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Full text of "History of Congress. The Fortieth Congress of the United States. 1867-1869 .."

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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by 

in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 


mi . 











BROOMALL, JOHN M., ' ... 473 

BUTLER, BENJAMIN F., % ... , 429 

CARY,' SAMUEL F., 415 











GRISWOLD, JOHN A ... ... -435 

HIGBY, WILLIAM, ... 547 

HOLMAN, WILLIAM S., ... ..'. .... 529 













LOGAN, JOHN A., 467 








NICHOLSON, JOHN A., ... ... ... ... ... ... 487 


PERHAM, SIDNEY, ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 527 



POLAND, LUKE P.," 457 


ROSS, LEWIS W., .... 499 



SHANKS, JOHN P. C., , 631 












IE picturesque mountainous region known as Caledonia 
County, in the State of Vermont, was the birth-place of 
Thaddeus Stevens. His father was Joshua Stevens, and 
his mother's maiden name was Sarah Morrill. " My father," said 
Thaddeus Stevens, near the close of his life, " was not a well-to-do 
man, and the support and education of the family depended on my 
mother. She worked night and day to educate me. I was feeble and 
lame in my youth ; and as I couldn't work on the farm, she concluded 
to give me an education. I tried to repay her afterward, but the 
debt of a child to his mother is one of the debts we can never pay. 
The greatest gratification of my life resulted from my ability to 
give my mother a farm of two hundred and fifty acres and a dairy 
of fourteen cows, and an occasional bright gold piece, which she 
loved to deposit in the contribution box of the Baptist church which 
she attended. This always gave her much pleasure and me much satis- 
faction. My mother was a very extraordinary woman, and I have met 
very few women like her. Poor woman ! the very thing I did to grat- 
ify her most, hastened her death. She was very proud of her dairy 
and fond of her cows, and one night, going out to look after them, she 
fell and injured herself so that she died soon after." 

Thaddeus Stevens ever cherished not only an affectionate memory 
of his mother, but a warm attachment to the place of his nativity. 
Late in life, he called his immense iron works in Franklin County, 
Pennsylvania, Caledonia, after the name of his native county. 

In seeking an education, he first went as a student to the Univer- 
sity of Vermont, at Burlington. Upon the occupation of the town by 


the British in the war of 1812, the institution was sjspended, and 
young Stevens went to Dartmouth College, where he graduated in 
1814. He immediately removed to Pennsylvania, and first made his 
residence in the borough of York. Here he taught school for a live- 
lihood, and read law carefully and steadily through the intervals of 
the day and night. The bar of Tork County then numbered among 
its members some lawyers of uncommon ability and distinction. 
They very strangely formed a plan to thwart the designs of the 
young school-teacher by the passage of a resolution providing that 
no person should be recognized as a lawyer among them who followed 
any other vocation while preparing himself for admission to the bar. 
The young student paid no attention to this resolution, but pursued 
the even tenor of his way until he mastered his studies, and then 
quietly repaired to one of the adjoining counties of Maryland, where 
he passed a creditable examination. He then returned to York, pre- 
sented his credentials, and was regularly, though reluctantly, ad- 

In 1816, Mr. Stevens removed to the adjoining County of Adams, 
and settled in the now historical town of Gettysburg. Here he soon 
rose to the head of a profession which he ardently loved, and prac- 
ticed with signal success through, a long and laborious career. 

Soon obtaining a reputation as one of the most acute lawyers and 
able reasoners in the State, he was employed in many of the most im- 
portant cases tried in the courts of the commonwealth. He was 
especially pleased to be retained in causes where some injustice or op- 
pression was to be opposed, or where the weak were to be protected 
against the machinations of the strong. In such cases he embarked 
with characteristic zeal, and no epithet was too forcible or too wither- 
ing for him to employ in denouncing the evil-doer, and no metaphor 
was too bold for him to use in depicting the just punishment of 
wrong-doing. While still a very young man, he heard of a free 
woman who was held in the jail at Frederick, Maryland, as a slave. 
He instantly volunteered to become her counsel, and saved her 
from the decree that wanted only the color of an excuse to condemn 



her. to servitude. Some years afterward, while on the way from 
Gettysburg to Baltimore, he was appealed to by the same woman to 
save her husband from being sold South by his owner, who was his own 
father. Mr. Stevens complied with the wishes of the poor woman 
by paying the full value of the slave to the unnatural father. As a 
lawyer, Mr. Stevens was the enemy of the oppressor and the champion 
of the poor and the down-trodden. Injustice and wrong, when perpe- 
trated by the powerful and great, aroused his indignation and called 
forth terrible outbursts of denunciation. The same spirit was mani- 
fested in later years, when he denounced Chief-Justice Taney by 
saying that the Dred Scott decision had " damned its author to ever- 
lasting infamy, and, he feared, to everlasting flame." 

Fierce as was the denunciation of Mr. Stevens against those whom 
he regarded as wrong-doers, he never had aught but words of kind- 
ness and encouragement for the poor and unoffending. In the prac- 
tice of his profession at Gettysburg, Mr. Stevens was brought into 
the closest and most confidential relations with the people. They 
sought and followed his friendly advice in delicate and important 
matters, which in no way pertained to the laws or the courts. He 
was not only the legal adviser, but the personal friend of the entire 
community. The aged inhabitants of Adams County still remember 
his unaffected benevolence, and unobtrusive charities. ~No command- 
ing benevolence, no useful public enterprise, nothing calculated to 
improve his fellow-men in the region where he lived, was projected 
or completed without his efficient and generous contribution. Penn- 
sylvania College, in Gettysburg, has a noble hall bearing his name, 
which stands as a monument of his services in behalf of education. 

Mr. Stevens' public political career began in 1833, when he was 
elected a Eepresentative in the State Legislature. Possessed of the 
most practical common sense, and the most formidable power of de- 
bate, he soon became a leader. He was always foremost in every 
movement that contemplated the improvement of the people. He 
began his legislative career by proposing and advocating a law to 
estaVish a free-school system in Pennsylvania. So great was the 



ignorance at that time prevalent in Pennsylvania, that one-fourth of 
the adult population of the State were unable to write their names. 
The consequence was, that when Mr. Stevens proposed a system for 
taxing the people for the education of their children, a storm of 
obloquy and opposition arose against him. His own constituents of 
the county of Adams refused to second his educational movements. 
Again and again they instructed him to change his course. He an- 
swered with renewed efforts in the cause, and a more defiant dis- 
obedience of their mandates, until at last, overcome by his earnest 
eloquence and unfailing perseverance, they rallied to his support and 
enthusiastically re-elected him. 

The school law was just going into operation with the sanction of 
all benevolent men, when a strength of opposition was combined 
against it which promised to effect its immediate abrogation. The 
miserly, and ignorant wealthy, used their money and their influence 
to bring it into disrepute, and procured the election by an over- 
whelming majority of a Legislature pledged to repeal the law. The 
members of the Legislature were on the eve of obeying instructions 
to expunge the school law from the statute book, when Thaddeus 
Stevens rose in his seat and pronounced a most powerful speech in 
opposition to the movement for repeal. The effect of that " sur- 
passing effort " is thus described by one who witnessed the scene : 

" All the barriers of prejudice broke down before it. It reached 
men's hearts like the voice of inspiration. Those who were almost 
ready to take the life of Thaddeus Stevens a few weeks before, were 
instantly converted into his admirers and friends. During its delivery 
in the hall of the House at Harrisburg, the scene was one of dramatic 
interest and intensity. Thaddeus Stevens was then forty-three years 
of age, and in the prime of life ; and his classic countenance, noble 
voice, and cultivated style, added to the fact that he was speaking the 
holiest truths and for the noblest of all human causes, created such a 
feeling among his fellow-members that, for once at least, our State 
legislators rose above all selfish feelings, and responded to the instincts 
of a higher nature. The motion to repeal the law failed, and a 



number of votes pledged to sustain it were changed upon the spot, 
and what seemed to be an inevitable defeat was transformed into 
a crowning victory for the friends of common schools." 

Immediately after the conclusion of this great effort, Mr. Stevens re- 
ceived a congratulatory message from Governor Wolf, his determined 
political opponent, but a firm friend of popular education. When 
Mr. Stevens, soon after, entered the executive chamber, Governor 
Wolf threw his arms about his neck, and with tearful eye and broken 
voice, thanked him for the great service he had rendered to humanity. 
The millions who now inhabit Pennsylvania, or who having been born 
and educated there have gone forth to people other States, have reason 
to honor the intrepid statesman, who, anticipating the future, 
grappled with the prejudices of the time, and achieved a victory for 
the benefit of all coming generations. 

This same zeal in behalf of education for the humblest and poor- 
est was cherished by Mr. Stevens to his latest years. When the 
ladies of Lancaster called upon him for a subscription to their 
orphans' school, he declined the request on the ground that they 
refused admission to colored children. " I never will," said he, 
" Heaven helping me, encourage a system which denies education to 
any one of God Almighty's household." 

The year 1835 was one of intense political excitement in Penn- 
sylvania. Anti-Masonry had just blazed up with a lurid glare, which 
caused men to take alarm without knowing how or whence it came. 
Ever on the alert against whatever seemed dangerous to freedom, Mr. 
Stevens was out-spoken in his denunciation of secret societies. George 
Wolf, a Mason, was then Governor, and a candidate for re-election ; 
but Joseph Eitner, the Anti-Mason candidate, was elected. Party 
rancor was very bitter, and personal animosities sometimes broke out 
in violence. Mr. Stevens was challenged to fight a duel by Mr. 
McElwee, a member of the House, but instead of going to the field, 
lie retorted in a bitter speech, full of caustic wit and withering sar- 
casm. That was a memorable period in the political history of Penn- 
sylvania, when, in the partisan language of the day, " Joe Kitner was 



Governor, and Thad. Stevens his oracle, and the keeper of his con- 
science." Canals and railroads were then originated, which tended to 
develop the material resources, as free-schools tended to promote the 
intellectual resources of Pennsylvania. 

In 1836, Mr. Stevens was elected a member of the Convention to 
amend the Constitution of Pennsylvania, an instrument framed as 
early as 1776. The Convention was composed of many of the ablest 
lawyers and most distinguished orators in the State. Of the one 
hundred and thirty-three members of the Convention, none took a 
more active part than Mr. Stevens. He labored with great energy 
and ability to have the word " white," as applied to citizens, stricken 
from the Constitution. The majority were unable or unwilling to 
surmount their prejudices and reject the obnoxious word. So great 
was the disgust of Mr. Stevens with the work of the Convention, that 
he refused to attach his name to the amended Constitution. 

