.  299,  340. 


tion. 


224  COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

who,  as  commander  of  the  army,  was  next  in  authority  to 
He  urges  tne  Viceroy  himself,  to  support  the  cause  of  the  exiled 
£Usupal0drtaa  King  against  the  usurper  who  was  dragging  England 
Charles.  jnto  a  war  with  Spain. 

Fuensaldana,  knowing  as  he  did  that  Sexby's  advocacy  of  a 
friendly  understanding  between  England  and  Spain  was  not 
of  recent  growth,  was  inclined  to  listen  favourably  to  this  self- 
appointed  negotiator.  The  intermediary  between  the  two 
Employ-  was  Peter  Talbot,  an  Irish  Jesuit,  whose  brother 
Peter  °f  Richard  was  afterwards  notorious  as  the  Tyrconnel 
Talbot.  of  the  reign  of  James  II.  Sexby,  magniloquent 
and  unscrupulous,  had  in  his  conversations  with  the  English 
Royalists  laid  stress  on  the  advantages  of  a  democratic 
parliamentary  monarchy.  In  his  conversations  with  the  Irish 
priest  he  set  forth  the  desire  of  his  friends  to  establish  in 
England  complete  liberty  of  religion,  including  even  the 
Catholics.  He  even  went  a  step  further,  and  contrived  to  per- 
suade the  Jesuit  that  he  was  himself  a  Catholic  at  heart.1  Sexby's 
resolution  to  gain  his  ends  was,  in  fact,  seldom  checked  by 
any  consideration  for  veracity,  and  before  he  left  England  he 
had  induced  Cardenas  to  receive  him  as  the  spokesman,  not 
only  of  the  Levellers,  but  of  the  Cavaliers  and  the  moderate 
Presbyterians  as  well.  In  the  Low  Countries  he  produced 
letters,  probably  genuine,  from  Grey  of  Groby,  Wildman 
and  Lawson.  One  which  he  also  showed,  as  having  been 
written  by  Lawrence,  the  President  of  the  Council,  can  hardly 
have  contained  any  approval  of  designs  hostile  to  the  Pro- 
tectorate.2 

Sexby's  rodomontades  in  magnifying  his  own  importance 


>  P.  Talbot  to  Charles,  ,  ^,  June  £,  Clarendon  MSS.  1.  fol. 

273,  Clar.  St.  P.  iii.  271,  272. 

8  Talbot's  statement,  that  these  writers  placed  themselves  in  Sexby's 
hands  '  in  tutto  che  tratasse  col  Papa  e  col  Re  di  Spagna,'  may  probably 
be  true  of  the  first  three,  but  cannot  be  accepted  of  Lawrence.  Sexby, 
however,  may  have  shown  an  old  letter  written  to  him  when  he  was 
in  the  Protector's  confidence,  and  merely  expressing  sentiments  of  good- 
will. 


1655  SEXBY'S   RODOMONTADES  225 

went  beyond  all  reasonable  limits.  He  persuaded  Talbot  that 
Sexb  'S  kis  popularity  amongst  the  soldiers  outweighed  that 
rodomon-  of  the  Protector,  and  to  induce  belief  in  this  ex- 
travagant assertion  recounted  an  incident  which  he 
alleged  to  have  occurred  on  the  march  preceding  the  battle  of 
Preston  in  1648.  Cromwell,  he  said,  had  then  thrown  himself 
on  his  knees  before  him,  and  had  even  promised  to  give  him 
his  daughter  in  marriage  to  induce  him  to  take  service  in  his 
army.  So  great,  he  affirmed,  was  his  own  influence  with  the 
soldiers  at  that  time,  that  out  of  1,500  men  of  which  Crom- 
well's regiment  was  composed,  all  but  seventeen  deserted  their 
commander  to  serve  under  himself.1 

Fuensaldafia,  carried  away  by  this  torrent  of  lies,  despatched 
Sexby  to  Spain  to  plead  his  cause  in  person  with  Philip  and 
his  ministers.  Upon  his  arrival  at  Madrid  Sexby 
mission  proposed  to  establish  in  England  under  the  restored 
monarchy  a  Constitution  in  accordance  with  that 
Lilburnian  Agreement  of  the  People,  which  he  had  formerly 
flashed  before  the  eyes  of  Conde's  faction  at  Bordeaux,2  under 
which  complete  liberty  of  religion  was  offered  even  to  the 
Catholics ;  though  he  now  admitted  that,  at  least  for  a  time, 
it  would  be  impracticable  to  grant  them  liberty  of  worship  in 
churches  open  to  the  public.  He  also  offered  that,  as  a 
security  that  he  and  his  friends  would  stand  by  their  engage- 
ments, some  of  them  should  give  themselves  up  to  be  held  as 
hostages  at  Dunkirk  ;  that  when  the  expected  insurrection  took 
place  in  England  Irish  troops  should  be  placed  as  garrisons  in 
fortified  towns ;  and  that  part  of  the  fleet — doubtless  so  much 
of  it  as  was  under  Lawson's  influence  3 — which  was  expected  to 

1  This  story  is  a  fiction  founded  on  the  fact  that  Sexby  brought  to 
Cromwell  a  letter  from  Lilburne,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  reconcile  the 
Levellers  in  the  army  to  service  under  Cromwell  as  their  commander. 
Sexby  had  no  position  in  that  army.     See  Great  Civil  War>  iv.  178. 

2  See  vol.  ii.  157. 

3  "Scrive  il  mio  amico  che  habita  in  le  Dune,  questo  e  il  generate 
de  la  flotta  che  adesso  resta  in  Inghilterra. "     Sexby  to  P.  Talbot,  Nttn- 
ziatura  di  Bruselas,    Vatican   Archives.      This  points  unmistakably  to 
Lawson. 

VOL.  IV.  Q 


226  COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

join  the  insurgents,  should  be  brought  across  the  Straits,  and 
be  anchored  under  the  guns  of  Dunkirk.  As  soon  as  the 
movement  had  attained  success  Charles  was  to  be  asked  to 
receive  the  Crown  as  the  people's  gift,  and  on  assenting  to 
these  terms,  and  on  repudiating  any  claim  to  hold  England  by 
right  of  conquest,  was  to  be  permitted  to  remount  the  throne.  As 
the  Spanish  Treasury  had  little  to  spare  for  the  support  of  so 
costly  an  enterprise,  Sexby  proposed  to  invite  the  Pope  to 
contribute  ioo,ooo/.  towards  an  undertaking  likely  to  prove 
advantageous  to  his  Church.1 

If  Philip  had  accepted  this  verbiage  as  a  solid  basis  of  action, 
he  would  have  shown  himself  even  more  ignorant  of  England 
A  dilatory  than  the  Protector  was  showing  himself  of  Austria 

and  Sweden.  As  it  was,  Sexby  had  to  content  him- 
N^r?-  self  with  a  promise  of  pecuniary  support,  only  to  be 
returns  to  given  after  the  insurrection  was  in  full  swing.2  Nor 
Antwerp.  was  Sexby,  upon  his  return  to  the  Low  Countries 
towards  the  end  of  October,  any  more  successful  with  the 
English  Royalists,  who,  ready  as  they  were  to  receive  any  assist- 
ance that  might  offer  itself,  were  as  profoundly  suspicious  of 
the  proposal  to  erect  a  democratic  monarchy  as  they  were  of 
Sexby  himself.  Meanwhile  some  of  the  Royalists  were  hoping 
to  obtain  their  ends  by  the  shorter  course  of  assassination,  and 

about  the  middle  of  November  Richard  Talbot  and 

Nov.  ID. 

Richard        Tames  Halsall  were  arrested  in  England  on  suspicion 

Talbot  and      J  . 

Haisaii  of  being  concerned  in  an  attempt  to  murder  the 
Protector.  It  was  a  conspiracy  which  has  the  peculi- 
arity that,  while  the  English  Government  failed  to  secure 
satisfactory  evidence  against  the  conspirators,  the  fact  that  they 
were  employed  in  a  murder-plot  is  established  upon  the 
evidence  of  Royalists  ;  whilst  it  is  placed  beyond  doubt  that 
the  respectable  Ormond,  and  other  Royalists  of  equal  respect- 
ability, sympathised  with  those  who  were  contriving  murder.3 

1  Sexby  to  P.  Talbot,  Nunziatura  di  Bruselas,   Vatican  Archives. 

2  Talbot  to  Charles  II.,  ^i^,  Clarendon  MSS.  1.  fol.  213. 

3  It  is  true  that  Talbot  in  writing  avoids  such  an  unpleasant  word  as 
murder,  and  only  talks  of  'an  attempt  upon  the  Protector's  person,'  and 


1655  EXECUTION    OF   A   SPY  22/ 

In  the  eyes  of  the  exiles  the  Protector  was  himself  a  murderer 
of  the  blackest  dye,  and  might  be  done  to  death  without 
compunction  by  all  true-hearted  subjects.  Both  Talbot  and 
Halsall  succeeded  in  effecting  their  escape  to  the  Continent, 
after  baffling  the  interrogatories  to  which  they  had  been 
subjected.1 

The  Protector's  failure  to  produce  sufficient  evidence  to 
convict  these  two  men  may  perhaps  be  accounted  for  by  the 
loss  of  his  principal  spy  at  Charles's  Court.  Suspicions  having 
NOV.  25.  been  roused  by  Manning's  frequent  correspondence 
^rae"tedgand  w^^  England,  he  was  arrested  and  his  papers  seized, 
executed.  if-  was  found  that  he  had  drawn  up  an  account  of  a 
discussion  in  the  Council  on  a  plan  for  the  seizure  of  Ply- 
mouth. In  vain  Manning  pleaded  that  he  had  never  given 
any  but  useless  information  to  Thurloe,  and  also  that  he  had 
made  up  his  mind  to  break  off  the  connection  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible. Nicholas  and  Culpepper,  who  conducted  the  inquiry 
into  his  conduct,  were  not  to  be  blinded.2  The  only  question 
was  in  what  way  he  could  be  executed  as  a  traitor  to  a  king 
who  had  not  a  foot  of  land  over  which  to  exercise  sovereignty 
The  Elector  of  Cologne  refused  to  permit  so  anomalous  a 
jurisdiction  within  his  territory.  The  Count  Palatine  of  Neu- 
burg,  however,  authorised  the  execution  in  his  Duchy  of 
Juliers,  and  the  unfortunate  man  was  accordingly  taken  across 

so  forth.  But  it  is  impossible  after  reading  the  correspondence  to  feel  any 
doubt  as  to  what  was  intended.  R.  Talbot  to  Ormond,  £^-~,  Carte's 
Orig.  Letters^  ii.  69. 

1  Peter  Talbot  writes  that  nothing  made  him  laugh  more  '  than  that 
Cromwell  should  ask  of  my  brother  why  he  should  think  of  killing  him 
.  .  .  seeing  he  had  never  prejudiced  him  in  his  life  ;  as  if  to  murder  the 
King  and  the  nobility  and  gentry  of  three  nations  were  nothing.'  P.  Tal- 
bot to  Harding,  ~-f,  Clarendon  MSS.  li.  fol.  10. 

3  Nicholas  Papers,  iii.  149-87.  Mr.  Warner  expresses  a  doubt  as  to 
the  trustworthiness  of  Manning's  information  about  the  deliberation  on 
the  seizure  of  Plymouth.  Manning's  denial  of  its  truth  is  worthless,  and 
it  chimes  in  with  what  we  know  of  Sexby's  projects  at  this  time. 
Clarendon's  account  of  the  affair  (xiv.  142-45)  cannot  be  relied  on  for 
details. 

Q2 


228  COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

the  border  and  shot  in  a  wood  by  Armorer  and  Sir  James 
Hamilton.1 

Little  as  was  to  be  expected  from  a  combination  with 
the  Levellers,  the  exiled  Court  was  all  but  driven  into  their 
_  lfi  arms  by  the  credulity  of  the  Government  at  Brussels. 
Charles  °  Having  vainly  tempted  Charles  to  change  his  religion 
changehis  by  dangling  before  his  eyes  the  offer  of  a  Papal  grant 
religion.  ^^e  enough  to  set  Sexby  in  motion,  Fuensaldana 
next  pressed  him  to  assent  to  the  projected  insurrection  of  the 
Levellers.  Charles,  however,  who  had  rejected  the  plan  of 
conversion  from  prudential  motives,  took  care  to  indicate 
that  though  he  had  no  objection  to  the  Levellers  assisting  the 
English  Royalists,  he  would  not  assent  to  a  republican  move- 
ment in  which  his  own  friends  would  be  swamped.2  The 
difficulty  of  giving  to  Sexby's  scheme  a  plausible  form  lay 
principally  in  the  obvious  fact  that  no  insurrection  was  likely 
The  com-  to  ^e  successnil  unless  the  Royalists  could  gain  the 
mand  of  the  command  of  the  sea,  as  in  no  other  case  would  it  be 
S^/tTthe  possible  to  support  it  with  Spanish  regiments.  For 
the  attainment  of  this  object  Sexby  was  necessarily 
dependent  on  his  confederate,  Lawson,  who,  however,  was  no 
longer,  as  he  had  been  in  the  summer  and  autumn,  in  posses- 
sion of  an  independent  command. 

During  the  winter  months  a  fleet  was  preparing  for  service 
on  the  coast  of  Spain,  with  the  ulterior  object  of  watching  for 
A  fleet  Pre-  the  Plate  Fleet,  which  might  be  expected  to  arrive  at 
the  end  of  the  summer  of  1656.  Blake  was,  as  a  matter 
MontaJut  °* course> to  accompany  it  as  admiral ;  but  this  time  he 
to  command,  was  to  receive  a  colleague  in  the  person  of  one  of 

1  The  Public  Intelligencer,  £,491,  10;  Sagredo  to  the  Doge,  Jan.  |f, 
Venetian  Transcripts,  R.O.  The  Count  Palatine  was  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg's  opponent,  Philip  William.  Sagredo  erroneously  calls  him 
the  Count  Palatine,  Duke  of  Brandenburg.  In  Hyde's  correspondence  he 
is  invariably  styled  Duke  of  Neuburg — a  non-existent  title. 

-  P.  Talbot  to  Charles  II.  -,  Dec.  if,  Jan.  T7T  ;  the  King's  answer  to 
the  proposals  of  Mr.  S[exby],  Clar.  St.  P.,  iii.  280,  284  ;  Clarendon 
MSS.  li.,  fol.  55. 


1655  LAWSON    DISTRUSTED  22Q 

the  Protector's  most  attached  friends,  Edward  Montague.  To 
Lawson  was  given  the  position  of  vice-admiral.  As  it  is 
Probable  hardly  possible  that  Montague's  nomination  by  the 
object  of  Protector  proceeded  from  any  distrust  of  Blake  as  a 
appoint  s  commander,  it  may  reasonably  be  accounted  for  by 

Oliver's  wish  to  have  someone  in  command  of  the 
fleet  on  whom  he  could  rely  to  keep  an  eye  on  Lawson,  and 
who  was  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  political  currents  to 
know  where  the  danger  lay.1 

The  truth  was,  that  though  Lawson  was  known  to  be  in 
the  secrets  of  the  Levellers,  he  was,  as  the  author  of  the  sea- 

men's petition,  too  popular  among  the  sailors  to  be 

Lawson  to  j-        •        j  j   -I  n  u 

go  as  vice-  easily  dismissed,  and  it  may  well  have  seemed  to  the 
Protector  that,  if  he  were  removed  from  the  com- 
mand of  the  Channel  fleet,  he  would  be  safer  under  Montague's 
eyes  on  the  coast  of  Spain  than  in  any  other  position.  The 
!656.  risk  from  Lawson's  hostility  to  the  Government  was, 
SSgyof  indeed,  not  to  be  treated  lightly.  The  difficulty  of 
the  fleet.  manning  the  fleet  was  great,  as  the  destination  of  the 
expedition  was  kept  secret  and  the  sailors  suspected  it  to  be 
destined  for  the  West  Indies.  Moreover,  the  financial  straits 
into  which  the  Government  had  fallen  stood  in  the  way  of  the 
prompt  payment  of  wages.  Officers  directed  to  press  seamen 
into  the  service  of  the  State  met  with  organised  opposition. 
Yet  in  the  end  their  object  was  attained,  partly  by  seizing 
sailors  on  shore,  partly  by  compelling  outward-bound  merchant- 


1 Clarendon  says  (xv.   26)  that  Montague  was  appointed  at  Blake's 
request,  on  the  ground  of  his  state  of  health.      It  is  not   unlikely  that 
Clarendon  heard  this  from  Montague  himself.     It  does  not  follow  that  the 
statement  was  true.     A  Royalist  agent  distinctly  named  the  person  to 
whom  Blake  oom  plained  that  the  Protector  had  'joined  him  to  a  very 
worthless  fellow.'     Ross  to  Nicholas,  July  l\,  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxix.   32. 
Giavarina,    too,   after   making   some   inquiry,    declares   that   Blake   and 
Montague  were  not  on  good  terms  during  the  voyage. 

2  Weald  to  Peters,  Jan.  22  ;  Hatsell  to  the  Admiralty  Commissioners, 
Feb.   i  ;  Hatsell  to  Blackborne,  Feb.  5,  S.  P.  Dom.  xxiii.   59,  cxxiv, 
9-24,  with  other  letters  in  the  same  collection. 


230  COLONISATION    AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

sailors  were  not  without  justification  for  their  unwillingness  to 
Sailors'  serve  tne  State  is  shown  not  merely  by  the  fact 
grievances.  fa^  jn  accordance  with  existing  regulations,  the 
crews  of  Blake's  fleet  of  1654-55  received  no  pay  during  the 
twenty  months  of  their  service  at  sea, l  but  that  not  a  penny  of 
the  money  due  to  them  had  been  made  over  to  their  wives  and 
families,  a  grievance  which  had  found  its  place  in  the  seamen's 
petition  of  1654.2  As  for  prize  goods,  they  were  apt  to  remain 
in  the  hands  of  officials,  or  to  be  detained  for  the  use  of  the 
State,  instead  of  being  distributed  amongst  the  captors.3 

With  such  a  feeling  of  discontent  prevailing  amongst  the 
crews  it  is  no  wonder  that  Lawson's  presence  in  their  midst 
Lawson  was  regarded  by  the  Government  as  a  danger.  It  is 
dangerous.  at  least  certain  that  Charles  was  looking  hopefully 
Feb  x  in  this  direction,  and  that  on  February  i  he  in- 
Charies's  structed  an  agent  to  assure  Fuensaldana  that,  if  he 

hopes  from  ° 

the  fleet.  were  openly  received  in  Flanders,  'some  of  those 
ships  may  come  in  before  they  pass  the  Channel,  at  least  that 
they  will  drop  into  the  ports  of  Spain  as  they  pass  that  coast 
and  the  Mediterranean.' 4  It  may  be  suspected  that  Charles 
failed  to  realise  the  disinclination  of  the  English  sailor  to 
desert  his  flag  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy. 

Lawson  .  * 

resigns  his  Lawson,  who  can  have  been  under  no  delusion  on 
this  score,  suddenly  threw  up  his  command,  either 
because  he  despaired  of  being  able  to  satisfy  the  expectations 
he  had  raised  at  Cologne,  or  because  he  discovered  that  his 
secret  had  been  betrayed.5  His  own  explanation  was  that  he 

1  The  fleet  had  been  lying  at  Portsmouth  long  before  it  sailed  for  the 
Mediterranean. 

2  The  Admiralty  Commissioners  to  the  Protector  and  Council,  Oct.  12, 
1655,  Thurloe,  iv.  79. 

3  Oppenheim's  Administration  of  the  Navy,  i.  315-19.     On  the  other 
hand,  Goodson  sold  the  plunder  of  Santa  Marta   'at  each  ship's  mast.' 
Though  he  does  not  Say  the  price  was  divided,  according  to  rule,  amongst 
the  crews,   there  can  be   little  doubt  that  it  was  so.     Goodson   to  the 
Council,  Nov.  7,  1655,  ib.  iv.  159. 

4  Instructions  to  De  Vic,  Feb.  J-,  Clar.  St.  P.  iii.  286. 

5  The  Protector  informed  Bordeaux  somewhat  later  that  he  had  had 


1656  RESIGNATIONS  231 

would  not  go  to  sea  till  he  knew  the  design  of  the  voyage.1 

About   a   fortnight   later   Captain    Lyons    resigned, 

His'exampie  testifying  his  discontent  at  '  the  neglect  of  due  care  for 

thrSr         both  commanders  and  seamen  and  their  families  in 


captains.  cage  Q^  fe^th.  or  iong  aDsence  at  Sea,'  adding  that 
'  he  was  not  satisfied  in  the  design  .  .  .  neither  against  whom 
we  should  go,  nor  where.'  On  the  following  day 
Captain  Hill  followed  his  example.  Hill's  objec- 
tions to  serve  were  still  more  explicit  than  those  of  Lyons. 
Englishmen,  he  alleged,  and  not  Spaniards,  had  been  the 
cause  of  the  trouble  in  the  Indies,  and  he  consequently  dis- 
approved of  the  orders  given  to  Blake  the  year  before  to  attack 
the  Plate  Fleet.  His  conscience,  he  averred,  would  not 
'  suffer  him  to  fight  the  Spaniards  either  in  the  West  Indies  or 
southerly,'  though  he  was  ready  to  defend  his  own  country  if 

information  of  Sexby's  design  '  d'exciter  un  soulevement  dans  la  flotte,' 
Bordeaux  to  Mazarin,  *%&!*>  French  Transcripts,  R.O. 

1  "I  cannot  but  admire  at  Captain  Lawson's  actings,  seeing  he  went 
so  far  ;  and  thus  to  retreat  renders  him  not  the  person  I  took  him  for. 
Ingenuity  would  have  prompt[ed]  him  to  have  done  otherwise,  but  I  fear 
he  is  so  strongly  biassed  by  those  that  wish  not  well  to  the  present  public 
transactions  that  he  consulted  not  his  own  reason  as  he  ought  on  the  best 
of  accounts."  Hatsell  to  the  Admiralty  Commissioners,  Feb.  15,  S.  P. 
Dom.  cxxiv.  34.  Hatsell's  statement  to  that  effect  is  also  corroborated 
by  the  statement  of  the  Dutch  ambassador  that  Lawson  '  seyne  comissie 
heeft  nedergelegt.'  Nieupoort  to  the  States  General,  Feb.  |f,  Add.  MSS. 
17,677  W,  fol.  229.  Also,  in  a  letter  of  Jan.  I,  1657,  John  Thompson 
writes  (S.  P.  Dom.  cliii.  6)  to  Robert  Thompson,  the  Navy  Commissioner, 
that  his  friend,  Vice-  Admiral  Lawson,  had  laid  down  his  commission.  It 
is,  if  possible,  even  more  conclusive  that  the  official  warrant  of  the  Navy 
Commissioners  issued  on  August  28,  1656,  for  Lawson's  pay  (ib.  cxliv. 
in)  directs  that  it  is  to  be  reckoned  up  to  Feb.  II,  the  day  he  laid  down 
his  commission.  On  the  other  hand  a  royalist  puts  it  otherwise.  "  Your 
most  admired  Lawson,  the  Vice-Admiral,  is  cashiered  for  refusing  to  go  to 
sea  till  he  knew  the  design."  Pile  to  Whitley,  Feb.  21,  ib.  cxxiv.  90. 
The  epithet  '  most  admired,'  occurring  in  a  letter  from  one  Royalist  to 
another,  indicates  the  expectations  formed  in  that  quarter,  but  the  term 
'  cashiered  '  cannot  be  accepted  in  view  of  the  preponderating  evidence 
that  Lawson  resigned. 


232  COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

attacked   by  an  enemy  in   the  Channel.      A  few  days   later 

March        Captain  Abelson  also  laid  down  his  commission  on 

the  plea  of  his  wife's  ill  health.     A  lieutenant  who 

declared  that  if  he  had  been  in  Lawson's  place  he  would  have 

acted   in   the   same  way  as   the  Vice-Admiral  was   promptly 

cashiered.1     At  Whitehall,  where  Sexby's  projects  were  well 

known,  the  whole  trouble  was  attributed  to  Spanish  intrigue.2 

Feb.  i4 .     Lawson's   place   had   been  filled  without  delay  by 

succeeds        Badiley,3  whose  conduct  against  the  Dutch  in  the 

Lawson.        Mediterranean  had  left  nothing  to  be  desired. 

Though  Lawson's  defection  put  the  Government  on  its 
guard  against  the  Levellers,  he  had  no  connection  with  the 
Lawson  not  ^^  Monarchists,  and,  with  characteristic  hopeful- 
connected  ness,  the  Protector  seized  the  opportunity  to  make 

with  the  ., .  * 

Fifth  Mon-  one  more  attempt  to  conciliate  the  latter,  who,  what- 
ever other  reasons  for  dissatisfaction  they  might  have, 
were  at  least  unlikely  to  object  to  an  attack  on  Papal  Spaniards. 
On  February  19  the  Council  took  into  consideration  the  release 
of  Harrison  and  his  fellow-sufferers,  Carew,  Courtney,  and 
March.  Rich.4  Their  liberation  was,  however,  postponed  for 
ofHaSSon  a  little  time  >  but  on  March  22  Harrison,  in  spite  of 
and  Rich.  nis  asseveration  that  he  preferred  imprisonment  to 
liberty,  was  forced  to  accept  the  freedom  which  he  deprecated, 
and  is  heard  of  before  the  end  of  the  month  in  his  house  at 
Highgate.5  Rich  appears  to  have  been  set  free,  voluntarily 
or  involuntarily,  about  the  same  time,  though  Carew  and 
Courtney  remained  in  durance.  The  delay  was  probably  owing 
Ameetin  of  to  inf°rmati°n  which  reached  the  Government  of  the 
Anabaptists  intention  of  the  Anabaptists  and  Fifth  Monarchy 

and  Fifth  .  .  J 

Monarchy     Men  to  meet  in  London  to  discuss  the  question  of 
taking   arms.      Such   a   meeting  was  actually   held 

1  Montague  to  Thurloe,  March  2,  7,  10,  Thurloe,  iv.  570,  590,  594. 

2  Thurloe  to  Montague,  March  4,  Carte's  Orig.  Letters,  ii.  87. 
8  The  Public  Intelligencer,  E,  492,  6. 

4  See  vol.  iii.  p.  268. 

6  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  pp.  554,  586 ;  Rogers,  Jegar 
Sahadutha,  133;  The  Public  Intelligencer,  E,  493,  2. 


1656  AN    ARGUMENTATIVE   VICTORY  233 

about  the  middle  of  March.  With  his  usual  dislike  of  un- 
necessary bloodshed,  the  Protector,  instead  of  sending  soldiers 
to  disperse  it,  invited  some  of  his  own  Baptist  supporters  to 
argue  the  matter  out  with  their  more  extreme  co-religionists, 
with  the  result  that  the  gathering  dispersed  in  a  more  peaceable 
frame  of  mind  than  had  been  expected.1  It  was,  no  doubt, 
less  with  the  object  of  defending  the  Protector  against  move- 
ments of  this  kind,  which  might  properly  be  dealt  with  by  the 
regular  forces,  than  to  preserve  him  against  a  renewal  of  assas- 
sination-plots such  as  that  with  which  Halsall  and  Talbot  had 
Feb  20  Deen  charged,  that  a  new  lifeguard,  composed  of 
A  new  life-  picked  and  highly  paid  men  who  had  served  with 
credit  in  the  army,  and  no  less  than  160  strong,  was 
instituted  as  a  security  for  his  person.2 

With  Lawson's  resignation  all  chance  of  a  successful  issue 
Sexby's  to  Sexby's  schemes  came  to  an  end  for  the  present.3 
SJcTss  at  an  ^t  was>  perhaps,  a  tardy  conviction  that  Sexby  was  no 
end-  better  than  a  braggart  that  induced  Fuensaldana 

1  Thurloe  to  H.  Cromwell,  March  18,  TJmrloe,  iv.  629.     The  officers 
sent  to  liberate  Harrison  reached  Carisbrooke  on  the  2oth  ;    they  must 
therefore  have  left  London  about  the  I7th  or  i8th,  soon  after  this  affair  took 
place,  thus  justifying  the  suspicion  that  it  had  something  to  do  with  the 
postponement  of  a  decision  in  the  Council  on  Harrison's  liberation.    Rich 
must  have  been  freed— though  we  have  no  statement  to  that  effect— as 
he  was  re-imprisoned  in   August.      Carew  and   Courtney  were  still  in 
confinement  in  October. 

2  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  556. 

8  Dyer,  Sexby's  servant,  when  examined  on  Feb.  27,  1658  (Thurloe^ 
vi.  829),  said  that  8oo/.  had  been  given  to  Sexby  in  Spain  ;  whilst 
Thurloe,  on  April  15,  1656,  mentions  that  precise  sum  as  having  come 
into  his  hands  (ib.  iv.  698).  In  another  examination  Dyer  (ib.  vi.  832) 
speaks  of  two  sheepskins  full  of  pistoles  being  sent  over  by  Richard 
Overton.  If  so,  it  looks  as  if  Overton  was  the  person  who  betrayed 
Sexby's  plans  to  the  Government.  It  is  known  that  on  Sept.  6,  1654 
(ib.  ii.  590),  he  offered  his  services  to  Thurloe,  and  he  appears  on 
Thurloe's  list  of  payments  out  of  the  secret  service  money  as  having 
already  received  2O/.  for  his  services  on  Dec.  13,  1653.  S.  P.  Dom.  xcv. 
90,  xcviii.  Dyer  in  his  information  confuses  the  two  Overtons,  and 
generally  mixes  up  his  dates. 


234  COLONISATION    AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

to  seek  a  more  direct  understanding  with  Charles.  Before  the 
A  rfl  ^  end  of  March  Charles  visited  Brussels  in  strict  incog- 
A  treaty12  nito,  and  on  April  2  a  treaty  was  signed  between  his 
Charles  and  representatives  and  those  of  the  King  of  Spain.  By 
it  Philip  engaged  to  lend  6,000  soldiers  to  the  Stuart 
prince  as  the  nucleus  of  a  larger  army  of  Royalists.1  The  sole 
condition  was  that  a  port  of  disembarkation  should  be  secured 
in  England.  Subsequently,  after  Charles  had  by  this  means 
recovered  his  throne,  he  was  to  assist  Philip  to  regain  Portugal. 
On  the  burning  question  of  the  West  Indies,  Charles  was  to 
retain  all  that  his  father  had  held  at  the  time  of  the  Treaty  of 
1630,  that  is  to  say,  Barbados,  St.  Kitts  and  Nevis.  He  was, 
however,  not  merely  to  abandon  territory  acquired  since  that 
date — in  other  words,  Antigua,  Montserrat,  and  Jamaica — but 
was  to  engage  never  to  allow  his  subjects  to  make  any  fresh 
settlement  either  in  the  islands  or  on  the  mainland — a  stipula- 
tion which  is  mainly  interesting  as  showing  the  limits  of  Spanish 
April  iV  concession.  In  a  separate  article,  added  on  the 
articSeon6  following  day,  Charles  engaged  to  execute  the  Irish 
religion.  treaty  to  which  Ormondhad  consented  in  1646*  and 
to  suspend  the  penal  laws  against  the  Catholics  in  all  parts  of 
his  dominions,  as  well  as  to  do  everything  in  his  power  to  bring 
about  their  total  repeal.3  Though  the  whole  treaty  was  in- 
tended to  be  veiled  in  profound  secrecy,  it  was  well  known  to 
the  Protector  before  six  weeks  were  out4 

Neither  at  Brussels  nor  at  Madrid  did  Spanish  statesmen 
lay  much  stress  on  this  agreement.  Without  Lawson's  aid 
The  there  was  no  chance  of  obtaining  the  services  of  any 

n?taetThdu-  Part  °f  tne  English  fleet,  and  unless  the  command 
cSJfes's  of  the  Channel  could  be  secured  it  was  useless  to 
behalf.  think  of  sending  a  Spanish  force  into  England. 

1  Spain  was  to  provide  4,000  foot  and  2,000  horse,  Cal.  Clarendon 
State  Papers,  iii.  no,  136. 

-  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  55. 

8  Abreu  y  Bertolano,  Collection  de  los  Tratados  de  Paz  .  .  .  de  Es- 
pana,  viii.  305. 

4  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  May  ||,  French  Transcripts,  R.  0. 


1656  CHARLES   AND    LUCY   WALTER  235 

When  Philip  ratified  the  treaty,  he  did  so  only  on  the  ground 
that  it  might  be  useful  to  him  at  some  future  time,  whilst  it 
bound  him  to  nothing  for  the  present.  Charles's  request  to  be 
allowed  to  take  up  his  abode  in  the  Low  Countries  was  granted 
with  extreme  reluctance.  After  the  signature  of  the  treaty, 
however,  it  was  difficult  to  refuse  his  reiterated  demand,  and  he 
Charles  at  was  permitted  to  take  up  his  quarters  at  Bruges,  where 

for  some  time  he  spun  out  an  idle  existence  with  the 

help  of  a  pension  accorded  to  him  by  the  Spanish  Government.1 

Now  that  Charles  was  brought  into  so  close  a  connection 

with  the  enemy  it  was  but  natural  that  Oliver  should  seize  with 

avidity  on  any  opportunity  of  discrediting  him  in  the 
Lucy  eyes  of  Englishmen.  Such  a  chance  was  at  this  time 

thrown  in  his  way.  In  1648,  one  Lucy  Walter,  the 
daughter  of  a  Welsh  gentleman,  was  living  at  The  Hague  as  the 
mistress  of  Colonel  Robert  Sidney.  When  Charles  returned 
from  his  expedition  to  the  Thames,  Sidney  passed  her  on  to  his 
sovereign,  whose  infatuation  went  so  far  as  to  induce  him  to 
acknowledge  as  his  own  a  son — the  future  Duke  of  Monmouth 
— to  whom  she  gave  birth  seven  months  after  he  landed  in 
Holland.  So  openly,  indeed,  did  he  display  his  affection  that 
even  his  sister,  the  Princess  of  Orange,  referred  some  years 
later  to  Lucy  as  his  wife.  When,  however,  Charles  came  back 
in  1651  from  his  long  absence  in  Scotland,  and  found  her  again 
about  to  become  a  mother,  he  permanently  discarded  her.  In 

June  1656,  after  various  discreditable  adventures,  she 
Her  arrival  made  her  way  to  London,  this  time  in  company  with 

Thomas  Howard,  a  Gentleman  of  the  Horse  to  the 
Princess  of  Orange.  Living  at  a  great  expense,  with  no  avow- 
able  source  of  income,  she  became  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the 
guardians  of  order.  Being  lodged  in  the  Tower,  she  was 
found  in  possession  of  a  warrant  from  Charles  for  a  pension  of 
5,000  livres,  and  she  openly  boasted  that  her  boy  was  the  son 

1  Cardenas  to  Philip  IV.,  March  if  ;  the  Archduke  Leopold  to  Philip 
IV.,  ^f ;  Committee  of  the  Council  of  State,  *sj& ;  Cardenas  to 
Philip  IV.,  July  12,  Guizot,  ii.  562-72. 


236  COLONISATION    AND  DIPLOMACY     CHAP.  XLVIII. 

of  the  King. l  On  July  i  the  Council  ordered  that  she  should 
July  i.  be  sent  back  to  Flanders.2  The  courtly  Mercurius 
barcdktod  Politicus  printed  Charles's  warrant,  and  then  pro- 
Fianders.  ceeded  to  draw  an  inference  : — "Those  that  hanker 
Remarks  of  after  him  may  see  they  are  furnished  already  with  an 

Mercurtus  •-.  \  , 

Politicus.  heir  apparent,  and  what  a  pious,  charitable  prince 
they  have  for  their  master,  and  how  well  he  disposeth  of  the 
collections  and  contributions  which  they  make  for  him  here 
towards  the  maintenance  of  his  concubines  and  royal  issue.  "  3 
For  immediate  purposes,  however,  the  enemy  was  not 
Charles,  but  Spain.  On  March  28  the  fleet,  which  had  long 
March  28  ^een  preparing  in  the  Channel  ports,  at  last  sailed 
Sailing  of'  from  Torbav.4  Its  delay,  caused  either  bv  internal  dis- 

the  fleet.  .  *  ,        ,J 

sensions  or  by  contrary  winds,  enabled  two  galleons 
and  two  smaller  vessels  from  the  belated  Plate  Fleet  of  the 
last  season  to  reach  Cadiz  unmolested,5  though  their  consorts 
had  been  wrecked  in  the  Indies.  When  Blake  and  Montague 
A  rii  20.  reacned  Cadiz  Bay,  they  found  that  the  Spanish  ships 
it  arrives  in  of  war  had  taken  refuge  in  the  narrow  and  tortuous 

Carraca  channel,6  at  the  entrance  of  which  had  been 
placed  vessels  ready  to  be  sunk  on  the  approach  of  an  enemy, 
and  that  the  entrances  to  the  harbour  itself  had  been  strongly 
fortified  since  Cecil's  appearance  in  1625,  rendering  an  attack 
hazardous  in  the  extreme.  An  attempt  on  Gibraltar  was  next 
thought  of,  but  Montague  declared  that  the  enterprise  would 
be  hopeless  without  at  least  4,000  soldiers  to  blockade  the  rock 
on  the  land  side,  holding  that  seamen  were  *  not  for  land  ser- 
vice, unless  it  be  a  sudden  plunder.' 7  For  some  weeks,  there- 

1  The  evidence  is  collected  in  Steinman's  Althorp  Memoirs,  77-92. 

2  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77,  p.  218.     She  would  be  trans- 
ported   under  the  clause   of  the   Instructions    to    the    Major-Generals 
authorising   them  to  send   abroad  persons  without  ostensible  means  of 
subsistence. 

Merc.  Pol.,  E,  494,  13. 

Weale's  Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  fol.  43b. 

Merc.  Pol,  E,  493,  8,  13. 

See  map  prefixed  to  Hist,  of  EngL,  1603-1642,  vol.  vi. 

Montague  to  Thurloe,  Apr.  2O-May  29,   Thurloe,  v.  67  ;  Weale's 


1656  MEADOWE   AT   LISBON  237 

fore,  the  fleet  continued  cruising  off  Cadiz,  occasionally  ex- 
changing shots  with  galleys  creeping  out  when  the  sea  was  calm, 
May  20.  but  it  neither  suffered  nor  inflicted  damage  worthy 
ratesSffor  °f  mention.  On  May  20,  leaving  sixteen  frigates  to 
Lisbon.  keep  Up  the  blockade,  the  generals,  with  the  more 
powerful  ships,  sailed  for  Lisbon.1 

The  presence  of  the  fleet  in  Portuguese  waters  was  required 
to  compel  the  reluctant  King  to  ratify  the  treaty  negotiated 
The  with  Peneguiao  in  i654.2  The  main  objection  taken 

freaty^liiT  by  John  IV-  was  to  the  article  conceding  to  English 
unratified.  merchants  and  seamen  the  free  exercise  of  worship  in 
their  ships  and  houses.3  An  article  which  had  been  repelled 
at  Madrid  was  not  likely  to  be  favourably  regarded  in  Portugal. 
Determined  to  have  his  way,  the  Protector  despatched 
Philip  Meadowe  to  Lisbon  to  demand  that  the  treaty  should  be 
March  ii.  ratified  without  the  alteration  of  a  syllable.4  Meadowe 
missionWto's  ^ad  some  acquaintance  with  the  foreign  policy  of  the 
Portugal.  Government,  having  for  some  time  discharged  the 
duties  of  Latin  secretary,  from  which  Milton  had  been  incapa- 
citated by  his  blindness,  and  he  might  therefore  be  trusted  to 
carry  out  his  instructions  with  dexterity.  His  first  interview 

with  the  King  was,  from  his  own  point  of  view,  un- 
reiuctance     satisfactory.     "  I  am  King,"  said  John,  "  of  Portugal, 

not  of  the  Church."  5     A  few  days  later  an  intimation 

Journal,  Sloane  MSS.  1431,  foil.  44-45.  It  is  probable  that  the  Pro- 
tector had  suggested  an  attempt  on  Gibraltar  before  the  expedition  sailed. 
In  a  letter  of  April  28  (Carlyle,  Letter  CCIX.)  he  took  up  the  subject, 
but  so  far  as  we  can  gather  from  Montague's  letter  this  did  riot  reach  the 
fleet  till  after  the  question  had  been  discussed. 

1  Montague  to  Thurloe,  Apr.  2O-May  29,  Thurloe,  v.  67. 

2  See  vol.  iii.  81. 

8  Pile  to  Ross,  tfzliJSw'  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxiv.  1 10.  The  statement  con- 
tained in  this  letter  is  confirmed  by  the  course  of  the  subsequent  negotia- 
tions. 

4  Nieupoort  to  the  States  General,  March  •£,  Thurloe,  iv.  587. 

5  Giavarina  to  the  Doge,  May  ^,  Venetian  Transcripts,  R.  O.     The 
Venetian  fancied  that  the  treaty  demanded  a  public  church  for  Englishmen 
in  Lisbon,  which  was  not  the  case. 


238  COLONISATION    AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

that  the  fleet,  then  on  its  way  to  Cadiz,  might  look  in  at  Lisbon 
with  the  kindliest  intentions  was  not  without  effect,  and  the 
King  was  ultimately  induced  to  make  what  he  probably  regarded 
as  a  considerable  concession.     He  would  consent  to 
A  useless       grant   the   religious   liberty   demanded,  if  only  the 
article  were  approved  of  by  the  Pope  ; '   unless,  in- 
deed, the  Protector  would  revert  to  the  Treaty  of  1641,  giving 
liberty  to  Englishmen  only  so  long  as  they  gave  no  scandal. 

Ma  When  the  Protector,  on  May  3,  heard  of  this  offer,  he 
The^proteo  treated  the  proposed  reference  to  the  Pope  as  an  in- 
it,  and  suit  to  himself,2  and  ordered  Blake  and  Montague  to 

May  5.  leave  Cadiz  and  sail  for  Lisbon,  where  a  homeward- 
fleetTo^ali  bound  fleet  from  Brazil  was  expected  shortly  to  arrive. 3 
for  Lisbon.  It  was  thjs  order  which  brought  about  the  relinquish- 
ment  of  the  station  off  Cadiz  by  the  larger  portion  of  the  ships 
under  the  command  of  the  English  generals.  At  the  same  time 
Meadowe  was  ordered  to  obtain  ratification  within  five  days  of 
the  reception  of  these  new  instructions  or  to  come  away. 

A  few  days  before  this  despatch  was  sent  away  an  event 
occurred  which,  if  the  English  diplomatist  had  been  less  public- 

Ma  r  spirited  than  he  was,  might  easily  have  served  to 
An  embitter  the  relations  between  the  two  countries, 

assassinate  As  Meadowe  was  returning  from  an  audience  he  was 
>we'  wounded  in  the  hand  by  a  shot  from  an  arquebus. 
The  King,  in  his  anxiety  to  shield  himself  from  English 
vengeance,  did  his  utmost,  or  appeared  to  do  his  utmost,  to  dis- 
cover the  criminal ;  but  though  it  was  a  matter  of  common  belief 
in  Lisbon  that  the  shot  was  fired  either  by  Peneguiao  himself  or 
by  his  orders,  with  the  intention  of  avenging  his  brother,4  no 
arrests  were  made.5  It  is  probable,  indeed,  that  the  Protector's 

1  Meadowe  to  Blake  and  Montague,  May  ^,  Thurloe,  iv.  759. 

2  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  May  if,  French  Transcripts,  R.  0. 

3  Thurloe  to  Montague,  May  6,  Carte's  Orig.  Letters,  ii.  106. 

4  See  vol.  iii.  80. 

5  John  IV.  to  the  Protector,  May  || ;  Montague  to  Thurloe,  June  17, 
Thurloe,  v.   28,    124 ;  Giavarina  to  the   Doge,  July  ~,   Venetian   7>a;/- 
scripts,  R,0. 


1656  MEADOWE   WOUNDED  239 

demands  had  so  irritated  public  opinion  in  the  country l  that  no 
other  result  was  to  be  expected.  All  the  more  was  King  John 
desirous  of  showing  personal  courtesy  to  the  wounded  man,  even 
going  so  far  as  to  send  no  fewer  than  ten  of  the  best  physicians 
and  ten  of  the  best  surgeons  in  Portugal  to  attend  him  when  his 
wound  was  dressed.2  In  spite,  however,  of  this  multitude  of  ad- 
visers, Meadowe's  wound  proved  not  to  be  dangerous,  and 
though,  when  the  five  days  to  which  his  negotiation  was  limited 
were  expired  the  King  had  shown  no  signs  of  yielding,  the 
May  3i.  envoy  was  able  to  announce  on  May  31  that  the 
Sonsex-  ratifications  had  been  at  last  exchanged.3  Praise- 
changed,  worthy  as  was  the  conduct  of  Meadowe  in  refusing  to 
aggravate  the  situation  on  account  of  his  personal  grievance, 
it  cannot  be  said  that  his  diplomatic  success  was  the  con- 
sequence of  his  own  efforts.  His  most  powerful  argument  was 
the  approach  of  the  fleet,  which  was  off  Cape  Espichel  on 
the  2  yth,  fully  prepared  to  cope  with  the  expected  convoy 
from  Brazil. 

The  differences  of  opinion  between  the  two  admirals  were 
becoming  a  matter  of  public  notoriety  in  London ; 4  and  causes 
The  for  misunderstanding  were  not  wanting  on  this 

occasion.  Montague,  with  the  fiery  zeal  of  a  lands- 
man'  was  burning  for  the  fray,  and  would  have  been 
Montague.  giad  to  see  Meadowe  disavowed  on  the  grounds  of 
the  expiration  of  the  five  days  before  the  King  yielded,  and  of 
the  failure  to  punish  the  authors  of  the  attempted  assassination. 
Blake  prudently  supported  Meadowe,  as  having  effected  the 

1  Bordeaux  remarks  that  France  could  not  support  the  Protector's 
demand  for  religious  liberty  c  dans  un  pays  dont  les  loix  interdisent  la 
diverske  de  religions,  ou  le  clerge  a  grand  pouvoir,  et  le  Roy  ne  jouit  que 
d'une  autorite  precaire.'  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  June  ~,  French  Tran- 
scripts, A\  O. 

"  Giavarina  to  the  Doge,  July  i|,  Venetian  Transcripts,  R.  0.  ;  The 
Public  Intelligencer,  E,  494,  II. 

3  Meadowe  to  Blake  and  Montague,  May  31,  Thurloe,  v.  79. 

4  See   p.    229,  note    I.      Compare  Giavarina  to  the   Doge,   June  |§, 
Venetian  Transcripts,  R.O. 


240  COLONISATION    AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

object  of  his  negotiation  in  substance ; l  and  Blake's  view  was 
shared  by  the  Protector,  who  was  not  the  man  to  take  excep- 
Biake  and  tion  to  mere  points  of  form.  Meadowe  was,  more- 
JjJpporS  over,  able  to  advance  a  potent  argument  in  favour  of 
Protector.  ms  views  by  shipping  off  to  England  the  5o,ooo/.2 
5o  ooo/  which  the  King  had  engaged  to  pay  to  the  English 
sent  home,  merchants  in  compensation  for  losses  suffered  by  them 
during  Rupert's  visit  in  i649,3  but  which  now  found  its  way,  at 
least  for  a  time,  into  the  Protector's  Treasury.4  After  this 
there  was  no  longer  any  reason  to  detain  the  fleet  in  Portuguese 
June  28.  waters,  and  on  June  28  the  generals  returned  to 
Surnfto  Cadiz  Bay,5  whence  they  sent  out  squadrons  from 
Cadiz  Bay.  tjme  to  tjme  to  harass  what  little  of  Spanish  com- 
merce was  in  existence,  whilst  they  trusted  to  Providence  to 
send,  sooner  or  later,  a  Plate  Fleet  within  their  reach. 

The  seizure  of  the  Plate  Fleet,  if  it  were  ever  realised, 
would  do  much  to  fill  the  empty  treasury  of  the  Government. 
Spanish  English  merchants  might  be  pardoned  for  looking 
privateers.  nearer  home,  where  the  mariners  of  Ostend  and 
Dunkirk,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Biscay  ports,  were  now  actively 
employed  in  matching  their  quick-sailing  privateers  against  the 
mercantile  navy  of  England.  Having  little  trade  of  their  own 
to  protect,  these  hornets  of  the  sea  were  freed  from  the 
necessity  of  guarding  their  own  waters,  and  it  would  go  hard 
with  them  if  they  did  not  find  a  lucrative  occupation  in  the 
capture  of  a  fair  number  of  the  3,000  English  merchantmen, 
who  were,  on  an  average,  constantly  exposed  to  danger.6  In 

1  Meadowe  to  Thurloe,  June  16 ;    Montague  to  Thurloe,  June  17, 
Thurloe,  v.  123,  124. 

2  Ib.  v.  286.     This  was  reckoned  as  the  value  of  the  coin  sent  home. 
It  ultimately  produced  only48,o58/.  Receipt  Books  of  the  Exchequer,  Aug., 
Sept.  12,  16,  20;  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77,  p.  601. 

3  See  vol.  iii.  81. 

4  The  division  of  the  money  among  the  merchants  was  to  be  settled 
by  arbitration.     I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  discover  when  this  took 
place. 

6  Montague  to  Thurloe,  June  30,  Thurloe,  v.  170. 

6  Sagredo  to  the  Doge,  Nov.  T25,  1655,  Venetian  Transcripts,  R.O. 


1656  THE   DUNKIRK    PRIVATEERS  24! 

February  some  of  these  privateers  had  anticipated  the  issue 

Feb        of  Spanish  commissions,  and  by  the  middle  of  March 

Their  forty  sail,  leaving  the  ports  of  Dunkirk  and  Ostend, 

tictivitv 

in  the  had    secured    some    thirty   prizes   in    the   Channel 

nel'       and    the    North    Sea.1       The    Newcastle    colliers, 

especially,  fell  an  easy  prey,  and  the  price  of  coals  began,  in 

consequence,  to  rise  in  London.2     In  the  Channel 

March- 

June         matters  were  quite  as  bad.     Even   when  merchant- 

Losses  of  ...  j  .  r 

English  men  were  sailing  under  convoy  it  was  easy  for  a 
shipping.  nimble  frigate  to  slip  in  amongst  them  and  carry  off 
its  prey.  The  Dunkirkers  were  not  only  built  for  speed,  but 
they  were  kept  scrupulously  clean,  and  frequently  returned  to 
port  to  be  re-tallowed,  whereas  English  men-of-war  were  often 
allowed  to  stream  with  seaweed.  The  complaints  of  those  who 
lost  their  goods  or  their  kinsmen  were  loudly  raised,  and  the 
blame  would  naturally  be  thrown  on  the  Government  which 
had  entered  on  a  war  for  which  there  was  no  national  demand.3 
The  question  of  the  possession  of  Dunkirk  thus  passed 
from  the  region  of  diplomatic  possibility  to  that  of  urgent 
political  necessity.  The  Protector,  at  least,  had 
made  up  his  mind  that  the  offending  port  must  be 


k  transferred  to  his  own  guardianship,  and  as  Mazarin 
had  offered  to  comply  with  his  wishes  in  1654,  he 
can  hardly  have  expected  much  difficulty  in  attaining  his 
object  ;  and  he  therefore  found  great  cause  for  dissatisfaction 
when  Bordeaux,  returning  from  his  leave  of  absence,  had  but 
March  29  little  to  say,  at  his  first  audience  on  March  29,  about 
Bordeaux's  tnat  closer  alliance  for  military  purposes  which  was 
audience.  so  mucn  in  the  Protector's  mind,  especially  now  that 
the  much-talked-of  conjunction  with  Sweden  had  proved 
elusive.  Another  source  of  dissatisfaction  with  France  was 
the  knowledge  that,  just  as  the  Protector  had  made  up  his 

1  Intelligence  from  Dunkirk,  March  n,  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxv.   27  ;  Car- 
denas to  Philip  IV.  ,  March  if,  Guizot,  ii.  562. 

2  Giavarina  to  the  Doge,  March  i|,  Venetian  Transcripts^  R.  O. 

-     3  The  documents  amongst  the  State  Papers  are  too  numerous  to  be 
quoted  separately. 

VOL.  IV.  R 


242  COLONISATION   AND  DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

mind  to  offer  2o,ooo/.  to  support  the  resistance  of  the  Swiss 
Protestant  cantons  to  the  claim  of  Catholic  Schwytz 

End  of 

the  Swiss  to  persecute  its  own  Protestants, l<  a  peace  had  been 
concluded  under  French  mediation  in  which  each 
canton  was  acknowledged  to  have  the  right  of  dealing  as  it 
pleased  with  its  subjects.2  The  result  was  none  the  less  dis- 
liked at  Whitehall  because  it  was  a  counterpart  to  the  appeal 
by  Charles  X.  to  the  Treaty  of  Osnabriick. 

Oliver  was  the  more  anxious  because  the  rumours  of  a 
mediation  on  the  part  of  the  Pope  between  France  and  Spain 
Rumours  of  had  lately  been  acquiring  consistency.  When,  there- 
fore,  Bordeaux's  silence  confirmed  the  impression 
tnat  tne  friendship  with  France  was  less  solid  than  he 
Spain.  had  hoped,  Oliver  resolved  to  despatch  a  special 
ambassador  to  the  French  Court  to  discover  from  Mazarin  in 
person  what  his  intentions  really  were.3  For  this  purpose  he 
selected  Sir  William  Lockhart,  a  Scot  who,  after  an  adventurous 
Lockhart  career,  in  the  course  of  which  he  had  served  as  a 
EaSadoTto  soldier  in  the  armies  of  France  and  of  the  United 
France.  Provinces,  had  returned  home  to  fight  under  the 
His  career,  standard  of  his  own  country  in  the  Civil  War.  He 
was  knighted  by  Charles  I.  after  his  surrender  at  Newark,  and 
subsequently  fought  under  Hamilton  at  Preston ;  but,  con- 
sidering himself  slighted  by  Argyle,  he  threw  up  his  commission 
before  the  battle  of  Dunbar,  and,  perhaps  for  that  reason,  saw 
his  offer  of  service  refused  by  Charles  on  the  march  to 
Worcester.  In  his  anger  he  transferred  his  services  to  the 
English  Parliament,  and  in  May  1652  took  his  seat  at  Edinburgh 
as  a  member  of  the  Commission  for  the  Execution  of  Justice. 
In  1653  he  represented  Scotland  in  the  Nominated  Parliament, 
and  in  the  first  Protectorate  Parliament  he  sat  for  his  native 

1  See  supra,  p.  209. 

2  Pell's  correspondence  (Vaughan's  Protectorate,  i.  282-429)  gives  the 
salient  features  of  the  struggle. 

8  Bordeaux  to  Brienne,  -^ffff,  Guizot,  ii.  582  ;  Bordeaux  to  Mazarin, 
XpS11^  French  Transcripts,  R.  0.  Only  a  portion  of  the  latter  is  printed 
by  Guizot,  ii.  5^4- 


1656  LOCKHART'S   MISSION  243 

county  of  Lanark.  In  July  1654,  before  that  Parliament  was 
chosen,  he  sealed  his  devotion  to  the  Protector  by  marrying 
his  widowed  niece,  Robina  Sewster. 

All  that  Mazarin  and  Bordeaux  could  do  to  avert  this 
unwelcome  mission  was  attempted  in  vain.  Mazarin  protested 
Mazarin  that  the  life  of  any  representative  of  the  Protector 
LockhartT'  would  be  in  danger  from  the  English  Royalists.1  All 
mission.  that  he  effected  was  a  resolution  to  provide  Lock- 
hart  with  a  guard  of  twelve  soldiers,  disguised  as  his  domestic 
servants,  besides  a  certain  number  of  officers,  who  would 
appear  as  the  gentlemen  of  his  chamber.2  Mazarin 

Mazarin  s        ,     l      .      .  ... 

peace  had,  indeed,  more  cause  to  deprecate  any  step  which 

might  bind  him  to  an  active  alliance  with  England 
than  Oliver  was  aware  of,  even  though  a  rumour  that  the 
French  had  proposed  to  open  a  peace  conference  at  Savona 
had  reached  his  ears.3  Such  a  frame  of  mind,  once  known  to 
the  Spanish  ministers,  could  not  fail  to  produce  overtures  on 
their  part,  now  that  they  had  to  dread  the  fleets  of  England 
as  well  as  the  armies  of  France.  Accordingly,  in  the  course  of 
February  the  Archduke  Leopold  had  despatched  a 
Mis'ion'of  Spaniard  named  Caspar  Bonifaz  to  Madrid  to  adjure 
Philip  to  come  to  terms  with  France,  at  the  same 
time  emphasising  his  request  by  tendering  his  own  resignation 
of  the  viceroyalty,  on  the  plea  that  he  could  no  longer  hope  to 
Feb.  £f.  resist  the  enemy  with  credit.  Bonifaz  was  directed 
assured  of  to  Pass  through  Paris  in  order  to  obtain,  if  possible, 
rence0"?*"  t^ie  consent  of  Mazarin  to  the  opening  of  a  negotia- 
France.  tion.  Mazarin,  who  wished  for  nothing  better  than 
a  peace  which  would  secure  her  conquests  to  France,  was 
highly  delighted.  Even  Louis  XIV.  was  brought  on  the  scene. 
"Tell  the  King  of  Spain,"  he  said,  "  that  I  desire  his  friendship 
more  than  anything  else.  No,"  he  corrected  himself,  "there  is 
something  I  desire  still  more,  and  it  is  that  we  should  make 
peace  and  put  our  two  crowns  into  a  condition  to  defend 

1  Mazarin  to  Bordeaux,  Apr.  if,  Guizot,  ii.  587. 

2  Schlezer  to  Jena  [?],  Urkunden  imd  Aktenstucke,  vii.  749. 
8  Intercepted  letter  from  Boreel,  Jan.  £,  Thurloe,  iv.  386. 

R  2 


244  COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

religion,  which  is  dangerously  threatened."  Such  words 
betrayed  the  Frenchman's  true  feeling  in  the  face  of  that 
Protestant  alliance  which  was  never  long  absent  from  the 
Protector's  mind.  Before  the  end  of  March  Bonifaz  brought 
back  from  Madrid  the  reply  that  Philip  was  as  anxious  for 
peace  as  Louis.1 

At  his  first  audience,  on  May  8,  Lockhart  was  received  with 
every  show  of  courtesy  by  the   King,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Cardinal,2  but  was   unable    to   obtain   an   interview 
with  the  latter  till  he  met  him  at  Compiegne  on  the 


Science.       iQth.     In  the  conversation  which  ensued  the  French 
May  ,  j,.      minister  suggested  the  smaller  fort  of  Mardyk  as  the 
Place  to  De  attacked  and  surrendered  to  England 


MaJd  k"       a^ter  *ts  caPture'  DUt  Put  certam   questions  which, 

as   they   must  necessarily  be    referred   to   England, 

would  take   some   time  to  answer.3     Before  the  reply  could 

arrive  Mazarin  casually  mentioned  that  he  could  not  be  ready 

May  23.      to   commence   operations    before    July    2o.4      It   is 

A  date*  fixed  °bvi°us  that  the  date  was  fixed,  not  on  account  of 

for  co-          military  exigencies,  but  because  Lionne.  the  ablest 

operation.  J  ° 

of  the  rrench  diplomatists,  was  to  start  on  May  31 

^jSwiaT     for  Madrid  to  treat  for  peace,  and  that  time  must 

starts  for       be  afforded  for  knowing  whether  his  mission  proved 

'"  '        a  success  or  a  failure.5     A  discussion  on.  such  points 

as  whether  France  should  or  should  not  pay  the  English  troops 

to  be  used   in  the  siege  kept   the  ball  rolling  till 

state  of'  the    June    2o.6     By  that   time    Mazarin   knew   that   the 

negotiation.     *  ..  -mr     i   •  i  -i  ••  i  i 

negotiation  at  Madrid  was  less  promising  than  he 
had  hoped,  as,  whilst  Lionne  considered  the  restoration  of  any 

1  Valfrey,  Hugues  de  Lionne  ,  ses  ambassades  en  Espagne  et  Allemagne^ 
1-8. 

*  Letter  to  Bampfield,  May  i§,  Thurloe,  v.  8. 

3  Lockhart  to  Thurloe,   May  |f,z£.      v.    41.      Lockhart's  chief  des- 
patch   of   this   date   is   missing;    but   compare   the    despatch    of  j~-^ 
ib.  v.  52. 

4  Misprinted  June  in  ib.  v.  53.  5    Valfrey,  13. 
6  Lockhart  to  Thurloe,  June  =g,  Thurloe,  v.  142. 


1656  MAZARIN'S   DIPLOMACY  245 

one  of  the  fortified  places  secured  by  France  as  a  favour  to 
Spain,  Don  Luis  de  Haro  considered  it  to  be  a  favour  to 
France  if  she  were  allowed  to  keep  a  single  one  of  the  fortresses 
she  had  conquered.1  Yet  for  all  that  Mazarin  was  not  without 
hope  of  a  better  answer.  The  French  army  was  laying  siege 
to  Valenciennes,  and  if,  as  there  seemed  every  probability,  the 
town  fell  into  its  hands,  Spain  might  possibly  be  brought  to 
acknowledge  her  helplessness.  The  siege  also  enabled  him  to 
delay  a  final  answer  to  Lockhart,  as  it  was  obvious  that  the 
army  was  insufficient  to  master  Valenciennes  and  a  Flemish 

July  j       Port  at  ^6  same  time.2     The  day,  however,  arrived 

when  this  excuse  ceased  to  be  available.     On  July  5 

relieved.        the   French    besieging    army    was    broken    up    by 

Aug.  Tv     the  Spaniards,  who   followed   up  their   success   by 

cen'  the  capture  of  Conde  on  August  8. 
The  failure  to  take  Valenciennes  affected  both  negotiations. 
Mazarin  assured   Lockhart,  with   little  regard   for  truth,  that 

juiy  11.     Lionne  had  been  sent  to  Madrid  merely  to  satisfy 

Ttarwfeh  t^ie  ^°Pe  an(*  t^ie  C^ergy»  and  then,  with  more  con- 
Mazarin.  venient  truthfulness,  unrolled  the  exorbitant  demands 
of  Spain  before  the  Englishman's  ears  as  an  argument  to  show 
that  France  was  driven  to  carry  on  the  war  at  all  costs.  He 
did  not  mention,  indeed,  that  Lionne  had  not  yet  been  recalled, 
but  he  urged  a  demand  for  the  loan  of  4,000  English  soldiers, 
to  be  employed,  not  in  the  siege  of  Dunkirk  or  Mardy'k,  but  in 
juiy29.  that  of  some  inland  place.3  A  fortnight  later,  when 
Dunkujfto  he  was  pressed  to  join  in  an  attack  on  Dunkirk,  with 
intheesnfxtd  the  ODJect  of  placing  it  after  its  surrender  in  English 
spring.  occupation,  he  for  some  time  positively  refused  to 
agree.  To  besiege  Dunkirk,  he  said,  would  enable  the  Spaniards 
to  gain  some  other  fortress,  and  to  deliver  up  Dunkirk  to  his 
Highness,  whilst  this  other  place  was,  at  the  same  time,  lost  to 
France,  would  render  him  so  odious  to  the  whole  country  that 

1  Valfrey,  14-22. 

2  Lockhart  to  Thurloe,  ]j^~^t  July  £,  Thurloe,  v.  164,  172. 
8  Lockhart  to  Thurloe,  July  ig,  ib.  v.  217. 


246  COLONISATION   AND  DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

he  durst  not  venture  upon  so  dangerous  a  policy.  Yet  before 
the  interview  was  at  an  end  the  Cardinal  so  far  yielded  as  to 
engage  to  join  in  an  attack  on  Dunkirk,  if  only  the  execution 
of  the  plan  could  be  deferred  to  the  following  spring.1 
Evidently  what  he  was  really  aiming  at  was  to  postpone  any 
irrevocable  engagement  with  England  till  he  was  absolutely 
certain  of  Lionne's  failure.  With  this  answer  the  Protector 
was  obliged  to  be  content. 

At  the  time  when  this  communication  was  made  Lionne's 
mission  was  by  no  means  at  an  end.  Early  in  September  Don 
Sept.  &.  Luis  de  Haro  gave  way  so  far  as  to  abandon  all 
claim  to  the  lost  territories  of  Spain.  On  one  point 
oniy  was  ne  obdurate.  Conde  must  be  restored, 
not  only  to  his  property  in  France,  but  to  those  governments 
and  other  offices  which  had  gone  far  to  enable  him  to  dictate 
terms  to  the  Crown.  Philip,  in  point  of  fact,  had  engaged  to 
Conde  in  1650  to  make  no  peace  with  France  without  safe- 
guarding these  claims,  and  he  was  now  ready  to  plunge  his 
country  once  more  into  a  hopeless  war,  rather  than  break  his 
word.  On  this  point  of  honour  the  long  negotiation  reached 
its  term.2 

Mazarin's  failure  was  Oliver's  opportunity.  In  the  war 
before  her  France  stood  in  need  of  an  ally,  and  that  ally  could 
Mazarin  De  n°  other  than  England.  As  the  friendship  of 
Enrgiishthe  England  could  only  be  secured  by  the  delivery  of 
alliance.  Dunkirk,  the  Cardinal  had  no  longer  a  choice.  On 
A  Nov.^y.  November  8  he  and  Lockhart  came  to  an  agreement, 
mem  about  "A  levy  of  3,ooo  men,"  wrote  the  ambassador  to 
Thurloe,  "  is  expected  on  your  part.  The  mainte- 
nance of  the  whole  land  forces  and  all  the  charges  of  the  land 
seized  is  to  be  theirs,  and  whether  Dunkirk  or  Gravelines  shall 
be  begun  at  is  referred  to  Marshal  Turenne.  The  first  of 
them  that  shall  be  taken  is  to  be  put  into  your  hands  ;  if 
Gravelines,  it's  to  be  put  into  your  hands  as  a  pledge  for 

1  Lockhart  to  Thurloe,  Jg-f ,  Thurloe,  v.  252. 

2  Valfrey,  33-63. 


1656  AN   AGREEMENT  WITH   FRANCE  247 

Dunkirk;  if  Dunkirk  first,  it's  to  be  put  into  your  hands 
absolutely,  and  the  Protector  is  to  dispose  of  the  3,000  men  as 
he  shall  judge  fit."  l 

In  coming  to  this  decision,  the  French  Government  knew 
perfectly  well  that  though  the  Protector  was  driven  to  wrest 
The  Dunkirk  from  Spain  on  account  of  the  ravages  of  the 

Sakm^of  privateers  which  issued  from  that  port,  it  was  jealousy 
France.  of  France  which  determined  his  resolution  to  bring 
it  under  his  own  rule,  as  it  was  doubtless  jealousy  of  France 
which  had  made  him  cling  to  the  hope  of  a  Spanish  alliance  up 
to  the  autumn  of  1 654.2  The  future  he  believed  himself  able 
to  confide  to  the  strength  of  the  English  fleet  and  army.  It  is 
most  unlikely  that  he  was  unaware  that  he  could  not  hold  the 
place  without  irritating  a  nation  which,  strong  already,  was 
about  to  grow  stronger  by  his  aid.  Yet  he  seems  hardly  to 
have  reckoned  on  the  anger  which  his  general  policy  raised 
beyond  the  Channel.  "  All  persons  here,"  Lockhart  had 
written  a  few  days  before  the  completion  of  his  task,  "  that 
pretend  to  be  good  Catholics  express  a  passionate  zeal  for  an 
accommodation  between  France  and  Spain  upon  any  terms. 
.  The  clergy  press  the  necessity  of  it  upon  their 
of  the  French  auditories  at  all  occasions."  3  If  the  Protector  could 
have  been  informed  of  the  language  used  by  Louis 
himself  to  Bonifaz  earlier  in  the  year,4  he  would  have  had 
matter  to  give  him  pause.  To  claim  to  be  the  champion  of  the 
Protestant  interest  in  Europe,  and  in  so  doing  to  hold  lightly 

1  Lockhart  to  Thurloe,  Nov.  ^,  Thurloe,  v.  574. 

2  "  M.  le  Protecteur  ayant  au  temps  du  Parlement  le  plus  contribue  a 
la  prise  du  secours  de  Dunkerque  sur  ce  fondement  que,  si  tous  les  portz 
de  coste  tomboient  entre  nos  mains,  1'Angleterre  ne  joueroit  point  de  la 
liberte  de  commerce  dans  la  Manche  sans  nostre  consentement."     Bor- 
deaux to  Brienne,  May  if,  French  Transcripts,  R.  O.     This  is,  I  believe, 
the  only  authority  for  supposing  that  Cromwell  played  a  leading  part  in 
sending  Blake  to   seize   the    French   relieving   ships.      The   account   is, 
however,  intrinsically  probable,  and,  if  true,  shows  how  consistent  Crom- 
well was  in  his  dealings  about  Dunkirk. 

3  Lockhart  to  Thurloe,  Jjgj-5,  Thurloe,  v.  532. 

4  See  supra,  p.  243. 


248  COLONISATION   AND   DIPLOMACY      CHAP.  XLVIII. 

the  rights  of  kings  and  rulers*  over  their  subjects  in  matters  of 
religion,  was  the  very  policy  to  provoke  such  a  youth  as  Louis, 
who  had  no  mind  to  see  his  own  Protestant  subjects  supported 
against  him  by  a  foreign  Power,  and  was  perfectly  aware  that 
Oliver,  in  the  course  of  the  recent  negotiations,  had  refused  to 
renounce  his  assumed  right  to  take  up  the  cause  of  the 
Huguenots.  The  seeds,  which  were  ultimately  to  come  to  an 
evil  fruitage  in  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  were 
being  unwittingly  sown  by  the  self-constituted  Protector  of  the 
Protestant  world. 


249 


CHAPTER  XLIX 

PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS 

WHATEVER  might  be  said,  from  a  political  point  of  view,  of  the 

Protector's  gigantic  schemes  of  foreign  and  domestic  policy, 

1656.        there  could  be  but  one  opinion  as  to  the  inadequacy 

of  his  financial  resources  to  meet  their  cost.     Even 

t^ie  Major-Generals  had  not  been  many  days  at  work 
the  M?or°  Def°re  tneY  discovered  that  the  product  of  the  deci- 
Generais.  mation  would  be  insufficient  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
the  militia  under  their  orders,  a  discovery  which  led  to  the 
demand  that  the  limit  of  property  below  which  there  was  to  be 
They  ask  no  taxation  should  be  considerably  lowered.  As 
limit 'ma  might  be  expected,  there  was  considerable  difference 
be  lowered.  of  opinion  as  to  the  new  limit,  but  the  greater 
number — so  far  as  their  reports  have  reached  us — asked  that 
the  tax  might  fall  upon  income  derived  from  landed  property 
down  to  5<D/.  a  year,  and  upon  personal  property  valued  at 
5oo/.,  or  even  at  3oo/.L  Whalley,  writing  from  Nottingham, 
stood  alone  in  objecting  to  a  change,  on  the  ground  that  '  it 
would  discontent  many,  and  ruinate  some  in  this  country.' 
He  was,  moreover,  persuaded  that  the  change  would  '  bring 
very  little  into  the  treasury,  the  middling  sort  of  men  being 

almost  all  for  the  Parliament  or  neuters.5  It  is 
posafre-"  possible  that  this  last  objection  may  have  been  of 

purely  local  concernment,  but,  at  all  events,  when 
the  Council  early  in  January  took  the  question  into  considera- 

1  Their  reports,  running  from  Nov.  1656  to  Jan.  1657,  are  printed  in 
iv.  215-391  passim. 


250  PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS          CHAP.  XL1X. 

tion,  it  came  to  the  resolution  that  no  alteration  should  be 
made.1 

The  determination  left  the  burden  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
Major-Generals  unlightened.  When  January  drew  to  an  end 
they  were  expected  to  find  six  months'  pay  for  troops  levied 
in  the  preceding  June,  and  cast  about  in  vain  for  the  means 
Complaints  of  fulfilling  their  obligations.  Goffe,  writing  on 
c!utyeodfiffi~  February  2,  was  the  first  to  cry  out.  "The  truth 
paying  the  js  »  ne  wrote.  "  the  money  raised  in  this  association 

militia  ' 

troops.  will  not  .  .  .  amount  to  above  three  months  pay ; 
for  though  I  am  not  prepared  to  send  an  exact  account,  yet  I 
do  clearly  find  that  Sussex  will  not  amount  to  above  i,5oo/. 
per  annum,  Hampshire  i,ooo/.  per  annum,  and  Berks  will,  I 
hope,  rise  to  i,ooo/.  per  annum,  which  for  the  two  first 
counties  is  but  just  half  as  much  as  will  pay  the  troops." 2 
Butler  again  wrote  that  he  needed  i,o8o/.  for  Northampton- 
shire alone,  whereas  the  decimations  in  that  county  produced 
no  more  than  8oq/.  in  the  half  year.3  The  reports  from  poorer 
districts  were  not  likely  to  be  even  so  favourable  as  these.  A 
proposal  of  Goffe's  that  all  the  money 'collected  should  be 
paid  into  a  common  treasury  having  been  set  aside,4  the 
Council  resolved  on  February  27  to  reduce  the 

A  reduc-  t 

tion  in  the      number  of  the  men  in  each  troop  in  eleven  counties 

number  of  . 

men  from  ioo  to  8o.     It  was  not,  however,  till  March  20 

that  this  recommendation  was  accepted  by  the  Pro- 
tector.5 About  three  weeks  later,  on  April  n,  the  Council, 
feeling  no  doubt  that  the  eleven  counties  selected  were  better 

1  Desborough  to  Thurloe,  January  12 ;  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  January 
24  ;  Thurloe^  iv.  413,  449. 

a-  Goffe  to  Thurloe,  Feb.  2,  ib.  iv.  497. 

3  Butler  to  Thurloe,  Feb.  7,  ib.  iv.  511. 

4  Goffe  to  Thurloe,  Feb.  2,  ib.  iv.  497. 

5  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.   I,  76,   p.   565.      The  counties  were 
Oxford,  Berks,  Bucks,  Herts,  Hants,  Sussex,  Kent,   Cambridge,  Suffolk, 
Norfolk   and  Rutland  ;    that  is  to   say,  all   Fleetwood's   district   except 
Essex,  the  whole  of  Goffe's,  and  the  whole  of  Kelsey's  except  Surrey, 
Rutland  being  relieved  out  of  Butler's.     Essex  and  Surrey  may  have  been 
omitted  as  rich  enough  to  pay  the  full  amount. 


1656  REDUCTION    OF   THE    MILITIA  251 

able  to  bear  the  burden  than  many  others,  determined,  this 
time  with  the  immediate  approbation  of  the  Protector,  to  make 
the  reduction  universal.  The  result  was  a  diminution  of  expen- 
diture from  80,0677.  to  67JOIO/.1 

The  reduction,  however,  had  no  retrospective  effect,  and 

the  delay  of  payment  of  any  kind  was  certain  to  give  rise  to 

March  19     dissatisfaction.     When  on  March  19  Goffe  reduced 

Sduces         ^e  tro°Ps  m  Sussex,2  paying  them  in  full  for  the 

the  Sussex     first  half  year,  he  was  met  with  a  demand  for  pay- 

ment for  another  quarter  as  well.  He  was  told  by 
the  officer  in  command  that  '  he  could  not  hire  servants  at 
such  a  rate,  to  hire  them  for  a  year  and  put  them  off  at  three 
quarters'  end  with  half  a  year's  pay.'  So  angry  were  the 
soldiers  that  they  at  first  refused  to  touch  the  money,  crying 
out  that  they  would  have  all  or  none.  It  was  only  on  Goffe's 
representation  that  the  third  quarter  was  not  yet  at  an  end  that 
they  quieted  down.  In  his  letter  to  Thurloe  Goffe  acknow- 
ledged that  their  grumbling  was  not  unreasonable,  as  many  of 
them  had  spent  more  than  they  demanded  '  in  furnishing  them- 
A  rfl  selves  with  horse  and  arms.'  3  So  compassionate  was 
Berrylt7'  Berry  at  Worcester  that  he  paid  the  men  dismissed 

as  though  they  had  been  under  arms  for  a  whole  year, 
asking  that,  if  he  had  done  wrong,  the  overplus  might  be  de- 
ducted from  his  own  salary.4 

To  avoid  for  the  future  any  risk  of  bringing  the  Major- 
Generals  into  personal  collision  with  their  militia,  the  respon- 

sibility  for  the  payment  of  the  men  was  on  April  1  1 


arrange-        transferred  from  them  to  the  Army  Committee  of  the 

the  Army      Council  which  had  hitherto  been  employed  in  making 

arrangements  for  the  financial  needs  of  the  regular 

1  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  76,  p.  861.     Mrs.  Everett  Green,  in 
the  Calendar  for  1655-56,  has  made  an  unfortunate  slip  in  speaking  of  the 
old  establishment  beginning  on  June  24,   1655,  as  if  it  was  to  begin  in 
June  1656.      Cal.  pp.  263-372. 

2  This  was  the  day  before  the  Protector's  assent  was  formally  given. 
8  Goffe  to  Thurloe,  March  22,  Thurloe,  iv.  642. 

4  Berry  to  Thurloe,  April  26,  ib.  iv.  742. 


252  PARLIAMExNTARY   ELECTIONS        CHAP.  XLIX. 

forces.1  Whatever  might  be  the  result  of  the  reduction  effected 
in  the  militia,  the  Government — so  far  as  the  general  national 
expenditure  was  concerned — had  already  reached  the  length  of 
its  tether.  By  the  middle  of  May  the  Council  was  earnestly" 
directing  its  attention  to  the  almost  insoluble  problem  of 
meeting,  out  of  a  strictly  limited  income,  the  expenditure  re- 
quired to  carry  out  a  spirited  foreign  policy.  In  1654  the 
Protector  had  looked  forward  to  the  war  with  Spain  as  a  lucra- 
tive enterprise.  In  1656  its  cost  was  more  evident  than  its 
gains.  Jamaica  had  not  hitherto  shown  itself  a  profitable  ac- 
quisition, whilst  the  Plate  fleet  had  not  as  yet  been  captured. 

So  far  as  it  is  possible  to  recover  a  trustworthy  balance  sheet 
from  a  few  imperfect  and  disconnected  accounts,  it  may  be 
Dec.  i655.  gathered  that  at  the  close  of  165  5  the  national  finances 
A  deficit.  showed  a  deficit  of  somewhat  more  than  23o,ooo/., 
though  every  care  had  been  taken  to  economise  in  the  home 
government  by  lopping  off  expenses  with  a  severe  hand.2  It 
might  be  found  possible  in  the  course  of  1656  to  make  some 
slight  diminution  in  the  expense  of  the  navy,  and  to  find  some 
relief  in  the  results  of  the  disbandment  and  plantation  in  Ire- 
land. Such  favourable  prospects  were,  however,  more  than 
counterbalanced  by  the  increasing  load  of  debt,  which  there 
was  no  visible  means  of  lightening  or  even  of  maintaining  at  a 
stationary  level.3  Yet,  in  all  this,  no  account  was  taken  of  the 

1  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77,  p.  41. 

2  See  Carte  MSS.  Ixxiv.  fol.  7,  18  ;   Rawlinson  MSS.  A,  195,  fol.  241. 

Expenditure 

£         s.    d. 