In 1838, the political animosities of Pennsylvania culminated in 
the " Buckshot War," one of the most remarkable episodes in the his- 
tory of this country. The trouble originated in alleged election 
frauds in Philadelphia County at the general election of 1838. The 
friends of Governor Ritner, who had been a candidate for re-election, 
maintained that he had been defeated by perjury and fraud. An 
address was issued soon after the election by the Chairman of the 
State Committee, advising the friends of Governor Ritner, until an 
investigation had been made, to regard the result aa favorable to 
them. It seemed that Mr. Porter, the governor elect, would not be 
inaugurated, and that certain Democrats elected to the Legislature 
from Philadelphia would not be admitted to seats. On the day ap- 
pointed for the assembling of the Legislature,' three hundred men 
from Philadelpha appeared in Harrisburg with the avowed purpose 
of overawing the Senate and House, and compelling them to receive 
certain election returns which the Whigs regarded as fraudulent. At 
a certain point in the proceedings of the Senate, the mob rushed down 
from the galleries and took possession of the floor. The Speaker of 
the Senate, together with Mr. Stevens and some othere, escaped 


through a window from the violence of the mob. While the mob 
held possession of the Senate-chamber and the town, the House was 
the scene of equal- confusion ; the members splitting into several 
bodies under speakers of their own election, each claiming to be the 
legitimate Assembly. The Governor was perplexed and alarmed. 
He issued a proclamation calling out the militia of the State, and 
applied to the General Government for troops to suppress the out- 
break which seemed imminent. The greater part of the militia 
forces of the State at once responded to the call, but the troops asked 
from the General Government were refused. At length an under- 
standing was arrived at by which the Whigs yielded, a Democratic 
organization of the Legislature was effected, and Mr. Porter was 
inaugurated as Governor. 

The Democrats having gained the upper hand, singled out Mr. 
Stevens as the victim of their vengeance. A committee was ap- 
pointed " to inquire whether Thaddeus Stevens, a member elect from 
the county of Adams, has not forfeited his right to a seat in the 
House. The offense charged was contempt of the House in calling 
it an illegal body the offspring of a mob. Mr. Stevens declined to 
attend the meetings of the Committee, and wrote a declaration set- 
ting forth the illegality of the inquiry. Mr. Stevens was ejected from 
the Legislature, although thirty-eight Democratic members protested 
against the action of the majority. Sent back to his constituents, he 
issued a stirring address to the people of Adams County, and he was 
triumphantly re-elected.. An escort to the State Capitol was offered 
him by his enthusiastic constituents, but he declined the honor in a 
letter, in which occur the following remarkable, and almost prophetic, 
words : " Victories, even over rebels in civil wars, should be treated 
with solemn thanksgiving, rather than with songs of mirth." An- 
other term of service, to which Mr. Stevens was elected in 1841, 
closed his career in the State Legislature. 

. In 1842, at fifty years of age, Mr. Stevens found his private busi- 
ness in a state of confusion, as a consequence of his unremitting atten- 
tion to public and political affairs. He found himself insolvent, with 


debts of over two hundred thousand dollars, principally through mis- 
management by a partner in the Caledonia Iron Works. Kesolved 
to liquidate this immense debt, he looked about for some more remu- 
nerative field for professional practice than the Gettysburg bar offered, 
and he removed to Lancaster. There he devoted himself with great 
energy and success to his profession, and in a few years fully retrieved 
his fortune. 

In 1848, Mr. Stevens was elected to represent the Lancaster Dis- 
trict in the Thirty-first Congress, and was re-elected to the succeeding 
Congress. He carried to the National Capitol a large legislative 
experience acquired in another field, and immediately took a prominent 
position in Congress. The subjects, however, which were acted upon 
by the Congress of that day were not such as called into conspicuous 
view the peculiar legislative abilities of Mr. Stevens. 

After an interval of six years, when elected to the Thirty-sixth 
Congress, he entered upon that distinguished public career which has 
given his name a prominent place in American History. 

He held the important position of Chairman of the Committee of 
Ways and Means during three successive Congressional terms. In 
the Thirty-ninth Congress he was Chairman of the Committee on 
Appropriations. In this and in the Fortieth Congress he was Chair- 
man of the Committee on Reconstruction. These positions gave him 
a very prominent place in Congress and before the country. 

The first measure of Mr. Stevens, which attracted great attention, 
was introduced by him on the 8th of December, 1862, to indemnify 
the President and other persons for suspending the privilege of the 
habeas corpus. This act assisted much to promote the successful 
issue of the war. It placed a power in the hands of the great and 
good Executive of the nation, which was absolutely essential to the 
suppression of the rebellion. 

It was ever an object dear to the heart of Mr. Stevens to raise up 
and disenthrall the down-trodden colored population of the South. 
Foreseeing that this would 'be accomplished as a result of the war, he 
became the originator and earnest advocate of many measures de- 



signed to effect this end. As early as the first disaster of Bull Bun 
he publicly favored the employment of negroes as soldiers, to aid in 
putting down the rebellion of their masters. In the summer of 1862, 
a bill was passed, granting to negroes the privilege of constructing 
fortifications and performing camp services. This fell far below the 
mission of the colored race in the war, as conceived in the mind of 
Mr. Stevens. On the 27th of January, 1863, he offered a bill in the 
House for the enlistment of the negro as a soldier. The bill passed 
the House, but was reported upon adversely by the Military Com- 
mittee of the Senate. That body could only bring themselves to the 
point of agreeing to the enlistment of the negro as a cook ! That 
which Mr. Stevens was unable to bring about by Congressional 
enactment, he had the pleasure, ere long, of seeing effected by force 
of the necessities of war. 

With "hope deferred," Mr. Stevens impatiently awaited that 
great act of justice and necessity, the President's Proclamation of 
Emancipation. After this great Executive act was done, Mr. Stevens 
was not content until its perpetuity was secured by constitutional 
guarantees. Accordingly, on the 24th of March following, he offered 
in the House a joint resolution proposing an article in the Constitu- 
tion abolishing slavery. A joint resolution of similar import had 
been previously offered in the Senate by Mr. Trumbull, and agreed to 
by that body, but it was rejected in the House. After consideration, 
the resolution of Mr. Stevens was laid over, and the joint resolution 
of Mr. Trumbull was again taken up on a motion to reconsider, and 
was finally adopted, January 31, 1865. 

The biography of Mr. Stevens, written in detail, would be a com- 
plete history of the legislation of the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Con- 
gresses, down to the day of his death. At his instance, the Joint 
Committee on Eeconstruction was created, and he occupied the posi- 
tion of Chairman on the part of the House. He strenuously advo- 
cated the Freedmen's Bureau Bill and the Civil Eights Bill. He 
had the honor of proposing in the House the great measure, now a part 
of the Constitution, known as the Fourteenth Amendment. As Chair- 



man of the Committee on Eeconstruction, Mr. Stevens reported to 
the House the Military Reconstruction Bill, under which all the 
States save Tennessee, which had previously been reconstructed, 
were destined to be restored to their former relation to the Federal 


Mr. Stevens had no patience nor forbearance with Andrew John- 
son, whom he contemptuously described as " the man at the other 
end of the Avenue." He regarded him as a bad man, guilty of 
high crimes and misdemeanors." The annals of Congressional ora- 
tory contain nothing more impressive than Mr. Stevens' scathing and 
withering denunciations of the character and usurpation of the Presi- 
dent. Cato was not more earnest and sincere in the utterance of his 
formula for the safety of Rome Carthago delenda, e*t than was 
Mr. Stevens in his demands that the President should be removed 
from office. Though in an extreme condition of physical feebleness, 
Mr. Stevens consented to act as one of the Managers of the Impeach- 
ment on the part of the House. He proposed the Eleventh Article, 
which was regarded as the strongest against the President, and was 
selected as that upon which the first vote was taken. He pronounced 
one of the ablest arguments delivered before the " High Court of Im- 
peachment," though unable to deliver more than the opening para- 
graphs in person. 

So feeble was he at this time, and for some months before, that he 
had to be borne to and from his seat in the House, seated in a chair 
which was carried by two stalwart young men. As they were lifting 
him in his chair one day, he said : " How shall I get to the House, 
when you two die ? " This playful expression not only illustrates his 
humor, but his resolute determination to do duty to the last. 

For two years Mr. Stevens' health was gradually failing. Month 
after, month he grew weaker and more shadow-like. It seemed, at 
last, that he was kept alive by force of an indomitable will and an 
intense desire to see the country safely through the dangers of recon- 

On the adjournment of Congress, July 28, Mr. Stevens was too fee- 



ble to endure the journey to his home at Lancaster. He rapidly grew 
worse, until he expired at midnight on the llth of August. The an- 
nouncement of his death created profound sensation in all parts of 
the country. His remains, as they lay in state in the rotunda of the 
Capitol, were looked upon by thousands, but by none with so much 
affectionate interest as by multitudes of the colored race, for whose 
freedom, enfranchisement, and protection he had devoted so much 
thought and labor. His body was finally conveyed to its last resting 
place in Lancaster, amid demonstrations of sincere respect such as are 
manifested only at the obsequies of public benefactors. 

At his death Mr. Stevens held but a small proportion of the 
property which he had accumulated during a long and laborious life. 
Three times he lost all he had. His latest failure was occasioned by 
the destruction of his Caledonia Iron Works by the rebels in their 
raid on Chambersburg. His friends immediately raised $100,000, 
which they tendered him, but he would accept the gift only on con- 
dition that it should be turned over to the poor of Lancaster County. 
Another incident illustrates his kindness of heart towards the poor 
and the distressed : A few weeks before his death, while on his way to 
the Capitol, he met a poor woman in great trouble. She. told him 
that she had just lost seventy : five cents, her little market money, and 
that she had nothing to buy food for her children, " What a lucky 
woman you are," said Mr. Stevens ; " I have just found what you have 
lost ! " putting his hand into his pocket and giving her a five-dollar 

Mr. Stevens, as he appeared in the House near the end of his life, 
is thus described by one looking down from the galleries : 

"And now the members crowd around a central desk. The con 
fusion of tongues, which amazes a spectator in the galleries, is hushed 
for a brief space. The crowds in the balconies bend eager ears. A 
gaunt, weird, tall old man has risen in his seat the man who is often 
called the Leader of the House. Deep eyes, hidden under a cliif of 
brow, the strong nose of a pioneer of thought, shut, thin lips, a fac'3 
pale with the frost of the grave, long, bony, emphatic limbs these 



. cover the uneasy ghost which men call Thaddeus Stevens. The great 
days of his power are past, Perseus has slain his dragon, and now 
he would unchain the fair Andromeda for whom he fought, binding 
her brows with the stars. The new version is sadder than the old, 
for he will not live, to see the glory for which he has wrought. He 
is wonderful even in his decline. Day after day he comes, compelling 
his poor body, by the might of the strong soul that is in him, to serve 
him yet longer. He looks so weary of this confusion which we call 
life, and yet so resolute to command it still. Erratic, domineering, 
hard, subtle, Stevens is yet so heroic, he wears such a crown of noble 
years upon him, that one's enthusiasm, and one's reverence, cling to 

Thaddeus Stevens was the ablest political and parliamentary leader 
of his time. Tall in stature, deliberate in utterance and in gesticula- 
tion, with a massive head, and features of a classic mould, he seemed 
an orator of the old Eoman type. As a speaker in his later years, he 
was never declamatory. " Those stilettoes of pitiless wit which made 
his caustic tongue so dreaded were ever uttered from the softest tones 
of his voice." He was seldom eloquent, yet every one gave him 
breathless attention. He possessed a personal influence and a mag- 
netic power never separated from strong intellect and unbending de- 
termination, by which he was fitted to be a leader of men. He was 
unaffected in his manners, and impressive in conversation. He lived 
both in Lancaster and Washington in a simplicity of style befitting 
the leading Kepublican of his day. 