Army       ....  1,057,819  12    o 

Navy       ...         .       768,538     8     3i 

Miscellaneous.        .        .       124,220  15  10 

Total  .        .  1,950,578  i6~if 


Revenue 

£  s.  d. 

Assessments        .        .        .    919.478  4    o 

Customs  and  Exciie  .        .    700000  o    o 

Miscellaneous    .        .        .     101,000  o    o 

1,720,478  4    o 


I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  miscellaneous  expenditure  is  under- 
estimated, but  whether  the  miscellaneous  revenue  is  also  I  cannot  say. 
At  all  events  the  deficit  may  have  been  greater  and  cannot  have  been  less 
than  is  shown  above. 

3  The  debt  on  the  navy  alone  was  estimated  in  August  1655  as 
200,ooo/.,  in  addition  to  38,ooo/.  due  for  the  freight  of  ships  formerly 
hired.  Carte  MSS.  Ixxiv.  fol.  29. 


1656  FINANCIAL   EMBARRASSMENTS  253 

sums  needed  for  the  operations  which  the  Protector  was  pro- 
posing to  conduct  against  Dunkirk  in  co-operation  with  France, 
still  less  of  those  which  would  be  required  if  the  Protector's 
magnificent  scheme  of  a  war  against  the  whole  House  of  Austria 
in  defence  of  the  Protestant  interest  was  to  be  reduced  to 
practice.  Whatever  differences  of  opinion  may  be  entertained  as 
to  the  wisdom  of  Oliver's  foreign  policy,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that,  in  the  spring  of  1656,  it  threatened  to  land  him  in  finan- 
cial ruin. 

Before  the  end  of  May  it  had  become  evident  that  the  meddle- 
some proceedings  of  the  Major-Generals  combined  with  the 
Ma  pressure  of  taxation  were  giving  strength  to  a  demand, 
A  cry  for  a  heard  at  least  in  London  and  its  neighbourhood,  for 
the  assembly  of  another  Parliament.1  The  Council 
having  been  unable  to  come  to  a  conclusion  on  the  financial 
Meeting  of  difficulty,  the  Major-Generals  were  summoned  to 
and  Major-  London  to  give  advice  on  a  subject  which  threatened 
Generals.  to  undermine  the  system  of  which  they  were  the  re- 
presentatives most  prominent  in  the  eyes  of  the  world.2  So 
unusual  a  stir  in  the  regi'ons  of  government  gave  rise  to  the  belief 
that  important  changes  were  at  hand,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that 
this  belief  took  the  form  of  a  premature  rumour  that  it  had  been 
decided  to  summon  Parliament — not,  as  in  the  preceding  year, 
that  the  Protector  was  about  to  change  his  title  or  assume  the 
legislative  power.3 

Nor  were  the  Protector's  difficulties  lightened  by  a  demand, 
coming  from  a  military  quarter,  that  he  would  pass  the  com- 
mand of  the  army  to  a  soldier  who  would  be  able  to  attend 

1  Giavarina  to  the   Doge,    jg^3,  Venetian   Transcripts,   R.O.      The 
Venetir.n  Resident  speaks  of  the  discontent  as  raised  solely  by  the  burden 
of  taxation,  and  describes  the  cry  for  a  Parliament  as  universal.     It  is 
safe  to  add  the  discontent  caused  by  the  action  of  the   Major-Generals, 
and   equally  unsafe  to  suppose  that  any  foreign  diplomatist  could  give 
evidence  worth  having  on  the  state  of  feeling  in  the  country  districts. 

2  For  this  meeting  of  the  Major-Generals  see  also   Carte,    Original 
Letters,  ii.  109. 

3  Giavarina  to  the  Doge,  ^*~|,   Venetian  Transcripts,  R.  0. 


254  PARLIAMENTARY  ELECTIONS        CHAP.  XLIX. 

exclusively  to  the  needs  of  the  soldiers.     The  position  became 
A  demand      st^  more  stramed  when  the  Protector,  having  agreed 


fleneia?w  to  ^ve  UP  ^  §eneralsmP  provided  that  it  might  be 
filled  by  his  son-in-law  Fleetwood,  was  answered  with 
a  request  that  Lambert  might  rather  be  selected.  That  the 
appointment  of  Lambert  would  place  the  army  in  the  hands  of 
a  man  to  whom  Oliver's  idealisms  were  the  vainest  of  follies 
could  be  no  secret,  and  it  is  no  matter  of  surprise  that  the 
Protector  refused  his  consent  to  what  was  practically  a  summons 
to  abandon  that  part  of  his  policy  which  lay  nearest  to  his  heart.1 
It  would  be  interesting  to  know  who  were  the  officers  who 
stood  by  Lambert  on  this  occasion,  and  still  more  to  know 
Opposition  whether,  as  there  is  reason  to  suspect,  they  were 
ofiveTand  identical  with  those  who  now  urged  the  calling  of  a 
Lambert.  Parliament  which,  whatever  else  it  might  do,  was 
certain,  if  only  for  financial  reasons,  to  look  coldly  on  the 
Protector's  more  far-reaching  designs  of  foreign  policy.  Though 
we  are  reduced  to  conjecture  in  this  matter,  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  the  strong  opposition  of  the  Protector  to  the  proposal  for 
calling  a  Parliament  was  based  on  something  more  than  a  fear 
lest  a  new  Parliament  would  take  up  the  ground  occupied  by 
the  last  one,  and  would  strive  to  establish  its  own  supremacy 
on  the  ruins  of  the  Instrument.  However  this  may  have  been, 
the  attitude  of  the  Protector  was  one  of  uncompromising 
hostility  to  the  very  notion  of  summoning  a  Parliament,  and 
an  equally  uncompromising  advocacy  of  a  scheme  for  raising 
additional  taxation  by  executive  authority  alone.  The  only 
The  Pro-  question  with  him  was  what  that  scheme  should  be. 
ar^ments  Of  three  that  were  proposed—  the  doubling  of  the 
s°Jnhoefetheen"  monthly  assessment  of  6o,ooo/.  ;  a  recurrence  to  the 
decimation,  system  of  Privy  Seal  loans  ;  and  the  extension  of  the 
decimation  to  others  than  Royalists,2  he  unhesitatingly  chose 
the  last,  which,  as  it  did  not  touch  anyone  with  an  income 
derived  from  land  under  ioo/.  a  year  or  in  possession  of 


1  Giavarina  to  the  Doge,       ~°,  Venetian  Transcripts,  R.  0. 

2  Giavarina  to  the   Doge,    June  ||,  July  £,   ib. 


1656  FINANCIAL   SCHEMES  255 

personal  property  valued  at  less  than  i,5oo/.,  had,  like  the 
modern  income-tax,  the  advantage,  in  the  eye  of  a  government, 
that  it  roused  no  opposition  in  that  great  majority  whose  cir- 
cumstances were  materially  less  easy  than  those  of  their  more 
well-to-do  neighbours. 

That  the  course  he  now  recommended  was  unconstitutional 
as  well  as  illegal  probably  troubled  the  Protector  little,  as  he 
was  by  this  time  inured  to  the  habit  of  playing  fast  and  loose  ^ 
with  the  Instrument  whenever  he  considered  that  a  necessity 
had  arisen.  Yet  though  he  was  under  no  obligation  to  summon 
Parliament  before  January  22,  1658,  and  though  if  he  acted  in 
accordance  with  his  Council  he  had  the  right  to  levy  without 
recurrence  to  Parliament  any  sum,  however  large,  that  he  con- 
sidered to  be  needed  for  the  maintenance  of  30,000  men  and 
of  a  convenient  number  of  ships  for  the  guarding  of  the  seas, 
he  was  not  allowed  to  raise  money  in  this  fashion  for  the 
maintenance  of  40,000,  which  was  about  the  number  on  foot 
in  the  three  countries,  to  say  nothing  of  the  garrison  of  Jamaica. 

However  trenchantly  Oliver  may  have  defended  the  position 
he  had  taken,  he  was  not  long  in  discovering  that  soldiers  and 
Oliver  con-  civilians  were  alike  against  him.  Finding  his  plan 
summo°n  a  generally  condemned  as  impracticable,  he  gave  way 
Parliament.  w^h  a  good  grace  and  consented  to  the  calling  of  a 
supplementary  Parliament,  as  authorised  by  the  Instrument — 
which,  indeed,  he  ought  to  have  summoned  when  war  broke 
out  not  many  months  before.1  It  was  not  the  least  of  the 
defects  of  that  constitution  that  it  provided  no  independent 
organ  for  the  interpretation  and  enforcement  of  its  directions. 
The  consequence  was  that  whilst  the  Protector  and  Council 

1  Article  XXIII.  ran  thus:— "That  the  Lord  Projector  with  the 
advice  of  the  major  part  of  the  Council,  shall  at  any  other  time  than  is 
before  expressed,  when  the  necessities  of  the  State  shall  require  it, 
summon  Parliaments  in  manner  before  expressed,  which  shall  not  be 
adjourned,  prorogued, 'or  dissolved  without  their  own  consent  during  the 
first  three  months  of  their  sitting ;  and  in  case  of  future  war  with  any 
foreign  State  a  Parliament  shall  be  forthwith  summoned  for  their  advice 
concerning  the  same." 


256  PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS        CHAP.  XLIX. 

assumed  the  right  of  compelling  others  to  conform  to  it,  they 
reserved  to  themselves  the  right  of  explaining  its  terms  in  their 
own  fashion,  or  even  of  neglecting  to  fulfil  its  positive  direc- 
tions whenever  they  thought  such  a  course  desirable.  The 
condition  on  which  Oliver  gave  his  consent  to  the  meeting  of 
Parliament,  namely,  that  no  member  should  be  allowed  to  take 
his  seat  without  a  certificate  from  the  Council,1  was  in  itself  an 
^interpretation  in  his  own  favour  of  what  was  at  the  best  an 
ambiguous  clause  of  that  Instrument,  the  express  stipulations 
of  which  he  flagrantly  disregarded  where  he  believed  them  to 
be  in  contravention  with  the  national  welfare.2 

On  June  26  it  was  publicly  made  known  that  the  writs  for 
electing  a  Parliament  would  shortly  be  sent  out.3     It  soon 

1  Giavarina  to  the  Doge,  July  ^,   Venetian  Transcripts,  R.  O. 

2  The    1 4th   and    I5th   Articles   exclude  from   Parliament   and  from 
voting  at  elections,  those  who  had  participated  in  the  war  against  Parlia- 
ment, all  persons  who  had  taken  part  in  the  Irish  Rebellion,  and  all 
Roman  Catholics.     The  i6th  Article  declares  all  votes  and  elections  made 
contrary  or  not  according  to  these  qualifications  to  be  null  and  void.     The 
1 7th  lays  down  the  rule  'That  the  persons  who  shall  be  elected  to  serve 
in  Parliament  shall  be  such  (and  no  other  than  such)  as  are  persons  of 
known  integrity,  fearing  God,  and  of  good  conversation,  and  being  of  the 
age  of  21  years.'     When  we  come  to  the  2 1st  Article  we  find  that  the 
Clerk  of  the  Commonwealth  in  Chancery  is  '  for  the  next  Parliament  and 
the  two  succeeding  triennial  Parliaments,'  to  certify  the  returns  to  the 
Council,   '  who  shall  .  .   .   examine  whether  the  persons  so  elected  and 
returned  be  such  as  is  agreeable  to  the  qualifications,  and  not  disabled  to 
be  elected.'    The  reference  to  the  next  Parliament  and  the  two  succeeding 
ones  shows  that  the  Instrument  only  provided  for  the  action  of  Council  in 
controlling  the  returns  for  the  first  three  Parliaments  out  of  the  four 
during  which    Royalists  were  to  be  excluded.      After   that  it  is  to  be 
supposed  that  Parliament  was  to  regain  its  own  jurisdiction  over  elections. 
The  only  question  arising  in  1656  was  whether  the  members  '  disabled  to 
be  elected'  comprised  those  mentioned  in  the   I7th  Article  as  well  as 
those  in  the  I4th  and  i.tjth.     On  the  one  side  it  may  be  argued  that  both 
were  disabled  ;  on  the  other  hand  that  the  words  are  put  in  connection 
with  'qualifications,'  and  that  the  word  qualifications  in  the  i6th  Article 
appears  only 40  refer  to  those  already  mentioned  in  the  I4th  and  I5th.      Of 
the  interpretation  subsequently  placed  on  Article  17!  shall  speak  hereafter. 

8  Thurloe  to  H.  Cromwell,  July  I,  Thurloe>  v.  176. 


1656  A   PARLIAMENT  TO   BE   CALLED  257 

became  evident  that  the  issues  of  1654  were  dead.  The  writs 
June  26.  when  they  appeared  directed,  as  they  had  done  two 
ment"that  "a  vears  Defbre5  that  the  principal  electors  should  seal 
meentPwmbe  Sin  in(ienture  obliging  their  newly  elected  member 
summoned,  not  to  derogate  from  the  Government  as  established 
in  a  single  person  and  a  Parliament,  without  rousing  the 
faintest  opposition.  Still  less  was  there  any  thought  of 
opposing  the  zealots  of  the  nominated  Parliament,  whose 
influence  was  no  longer  to  be  feared.  Two  tendencies  of 
political  thought,  each  commendable  in  itself,  now  divided  the 
field.  On  the  one  side  were  ranged  what  it  was  the  fashion  at 
Whitehall  to  style  '  the  honest  party,'  who  desired  to  maintain 
the  Protectorate,  though  they  wished,  for  the  most  part,  to 
establish  it  on  a  civilian  or  Parliamentary  basis ;  and  on  the 
other  side  a  motley  group  whose  views  ranged  from  concealed 
Royalism  at  one  extremity  to  the  fanaticism  of  the  Levellers 
and  Fifth  Monarchists  at  the  other ;  but  which  was  strengthened 
and  sustained  by  a  desire  to  abate  the  influence  of  the  army, 
and  to  substitute  for  it  the  control  of  Parliament  over  the 
executive. 

So  far  as  it  is  possible  to  gather  from  the  scanty  evidence 

that  has  reached  us,  the  Protector — at  least  during  this  early 

The  Pro-       stage — had  no  intention  of  interfering  with  the  elec- 

ITO  intention    tions,  perhaps  feeling  himself  secure  in  the  exercise 

in  the  eiecng  °^  ^e  Power  °^  exclusion  which  he  had  claimed  for 

tions.  himself  and  the  Council.1      On  July    16,    Haynes, 

writing  from   Norwich,  the   centre  of  the   Fifth   Monarchist 

opinions  not  unmingled  with  a  strong  Royalist  ele- 

onatyhnees         ment,  wrote  almost  despairingly  of  the  situation.   No 

lon'       declaration  from   the   Government,  he  complained, 

1  c  Eletti  scelti  devono  esser  li  membre  dalle  Communita,  e  poi  appro- 
vati  da  sua  Altezza  e  conseglio.'  Giavarina  to  the  Doge,  JulyT45,  Venetian 
Transcripts ',  R.O.  "  All  possible  care  is  to  be  used  that  the  qualifications 
in  the  Government  be  observed,  and  the  recognition  is  to  be  first  taken 
before  they  sit  in  the  House."  Thurloe  to  H.  Cromwell,  July  I,  Thurloe, 
v.  176. 

VOL.    IV.  S 


258  PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS        CHAP.  XLIX. 

had  accompanied  the  writs,  an  omission  which  was  in  his 
opinion  the  more  disastrous  'in  regard  the  newsbook  lately 
proclaimed  a  free  election ;  which,'  he  added,  *  is  made  use  of 
in  discourse  in  the  worst  sense,  and  feared  will  be  practised 
accordingly.'  "  Indeed,"  he  concluded  this  part  of  his  letter, 
"  I  am  jealous  we  shall  send  you  as  bad  as  we  dare  choose ; 
and,  if  there  be  any  alteration  of  the  choice,  it  will  be  for  the 
worse  .  .  .  and  if  I  might  not  be  thought  too  impertinent,  I 
would  again  offer  to  consideration  that  the  militia  troops  might 
be  paid,  and  so  mustered  before  that  time,  as  that  which  might 
be  improved  to  a  good  advantage  in  this  affair."  l  It  is  to  the 
credit  of  the  Government  that  they  refused  to  act  on  this 
suggestion.  Whalley,  on  the  other  hand,  was  more  hopeful. 
"The  general  temper  of  men's  spirits,"  he  wrote  in  defiance  of 
grammar,  "  are  to  have  a  settlement.  I  trust  in  the  Lord,  we 
shall  have  a  good  Parliament."2 

It  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that,  if  the  Protector  could  have 
been  assured  that  no  opposition  but  that  of  argument  was  to 
be  dreaded,  the  elections  would  have  been  as  free  from  govern- 
mental interference  in  1656  as  they  had  been  in  1654.  This 
was,  however,  far  from  being  the  case.  On  June  26  Wildman 
wiidman  had  been  released  on  bond  for  three  months, 
released.  ostensibly  to  attend  to  his  business  concerns.3  Yet 
within  a  week  at  the  longest  his  signature  was  appended  to  a 
petition  to  Charles,4  promoted  by  William  Howard, 
to  Charles  a  younger  son  of  Lord  Howard  of  Escrick.5 
Howard  was  himself  an  Anabaptist,  and  the  demands 
which  accompanied  the  petition  were  those  likely  to  be  put 
forward  by  a  coalition  of  Anabaptists  and  Levellers.  On  the 
one  hand  complete  religious  liberty  and  the  substitution  foi 
tithes  of  some  new  way  of  supporting  the  clergy  were  asked  for, 

Haynes  to  Thurloe,  July  16,  Thurloe,  v.  220. 
Whalley  to  Thurloe,  July  21,  ib.  v.  234. 
Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77,  p.  201. 

Charles's  answer  was  dated  July  ^,  Clarendon  MSS.  Hi.  fol.  70. 
He  succeeded  to  the  title  himself  in  1678  and  became  notorious  in 
the  State  trials  at  the  end  of  Charles  the  Second's  reign. 


1656  ROYALISTS   AND   FIFTH    MONARCHISTS  259 

together  with  the  relief  of  the  gathered  churches  from  payment 
thereto  ;  on  the  other  hand  the  Long  Parliament  was  to  be 
restored,  not  as  it  stood  at  its  dissolution  in  1653,  but  as  it 
stood  in  its  two  Houses  before  the  disruption  of  1642.  The 
signatories  were  ready,  as  Howard  declared,  '  to  redeem  that 
liberty  by  arms  and  force  which  was  treacherously  stolen  from 
them  by  deceit  and  fraud.  '  1  That  Wildman  carried 
inform^the  the  secret  to  the  Protector  there  can  be  little  doubt. 
tor*  It  is  hardly  likely  that  he  would  have  been  liberated 
on  any  other  terms,  and  though,  from  this  time  forward,  he 
posed  at  Bruges  as  a  Royalist,  his  straightforwardness  was 
suspected  by  Charles's  more  prudent  ministers,  and,  what  is 
more  to  the  purpose,  not  only  was  he  left  at  liberty  after  the 
expiration  of  his  nine  months'  bail,  but  special  orders  were  sent 
on  July  3  from  the  Protector  himself,  directing  the  Lancashire 
Commissioners  to  surcease  any  further  proceedings  against  his 
estates  in  that  county.2 

However  necessary  it  might  be  to  keep  an  eye  on  this 
design,  it  was  evident,  from  the  mere  fact  that  Howard  had 
asked  the  impecunious  Charles  to  advance  2,000!.  to  start  the 
political  machinery,  that  no  immediate  danger  was  to  be 
apprehended.  It  was  otherwise  when  news  reached  Thurloe 
Julys.  on  July  8  of  a  meeting  of  Commonwealth's  men, 
commo?.°f  including  Lawson  and  Clement  Ireton,  a  brother  of 
*ne  ^ate  ^ord  Deputy,  to  consider  '  what  opportunity 


Fifth  they  might  have  from  the  Parliament's  meeting,  and 

Monarch-  *  .  r 

ists.  whether  they  were  not  to  endeavour   elections   of 

good  men.'  Okey,  who  was  closely  connected  with  the  party, 
had  been  travelling  about  England,  and  was  known  to  have  had 
interviews  with  Harrison  and  Bradshaw.  Unless  Thurloe  was 
misinformed,  another  meeting,  held  by  the  Fifth  Monarchists 

1  The   petition  and   other  documents  relating  to  it  are   printed   in 
Mr.    Macray's   edition   of    Clarendon's    History  of  the    Rebellion^   xv. 
105-130. 

2  The   Lancashire   Commissioners  to  Thurloe,   July  23,   Thurloe,  v. 
241.     For  other  grounds  of  suspicion  against  Wildman  see  Mr.   Firth's 
life  of  him  in  the  D.  N.  B. 

S  2 


260  PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS        CHAP.  xux. 

on  the  same  day,  came  to  still  more  trenchant  resolutions, 
concluding  that  the  saints  must  pull  down  Babylon,  *  the  time 
to  be  now,  and  the  means  to  be  by  the  sword.'  Five  delegates 
were  to  be  appointed  who  were  to  collect  information  from  the 
members  of  the  different  meetings  as  to  '  what  readiness  they 
are  in  ...  what  force  they  have,  what  arms,  what  money,  and 
when  to  be  ready  ? ' l 

What  further  information  reached  Thurloe  during  the 
succeeding  fortnight  is  unknown.  On  July  25,  Barkstead 
reported  that  the  wife  of  Colonel  Robert  Overton  had  started 
for  Hull,  though  she  had  recently  obtained  leave  to  share  her 
husband's  imprisonment  in  the  Tower,2  and  it  is  hardly  pushing 
conjecture  too  far  to  suppose  that  her  object  was  to  disseminate 
amongst  the  soldiers  of  a  garrison  which  had  not  long  ago  been 
under  Overton's  command,  invitations  to  separate  their  cause 
from  that  of  the  Government.3  In  the  same  report  Barkstead 
mentions  Portman,  a  Baptist,  who  held  an  office  under  the 
Navy  Commissioners,  and  Thomas  Venner,  a  cooper  by  trade, 
who  preached  at  a  meeting-house  of  his  own,  as  under  sus- 
juiy29.  picion,4  and  on  July  29  these  two,  together  with 

Lawson  and  Okey,5  were  sent  for  by  the  Council. 

From  a  letter  of  Thurloe,  written  three  weeks  later, 
sent  for.  it  appears  to  have  been  the  intention  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  take  proceedings  against  them,  on  the  ground  that  they 
had  endeavoured  to  raise  disturbances  ;  but  as  nothing  further 

1  The   effect   of  the   meeting   of  the    Fifth-Monarchy  men,   July  8, 
Thurloe,  v.  197. 

2  On  July  3,  Council  Order  Book,  Inter r,  I,  77,  p.  224. 

3  Such  an  invitation  is  to  be  found  in  a  broadside  addressed  '  To  the 
Honest  Soldiers  of  the  Garrison  of  Hull,'  of  which  the  B.  M.  Press  Mark 
is  669,  f.  20,  No.   31.     This  is  dated  by  Thomason  Sept.   25,  but  it  is 
possible  that  this  is  the  date  of  a  reprint.     The  address  to  the  soldiers 
deals  mainly  with  the  case  of  Mr.   John   Canne,   but  concludes  with  a 
general  attack  on  the  Government. 

4  Barkstead  to  Thurloe,  July  25,  Thurloe,  v.  248. 

6  Warrant  Book,  Inlerr.  I,  114,  pp.  21,  24.  One  of  the  names  given 
as  «  Verney '  in  the  Calendar  is  in  shorthand.  Mrs.  Lomas  tells  me  that 
there  is  no  doubt  that  it  should  be  read  '  Vaner,'  i.e.  Venner. 


1656  *  ENGLAND'S  REMEMBRANCERS'  261 

is  known  of  any  action  against  them,  except  that  Portman  lost 
his  place,  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  they  contrived  to  satisfy  the 
Council  that  no  appeal  to  force  was  contemplated  on  their 
part.  Venner's  escape  from  punishment  is  the  more  unin- 
telligible, as  on  Sunday,  August  3,  two  men  were  employed  at 
his  meeting-house,  whilst  he  was  himself  engaged  in  prayer,  in 
distributing  amongst  his  congregation  1  a  paper  bearing  the 
Aug.  i  name  of  England's  Remembrancers,  which  had  been 
scattered  about  the  streets  of  London  two  days  before, 
an(j  which  was  subsequently  despatched  in  bundles 
for  circulation  amongst  the  country  constituencies.'2 

As  an  electioneering  manifesto  on  behalf  of  a  composite 
Opposition  it  would  be  difficult  to  improve  on  an  appeal  which 
Its  embraced  at  the  same  time  the  religious  and  secular 

character.  motives  which  influenced  men  who  were  not  Royalists 
but  who,  nevertheless,  detested  the  Protectorate  from  the  bottom 
of  their  hearts.  Protesting  against  the  despair  which  might 
lead  such  men  to  abstain  from  going  to  the  poll  on  the  ground 
that  resistance  was  useless,  the  author  argued  that  in  no  other 
way  could  honest  men  effectively  protest  against  the  existing 
misgovernment.  "  How,"  he  asked,  "  is  the  profession  of  holi- 
ness .  .  .  blasted  with  the  names  of  hypocrisy,  falseness,  am- 
bition, and  covetousness  !  How  is  the  glory  and  strength  of 
our  nation  spoiled  and  the  blood  of  many  thousands  poured 
forth  in  waste,  like  water  !  How  is  the  treasure  exhausted, 
trade  and  commerce  destroyed  !  And  how  are  all  our  rights, 
liberties,  and  properties  invaded  and  subverted  by  arbitrary 
powers  and  force  of  arms  !  Who  can  say  his  life  or  estate  is 
secured  for  a  moment  if  the  jealousy,  envy,  pride,  lust,  or  cove- 
tousness  of  some  in  power  please  to  command  it?  And  how  is 
destruction  threatened  daily  by  foreign  enemies  !  "  Whatever 
might  be  said  to  them,  the  electors  must  not  suffer  themselves 
to  be  blinded  to  the  paramount  importance  of  laying  down  the 
law  through  their  own  representatives.  If  they  elected  men 

1  Information  of  Morris  and  others,  Aug.  3,  4,  Thurloe^  v.  272. 

2  This  paper  is  reprinted  in  Thtirloe,  v.  268.     The  statement  that  it  had 
been  scattered  about  the  streets  by  night  is  given  by  Thomason,  E,  884,  885. 


262  PARLIAMENTARY  ELECTIONS        CHAP.  XLIX. 

who  would  stand  firm  against  temptation  all  might  yet  be  well. 
"Your  liberties,"  they  were  assured,  "will  be  vindicated,  your 
grievances  and  burdens  eased,  the  honour  of  our  country — that 
now  lieth  in  the  dust  among  all  nations — will  be  again  restored  ; 
your  trade  revived,  peace  and  plenty  returned.  .  .  .  What  shall 
we  say  more  to  you  ?  ...  Do  not  the  tears  of  the  widow  and 
the  cries  of  the  fatherless  speak  ?  Do  not  your  infringed  rights 
speak  ?  Do  not  your  invaded  properties  speak  ?  Do  not  your 
gasping  liberties  speak  ?  Do  not  your  often  affronted  repre- 
sentatives— which  have  been  trod  upon  with  scorn — speak  ?  Do 
not  your  encumbered  estates  speak?  Do  not  the  blood  of 
many  thousands  speak — some  slain  with  the  sword,  and  others 
killed  with  hunger  ? l  Do  not  the  cries  of  your  poor  brethren, 
the  honest  seamen,  the  wall  and  bulwark  of  our  nation  against 
foreigners,  who  have  so  freely  ventured  their  lives  upon  all  just 
accounts  and  calls,  and  are  now  most  barbarously  forced  from 
their  wives  and  children  to  serve  the  ambitious  and  fruitless 
design  of  one  man  :  do  not  all  our  ruins  at  home  and  abroad, 
by  land  and  sea,  speak  to  you  ?  Surely  they  have  loud  voices  ; 
surely  they  do  daily  cry  in  your  ears,  Help  !  Help  !  or  England 
perishes  ! " 

Undoubtedly  there  was  much  in  this  indictment  which,  at 
the  time  of  its  appearance,  it  was  hard  to  deny.  Heavy  taxa- 
Thecase  t*on»  Disorganised  finance,  the  ravages  of  pestilence 
for  the  Op-  in  Jamaica,  the  blows  struck  at  trade  by  the  Biscayans 

and  the  Dunkirkers  were,  up  to  August  1656,  the 
main  visible  fruits  of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Protectorate. 
No  wonder  a  cry  was  raised  for  a  change  of  system.  The 
weakness  of  the  challenge  lay  in  the  conviction  of  those  from 
whom  it  proceeded  that  the  full  religious  liberty  which  they 
advocated  was,  in  their  day,  inconsistent  with  the  supremacy  of 
Parliament.  Such  as  it  was,  the  Government  lost  no  time  in 
taking  up  the  glove  if,  as  seems  far  from  improbable,  Rich  and 
Aug.  i4.  Alured,  who  were  committed  on  the  i4th  to  custody, 
ofTkhSld  the  former  in  Windsor  Castle  and  the  latter  in  the 

Isle  of  Man,  were  charged  with   being  either   the 
1  To  this  is  appended  a  marginal  note,  '  Witness  Jamaica  ! ' 


1656  BRADSHAW   AND   LUDLOW  263 

authors  or  the  original  disseminators  of  the  manifesto.1  Three 
other  men  of  mark  had  been  summoned  before  the  Council, 
even  before  the  appearance  of  England's  Remembrancers,  and 
on  each  case  the  charge  was  not  merely  of  having  opposed  the 
policy  of  the  Government^  but  of  having  sought  to  substitute  a 
basis  of  authority  for  that  on  which  the  Government  purported 
Aug.  i.  to  be  established.  Bradshaw,  who  appeared  on 
deprivhedwof  August  i,  still  held  the  Chief  Justiceship  of  Chester 
his  offices.  an(j  fae  justiceship  of  three  Welsh  counties  j  though 
deprived  of  those  posts  on  his  persistent  refusal  to  acknowledge 
the  legitimacy  of  the  Government  under  which  he  served,  he 
was  sent  home  without  further  punishment.2  On  the  same  day 

Ludlow  was  summoned  on  the  charge  of  stirring  up 
before  the  disaffection  in  the  Irish  army.  In  vain  Oliver  urged 

that  the  objects  of  the  war  had  been  now  obtained. 
To  his  question,  "  What  can  you  desire  more  than  you  have?  " 
Hisargu-  the  unbending  republican  answered:  "That  which 
thenp™-th  we  fought  for,  that  the  nation  might  be  governed  by 
tector.  its  own  consent."  "I  am  as  much,"  replied  the 
Protector,  "for  a  government  by  consent  as  any  man ;  but 
where  shall  we  find  that  consent?  Amongst  the  Prelatical, 
Presbyterian,  Independent,  Anabaptist,  or  Levelling  parties  ?  " 
Even  Ludlow,  in  advocating  government  by  consent,  had  no 
thought  of  bowing  to  the  will  of  the  majority.  The  majority  in 
which  he  trusted  was,  he  declared,  to  be  found  amongst  those 
of  all  sorts  who  had  acted  with  fidelity  and  affection  to  the  public. 
On  this  the  Council  gave  him  four  days  to  give  security  not  to 
act  against  the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth,  in  default  of  which 
he  was  to  stand  committed.3  Yet,  though  he  persistently  re- 

1  Council  Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77,  p.  329.  Nothing  is  stated  as 
to  the  cause  of  their  imprisonment,  but  the  absence  of  notice  of  any 
suggestion  that  they  might  escape  by  giving  security  not  to  act  against  the 
Government  seems  to  show  that  they  had  been  guilty  of  some  special  offence. 

-  Ib.  p.  306.  A  report  of  Bradshaw's  examination  by  the  Council  is 
amongst  Lord  Braye's  MSS.  On  Sept.  29  he  was  allowed  to  go  circuit, 
perhaps  because  his  successor  had  not  been  appointed. 

3  Ib.  p.  306. 


264  PARLIAMENTARY  ELECTIONS      CHAP. 

fused  to  enter  into  any  such  conditions,  the  Protector  could  not 
find  it  in  his  heart  to  imprison  him,  and  in  the  end  he  was 
He  is  allowed  to  retire  in  peace  to  the  house  of  his  brother- 

retireetoto  in-law  in  Essex.  His  own  explanation  of  his  escape 
Essex.  was  that  all  that  Oliver  really  wanted  was  to  remove 
him  from  his  own  county  of  Wilts  whilst  the  election  was 
pending.1 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  Oliver  must  have  known  perfectly  well 
that,  though  Ludlow  would  never  recognise  the  Protectorate, 
Vane's  ^  was  most  unlikely  that  he  would  conspire  against 

it.  He  did  not  feel  so  certain  of  Vane.  On  May  12, 
before  any  resolution  to  summon  Parliament  had  been  taken, 
Vane  had  seized  the  pretext  offered  by  a  few  vague  words  in 
the  proclamation  in  which  the  Protector  had  commanded  a 
fast,2  to  set  forth  his  view  of  the  political  situation  in  a 

pamphlet,  to  which  he  gave  the  title  of  A  Healing 
A  Healing  Question.  He  defined  the  good  old  cause,  of  which 

he  proclaimed  himself  to  be  the  champion,3  as  con- 
sisting primarily  in  religious  liberty,  and  secondarily  in  control 
of  all  civil  and  military  authorities  by  successive  Parliaments 
freely  elected,  not  by  the  nation  at  large,  but  by  the  adherents 
of  the  cause.  In  no  other  way,  he  argued,  could  a  military 
despotism  be  averted.  If  this  were  conceded,  he  was  ready  to 
meet  the  Protector  half-way.  He  had  no  objection  to  a  con- 
stitutional impediment  to  any  infringement  of  the  principle  of 
religious  liberty,  provided  that  it  was  established  by  Parlia- 
ment ;  no  objection  to  a  council  appointed  for  life,  or  even  to 
the  predominance  in  the  executive  of  a  single  person,  provided 
that  council  and  executive  were  alike  subject  to  parliamentary 

1  Ludlow's  Memoirs,  ii.  10-15.  The  Council  to  Serjeant  Dendy, 
Aug.  6,  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxix.  io5a. 

'  That  the  Lord  would  pardon  the  iniquities  both  of  magistrate  and 
people  in  these  lands,  wherein  the  magistrate  desires  first  to  take  shame 
to  himself  and  find  out  his  provocations.'  Proclamation,  March  14, 
B.M.  Press  Mark,  669,  f.  20,  No.  25. 

3  In  the  body  of  the  work  he  calls  it  merely  « the  good  cause.'  The 
phrase  which  afterwards  became  famous  is  employed  in  the  final  note. 


1656  <A   HEALING   QUESTION'  265 

control.1  The  modern  reader,  indeed,  will  have  nothing  but 
praise  to  award  to  the  challenge  thrown  out  by  Vane  against 
those  who  hold  that  a  few  can  be  trusted  permanently  to  deal 
out  benefits  to  the  many.  Nothing  can  be  better  than  the 
argument:  "It  is  not  denied  but  that  the  supreme  power, 
when  by  free  consent  it  is  placed  in  a  single  person  or  in  some 
few  persons,  may  be  capable  also  to  administer  righteous 
government ;  at  least,  the  body  that  gives  this  liberty  when 
they  need  not  are  to  thank  themselves  if  it  prove  otherwise. 
But  when  this  free  and  natural  access  unto  government  is 
interrupted  and  declined,  so  as  a  liberty  is  taken  by  any  par- 
ticular member,  or  number  of  them  ...  to  assume  and 
engross  the  office  of  sovereign  rule  and  power,  and  to  impose 
themselves  as  the  competent  public  judge  of  the  safety  and 
good  of  the  whole,  without  their  free  and  due  consent,  and  to 
lay  claim  unto  this  as  those  that  find  themselves  possessed  of 
the  sword  .  .  .  this  is  that  anarchy  that  is  the  first  rise  and 
step  to  tyranny,  and  lays  the  grounds  of  manifest  confusion 
and  disorder,  exposing  the  ruling  power  to  the  next  hand  that, 
on  the  next  opportunity,  can  lay  hold  of  the  sword ;  and  so,  by 
a  kind  of  necessity,  introduces  the  highest  imposition  and 
bondage  upon  the  whole  body,  in  compelling  all  the  parts, 
though  never  so  much  against  the  true  public  interest,  to  serve 
and  obey,  as  their  sovereign  rule  and  supreme  authority,  the 
arbitrary  will  and  judgment  of  those  that  bring  themselves  into 
rule  by  the  power  of  the  sword,  in  the  right  only  of  a  part  that 
sets  up  itself  in  preference  before,  or  at  least  in  competition 
with,  the  whole."  2 

Instinct  with  truth  as  the  argument  is,  the  passage  is  the 

work  of  a  theorist,  not  of  one  whose  eyes  are  directed  to  the 

world  of  actual  life.     To  Vane,  as  to  Oliver,  religious 

Vane  and          ...  ,.    .  . 

religious        liberty  was  a  condition  of  the  exaltation  of  the  soul, 

but  it  was  hardly,  as  it  was  to  Oliver,  a  condition  of 

a  healthy  political  life.     What  answer,  moreover,  could  Vane 

give  to  the  question  how  he  was  to  maintain  the  exclusion  from 

1  A  Healing  Question,  E,  879,  5.     The  pamphlet  is  reprinted  in  the 
Somers  Tracts.  -  Ib.  E,  879,  5,  p.  16. 


266  PARLIAMENTARY  ELECTIONS        CHAP.  XLIX. 

political  life  of  all  who  had  opposed  the  good  old  cause,  and 
still  less,  how  he  was  to  prevent  those  who  had  adhered  to  it 
from  drawing  up  lists  of  damnable  heresies  and  starting  on  the 
career  of  persecution  afresh.  Oliver's  system  no  doubt  was 
faulty  in  itself,  and  could  hardly  be  expected  to  maintain  itself 
permanently,  but  at  least  he  saw  all  round  the  political  horizon, 
and  erred  because  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe  to  evolve  from 
the  bosom  of  the  nation  the  guarantees  for  liberty  which  he 
sought  in  vain  in  his  own  generation. 

For  three  months  Vane's  -  pamphlet  circulated  without 
hindrance  from  those  in  authority.  It  had  none  of  the  coarse 
Vane  stands  fibre  which  gave  its  popularity  as  a  party  weapon  to 
ment.  '  England's  Remembrancers.  In  August  it  was  known 
that  Vane  aspired  to  a  seat  in  the  new  Parliament.  Yet  his 
chance  of  success  was  not  great.  The  corporation  of  Boston 
and  the  larger  constituency  of  Lincolnshire  received  his 
addresses  with  coldness.  "  If  anything,"  wrote  Whalley  with 
some  shrewdness,  "  promote  and  accomplish  his  desire,  I  fear 
it  will  be  his  sending  for  at  this  juncture  of  time."  *  It  was 
2  already  too  late  to  take  Whalley's  advice.  Vane  had 
Vane  sum-  been  summoned  before  the  Council  on  July  29, 
before  the  apparently  to  show  that  the  Protector  had  no  inten- 

acil>  tion  of  submitting  the  Instrument  to  the  judgment  of 
Parliament.2  On  August  20,  he  announced  to  the  Clerk  of 
the  Council  that  it  was  contrary  to  the  privilege  of  an  English- 
man to  obey  the  summons  on  compulsion.  On  the  following 
Sept.  4.  day  he  was  ordered  to  give  security  not  to  act  against 
mluedTo  t^ie  Government  or  the  peace,  and  on  his  refusal  was 
prison.  sent,  on  September  4,  into  confinement  at  Caris- 
brobke.3 

Reprehensible  as  was  the  Protector's  treatment  of  Vane 
from  a  constitutional  point  of  view,  he  was  at  least  practically 

1  Whalley  to  the  Protector,  Aug.  n,  Tkurloe,  v.  299. 

2  Thurloe  to  H.  Cromwell,  ib.  v.  317. 

3  Vane  to  the  Clerk  of  the  Council,  Aug.   20,  ib.  v.   328;  Council 
Order  Book,  Interr.  I,  77,  p.  373.      The  Proceeds  of  the  Protector  against 
Sir  H.   Vane,  E,  937,  2. 


1656  FREEDOM   OF   ELECTION  267 

in  the  right  in  holding  that  if  the  honest  party  was  to  be  secured 
in  possession  of  authority,  it  must  be  with  the  support  of  the 
army  and  not,  as  Vane  proposed,  solely  by  manipulating  the 
parliamentary  machinery  in  its  interest.  So  far  as  the  electors 
The  Major-  were  concerned,  the  Major-Generals  did  their  best  to 
and  th?  popularise  what  they  regarded  as  right  opinions,  and 
elections.  the  WOrds  of  a  Major-Gcneral  could  not  but  carry 
weight  in  the  district  over  which  he  presided.  On  the  other 
hand,  except  that  packets  of  England's  Remembrancers  were 
seized  wherever  they  were  found,  there  was  little  done  to 
terrorise  the  voters  by  hints  of  evil  to  befall  them  if  they  gave 
their  voices  against  the  Government. 

Of  the  correspondence  which  has  reached  us  the  fullest  is 
that  of  Haynes,  who,  as  is  known  by  his  treatment  of  the  parties 
.  at  Colchester,  was  by  no  means  wanting  in  vigour, 
the  Eastern  Writing  from  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  he  regrets  that  he 
had  received  no  hint  that  '  some  care  will  be  taken 
as  to  the  encouragement  of  honest  men  in  their  choice  of  Par- 
liament men  before  and  after  the  election.'  Honest  men,  he 
added,  would  do  their  best  in  Suffolk,  but  *  will  be  compelled  to 
take  in  with  the  Presbyterian  to  keep  out  the  malignant.' x  At 
Case  of  Norwich  Haynes  was  much  troubled  by  one  Boatman, 
Boatman.  &  Fifth- Monarchy  preacher  who  had  a  strong  hold  on 
a  large  congregation  meeting  at  St.  Peter  Mancroft.  Having 
obtained  an  order  from  Thurloe,  the  Major-General  commanded 
him  to  present  himself  in  London.  Boatman,  however,  pleaded 
a  verbal  permission  from  the  Protector  to  remain  in  the  country, 
and  refused  to  stir.  All  that  Haynes  could  do  was  to  inhibit  him 
from  preaching  in  Norwich,  with  the  result  that  he  removed  to 
a  church  two  miles  outside  the  city,  where  multitudes  flocked 
to  hear  him.  In  vain  Haynes  begged  that  the  Protector  would 
confirm  the  order  of  his  secretary,  but  till  the  election  was  over 
the  Protector  could  not  be  induced  to  interfere.2  In  the  end, 

1  Haynes  to  Thurloe,  July  19,  Thurloe,  v.  230. 

2  Haynes    to  Boatman   [Aug.   7  ?] ;    Boatman   to   Haynes,  Aug.  8 ; 
Haynes  to  Thurloe,  Aug.  10,  15;  Haynes  to  the  Protector,  Aug.  15,  id. 
v.  289,  296,  311,  312. 


268  PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS        CHAP.  XLIX. 

though  Fleetwood  was  elected,  the  other  members    returned 
Th  for   the   county   were   hostile   to    the    Government 

fc?ik  eiec-       either  as    Royalists,  or  sectaries,  '  by   which  choice,' 

as  Haynes  mournfully  remarked,  '  the  profane,  malig- 
nant and  disaffected  party  and  scandalous  ministry  are  gratified.' 
"If  other  counties,"  he  added,  "should  do  as  this,  it  would  be 
a  sufficient  alarm  to  stand  upon  our  guard,  the  spirits  of  people 
being  most  strangely  heightened  and  moulded  into  a  very  great 
aptness  to  take  the  first  hint  for  an  insurrection,  and  the  county 
especially  so  disposed  may  most  probably  begin  the  scene." 

With  such  a  prospect  before  his  eyes  Haynes  recurred  to 
the  advice  which  he  had  tendered  a  month  before.  "  I  most 
humbly  beg,"  he  continued,  "  that  a  speedy  order  may  be  taken 
for  the  paying  and  mustering  of  militia  horse,  for  as  yet  they 
have  not  been  called  together,  and  so  am  I  not  able  to  assure 
you  what  assistance  you  may  reasonably  expect  from  them.  .  .  , 
If  something  of  this  nature  be  not  done  for  encouragement  of 
your  friends,  their  spirits  will  in  all  likelihood  despond  very 
much."  :  To  such  counsel  the  Protector  gave  no  heed.  There 
was  to  be  no  jingling  of  the  sword  which  he  held  in  his  hands. 
Whalley's  reports  were  far  more  hopeful  than  those  of 
Haynes.  In  Lincolnshire  he  declared  '  a  man  would  not  be 
Whalley's  chosen  but  upon  apprehensions  that  they  would  not 

change  the  Government.'  '2  Writing  from  Nottingham 
he  declared  his  belief  that  '  in  the  mediterranean  part  of  the 
nation '  the  heart  was  sound.  "  The  people,"  he  explained, 
"  generally  know  there  is  a  present  necessity  for  moneys  ;  the 
parting  with  it  upon  a  settlement  will  not  trouble  them.  They 
are  no  less  sensible  of  the  necessity  of  establishing  the  present 
Government,  the  wisest  of  them  well  knowing  that  many 
changes  will  prove  both  chargeable  and  dangerous  to  them  ; 
and  I  am  very  confident  that  not  a  man  from  hence  would  be 
chosen  to  sit  in  this  Parliament  in  whom  they  conceived  a  spirit 
of  opposition  to  this  present  Government."  3 

1  Haynes  to  Thurloe,  Aug.  20,  Thurloe,  v.  328. 

2  Whalley  to  Thurloe,  Aug.  9,  ib.  v.  296. 

3.  Whalley  to  the  Protector,  Aug.  11,  ib.  v.  299. 


1656  RESULTS   OF    ELECTIONS  269 

Undoubtedly  there  was  much  truth  in  Whalley's  argument 
that  the  constituencies,  in  .general,  were  loath  to  face  the 
dangers  of  a  new  revolution.  Yet  the  Opposition  had  on  its 
side  a  feeling  stronger  than  royalism  or  a  craving  for  the  rule 
of  the  saints.  In  Northumberland  and  Durham — at  Hazlerigg's 
Liibume's  instigation,  as  Lilburne  suspected — the  cry  was  raised 
JJjJ/jjJ"  that  the  people  would  '  have  no  swordmen,  no  deci- 
ports.  mator,  or  any  that  receives  salary  from  the  State  to 

serve  in  Parliament' l  In  far-off  Kent,  Kelsey  made  a  similar 
report.  "  Most  of  the  Cavaliers,"  he  wrote,  "  falling  in  with 
the  Presbyterians  against  all  those  persons  that  owned  your 
Highness  and  the  present  Government ;  and  the  spirit  is 
generally  bitter  against  swordmen,  decimators,  courtiers,  &c., 
and  most  of  those  chosen  to  sit  in  the  ensuing  Parliament  are 
of  the  same  spirit." 2  So  disastrous  did  the  result  appear  to 
Kelsey  that  he  recommended  that  dormant  commissions  might 
be  granted  to  certain  persons  in  order  that  in  case  of  an  out- 
break the  honest  party  might  know  to  whom  to  rally,  and  that 
when  Parliament  met  the  members  might  be  asked  to  sign  a 
recognition  so  penned  as  to  keep  out  the  most  dangerous,  and 
suggested  that  seats  should  be  refused  to  all  who  would  not 
accept  the  Instrument  as  it  stood,  engaging  '  not  to  meddle 
with  altering  any  part  of  it.' 

Yet  when  the  elections  were  completed  the  result  did  not 
appear  so  threatening  to  the  Government  as  Haynes  and 

Kelsey  had  anticipated.  The  Opposition,  indeed, 
the  eiec-  were  represented  by  Cooper,  Scot,  Hazlerigg,  Birch, 

Grimston,  and  Herbert  Morley,  but  it  would  be 
difficult  to  find  any  others  possessing  any  sort  of  distinction, 
whilst  neither  Vane,  Bradshaw,  nor  Ludlow  had  secured  seats 
in  the  House.  On  the  other  hand,  of  the  eighteen  Major- 
Generals  and  deputies,  every  one,  except  George  Fleetwood, 
had  been  returned.  Of  the  fifteen  members  of  Council  four 
were  Major-Generals,  and  of  the  remaining  eleven  all  obtained 
seats  except  the  Earl  of  Mulgrave  and  Lord  Lisle,  who  pro- 

1  Lilburne  to  Thurloe,  Aug.  9,  Thurloe,  v.  296. 

2  Kelsey  to  the  Protector,  Aug.  26,  S.  P.  Dom.  cxxix.  156. 


2/0  PARLIAMENTARY   ELECTIONS        CHAP.  XLIX. 

bably  did  not  offer  themselves  for  election.  Room,  too,  was 
found  for  Admiral  Blake  and  for  such  officials  as  Thurloe, 
Whitelocke,  Lenthall,  John  Lisle,  and  Maidstone,  besides 
Richard  Cromwell,  who  was  chosen  both  by  Cambridge 
University  and  Hants,  and  his  brother-in-law  Claypole,  who 
obtained  a  seat  at  Carmarthen. 

So  far  as  the  boroughs  were  concerned  the  renewal  of 
charters  had  not  had  time  to  take  effect,  except  at  Chipping 
Borou  h  Wycombe,  where  Bridge,  who  had  lately  succeeded 
elections.  upon  Worsley's  death  to  the  Major-Generalship  of 
Chipping  the  North-west,  was  returned  in  the  place  of  Scot, 
and  in  Colchester,  where  the  election  was  deliber- 
>ter'  ately  postponed  till  September  12,  the  day  on  which 
the  new  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Common  Councillors  took  the 
oaths  under  the  new  charter.1  The  free  burgesses  being  now 
excluded  from  the  franchise,  the  election  fell  upon  such 
staunch  supporters  of  the  Protectorate  as  Lawrence  and  Maid- 
stone. 

Of  far  greater  importance  is  the  question  of  the  effect  of 
the  influence  exercised  by  the  Major-Generals  upon  the  course 
influence  °f  tne  elections.  What  evidence  has  reached  us 
Mafor.  points  to  its  being  far  less  than  has  generally  been 
Generals.  supposed,2  and  there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  the 
hostility  they  aroused  counted  for  more  in  strengthening  the 
Opposition  than  any  pressure  they  might  exert  could  avail  on 
behalf  of  the  Government.  A  further  consideration  tends  in 


1  '  Having  till  this  time  forborne  to  proceed  to  the  electing  of  persons 
to  serve  for  this  borough   in   Parliament,  yesterday,  being  Friday,  we 
resolved  upon  the  election.'      Letter  from   Colchester,  Sept.   13,  Merc. 
Pol.,  E,  497,  20.     This  confirms    Mr  Round's    suggestion  in  the  Eng. 
Hist.  Rev.,  Oct.  1900,  xv.  658. 

2  Goffe's  instance  is  a  case  in  point.     In  his  letter  after  his  election  he 
ascribes  it  to  the  influence  of  Richard  Cromwell,  whereas  Colonel  Norton 
had  not  only  left  his  name  off  his  list,  but  advised  him  to  withdraw  his 
candidature  on   the  ground  that  it   would  be  a  disgrace  for   him   to  be 
beaten.     This  is  hardly  the  language  of  a  hectoring  manager  of  elections, 
£offe  to  Thurloe,  Aug.  21,  Thurtoe,  v.  329. 


1656  THE    PARLIAMENTARY    PROBLEM  2/1 

the  same  direction.  Of  the  most  determined  opponents  of  the 
Government  returned  to  this  Parliament  a  very  considerable 
majority  represented  constituencies  in  those  southern  and 
eastern  parts  of  England  which  had  been  the  main  support  of 
Parliament  in  its  struggle  with  the  King,  whilst  there  were  but 
thirty  scattered  over  those  northern  and  western  districts 
which  had  been  the  strength  of  the  Royalist  cause.  There  can 
hardly  be  any  doubt  that  the  explanation  of  the  phenomenon 
lies  in  the  fact  that  in  the  north-western  districts,  Puritans  who 
opposed  the  locally  predominant  royalism,  were  ready  to  grasp 
any  hand  held  out  to  save  them  from  a  reaction  in  favour  of 
the  King  and  of  all  that  his  name  imported  ;  whereas  in  the 
south-east,  men  who  had  served  under  the  Puritan  and  Par- 
liamentary standard  felt  themselves  strong  enough  to  enter 
into  a  contest  with  the  military  power  which  held  them  down, 
and  even  in  some  parts  to  cast  their  votes  on  behalf  of  their 
Royalist  neighbours  rather  than  for  men  whom  they  regarded 
as  the  mere  satellites  of  a  Major-General. 

The  battle  of  the  polls  had  been  fought  out  by  two  distinct 
parties  attaching  themselves  to  two  distinct  policies — the  policy 

of  uncompromising  hostility  to  the  Protectorate  as 
policies  an  arbitrary  government  ruling  by  the  sword,  and 

the  policy  of  building  up  a  constitutional  settlement 
on  the  foundations  already  laid.  Yet,  diverse  as  were  these 
opinions,  they  might  easily  be  welded  into  one  opposing  force 
if  Kelsey's  advice  to  tolerate  no  divergence  from  the  Instru- 
ment were  adopted.  No  constitutional  settlement  was  attain- 
able on  such  lines  as  these,  and  any  attempt  to  give  perma- 
nency to  the  existing  system  could  only  avail  to  drive  the  new 
Parliament  as  a  whole  to  demand  a  settlement  on  some  such 
plan  as  had  commended  itself  to  its  predecessor. 


INDEX 


AAC 

AACHEN,  Charles  II.  visits  the  tomb 

of  Charles  the  Great  at,i  ii.  273 
Abbotsleigh,  Charles,  sheltered  at,   i. 

Abelson,  Captain,  resignation  of,  v. 
232 

Aberdeen,  Charles  sees  Montrose's 
arm  suspended  over  the  gate  of,  i. 
239 ;  Charles  wins  over  the  ministers 
of,  349 ;  submits  to  Monk,  ii.  68 ; 
meeting  of  discontented  officers  at, 
iv.  230 

Acadia,  French  forts  captured  in,  iii. 
162 ;  remains  in  English  hands,  iv. 
192 

Act  of  Classes,  the  Scottish,  passed, 
i.  14 ;  irritates  large  numbers  of 
the  gentry,  209 ;  persons  comprised 
in  the  first  or  second  classes  un- 
der, prohibited  from  coming  into 
Charles's  presence,  234 ;  Charles 
anxious  to  obtain  the  repeal  of, 
350 ;  the  Commission  of  the  Kirk 
asked  to  consider  the  repeal  of, 
351 ;  repeal  of,  352 

Act  of  Oblivion,  ii.  81  ;  on  adultery, 
83 ;  of  Navigation,  146 ;  for  the 
propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Wales, 
249  ;  for  civil  marriage,  and  the 
establishment  of  parochial  regis- 
ters, 292  ;  for  the  relief  of  creditors 
and  poor  prisoners,  310 ;  for  the 
custody  of  idiots  and  lunatics,  ib.  ; 
for  repealing  a  clause  of  the  En- 
gagement, ib.  ;  on  the  Assessment, 
211,  311,  312  ;  for  levying  money 
on  recusants'  lands,  iii.  56 

Act  of  Satisfaction  for  Ireland,  iv.  93 

Act  of  Settlement  for  Ireland,  iv.  82 

Act  of  the  English  Parliament,  ap- 
pointing a  Council  of  State,  i.  4 ; 
imposing  an  engagement  on  the 
VOL.  IV. 


ACT 

Councillors,  5 ;  for  the  impress- 
ment of  sailors,  23  ;  for  rewarding 
sailors,  ib.  ;  for  removing  obstruc- 
tions in  the  Common  Council,  38  ; 
abolishing  kingship,  39  ;  allowing 
actions  to  be  brought  against 
members,  40 ;  abolishing  deans 
and  chapters,  49  ;  regulating  trea- 
sons, 55 ;  declaring  England  a  Free 
Commonwealth,  57  ;  enabling  sol- 
diers to  borrow  money  for  the  pay- 
ment of  their  quarters,  85;  ordering 
the  issue  of  debentures,  ib.  ;  raising 
money  for  Cromwell's  Irish  army, 
86 ;  for  poor  prisoners,  170 ;  for 
tender  consciences  proposed,  but 
suspended,  173 ;  restricting  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  ib.  ;  limiting 
elections  in  London,  177 ;  directing 
the  whole  male  population  to  take 
the  Engagement,  194 ;  suspending 
penalties  for  refusing  the  Engage- 
ment, 246  ;  ordering  Papists,  sol- 
diers of  fortune,  and  delinquents  to 
leave  London,  247 ;  for  the  ob- 
servance of  the  Lord's  Day,  255  ; 
against  adultery,  256;  against 
swearing,  ib.  ;  appointing  Skippon 
to  command  in  London,  261  ;  for 
a  new  militia,  267 ;  for  securing 
trade,  306 ;  for  trying  six  persons 
in  reprisal  for  Ascham's  murder, 
309  ;  prohibiting  commerce  with 
the  Royalist  colonies,  317  ;  against 
blasphemy,  ii.  2 ;  repealing  the 
Recusancy  Acts,  3  ;  confiscating  de- 
linquents' estates,  22  ;  ordering  the 
trial  of  persons  corresponding  with 
Charles  Stuart,  60;  excluding 
Royalists  from  taking  part  in  elec- 
tions, extended  by  proclamation, 
iv.  49 


274 

ACT 

Acts,  the  name  of,  given  to  bills,  i.  3 
Adams,  Thomas,  Alderman,  excluded 
from  the  first  Protectorate  Parlia- 
ment, iii.  184 

Admiralty,  the,  transferred  from 
Warwick  to  the  Council  of  State, 

1.  22 

Admiralty  Court,  the,  asserts  the  old 
law  of  the  sea  against  the  Dutch, 
ii.  170  ;  threatens  punishment  for 
the  torture  of  Dutch  sailors,  ib. 

Adultery,  leniency  of  juries  in  cases 
of,  ii.  83  ;  the  Nominated  Parlia- 
ment refuses  to  allow  divorce  for, 
292 

Adventurers,  the,  land  granted  in 
Ireland  to,  iv.  80  ;  proposal  to  dis- 
tribute over  the  four  provinces,  81 ; 
allotment  of  lands  to,  91,  92,  93 

Agitators,  attempt  of  the  Levellers  to 
revive,  i.  30 

Agreement  of  the  People,  as  presented 
by  the  officers,  powers  assigned  to 
the  Council  of  State  in,  i.  4  ;  allot- 
ment of  seats  by,  242  ;  its  scheme 
of  toleration  compared  with  Owen's, 
ii.  97,  99 ;  Sexby  proposes  a  con- 
stitution for  France  founded  on,  157 

Agreement  of  the  People,  the  Lilbur- 
nian,  issue  of,  i.  47  ;  licensed  by 
Mabbott,  56 

Airlie,  Earl  of,  1639  (James  Ogilvy), 
is  ready  to  rise  for  Charles,  i.  335 

Aldermen,  discharge  from  office  of 
five,  i.  39  ;  of  two,  58 

Alehouses,  to  be  abated,  iii.  326 ; 
Worsley  orders  an  inquiry  into  the 
numbers  and  condition  of,  iv.  37  ; 
suppression  of,  in  Lancashire  and 
Cheshire,  ib.  \  suppressed  in  War- 
wickshire and  at  Shrewsbury,  38  ; 
order  of  the  Middlesex  Quarter 
Sessions  about,  39 

Alexander  VII.,  Pope,  wishes  to 
conclude  a  peace  between  France 
and  Spain,  iv.  203  ;  rumours  of  an 
attempt  at  mediation  by,  242 

Alexis,  the  Tsar,  at  war  with  Poland, 
iv.  195 

Algiers,  Blake  renews  the  treaty 
with,  and  ransoms  slaves  at,  iv. 
158  ;  escape  of  Dutch  slaves  from, 
X59 

Alicante,  landing  of  English  officers 
at,  iv.  147,  note  2 

Alkin,  Elizabeth,  nurses  sick  and 
wounded  sailors,  iii.  57 


INDEX 

ARB 

Allen,  Thomas,  Alderman,  Crom- 
well's altercation  with,  ii.  264  ; 
meetings  of  plotters  at  the  house 
of,  iii.  228,  no.te  3 

All  Hallows  the  Great,  soldiers  pray 
for  a  new  representative  at,  ii.  232 

Alured,  Matthew,  Colonel,  surprises 
the  Committee  of  Estates  at  Alyth, 
ii.  66 ;  signs  the  petition  of  the 
three  colonels,  iii.  211 ;  cashiered 
and  imprisoned,  217;  part  taken 
in  Wildman's  plot  by,  228,  note  3  ; 
imprisoned  by  the  Council,  iv.  262 

Alyth,  capture  of  the  Committee  of 
Estates  at,  ii.  66 

Amboyna,  the  massacre  of,  English 
claims  arising  out  of,  ii.  146 ;  com- 
pensation demanded  for,  iii.  64 ; 
compensation  granted  for,  68 

Amsterdam,  attempt  of  Charles  to 
raise  a  loan  in,  i.  200 ;  the  Prince 
of  Orange  fails  in  an  attempt  to 
surprise,  319  ;  distress  in,  iii.  31 

Anabaptists,  see  Baptists 

Anderton,  Hugh,  arrest  of,  iii.  345 

Andrews,  Eusebius,  case  against, 
ii.  6  ;  trial  and  execution  of,  7 

Andrews,  Thomas,  chosen  Lord 
Mayor,  i.  39;  does  not  venture  to 
proclaim  the  abolition  of  kingship, 
ib.  ;  reads  the  proclamation  at  the 
Exchange,  57 

Angus,  Earl  of  (Archibald  Douglas), 
receives  Orkney  prisoners  as  re- 
cruits for  the  French  service,  i.  234 

Animadversions  on  a  Letter,  attri- 
buted to  William  Sedgwick,  iv.  44 

Antigua,  Royalism  in,  i.  316  ;  pro- 
hibition of  trade  with,  317  ;  Royal- 
ists in,  few  in  number,  ii.  141 

Antrim,  -Marquis  of,  1644  (Randall 
Macdonnell) ,  sends  Crelly  to  Rome, 
i.  8 1  ;  Crelly  makes  proposals  to 
the  Council  of  State  on  behalf  of, 
82 ;  submits  to  Ormond,  83 ; 
accuses  Inchiquin  of  offering  to 
agree  with  Cromwell,  138;  spoken 
of  for  the  command  of  the  Ulster 
army,  153 ;  proposal  to  substitute 
for  Ormond  as  Lord  Lieutenant, 

J54 
Appleton,  Henry  .Captain,  blockaded 

in  Leghorn,   ii.   199 ;   defeated  off 

Leghorn,  247 
Apsley,  James,  intends  to  assassinate 

St.  John,  i.  324 
Arbitration,  proposed  by  Oliver,  iii. 


INDEX 
ARC 

64  ;  on  losses  in  the  East,  68  ;  on 


the  dispute  on  the  seizures  in  the 
Sound,  ib. 

Arcachon  offered  to  England,  iii.  29 
Ardvreck,  Macleod's  castle  of,  Mont- 
rose  carried  to,  i.  220 
Argyle,  Marquis  of,  1641  (Archibald 
Campbell),  triumph  of,  i.  4;  policy 
of,  ib.  ;  wishes  to  come  to  an  under- 
standing with  the  Engagers,  15  ;  is 
probably  in  collusion  with  Lanark 
and  Lauderdale,  16,  17 ;  sends  Sir 
Joseph  Douglas  to  Holland,  20 ; 
gives  his  opinion  on  a  fresh  applica- 
tion to  Charles,  182  ;  obtains  a  vote 
for  sending  Lothian  to  Charles,  183 ; 
advocates  the  sending  of  commis- 
sioners to  Breda,  192  ;  proposes  a 
marriage  between  his  daughter  and 
Charles,  201 ;  is  probably  the  author 
of  the  offer  of  indemnity  to  Mont- 
rose,  206 ;  witnesses  Montrose's 
progress  through  the  streets  of 
Edinburgh,  223 ;  shrinks  from 
Montrose's  eye,  ib.  ;  critical  posi- 
tion of,  229  ;  takes  no  part  in  the 
proceedings  against  Montrose,  230  ; 
probably  votes  for  showing  favour 
to  Callander,  231  ;  possible  misre- 
presentation of  Charles  by,  232, 
233 ;  six  Orkney  prisoners  given 
to,  261 ;  exerts  himself  to  diminish 
the  number  of  Charles's  followers 
banished  by  Parliament,  239  ;  tells 
Charles  he  will  be  at  greater  liberty 
when  he  reaches  England,  278 ; 
desperate  policy  of,  334  ;  Charles's 
large  offers  to,  335  ;  condemns  the 
Remonstrance,  343 ;  places  the 
crown  on  Charles's  head,  347 ; 
leaves  the  Court,  348 ;  renewal  of 
the  scheme  for  marrying  his  daugh- 
ter to  Charles,  349  ;  returns  to  Court 
and  urges  Charles  to  go  to  Aber- 
deen, 350  ;  supports  Charles  in  his 
desire  to  proceed  with  the  northern 
levies,  ib.  ;  his  party  no  longer  pre- 
dominant in  Parliament,  351  ; 
Charles  warned  by  his  mother 
against  marrying  the  daughter  of, 
352  ;  fall  of,  ib.  ;  promises  Scottish 
horse  and  Highlanders  for  Lanca- 
shire, ii.  12  ;  refuses  to  take  part  in 
the  invasion  of  England,  34 ;  at- 
tempts to  assume  an  intermediate 
position  between  England  and 
Scotland,  138  ;  makes  an  agreement 


275 
ARM 

139 ;    carries  out  his 


with  Deane 

engagement,  iii.  93  ;  assailed  by  his 
son,  ib.  ;  co-operates  with  the  Eng- 
lish, 106 

Armorer,  Nicholas,  allowed  to  enter 
England  by  the  Clerk  of  the  Pas- 
sage at  Dover,  iii.  279  ;  escape  of, 
294 ;  reaches  the  Continent,  ib.  ; 
takes  part  in  the  execution  of  Man- 
ning, iv.  228 

Armstrong,  Sir  Thomas,  deserts  to 
Ormond,  i.  89 ;  repulsed  before 
Dublin,  101 

Army,  the  English,  political  influence 
of,  i.  i ;  number  and  pay  pro- 
posed for,  24  ;  Cromwell's  warning 
against  internal  divisions  in,  25 ; 
attempt  of  the  Levellers  to  revive 
the  general  council  of,  30;  regi- 
ments selected  for  service  in  Ireland 
from,  44  ;  soldiers  refusing  to  go  to 
Ireland  cashiered  from,  45  ;  mutiny 
in,  ib.  ;  fresh  mutiny  in,  52;  sup- 
pression of  the  mutiny  in,  53  ;  loans 
to  be  raised  by,  85  ;  debentures 
issued  to,  ib.  ;  Prynne  ill-treated 
by  soldiers  of,  96  ;  supposed  in- 
fluence of  the  Levellers  on,  249  ; 
Cromwell's  confidence  in  the  quality 
of,  290 ;  opposed  to  war  with  the 
Dutch,  ii.  173  ;  supports  a  proposal 
to  send  ambassadors  to  The  Hague, 
201  ;  dissatisfied  with  Parliament, 
221 ;  calls  for  a  dissolution,  223 ; 
its  demands  embodied  in  a  petition, 
224  ;  circular  letter  of  the  Council 
of  Officers  to,  233  ;  is  eager  for  a 
new  representative,  251 ;  a  new  pe- 
tition from,  253 ;  supports  Cromwell 
after  the  dissolution  of  the  Long 
Parliament,  270 ;  Lambert's  posi- 
tion in,  277  ;  opposed  to  Parliamen- 
tarism, iii.  170;  its  disposal  given 
by  Parliament  to  the  Protector  for 
his  life,  198  ;  partly  dependent  on  a 
Parliamentary  grant,  205  ;  difficulty 
of  reducing  the  numbers  of,  ib.  \ 
its  control  limited  by  Parliament 
to  the  Protector's  life-time,  207 ; 
struggle  for  the  control  of,  209 ; 
proposals  for  a  partial  disband- 
ment  of,  210  ;  support  given  to  the 
Instrument  by  the  officers  of,  218  ; 
petitions  for  religious  liberty,  221 ; 
proposal  to  substitute  militia  for 
part  of,  223  ;  Birch  proposes  to  re- 
duce the  numbers  and  pay  of,  236, 
T  2 


276 


INDEX 


ARM 


A20 


237 ;  political  influence  of,  242 ; 
committee  appointed  for  the  partial 
disbandment  of,  245 ;  officers  re- 
commend the  reduction  of  the  pay 
of,  209  ;  the  revival  of  the  legislative 
power  of  the  Protector  supported 
by,  304 ;  in  favour  of  giving  to 
Oliver  the  title  of  emperor,  ib.  ; 
drops  the  scheme  for  reviving  the 
legislative  power,  308 ;  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  numbers  and  pay  of, 
317  ;  unpopularity  of,  332 

Army,  in  Ireland,  the  strength  and 
expense  of,  iv.  104 ;  division  of 
lands  for,  106-108 

Army,  the  Scottish,  commission  for 
purging,  i.  271  ;  Charles  attempts 
to  win,  274 ;  purged,  ib.  ;  remon- 
strance of  the  officers  of,  against 
Charles's  refusal  to  sign  the  decla- 
ration, 278 ;  Charles  attempts  to 
intercept  the  reinforcements  for,  ib. ; 
manoeuvres  of,  280  ;  baffles  Crom- 
well's attempt  upon  Queensferry, 
281  ;  established  on  Doon  Hill,  282  ; 
purged  asecond  time,  283  ;  descends 
from  Doon  Hill,  286 ;  defeated  at 
Dunbar,  295  ;  takes  refuge  at  Stir- 
ling. 33i  I  reorganisation  of,  351  ; 
defeated  at  Inverkeithing,  ii.  26 ; 
marches  into  England,  34 

Army  Council,  the,  see  Council  of 
Officers 

Arras,  relief  of,  iii.  161,  162 

Articles  of  war,  first  issue  of,  ii.  212 

Arundel,  — ?  accompanies  Sexby  to 
Bordeaux,  ii.  195 ;  returns  to  Eng- 
land, iii.  53 

Ascham,  Anthony,  appointed  agent  at 
Madrid,  i.  181 ;  murdered  at  Ma- 
drid, 309  ;  six  persons  to  be  tried  in 
reprisal  for  the  murder  of,  ib.  ;  fate 
of  the  murderers  of,  312 

Ashburnham,  John,  removed  from  the 
Tower,  iii.  310 

Ashburnham,  William,  removed  from 
the  Tower,  iii.  310 

Ashley,  Captain,  his  part  in  Andrews's 
plot,  ii.  7 ;  condemned  to  death, 
but  spared,  ib. 

Assembly  of  Divines,  a  proposed  vote 
taken  for  the  appointment  of,  iii. 
1 86  ;  abandonment  of,  203 

Assembly  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  the 
General,  dissolution  of,  iii.  89 

Assessment  Tax,  vote  of  Parliament 
for  raising,  i.  24 ;  London  required 


to  pay  arrears  of,  49  ;  increased,  ii. 
2ir  ;  debates  in  the  Nominated 
Parliament  on,  311,  312;  proposal 
to  reduce,  iii.  219  ;  second  reading 
of  a  Bill  for,  222  ;  third  reading  of 
the  Bill  for,  224  ;  Birch  proposes 
to  abolish,  237  ;  reduced  by  the 
Protector,  255 

Associations,  voluntary,  spread  of 
Baxter's  system  of,  iv.  24 

Assynt,  the  Macleods  of,  believed  by 
Montrose  to  be  friendly  to  him, 
i.  210,  219.  See  also  Macleod, 
Neil 

Aston,  Sir  Arthur,  appointed  governor 
of  Drogheda,  i.  no;  complains  of 
the  wants  of  his  garrison,  114 ; 
summoned  by  Cromwell,  115  ;  re- 
solves to  die  at  his  post,  116  ;  takes 
refuge  on  the  Mill  Mount,  117  ;  is 
killed,  119 

Atheism  openly  proclaimed,  ii.  301 

Athlone,  strategical  importance  of,  ii. 
108 ;  Ireton  hopes  to  gain  by 
treachery,  ib.  ;  Ireton  fails  to  take, 
in  ;  taken  by  Coote,  120  ;  a  court 
for  ascertaining  the  claim  of  trans- 
planters sits  at,  iv.  100 

Athol,  second  Earl  of,  1642  (John 
Stuart),  signs  a  bond  uniting  Royal- 
ists and  Engagers,  i.  338  ;  quarrels 
with  Glengarry,  iii.  101 

Athy  reduced  by  Castlehaven,  i.  87 

Atkins,  Judge,  refuses  to  serve  in 
High  Court  of  Justice,  iii.  149 

Austin  Friars,  petition  of  the  Dutch 
congregation  at,  ii.  187 

Axtell,  Daniel,  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
surrender  of  Aston  to,  i.  119, 
note  ;  defeats  the  Irish  in  Meelick 
Island,  ii.  in,  112;  sent  home  by 
Ireton,  116 

Aylesbury,  arrest  of  Rochester  and 
Armorer  at,  iii.  294 

Ayr,  fort  built  at,  ii.  137 

Ayscue,  Sir  George,  appointed  Ad- 
miral on  the  Irish  coast,  i.  28  ; 
ordered  to  recover  Barbados,  317  ; 
his  fleet  detained,  326 ;  reduces 
Barbados,  ii.  141, 142  ;  takes  Dutch 
merchantmen,  184;  threatened  by 
Tromp  in  the  Downs,  185  ;  his 
action  with  De  Ruyter  off  Plymouth, 
1 86  ;  urged  by  Peters  to  abandon 
the  seas,  188  ;  throws  up  his  com- 
mand, 194 

Azores,  the,  Rupert  in,  ii.  144 


INDEX 


277 


BAA 


BAR 


BAAS,  PAUL,  Baron  de,  his  first  mis- 
sion to  England,  iii.  113 ;  delays 
his  return  to  England,  117;  re- 
turns with  fresh  proposals,  121 ; 
his  intrigue  with  Naudin,  125  ;  re- 
proaches Oliver,  126  ;  terms  offered 
to,  129 ;  defies  the  Protector,  130 ; 
his  conversation  with  Pickering, 
133  ;  his  intrigue  with  Naudin 
discovered,  136 ;  accused  by  the 
Protector,  151  ;  ordered  to  leave 
England,  152 

Badiley,  Richard,  defeated  and  shut 
up  in  Porto  Longone,  ii.  199  ;  wit- 
nesses Appleton's  defeat,  247  ;  ap- 
pointed Vice-Admiral  under  Blake 
and  Montague,  iv.  232 

Bagenal,  Nicholas,  arrest  of,  iii.  233 

Bagotrath,  Purcell  sent  by  Ormond 
to  fortify,  i.  101 

Balcarres,  Lord,  1643  (Alexander 
Lindsay),  renounces  his  obedience 
to  the  Commonwealth,  iii.  86  ; 
aims  at  taking  the  command  from 
Glencairn,  94 

Balfour  of  Burleigh,  Lord  (Robert 
Balfoui),  elected  President  of  the 
Scottish  Parliament,  i.  351 

Balfour,  Sir  James,  ordered  to  convey 
a  message  to  Charles  and  to  purge 
his  life-guard,  i.  336 

Ballinasloe  taken  by  Coote,  ii.  120 

Ballycastle  reduced  by  the  Bishop  of 
Clogher,  ii.  106 

Ballysonan  holds  out  against  Or- 
mond, i.  89 

Baltic,  the,  loss  of  the  trade  of,  ii. 
213  ;  Swedish  designs  on  the  coasts 
of,  iv.  196 ;  Dutch  trade  in,  198  ; 
Nieupoort  challenges  the  Swedish 
claim  to  the  dominion  of,  200,  201  ; 
English  trade-interests  in,  ib.  ; 
Nieupoort  proposes  a  triple  alliance 
to  guarantee  the  trade  in,  204  ; 
postponement  of  a  Dutch  expedi- 
tion to,  206 

Balvenie,  Pluscardine's  rising  sup- 
pressed at,  i.  64 ;  part  taken  by 
Strachan  in  dispersing  Pluscar- 
dine's forces  at,  214 

Bamfield  attempts  to  ruin  Hyde,  iii. 
138 

Banbury,  mutiny  of  soldiers  near,  i. 

49 

Bandon  submits  to  Cromwell,  i.  143 
Baptists,  the,  take  part  in  the  Wilt- 
shire  election,  iii.  176  ;  hostility  to 


the  Protector  of  the  extreme  party 
among,  iv.  41  ;  voluntary  dispersal 
of  a  meeting  of,  233  ;  petition 
Charles  II.,  258 

Barbados,  prisoners  sent  from  Drog- 
heda  to,  i.  120;  state  of,  316; 
Charles  II.  proclaimed  in  and 
Roundheads  banished  from,  317  ; 
Willoughby  of  Parham  takes  up  the 
governorship  of,  ib.  ;  Parliament 
prohibits  trade  with,  and  sends 
Ayscue  to  regain,  ib.  ;  Ayscue's 
fleet  detained  from,  326;  Royalism 
in,  ii.  141 ;  declares  for  commercial 
independence,  ib.  ;  submits  to 
Ayscue,  142  ;  freedom  of  trade 
accorded  to,  ib.  ;  its  agreement 
with  Ayscue  confirmed,  148 ;  re- 
striction of  trade  not  objected  to 
in,  ib.  note  2  ;  transportation  of 
five  persons  to,  iii.  308  ;  distinction 
between  servants  and  slaves  in, 
309,  note  i ;  treatment  of  persons 
transported  to,  339 ;  Peter  Bath 
transported  to,  iv.  97  ;  Penn's  fleet 
at,  130  ;  Dutch  vessels  seized  at,  ib. 

Barbary  pirates,  the,  Blake's  efforts 
to  liberate  English  slaves  detained 
by,  iv.  150-158 

Barebone,  Praise-God,  a  member  of 
the  Nominated  Parliament,  ii.  283, 
note  2 

Barebones  Parliament,  see  Parlia- 
ment, the  Nominated 

Barkstead,  John,  Colonel,  his  regi- 
ment reinforced,  i.  250 ;  Major- 
General  for  Middlesex,  iii.  340; 
acts  as  substitute  for  Skippon  in 
the  City  of  London,  iv.  28  ;  orders 
Pride  to  suppress  bear-baitings,  30, 
31 ;  proposes  to  send  loose  women 
to  Jamaica,  219  ;  reports  move- 
ments of  wife  of  Overton,  260 ; 
holds  in  suspicion  Portman  and 
Venner,  ib. 

Barnardiston,  Arthur,  deprived  of 
the  recordership  of  Colchester,  iv. 
61 ;  death  of,  68 

Barriere  (Henri  de  Taillefer),  Seigneur 
de,  arrives  in  England,  ii.  163  ; 
supports  the  Commissioners  from 
Bordeaux,  iii.  29 ;  goes  to  the  Low 
Countries  to  consult  with  Conde", 
123  ;  assured  by  Oliver  of  his  wish 
to  come  to  terms  with  Spain,  125  ; 
recommends  Spain  to  close  with 
the  English  proposals,  135  ;  has  an 


INDEX 


BAR 


BID 


interview  with  the  Protector,  iv. 
169;  leaves  England,  171,  note  2 

Barrington,  Abraham,  expelled  from 
the  corporation  of  Colchester,  iv.  61 

Barrington,  Henry,  his  influence  at 
Colchester,  iv.  56  ;  growth  of  oppo- 
sition to,  59  ;  expelled  from  the 
corporation,  61 

Barren,  Geoffrey,  condemned  to 
death,  ii.  124  ;  executed,  ib. 

Barrow,  the,  bridge  built  by  Crom- 
well over,  i.  135 

Bass  Rock,  the,  holds  out,  ii.  69 ; 
surrender  of,  136 

Bath,  Peter,  transported  to  Barbados, 
iv.  97 

Baxter,  Richard,  opposed  by  Sir 
Ralph  Clare,  iii.  24,  note  i  ;  intro- 
duces a  system  of  voluntary  dis- 
cipline, 26  ;  advocates  association 
amongst  the  clergy,  ib.  ;  his  attitude 
towards  toleration,  206 ;  blamed 
by  the  Protector,  ib.  ;  complains 
of  'Quakers,1  259;  his  opinion  of 
the  episcopalian  clergy,  332 ;  his 
system  of  voluntary  associations, 
iv.  24 

Bayly,  Nicholas,  arrest  of,  iii.  233 

Bear-baitings,  orders  for  the  suppres- 
sion of,  ii.  284 ;  iv.  31  ;  suppressed 
by  Pride,  32 

Beauchamp,  Lord  (Henry  Seymour), 
directed  by  Charles  to  court  the 
Catholics  and  Presbyterians,  i.  241 ; 
arrest  of,  ii.  15 

Bedford,  Baptist  congregation  at,  ii. 
90;  compulsory  resignation  of  the 
mayor  and  four  common  council- 
men  of,  iv.  53 

Bedfordshire,  placed  under  Butler,  iii. 
340;  dissolute  persons  imprisoned 
in,  344 

Belfast,  refusal  by  the  Presbytery  of, 
to  support  an  uncovenanted  king, 
i.  74 ;  seized  by  Montgomery  of 
Ards,  98  ;  secured  by  Venables,  139 

Belturbet,  Bishop  Macmahon  chosen 
general  of  the  Ulster  army  at,  i.  '• 

Benbow,  John,  Captain,  ordered  to  be    j 

tried,  ii.  60  ;  shot,  62 
Bendish,  Sir  Thomas,  minister  of  the    I 

Commonwealth  at  Constantinople,     | 

ii.  10 

Bennet,  Colonel,  sets  Fox  free,  iv.  9 
Bennet,  David,  confined  to  Perth,  i. 

350 


Bennett,  Sir  Humphrey,  offers  to 
seize  Portsmouth,  iii.  271  ;  arrest  of, 
281 

Benson,  — ?,  his  part  in  Andrews's 
plot,  ii.  6 ;  executed,  7 

Berkeley,  Sir  John,  takes  part  in  a 
plot  against  Hyde,  iii.  138 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  Governor  of 
Virginia,  commission  .sent  by 
Charles  to,  i.  316 ;  Royalism  of,  ii. 
132 

Berkshire,  placed  under  Goffe,  iii. 
340 ;  amount  of  decimation  in,  iv. 
250 

Bermudas,  the,  Royalism  in,  i.  316 ; 
prohibition  of  trade  with,  317 ; 
Royalists  in,  few  in  number,  ii.  140 ; 
submits  to  the  Commonwealth,  143 

Bernard,  John,  his  part  in  Andrews's 
plot,  ii.  6 

Bernard,  Nicholas,  Dr.,  his  evidence 
on  the  massacre  at  Drogheda,  i. 
1 20,  note  2  ;  saved  from  danger  by 
Ewer,  122,  note  3 

Berry,  James,  Major-General  over 
Worcestershire,  Herefordshire, 
Shropshire,  and  North  Wales,  to 
which  Monmouthshire  and  South 
Wales  were  subsequently  added, 
iii.  340  ;  imprisons  dissolute  persons 
at  Shrewsbury,  345  ;  probably  sug- 
gests that  nine  '  Quakers  '  shall  be 
liberated,  iv.  9 ;  thinks  Wales 
stands  in  need  of  reformation,  32 ; 
is  active  in  suppressing  alehouses, 
38 ;  treats  Vavasor  Powell  with 
kindness,  42  ;  pays  dismissed 
militiamen  in  full,  251 

Berwick,  Cromwell  musters  his  army 
near,  i.  269  ;  Cromwell  enters  Scot- 
land at,  271 

Bets,  against  Cromwell's  going  to 
Ireland,  i.  87 ;  on  Ormond's  having 
taken  Dublin,  113 

Beverning,  Jerome,  sent  as  a  Commis- 
sioner to  England,  iii.  40;  remains 
in  England  after  the  return  of  two 
of  his  colleagues,  45  ;  Cromwell's 
conversation  with,  48 ;  treats  on 
the  exclusion  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  66 

Bewdley,  Worcestershire  men  secure 
the  bridge  at,  ii.  43 

Biddle,  John,  defends  Socinianism, 
ii.  98  ;  imprisonment  of,  ib.  ;  im- 
prisoned by  Parliament,  iii.  222  ; 
a  charge  to  be  prepared  against, 


BIL 

241;  liberated  on  bail,  258,;  com- 
mitted for  trial,  iv.  5 ;  sent  to 
the  Scilly  Isles,  6 

Bills,  name  of  Acts  given  to,  i.  3 

Birch,  John,  Colonel,  is  in  the  chair 
of  the  sub-committee  of  revenue, 
iii.  223 ;  Wildman's  expectations 
from,  228,  note  3  ;  reports  on 
finance,  237 ;  his  parliamentary 
position,  239;  elected  to  second 
Protectorate  Parliament,  iv.  269 

Birkenhead,  John,  captured  at 
Greenock,  ii.  12 

Bishop,  George,  Captain,  discovers 
the  secrets  of  the  Royalists,  ii.  8  ; 
is  connected  with  Wildman's  plot, 
iii.  228,  note  3 

'  Black  Prince,"  the,  burnt  by  its 
crew,  i.  305 

Blackburn,  suppression  of  alehouses 
at,  iv.  37 

Blackford  Hill,  Cromwell's  outposts 
on,  i.  276 

Blackfriars,  Parliament  attacked  by 
preachers  at,  ij.  248  ;  the  connec- 
tion between  Church  and  State 
condemned  at,  302  ;  crowded  au- 
diences at,  314 ;  Feake's  strong 
language  at,  315 ;  Cromwell's 
overtures  to  the  preachers  at,  320  ; 
violence  of  the  sermons  preached 
at,  321 

Blackness,  destruction  of  the  castle 
of,  ii.  137 

Blair,  Robert,  his  saying  about  the 
incorporation  of  Scotland  with 
England,  ii.  136 

Blake,  Robert,  appointed  one  of  the 
Generals  at  Sea,  i.  23  ;  blockades 
Kinsale,  87 ;  driven  from  before 
Kinsale,  137;  receives  an  offer  of  a 
major-generalship  from  Cromwell, 
ib,  ;  appointed  to  command  against 
Rupert,  181  ;  arrives  off  Lisbon, 
300  ;  tries  to  persuade  the  King  of 
Portugal  to  expel  Rupert,  301  ; 
seizes  nine  English  ships  in  the 
Portuguese  service,  ib.  ;  blockades 
the  Tagus,  302;  engages  Rupert, 
303 ;  captures  nine  ships  of  the 
Brazil  fleet,  and  makes  for  Cadiz, 
304,  305  ;  captures  a  great  part  of 
Rupert's  fleet,  305  ;  writes  to  the 
King  of  Spain,  ib.  ;  returns  to 
Cadiz  and  is  recalled  to  England, 
306  ;  receives  the  thanks  of  Par- 
liament, 307 ;  efficiency  produced 


INDEX  279 

BLA 

by,  ib.  ;  declares  the  world  to  be 
weary  of  monarchy,  308  ;  reduces 
the  Scilly  Isles,  326  ;  takes  part  in 
the  reduction  of  Jersey,  ii.  69 ; 

Eroposed  occupation  of  Dunkirk 
y,  163  ;  puts  out  to  meet  Tromp 
off  Folkestone,  178  ;  sails  for  the 
North  Sea,  184;  captures  herring 
busses,  185;  finds  shelter  from  a 
storm  off  the  Shetlands,  186  ;  de- 
stroys the  French  flotilla  sent  to 
relieve  Dunkirk,  190 ;  condition  of 
the  fleet  under,  194 ;  misses  De 
Ruyter  and  opens  a  battle  off  the 
Kentish  Knock,  ib.  ;  his  character 
as  a  commander,  196  ;  excluded 
from  fifth  Council  of  State,  202  ; 
finds  himself  in  the  Downs  with  a 
force  inferior  to  that  of  Tromp,  203, 
204  ;  catches  sight  of  Tromp' s 
fleet,  206  ;  leaves  the  Downs,  ib.  ; 
fights  Tromp  off  Dungeness,  208  ; 
defeat  of,  209  ;  offers  his  resigna- 
tion, 210  ;  Deane  and  Monk  joined 
in  command  with,  ib.  ;  manoeuvres 
in  the  Channel,  214;  attacked  off 
Portland,  215  ;  severely  wounded, 
216 ;  dissatisfied  with  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Long  Parliament,  270  ; 
submits  to  the  new  government, 
271;  sent  to  Portsmouth,  iii.  33; 
words  about  keeping  foreigners 
from  fooling  us  assigned  to,  ib.  ; 
comes  to  Monk's  assistance  in  the 
battle  off  the  Flemish  coast,  38  ; 
forced  by  his  wound  to  return 
ashore,  45 ;  general  at  sea,  sails 
for  the  Mediterranean,  214  ;  com- 
mended to  the  King  of  Spain  by 
the  Protector,  iv.  146  ;  his  design 
against  the  Duke  of  Guise,  147  ; 
alleged  proceedings  at  Malaga,  ib. 
note  2  ;  received  in  a  friendly  spirit 
at  Leghorn,  148;  prepares  to 
demand  the  liberation  of  English 
slaves  from  the  Barbary  pirates, 
150 ;  negotiates  with  the  Dey  of 
Tunis,  152 ;  anchors  off  Porto 
Farina,  ib.  \  destroys  ships  in  Porto 
Farina,  155  ;  fails  to  procure  the 
liberation  of  slaves  in  Tunis,  157 ; 
renews  Casson's  treaty  and  ransoms 
slaves  at  Algiers,  158 ;  receives 
instructions  to  proceed  to  Cadiz 
Bay,  164 ;  cruises  off  Cadiz,  165 ; 
guns  recovered  by,  ib.  ;  avoids  an 
engagement  with  a  Spanish  fleet, 


280 


INDEX 


BLA 


BRA 


167  ;  arrives  at  Lisbon  and  com- 
plains of  the  state  of  his  fleet, 
167,  168  ;  is  authorised  to  return 
home  if  he  thinks  fit,  168  ;  in  joint 
command  with  Montague,  229 ;  said 
to  disagree  with  Montague,  ib. 
note  i ;  supports  Meadowe  against 
Montague,  239  ;  elected  to  second 
Protectorate  Parliament,  270.  See 
also  Blake  and  Montague,  the  fleet 
under 

Blake  and  Montague,  the  fleet  under, 
arrives  in  Cadiz  Bay,  iv.  236  ;  sails 
for  Lisbon,  237  ;  returns  to  Cadiz 
Bay,  240 

Blandford,  Charles  II.  proclaimed  by 
Penruddock  at,  iii.  287 

Blasphemy,  Act  of  Parliament 
against,  ii.  2 ;  Fox  imprisoned 
under,  94 

Blockade  of  the  Tagus,  difficulty  of 
keeping  up,  i.  304 

Boatman , — ?,  FifthMonarchy  preacher 
at  Norwich,  iv.  267 •;  pleads  Protec- 
tor's leave  to  stay  in  country,  ib. 

Bohemia,  Elizabeth,  titular  Queen  of, 
pawns  her  jewels  to  supply  Rupert, 

i-  I3 

Bolton-le-Moors,  execution  of  the 
Earl  of  Derby  at,  ii.  62 

1  Bonaventure,'  the,  taken  by  the 
Dutch,  ii.  209 

Bond,  Denis,  appointed  to  manage 
the  negotiation  for  the  cession  of 
Dunkirk,  ii.  162  ;  favourable  to 
peace  with  the  Dutch,  188 

Bonde,  Christer,  Swedish  ambassa- 
dor, opens  negotiations  in  England, 
iv.  201  ;  dislikes  the  Protector's 
idea  of  a  Protestant  crusade,  204  ; 
is  dissatisfied  with  the  Protector's 
offers,  206  ;  awaits  instructions  on 
trade  questions,  208  ;  Oliver  com- 
plains of  the  Catholic  powers  to, 
202 ;  is  surprised  at  the  English 
demands  about  the  Baltic  trade, 
210 ;  offers  to  guarantee  the  treaty 
of  Osnabriick,  211,  212 

Bonifaz,  Caspar,  his  interview  with 
Louis  XIV.,  iv.  243 

Book  of  Common  Prayer,  see  Com- 
mon Prayer  Book 

Booth,  Sir  George,  Wildman's  ex- 
pectations from,  iii.  228,  note  3  ; 
engages  to  hold  Cheshire  for  the 
King,  281  ;  abandons  the  surprise 
of  Chester  Castle,  284 


Boothouse,  Samuel,  consul  at  Tunis, 
iv.  151 

Bordeaux,  the  city  of,  supports  Conde", 
ii.  154 ;  Sexby'-s  negotiation  at,  156  ; 
Tromp  sent  with  a  convoy  to,  203 ; 
danger  of,  iii.  28  ;  commissioners 
sent  to  England  from,  29 ;  sur- 
render of,  30 

Bordeaux-Neufville,  Antoine  de,  sent 
to  England,  ii.  241 ;  recognises  the 
Commonwealth,  ib.  ;  reports  that 
Cromwell  desires  peace,  243;  re- 
fused an  audience,  iii.  121 ;  has  an 
interview  with  Commissioners,  133 ; 
overtures  by  Oliver  to,  155;  con- 
tinues to  negotiate,  156,  163  ;  com- 
plains of  the  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  his  negotiation,  iv.  161 ;  his 
negotiation  interrupted  by  news 
from  Piedmont,  177 ;  negotiations 
resumed  with,  191 ;  signature  of 
the  French  treaty  by,  192 

Boreatton  Park,  arrest  of  Sir  T. 
Harris  at,  iii.  284 

Boroughs,  franchise  jn,  iii.  172 

Borthwick  Castle,  Ker  professes  him- 
self unable  to  relieve,  i.  342 

Boscobel  House,  Charles  hides  in  an 
oak  in  the  grounds  of,  ii.  52 

Bourg  held  by  a  Spanish  garrison, 
ii.  154 

Bourne,  Nehemiah,  Rear- Admiral  or 
Major,  receives  a  message  from 
Tromp,  ii.  177;  ceases  to  be  Rear- 
Admiral,  214;  gives  money  to 
Parliament  loan,  iii.  57 

Boyd,  Zachary,  preaches  against 
English  sectaries,  i.  339 

Boyle,  — ?,  killed  at  Drogheda,  i.  122 

Boyle,  Michael,  Dean  of  Clpyne,  sent 
by  Inchiquin's  officers  to  make 
terms  with  Cromwell,  i.  151 

Boyle,  Robert,  is  one  of  the  Society 
for  the  Study  of  Natural  Science,  iv. 

25 

Bradshaw,  John,  chosen  a  member 
of  the  first  Council  of  State,  i.  5 ; 
is  without  a  seat  in  Parliament,  8  ; 
is  President  of  the  second  High 
Court  of  Justice,  10;  appointed 
President  of  the  Council  of  State, 
12 ;  is  styled  Lord  President,  ib.  ; 
assures  Lilburne  that  the  Council 
of  State  claims  no  jurisdiction  over 
him,  35 ;  directed  to  prepare  an 
Act  regulating  the  Press,  56  ;  de- 
spondent remark  attributed  to,  248 ; 


INDEX 


281 


BRA 


BRO 


Milton's  panegyric  on,  iii.  167 ; 
elected  to  Parliament,  174 ;  calls 
on  members  of  Parliament  to  refuse 
to  wait  on  the  Protector,  178 ; 
suggested  as  Speaker,  181 ;  pro- 
posals offered  to  Parliament  by, 
184,  note  2  ;  declares  that  he  prefers 
Charles  to  Oliver,  186 ;  attends  a 
sermon  at  St.  Margaret's,  195 ; 
Wildman's  expectations  from,  228, 
note  3 ;  has  interviews  with  Okey, 
iv.  259 ;  deprived  of  his  offices, 
263;  not  elected  to  second  Pro- 
tectorate Parliament,  269 

Brahan  Castle  garrisoned  by  Leslie, 
i.  212 

Braid  Hill,  Cromwell  established  on, 
i.  276,  277 ;  Cromwell  retreats  to 
and  leaves,  281 ;  return  of  Cromwell 
to,  ii.  25 

Bramhall,  John,  Bishop  of  Derry, 
administers  the  Communion  to 
Charles,  i.  235 

Brandenburg,  Elector  of,  see  Frederick 
William 

Brayne,  William,  Colonel,  established 
in  Dunstaffnage,  iii.  106,  107 ;  at 
Inverlochy,  ib,  ;  governor  of  Ja- 
maica, iv.  222 

Brazil,  the  Dutch  expelled  from,  iii.  82 

Brazil  fleet,  the  Portuguese,  nine 
English  ships  taken  by  Blake  from, 
i.  301 

Breaking  of  the  line,  roughly  antici- 
pated by  Tromp,  iii.  361 

Breda,  Charles  renews  Montrose's 
commissions  at,  i.  69 ;  Charles 
offers  to  treat  at,  187 ;  the  Com- 
mittee of  Estates  send  commis- 
sioners to,  192  ;  Charles  arrives  at, 
195 ;  opening  of  negotiations  at, 
197 ;  signature  of  the  so-called 
Treaty  of,  203.  See  also  Heligo- 
land. 

Bremen,  Duchy  of,  assigned  to 
Sweden  by  the  treaties  of  West- 
phalia, iv.  195 

Brentford,  Earl  of,  1644  (Patrick 
Ruthven),  obtains  arms  from  Queen 
Christina,  i.  190;  banished  from 
Scotland,  234 ;  accompanies  Charles 
to  Scotland,  236 ;  death  of,  349, 
note  4 

Brest,  prizes  taken  by  privateers  from, 
iii.  128  ;  Oliver  asks  for  the  sur- 
render of,  156 

Bridge,  Tobias,  retires  from  the  post 


of  Deputy  Major-General,  iii.  340 ; 
makes  an  award  between  parties  at 
Chipping  Wycombe,  iv.  54  ;  suc- 
ceeds Worsley  as  Major-General  of 
the  North- West,  270;  elected  to 
second  Protectorate  Parliament  by 
Chipping  Wycombe,  id. 
Bridport,  Charles  turns  aside  from, 

»•  59 

Brief  Relation,  A,  appears  as  a 
Government  organ,  i.  174 

Bright,  John,  Colonel,  resigns  his 
command,  i.  269 

Brighthelmstone,  Charles  escapes  to 
France  from,  ii.  56 

Bristol,  arrival  of  Cromwell  at,  i.  96  ; 
adheres  to  the  Commonwealth,  ii. 
43 ;  prisoners  from  Worcester  de- 
spatched to,  63 ;  raises  men  to 
serve  against  the  Royalists,  iii.  288  ; 
enforced  resignation  of  aldermen 
at,  iv.  51,  52 

British  seas,  the,  sovereignty  over, 
claimed  by  the  English,  ii.  172; 
concession  of  the  salute  to  the  flag 
in,  iii.  68 

Brodick  Castle,  holds  out,  ii.  69; 
surrender  of,  136 

Brodie,  Alexander,  sent  to  Breda  as 
a  Commissioner  of  both  the  Com- 
mittee of  Estates  and  the  Kirk,  i. 
192 

Broghill,  Lord,  1627  (Roger  Boyle), 
intends  to  serve  as  a  Royalist,  but 
is  won  over  by  Cromwell,  i.  95 ; 
sent  to  extend  the  revolt  in  Munster, 
*37 1  g°es  to  Cork,  ib.  ;  meets 
Cromwell,  143 ;  gains  ground  in 
the  county  of  Limerick,  150 ;  de- 
feats the  Irish  at  Macroom,  151  ; 
defeats  Muskerry,  ii.  120 ;  rejects 
the  claim  of  Parliament  to  act 
as  a  constituent  body,  iii.  204; 
proposes  the  transportation  of  Irish 
irom  the  county  of  Cork,  iv.  no 

Brouage  ceases  to  be  available  by 
the  insurgents,  iii.  29 

Brown,  Sir  John,  ordered  to  enforce 
the  dismissal  of  Charles's  servants, 
i.  336 ;  surprised  by  the  Royalists, 
338 ;  defeated  by  Lambert  at  In- 
verkeithing,  ii.  26 

Browne,  Geoffrey,  sent  to  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine,  ii.  115 

Browne,  Richard,  Major-General, 
reported  to  be  ready  to  join  the 
Cavaliers,  iii.  282 


282 


INDEX 


BRU 

Bruges,  removal  of  Charles  II.  to, 
iv.  235 

Brussels,  arrival  of  Charles  at,  i.  69 ; 
Charles's  reception  at,  70 

Buckingham,  second  Duke  of,  1628 
(George  Villiers),  named  a  Privy 
Councillor,  i.  199 ;  accompanies 
Charles  to  Scotland,  236  ;  allowed 
to  remain  at  Court,  239  ;  appointed 
General  of  the  Eastern  Association, 
240 ;  his  characterisation  of  Fairfax, 
264,  265 ;  betrays  Charles's  plan  of 
escape  from  Perth,  336  ;  persuades 
Charles  to  abandon  his  scheme, 
ib.  ;  appointed  to  the  command  of 
Scottish  troops  in  Lancashire,  ii. 
12  ;  heard  of  in  Charles's  company 
after  Worcester,  49  ;  escapes  from 
Worcester,  50 ;  reports  that  Fair- 
fax will  assist  the  Royalists,  iii.  281, 
note  4 

Buckinghamshire  placed  under 
George  Fleetwood  and  Packer  as 
Fleetwood's  deputies,  iii.  340 

Bull-baiting,  suppression  of,  ii.  284 

Buller,  Anthony,  Colonel,  Naudin's 
application  to,  iii.  126 ;  sent  on 
shore  to  the  east  of  San  Domingo, 
iv.  134;  disobeys  his  instructions, 
136 

Bunce,  James,  Alderman,  takes  part 
in  sending  Titus  to  Charles,  i.  184  ; 
his  estates  sequestered,  193  ;  warns 
Charles  that  unless  he  allies  him- 
self with  the  Scots  he  will  have 
no  money  from  London,  200 

Bunyan,  John,  early  career  of,  ii. 
87 ;  serves  in  the  Parliamentary 
army,  ib.  note  i ;  his  life  at  Elstow, 
88 ;  his  relations  with  the  Baptists 
of  Bedford,  90 

Burford,  suppression  of  the  mutineers 
at,  i.  53 ;  executions  at,  54 

Burnet,  Gilbert,  Bishop  of  Salisbury, 
examination  of  his  account  of  the 
battle  of  Dunbar,  i.  285,  note  i 

Burntisland  captured  by  Cromwell's 
army,  ii.  29 

Bury,  Presbyterianism  in,  ii.  86 

Bushell,  Brown,  his  trial  by  a  court- 
martial  ordered,  i.  41  ;  trial  and 
execution  of,  ii.  n 

Bushnell,  Walter,  vicar  of  Box,  ejec- 
tion of,  iv.  30 

Butler,  Sir  Edmund,  sent  to  defend 
Wevford,  i.  128;  arrives  too  late, 
129. 


CAL 


Butler,  Gregory,  appointed  a  com- 
missioner for  the  West  Indian 
expedition,  iv.  125  ;  overrules  Ven- 
ables,  138;  returns  to  England, 
215 

Butler,  Sir  Walter,  defends  Kilkenny, 
i.  150 

Butler,  William,  Major,  afterwards 
Major-General,  attacks  Owen's 
scheme  as  intolerant,  ii.  100  ;  joins 
Desborough  in  pursuit  of  the 
Royalist  insurgents,  iii.  288  ;  Major- 
General  over  Northampton,  Bed- 
ford, Rutland,  and  Huntingdon, 
340  ;  imprisons  dissolute  persons 
in  Bedfordshire,  344 ;  wishes  two 
or  three  hundred  rogues  trans- 
ported, iv.  34 ;  sends  a  list  of  the 
offences  of  sixteen  evil-disposed 
persons,  ib.  ',  purges  the  corpora- 
tion of  Bedford,  53  ;  complains  of 
the  inadequacy  of  decimations  for 
payment  of  militia,  250 

Byfield,  Adoniram,  takes  part  in  the 
Wiltshire  election,  iii.  176 

Byrne, — ?,  Colonel,  commands  a 
regiment  at  Drogheda,  i.  no 

Byron,  Lord,  1643  (John  Byron), 
carries  a  message  from  Ormond,  i. 
13  ;  invites  Charles  to  go  to  Ireland, 
22 

Byron,  second  Lord,  1652  (Richard 
Byron),  offers  to  seize  Nottingham, 
iii.  271  ;  is  absent  from  home  at  the 
time  of  the  Royalist  insurrection, 
310  ;  arrest  of,  311 


CACERES,  SIMON  DE,  gives  informa- 
tion to  Thurloe,  iv.  12 

Cadiz,  Blake's  ships  sent  for  supplies 
to,  i.  302,  303  ;  Blake  retires  to, 
304  ;  Blake  off,  iv.  165  ;  a  Spanish 
fleet  comes  out  from,  167  ;  arrival 
of  the  fleet  of  Blake  and  Montague 
off,  236 

Cagliari,  Blake's  visits  to,    iv.    152, 

T-S7<  158 
Calais,  Cardenas  offers  to  help  in  the 

reduction  of,  ii.   163 ;    Oliver  asks 

Spain  for  Dunkirk  as  a  pledge  for 

the  surrender  of,  iii.  154 
Calamy,  Edmund,  said  to  have  taken 

part  in  a  Royalist  conspiracy,  ii.  14  ; 

no  proceedings  taken  against,  15 
Callander,    Earl     of,     1641     (James 

Livingstone),  returns  to  Scotland, 


INDEX 


283 


CAL 


CAR 


and  is  forced  to  leave  the  country, 

i.  231  ;  forbidden  to  return  to  Scot- 
land, 234 
Callander  House  taken  by  Cromwell, 

ii.  26 
Calvinistic       dogmatism,       reaction 

against,  iv.  21 
Cambridge,  Earl   of,    see   Hamilton, 

first  Duke  of 
Cambridge,    the   University  of,   lati- 

tudinarian  movement  in,  iv.  22-23 
Cambridgeshire  placed  under  Haynes 

as  Fleetwood's  deputy,  iii.  340 
Campbell,    Ann,    a    marriage     with 

Charles  proposed  for,  i.  201,   349; 

Henrietta    Maria    warns    her    son 

against  marrying,  352 
Campbell  of  Lawers,  James,  Colonel, 

captures  two  of  Cromwell's  cannon, 

i.  272  ;  at  Dunbar,  294 
Cancale,  English  sailors  land  at,  iii. 

J34 

Cant,  Andrew,  allows  Middleton's 
levies  to  proceed,  i.  349,  350 

Canterbury,  proposal  to  demolish  the 
cathedral  of,  ii.  187 

Capel,  Lord.  1641  (Arthur  Capel), 
tried  by  the  High  Court  of  Justice, 
i.  10  ;  execution  of,  ii 

Capponi,  Cardinal,  Cottington's  letter 
to,  i.  70 

Carbisdale,  Montrose's  position  at, 
i.  215  ;  Montrose  defeated  at,  218 

Cardenas,  Alonso  de,  proposes  a 
Spanish  alliance  with  England,  i. 
82  ;  informed  that  no  business  will 
be  transacted  with  him  till  he  recog- 
nises the  Commonwealth,  179 ; 
recognises  the  Commonwealth, 
308  ;  offers  to  help  in  reducing 
Calais,  ii.  163  ;  asked  to  prepare  the 
draft  of  a  commercial  treaty,  189  ; 
obtains  an  order  to  Blake  to  inter- 
rupt the  relief  of  Dunkirk,  190 ;  a 
draft  treaty  sent  by  Parliament  to, 
239  ;  dissatisfied  with  the  progress 
of  his  negotiation,  242  ;  supports 
the  commissioners  from  Bordeaux, 
iii.  29  ;  permitted  to  hire  ships  in 
England,  but  is  unable  to  man 
them,  30  ;  is  hopeful  of  an  English 
diversion  in  Guienne,  114;  forwards 
Oliver's  offer  of  an  alliance  to 
Madrid,  118  ;  said  to  have  boasted 
of  cajoling  Oliver,  122  ;  commis- 
sioners named  to  treat  with,  124  ; 
receives  despatches  from  Madrid, 


129  ;  is  informed  of  the  terms  de- 
manded by  Oliver,  131  ;  raises  his 
offer,  132  ;  is  informed  that  Oliver 
will  declare  war  against  France, 
134  ;  receives  instructions  from  the 
Archduke,  153 ;  Oliver  asks  for 
security  from,  154 ;  asks  permis- 
sion to  hire  ships  and  men,  ib.  ', 
labours  at  the  commercial  treaty, 
157  ;  declares  that  to  ask  for  trade 
in  the  Indies  and  liberty  of  con- 
science was  to  ask  his  master's  two 
eyes,  160  ;  hears  of  the  attempt  on 
Hispaniola,  iv.  169 ;  receives  instruc- 
tions to  take  leave,  170 ;  receives 
his  passport,  171  ;  leaves  London, 
ib.  ;  complains  of  his  treatment  in 
England,  175 

Cardiganshire,  rising  in,  ii.  36 

Carew,  John,  before  the  Council,  iii. 
267  ;  committed  to  Pendennis 
Castle,  268  ;  his  liberation  ordered, 
but  countermanded,  iv.  232 

Carisbrooke,  the  younger  children  of 
Charles  I.  removed  to,  ii.  4 ;  death 
of  the  Lady  Elizabeth  at,  5  ;  de- 
tention of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester 
at,  ib.  \  Vane  confined  in,  iv. 
266 

Carlingford,  held  by  Monk's  troops, 
i.  73  ;  occupied  by  Venables,  126 

Carlisle,  proposed  seizure  of,  iii.  271  ; 
expulsion  of  Royalists  from  the 
corporation  of,  iv.  76 

Carlisle,  Countess  of  (Lucy  Percy), 
arrest  of,  i.  60 ;  threatened  with 
the  rack,  ib. 

Carlisle,  second  Earl  of,  1636  (James 
Hay),  leases  his  rights  in  the  West 
Indies  to  Lord  Willoughby  of 
Parham,  i.  316 

Carlos,  William,  Major,  hides  with 
Charles  in  the  oak,  ii.  52 

Carlow,  surrender  of,  ii.  107 

Carrick  secured  by  Reynolds,  i.  141 

Carrickfergus  held  by  Monk's  troops, 
i.  73 ;  seized  by  Montgomery  of 
Ards,  98  ;  taken  by  Coote,  143 

Carrigadrohid,  Bishop  Egan  hanged 
before  the  Castle  of,  i.  151 

Cartagena,  destruction  of  Rupert's 
ships  at,  i.  305  ;  Blake  leaves,  306  ; 
guns  recovered  from,  iv.  165 

Carteret,  Sir  George,  Governor  of 
Jersey,  i.  298 

Carvajal,  Antonio  Fernandez,  deni- 
zation  of.  iv.  12 


284 


INDEX 


CAS 


CHA 


Cascaes  Bay,  Blake  anchors  in,  i. 
300 

Case,  Thomas,  accused  of  taking  part 
in  a  Royalist  conspiracy,  ii.  14 ; 
arrested,  15 

Case  of  the  Commonwealth  Stated, 
published  by  Needham,  i.  253 

Cassilis,  Earl  of,  1615  (John 
Kennedy),  opposes  the  sending  of 
Commissioners  to  Breda,  i.  192  ; 
sent  as  a  Commissioner  to  Breda, 
•ib.  ;  rebukes  Newcastle  for  swear- 
ing, 200 

Casson,  Edmund,  signs  a  treaty  with 
Algiers,  iv.  150  ;  Blake  renews  the 
treaty  signed  by,  158 

Castle,  James,  Colonel,  killed  at 
Drogheda,  i.  116,  117 

Castle  Connell,  Lord,  directed  to  re- 
inforce the  garrison  of  Clonmel,  i. 

JS5 

Castle  Cornet,  held  by  Royalists,  i. 
298  ;  surrender  of,  ii.  69 

Castlehaven,  Earl  of,  1634  (James 
Touchet),  sent  by  Ormond  towards 
Dublin,  i.  87;  wretched  state  of 
the  army  of,  ib.  \  commands  forces 
intended  to  relieve  Wexford,  128  ; 
throws  reinforcements  into  Wex- 
ford, 129  ;  dissuades  Ormond  from 
leaving  Ireland,  154 

Castleknock  occupied  by  Ormond,  i. 
89 

Cathedrals,  proposed  demolition  of, 
ii.  23,  187  ;  revival  of  the  design  for 
selling,  211 

Catholics,  the  English,  Charles  offers 
to  show  favour  to,  i.  70 ;  negotia- 
tion for  toleration  carried  on  with 
the  Independents  by  a  small  num- 
ber of,  80,  81 ;  excepted  from 
toleration  by  the  Instrument,  iv. 
18 ;  proclamation  against,  ib.  ; 
compelled  to  pay  heavily  for  a 
virtual  toleration,  19,  20 

Cats,  Jacob,  sent  as  an  ambassador 
to  England,  ii.  169 

Causes  of  a  Solemn  Public  Humilia- 
tion, issued  by  the  Commission  of 
the  Kirk,  i.  332 

Causes  of  the  Lord's  Wrath,  The, 
error  concerning,  i.  332,  note  3 

Cavaliers,  the,  see  Royalists,  the 

Caverly  imprisoned  as  a  supporter  of 
Lilburne,  i.  177 

Ceely,  Peter,  Major,  commits  Fox  to 
La.uncesto.n  gaol,  iv.  7 


Chambers,  Alderman,  forced  to  re- 
sign office  at  Coventry,  iv.  50,  51 

Chambers,  Richards,  deprived  of  his 
aldermanship,  i.  58 

Chancery,  vote  for  the  abolition  of, 
ii.  241 ;  conflict  of  opinion  on  the 
abolition  of,  311 ;  reformed  by  an 
ordinance  of  the  Protector,  iii.  19  ; 
objections  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  Great  Seal  to  the  reform  of,  303 

Channel,  the  command  of  the,  gained 
by  the  English  after  the  battle  off 
Portland,  ii.  220 

Chard,  trial  of  Royalist  insurgents  at, 
iii.  292 

Charlemount,  surrender  of,  ii.  107 

Charles  I.,  results  of  the  execution  of, 
i.  i  ;  effect  in  Scotland  of  the  trial 
and  execution  of,  14,  15 ;  sale  of 
the  pictures  of,  ii.  22  ;  the  ghost  of, 
said  to  have  been  seen  at  Whitehall, 
iii.  12 ;  his  system  of  government 
compared  with  Oliver's,  316;  iv.  46 

Charles  II. ,  proclaimed  conditionally 
king  at  Edinburgh,  i.  18  ;  hears  of 
his  father's  death,  and  assumes  the 
royal  title  in  Holland,  ib.  ;  his 
journey  to  Scotland  or  Ireland  dis- 
cussed, ib.  ;  invited  to  treat  with 
the  Scots,  20  ;  inclines  to  go  to  Ire- 
land, and  reserves  his  answer,  ib.  ; 
receives  Ormond's  invitation  to  Ire- 
land, 22  ;  resolves  to  go  to  Ireland, 
ib.  ;  forbidden  to  return  to  Eng- 
land on  pain  of  death,  41  ;  asks 
the  States-General  for  money,  60; 
sends  begging-letters  to  his  ad- 
herents in  England,  61,;  urged  by 
Hyde  to  issue  a  Declaration,  ib.  ; 
receives  the  demands  of  the  Scottish 
Commissioners,  63 ;  postpones  his 
reply,  ib. ;  consults  Hamilton,  Mont- 
rose,  and  Lauderdale,  66 ;  replies  to 
the  Scottish  Commissioners  that  he 
must  be  guided  by  his  Parliaments, 
ib.  ;  encourages  Montrose,  67  ;  ar- 
rives at  Brussels,  68  ;  fails  to  secure 
assistance  from  the  Archduke  Leo- 
pold, 69  ;  renews  his  commissions 
to  Montrose,  ib.  ;  gives  fresh  autho- 
rity to  Montrose,  ib.  ;  awaits  news 
from  Ireland  at  St.  Germains,  ib.  ; 
sends  Meynell  to  ask  aid  from  the 
Pope,  70 ;  invited  by  Ormond  to 
Ireland,  92 ;  lands  in  Jersey  and 
sends  Seymour  to  Ormond,  144 ; 
overtures  of  the  Levellers  to,  178, 


INDEX 


285 


CHA 


CHA 


note  4  ;  issues  a  manifesto,  185  ; 
sends  a  message  to  Queen  Christina, 
ib. ;  receives  bad  news  from  Ireland, 
1 86;  considers  the  Scottish  pro- 
posals and  asks  the  Committee  of 
Estates  to  agree  to  a  union  of  all 
parties,  187  ;  asks  the  English  Pres- 
byterians to  urge  the  Scots  to 
moderation,  ib.  ;  writes  a  letter  to 
encourage  Montrose,  187, 188 ;  sends 
Montrose  the  Garter,  188  ;  autho- 
rises Montrose  to  publish  his  letter, 
191  ;  leaves  Jersey,  and  meets  his 
mother  at  Beauvais,  194 ;  arrives  at 
Breda,  195  ;  appoints  Eythin  Mont- 
rose's  lieutenant-general.  196  ;  seeks 
aid  from  foreigners,  ib.  ;  receives 
the  demands  of  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners, 197  ;  thinks  of  joining 
Montrpse,  198  ;  gives  instructions  to 
Keane,  ib.  ;  continues  to  encourage 
Montrose,  ib.  ;  asks  the  Commis- 
sioners to  modify  their  terms,  199  ; 
thinks  of  sending  a  foreign  army  to 
England,  and  of  pledging  the  Scilly 
Isles,  200 ;  receives  a  suggestion 
that  his  decision  may  be  postponed 
till  his  arrival  in  Scotland,  201  ;  a 
marriage  with  Argyle's  daughter 
proposed  to,  ib.  ;  urged  to  promise 
anything,  202 ;  again  asks  for  con- 
cessions, ib.  ;  gives  way  on  almost 
everything,  ib.  ;  makes  a  private 
engagement  on  the  Irish  Treaty,  203 ; 
a  draft  agreement  signed,  ib.  ;  plays 
a  double  game,  204  ;  his  conduct 
condemned  by  the  Cavaliers,  and  by 
his  mother,  205  ;  believes  that  he 
has  secured  an  indemnity  for  Mont- 
rose, and  probably  intends  to  em- 
ploy him  in  England,  206 ;  sends 
Fleming  with  instructions  to  Mont- 
rose, 207  ;  asked  to  annul  the  Irish 
Treaty,  230 ;  writes  a  letter  to  the 
Scottish  Parliament  on  Montrose's 
defeat,  231 ;  possibly  misrepresented 
by  Argyle,  233  ;  receives  the  Com- 
munion on  his  knees,  235  ;  hears  of 
Montrose's  execution,  arrives  at 
Honslaerdyck,  and  hears  of  the  ad- 
ditional demands  of  the  Scots,  236  ; 
sails  for  Scotland  without  signing  a 
treaty,  ib.  ;  signs  a  treaty  with  the 
Scots  off  Heligoland,  237  ;  swears  to 
the  Covenants,  ib. ;  progress  of, 
from  Speymouth  to  Falkland,  237, 
239  ;  looks  to  England  to  free  him 


from  his  engagements  to  the  Scots, 
240  ;  expects  money  from  London 
and  fromforeign  Governments,  241 ; 
tries  to  engage  Cavaliers,  Catholics, 
and  Presbyterians  in  his  support, 
ib.  \  wishes  the  Cavaliers  to  be 
stronger  than  the  Presbyterians,  ib.  ; 
directs  Beauchamp  to  assure  the 
Catholics  of  his  favour,  ib.  •  offers 
Fairfax  the  earldom  of  Essex,  249  ; 
compromised  by  the  publication  of 
Meynell's  address  to  the  Pope,  268  ; 
rides  into  Leith,  274;  a  proclama- 
tion issued  in  the  name  of,  ib.  \ 
being  foiled  in  his  intention  of  win- 
ning the  army,  retires  to  Dunferm- 
line,  ib.  ;  refuses  to  sign  a  Declara- 
tion sent  him  by  the  Kirk,  276,  277  ; 
gives  way,  and  tries  in  vain  to  gather 
an  army  at  Perth,  278 ;  declares 
himself  a  true  Cavalier,  279  ;  gives 
a  commission  to  Willoughby  of 
Parham  in  the  West  Indies,  316 ; 
is  satisfied  with  the  defeat  of  the 
Scots  at  Dunbar,  331 ;  makes  large 
offers  to  Argyle,  334,  335  ;  tries  to 
unite  all  parties,  335  ;  divulges  a 
plan  for  his  escape  to  the  Royalists, 
ib.  \  pleads  against  the  dismissal  of 
his  servants,  337  ;  rides  off  to  Clova, 
ib.  ;  returns  to  Perth  and  excuses 
himself,  338  ;  publishes  an  Act  of 
Indemnity,  339  ;  coronation  of,  346 ; 
plays  golf,  347 ;  asked  to  compound 
with  Cromwell,  ib. ;  asks  his  mother's 
opinion  on  his  proposed  marriage 
with  Argyle's  daughter,  349  ;  visits 
Aberdeen,  ib.  ;  desires  Parliament 
to  countenance  the  northern  levies, 
350  ;  supports  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  for  the  army,  351 ;  the 
command  of  the  new  army  given  to, 
ib. ;  causes  of  the  success  of,  353  ; 
approves  of  the  invasion  of  England, 
ii.  32 ;  passes  through  Lancashire, 
35  ;  holds  a  conference  with  the  Earl 
of  Derby,  and  hopes  to  rouse  Lan- 
cashire, 37  ;  invites  Sir  T.  Middleton 
to  join  him,  ib. ;  summons  Mack- 
worth  to  surrender  Shrewsbury,  40 ; 
reaches  Worcester  and  issues  a 
manifesto,  ib.  ;  takes  part  in  the 
battle  of  Worcester,  44,  45  ;  pro- 
clamation for  the  capture  of,  49 ; 
his  flight  from  Worcester,  50 ;  his 
reception  at  Whiteladies,  51  ;  hides 
himself  in  an  oak,  52  ;  concealed  at 


286 


INDEX 


CHA 

Boscobel,  53  ;  rests  at  Moseley  Hall, 
ib.  ;  goes  to  Bentley  Hall,  and  starts 
with  Jane  Lane,  54  ;  attempts  to 
escape  from  Charmouth,  55 ;  es- 
capes from  Brighthelmstone,  56  ; 
gives  a  fictitious  account  of  his  es- 
cape, 57  ;  speaks  harshly  of  the 
Scots,  ib.  ;  authorises  Ormond  to 
leave  Ireland,  112  ;  offers  the  Pope 
to  change  his  religion  if  it  is  made 
worth  his  while,  158 ;  proposes  to 
visit  Germany  and  to  mediate  a 
peace  between  France  and  Spain, 
191,  192  ;  urges  the  Dutch  to  seize 
Newcastle,  192  ;  Whitelocke  pro- 
poses the  restoration  of,  231 ;  al- 
leged proposal  to  marry  Cromwell's 
daughter  to,  278  ;  appoints  Middle- 
ton  to  command  in  Scotland,  iii. 
84  ;  issues  instructions  to  Middleton, 
ib.  ;  appoints  Glencairn  to  com- 
mand in  Middleton's  absence,  85 ; 
proposes  to  go  to  Scotland,  101  ; 
the  formation  of  a  Royalist  Com- 
mittee proposed  to,  116 ;  money 
granted  him  in  Germany,  137 ; 
Mazarin  omits  to  pay  the  pension 
of,  ib.  ;  gets  his  way  against  Rupert, 
138  ;  refuses  to  see  Henshaw,  140 ; 
invites  Fitzjames  to  Paris,  ib.  ;  his 
connection  with  the  assassination 
plot,  140-143  ;  alleged  to  have 
offered  a  reward  for  Oliver's  murder, 
145  ;  receives  a  report  on  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Royalists,  271 ;  encourages 
his  partisans  to  rise,  ib.  ;  seizure  of 
a  letter  from,  ib.  ;  leaves  Paris,  272  ; 
journeys  to  Spa  and  Aachen,  273  ; 
attends  vespers  and  visits  the  tomb 
of  Charles  the  Great,  ib.  ;  settles  at 
Cologne,  274 ;  sends  Ormond  to 
fetch  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  from 
France,  ib.  ;  writes  to  the  Scottish 
ministers,  and  assures  the  Nuncio 
that  he  only  sent  for  his  brother  to 
keep  the  Royalists  on  his  side,  275  ; 
urges  the  Royalists  to  rise,  276  ;  does 
not  make  up  his  mind  on  the  pro- 
posed postponement  of  the  rising, 
277 ;  goes  to  Middelburg,  280 ; 
Manning  acts  as  a  spy  in  the  Court 
of,  163 ;  excluded  from  France,  iv. 
192  ;  overtures  from  the  Levellers 
to,  223 ;  refuses  to  change  his  reli- 
gion, 228  ;  receives  overtures  from 
Sexby,  ib.  ;  has  hopes  of  desertions 
from  the  fleet  under  Blake  and 


CHI 


Montague,  230 ;  his  treaty  with 
Spain,  234;  removes  to  Bruges, 
235  ;  his  relations  with  Lucy  Walter, 
ib.  ;  receives  a  petition  from  Ana- 
baptists and  Levellers,  258 

Charles  X.,  King  of  Sweden,  acces- 
sion of,  iii.  76  ;  threatens  to  attack 
Poland,  iv.  195  ;  his  position  on  the 
Continent,  196  ;  sends  Coyet  to 
England,  198 ;  offers  commercial 
privileges  to  England,  201  ;  his  vic- 
tories in  Poland,  205  ;  his  demands 
on  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg, 
208  ;  signs  a  treaty  with  the  Elector, 
211  ;  offers  to  guarantee  the  Treaty 
of  Osnabriick,  ib. 

Charles  Emmanuel  II.,  Duke  of 
Savoy,  leaves  the  government  in  his 
mother's  hands,  iv.  179  ;  offers  to 
pardon  the  Vaudois,  189  ;  pardon 
issued  by,  190 

Charmouth,  failure  of  Charles's  at- 
tempt to  escape  from,  ii.  55 

Charteris,  Alexander,  Captain,  exe- 
cuted, i.  233 

Charters,  a  committee  on,  iv.  74 

Cheshire,  the  militia  of,  march  to 
defend  Warrington  Bridge,  ii.  36  ; 
are  embodied  in  Cromwell's  army, 
43  ;  placed  under  Worsley,  iii.  340  ; 
proceedings  of  Worsley  in,  345 ; 
Worsley  wishes  to  transport  nearly 
sixty  gentlemen  of,  iv.  32 

Chester,  Derby  and  two  of  his  officers 
tried  at,  ii.  61  ;  number  of  the 
prisoners  tried  by  court-martial  at, 
60,  note  6 ;  execution  of  Fether- 
stonhaugh  at,  62 ;  failure  of  a 
Royalist  attempt  on  the  castle  of, 
iii.  284 ;  suppression  of  alehouses 
at,  iv.  37 

Chetwin,  —  ?,  imprisoned  as  a  sup- 
porter of  Lilburne,  i.  177 

Chiesley,  Sir  John,  in  favour  of  an 
English  alliance,  i.  182  ;  draws  the 
instructions  for  Winram,  183,  note 
i ;  appointed  to  raise  troops  in  the 
West,  332  ;  would  join  Cromwell 
rather  than  the  Engagers,  334 ; 
goes  into  the  West,  ib. 

Chillenden,  Edmund,  preaches  at 
St.  Paul's,  ii.  304  ;  cashiered,  ib. 
note  2  ;  attacked  by  a  mob,  305 

Chipping  Wycombe,  alterations  in 
the  corporation  of,  iv.  53,  54 ; 
election  in,  to  second  Protectorate 
Parliament,  270 


INDEX 


287 


CHI 


COL 


Chirk  Castle  endangered  by  the 
Royalists,  iii.  284 

Choqueux,  — ?,  Cromwell's  conversa- 
tion with,  ii.  163 

Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden,  Charles 
sends  a  message  to,  i.  185  ;  gives 
slight  assistance  to  Montrose,  190  ; 
draft  letter  of  Charles  to,  198; 
said  to  have  urged  Charles  to  pro- 
mise anything  to  the  Scots,  202 ; 
offers  mediation  between  England 
and  the  Netherlands,  iii.  73 ;  cha- 
racter of,  74 ;  her  reception  of 
Whitelocke,  75  ;  signs  a  com- 
mercial treaty  with  England,  76 ; 
abdicates,  ib. 

Christina,  Duchess  of  Savoy,  governs 
Piedmont  in  the  name  of  her  son, 
iv.  179  ;  resolves  to  force  the 
Vaudois  to  live  within  their  original 
limits,  180  ;  sends  Pianezza  to  en- 
force obedience,  181  ;  justifies  her 
action,  189 

Christmas  Day,  continued  observance 
of,  ii.  8 

Church,  —  ?,  Corporal,  shot  at 
Bur  ford,  i.  54 

Church,  the,  want  of  organisation  in, 
ii.  84 ;  views  of  Owen  on,  98 ; 
report  of  the  Committee  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel  on  235  ; 
debates  in  the  Nominated  Parlia- 
ment on,  321-324 ;  the  Protector's 
ordinances  on,  iii.  19-25  ;  Baxter's 
system  of  voluntary  discipline  in, 
26 

Church  of  the  Protectorate,  the,  a 
committee  appointed  to  inquire 
into,  iii.  203 ;  attempt  of  Owen 
to  narrow,  220;  spread  of  the  sys- 
tem of  voluntary  associations  in, 
iv.  24 

City  of  London,  see  London,  City  of 

Civil  Survey,  the,  iv.  106 

Clanricarde,  Marquis  of,  1635  (Ulick 
de  Burgh),  reduces  Sligo,  i.  99 ; 
Ormond  asks  help  from,  109  ;  fails 
to  send  reinforcements  to  Ormond, 
116;  appointed  Lord  Deputy,  ii. 
112  ;  opposes  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's 
pretensions,  115;  rejects  the  over- 
tures of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  125  ; 
offers  to  submit  to  Ludlow,  127 
Clare,  see  Connaught  and  Clare 
Clare,  Sir  Ralph,  opposes  Baxter  at 

Kidderminster,  iii.  24,  note  i 
Clarendon,  Earl  of,  view  of  the  popu- 


larity of  the  Royalist  insurgents 
taken  in  the  history  of,  iii.  292 

Clarke,  Paine,  charges  of  Butler 
against,  iv.  34 

Clarke,  William,  omits  to  pass  on 
Monk's  orders  to  Overton,  iii.  231 

Claypole,  John,  elected  to  second 
Protectorate  Parliament  by  Car- 
marthen, iv.  270 

Clergy,  the  Episcopalian,  not  to  be 
kept  as  chaplains  or  tutors,  iii.  323  ; 
Baxter's  opinion  of,  332  ;  Royalists 
ordered  to  expel,  334  ;  a  petition 
presented  by  Ussher  in  favour  of, 
335 ;  relaxation  of  the  persecution 
of,  336  ;  partial  toleration  accorded 
to,  iv.  20,  21 

Cleveland,  Earl  of,  1625  (Thomas 
Wentworth),  imeatens  to  cane 
anyone  who  calls  him  a  Presby- 
terian, i.  194;  accompanies  Charles 
to  Scotland,  236  ;  selected  for  trial, 
ii.  59 ;  imprisoned  in  the  Tower, 
60 ;  Parliament  refuses  to  take  a 
vote  on  the  trial  of,  63 

Cleveland,  John,  imprisonment  and 
liberation  of,  iii.  344 

Clogher,  Bishop  of,  see  Macmahon, 
Emer 

Clonmacnoise,  manifestoes  of  the 
Irish  prelates  issued  from,  i.  145, 146 

Clonmel,  preparations  for  the  defence 
of,  i.  155  ;  siege  and  surrender  of, 
156 ;  expulsion  of  Irish  from,  iv. 

H3 

Clova,  Charles  takes  refuge  in  a 
cottage  at,  i.  337 

Coal  famine  in  London,  the,  ii.  248  ; 
end  of,  iii.  31 

Cobbet,  Ralph,  Colonel,  reduces 
Lewis,  Eilandonan,  and  Duart 
Castle,  iii.  92  ;  wreck  of  the  vessels 
of,  ib. 

Cockburnspath,  occupied  by  the 
Scots,  i.  282 ;  Leslie  and  Leven 
probably  expect  Cromwell  to  re- 
treat by,  285 

Cockfighting,  prohibited,  iii.  18 ; 
suppression  of,  iv.  32 

Codification  of  the  law,  the  com- 
mittee appointed  to  prepare,  ii.  302 

Coke,  Tom,  an  intercepted  letter  to, 
ii.  12 ;  arrest  of,  13  ;  information 
given  by,  14 

Colchester,  number  of  Parliamentary 
electorsin,  iii.  172  ;  election  at,  177  ; 
state  of  the  franchise  in,  iv.  55  ; 


288 


INDEX 


COL 

charter  of  Charles  I.  to,  ib.  ;  re- 
action against  Parliament  in,  56 ; 
a  municipal  coup  d'etat  in,  57  ; 
Harrington's  influence  in,  58  ; 
opposition  to  Harrington  in,  59  ; 
character  of  Goffe's  candidature  at, 
60,  61 ;  municipal  elections  at,  61 ; 
expulsion  of  members  of  the  corpo- 
ration of,  ib.  ;  the  Upper  Bench 
gives  judgment  for  the  restoration 
of  the  persons  expelled  from  the 
corporation  of,  62  ;  interference  of 
the  Protector  with,  63  ;  restoration 
of  the  expelled  members  of  the 
corporation  of,  65  ;  party  divisions 
at,  66 ;  appearance  of  Haynes  at, 
68 ;  exclusion  of  burgesses  from 
the  corporation  of,  69  ;  composi- 
tion of  parties  at,  70,  71 ;  Evelyn 
notes  the  prevalence  of  sects  at, 
72 ;  a  petition  for  a  revision  of  the 
charter  from,  74 ;  a  new  charter 
granted  to,  ib.  ;  nomination  of  the 
new  corporation  of,  75  ;  its  parties 
compared  with  those  in  the  nation, 
77  ;  parliamentary  elections  at,  de- 
ferred until  new  charter  in  force, 
270 ;  results  of,  ib. 

Cole,  Sir  William,  holds  Sligo  for  the 
Parliament,  i.  73 

Coleraine  taken  by  Sir  George 
Monro,  i.  98 

Colinton  House  occupied  by  Crom- 
well, i.  279 

Cologne,  Charles  II.  establishes  him- 
self at,  iii.  274 

Command  of  the  sea,  importance  of 
the,  to  the  Commonwealth  soldiers 
in  Ireland,  i.  87  ;  to  Cromwell  in 
the  campaign  of  Dunbar,  272,  297  ; 
requires  protection  to  marine  com- 
merce, 298 ;  its  advantages  to 
Cromwell  in  his  operations  round 
Stirling,  ii.  26-29 

Commission  for  purging  the  Scottish 
Army,  see  Army,  the  Scottish 

Commission  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  resolve 
that  till  Charles  has  signed  the 
Declaration  presented  to  him,  no 
one  is  bound  to  fight  for  him,  i. 
277 ;  issues  A  Short  Declaration 
and  Causes  of  a  Solemn  Public 
Humiliation,  332  ;  does  not  con- 
demn the  Remonstrance,  342 ; 
postpones  its  consent  to  the  re- 
admission  of  Royalists  and 


COM 

Engagers,  345 ;  approves  of  the 
appointment  of  penitents  to  the 
Committee  of  Estates,  351  ;  asked 
to  prepare  for  a  general  unity,  ib. 

Commissions  of  Triers  and  Ejectors, 
iii.  21,  22 

Commissioners,  see  the  Great  Seal, 
the  Treasury,  Commissioners  of. 

Commissioners,  Parliamentary,  ap- 
pointment of,  for  Ireland,  i.  265 ; 
arrival  in  Ireland,  ii.  117  ;  appoint 
Ludlow  to  command,  126 ;  report 
of,  ib. 

of  English  Parliament,  at 

Dalkeith,  ii.  132  ;  issue  proclamation 
of  incorporation,  133 

of  the  Fleet,  the  appointment  of, 

i.  23.  See  also  Generals  at  Sea 

of  the  Kirk  sent  to  Breda,  i. 

193 ;  present  demands  to  Charles, 
197  ;  discuss  with  Charles  the  form 
of  his  oath,  203  ;  think  Charles  de- 
ficient in  matter  of  religion,  235 

of  the   Scottish   Parliament  to 

Charles  II.  at  Breda,  receive  their 
instructions,     i.      192  ;      represent 
equally  the  two  parties  in  the  Com- 
mittee of  Estates,  ib.  ;  present  their 
demands  to  Charles,  197  ;  asked  to 
modify  their  terms,  199  ;  refuse  the 
mediation  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
ib.  ;    refuse  to   make  concessions, 
202 ;    invite  Charles   to  Scotland, 
223 ;    additional    instructions   sent 
to,  230  ;  obtain  Charles's  signature 
to  a  treaty,  237  ;   alleged  recall  of, 
238,  note 

of  the   Scottish   Parliament  to 

Charles  II.  at  The  Hague,  demands 
of,   i.   63 ;  treat  Charles's  reply  as 
equivalent   to   a  rejection  of  their 
demands,  and  return  to  Scotland, 
66 

of  the  Scottish   Parliament   to 

England,  protest  against  the  con- 
duct of  the  English  Parliament,  i. 
21  ;  take  ship  for  Holland,  but  are 
sent  back  to  Scotland  by  land,  ib. 

of  Trust,  the,  appointment  of, 

i.  13  ;  meet  with  prelates  at  Lime- 
rick,   153  ;    advise    acceptance    of 
Duke  of  Lorraine's  offer,  ii.  115 

on  law-reform,  the  appointment 

of,  ii.  82  ;  recommendations  of,  ib. ; 
system  of  law  proposed  by,  235 

for     the    propagation    of   the 

Gospel  in  Wales,  unpopularity  of, 


INDEX 


289 


COM 


COM 


ii.  249  ;  their  probity  questioned  in 
Parliament,  251 

Commissioners,  for  securing  the  peace 
of  the  Commonwealth,  the,  duties 
of,  iii.  321 ;  work  harmoniously  with 
the  Major-Generals ,  341 

—  over  the  West  Indian  expedition, 
see  West  Indies 

Committee  for  the  Army,  the, 
appointed  by  the  Scottish  Parlia- 
ment, i.  351 

• of  Estates,  the,  asked  by  Charles 

to  agree  to  a  union  of  parties  in 
Scotland,  i.  187 ;  considers  their 
relations  with  Charles,  192  ;  parties 
in,  ib.  ;  despatches  commissioners 
to  treat  with  Charles,  ib,  ;  urges 
Charles  to  leave  the  army,  274; 
approves  of  the  Declaration  re- 
quired from  Charles,  277  ;  orders 
Leslie  to  descend  from  Doon  Hill, 
285,  286  ;  urges  Leslie  to  withdraw 
his  resignation,  332 ;  orders  the 
purging  of  Charles's  life-guard, 
and  the  dismissal  of  his  servants, 
336 ;  concurs  in  the  publication  of 
an  Act  of  Indemnity,  339 ;  Ker 
refuses  to  take  orders  from,  342  ; 
condemns  the  Remonstrance,  343  ; 
orders  the  confinement  of  Guthrie 
and  Bennet,  350  ;  penitents  allowed 
by  the  commission  of  the  Kirk  to 
take  a  seat  in,  351  ;  captured  at 
Alyth,  ii.  66 

• on  Courts  of  Justice,  the, 

appointment  of,  ii.  4 

on  Elections  to  future  Parlia- 
ments, the,  appointed  to  report  on 
elections,  and  on  the  duration  of 
the  existing  Parliament,  i.  57 ; 
ordered  to  meet  daily,  176;  Vane 
makes  a  report  from,  in  favour  of 
a  redistribution  of  seats,  and  of 
partial  elections,  242  ;  of  the  whole 
House  holds  weekly  sittings,  243 ; 
recommences  its  sittings  after 
Dunbar,  ii.  60  ;  the  Grand,  revived, 
174;  its  powers  transferred  to  a 
select  committee,  226;  the  select, 
empowered  to  consider  the  date  of 
a  dissolution,  ib.  ;  reports  the  Bill 
on  elections  with  amendments,  235, 
236 

for  the  Propagation  of  the 

Gospel,  the,  formed  to  discuss 
Owen's  scheme,  ii.  98  ;  Cromwell 
defends  religious  liberty  in,  100; 
VOL.  IV. 


fifteen  fundamentals  produced  be- 
fore, 101  ;  revived,  227 ;  reports 
Owen's  proposals  to  Parliament, 

235 

on  law-reform,  appointed  by  the 

Nominated  Parliament,  ii.  290 

on  the  debt  of  the  Common- 
wealth, appointed  by  the  Nominated 
Parliament,  ii.  290 

on  the  Engagement,  appointed 

by  the  Nominated  Parliament,  ii. 
290 

on  the  Poor,  appointed  by  the 

Nominated  Parliament,  ii.  290 

on  the  Treasury,  revived,  ii.  227  ; 

appointed  by  the  Nominated  Parlia- 
ment, ii.  290 

on   tithes,    appointed    by    the 

Nominated    Parliament,    ii.    290 ; 
makes  its  report,  323 

Common  Prayer  Book,  read  in 
London  churches,  i.  173  ;  no  popu- 
lar zeal  for  the  revival  of,  ii.  85 ; 
increasing  use  of,  300  ;  used  at  St. 
Gregory's,  iii.  335 ;  Usher's  admis- 
sion concerning,  ib.  •  its  use  con- 
fined to  private  houses, .  iv.  20,  21 ; 
recited  from  memory  by  Sanderson, 
22 

Commonwealth,  the,  virtually  esta- 
blished by  the  abolition  of  kingship, 
i.  3 ;  financial  difficulties  of,  40 ; 
formally  established  by  Act,  57; 
Spain  refuses  to  recognise,  69 ; 
Cardenas  proposes  a  Spanish  alli- 
ance with,  82  ;  foreign  Governments 
too  much  occupied  to  interfere  with, 
179 ;  compared  by  Marten  to  Moses, 
243  ;  hostility  of  London  to,  248  ; 
attitude  of  Fairfax  towards,  249 ; 
not  universally  unpopular,  251 ; 
recognised  by  Spain,  308  ;  hears 
and  dismisses  an  ambassador  from 
Portugal,  312 ;  Croulle"  advises 
Mazarin  to  recognise,  ib.  ;  Croulle"s 
sketch  of  the  statesmen  of,  313  ;  an 
attack  upon  France  said  to  be  pro- 
jected by,  ib.  ;  advances  of  Mazarin 
to,  ib.  ;  dismissal  of  Croulle"  and 
Gentillot  by,  314 ;  hostility  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  to,  318  ;  unfitness 
for  diplomacy  of  the  leaders  of,  323  ; 
the  new  militia  rallies  to,  ii.  13 ; 
effect  of  the  victory  at  Worcester 
on  the  establishment  of,  48  ;  confer- 
ence on  the  future  constitution  of, 
75 ;  tendency  to  strengthen  the 
U 


290  INDEX 

COM 

government  in,  76 ;  financial  diffi- 
culties of,  187,  200 

Commonwealth's  men,  the,  opinions 
of,  iii.  9  ;  meeting  of,  iv.  259 

Compositions  of  delinquents,  delay 
in  exacting  the  payment  of,  i. 

4* 

Conan,  — ?,  sent  from  Rochelle  to 
ask  Cromwell's  help,  ii.  155  ;  second 
mission  of,  iii.  53  ;  returns  to  Eng- 
land, 114 

Conde"   taken  by  the  Spaniards,  iv. 

245 

Conde",  Prince  of  ( Louis  de  Bourbon), 
regains  his  liberty,  i.  315  ;  liberated 
from  prison,  ii.  153  ;  rebels  against 
the  King,  and  makes  a  treaty  with 
Spain,  154 ;  makes  overtures  to 
Cromwell,  ib. ;  sends  Barriere  to 
England,  163 ;  removes  to  the 
northern  frontier,  240,  241 ;  drinks 
Cromwell's  health,  iii.  29  ;  Oliver 
suggests  his  inclusion  in  the  treaty 
between  France  and  England,  129  ; 
saves  the  Spanish  army  from  de- 
struction, 162 ;  Oliver's  apprecia- 
tion of,  iv.  1 60 

Confederates,  the  Irish,  sign  a  treaty 
with  Ormond,  i.  12 ;  their  objects 
differ  from  those  of  Ormond,  70  ; 
humiliate  themselves  before  Owen 
O'Neill,  139 

Confiscation  Acts,  the  first,  ii.  22 ; 
to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  Dutch 
war,  200 

Conti,  Prince  of  (Arm  and  de  Bour- 
bon), left  Governor  of  Bordeaux  by 
Cond6,  ii.  157 ;  unpopularity  of, 
iii.  28 

Connaught  and  Clare,  fixed  as  the 
districts  to  which  Irishmen  are  to 
be  transplanted,  iv.  91,  92 ;  few 
actually  remove  to,  96 ;  desolate 
condition  of,  97  ;  seizufe  of  the  corn 
of  those  neglecting  to  transplant 
to,  108  ;  Hetherington  executed  for 
not  transplanting  to,  ib. 

Constantinople,  ambassadors  from 
the  King  and  the  Commonwealth 
to,  ii.  10 ;  massacre  of  English 
feared  at,  iv.  158 

Constituencies,  the,  proportion  be- 
tween the  borough  and  county,  iii. 
171 ;  franchise  in,  172  ;  indenture 
required  from,  173 

Convoys  for  ships  going  to  the  Medi- 
terranean, i.  306 


COT 

Cony,  George,  case  of,  iii.  299 ;  sub- 
mission of,  301 

Cook,  George,  Colonel,  recovers  En- 
niscorthy,  i.  150 

Cooper,  Sir  Anthony  Ashley,  ap- 
pointed a  commissioner  on  law  re- 
form, ii.  82  ;  named  for  a  seat  in  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  282  ;  votes 
for  referring  the  question  of  tithe 
to  a  committee,  290  ;  a  member  of 
the  Council  after  the  dissolution  of 
the  Long  Parliament  and  under 
the  Protectorate,  iii.  2  ;  qualities  of, 
3  ;  elected  for  Wiltshire,  176  ;  is 
probably  a  mediator  between  Pro- 
tector and  Parliament,  197 ;  seconds 
a  motion  for  making  the  Protector 
king,  225 ;  absents  himself  from 
the  Council,  240 ;  elected  to  second 
Protectorate  Parliament,  iv.  270 

Coote,  Sir  Charles,  holds  London- 
derry for  the  Parliament,  i.  73 ;  his 
feeling  towards  the  Irish,  78  ;  signs 
an  agreement  with  O'Neill,  ib.  ; 
relieved  by  O'Neill,  108  ;  recaptures 
Coleraine  and  subdues  most  of  the 
counties  of  Down  and  Antrim,  140 ; 
takes  Carrickfergus,  143 ;  divided 
from  Venables,  ii.  106  ;  pursues  and 
defeats  the  Bishop  of  Clogher,  ib.  ; 
breaks  into  Connaught,  120 

Copplestone,  John,  Colonel,  prepares 
to  intercept  the  Royalist  insurgents, 
iii.  289 

Copyholders,    proposal   to  give   the  • 
franchise  to,  iii.  234 

Corbett,  Miles,  acts  as  a  commissioner 
of  Parliament  in  Ireland,  iv.  81 

Cork,  Cromwell  attempts  to  bribe  the 
Governor  of,  i.  97  ;  rising  of  the 
garrison  of,  in  Cromwell's  favour, 
136 ;  arrival  of  Broghill  and  Phayre 
in,  137 

Cornish  games  in  Hyde  Park,  iii.  18 

Cornwall,  hopes  of  the  Royalists  of, 
i.  218  ;  placed  under  Desborough, 
iv.  346 

Coronation  of  Charles  II.  in  Scotland, 
i.  346 

Corporations,  the,  system  of  govern- 
ment prevailing  in,  iv.  48  ;  their  re- 
lations to  the  central  authority,  49 

Corstorphine,  guns  sent  by  Leslie  to, 
i.  279  ;  occupied  by  Leslie,  280 

Cossacks  at  war  with  Poland,  iv.  195 

Cotes,  Roger,  gives  information  of  a 
Royalist  conspiracy,  iii,  116 


INDEX 
COT 

Cotterell,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  dis- 
solves the  General  Assembly,  iii.  89 

Cottington,  Lord,  1631  (Francis  Cot- 
tington),  appointed  ambassador  to 
Spain,  i.  62 ;  writes  to  Cardinal 
Capponi,  70;  admitted  to  the  Roman 
communion,  310 ;  dies  at  Vallado- 
lid,  ib. 

Cottington,  Lord,  and  Hyde,  Sir 
Edward,  appointed  joint  ambassa- 
dors to  Spain,  i.  62 ;  set  out  for 
Spain,  68  ;  ask  the  Archduke  Leo- 
pold to  urge  the  Duke  of  Lorraine 
to  assist  Charles,  ib.  ;  their  recep- 
tion in  Spain,  181 ;  requested  to 
leave  Madrid,  310 

Cotton,  John,  compares  the  conquest 
of  the  West  Indies  to  the  drying-up 
of  the  Euphrates,  iv.  122 

Council  of  Charles  II.,  discusses  the 
question  of  a  visit  to  Scotland  or 
Ireland,  i.  18  ;  is  consulted  on  the 
answer  to  be  given  to  the  Scots, 
66  ;  advises  a  negotiation  with  the 
Scots,  1 86;  partisans  of  the  Scot- 
tish Alliance  admitted  to,  199 

of  Officers,  the,  asks  Parliament 

for  settled  pay,  i.  23 ;  Cromwell 
explains  his  hesitation  in  accepting 
the  Irish  command  to,  24 ;  recom- 
mends Parliament  to  punish  civil- 
ians stirring  up  discontent  in  the 
army,  31 ;  petition  of  eight  troopers 
to,  31,  32  ;  accused  in  The  Hunting 
of  the  Foxes  of  ruling  the  State,  33  ; 
asks  for  limited  toleration,  172 ; 
draws  up  the  army  petition,  ii.  223, 
224 ;  holds  prayer-meetings,  232  ; 
issues  a  circular  letter  to  the  regi- 
ments, 233  ;  moderation  of  its  de- 
mands, 233,  234  ;  a  sweeping  peti- 
tion laid  before,  234  ;  Lambert  and 
Harrison  head  parties  in,  236 ;  is 
ready  to  break  up  Parliament,  245  ; 
discusses  the  form  of  the  new  go- 
vernment, 272 ;  decides  on  a  pro- 
clamation in  favour  of  a  Nominated 
Parliament,  273 ;  selects  members 
from  the  lists  sent  in  by  the  con- 
gregational churches,  281  ;  offers 
the  title  of  king  to  Cromwell,  319  ; 
originates  the  Protectorate,  338 

Council  of  State,  the,  composition  and 
powers  of,  i.  3  ;  powers  assigned  in 
the  Agreement  of  the  People  to,  ib. 

the  first,  election  of,  i.   5  ;  Act 

enforcing    the    signature    of    the 


2QI 
COU 

Engagement  by  the  members  of,  6  ; 
resistance  to  the  Engagement  in, 
ib.  ;  revision  and  withdrawal  of  the 
Engagement  for,  ibf  ;  final  revision 
of  the  Engagement  for,  7 ;  com- 
position of,  ib.  ;  its  alleged  power 
of  outvoting  the  unofficial  members 
of  Parliament,  8  ;  appoints  a  presi- 
dent, 12  ;  invested  with  the  powers 
of  the  Lord  High  Admiral,  22  ; 
gives  commissions  to  the  Generals 
at  Sea,  23  ;  reports  on  the  numbers 
of  the  army,  ib.  ;  appoints  Crom- 
well to  the  command  n  Ireland, 
24 ;  Lilburne  and  his  comrades 
brought  before,  34 ;  makes  no  claim 
to  criminal  jurisdiction,  35  ;  com- 
mits Lilburne  and  his  comrades  to 
the  Tower,  36;  appoints  Milton 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Tongues,  and 
directs  that  its  correspondence 
shall  be  carried  on  in  Latin,  36,  37  ; 
directs  Milton  to  answer  the  Second 
Part  of  England's  New  Chains, 
ib.  \  orders  Fairfax  to  suppress  the 
Diggers,  42  ;  recommends  the  dis- 
missal of  Mabbott,  56 ;  directs 
Bradshaw  to  prepare  an  Act  regu- 
lating the  press,  ib.  ;  removes  to 
Whitehall,  57;  appoints  a  com- 
mittee to  confer  with  Crelly  on  a 
proposed  Spanish  alliance,  82 ; 
rejects  a  proposal  for  tolerating 
Catholics,  ib.  ;  refuses  to  ratify 
Monk's  cessation  with  O'Neill,  83  ; 
Cromwell  proposes  to  leave  the 
Government  during  the  adjourn- 
ment of  Parliament  in  the  hands  of, 
86;  ordered  to  select  Bills  fit  to 
be  passed  before  an  adjournment, 
ib. ;  objects  to  Monk's  treaty  with 
O'Neill,  but  instructs  a  committee 
to  receive  proposals  from.  Crelly, 
93  ;  orders  a  report  to  be  made  to 
Parliament  on  Monk's  convention 
with  O'Neill,  103,  104 ;  issues  a 
warrant  for  Lilburne's  apprehension 
and  the  seizure  of  his  books  and 
papers,  163 ;  directs  Fairfax  to  sup- 
press a  mutiny  at  Oxford,  164 ; 
sends  Lilburne  back  to  the  Tower, 
and  arranges  for  his  trial,  ib.  • 
orders  Fairfax  to  suppress  highway 
robbery,  171  ;  a  petition  of  the  Le- 


vant  Company  to,  180,  note  i 

the  second,  election  of,  i.  244  ; 

confers  a  gift  and  a  pension   on 
U  2 


292  INDEX 

COU 

Needham,  255  ;  resolves  to  invade 
Scotland,  258 ;  appoints  a  com- 
mittee to  remonstrate  with  Fairfax 
on  his  resolution  to  resign  the 
command  of  the  army,  ib.  ;  agrees 
to  a  declaration  on  the  invasion  of 
Scotland,  261  ;  reports  on  the 
military  and  civil  arrangements  for 
Ireland,  265  ;  orders  French 
agents  to  leave  England,  314  ; 
reports  on  the  refusal  of  Presbyte- 
rian clergy  to  keep  the  thanks- 
giving for  Dunbar,  and  on  the 
observance  of  Christmas  Day,  ii. 
7,  8  ;  receives  information  on  the 
projected  Royalist  insurrection,  8  ; 
orders  the  imprisonment  of  Royal- 
ists, and  takes  measures  against  an 
insurrection,  9 

Council  of  State,  the  third,  twenty 
new  members  to  be  elected  to,  ii.  9, 
10 ;  prepares  against  a  Royalist 
insurrection,  12,  13  ;  orders  Harri- 
son to  go  into  the  north-western 
counties,  13 ;  collects  forces  to 


oppose  the  Scottish  invasion,  35  ; 
directs  search  to  be  made  for 
Charles,  49 ;  orders  the  trial  of 
every  tenth  soldier  taken  at  Wigan, 
60;  appoints  a  committee  to  deal 
with  the  Worcester  prisoners,  63, 
64 ;  orders  English  prisoners  to  be 
tried  by  court-martial,  65;  orders 
English  prisoners  to  be  sent  to 
Ireland,  ib. 

the  fourth,  election  of,  ii.  74  ; 

appoints  a  court  of  justice  to  sit  at 
Edinburgh,  140  ;  takes  up  the 
negotiation  for  the  cession  of  Dun- 
kirk, 162  ;  opposes  Cromwell's 
wish  to  occupy  Dunkirk,  166;  de- 
mands concessions  from  the  Dutch 
ambassadors,  171 ;  orders  Blake  to 
interrupt  the  relief  of  Dunkirk, 
190  ;  restores  the  crews  of  the  ships 
taken  by  Blake,  but  refuses  all  ex- 
planation, 191 

• the  fifth,  predominance  of  the 

peace-party  in,  ii.  202  ;  its  relations 
with  Parliament,  ib.  ;  places  White- 
locke  in  the  chair,  ib.  ;  receives  a 
committee  of  officers  to  discuss  the 
new  representative,  233 ;  negotiates 
with  Cardenas  and  Peneguiao, 
243  ;  is  to  govern  during  the 
adjournment  of  Parliament,  254  ; 
dissolved,  265 


COU 

Council  of  the  temporary  dictator- 
ship, established,  ii.  273  ;  contents 
itself  with  little  more  than  the  tran- 
saction of  current  business,  284; 
wishes  not  to  give  the  name  of 
Parliament  to  the  nominees,  289  ; 
rejects  a  proposal  for  renewing 
the  negotiations  with  the  Dutch, 
iii.  31 ;  receives  the  Dutch  com- 
missioners, 41  ;  demands  an 
acknowledgment  of  Tromp's 
wrong-doing,  ib. 

the  first  appointed  by  the  Nomi- 
nated  Parliament,  election  of,   ii. 
289 ;  sends  Lilburne  to  Newgate, 
294 ;   informs   Parliament  of   Lil- 
burne's  offers    to    the    Royalists, 
296 ;  proposes  the  appointment  of 
a  High  Court  of  Justice,  301  ;  in- 
sists on  a  political  union  with  the 
Netherlands,    iii.   44 ;   demands  a 
complete  amalgamation,  ib. 

the  second  appointed   by    the 

Nominated     Parliament,      Crom- 
wellian  majority  in,  ii.  307  ;  Fifth 
Monarchy  preachers  before,  321  ; 
its  right  to  imprison  negatived  by 
the  Judges,  iii.    16  ;    gives  Crom- 
well a  free  hand  in  foreign  affairs, 
61 

Council  of  the  Protectorate,  the, 
position  assigned  to  it  by' the  In- 
strument of  Government,  ii.  333, 
334  ;  formation  of,  iii.  2  ;  cautions 
Feakeand  Powell,  6  ;  discussion  in, 
on  two  foreign  policies,  127,  128  ; 
receives  information  on  the  assas- 
sination plot,  147  ;  orders  the 
arrest  of  Gerard  and  others,  148  ; 
members  added  to,  171  ;  a 
proposal  to  call  on  members  of 
Parliament  to  affirm  the  engage- 
ment of  their  constituencies  dis- 
cussed in,  177;  its  claim  to  regulate 
the  admission  of  members  of  Parlia- 
ment resisted,  183  ;  alteration  pro- 
posed in  the  mode  of  appointment 
to,  199,  201 ;  Harrison  and  others 
summoned  before,  267 ;  Chief 
Justice  Rolle  and  Cony's  advocates 
before,  301  ;  Sir  Peter  Wentworth 
before,  ib.  ;  the  revival  of  kingship 
discussed  in,  305  ;  condemns  Nor- 
bury's  petition,  307 ;  adopts  the 
orders  for  securing  the  peace  of  the 
Commonwealth,  321 ;  unfavourable 
to  Biddle,  iv.  5  ;  its  attitude  to- 


cou 

wards  the  re-admission  of  the  Jews, 
ii  ;  appoints  a  committee  to  re- 
port on  the  requests  of  Manasseh 
Ben  Israel,  13  ;  measures  against 
the  Press,  26  ;  is  slow  to  order  the 
transportation  of  persons  living 
loosely,  35  ;  refers  the  Colchester 
petitions  to  a  committee,  63  ;  war 
with  Spain  resolved  in,  171 ;  views 
taken  on  the  Swedish  alliance  in, 
200  ;  resolves  not  to  lower  limit  of 


decimation,  250;  resolves  to  re- 
duce number  of  militia,  ib. ;  trans- 
fers payment  of  militia  to  Army 
committee,  251 ;  financial  difficul- 
ties of,  252 ;  summons  major- 
generals  to  advise,  253 ;  commits 
Rich  and  Alured  to  custody,  262  ; 
deprives  Bradshaw  of  office,  263  ; 
Ludlow  before,  ib.  ;  Vane  sum- 
moned before,  266  ;  members  of, 
elected  to  second  Protectorate  Par- 
liament, 269 

Counties,  the,  the  franchise  in,  iii. 
172 ;  vote  restored  to  the  forty- 
shilling  freeholders  in,  234 

County  commissioners,  the,  see  Com- 
missioners for  securing  the  peace  of 
the  Commonwealth 

Court-martial,  a,  Hewson  desires 
that  civilians  may  be  tried  by,  i. 
31  ;  cashiers  five  troopers  con- 
cerned in  drawing  up  England's 
New  Chains,  33  ;  five  delinquents 
ordered  to  be  tried  by,  41 ;  the 
mutineers  of  Whalley's  regiment 
tried  by,  45  ;  appointed  by  Crom- 
well after  Worcester,  ii.  60 

Courtney,  Hugh,  summoned  before 
the  Council,  iii.  267;  committed  to 
Carisbrooke,  268 ;  his  liberation 
ordered,  but  countermanded,  iv. 
232 

Covell,  Christopher,  Captain, 
cashiered  by  Cromwell,  ii.  3 

Covenants,  the  two,  Charles  asked  by 
the  Scottish  Commissioners  at  The 
Hague  to  accept  for  all  three  king- 
doms, i.  63  ;  Montrose  distin- 
guishes between,  66;  pressed  on 
Charles  at  Breda,  197  ;  Montrose 
again  distinguishes  between,  224 ; 
sworn  to  by  Charles,  237  ;  sworn 
to  by  Charles  at  his  coronation,  347 

Coventry,  enforced  resignation  of  an 
alderman  at,  iv.  50,  51 

Coventry,       second       Lord,       1640 


INDEX  293 

CRO 

(Thomas  Coventry),  arrest  of,  iii. 