H E triumph of energy and talent over poverty and adver- 
sity is illustrated in the lives of nearly all whose names are 
conspicuous in the Congress of the United States. In no 
case has this triumph been more signally achieved than in that of 
James Abraham Garfield, of Ohio. He was born in the township 
of Orange, Cuyahoga County, Ohio, November 19, 1831. Abraham 
Garfield, the father, who had emigrated from New York, died in 
1833, leaving a family of four children, of whom James was the 
youngest, dependent upon the exertions of a widowed mother. 

James was permitted to attend. the district school a few months of 
each year, and at intervals aided in supporting the family by working 
at the carpenter's trade. This not proving very remunerative, in his 
seventeenth year he secured employment as driver on the tow-path of 
the Ohio Canal, and soon rose to be a boatman. The dream of his 
ambition was to become a sailor on the lakes. The hardship and 
exposure incident to his life on the Canal brought on the fever and 
ague in the fall of 1848. When the young boatman had recovered 
from a three months' illness, it was too late to carry out his purpose 
of shipping on the lakes. He was . persuaded to defer this step until 
the following fall, and meanwhile to spend a few months in attending 
a high-school in an adjoining county. 

Early in March, 1849, young Garfield entered "Geauga Acad- 
emy." Being too poor to pay the ordinary bills for board, he carried 
with him a few cooking utensils, rented a room in an old unpainted 
farm-house near the academy, and boarded himself. His mother 

had saved a small sum of money, which she gave him with her bless- 



ing at his departure. After that he never had a dollar which he did 
not earn. He soon found employment with the carpenters of the 
village; and working mornings, evenings, and Saturdays, earned 
enough to pay his way. The summer vacation gave him a longer 
interval for work, and when the fall term opened he had money enough 
laid up to pay his tuition and give him a start again. The close of 
this fall term found him competent to teach a district school for the 
winter, the avails of which were sufficient to pay his expenses for the 
spring and fall terms at the academy. He continued for several 
years, teaching a term each winter, and attending the academy 
through spring and fall, keeping up with his class during his absence 
by private study. 

By the summer of 1854, young Garfield, now twenty -three years 
old, prosecuted his studies as far as the academies of his native re- 
gion could carry him. He resolved to go to college, calculating that 
he could complete the ordinary course of study in two years. From 
his school-teaching and carpenter work he had saved about half 
enough to pay his expenses. To obtain the rest of the money, he 
procured a life insurance policy, which he assigned to a gentleman 
who loaned him what funds he needed, knowing that if he lived he 
would pay it, and if he died the policy would secure it. 

In the fall of 1854, young Garfield was admitted to the junior 
class of Williams College, in Massachusetts. He at once took high 
rank as a student, and at the end of his two years' course bore off the 
metaphysical honor of his class. 

On his return to his Western home, Mr. Garfield was made 
teacher of Latin and Greek in the Hiram Eclectic Institute. So high 
a position did he take, and so popular did he become, that the next 
year he was made President of the Institute. His position at the 
head of a popular seminary, together with his talents as a speaker, 
caused him to be called upon for frequent public addresses, both from 
platform and pulpit. The Christian denomination to which he be- 
longed had no superstitious regard for the prerogatives ot the clergy, 
to prevent them from receiving moral and religious instruction on 



the Sabbath from a layman of such unblemished character and glow- 
ing eloquence as Mr. Garfield. 

It was not Mr. Garfield's purpose, however, to enter the ministry ; 
and while President of Hiram Institute he studied law, and took 
some public part in political affairs. 

In 1859 he was elected to represent Portage and Summit Counties 
in the Senate of Ohio. Being well informed on the subjects of legis- 
lation, and effective in debate, he at once took high rank in the 
Legislature. His genial temper and cordial address made him popu- 
lar with political friends and opponents. 

The legislature of Ohio took a bold and patriotic stand in support 
of the General Government against the Eebellion which was just be- 
ginning to show its front. Under the leadership of Mr. Garfield a 
bill was passed declaring any resident of the State who gave aid and 
comfort to the enemies of the United States guilty of treason against 
the State, to be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for 

When the first regiments of Ohio troops were raised, the State 
was wholly unprepared to arm them, and Mr. Garfield was dis- 
patched to Illinois to procure arms. He succeeded in procuring five 
thousand muskets, which were immediately shipped to Columbus. 

On his return Mr. Garfield was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel 
of the Forty-Second Regiment of Ohio Volunteers. Soon after the 
organization of the regiment, he was, without his own solicitation, 
made its Colonel. 

In December, 1861, Colonel Garfield, with his regiment, was 
ordered to Kentucky, where he reported to General Buell. He was 
immediately assigned to the command of the Eighteenth Brigade, 
and was ordered by General Buell to drive the Eebel forces under 
Humphrey Marshall out of the Sandy Yalley in Eastern Kentucky. 
As Humphrey Marshall threatened the flank of General Buell's force, 
it was necessary that he should be dislodged before a movement 
could successfully be made by the main army upon the Rebel posi- 
tion at Bowling Green. 


A citizen soldier, who had never been in battle, was thus placed, in 
command of four regiments of infantry and eight companies of 
cavalry, charged with the duty of leading them against an officer 
who had led the famous charge of the Kentucky Volunteers at Buena 
Yista. Marshall had under his command nearly five thousand men 
stationed at Paintville, sixty miles up the Sandy Valley. He was 
expected to advance to Lexington, and establish the authority of the 
Provisional Government at the State Capital. 

Colonel Garfield took command of his brigade at the mouth of 
the Big Sandy, and moved with it directly up the valley. Marshall 
heard of the advance, and fell back to Prestonburg, leaving a small 
force of cavalry near his old position to act as an outpost and to pro- 
tect his trains. This cavalry fled before the advance of Colonel 
Garfield's force. He pushed the pursuit with his cavalry till Mar- 
shall's infantry outposts were reached, and then, drawing back, he 
encamped with his whole force at Paintville. 

On the morning of the 9th of January, Garfield advanced with 
twenty-four hundred men, leaving about one thousand waiting for 
the arrival of supplies at Paintville. Before nightfall he had driven 
in the enemy's pickets. The men slept on their arms under a soak- 
ing rain, and by four o'clock in the morning were again in motion. 
Marshall's force occupied the heights of Middle Creek, two miles 
west of Prestonburg. Garfield advanced cautiously, and after some 
hours came suddenly in front of Marshall's position between the 
forks of the creek. Two columns were moved forward, one on^ither 
side of the creek, and the rebels immediately opened upon them with 
musketry and artillery. Garfield reinforced both his columns, but 
the action soon developed itself mainly on the left, where Marshall 
concentrated his whole force. Garfield's reserve was under fire 
from the enemy's artillery. He was entirely without artillery to 
reply, but from behind trees and rocks the men kept up a brisk 

About four o'clock in the afternoon reinforcements from Paintville 
arrived. Unwonted enthusiasm was aroused, and the approaching 



column was received with prolonged cheering. Garfield promptly 
formed his whole reserve for 'attacking the enemy's right and carry- 
ing his guns. Without awaiting the assault, Marshall hastily aban- 
doned his position, fired his camp equipage, and began a retreat 
which was not ended till he reached Abingdon, Virginia. 

Now occurred another trial of Garfield's energy. His troops 
were almost out of rations, in a rough mountainous country incapable 
of furnishing supplies. Excessive rains had swollen the Sandy to such 
a hight that steamboat men declared it impossible to ascend the river 
with supplies. Colonel Garfield went down 'the river in a skiff to 
its mouth, and ordered the Sandy Valley, a small steamer -which had 
been in the quartermaster's service, to take a load of -supplies and 
startup. The captain declared it impossible, but Colonel Garfield 
ordered the crew on board. He stationed a competent army officer 
on board to see that the captain did his duty, and himself took 
the wheel. The little vessel trembled in every fiber as she breasted 
the raging flood, which swept among the tree-tops along the banks. 
The perilous trip occupied two days and nights, during which time 
Colonel Garfleld was only eight hours absent from the wheel. 
The men in camp greeted with tumultuous cheering the arrival of the 
boat, with their gallant commander as pilot. 

At the pass across the mountain known as Pound Gap, Humphrey 
Marshall kept up a post of observation, held by a force of five hun- 
dred men. On the 14th of March, Garfield started with five hun- 
dred infantry and two hundred cavalry to dislodge this detachment. 
On the evening of the second day's march he reached the foot of the 
mountain two miles north of the Gap. Next morning he sent the 
cavalry along the main road leading to the enemy's position, while 
he led the infantry by an unfrequented route up the side of the moun- 
tain. While the enemy watched the cavalry, Garfield led the in- 
fantry undiscovered to the very border of their camp. The enemy 
were taken by surprise, and a few volleys dispersed them. They re- 
treated in confusion down the eastern slope of the mountain, pursued 

for several miles into Virginia by the cavalry. The troops rested 




for the night in the comfortable huts which the enemy had built, and 
the next morning burnt them down, together with everyth 
the enemy which they could not carry away.. 

These operations, though on a small scale compared wit 
magnificent movements of a later period in the war, yet had a very 
considerable importance. They were the first of a brilliant s 
successes which re-assured the despondent in the spring of ] 

They displayed a military capacity in the civilian Colonel, and a 
bravery- in the raw recruits which augured well for the success of the 
volunteer army. Colohel Garfield received high praise from Gen- 
eral Buell and the War Department. He was promoted to the rank 
of Brigadier-General, his commission bearing the date of the battle 
of Middle Creek. 

Six days after the capture of Pound Gap, General Garfield re- 
ceived orders to transfer the larger part of his command to Louisville. 
On his arrival there, he found that the Army of the Ohio was already 
beyond Nashville on its march to the aid of Grant at Pittsburg 
Landing. He made haste to join General Buell, who placed him 
in command of the Twentieth Brigade. He reached the field of 
Pittsburg Landing at one o'clock on the second day of the battle, 
and bore a part in its closing scenes. His brigade bore its full share 
in the tedious siege operations before Corinth, and was among the 
foremost to enter the abandoned town after its evacuation by 'the 
enemy. He soon after marched eastward with his brigade, and re- 
built all the bridges on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad be- 
tween Corinth and Decatur, and took post at Huntsville, Alabama. 

General Garfield was soon after put at the head of the court- 
martial for the trial of General Turchin. He manifested a capacity 
for such work which led to his subsequent detail for similar service. 

About the 1st of August, his health having been seriously impaired, 
he went home on sick leave. As soon as he recovered, he was ordered 
to report in person at Washington. He was made a member of the 
court-martial for the trial of Fitz-John Porter. Most of the autumn 
was occupied with the duties of this detail. 



In January, 1863, General Garfield was appointed Chief of 
Staff of the Army of the Cumberland, which was commanded by 
General Rosecrans. He became the intimate friend and confidential 
advisor of his chief, and bore a prominent part in all the military 
operations in Middle Tennessee during the spring and summer of 

The final military service of General Garfield was in the bat- 
tle of Chickamauga. Every order issued that day, with one excep- 
tion, was written by him. He wrote the orders on the suggestion of 
his own judgment, afterwards submitting them to General Rosecrans 
for approval or change. The only order not written by him was that 
fatal one to General Wood, which lost the battle. The words did not 
correctly convey the meaning of the commanding general. General 
Wood, the division commander, so interpreted them as to destroy 
the right wing. 

The services of General Garfield were appropriately recognized 
by the War Department in his promotion to the rank of Major-Gen- 
eral of Volunteers, " for gallant and meritorious conduct in the bat- 
tle of Chickamauga." 

About a year before, while absent in the field, General Garfield 
had been elected a Representative to the Thirty-eighth Congress 
from the old Giddings district of Ohio. He accordingly resigned his 
commission on the 5th of December, 1863, after a service of nearly 
three years. 

General Garfield immediately took high rank in Congress. He 
was made a member of the Committee on Military Affairs, of which 
in the Fortieth Congress he became chairman. In this committee 
his industry and his familiarity with the wants of the army enabled 
him to do signal service for the country. He soon became known as 
a powerful speaker, remarkably ready and effective in debate. 

General Garfield was re-nominated for the Thirty-ninth Congress 
by acclamation, and was re-elected by a majority of nearly twelve 
thousand. He was made a member of the Committee of Ways and 

Means, in which he soon acquired great influence. He studied finan- 



cial questions with untiring assiduity, and was spoken of by the 
Secretary of the Treasury as one of the best informed men on such 
subjects then in public life. 

In 1866, General Garneld was re-elected to the Fortieth Con- 
gress, in which he was made chairman of the Committee on Military 
Affairs. At a time when everything seemed drifting towards green- 
backs and repudiation, he took a bold financial position. As his 
views were opposed to those of many leading men of his party, ancj 
to the declarations of the Eepublican State Convention of Ohio, he 
seemed to hazard his re-nomination, but he did not hesitate firmly and 
fully to avow his convictions. His financial doctrines were at length 
adopted by the entire party, and fully indorsed in the Chicago Re- 
publican Platform. On the 24th of June, 1868, he was renominated 
and in October following was elected to the Forty-first Congress. 

General Garfield is one of the most popular men now in public 
life. He is generous, warm-hearted, and genial. He is one of the 
most accomplished scholars in the country, and by laborious study of 
all subjects which require his attention, he is constantly adding to his 
breadth of intellect. 

In person he is about six feet in hight. He has a large head and 
a German cast of countenance, which a friend has aptly called a 
" mirror of good nature." 





MONG the early settlers in New England, were Sir John 
Maynard and Kev. John Cotton. They emigrated from 
England with other prominent Puritans, to escape the 
trouble with the Stuarts, and landed about 1635, in Boston, where 
Mr. Cotton was the first minister. Horace Maynard is a lineal de- 
scendant, in the seventh generation, on the father's side, from the for- 
mer, and on the mother's side from the latter. 

Horace Maynard was born in Westborough, Massachusetts, August 
30, 1814. He received his academical education at Millbury, and his 
collegiate education at Amherst, where he graduated with the highest 
honors of his class. Immediately after his graduation, he was called 
to the East Tennessee University, at Knoxville, where he remained 
five and a half years, first as Tutor and Instructor in Modern Lan- 
guages, and then as Professor of Mathematics. Meanwhile, having 
studied law, he was admitted to the bar, March 1, 1844, and soon 
entered upon a large and lucrative practice. 

Mr. Maynard's political life commenced in 1852. He was a mem- 
ber of .the Whig National Convention, which assembled in Baltimore 
in June of that year. Though he urged the nomination of Mr. Fill- 
more, he acquiesced in that of Gen. Scott; and as the electoral .can- 
didate for his Congressional District, supported him with great zeal 
during a protracted, arduous, and successful canvass. 

The next year he was nominated by the "Whigs a candidate for 
Congress, against the popular sitting member. The disaffection at 
the nomination of Gen. Scott took the form of serious opposition to 
Mr. Maynard, among the Whigs, and after one of the most spirited 




contests ever conducted in the State, he was defeated, but without los- 
ing either the sympathy of his friends, or the respect of his opponents. 

During the re-organization of parties which followed the with- 
drawal of the Whigs from the political arena, the ephemeral organi- 
zation of the Know-Nothing order, and the formation of the great 
Kepublican party, together with the sectional controversy which took 
shape in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, he was occupied in 
his professional labors, and was an inactive, though not an unobserv- 
ant spectator. 

In the Presidential canvass of 1856, the contest in Tennessee was 
between Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Buchanan, and the issue the same that 
subsequently was settled by appeal to arms, though at that time less 
rugged and clearly defined. " Our rights in the Union, or our rights 
out of the Union," was already the cry. In response to earnest solic- 
itation, coming from not a few former opponents, Mr. Maynard con- 
sented to accept a place upon the Fillmore electoral ticket for the 
State at large, which involved a three months' public discussi6n of all 
questions which entered into the election. In company with the late 
William H. Polk, brother of the President, and Buchanan elector, he 
traversed the State from the extreme east to the Mississippi, making 
a series of appeals for the Union, vividly remembered to this day. 
By a small majority the State was carried for Buchanan. 

The next year, he was a second time candidate for Congress, in the 
same district which, four years before, had defeated him. Running 
some five hundred votes ahead of the party ticket, he was elected, and 
took his seat in the Thirty-fifth Congress. Here he found, in a some- 
what modified form, the same controversy which had given him so 
much anxiety in Tennessee. All his efforts, his votes and speeches, 
both in and out of Congress, were intended to avert the catastrophe 
which he saw clearly was impending. * 

In 1859, he was elected to the Thirty-sixth Congress, with but little 
opposition. The political character of the State had so far changed, 
that seven of the ten members constituting the delegation were elect- 
ed as Unionists. In the preceding Congress there were but three. 



The quadrilateral Presidential contest of 1860 followed, stirring the 
political channels to their profoundest depths. The avowals and com- 
mittals, on the question -of slavery, by the Northern and the Southern 
opponents of the Democratic party, had been such, that a union of 
the two was manifestly impracticable, indeed not desirable. Mr. 
Maynard took an active part in organizing the latter, upon the simple 
platform once suggested by Mr. Clay, of the Union, the Constitution, 
and the Enforcement of the Laws, with Bell and Everett as their can 
didates. The disunion purposes of the Southern Democracy were 
now apparent. " When Abraham Lincoln is President of the United 
States, I am a Rebel," was an outspoken declaration. Mj*. Maynard 
denounced the traitorous purpose with unsparing severity, in and 
out of Tennessee. The electoral vote of the State was given for the 
Union cause. 

When returning to Washington, at the meeting of Congress, in 
December, 1860, he fell in company with Mr. Douglas, then return- 
ing from his famous Presidential campaign ; and remained with him 
one day in Lynchburg, Virginia. While there, he suggested to that 
gentleman a plan of pacification by a special committee in the House, 
of one from each State, to digest a policy for defeating the evident 
schemes of the Southern leaders. Mr. Boteler of Virginia was agreed 
upon as the member to bring it forward. Accordingly, on the sec- 
ond day of the session the Committee was raised upon his motion. 
While the measure was not successful in, suppressing the movements 
of the Secessionists, it did much to thwart and delay them, and was 
one of the early obstacles in their path. It was of the utmost im- 
portance to gain time. 

When Mr. Maynard returned home after the inauguration of Mr. 
Lincoln, he found the Unionists exulting and confident. They had 
just carried the State by an apparent majority of nearly 70,000. 
Beneath the surface, however, he saw enough to excite lively appre- 
hensions. ISTot a few Union leaders had openly declared for the 
cause of disunion, and the others had nearly all coupled their allegi- 
ance to the Union with so many conditions, and provisos, that it 



had little force left. He lost no time in calling the attention of hid 
confidential friends to this aspect of affairs. Associated with John- 
son, Brownlow, Nelson, and other active leaders, he at once entered 
upon a vigorous canvass against aggressions of the secessionists. 
The people of East Tennessee, where he resides, had taken position by 
their Government, and were not to be moved. All they desired was to 
have their cause vindicated and made respectable by a proper advocacy. 
It is hardly a paradox to say that the leaders followed the people. 

The biennial election for State officers and members of Congress 
occurred on the 1st of August, 1861. Mr. Maynard was a candidate 
for re-election, technically without opposition, his real opponent be- 
ing a candidate for the Richmond Congress, and the real issue sub- 
mitted to the people, whether they should be represented at Wash- 
ington or at Richmond. This was the case in the other two Con- 
gressional Districts of East Tennessee. He was re-elected by an 
overwhelming majority in a largely increased vote. In anticipation 
of this event, he had made full arrangements, and passed at once 
beyond the rebel lines, and never re-entered them. The special ses- 
sion of Congress, called for the 4th of July, 1861, was too near its 
close to admit of his reaching Washington in time to take a seat in 
it. The interval between it and the regular session in December, 
was a time of ceaseless activity. Simultaneously wjth himself, had 
crossed into Kentucky a great 'number of young men, resolved to 
enter the military service forthe suppression of the rebellion. Utterly 
without supplies themselves, and witli no provision for receiving 
them or knowledge of their coming, they were in a truly precarious 
situation. Mr. Maynard procured for them temporary supplies, ven- 
turing in the name of the Government to promise payment a prom- 
ise, it is needless to say, promptly fulfilled. He then hurried on to 
Washington to confer with the authorities there, and, if possible, to 
have Kentucky placed under the command of Major Robert Ander- 
son, a Kentuckian, and then in high renown for his defense of Fort 
Sumter. At Washington, he found Mr. Johnson, then a Senator 
from Tennessee, conspicuous for his devotion to the Federal cause, 


and in the full confidence of the Administration. Recognizing him 
as the proper head of the Union party, not only of Tennessee, but of 
the South, he co-operated with him earnestly and in the best faith, 
until after his accession to the Presidency. The organization of the 
Tennessee troops occupied a good deal of attention. This did not 
prevent him from visiting various portions of the North, and, by 
public speech and private effort, rallying the people to increased zeal 
for the national cause. Scarcely a Northern State which, sometime 
during the war, he did not visit for this purpose. 