3*3 
Cowley,    Abraham,     abandons    his 

secretaryship  under  Jermyn,  iv.  25 
Cox,   Owen,  Captain,  recaptures  the 

'  Phcenix,'  ii.  247 
Coyet,  Peter  Julius,  his  mission  from 

Charles  X.,  iv.   198  ;  asks  to  levy 

men  in  Scotland,  199 
Cracow  surrenders  to  Charles  X.  ,  iv. 

205 
Cranford,  James,  said  to  have  taken 

part  in  a  Royalist  conspiracy,  ii. 


Cranston,  third  Lord  (William 
Cranston),  proposed  as  com- 
mander of  a  force  raised  in  Scot- 
land for  Charles  X.  ,  iv.  199  ;  is 
allowed  to  levy  a  thousand  men, 
206 

Crawford  and  Lindsay,  Earl  of,  1644 
(John  Lindsay),  places  the  sceptre 
in  Charles's  hand,  i.  347  ;  left  be- 
hind in  Scotland  as  Levan's  lieu- 
tenant-general, ii.  34  ;  captured 
at  Alyth,  66  ;  removed  from  the 
Tower,  iii.  310 

Crelly,  Abbot,  sent  by  Antrim  to 
Rome,  i.  81  ;  negotiates  in  London 
for  an  alliance  between  England 
and  Spain,  82;  finds  that  the 
Council  of  State  has  resolved  not  to 
tolerate  Catholics,  ib.  \  failure  of 
the  negotiation  of,  83  ;  heard  before 
a  Committee  of  the  Council  of 
State,  93 

Croke,  Unton,  Captain,  marches 
against  the  Royalist  insurgents,  iii. 
289  ;  takes  them  prisoners  at  South 
Molton,  ib. 

Cromarty,  garrisoned  by  Leslie,  i. 
212 

Cromwell,  Elizabeth  (mother  of  the 
Protector),  death  of,  iii.  207 

Cromwell,  Henry,  Colonel,  serves 
under  Waller  in  Ireland,  ii.  116  ; 
saluted  as  Prince,  279  ;  sent  to  Ire- 
land, iii.  10  ;  his  conversation  with 
Ludlow,  ib.  ;  discussion  at  a  dinner 
given  by,  125  ;  seconds  a  mo- 
tion for  making  the  Protector  king, 
225  ;  the  London  militia  mustered 
before,  296  ;  his  mission  to  Ireland, 
iv.  98;  talk  of  his  being  sent  to 
Ireland  as  commander  of  the 
forces,  99  ;  appointed  commander 
of  the  army  in  Ireland  and  a  coun- 


294 


INDEX 


CRO 


CRO 


cillor,  116  ;  lands  in  Dublin,  117; 
his  reception  in  Ireland,  118  ; 
modification  of  the  transplantation 
policy  by,  ib.  ;  offers  to  send  Irish 
girls  to  Jamaica,  218 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  probably  supports 
a  proposal  to  retain  the  House  of 
Lords  as  a  consultative  body,  i.  3  ; 
chosen  a  member  of  the  first  Coun- 
cil of  State,  5  ;  obtains  a  revision  of 
the  Engagement,  6 ;  gives  reasons 
for  hesitating  to  accept  the  com- 
mand in  Ireland,  24 ;  gives  his 
opinion  on  the  Irish  war,  25  ;  warns 
the  army  against  internal  divisions, 
ib.  ;  objects  to  see  England  sub- 
jected to  Scotland  or  Ireland,  26  ;  ac- 
cepts the  command  in  Ireland,  27  ; 
his  Irish  policy,  ib.  ;  cares  little 
about  consistency,  32 ;  accused  of 
ruling  the  State  with  Ireton  and 
Harrison,  33;  urges  the  Council 
of  State  to  take  strong  measures 
against  the  Levellers,  35  ;  difficulty 
of  finding  money  for  the  Irish  ex- 
pedition of,  40  ;  urges  the  City  to 
lend  money,  ib.  ;  takes  part  in  sup- 
pressing a  mutiny  in  Whalley's  regi- 
ment, 45  ;  addresses  the  soldiers  in 
Hyde  Park,  50 ;  orders  sea-green 
colours  to  be  plucked  out  of  the 
soldiers'  hats,  52 ;  marches  with 
Fairfax  against  the  mutineers,  and 
sends  them  a  kindly  message,  ib.  ; 
falls  on  the  mutineers  at  Burford, 
53  ;  made  a  D.C.L.  at  Oxford,  54 ; 
accident  to  the  coach  of,  59 ;  re- 
ceives a  present  from  the  City,  ib.  ; 
makes  overtures  to  the  Presbyte- 
rians, 64 ;  receives  a  letter  from 
Monk  justifying  his  convention  with 
O'Neill,  78  ;  lays  Monk's  letter  be- 
fore the  Council  of  State,  83  ;  alle- 
gation that  he  authorised  Monk  to 
treat  with  O'Neill  discussed,  ib., 
note  4  ;  is  in  need  of  money  for  his 
troops,  85 ;  proposes  an  adjourn- 
ment of  Parliament,  86 ;  appointed 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  ib.  \ 
attempt  to  find  money  for  the  army 
of,  ib.  \  has  to  meet  the  danger  of 
an  Irish  invasion,  92 ;  is  tied  to 
England  by  financial  necessities, 
ib.  ;  sends  forces  to  relieve  Jones  in 
Dublin,  but  proposes  to  land  in 
Munster,  94  ;  wins  over  Lord  Brog- 
hill,  95  ;  is  still  in  need  of  money, 


96;  sets  out  for  Bristol,  ib.  \  at- 
tempts to  bribe  the  Governor  of 
Cork,  97  ;  receives  Monk  at  Milford 
Haven,  103  ;  his  good  will  secured 
by  Monk,  105  ;  resolves  to  send 
Ireton  to  Munster,  ib.  ;  lands  at 
Dublin,  106  ;  sends  a  message  to 
Inchiquin's  officers,  109  ;  issues  a 
declaration  against  plundering,  no ; 
lays  siege  to  Drogheda,  112  ;  sum- 
mons Drogheda,  115;  orders  a 
storm,  116;  leads  the  storming 
party,  117  ;  orders  the  slaughter  of 
the  defenders  of  the  Mill  Mount, 
118  ;  orders  a  massacre  of  all  in 
arms,  119  ;  orders  the  burning  of 
the  steeple  of  St.  Peter's,  120 ; 
spares  the  lives  of  a  few  soldiers, 
ib.  ;  makes  excuses  for  his  conduct, 
124  ;  examination  of  the  arguments 
of,  125;  resolves  to  attack  Wexford, 
126  ;  arrives  before  Wexford,  127  ; 
summons  Wexford,  128  ;  Wexford 
Castle  betrayed  to,  130  ;  does  not 
interfere  on  behalf  of  the  garrison 
and  townsmen  of,  131 ;  comments 
on  the  massacre  in  Wexford,  133 ; 
recommends  the  settlement  of  Eng- 
lishmen in  Wexford,  134 ;  marches 
to  wards  Munster  and  summons  New 
Ross,  ib.  ;  declares  that  he  will  not 
tolerate  the  Mass,  135  ;  receives  the 
capitulation  of  New  Ross,  and  con- 
structs a  bridge  over  the  Barrow, 
ib.  ;  hears  of  the  rising  in  Cork, 
136  ;  sends  Broghill  to  extend  the 
insurrection,  137  ;  asks  Blake  to 
take  service  under  him,  ib.  ;  com- 
pletesjhis  bridge  over  the  Barrow, 
141 ;  appears  before  Waterford,  ib.  ; 
raises  the  siege  of  Waterford,  142  ; 
meets  Broghill,  143  ;  coast-line  held 
by,  ib.  ;  ravages  of  disease  in  the 
army  of,  ib.  ;  laments  Jones's  death, 
ib.  ;  goes  into  winter  quarters,  144 ; 
issues  a  declaration  in  reply  to  the 
manifestoes  of  the  prelate  at  Clon- 
macnoise,  147 ;  his  conduct  in  Ire- 
land explained  by  his  declaration, 
148 ;  his  good  intentions  towards 
Ireland,  149;  sets  out  from  You- 
ghalon  anew  campaign,  ib.  ;  sum- 
mons Kilkenny,  150 ;  Kilkenny 
surrenders  to,  ib.  ;  accepts  the 
surrender  of  English  Protestants 
on  favourable  terms,  151 ;  wishes 
to  make  terms  with  Ormond  and 


INDEX 


295 


CRO 


CRO 


Inchiquin,  152 ;  marches  against 
Clonmel,  155  ;  Clonmel  surrenders 
to,  156 ;  leaves  Ireland,  157  :  con- 
ditions of  the  success  of,  158 ;  the 
curse  of,  159  ;  tells  against  a  resolu- 
tion against  political  sermons,  171 
asks  for  unlimited  toleration,  172 
first  order  for  the  recall  of,  194 
returns  from  Ireland,  256  ;  houses 
and  lands  granted  to,  ib. ;  is  thanked 
by  Parliament,  257 ;  appointed  to 
go  under  Fairfax  against  the  Scots, 
ib.  \  is  a  member  ot  the  committee 
appointed  to  remonstrate  with  Fair- 
fax on  his  offer  to  resign  the 
Generalship,  258  ;  his  argument  on 
the  necessity  of  anticipating  a  Scot- 
tish invasion,  259 ;  his  reasons  for 
wishing  to  retain  Fairfax  as  General , 
260  ;  appointed  General,  261 ;  his 
political  character  compared  with 
that  of  Fairfax,  262  ;  professes  to 
Ludlow  his  desire  to  establish  the 
Commonwealth,  266 ;  expresses  a 
bad  opinion  of  lawyers,  ib.  ;  urges 
Ludlow  to  go  to  Ireland,  ib.  ;  takes 
up  his  command  in  the  North,  269 ; 
musters  his  army  near  Berwick,  ib.  \ 
sends  two  declarations  to  Scotland, 
and  draws  up  a  third,  270 ;  crosses 
the  Border,  271 ;  importance  of  the 
command  of  the  sea  to,  272 ;  attacks 
Leslie  near  Edinburgh,  ib.  ;  com- 
pelled to  retreat  to  Musselburgh, 
ib. ;  beseeches  the  Scottish  clergy  to 
think  it  possible  that  they  may  be 
mistaken,  275  ;  retreats  to  Dunbar, 
and  then  returns  to  Musselburgh, 
ib.  ;  aims  at  advancing  to  Queens- 
ferry,  ib.  ;  takes  up  a  position  on 
Braid  Hill,  276  ;  replies  to  a  resolu- 
tion of  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Kirk,  277  ;  fetches  provisions  from 
Musselburgh,  279  ;  occupies  Colin- 
ton  House,  ib.  ;  storms  Redhall,  but 
fails  to  bring  on  a  battle,  281 ;  falls 
back  on  Dunbar,  281,  282  ;  numbers 
and  character  of  the  army  of,  282  ; 
writes  to  Hazlerigg  of  his  difficul- 
ties, 283  ;  plans  of,  284  ;  watches 
the  Scots  descend  the  hill,  and 
thinks  he  sees  an  advantage,  290  ; 
grounds  of  his  belief,  ib.  ;  attends  a 
Council  of  War,  291  ;  prepares  for 
battle,  ib.  ;  defeats  the  Scots,  295  ; 
gives  directions  for  the  disposal 
of  the  prisoners,  ib.  ;  effect  of  his 


victory,  297  ;  expects  a  breach  be- 
tween Charles  and  the  Kirk,  331 ; 
occupies  Leithand  Edinburgh,  and 
marches  against  Stirling,  333 ; 
returns  to  besiege  the  Castle  of 
Edinburgh,  ib.  ;  goes  to  Glasgow, 
339 ;  returns  to  Edinburgh,  340  ; 
his  opinion  on  the  moral  condition 
of,  341 ;  summons  Borthwick  Castle, 
342  ;  receives  the  surrender  of  Edin- 
burgh Castle,  344 ;  conduct  of  his 
soldiers  at  Edinburgh,  ib. ;  protests 
against  his  own  likeness  appearing 
on  the  Dunbar  medal,  ii.  i ;  detests 
the  Ranters,  3  ;  pleads  for  law 
reform,  4  ;  re-elected  to  the  third 
Council  of  State,  10;  visited  by 
Hazlerigg  and  Scott,  ib.  ;  receives 
information  on  the  Royalist  plots, 
ii ;  asked  to  intercede  for  Love, 
20 ;  fails  to  bring  on  a  battle  with 
Leslie,  near  Torwood,  26;  sends 
forces  into  Fife,  ib.  ;  rides  to  Ban- 
nockburn,  28 ;  resolves  to  pass 
into  Fife,  and  to  run  the  risk  of  a 
Scottish  invasion  of  England,  ib.  ; 
his  conference  with  Harrison,  29  ; 
foresees  the  possibility  of  a  Scottish 
invasion  of  England,  ib.  note  i  ; 
pushes  on  through  Fife,  ib.  ;  takes 
Perth,  ib.  ;  starts  in  pursuit  of  the 
Scottish  army,  and  justifies  him- 
self for  allowing  it  to  escape,  30; 
encourages  Parliament  not  to  fear 
the  Scottish  invasion,  31 ;  gives 
instructions  to  Lambert  and  Harri- 
son, and  starts  from  Leith  in  pur- 
suit of  the  Scots,  32  ;  orders  Robert 
Lilburne  to  remain  in  Lancashire, 
39 ;  joins  Lambert  and  Harrison 
at  Warwick,  and  advances  to  Eves- 
ham,  41  ;  secures  both  sides  of 
the  Severn,  42 ;  orders  the  con- 
struction of  two  bridges  of  boats, 
43 ;  hurries  troops  across  the 
Severn,  44  ;  returns  to  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Severn  and  completes 
the  victory  by  driving  the  enemy 
into  Worcester,  46;  claims  the 
victory  as  a  crowning  mercy,  47  ; 
result  of  the  victory  of,  48  ;  invited 
to  Westminster,  58  ;  goes  hawking, 
ib.  ;  Chancellor  of  the  University 
of  Oxford,  ib.  ;  his  position  after 
Worcester,  ib.  ;  appoints  court- 
martials,  60;  intercedes  for  the 
Earl  of  Derby,  61  ;  consulted  on 


296 


INDEX 


CRO 


CRO 


the  disposal  of  the  prisoners  from 
Worcester,  66  ;  urges  a  dissolution, 
69 ;  talks  of  popular  reforms,  71 ; 
supports  the  motion  for  fixing  a 
day  for  the  dissolution,  72  ;  at  the 
head  of  the  poll  for  the  fourth  Coun- 
cil of  State,  74 ;  summons  a  confer- 
ence to  discuss  the  constitution  of 
the  Republic,  75 ;  prefers  a  settle- 
ment with  somewhat  of  monarchical 
power,  76 ;  a  socialist  book  dedicated 
to,  78 ;  tries  to  work  with  Lilburne, 
79 ;  his  part  in  the  trial  and  banish- 
ment of  Lilburne,  81 ;  the  Act  of 
Oblivion  passed  at  the  instigation 
of,  ib.  \  music  cultivated  by,  83  ; 
makes  Owen  his  chaplain,  97 ;  de- 
fends religious  liberty,  100 ;  is  ready 
to  tolerate  Mahommedanism,  ib.  • 
votes  on  the  enforcement  of  tithes, 
102  ;  opposes  the  Fifteen  Funda- 
mentals, 103;  Milton's  sonnet  to, 
ib.  ;  is  the  national  hero  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  151 ;  his  ignorance 
of  continental  feeling,  ib. ;  ignores 
the  significance  of  the  treaties  of 
Westphalia,  ib.  ;  rejects  Condi's 
overtures,  154 ;  sends  Vane  to  De 
Retz,  155;  hankers  after  a  war 
against  ^France,  158  ;  makes  over- 
tures to  Estrades  for  the  cession  of 
Dunkirk,  160;  favours  an  alliance 
with  France,  161  ;  informs  the 
Council  of  State  of  his  plans  about 
Dunkirk,  162  ;  hints  that  the  French 
government  would  do  well  to  outbid 
Conde",  163 ;  sends  troops  to  Dover 
to  be  ready  to  occupy  Dunkirk,  but 
is  opposed  in  the  Council  of  State, 
166  ;  overruled  on  the  negotiation 
for  Dunkirk,  168,  169 ;  joins  the 
Presbyterians  in  opposing  a  war 
with  the  Dutch,  172,  173  ;  probably 
advocates  partial  elections,  173 ; 
sent  to  inquire  into  the  fight  off 
Folkestone,  179 ;  reconciled  to  the 
Dutch  war,  181 ;  supports  Gerbier's 
mission  to  the  Netherlands,  188 ; 
elected  at  head  of  poll  to  the  Fifth 
Council  of  State,  202  ;  ceases  to  be 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  222; 
remits  his  arrears,  ib. ;  condoles  with 
Lambert,  223  ;  stands  aloof  from 
the  army  petition,  and  assumes  the 
office  of  a  mediator,  225  ;  proposes 
a  compromise,  ib.  ;  complains  of 
cliques  in  Parliament,  228  ;  said  to 


have  proposed  to  make  the  Duke 
of  Gloucester  king,  229  ;  attacks 
Parliament  in  a  conversation  with 
Whitelocke,  ib.  ;  asks  '  What  if 
a  man  should  take  upon  him  to 
be  King  ? '  230 ;  is  displeased  with 
Whitelocke,  231  ;  wishes  for  a  new 
representative,  233  ;  shrinks  from  a 
violent  dissolution  of  Parliament, 
236 ;  forms  a  party  in  Parliament, 
237  ;  gains  time  for  a  Dutch  nego- 
tiation, 238  ;  his  probable  influence 
in  the  framing  of  the  draft  of 
a  treaty  with  Spain,  239  ;  said  to 
desire  a  general  peace,  243  ;  re- 
strains the  Council  of  Officers  from 
dissolving  Parliament  by  force, 
245  ;  refuses  to  see  Fairfax  and 
Lambert,  and  absents  himself  from 
Parliament,  246;  questions  Vavasor 
Powell,  250  ;  is  interested  in  the 
propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Wales, 
ib.  •  gives  a  conditional  support  to 
Parliament,  251,  252;  dissatisfied 
with  the  scheme  for  filling  up 
vacancies  in  Parliament,  255  ;  his 
resignation  demanded,  ib.  \  his  re- 
signation offered  and  refused,  256; 
supports  a  compromise,  ib.  ;  pro- 
poses the  appointment  of  a  small 
governing  body,  257 ;  summons  a 
conference,  258;  remains  at  home 
after  the  meeting  of  the  House, 
259  ;  appears  in  the  House,  261 ; 
interrupts  the  Speaker,  262  ;  orders 
in  the  soldiers,  263 ;  dissolves  the 
Long  Parliament,  264 ;  dissolves 
the  Council  of  State,  265  ;  de- 
structive work  of,  266 ;  temporary 
popularity  of,  269 ;  pardons  crimi- 
nals, ib. ;  gives  a  declaration,  271  ; 
accepts  Harrison's  principle  of 
governing  by  a  select  body,  273 ; 
offers  Fairfax  a  seat  in  the  Nomi- 
nated Parliament,  ib.  ;  Harrison's 
triumph  over,  274 ;  tolerant  policy 
of,  275  ;  compared  to  Moses,  ib.  \ 
invites  congregational  churches  to 
name  members  for  the  new  repre- 
sentative, 276 ;  attacked  by  the  Fifth 
Monarchists,  276,  277 ;  Royalists 
hope  to  be  assisted  by,  278  ;  ex- 
pected to  make  himself  a  king,  279  ; 
receives  a  petition  for  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Parliament,  281 ;  issues 
writs  for  the  Nominated  Parliament, 
282  ;  appears  as  a  constructive 


INDEX 


297 


CRO 

statesman,  284  ;  his  speech  at  the 
opening  of  the  Nominated  Parlia- 
ment, 286  ;  his  views  on  elected 
Parliaments,  287  ;  resigns  his  dicta- 
torship, ib,  ;  invited  to  sit  in  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  288  ;  reviled 
by  Lilburne,  293  ;  irritated  by  Lil- 
burne,  294 ;  assures  Lilburne  that 
he  shall  have  a  fair  trial,  295 ;  drawn 
to  the  Nominated  Parliament  by 
Lilburne's  attacks,  300 ;  begins  to 
be  dissatisfied  with  Parliament, 
302  ;  draws  nearer  to  Lambert,  ib.  ; 
accused  of  high  treason,  303 ;  is 
afraid  of  anarchy,  305  ;  supported 
by  the  second  Council  of  State  of 
the  Nominated  Parliament,  307  ; 
promotes  harmony  amongst  the 
clergy,  314;  averse  to  a  forcible 
interruption  of  Parliament,  317 ; 
approves  of  the  creation  of  a  High 
Court  of  Justice,  318 ;  proposal  to 
take  the  command  of  the  army 
from,  ib.  ;  refuses  the  title  of  king, 
319 ;  admonishes  the  Fifth  Mon- 
archy preachers,  321 ;  his  position 
after  the  rejection  of  the  report 
from  the  Committee  on  Tithes,  325 ; 
kept  in  the  dark,  ib.  ;  agrees  to  the 
principle  of  the  Instrument,  329  ; 
accepts  the  Instrument  with  amend- 
ments, 330 ;  power  limited  by  the 
Council,  334.  337  ;  takes  the  oath  as 
Protector,  iii.  i ;  receives  commis- 
sioners from  Bordeaux,  29 ;  allows 
Cardenas  to  hire  ships  for  the  relief 
of  Bordeaux,  30  ;  continued  war- 
like preparations  against  the  Dutch, 
31  ;  makes  overtures  to  the  Dutch 
commissioners,  41  ;  his  views  on 
the  amalgamation  of  the  two  re- 
publics, ib. ;  suggests  a  close  union, 
42-44  ;  proposes  a  partition  of  the 
globe,  48,  49  ;  signs  a  passport  for 
Van  de  Perre's  son,  52  ;  makes  an 
overture  to  Cardenas,  ib. ;  is  urged 
to  make  war  on  France,  53  ;  offers 
to  help  the  French  Protestants, 
54  ;  desires  peace  with  the  Dutch, 
55 ;  suppresses  a  sailors'  mutiny, 
58  ;  replies  to  the  Dutch  commis- 
sioners, 61 ;  produces  a  draft  treaty, 
62 ;  insists  on  its  acceptance,  63 ; 
obtains  for  Whitelocke  the  appoint- 
ment of  ambassador  to  Sweden, 
73  ;  takes  leave  of  Whitelocke,  74  ; 
expresses  no  opinion  on  the  dis- 


DAN 


solution  of  the  Scottish  Assembly, 
90.  See  also  Oliver 

Cromwell,  Richard,  the  London 
militia  mustered  before,  iii.  296  ; 
named  a  member  of  the  Committee 
for  Trade,  iv.  208  ;  elected  to 
second  Protectorate  Parliament  by 
Cambridge  University  and  Hants, 
270 

Croulle",  M.  de,  informed  that  he  will 
not  be  allowed  to  transact  business 
till  he  recognises  the  Common- 
wealth, i.  179  ;  urges  Mazarin  to 
enter  into  relations  with  the  Com- 
monwealth, and  gives  him  a  good 
report  of  the  character  of  its  states- 
men, 312  ;  warns  Mazarin  that 
an  alliance  between  England  and 
Spain  is  probable,  313  ;  dismissed 
from  England,  314 

Crowne,  William,  Colonel,  ordered 
to  raise  a  regiment  in  Shropshire, 
iii.  284 

Cugnac,  Marquis  de  (Pierre  de  Cau- 
mont  la  Force),  sent  by  Le  Daugnon 
to  England,  ii.  163 

Culpepper,  Lord,  1644  (John  Cul- 
pepper),  favours  an  alliance  with 
the  Scots,  i.  18 

Cumberland,  Charles  Howard,  De- 
puty Major-General  over,  iii. 

340 

Custice,  Edmund,  imprisonment  of, 
iii.  233 

Customs,  the,  Cony  questions  the 
right  of  the  Protector  to  exact  pay- 
ment of,  iii.  299 

Czarnova,  Charles  X.  defeats  the 
Poles  at,  iv.  205 


DALLINGTON,  JOHN,  takes  part  in  a 

plot,  iii.  226 
Dalnaspidal,  Middleton  defeated  by 

Morgan  at,  iii.  109 
Dancing  at  the  Middle  Temple,  ii. 

84 
Daniel,  John,  Captain,  sent  by  Inchi- 

quin's  officers  to  make  terms  with 

Cromwell,  i.  151 
Daniel's   prophecies,  applied  to  the 

extinction  of  Norman  institutions, 

ii.  315,  iii.  5 
Danvers,  Sir  John,  wishes  to   make 

the  Council  of  State  more  indepen- 
dent, i.  244 ;    is  not  re-elected  to 

the  second  Council,  ib. 


298  INDEX 

DAN 

Danzig,  holds  out  against  Charles  X. , 
iv.  205 

Daugnon,  Louis  Foucault,  Comte  du, 
invites  Cromwell  to  Rochelle,  ii. 
155 ;  sends  Cugnac  to  England, 
163  ;  deserts  Conde',  iii.  29 

Davenant,  William,  gives  an  enter- 
tainment at  Rutland  House,  iv.  25 

Dawkins,  Rowland,  Deputy  Major- 
General  in  South  Wales,  iii.  340 

Day,  Wentworth,  Cornet,  imprisoned 
for  reading  Vavasor  Powell's  mani- 
festo at  Allhallows,  iv.  42 

Day,  Robert,  Clerk  of  the  Passage  at 
Dover,  connives  at  the  movements 
of  Royalists,  iii.  279 

Deane,  Richard,  appointed  one  of  the 
Generals  at  Sea,  i.  23 ;  sent  as 
Commissioner  to  Scotland,  ii.  132  ; 
left  in  command  in  Scotland,  138  ; 
makes  an  agreement  with  Argyle, 
139;  again  appointed  one  of  the 
Generals  at  Sea,  210  ;  in  the  battle 
off  Portland,  215  ;  joins  Monk  in 
an  invitation  to  the  fleet  to  accept 
Cromwell's  temporary  dictatorship, 
270 ;  misses  Tromp,  iii.  32  ;  puts 
out  with  Monk  from  Yarmouth,  33  ; 
killed  in  the  battle  off  the  Gabbard, 

34 

Deans  and  Chapters,  Act  for  the 
abolition  of,  i.  49 ;  '  doubling '  on 
the  lands  of,  85 ;  attempt  to  raise 
money  by  the  sale  of  the  estates  of, 

25X 

Debentures,  orders  given  for  issuing 
to  the  soldiers,  i.  85 

Decimation  tax,  the,  imposed  on 
Royalists,  iii.  322,  323 ;  defended 
by  the  Protector,  328-330  ;  process 
of  exacting,  342  ;  proposal  to  lower 
the  limit  of,  iv.  249 ;  proposal  for 
.extension  to  others  than  Royalists, 

Declaration,  a  royal,  drafted  by  Hyde, 
i.  61  ;  dropped,  62 

Defence  of  the  People  of  England, 
published  by  Milton,  ii.  17 

Delinquents,  delay  in  exacting  com- 
positions of,  i.  41  ;  excepted  from 
pardon,  ib. ;  expelled  from  London, 
247  ;  proposed  sale  of  the  lands  of, 
251 ;  Acts  for  the  confiscation  of  the 
estates  of,  ii.  22,  200 ;  sale  of  the 
lands  of,  187  ;  attempt  to  sell  the 
lands  of,  211 ;  disqualified  from 
office,  277 


DES 

Dell,  William,  thinks  University 
teaching  useless  for  ministers,  ii. 
322,  note  2 

Denbigh,  the  Royalists  hope  to  seize, 
iii.  271 

Denbigh,  Earl  of,  1643  (Basil  Feild- 
ing),  chosen  a  member  of  the  first 
Council  of  State,  i.  5 ;  refuses  to 
take  the  Engagement  in  its  original 
form,  6 ;  re-elected  to  the  second 
Council  of  State,  244,  note  2 

Denham,  Sir  John,  verses  by,  iii. 
337,  note  4 

Denmark,  Montrose  seeks  aid  in,  i. 
190 ;  Newcastle  sent  to,  241  ;  her 
relations  with  Sweden,  iv.  197,  198 

Denn,  Henry,  Cornet,  condemned  to 
death  and  pardoned,  i.  54 

Derby,  Countess  of,  holds  the  Isle  of 
Man  for  her  husband,  ii.  61 

Derby,  Earl  of,  1642  (James  Stanley), 
appointed  to  command  in  Lanca- 
shire, Cheshire,  and  the  neighbour- 
ing counties,  i.  240 ;  holds  the  Isle 
of  Man,  298 ;  concerts  measures 
for  a  rising  in  Lancashire,  ii.  12 ; 
lands  in  Wyre  Water  and  holds  a 
conference  with  Charles,  37  ;  urges 
Cavaliers  and  Presbyterians  to  rise 
for  the  king,  38  ;  levies  forces  in 
Lancashire,  39;  is  defeated  at 
Wigan,  ib.  ;  arrives  at  Worcester, 
43 ;  captured,  46,  59 ;  selected  for 
trial,  59 ;  sentenced  to  death,  61  ; 
executed,  62 

Derbyshire,  placed  under  Whalley, 
iii.  340 

Desborough,  John  Colonel,  join 
Cromwell  at  Warwick,  ii.  41  ;  ap- 
pointed a  commissioner  on  law 
reform,  82  ;  supports  Cromwell  in' 
restraining  the  officers  from  dis- 
solving Parliament  by  force,  245 ; 
invited  to  sit  in  the  Nominated 
Parliament,  288 ;  member  of  the 
Council  of  State  of  the  Protec- 
torate, iii.  2 ;  appointed  General 
at  Sea,  63 ;  supports  the  Protector 
in  Parliament,  204  ;  sent  to  quiet 
the  crews  of  Penn's  fleet,  215  ; 
appointed  Major-General  of  the 
West,  288 ;  pursues  the  Royalist 
insurgents,  ib.  ;  commissioned  to 
command  the  militia  in  the  West, 
297  ;  confirmed  in  the  Major- 
Generalship  of  the  West,  340 ; 
reproved  by  Fox,  iv.  7 ;  refuses  to 


INDEX 


299 


DEV 

liberate  Fox,  8 ;  condemned  by 
Fox  for  playing  bowls,  9  ;  obtains 
the  resignation  of  three  aldermen 
at  Bristol,  51 ;  dismisses  alderman, 
magistrates,  and  common  council- 
lors at  Tewkesbury  and  Gloucester, 
53 ;  charged  by  Venables  with 
putting  bad  stores  on  board  the 
fleet,  130 

Devizes,  exile  of  the  prisoners  taken 
at  Burford  to,  i.  54 

Devonshire,  clerical  Royalists  in,  i. 
12 ;  proposed  Royalist  rising  in, 
195  ;  readiness  of  the  militia  of  to 
join  Cromwell,  ii.  43 ;  placed  under 
Desborough,  iii.  340 

Dickson,  David,  protests  against  the 
dissolution  of  the  General  Assembly, 
iii.  89 

Digby,  Sir  Kenelm,  invited  to  Eng- 
land to  treat  for  toleration,  i.  81  ; 
arrives  in  England,  but  fails  to 
obtain  a  hearing,  83  ;  banished,  172 

Diggers,  the,  their  proceedings  on 
St.  George's  Hill,  i.  42  ;  manifesto 
of,  43 ;  song  of,  44,  note 

Dillon,  George,  accompanies  the 
Abbot  of  St.  Catharine  to  Ireland, 
ii.  114 

Dillon,  Viscount,  1630  (Thomas  Dil- 
lon), left  by  Ormond  at  Finglas,  i. 
100;  deceives  Ireton  by  offering  to 
betray  Athlone,  ii.  108 

Divines,  Assembly  of,  see  Assembly 
of  Divines 

Divorce,  the  Nominated  Parliament 
refuses  to  sanction,  ii.  292 

Dolman,  Thomas,  Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel, employed  in  the  negotiation  of 
the  States  of  Holland  with  Eng- 
land, ii.  238  ;  expresses  his  belief 
that  Oliver  does  not  wish  to  break 
with  France,  iii.  128 

Doon  Hill,  Leslie  establishes  his 
army  on,  i.  282  ;  Leslie  ordered  to 
descend  from,  286 

Dorislaus,  Isaac,  Dr.,  sent  to  The 
Hague,  i.  64  ;  assassination  of,  73 ; 
public  funeral  of,  id. 

Dormido,  Manuel  Martinez,  petitions 
for  the  resettlement  of  the  Jews, 
iv.  ii 

Dornoch,  holds  out  against  Montrose, 
i.  212 

Dorset,  proposed  Royalist  rising  in, 
i.  196 ;  placed  under  Desborough, 
iii.  340 


DUB 

1  Doubling,'  on  the  lands  of  Deans 
and  Chapters,  i.  85,  ii.  201 

Douglas,  Robert,  preaches  at 
Charles's  coronation,  i.  346 

Douglas,  Sir  Joseph,  arrives  in  Hol- 
land with  instructions  from  Argyle, 
i.  20 

Dove,  John,  Colonel,  High  Sheriff  of 
Wilts,  seized  by  the  Royalists, 
iii.  287  ;  liberated,  288 

Dover,  plan  for  the  surprise  of  the 
castle  of,  ii.'  8  ;  assistance  given  to 
Royalists  by  officials  at,  iii.  279 

Down  Sun'ey,  the,  Petty  appointed 
to  carry  out,  iv.  106 

Downing,  George,  despatched  to 
Turin,  iv.  190 

Downs,  the,  Tromp  appears  off, 
ii.  177 ;  Ayscue  threatened  by 
Tromp  in,  185 ;  Blake  watches 
Tromp's  fleet  from,  206 ;  Blake 
puts  out  from,  ib. 

Doyley,  Edward,  Colonel,  appointed 
President  of  the  Council  of  Officers 
in  Jamaica,  iv.  221 

Drama,  the,  see  Plays  and  Interludes 

Drogheda,  held  by  a  Parliamentary 
garrison,  i.  73  ;  Inchiquin  de- 
spatched against,  90 ;  taken  by 
Inchiquin,  97 ;  failure  of  Jones 
to  retake,  107 ;  Lord  Moore  super- 
seded by  Aston  as  governor  of,  1 10  ; 
character  of  the  garrison  of,  in  ; 
opening  of  the  siege  of,  112  ;  situa- 
tion of,  114;  wants  of  the  garrison 
of,  ib.  ;  summoned  by  Cromwell, 
115  ;  breaches  effected  in  the  walls 
of,  ib.  ;  storm  of,  116  ;  massacre  of 
the  defenders  of,  118-122 ;  Crom- 
well's justification  of  the  massacre 
at,  124 

Drunkenness  and  immorality,  the 
justices  of  the  peace  are  slow  to 
enforce  the  laws  against,  iv.  36 

Duart  Castle  occupied  by  Gobbet, 
iii.  92 

Dublin,  Michael  Jones  governor  of, 
i.  71 ;  Ormond  hopes  to  reduce, 
73  ;  protected  by  its  access  to  the 
sea,  87  ;  Ormond  prepares  to  march 
against,  ib.  •  Ormond  advances 
against,  88 ;  Ormond's  position  to 
the  north  of,  89 ;  Ormond  moves 
to  the  south  of,  TOO  ;  Ormond's 
operations  against,  101 ;  defeat  of 
Ormond  before,  102 ;  Cromwell 
lands  at,  106 ;  Hewson  appointed 


3oo 


INDEX 


DUG 


EAS 


governor  of,  126  ;  expulsion  of  Irish 
from,  iv.  113 

Duckenrield,  Robert,  Colonel,  reduces 
the  Isle  of  Man,  ii.  69 

Duddoe,  a  Royalist  insurrection  dis- 
persed at,  iii.  283 

Dudhope,  Viscount  (John  Scrim- 
geour),  intends  to  secure  Dundee, 
i-  335  I  Charles  at  the  house  of, 
337 

Dumbarton  Castle,  holds  out  against 
Monk,  ii.  69  ;  surrender  of,  136 

Dunbar,  Cromwell  at,  i.  275  ;  Crom- 
well retreats  to,  282  ;  dispositions 
of  Leslie  and  Cromwell  at,  286-292 ; 
battle  of,  292-295  ;  disposal  of  the 
prisoners  taken  at,  295,  296 ;  results 
of  Cromwell's  victory  at,  297 ;  re- 
ception at  Westminster  of  the  news 
from,  ii.  i  ;  employment  in  the  Fens 
of  the  remnants  of  the  prisoners 
from,  64 

Dunbar  medal,  the,  ii.  i 

Dunbeath  Castle,  taken  by  Hurry, 
i.  211 

Duncannon  fort,  assailed  by  Jones, 
and  defended  by  Wogan,  i.  135  ; 
raising  of  the  siege  of,  136 ;  surrender 
of,  ii.  107 

Dundalk,  occupied  by  Monk's  troops, 
i.  73  ;  surrenders  to  Inchiquin,  99  ; 
Cromwell's  letter  to  the  governor 
of,  123, 124 ;  occupied  by  Venables, 

I25 

Dundas,  Walter,  surrenders  Edin- 
burgh Castle,  i.  344 

Dundee,  Middleton  does  penance  at, 
i.  347  ;  Monk  marches  against,  ii. 
66 ;  stormed  by  Monk,  ib. 

Dunfermline,  Charles  retires  to,  i. 
274 

Dungarvan,  revolt  to  Cromwell  of  the 
garrison  of,  i.  143 

Dungeness,  battle  off,  ii.  208 

Dungevin  Fort  stormed  by  the  Bishop 
of  Clogher,  ii.  106 

Dunkirk,  alleged  scheme  for  an  attack 
by  England  and  Spain  on,  i.  313  ; 
negotiation  for  the  cession  of,  ii.  159, 
160 ;  alleged  advantages  of  holding, 
160 ;  offered  to  the  Dutch,  161 ;  a 
fleet  fitted  out  in  England  for  the 
occupation  of,  163  ;  Cardenas  asks 
for  English  co-operation  in  the  re- 
duction of,  ib.  ;  Mazarin's  instruc- 
tions to  Gentillot  to  treat  with  Eng- 
land for  the  defence  of,  164;  Mazarin 


first  resolves  to  keep,  and  then 
authorises  Estrades  to  treat  or  the 
cession  of,  165  ;  Gentillot  instructed 
to  offer  to  cede,  167  ;  Gentillot  Sent 
to  England  with  orders  not  to 
cede,  168 ;  closely  pressed  by  the 
Spaniards,  190 ;  surrender  of,  ib.  ; 
commercial  prospects  of,  191  ; 
Oliver  asked  by  Mazarin  to  besiege, 
iii.  12 ;  Oliver  offers  to  negotiate 
about  the  siege  of,  129  ;  Oliver  asks 
Spain  for  the  temporary  surrender 
of,  154 ;  Oliver  asks  France  to  join 
in  capturing,  155  ;  privateers  sent 
out  from,  iv.  240  ;  prizes  taken  by 
the  privateers  of,  241  ;  desire  of  the 
Protector  to  take  possession  of,  ib.  ; 
Lockhart's  negotiations  with  Maza- 
rin about  an  attack  on,  244-246 

Dunolly  Castle  receives  an  English 
garrison,  ii.  139 

Dunottar,  Castle  of,  holds  out  against 
Monk,  ii.  69  ;  surrender  of,  136 

Dunrobin  Castle  holds  out  against 
Montrose,  i.  211 

Dunstaffnage,  Castle  of,  receives  an 
English  garrison,  i.  39 ;  Brayne 
established  in,  iii.  107 

Durham  sends  Members  to  Parlia- 
ment, iii.  171 

Durham,  county  of,  Robert  Lilburne 
Deputy  Major-General  over,  iii. 
340 ;  hostility  displayed  towards 
the  Government  during  elections, 
iv.  269 

Dury,  John,  sent  to  effect  a  union 
amongst  Protestants,  iii.  72 

Dutch  Commissioners,  see  Nether- 
lands, the  Commissioners  from 

Dutch  navy,  the,  see  Navy,  the  Dutch 

Dutch  Republic,  the,  see  Netherlands, 
the  United  Provinces  of  the 

Dutch  slaves  at  Algiers,  escape  of, 
iv.  159 

Dutch  war,  the  outbreak  of,  ii.  177  ; 
unpopularity  of,  201  ;  feeling  of  the 
army  against,  ib.  ;  continuance  of, 
iii.  30 ;  rejection  of  a  proposal  to 
negotiate  for  ending,  31 ;  end  of, 
67 

Dutton,  Richard,  Captain,  takes  part 
in  a  Royalist  conspiracy,  iii.  116 


EAST  INDIES,  payment  by  the  Dutch 
East  India  Company  for  losses  in, 
iii.  68 


INDEX 


301 


EDI 


ENG 


Edinburgh,  Lanark  and  Lrwderdale 
at,  i.  16 ;  Charles  II.  conditionally 
proclaimed  at,  18  ;  Montrose  con- 
ducted through  the  streets  of,  223  ; 
Leslie  entrenches  his  army  between 
Leith  and,  272 ;  is  short  of  pro- 
visions, 276 ;  Leslie's  manoeuvres 
in  defence  of,  279-281  ;  Cromwell 
occupies  and  besieges  the  Castle  of, 
333 ;  surrender  of  the  Castle  of, 
344;  conduct  of  Cromwell's  soldiers 
at,  ib.  ;  proclamation  of  English 
commissioners  read  at  Market  Cross 
of,  ii.  133  ;  declaration  for  a  Union 
read  at  Market  Cross  of,  135; 
establishment  of  a  Provisional 
Court  of  Judicature  in,  140 ;  pro- 
clamation of  the  Protectorate  and 
of  the  Union  read  at  the  Market 
Cross  of,  iii.  103 

Edward,  Prince,  insults  the  English 
•ambassadors,  i.  324 

Egan,  Boetius,  Catholic  Bishop  of 
Ross,  hanged  by  Broghill's  orders, 
i.  151 

Eglinton,  Earl  of,  1612  (Alexander 
Montgomery),  joins  in  inviting 
Charles  to  the  army,  i.  274 ;  com- 
pelled to  discharge  some  of  his 
officers,  283 

Eikon  BasiUkt,  futile  attempt  to  sup- 
press, i.  56 ;  compared  with  Eiko- 
noklastes,  175 

Eikonoklastes,  published  by  Milton, 

i-  175 

Eilandonan,  occupied  by  Cobbet,  iii. 
92 

Ejectors,  in  Owen's  scheme,  ii.  98  ; 
in  the  scheme  of  the  Committee  on 
Tithes,  323  ;  in  the  Protector's 
ordinance,  iii.  22 ;  to  be  urged  to 
activity  by  the  Major-Generals, 
321 ;  allow  Pocock  to  retain  his 
living,  iv.  25,  note  2  ;  roused  to 
action  by  the  Major-Generals,  30 ; 
case  of  Bushnell  before,  ib. 

Elba,  Badiley  defeated  off,  ii.  199 

Elbe,  the,  Swedish   position  on,  iv. 

195 

Elbing,  surrenders  to  Charles  X., 
iv.  205 

Elections  for  a  new  Parliament,  pro- 
posal to  consider,  i.  50  ;  committee 
appointed  to  report  on,  54  ;  partial, 
resolved  on,  86 ;  reversal  of  the 
resolution  for,  ib.  ;  recommended 
by  Edmund  Leach,  ii.  72  ;  the  Bill 


on,  franchise  settled  by,  252  ; 
possibility  of  dropping,  ib.  ;  scheme 
for  altering,  ib.  ;  to  the  first  Pro- 
tectorate Parliament,  iii.  171  ; 
Royalists  declared  incapable  of  tak- 
ing part  in,  iv.  49;  to  the  second 
Protectorate  Parliament,  writs  for, 
257 ;  parties  exercising  influence 
over,  ib.  ;  report  of  Hayneson,  ib. ; 
of  Whalley,  258;  in  Suffolk,  267; 
at  Norwich,  ib.  \  advice  of  Haynes 
on  influencing,  268  ;  in  Lincoln- 
shire, ib.  ;  in  Northumberland  and 
Durham,  269  ;  in  Kent,  ib. ;  advice 
of  Kelsey  for  influencing,  ib.  ; 
results  of,  ib. ;  at  Chipping  Wy- 
corabe,  270 ;  at  Colchester,  ib.  ; 
influence  of  Major-Generals  over, 
ib.  ;  general  results  of,  ib.  See 
also  Committee  on  elections  to 
future  Parliaments 

Eliot,  — ?,  hanged  by  Jones  as  a 
deserter,  i.  101 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Charles  I.,  re- 
sides at  Penshurst,  ii.  4 ;  removed 
to  Carisbrooke,  5  ;  death  of,  ib. 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  James  I.,  see 
Bohemia,  titular  Queen  of 

Elstow,  Bunyan's  life  at,  ii.  88 

Emly,  Bishop  of  (Torlogh  Albert 
O'Brien),  hanged,  ii.  123 

Emperor,  proposal  to  confer  on  Oliver 
the  title  of,  iii.  304 

Engagement  to  be  faithful  to  the 
Commonwealth,  as  proposed  by 
Ireton,  i.  4 ;  Algernon  Sidney's 
objection  to,  5  ;  resistance  in  the 
Council  of  State  to,  6 ;  revision  of, 
ib.  ;  final  revision  of,  7 ;  imposed 
on  members  of  Parliament  and 
officials,  176 ;  Act  for  compelling 
the  whole  male  population  to  take, 
194  ;  Royalists  take  with  the 
intention  of  breaking,  241 ;  Fairfax 
excused  from  taking,  246  ;  sus- 
pension of  penalties  for  refusing  to 
take,  ib.  ;  Committee  appointed  by 
the  Nominated  Parliament  to  con- 
sider, ii.  290  ;  repeal  of  a  clause  of 
the  Act  for  taking,  310 ;  total 
repeal  of,  iii.  18 

Engagers,  the  Scottish,  Argyle  at- 
tempts to  come  to  an  understand- 
ing with,  i.  15  ;  the  Commissioners 
at  Breda  make  proposals  about, 
203 ;  Parliament  declares  against 
concessions  to,  230,  231  ;  feeling 


302 


INDEX 


ENG 


FAI 


amongst  the  ministers  of  Fife  in 
favour  of,  333 ;  hostility  of  the 
extreme  party  to,  334 ;  Dr.  Fraser 
negotiates  a  combination  of  the 
Royalists  with,  335  ;  join  in  a  bond 
with  the  Royalists,  338  ;  read- 
mission  to  Parliament  of  some  of, 

345 

England,  submits  to  the  government 
of  the  Commonwealth,  i.  12  ;  its 
danger  from  Ireland,  23,  26 ;  de- 
clared to  be  a  free  Commonwealth, 
57  ;  prospect  of  an  Irish  invasion 
of,  92 ;  necessity  of  protecting  the 
commercial  marine  of,  298  ;  in- 
vaded by  a  Scottish  army,  ii.  37 ; 
geographical  advantages  of,  in  a 
war  with  the  Netherlands,  183 

England's  New  Chains,  presented  by 
Lilburne  to  Parliament,  i.  31  ; 
authorship  of,  32  ;  The  second  part 

°f,  33 

England's  Remembrancers  distributed 
by  Venner  and  others,  iv.  260  ;  con- 
tents of,  261,  262 

England's  Standard  Advanced,  issued 
as  a  manifesto,  i.  48 

English  interest  in  Ireland,  the, 
Michael  Jones  insists  on  the  pre- 
servation of,  i.  72 

Enniscorthy,  surprisal  of,  i.  143  ;  re- 
covered by  Cook,  150 

Essex,  placed  under  Haynes  as  Fleet-, 
wood's  deputy,  iii.  340;  Royalist 
reaction  in,  iv.  56 

Established  Church,  system  of  an, 
supported  by  Owen,  ii.  98,  101 

Estepona,  Rupert  fails  to  cut  out 
English  vessels  at,  i.  305 

Esthonia,    under    Swedish    rule,   iv. 

*95 

Estrades,  Godefroi,  Comte  d',  forgery 
of  a  draft  treaty  in  the  memoirs 
ascribed  to,  i.  319,  note  2  ;  receives 
overtures  from  Cromwell  about  the 
cession  of  Dunkirk,  ii.  160 ;  receives 
Fitzjames  at  Dunkirk,  162  ;  visits 
England,  ib.  ;  authorised  to  treat 
about  Dunkirk,  165 

Evans,  Arise,  invites  Cromwell  to 
restore  Charles,  ii.  278 

Evelyn,  John,  laments  the  suppression 
of  the  services  according  to  the 
Prayer  Book,  iii.  335 ;  complains 
that  the  Church  of  England  is 
reduced  to  a  conventicle,  iv.  20 ; 
complains  that  there  is  no  practical 


preaching,  22 ;  notes  the  preva- 
lence of  sects  at  Colchester,  72 

Everard,  William,  brought  before 
Fairfax  as  a  leader  of  the  Diggers, 
i.  42  ;  his  principles,  43 

Evertsen,  Johan,  joins  Tromp,  ii. 
203 ;  in  the  battle  off  Portland, 
218 

Evesham,  arrival  of  Cromwell  at,  ii. 

4i 

Ewer,  Isaac,  Colonel,  his  regiment 
takes  part  in  the  storm  of  Drogheda, 
i.  116  ;  saves  Dr.  Bernard,  123,  note 

Excise,  charged  with  the  repayment 
of  a  loan  for  Cromwell's  expedition 
to  Ireland,  i.  86  ;  voted  temporarily 
by  the  Nominated  Parliament,  ii. 

3i3 

Exeter,  Act  of  Parliament  torn  down 
at,  i.  12  ;  Royalist  plan  for  seizing, 
240;  trials  of  the  Royalist  in- 
surgents at,  iii.  291 

Eyre,  William,  Colonel,  sent  to  Ox- 
ford to  be  tried,  i.  54 ;  arrested  as 
a  plotter,  iii.  227  ;  his  part  in  Wild- 
man's  plot,  228,  note  3 

Eythin,  Lord,  1642  (James  King), 
Montrose  expects  to  be  joined  by, 
i.  191  ;  appointed  Lieutenant- 
General  under  Montrose,  196 ; 
banished  from  Scotland,  234 


FAIRFAX,  third  Viscount,  1648  (Tho- 
mas Fairfax),  chosen  a  member  of 
the  first  Council  of  State,  i.  5  ;  refuses 
to  express  approval  of  the  past 
actions  of  Parliament,  6  ;  takes  the 
Engagement  in  a  modified  form, 
7  ;  asks  Parliament  to  raise  money 
for  the  army,  23 ;  gives  advice  on 
the  preparations  to  invade  Ireland, 
24 ;  retains  a  nominal  superin- 
tendence over  Cromwell  in  Ireland, 
27 ;  suppresses  the  Diggers,  42 ; 
takes  part  in  suppressing  a  mutiny 
in  Whalley's  regiment,  45  ;  holds  a 
review  in  Hyde  Park,  50;  orders 
the  issue  of  an  appeal  to  the  mu- 
tineers, 52;  pursues  the  mutineers, 
ib.  ;  suppresses  the  mutineers  at 
Burford,  53;  made  a  D.C.L.  at 
Oxford,  54  ;  receives  a  present  from 
the  City,  59  ;  sends  Ingoldsby  to 
put  down  a  mutiny  at  Oxford,  165  ; 
ordered  to  employ  his  soldiers  to 
suppress  highway  robbery,  171 ; 


INDEX 


303 


FA  I 


FIF 


asks  for  a  limited  toleration,  172 ; 
is  excused  from  taking  the  Engage- 
ment, 246 ;  alleged  Royalism  of, 
249  ;  dissatisfied  with  the  course  of 
events,  250;  congratulates  Crom- 
well on  his  return  from  Ireland, 
256  ;  accepts  the  command  against 
the  Scots,  257 ;  objects  to  invade 
Scotland,  258 ;  resolves  to  resign 
the  Generalship,  259 ;  his  resigna- 
tion accepted,  261  ;  popular  ex- 
planation of  his  conduct,  ib.  ;  his 
political  views,  262 ;  inconsistency 
of  his  position,  263,  264  ;  Bucking- 
ham's epitaph  on,  264,  265 ;  not 
elected  to  the  third  Council  of 
State,  ii.  10;  patronises  John  Owen, 
96 ;  is  consulted  on  a  proposal  to 
dismiss  Cromwell,  246;  proposal 
to  restore  to  the  command  of  the 
army,  260 ;  refuses  a  seat  in  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  274  ;  finally 
declines  to  sit,  282  ;  Milton's  pane- 
gyric on,  iii.  167 ;  rumour  that  he 
will  assist  the  Royalists,  281,  note 
4  ;  Rochester  expects  to  open  ne- 
gotiations with,  282 

Fairlight,  Dutch  merchantmen  off, 
ii.  178 

Falkland,  arrival  of  Charles  at,  i.  239; 
raid  of  Glencairn  on,  iii.  94 

Falkland,  third  Viscount  (Henry 
Cary),  sent  for  by  the  Council,  iii. 
312 

Fanning,  Dominic,  Alderman,  con- 
ceals himself  after  the  surrender  of 
Limerick,  ii.  123 ;  arrested,  ib.  \ 
hanged,  124 

Faringdon,  Anthony,  silenced  as  a 
preacher,  iv.  22,  23 

Feake,  Christopher,  preaches  against 
Cromwell,  ii.  277 ;  uses  strong 
language  at  Blackfriars,  315  ;  ad- 
monished by  Cromwell  and  the 
Council,  321 ;  attacks  the  Protector 
as  the  Little  Horn,  iii.  5 ;  cautioned 
by  the  Council,  6 ;  imprisoned  at 
Windsor,  7 ;  escape  of,  264 ;  recon- 
fined  at  Windsor,  265  ;  removed  to 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  iv.  3;  allowed  to 
remain  in  London  under  guard,  ib. 

Fee-farm  rents,  sale  of,  i.  251,  252 

Fennell,  Colonel,  compels  the  war 
party  to  surrender  Limerick,  ii.  122 

Fens,  the  employment  of  Scottish 
prisoners  in,  ii.  64,  65 

Femvick,  George,  governor  of  Ber- 


wick, i.  269  ;  Wildman's  expecta- 
tions from,  iii.  228,  note  3 

Ferdinand  III.,  Emperor,  makes 
Montrose  a  Field-Marshal,  i.  15 ; 
Oliver  hopes  to  stir  up  Charles  X. 
to  make  war  on,  iv.  202;  persecutes 
Protestants  in  his  own  dominions, 
but  has  no  wish  to  attack  other 
Protestant  States,  203  ;  anxious  to 
keep  out  of  war,  212 

Ferrall,  Lieut. -General,  sent  by  Owen 
O'Neill  to  the  help  of  Ormond,  i. 
140 ;  accompanies  Ormond  to 
Waterford,  142 ;  enters  Waterford 
ib.  ;  abandons  Waterford,  152 

Fetherstonhaugh,  Sir  Timothy,  his 
trial  ordered,  ii.  60 ;  beheaded,  62 

Fiennes,  Nathaniel,  becomes  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Council,  iii.  171 ;  ap- 
pointed a  commissioner  of  the 
Great  Seal,  303 ;  opposed  to  the 
Swedish  alliance,  iv.  200 

Fiesco,  Ugo,  Genoese  ambassador  in 
England,  iv.  148 

Fife,  Edinburgh  depends  on  supplies 
from,  i.  276 ;  the  exclusion  of  the 
Engagers  combated  by  the  clergy 
°f«  333!  Cromwell  sends  forces 
into,  ii.  26 ;  Cromwell  resolves  to 
carry  his  army  into,  28  ;  Cromwell's 
operations  in,  29 

Fifteen  fundamentals  of  Christianity, 
the,  produced  before  the  Propaga- 
tion Committee,  ii.  101 ;  opposed 
by  Cromwell,  102 

Fifth  Monarchy  men,  the,  petition  of, 
i.  29;  political  ideas  of,  incor- 
porated in  a  pamphlet,  ii.  71 ; 
Harrison's  connection  with,  236 ; 
views  of,  268  ;  ask  for  the  enact- 
ment of  the  law  of  Moses,  314; 
wish  to  establish  a  voluntary  sys- 
tem in  the  Church,  315;  aim  at 
abolishing  Norman  institutions,  ib. ; 
attack  Cromwell,  321  ;  support 
the  abolition  of  patronage,  322 ; 
attack  the  Protector  as  the  Little 
Horn,  iii.  5 ;  position  taken  by,  8, 
note  3  ;  take  part  in  the  Wiltshire 
election,  176 ;  are  hostile  to  the 
Protectorate,  264 ;  denounce  the 
Protector,  iv.  3 ;  abandoned  by 
Simpson,  42 ;  the  Protector  at- 
tempts to  conciliate,  232 ;  endeavour 
to  influence  elections  to  second 
Protectorate  Parliament,  257,  259, 
267 


304 


INDEX 


FIN 


FOX 


Financial  difficulties,  i.  40,  86,  87 ; 
Cromwell  detained  in  England  by, 
87 ;  burden  of,  ii.  21 ;  of  the  Long 
Parliament,  187,  200,  211,  312 ;  of 
the  Nominated  Parliament,  iii.  56  ; 
Birch's  scheme  for  settling,  236, 
238,  note  i ;  of  the  Protectorate, 
257 ;  iv.  252,  254 

Financial  resources,  from  the  sale  of 
lands,  i.  251 ;  from  the  sale  of  de- 
linquents' lands,  ib.  \  from  the  sale 
of  fee-farm  rents,  251,  252;  from 
the  sale  of  pictures,  ii.  22  ;  from 
confiscations,  22,  200.  See  also 
Assessment  tax ;  Decimation  of 
Royalists ;  Delinqents 

Finglas,  Ormond  takes  up  a  position 
at,  i.  89 ;  Ormond  leaves  Lord 
Dillon  at,  100 

Finglas,  Captain,  slain  at  Drogheda, 
i.  122 

Finland,  under  Swedish  rule,  iv.  195 

Finnea,  O'Neill  signs  an  agreement 
with  Ormond  at,  i.  139 

Fisher,  George,  agent  in  Spain,  recall 
of,  i.  311 

Fitzgerald,  Sir  Luke,  carries  overtures 
from  O'Neill  to  Ormond,  i.  107  ; 
Ormond  establishes  himself  at  the 
house  of,  112 

Fitzjames,  John,  Colonel,  carries  an 
overture  from  Cromwell  to  Estrades, 
ii.  160 ;  sent  to  Dunkirk,  162 ;  re- 
visits Dunkirk,  165  ;  betrays  a  plot 
for  Oliver's  assassination,  iii.  139 
invited  to  France  by  Charles,  140 
has  an  interview  with  Charles,  141 
drowned,  146 

Fitzmaurice,  Captain,  carries  a  mes- 
sage from  O'Neill  to  Rupert,  i.  107 

Fitzpatrick,  John,  Colonel,  submits 
to  the  English,  ii.  127 

Five  Small  Beagles,  name  assumed 
by  the  authors  of  The  Hunting  of 
the  Foxes,  i.  33 

Flag,  the  striking  of  the,  uncertain 
instructions  to  Tromp  about,  ii. 
176 ;  enforced  by  Young,  177 ;  re- 
fused by  Tromp  to  Blake,  178 ; 
Cromwell  demands  the  striking  of, 
iii!  62,  63 ;  yielded  by  the  Dutch, 
68  ;  Oliver  determined  to  obtain,  72 

Fleetwood,  Charles,  Lieut. -General, 
accompanies  Cromwell  to  Scotland, 
i.  269  ;  chosen  to  the  third  Council 
of  State  ii.  10 ;  joins  Cromwell  at 
Warwick,  41 ;  ordered  to  cross  the 


Severn,  42  ;  joined  by  a  body  of 
militia,  43  ;  crosses  the  Teme,  44 ; 
appointed  commander  of  the  forces 
in  Ireland,  ii.  222  ;  marries  Ireton's 
widow,  ib.  ;  placed  on  the  Council 
of  State  of  the  Nominated  Parlia- 
ment, 289  ;  a  member  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Protectorate,  iii.  2  ;  sym- 
pathises with  the  Baptists,  7  ;  pro- 
claims the  Protectorate  in  Dublin, 
8  ;  appointed  Major-General  over 
seven  counties,  340  ;  appoints 
deputies,  ib.  ;  advocates  John 
Lilburne's  cause,  iv.  2 ;  arrives  in 
Ireland  as  a  commissioner,  87  ; 
appointed  Lord  Deputy,  98 ;  is 
unwilling  to  use  the  power  of  dis- 
pensation from  transplanting,  99  ; 
is  embittered  against  the  Irish,  ib.  ; 
his  opinion  of  Gookin,  102 ;  grants 
additional  land  to  the  soldiers,  107  ; 
ill-treatment  of  Gookin  by,  115  ; 
his  differences  with  the  Protector, 
ib.  ;  attempts  to  extend  the  scope 
of  the  transplantation,  117  ;  returns 
to  England,  118  ;  proposal  to  ap- 
point General  in  the  Protector's 
place,  254 ;  elected  to  the  second 
Protectorate  Parliament,  269 

Fleetwood,  George,  brother  of  Charles 
Fleetwood,  employed  to  levy  High- 
landers for  Sweden,  iv.  205,  206 

Fleetwood,  George,  Deputy  Major- 
General  conjointly  with  Packer  over 
Bucks,  iii.  340;  not  elected  to 
second  Protectorate  Parliament,  iv. 
269 

Fleming,  Sir  William,  sent  to  Mont- 
rose,  i.  206  ;  messages  entrusted  to, 
207  ;  reaches  Edinburgh,  230 

Folkestone,  sea-fight  off,  ii.  178,  179 

Forbes,  Sir,  Arthur,  renounces  his  obe- 
dience to  the  Commonwealth,  iii.  86 

Fortescue,  Richard,  Major-General, 
acts  as  commissioner  in  Jamaica, 
iv.  215  ;  death  of,  217 

Forty-shilling  freeholders,  the,  vote 
for  restoring  the  franchise  to,  iii.  234 

Fountain,  John,  appointed  a  commis- 
sioner on  law  reform,  ii.  82 

Fox,  Francis,  transported  to  Barba- 
dos, iii.  308 

Fox,  George,  his  evidence  on  the 
absence  of  Episcopalian  propa- 
ganda, ii.  85,  note  i  ;  doctrines  of 
the  inner  light  accepted  by,  ib.  • 
Society  of  Friends  formed  by,  91, 


INDEX 


305 


FOX 


FUL 


92  ;  recoils  from  Calvinism,  92  ; 
minor  peculiarities  of  ib.  ;  enemies 
made  by,  93  ;  committed  to  prison 
under  the  Blasphemy  Act,  94  ; 
restraining  influence  of,  95  ;  his 
teaching  compared  with  that  of  the 
Fifth  Monarchists,  315  ;  his  inter- 
view with  the  Protector,  iii.  262  ;  re- 
ceives permission  to  address  meet- 
ings, 263  ;  his  missionary  journey 
in  the  West,  iv.  6  ;  sent  to  Laun- 
ceston  gaol,  7 ;  fined  for  contempt 
of  court,  ib.  ;  an  order  for  the 
liberation  of,  8  ;  denounces  Des- 
borough  for  playing  bowls,  9  ;  Gotte 
complains  of  ib. 

Fox,  Somerset,  joins  the  assassination 
plot,  iii.  146  ;  trial  and  banishment 
of,  149  ;  transported  to  Barbados, 
308 

France,  distracted  by  internal  com- 
motions, i.  68  ;  Cardenas  proposes 
an  alliance  between  England  and 
Spain  against,  82  ;  demand  for  the 
recognition  of  the  Commonwealth 
made  upon  the  agent  of,  179 ;  the 
Independents  on  bad  terms  with, 
ib.  ;  commercial  reprisals  on,  180  ; 
expectation  of  war  with,  ib  ;  Rupert 
received  in,  306  ;  injury  done  by 
the  privateers  of,  ib.  ;  effect  of  the 
victory  at  Dunbar  felt  in,  312 ; 
alleged  projected  alliance  of  Eng- 
land with  Spain  against,  313 ; 
failure  of  missions  from,  314  ;  weak- 
ness of  Mazarin  and  the  Queen 
Mother  in,  ib.  ;  change  in  the  cha- 
racter of  the  Fronde  in,  ib.  ;  arrival 
of  Charles  in,  ii.  57  ;  majority  of 
Louis  XIV.  in,  153;  Cromwell 
thinks  of  making  war  against,  158  ; 
support  given  to  Charles  II.  by, 
ib.  ;  growing  strength  of  the  mon- 
archy in,  240;  recognises  the  Com- 
monwealth, 241  ;  distrusted  in 
England,  242  ;  the  English  Govern- 
ment inclines  to  friendship  with, 
243  ;  Parliament  aims  at  a  com- 
mercial treaty  with,  ib.  ;  troubles 
amongst  the  Protestants  of,  iii.  53  ; 
proposed  invasion  of,  54 ;  Hane's 
mission  to,  55  ;  negotiation  with, 
155-157,  163  ;  Oliver  refuses  to 
agree  to  the  terms  of,  iv.  161  ;  im- 
provement in  Oliver's  relations 
with,  177 ;  hindrance  wrought  by 
the  persecution  of  the  Vaudois  to 
VOL.  IV. 


the  negotiation  with,  ib.  ;  treaty 
drawn  up  with,  191  ;  signature  of 
the  treaty  with,  192,  193 ;  negotia- 
tion for  an  alliance  with  Spain  in, 
244,  246 ;  an  agreement  for  an 
alliance  with  England  made  in, 
246 ;  unpopularity  of  the  English 
alliance  in  247 

Franchise,  the,  vote  of  the  Long  Par- 
liament on,  ii.  252  ;  as  settled  by  the 
Instrument  of  Government,  333  ; 
in  boroughs  and  counties,  iii.  172  ; 
at  Reading,  174  ;  vote  restoring  the 
forty-shilling  freeholders  to,  234 

Fraser,  Alexander,  Dr.,  forms  a  com- 
bination between  Royalists  and 
Engagers,  i.  335 

Frederick  III.,  King  of  Denmark,  is 
unable  to  help  Montrose,  i.  190 ; 
Newcastle  sent  to,  241  ;  allows  the 
United  Provinces  to  compound 
for  the  Sound  dues,  ii.  146  ;  detains 
twenty  English  merchantmen  in  the 
Sound,  199  ;  promises  the  Dutch 
to  exclude  English  ships  from  the 
Baltic,  213  ;  Cromwell  proposes  to 
exclude  from  the  Dutch  treaty,  iii. 
64 ;  included  in  the  Dutch  treaty, 
65  ;  commercial  treaty  with,  76 

Frederick  William,  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg, Montrose's  negotiation 
with,  i.  189  ;  character  and  aims  of, 
iv.  197  ;  holds  East  Prussia  from 
the  Polish  crown,  ib.  \  forms  an 
alliance  with  the  United  Provinces, 
198 ;  his  connection  with  the 
Stuarts,  206 ;  sends  Schlezer  to 
England,  ib.  ;  signs  the  treaty  of 
Konigsberg  with  Charles  X.,  210 

Frendraught,  Viscount,  1642  (James 
Crichton),  offers  his  horse  to  Mont- 
rose,  i.  218 

Friars,  massacred  in  Drogheda,  i. 
122  ;  massacred  in  Wexford,  131 

Friends,  the  Society  of,  see  '  Quakers' 

Frost,  Gualter,  secretary  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  State,  superintends  A  Brief 
Relation,  i.  174,  175 

Fry,  Major,  implicated  in  a  plot  for 
the  surprisal  of  Poole,  ii.  301 

Fuensaldana,  Count  of  (Luis  Perez 
de  Vivero),  commands  at  the  siege 
of  Arras,  iii.  161  ;  proposals  of 
Sexby  to,  iv.  223 ;  seeks  a  direct* 
understanding  with  Charles,  233 

Fuller,  John,  said  to  have  taken  part 
in  a  Royalist  conspiracy,  ii.  14 
X 


306 


INDEX 


FUN 


GLO 


Fundamentals,    the    Four,    required 
from  Parliament  by  Oliver,  iii.  192 


GABBARD,  the,  battle  off,  iii.  34-38 

Gage,  Thomas,  career  of,  iv.  123 ; 
under-esti  mates  the  difficulties  of  a 
war  in  the  West  Indies,  ib. 

Galen,  Johan  van,  defeats  Badiley  off 
Elba,  ii.  199 

Gal  way,  devastated  by  the  plague, 
i.  145  ;  negotiations  with  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  opened  by  the  corporation 
of,  ii.  125 ;  surrender  of,  128  ;  ex- 
pulsion of  Irish  from,  iv.  114 

Gal  way,  Geoffrey,  execution  of,  ii.  124 

Game-cocks,  killed  by  Pride's  orders, 
iv.  32 

Gardiner,  Colonel,  transported  to 
Barbados,  iii.  308 

'  Garland,'  the,  taken  by  the  Dutch, 
ii.  209 

Garland,  Augustine,  proposes  to  con- 
fer the  crown  on  the  Protector,  iii. 
225 

Gauden,  John,  forgery  by,  iii.  336, 
note  2 

Cell,  Sir  John,  sentenced  for  his  con- 
nection with  Andrews's  plot,  ii.  6,  7 

General  Council  of  the  Army,  the, 
proposal  of  the  Levellers  to  revive, 
i.  30 

Generals  at  Sea,  the,  receive  commis- 
sion from  the  Council  of  State, 
i.  23 

Genoa,  attempt  to  transfer  English 
trade  from  Leghorn  to,  iv.  148 

Gentillot,  M.  de,  failure  of  the  mission 
of,  i.  314  ;  sent  to  England,  ii.  161 ; 
returns  hurriedly,  ib.  ;  receives  over- 
tures from  Robert  Villiers,  164;  is 
instructed  to  go  back  to  England, 
ib.  \  ordered  to  set  out  for  England 
to  treat  for  the  cession  of  Dunkirk, 
167  ;  finally  sent  with  orders  not  to 
cede  Dunkirk,  168  ;  sent  away  from 
England,  ib. 

Geoghegan,    Father   Anthony,    sent 

from  Rome  with  instructions  to  the 

.  Irish  prelates,  ii.  115  ;  recommends 

an  understanding  with  the  English, 

127 ;  arrest  of,  ib. 

Gerard,  Colonel  John,  wounded  in  the 
scuffle  in  the  New  Exchange,  iii. 
79;  accompanies  Fitzjames  to 
France  and  has  an  interview  with 
Charles  II.,  141 ;  returns  to  England 


with  one  of  Ascham's  murderers, 
144 ;  proceeds  with  the  assassina- 
tion plot,  146 ;  his  arrest  ordered, 
148  ;  trial  and  execution  of,  149 

Gerard,  Lord  (Charles  Gerard),  sup- 
ports an  attempt  to  ruin  Hyde,  iii. 
138  ;  is  present  when  the  assassina- 
tion plot  is  discussed,  141 ;  con- 
tinues hostile  to  Charles,  144 

Gerbier,  Balthazar,  his  mission  to  The 
Hague,  ii.  188  ;  his  mission  unsuc- 
cessful, 238 

Germany,  proposed  visit  of  Charles 
II.  to,  ii.  191,  192 

Giavarina,  Francesco,  remains  at 
Venetian  residence  after  Sagredo's 
departure,  iv.  19,  214 

Gibraltar,  proposed  attack  on,  iv.  236 

Gibbons, — ?,  sentenced  to  death  as 
an  accomplice  in  Love's  plot,  ii. 
16 ;  executed,  21 

Giffard,  John,  his  relations  with  Bun- 
yan,  ii.  90 

Giffard,  Mr.,  conducts  Charles  to 
Whiteladies,  ii.  50 

Gillespy,  Patrick,  a  champion  of  the 
extreme  Covenanters,  i.  332  ;  pro- 
motes the  Remonstrance,  340 ; 
forced  as  Principal  on  the  Glasgow 
University  by  the  English  Commis- 
sioners, iii.  87 

Gironde,  the,  blockaded  by  Vend6me, 
ii.  87 ;  return  of  the  Spanish  fleet 
from,  iii.  112 ;  talk  of  occupying 
with  English  ships,  122 

Glasgow,  fire  at,  iii.  87 ;  Gillespy, 
Principal  of  the  University  of,  ib. 

Glencairn,  Earl  of,  1631  (William 
Cunningham),  appointed  by  Charles 
to  command  in  Scotland  in  Middle- 
ton's  absence,  iii.  85 ;  chosen  for 
the  command  by  the  insurgents, 
90  ;  Balcarres  attempts  to  take  the 
command  from,  94 ;  makes  a  raid 
on  Falkland,  ib.  ;  quarrels  with 
Monro,  100 

Glengariff,  alleged  visit  of  Cromwell 
to,  i.  146,  note  3 

Glengarry,  see  Macdonald  of  Glen- 
garry 

Gloucester,  the  parliamentary  garri- 
son of  Worcester  retreats  to,  ii.  40  ; 
securely  held  for  the  Common- 
wealth, 43;  raises  men  for  defence 
against  the  Royalists,  iii.  288  ;  com- 
mon councillors  dismissed  by  Des- 
borough  at,  iv.  53 


INDEX 


307 


GLO 


GRE 


Gloucester,  Duke  of,  1639  (Henry 
Stuart),  sent  to  Carisbrooke  till 
arrangements  are  made  for  re- 
moving him  out  of  the  country,  ii. 
4  ;  is  kept  at  Carisbrooke,  5  ;  pro- 
posal to  give  the  crown  to,  75 ; 
Cromwell  said  to  design  a  constitu- 
tional kingship  for,  229 ;  sent  to 
the  Continent,  232 ;  attempt  to 
change  the  religion  of,  iii.  274 ; 
leaves  France  for  Holland,  ib. 

Gloucestershire,  placed  under  Des- 
borough,  iii.  340 

Glyn,  John,  appointed  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Upper  Bench,  iii.  301  ;  fines 
Fox  for  contempt  of  court,  iv.  7 ; 
gives  an  opinion  that  Jews  are  not 
excluded  by  law  from  England, 
15  ;  gives  judgment  in  the  Col- 
chester case,  63 

Goffe,  Stephen,  Dr.,  conveys  to 
Charles  II.  the  news  of  his  father's 
execution,  i.  18  ;  accompanies 
Charles  to  Scotland,  236 

Goffe,  William,  Colonel,  signs  Owen's 
scheme  for  the  settlement  of  the 
Church,  ii.  98  ;  takes  part  in  the 
expulsion  of  the  minority  of  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  327 ;  sent 
to  occupy  a  town  in  Holland,  iii. 
40 ;  rejected  by  Colchester,  177 ; 
appointed  Major-General  of  Sussex, 
Hants,  and  Berks,  340 ;  complains 
of  Quakers,  iv.  9 ;  hopes  for  a 
reformation  at  Winchester,  32 ; 
character  of  his  candidature  at 
Colchester,  59,  60;  complains  of 
difficulty  of  paying  militia,  250 ; 
reduces  and  pays  off  the  troops  in 
Sussex,  251 ;  election  of,  to  what 
cause  due,  270,  note  2 

Gogar,  Cromwell  fails  to  bring  on  a 
battle  at,  i.  281 

Golf  played  by  Charles  II.,  i.  347 

Goodson,  William,  Vice -Admiral, 
naval  regiment  under  the  com- 
mand of,  iv.  131 ;  succeeds  to  the 
command  of  the  fleet  in  the  West 
Indies,  142 ;  burns  Santa  Marta 
and  Rio  de  la  Hacha,  221  ;  gives 
advice  to  the  settlers  from  Nevis, 
222 

Gookin,  Daniel,  sent  to  invite  New 
Englanders  to  settle  in  Jamaica, 
iv.  220 

Gookin,  Vincent,  selected  as  a  mem- 
ber for  Ireland  in  the  Nominated 


Parliament,  ii.  283  ;  discusses  the 
transplantation  with  Petty,  iv.  101 ; 
publishes  the  Great  Case  of  Trans- 
plantation, ib.  ;  Fleetwood's  opinion 
of,  102  ;  replies  to  Lawrence,  104  ; 
grant  of  land  to,  115 ;  Fleetwood 
ordered  to  make  over  land  to,  117 

Goree,  De  With  retreats  to,  ii.  198 

Gothenburg,  Montrose  fits  out  his 
expedition  at,  i.  190 

Gouge,  William,  alleged  to  have 
taken  part  in  a  Royalist  conspiracy, 
ii.  14 ;  no  proceedings  taken  against, 
15 

Granger,  Mrs.,  conceals  the  regalia 
of  Scotland,  ii.  136 

Gravelines  besieged  by  the  Spaniards, 
ii.  165  ;  fall  of,  167 

Grandison,  third  Viscount,  1643 
(John  Villiers),  removed  from  the 
Tower,  iii.  310 

Graves,  Richard,  Colonel,  takes  part 
in  sending  Titus  to  Charles,  i.  184 

Great  Seal,  the,  appointment  of 
Whitelocke,  Lisle,  and  Keble  as 
commissioners  of,  i.  9 ;  appointment 
of  new  commissioners  of,  iii.  302, 

3°3 

Greenock,  capture  of  Birkenhead  at, 
ii.  12 

Greenway,  —  ?,  murdered  in  the  New 
Exchange,  iii.  79 

Grenvile,  Sir  John,  governor  of  the 
Scilly  Isles,  i.  298  ;  surrenders  to 
Blake,  326 ;  offers  to  seize  Ply- 
mouth, iii.  271 ;  arrest  of,  281 

Grenvile,  Sir  Richard,  proposed  em- 
ployment in  Cornwall  of,  i.  195 ; 
proposed  landing  in  Torbay  of, 
241 

Grey,  Edward,  Colonel,  offers  to 
seize  Sandwich,  iii.  271  ;  arrest  of, 
281 ;  spared  from  transportation, 
308 

Grey  of  Groby,  Lord  (Thomas  Grey), 
attacks  Algernon  Sidney,  i.  5  ;  joins 
Cromwell,  ii.  41  ;  takes  his  seat  in 
Parliament  without  a  certificate 
from  the  Council,  iii.  183 ;  his  sup- 
port to  a  plot  expected,  227 ;  pre- 
sent at  Wildman's  meetings,  228, 
note  3  ;  imprisonment  and  libera- 
tion of,  269 

Grey  of  Warke,  Lord,  1624  (William 

Grey),  chosen  member  of  the  first 

Council  of  State,  i.  5;  refuses  to 

acknowledge  a    single    house,   6; 

X  2 


INDEX 


GRI 


HAM 


excluded  from  the  Council  of  State, 
ib. 
Griffin,   — ?,    disputes    with   Biddle, 

iv-  5 

Griffith,  — ?,  is  present  at  a  discus- 
sion on  the  assassination  plot,  iii. 

141 
Grimston,  Harbottle,  elected  to  second 

Protectorate  Parliament,  iv.  269 
Grisnez,  Cape,  Tromp  escapes  from 

under,  ii.  219 
Gross    Survey,    the,    ordered    to    be 

carried  out,  iv.  105 
Grove,  Hugh,  is  prominent  amongst 

the  Wiltshire   Royalists,   iii.   286 ; 

trial  and  execution  of,  291 
Guastaldo,  Andrea,  the  auditor,  issues 

an  edict  against  the  Vaudois,  iv. 

180 
Guernsey,  the  Royalists  hold  Castle 

Cornet    in,    i.    298 ;    surrender  of 

Castle  Cornet  in,  ii.  69 
Guienne,  proposed  expedition  to,  iii. 

54 

Guimaraes,  Joao  de,  Portuguese  am- 
bassador, asks  for  the  restitution 
of  Blake's  prizes,  i.  312  ;  rejects  the 
terms  proposed  to  him,  and  is  sent 
out  "of  England,  ib. 

Guinea,  proposal  to  send  the  Wor- 
cester prisoners  to,  ii.  63 

Guise,  Duke  of  (Henri  de  Lorraine), 
leads  an  expedition  against  Naples, 
iii.  147  ;  retreats  to  Toulon,  148 

Gunning,  Peter,  interrupted  in  the 
administration  of  the  Communion, 
iv.  20 

Guthrie,  James,  a  champion  of  the 
extreme  Covenanters,  i.  332  ;  con- 
fined to  Perth,  350 

Gwilliams,  Captain,  assassinates 
Ascham,  i.  309 


Habeas  corpus,  the  writ  of,  refusal  of 
the  Upper  Bench  to  liberate  Lil- 
burne  on,  ii.  300  ;  Streeter  liberated 
on,  iii.  16;  disregarded  in  Jersey, 

17 
Hacker,  Francis,  Colonel,  takes  part 

in  Wildman's   meetings,    iii.   228  ; 

note  3  ;  employed  in  Leicestershire, 

261 ;  arrests  '  Quakers,'  262 
Haddington,  Cromwell  drives  back  a 

small  force  of  Scots  at,  i.  282 
Haddington,  Countess   of  (Christian 
( Hamilton),    a  spectator  of  Mont- 


rose's  progress  through  Edinburgh, 
i.  223 

Hague,  The,  Charles  II.  at,  i.  18  ; 
feeling  against  the  English  regicides 
in,  ib.  ;  Dorislaus  assassinated  at, 
65  ;  reception  of  the  English  am- 
bassadors at,  324 

Hale,  Matthew,  appointed  a  commis- 
sioner on  law  reform,  ii.  82  ;  ap- 
pointed a  Judge  under  the  Protec- 
torate, iii.  15  ;  declares  for  limiting 
the  Protector's  power,  186 

Hales,  John,  retreat  and  death  of, 
iv.  21 

Halifax  sends  a  member  to  Parlia- 
ment, iii.  171 

Hall,  Captain,  gives  up  his  ship  to  the 
Royalists  in  the  Orkneys,  i.  189 

Hall,  Edward,  Captain,  sent  to  con- 
voy merchantmen  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, i.  306 

Halsall,  Edward,  Major,  accompanies 
Gerard,  iii.  144 

Halsall,  James,  carries  a  message 
from  the  Sealed  Knot  to  Charles  II. , 
iii.  277  ;  his  movements  connived 
at  by  the  officials  at  Dover,  279 ; 
arrest  and  escape  of,  iv.  226,  227 

Hamilton,  first  Duke  of,  1643  (James 
Hamilton),  tried  before  the  High 
Court  of  Justice,  i.  10  ;  execution  of, 
n 

Hamilton,  second  Duke  of,  1649 
(William  Hamilton),  succeeds  to 
the  dukedom  on  his  brother's  exe- 
cution, and  urges  Charles  to  reject 
Hyde's  declaration,  i.  62  ;  excuses 
himself  from  giving  an  opinion  on 
the  Scottish  demands,  66;  named 
a  Privy  Councillor,  199  ;  banished 
from  Scotland,  234 ;  accompanies 
Charles  to  Scotland,  236  ;  allowed 
to  remain  in  the  Isle  of  Arran,  239  ; 
repeal  of  the  decree  of  banishment 
against,  345 ;  about  to  return  to 
Court,  348  ;  dissuades  Charles  from 
visiting  Aberdeen,  350 ;  reconciled 
to  the  Kirk,  ib.  ;  his  party  repre- 
sented in  the  Committee  for  the 
Army,  351 ;  accompanies  the  army 
in  its  invasion  of  England,  ii.  34  ; 
expects  failure,  ib.  ;  advises  Charles 
to  march  to  London,  36  ;  wounded 
at  Worcester,  46  ;  selected  for  trial, 
59  ;  death  of,  60 

Hamilton,  Sir  James,  takes  part  in 
the  execution  of  Manning,  iv.  228 


INDEX 


309 


HAM 


HAZ 


Hammond,  Robert,  Colonel,  inter- 
cedes with  Cromwell  on  behalf  of 
Love,  ii.  20 ;  elected  for  Reading, 
iii.  175 

Hampshire,  proposed  Royalist  rising 
in,  i.  195  ;  placed  under  Goffe,  iii. 
340  ;  amount  raised  by  decimations 
in,  iv.  250 

Hane,  Joachim,  sent  to  report  on  the 
French  maritime  fortresses,  iii.  55  ; 
his  adventures  in  France,  in 

Harding,  Richard,  accompanies 
Charles  to  Scotland,  i.  236 

Haro,  Luis  de,  negotiates  with 
Lionne,  iv.  245,  246 

Harraton  colliery,  the,  dispute  about, 
ii.  80 

Harris,  Sir  Thomas,  arrest  of,  iii.  285 

Harrison,  Thomas,  Major-General, 
nominated  a  member  of  the  first 
Council  of  State,  but  rejected  by 
Parliament,  i.  5  ;  accused  of  ruling 
the  State  with  Cromwell  and  Ireton, 
33  ;  made  an  M.  A.  at  Oxford,  54  ; 
a  member  of  the  Committee  ap- 
pointed to  induce  Fairfax  to  abstain 
from  resigning,  258  ;  appointed 
to  command  in  England,  267 ; 
chosen  to  the  third  Council  of  State, 
ii.  10 ;  sent  to  guard  the  north- 
western counties;  13  ;  takes  up  his 
quarters  in  Cumberland,  25 ;  con- 
fers with  Cromwell  at  Linlithgow, 
and  is  ordered  to  keep  an  invading 
army  of  the  Scots  in  check,  29  ; 
ordered  to  outflank  the  Scots,  32  ; 
is  confident  of  the  result  of  their 
invasion  of  England,  ib,  ;  joins 
Lambert  and  falls  back  from  War- 
rington  Bridge,  36  ;  joins  Cromwell, 
41  ;  accuses  Lord  Howard  of 
Escrick,  71 ;  excluded  from  the 
fourth  Council  of  State,  74  ;  di- 
rected to  take  charge  of  the  Act 
for  a  new  representative,  instead  of 
Vane,  233 ;  heads  a  party  in  the 
Council  of  Officers,  236  ;  his  connec- 
tion with  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men, 
ib.  ;  is  a  commissioner  under  the 
Act  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  in  Wales,  249 ;  supports 
proposal  to  supersede  Cromwell  as 
General,  256 ;  warns  the  House 
against  passing  the  Bill  on  Elec- 
tions, 259 ;  summons  Cromwell  to 
the  House,  261 ;  hands  down  the 
Speaker,  263  ;  accompanies  Crom- 


well at  the  dissolution  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  State,  265  ;  is  ready  to  dis- 
pense with  Parliamentary  elections, 
268  ;  desires  a  nominated  governing 
body,  272  ;  triumphs  over  Crom- 
well, 274  ;  distrusts  Cromwell,  276  ; 
preaches  against  Cromwell,  ib.  \ 
invited  to  sit  in  the  Nominated  Par- 
liament, 288  ;  votes  for  the  imme- 
diate abolition  of  tithe,  290  ;  elected 
to  the  second  Council  of  State  of  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  307  ;  retires 
from  Westminster,  318  ;  proposal  to 
give  the  command  of  the  army  to, 
ib.  ;  returns  to  London,  319  ;  de- 
prived of  his  commission,  iii.  6 ; 
ordered  to  retire  to  Staffordshire, 
7  ;  promises  to  support  an  Anabap- 
tist petition,  187  ;  arrest  of,  ib.  ; 
liberation  of,  195  ;  re-arrested,  265  ; 
released,  ib.  ;  supports  Rogers, 
267  ;  attacks  the  Protectorate,  268  ; 
is  committed  to  Portland,  ib.  ;  re- 
moved to  Carisbrooke,  270 ;  his 
release  postponed,  iv.  232  ;  re- 
leased, ib.  ;  has  interview  with 
Okey,  259 

Havre,  Hane  sent  to  report  on,  iii. 
55  ;  Hane's  report  on,  in 

Hay,  William,  of  Dalgety,  executed, 

i-  233 

Haynes,  Hezekiah,  Deputy  Major- 
General  for  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  Essex, 
and  Cambridgeshire,  iii.  340 ;  im- 
prisons Cleveland  and  Sherman, 
344  ;  sent  to  Colchester  to  enforce  the 
proclamation  excluding  Royalists 
from  elections,  iv.  68  ;  excludes 
Royalists  at  Colchester,  69  ;  urges 
changes  in  the  charters  of  corpora- 
tions, 74  ;  fears  result  of  elections, 
257,  258  ;  desires  encouragement  to 
supporters  of  the  Government,  267  ; 
inhibits  Boatman  from  preaching 
at  St.  Peter  Mancroft,  ib.  ;  fails  to 
obtain  interference  of  Protector,  ib. ; 
regrets  hostility  to  Government  of 
members  for  Norfolk,  268  ;  advises 
mustering  of  militia,  ib. 

Hazelrigg,  Sir  Arthur,  Governor  of, 
Newcastle,  i.  269  ;  ordered  by  Crom- 
well to  get  together  what  forces  he 
can,  283  ;  Cromwell  commends  the 
Dunbar  prisoners  to,  295  ;  does  all 
he  can  to  relieve  them,  296  ;  re- 
elected  to  the  third  Council  of  State, 
ii.  10  ;  visits  Cromwell  at  Edin- 


310 


INDEX 


HEA 


HIL 


burgh,  ib.  ;  attacked  by  Lilburne, 
80  ;  hostile  to  the  Dutch,  180  ;  sup- 
ports Cromwell  against  a  dissolu- 
tion, 237  ;  elected  to  Parliament, 
iii.  174  ;  asks  for  unity  of  religion, 
181,  182  ;  attends  a  service  in  St. 
Margaret's,  195  ;  his  support  of  a 
plot  held  to  be  doubtful,  226 

Healing  Question,  the,  written  by 
Vane,  iv.  264  ;  contents  of,  265  ; 
circulated  without  hindrance,  266 

Heane,  James,  Colonel,  takes  part  in 
the  reduction  of  Jersey,  ii.  69  ;  dis- 
regards a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in 
Jersey,  iii.  17  ;  killed  in  Hispaniola, 
iv.  140 

Heligoland,  Charles  signs  a  treaty 
with  the  Scots  in  the  roads  of, 
i.  237 

Henin,  Stephen  de,  see  St.  Catharine, 
Abbot  of 

Henn,  Christopher,  arrests  Rochester 
and  Armorer,  iii.  294 

Henrietta  Maria,  Queen,  her  advice 
on  her  son's  project  of  visiting 
Ireland,  i.  22;  confers  with  Charles 
at  Beauvais,  194  ;  reproves  Charles 
for  his  concessions  to  the  Scots,  205  ; 
mission  of  Titus  to,  349  ;  dissuades 
Charles  from  marrying  Argyle's 
daughter,  352  ;  welcomes  Charles 
at  the  Louvre,  ii.  57  ;  her  party  at 
her  son's  court,  iii.  138,  139  ;  at- 
tempts to  change  the  religion  of 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  274  ; 
allowed  to  remain  in  France,  iv. 
192 

'  Henry,'   the,    surrenders   to   Blake, 

i-  3°5 

Henshaw,  Major,  proposes  the  assas- 
sination of  the  Protector,  iii.  139  ; 
sent  as  a  spy  into  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, 140  ;  proceeds  with  the  assas- 
sination plot,  145,  146  ;  escape  of, 
148  ;  vindicates  himself,  ib. 

Herbert,  Sir  Edward,  opposes  the  idea 
of  trusting  the  Cavaliers  to  restore 
Charles,  iii.  138  ;  accuses  Hyde, 
ib.  ;  continues  hostile  to  Charles, 
144  ;  surrenders  the  Great  Seal,  ib.  ; 
is  the  probable  author  of  the  pro- 
clamation offering  a  reward  for 
Oliver's  murder,  145 

'Hercules,'  the,  taken  by  the  Dutch, 
ii.  209 

Hereford  secured  by  local  forces 
against  the  Scots,  ii.  43 


Herefordshire  placed  under  Berry, 
iii.  340 

Heresies,  Act  for  punishing  certain, 
ii.  2  ;  to  be  enumerated  by  Parlia- 
ment, iii.  220,  222  ;  confirmation  of 
the  vote  on,  236  ;  to  be  enumerated 
by  Protector  and  Parliament,  241  ; 
attitude  of  the  Protector  towards, 
258 

Herring  fleet,  the  Dutch,  attacked  by 
Blake,  ii.  185 

Hertfordshire,  placed  under  Packer  as 
Fleetwood's  deputy,  iii.  340 

Hetherington,  Edward,  executed  for 
neglecting  to  transplant,  iv.  108 

Hewson,  John,  Colonel,  advises  that 
those  who  stir  up  mutiny  in  the 
army  shall  be  tried  by  a  court- 
martial,  i.  31  ;  refusal  to  serve  in 
Ireland  of  soldiers  commanded  by, 
45  ;  made  an  M.A.  at  Oxford,  54  ; 
his  regiment  takes  part  in  the  storm- 
ing of  Drogheda,  116  ;  appointed 
Governor  of  Dublin,  126  ;  overruns 
part  of  the  county  of  Kildare,  150  ; 
gains  ground  on  the  Irish,  ii.  116 

Higgins,  Dr.,  execution  of,  ii.  124 

High  Court  of  Justice,  the  second, 
appointment  of,  i.  10  ;  trials  of 
Royalist  prisoners  before,  ib.  ;  sen- 
tences Hamilton,  Holland,  Nor- 
wich, Capel,  and  Owen  to  death,  ii 

-  the  third,  erected  by  Parliament, 
i.  247  ;  six  judges  added  to,  248  ; 
trial  of  Eusebius   Andrews  by,   ii. 
7  ;  trial  of  Sir  Henry  Hyde  by,  ic  ; 
trial  of  Brown  Bushell  by,  ii  ;  trial 
of  Love  by,  16  ;    sentences   Love 
and  Gibbons  to  death,  ib.  ;  accepts 
Sir    John    Stowell's    plea    of    the 
articles  of  Exeter,  22  ;    Love's  ac- 
complices plead  guilty  before,  62, 

63 

-  the  fourth,  the  Council  of  State 
proposes    the    appointment   of  ii. 
301  ;    created    by  the  Nominated 
Parliament,  317  ;  reconstituted,  iii. 
149  ;  convicts  Gerard,  Vowell,  and 
Fox  of  treason,  ib. 

-  appointed  to  try  Norfolk  insur- 
gents, ii.  8 

-  in  Ireland,  iii.  87 

Highland,  Samuel,  election  of,  iii.  175 
Highlands,  the,  see  Scotland 
Highway  robbery,  attempts   to  sup- 

press, i.  171 
Hilary  Term,  adjournment  of,  i.  9 


INDEX 


HIS 


HUN 


Hill,  Captain,  resignation  of,  iv.  245 

Hispaniola,  suggested  as  an  object  of 
the  West  Indian  expedition,  iv.  126  ; 
arrival  of  the  fleet  off,  133 ;  abandon- 
ment of  the  invasion  of,  140 

History  of  Independency,  The,  publi- 
cation of  the  second  part  of,  i.  174 

Hobbes,  Thomas,  his  Leviathan,  ii. 
77  ;  approves  of  monarchy,  78  ;  his 
views  partially  shared  by  Cromwell, 
230  ;  undisturbed  by  the  Protector, 
iv.  25 

Hodges,  James,  escapes  transporta- 
tion to  Barbados,  iii.  308 

Hodgson,  Captain,  his  account  of 
the  battle  of  Dunbar,  i.  288  note, 
294  note 

Holborn,  James,  Major-General,  re- 
ceives Montrose  from  Neil  Mac- 
leod,  i.  220 ;  hands  Montrose  over 
to  Leslie,  221 ;  at  Dunbar,  292 

Holdip,  Richard,  Colonel,  sent  on 
shore  to  the  east  of  San  Domingo, 
iv.  134  ;  cashiered,  221 

Holland,  Earl  of,  1624  (Henry  Rich), 
tried  by  the  High  Court  of  Justice, 
i.  10  ;  execution  of,  n 

Holland,  Province  of,  Royalist  exiles 
in,  i.  13 ;  feeling  against  the  Eng- 
lish regicides  in,  18  ;  disinclined  to 
quarrel  with  England,  318  ;  exten- 
sive trade  of,  ii.  145  ;  distress  in, 
iii.  31  ;  proposal  to  occupy  a  town 
in,  40 

Holland,  the  Provincial  States  of, 
express  sorrow  at  the  execution  of 
Charles  I.,  i.  18  ;  are  unwilling  to 
go  to  war  with  England,  ib.  ;  con- 
troversy of  the  Prince  of  Orange 
with,  179  ;  despatch  Schaef  as  their 
agent  to  England,  318 ;  imprison- 
ment of  the  leaders  of,  319  ; 
claim  the  powers  of  the  Stadt- 
holder,  320 ;  ascendency  of,  321  ; 
attempt  to  punish  persons  who 
insult  the  English  ambassadors, 
324  ;  find  it  difficult  to  resist  the 
Orange  party,  ib.  \  De  Witt  advo- 
cates peace  in,  ii.  238  ;  letter  sent  to 
England  by,  ib.  \  De  Witt  ap- 
pointed Pensionary  of,  iii.  30;  send 
to  England  a  proposition  of  the 
majority  of  the  States-General,  31 ; 
asked  to  exclude  the  Prince  of 
Orange  from  command,  65 ;  De 
Witt  conceals  his  diplomacy  from, 
66  ;  expected  by  Oliver  to  exclude 


the  Prince  of  Orange,  69 ;  an  Ex- 
clusion Act  passed  by,  70 

Holies,  Denzil,  proposal  to  send  to 
Scotland  as  secretary,  i.  349 

Holmes,  — ?,  his  part  in  Andrews's 
plot,  ii.  6 

Holyrood  Palace,  partially  destroyed 
by  fire,  ii.  6 

Honslaerdyck,  arrival  of  Charles  at, 

i-  235 

Hope,  Sir  Alexander,  suggests  that 
Charles  shall  compound  with  Crom- 
well, i.  347,  348 

Hope,  Sir  James,  receives  six  Orkney 
prisoners  to  work  in  his  lead-mines, 
i.  234 

Hope,  Sir  John,  one  of  the  Parlia- 
mentary judges  in  Scotland,  iii.  105 

Hopton,  Lord,  1643  (Ralph  Hopton), 
ordered  to  absent  himself  from  the 
Council,  i.  199  ;  retires  to  Utrecht, 
235  ;  Lilburne's  communications 
with,  ii.  292 

Horse-races,  prohibited  by  proclama- 
tion, iii.  279  ;  allowed  by  Whalley, 
but  forbidden  by  Worsley,  iv.  31 

Howard  of  Escrick,  Lord,  1628 
(Edward  Howard),  elected  member 
of  Parliament,  i.  55  ;  expelled  from 
Parliament  and  fined,  ii.  71 

Howard,  Charles,  Deputy  Major- 
General  over  Cumberland,  West- 
morland, and  Northumberland,  iii. 

34° 

Howard,  William,  an  Anabaptist, 
petitions  Charless  II. ,  iv.  258 

Huddleston,  John,  Father,  assists  in 
Charles's  escape,  ii. ,  53 

Huguenots,  see  Protestants,  the 
French 

Hull,  Overton  governor  of,  iii.  227  ; 
attempt  to  excite  disaffection  of 
garrison  of,  iv.  260,  note  3 

Humphries,  John,  Colonel,  sent  with 
reinforcements  to  Jamaica,  iv.  215  ; 
ravages  of  disease  in  the  regiment 
of,  217 

Huncks,  Hercules,  Colonel,  sent  with 
part  of  his  regiment  to  London- 
derry, the  remainder  being  de- 
spatched to  Dublin,  i.  97  ;  Coote 
has  under  his  command  the  whole 
of  the  regiment  of,  140 

Hunt,  Thomas,  Major,  escape  of,  iii, 

293 

Hunting  of  the  Foxes,  The,  published 
by  five  cashiered  troopers,  i.  33 


312 


INDEX 


HUN 

Huntingdonshire  placed  under  But- 
ler, iii.  340 

Huntly,  second  Marquis  of,  1636 
(George  Gordon),  execution  of,  i. 

63 

Huntly,  third  Marquis  of,  1649  (Lewis 
Gordon),  promises  to  support 
Montrose,  i.  209  ;  attempt  of 
Charles  to  escape  to  the  protection 
°f»  337  I  signs  a  bond  uniting 
Royalists  and  Engagers,  338  ;  dis- 
bands his  forces,  ii.  68 

Hurling-match  in  Hyde  Park,  iii.  18 

Hurry,  Major-General,  sent  into 
Caithness  by  Montrose,  i.  210  ;  cap- 
tures Dunbeath  Castle,  211  ;  com- 
mands the  van  at  Carbisdale,  216  ; 
executed,  233 

Hutchinson,  Daniel,  member  for  Ire- 
land in  the  Nominated  Parliament, 
ii.  282 

Hutchinson,  James,  sent  to  Breda  as 
a  commissioner  of  the  Kirk,  i.  193 

Hutton,  Serjeant,  sent  to  try  the 
Northern  insurgents,  iii.  298 

Hyde,  Sir  Edward,  receives  a  com- 
munication from  Lanark,  i,  16 ; 

'  wishes  Charles  to  rely  on  the  Irish, 
19  ;  is  supported  by  Montrose,  ib.  \ 
looks  to  Ormond  for  assistance  to 
the  King,  60 ;  draft  of  a  royal  de- 
claration by,  61 ;  rejection  of  the 
draft  proposed  by,  62  ;  named  am- 
bassador to  Spain,  ib.  ;  fails  in 
witnessing  an  auto  defe",  310 ;  falsely 
accused  of  corresponding  with  the 
Protector,  iii.  138 ;  criticises  the 
system  of  decimation,  330.  See  also 
Cottington,  Lord,  and  Hyde,  Sir 
Edward 

Hyde,  Sir  Henry:  trial  and  execu- 
tion of,  ii.  10 

Hyde  Park,  review  in,  i.  50 


Impeachment  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  An, 
publication  of,  i.  61 

Impressment,  see  Sailors 

Inchgarvie,  captured  by  Cromwell, 
ii.  29 

Inchiquin,  1635  (Murrough  O'Brien), 
intention  to  employ  under  Ormond, 
i.  12  ;  obtains  recruits  from  Mun- 
ster,  88  ;  joins  in  Ormond's  ad- 
vance against  Dublin,  ib.  ;  sent 
against  Drogheda  and  the  Parlia- 
mentary garrisons  in  Ulster,  90 ; 


INS 


Phayre's  intrigue  with  officers  of, 
94 ;  takes  Drogheda,  97  ;  sur- 
render of  Dundalk  to,  99 ;  de- 
spatched to  Munster,  100  ;  Crom- 
well sends  a  message  to  the 
officers  of,  109 ;  desertion  of  a 
party  of  the  horse  of,  114  ;  fails  to 
send  reinforcements  to  Ormond, 
116;  deserted  by  the  greater  part 
of  his  soldiers,  136 ;  suspected  of 
having  made  an  agreement  with 
Cromwell,  138, 151 ;  his  officers  and 
soldiers  make  terms  with  Cromwell, 
151  ;  Cromwell  anxious  to  make  an 
agreement  with,  152 ;  is  deprived  of 
his  command,  ib. 

Independents,  the,  relations  of  with 
the  Catholics,  i.  80 ;  propose  to 
give  toleration  to  the  Catholics, 
81  ;  on  bad  terms  with  France,  179  ; 
attempt  to  conciliate  the  Presby- 
terians by  legislating  in  the  spirit 
of  a  common  Puritanism,  255;  have 
a  freer  hand  after  the  victory  at 
Dunbar,  ii.  2  ;  hold  livings  in  the 
Church,  84 ;  take  part  in  Baxter's 
voluntary  associations,  iv.  24.  See 
also  Church,  the ;  Church  of  the 
Protectorate 

Ingoldsby,  Richard,  suppresses  a 
mutiny  at  Oxford,  i.  64 

Ingria  under  Swedish  rule,  iv.  195 

Innisboffin,  surrender  of,  ii.  128 

Inniskillen  surrendered  by  Sir  George 
Monro,  i.  154 

Innkeepers,  Whalley  complains  of 
the  cheating  of,  iv.  35,  36 

Innocent  X.,  Pope,  Charles  sends 
Meynell  to  treat  with,  i.  70 ;  Mey- 
nell's  application  to,  196  ;  publica- 
tion of  Meynell's  address  to,  268  ; 
refuses  to  accept  Charles  II.  as  a 
convert,  ii.  158 

Insolvent  debtors,  ill-treatment  of, 
i.  170 

Instrument  of  Government,  the,  pro- 
posed after  the  dissolution  of  the 
Long  Parliament,  ii.  272 ;  ideas 
animating  the  framers  of,  316  ;  re- 
vival of  the  proposal  for,  ib.  ;  title 
of  King  proposed  to  be  inserted  in, 
319  ;  accepted  with  amendments  by 
Cromwell,  330  ;  precursors  of,  331 ; 
principal  contents  of,  332-337  ;  no 
provision  for  the  amendment  of, 
337 ;  a  reaction  marked  by  the 
adoption  of,  339 ;  its  arrangement 


INDEX 


313 


INT 


IRE 


of  the  Parliamentary  constituencies, 
iii.  171 ;  the  franchise  settled  by, 
172 ;  indenture  required  by,  173  ; 
omits  to  provide  for  the  registration 
of  voters,  174 ;  does  not  empower 
the  Council  to  require  an  affirma- 
tion of  the  indenture  from  members 
of  Parliament,  177 ;  the  Protector 
asks  Parliament  to  examine,  181  ; 
referred  to  a  committee  of  the  whole 
House,  184 ;  Oliver's  account  of 
the  formation  of,  189 ;  national 
approval  claimed  for,  190 ;  Oliver 
declares  himself  content  with  four 
fundamentals  in,  192  ;  Oliver  holds 
provisionally  by,  193 ;  laid  before 
Parliament,  196  ;  Parliament  goes 
into  committee  on,  ib.  ;  its  pro- 
visions for  the  power  of  war  and 
peace  objected  to,  200 ;  the  officers 
declare  in  favour  of,  218 ;  Oliver 
attempts  to  govern,  so  far  as  pos- 
sible, in  accordance  with,  255 ; 
questioned  by  the  arguments  in 
Cony's  case,  301 ;  the  judges  hesi- 
tate to  accept  as  a  basis  of  authority, 
302  ;  suggestions  for  the  modifica- 
tion of,  304-308  ;  article  of,  refer- 
ring to  summoning  Parliament,  iv. 
255,  note  2 ;  interpreted  by  the 
Protector  and  Council  in  their  own 
favour,  256 ;  articles  of,  referring 
to  elections,  ib.  note  2 

Intercursus  Magnus,  the,  proposed 
as  a  basis  of  negotiation  by  the 
Dutch,  i.  327 

International  arbitration,  see  Arbi- 
tration 

Inverkeithing,  Lambert  defeats  Brown 
at,  ii.  26 

Inverness,  seized  by  Royalists,  i.  63  ; 
Montrose  reproached  by  a  woman 
at,  221 

Ireland,  expectations  of  the  English 
Royalists  from,  i.  12 ;  signature  of 
peace  between  Orrnond  and  the 
confederates  in,  ib.  ;  discussion  on 
Charles's  policy  towards,  18 ; 
Charles  receives  Ormond's  invita- 
tion, to,  22  ;  Charles  resolves  to  go 
to,  ib.  ;  Ayscue  appointed  admiral 
on  the  coast  of,  23 ;  Cromwell 
appointed  to  command  in,  24  ; 
Cromwell's  fear  of  danger  from, 
25 ;  Whalley's  advice  against  the 
eradication  of  the  natives  of,  27  ; 
Cromwell  accepts  the  command  in, 


ib.  ;  policy  of  Cromwell  in,  ib.  ;  lots 
cast  to  select  regiments  for,  44 ; 
want  of  cohesion  amongst  the 
Royalists  of,  70 ;  Michael  Jones 
insists  on  the  preservation  of  the 
English  interest  in,  72 ;  testimony 
of  an  Irish  bard  to  the  bad  effect  of 
the  quarrels  of  his  countrymen  on 
the  independence  of,  73  ;  Monk's 
position  in,  ib.  ;  antagonism  be- 
tween O'Neill  and  the  Scottish 
Presbyterians  in,  74;  Cromwell 
Lord  Lieutenant  of,  86  ;  advantage 
of  the  mastery  of  the  sea  to  the 
Commonwealth  forces  in,  87  ;  ad- 
vance of  Ormond's  army  in,  ib.  ; 
parliamentary  officers  surrender  to 
Ormond  in,  89  ;  operations  of 
Ormond  and  Inchiquin  in,  90  ;  Or- 
mond's prospects  of  an  invasion 
of  England  from,  ib.  ;  Ormond's 
view  of  the  situation  in,  ib.  ;  Or- 
mond invites  Charles  to,  92  ;  Or- 
mond fears  a  breach  between  his 
Protestant  and  his  Catholic  sup- 
porters, ib.  ;  Cromwell  has  to  meet 
the  danger  of  an  invasion  of  Eng- 
land from,  ib.  ;  Cromwell's  plans 
for  landing  in,  94;  success  of 
Inchiquin  in,  98,  99;  turning  of 
the  tide  by  Jones's  victory  in,  102  ; 
landing  of  Cromwell  in,  105  ;  union 
between  O'Neill  and  the  Royalists 
in,  118  ;  effect  of  the  massacre  at 
Drogheda  on  the  defence  of,  125  ; 
English  Royalists  suspected  in, 
136,  137  ;  Ormond  desires  to  rally 
to  his  cause  the  Celtic  element  in, 
138  ;  new  policy  forced  on  Ormond 
in,  139 ;  failure  of  Ormond's 
policy  in,  145 ;  the  resistance  to 
Cromwell  falls  increasingly  into  the 
hands  of  the  priesthood,  ib.  ;  views 
of  the  Irish  prelates  on  the  English 
invasion  of,  145,  146 ;  Cromwell 
justifies  his  invasion  of,  147 ;  ex- 
planation of  Cromwell's  conduct 
in,  148  ;  growing  preponderance  of 
the  Celtic  element  in,  154  ;  Crom- 
well leaves,  and  appoints  Ireton 
Lord  Deputy  of,  157 ;  conditions 
of  Cromwell's  success  in,  158 ; 
proposal  to  send  Montrose  to,  199  ; 
Ireton  confirmed  as  Lord  Deputy 
of,  265  ;  appointment  of  commis- 
sioners to  assist  Ireton  in,  ib.  ;  ap- 
pointment of  Ludlowas  Lieutenant- 


INDEX 


IRE 


IRE 


General  in,  ib.  ;  English  prisoners 
sent  to,  ii.  65 ;  after  (Cromwell's 
departure,  106 ;  no  field  army  left 
for  the  defence  of,  107  ;  Ireton's 
plans  for  the  conquest  of,  108,  109 
opposition  to  Ormond  in,  no 
movements  of  Ireton  in,  no,  in 
success  of  Axtell  in,  in,  112 
Clanricarde  appointed  Lord  Deputy 
by  Ormond  in,  112;  proposal  of 
the  Duke  of  Lorraine  to  assist, 
113;  mission  of  the  Abbot  of  St. 
Catharine  to,  114 ;  failure  of  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine's  proposals  in, 
115 ;  ground  gained  by  the  English 
in,  116;  desolation  of,  ib,  ;  arrival 
of  the  Parliamentary  Commis- 
sioners in,  117;  proclamations  for 
the  benefit  of  the  inhabitants  of,  ib.  \ 
its  defence  hopeless  after  the  fall  of 
Limerick,  125  ;  Ludlow  provisional 
commander  of  the  Parliamentary 
army  in,  126  ;  military  position  in, 
ib.  ;  submission  of,  127,  128  ;  de- 
solate condition  of,  129 ;  rise  of  a 
national  spirit  in,  ib.  ;  Lambert 
appointed  Lord  Deputy  of,  221  ; 
arrangements  for  the  government 
of,  222;  Lambert  refuses  to  serve 
in,  ib.  ;  represented  by  six  members 
in  the  Nominated  Parliament,  282  ; 
opposition  to  the  Protectorate  in 
the  army  in,  iii.  8 ;  the  Protectorate 
proclaimed  in,  ib.  ;  Henry  Crom- 
well's visit  to,  10 ;  Parliamentary 
representation  of,  178  ;  a  plantation 
policy  for,  iv.  79 ;  consistency  of 
English  policy  in,  80 ;  grant  of  land 
to  the  Adventurers  in,  ib. ;  emigra- 
tion of  soldiers  from,  81  ;  governed 
by  commissioners,  ib.  ;  Act  of 
Settlement  passed  for,  82  ;  the  so- 
called  pardon  for  the  poor  and 
landless  in,  84  ;  a  meeting  of  officers 
asks  for  justice  on  murderers  in, 
86;  a  High  Court  of  Justice  es- 
tablished in,  87;  arrival  of  Fleet- 
wood  in,  ib.  ;  order  for  transplant- 
ing Scots  in,  88  ;  rise  of  the  idea  of 
transplantation  of  Irishmen  in,  ib.  ; 
cost  of  the  conquest  of,  89  ;  desola- 
tion of,  ib.  ;  Cromwell  resolves  to 
colonise  with  Englishmen,  91  ; 
lands  assigned  to  the  Adventurers 
in,  ib.  ;  instruction  to  the  com- 
missioners to  survey  lands  in,  92 ; 
the  Act  of  Satisfaction  for,  93  ; 


declaration  by  the  commissioners 
of  their  intention  to  carry  out  the 
Acts  in,  94;  a  general  transplanta- 
tion feared  by  the  natives  of,  96 ; 
delay  of  transplantation  in,  ib.  ; 
temporary  dispensations  granted 
in,  97 ;  Henry  Cromwell's  mission 
to,  98 ;  Fleetwood  lord  deputy  of, 
ib.  ;  Fleetwood  receives  power  to 
dispense  from  transplantation  in, 
ib. ;  proprietors  of  land  transplanted 
in,  99  ;  petition  asking  for  a  general 
clearance  of  the  natives  of,  100 ; 
controversy  between  Gookin  and 
Lawrence  on  transplantation  in, 
101 ;  financial  difficulties  in,  104  ; 
survey  of  lands  in,  105 ;  com- 
mencement of  the  settlement  of 
soldiers  in,  106 ;  Petty's  survey  of 
lands  in,  ib.  ;  demands  of  the 
soldiers  in,  107  ;  concessions  to  the 
soldiers  in,  108  ;  ravages  by  the 
tories  in,  109 ;  murders  in,  ib.  \ 
transportation  of  vagrants  from, 
no  ;  expulsion  of  natives  from  the 
towns  of,  113;  concessions  to 
Protestants  in,  114;  Henry  Crom- 
well to  command  the  army  in,  116; 
arrival  of  Henry  Cromwell  in,  117 ; 
Fleetwood  enlarges  the  scope  of 
the  transplantation,  ib.  ;  Fleetwood 
returns  to  England  from,  118 ; 
failure  of  the  scheme  for  a  general 
transplantation  in,  ib.  ;  proposed 
transportation  to  Jamaica  of  boys 
and  girls  from,  218 

Ireton,  Bridget,  marries  Fleetwood, 
ii.  222 ;  story  of  his  courtship  of 
her,  223,  note  i 

Ireton,  Clement,  attends  a  meeting 
of  Commonwealth's  men,  iv.  259 

Ireton,  Henry,  proposes  a  form  of 
engagement,  i.  4;  nominated  a 
member  of  the  first  Council  of 
State,  but  rejected  by  Parliament, 
5  ;  accused  of  ruling  the  State  with 
Cromwell  and  Harrison,  33 ;  named 
Lieutenant-General  of  the  army  for 
Ireland,  86  ;  sent  to  Munster,  but 
lands  in  Dublin,  118,  119;  is  made 
Major-General,  126  ;  joins  Jones  in 
operations  near  Ross,  141 ;  left  by 
Cromwell  in  Ireland  as  LordDeputy , 
157  ;  is  teller  against  a  resolution 
against  political  sermons,  171,  172; 
confirmed  in  the  Lord  Deputyship, 
265 ;  left  in  Ireland  as  Lord  Deputy, 


INDEX 


315 


IRI 

ii.  107 ;  takes  Waterford,  ib.  ; 
thinks  of  bringing  English  settlers 
to  the  towns,  108  ;  hopes  to  gain 
Athlone  by  treachery,  ib.  \  hears  of 
the  divisions  of  the  Irish,  109 ; 
sends  Waller  against  Limerick, 
no;  fails  to  take  Athlone,  but  ap- 
pears before  Limerick,  in  ;  sends 
Axtell  back  to  England,  116;  re- 
ceives the  Parliamentary  Com- 
missioners, 117 ;  prepares  for  a 
military  settlement  in  Waterford, 
ib.  ;  turns  out  the  inhabitants  of 
Waterford,  ib.  ;  denounces  mar- 
riages with  Irish  women,  118;  pre- 
pares for  an  attack  on  Limerick, 
119;  establishes  his  army  on  both 
sides  of  the  Shannon,  ib.  \  fails 
to  storm  Limerick,  120;  cashiers 
Colonel  Tothill  for  killing  prisoners 
admitted  to  quarter,  121 ;  hangs 
persons  attempting  to  escape  from 
Limerick,  ib. ;  forces  Limerick  to 
surrender,  122  ;  his  behaviour  at 
the  trial  of  Hugh  O'Neill,  123; 
death  and  funeral  of,  125,  126 

Irish  Treaty,  the,  signed  by  Ormond, 
i.  12 ;  Charles  refuses  to  abandon, 
66  ;  Charles  asked  by  the  Scots  to 
annul,  197;  Charles  makes  a  pri- 
vate engagement  on,  203 ;  Charles 
again  asked  to  annul,  230  ;  Charles 
consents  to  annul,  237 

Irvine,  Sir  Alexander,  of  Drum,  ap- 
peals to  Monk  against  the  Kirk,  ii. 

J33 

'  Ishbosheth '  article,  the,  ii.  18 
Isle  of  Man,  see  Man,  Isle  of 


JACKSON,  ADJUTANT  -  GENERAL, 
cashiered,  iv.  140 

Jackson,  Anthony,  order  cancel  led  for 
the  transportation  of,  iii.  308 

Jaffray,  Alexander,  sent  to  Breda  as 
a  commissioner,  i.  192 

Jaina,  the,  chosen  as  a  landing-place 
for  Venables,  iv.  133  ;  reached  by 
Venables,  134 

Jamaica,  landing  of  Venables  at,  iv. 
141 ;  Penn  and  Venables  return 
home  from,  142  ;  annoyance  of  the 
Protector  at  the  news  from,  143  ; 
arrival  of  Humphries  and  Sedg- 
wick  in,  215  ;  Sedgwick's  report  on 
the  condition  of,  216  ;  nature  of  the 
disease  prevailing  in,  217;  proposal 


JOH 

to  send  non-military  colonists  to, 
218  ;  alleged  transportation  of  Irish 
boys  and  girls  to,  ib.  ;  proposal  to 
send  loose  women  to,  219  ;  New 
Englanders  invited  to,  220  ;  miser- 
able condition  of,  ib.  ;  Doyley  in 
command  in,  221 ;  improvement  in 
the  state  of,  222 ;  settlement  of 
families  from  Nevis  in,  ib.  ;  persis- 
tence of  the  Protector  in  maintain- 
ing the  colony  in,  223 

Jamestown,  surrender  of,  ii.  128 

Jenkins,  David,  Judge,  his  trial  for 
life  ordered,  i.  41 

Jenkins,  William,  said  to  have  taken 
part  in  a  Royalist  conspiracy,  ii. 
14  ;  arrest  of,  15 

Jermyn,  Lord,  1643  (Henry  Jermyn), 
favours  an  alliance  with  the  Scots, 
i.  184  ;  proposal  to  send  to  Scotland 
as  secretary,  349  ;  opposes  the  idea 
of  trusting  the  Cavaliers,  iii.  138 

Jermyn,  Philip,  Justice  of  the  Upper 
Bench,  takes  a  leading  part  in 
Lilburne's  trial,  i.  165 

Jersey,  Charles  lands  in,  i.  44;  Charles 
goes  to  France  from,  194 ;  privateers 
from,  298 ;  reduction  of,  ii.  69 ; 
Lilburne  sent  to,  iii.  17 

Jews,  the,  proposals  to  re-admit  to 
England,  ii.  100, 101,  note  i  ;  syna- 
gogue established  in  London  by, 
iv.  ii ;  Dormido's  petition  for  their 
legal  resettlement,  ib.  ;  Manasseh 
Ben  Israel's  pleadings  on  behalf  of, 
12  ;  render  services  to  the  Govern- 
ment as  intelligencers,  ib.  ;  confer- 
ence on  the  resettlement  of,  13 ; 
hostility  of  the  clergy  and  Lon- 
doners to,  14;  opinion  of  two  judges 
on  the  legality  of  the  resettlement 
of,  15  ;  their  position  in  England 
connived  at,  ib.  ;  purchase  a  ceme- 
tery, 16 ;  cease  to  be  regarded  as 
Spaniards,  17 

Joachimi,  Albert,  Dutch  ambassador 
in  England,  dismissal  of,  i.  321 

John  IV.,  King  of  Portugal,  allows 
Rupert  to  enter  the  Tagus  with  his 
prizes,  i.  181,  298  ;  inclined  to  tem- 
porise between  Blake  and  Rupert, 
300  ;  declares  in  Rupert's  favour, 
301 ;  Blake  seizes  English  ships 
in  the  service  of,  ib.  ;  Blake  makes 
prizes  from  the  Brazil  fleet  of,  303  ; 
sends  Guimaraes  to  England  to  ob- 
tain restoration  of  the  prizes,  312  ; 


3l6  INDEX 

JOH 

holds  back  from  ratifying  Pene- 
guiao's  treaty,  iv.  27 ;  ratifies  the 
treaty,  239.  See  also  Portugal 

John  Casimir,  King  of  Poland,  his 
claims  to  the  crown  of  Sweden, 
iv.  195 

Johnston  of  Warriston,  Archibald,  in 
favour  of  an  English  alliance,  i. 
182  ;  opposes  the  sending  of  com- 
missioners to  Breda,  192 ;  reads 
Montrose's  sentence,  226 ;  is  hostile 
to  the  Engagers,  334  ;  violence  of, 
ib.  ;  his  house  plundered,  iii.  95 

Jones,  Henry,  Bishop  of  Clogher, 
sends  a  message  to  Ormond,  i.  71 ; 
gives  an  account  of  his  brother 
Michael's  death,  143,  note  3 

Jones,  John,  acts  as  a  commissioner 
of  Parliament  in  Ireland,  iv.  81 

Jones,  Michael,  Ormond  attempts  to 
bring  over  to  the  king,  i.  71 ;  refuses 
Ormond's  invitation,  but  does  not 
justify  the  execution  of  Charles  I., 
72  ;  desertions  from  the  army 
of,  73 ;  his  relations  with  Monk, 
83,  note  4 ;  his  relations  with  Pres- 
ton, 85,  note  ;  secures  Dublin,  90  ; 
Cromwell  sends  forces  to  relieve,  94 ; 
drives  back  Sir  Thomas  Armstrong, 
101  ;  hangs  his  own  nephew  as  a 
deserter,  ib.  ;  defeats  Ormond  at 
Rathmines,  102  ;  fails  to  take  Drog- 
heda,  107  ;  reorganisation  of  the 
regiments  of,  109 ;  accompanies 
Cromwell  on  his  march  against 
Drogheda,  112;  appointed  Lieu- 
tenant-General,  126 ;  takes  Fort 
Rosslare,  128  ;  attacks  Duncannon, 
135  ;  raises  the  siege,  136  ;  joins 
Ireton  in  operations  near  Ross, 
141 ;  death  of,  143 ;  story  of  his 
dislike  of  Cromwell  discussed,  ib. 
notes 

Jones,  Theophilus,  sent  to  support 
Venables  in  the  North,  i.  126 

Jongestal,  Allart  Vieter,  sent  as  a 
commissioner  to  England,  iii.  40  ; 
returns  to  the  Netherlands,  45 

Joyce,  George,  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
cashiered,  ii.  304 

Judges,  the  half  of  their  number  con- 
tinue in  office,  i.  9 ;  two  new 
appointments,  ib.  ;  six  more  ap- 
pointed, 58  ;  paid  by  fixed  salaries, 
ii.  83 ;  removal  of,  under  the 
Protectorate,  iii.  15  ;  new  appoint- 
ments, ib.  ;  their  difficulty  in 


KER 

accepting  the  Instrument  as  a  con- 
stitutional authority,  302 

Juries  are  lenient  in  cases  of  adultery, 
ii.  83  ;  asserted  by  Lilburne  to  be 
judges  of  the  law,  298 

Jury  in  Lilburne's  case,  the,  sum- 
moned before  the  Council,  ii.  299 

Justice,  High  Court  of,  see  High 
Court  of  Justice 

Justices  of  the  Peace,  their  relations 
with  the  Major-Generals ,  iv.  29  ; 
unwilling  to  enforce  the  law  against 
drunkenness  and  immorality,  36  ; 
support  Berry  at  Shrewsbury,  38  ; 
severe  measures  taken  in  Middlesex 
by,  39 


KARPFEN,  ADAM  VON,  engages  to 
raise  men  for  Charles,  and  is  sent 
to  ask  money  from  the  German 
princes,  i.  196 ;  returns  without 
money,  203  ;  intended  to  land  in 
Kent,  ii.  6 

Keane,  — ?,  Colonel,  makes  a  report 
to  Charles  on  the  intentions  of  the 
English  Royalists,  i.  195  ;  sent  back 
with  fresh  instructions,  198  ;  second 
report  made  by,  241 

Keble,  Richard,  Sergeant,  appointed 
Commissioner  of  the  Great  Seal,  i. 
9  ;  presides  at  Lilburne's  trial,  165 

Keith,  Montrose  compared  to  Agag 
at,  i.  222 

Kellie,  third  Earl  of,  1643  (Alexander 
Erskine),  removed  from  the  Tower, 
iii.  310 

Kelsey,  Thomas,  appointed  Major- 
General  of  Kent  and  Surrey,  iii. 
340 ;  reports  hostility  of  electors  to 
the  Government,  iv.  269  ;  advises 
exclusion  from  Parliament  of  mem- 
bers opposed  to  the  Government,  ib. 

Kenmure,  Viscount,  1645  (Robert 
Gordon),  joins  in  Glencairn's  rising, 
iii.  91 ;  invades  Fife,  93 ;  quarrels 
with  Lome,  93,  94 

Kent,  Royalist  movements  in,  iii.  271 ; 
placed  under  Kelsey,  340 

Kentish  Knock,  battle  of,  ii.  194-198 

Ker,  Gilbert,  Colonel,  converses  with 
Cromwell's  officers,  i.  277  ;  accuses 
Leslie  of  losing  the  battle  of  Dun- 
bar,  331 ;  appointed  to  raise  troops 
in  the  West,  332 ;  goes  into  the 
West,  334  ;  joins  in  the  Remons- 
trance, 340  ;  refuses  to  take  orders 


INDEX 


317 


KID 


LAM 


from  the  Committee  of  Estates, 
342 ;  attacks  Lambert,  343 ;  de- 
feated and  captured,  ib. 

Kidderminster,  ecclesiastical  difficul- 
ties at,  iii.  24,  note  i  ;  Baxter's 
system  of  disclipline  at,  26 

Kiklare,  county  of,  overrun  by  Hew- 
son,  i.  150 

Kilkenny,  taken  by  Cromwell,  i.  150, 
151  ;  articles  signed  at,  ii.  128  ; 
meeting  of  officers  and  civilians  at, 
iv.  86  ;  expulsion  of  Irish  from,  113 

King,  John,  Dean  of  Tuam,  Charles 
gives  assurances  to,  i.  278 

King's  Bench,  the,  change  of  the 
name  of,  i.  9 

King's  County,  occupied  by  Ireton, 
ii.  112 

Kingship,  abolished  by  resolution,  i. 
3 ;  abolished  by  Act,  39  ;  proposal 
made  in  Parliament  to  raise  the 
Protector  to,  iii.  225 ;  proposal  to 
revive  in  favour  of  the  Protector, 

304 

Kinnoul,  third  Earl  of,  1644  (William 
Hay),  sent  by  Montrose  to  the 
Orkneys,  i.  189  ;  death  of,  190 

Kinnoul,  fourth  Earl  of,  1650  ( — ? 
Hay),  accompanies  Montrose  in  his 
flight,  i.  219  ;  perishes  in  the  moun- 
tains, ib. 

Kinross,  Charles's  life-guard  quar- 
tered at,  i.  335 

Kinsale,  Rupert  arrives  at,  i.  14 ; 
blockaded  by  Blake,  87  ;  Rupert 
escapes  from,  137 ;  submits  to 
Cromwell,  143 

Kintyre,  Lome's  proceedings  in,  iii. 

93 

Kirkwall,  landing  of  Montrose  at,  i. 
191 

Knighthood,  proposal  to  empower 
the  Speaker  to  confer,  i.  58 

Koran,  the,  alarm  caused  by  a  trans- 
lation of,  i.  56 

Konigsberg,  the  treaty  of,  iv.  210 

Kynaston,  Ralph,  gives  information 
of  a  design  to  surprise  Shrewsbury, 
iii.  285,  note  i 


LAGERFELDT,  ISRAEL,  ambassador 
from  Sweden,  offers  to  mediate 
between  England  and  the  Nether- 
lands, iii.  73 

Lambert,  John,  Colonel,  afterwards 
Major-General,  a  member  of  the 


committee  appointed  to  induce 
Fairfax  to  abstain  from  resigning, 
i.  258  ;  accompanies  Cromwell  to 
Scotland  as  Major-General,  269 ; 
accepted  as  Colonel  by  Bright's 
regiment,  ib.  ;  taken  prisoner  and 
rescued,  272 ;  has  interview  with 
Strachan,  279;  agrees  with  Cromwell 
on  the  advantage  offered  by  Leslie's 
descent  from  Doon  Hill,  290  ;  en- 
trusted with  the  command  of  the 
attacking  force  at  Dunbar,  291 ; 
brings  up  the  guns,  292  ;  charges 
across  the  brook,  ib.  ;  attacked  at 
Hamilton  by  Ker,  343  ;  captures 
Ker,  ib.  ;  occupies  North  Queens- 
ferry,  ii.  26  ;  defeats  Brown  at  Inver- 
keithing,  ib.  ;  instructions  to,  32  ; 
joins  Harrison,  and  falls  back  from 
Warrington  Bridge,  36  ;  sends  a 
small  force  to  occupy  Worcester, 
40  ;  joins  Cromwell,  41  ;  secures 
Upton  Bridge,  42 ;  appainted 
Commissioner  to  Scotland,  132 ; 
returns  to  England,  138 ;  named 
Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  221 ;  the 
office  having  been  abolished,  refuses 
to  leave  England,  222  ;  Cromwell 
condoles  with,  223  ;  heads  a  party 
in  the  Council  of  Officers,  236 ; 
called  '  Bottomless  '  by  Cromwell, 
246  ;  accompanies  Cromwell  at  the 
dissolution  of  the  Council  of  State, 
265  ;  wishes  power  to  be  entrusted 
to  a  small  council,  272 ;  his  posi- 
tion in  the  Council  of  State  and  the 
army,  277 ;  the  Royalists  hope  to 
be  supported  by,  ib.  ;  invited  to  sit 
in  the  Nominated  Parliament,  288  ; 
presides  over  a  meeting  of  officers, 
318 ;  offers  the  title  of  king  to 
Cromwell,  319;  retires  into  the 
country,  ib.  ;  obtains  the  consent 
of  Cromwell  and  the  officers  to  the 
Instrument  of  Government,  330  ;  a 
member  of  the  Council  of  the  Pro- 
tectorate, iii.  2  ;  grant  of  Scottish 
lands  to,  87  ;  supports  a  Spanish 
alliance,  113  ;  clamorous  for  a  war 
against  France,  119 ;  asks  if  the 
wind  is  fair  for  Brest,  128  ;  opposes 
hostilities  in  West  Indies,  159; 
urges  that  the  Protectorate  should 
be  hereditary,  200  ;  takes  a  leading 
part  in  preparing  instructions  for 
the  Major-Generals,  324 ;  part  in 
originating  the  system  of  Major- 


INDEX 


LAN 


LEE 


Generals  conjecturally  assigned  to, 
326  ;  Major-General  over  Yorkshire, 
Durham,  Cumberland,  Westmor- 
land, and  Northumberland,  340 ; 
proposal  to  appoint  General  in  the 
Protector's  place,  iv.  254 

Lanark,  Earl  of,  1639  (William 
Hamilton),  offers  to  serve  under 
Montrose,  i.  16  ;  visits  Edinburgh 
and  escapes  from  Scotland,  ib.  ;  is 
probably  in  collusion  with  Argyle, 
ib.  ;  succeeds  to  the  dukedom  of 
Hamilton,  62.  See  also  Hamilton, 
second  Duke  of 

Lancashire,  project  of  a  Royalist  in- 
surrection in,  ii.  12 ;  Charles  finds 
few  recruits  as  he  passes  through, 
35  ;  Derby  and  Massey  sent  to  raise 
a  force  for  Charles  in,  37 ;  harsh 
conditions  demanded  by  the  Pres- 
byterians of,  38  ;  Derby  raises  forces 
in,  39  ;  defeat  of  Derby  in,  40  ; 
Presbyterian  discipline  in,  86 ; 
failure  of  the  Royalist  insurrection 
in,  iii.  284  ;  placed  under  Worsley, 
340;  proceedings  of  Worsley  in, 

345.  iv-  37 

Lands  sold,  i.  251 

Lane,  Jane,  assists  in  Charles's  es- 
cape, ii.  53,  54 

Langdale,  Sir  Marmaduke,  a  mission 
to  the  North  of  England  proposed 
for,  iii.  271 

Langham,  John,  Alderman,  excluded 
from  the  first  Protectorate  Parlia- 
ment, iii.  184 

La  Riviere,  Chevalier  de,  sent  by 
Conde"  to  ask  help  from  Cromwell, 
ii.  154 

Latitudinarians,  the,  are  the  spiritual 
descendants  of  Whichcote,  iv.  23 

La  Torre,  taken  by  Pianezza.  iv.  181 

Lauderdale,  Earl  of,  1645  (John  Mait- 
land),  visits  Scotland,  and  escapes, 
i.  16  ;  is  probably  in  collusion  with 
Argyle,  ib.  ;  calls  on  Charles  to  re- 
ject the  demands  of  the  Scots,  62  ; 
advises  Charles  on  his  answer  to 
the  Scottish  commissioners,  66 ; 
holds  out  hopes  that  the  Covenant 
will  not  be  pressed,  200  ;  banished 
from  Scotland,  234 ;  accompanies 
Charles  to  Scotland,  236  ;  excluded 
from  court,  but  allowed  to  remain  in 
Scotland,  239  ;  repeal  of  the  decree 
of  banishment  against,  345  ;  takes 
the  Covenants,  346 ;  accompanies 


|  the  Scottish  army  invading  Eng- 
land, ii.  34  ;  capture  of,  46  ;  selected 
for  trial,  59  ;  imprisoned  in  the 
Tower,  60  ;  remains  a  prisoner  till 
the  Restoration,  63  ;  removed  from 
the  Tower,  iii.  310 

Laugharne,  Rowland,  is  condemned 
by  a  court-martial,  but  pardoned, 
i.  41 

Law,  Mungo,  dissuades  Leslie  from 
dismissing  Strachan,  i.  214 

Law  of  Freedom  in  a  Platform,  The, 
ii.  78 

Law  reform,  Cromwell's  anxiety  for, 
ii.  3,  4  ;  referred  to  Commissioners, 
82 ;  Committee  appointed  by  the 
Nominated  Parliament  for,  290; 
extreme  proposals  on,  302  ;  the  law 
of  Moses  proposed  as  the  founda- 
tion of,  314 

Lawrence,  Henry,  member  of  the 
Council  of  the  Protectorate,  iii.  2  ; 
named  Lord  President  of  the  Coun- 
cil, 4 ;  opposed  to  the  Swedish 
alliance,  iv.  200  ;  elected  for  Col- 
chester to  second  Protectorate  Par- 
liament, 270 

Lawrence,  Richard,  Colonel,  pub- 
lishes The  Interest  of  England  in 
the  Irish  Transplantation,  iv.  103 

Lawson,  John,  appointed  Rear-Ad- 
miral, ii.  214 ;  his  conduct  in  the 
battle  off  Portland,  216  ;  takes  part 
in  the  battle  off  the  Gabbard,  iii. 
34 ;  presides  over  the  council  of 
war  which  considers  the  seamen's 
petition,  214;  is  the  probable 
author  of  the  petition,  216  ;  is 
present  at  Wildman's  meetings, 
228,  note  3  ;  Sexby  expects  his  co- 
operation with  Spain,  iv.  225 ;  ap- 
pointed Vice-Admiral  under  Blake 
and  Montague,  229 ;  regarded  by 
the  Government  as  dangerous, 
230  ;  resignation  of,  ib.  ;  attends  a 
meeting  of  Commonwealth's  men, 
259 ;  summoned  before  the  Council, 
260 

Leach,  Edmund,  writes  a  pamphlet 
in  favour  of  the  retention  of  their 
seats  by  sitting  members,  ii.  72 

Lede,  Marquis  of,  the  (Guillaume 
Bette),  mission  to  England  of,  iv. 
162-164 

Leeds,  sends  a  member  to  Parlia- 
ment, ii.  171  ;  new  charter  granted 
to,  iv.  76 


INDEX 


319 


LEG 

Legal  Fundamental  Liberties,  The, 
publication  of,  i.  161 

Leghorn,  Blake's  visit  to,  iv.  148  ; 
refusal  of  a  request  to  build  an 
English  church  at,  149,  150 

Legislative  power  of  the  Protector, 
the,  lapses  on  the  meeting  of  Par- 
liament, iii.  256 ;  proposal  to  revive, 
304 ;  scheme  for  creating  a  council 
to  exercise,  305  ;  hostility  of  the 
lawyers  to  the  revival  of,  306 

Leicester,  number  of  Parliamentary 
electors  in,  iii.  172 

Leicestershire  placed  under  Whalley, 
iii.  340 

Leighton,  Ellis,  his  account  of  the 
state  of  parties  in  England,  iii.  119, 
note  i 

Leith,  Leslie  entrenches  his  troops 
between  Edinburgh  and,  i.  272 ; 
Charles  invited  to,  274  ;  occupied 
by  Cromwell,  333 

Lenet,  Pierre,  sent  by  Conde"  to 
Madrid,  ii.  154 

Lenthall,  Sir  John,  grievances  of  the 
prisoners  in  the  custody  of,  ii.  284 

Lenthall,  William,  Master  of  the 
Rolls,  removed  from  the  Speaker's 
chair,  ii.  263  ;  said  to  have  been 
guilty  of  malversation,  iii.  56;  chosen 
Speaker  of  the  first  Protectorate 
Parliament,  181 ;  gives  a  casting 
vote  against  the  franchise  being 
conferred  on  copyholders,  234 ; 
objects  to  the  Protector's  Chancery 
reforms,  302 

Leominster,  story  of  a  talking  infant 
at,  i.  102 

'Leopard,'  the  attempt  to  blow  up, 
i.  300,  301 

Leopold,  William,  Archduke,  asked 
to  urge  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  to 
assist  Charles,  i.  68  ;  informs 
Charles  that  Spain  cannot  help 
him,  69 ;  advises  Cardenas  to  offer 
money  for  an  English  alliance,  iii. 
122 ;  receives  Oliver's  terms  and 
calls  for  a  loan  to  meet  them,  152  ; 
distrusts  Oliver,  153  ;  takes  the 
field  for  the  siege  of  Arras,  161 

Leslie,  David,  Lieutenant -General, 
leaves  garrisons  in  the  North,  i.  189 ; 
garrisons  Brahan  Castle  and  Cro- 
marty,  212  ;  orders  a  rendezvous  at 
Brechin,  ib. ;  sends  Strachan against 
Montrose,  213  ;  distrusts  Strachan, 
but  abandons  his  objections  against 


LEV 

employing  him,  214 ;  sends  Mont- 
rose  to  Edinburgh,  221 ;  six  Orkney 
prisoners  given  to,  234;  virtually 
commands  the  Scottish  army,  270  ; 
entrenches  his  army  between  Edin- 
burgh and  Leith,  where  he  repulses 
Cromwell,  272  ;  failure  of  Crom- 
well's attempts  to  bring  on  a  battle 
with,  275 ;  sends  to  Cromwell  a 
message  with  a  declaration  of  the 
Kirk,  277  ;  sends  guns  to  Corstor- 
phine,  279  ;  takes  up  a  position  at 
Corstorphine,  280 ;  takes  up  a  posi- 
tion at  Gogar,  281 ;  refuses  battle, 
ib.  \  establishes  himself  on  Doon 
Hill,  282;  condition  of  his  army, 
ib.  ;  his  army  purged,  283 ;  is  un- 
willing to  descend  the  hill,  285  ; 
is  ordered  to  descend  the  hill,  286  ; 
his  position  at  the  foot  of  the  hill, 
287 ;  questions  an  English  prisoner, 
289  ;  defeat  of  his  army,  294,  295  ; 
throws  up  his  command,  331 ;  with- 
draws his  resignation,  332 ;  his 
position  at  Stirling,  333 ;  again 
throws  up  his  command,  ib. ;  and 
again  withdraws  his  resignation, 
334 ;  supported  by  Argyle,  ib.  \ 
sent  against  the  Scottish  Royalists, 
338 ;  witnesses  the  acceptance  of 
an  indemnity  by  the  insurgents, 
339  I  posts  his  army  at  Torwood, 
ii.  25 ;  sends  a  detachment  against 
Lambert,  26 ;  refuses  to  be  drawn 
into  a  battle,  28  ;  captured  near 
Rochdale,  46 ;  remains  a  prisoner 
till  the  Restoration,  63 ;  removed 
from  the  Tower,  iii.  310 

Levant  Company,  ships  seized  by  the 
French  from,  i.  180,  note  i 

Levellers,  the,  principles  of,  i.  30 ; 
attempt  to  tamper  with  the  army, 
ib.  ;  Cromwell  urges  the  Council 
of  State  to  take  strong  measures 
against,  35  ;  protests  of,  42  ;  dis- 
tinguished from  the  True  Levellers, 
or  Diggers,  ib.  ;  sea-green  colours 
of,  46,  52 ;  suppressed  at  Burford, 
53  ;  thanksgiving  for  the  repression 
of,  58  ;  make  overtures  to  Charles 
178,  note  2  ;  the  Royalists  hope  to 
obtain  the  co-operation  of,  195 ; 
their  supposed  influence  on  the 
army,  249 ;  Robert  Overton's  con- 
nection with,  iii.  167 ;  the  Pro- 
tector's attack  on,  179 ;  nature  of 
their  influence,  269  ;  are  inclined 


320 


INDEX 


LEV 

to  join  forces  with  the   Royalists, 
iv.  223;  influence  of,  on  elections, 
257  ;  probably  concerned  in  a  peti- 
tion to  Charles  II.,  258 
Levellers,  the  True,  see  Diggers 
Leven,    Earl    of,     1641    (Alexander 
Leslie),  retains   the  mere  title  of 
General,   i.    270  ;    is  unwilling  to 
descend  Doon  Hill,  285  ;   left  be- 
hind in  Scotland,  ii.  34 ;  captured 
at  Alyth,  66 ;   offers  to  raise  men 
for  Sweden,  iv.  199 
Leverett,  John,  Captain,  Oliver's  con- 
versation with,  iv.  122 
Levinz,  Robert,  Captain,  hanged  in 

Cornhill,  ii.  5 

Lewis,  Seaforth  arrests  English  sailors 
in,  iii.  86 ;  occupied  by  Cobbet, 
92 

Liberty  of  religion,  see  Toleration 
Liberty  of  the  Press,  see  Press 
Licensers  of  the  Press,  see  Press 
Lichfield,  intended  destruction  of  the 

cathedral  of,  ii.  23 
Life-guard,  the  new,  iv.  233 
Lilburne,  John,  presents  England's 
New  Chains  to  Parliament,  i.  31  ; 
brings  forward  the  second  part  of 
England 's  New  Chains,  33 ;  brought 
before  the  Council  of  State,  34  ; 
threatens  the  Council,  35 ;  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower  for  trial,  36 ; 
petition  for  the  release  of,  44  ; 
threatens  Fairfax,  46  ;  issues  a  re- 
vised version  of  the  Agreement  of 
the  People,  47  ;  a  fresh  petition  for 
the  release  of,  48  ;  restrictions  on 
the  liberty  of,  49  ;  delay  in  the  trial 
of,  160;  mistrusts  Tom  Verney, 
161  ;  publishes  The  Legal  Funda- 
mental Liberties,  and  is  liberated 
on  bail,  ib.  ;  publishes  An  Im- 
peachment of  Oliver  Cromwell,  ib.  ; 
resists  an  order  for  the  seizure  of 
his  books,  163;  publishes  An  Out- 
cry of  the  Young  Men  and  Appren- 
tices, ib.  ;  assails  Hazlerigg,  and  is 
sent  back  to  the  Tower,  164 ; 
special  commission  issued  for  the 
trial  of,  165  ;  trial  of,  ib. ;  acquittal 
of,  169;  liberation  of,  ib..;  elected 
a  common  councillor,  and  takes 
the  Engagement  with  a  qualifica- 
tion, 177 ;  his  election  quashed, 
ib.  ;  occupies  himself  as  a  soap- 
boiler, 178  ;  his  friendly  attitude  to 
.  Cromwell,  ii.  79 ;  offends  Parliament 


LIN 

by  a  petition  about  the  Harraton 
colliery,  80;  fined  and  banished, 
ib.  ;  enters  into  communication 
with  Royalist  exiles,  292  ;  attacks 
Cromwell,  293 ;  returns  to  Eng- 
land, 294  ;  brought  to  trial,  295  ; 
petition  in  his  favour,  296 ;  makes 
his  defence,  297 ;  acquitted,  298  ; 
is  detained  in  custody,  300  ;  applies 
in  vain  for  a  habeas  corpus,  ib.  ; 
imprisoned  in  Mont  Orgueil  Castle, 
iii.  17  ;  is  brought  to  Dover  Castle, 
and  declares  himself  a  'Quaker,' 
iv.  2  ;  death  of,  3 

Lilburne,  Robert,  Colonel,  Birken- 
head  arrested  by,  ii.  12  ;  sent  into 
Lancashire,  39 ;  defeats  the  Earl 
of  Derby  at  Wigan,  ib.  ;  left  in 
command  of  the  Parliamentary 
forces  in  Scotland,  iii.  86  ;  hopes  to 
be  supported  by  the  Western  Low- 
lands, 88  ;  expects  a  rising  in  the 
West  Highlands,  ib.  ;  resolves  to 
dissolve  the  General  Assembly,  89  ; 
forces  at  the  command  of,  92  ;  calls 
for  reinforcements,  ib.  ;  complains 
of  the  state  of  his  army,  94 ;  his 
character  as  a  commander,  97 ; 
proposes  to  concentrate  his  troops 
in  the  south  of  Scotland,  98  ;  con- 
gratulates Cromwell  on  his  assump- 
tion of  the  Protectorate,  ib.  ;  asks 
to  be  superseded  by  Monk,  98,  99  ; 
gives  a  gloomy  account  of  the  situa- 
tion, 102  ;  Deputy  Major-General 
over  Yorkshire  and  Durham,  340; 
sentences  Royalist  insurgents  to 
imprisonment,  343 

Limerick,  city  of,  meeting  of  prelates 
and  Commissioners  of  Trust  at, 
i.  153  ;  Ormond  opposed  in,  ii.  109  ; 
Hugh  O'Neill  governor  of,  ib.  ; 
summoned  by  Waller,  no ;  besieged 
bylreton,  119;  I reton  fails  to  storm, 
120  ;  distress  in,  121 ;  surrender  of, 
122  ;  an  English  colony  designed 
for,  ib.  ;  treatment  of  the  leaders 
captured  in,  123,  124  ;  expulsion  of 
Irish  from,  iv.  114 

Limerick,  county  of,  progress  of 
Broghill  in,  i.  150 

Lincoln,  Whalley  complains  of  wicked 
magistrates  at,  iv.  50 

Lincolnshire,  placed  under  Whalley, 
iii.  340 ;  feeling  favourable  to  the 
Government  in,  iv.  268 

Lindsey,  second  Earl  of,  1642  (Mon- 


INDEX 


321 


LIN 


LOR 


tague  Bertie),  seized  in  Oxford- 
shire, iii.  312 

Lingen,  Sir  Henry,  ordered  to  be  tried 
by  a  court-martial,  i.  41 

Lionne,  Hugues  de,  his  mission  to 
Spain,  iv.  244  ;  breach  of  the  nego- 
tiation with,  246 

Lisbon,  Blake's  visit  to,  iv.  167 

Lisburn,  occupied  by  Monk's  troops, 
i.  73  ;  secured  by  Venables,  139 

Lisle,  John,  appointed  a  Commis- 
sioner of  the  Great  Seal,  i.  9 ;  re- 
tains the  commissionership,  iii. 
302  ;  Whitelocke's  opinion  of,  303  ; 
elected  to  second  Protectorate  Par- 
liament, iv.  270 

Lisle,  Viscount  (Philip  Sidney),  ap- 
pointed ambassador  to  Sweden,  ii. 
213  ;  member  of  the  Council  of  the 
Protectorate,  iii.  2  ;  named  ambas- 
sador to  Sweden,  73  ;  does  not  sit 
in  second  Protectorate  Parliament, 
iv.  269 

Lisnegarvy,  known  afterwards  as  Lis- 
burn, i.  73,  note  3.  See  Lisburn 

Lisola,  Franz  Paul,  wishes  to  drag  the 
Emperor  into  a  war  with  Sweden, 
iv.  212 

Little  Horn,  the,  William  the  Con- 
queror compared  with,  ii.  315  ;  the 
Protector  called,  iii.  5 

Littleton,  Sir  Henry,  arrest  of,  iii.  233 

Livingstone,  John,  sent  as  a  Commis- 
sioner of  the  Kirk  to  Breda,  i.  193 

Livonia  under  Swedish  rule,  iv.  195 

Loan,  failure  of  an  attempt  to  raise 
a,  i.  40 

Lockhart,  Sir  William,  his  mission  to 
France,  iv.  242  ;  Mazarin  attempts 
to  avert  the  mission  of,  243  ;  nego- 
tiation of,  244-246 ;  comes  to  an 
understanding  with  Mazarin  about 
Dunkirk,  246 

Lockyer,  Robert,  executed  as  a 
mutineer,  i.  45  ;  funeral  of,  46 

London,  the  City  of,  Royalist  clergy 
in,  i.  12  ;  opposition  to  the  Common- 
wealth in,  37  ;  packing  of  the  Com- 
mon Council  of,  38  ;  dismissal  of 
Lord  Mayor  Reynoldson  in,  39  ;  de- 
lay in  proclaiming  the  abolition  of 
kingship  in,  ib.  ;  failure  of  an  at- 
tempt to  raise  a  loan  in,  40;  re- 
quired to  pay  arrears  of  assessments, 
49  ;  proclamation  of  the  abolition  of 
kingship  read  in,  57  ;  members  of 
Parliament  invited  to  dine  in,  58  ; 
VOL.  IV. 


banquet  to  members  of  Parliament 
in,  59 ;  Sunday  recreations  of  the 
citizens  of,  ib.  ;  bets  against  Crom- 
well's proceeding  to  Ireland  offered 
in,  87 ;  bets  that  Dublin  has  sur- 
rendered offered  in,  103  ;  Common 
Prayer  Book  read  in  the  churches  of, 
173  ;  Act  disabling  certain  classes  of 
persons  from  holding  office  in,  177  ; 
Lilburne  elected  a  common  coun- 
cillor of,  ib.  \  action  against  Lil- 
burne of  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Alder- 
men of,  ib.  ;  conditions  imposed  on 
Charles  by  the  Presbyterians  of,  200 ; 
Charles  expects  money  from,  241  ; 
Papists,  soldiers  of  fortune,  and 
delinquents  expelled  from,  247 ; 
said  to  be  the  greatest  enemy  of  the 
Commonwealth,  248  ;  arms  and  pic- 
tures of  Charles  I.  exhibited  in,  ii.  8  ; 
discovery  of  a  Royalist  conspiracy 
in,  14 ;  reception  of  the  prisoners 
from  Worcester  in,  63  ;  complaints 
of  the  Presbyterian  clergy  in,  86 ; 
Cromwell  confirms  the  government 
of,  269  ;  verses  inviting  Cromwell  to 
make  himself  king  set  up  in,  279 ; 
a  petition  for  the  restoration  of  the 
Long  Parliament  drawn  up  in,  280 ; 
Oliver  banqueted  in,  iii.  n  ;  Roya- 
list sentiments  in,  12  ;  appeal  by 
intolerant  members  of  Parliament 
to,  221,  251 ;  issue  of  a  militia 
commission  for,  278  ;  muster  of  the 
militia  in,  296 ;  under  Skippon  as 
Major-General,  340 ;  difficulty  in 
carrying  out  the  system  of  the 
Major-Generals  in,  iv.  28 ;  Bark- 
stead  acts  as  Skippon's  substitute 
in,  ib.  ;  address  by  the  Protector  to 
the  chief  citizens  of,  29  ;  the  militia 
not  quartered  in,  30 ;  seizure  of 
horses  in,  39 

Londonderry  held  for  Parliament  by 
Coote,  i.  73 ;  Ormond  sends  Sir 
George  Monroe  to  besiege,  77 ;  pro- 
tected by  its  access  to  the  sea,  87  ; 
O'Neill  raises  the  siege  of,  107 

Long,  Robert,  secretary  to  Charles  II. , 
favours  an  alliance  with  the  Scots, 
i.  18  ;  allowed  to  remain  in  Scot- 
land, 239 

Long  Marston,  adventure  .of  Char- 
les II.  at,  ii.  54 

Lord's  Day,  the,  recreations  of  the 
Londoners  on,  i.  59;  Act  for  the 
observance  of,  255 

Y 


322  INDEX 

LOR 

Lords,  the  House  of,  asks  for  a  joint 
committee  on  the  Constitution,  i.  2, 
3  ;  proposal  to  retain  as  a  consulta- 
tive body,  ib.  ;  abolition  of,  ib. 