At the regular session in December, he took his seat in the Thirty- 
seventh Congress. Uniformly and on all occasions he sustained Mr. 
Lincoln, whom from the first he regarded as belonging to a very 
high order of men. His labors in Congress, however, were prin- 
cipally directed to the condition of the Southern Union men. His 
constant aim was to secure their recognition as an element in the 
great conflict, and especially to secure for them representation in 
Congress by Congressional legislation. A bill introduced by him 
passed the House, and was defeated in the Senate, at the last moment 
of the session, by the factious opposition of a Senator from Kentucky. 
Had it become a law, the whole business of reconstruction would 
have assumed quite another character. 

By the failure of this bill, and the absence of any State legislation 
for the election of members of Congress, Tennessee was deprived of 
representation in the Thirty-eighth Congress. 

Another measure which originated with him 'in this Congress, was 
the new official oath, commonly known as the " test oath." He was 
always persuaded that the Confiscation Act would be practically 
futile, and he introduced a substitute which failed as. such ; but its 
fifth section became a law, and is the now famous " iron-clad " oath. 

At the clo&e of the Thirty-seventh Congress, Mr. Maynard accepted 
from Mr. Johnson, then Military Governor of Tennessee, the office 
of Attorney General of the State, which he held until the close of the 
Governor's term and the restoration of the State government. 

In 1864, he was a member-of the Republican National Convention 



in Baltimore, and with great zeal and effect urged the nomination of 
Mr. Johnson as the candidate for Yice-President, and subsequently 
took an active part in the canvass. 

January, 1865, saw the Union men of Tennessee assembled in Con- 
vention at Nashville, for the important purpose of restoring their 
State government, destroyed by the rebellion. Mr. Maynard parti- 
cipated, and saw the effort successful, over doubt/timidity, and disguis- 
ed opposition, an4 the government of Tennessee planted squarely 
upon the simple doctrine of the equality of all men before- the law, 
and in the hands of -loyal men. 

After Mr. Johnson succeeded to the Presidency, orf the death of 
Mr. Lincoln, offer was made to Mr. Maynard of the office of District 
Attorney of the District of Columbia, Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, or Commissioner of Patents. He was also offered the mis-inn 
to Mexico, to Peru, to Chili, or to Denmark, each and all of which he 
declined; preferring to accept a nomination for re-election to Con- 
gress, as. affording him a better opportunity to sustain the restored 
government of his State, and to procure its recognition by Federal 
authority. After a canvass of nine days, giving barely time to pub- 
' lish his name as candidate through the thirteen counties composing 
the district, he was elected by a large majority over five competitors 
of worth and deserved popularity. 

At the meeting of the Thirty-ninth Congress, he was selected by the 
delegation to present their credentials and to demand recognition of 
the new government bf Tennessee, by admitting her chosen members 
to their seats. He was met with an emphatic refusal, and opposition 
somewhat personally offensive. All tliis he endured with patience 
and even temper, until, finally, the opposition dwindled to barely a 
dozen votes, and he had the satisfaction of seeing the restored govern- 
ment of his State recognized, and himself and his colleagues, in the 
Senate and House, admitted to their seats. This was his great work 
in the Thirty-ninth Congress. 

He was nominated, and with but little opposition re-elected to the 
Fortieth Congress. 


'- I'-.--. r."OM N'-'V.'VC'hK 


-AMES BKOOKS was born in Portland, Maine, Novem- 
ber 10, 1810. His father was captain and principal owner 
a brig in the merchant service. His sea-faring life kept 
him almost constantly from home, hence his son was left to the 
sole care of a mother, who from her energy and excellence of character 
was' well fitted for the responsible duty. While James was yet a 
child, the vessel which his father commanded was lost at sea with all 
on board. By this calamity Mrs. Brooks was made a widow and left 
penniless, for all the property of her husband was invested in the 

The widow, now left as the sole support of herself and three orphan 
children, exerted herself with great energy to maintain her family. 

James was sent to the public school, where he studied eagerly, and 
exhibited remarkable thirst for knowledge. 

When eleven years old, a situation was obtained for him in a store 
at Lewiston, then a frontier village on the Androscoggin. By con- 
tract with his employer he was to remain in his service until he was 
twenty-one, when he should receive a hogshead of New England 

The store in which young Brooks was employed was a favorite 
resort of the village politicians of both parties, who came in the 
evening to hear the young clerk read the news. He gave them 
politics quite impartially, reading Whig doctrines from the Portla/nd 
Advertiser, and throwing in a fair proportion of Democracy from the 
Argus. The town library was kept in the store in which young 
Brooks was employed, and this afforded him a free and wide range 

of attractive reading. 



The employer of Brooks took a great interest in his young clerk. 
He gave him opportunities of trading a little on his own account, 
and encouraged him to save his money. Having discovered that 
James was desirous of obtaining an education, he kindly proposed 
to release him from all obligations of further service, and give 
him such assistance as he needed.. Young Brooks gratefully ac- 
cepted the offer, and in a few days made arrangements to enter an 
academy at Monmouth, Maine. He had saved money enough to pay 
the moderate price of one dollar per week for board. Blessed with 
good health, and devoted to hard study, he soon accomplished his 
purpose of fitting himself for teaching school. He then returned to 
Lewiston, and taught a school for the winter at a salary of ten dollars 
per month and his board. The following spring he found himself 
rich enough to enter.Waterville College. Since even a few shillings 
were important to him then, in going to Waterville he carried his 
own trunk,- which was neither large nor heavy. 

After pursuing his college studies for a year, he found it necessary 
to teach school in order to obtain money with which to continue his 
course. While teaching school, by hard study, he kept up his coll cm- 
studies ; and on his return, after a rigid examination, he was admitted 
to an advanced class. 

After two years more of study, young Brooks graduated, and left 
college as he had come, three years before, carrying his trunk. He 
returned to his. mother's house in Portland with just ninety cents in 
his-pocket. Without giving himself so much as a day of respite or 
recreation, he at once began to search for employment. Learning 
that a Latin school, for some time established in Portland, was about 
to change its teacher, Brooks applied for the situation, and, unknown, 
without influential friends, obtained it as the result of a rigid examin- 
ation. From this time Brooks made a home with his mother and 
her two younger children, protecting and caring for them with filial 
and almost paternal devotion. 

Scarcely had Mr. Brooks become established in his school when he 
commenced the study of law with John iS T eal, a celebrated lawyer-of 



Portland, and well known as an author. This gentleman manifested 
great interest in his student, who no doubt obtained quite as much 
literary knowledge from the author as legal instruction from the 

Mr. Brooks soon after began to write anonymous letters for the 
Portland Advertiser -, a daily Whig paper published by John Ed- 
wards. These articles were so popular that Mr. Edwards found out 
their author, and made him an offer of f 500 per annum to write 
constantly for his journal. This work Mr. Brooks continued for a 
whole year, keeping school and studying law at the same time. 

At length it could no longer be concealed that he was in part 
editor of a leading partisan newspaper, and had taken sides against 
General Jackson. This rendered it impossible for him to perform 
the duties of a teacher to his own satisfaction, and from that time he 
devoted himself wholly to the Advertiser, entering heart and soul 
into political life. 

At this time, though only twenty years old, Mr. Brooks began to 
attract attention as a political speaker, and soon became one of the 
most popular orators known to either party. 

The year he was twenty-one, Mr. Brooks was elected to the Legis- 
lature of Maine. In addition to his legislative duties he wrote for 
the Portland Advertiser. 

The next year he went to Washington, and commenced a series of 
letters from the national capital, thus inaugurating " Washington 
Correspondence," which has become a feature in the American press. 
These letters, being a novelty and full of spirited description, were 
extensively copied both in this country and in Europe. 

When Congress adjourned, Mr. Brooks traveled through the South, 
and wrote a series of interesting letters descriptive of Southern life. 
This was in the days of South Carolina's nullification, against which 
these letters were trenchant and severe. The writer dealt with slavery 
also, taking strong grounds against the " institution." This fact was 
brought up and made a subject of sharp remark by Mr. Price, of 
Iowa, in the Thirty-eighth Congress. Mr. Brooks replied that he 



saw no reason to change his opinions, though so many years had 
elapsed since the letters were written. 

The success of Mr. Brooks's letters from Washington and the 
South induced him to form the novel plan of traveling over Europe 
on foot, and sending to the Advertiser descriptions of what he saw. 
Mr. Brooks sailed from New York for England in one of the fine 
packet ships of the time. With a knapsack on his back, and letters 
of introduction from the first men of America in his pocket, he trav- 
eled over England and made himself familiar with its people. One 
day he dined with some nobleman, and the next walked thirty miles 
and slept in the thatched cottage of a peasant. He wandered over 
the hills of Scotland, and" among the green fields of Ireland, seeing 
everything, and describing with vivacity all he saw. He became 
acquainted with most of the great statesmen and authors of England. 
His description of his visit to the poet Wordsworth so interested the 
public that a splendid copy of his poems was forwarded to Mr. Brooks 
from the publishers, after his return home, as an acknowledgement 
of the fidelity and truthfulness of the letters. 

From England Mr. Brooks went to France. He crossed the Alps 
on foot, and made himself familiar with Switzerland, Italy, and por- 
tions of Germany. The letters written during tjiese travels attracted 
great attention to the paper for which they were written. They 
were extensively copied in this country, and were translated and 
re-copied abroad. 

When Mr. Brooks returned to America, he remained some weeks 
in New York, and there offers were made him to establish a daily 
paper to be called the New York Express. Parties there proposed 
to furnish the capital for the paper, which was to offset the labor and 
talent which Brooks should supply as editor. 

The people of Portland, being reluctant to part with a young man 
of so much promise, offered to nominate him' for Congress if he would 
return to them. He accordingly returned to Portland, and became 
a candidate against F. O. J. Smith, a. very popular man on the 
Democratic side, and a third candidate, whose name was Dunn. 



The district had for years been a Democratic stronghold, but it was 
only on a third trial, Dunn having been persuaded to withdraw, that 
Smith was elected by a bare majority. 

Mr. Brooks soon after returned to his incomplete enterprise in New 
York, and that year established the New York Express, a daily 
journal, of which he is principal owner at the present time. Disap- 
p6intment met him at the outset. Persons who had promised to 
supply the funds for the new enterprise failed to meet their engage- 
ments, and it was by the most intense labor and personal privation 
that he struggled under the load of debt laid on him from the first. 
But he had health and strength, and that indomitable energy which 
"nothing .daunts or dismays. He 'wrote leaders, acted as reporter, 
watched night after night for the arrival of ship news, and kept his 
journal up with an energy which the public soon began to recog- 

After a year or two the New York Daily Advertiser, published by 
AVilliam B. Townsend, was connected with the Express. .Gradually 
but surely the journal advanced in popularity under the editorial 
management of Mr. Brooks, who had reached great political influ- 
ence, and was one of the most popular speakers in the Whig party. 

During .the memorable political campaign of 1840, Mr. Brooks 
went to Indiana and stumped that State for Harrison. He became 
a great favorite and devoted friend of Harrison, and was one of the 
few friends admitted to his room 'during his fatal illness. 

In the summer of 1841 Mr. Brooks was married to Mrs. Mary 
Randolph, a widow lady of Richmond, Virginia. Such was his dis.- 
like of slavery that he insisted that the emancipation of three or four 
household slaves belonging to her should precede the marriage cere- 

In 184T Mr. Brooks was elected to the State Legislature, and two 
years later was elected a Representative in Congress from New 
York. He served through the Thirty-first and Thirty-second Con- 
gresses, in which he distinguished himself by his eloquence of speech 

and effectiveness in debate. He was the associate and friend of 



Webster, Clay, and other leading spirits in Congress at that time, 
and kept pace with them in the stirring legislative movements of 
that period. Clay's efforts in the great compromise measures of the 
time met with his efficient support in the House, where all the varied 
knowledge which he had acquired in his travels and in his editorial 
life became available in his career of statesmanship. 

About this time Mr. Brooks purchased Mr. Townsend's interest in 
the IZvpress, and took his younger brother into partnership in the 

Soon after the close of the Thirty-second Congress Mr. Brooks 
made another tour on the continent, and subsequently went a third 
time across the ocean, extending his travels to Egypt and the Holy 

During these travels Mr. Brooks availed himself of the opportun- 
ities presented in each country of studying its language on the spot. 
He thus acquired the German, Spanish, and Italian, and perfected 
his knowledge of the French. 

Thus alternating his editorial duties with extensive travels, Mr. 
Brooks passed several years until the excitements and issues of the 
civil war induced him to enter political life again. In the canvass for 
the election of a member of the Thirty-eighth Congress, ^j-. Brooks 
started as an independent candidate, but in the end the Democratic 
nominee retired, and Mr. Brooks was elected by a large majority. 
He took his seat as a member of the Thirty-ninth Congress ; but, after 
serving nearly through the long session, his seat was successfully con- 
tested by William E. Dodge. Surrendering his seat some time in 
April, Mr. Brooks was unanimously nominated for the Fortieth 
Congress, and was elected by a majority of six thousand votes. 

During the autumn of 1867 Mr. Brooks was a member of the State 
Constitutional Convention. 

In the Fortieth Congress Mr. Brooks is a member of the Recon- 
struction Committee and of the Committee of Ways and 'Means. 
Able in argument, eloquent in speech, and plausible in address, he 
is a leading spirit on the side of the minority. 




MONG the loyal and faithful Governors who cordially co- 
operated with President Lincoln in putting down the Rebel- 
lion, none deserve more honorable mention than Austin 
Blair, of Michigan. He was born February 8, 1818, in the town of 
Caroline, Tompkins County, New York. His ancestors were from 
Scotland, emigrating to America in the time of George I. The fam- 
ily, from generation to generation, seems to have pursued the business 
of farming. The subject of this sketch was the first who interfered with 
this arrangement, to become a professional man. The education of his 
boyhood was at the common school, until, at seventeen, he was 
sent to the Seminary at Cazenovia, New York, where he remained a 
year and a half. He then entered Hamilton College, at Clinton, 
New York, becoming a member of the Sophomore class. Here he 
pursued his studies to the middle of his Junior year, when he entered 
Union College, Schenectady, being attracted thither by the great 
reputation of President Nott. Here he was graduated in 1839, and 
never re-visited his Alma Mater, until, in 1868, he delivered the an- 
nual address before the literary societies of that institution. 

After leaving college, Mr. Blair read law for two years, in the 
office of Sweet & Davis, at Owego, N. Y. At the end of this time 
he was admitted to the bar. . He immediately emigrated to Michigan, 
and commenced practice at Jackson, the place of his present resi- 
dence. In a short time he removed to Eaton Rapids ; and after re- 
maining there two years, he returned to Jackson, and engaged actively 
in the practice of his profession. While at Eaton Rapids, he was, in 
184:2, elected to the office of County Clerk, which was his first office. 



At this time Mr. Blair was a Whig in politics, and in 1844 joined 
in the canvass for Henry Clay with great zeal ; and, two years later 
he was sent to the lower house of the State Legislature. In 1848, he 
refused any longer to support the Whig ticket, and for two reasons : 
first, because of his great partiality for Mr. Clay, whom the nomina- 
ting convention passed by in favor of General Taylor ; and, secondly 
and principally, because of his decided anti-slavery sentiments. 

After the nomination of General Taylor, Mr. Blair attended the 
convention at Buffalo which put in nomination Yan Buren and 
Adams. This ticket he supported with all his might, not that he 
cherished any hope of success, but that he thought it was time for a 
beginning to be made in the right direction. 

In 1852 he was elected Prosecuting- Attorney of Jackson County, 
holding that office during two years. In 1854, Mr. Blair actively 
participated in the proceedings at the convention at Jackson, which 
resulted in the foundation of the Republican party in Michigan. 
This convention brought together the anti-slavery men of the Whig 
and Free-Soil parties in that State, and resulted in a complete tri- 
umph over the Democracy at the Fall election. He was, at this tune, 
chosen a Senator in the State Legislature. In 1856, he was an ear- 
nest supporter of Fremont and Dayton. At the November election 
of 1860, Mr. Blair was chosen Governor of Michigan, and Jie entered 
upon his executive duties in the following January. Fully aware of 
the perilous position in which the country had been placed by the 
spirit of rebellion which then pervaded the Southern States, and 
foreseeing the inevitable collision, he commenced his official career 
with a full appreciation of the responsibilities of his office. His ju- 
dicious and prompt administration of military affairs in the State, 
soon distinguished him as possessing great executive ability, ardent 
love of country and true devotion to the interests and honor or' his 
State. These characteristics soon secured for him the confidence of 
the people of both political parties, which he retained during his en- 
tire four years' administration. 

The inaugural of Governor Blair, which was a profound and philo- 


sopliical discussion of the true nature of our form of government, 
and of the real signification of the existing and impending issues, 
closed with these emphatic words : 

" It is a question of war that the seceding States have to look in 
the face. They who think that this powerful Government can be 
disrupted peacefully, have read history to no purpose. The sons of 
the men who carried arms in the Seven Years' War with the most pow- 
erful nation in the world, to establish this Government, will not hesi- 
tate to make equal sacrifices to maintain it. Most deeply must we 
deplore the unnatural contest. On the heads of the traitors who 
provoke it, must rest the responsibility. In such a contest the God 
of battles has no attribute that can take sides with the revolutionists 
of the Slave States. 

" I recommend you at an early day to make manifest to the gentle- 
men who represent this State in the two Houses of Congress, and to 
the country, that Michigan is loyal to the Union, the Constitution, 
and the Laws, and will defend them to the uttermost ; and to proffer 
to the President of the United States the whole military power of 
the State for that purpose. Oh, for the firm, steady hand of a Wash- 
ington, or a Jackson, to guide the ship of State in this perilous storm. 
Let us hope that we shall find him on the 4th of March. Meantime, 
let us abide in the faith of our fathers ' Liberty and Union, one 
and inseparable, now and for ever.' " 

Marshaled by such a leader, the Legislature was neither timid nor 
slow in declaring the loyalty of Michigan to the Union. In joint 
resolution, offered February 2, 1861, it declared its adherence to the 
Government of the United States, tendered it all the military power 
and material resources of the State, and declared that concession and 
compromise were not to be offered to traitors. Still, nothing defi- 
nite was done ; no actual defensive or aggressive military steps were 
taken, until rebel foolhardiness precipitated the struggle that had be- 
come inevitable, by converging upon Fort Sumter the fire of the en- 
circling batteries of Charleston Harbor. On April 12, 1861, the 
news was received at Detroit that the rebels at Charleston had ac- 



tually inaugurated civil war by firing upon Fort Sumter. This in- 
telligence created much excitement, and in view of the uncertainty of 
coming events, the people commenced looking around to estimate how 
united they would be in the cause of the Union. On the following 
day, a meeting of the Detroit Bar, presided over by the venerable 
Judge Koss Wilkins, was held, and resolutions were adopted pledging 
that community to " stand by the Government to the last," and re- 
pudiating the treason of the South. By the following Monday, April 
15, when the surrender of the South Carolina fortress was known 
throughout the land, and the call of the President for 75,000 volun- 
teers had been received, the entire State was alive to the emergencies 
and the duties of the hour, and the uprising of the people was uni- 
versal. Public meetings were held in all the cities and most of the 
towns, pledges of assistance to the nation in its hour of peril made, 
and volunteering briskly commenced. 

On Tuesday, April 16, Governor Blair arrived in Detroit, and 
during the day he issued a proclamation calling for a regiment of 
volunteers, and ordering the Adjutant-General to accept the first ten 
companies that should offer, and making it the duty of that oificer 
to issue all the necessary orders and instructions in detail. The move- 
ment thus inaugurated did not slacken in impetus nor lessen in ardor. 
The State responded to the call of its authorities most promptly. 
The patriotism of the people was in a blaze, war meetings were 
held in every town, and the tender of troops from all points in the 
State far exceeded the requisition. 

The first call made by the President upon Michigan for troops to 
aid in the suppression of the rebellion, was, as before stated, for one 
regiment only, which was promptly met by the muster into ser- 
vice of the First regiment, and that was soon followed by the second. 
At the same time several other regiments were persistently pressing 
for service, and some were authorized to organize without provision 
of law, while many companies found service in other States. In the 
meantime the organization of the Third and Fourth regiments had 
been commenced on the responsibility of the Governor alone, and 



while that was in progress, he received instructions from the War 
Department to discontinue the raising of more troops, and that it was 
important to reduce, rather than enlarge the number. 