Lome,  Lord  (Archibald  Campbell), 
shrinks  before  Montrose  as  a  pri- 
soner, i.  223  ;  offered  as  a  hostage, 
ii.  139 ;  joins  in  Glencairn's  rising, 
iii.  91  ;  invades  his  father's  lands, 
93 ;  quarrels  with  Kenmure  and 


Glengarry,  93,  94 

Lorraine,  Duke  of  (Charles  III.), 
Charles  hopes  to  obtain  assistance 
from,  i.  68  ;  refuses  to  invade  Eng- 
land, 196 ;  is  said  to  have  urged 
Charles  to  promise  anything  to  the 
Scots,  202  ;  makes  overtures  to  the 
Irish,  ii.  113  ;  matrimonial  troubles 
of,  114  ;  sends  the  Abbot  of  St. 
Catharine  to  Ireland,  ib.  ;  loan  re- 
quested by  the  Irish  from,  115  ; 
expects  to  be  accepted  as  Protector 
of  Ireland,  125  ;  proposal  to  marry 
the  Duke  of  York  to  a  daughter 
of,  191 

Lothian,  Earl  of,  1631  (William  Kerr), 
accepts  and  afterwards  declines  a 
mission  to  Charles,  i.  183 ;  sent  to 
Breda  as  a  commissioner  of  the 
Committee  of  Estates,  192  ;  holds 
out  hopes  that  the  Covenant  will 
not  be  pressed,  200  ;  reports  a  con- 
versation with  Charles  on  Mon- 
trose's  defeat,  232  ;  inquiry  put  by 
Charles  to,  337  ;  reproves  Charles', 

351 

Loudoun,  Earl  of,  1633  (John  Camp- 
bell), Chancellor  of  Scotland,  sup- 
ports Charles,  i.  182 ;  supports 
sending  commissioners  to  Breda, 
192  ;  charges  Montrose  with  crimes, 
225  ;  writes  to  the  magistrates  of 
Edinburgh,  and  expresses  his  eager- 
ness for  a  battle,  280 ;  announces 
to  Charles  that  his  servants  must 
be  dismissed,  337  ;  his  re-election 
as  President  of  Parliament  refused, 
351 ;  refuses  to  take  part  in  the  in- 
vasion of  England,  ii.  34 

Lough  Oughter,  surrender  of  the 
castle  in,  ii.  128 

Loughrea,  meeting  of  Irish  prelates 
and  nobility  at,  i.  155  ;  assembly  of 
Irish  prelates  at,  ii.  112  ;  taken  by 
Coote,  120 

Louis  XIV.,  majority  of,  ii.  153; 
writes  to  Cromwell,  167  ;  issues  the 


LUM 

declaration  of  St.  Germains  in 
favour  of  the  Protestants,  168 ; 
enters  Paris,  240;  promises  to 
mediate  with  the  Duke  of  Savoy, 
iv.  187  ;  his  interview  with  Bonifaz, 
243  ;  displeased  with  Oliver's  claim 
to  be  the  champion  of  the  Protestant 
interest,  248 

Lovat,  Montrose  passes  through,  as  a 
prisoner,  i.  221 

Love,  Christopher,  accused  of  having 
taken  part  in  a  Royalist  conspiracy, 
ii.  14  ;  trial  of,  15,  16 ;  sentenced 
to  death,  ib.  ;  reprieved,  17  ;  Crom- 
well asked  to  intercede  for,  20 ; 
execution  of,  21 

Lovelace,  second  Lord,  1638?  (John 
Lovelace),  sent  for,  iii.  312 

Lovel,  Richard,  is  tutor  to  the  Duke 
of  Gloucester,  iii.  274 

Lucas,  John,  execution  of,  iii.  291 

Ludlow,  secured  by  local  forces 
against  the  Scots,  ii.  43  ;  the  Roya- 
lists hope  to  seize,  iii.  271 

Ludlow,  Edmund,  asks  that  bail  be 
allowed  to  Lilburne  and  his  com- 
rades, i.  36  ;  appointed  a  Commis- 
sioner and  Lieutenant-General  in 
Ireland,  265  ;  Cromwell's  argument 
with,  266  ;  arrives  in  Ireland,  ii.  117 ; 
appointed  provisional  commander 
after  Ireton's  death,  126  ;  demands 
Clanricarde's submission,  127  ;  com- 
pletes the  subjugation  of  Ireland, 
128  ;  refuses  to  sign  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  Protectorate,  iii.  8 ; 
political  opinions  of,  9 ;  his  conver- 
sation with  Henry  Cromwell,  10  ; 
refuses  to  act  in  a  civil  capacity 
under  the  Protectorate,  ib.  ;  a  can- 
didate at  the  Wiltshire  election, 
176  ;  before  the  Protector  at  White- 
hall, iv.  i,  2  ;  is  left  at  liberty,  ib.  ; 
acts  as  a  Commissioner  of  Parlia- 
ment in  Ireland,  81  ;  summoned 
before  the  Council,  263 ;  argues 
with  the  Protector,  ib.  ;  allowed  to 
retire  to  Essex,  2~64  ;  not  elected  to 
second  Protectorate  Parliament, 
269 

Luke,  Sir  Samuel,  Bunyan  serves 
under,  ii.  87 

Lumsden,  Robert,  killed  at  Dundee, 
ii.  66 

Lumsden,  William,  Colonel,  joins 
Leslie  with  reinforcements  from 
the  North,  i.  282 


INDEX 


323 


LYN 


MAN 


Lynn,  imprisonment  of  Royalists  at, 

iii.  313 

Lyons,    Captain,  resignation   of,   iv. 
231 


MABBOTT,  GILBERT,  dismissed  from 
the  post  of  licenser  of  the  press,  i. 

56 

Macdonald  of  Glengarry,  Angus, 
sends  a  message  to  Charles,  iii. 
85 ;  quarrels  with  Lome  and  Bal- 
carres,  94;  quarrels  with  Athol, 

101 

Mace,  the,  removed  from  Parlia- 
ment, ii.  263 ;  restored  to  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  290 

Mackenzie  of  Pluscardine,  Thomas, 
commands  a  party  of  Royalist  in- 
surgents, i.  63  ;  probably  expected 
to  support  Montrose,  210 ;  gives  no 
help  to  Montrose,  212  ;  visits  Mon- 
trose in  captivity,  222 

Mackenzies,  the,  support  expected  by 
Montrose  from,  i.  210 

Mackworth,  Humphrey,  Colonel,  re- 
fuses to  surrender  Shrewsbury,  ii. 
40 ;  becomes  a  member  of  the 
Council,  iii.  171 ;  dies,  ib. 

Mackworth,  Humphrey,  Colonel 
(the  younger),  Governor  of  Shrews- 
bury, iii.  284 

Maclear,  John,  assists  Montrose,  i. 
190 

Macleod,  Neil,  transfers  his  alle- 
giance from  Seaforth  to  Suther- 
land, i.  219  ;  asked  by  his  father- 
in-law  to  arrest  Montrose,  220 ; 
gives  up  Montrose  to  Holborn,/^.  ; 
receives  blood-money,  ib. ;  rewarded 
in  money  and  meal,  the  latter  said 
to  have  been  sour,  234 

Macmahon,  Emer,  Catholic  Bishop 
of  Clogher,  chosen  General  of  the 
Ulster  army,  i.  153 ;  his  appoint- 
ment confirmed  by  Ormond,  154 ; 
probably  influences  the  meeting  at 
Limerick  in  Ormond's  favour,  155  ; 
in  command  of  the  Ulster  army, 
ii.  106;  defeated  at  Scarriffhollis 
and  executed,  107 

Macroom,  the  Irish  defeated  by 
Broghill  at,  i.  151 

Madeley,  Charles  concealed  in  a  barn 
at,  ii.  52 

Maidstone,   John,  elected  to  Parlia- 


ment for  Colchester,  iv.  59,  177, 
270 

Major,  Richard,  member  of  the 
Council  of  the  Protectorate,  iii.  2 

Major-Generals ,  the,  the  new  militia 
to  be  placed  under,  iii.  318  ;  in- 
structions to,  319 ;  object  of  the 
appointment  of,  320  ;  commissions 
prepared  for,  321 ;  additional  in- 
structions to,  324;  to  put  in  force 
moral  and  social  regulations,  325  ; 
commissions  issued  to,  327;  Oliver 
defends  the  institution  of,  328  ;  list 
of,  340 ;  work  harmoniously  with 
the  commissioners,  341 ;  illegality 
of  the  proceedings  of,  346 ;  are 
expected  to  raise  the  standard  of 
morals,  iv.  28  ;  delay  in  applying 
to  London  the  system  of,  ib.  ; 
Oliver  urges  the  citizens  of  London 
to  accept,  29  ;  duties  of,  ib.  ;  their 
relations  with  the  justices  of  the 
peace,  29,  30 ;  to  send  lists  of  per- 
sons suited  for  transportation,  35 ; 
become  unpopular  through  their 
efforts  to  suppress  immorality,  40  ; 
complain  of  the  magistrates  in 
towns,  50  ;  without  money  to  pay 
in  full  the  militia,  249,  250  ;  advise 
lowering  the  limit  of  decimation, 
250 ;  relieved  of  the  responsibility 
of  paying  the  militia,  251  ;  called 
to  London  to  advise  on  financial 
difficulties,  253 ;  exert  little  pres- 
sure on  the  elections,  267  ;  elected 
to  second  Protectorate  Parliament, 
269  ;  their  influence  over  electors 
slight,  270;  their  interference  in- 
jurious to  the  Government,  ib. 

Malaga,  Rupert  fails  to  cut  out 
English  vessels  at,  i.  305  ;  alleged 
proceedings  of  Blake  at,  iv.  147, 
note  2 

Man  in  the  Moon,  The,  defies  the 
Press  Act,  i.  174 

Man,  Isle  of,  held  by  the  Earl  of 
Derby,  i.  298  ;  passage  of  Royalists 
from  Greenock  to,  ii.  12  ;  Derby 
offers  to  surrender,  61 ;  reduced  by 
Duckenfield,  69  ;  Alured  confined 
in,  iv.  262 

Manasseh  Ben  Israel,  pleads  for  the 
readmission  of  the  Jews,  iv.  12- 

15 

Manchester,  Presbytenanism  in,  ii. 
86  ;  sends  a  member  to  Parliament, 
iii.  171 

Y  2 


324 


INDEX 


MAN 


MED 


Manning,  Henry,  sends  intelligence 
to  Thurloe,  iii.  311  ;  suggests  the 
existence  of  a  murder  plot,  ib.  ; 
arrest  and  execution  of,  iv.  227 

Marischal,  Earl,  1635  (William 
Keith),  expected  to  rise  for  Charles, 
i-  335  I  captured  at  Alyth,  ii.  66 

M  irkets,  Worsley's  objection  to  their 
being  held  on  Saturday  or  Monday, 
iv.  31 ;  late  opening  of,  35 

M  images  to  be  solemnised  before  a 
Justice  of  the  Peace,  ii.  290 

M  irston  Moor,  Prior  talks  of  a  meet- 
ing of  disaffected  persons  at,  iii. 
226 ;  a  Royalist  insurrection  dis- 
persed on,  283 

Marten,  Henry,  makes  peace  between 
Sidney  and  Grey  of  Groby,  i.  5  ; 
procures  an  order  for  bailing  Lil- 
burne,  161  ;  persuades  Parliament 
to  excuse  women  from  taking  the 
Engagement,  193 ;  compares  the 
Commonwealth  to  Moses,  243 ; 
abandons  the  Levellers,  244 ;  not 
elected  to  the  third  Council  of 
State,  ii.  10 ;  reproved  by  Crom- 
well, 262 ;  present  at  Wildman's 
meetings,  iii.  228,  note  3 

Maryborough,  reduced  by  Castle- 
haven,  i.  87 

Maryland,  Royalism  in,  ii.  140 ;  sub- 
mits to  the  Commonwealth,  143 

Masham,  Sir  William,  refuses  to  take 
the  Engagement  in  its  original 
form,  i.  6 

Massey,  Edward,  Major-General, 
takes  part  in  sending  Titus  to 
Charles,  i.  184 ;  his  estates  se- 
questered, 193  ;  proposed  as  com- 
mander of  the  Scottish  forces  to  be 
sent  into  Lancashire,  ii.  12 ;  at- 
tempts to  collect  money  in  Eng- 
land, 16  ;  sent  to  rally  the  Pres- 
byterians of  Lancashire,  37  ;  failure 
of  the  mission  of,  38;  rejoins 
Charles,  39 ;  wounded  at  Upton 
Bridge,  42  ;  wishes  Charles  safe  in 
some  foreign  part,  43 ;  surrenders 
to  Lady  Stamford,  and  is  carried 
to  London  as  a  prisoner,  46  ;  se- 
lected for  trial,  59  ;  escape  of,  63 

Massey,  Hugh,  arrest  of,  ii.  15 

Mauleverer,  Sir  Richard,  escape  of, 
iii.  293 

Maurice,  Prince,  escapes  with  Rupert 
to  Toulon,  i.  305,  306 ;  drowned 
at  sea,  ii.  144 


May,  Thomas,  his  view  of  recent  Irish 

history,  i.  148,  note 
Maynard,    John,    argues    in    Cony's 

case,  iii.  300 ;    imprisonment  and 

release  of,  301 
Maynard,       second       Lord,       1639 

(William  Maynard),  arrest  of,  iii. 

3*3 

Mazarin,  Jules,  Cardinal,  too  much 
occupied  to  interfere  with  the  Com- 
monwealth, i.  179;  warned  by 
Croulle"  that  it  is  time  to  recognise 
the  Commonwealth,  312 ;  makes 
advances  to  the  Commonwealth, 
313-314 ;  driven  from  Paris,  314  ; 
intimate  relations  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  with,  319 ;  well  disposed 
towards  the  Huguenots,  ii.  155, 
156 ;  dislikes  the  cession  of  Dun- 
kirk to  England,  161 ;  his  attitude 
towards  the  mission  of  Estrades, 
163  ;  returns  to  the  Court  at  Poi- 
tiers and  postpones  a  decision 
about  Dunkirk,  161,  162  ;  an- 
nounces his  resolve  to  keep  Dun- 
kirk, 165 ;  again  hesitates,  ib.  \ 
offers  to  cede  Dunkirk,  167  ;  vacil- 
lations of,  167,  168 ;  fails  to  come 
to  terms  with  England,  168  ;  seeks 
to  secure  the  friendship  of  England, 
240;  retires  to  Sedan,  241  ;  sends 
Bordeaux  to  recognise  the  Com- 
monwealth, ib.  ;  sends  Baas  to 
England,  iii.  113 ;  reassures  the 
Protector,  122 ;  reminds  Oliver 
that  Spain  seldom  fulfils  her  obli- 
gations, ib.  •  asked  by  Oliver  to 
interfere  with  the  Savoy  massacres, 
iv.  185 ;  puts  pressure  on  the 
Duchess  of  Savoy,  189 ;  attempts 
to  avert  Lockhart's  mission,  243 ; 
desires  peace  with  Spain,  ib.  ;  pro- 
poses an  attack  on  Mardyk,  244 ; 
asks  that  an  attack  on  Dunkirk 
may  be  postponed,  246 ;  agrees 
about  Dunkirk,  ib. 

Mazerolles,  Sieur  de,  sent  by  Conde" 
to  England,  iii.  114 

Meadowe,  Philip,  appointed  Latin 
secretary  to  the  Council,  iii.  4  ;  sent 
to  Lisbon,  iv.  237 ;  attempt  to 
assassinate,  238 ;  obtains  ratification 
of  Peneguiao's  treaty,  239 ;  sends 
money  home,  240 

Mediterranean,  the,  entry  of  Blake 
into,  i.  305 ;  Hall  sent  to  convoy 
English  merchantmen  in,  306  ; 


INDEX 


325 


MEE 


MIL 


claim  of  England  to  exercise  influ- 
ence in,  307  ;  dependence  of  Penn 
on  Spanish  ports  in,  ib.  ;  Blake 
sent  by  the  Protector  in,  iv.  146. 
See  also  Blake. 

Meelick  Island,  Axtell  defeats  the 
Irish  in,  ii.  in,  112 

Memel,  Charles  X.  desires  to  occupy, 
iv.  208  ;  half  its  tolls  abandoned  to 
Charles  X.,  211 

Mercurius  Democritus,  coarseness  of, 
ii.  83 

Mercurius  Elencticus,  discontinuance 
of,  i.  174 

Mercurius  Politicus,  issued  as  a 
Government  organ,  i.  255  ;  part 
taken  by  Needham  and  Milton  in 
writing,  ii.  17-19 

Mercurius  Pragmaticus,  defies  the 
Press  Act,  i.  174 ;  Needham  im- 
prisoned for  his  writings  in,  253 

Mervyn,  Audley,  Colonel,  sent  to 
O'Neill  byOrmond,  i.  in  ;  deserts 
to  Coote,  ib. 

Meynell,  Robert,  sent  by  Charles  to 
Rome  to  ask  aid  from  the  Pope, 
i.  70;  applies  to  Innocent  X.  for 
help,  196 ;  publication  of  his  ad- 
dress to  the  Pope,  268 

Middelburg,  visit  of  Charles  II.  to, 
iii.  280 

Middlesex,  placed  under  Barkstead, 
iii.  340 ;  severe  measures  of  the 
justices  of,  iv.  39 

Middle  Temple,  the  dancing  at,  ii. 
84 

Middleton ,  J  ohn ,  Lieu  ten  ant-General , 
escapes  from  England  and  joins 
Mackenzie's  force  in  Scotland,  i. 
63 ;  professes  ability  to  bring  over 
Leslie's  horse  to  Montrose,  210  ; 
to  command  a  rising,  335  ;  excom- 
municated, 338  ;  signs  a  bond  to 
unite  Royalists  and  Engagers,  ib.  ; 
does  penance  and  is  released  from 
excommunication,  347  ;  Charles 
persuades  the  ministers  to  allow 
the  levies  of,  350  ;  captured  near 
Rochdale,  ii.  46;  escape  of,  63*; 
appointed  the  king's  lieutenant- 
general  in  Scotland,  iii.  84 ;  his 
instructions,  ib.  ;  expectations 
formed  of  the  help  to  be  given 
by,  91 ;  lands  at  Tarbatness,  99  ; 
quarrels  amongst  the  officers  of, 
zoo ;  his  attitude  towards  the  clergy, 
101  ;  younger  sons  flock  to,  105  ; 


his  plan  of  campaign,  106  ;  his 
communications  with  the  Low- 
lands interrupted,  ib.  ;  escapes 
from  Monk,  107,  108  ;  is  defeated 
at  Dalnaspidal,  109 ;  pursuit  of, 
no 

Middleton,  Sir  Thomas,  receives  an 
invitation  from  Charles  to  join  him, 
ii.  37 ;  sends  the  letter  to  Parlia- 
ment, ib.  ;  is  warned  of  danger  to 
Chirk  Castle,  iii.  284 

Mildmay,  Captain  Anthony,  directed 
to  take  the  children  of  Charles  I.  to 
Carisbrooke,  ii.  4  ;  obtains  medical 
advice  for  the  Lady  Elizabeth,  5 

Milford  Haven,  Cromwell  sends  the 
bulk  of  his  army  to,  i.  94  ;  Monk 
visits  Cromwell  at,  103 

Militia,  the,  constitution  of,  i.  267  ; 
warned  to  be  in  readiness,  ii.  10, 
13  ;  importance  of,  13 ;  readiness 
of,  to  join  Cromwell  against  the 
Scots,  43  ;  part  taken  in  the  battle 
of  Worcester  by,  47 ;  proposal  to 
supplement  the  army  with,  iii.  210 ; 
scheme  of  replacing  regular  troops 
by,  223  ;  Parliament  claims  to  con- 
trol, 245  ;  a  commission  issued  for 
raising  in  London,  278  ;  muster  of 
the  London,  296 ;  informed  that 
they  will  not  be  called  out,  ib.  ; 
Order  of  Council  for  the.  creation 
of  a  reserve  force  out  of,  297 ;  re- 
organisation of,  318  ;  numbers  and 
pay  of,  ib.  ;  placed  under  Major- 
Generals,  ib.  ;  not  quartered  in 
London,  iv.  30  ;  insufficiency  of 
means  to  pay,  249,  250 ;  number 
of  men  in  each  troop  reduced,  250 ; 
saving  effected  by  reduction  of, 
251  ;  discontent  of,  ib.  ;  payment 
of,  transferred  to  Army  Committee 
of  the  Council,  ib. 

Milton,  John,  publishes  The  Tenure 
of  Kings  and  Magistrates,  i.  36 ; 
is  appointed  Latin  secretary,  ib.  \ 
disobeys  an  order  to  answer  The 
Second  Part  of  England's  New 
Chains,  37  ;  publishes  Eikono- 
klastes,  175 ;  writes  to  the  King 
of  Spain  to  demand  justice  for 
Ascham's  murder,  310;  publishes 
a  Defence  of  the  People  of  England 
and  writes  in  Mercurius  Politicus, 
ii.  17  ;  failure  of  his  sight,  ib.  ;  his 
'  Ishbosheth  '  article,  18  ;  cries  for 
justice  on  Presbyterian  plotters,  19 ; 


326  INDEX 

MIT 

his  sonnet  to  Cromwell,  103  ;  his 
sonnet  to  Vane,  104  ;  remains  at 
the  disposition  of  the  Council,  iii.  4 ; 
his  Second  Defence  of  the  English 
People,  167  ;  his  advice  to  the  Pro- 
tector, 168  ;  his  opinion  of  the 
Parliamentary  system,  169  ;  his 
political  views,  ib.  ;  his  sonnet  on 
the  Vaudois,  iv.  193 

Mitchell,  Stephen,  villainy  of,  iv.  151 

Model  of  a  New  Representative,  A , 
publication  of,  ii.  71 

Moderate,  The,  the  organ  of  the 
Levellers,  i.  56 

Modyford,  Thomas,  Colonel,  comes 
to  terms  with  Ayscue,  ii.  141,  142; 
recommends  an  attack  on  Guiana, 
iv.  123,  124 

Mompesson,  John,  joins  Royalist 
insurgents,  iii.  287 

Monk,  George,  his  position  in  Dun- 
dalk  and  the  neighbouring  country, 
i.  73 ;  is  staunch  to  the  English 
interest,  ib.  \  asked  to  renew  the 
Covenant,  74 ;  negotiates  with  the 
Ulster  Scots,  to  spin  out  time, 
75  ;  prepares  to  make  overtures  to 
O'Neill,  76 ;  agrees  to  a  cessation 
of  hostilities  with  O'Neill,  77 ;  his 
probable  motives,  ib.  ;  sends  his 
convention  with  O'Neill  to  West- 
minster, and  accompanies  it  with  a 
letter  to  Cromwell,  78;  refusal  of 
the  Council  of  State  to  ratify 
his  convention  with  O'Neill,  83  ; 
Inchiquin  despatched  against,  90 ; 
rumoured  conjunction  with  O'Neill, 
92  ;  his  correspondence  and  treaty 
with  O'Neill  published,  93  ;  applies 
for  assistance  to  O'Neill,  98  ;  is 
forced  to  surrender  Dundalk,  99  ; 
goes  to  London,  103  ;  visits  Crom- 
well at  Milford  Haven,  ib. ;  censured 
and  excused  by  Parliament,  104  ; 
gains  Cromwell's  good  will,  105  ; 
Bright's  regiment  refuses  to  accept 
as  Colonel,  269  ;  a  newly  formed 
regiment  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of,  ib.  ;  agrees  with  Crom- 
well and  Lambert  on  the  effect  of 
Leslie's  descent  from  Doon  Hill, 
290  ;  left  by  Cromwell  in  command 
in  Scotland,  ii.  30  ;  reduces  Stir- 
ling Castle,  66 ;  storms  Dundee, 
ib.  ;  sent  as  Commissioner  to  Scot- 
land, 132;  returns  to  England,  138; 
appointed  one  of  the  Generals  at 


MON 

Sea,  210;  joins  Deane  in  inviting 
the  fleet  to  accept  Cromwell's  tem- 
porary dictatorship,  270 ;  misses 
Tromp,  iii.  32  ;  puts  out  with 
Deane  from  Yarmouth,  33 ;  fights 
the  battle  off  the  Gabbard,  33-37; 
continues  the  fight  off  the  Flemish 
coast,  38  ;  in  sole  command  at  the 
Battle  of  the  Texel,  45  ;  orders  that 
no  ships  shall  be  captured,  46  ; 
takes  part  in  suppressing  a  mutiny 
of  sailors,  58 ;  grant  of  Scottish 
lands  to,  87  ;  Lilburne  wishes  to 
be  superseded  by,  98  ;  arrives  in 
Scotland,  102 ;  issues  a  proclama- 
tion announcing  the  Protectorate 
and  the  Union,  103 ;  offers  pardon 
and  grace,  104  ;  sets  a  price  on 
the  heads  of  Middleton  and  others, 
ib.  ;  prepares  for  war,  105  ;  takes 
the  field,  106 ;  devastates  the  High- 
lands, 107  ;  pursues  Middleton, 
108  ;  follows  up  the  insurgents 
with  fire  and  sword,  no;  reports 
that  the  army  in  Scotland  is  favour- 
able to  the  actions  of  the  Protector, 
227  ;  is  not  informed  of  Overton's 
proceedings,  230  ;  sends  Over  ton 
to  London,  231 ;  receives  informa- 
tion of  a  design  to  seize  him,  ib. 

Monro,  Andrew,  advises  Strachan  to 
form  an  ambuscade,  i.  216 

Monro,  Sir  George,  sent  to  besiege 
Londonderry,  i.  78 ;  movements 
of,  98 ;  is  joined  by  Montgomery 
of  Ards,  ib.  ;  forced  to  abandon  the 
siege  of  Londonderry,  108 ;  sur- 
renders Inniskillen,  154 ;  signs  a 
bond  uniting  Royalists  and  En- 
gagers, 338 ;  his  quarrel  with 
Glencairn,  iii.  100 

Monroes,  doubtful  whether  adherents 
or  enemies  of  Montrose,  i.  215 

Montague,  Edward,  Colonel,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Council  of  the  Protecto- 
rate, iii.  2  ;  attacks  Birch's  financial 
scheme,  238 ;  is  appointed  a  com- 
missioner of  the  1  reasury,  303  ;  in 
joint  command  with  Blake,  iv.  229  ; 
wishes  to  disavow  Meadowe,  239. 
See  also  Blake  and  Montague,  the 
fleet  under 

Montague,  Walter,  banished,  i.  172  ; 
is  expected  to  tamper  with  the  Duke 
of  Gloucester's  religion,  iii.  274 

Montgomery  of  Ards,  third  Viscount, 
1642  (Hugh  Montgomery),  wishes 


MON 

the  Ulster  Scots  to  support  the 
King,  i.  74 ;  seizes  Belfast  and 
Carrickfergus  and  declares  for 
Charles,  98 ;  forced  to  abandon 
the  siege  of  Londonderry,  108 ; 
Ormond  asks  help  from,  109 

Montgomery,  Robert,  Colonel,  sent 
to  overtake  Charles,  i.  337 ;  sent 
against  Ker,  343 

Mont  Orgueil  Castle,  Lilburne  con- 
fined in,  iii.  17 

Montrose,  submits  to  Monk,  ii.  68 

Montrose,  first  Marquis  of,  1626 
(James  Graham),  arrives  at  Brussels 
after  having  been  made  Field- 
Marshal  by  the  Emperor,  i.  15  ;  is 
friendly  to  Rupert,  and  proposes 
to  land  in  the  north  of  Scotland, 
ib.  \  rejects  Lanark's  services,  16 ; 
is  shocked  by  the  news  of  the  exe- 
cution of  Charles  I.,  19  ;  appointed 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  Scotland, 
ib.  ;  Dorislaus  assassinated  by  one 
of  the  followers  of,  64 ;  advises 
Charles  on  his  answer  to  the  Scot- 
tish Commissioners,  66 ;  obtains 
valuable  rings  from  Ulfeldt,  67  ; 
empowered  to  negotiate  with  Euro- 
pean states,  68  ;  named  Admiral  of 
Scotland,  ib. ;  commissions  renewed 
to,  69 ;  receives  money  and  arms 
from  Ulfeldt,  ib.  ;  leaves  the 
Netherlands,  ib. ;  receives  fresh 
authority  from  Charles,  ib.  ;  urged 
by  Charles  to  persist  in  his  enter- 
prise, 187  ;  Charles  sends  the  Garter 
to,  188  ;  negotiates  with  the  Elector 
of  Brandenburg,  189  ;  sends  Kin- 
noul  to  the  Orkneys,  and  pleads 
Charles's  cause  in  the  northern 
courts,  ib.  ;  visits  Copenhagen  and 
Gothenburg,  190  ;  issues  a  declara- 
tion, ib.  ;  arrives  at  Kirkwall, 
191  ;  publication  of  the  letter 
addressed  by  Charles  to,  192  ; 
appointment  of  Eythin  as  Lieute- 
nant-General  under,  196  ;  proposal 
to  send  to  Ireland,  199  ;  indemnity 
offered  to,  206 ;  intention  of  Charles 
to  employ  in  England,  ib.  ;  mes- 
sages carried  by  Fleming  to,  207  ; 
receives  Charles's  letter  in  the 
Orkneys,  208 ;  his  last  letter  to 
Charles,  209 ;  his  chances  of  suc- 
cess, ib.  ;  sends  Hurry  to  the 
mainland,  210;  standards  of,  211; 
follows  Hurry,  and  marches  into 


INDEX  327 

MOR 

Sutherland,  ib.  ;  makes  for  Strath 
Oykell,  112  ;  takes  up  a  position  at 
Carbisdale,  215  ;  sends  his  horse 
to  reconnoitre,  216 ;  defeated  at 
Carbisdale,  218 ;  flight  of,  ib.  \ 
descends  into  Assynt,  219 ;  given 
up  by  Macleod,  220 ;  delivered 
over  to  Leslie,  and  sent  to  Edin- 
burgh, 221 ;  compared  by  a  preacher 
to  Agag,  222 ;  carried  in  a  cart 
through  the  streets,  223  ;  his  con- 
duct in  prison,  ib.  ;  his  language 
about  the  Covenant,  224 ;  appears 
before  Parliament,  225  ;  his  sen- 
tence, 226  ;  execution  of,  227 ; 
letter  written  by  Charles  to  Parlia- 
ment on  hearing  of  the  defeat  of, 
231,  232  ;  execution  of  followers  of, 
233 ;  Charles  receives  the  news  of 
the  execution  of,  236 

Montrose,  second  Marquis  of,  1650 
(James  Graham),  letter  from  Charles 
to,  i.  236 

Montserrat,  recruits  for  Venables  ob- 
tained at,  iv.  131 

Moore,  John,  Colonel,  sent  with  his 
regiment  to  Dublin,  i.  97 

Moore,  Lord  (Garret  Moore),  dis- 
missed from  the  governorship  of 
Drogheda,  i.  no 

Moray,  Sir  Robert,  receives  Orkney 
prisoners  as  recruits  for  the  French 
service,  i.  234  ;  joins  in  Glencairn's 
rising,  iii.  91 

More,  Dr.,  pleads  the  cause  of  the 
French  Protestants,  iii.  112 

Morgan,  Thomas,  Colonel,  surrender 
of  Dunottar  to,  ii.  136  ;  employed 
in  the  north-east  of  Scotland,  iii. 
106  ;  sent  to  Braemar,  108  ;  defeats 
Middleton,  109 

Morland,  Samuel,  sent  to  remonstrate 
with  the  Duke  of  Savoy  on  the 
massacre  of  the  Vaudois,  iv.  185  ; 
obtains  assurances  of  support  from 
Louis  XIV. ,  187 ;  remonstrates  with 
the  Duke,  188  ;  leaves  Turin,  189 

Morley,  Herbert,  Wildman's  expecta- 
tions from,  iii.  228,  notes  ;  elected 
to  second  Protectorate  Parliament, 
iv.  269 

Morris,  John,  Colonel,  governor  of 
Pontefract  Castle,  escape  and  exe- 
cution of,  i.  41 

Morton,  eighth  Earl  of,  1649  (Robert 
Douglas),  receives  Kinnoul  in  the 
Orkneys,  i.  189  ;  death  of,  190 


328 


INDEX 


MOS 


NAV 


Moseley  Hall,   Charles  sheltered  at, 

«•  S3 

Moses,  Martin  compares  the  Com- 
monwealth to,  i.  243 ;  Cromwell 
compared  to,  ii.  275 ;  the  Fifth 
Monarchists  call  for  a  code  based 
on  the  law  of,  314 

Motril,  Rupert  burns  English  vessels 
at,  i.  305 

Muggleton,  Lodowicke,  see  Reeves 
and  Muggleton 

Mulgrave,  Earl  of,  1626  (Edmund 
Sheffield),  chosen  a  member  of  the 
first  Council  of  State,  i.  5  ;  refuses 
to  take  the  Engagement  in  its 
original  form,  6  ;  abstains  from 
sitting  in  the  Council  of  State,  7 ; 
becomes  a  member  of  the  Council, 
iii.  171  ;  does  not  sit  in  second 
Protectorate  Parliament,  iv.  269 

Munster,  furnishes  recruits  to  Inchi- 
quin,  i.  88 ;  Cromwell  plans  a 
landing  in,  97  ;  Cromwell's  intelli- 
gence with  English  officers  in,  ib.  ; 
Inchiquin  returns  to,  100 ;  Crom- 
well abandons  the  idea  of  landing 
in,  and  despatches  Ireton  to,  105 ; 
Ireton  fails  to  land  in,  106  ;  Crom- 
well sends  a  message  to  officers  in, 
109;  Cromwell  marches  towards, 
126  ;  revolt  of  the  garrison  of  Cork 
in,  136  ;  spread  of  the  revolt  in, 
137-143 ;  Cromwell  inspects  the 
garrisons  of,  146 

Murphy,  John,  Colonel,  defeats  Ven- 
ables  near  Fort  San  Geronimo,  iv. 

139 

Murray,  Will,  brings  letters  from 
Charles  to  Argyle  and  others,  i. 
183  ;  sent  to  Breda  to  warn  Charles 
against  the  Hamiltons,  and  to  pro- 
pose a  marriage  with  Argyle's 
daughter,  201  ;  probably  offers  to 
Charles  an  indemnity  for  Mont- 
rose,  206 ;  returns  to  Scotland, 
230  ;  brings  a  letter  from  Charles 
to  the  Parliament,  231 

Musgrave,  Sir  Philip,  reported  to  be 
prepared  to  seize  Carlisle,  iii.  271 

Muskerry,  Viscount,  1640  (Donogh 
MacCarthy),  remonstrates  with 
Ormond,  i.  136 ;  driven  back  by 
Waller,  ii.  116;  defeated  by  Brog- 
hill,  120 

Musselburgh,  arrival  of  Cromwell  at, 
i.  272  ;  Cromwell  retreats  to,  275 

Mutineers,  see  Army ;  Navy 


NAKED  woman,  the,  at  Sterry's  ser- 
mon, ii.  95 

Napier,  second  Lord,  1645  (Archi- 
bald Napier),  asked  by  Charles  to 
continue  his  assistance  to  Montrose, 
i.  198 ;  banished  from  Scotland, 
234 

Naples,  Blake's  visit  to,  iv.  147 

Naudin,  Theodore,  his  conferences 
with  Baas,  iii.  125 ;  gives  evidence 
against  Baas,  136 

Naval  tactics  of  the  first  Dutch  war, 
ii.  196 

Naval  war,  objects  of,  ii.  182 

Navigation  Act,  the,  passed,  ii.  146 ; 
in  agreement  with  the  ideas  of  the 
time,  147  ;  differs  from  the  Naviga- 
tion Act  of  Charles  II. ,  148,  note  i ; 
significance  of,  150 ;  a  Dutch  war 
not  contemplated  by  the  authors  of, 
153 ;  the  Dutch  anxious  for  the 
repeal  of,  169  ;  not  the  direct  cause 
of  the  Dutch  war,  170 ;  enforced  at 
Barbados,  iv.  130 

Navy,  the  Dutch,  disorganisation  of, 
ii.  176 ;  sluggishness  of  the  ad- 
ministration of,  183  ;  condition  of, 
under  De  With,  194 ;  mutinous 
spirit  amongst  the  officers  of,  198  ; 
attempt  to  restore  discipline  in, 
203 ;  Tromp  points  out  the  weak- 
ness of,  ii.  32,  39 

Navy,  the  English,  Parliament  re- 
solves to  strengthen,  i.  22,  23  ; 
Acts  for  impressing  and  rewarding 
sailors  for,  23 ;  development  of, 
under  the  Commonwealth,  307 ; 
condition  of,  at  the  opening  of  the 
Dutch  war,  ii.  183  ;  enthusiasm  in, 
184 ;  well  equipped  under  Blake, 
194 ;  thirty  frigates  built  for,  199  ; 
mutiny  in  three  ships  of,  204 ;  im- 
proved condition  of  the  seamen  of, 
21 1 ;  attempt  to  enforce  discipline 
in,  212  ;  its  supplies  from  the  Baltic 
cut  off,  213 ;  Scotland  and  New 
England  asked  for  supplies  for,  ib.  ; 
gains  the  command  of  the  Channel, 
220 ;  character  of  the  sailors  in, 
246  ;  difficulty  of  finding  men  for, 
246,  247;  accepts  Cromwell's  tem- 
porary dictatorship,  271 ;  difficulty 
of  raising  money  for,  iii.  56  ;  mutiny 
in,  58  ;  partly  dependent  on  a  Par- 
liamentary grant,  205  ;  expenditure 
for,  238,  note  i ;  discontent  in,  214  ; 
iv.  229-232 


INDEX 


329 


NAV 


NEW 


Navy  Committee,  the  appointment 
of,  i.  22,  23 

Needham,  Marchamont,  is  impri- 
soned for  his  writings  in  Mercurius 
Pragmaticus ,  i.  253  ;  is  discharged 
from  imprisonment  and  writes  The 
Case  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Eng- 
land Stated,  ib.  ;  nature  of  his 
argument,  253,  254 ;  receives  a 
gift  and  a  pension,  and  publishes 
Mercurius  Politicus,  255  ;  political 
opinions  inculcated  by,  ii.  17,  18 

Negative  voice,  the,  Parliamentary 
discussion  on,  iii.  204 

Nelson,  Francis,  writes  a  Latin  ode 
on  Cromwell,  ii.  60 

Nelson,  Horatio,  Viscount,  declares 
that  he  has  never  blockaded  Tou- 
lon, i.  304,  note  3 

Netherlands,  the,  ambassadors  from, 
find  the  Navigation  Act  irrevo- 
cable, ii.  169;  treat  on  maritime 
grievances,  ib.  ;  English  demands 
on,  171  ;  leave  England,  180 ;  sign 
a  treaty  with  the  Protector,  iii.  67  ; 
entertained  at  Whitehall,  70 

Netherlands,  the,  commissioners  from, 
arrive  in  England,  iii.  40 ;  nego- 
tiation of,  41-45  ;  reject  a  plan  for 
the  partition  of  the  globe,  51 ; 
offer  a  defensive  alliance,  61 ;  Crom- 
well sends  a  draft  treaty  to,  62 ; 
demand  their  passports,  63 ;  re- 
sumption of  the  conference  with, 
ib.  ;  an  agreement  arrived  at  with, 
65 ;  receive  the  title  of  ambas- 
sadors, 67 

Netherlands,  the,  States-General  of 
the  United  Provinces  of,  condole 
with  Charles  II.,  i.  18 ;  are  dis- 
inclined to  lend  money  to  Charles, 
60 ;  mission  of  Dorislaus  to,  64 ; 
denounce  the  assassins  of  Doris- 
laus, 65  ;  refuse  a  loan  to  Charles, 
68  ;  Strickland  ordered  to  protest 
against  the  conduct  of,  179  ;  meet- 
ing of  a  Grand  Assembly  of,  320 ; 
effect  of  the  death  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  on  the  authority  of,  ib.  ; 
continue  to  direct  foreign  affairs, 
325  ;  appoint  commissioners  to  treat 
with  St.  John  and  Strickland,  ib.  ; 
progress  of  the  negotiation  with, 
326-328  ;  breach  of  the  negotiation 
with,  329 ;  make  a  treaty  with 
Denmark  on  the  Sound  dues,  ii.  146; 
Dunkirk  offered  to,  161  ;  send  an 


embassy  to  England,  169 ;  order 
the  increase  of  the  navy,  171  ; 
English  demands  on,  ib.  ;  order 
Tromp  to  put  to  sea,  176  ;  fail  to 
come  to  terms  with  England,  180; 
a  plan  for  renewing  negotiations 
adopted  by  a  majority  of,  iii.  30 ; 
refuse  to  accept  Tromp's  resigna- 
tion, 32  ;  asked  to  agree  that  every 
future  captain-general  shall  swear 
to  the  English  treaty,  66;  send 
Beverning  to  England  without  cre- 
dentials, 66,  67 ;  signature  of  the 
treaty  with,  67 ;  ratify  the  treaty 
with  England,  69  ;  hostile  to  the 
designs  of  Charles  X. ,  iv.  198 ; 
form  an  alliance  with  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  ib. 

Netherlands,  the  United  Provinces 
of  the,  condolences  offered  to 
Charles  II.  by  the  States-General 
and  clergy  of,  i.  18 ;  relations  be- 
tween England  and,  318 ;  effect  of 
the  death  of  the  Prince  of  Orange 
on,  320;  proposed  alliance  with, 
321 ;  trade  of,  ii.  145 ;  legislature 
and  diplomacy  of,  146  ;  maritime 
grievances  of,  169 ;  English  re- 
prisals against  the  shipping  of,  ib.  \ 
view  of  the  law  of  prize  adopted  in, 
170,  171 ;  trial-administration  of  the 
navy  of,  176 ;  at  a  disadvantage  in 
a  war  with  England,  182 ;  mission 
of  Gerbier  to,  188  ;  outcry  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Stadtholderate 
in,  192 ;  distress  in,  iii.  31  ;  demand 
for  amalgamation  with,  41  ;  Crom- 
well  asks  for  a  close  union  with, 
42 ;  policy  of  Cromwell  towards, 
43  ;  policy  of  the  Council  of  State 
towards,  ib.  ;  peace  signed  with, 
67 

Neuburg,  the  Count  Palatine  of  (Philip 
William),  authorises  the  execution 
of  Manning,  iv.  227 

Nevis,  recruits  for  Venables  obtained 
at,  iv.  131  ;  settlement  in  Jamaica 
of  colonists  from,  220,  222 

Newcastle,  Charles  II.  urges  the 
Dutch  to  seize,  ii.  192 ;  number  of 
Parliamentary  electors  in,  iii.  172  ; 
projected  attempt  of  Royalists  on, 
283 

Newcastle,  Marquis  of,  1643  (William 
Cavendish),  named  a  Privy  Coun- 
cillor, i.  199  ;  rebuked  for  swearing, 
200  ;  appointed  to  command  in  the 


330 


INDEX 


NEW 


OEI 


northern  counties,  240  ;  sent  to  ask 
the  King  of  Denmark  for  supplies, 
241  ;  intended  to  land  in  Kent,  ii.  8 

Newdigate,  Richard,  Justice  of  the 
Upper  Bench,  sent  to  try  the 
northern  insurgents,  iii.  298  ;  dis- 
missal of,  299 

New  England,  kind  treatment  of  the 
Dunbar  prisoners  in,  i.  296 ;  order 
to  send  prisoners  from  Worcester 
to,  ii.  63,  64 ;  favourable  to  the 
Commonwealth,  140 ;  supplies  for 
the  navy  sought  from,  213;  invited 
to  take  part  in  an  attack  on  New 
Amsterdam,  iv.  161 ;  joins  in  cap- 
turing French  forts  in  Acadia,  162 

New  Exchange,  the,  used  as  a  lounge, 
iii.  79  ;  murder  in,  ib. 

Newfoundland  is  favourable  to  the 
Commonwealth,  ii.  140 

Newport  of  High  1  rcall,  second  Lord, 
1651  (Francis  Newport),  arrest  of, 
iii.  312 

Newport  Pagnell,  Bunyan  in  garrison 
at,  ii.  87 

New  Ross,  summoned  by  Cromwell, 
i.  134 ;  capitulates  to  Cromwell,  135 ; 
Cromwell  completes  a  bridge  over 
the  Barrow  at,  141  ;  operations 
round,  ib. 

Newry  occupied  by  Monk's  troops, 
i.  73 ;  surrenders  to  Venables,  126 

Newspapers,  restrictions  on  the  pub- 
lication of  Royalist,  i.  173,  174 ; 
started  as  organs  of  the  Govern- 
ment, 174 ;  the  list  of,  iv.  26 ;  only 
two  allowed  to  appear,  27 ;  cha- 
racter of  the  news  in,  ib. 

Newtyle,  surprise  of  Sir  John  Brown 
by  the  Scottish  Royalists  at,  i.  338 

Nice,  Oliver  proposes  an  attack  on, 
iv.  190,  note  4 

Nicholas,  John,  Captain,  appointed 
deputy  Major-General  in  South 
Wales,  iii.  340 

Nicholas,  Robert,  Baron  of  the  Ex- 
chequer, seized  by  the  Royalists  at 
Salisbury,  iii.  287 

Nicholas,  Sir  Edward,  secretary  to 
Charles  II.,  approves  of  the  assassi- 
nation of  Dorislaus,  i.  65  ;  recom- 
mends Charles  not  to  abandon 
Ormond  or  Montrose,  186  ;  ordered 
to  absent  himself  from  the  Council, 
199  ;  reappointed  secretary  to 
Charles  II.,  iii.  273 

Nieuport,  Willem,  sent  as  a  commis- 


sioner to  England,  iii.  40  ;  Crom- 
well sends  a  private  communication 
to,  41  ;  returns  to  the  Netherlands, 
45 ;  argues  that  an  alliance  with 
Sweden  is  contrary  to  English  in- 
terests, iv.  200 

Norbury,  John,  suppression  of  his 
petition  for  the  assumption  by  the 
Protector  of  the  legislative  power, 
iii.  307 

Norfolk,  Fifth  Monarchy  men  in,  i. 
29;  Royalist  insurrection  in,  ii.  8; 
march  towards  Worcester  of  the 
militia  of,  43  ;  placed  under  Haynes 
as  Fleetwood's  deputy,  iii.  340 

Northamptonshire,  placed  under 
Butler,  iii.  340 ;  amount  raised  by 
decimation  in,  iv.  250 

Northumberland,  Charles  Howard 
Deputy  Major-General  over,  iii. 
340;  hostility  displayed  towards 
the  Government  during  elections 
in,  iv.  269 

Norton,  Humphrey,  offers  to  go  to 
prison  in  place  of  Fox,  iv.  8 

Norwich,  Earl  of,  1644  (George 
Goring),  tried  by  the  High  Court  of 
Justice,  i.  10 ;  reprieved  by  the 
casting  vote  of  the  Speaker,  ii 

Norwich,  Fifth  Monarchy  men  in,  i. 
29,  iv.  237 ;  Boatman  forbidden  to 
preach  in,  267 ;  Fleetwood  elected 
member  for,  267,  268 

Norwood,  Henry,  Major,  arrest  of, 
iii.  233 

Nottingham,  proposed  seizure  of,  iii. 
271 

Nottinghamshire,  placed  under  Whal- 
ley,  iii.  340  ;  Whalley's  report  on 
the  condition  of,  iv.  33 

Nuncio,  the,  see  Rinuccini,  Giovanni 
Batista 

Nuremberg,  Diet  at,  Von  Karpfen's 
mission  to,  i.  196 


GATES,  SAMUEL,  supports  the  dis- 
contented officers  in  Scotland,  iii. 

Obdam,   Lord  of  (Jacob  van  Wasse- 

naer),  appointed  to  command  the 

Dutch  fleet,  iii.  59 

Oder,  the,  Swedish  position  on,  iv.  195 
O'Dwyer,  Edmund,  Colonel,  submits 

to  the  English,  ii.  128 
Oeiras  Bay,  Blake  anchors  in,  i.  300 ; 

Rupert  anchors  in,  302 


OFF 

Officers  of  State,  to  be  approved  by 
Parliament,  iii.  201 

Officers  of  the  Army,  see  Army,  the 

Ogilvy,  George,  surrenders  Dunottar 
Castle,  ii.  136 

Ogilvy,  Lord  (James  Ogilvy),  intends 
to  rise  for  Charles,  i.  335 

Ogilvy,  Sir  David,  surprises  Sir  John 
Brown  at  Newtyle,  i.  338 

Okey,  John,  Colonel,  made  an  M.A. 
at  Oxford,  i.  54 ;  signs  Owen's 
scheme  for  the  settlement  of  the 
Church,  ii.  98 ;  signs  the  three 
colonels'  petition,  iii.  211 ;  surren- 
ders his  commission,  217  ;  his  sup- 
port to  a  plot  expected,  227  ;  part 
taken  in  Wildman's  plot  by,  228, 
note  3  ;  has  interviews  with  Harri- 
son and  Bradshaw,  iv.  259  ;  sum- 
moned before  the  Council,  260 

Oliver,  Lord  Protector  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, installation  of,  iii.  i ; 
attacked  by  the  Fifth  Monarchy 
preachers,  5 ;  banqueted  in  the 
City,  ii ;  knights  the  Lord  Mayor, 
ib.  ;  The  True  State  of  the  Case  of 
the  Commonwealth  published  in 
support  of,  12  ;  compared  to  Caesar, 
14  ;  objects  of  his  foreign  policy, 
15 ;  dismissal  and  appointment  of 
judges  by,  ib.  ;  issues  eighty-two 
ordinances,  17  ;  repeals  the  Engage- 
ment, 18  ;  prohibits  cock-fighting, 
ib.  ;  witnesses  Cornish  games  in 
Hyde  Park,  ib.  ;  reforms  Chancery, 
19 ;  maintains  an  Established 
Church,  ib.  ;  outvoted  on  the  com- 
mutation of  tithe,  20  ;  appoints  a 
Commission  of  Triers,  21 ;  appoints 
Ejectors,  22 ;  Church  system  of, 
24 ;  resumes  the  conferences  with 
the  Dutch,  63  ;  proposes  interna- 
tional arbitration,  64 ;  arrives  at 
an  agreement  with  the  Dutch  Com- 
missioners, 65  ;  expects  the  States 
of  Holland  to  exclude  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  69  ;  ratifies  the  treaty  with 
the  States-General  and  entertains 
the  Dutch  ambassadors,  70  ;  insists 
on  the  delivery  of  the  Exclusion 
Act,  71  ;  diplomacy  of,  ib.  ;  was 
probably  mistaken  in  insisting  on 
the  Exclusion  Act,  72  ;  sends  Dury 
to  effect  a  union  of  Protestants, 
ib.  ;  submits  to  the  closure  of  the 
Scheldt,  77 ;  has  a  commercial 
understanding  with  the  Protestant 


INDEX  331 

OLI 

States,  78  ;  negotiates  with  Por- 
tugal, ib.  ;  refuses  to  pardon  Dom 
Pantaleon  Sa,  80  ;  makes  a  treaty 
with  Portugal,  81,  82 ;  character 


of  the  foreign  policy  of  83  ;  hesi- 
tates between  a  French  and  a 
Spanish  alliance,  113  ;  sends  pro- 
posals to  Mazarin  by  Baas,  ib.  ; 
continues  to  listen  to  Cardenas  and 
Barriere,  and  sends  Stouppe  to 
France,  114,  115;  feels  bound  to 
support  the  Huguenots,  115;  is 
irritated  by  the  delay  of  Baas's 
return,  117  ;  offers  an  alliance  to 
Spain,  118  ;  hesitates  between 
France  and  Spain,  120 ;  receives 
fresh  overtures  from  Mazarin 
through  Baas,  121  ;  reassured  by 
Mazarin,  122 ;  competition  of 
France  and  Spain  for  an  alliance 
with,  ib.  ;  appoints  commissioners 
to  treat  with  Cardenas  and  Bor- 
deaux, 124 ;  asks  Cardenas  for 
more  money,  ib.  ;  varying  utter- 
ances of,  124,  125  ;  reproached  by 
Baas,  126  ;  is  unwilling  to  break 
with  France,  127 ;  offers  terms  to 
Baas,  129 ;  defied  by  Baas,  130 ; 
resolves  to  ally  himself  with  Spain, 
131 ;  suggests  terms  of  alliance  with 
France,  132  ;  has  a  stormy  discus- 
sion with  Bordeaux,  133,  134 ; 
assures  Cardenas  that  he  is  ready 
to  declare  war  against  France,  134; 
is  distracted  between  two  policies, 
135 ;  early  plot  for  the  assas- 
sination of,  139 ;  reward  offered 
for  the  murder  of,  145  ;  discovery 
of  a  plot  to  assassinate,  146 ; 
charges  Baas  with  his  intrigue  with 
Naudin,  151 ;  orders  Baas  to  leave 
England,  ib.  ;  forwards  his  terms 
to  Brussels,  152 ;  asks  for  Dunkirk 
as  a  pledge  for  the  eventual  delivery 
of  Calais,  154  ;  applies  to  Bordeaux, 
155  ;  resolves  to  continue  the  nego- 
tiation with  France,  155,  156  ;  asks 
for  the  surrender  of  Brest,  156 ; 
tends  to  an  understanding  with 
France,  ib.  ;  drops  the  project  of  a 
European  war  against  Spain,  157  ; 
supports  in  the  Council  project  of 
war  with  Spain  in  the  West 
Indies,  159 ;  asks  Cardenas  for 
liberty  of  conscience  and  trade 
in  the  Indies,  160 ;  thinks  of  a 
war  in  the  West  Indies,  161  : 


332 


INDEX 


OLI 


OLI 


issues  a  commission  to  Penn  and 
Venables,  162  ;  proceeds  with  the 
French  treaty,  163  ;  his  vacillations, 
164 ;  Milton's  panegyric  on,  167  ; 
Milton's  advice  to,  168  ;  his  views 
compared  with  those  of  Milton,  170 ; 
rejects  a  proposal  to  require  mem- 
bers of  Parliament  to  re-affirm  the 
engagement  of  their  constituencies, 
177 ;  opens  Parliament,  178  ;  his 
speech  at  the  opening  of  Parliament, 
179  ;  asks  Parliament  to  examine 
the  Instrument,  181  ;  debate  in  Par- 
liament on  the  powers  of,  186 ;  offers 
terms  to  Parliament,  ib. ;  his  speech 
to  Parliament,  188 ;  defends  his 
position,  ib.  ;  his  account  of  the 
formation  of  the  Instrument,  189  ; 
claims  national  approval,  190;  offers 
to  be  content  with  four  funda- 
mentals, 192  ;  demands  the  accept- 
ance of  the  Recognition,  194  ;  gives 
a  friendly  warning  to  Harrison,  195 ; 
does  not  reject  the  substitution  of  a 
veto  for  a  prohibition  of  constitu- 
tional change,  197  ;  offers  to  lay  an 
account  of  his  naval  preparations 
before  Parliament,  198  ;  carriage 
accident  to,  199  ;  his  power  over  war 
and  peace  questioned,  200  ;  heredi- 
tary power  denied  to,  ib.  ;  discussion 
in  Parliament  on  the  mode  of 
choosing  a  successor  to,  201 ;  is  not 
seriously  dissatisfied,  202  ;  discus- 
sion on  the  negative  voice  of,  204  ; 
is  asked  to  reduce  military  expense, 
205 ;  expresses  his  dissatisfaction 
with  Parliament,  206 ;  finds  fault 
with  Baxter,  ib. ;  death  of  the  mother 
of,  207  ;  Parliament  limits  the  con- 
trol of  the  army  to  the  lifetime  of, 
ib.  ;  his  constitutional  objections  to 
Parliamentary  supremacy,  208,  209 ; 
claims  a  control  over  the  army,  209  ; 
sends  money  to  the  fleet,  215  ;  con- 
fers with  a  committee  on  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  army,  219  ;  sighs  for  men 
of  a  universal  spirit,  221  ;  proposal 
made  in  Parliament  to  confer  the 
crown  on,  225  ;  his  relations  with 
Overton,  228 ;  financial  grant  to,  238; 
is  tired  of  the  Parliament,  239  ;  his 
position  on  the  toleration  question, 
242  ;  increased  grant  made  to,  243  ; 
his  opinion  on  the  control  of  the 
militia,  246;  writes  to  Wilks  on  the 
difficulties  of  the  situation,  248 ; 


his  speech  in  complaint  of  the  pro- 
ceedings in  Parliament,  249 ;  dis- 
solves Parliament,  252  ;  unity  in  the 
political  ideas  of,  253  ;  contrasted 
with  William  III.,  254;  incapable 
of  effecting  a  durable  settlement, 
255  ;  attempts  to  govern,  so  far  as 
possible,  by  the  Instrument,  256; 
financial  difficulties  of,  257  ;  con- 
stitutional position  of,  ib.  ;  leaves 
Theauro-John  and  Biddle  to  the 
Upper  Bench,  258  ;  issues  a  pro- 
clamation on  religious  liberty,  260  ; 
his  interview  with  Fox,  262 ;  his 
discussion  with  Simpson,  264 ; 
liberates  Simpson,  but  sends  Feake 
back  to  prison,  265  ;  answers  a  re- 
quest for  the  liberation  of  Rogers, 
266 ;  holds  a  conference  with  Rogers, 
ib.  ;  compares  himself  to  a  con- 
stable, 267  ;  listens  to  Harrison  and 
others,  ib.  ;  regrets  having  to  im- 
prison Harrison  and  his  friends, 
268  ;  his  foreknowledge  of  the  date 
fixed  for  the  Royalist  insurrection, 
277 ;  shows  Charles's  letter,  and 
issues  a  militia  commission  for 
London,  £78  ;  orders  the  arrest  of 
Royalists,  281  ;  sends  reinforce- 
ments to  the  garrison  at  Shrews- 
bury, 284 ;  appoints  Desborough 
Major-General  of  the  West,  288  ; 
not  an  object  of  general  aversion, 
294  ;  appoints  commissioners  to 
organise  the  militia,  295 ;  announces 
that  the  militia  will  not  be  called 
out,  296 ;  soldiers  break  into  the 
kitchen  of,  ib.  ;  his  power  of  taxa- 
tion questioned  by  Cony,  301  ; 
orders  Sir  Peter  Wentworth  to 
withdraw  an  action,  301,  302  ; 
argues  with  the  commissioners  of 
the  Great  Seal  on  chancery  reform, 
302  ;  appoints  new  commissioners, 
303 ;  proposal  to  revive  the  king- 
ship in  favour  of,  304 ;  proposal  to 
confer  the  legislative  power  or  the 
title  of  emperor  on,  ib.  ;  a  petition 
for  conferring  further  powers  on, 
307  ;  Manning  gives  information  of 
a  murder  plot  against,  311 ;  inca- 
pable of  entering  into  the  feelings 
of  Royalists,  312 ;  receives  further 
intelligence  of  the  murder  plot,  313  ; 
the  Duke  of  York  countenances  the 
plot  to  murder,  314;  his  attitude 
towards  the  law,  315 ;  compared 


INDEX 


333 


01,1 


OL1 


with  Charles  I.,  316;  defends  his 
arrest  of  Royalists,  ib.  ;  confirms 
the  new  establishment  of  the  army, 
317 ;  issues  a  proclamation  against 
the  election  of  Royalists  to  office, 
324  ;  part  in  originating  the  system 
of  Major-Generals  conjecturally  as- 
signed to,  327  ;  the  system  of  Major- 
Generals  defended  by,  328  ;  treats 
Royalists  as  a  class  apart,  329  ;  has 
no  legal  defence,  330  ;  his  treatment 
of  the  Royalists  impolitic,  331  ; 
attempts  to  raise  the  standard  of 
morality,  332 ;  appoints  a  day  of 
humiliation,  333  ;  issues  a  declara- 
tion against  keeping  arms  or 
ejected  clergy  by  Royalists,  334  ; 
rejects  Ussher's  petition  on  behalf 
of  the  episcopalian  clergy,  335  ; 
subsequently  modifies  his  treatment 
of  them,  336  ;  liberates  the  Royalist 
prisoners,  337 ;  renews  the  order 
expelling  Royalists  from  London, 
ib.  ;  liberates  Cleveland,  344 ;  his 
interview  with  Ludlow,  iv.  2  ;  de- 
nounced by  the  Fifth  Monarchy 
men,  3  ;  holds  that  the  Instrument 
does  not  extend  liberty  of  con- 
science to  Socinians,  5  ;  his  atti- 
tude towards  '  Quakers,'  8-10 ; 
favours  the  readmission  of  the 
Jews,  12 ;  services  rendered  by 
Jewish  intelligencers  to,  ib.  ;  gives 
to  the  Jews  a  verbal  assurance  of 
his  protection,  15 ;  his  attitude 
towards  clerical  movements,  24 ; 
throws  no  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
scientific  study,  25 ;  remits  the 
customs  on  the  paper  for  Walton's 
Polyglot  Bible,  ib.  note  2  ;  urges 
the  Lord  Mayor  and  citizens  of 
London  to  carry  out  the  system  of 
the  Major-Generals ,  29  ;  is  slow  to 
order  transportation  of  persons 
living  loosely,  35  ;  attacked  by 
Vavasor  Powell,  41  ;  defended  in 
two  pamphlets,  43  ;  his  govern- 
ment compared  with  that  of 
Charles  I. ,  46  ;  his  increasing  dis- 
regard for  the  law,  47  ;  refers  the 
Colchester  petition  to  the  Council, 
63 ;  orders  obedience  to  be  given 
to  the  judgment  of  the  Upper  Bench 
in  the  Colchester  case,  ib.  ;  sends 
Haynes  to  Colchester,  68  ;  resolves 
to  colonise  Ireland  with  English, 
88,  91  ;  resolves  that  there  shall  be 


a  transplantation  to  Connaught, 
ib.  ;  is  not  well  acquainted  with 
Ireland,  94 ;  sends  Henry  Crom- 
well to  Ireland,  98  ;  grants  land  to 
Gookin,  115;  is  dissatisfied  with 
Fleetwood,  and  appoints  Henry 
Cromwell  commander  of  the  Irish 
army,  116  ;  invites  Fleetwood  to 
return  to  England,  ib.  ;  his  objects 
in  sending  out  the  expedition  to 
the  West  Indies,  120 ;  underesti- 
mates the  difficulties  of  war  in  the 
tropics,  123 ;  attempts  to  counter- 
act the  evils  of  a  division  of  powers, 

124  ;  appoints  five  commissioners, 

125  ;  his  instructions  to  Penn  and 
Venables,  126  ;  recommends  two  of 
his  kinsmen  to  Penn,  127  ;  appeals 
to  Penn's  better  feelings,  ib.  ;  poor 
quality  of    the  troops   sent  to  the 
West  Indies  by,  128  ;    hurries  the 
expedition  off,  ib.  ;  irritated  by  the 
failure  of  the  West  Indian  expedi- 
tion, 143  ;  sends  Penn  and  Venables 
to  the  Tower,  144 ;  liberates  Penn 
and  Venables,  ib.  ;    his  responsi- 
bility for  the  failure  of  the  expedi- 
tion, 145  ;  commends  Blake  to  the 
King  ot  Spain,   146  ;    his  attitude 
towards   France  and    Spain,    159 ; 
wishes   Conde"   were  a  Protestant, 
ib.  ;   conceals    Penn's    destination 
from  Cardenas,  160  ;  hopes  to  bring 
Mazarin  to   terms,  161  ;    will  not 
restore    the   Acadian    forts,    162 ; 
receives  the  Marquis  of  Lede,  ib.  ; 
refuses  to  modify  his  demands,  163  ; 
sends  instructions  to   Blake,   164 ; 
sends    Blake   to    Cadiz   Bay,    ib.  ; 
gives  Blake  the  option  of  returning 
home  or  remaining  on  his  station, 

168  ;  final  Spanish  negotiation  with, 

169  ;  sends  a  passport  to  Cardenas, 
171  ;    issues  a   manifesto    against 
Spain,  173  ;  is  shocked  by  news  of 
a  massacre  in  Piedment,  177  ;  writes 
on  behalf  of  the  Vaudois,  185 ;  orders 
a  collection  to  be   made  for  the 
Vaudois,    186  ;    talks    of    sending 
ships  against  Nice  and  Villafranca, 
190,  note  4 ;  accepts  the  Duke  of 
Savoy's  concessions  to  the  Vaudois, 
191  ;     recalls    letters     of    marque 
against  French  vessels,  and  agrees 
to  a  treaty  with  France,  ib. ;  Waller's 
verses   on,  193 ;   sympathises  with 
Charles    X.,    194  ;     reception    of 


334 


INDEX 


OLI 


Coyet  by,  198  ;  desires  an  alliance 
with  Sweden,  199  ;  distracted  be- 
tween two  Baltic  policies,  201  ;  ex- 
plains his  policy  to  Bonde,  rb.  ; 
hopes  that  Charles  X.  will  carry 
out  the  design  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  202 ;  believes  that  the 
Pope  and  the  Catholic  powers  are 
planning  an  attack  on  Protestants, 
203  ;  his  ignorance  of  German 
opinion,  204  ;  hesitates  to  make  an 
alliance  with  Sweden  against  the 
Dutch,  205  ;  is  pleased  at  the 
Swedish  victories  in  Poland,  ib.  ; 
allows  the  levy  of  a  thousand  men 
for  Sweden,  206  ;  proposes  a  quad- 
ruple alliance,  ib.  ;  welcomes  a 
mission  from  the  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg, 207 ;  opens  his  mind  to 
Schlezer,  ib.  ;  urges  Sweden  to 
attack  the  Emperor,  ib.  •  congratu- 
lates Charles  X.  on  the  birth  of  an 
heir,  211 ;  fails  to  come  to  an  agree- 
ment with  Sweden,  212;  invites 
New  Englanders  and  West  Indian 
colonists  to  settle  in  Jamaica,  220 ; 
attempts  to  conciliate  the  Fifth 
Monarchists,  232  ;  a  new  lifeguard 
for,  234  ;  sends  Meadowe  to  Lisbon, 
237 ;  orders  the  fleet  to  Lisbon, 
238  ;  supports  Blake  against  Mon- 
tague, 240  ;  desires  to  occupy 
Dunkirk,  241  ;  dissatisfied  that 
France  does  not  offer  a  closer 
alliance,  ib.  ;  proposes  to  support 
the  Swiss  Protestant  cantons,  and 
sends  Lockhart  to  France,  242 ; 
his  claim  to  be  the  champion  of 
the  Protestant  interest  displeases 
Louis  XIV.,  248  ;  agrees  to  reduce 
number  of  militia,  250 ;  financial 
embarrassments  of,  252 ;  without 
means  of  carrying  on  wars  abroad, 
253  ;  refuses  to  resign  generalship 
in  favour  of  Lambert,  254 ;  un- 
willing to  summon  a  Parliament, 
ib.  ;  wishes  to  extend  decimation 
to  others  than  Royalists,  ib.  ;  illegal 
action  of,  255;  interprets  Instru- 
ment of  Government  in  his  own 
favour,  ib.  ;  requires  the  Council 
should  have  power  of  excluding 
members  from  Parliament,  256  ; 
does  not  intend  interference  with 
elections,  257 ;  learns  from  Wild- 
man  of  intrigues  of  Anabaptists 
and  Levellers,  259 ;  orders  stay  of 


ONE 

proceedings  against  Wildman's 
estates,  ib.  ;  argues  with  Ludlow, 
263 ;  allows  Ludlow  to  retire  to 
Essex,  264  ;  unconstitutional  treat- 
ment of  Vane  by,  266  ;  will  not 
interfere  at  Norwich,  267.  See 
also  Cromwell,  Oliver 

O'Neill,  Daniel, .brings  overtures  from 
his  uncle  Owen  O'Neill  to  Ormond, 
i.  76 ;  sent  by  Ormond  to  Owen 
O'Neill,  112 ;  reports  well  of  his 
uncle's  disposition  to  help  Ormond, 
138  ;  accompanies  the  Scottish  army 
invading  England,  ii.  34;  sent  to 
England  by  Charles  II.,  iii.  277; 
his  movements  connived  at  by  the 
officials  at  Dover,  279;  expects  the 
insurrection  to  succeed,  281  ;  escape 
of,  294 

O'Neill,  Henry,  commended  to  Or- 
mond by  his  father,  i.  140 ;  defeated 
at  Scarriffhollis  and  executed,  ii. 
107 

O'Neill,  Hugh,  defends  Clonmel,  i. 
155 ;  drives  back  the  enemy  and 
carries  his  followers  off,  156 ;  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Limerick,  ii. 
109 ;  selected  for  execution,  123 ; 
pardoned,  124 

O'Neill,  Owen  Roe,  ill  feeling  between 
him  and  the  Confederates,  i.  70 ; 
hostile  to  the  Scottish  Presbyterians, 
74 ;  avows  his  detestation  of  both 
English  parties,  76 ;  condition  of  the 
army  of,  ib.  \  holds  communication 
with  Jones,  ib.  ;  negotiates  with 
Ormond,  77  ;  agrees  to  a  cessation 
of  hostilities  with  Monk,  ib.  ;  signs 
an  agreement  with  Coote,  78  ;  pro- 
posals made  by  Crelly  on  behalf  of, 

82  ;  refusal  of  the  Council  of  State 
to  ratify  Monk's  convention  with, 

83  ;  alleged  relations  of  Cromwell 
with,   83,   note  4 ;   rumoured  con- 
junction with  Monk,  92  ;   his  treatv 
with  Monk  published,  93  ;   fails  to 
obtain    powder    from   Monk,   98 ; 
makes  overtures  to  Ormond,  107 ; 
relieves  Coote  in  Londonderry,  108 ; 
determines    to    ally    himself   with 
Ormond,  ib.  ;   Ormond  seeks  help 
from,   109 ;    excuses  himself  from 
receiving  Ormond's  envoy,  and  is 
suspected  of  waiting  till  he    had 
received  money  from  Coote,  in  ; 
Daniel  O'Neill  sent  to,  112  ;  illness 
of,  ib.  ;   makes  an  agreement  with 


INDEX 


335 


ORA 

Ormond,  139  ;  death  and  character 
of,  140 

Orange,  Mary,  Princess  Dowager  of, 
receives  a.  visit  from  Charles  II., 
iii.  273  ;  visits  the  tomb  of  Charles 
the  Great,  ib. 

Orange,  Prince  of  (William  II.),  acts 
as  host  to  Charles  II.,  i.  18  ;  urges 
the  States-General  to  assist  Charles 
with  a  loan,  68  ;  enters  on  a  contro- 
versy with  the  States  of  Holland, 
179  ;  attempts  to  mediate  between 
Charles  and  the  Scots,  199  ;  is  said 
to  have  urged  Charles  to  promise 
anything  to  the  Scots,  202 ;  asked 
to  levy  men  for  an  invasion  of 
England,  241 ;  his  quarrel  with  the 
States  of  Holland,  318  ;  his  rela- 
tions with  Mazarin  and  Charles, 
319  ;  death  of,  320 

Orange,  Prince  of  (William  III.), 
birth  of,  i.  320  ;  Cromwell  proposes 
to  exclude  from  command,  iii,  62, 
63 ;  Oliver  suggests  that  the  province 
of  Holland  shall  exclude,  65  ;  the 
treaty  accepted  by  the  States-Gene- 
ral fails  to  exclude,  69  ;  the  States 
of  Holland  exclude,  70 

Ord  of  Caithness,  the  pass  over  the, 
seized  by  Hurry,  i.  210,  211 

Orders  for  securing  the  peace  of  the 
Commonwealth  accepted  by  the 
Council,  iii.  321  ;  no  pretence  made 
to  the  legality  of  the,  323 

Ordinances  of  the  Protectorate,  the, 
iii.  17 

Orkneys,  the  landing  of  Kinnoul  in, 
i.  189 ;  Montrose  lands  in,  191, 
208  ;  disposal  of  prisoners  from,  234 

Orm^e,  the,  the  faction  of,  advocates 
democracy  at  Bordeaux,  ii.  157 ; 
suggests  constitutional  demands  to 
Sexby,  ib.  ;  irritates  the  middle 
classes,  iii.  28  ;  appeals  to  England, 
29 

Ormond,  Marquis  of,  1642  (James 
Butler),  signs  the  Irish  peace,  i.  12  ; 
invites  the  Prince  of  Wales  to  Ire- 
land, 13  ;  his  objects  differ  from 
those  of  the  Confederates,  70 ; 
invites  Michael  Jones  to  join  the 
king,  71 ;  hopes  to  reduce  Dublin, 
73  ;  hopes  to  win  over  both  Owen 
O'Neill  and  the  Ulster  Scots,  74 ; 
receives  overtures  from  O'Neill, 
76 ;  sends  Castlehaven  towards 
Dublin,  87 ;  his  views  on  the 


ORM 


military  situation,  ib.  ;  advances 
against  Dublin,  89  ;  establishes 
himself  at  Finglas,  ib.  ;  sends 
Inchiquin  against  Drogheda,  90; 
acquaints  Charles  with  his  view 
of  the  situation  in  Ireland,  90,  91 ; 
professes  not  to  fear  Cromwell, 

99  ;  complains  of  the  wants  of  his 
army,  ib.  ;  transfers  his  quarters  to 
Rathmines  and  takes  Rathfarnham, 

100  ;  attempts  to  occupy  Bagotrath, 
101 ;    is   defeated    at    Rathmines, 
102  ;    strengthens  the  garrison  of 
Drogheda,  107 ;  receives  overtures 
from   O'Neill,  ib.  ;    asks    O'Neill, 
Montgomery,  and  Clanricarde  for 
help,  109  ;  sends  envoys  to  O'Neill 
to  press  him  to  march  to  tfie  relief 
of  Drogheda,  in  ;  establishes  him- 
self at  Tecroghan,  and  sends  Daniel 
O'Neill  to  Owen  O'Neill,  112  ;  his 
forces    scattered,   ib.  ;    unable    to 
relieve  Drogheda,  115;  learns  that 
no  relief  can  reach  Drogheda,  116 ; 
directs  Castlehaven  to  take  charge 
of   the    relief   of    Wexford,    128 ; 
confers  with  the  governor  of  Wex- 
ford, 129  ;  sends  Wogan  to  defend 
Duncannon  fort,    136 ;    replies    to 
Muskerry's  remonstrance,  and  sends 
Roche  back  to   Duncannon,  137 ; 
accepts   Inchiquin's    disclaimer   of 
Antrim's  accusation   of  treachery, 
138  ;  desires  to  rally  the  Celtic  ele- 
ment to  his  cause,  ib.  ;  makes  an 
agreement    with     O'Neill,      139 ; 
policy  forced  on,  ib.  ;  posts  himself 
at  Thomastown,    141  ;    complains 
of   the    refusal    of  Waterford    to 
receive    any   soldiers    but     Ulster 
Celts,    142 ;     sets    out    to    relieve 
Waterford,  ib.  ;  receives  the  Garter 
and  a  message  from   Charles   by 
Henry  Seymour,  144;  sends  Charles 
a  report  on  the  state  of  Ireland,  ib.  ; 
failure  of  the  policy  of,  145  ;  Crom- 
well anxious  to  come  to  terms  with, 
152 ;  summons   the  Catholic   pre- 
lates and  the    Commissioners    of 
Trust  to  meet  at  Limerick,  153 ; 
resists  the  demands  made  on  him, 
ib.  ;  proposal  to  replace  him  by  An- 
trim, ib.  ;  talks  of  leaving  Ireland, 
154;  appoints   Bishop  Macmahon 
commander  of  the  Ulster  army,  ib. ; 
can  do   little  for  the    garrison  of 
Clonmel,  156  ;  deposed   from   the 


336  • INDEX 

OSN 

Lord  Lieutenancy  by  the  prelates, 
ii.  no  ;  leaves  Ireland,  112 ;  refuses 
to  bargain  with  the  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine, 113  ;  sent  to  bring  the  Duke 
of  Gloucester  from  France,  iii,  274 ; 
sympathises  with  those  who  plot 
the  murder  of  the  Protector,  iv. 
226 

Osnabriick,  the  treaty  of,  Charles  X. 
offers  to  guarantee,  iii.  211 

Ostend,  privateers  sent  out  from,  iv. 
240 

Outcry  of  the  Young  Afen  and 
Apprentices,  The,  publication  of, 
i.  163 

Over  ton,  Richard,  brought  before  the 
Council  of  State,  i.  34  ;  story  of  his 
arrest,  ib.  note ;  committed  to  the 
Tower  for  trial,  36 ;  threatens  Fair- 
fax, 46  ;  restrictions  on  the  liberty 
of,  49;  liberated,  69 

Overton,  Robert,  Major- General, 
Milton's  panegyric  on,  iii.  167  ;  his 
relations  with  the  Protector,  228  ; 
receives  an  appointment  in  Scot- 
land and  confers  with  Wild  man, 
ib.  •  Thurloe's  notes  on  his  relation 
with  Wildman's  plot,  228,  note  3  ; 
his  relations  with  the  discontented 
officers  in  Scotland.,  230  ;  arrested 
and  sent  to  England,  231 ;  impri- 
soned in  the  Tower,  232 ;  wife  of, 
goes  to  Hull,  iv.  260 

Owen,  John,  early  life  of,  ii.  96 ;  his 
views  on  toleration  and  heresy,  ib.  • 
becomes  Dean  of  Christ  Church  and 
Vice-Chancellor  of  the  University 
of  Oxford,  97,  98 ;  is  probably  the 
author  of  a  scheme  of  Church 
organisation  laid  before  the  Com- 
mittee for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel,  98 ;  produces  fifteen  funda- 
mentals, 101 ;  his  scheme  partially 
revived  by  the  Committee  on  Tithes, 
323  ;  his  scheme  rejected  by  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  324 ;  his 
attitude  towards  toleration,  iii. 
206;  his  twenty  fundamentals 
rejected,  221 

Owen  Roe  O'Neill,  see  O'Neill 

Owen,  Sir  John,  tried  by  the  High 
Court  of  Justice,  i.  10;  reprieved 
by  Parliament,  n 

Oxford,  the  city  of,  mutiny  of  soldiers 
at,  i.  63 

Oxford,  the  University  of,  gives 
degrees  to  Fairfax  and  his  prin- 


PAR 

cipal    officers,    i.     54;     Cromwell 
Chancellor  of,  ii.  58 
Oxfordshire  placed  under  Packer,  as 
Fleetwood's  deputy,  iii.  340 


PACKER,  WILLIAM,  Deputy  Major- 
General  in  Oxon  and  Herts,  and, 
jointly  with  George  Fleetwood,  in 
Bucks,  iii.  340 ;  complains  of  mem- 
bers of  corporations,  iv.  53 

Packington,  Sir  John,  arrest  of,  iii. 

233 

Palmer,  Geoffrey,  arrest  of,  iii.  312 
Parliament    Joan,   see  Alkin,   Eliza- 
beth 

Parliament  the  Long,  regulates  the 
qualifications  of  its  members,  i.  2 ; 
abolishes  the  House  of  Lords  and 
kingship  by  resolution,  3  ;  accepts 
the  Engagement  in  the  form  pro- 
posed by  Ireton,  5  ;  chooses  the 
first  Council  of  State,  ib.  ;  revises 
the  Engagement,  6;  character  of 
the  influence  of  the  Council  of 
State  on,  8  ;  arranges  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  judicial  institutions, 
9 ;  receives  a  protest  from  the 
Scottish  Commissioners,  21 ;  sends 
the  commissioners  back  to  Scot- 
land, ib.  ;  resolves  to  strengthen 
the  navy,  22,  23 ;  demands  of 
Fairfax  on,  23 ;  raises  money  for 
the  army,  24  ;  England's  New 
Chains  laid  before,  31 ;  condemns 
the  second  part  of  England's  New 
Chains,  34 ;  packs  the  Common 
Council,  38 ;  authorises  the  Com- 
mon Council  to  choose  a  chairman, 
ib.  ;  abolishes  kingship  by  Act,  39  ; 
discharges  and  fines  Lord  Mayor 
Reynoldson,  ib.  ;  orders  the  Jus- 
tices of  the  Peace  to  enforce  the 
laws  against  engrossing  corn,  and 
to  rate  wages,  ib.  ;  waives  privilege 
as  a  defence  against  actions  brought 
against  its  members,  40;  fails  to 
raise  a  loan  in  the  City,  and 
hastens  the  sale  of  the  lands  of 
Deans  and  Chapters,  ib.  ;  delays 
payment  of  delinquents'  composi- 
tions, 41 ;  banishes  seventeen  de- 
linquents, ib. ;  abolishes  Deans  and 
Chapters,  49 ;  proposes  to  charge 
soldiers'  arrears  on  the  estates  of 
the  late  king  and  his  family,  50 ; 
orders  a  debate  on  elections,  ib.  ; 


INDEX 


337 


PAR 


PAR 


three -peers  elected  to  seats  in,  55  ; 
passes  a  Treason  Act,  ib.  ;  pro- 
hibits unauthorised  reports,  ib.  ; 
orders  the  suppression  of  the  Eikon 
Basilike,  56 ;  requests  the  Council 
of  State  to  prepare  an  Act  to  re- 
strain the  liberty  of  the  press,  ib.  \ 
appoints  a  committee  to  report  on 
elections  and  the  duration  of  the 
existing  Parliament,  57  ;  invited  to 
dine  in  the  City,  58  ;  postponement 
of  the  dissolution  of,  59  ;  excepts 
Sir  John  Winter  from  pardon,  82  ; 
attempts  to  satisfy  the  soldiers,  85  ; 
prepares  for  an  adjournment,  86  ; 
receives  a  report  on  Monk's  con- 
vention with  O'Neill,  104;  censures 
and  excuses  Monk,  ib.  ;  permits 
Lilburne  to  leave  the  Tower  on 
bail,  161  ;  orders  the  prosecution 
of  the  contrivers  of  The  Outcry  of 
the  Young  Men,  164  ;  attempts  to 
win  the  masses  and  passes  an  Act 
for  the  relief  of  poor  prisoners, 
170 ;  attempts  to  suppress  political 
sermons,  171  ;  considers  a  declara- 
tion on  the  government  of  the 
Church ,  172 ;  refuses  to  declare 
the  payment  of  tithe  compulsory, 
ib. ;  orders  the  arrest  of  Winter  and 
the  banishment  of  Digby  and  Mon- 
tague, ib. ;  allows  the  Act  for  relief 
of  tender  consciences  to  sleep,  and 
issues  a  declaration  against  un- 
limited toleration,  173  ;  restricts 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  173,  174; 
orders  the  committee  on  elections 
to  meet  daily,  176 ;  orders  that 
members  of  Parliament  shall  take 
the  Engagement,  ib.  ;  extends  the 
obligation  to  officials,  ib.  ;  passes 
an  Act  limiting  elections  in  Lon- 
don, 177  ;  sequesters  the  estates  of 
Willoughby,  Massey,  and  Bunce, 
193 ;  considers  an  Act  for  forcing 
the  Engagement  on  the  whole  popu- 
lation, ib.  ;  excludes  women  from 
the  operation  of  the  Act,  ib.  ;  adopts 
four  hundred  as  the  number  of 
members  in  future  Parliaments,  and 
remits  other  questions  about  elec- 
tions to  a  Committee  of  the  whole 
House,  243  ;  dislikes  a  dissolution, 
ib.  ;  elects  a  second  Council  of 
State,  244 ;  attempts  to  conciliate 
the  Presbyterians,  246 ;  excuses 
Fairfax  from  taking  the  Engage- 
VOL.  IV. 


ment,  and  passes  an  Act  suspend- 
ing its  enforcement  on  officials,  ib.  ; 
expels  delinquents  from  London, 
and  erects  a  new  High  Court  of 
Justice,  247 ;  directs  the  Council 
of  State  to  provide  against  invasion 
and  tumults,  250 ;  orders  forces  to 
be  raised  to  keep  down  London 
and  the  West,  ib. ;  thanks  Crom- 
well for  his  services  in  Ireland,  and 
carries  out  his  recommendations, 
257  ;  votes  that  Fairfax  and  Crom- 
well shall  go  against  the  Scots,  ib.  ; 
appoints  Skippon  to  command 
London,  261 ;  issues  a  declaration 
maintaining  the  justice  of  the  in- 
vasion of  Scotland,  ib.  ;  appoints 
Cromwell  General,  ib.  ;  makes  ar- 
rangements for  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary government  of  Ireland,  265  ; 
resolves  to  make  reprisals  for 
Ascham's  murder,  309 ;  demands 
prompt  justice  from  Spain,  ib.  \ 
prohibits  commerce  with  the  Royal- 
ist colonies,  and  sends  Ayscue  to 
reduce  Barbados,  317 ;  orders  a 
thanksgiving  and  a  medal  for  the 
victory  at  Dun  bar,  ii.  i ;  passes 
a  Blasphemy  Act,  ib.  ;  repeals  the 
Recusancy  Acts,  3 ;  appoints  a 
committee  on  courts  of  justice,  4  ; 
resolves  that  law  proceedings  shall 
be  conducted  in  English,  ib.  ;  hears 
of  a  Royalist  outbreak  in  Norfolk, 
8  ;  resolves  Lichfield  Cathedral  be 
pulled  down ,23 ;  invites  Cromwell  to 
Westminster,  58  ;  thanks  Cromwell, 
ib. ;  resolves  that  nine  prisoners  shall 
be  tried,  59 ;  orders  that  Charles's 
supporters  shall  be  tried  by  a  court- 
martial,  60  ;  refuses  to  pardon 
Derby  and  his  two  officers,  61  ; 
pardons  Love's  accomplices,  and 
shows  leniency  to  the  captured 
officers,  62  ;  question  of  its  dissolu- 
tion raised,  69;  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  a  dissolution  of,  71 ;  pam- 
phlets on  the  subject  of  elections 
to,  ib.  ;  a  day  fixed  for  the  dissolu- 
tion of,  72 ;  its  chance  of  gaining 
popularity,  73  ;  the  fourth  Council 
of  State  elected  by,  74  ;  fines 
Primate,  and  fines  and  banishes 
Lilburne,  80  ;  passes  an  Act  of 
Oblivion,  81  ;  appoints  commis- 
sioners on  law  reform,  82 ;  neglects 
their  recommendations,  ib.  ;  Com- 


333 


INDEX 


PAR 


PAR 


mittce  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  appointed  by,  98  ;  asks  the 
Committee  to  propose  a  substitute 
for  tithes,  102  ;  reads  an  Act  for  a 
union  with  Scotland  twice,  135 ; 
passes  the  Navigation  Act,  146 ; 
confirms  the  agreements  with  Bar- 
bados and  Virginia,  148  ;  its  majo- 
rity friendly  to  Spain,  168,  169 ; 
rise  of  a  party  favourable  to  peace 
with  the  Dutch  in,  172  ;  schemes 
for  supplying  vacancies  in,  173 ; 
orders  the  revival  of  the  Grand 
Committee  on  Elections,  174  ;  the 
Dutch  ambassadors  bid  farewell  to, 
1 80;  approval  of  the  Dutch  war 
by  the  leaders  of,  ib.  ;  directs  the 
sale  of  the  lands  of  delinquents, 
187 ;  orders  the  building  of  thirty 
frigates,  199  ;  proposal  to  send 
ambassadors  to  The  Hague  and 
Copenhagen  made  in,  201 ;  elects 
a  fifth  Council  of  State,  202  ;  rela- 
tions of  the  Council  with,  ib.  ;  the 
army  dissatisfied  with,  221  ;  the 
army  calls  for  a  dissolution  of, 
223 ;  army  petition  presented  to, 
226;  appoints  a  select  committee 
to  consider  the  Bill  on  elections, 
ib.  ;  meetings  between  officers  and 
members  of,  227  ;  Cromwell  com- 
plains of  cliques  in,  228  ;  Crom- 
well's criticism  of,  229 ;  sends  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester  abroad,  232  ; 
directs  Harrison  to  take  charge  of 
the  Act  for  a  new  representative, 
233 !  considers  some  proposals  of 
the  commission  on  law  reform, 
235 ;  receives  a  report  from  the 
Committee  on  the  Propagation  of 
the  Gospel,  ib.  ;  discusses  the  Bill 
on  elections,  235,  236  ;  Cromwell 
shrinks  from  a  violent  dissolution 
of,  236  ;  Cromwell  forms  a  party 
in,  237;  replies  to  an  overture  from 
the  States  of  Holland,  239  ;  sends 
to  Cardenas  a  draft  treaty,  ib.  ; 
aims  at  a  commercial  treaty  with 
France,  243,  244  ;  the  officers  talk 
of  a  violent  dissolution  of,  245  ; 
places  itself  in  antagonism  with 
Cromwell,  246 ;  attacked  by 
preachers,  248  ;  the  probity  of  the 
Commissioners  for  the  Propaga- 
tion of  the  Gospel  in  Wales 
attacked  in,  249,  250;  its  authority 
attacked  by  the  army  and  main- 


tained by  Cromwell,  251  ;  enter- 
tains the  idea  of  dropping  the  Bill 
on  Elections,  252  ;  resolves  to  con- 
tent itself  with  filling  vacant  seats, 
253  ;  resolves  to  adjourn,  ib.  ; 
takes  up  the  Bill  on  Elections, 
259 ;  its  vote  on  the  Election  Bill 
stopped  by  Cromwell,  262 ;  disso- 
lution of,  263 ;  its  work  charac- 
terised, 266,  267 

Parliament,  the  Nominated,  an- 
nouncement of,  ii.  273 ;  names 
sent  in  by  the  Congregational 
Churches  for,  276 ;  members  se- 
lected by  the  Council  of  Officers, 
281,  282  ;  composition  of,  282  ; 
writs  to  summon  the  members  to, 
283 ;  Cromwell's  speech  at  the 
opening  of,  286  ;  assumes  the  name 
of  Parliament,  and  resolves  that 
all  its  servants  shall  be  godly,  288, 
289  ;  first  proceedings  of,  289,  290 ; 
refers  the  question  of  tithes  to  a 
committee,  290 ;  decides  on  abo- 
lishing Chancery,  291  ;  passes  an 
Act  for  civil  marriage  and  parochial 
registers,  292 ;  refuses  to  allow 
divorce  for  adultery,  ib.  ;  refuses  to 
take  action  on  Lilburne's  petition, 
296 ;  petition  of  young  men  and 
apprentices  to,  ib.  ;  orders  that 
Lilburne  shall  be  kept  in  custody, 
300  ;  directs  the  preparation  of  an 
Act  for  a  new  High  Court  of  Jus- 
tice, 301 ;  Cromwell  dissatisfied 
with,  302  ;  distrusted  by  the  offi- 
cers, 305  ;  Stawell's  case  in,  ib.  ; 
elects  a  Cromwellian  Council  of 
State,  307  ;  no  working  majority 
in,  ib.  ;  list  of  the  members  of, 
308,  note  i ;  non-contentious  legis- 
lation in,  310  ;  fluctuations  of 
opinion  on  the  abolition  of  Chan- 
cery in,  311  ;  proposes  to  abolish 
patronage,  321  ;  report  of  the 
Committee  of  Tithes  to,  323  ;  the 
report  debated  in,  324  ;  the  report 
rejected  by,  ib.  ;  an  early  sitting  of, 
326  ;  forsaken  by  the  Speaker, 
327 ;  abdicates,  ib. ;  the  high-water 
mark  of  Puritanism,  339;  its  right 
to  imprison  acknowledged  by  the 
judges,  iii.  16  ;  wishes  to  crush  the 
Dutch,  55 

Parliament,  the  first  Protectorate, 
Oliver  hopeful  of  the  success  of, 
iii.  171 ;  character  of  the  consti- 


INDEX 


339 


PAR 


PAR 


tuencies    of,     172  ;     indenture    re- 
quired from  the  electors  to,  173 ; 
elections  to,  174  ;  questions  at  issue 
at  the  elections  for,  175  ;  result  of 
the  elections  for,  176  ;  opening  of, 
178  ;  Lenthall  chosen  Speaker  of, 
181  ;     appoints    a    committee    on 
election  petitions,   ib.  ;    debate  on 
freedom  of  speech  in,   183  ;  main- 
tains its  claim  to  judge  elections, 
ib.  ;    refers    the    Instrument   to    a 
committee,  184 ;    attempts  to   im-    ! 
pose  restrictions  on  the  Protector,    I 
185  ;  formation  of  a  central  party    { 
in,    1 86 ;    compromise  offered   by,    | 
187 ;    the    Protector's    speech    to,     | 
1 88  ;  terms  offered  by  the  Protector 
to,  192 ;  Recognition  proposed  to, 
194 ;  members  refusing  to  sign  the 
Recognition   excluded   from,    195 ;    | 
explains    the     Recognition,    196 ;    j 
goes  into  committee  on  the  Instru-    ! 
merit,  ib.  ;  proposes  the  substitution    i 
of  a  veto  for  a  prohibition  of  con- 
stitutional changes,   197 ;    accepts 
two  of  the  Protector's  four  funda- 
mentals, 198 ;  leaves  the  manage- 
ment of  the  army  to  the  Protector 
for  his  life,   ib.  ;    votes    that    the 
appointment  of  councillors  shall  be 
subject  to  its  approval,  199;  claims    ! 
the  right,  when  sitting,  of  declaring    | 
war,  200  ;  refuses  hereditary  right    j 
to  the  Protectorate,  ib.  ;  settles  the 
mode  of  appointing  the  council  and 
officers  of  state,    201  ;    wishes   to 
reduce  the  army,  203 ;  appoints  a 
committee  on  religious  affairs,  ib.  ; 
claims  to   be   a  constituent  body, 
but  agrees  to  a  compromise,  204  ; 
comes   to   a   compromise    on    the 
negative  voice,  205  ;  asks  the  Pro- 
tector to  reduce  military  expenses,    , 
ib.  ;  limits  the  control  of  the  army    > 
to  the  present  Protector,  207  ;  dis-    | 
cusses   the   disposal   of    the  army 
after  the  Protector's  death,  ib.  ;  its 
failure  predicted,  218  ;  is  dissatis- 
fied  with   the   interference   of  the 
officers,  and  proposes  to  reduce  the 
army,  219  ;  restrictions  on  tolera- 
tion imposed  by,  220 ;  the  twenty 
fundamentals     rejected    by,    221  ; 
commits    Biddl'e    to   prison,    222  ; 
proceeds  with  the  Assessment  Bill, 
ib.  ;   report  of   the    sub-committee 
of   revenue  to,    ib.  ;    proposal    to 


substitute  militia  for  regular  sol- 
diers made  in,  ib.  ;  reads  the 
Assessment  Bill  a  third  time,  224  ; 
throws  over  its  compromise  with 
the  Government,  234  ;  proposes  to 
extend  the  qualifications  for  elec- 
tions, 235  ;  grants  i.ooo.ooo/.  to  the 
Protector,  238  ;  hints  of  a  dissolu- 
tion of,  240 ;  becomes  more  con- 
ciliatory, 241 ;  orders  the  prepara- 
tion of  a  charge  against  Biddle, 
ib.  ;  dissatisfied  with  the  political 
influence  of  the  army,  242 ;  in- 
creases the  grant  to  the  Protector, 
243  ;  throws  itself  into  opposition 
to  the  Government,  244  ;  appoints 
a  committee  to  disband  part  of  the 
army,  and  asserts  its  control  over 
the  militia,  245  ;  aims  of  the  oppo- 
sition in,  246  ;  causes  of  the  failure 
of,  247  ;  speech  of  the  Protector  to, 
249  ;  dissolution  of,  252 

Parliament,  the  second  Protectorate, 
demand  for  summons  of,  iv.  253 ; 
Protector  unwilling  to  summon, 
254 ;  Protector  consents  to  summon, 
255  ;  article  of  Instrument  concern- 
ing summons  to,  ib.  note  i  ;  the 
Council  assumes  power  of  exclud- 
ing members  from,  256  ;  articles  of 
Instrument  relating  to  exclusions 
from,  ib.  note  2  ;  writs  for  elections 
to,  257 

Parliament,  the  Scottish,  passes  the 
Act  of  Classes,  i.  14 ;  orders  its 
commissioners  at  Westminster  to 
go  to  Charles  in  Holland,  20  ; 
sentences  Huntly  to  death,  63  ; 
asked  by  Charles  to  provide  for  the 
disbandment  of  Montrose's  troops, 
207  ;  Montrose  appears  before,  225  ; 
Montrose  sentenced  by,  226  ;  sends 
additional  instructions  to  the  com- 
missioners at  Breda,  230  ;  orders 
Callander  to  quit  the  country,  231  ; 
division  between  the  lords  and  the 
other  orders  in,  ib.  ;  Charles's  letter 
about  Montrose's  defeat  to,  232  ; 
excludes  Charles's  leading  sup- 
porters from  Scotland,  234  ;  con- 
firms the  treaty  of  Heligoland,  239  ; 
banishes  most  of  Charles's  followers, 
ib.  ;  allows  a  few  of  Charles's  fol- 
lowers to  remain  at  Court  and  a  few 
more  in  the  country,  ib.  ;  end  of 
the  session  of,  240  ;  commission  for 
purging  the  army  appointed  by, 
Z  2 


340  INDEX 

PAR 

271  ;  meets  at  Perth,  and  sends 
Montgomery  to  the  West,  343 ;  re- 
admits Royalists  and  Engagers, 
345  ;  summons  the  Commission  of 
the  Kirk  to  assent  to  the  readmis- 
sion  of  Royalists  and  Engagers,  ib.  ; 
acknowledges  the  sinfulness  of  its 
members,  ib.  ;  in  favour  of  con- 
ciliation, 351  ;  sanctions  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  committee  for  the 
army,  and  asks  the  Commission  of 
the  Kirk  to  prepare  for  a  general 
unity,  ib. 

Parliamentarism,  difficulty  of  recon- 
ciling the  army  to,  iii.  170  ;  Oliver's 
views  on,  171 

Partition  of  the  globe,  proposed  by 
Cromwell,  iii.  49,  50 

Passage,  fort  at,  seized  by  Cromwell, 
i.  142 

Passages,  Spanish  fleet  at,  iii.  28 

Patronage,  ecclesiastical,  recognised 
by  the  Long  Parliament,  ii.  84 ; 
resolution  of  the  Nominated  Parlia- 
to  abolish,  321  ;  arrangements  for 
the  abolition  of,  323  ;  accepted  by 
the  Protector,  iii.  22 

Pauw,  Adrian,  sent  to  England  as 
ambassador,  ii.  179 

Peacock,  James,  Captain,  ordered  to 
the  Mediterranean,  ii.  204 

Pearson,  Anthony,  present  at  Wild- 
man's  meetings,  iii.  228,  note  3 

Peeke,  Thomas,  chosen  mayor  of  Col- 
chester, iv.  59  ;  charges  against,  64 

Pell,  John,  directed  to  support  Mor- 
land,  iv.  190 

Pemberton,  Goddard,  recommended 
by  Butler  for  transportation,  iii. 
345;  iv.  34 

Pembroke  and  Montgomery,  Earl  of, 
1630  (Philip  Herbert),  chosen  a 
member  of  the  new  Council  of 
State,  i.  5  ;  elected  member  of 
Parliament,  55  ;  death  of,  244 

Penal  laws  in  matters  of  religion, 
petition  of  officers  for  the  abolition 


PER 


of,  i.  172  ;  repeal  of,  ii.  3 

Penderels,  the,  assist  Charles  to 
escape,  ii.  50-53 

Peneguiao,  Count  of  (Joao  Rodriguez 
de  Sa  e  Menezes),  arrives  as  ambas- 
sador from  Portugal ,  ii.  243 ;  nego- 
tiates a  treaty  with  England,  iii.  78  ; 
pleads  for  his  brother's  life,  80  ; 
signs  the  treaty  and  leaves  Eng- 
land, 8 1 


Penn,  William,  Admiral,  despatched 
to  the  Mediterranean,  i.  306  ;  de- 
pends on  Spanish  ports  for  supplies, 
307  ;  fails  to  meet  with  Rupert,  315  ; 
commands  as  Vice-Admiral  under 
Blake  in  the  battle  off  the  Kentish 
Knock,  ii.  197  ;  points  out  the 
danger  of .  employing  hired  mer- 
chantmen, 205  ;  his  advice  taken, 
212  ;  retains  his  post  as  Vice- 
Admiral,  214  ;  his  conduct  in  the 
battle  off  Portland,  216  ;  convoys 
the  coal- ships  to  the  Thames,  iii. 
31 ;  takes  part  in  the  battle  off  the 
Gabbard,  34 ;  boards  Tromp's  ship, 
38  ;  appointed  General  at  Sea,  63  ; 
marked  out  for  the  command  of 
the  fleet  for  the  West  Indies,  162 ; 
discontent  in  the  fleet  of,  214  ;  an- 
nounces that  his  crews  are  satisfied, 
215  ;  question  of  his  Royalism  dis- 
cussed, 216,  note  2  ;  appointed  one 
of  the  commissioners  for  the  West 
Indian  expedition,  iv.  124  ;  his  rela- 
tions with  Venables,  125  ;  grant  ot 
Irish  land  to,  126  ;  Oliver's  appeal 
to,  127  ;  on  bad  terms  with  Vena- 
bles, 132 ;  offers  to  assist  in  the 
attack  on  San  Domingo,  140;  re- 
turns to  England,  142  ;  imprison- 
ment and  liberation  of,  144 

Pennington,  Isaac,  member  of  the 
Council  of  State,  i.  245 

Pennington,  Isaac,  the  younger,  pub- 
lishes A  Word  for  the  Common- 
weal, i.  245  ;  advocates  an  exten- 
sion of  the  powers  of  the  execu- 
tive, ib. 

Penruddock,  John,  Colonel,  is  pro- 
minent amongst  the  Wiltshire 
Royalists,  iii.  286 ;  saves  the  lives 
of  the  judges  at  Salisbury,  287  ; 
proclaims  Charles  II.  at  Blandford, 
ib.  ;  is  captured  at  South  Molton, 
289 ;  trial  and  execution  of,  291. 
See  also  Royalist  insurgents 

Percy,  Lord,  1643  (Henry  Percy), 
favours  an  alliance  with  the  Scots, 
i.  18,  184 

Perkins,  Corporal,  shot  at  Burford, 

i-  54 

Perre,  Paulus  van  de,  ambassador  to 
England,  ii.  169 ;  Commissioner 
to  England,  iii.  40  ;  remains  in 
England,  45  ;  asked  to  consent  to 
the  partition  of  the  globe,  49 ;  death 
of,  63 


INDEX 


341 


PER 


POM 


Perth,  Charles,  hopes  to  gather  aa 
army  at,  i.  278 ;  Parliament  at, 
343'  344 1  plan  for  securing,  for 
Charles,  335  ;  surrenders  to  Crom- 
well, i'i.  29 

Peterborough,  resolution  to  preserve 
the  Cathedral  of,  ii.  23 

Peters,  Hugh,  rash  language  falsely 
attributed  to,  i.  50,  note ;  reports 
that  Cromwell  had  been  sea-sick, 
105 ;  brings  stragglers  to  Dublin, 
106 ;  tells  the  militiamen  to  boast 
of  ending  the  sorrows  of  England 
at  Worcester,  ii.  46 ;  thinks  that 
Cromwell  will  be  king,  60  ;  ap- 
pointed a  Commissioner  on  law- 
reform,  82 ;  instigates  a  petition 
for  peace,  187  ;  urges  Ayscue  to 
abandon  the  service,  188 ;  sends  a 
letter  to  Nieuport  by  Gerbier,  ib.  ; 
fails  as  a  diplomatist,  238 

Petit-Bourg,  Captain  du,  his  evidence 
on  the  massacre  of  the  Vaudois, 
iv.  184,  185 

Petre,  fourth  Lord,  1638  (William 
Petre),  arrest  of,  iii.  313 

Petty,  William,  Dr.,  estimate  of  the 
population  of  Ireland  by,  iv.  82, 
note  i  ;  discusses  the  transplanta- 
tion question  with  Gookin,  101  ; 
is  the  author  of  part  of  Gookin's 
book,  ib.  ;  recommends  marriages 
between  English  and  Irish,  ib. 
note  i ;  appointed  to  carry  out  the 
Down  Survey,  106 

Peyton,  Sir  Thomas,  offers  to  seize 
Teignmouth,  iii.  271 

Phayre,  Robert,  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
conducts  an  intrigue  with  some  of 
Inchiquin's  officers,  i,  94;  accom- 
panies Broghill  to  Cork,  137 

Phelips,  Robert,  Colonel,  charged 
with  a  design  to  seize  Portsmouth, 
ii.  301 

Philip  IV. ,  King  of  Spain,  Cottington 
and  Hyde  named  ambassadors  to, 
i.  62  ;  wishes  to  stop  their  coming, 
69  ;  rejects  the  proposal  of  Car- 
denas to  ally  himself  with  the 
Commonwealth,  82  ;  too  much  oc- 
cupied with  his  war  with  France 
to  engage  in  a  dispute  with  the 
Commonwealth,  179 ;  his  detesta- 
tion of  a  regicide  republic,  181  ;  is 
unwilling  to  comply  with  the  de- 
mands of  Cottington  and  Hyde, 
ib.  \  Ascham's  mission  to,  ib.  ; 


Blake's  letter  to,  305 ;  orders  his  am- 
bassador to  recognise  the  Common- 
wealth, 308  ;  required  to  do  justice 
on  Ascham's  murderers,  310 ;  dis- 
misses Cottington  and  Hyde,  ib.  ; 
indifferent  to  English  parties,  311  ; 
project  of  inviting  an  English  army 
to  besiege  Dunkirk  ascribed  to, 
313  ;  Blake  commended  to,  iv.  146  ; 
lays  an  embargo  on  English  ships 
and  goods,  170  ;  gives  a  dilatory 
answer  to  Sexby,  226  ;  his  treaty 
with  Charles  II.,  234;  is  anxious 
for  peace  with  France,  244 

'  Phoenix,'  the,  loss  of,  ii.  199 ;  re- 
capture of,  247 

Phoenix  Lodge,  Ormond  occupies  the 
grounds  of,  i.  89 

Pianezza,  the  Marquis  of,  attacks  and 
massacres  the  Vaudois,  iv.  181-185 

Pickering,  Sir  Gilbert,  is  one  of  a 
deputation  sent  to  congratulate 
Cromwell,  ii.  60 ;  becomes  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Council'  of  the  Pro- 
tectorate, iii.  2  ;  favours  an  alliance 
with  France,  119  ;  explains  the 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  French 
alliance,  133 

Pictures  of  Charles  I. ,  sale  of,  ii.  22 

Pillau,  Charles  X.  desires  to  occupy, 
iv.  208 ;  half  its  tolls  ceded  to 
Charles  X.,  211 

Pitts,  — ?,  his  part  in  Andrews's  plot, 
ii.  7 

Plain  dealing,  published  by  Richard- 
son, iv.  43 

Plate  fleet,  the,  Blake  on  the  look-out 
for,  iv.  1 66,  240 

Plays  and  interludes,  the  Major- 
Generals  ordered  to  forbid,  iii.  323  ; 
Davenant's  entertainment,  a  pre- 
cursor of  the  revival  of,  iv.  25 

Plunket,  Sir  Nicholas,  sent  to  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine,  ii.  115 

Pluscardine,  see  Mackenzie 

Plymouth,  the  Royalists  propose  to 
seize,  iii.  271 ;  iv.  227 

Pocock,  Edward,  allowed  by  the 
ejectors  to  retain  his  living,  iv.  25, 
note  2 

Poland,  design  of  Charles  X.  to  make 
war  on,  iv.  195 ;  East  Prussia  held 
by  feudal  tenure  from,  197  ;  victories 
of  Charles  X.  in,  205 

Pomerania,  Western,  assigned  to 
Sweden  by  the  treaties  of  West- 
phalia, iv.  195 


342  INDEX 

PON 

Pontefract,  surrender  of  the  Castle 
of,  i.  41 

Pontoise,  Abbot  of,  see  Montague, 
Walter 

Poole,     Royalist    plan    for    seizing, 

,  i.  240 ;  plot  for  the  surprisal  of, 
ii.  301 

Poor,  the,  work  to  be  provided  for, 
ii.  227 

Poor  prisoners,  Act  for  the  relief  of, 
i.  170 

Pope,  the,  see  Innocent  X. 

Popham,  Alexander,  present  once  at 
Wildman's  meetings,  iii.  228,  notes 

Popham,  Edward,  appointed  one  of 
the  Generals  at  Sea,  i.  23  ;  rein- 
forces Blake  off  the  mouth  of  the 
Tagus,  302 

Port  Morant,  settlement  at,   v.  222 

Portland,  battle  off,  ii.  216 ;  Sexby 
conceals  himself  at,  iii.  269 ;  Harri- 
son removed  from,  270 

Portrnan,  John,  a  Baptist,  summoned 
before  the  Council,  iv.  260 

Porto  Farina,  Blake  anchors  off,  iv. 
152  ;  Blake's  return  to,  154  ;  change 
of  the  coast  line  at,  ib.  note  3 ; 
Blake  destroys  ships  at,  155,  156 

Porto  Longone,  Badiley  takes  refuge 
in,  ii.  199 

Portsmouth,  plot  for  the  surprisal  of, 
ii.  301 ;  Blake  equips  ships  at,  iii. 
33  ;  a  fleet  gathering  at,  123  ;  pro- 
posed seizure  of,  271 

Portugal,  Rupert  arrives  in,  i.  181 ; 
Charles  Vane's  mission  to,  ib.  \ 
Blake  and  Rupert  in  the  waters  of, 
300,  303  ;  ambassador  sent  to  Eng- 
land from,  312  ;  dismissal  of  the 
ambassador  from,  ib.  ;  negotiation 
with,  ii.  243  ;  proposed  attack  on 
the  American  possessions  of,  iii.  49, 
50 ;  Oliver  continues  the  negotiation 
with,  78  ;  provisions  of  the  treaty 
with,  81,  82 ;  mission  of  Meadowe 
to,  iv.  237  ;  John  IV.,  king  of,  holds 
back  from  ratifying  Peneguiao's 
treaty,  ib.  ;  treaty  with  ratified, 
239.  See  also  John  IV. 

Powell,  Rice,  Colonel,  condemned  by 
a  court-martial,  but  pardoned,  i.  41 

Powell,  Vavasor,  his  conduct  in  Wales, 
ii.  249 ;  is  unpopular  in  London, 
250 ;  sermon  of,  report  of,  269 ; 
probably  takes  part  in  abusing 
Oliver,  iii.  5 ;  cautioned  by  the 
Council,  6 ;  escapes  to  Wales,  7  ; 


PRE 

prepares  a  petition  assailing  the 
Protector,  iv.  41  ;  Berry's  kind 
treatment  of,  42 ;  his  petition  read 
publicly,  ib.  ;  answered  in  Plain 
Dealing  and  in  Animadversions  on 
a  Letter,  43,  44 

Powick  Bridge,  destroyed  by  the 
Scots,  ii.  43 ' 

Poyer,  John,  Colonel,  condemned  by 
a  court-martial  and  shot,  i.  41 

Preachers,  the  fanatic,  see  Blackfriars 

Prelates,  the  Irish  Catholic,  meet 
together  with  the  Commissioners 
of  Trust  at  Limerick,  i.  153  ;  and 
at  Loughrea,  155;  ii.  112 

Presbyterian    Clergy,    the     English, 
political  sermons  preached  by,  i. 
'  171  ;    refuse  to  keep  the  Day  of 
Thanksgiving   for   Dunbar,    ii.    7 ; 
Royalist  sermons  of,  300,  301 

Presbyterian  discipline  only  partially 
enforced,  ii.  86 ;  weakened  after 
the  Battle  of  Worcester,  ib.  ;  iii.  176 

Presbyterian  exiles  in  Holland,  send 
Titus  to  Charles,  i.  184 ;  Strickland 
gives  information  to  Parliament  on 
the  proceedings  of,  193 

Presbyterians,  the  English,  Hyde's 
attitude  towards,  i.  61 ;  Cromwell's 
overtures  to,  64 ;  offer  men  and 
money  to  Charles,  184;  asked  by 
Charles  to  persuade  the  Scots  to  be 
moderate  in  their  demands,  187  ; 
asks  Charles  to  ally  himself  with 
the  Scots,  201 ;  attempt  of  the  In- 
dependents to  conciliate  by  legisla- 
tion, 255  ;  feeling  aroused  against 
by  Love's  plot,  ii.2o;  renewed  Par- 
liamentary .activity  of,  172,  173  ;  as 
a  political  force,  iii.  176 ;  abandon 
the  discipline,  ib,  ;  take  part  in  the 
Wiltshire  election,  ib.  ;  influence  of, 
in  the  first  Protectorate  Parliament, 
177,  note  i ;  Oliver  attempts  to 
win,  177,  179 

Presbyterians,  the  Scottish,  in  Ire- 
land, see  Scottish  Presbyterians  in 
Ulster 

President  of  the  Council  of  State,  see 
Bradshaw 

Press,  the,  Mabbott  defends  the 
liberty  of,  i.  56 ;  Act  proposed  to 
restrict  the  liberty  of,  ib.  ;  Act 
passed  to  restrict  the  liberty  of, 
173 ;  the  unlicensed,  174  ;  resolu- 
tion of  the  Government  to  secure 
organs  in,  ib.  ;  increased  represen- 


INDEX 


343 


PKE 


PUR 


tation  of  the  Government  in,  252  ; 
enforcement  of  the  licensing  ordi- 
nances, iv.  26.  See  also  Newspapers 

Preston,  extended  franchise  in,  iii. 
172 

Preston,  Thomas,  General,  his  com- 
munications with  Jones,  i.  85,  note; 
a  viscountcy  promised  to,  88  ;  plot 
against  Ormond  alleged  to  have 
been  formed  by,  ib.  note  ;  ap- 
pointed to  command  at  Waterford, 

J52 
Pride,  Thomas,  Colonel,  his  alleged 

complicity  in  a  plot,  iii.  232  ;  kills 

bears,  and  has  game-cocks  put  to 

death,  iv.  32 
Prideaux,  Attorney-General,    advises 

the  Council  on  trial  of  Lilburne,  i. 

164 
Pride's   Purge,   members   of    Parlia- 

ment   excluded    by,    the    Scottish 

Commissioners   at   Breda    suggest 

the  restoration  of,  i.  199 
Primate,  George,  joins  Lilburne  in  a 

petition  to  Parliament,  ii.  80  ;  fined 

by  Parliament,  ib. 
Prince,  Thomas,  brought  before  the 

Council  of  State,  i.  34  ;  committed 

to  the  Tower  for  trial,  36  ;  restric- 

tions on  the  liberty  of,  49  ;  liberated, 

169 
Prior,  William,  takes  part  in  a  plot, 

iii.  226 

Prisoners,  see.  Poor  prisoners 
Privateers,  Wexford  home  of  Irish, 

i.   126  ;  from  the  Isle  of  Man  and 

Jersey,  298  ;  English  losses  through 

French,  306  ;  from  the  Scilly  Isles, 


325  ;  reprisals  made  by  English  on 
French  shipping,  ii.  169;  from 
Brest,  iii.  126  ;  from  Dunkirk,  iv. 


240  ;  from  Ostend  and  the  Biscay 

ports,  ib.  ;  English  losses  through, 

241 
Prize-law,  the  English,  ii.  170;   the 

Dutch,  170,  171 
Prize-money,  increased,  ii.  211 
Probate  of  wills,  commissioners  ap- 

pointed for  granting,  ii.  292 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel,  the,  pro- 

posed Act  for,  ii.  98.     See  also  Com- 

mittee for  the  Propagation  of  the 

Gospel 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Wales, 

the  appointment  of  commissioners 

for,  ii.  249 
Protector,  the  Lord,  see  Oliver 


Protectorate,  the  constitution  of,  ii. 
332  ;  aims  of  the  founders  of,  337  ; 
accepted  by  the  army  in  Scotland, 
iii.  98 ;  difficulties  before,  170 ; 
fundamental  rights  claimed  by 
Oliver  for,  192  ;  Parliamentary  dis- 
cussion on  the  control  of  the  army 
in,  198  ;  position  of  the  Council  in, 
199;  power  of  war  and  peace  in, 
200;  question  of  the  succession  to, 
ib.  ;  method  of  choosing  the  council 
of,  201 ;  dispute  on  the  negative 
voice  in,  204 ;  question  of  the  dis- 
posal of  the  army  and  navy  under, 
205  ;  constitutional  difficulties  of, 
209 ;  amount  of  popular  support 
to,  294  ;  proposed  revival  of  the 
legislative  power  of,  305  ;  pamphlets 
in  defence  of,  iv.  43,  44;  nature  of 
the  opposition  to,  77 

Protestant  Alliance,  the  proposal  by 
Cromwell  for  a,  iii.  49  ;  dwindles 
to  a  commercial  league,  78 

Protestants,  the  French,  complain  of 
the  violation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
ii.  156  ;  Cromwell  wishes  to  help, 
158 ;  possibility  that  an  English 
alliance  with  France  will  benefit, 
161  ;  declaration  of  St.  Germains 
in  favour  of,  168  ;  proposed  mission 
of  Stouppe  to,  iii.  112  ;  Stouppe 
sent  to,  115  ;  Oliver  wishes  to  ne- 
gotiate for,  130  ;  Oliver  refuses  to 
engage  not  to  give  help  to,  iv.  161 

Protestants,  the  Irish  Royalist,  penal- 
ties on,  iv.  83,  84  ;  concessions  to, 

i*4.  n5 

Providence,  the  Protector  justifies  the 
English  occupation  of,  iv.  174 

Prussia,  East,  held  from  the  Polish 
crown  by  the  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg, iv.  197  ;  Charles  X.  wishes  to 
occupy  the  ports  of,  208  ;  stipula- 
tions in  the  treaty  of  Konigsberg 
concerning  the  ports  of,  211 

Prussia,  West,  Swedish  designs  on, 
iv.  197 

Prynne,  William,  ill-treated  by  sol- 
diers of  Cromwell's  army,  i.  96 

Pularoon,  English  claims  arising  out 
of  the  seizure  of,  ii.  146  ;  adjudged 
to  England,  iii.  68 

Puleston,  John,  Justice  of  the  Com- 
mon Pleas,  not  re-appointed  by  the 
Protector,  iii.  15 

Purcell,  Major-General,  sent  to  fortify 
Bagotrath,  i.  101 ;  alleged  dis- 


344  INDEX 

PUR 

missal  of,  ib.  note  2 ;   hanged,  ii. 
125 


Purging  the  Scottish  Army,  see  Army, 
the  Scottish 

Puritans,  the,  amusements  of,  ii.  83, 
84 ;  reasons  for  their  objection  to 
bear-baiting,  285 

Puritanism,  Milton's  view  of  its  in- 
fluence on  politics,  Hi.  169 

Pyne,  Hugh,  Wildman's  expectations 
from,  iii.  228,  note  3 


'  QUAKERS,'  formation  of  the  Society 
of,  ii.  91,  92;  scandal  given  by, 
iii.  259 ;  proclamation  directed 
against  their  interruption  of  re- 
ligious services.  260  ;  ill-treated  by 
Hacker,  262  ;  the  Protector's  treat- 
ment of,  263 ;  held  to  be  blas- 
phemers, 264  ;  reasons  for  the  un- 
popularity of,  iv.  6  ;  attitude  of  the 
Protector  towards,  8  ;  complaints 
of  the  Major-Generals  of,  9 ;  libera- 
tion of  nine,  10 ;  disturbances  of 
religious  services  by,  ib. 

Queensferry,  North,  Cromwell  sends 
forces  under  Lambert  to,  ii.  26 

Queensferry,  South,  Cromwell  hopes 
to  establish  his  army  at,  i.  275; 
defended  by  Leslie,  279 

Qualifications  for  a  seat  in  Parlia- 
ment, vote  of  the  Long  Parliament 
on,  ii.  253 ;  imposed  by  the  In- 
strument of  Government,  333  ;  the 
Council  claims  to  issue  certificates 
of,  iii.  183  ;  proposal  to  extend, 
235  ;  required  for  second  Protec- 
torate Parliament,  iv.  256  ;  articles 
of  Instrument  relating  to,  ib. 


Racovian  Catechism,  The,  published 

in  London,  ii.  98 
Radhams,  Thomas,  chosen  mayor  of 

Colchester,  iv.   59  ;  re-elected,  66  ; 

retains  his    seat  as  an    alderman 

under  the  new  charter,  76 
Ranters,     the    opinions    of,    ii.     2 ; 

Cromwell's  detestation  of,  3 
Raphoe,  the  Catholic  Bishop  of  (John 

O'Cullenan),    carries     a    message 

from  Ormond  to  O'Neill,  i.  in 
Rathfarnham,  taken  by  Ormond,  i. 

100 
Rathmines,   Orniond's    headquarters 


KEY 

at,   i.    100 ;   Ormond  defeated  by 
Jones  at,  102 

Rayner,  John,  charges  against,  iv.  64  ; 
elected  chamberlain  at  Colchester, 
66 

Read,  Lieutenant,  a  letter  from 
Charles  II.  found  in  the  possession 
of,  iii.  278  . 

Reading,  election  at,  iii.  174 
Recognition,  the,  its  acceptance  de- 
manded by  the  Protector,  iii.  194  ; 
signatures  given    to,   196 ;    Parlia- 
mentary explanation  of,  ib. 
Recusancy  Acts,  the,  repealed,  ii.  3 
Recusants,  Act  for  levying  money  on 
the  lands  of,  iii.  56  ;  their  condition 
in  the  first  year  of  the  Protectorate, 

J5° 

Redhall,  surrenders  to  Cromwell,  i. 
281 

Reeves  and  Muggleton  announce 
themselves  as  the  Two  Heavenly 
Witnesses,  ii.  95 

Regalia  of  Scotland,  the,  concealment 
of,  ii.  136 

Registers,  parochial,  establishment  of, 
ii.  292 

Registration  of  voters,  the  Instrument 
makes  no  provision  for,  iii.  174 

Religious  liberty,  declaration  of  Par- 
liament against  unlimited,  i.  173 ; 
claimed  by  the  Protector  as  a  funda- 
mental, iii.  192 ;  restrictions  on 
proposed,  220,  222;  the  Protector's 
proclamation  on,  260.  See  also 
Heresies ;  Toleration 

Remonstrance,  the,  issue  of,  i.  340, 
378  ;  condemned  by  the  Committee 
of  Estates,  342 

Remonstrants,  the  formation  of  the 
party  of,  i.  340 ;  opposed  to  the 
Resolutioners,  345 ;  tend  to  ally 
themselves  with  Cromwell,  347  • 
the  Government  hopes  for  the  sup- 
port of,  iii.  87  ;  protest  against  the 
dissolution  of  the  Assembly,  89; 
declare  against  the  English,  95 

Resolutioners,  the,  oppose  the  Re- 
monstrants, i.  34^ 

Retz,  De  (Paul  de  Gondi),  Coadjutor 
of  Paris,  Vane's  mission  to,  ii.  155  ; 
becomes  a  correspondent  of  Scot, 
ib.  note  4 

Reynolds,  Thomas,  leader  of  the  anti- 
Barrington  party  at  Colchester, 
iv.  61 ;  recommended  to  have  an 
honest  mayor  chosen,  66 


INDEX 


345 


KEY 


ROY 


Reynolds,  John,  Colonel,  disperses 
Thompson's  followers,  i.  49;  holds 
Newbridge  against  the  mutineers, 

53  ;  suppresses  Thompson's  rising, 

54  ;  sent  with  his  regiment  to  Dub- 
lin,   97  ;    mutiny   of  some   of  the 
troopers  of,  ib.  ;   secures  Carrick, 
141  ;  gains  ground  on  the  Irish,  ii. 
116 

Reynoldson,  Abraham,  chosen  Lord 
Mayor,  i.  37  ;  refuses  to  put  to  the 
vote  a  petition  approving  of  the  pro- 
ceedings against  Charles  I.,  38  ;  is 
discharged,  fined,  and  imprisoned, 39 

Rh6,  the  Isle  of,  Tromp  arrives  at, 
ii.  10  ;  rumoured  intention  of  the 
English  to  seize,  iii.  122,  123 

Rich,  Nathaniel,  Colonel,  ordered  to 
join  Harrison  on  the  Borders,  ii.  29  ; 
asks  for  Rogers's  liberation,  iii.  267  ; 
summoned  before  the  Council,  ib.  ; 
allowed  to  remain  at  liberty  to 
attend  on  his  wife,  268  ;  is  probably 
released,  iv.  232;  imprisoned  by 
the  Council,  262 

Richardson,  Samuel,  publishes  Plain 
Dealing  in  defence  of  the  Govern- 
ment, iv.  43 

Rinuccini,  Giovanni  Batista,  Arch- 
bishop of  Fermo  and  Papal  Nuncio, 
leaves  Ireland,  i.  74  ;  promises  to 
send  supplies  to  O'Neill,  76 

Rio  de  la  Hache,  sacked  by  Goodson, 
iv.  221 

Rip-raps,  the,  see  Varne,  the 

Riviere,  see  La  Riviere 

Robles,  Antonio  Rodrigues,  case  of, 
iv.  16  ;  indirect  consequences  of  the 
decision  in  the  case  of,  17 

Roche,  Thomas,  governor  of  Duncan- 
non,  superseded,  i.  136;  sent  back 
to  Duncannon  to  serve  under 
Wogan,  137 

Rochelle,  offered  to  Cromwell,  ii.  155  ; 
offered  to  England,  iii.  29 ;  sug- 
gested occupation  of,  53  ;  Hane  sent 
to  report  on,  55  ;  Hane  s  report  on, 
in 

Rochester,  Earl  of,  1652  (Henry  Wil- 
mot),  his  mission  to  Germany,  iii. 
137 ;  crosses  to  England,  280 ;  re- 
ceives discouraging  information  in 
London,  281 ;  goes  to  Yorkshire, 
282 ;  appears  at  Marston  Moor,  283  ; 
escape  of,  294  ;  reaches  Cologne,  Ib. 

Rochford,  Hugh,  urges  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Wexford  to  surrender,  i,  128 


'  Roebuck,'  the,  captured  by  Blake, 

i-  3°5 

Rogers,  John,  wishes  the  law  of  Moses 
to  be  introduced,  ii.  314,  note  2; 
denounces  the  Protector,  iii.  265  ; 
his  liberation  demanded,  266 ;  his 
conference  with  the  Protector,  ib.  ; 
removed  to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  iv.  3  ; 
is  ill-treated  at  Carisbrooke,  4 

Rolle,  Henry,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Upper  Bench,  chosen  a  member  of 
the  first  Council  of  State,  i.  5  ;  seized 
by  the  Royalists  at  Salisbury,  287  ; 
summoned  before  the  Council  to 
account  for  his  conduct  in  Cony's 
case,  301 ;  resignation  of,  ib.  \  gives 
judgment  in  Barrington's  case,  iv. 
62 

Rolph,  Edmund,  Major,  his  case  cited 
by  Lilburne,  i.  166 

Rolt,  Edward,  sent  to  Charles  X., 
iv.  200 

Roscommon,  surrender  of,  ii.  128 

Ross,  see  New  Ross 

Ross,  Thomas,  carries  a  message  to 
Charles  II.,  iii.  277  ;  his  movements 
connived  at  by  the  officials  at 
Dover,  279 

Rosses,  the,  doubtful  whether  adhe- 
rents or  enemies  of  Montrose,  i.  215 ; 
take  part  in  the  pursuit  of  Montrose, 
218 

Rosslare,  Fort,  taken  by  Jones,  i. 
128 

Rous,  Francis,  chosen  Speaker  of  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  ii.  288 ; 
leaves  the  House,  327 ;  a  member 
of  the  Council  of  the  Protectorate, 
iii.  3 

Roxburgh,  Earl  of,  1600  (Robert  Ker), 
suggests  that  Charles  should  com- 
pound with  Cromwell,  i.  348 

Royalist  exiles  in  the  Netherlands, 
favour  a  plan  for  an  Irish  attack  on 
England,  i.  13  ;  detest  the  Scottish 
commissioners,  65 ;  refuse  to  pro- 
fess themselves  Presbyterians,  200 ; 
dissatisfied  with  Charles's  conces- 
sions to  the  Scots,  235  ;  Lilburne's 
communications  with,  ii.  292,  296 

Royalist  insurgents,  the,  project  for 
a  rising  of  in  Lancashire,  ii.  12 ; 
rising  of,  under  Earl  of  Derby, 
39  ;  defeat  of,  40 ;  unpreparedness 
of,  iii.  281  ;  day  fixed  for  the  rising 
of,  282  ;  ineffectual  gatherings  of, 
283  ;  dispersal  of,  ib.  ;  fail  in  Shrop- 


346  INDEX 

ROY 

shire,  284  ;  propose  to  attack  Win- 
chester, 286 ;  seize  the  judges  and 
the  high  sheriff  at  Salisbury,  287  ; 
flight  and  defeat  of,  289  ;  capture 
of,  ib.  ;  trials  of  291  ;  escape  of 
some  of,  293  ;  mainly  composed  of 
gentlemen  and  their  dependents, 
295  ;  released  on  bail  in  the  North, 
299  ;  transportation  of,  338  ;  sen- 
tences by  the  Major-Generals  on, 

343 

Royalists,  the  English,  are  unable  to 
resist  the  Commonwealth  without 
aid  from  abroad,  i.  12  ;  expect  that 
Ormond  will  take  Dublin,  102 ; 
Colonel  Keane's  report  on  the  in- 
tentions of,  195 ;  Charles  sends 
Keane  back  with  instructions  to, 
198 ;  preparations  for  a  rising  of, 
240;  second  report  of  Colonel 
Keane  on  the  readiness  of,  241 ; 
Charles  wishes  them  to  be  stronger 
than  the  Presbyterians,  ib,  ;  forces 
raised  to  restrain  in  London  and  the 
West,  250;  projected  insurrection 
of,  ii.  8  ;  discovery  of  the  plans  of, 
11-13  I  conceive  hopes  of  a  restora- 
tion after  the  dissolution  of  the  Long 
Parliament,  271 ;  proposed  appoint- 
ment of  a  High  Court  of  Justice 
to  try,  301  ;  conspiracy  formed 
amongst,  iii.  115  ;  return  to  Parlia- 
ment of  some  of,  174 ;  suspicious 
movements  of,  233  ;  the  Protector 
declares  his  knowledge  of  the  plots 
of,  250 ;  report  by  Colonel  Stephens 
on  the  position  of,  270 ;  hope  to 
secure  fortified  posts,  271 ;  are  urged 
by  Charles  to  rise,  276  ;  differences 
of  opinion  amongst,  277  ;  postpone- 
ment of  the  rising  of,  ib.  ;  conni- 
vance of  the  officials  at  Dover  with 
the  movements  of,  279 ;  Manning 
gives  information  about,  311  ; 
arrests  of,  ib.  ;  imprisonment  of 
large  numbers  of,  312 ;  banished 
from  London,  313 ;  Oliver  defends 
himself  for  arresting,  316 ;  are  to  be 
deprived  of  arms,  319  ;  their  estates 
sequestrated  or  subjected  to  decima- 
tion, 322  ;  their  clergy  silenced,  323  ; 
proclamation  against  the  election  to 
office  of,  324 ;  bonds  required  from, 
325  ;  treated  as  a  class  apart,  329  ; 
are  not  a  preponderant  force,  331  ; 
forbidden  to  keep  arms  or  to  main- 
tain any  of  the  ejected  clergy,  334 ; 


RUY 

release  of,  337  ;  expelled  from  Lon- 
don, ib. ;  decimation  extracted  from, 
342  ;  disarmament  of,  ib.  ;  strength- 
ened by  the  efforts  of  the  Major- 
Generals  to  enforce  morality,  iv.  40 ; 
excluded  from  taking  part  in  elec- 
tions, 49  ;  influence  of,  on  elections, 
at  Norwich,  257  ;  in  Norfolk,  268 
Royalists,  the  Scottish,  seize  Inverness 
and  are  defeated  at  Balvenie,  i.  63 ; 
expected  to  join  Montrose,  298  ; 
negotiation  for  a  combination  of 
Engagers  with,  335  ;  project  for  a 
rising  of,  ib.  ;  enter  into  a  bond 
with  the  Engagers,  338  ;  Parliament 
readmits  some  of,  344,  345 
Rufford,  Royalist  gathering  at,  iii.  283 
Rumbold,  Richard,  is  one  of  eight 
troopers  taking  part  in  drawing  up 
England's  New  Chains,  i.  31 
Rupert,  Prince,  sails  from  Holland, 
i.  13  ;  puts  into  Kinsale,  14  ;  prizes 
taken  by,  68  ;  unable  to  break  the 
blockad'e  of  Kinsale,  87  ;  is  asked  to 
support  O'Neill's  overtures  to  Or- 
mond, 107  ;  escapes  from  Kinsale, 
137  ;  is  allowed  to  enter  the  Tagus 
with  his  prizes,  181,  298  ;  opposed 
by  Blake,  300;  attempts  to  blow 
up  the  '  Leopard,'  ib.  ;  leaves  the 
Tagus  to  attack  Blake,  302  ;  draws 
back,  ib.  ;  comes  out  again  and 
engages  Blake,  303 ;  retreats  into 
the  Tagus,  ib.  ;  makes  prizes  of 
English  merchantmen  in  the  Medi- 
terranean, 305  ;  almost  complete 
destruction  of  the  fleet  of,  ib.  ;  es- 
capes to  Toulon,  306  ;  sails  into  the 
Atlantic,  315 ;  is  detained  at  the 
Azores,  ib.  ;  in  the  Atlantic  and 
West  Indies,  ii.  144 ;  returns  to 
Europe,  145 ;  the  French  Govern- 
ment refuses  to  surrender  a  prize 
taken  by,  242  ;  quarrels  with  Charles 
about  the  value  of  his  guns,  iii.  138  ; 
associates  himself  with  the  Queen's 
party,  139;  looks  to  the  Queen's 
party  for  support,  ib.  ;  asks  Charles 
to  receive  Henshaw,  140  ;  continues 
hostile  to  Charles,  144  ;  goes  to 
Germany,  ib. 
Rushworth,  John,  secretary  to  Fairfax, 

a  Presbyterian,  i.  260 
Russia  at  war  with  Poland,  iv.  195 
Rutland  placed  under  Butler,  iii.  340 
Ruyter,   Michael  de,  his  action  with 
Ayscue  off  Plymouth,  ii,  186  ;  slips 


INDEX 


347 


SAD 

past  Ayscue,  194 ;  compels  De 
With  to  abandon  the  struggle  off 
the  Kentish  Knock,  198  ;  in  the 
battle  off  Portland,  218  ;  takes  part 
in  the  battle  off  the  Gabbard,  iii. 
34-38  ;  declines  to  go  to  sea  unless 
the  fleet  is  strengthened,  39 


SA,  DOM  PANTALEON,  murder  by, 
iii.  79  ;  execution  of,  80 

Sabbath-breaking,  Worsley  aims  at 
suppressing,  iv.  37  ;  action  of  the 
Middlesex  quarter  sessions  about, 

39 

Sagredo,  Giovanni,  arrives  as  Vene- 
tian ambassador,  iv.  18  ;  allows  his 
chapel  to  be  attended  by  English- 
men, 19  ;  wishes  to  draw  the  Pro- 
tector into  a  war  against  the  Turks, 
214  ;  leaves  England,  215 

Sailors,  the,  impressment  of,  i.  23  ; 
mutiny  of,  ii.  204  ;  improvement  in 
the  condition  of,  211  ;  causes  of 
desertion  amongst,  212 ;  quarrel 
with  soldiers,  213 ;  character  of, 
246  ;  complaints  of,  iii.  57  ;  mutiny 
of,  58.  See  also  Navy 

St.  Catharine,  Abbot  of  (Stephen  de 
Henin),  sent  by  the  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine to  Ireland,  iii.  114  ;  sent  away 
from  Ireland,  115 

St.  George's  Hill,  proceedings  of  the 
Diggers  on,  i.  42 

St.  Germains,  declaration  of,  ii.  168 

St.  Gregory's,  use  of  the  Common 
Prayer  at,  iii.  335  ;  the  use  of  the 
Common  Prayer  no  longer  allowed 
at,  iv.  20 

St.  John,  Oliver,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Common  Pleas,  chosen  a  member 
of  the  first  Council  of  State,  i.  5  ;  is 
a  member  of  the  committee  ap- 
pointed to  induce  Fairfax  to  abstain 
from  resigning,  258  ;  is  one  of  a 
deputation  sent  to  congratulate 
Cromwell,  ii.  60  ;  is  atelier  in  favour 
01  the  dissolution  of  Parliament, 
72  ;  sent  as  Commissioner  to  Scot- 
land, 132  ;  urges  Parliament  to  pass 
the  Navigation  Act,  146  ;  supports 
Cromwell's  proposal  to  appoint  a 
small  governing  body,  258.  See 
also  St.  John  and  Strickland 

St.  John,  Oliver,  and  Strickland,  Wal- 
ter, sent  as  ambassadors  to  the 
Netherlands,  i.  322  ;  character  of, 


SAT 


323 
324 
325 
327 


their  reception  at  The  Hague, 
opening  of  their  negotiation, 
proposals  of  the  Dutch  to, 
announce  their  recall  and 
prolong  their  stay,  ib.  ;  demands 
put  forward  by,  ib.  ;  a  Dutch 
counter-proposal  made  to,  328  ; 
take  their  leave,  329  ;  causes  of  the 
failure  of  the  negotiation  of,  329, 

33° 

St.    Kitts,   Royalism  in,  ii.   141  ;   re- 
cruits obtained  by  Venables  at,  iv. 

J3T 
St.  Malo,  injury  to  the  whaling  fleet 

from,     iii.     128  ;     English     sailors 

mobbed  at,  134 
St.  Paul's,  fall  of  part  of  a  wall  of, 

iii.  12 
Sale,  of  lands,    i.    251  ;    of  fee-farm 

rents,  251,  252 
Salisbury,  danger  of  mutiny  at,  i.  48  ; 

seizure  of  the  judges  by  the  Royalists 

at,  iii.  287  ;  trial  of  insurgents  at, 

291  ;  a  new  charter  granted  to,  iv.  76 
Salisbury,    Earl    of,    1612    (William 

Cecil),  chosen  a  member  of  the  first 

Council  of  State,  i.  5  ;  refuses  to 

take  the  Engagement  in  its  original 

form,  6  ;  elected  member  of  Parlia- 

ment, 55 
Salisbury   Plain,    a  meeting  of   dis- 

affected persons  to  take  place  on, 

iii.  226 
Salomon  de  Virelade,  proposed  mis- 

sion to  England  of,  i.  313 
San  Domingo,  believed  to  be  weakly 

fortified,  iv.  130  ;  resolution  to  at- 

tack, 132  ;  the  fleet  arrives  off,  133  ; 

retreat  from  before,  140 
San  Geronimo,  Fort  of,  Venables  re- 

pulsed at,  iv.  139 
Sanderson,  Robert,   recites   parts  of 

the  Prayer-book  from  memory,  iv. 

22 

Sandwich,  offer  of  Colonel  Grey  to 

seize,  iii.  271 
Sankey,     Hierome,     Colonel,    Wild- 

man's  expectations  from,  iii.    228, 

note  3 
Santa   Marta,   sacked    by  Goodson, 

iv.  221 
Santiago  de  la  Vega,    occupied  by 

Venables,  iv.  141 
'  Sapphire,"  the,  sent  out  for  intelli- 

gence, ii.  205 
Satisfaction,  Act  of,  see  Act  of  Satis- 

faction 


34$  INDEX 

SAU 

Saunders,  Robert,  Colonel,  signs  the 
three  colonels'  petition,  iii.  211 ; 
deprived  of  his  commission,  217 ; 
his  support  expected  to  a  plot,  227 ; 
part  taken  in  Wildman's  plot  by, 
228,  note  3 

Saunders,  Thomas,  transported  to 
Barbados,  iii.  308 

Savile,  Sir  George,  is  absent  from 
home  at  the  time  of  the  Royalist 
insurrection,  iii.  283 

Savona,  proposal  to  hold  a  peace  con- 
ference at,  iv.  243 

Savoy,  Duchess  of,  see  Christina 

Savoy,  Duke  of,  see  Charles  Em- 
manuel II. 

Say,  Viscount,  1624  (William  Fiennes), 
invites  Sir  Kenelm  Digby  to  Eng- 
land, i.  81 

Scarriff hollis,  defeat  of  the  Bishop  of 
Clogherat,  ii.  106,  107 

Schaef,  Gerard,  sent  by  the  States 
of  Holland  to  England,  i.  318  ;  sent 
as  an  ambassador  by  the  States- 
General  to  England,  ii.  169 

Scheldt,  enforcement  of  the  closure 
of,  iii.  77  ;  nature  of  the  closure  of, 
ib.  note  4 

Schlezer,  Johann  Friedrich,  sent  to 
England  as  the  agent  of  the  Elector 
of  Brandenburg,  iv.  207  ;  receives 
Oliver's  confidences,  ib. 

Scilly  Isles,  the  projected  landing  of 
Sir  Richard  Grenvile  in,  i.  195 ; 
offered  by  Charles  as  a  pledge  for  a 
loan  from  Amsterdam,  200 ;  delay 
in  the  negotiation  for  pledging,  203  ; 
privateers  of,  298,  325  ;  surrendered 
to  Blake,  326 

Scobell,  Henry,  Clerk  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, superintends  Several  Proceed- 
ings, i.  174 

Scone,  Charles  crowned  at,  i.  346,  347 

Scot,  Thomas,  reports  to  Parliament 
on  Monk's  convention  with  O'Neill, 
i.  164 ;  visits  Cromwell  at  Edin- 
burgh, ii.  10  ;  hostile  to  the  Dutch, 
1 80  ;  supports  Cromwell  against  a 
dissolution,  237 ;  sends  Henshaw 
to  the  Low  Countries,  iii.  140 ; 
elected  to  Parliament,  174  ;  Wild- 
man  expects  support  from,  228, 
note  3  ;  his  connection  with  Chip- 
ping Wycombe,  iv.  54 ;  sits  in  the 
second  Protectorate  Parliament, 
269 ;  not  returned  by  Chipping 
Wycombe,  270 


SCO 

Scotland,  effect  of  the  resolution  to 
try  Charles  I.  on,  i.  14;  Act  of 
Classes  in,  ib.  ;  Montrose  projects 
a  landing  in,  15  ;  visit  of  Lanark 
and  Lauderdale  to,  16  ;  Charles  II. 
conditionally  proclaimed  king  in, 
17,  18 ;  discussion  on  Charles's 
policy  towards,  18  ;  Montrose  ap- 
pointed Lieutenant-Governor  of, 
19  ;  Charles  refuses  to  give  an  im- 
mediate answer  to  a  message  from, 
20 ;  Winram's  mission  to  Charles 
from,  183 ;  Charles  urges  a  union 
of  parties  in,  187  ;  Charles  encour- 
ages Montrose  to  invade,  187,  188  ; 
Charles  invited  to,  203  ;  state  of  the 
northern  Highlands  of,  210 ;  in- 
vaded by  Montrose,  211 ;  expecta- 
tion in  England  of  a  war  with,  257  ; 
resolution  of  the  Council  of  State  to 
invade,  258  ;  declaration  of  Parlia- 
ment justifying  the  invasion  of,  261 ; 
declarations  sent  forward  into,  269, 
270 ;  preparations  for  the  defence 
of,  270 ;  divisions  about  purging 
the  army  of,  271  ;  invaded  by  Crom- 
well, ib.  ;  state  of  the  country  on 
the  line  of  march  traversed  by  the 
English  army  in,  ib.  \  opinion  of 
Cromwell  and  an  English  soldier 
on  the  moral  condition  of,  341  ; 
growing  ascendency  of  the  Resolu- 
tioners  in,  345,  346  ;  the  king  to 
command  the  new  army  of,  351 ; 
proposal  to  send  troops  to  Lanca- 
shire from,  ii.  12 ;  assembly  at 
Stirling  of  the  new  army  of,  24 ; 
weakness  of  the  army  of,  25  ;  mili- 
tary movements  in,  ib.  ;  invasion 
of  England  by  the  army  of,  34 ; 
Monk  reduces  the  greater  part  of, 
66-69  >  resolution  of  the  English 
Government  to  disarm  and  incor- 
porate, 131 ;  arrival  of  English  com- 
missioners in,  132;  parties  in  the 
Church  of,  133  ;  incorporation  with 
England  announced  in,  134 ;  accept- 
ance of  the  tender  of  incorporation 
in,  135  ;  dissatisfied  with  the  Union, 
ib.  ;  concealment  of  the  regalia  of, 
136 ;  necessity  of  subduing  the 
Highlands  of,  137,  138  ;  submission 
of  Argyle  in,  139 ;  Deane's  failure 
in  the  Highlands  of,  ib.  ;  adminis- 
tration of  justice  in,  140  ;  supplies 
for  the  navy  bought  from,  213  ;  re- 
presented by  five  members  iu  the 


SCO 


Nominated  Parliament,  282  ;  stir- 
ring of  the  Royalists  in,  iii.  84  ;  con- 
fiscations in,  86  ;  divisions  in  the 
Kirk  of,  87 ;  dissolution  of  the 
General  Assembly  in,  89 ;  proceed- 
ings of  the  insurgents  in,  91 ;  hos- 
tility to  the  English  in,  94  ;  disturbed 
condition  of  the  south  of,  96  ;  land- 
ing of  Middleton  in,  99 ;  Monk's 
arrival  in,  102 ;  the  Protectorate 
and  the  Union  declared  in,  103 ; 
boons  offered  by  England  to,  103, 
104  ;  reception  of  the  English  offers 
in,  105 ;  Monk  takes  the  field  in, 
106;  suppression  of  the  Royalist 
insurrection  in,  108,  no;  Parlia- 
mentary representation  of,  172 ; 
temper  of  the  army  in,  227  ;  pro- 
ceedings of  discontented  officers  in, 
230 ;  arrest  of  Overton  in,  231 ; 
design  to  seize  Monk  in,  ib.  \  dis- 
contented officers  cashiered  in,  232  ; 
request  of  Coyet  to  levy  soldiers 
for  Sweden  in,  iv.  198  ;  hesitation 
of  the  Protector  to  allow  levies  in, 
199 

Scott,  Captain,  removes  the  mace,  ii. 
263 

Scottish  Presbyterians  in  Ulster,  are 
hostile  to  Owen  O'Neill,  i.  74  ;  ask 
Monk  to  renew  the  Covenant,  ib.  ; 
denounce  Papists  and  sectaries,  75  ; 
Inchiquin  sent  to  bring  over  to 
the  Royal  cause,  90 

Screven,  Colonel,  offers  to  seize 
Shrewsbury,  iii.  271 

Scrope,  Adrian,  Colonel,  threats  of 
mutiny  in  the  regiment  of,  i.  48  ; 
actual  mutiny  in  the  regiment  of,  52 

Seaforth,  Earl  of,  1633  (George  Mac- 
kenzie), gives  assurances  to  Mont- 
rose,  i.  210;  his  conduct  towards 
Montrose,  212  ;  signs  a  bond  unit- 
ing Royalists  and  Engagers,  338 ; 
repeal  of  the  decree  of  banishment 
against,  345 

Seaforth,  Earl  of,  1651  (Kenneth 
Mackenzie),  seizes  a  party  of  Eng- 
lish sailors,  iii.  86 

Sea-green  colours,  adopted  by  the 
Levellers,  i.  46  ;  worn  by  Levelling 
soldiers,  52 

'  Sealed  Knot,'  the,  formation  of, 
iii.  117  ;  activity  of,  138  ;  advise  the 
postponement  of  the  insurrection, 
276 

Seamen's  petition,  the,  drawn  up,  iii. 


INDEX  349 

SHE 

214 ;   forwarded  to  the   Protector, 
215  ;  attempt  to  circulate  on  land, 


226 

Sea  power,  see  Command  of  the  Sea 

Searle,  Daniel,  governor  of  Barbados, 
appointed  a  commissioner  for  the 
West  Indian  expedition,  iv.  125 ; 
remains  in  Barbados,  215 

Sedan,  Mazarin  at,  ii.  241 

Sedgwick,  Robert,  Major,  sent  to 
invite  New  England  to  attack  New 
Amsterdam,  iv.  161 ;  seizes  French 
forts  in  Acadia,  162 ;  sent  as  a 
commissioner  to  Jamaica,  215  ;  his 
report  on  the  state  of  the  island, 
216  ;  death  of,  220 

Sedgwick,  William,  alleged  author  of 
A  nimadversions  on  a  Letter,  iv.  44 

Sellick  and  Leader,  propose  to  trans- 
port Irishwomen  to  New  England, 
iv.  no 

Servien,  Abel,  French  ambassador  at 
Turin,  alleged  to  have  instigated 
the  massacre  of  the  Vaudois,  iv. 
177  ;  sends  Petit-Bourg  to  mediate, 
184 ;  refuses  to  participate  in  the 
Duke  of  Savoy's  pardon  to  the 
Vaudois,  190 

Settlement,  Act  of,  see  Act  of  Settle- 
ment 

Several  Proceedings,  issued  as  a 
Government  organ,  i.  175 

Sewster,  Robina,  the  Protector's  niece, 
marries  Sir  William  Lockhart,  iv. 

243 

Sexby,  Edward,  arrests  the  Scottish 
commissioners,  i.  21 ;  sent  to  Bor- 
deaux, ii.  195 ;  suggests  that  the 
Agreement  of  the  People  shall  be 
taken  as  the  foundation  of  a  French 
constitution,  157  ;  returns  to  Eng- 
land, iii.  53;  proposed  military 
expedition  under,  54  ;  command  in 
France  proposed  for,  112  ;  reported 
as  about  to  raise  regiments  for 
Guienne,  122  ;  search  for,  269  ;  es- 
capes to  the  Continent,  270  ;  makes 
overtures  to  the  Royalists,  iv.  223, 
224  ;  visits  Spain,  225 ;  returns  to 
Antwerp,  226 

Seymour,  Henry,  sent  by  Charles  to 
Ormond,  i.  144  ;  returns  with  bad 
news,  186  ;  arrest  of,  iii.  312 

Sherborne,  passage  of  the  Royalist 
insurgents  through,  iii.  228 

Sherman,  — ?,  an  Episcopalian 
minister,  imprisonment  of,  iii.  344 


35O  INDEX 

SHE 

Shetlands,  the.Tromp's  fleet  scattered 
by  a  storm  off,  ii.  186 

Short  Declaration,  issued  by  a  com- 
missioner of  the  Kirk,  i.  332 

Short  Supply,  or  Amendment  to  the 
Propositions  for  a  new  Representa- 
tive, A,  publication  of,  ii.  71 

Shrewsbury,  refusal  of  Mackworth  to 
surrender,  ii.  40 ;  execution  of 
Captain  Benbow  at,  62 ;  proposed 
seizure  of,  iii.  271 ;  reinforcements 
sent  to  the  garrison  of,  284  ;  failure 
of  the  attempt  on,  285  ;  dissolute 
persons  imprisoned  at,  345  ;  sup- 
pression of  alehouses  at,  iv.  38 

Shropshire,  placed  under  Berry,  iii. 
340 ;  order  for  the  suppression  of 
inns  and  alehouses  in,  iv.  38 

Sibbald,  William,  Colonel,  sent  by 
Montrose  to  the  Lowlands,  i.  209  ; 
executed,  233 

Sidney,  Algernon,  objects  to  the 
Engagement  proposed  by  Ireton, 
i.  5  ;  forced  to  quit  the  House  on 
expulsion  of  the  Long  Parliament, 
ii.  263 

Simpson,  John,  imprisoned  at  Wind- 
sor, iii.  7  ;  holds  a  discussion  with 
the  Protector,  264  ;  liberated,  265  ; 
abandons  the  Fifth  Monarchists, 
iv.  42 

Sinclair,  sixth  Earl  of  (John  Sin- 
clair), removed  from  the  Tower, 
iii.  310 

Sinclair,  Major,  Sir  Edward,  reaches 
Assynt  with  Montrose,  i.  219 

Single  person  and  Parliament,  a 
declaration  required  from  the 
electors  relating  to,  iii.  173  ;  Par- 
liamentary debate  on  the  authority 
of,  184 

Skelbo,  holds  out  against  Montrose, 

i.   212 

Skibo,  holds  out  against  Montrose, 
i.  212 

Skippon,  Philip,  chosen  a  member  of 
the  first  Council  of  State,  i.  5  ;  ap- 
pointed to  command  in  London, 
261  ;  re-elected  to  the  third  Council 
of  State,  ii.  10  ;  member  of  the 
Council  of  the  Protectorate,  iii.  2  ; 
Major-General  for  London,  340, 
iv.  28  ;  Barkstead  acts  as  substitute 
for,  ib. 

Sligo,  held  for  Parliament  by  Cole,  i. 
73 ;  surrenders  to  Clanricarde, 
99 


SPA 

Slingsby,  Sir  Henry,  imprisonment 
of,  iii.  343 

Smith,  Sir  John,  sent  to  Breda  as  a 
commissioner  of  the  Scottish  Par- 
liament, i.  192 

Smith,  Sir  Pierce,  alleged  treachery 
of,  i.  106  ;  declares  for  Cromwell, 
129 

Soames,  Thomas,  Alderman,  deprived 
of  his  aldermanship  and  of  his  seat 
in  Parliament,  i.  58 

Sobota,  Charles  X.  defeats  the  Poles 
at,  iv.  205 

Socinians,  adopt  doctrines  of  Socinus, 
ii.  98  ;  the  Protector  holds  that  the 
Instrument  does  not  grant  liberty 
of  conscience  to,  iv.  5,  6 

Soldier,  child  shot  by  a,  i.  59 

Soldiers,  attacked  by  a  party  of 
sailors,  ii.  213;  pray  for  a  new 
representative,  232 ;  preaching  of, 
248 ;  Lilburnian  appeal  to,  303. 
See  also  Army,  the  English 

Somerset,  projected  Royalist  rising 
in,  i.  195  ;  raises  men  against  the 
Royalists,  iii.  288  ;  placed  under 
Desborough,  340 

Somerset  House,  preaching  at,  ii. 
248 

Sound,  the,  English  merchantmen 
detained  in,  ii.  199  ;  effect  of  the 
closure  of,  213 ;  the  Dutch  pay 
composition  for  the  losses  of  Eng- 
lish merchants  in,  iii.  68 

Sound  dues,  the,  treaty  between  Den- 
mark and  the  United  Province?. 
on,  ii.  146 ;  discussed  between 
Whitelocke  and  Christina,  iii.  75  ; 
arrangement  concluded  with  the 
King  of  Denmark  on,  76 

South  Molton,  capture  of  the  Royalist 
insurgents  at,  iii.  289 

South  Wales,  Dawkins  and  Nicholas 
Deputy  Major-Generals  in,  iii.  340 

Southwark,  election  at,  iii.  175 

Southworth,  John,  condemned  and 
executed  as  a  priest,  iii.  150 

Sovereignty  of  the  seas,  see  British 
seas,  sovereignty  over 

Spain,  Cottington  and  Hyde  named 
ambassadors  to,  i.  62  ;  refuses  to 
recognise  the  Commonwealth,  69  ; 
Crelly  asks  the  Council  of  State  to 
make  an  alliance  with,  82  ;  demand 
for  the  recognition  of  the  Common- 
wealth made  upon  the  ambassador 
of,  179  ;  the  Council  of  State  de- 


SPA 

sires  to  send  an  embassy  to,  181  ; 
arrival  of  Cottington  and  Hyde  in, 
ib,  ;  Ascham's  mission  to,  ib.  ;  its 
friendly  attitude  towards  Blake, 
302,  304 ;  proceedings  of  Rupert 
and  Blake  on  the  coast  of,  304-307 ; 
Blake  and  Penn  dependent  on  the 
friendliness  of,  307 ;  conditions  of 
alliance  with,  308  ;  recognises  the 
Commonwealth,  ib.  ;  the  Prince  of 
Orange  eager  to  renew  the  war 
with,  318 ;  Cond6  allied  with,  ii. 
154  ;  the  Puritans  favour  an  alliance 
with,  158  ;  successful  campaign  in 
Flanders  of  the  army  of,  159; 
Dutch  commercial  treaty  with, 
170;  proposed  commercial  treaty 
with,  189 ;  Parliament  demands 
concessions  to  English  Protestants 
in,  239  ;  English  demand  referred 
to  the  Inquisition  in,  243 ;  the  in- 
surgents of  Bordeaux  appeal  for 
help  to,  iii.  28  ;  proposed  attack  on 
the  American  possessions  of,  49  ; 
state  of  the  negotiation  with,  52  ; 
asked  to  co-operate  against  France, 
54 ;  recalls  its  fleet  from  the 
Gironde,  112  ;  Oliver  offers  an  alli- 
ance to,  118  ;  further  negotiations 
with,  124,  125,  131-134,  152-154 ; 
discussion  on  a  commercial  treaty 
with,  157  ;  question  of  liberty  of 
worship  in,  158,  160 ;  treatment  of 
Englishmen  in  the  West  Indies  by, 
158 ;  Oliver  determines  to  make 
war  on,  161 ;  her  position  in  the 
West  Indies,  iv.  120,  121  ;  Oliver's 
expectation  that  he  can  wage  war 
in  the  Indies  alone,  122  ;  support 
given  to  Blake  by,  159  ;  merchants 
trading  with,  warned  to  withdraw 
their  goods  from,  162;  breach  with, 
164-170 ;  merchants  trading  with 
advised  to  send  out  privateers,  171 
Oliver's  manifesto  against,  172 
unpopularity  of  the  war  with,  215 
Sexby's  reception  in,  225 ;  treaty 
of  Charles  II.  with,  234  ;  her  priva- 
teers, 240 ;  mission  of  Bonifaz  to, 
243 ;  Lionne's  negotiation  in, 
246 

Spanish    Town,    see  Santiago   de  la 
Vega 

Sparks,  — ?,  hanged  for  the  murder 
of  Ascham,  i.  312 

Speaker,  the,  see  Lenthall,  William  ; 
Rous,  Francis 


INDEX  351 

STO 

Speymouth,  Charles  swears  to  the 
Covenants  at,  i.  237 

Spittlehouse,  John,  compares  Crom- 
well to  Moses,  ii.  275 

Spottiswoode,  John,  Captain,  exe- 
cuted, i.  233 

Squib,  Arthur,  summoned  before  the 
Council,  iii.  267 

Stafford,  James,  Captain,  betrays  the 
Castle  of  Wexford,  i.  130 

Staffordshire,  the  militia  of,  march  to 
defend  Warrington  Bridge,  ii.  36  ; 
placed  under  Worsley,  iii.  340 

Stamford,  Earl  of,  1628  (Henry  Grey), 
takes  his  seat  in  Parliament  without 
a  certificate  from  the  Council,  iii. 
183 

'  Start,  The,1  i.  338 

States  -  General,  see  Netherlands, 
States-General  of  the  United  Pro- 
vinces of 

Stawell,  or  Stowell,  Sir  John,  suc- 
cessfully pleads  the  articles  of  Exe- 
ter, ii.  22  ;  ill-treated  by  the  Nomi- 
nated Parliament,  305 

Steele,  William,  Chief  Baron,  gives 
an  opinion  that  the  Jews  are  not  ex- 
cluded from  England  by  law,  iv.  15 

Stenay,  capitulation  of,  iii.  161 

Stephens,  John,  Colonel,  conveys 
Charles's  commissions  to  England, 
iii.  233 ;  lays  before  Charles  a 
statement  on  the  position  of  the 
Royalists,  270 

Sterry,  Peter,  preaches  at  Whitehall, 
ii.  95 ;  sent  to  Fifth  Monarchy 
preachers,  321 

Stirling,  Leslie's  position  at,  i.  333 ; 
gathering  of  a  new  Scottish  army 
round,  ii.  24  ;  Leslie  takes  up  a 
position  to  the  south  of,  25  ;  Monk 
left  to  reduce,  30  ;  surrender  of  the 

•  Castle  of,  66 

Stockar,  John  James,  sent  by  the 
Swiss  Cantons  to  urge  a  peace  with 
the  Dutch,  iii.  52 

Stokes,  Luke,  appointed  commis- 
sioner in  Jamaica,  iv.  220  ;  removes 
to  Jamaica,  222  ;  death  of,  ib. 