The Governor, foreseeing an immediate necessity for preparation to 
meet coming emergencies and future calls, assumed the responsibility 
of establishing a camp of instruction at Fort Wayne, near Detroit, 
for the officers and non-commissioned officers of the Fifth, Sixth, and 
Seventh regiments ; and on the 21st of May, companies were assigned 
to those regiments, and their officers were ordered to assemble at Fort 
Wayne on the 19th of June. 

A course of instruction followed, with much success, until August 1, 
when the camp was broken up and the force sent to various localities 
to recruit their men and organize the regiments. . This was accom- 
plished with astonishing promptness, the Sixth being mustered in 
August 20th ; the Seventh, August 22d ; and the .Fifth, August 28th. 
All had left for the field prior to the 12th of September. 

The establishment of the Camp of Instruction attracted much at- 
tention in other States, and most favorable comments from public jour- 
nals. It has always been considered in Michigan as a most judicious 
and eminently successful effort, its value becoming more and more 
apparent as the war progressed, not only in the efficiency of these 
particular regiments, but in many others having the benefit of offi- 
cers who had received the instruction of the camp. 

The law of Congress of August 3d, had authorized the President to 
receive into service 500,000 volunteers. The proportion of Michigan 
was understood at the time to be 19,500. In response to this requi- 
sition, the State continued recruiting, sending regiment after regiment 
to the field ; and up to the end of December, had sent to the front 
three regiments of cavalry, one of engineers and mechanics, twelve 
of infantry, two companies of cavalry for the " Merrill Horse," two 
companies for 1st and 2d regiments U. S. Sharp-shooters, and five 

In response to the call of the President of October 17, 1863, for 
300,000 more, Governor Blair issued his proclamation for the Michi- 



gan quota of 11,298, in which he makes use of the following stirring 

" This call is for soldiers to fill the ranks of the regiments in the 
fi e ld j those regiments which by long and gallant service have wasted 
their numbers in the same proportion that they have made a distin- 
guished name, both for themselves and the State. The people of 
Michigan will recognize this as a duty already too long delayed. 
Our young men, I trust, will hasten to stand beside the heroes of An- 
tietam, Gettysburg, Yicksburg, Stone Biver, and Chicamauga." 

The Governor's stirring proclamation, and the patriotic response of 
the people of Michigan, immediately followed each successive call of 
the President for volunteers. 

During his four years' administration, Governor Blair devoted his 
entire time, talents, and energies to the duties of his office. When he 
left the Executive chair, he had sent into the field eighty-three 
thousand three hundred and forty-seven soldiers. In his message de- 
livered to the Legislature, January 4, 1865, he greeted them most affec- 
tionately from the Capitol of the State, on vacating the chair which 
lie had so well filled and so highly honored during the years of the 
war that had passed. 

July 4, 1867, Gov. Blair delivered an oration at the laying of the 
corner-stone of the Michigan Soldiers' Monument. It comprised an 
able and faithful resume of the principal conflicts of the war, re- 
viewing in considerable detail the prominent part taken in those 
bloody scenes by the brave and hardy troops of Michigan. 

The brief Congressional record of Gov. Blair is what might be ex- 
pected from the antecedents of the man. He is an earnest Republi- 
can, a strong friend and supporter of the Reconstruction measures, and 
a stern enemy to every form of repudiation, and to every tendency in 
that fatal direction. His speech upon the national finances on the 
floor of the House, March 21, 1868, is eminently just and convincing, 
and such as could hardly fail of commending itself to all fair and 
honest minds. 




F Quaker ancestry, Fernando Wood was born in Philadel- 
phia, June 14, 1812. His father was a merchant of good 
standing of that city. His original ancestor in this country 
was Henry Wood, who emigrated early in the seventeenth century, 
settling in Khode Island ; but, being a Quaker, he was driven out of 
that settlement by the persecutions of the Puritans. From there he 
went, in 1656, to the Delaware River, and became a farmer in the 
vicinity of Philadelphia, on that which is now the New Jersey side 
of the river. For over two hundred years the family have resided in 
that neighborhood. The original family burial-ground is yet existing 
on the banks of the river a short distance north of Camden. 

The father of Mr. Wood removed to New York in 1820, where the 
latter has resided ever since. He commenced his busy life as a clerk 
in 1826, but subsequently made cigars, skill in the manufacture of 
which he had picked up as an amateur and merely from observation. 
This employment he pursued but a short time. 

He commenced business on his own account in 1832, but the 
cholera prevailing to a frightful extent in that year in New York, he 
was unsuccessful, and was obliged to return once more to the voca- 
tion of a clerk. In 1836 he again commenced business in a small 
way as a merchant. He met with fair success, but, imbibing an early 
taste for political affairs, he devoted much time to those more con- 
genial pursuits. 

In 1838 he was made chairman of the Young Men's General Com- 
mittee of Tammany Hall ; and in November, 1840, was nominated 
and elected a member of the Twenty-seventh Congress. This was 


the memorable presidential campaign resulting in the defeat of 
Martin Yan Bnren, and the election of General Harrison. Mr. Wood 
took his seat in Congress at the called session in May, 1841. He was 
quite a young man, but nevertheless participated in the debates with 
much success. To do this in a Congress which comprised statesmen 
of great ability, was no easy thing. In the Senate were Henry Clay, 
John C. Calhoun, Silas Wright, Thomas H. Benton, Levi Woodbury, 
James Buchanan, and others almost equally distinguished. In the 
House were Millard Fillmore, John Quincy Adams, Caleb Gushing, 
Kobert C. Winthrop, Henry A. "Wise, K. M. T. Hunter, and others 
as prominent. This Congress was not only distinguished for the 
ability of its members, but also for the great questions which were 
discussed and passed upon. Henry Clay's Fiscal Bank Scheme, the 
Tariff, the Distribution of the Proceeds of the Public Lands, and 
other measures of magnitude and importance, called out the ablest 
intellect of the times. Mr. Wood spoke on most of these questions, 
his bearing and mode of handling his subject winning the commenda- 
tion of even those who differed with him. 

His maiden speech was delivered in May, 1842, on Mr. Clay's 
Fiscal Bank Scheme. He spoke an hour, principally against the 
practicability of the measure, and explanatory of its effects upon the 
commercial interests of the country. On this occasion, ex-President 
Adams, then fast declining to the grave, approached him with totter- 
ing steps and congratulated him on his speech. 

The chief effort of his service in that Congress was devoted to the 
success of the application to give the aid of the Government in show- 
ing the practicability of the transmission of intelligence by magnetic 
telegraph. Until the year 1842 no such proposition had been made ; 
indeed, the inventor himself had not until then reached that degree 
of confidence in its feasibility as to venture upon an extensive applica- 
tion of it for useful purposes. Professor Morse made his application 
to this Congress for an appropriation sufficient to lay wires along the 
sleepers of the railroad track between Washington City and Balti- 
more. He was confident of its success, but not so with members of 


Congress and the public generally. Mr. Wood took an active part 
in making converts. At his instance Professor Morse placed a mag- 
netic battery in the Committee Eoom of Naval Affairs, of which Mr. 
Wood was a member, and connecting it by wires with another battery 
in the Committee Room of Naval Affairs in the Senate, showed, by 
the transmission of communications from one to the other, that the 
plan was sufficiently feasible to warrant an appropriation, if only as 
an experiment. It was with much difficulty, however, that the pre- 
judice against it was overcome. 

Morse himself was poor. He became almost discouraged ; but by the 
youthful energy and enthusiasm of Wood, aided by his colleague, Mr. 
Charles G. Ferris, then a member from New York, the bill was 
finally carried through, the money appropriated, and Morse made the 
superintendent for its construction and management at a salary of 
$2,500 per year. It was soon ascertained that the jar of the running 
trains prevented the free transmission of the fluid along the w r ires 
when connected with the tracks. Poles, as now used, were substi- 
tuted, which have been improved upon since in various respects. 

Professor Morse has never ceased to recognize the great obligations 
which he and the world at large are under to Mr. Wood for his early 
appreciation and active support of the origin of the magnetic tele- 

Mr. Wood retired for a time from public life at the end of the 
Twenty-seventh Congress, March 4, 1843. Being poor, and with the 
responsibility and care of a young family, he saw that he could not 
afford to pursue his taste for politics. He resumed business as a mer- 
chant, commencing in South Street, New York, as a ship chandler 
and ship furnisher. He eschewed politics altogether, devoting him- 
self entirely to his business. His efforts were crowned with success. 
He soon became the owner of several vessels, engaged in a profitable 
trade with the British West India Islands. 

In 1848 he fitted out the first sailing vessel that left New York for 
California after the discovery of gold there. In this expedition he 
met with unexpected success, realizing a little fortune by the result. 


The same year he invested a part of these returns in suburban New 
York property. At that time the city did not extend above Thirtieth 
Street. Mr. Wood purchased the ground upon which he now resides, 
lying along Broadway from Seventy-sixth to Seventy-eighth Street, 
for a few thousand dollars, for which he was offered, in 1868, $400,000. 
On the 1st of January, 1850, he retired from business, returning to 
an active participation in the politics of the times. He was the 
Democratic candidate for Mayor of New York in November, 1850, 
but was defeated by A. C. Kingsland, Esq., the Whig candidate. 
Not discouraged by this result, he continued in politics, determined, 
sooner or later, to rule over a city for which he had so much affec- 
tion, and where he saw much room for municipal improvement. 

He was the Democratic candidate again in 1854, and was elected. 
During his administration of the duties of that office, he reformed 
nearly all of the great abuses which then existed. He was the chief 
promoter in establishing the Central Park, and had charge of and 
carried out the original plan for its ornamentation and arrangement. 
By his invitation a Board was created for deciding upon the plans, 
consisting of Washington Irving, George C. Bancroft, William Cullen 
Bryant, R. C. Winthrop, Edward Everett, and other distinguished 
men of acknowledged taste and accomplishments. He was the first 
to place uniforms on the police, and instituted many other improve- 
ments, which at the time were highly commended, even by political 
enemies. He was re-elected in 1856 and 1859. During his adinin 
istration of the duties of that office he evinced much energy, and a 
far higher appreciation of its powers and responsibilities than its in- 
cumbents usually do. He made war upon the evil-doers always to 
be found in a large city, and rendered himself odious to political 
friends and foes by the positiveness of his actions and the indiscrim- 
inate course he adopted towards all, irrespective of station or political 
opinions. The leaders of the party to which he was attached became 
hostile in consequence ; but in opposition to them he organized the 
Mozart Hall party, so well known in the politics of the city and 
State ever since. 