Stone,  Sir  Robert,  employed  by  the 
States  of  Holland  to  carry  on  a 
secret  negotiation  with  England, 
ii.  238 

Stouppe,  J.  B.,  mission  proposed  to, 
iii.  112;  sent  to  France,  115; 
reports  to  the  Council  on  his 
return,  157 


352 


INDEX 


STR 


TAA 


Strachan,  Archibald,  Major  (after- 
wards Lieutenant-Colonel),  acts  as 
emissary  between  Argyle  and  the 
Independent  leaders,  1.  15  ;  de- 
spatched against  Montrose,  213  ; 
his  conduct  and  opinions,  ib.  ;  his 
relations  with  Leslie,  214;  takes 
part  in  a  council  of  war  at  Tain, 
ib.  \  advances  towards  Montrose, 
215  ;  commands  a  regiment  levied 
by  the  contributions  of  the  clergy, 
271 ;  has  interview  with  Lambert, 
279  ;  charges  Leslie  with  causing 
the  defeat  at  Dunbar,  331  ;  ap- 
pointed to  raise  troops  in  the  West, 
332  ;  writes  to  Cromwell,  333;  goes 
into  the  West,  334 ;  joins  in  the 
Remonstrance, 340 ;  withdraws  from 
military  command,  342 ;  yields  to 
Lambert,  343  ;  excommunicated, 

347 

Strathbogie,  Act  of  Indemnity  ac- 
cepted at,  i.  339 

Strath  Oykell,  Montrose  advances 
into,  i.  212  ;  Montrose  leaves,  214 ; 
uncertainty  of  the  length  of  Mon- 
trose's  stay  in,  215 ;  Montrose's 
flight  through,  219 

Streeter,  John,  Captain,  liberated  on 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  iii.  16 

Strickland,  Walter,  ambassador  to 
the  States-General,  cautions  Doris- 
laus,  i.  65 ;  order  for  his  recall 
issued  and  suspended,  179  ;  gives 
information  to  Parliament,  193 ; 
recalled,  321  ;  member  of  the 
Council  of  the  Protectorate,  iii.  2  ; 
favours  an  alliance  with  France, 
119;  sent  to  the  North  to  remove 
the  difficulties  of  the  judges,  298  ; 
opposed  to  the  Swedish  alliance, 
iv.  200.  See  also  St.  John  and 
Strickland 

Stritch,  Alderman,  hanged,  ii.  123 

Suffolk,  march  of  the  militia  of,  ii. 
43  ;  placed  under  Haynes  as  Fleet- 
wood's  deputy,  iii.  340 ;  elections 
in,  iv.  267 

Sunday,  see  Lord's  Day 

Supreme  Council,  the,  twelve  of  its 
members  appointed  Commissioners 
of  Trust,  i.  13 

Surrey,  Royalist  movements  in,  iii. 
271  ;  placed  under  Kelsey,  340 

Sussex,  Royalist  movements  in,  iii. 
271  ;  placed  under  Goffe,  340 ; 
amount  raised  by  decimation  in, 


iv.  250 ;  reduction  of  militia  in,  250, 

251 

Sutherland,  Montrose  enters,  i.  211 

Sutherland,  Earl  of,  1615  (John  Gor- 
don), holds  Sutherland  for  the 
Covenanters,  i.  211  ;  separates  from 
Strachan,  214;  complains  of  Middle- 
ton,  iii.  lor 

Swearing,  profane,  Act  against,  i.  256 

Sweden,  Lord  Lisle  appointed  am- 
bassador to,  ii.  213 ;  Lord  Lisle 
having  refused  to  go,  Whitelocke 
appointed  ambassador  to,  iii.  73 ; 
Whitelocke's  negotiation  in,  75 ; 
commercial  treaty  concluded  with, 
76  ;  Christina's  abdication  in,  ib.  ; 
warlike  tendencies  of,  iv.  194 ;  her 
possessions  beyond  the  Baltic,  195  ; 
her  relations  with  Russia,  Branden- 
burg, and  Denmark,  196,  197  ;  pro- 
posed levy  of  Highlanders  for,  199  ; 
opposition  of  the  Dutch  to  the  policy 
of,  200 

Swiss  Cantons,  the,  send  Stockar  to 
England,  iii.  52  ;  appointed  arbi- 
trators under  the  Dutch  Treaty,  68 

Switzerland,  the  Protestant  cantons 
of,  send  envoys  to  Turin,  iv.  190 ; 
remonstrate  with  Schwytz  for  per- 
secuting Protestants,  209 ;  Oliver's 
intention  to  send  money  to,  242  ; 
make  peace  with  the  Catholic  can- 
tons, ib. 

Sydenham,  William,  Colonel,  seconds 
a  motion  for  the  abdication  of  the 
Nominated  Parliament,  ii.  326 ;  a 
member  of  the  Council  of  State  of 
the  Protectorate,  iii.  2 ;  is  a  Treasury 
commissioner,  303 

Synott,  David,  appointed  Governor  of 
Wexford,  i.  128  ;  corresponds  with 
Cromwell  to  gain  time,  129  ;  treats 
for  a  surrender,  130 

Synott,  Oliver,  Colonel,  brings  to 
Ireland  a  message  from  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine,  ii.  113;  returns  to 
Ireland,  125 


TAAFFE,  Viscount,  1642  (Theobald 
Taaffe),  appointed  Master  of  the 
Ordnance,  i.  88  ;  sent  by  Ormond 
to  Charles,  ii.  113  ;  opens  negotia- 
tions with  the  Duke  of  Lorraine, 
114;  conveys  a  message  from 
Charles  to  the  Nuncio,  iii.  275 

Taaffe,  Sir  Lucas,  governor  of  New 


INDEX 


353 


TAI 


TOM 


Ross,     capitulates     to     Cromwell, 

i:  135 

Tain,  council  of  war  at,  i.  214  ;  Mont- 
rose  delivered  to  Leslie  at,  221 

Talbot,  Father,  brings  to  O'Neill  an 
offer  of  favours  from  Charles,  i. 

139 

Talbot,  Peter,  supports  Sexby's  pro- 
posals, iv.  224 

Talbot,  Richard,  arrest  and  escape 
of,  iv.  226,  227 

Taney,  Thomas  (Theauro-John)  pro- 
ceedings of,  iii.  235  ;  arrest  of,  236  ; 
set  at  liberty,  258 

Tarente,  Prince  of  (Henri  Charles 
de  la  Tremoille),  suggested  as  com- 
mander of  the  Huguenots,  iii.  115 

Tattersal,  Captain,  carries  Charles  to 
France,  ii.  56 

Taxation,  see  Financial  difficulties ; 
Financial  resources 

Tecroghan,  Ormond  establishes  him- 
self at,  i.  112 ;  surrender  of,  ii. 
107 

Tender,   the,   accepted  in   Scotland, 

n-  J35 

Terheiden,  preparations  for  Charles's 
embarkation  at,  i.  235 ;  Charles 
embarks  at,  236 

Tewkesbury,  dismissal  of  magistrates 
at,  iv.  53 

Texel,  the,  the  battle  of,  iii.  45,  46 ; 
alleged  formation  in  line  of  the 
English  fleet  at,  46,  note  i 

Theauro-John,  see  Taney,  Thomas 

Thomas,  Rowland,  imprisoned,  iii. 
233  ;  transported  to  Barbados,  308 

Thomastown,  Ormond  posts  himself 
at,  i.  141 

Thompson,  — ?,  Cornet,  shot  at  Bur- 
ford,  i.  54 

Thompson,  William,  mutinies  and 
issues  England's  Standard  Ad- 
vanced, i.  48 ;  defeated  by  Rey- 
nolds, 49 ;  killed,  54 

Thorn,  surrenders  to  Charles  X.,  iv. 
205 

Thorpe,  Francis,  Baron  of  the  Ex- 
chequer, sent  to  try  the  northern 
insurgents,  iii.  298 ;  dismissal  of, 
299 

Three  colonels,  the,  petition  of,  iii. 
211 ;  condemnation  of,  217 

Thurloe,  John,  sent  to  England  with 

despatches    from    St.     John     and 

Strickland,  i.  327  ;  secretary  of  the 

Council,  iii.  4 ;  sent  to  urge  Cardenas 

VOL.  IV. 


to  continue  his  negotiation,  52 ; 
opposes  an  overture  to  Spain, 
54 ;  favours  neutrality  in  the  war 
between  France  and  Spain,  118, 
1 19 ;  sent  with  a  message  to  Car- 
denas, 131 ;  injured  in  a  carriage 
accident,  199;  thinks  the  officers 
too  devoted  to  the  Instrument,  218  ; 
his  opinion  of  the  Levellers,  268  ; 
holds  that  the  Royalist  insurgents 
are  unpopular,  292 ;  receives  in- 
telligence from  Manning,  311; 
doubts  whether  Animadversions  on 
a  Letter  ought  to  be  suppressed, 
iv.  43,  44 ;  assures  Nieupoort  that 
he  agrees  with  his  Baltic  policy, 
200 ;  informed  of  meetings  of 
Common  wealth's  men,  259;  elected 
to  the  second  Protectorate  Parlia- 
ment, 270 

Timolin,  murders  at,  iv.  109 

Tipperary,  movements  of  Ircton  in, 
ii.  112 

Tithes,  voted  not  compulsory,  i.  327  ; 
state  of  opinion  on,  ii.  102 ;  sub- 
stitute proposed  for,  ib.  ;  discussions 
in  the  Nominated  Parliament  on, 
290 ;  attacked  in  Parliament,  302  ; 
report  of  the  Committee  on,  323 ; 
proposal  to  allow  commutation  of, 
324  ;  passed  over  in  the  Instrument 
of  Government,  iii.  20  ;  Oliver  out- 
voted in  the  Council  on,  ib. 

Titus,  Silas,  Colonel,  accompanies 
Winram  to  Jersey,  i.  184 ;  receives 
a  reply  from  Charles,  187  ;  sent  by 
Charles  to  his  mother  to  propose  a 
marriage  with  Argyle's  daughter, 
349  ;  returns  to  Scotland,  352 

Toleration,  proposal  of  the  officers  to 
place  limitations  on,  i.  172 ;  de- 
claration of  the  wish  of  Parliament 
to  limit,  173  ;  scheme  of  The  Agree- 
ment of  the  People  on,  ii.  97;  limi- 
tations of,  in  Owen's  scheme,  99 ; 
the  Protector  is  ready  to  limit,  iii. 
180 ;  attitude  of  Owen  and  Baxter 
towards,  206 ;  votes  in  Parliament 
on,  220  ;  Oliver's  position  towards, 
242,258,  not  allowed  to  Socinians, 
iv.  5 ;  limited  in  the  case  of 
'  Quakers,"  6-10 ;  allowed  by  con- 
nivance to  Jews,  11-17;  partially 
conceded  to  Rorrian  Catholics,  18, 
19  ;  to  Episcopalians,  20-22 

Tomlinson,  Colonel,  invited  to  sit  in 
the  Nominated  Parliament,  ii.  288 
A  A 


354  INDEX 

TOR 

Torbay,  proposed  landing  of  Sir 
Richard  Grenvile  in,  i.  241 

Tories,  the  Irish,  lurk  in  bogs,  or  on 
hills,  ii.  116;  ravages  by,  iv.  108  ; 
murders  by,  109 

Tortuga,  Oliver  justifies  the  English 
occupation  of,  iv.  174 

Torwood,  the  Scottish  army  posted 
at,  ii.  25;  the  Scots  withdraw  from, 
and  reoccupy,  28 

Tothill,  Colonel,  cashiered,  ii.  121 

Toulon,  Rupert  escapes  to,  i.  306 

Tower,  the,  occupied  by  a  trusty  gar- 
rison, i.  49  ;  reinforcement  of  the 
garrison,  iii.  233 

Trancas,  — ?,  sent  to  England  from 
Bordeaux,  iii.  29 

Transplantation,  see  Ireland ;  Con- 
naught  and  Clare 

Transportation  to  Barbados,  iii.  308  ; 
condition  of  those  subjected  to, 
309,  note  i  ;  of  insurgents  in 
Exeter  gaol,  338  ;  miserable  state 
of  those  ordered  to,  339;  increas- 
ingly inflicted  by  executive  order, 
ib.  ;  recommended  by  Butler  and 
Berry  for  dissolute  persons,  344, 
345  ;  Worsley  wishes  nearly  sixty 
gentlemen  to  be  sentenced  to,  iv. 
32 ;  views  of  Whalley  and  Butler 
in  favour  of,  33  ;  the  Protector 
and  Council  are  slow  to  order,  35  ; 
Major-Generals  directed  to  send  in 
lists  of  persons  suited  for,  ib.  ; 
popularity  of,  ib.  ;  of  Peter  Bath 
for  not  transplanting,  qj  ;  of  Irish 
vagrants,  no;  fate  of  those  con- 
demned tO,  III-II2 

Trapani,  Blake's  visit  to,  iv.  154 

Treason  ordinance,  the  debate  on, 
iii.  183 

Treasury,  the,  appointment  of  new 
commissioners  of,  iii.  303 

Trent,  Charles  sheltered  at,  ii.  55 

Trevor,  Mark,  Colonel,  Monk's  treaty 
with  O'Neill  probably  divulged  by, 
i.  93;  expected  to  bring  relief  to 
Drogheda,  116 

Triers,  in  Owen's  scheme,  ii.  98  ;  ap- 
pointed by  the  Proctector's  ordi- 
nance, iii.  21 

Trim,  surrender  to  Inchiquin  of  the 
Castle  of,  i.  99  ;  occupied  by  Vena- 
bles,  126 

Tromp,    Martin  Harperszoon,  Lieu- 
tenant Admiral,   appears    off 
Scilly    Isles,    i.    325 ;    sent   to   sea 


UNI 

without  definite  orders  about  strik- 
ing the  flag,  ii.  176 ;  appears  in 
English  waters,  177 ;  meets  Blake 
off  Folkestone,  178  ;  fights  Blake, 
ib.  ;  threatens  Ayscue  in  the 
Downs,  185 ;  driven  from  the 
Shetlands  by  a  storm,  186 ;  sus- 
pended, 193-;  reappointed  and  sent 
with  a  convoy  to  Bordeaux,  203; 
passes  the  Downs,  206  ;  anchors 
outside  the  Varne,  208 ;  defeats 
Blake  off  Dungeness,  209 ;  fictiun 
of  his  having  hoisted  a  broom  at 
his  masthead,  ib.  note  2  ;  proceeds 
to  the  Isle  of  Rhe\  210  ;  returns 
home,  214  ;  attacks  Blake  off  Port- 
land, 216  ;  makes  his  way  up  Chan- 
nel, 218 ;  escapes  round  Cape 
Grisnez,  219 ;  offers  his  resigna- 
tion, iii.  32 ;  convoys  merchant- 
men, ib.  ;  beats  up  towards  the 
English  fleet  off  the  Gabbard,  34 ; 
commands  in  the  battle  off  the 
Gabbard,  ib.  ;  skilful  manoeuvre 
of,  36  ;  forced  to  retreat,  38  ;  blows 
up  his  deck,  ib.  ;  his  dismissal  de- 
manded, 41,  42  ;  fights  a  battle  off 
the  Texel,  45  ;  death  of,  46 

True  State  of  the  Case  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, The,  Oliverian  pam- 
phlet, iii.  12,  13 

Tuan,  Dean  of,  see  King,  John 

Tuckney,  Anthony,  his  attitude  to- 
wards Calvinism,  iv.  23 

Tunis,  hostility  to  England  at,  iv. 
151  ;  Blake's  proceedings  at,  152- 

157 
Turner,  Sir  James,  complains  of  the 

hypocrisy  of  the  ministers,  ii.  24 
Tuscany,  Grand  Duke  of,  the  (Ferdi- 
nand   II.),    his   relations   with   the 

Protector,  iv.  148-150 
Twysden,   Thomas,  his  argument  in 

Cony's  case,  iii.  300 ;  imprisonment 

and  release  of,  301 
Tynemouth  Castle,  proposed  seizure 

of,  iii.  271 


ULFELDT,  KORFITS,  gives  valuable 
rings  to  Montrose,  i.  67 ;  gives 
money  and  arms  to  Montrose, 
69 

Ulster,  Scottish  Presbyterians  in,  set 
tu-    i       Scottish  Presbyterians  in  Ulster 
the    I   Union,  the  Scottish,  reception  of,  ii. 
135 


INDEX 

UNI 

United  Provinces,  the,  see  Nether- 
lands, United  Provinces  of  the 

Universities,  the,  attack  on,  ii.  322, 
note,  2 

Unlicensed  printing,  see  Press,  the, 

Upper  Bench,  the,  adoption  of  the 
name  of,  i.  9  ;  refuses  to  allow 
Lilburne's  habeas  corpus,  ii.  300 ; 
liberates  Captain  Streeter,  iii.  16 

Upton  Bridge,  secured  by  Lambert, 


355 

VER 
ment,   266  ;  summoned  before  tha 


Ussher,  James,  Archbishop  of  Ar- 
magh, presents  a  petition  on  be- 
half of  the  Episcopalian  clergy,  iii. 
335  ;  death  of,  ib.  note  5 


VALENCIENNES,  siege  and  relief  of, 
iv.  245 

Van  der  Perre,  see  Perre 

Vane,  Charles,  appointed  agent  at 
Lisbon,  i.  181  ;  asks  the  King  of 
Portugal  to  expel  Rupert,  301  ;  es- 
capes on  board  Blake's  fleet,  302 

Vane,  Sir  Henry,  the  elder,  rejected 
in  the  election  of  the  Second  Coun- 
cil of  State,  i.  245,  note  i 

Vane,  Sir  Henry,  the  younger,  op- 
poses the  first  Engagement,  i.  7, 
note ;  is  the  leading  spirit  of  the 
Navy  Committee,  23  ;  his  position 
on  the  Committee  on  future  Parlia- 
ments, 57  ;  makes  a  report  from 
the  Committee  on  future  Parlia- 
ments, 242,  243 ;  despondent  re- 
mark attributed  to,  248  ;  Milton's 
sonnet  to,  ii.  104  ;  sent  as  Com- 
missioner to  Scotland,  132 ;  re- 
turns to  England,  135 ;  visits  De 
Retz  at  Paris,  155 ;  desires  peace 
with  the  Dutch,  188 ;  his  name 
omitted  from  the  Select  Committee 
on  Elections,  227  ;  removed  from 
the  charge  of  the  Act  for  a  new 
representative,  233  ;  supports  Crom- 
well agains:  a  dissolution,  237; 
joins  Cromwell  in  gaining  time  for 
a  Dutch  negotiation,  238 ;  pro- 
poses to  confine  the  franchise  to 
landholders,  252  ;  is  the  probable 
author  of  a  scheme  for  changing 
the  Bill  on  elections,  253  ;  protests 
against  the  violence  of  Cromwell  to 
the  Parliament,  263 ;  a  seat  in  the 
Nominated  Parliament  offered  to, 
282  ;  author  of  A  Healing  Question, 
iv.  264;  desires  a  seat  in  Parlia- 


Council,  ib.  ;  refuses  to  obey  and 
imprisoned,  ib.  ;  fails  to  secure 
a  seat  in  the  second  Protectorate 
Parliament,  269 

Varne,  the,  Tromp  anchors  outside, 
ii.  208  . 

Vaudois,  the,  history  of,  iv.  178  ;  tole- 
rated within  certain  limits,  179 ; 
settle  outside  their  limits,  but  are 
ordered  to  retire,  180 ;  attack  on, 
181  ;  massacre  of,  183 ;  Oliver's 
appeal  on  behalf  of,  185  ;  a  collec- 
tion ordered  for,  186 ;  pardon 
issued  to,  189  ;  Milton's  sonnet  on, 
,193 

Vaughan,  Sir  William,  accompanies 
Ormond  to  Bagotrath,  i.  101 

Velez  -  Malaga,  Rupert  destroys 
English  shipping  at,  i.  305 

Venables,  Robert,  General,  sent  with 
his  regiment  to  Dublin,  i.  97  ;  sent 
to  recover  Dundalk,  123  ;  occupies 
Trim,  Dundalk,  Carlingford,  and 
Newry,  126 ;  secures  Lisburn  and 
Belfast,  139  ;  acts  with  Coote, 
ii.  106 ;  marked  out  for  command 
in  the  expedition  to  the  West  Indies, 
iii.  162 ;  his  connection  with  the 
Royalists  discussed,  216,  note  2  ; 
appointed  a  commissioner  for  the 
West  Indian  expedition,  iv.  124  ; 
his  relations  with  Penn,  125  ;  com- 
plains of  the  forces  under  his  com- 
mand, 128  ;  hurried  embarkation 
of  the  army  under,  129 ;  blames 
Desborough  for  the  bad  quality  of 
his  stores,  130 ;  complains  of  the 
West  Indian  levies,  131 ;  is  com- 
pelled to  forbid  pillage,  133  ;  con- 
ducts the  advance  in  Hispaniola, 
134  ;  alleged  misconduct  of,  138, 
note  i  ;  orders  a  retreat,  ib.  ;  goes 
on  board  ship,  139  ;  is  routed,  ib.  \ 
lands  his  troops  in  Jamaica,  141 ; 
returns  to  England,  142  ;  imprison- 
ment and  liberation  of,  144 

Vendome,  Duke  of  (Ce"sar  de  Bour- 
bon), prepares  relief  for  Dunkirk, 
ii.  190 ;  refusal  of  the  Council  of 
State  to  recognise,  191 ;  blockades 
the  Gironde,  iii.  28 

Venner,  Thomas,  a  cooper,  distributes 
England's  Remembrancers,  iv.  260  ; 
is  left  unpunished,  261 

Verden,  Duchy  of,  assigned  to  Sweden 
by  the  treaties  of  Westphalia,  iv.  195 


356 


INDEX 


VER 


WAR 


Vermuyden,  Sir  Cornelius,  sent  by 
Cromwell  to  Van  de  Perre,  iii.  48 ; 
suggests  a  plan  for  the  partition  of 
the  globe,  49,  50,  note  i 

Verney,  Sir  Edmund,  commands  Or- 
mond's  regiment  at  Drogheda, 
i.  no ;  begs  Ormond  to  relieve 
Drogheda,  114;  slain,  121 

Verney,  Sir  Ralph,  imprisonment  of, 
iii.  337,  note  3 

Verney,  Tom,  employed  to  entrap 
Lilburne,  i.  160 ;  publication  of  the 
letters  of,  164 

Vernon,  Edward,  arrest  of,  iii.  233 

Vernon,  Walter,  arrest  of,  iii.  233 

Vic,  Sir  Henry  de,  Royalist  minister 
at  Brussels,  ii.  113 

Vigo,  Blake's  ships  sent  for  supplies 
to,  i.  302 

Villafranca,  Oliver  proposes  an  attack 
on,  iv.  190,  note  4 

Villiers,  Robert,  makes  overtures  to 
Gentillot,  ii.  164 

Viner,  Sir  Thomas,  knighted  by  the 
Protector,  iii.  ii,  12 

Vines,  Richard,  said  to  have  taken 
part  in  a  Royalist  conspiracy,  ii.  14 ; 
shares  Baxter's  views  on  toleration, 
iii.  206 

Virginia,  Royalism  in,  i.  316 ;  pro- 
hibition of  trade  with,  317  ;  domi- 
nance of  Royalists  in,  ii.  140,  141 ; 
submits  to  the  Commonwealth,  142 ; 
its  agreement  confirmed  by  Parlia- 
ment, 148 

Vistula,  the,  desire  of  Sweden  to 
secure  the  mouth  of,  iv.  196 

Vivarais,  the  troubles  in,  iii.  53 

Voluntary  system,  the,  popular  sup- 
port to,  ii.  102 

Vowell,  Peter,  joins  the  assassination 
plot,  iii.  146 ;  trial  and  execution 
of,  149 


WAGSTAFF,  SIR  JOSEPH,  crosses  to 
England,  iii.  280  ;  sent  to  command 
the  Western  Royalists,  286  ;  wishes 
to  hang  the  judges  at  Salisbury, 
287  ;  escapes  from  South  Molton, 
289 ;  escapes  from  England,  293 

Waldemar,  Count,  offers  to  raise  men 
for  Charles,  i.  196 ;  Charles  at- 
tempts to  raise  a  loan  for,  200; 
returns  to  Germany,  203 

Wales,  hostile  to  Puritanism,  ii.  36 ; 
rising  in,  ib.  \  Act  for  the  propa- 


gation of  the  Gospel  in,  249,  251; 
Vavasor  Powell  in,  249 ;  placed 
under  Berry,  iii.  340,  341  ;  Berry's 
accoixnt  of  the  state  of,  iv.  32 

Walker,  Clement,  arrested  under  a 
charge  of  high  treason,  i.  174 

Walker,  Henry,  preaches  a  sermon 
on  Cromwell's  succession  to  the 
Generalship,  i.  261 

Wall,  Nicholas,  Colonel,  commands 
a  regiment  at  Drogheda,  i.  in 

Waller,  Edmund,  his  verses  on  the 
Protector,  iv.  193 

Waller,  Sir  Hardress,  summons  Lime- 
rick, ii.  in  ;  gains  advantages  in 
Cork  and  Kerry,  116 

Waller,  Sir  William,  reported  to  be 
ready  to  join  the  Cavaliers,  iii.  282 

Wallis,  John,  is  one  of  the  Society  for 
the  Study  of  Natural  Science,  iv.  25 

Walter,  John,  escape  of,  iii.  293 

Walter,  Lucy,  career  of,  iv.  235  ;  sent 
out  of  England,  236 

Walton,  Bryan,  receives  the  paper  for 
his  Polyglot  Bible  free  of  custom, 
iv.  25,  note  2 

Walwyn,  William,  brought  before  the 
Council  of  State,  i.  34 ;  committed 
for  trial  to  the  Tower,  36 ;  restric- 
tions on  the  liberty  of,  49 ;  liberated, 
169 

War  and  peace,  the  power  of  making, 
Parliamentary  provisions  for,  iii. 
200 

Warcup,  Robert,  election  of,  iii.  175 

Ward,  Seth,  is  one  of  the  Society  foi 
the  Study  of  Natural  Science,  iv.  25 

Warnemiinde,  occupied  by  Sweden, 
iv.  195 

Warner,  John,  mayoralty  of,  at  an 
end,  i.  37 

Warren,  Colonel,  commands  a  regi- 
ment at  Drogheda  i.  no;  slain, 

122 

Warrington,  meeting  of  Derby  and 
Massey  with  the  Lancashire  Pres- 
byterians at,  ii.  38 

Warrington  Bridge,  skirmish  at,  ii.  36 

Warsaw  occupied  by  Charles  X., 
iv.  205 

Warwick,  arrival  of  Cromwell  at, 
ii.  41 ;  the  Royalists  hope  to  seize, 
iii.  271 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  1619  (Robert 
Rich),  deprived  of  the  Admiralty, 
i.  22 

Warwickshire,  placed  under  Whalley, 


INDEX 


357 


WAT 


WHA 


iii.  340 ;  Whalley  suppresses  ale- 
houses in,  iv.  38 

Waterford,  Cromwell's  siege  of,  i.  141 ; 
refuses  to  receive  any  soldiers  but 
Ulster  Celts,  ib.  ;  Cromwell  raises 
the  siege  of,  142  ;  taken  by  Iretori, 
ii.  107  ;  preparation  for  a  military 
settlement  in,  117 

Watson,  Leonard,  scout-master,  sent 
to  Paris  to  open  a  negotiation  for 
toleration  to  the  Catholics,  i.  81 

Watson,  Richard,  chaplain  to  Lord 
Hopton,  declares  religion  to  be 
gone,  i.  235 

Waugh,  John,  preaches  in  favour  of 
the  reception  of  repentant  Engagers, 

i-  35° 
Weaver,  John,  promotes  a  petition 

from  the  City,  iii.  228,  note  3  ;  acts 

as  a  Commissioner  of  Parliament 

in  Ireland,  iv.  81 ;  sent  to  England, 

82 
Weights  and  measures,  use  of  false, 

iv.  36 
Welau,    the    treaty    of    Konigsberg 

sometimes  called  the  treaty  of,  iv. 

210,  note  4 
Wellingborough,    Thompson    killed 

near,  i.  54 
Wellington,  Duke  of,  his  opinion  on 

refusal  of  quarter  to  garrisons,  i. 

118,  note  2 

Wentworth,  Captain,  deserts  to  Crom- 
well, i.  114 
Wentworth,  Sir  Peter,  protests  against 

Cromwell's  language  in  the  House, 

ii.  262  ;  refuses  to  pay  taxes,  iii.  301 
Werden,  Robert,  Colonel,  abandons 

the    hope    of    surprising    Chester 

Castle,  iii.  284 
Weser,  the  Swedish  position  on,  iv. 

195 

Western  design,  the,  iii.  162 
West  Indies,  the,  Royalism  in,  i.  316; 
submission  of  the  English  colonies 
in,  ii.  140-143 ;  Rupert's  proceed- 
ings in,  144  ;  Baas  suggests  attack 
on,  iii.  133  ;  popularity  of  an  at- 
tack on,  135  ;  outrages  by  the 
Spaniards  in,  158 ;  prospects  of 
war  in,  161  ;  the  expedition  to, 
objects  of,  iv.  120,  121  ;  Oliver 
underestimates  the  difficulties  of, 
123  ;  five  commissioners  ap- 
pointed to  control,  125 ;  misunder- 
standing between  the  commanders 
of,  ib.  ;  instructions  to  Venables 


for,  126 ;  character  of  the  army 
appointed  for,  128;  sent  off  hur- 
riedly, ib.  \  intended  to  be 
strengthened  on  arrival,  129 ;  puts 
to  sea,  130  ;  seizes  Dutch  vessels 
at  Barbados,  ib.  ;  bad  quality  of 
the  new  levies  for,  131  ;  pillage 
forbidden  in,  132 ;  arrives  off  San 
Domingo,  133 ;  lands  in  Hispaniola, 
134;  hardships  suffered  by,  134- 
138  ;  retreat  of,  138  ;  rout  of, 
139 ;  the  attack  on  San  Domingo 
abandoned  by,  140  ;  lands  in 
Jamaica,  141  ;  deserted  by  Penn 
and  Venables,  142  ;  the  Protector's 
responsibility  for  the  failure  of,  145. 
See  also  Jamaica. 

Westminster,  extended  franchise  in, 
iii.  172 

Westminster  Abbey,  a  call  for  the 
restoration  of  the  king  in,  ii.  301 

Westminster  Hall,  flags  taken  at 
Preston  and  Dunbar  hung  up  in, 
ii.  i 

Westmorland,  Charles  Howard 
Deputy  Major-General  over,  iii.  340 

Westphalia,  fhe  treaties  of,  effect 
on  international  politics  of,  ii.  150  ; 
ignored  by  Cromwell,  151 

Wexford,  Cromwell  makes  prepara- 
tions for  the  siege  of,  1.  127 ;  con- 
dition of  the  defenders  of,  128  ; 
summoned  by  Cromwell,  ib.  ;  be- 
trayal of  the  castle  of,  130;  stormed, 
ib.  ;  massacre  in,  131 ;  Cromwell 
proposes  to  settle  English  in,  134  ; 
expulsion  of  Irish  from,  iv.  113 

Weymouth,  Royalist  plan  for  seizing, 
i.  240 

Whalley,  Edward,  Colonel,  gives 
advice  on  measures  to  be  taken  for 
the  invasion  of  Ireland,  i.  26  ; 
mutiny  in  the  regiment  of,  45  ; 
signs  Owen's  scheme  for  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Church,  ii.  98  ;  Major- 
General  for  the  shires  of  Lincoln, 
Nottingham,  Derby,  Warwick,  and 
Leicester,  iii.  340  ;  takes  up  his 
work  at  Newark,  ib.  ;  allows  a 
horse-race,  iv.  31  ;  wishes  to  clear 
the  gaols,  33 ;  enforces  the  law 
against  enclosures,  35  ;  complains 
of  the  tricks  of  innkeepers,  and  of 
officials  in  charge  of  markets,  ib.  ; 
is  active  in  suppressing  alehouses, 
38  ;  complains  of  wicked  magis- 
trates, 50 ;  procures  the  removal 


INDEX 


WHI 


of  an  alderman  at  Coventry,  51 ; 
objects  to  lower  limit  of  decimation, 
249  ;  hopeful  of  results  of  elections, 
258  ;  disapproves  of  Vane  being 
called  before  the  Council,  266  ;  re- 
ports that  the  people  support  the 
Government,  268 

\Vhichcote,  Benjamin,  opposes  Cal- 
vinistic  dogmatism,  iv.  23 ;  the 
Latitudinar.ans  spiritually  de- 
scended from,  ib. 

White,  Francis,  Major  (afterwards 
Lieutenant-Colonel),  sent  with  a 
message  to  the  mutineers,  i.  52  ; 
brings  to  Parliament  the  news  of 
the  victory  at  Dunbar,  ii.  i  ;  takes 
part  in  the  expulsion  of  the  minority 
of  the  Nominated  Parliament,  327 

Whiteladies,  Charles  concealed  at,  ii. 

Whitelocke,  Bulstrode,  Commis- 
sioner 01  the  Great  Seal,  chosen  a 
member  of  the  first  Council  of 
State,  i.  5  ;  agrees  to  retain  office 
under  the  Commonwealth,  9  ;  a 
member  of  the  committee  appointed 
to  induce  Fairfax  to  abstain  from 
resigning,  258  ;  is  one  of  a  deputa- 
tion sent  to  congratulate  Cromwell, 
ii.  60  ;  proposes  to  fix  a  day  for  the 
sons  of  the  late  king  to  come  in, 
75,  76 ;  directed  to  join  in  manag- 
ing the  negotiation  for  the  cession 
of  Dunkirk,  162 ;  desires  peace 
with  the  Dutch,  188  ;  in  the  chair 
of  the  Council  of  State,  202  ;  Crom- 
well's conversation  with,  229 ;  ob- 
jects to  a  constitutional  change, 
230 ;  displeases  Cromwell  by  sug- 
gesting the  recall  of  Charles  II., 
231  ;  argues  against  Cromwell's 
proposal  to  appoint  a  small  govern- 
ing body,  258 ;  receives  instruc- 
tions as  ambassador  to  Sweden, 
iii.  73  ;  Cromwell's  farewell  to,  74  ; 
negotiates  in  Sweden,  75 ;  returns 
to  England,  76 ;  resists  the  Pro- 
tector's chancery  reforms,  and  re- 
signs the  commissionership  of  the 
Great  Seal,  302  ;  becomes  commis- 
sioner of  the  Treasury,  303 ;  re- 
turned to  second  Protectorate  Par- 
liament, iv.  270 

Whitely,  Colonel,  prepares  to  go  on 
a  mission  to  Charles,  iii.  116;  is 
present  at  a  discussion  on  the 
assassination  plot,  141 


WIL 

Whitford,  Walter,  murders  Dorislaus, 
i.  65 

Whitgreave,  Robert,  assists  in 
Charles's  escape,  ii.  53 

Widdrington,  Lord,  1643  (William 
Widdrington) ,  accompanies  Charles 
to  Scotland,  i.  236 

Widdrington,  'Sir  Thomas,  resigns 
the  commissionership  of  the  Great 
Seal,  i.  9  ;  suggests  that  the  Duke 
of  Gloucester  be  made  king,  ii.  75  ; 
argues  against  Cromwell's  proposal 
to  appoint  a  small  governing  body, 
258  ;  resists  the  Protector's  chan- 
cery reforms  and  again  resigns  the 
commissionerstvp  of  the  Great  Seal, 
iii.  302  ;  appointed  commissioner 
of  the  Treasury,  303 

Wigan,  Derby  defeated  at,  ii.  39 ; 
disposal  of  the  prisoners  taken  at, 
60-62 

Wilde,  John,  Chief  Baron  of  the 
Exchequer,  chosen  a  member  of 
the  first  Council  of  State,  i.  5 ; 
makes  a  violent  speech  about  Ire- 
land, 40 ;  not  re-appointed  by  the 
Protector,  iii.  15 

Wilde,  Dr.,  uses  the  Common  Prayer 
at  St.  Gregory's,  iii.  335  ;  preaches 
in  a  private  house,  iv.  20 

Wildman,  John,  deserts  the  Levellers, 
i.  34,  note ;  prepares  a  petition  to 
be  signed  by  the  three  colonels,  iii. 
211  ;  confers  with  Robert  Overton, 
228 ;  Thurloe's  notes  on  the  plot 
of,  ib.  note  3;  arrested,  269;  re- 
leased on  bond,  iv.  258;  signs  a 
petition  to  Charles  II.,  ib.  ;  gives 
information  to  the  Protector,  259  ; 
proceedings  against  his  estates 
stopped,  ib. 

Wilkins,  John,  warden  of  Wadham, 
is  one  of  the  Society  for  the  Study 
of  Natural  Science,  iv.  25 

Wilks,  Timothy,  Colonel,  his  alleged 
participation  in  a  plot  against 
Monk,  iii.  232 ;  the  Protector's 
letter  to,  248 

Willis,  Thomas,  Dr.,  the  Common 
Prayer  used  at  the  house  of,  iv.  20 

Willoughby  of  Parham,  fifth  Lord, 
1618?  (Francis  \Villoughby),  takes 
part  in  sending  Titus  to  Charles, 
i.  184  ;  his  estates  sequestered,  193  ; 
appointed  to  command  in  Lincoln- 
shire, 240  ;  sent  to  the  West  Indies, 
316 ;  restores  order  in  Barbados, 


INDEX 


359 


WIL 


WOO 


317  ;  is  supported  by  the  settlers  in 
Barbados,  iii.  141  ;  is  compelled  to 
leave  Barbados,  142  ;  promises  that 
the  Presbyterians  will  join-  the 
Cavaliers,  282  ;  arrest  of,  312 

Wilmers,  —  ?,  Wildman's  expecta- 
tions from,  iii.  228,  note  3 

Wilmot,  first  Lord,  1643  (Henry  Wil- 
mot),  joins  Buckingham  in  per- 
suading Charles  to  abandon  his 
design  of  escaping  from  Perth,  i. 
336 ;  accompanies  Charles  from 
Worcester,  ii.  50 ;  gives  up  to 
Charles  his  chance  of  escape  with 
Jane  Lane,  54 ;  created  Earl  of 
Rochester,  iii.  137.  See  also 
Rochester,  Earl  of 

Wilson,  Rowland,  Alderman,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Council  of  State,  i.  8 

Wilson,  Thomas,  Captain,  ordered 
to  detain  Royalist  passengers  at 
Dover,  iii.  279 

Wiltshire,  an  election  in,  iii.  176 ; 
Royalist  movements  in,  286  ;  placed 
under  Desborough,  340 

Winchester,  proposed  Royalist  attack 
on,  iii.  286  ;  Goffe  thinks  the  jus- 
tices are  bent  on  a  reformation  at, 
iv.  32 

Winchester,  fifth  Marquis  of,  1628 
(John.  Paulet),  imprisonment  and 
confiscation  imposed  on,  i.  41 

Windham,  Francis,  Colonel,  shelters 
Charles  at  Trent,  ii.  55 

Windham,  Wadham,  argues  in 
Cony's  case,  iii.  300  ;  imprison- 
ment and  release  of,  301 

Windsor  Castle,  Colonel  Rich  con- 
fined in,  iv.  262 

Winram  of  Liberton,  George,  named 
for  a  mission  to  Charles,  i.  183  ; 
sets  out  by  way  of  Holland,  184 ; 
hopes  to  gain  Charles  to  the  Cove- 
nant, 185 ;  arrives  in  Jersey,  186  ; 
returns  to  Scotland,  191 ;  sent  as  a 
Commissioner  to  Breda,  192 

Winslow,  Edward,  appointed  a  com- 
missioner for  the  West  Indian 
expedition,  iv.  125  ;  death  of,  141, 

2I5 

Winstanley,  Gerard,  brought  before 
Fairfax  as  a  leader  of  the  Diggers, 
i.  42  ;  socialist  principles  of,  ii.  78 

"Winter,  Sir  John,  proposal  to  send 
on  a  mission  to  the  Irish  Catholics, 
i.  81  ;  excepted  from  pardon,  82  ; 
his  arrest  ordered,  172 


Wirksworth,  Presbyterianism  in,  ii. 
86 

Wiseman,  John,  accompanies  Hen- 
shaw  to  France,  iii.  139 

Wishart's  History,  fastened  to  Mont- 
rose's  neck,  i.  226 

Wismar,  assigned  to  Sweden  by  the 
treaties  of  Westphalia,  iv.  195 

With,  Witte  Corneliszoon  de,  Vice- 
Admiral,  placed  in  command  of 
the  fleet,  ii.  193  ;  character  of,  ib.  ; 
fights  Blake  off  the  Kentish  Knock, 
194 ;  defeat  of,  197 ;  compelled  to 
abandon  the  struggle,  198  ;  said  to 
have  taken  English  coal-ships, 
248  ;  takes  part  in  the  battle  off  the 
Gabbard,  iii.  34-38 ;  indignation 
of,  40  ;  blockaded  intheTexel,  45  ; 
convoys  merchant  ships,  59  ;  urges 
the  States-General  to  form  a  league 
against  England,  63 

Witt,  John  de,  advocates  peace  with 
England,  ii.  238  ;  becomes  Pen- 
sionary of  Holland,  iii.  30  ;  attempts 
to  keep  alive  the  negotiations  for 
peace,  31  ;  persuades  the  States- 
General  to  send  Commissioners  to 
England,  40 ;  put  to  shifts,  66 ; 
persuades  the  States-General  to 
ratify  the  treaty  with  England,  69  ; 
persuader,  the  States  of  Holland  to 
pass  an  Act  excluding  the  Prince 
of  Orange  from  office,  ib. 

Wittenberg,  Arvid,  Field-Marshal, 
crosses  the  Polish  frontier,  iv. 
205 

Wogan,  Edward,  Captain,  appointed 
Governor  of  Duncannon,  i.  136  ; 
marches  into  Scotland,  iii.  96 

Wolseley,  Sir  Charles,  proposes  the 
abdication  of  the  Nominated  Parlia- 
ment, ii.  326  ;  member  of  the 
Council  of  the  Protectorate,  iii.  2 

Wolves,  to  be  destroyed  in  Ireland, 
iv.  90 

Women,  demand  Lilburne's  release, 
i.  44  ;  excused  from  taking  the  En- 
gagement, 193  ;  abandonment  ot  a 
proposed  Act  against  the  immodest 
dress  of,  256 

Wood,  — ?,  publishes  Charles's  letter 
to  Montrose,  i.  192 

Wood,  James,  sent  to  Breda  as  a 
Commissioner  of  the  Kirk,  i.  193 

Wood,  Thomas,  his  story  of  the 
massacre  at  Drogheda  criticised,  i. 
120,  note 


360 


INDEX 


WOR 


ZEA 


Worcester,  arrival  of  Charles  at,  ii. 
40 ;  battle  of,  44-46  ;  selection  for 
trial  of  the  mayor  and  sheriff  of, 
59  ;  disposal  cf  the  prisoners  taken 
at,  59-60,  63-66 

Worcestershire  placed  under  Berry, 
iii.  340 

Worcestershire  Association,  the,  iii. 
26 

Word  for  the  Commonweal,  A,  pub- 
lished by  the  younger  Pennington, 
i.  245 

Worsley,  Benjamin,  employed  to 
carry  out  a  survey  of  Irish  land,  iv. 
105 ;  his  controversy  with  Petty, 
107 

Worsley,  Charles,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  commands  the  soldiers 
who  take  part  in  the  dissolution  of 
Parliament,  ii.  263 ;  the  mace 
moved  to  the  house  of,  ib.  ;  the  mace 
brought  back  from  the  house  of, 
290  ;  Major-General  over  Cheshire. 
Lancashire,  and  Staffordshire,  iii. 
340  ;  proceedings  of,  in  Lancashire 
and  Cheshire,  345,  346  ;  complains 
of  'Quakers,'  iv.  9  ;  his  activity  in 
Lancashire,  31  ;  prohibits  horse- 
races in  Cheshire,  ib.  ;  wishes 
nearly  sixty  Cheshire  gentlemen  to 
be  transported,  32  ;  attempts  to 
enforce  the  laws  against  drunken- 
ness and  immorality,  36,  37  ;  death 
of,  270 

Wren,  Christopher,  is  one  of  the 
Society  for  the  Study  of  Natural 
Science,  iv.  25 

Wren,  Mathew,  Bishop  of  Ely,  im- 
prisonment and  confiscation  im- 
posed on,  i.  41 


Wrexham,     mutiny    of     Reynolds's 

troopers  at,  i.  97 
Wycombe,  see  Chipping  Wycombe 

YARMOUTH,   Monk  and   Deane    at, 

iii-  33 

Yates,  Francis,  assists  in  Charles's 
^  escape,  ii.  53 

Yeovil,  passage  of  the  Royalist  insur- 
gents through,  iii.  288 

York,  its  support  claimed  for  the 
Instrument,  iii.  191 

York,  Duke  of,  1633  (James  Stuart), 
forbidden  to  return  to  England  on 
pain  of  death,  i.  41  ;  welcomes 
Charles  at  the  Louvre,  ii.  57 ;  be- 
comes a  colonel  in  the  French  ser- 
vice, 159  ;  proposal  to  marry  him 
to  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine,  191  ;  countenances  a  plot 
to  murder  the  Protector,  iii.  314 ; 
excluded  from  France,  iv.  192 

Yorkshire,  forces  raised  in,  ii.  43 ; 
its  support  claimed  for  the  Instru- 
ment, iii.  191 ;  Robert  Lilburne 
Deputy  Major-General  over,  340 

Youghal,  alleged  treachery  of  the 
Governor  of,  i.  106 ;  betrayed  but 
retaken  by  the  Royalists,  129 ; 
declares  for  Cromwell,  138  ;  Crom- 
well hears  of  the  manifestoes  of 
Clonmacnoise  at,  146 ;  Cromwell 
sets  out  from,  149 

Young,  Anthony,  Captain,  forces 
Dutch  ships  to  strike  their  flags, 
ii.  177 

ZEALAND,  the  Province  of,  trade  of, 
ii.  45  ;  unpopularity  of  De  With  in, 
198 


THE   END. 


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PAGE 

BADMINTON  LIBRARY  (THE)         .  12 
BIOGRAPHY,  PERSONAL  MEMOIRS, 

ETC 8 

CHILDREN'S  BOOKS        .         .        .31 
CLASSICAL    LITERATURE,    TRANS- 
LATIONS, ETC 22 

COOKERY,  DOMESTIC  MANAGEMENT, 

ETC 36 

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FICTION,  HUMOUR,  ETC.  .  .  25 
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HISTORY,  POLITICS,  POLITY,  PO- 
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OF 19 

LOGIC,    RHETORIC,    PSYCHOLOGY, 

ETC 1C 


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SPORT  AND  PASTIME 

STONYHURST  PHILOSOPHICAL 
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io     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


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LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS,  n 


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12     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Sport  and  Pastime. 
THE  BADMINTON  LIBRARY. 

Edited  by  His  GKACE  THE  (EIGHTH)  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.,  and 
A.  E.  T.  WATSON. 

DANCING.  By  Mrs.  LILLY  GROVE.  With 
contributions  by  Miss  MIDDLETON,  The 
Hon.  Mrs.  ARMYTAGE,  etc.  With  Musical 
Examples,  and  38  Full-page  Plates  and 
93  Illustrations  in  the  Text.  Cr.Svo,  cloth, 
6s.  net;  half-bound,  with  gilt  top,  9s.  net. 


ARCHERY.  By  C.  J.  LONGMAN  and 
Col.  H.  WALROND.  With  Contributions 
by  Miss  LEGH,  Viscount  DILLON,  etc. 
With  2  Maps,  23  Plates,  and  172  Illus- 
trations in  the  Text.  Crown  8vo,  cloth, 
6s.  net ;  halt-bound, with  gilt  top,  9s.  net. 

ATHLETICS.  By  MONTAGUE  SHEAR- 
MAN. With  Chapters  on  Athletics  at 
School  by  W.  BEACHER  THOMAS; 
Athletic  Sports  in  America  by  C.  H. 
SHERRILL;  a  Contribution  on  Paper- 
chasing  by  W.  RYE,  and  an  Introduction 
by  Sir  RICHARD  WEBSTER  (Lord  ALVER- 
STONE).  With  12  Plates  and  37  Illustra- 
tions in  the  Text.  Crown  8vo,  cloth,  6s. 
net ;  half-bound,  with  gilt  top,  9s.  net. 

BIG    GAME    SHOOTING.       By    CLIVE 

PHILLIPPS-WOLLEY. 

Vol.  I.  AFRICA  AND  AMERICA. 
With  Contributions  by  Sir  SAMUEL 
W.  BAKER,  W.  C.  OSWELL,  F.  C. 
SELOUS,  etc.  With  20  Plates  and  57 
Illustrations  in  the  Text.  Crown  8vo, 
cloth,  6s.  net;  half-bound,  with  gilt 
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Vol.  II.  EUROPE,  ASIA,  AND  THE 
ARCTIC  REGIONS.  With  Contri- 
butions by  Lieut. -Colonel  R.  HEBER 
PERCY,  Major  ALGERNON  C.  HEBER 
PERCY,  etc.  With  17  Plates  and  56 
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BILLIARDS.  By  Major  W.  BROADFOOT, 
R.E.  With  Contributions  by  A.  H. 
Bo  YD,  SYDENHAM  DIXON,  W.  J.  FORD, 
etc.  With  11  Plates,  19  Illustrations 
in  the  Text,  and  numerous  Diagrams. 
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COURSING  .AND  FALCONRY.  By 
HARDING  Cox,  CHARLES  RICHARDSON, 
and  the  Hon.  GERALD  LASCELLES. 
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CRICKET.  By  A.  G.  STEEL  and  the  Hon. 
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GALE,  etc.  With  13  Plates  and  52  Illus- 
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CYCLING.  By  the  EARL  OF  ALBEMARLE 
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8yo,  cloth,  6s.  net ;  half-bound,  with 
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DRIVING.  By  His  Grace  the  (Eighth) 
DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.  With  Con- 
tributions by  A.  E.  T.  WATSON,  THE 
EARL  OF  ONSLOW,  etc.  With  12  Plates 
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FENCING,  BOXING  AND  WREST- 
LING. By  WALTER  H.  POLLOCK,  F. 
C.  GROVE,  C.  PREVOST,  E.  B.  MITCHELL, 
and  WALTER  ARMSTRONG.  With  18 
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FISHING.  By  H.  CHOLMONDELEY- 
PENNELL. 

Vol.  I. — SALMON  AND  TROUT.  With 
Contributions  by  H.  R.  FRANCIS, 
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Vol.  II. — PIKE  AND  OTHER  COARSE 
FISH.  With  Contributions  by  the 
MARQUIS  OF  EXETER,  WILLIAM 
SENIOR,  G.  CHRISTOPHER  DAVIS,  etc. 
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FOOTBALL.— HISTORY,  by  MONTAGUE 
SHEARMAN  ;  THE  ASSOCIATION  GAME, 
by  W.  J.  OAKLEY  and  G.  0.  SMITH; 
THE  RUGBY  UNION  GAME,  by  FRANK 
MITCHELL.  With  other  Contribu- 
tions by  R.  E.  MACNAGHTEN,  M.  C. 
KEMP,  J.  E.  VINCENT,  WALTER  CAMP 
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GOLF.  By  HORACE  G.  HUTCHINSON. 
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J.  BALFOUR,  M.  P.,  Sir  WALTER  SIMPSON, 
Bart,  ANDREW  LANG,  etc.  With  34 
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LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.     13 


Sport  and  Pastime — continued. 
THE  BADMINTON  LIBRARY— continued. 

Edited  by  His  GRACE  THE  (EIGHTH)  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.,  and 
A.  E.  T.  WATSON. 


HUNTING.  By  His  Grace  the  (Eighth) 
DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.,  and  MOW- 
BRAY  MORRIS.  With  Contributions  by 
the  EARL  OF  SUFFOLK  AND  BERKSHIRE, 
Rev.  E.  W.  L.  DAVIES,  G.  H.  LONGMAN, 
etc.  With  5  Plates  and  54  Illustrations 
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MOTORS  AND  MOTOR-DRIVING.  By 
ALFRED  C.  HARMSWORTH,  the  MARQUIS 
DE  CHASSELOUP-LAUBAT,  the  Hon.  JOHN 

SCOTT-MONTAGU,    R.    J.    MfiCREDY,    the 

Hon.  C.  S.  ROLLS,  Sir  DAVID  SALOMONS. 
Bart.,  etc.  With  13  Plates  and  136 
Illustrations  in  the  Text.  Crown  Svo, 
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Cloth  Box  for  use  when  Motoring,  price 
2*.  net. 

MOUNTAINEERING.  By  C.  T.  DENT. 
With  Contributions  by  the  Right  Hon. 
J.  BRYCE,  M.P.,  Sir  MARTIN  CONWAY, 
D.  W.  FRESHFIELD,  C.  E.  MATTHEWS, 
etc.  With  13  Plates  and  91  Illustrations 
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POETRY  OF  SPORT  (THE).  Selected 
by  HEADLEY  PEEK.  With  a  Chapter 
on  Classical  Allusions  to  Sport  by 
ANDREW  LANG,  and  a  Special  Preface 
to  the  BADMINTON  LIBRARY  by 
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RACING  AND  STEEPLE-CHASING. 
By  the  EARL  OF  SUFFOLK  AND  BERK- 
SHIRE, W.  G.  CRAVEN,  the  Hon.  F. 
LAWLEY,  ARTHUR  COVENTRY,  and  A.  E. 
T.  WATSON.  With  Frontispiece  and  56 
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6s.  net ;  half-bound,  with  gilt  top,  9s.  net. 

RIDING  AND  POLO.  By  Captain 
ROBERT  WEIR,  J.  MORAY  BROWN,  T. 
F.  DALE,  the  late  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT, 
the  EARL  OF  SUFFOLK  AND  BERKSHIRE, 
etc.  With  18  Plates  and  41  Illustra- 
tions in  the  Text.  Crown  Svo,  cloth,  (>.<. 
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ROWING.  By  R.  P.  P.  ROWE  and  C.  M. 
PITMAN.  With  Chapters  on  Steering 
by  C.  P.  SEROCOLD  and  F.  C.  BEGG; 
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SMITH;  and  on  PUNTING  by  P.  W. 
SQUIRE.  With  75  Illustrations.  Crown 
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SEA  FISHING.  By  JOHN  BICKERDYKE, 
Sir  H.  W.  GORE-BOOTH,  ALFRED  C. 
HARMSWORTH,  and  W.  SENIOR.  With 
22  Full-page  Plates  and  175  Illustrations 
in  the  Text.  Crown  Svo,  cloth,  6s.  net ; 
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SHOOTING. 

Vol.  I. — FIELD  AND  COVERT.  By  LORD 
WALSINGHAM  and  Sir  RALPH  PAYNE- 
GALLWEY,  Bart.  With  Contributions 
by  the  Hon.  GERALD  LASCELLES  and 
A.  J.  STUART-WORTLEY.  With  11 
Plates  and  95  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
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with  gilt  top,  9s.  net. 
Vol.  II.— MOOR  AND  MARSH.  By 
LORD  WALSINGHAM  and  Sir  RALPH 
PAYNE-GALLWEY,  Bart.  With  Con- 
tributions by  LORD  LOVAT  and  LORD 
CHARLES  LENNOX  KERR.  With  8 
Plates  and  57  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
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with  gilt  top,  9s.  net. 

SKATING,  CURLING,  TOBOGGANING. 
By  J.  M.  HEATHCOTE,  C.  G.  TEBBUTT, 
T.  MAXWELL  WITHAM,  Rev.  JOHN 
KERR,  ORMOND  HAKE,  HENRY  A. 
BUCK,  etc.  With  12  Plates  and  272  Illus- 
trations in  the  Text.  Crown  Svo,  cloth, 
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SWIMMING.  By  ARCHIBALD  SINCLAIR 
and  WILLIAM  HENRY,  Hon.  Sees,  of  the 
Life-Saving  Society.  With  13  Plates 
and  112  Illustrations  in  the  Text.  Cr. 
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TENNIS,  LAWN  TENNIS,  RACKETS 
AND  FIVES.  By  J.  M.  and  C.  G. 
HEATHCOTE,  E.  0.  PLEYDELL-BOUVERIE, 
and  A.  C.  AINGER.  With  Contributions 
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16     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


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24     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


Poetry  and  the  Drama — continued. 


MacDonald.— A  BOOK  OF  STRIFE, 
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LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.    25 


Fiction,   Humour,  etc. 


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26     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Fiction,   Humour,  etc. — continued. 

Haggard  (H.  RIDER) — conf/t<n<.'d. 


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LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   \VOKKS.      27 


Fiction,    Humour,  etc. — continued. 


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Cmnan   by  G.  A.  M.     Grown  Hv<>,   >/\\\ 
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28  LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


Fiction,  Humour,  etc. — continued. 


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ONE  OF  OURSELVES.     Cr.  8vo,  6s. 
THE  INTRUDERS.     Cr.  8vo,  2s.  Qd. 
LEDDY  MARGET.     Cr.  8vo,  2s.  Qd. 

IVA  KILDARE  :  a  Matrimonial  Pro- 
blem.     Crown  8vo,  2s.  Qd. 

MR.  SMITH  :  a  Part  of  his  Life.     Cr. 
8vo,  2s.  Qd. 

THE      BABY'S      GRANDMOTHER, 
Crown  8vo,  2s.  Qd. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.     29 


Fiction,  Humour,  etc. — continued. 
Walford  (L.  B. )— continued. 
COUSINS.     Crown  8vo,  2s.  Gd. 

Cr. 


TROUBLESOME  DAUGHTERS. 
8vo,  2s.  6d. 

PAULINE.     Crown  8vo,  2s.  Gd. 
DICK  NETHERBY.     Cr.  8vo,  2s.  Gd. 

THE  HISTORY  OF   A  WEEK.      Cr. 
8vo,  2s.  Gd. 

A    STIFF-NECKED    GENERATION. 
Crown  8vo,  2s.  Gd. 


West.— EDMUND  FULLESTON  :  or, 
The  Family  Evil  Genius.  By  B.  B. 
WEST,  Author  of  '  Half  Hours  witli  the 
Millionaires,'  etc.  Crown  8vo,  6s. 


NAN,  and  other  Stories. 
2s.  Gd. 


Crown  8vo, 


THE  MISCHIEF  OF  MONICA.      Cr. 
8vo,  2s.  Gd. 

THE  ONE    GOOD    GUEST.      Crown 
8vo,  2s.  Gd. 

'  PLOUGHED, '  and  other  Stories.     Cr. 
8vo,  2s.  Gd. 


Weyman  (STANLEY). 

THE  HOUSE  OF  THE  WOLF.  With 
Frontispiece  and  Vignette.  Crown 
8vo,  3s.  Gd. 

A  GENTLEMAN  OF  FRANCE.  With 
Frontispiece  and  Vignette.  Crown 
8vo,  6s. 

THE  RED  COCKADE.  With  Frontis- 
piece and  Vignette.  Crown  8vo,  6s. 

SHREWSBURY.  With  24  Illustra- 
tions by  CLAUDE  A.  SHEPPERSON. 
Cr.  8vo,  6s. 


SOPHIA. 

8vo,  6s. 


With  Frontispiece.     Crown 


THE   MATCHMAKER. 

2s.  Gd. 


Crown    8vo, 


Ward.— ONE  POOR  SCRUPLE.      By 
Mrs.    WILFRID    WARD.       Crown   8vo, 


Yeats  (S.  LEVETT). 

THE   CHEVALIER  D'AURIAC.     Cr. 
8vo,  3s.  Gd. 

THE  TRAITOR'S  WAY.     Crown  8vo, 


Popular  Science  (Natural  History,  etc.). 


Butler.  —  OUR  HOUSEHOLD  IN- 
SECTS. An  Account  of  the  Insect- 
Pests  found  in  Dwelliug-Houses.  By 
EDWARD  A.  BUTLER,  B.A.,  B.Sc. 
(Lond.).  With  113  Illustrations.  •  Cr. 
8vo,  3s.  6^. 

Furneaux  (W.). 

THE  OUTDOOR  WORLD;  or,  The 
Young  Collector's  Handbook.  With 
18  Plates  (16  of  which  are  coloured), 
and  549  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  6s.  net. 


Furneaux  (W.)—  continued. 

BUTTERFLIES  AND  MOTHS 
(British).  With  12  coloured  Plates 
and  241  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  6s.  net. 

LIFE  IN  PONDS  AND  STREAMS. 
With  8  coloured  Plates  and  331  Illus- 
trations in  the  Text.  Cr.  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  6s.  net 


30     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    IVOXKS. 


Popular  Science  (Natural  History,  etc.) — continued. 


Hartwig  (GEORGE). 

THE  SEA  AND  ITS  LIVING  WON- 1 
DERS.  With  12  Plates  and  303 1 
Woodcuts.  8vo,  gilt  top,  7s.  net. 

THE  TROPICAL  WORLD.      With  8  \ 
Plates  and  172  Woodcuts.     8vo,  gilt 
top,  7s.  net. 

THE  POLAR  WORLD.  With  3  Maps, 
8  Plates  and  85  Woodcuts.  8vo,  gilt 
top,  7s.  net. 

THE      SUBTERRANEAN     WORLD. 

With  3  Maps  and  80  Woodcuts.     Svo,  ; 
gilt  top,  Is.  net. 


Helmholtz.— POPULAR  LECTURES 
ON  SCIENTIFIC  SUBJECTS.  By 
HERMANN  VON  HELMHOLTZ.  With  68 
Woodcuts.  2  vols.  Cr.  8vo,  3s.  6d. 
each. 


Hudson  (W.  H.). 


Proctor  (RICHARD  A.). 

LIGHT  SCIENCE  FOR  LEISURE 
HOURS.  Familiar  Essays  on  Scien- 
tific Subjects.  Crown  Svo,  3*.  Qd. 

ROUGH  WAYS  MADE  SMOOTH. 
Familiar  Essays  on.  Scientific  Subjects. 
Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 

PLEASANT  WAYS  IN  SCIENCE. 
Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

NATURE  STUDIES.  By  R.  A.  PROC- 
TOR, GRANT  ALLEN,  A.  WILSON,  T. 
FOSTER  and  E.  CLODD.  Cr.  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

LEISURE  READINGS.  By  R.  A. 
PROCTOR,  E.  CLODD,  A.  WILSON,  T. 
FOSTER  and  A.  C.  RANYARD.  Crown 
8vo,  3s.  Qd. 

%*  For  Mr.  Proctor's  other  books  see 
pp.  16  and  35  and  Messrs.  Longmans  & 
Co.'s  Catalogue  of  Scientific  Works. 


Stanley.— A    FAMILIAR    HISTORY 

T3Tur>c.     Axr-n    TIT  A  M       T  OF    BIRDS.     By  E.   STANLEY,  D.D., 

BIRDS    AND    MAN.       Large    Crown,     formerly  Bishop  of  Norwich.     With  160 

Svo,  6,9.  net.  |     iiiustrations.     Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

NATURE  IN  DOWNLAND.     With  12 

Plates    and    14   Illustrations   in    the 

Text,    by   A.   D.   McCoRMiCK.     Svo, 

lO.v.  Qd.  net. 


BRITISH  BIRDS.  With  a  Chapter  on 
Structure  and  Classification  by  FRANK 
E.  BEDDARD,  F.R.S.  With  16  Plates 
(8  of  which  are  Coloured),  and  over 
100  Illustrations  in  the  Text.  Crown 
Svo,  gilt  edges,  6s.  net. 

BIRDS  IN  LONDON.  With  17  Plates 
and  15  Illustrations  in  the  Text,  by 
BRYAN  HOOK,  A.  D.  MCCORMICK, 
and  from  Photographs  from  Nature, 
by  R.  B.  LODGE.  8vo,  12s. 


Millais.— THE  NATURAL  HISTORY 
OF  THE  BRITISH  SURFACE-FEED- ! 
ING     DUCKS.       By    JOHN    GUILLE  j 
MILLAIS,  F.Z.S.,  etc.     With  6  Photo- ! 
gravures  and  66  Plates  (41  in  Colours) 
from  Drawings  by  the  Author,  ARCHI-  ' 
BALD  THORBURN,  and  from  Photographs.  ! 
Royal  4to,  £6  6s. 


Wood  (Rev.  J.  G.). 

HOMES  WITHOUT  HANDS  :  A  De- 
scription of  the  Habitations  of  Animals, 
classed  according  to  their  Principle  of 
Construction.  With  140  Illustrations. 
Svo,  gilt  top,  7s.  net. 

INSECTS  AT  HOME:  A  Popular 
Account  of  British  Insects,  their 
Structure,  Habits  and  Transforma- 
tions. With  700  Illustrations.  Svo, 
gilt  top,  7s.  net. 

OUT  OF  DOORS  :  a  Selection  of 
Original  Articles  on  Practical  Natural 
History.  With  11  Illustrations.  Cr. 
Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

PETLAND  REVISITED.  With  33 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  3*1.  6V. 

STRANGE  DWELLINGS :  a  Descrip- 
tion of  the  Habitations  of  Animals, 
abridged  from  '  Homes  without 
Hands'.  With  60  Illustrations.  Cr. 
Svo,  3*.  <)(/. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    WORKS.     31 


Works  of  Reference. 


Gwilt.— AN  ENCYCLOPAEDIA  OF 
ARCHITECTURE.  By  J  OSEPH  GWILT, 
F.S.A.  With  1700  Engravings.  Revised 
(1888),  with  alterations  and  Considerable 
Additions  by  WYATT  PAPWORTH.  8vo, 
21s.  net. 


Maunder  (SAMUEL). 

BIOGRAPHICAL  TREASURY.  With 
Supplement  brought  down  to  1889. 
By  Rev.  JAMES  WOOD.  Fcp.  8vo,  6s. 

TREASURY  OF  GEOGRAPHY, 
Physical,  Historical,  Descriptive  and 
Political.  With  7  Maps  and  16  Plates. 
Fcp.  8vo,  65. 

THE  TREASURY  OF  BIBLE  KNOW- 
LEDGE. By  the  Rev.  J.  AYRE,  M.  A. 
With  5  Maps,  15  Plates,  and  300  Wood- 
cuts. Fcp.  8vo,  6s. 

TREASURY  OF  KNOWLEDGE  AND 
LIBRARY  OF  REFERENCE.  Fcp. 
8vo,  6s. 

HISTORICAL  TREASURY.  Fcp.  8vo, 
6s. 


Maunder  (SAMUEL) — cimf/mn-t/. 

THE  TREASURY  OF  BOTANY. 
Edited  by  J.  LINDLEY,  F.R.S.,  and  T. 
MOORE,  F.L.S.  With  274  Woodcuts 
and  20  Steel  Plates.  2  vols.  Fcp. 
8vo,  12s. 


Roget.— THESAURUS  OF  ENGLISH 
WORDS  AND  PHRASES.  Classified 
and  Arranged  so  as  to  Facilitate  the 
Expression  of  Ideas  and  assist  in  Literary 
Composition.  By  PETER  MARK  ROGET, 
M.D.,  F.R.S.  Recomposed  throughout, 
enlarged  and  improved,  partly  from  the 
Author's  Notes,  and  with  a  full  Index,  by 
the  Author's  Son,  JOHN  LEWIS  ROGET. 
Crown  8vo,  9s.  net. 


Willich.— POPULAR  TABLES  for 
giving  information  for  ascertaining  the 
value  of  Lifehold,  Leasehold,  and  Church 
Property,  the  Public  Funds,  etc.  By 
CHARLES  M.  WILLICH.  Edited  by  H. 
BENCE  JONES.  Crown  8vo,  10s.  6d. 


Children's  Books. 


Adelborg.  -  CLEAN  PETER  AND 
THE  CHILDREN  OF  GRUBBYLEA. 
By  OTTILIA  ADELBORG.  Translated 
from  the  Swedish  by  Mrs.  GRAHAM 
WALLAS.  With  23  Coloured  Plates. 
Oblong  4to,  boards,  3s.  6d.  net. 

Brown.— THE  BOOK  OF  SAINTS 
AND  FRIENDLY  BEASTS.  By 
ABBIE  FARWELL  BROWN.  With  8 
Illustrations  by  FANNY  Y.  CORY.  Cr. 
8vo,  4s.  6d.  net. 

Buckland.— TWO  LITTLE  RUN- 
AWAYS. Adapted  from  the  French 
of  Louis  DESNOYKRS.  By  .|.\MI;S 
BUCKLAND.  With  110  Illustrations  by 
CECIL  ALDIN.  Crown  8vo,  (>\. 

Corbin  and  Going.— URCHINS  OF 
THE  SEA.  By  MARIE  OYKUT.>\  COB- 
BIN  and  CHARLES  BUXTON  G<  >ix< ..  With 
Drawings  by  F.  1.  BKNNKTT. 
4to,  3s.  6d. 


Crake  (Rev.  A.  D.). 

EDWY  THE  FAIR;  or,  The  First 
Chronicle  of  JSscendune.  Crown  8vo, 
silver  top,  2s.  net. 

ALFGAR  THE  DANE  :  or,  The  Second 
Chronicle  of  ^Escendune.  Crown 
8vo,  silver  top,  2s.  net. 

THE  RIVAL  HEIRS  :  being  the  Third 
and  last  Chronicle  of  JEscendune. 
Crown  8vo,  silver  top,  2s.  net. 

THE  HOUSE  OF   WALDERNE.      A 

Tale  of  the  Cloister  and  the  Forest  in 
the  Days  of  the  Barons'  Wars.     Cr. 

Svo,  silver  top,  %_N.  net. 

BRIAN  FITZ-COUNT.  A  Story  of 
Wallingford  Castle  and  Dorchester 
Abbey.  Crown  8vo,  silver  top,  2s.  net. 


32 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Children's  Books — continued. 


Henty(G.  A.). -Edited  by. 

YULE  LOGS  :  A  Story  Book  for  Boys. 

By   VARIOUS    AUTHORS.      With    61 

Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo,  gilt  edges,  3s. 

net. 
YULE-TIDE   YARNS:   a  Story  Book 

for    Boys.      By  VARIOUS  AUTHORS. 

With  45  Illustrations.     Crown  8vo, 

gilt  edges,  3s.  net. 

Lang  (ANDREW). — Edited  by. 

THE  VIOLET  FAIRY  BOOK.  With 
8  Coloured  Plates  and  54  other  Illus- 
trations. Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  6s. 

THE  BLUE  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  138 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
6s. 

THE  RED  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  100 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
6s. 

THE  GREEN  FAIRY  BOOK.  With 
99  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  6s. 

THE  GREY  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  65 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
6s. 

THE  YELLOW  FAIRY  BOOK.  With 
104  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt 


THE  PINK  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  67 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
6s. 

THE  BLUE  POETRY  BOOK.  With 
100  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt 


THE  TRUE  STORY  BOOK.  With 
66  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  6s. 

THE  RED  TRUE  STORY  BOOK. 

With  100  Illustrations.     Cr.  8vo,  gilt 
3,  6s. 


THE  ANIMAL  STORY  BOOK.  With 
67  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  6s. 

THE  RED  BOOK  OF  ANIMAL 
STORIES.  With  65  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  6s. 

THE  ARABIAN  NIGHTS  ENTER- 
TAINMENTS. With  66  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  6s. 


Meade(L.  T.). 

DADDY'S  BOY.  With  8  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  3s.  net. 

DEB  AND  THE  DUCHESS.  With  7 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
3s.  net. 

THE  BERESFORD  PRIZE.  With  7 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
3s.  net. 

THE  HOUSE  OF  SURPRISES.  With 
6  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
3s.  net. 


Murray.— FLOWER  LEGENDS  FOR 
CHILDREN.  By  HILDA  MURRAY 
(the  Hon.  Mrs.  MURRAY  of  Elibank). 
Pictured  by  J.  S.  ELAND.  With 
numerous  Coloured  and  other  Illustra- 
tions. Oblong  4to,  6s. 


Praeger  (ROSAMOND). 

THE  ADVENTURES  OF  THE 
THREE  BOLD  BABES  :  HECTOR, 
HONORIA  AND  ALISANDER.  A 
Story  in  Pictures.  With  24  Coloured 
Plates  and  24  Outline  Pictures. 
Oblong  4to,  3s.  Qd. 

THE  FURTHER  DOINGS  OF  THE 
THREE  BOLD  BABES.  With  24 
Coloured  Pictures  and  24  Outline 
Pictures.  Oblong  4to3  3s.  6d. 


Smith.— THE  ADVENTURES  OF 
CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH  :  Captain  of 
Two  Hundred  and  Fifty  Horse,  and 
sometime  President  of  Virginia.  Edited 
by  E.  P.  ROBERTS.  Crown  8vo. 


Stevenson.— A  CHILD'S  GARDEN 
OF  VERSES.  By  ROBERT  Louis 
STEVENSON.  Fcp.  8vo,  gilt  top,  5s. 


Tappan.— OLD  BALLADS  IN  PROSE. 
By  EVA  MARCH  TAPPAN.  With  4  Illus- 
trations by  FANNY  Y.  CORY.  Crown 
8vo,  gilt  top,  4s.  6d.  net. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.     33 


Children's  Books — continued. 


Upton  (FLORENCE  K.  and  BERTHA). 

THE  ADVENTURES  OF  TWO  DUTCH 
DOLLS  AND  A  'GOLLIWOGG'. 

With  31  Coloured  Plates  and  numerous 
Illustrations  in  the  Text.  Oblong  4to, 
6s. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG'S  BICYCLE 
CLUB.  With  31  Coloured  Plates 
and  numerous  Illustrations  in  the 
Te*t.  Oblong  4to,  6s. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG  AT  THE  SEA- 
SIDE. With  31  Coloured  Plates  and 
numerous  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
Oblong  4to,  6s. 


Upton  (FLORENCE  K.   and  BERTHA)— 

continued. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG  IN  WAR.  With 
31  Coloured  Plates.  Oblong  4to,  6s. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG'S  POLAR  AD- 
VENTURES. With  31  Coloured 
Plates.  Oblong  4to,  6.9. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG'S  AUTO-GO- 
CART.  With  31  Coloured  Plates 
and  numerous  Illustrations  in  the 
Text.  Oblong  4to,  6s. 

THE  VEGE-MEN'S  REVENGE.  With 
31  Coloured  Plates  and  numerous  Illus- 
trations in  the  Text.  Oblong  4to,  6s. 


THE    SILVER   LIBRARY. 

Crown  8vo,  3s.  Qd.  EACH  VOLUME. 


Arnold's  (Sir   Edwin)  Seas   and   Lands. 

With  17  Illustrations.     3s.  Qd. 

Bagehot's    (W.)     Biographical     Studies. 

3s.  Qd. 
Bagehot's  (W.)  Economic  Studies.  3s.  Qd. 

Bagehot's  (W.)  Literary  Studies.  With 
Portrait.  3  vols.  3s.  Qd.  each. 

Baker's  (Sir  S.  W.)  Eight  Years  in  Ceylon. 
With  6  Illustrations.  3s.  Qd. 

Baker's  (Sir  S.  W.)  Rifle  and  Hound  in 
Ceylon.  With  6  Illustrations.  3s.  Qd. 

Baring-Gould's  (Rev.  S.)  Curious  Myths  of 
the  Middle  Ages.  3s.  Qd. 

Baring-Gould's  (Rev.  S.)  Origin  and  De- 
velopment of  Religious  Belief.  2  vols. 
3s.  Qd.  each. 

Becker's  (W.  A.)  Callus :  or,  Roman  Scenes 
in  the  Time  of  Augustus.  With  26  Illus- 
trations. 3s.  Qd. 

Becker's  (W.  A.)  Charicles :  or,  Illustra- 
tions of  the  Private  Life  of  the  Ancient 
Greeks.  With  26  Illustrations.  3s.  Qd. 

Bent's  (J.  T.)  The  Ruined  Cities  of  Ma- 
shonaland.  With  117  Illustrations. 
3s.  6d. 

Brassey's  (Lady)  A  Voyage  in  the  '  Sun- 
beam '.  With  66  Illustrations.  3s.  Qd. 

Churchill's  (W.  Spencer)  The  Story  of  the 
Malakand  Field  Force,  1897.  With  6 
Maps  and  Plans.  3s.  Qd. 

Clodd's  (E.)  Story  of  Creation :  a  Plain 
Account  of  Evolution.  With  77  Illus- 
trations. 3s.  Qd. 


Conybeare  (Rev.  W.  J.)  and  Howson's 
(Very  Rev.  J.  S.)  Life  and  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul.  With  46  Illustrations.  3s.  Qd. 

Dougall's(L.)  Beggars  All;  a  Novel.    3s.  Qd. 

Doyle's  (A.  Conan)  Micah  Clarke.  A  Tale 
of  Moumouth's  Rebellion.  With  10 
Illustrations.  3s.  Qd. 

Doyle's   (A.  Conan)  The   Captain   of  the 

Polestar,  and  other  Tales.      3s.  Qd. 
Doyle's    (A.    Conan)    The    Refugees  :    A 

Tale  of  the  Huguenots.     With  25  Il- 

lustrations.    3s.  Qd. 
Doyle's    (A.    Conan)    The    Stark    Munro 

Letters.     3s.  Qd. 
Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  History  of  England, 

from  the  Fall  of  Wolsey  to  the  Defeat 

of  the  Spanish  Armada.     12  vols.      3s. 

Qd.  each. 
Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  English  in  Ireland. 

3  vols.      10s.  Qd. 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  Divorce  of  Catherine 

of  Aragon.     3s.   tW. 
Froude's  (J.   A.)    The    Spanish    Story  of 

the  Armada,  and  other  Essays.     3*.  (\<l. 
Froude's  (J.  A.)  English  Seamen  in  the 

Sixteenth  Century.    3s.  tV. 
Froude's  (J.  A.)  Short  Studies  on   Great 

Subjects.     4  vols.      3s.  Qd.  each. 
Froude's    (J.    A.)    Oceana,    or    England 

and  her  Colonies.     With  9  Illustrations 


Froude's   (J.   A.)   The   Council,  of  Trent. 

3s.  Qd. 


34     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    WORKS. 


THE  SILVER  LIBRARY—  continued. 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  Life  and  Letters  of    Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Dawn.     With  16  Illus- 
Erasmus.    3s.  Qd.  trations.      3s.   Qd. 


Froude's    (J.     A.)    Thomas    Carlyle  :     a 
History  of  his  Life. 
1795-1835.     2vols.    'Is. 
1834-1881.    2  vols.     7s. 

Froude's  (  J.  A.)  Caesar  :  a  Sketch.   3s.  (\<l. 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  Two  Chiefs  of  Dun- 

boy  :  an  Irish  Romance  of  the  Last  Cen- 
tury.    3s.  Qd. 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  Writings,  Selections  from. 

3s.  Qd. 

Gleig's  (Rev.  G.  R.)  Life  of  the  Duke  of 
Wellington.  With  Portrait.  3s.  Qd. 

Ore  ville's  (C.  C.  F.)  Journal  of  the 
Reigns  of  King  George  IV.,  King 
William  IY.,  and  Queen  Victoria. 

8  vols.     3s.  Qd.  each. 

Haggard's  (H.  R.)  She:  A  History  of 
Adventure.  With  32  Illustrations.  3s.  Qd. 

Haggard's    (H.   R.)     Allan    Quatermain. 

With  20  Illustrations.     3s.  Qd. 

Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Colonel  Quaritch, 
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MANS    \ND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    \\'DRKX.     35 


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LONGMANS  AND  CO.' S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.    37 


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38     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


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