He was elected to the Thirty-eighth Congress, representing the 
Fifth District of New York. This was during the war. He made 
several speeches in favor of the appointment of commissioners to pro- 
cure a cessation of hostilities. He deprecated the continuance of the 
conflict until every means of procuring an amicable adjustment had 
been tried and proved futile. He always declared himself against the 
efforts of the Southern States to break up the Union. But he thought 
that the South had early seen the error and futility of the Secession 
movement, and that there would be no difficulty in bringing about an 
abandonment of the effort and a restoration of peace and good- will. 

After the close of the war, the enemies of Mr. Wood aifected to 
believe that the allegations which had been published against his loy- 
alty had found a lodgment in the public mind, and that his career 
in political life was ended. 

Not being willing to admit this, he resolved on taking the boldest 
and most effectual means of testing the matter, by presenting himself 
as a candidate for Congress on his own record, with no other aid than 
his personal hold on popular esteem. 

Accordingly, in October, 1866, Mr. Wood issued an address to the 
electors of the Ninth Congressional District, in which he announced 
himself as an independent candidate for Congress, not the nominee 
of any party, faction, or convention. " I desire the election," said he, 
" as a popular rebuke to those who utter the malicious falsehood, that 
during the war I was a ' rebel sympathizer ' and disunionist ; and also 
to be placed in an official position where, unrestrained by partisan 
obligations, I may follow the dictates of my own judgment for the 
public good." 

The result of this bold and independent movement was the election 
of Mr. Wood to the Fortieth Congress by a majority of nearly two 
thousand votes. 

In the proceedings of the Fortieth Congress, Mr. Wood took a 
prominent part. He participated in the debate on the Kesolution to 
impeach the President, on the Freedmen's Bureau, on the release of 
Americans imprisoned in Ireland, and on the Internal Revenue Bill. 



His chief effort, and that in which he felt the most interest, was 
his proposition to pay the public debts, reduce taxation, and return to 
specie payments by the development, for Government account, of the 
mineral resources lying in. the Pacific States and Territories. To this 
important proposition he had given much thought and investigation. 
Satisfied of its practicability, he spoke at length in favor of the plan 
on the 3d of June, 1868, sustaining his position with force and power. 
He predicted that the supply of the precious metals would soon 
cease, unless the Government entered the field with large outlay, and 
using a higher order of scientific talent in revealing and analyzing 
the ores. 

"The mines of California," said he, "have produced $1,100,000,- 
000, though worked by feeble efforts, imperfect machinery, and in- 
sufficient capital. Other territory, even yet more valuable, has been 
added to the mineral resources of the nation. All the vast space ly- 
ing between the 34th and 49th degrees north latitude, and the 104th 
and 124th parallels of longitude, contains an inexhaustible supply. 
That territory belongs to the Government by conquest and by pur- 
chase. I am satisfied that a yield from two hundred to three hun- 
dred millions a year can be readily obtained, after the proper knowl- 
edge and talent are obtained to prosecute them ; this may be done 
after the first year, and increased afterwards. Then why should we 
not avail ourselves of these resources ? Why borrow, and oppress 
the people by taxation, external and internal, when we have such re- 
sources at command?" 

This important proposition, and the arguments employed to urge 
its adoption, were received with incredulity. Its author, however, 
was not discouraged, and predicted the final success of the scheme. 

Although Mr. "Wood was elected to the Fortieth Congress un- 
pledged to any party, he nevertheless generally acted with the Dem- 
ocrats. Although differing with many of his Democratic friends 
in some particulars, he acted with them in opposition to the measures 
which the majority from time to time proposed and passed. 



'AMES GILLESPIE ELAINE was bom m Washington 

County, Pennsylvania, in 1830. His ancestors were among 
the early Scotch-Irish settlers in that State. His great- 
grandfather, Ephraim Blaine, was honorably distinguished as an offi- 
cer in the Eevolutionary war. He was originally a Colonel of the 
Pennsylvania Line ; and for the last four years of the struggle, was 
Commissary General of the Northern Department. It is related in 
Appleton's " Cyclopedia " that " during the dark winter at Yalley 
Forge, the preservation of the American army from starvation was 
in a great degree owing to the exertions and sacrifices of Colonel 

The immediate subject of this sketch graduated at "Washington 
College, Pennsylvania, in 1847. After two or three years spent in 
teaching, he adopted the editorial profession, and removed to Maine 
in 1852, where he successively edited the Kennebec Journal and the 
Portland Advertiser, the two leading Republican papers in the State 
at that time. In 1858, Mr. Blaine was elected to the State Legisla- 
ture from the city of Augusta. He served four consecutive years in 
that body ; the last two, as Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
In 1862, Mr. Blaine was elected to the Thirty-eighth Congress from 
the Third Congressional District of Maine, and has been three times 
re-elected by very large majorities. 

During Mr. Blaine's service in Congress, he has been a member of 
the Post-Office Committee, the Military Committee, the Committee 
on Appropriations, and the Committee on the Rules. He enjoys the 
reputation of being an exceedingly industrious committoo man, anc 1 



he takes at all times a very active and prominent part in the business 
and in the debates of the House. 

During the Thirty-eighth Congress, Mr. Elaine made a speech on 
the subject of the General Government assuming the "war debts of 
the loyal States," in the course of which he discussed at some length 
the ability of the nation to prosecute the war in which we were then 
so desperately engaged. This feature of Mr. Elaine's speech attracted 
great attention at the time, and it was made one of the Campaign 
Documents by the Union Republican party in the Presidential 
struggle of 1864. 

During the Thirty-ninth Congress, Mr. Elaine bore an active and 
conspicuous part in the legislation on measures of reconstruction. 
Early in January, 1866, Mr. Elaine introduced a resolution, which 
was referred to the Reconstruction Committee, and was made the 
basis of that part of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution 
regulating the matter of Congressional Representation. Before the 
introduction of Mr. Elaine's resolution, the tendency had been to 
base representation directly on the voting population ; but this was 
entirely changed ; and it appears that the first resolution, looking to 
the modification, was introduced by Mr. Elaine, and supported by 
a speech which, at the time, attracted much attention. 

During the second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, Mr. 
Elaine's participation in the Reconstruction legislation was promi- 
nent and influential. The " Elaine Amendment," so well known in 
the public reports at the time, was moved by Mr. Elaine as a modifi- 
cation of Mr. Stevens' Military Bill. It was not adopted in pre- 
cisely the form originally introduced by Mr. Elaine, but the measure 
since known as the " Howard Amendment," and sometimes as the 
" Sherman Amendment," as finally moved in the Senate, is substan- 
tially the same as originally proposed by Mr. Elaine in the House. 
In the financial discussions of the Fortieth Congress, Mr. Elaine 
has been specially prominent. At the very opening of the Decem 
ber session, 1867, Mr. Elaine made an elaborate speech reviewing 
and opposing the Pendleton theory of the payment of our bonds 



in greenbacks. At various times subsequently, he took prominent 
part in upholding the public credit and the national faith. In Mr. 
Elaine's first speech he closed with the following declarations, which 
coincided with singular accuracy with the conclusions since reached 
and enunciated by the Republican party in its National platform : 

" The remedy for our financial troubles, Mr. Chairman, will not be 
found in a superabundance of depreciated paper currency. It lies in 
the opposite direction ; and the sooner the nation finds itself on a 
specie basis, the sooner will the public Treasury be freed from embar- 
rassment, and private business relieved from discouragement. Instead, 
therefore, of entering upon a reckless and boundless issue of legal ten- 
ders, with their consequent depression, if not destruction of value, let 
us set resolutely to work and make those already in circulation equal 
to so many gold dollars. When that result shall be accomplished, we 
can proceed to pay our five-twenties either in coin or paper, for the 
one would be the equivalent of the other. But to proceed deliber- 
ately on a scheme of depreciating our legal tenders, and then forcing 
the holders of Government bonds to accept them in payment, would 
resemble in point of honor the policy of a merchant who, with abun- 
dant resources and prosperous business, should devise a plan for throw- 
ing discredit on his own notes with the view of having them bought 
up at a discount ruinous to the holders and immensely profitable to 
his own knavish pocket. This comparison may faintly illustrate the 
wrongfnlness of the policy, but not its consummate folly ; for in the 
case of the Government, unlike the merchant, the stern necessity 
would recur of making good in the end, by the payment of hard coin, 
all the discount that might be gained by the temporary substitution 
of paper. 

" Discarding all such schemes as at once unworthy and unprofitable, 
let us direct our policy steadily, but not rashly, toward the resump- 
tion of specie payment. And when we have attained that end easily 
attainable at no distant day if the proper pclicy be pursued we can 
all unite on some honorable plan for the redemption of the five-twenty 
bonds, and the issuing instead thereof a new series of bonds which 



can be more favorably placed at a lower rate of interest. When we 
shall have reached the specie basis, the value of United States securi- 
ties will be so high in the money markets of the world that .we can 
command our own terms. "We can then call in our five-twenties ac- 
cording to the very letter and spirit of the bond, and adjust a new 
loan that will be eagerly sought for by capitalists, and will be free 
from those elements of discontent that in some measure surround the 
existing funded debt of the country." 

Mr. Elaine is an indefatigable worker, an accurate statistician, a 
logical reasoner, and a fluent speaker. He possesses thorough knowl- 
edge of parliamentary law. His tact in discharging the duties of 
presiding officer has often been tested by his temporary occupancy 
of the Speaker's Chair. Whether in the Chair or on the floor of the 
House, he always maintains his self-possession, dignity, and good 
humor. A sprightly correspondent of the New York Tribune thus 
describes his appearance near the close of the Thirty-ninth Congress : 
" Mr. Elaine, whose amendment excites the opposition of the great 
Pennsylvanian, is metallic ; you cannot conceive how a shot should 
pierce him, for there seem no joints to his harness. He is a man 
who knows what the weather was yesterday morning in Dakota, 
what the Emperor's policy will be touching Mexico, on what day of 
the week the 16th of December proximo will fall, who is the chair- 
man of the school committee in Kennebunk, what is the best way 
of managing the National Debt, together with all the other interests 
of to-day, which anybody else would stagger under. How he does it, 
nobody knows. He is always in his seat. He must absorb details 
by assimilation at his finger ends. As I said, he is clear metal. His 
features are made in a mould ; his attitudes are those of a bronze 
figure; his voice clinks; and, as you know, he has ideas fixed as 






E of the pioneers in the settlement of the "New Hampshire 
Grants," was Charles Phelps, who removed thither from 
Hadley, Mass., in 1764:. He was a descendant in the fourth 
generation from William Phelps, who came from England to Massa- 
chusetts in 1630. The former was by profession a lawyer, and held the 
office of Colonial Judge under appointment of the crown, and after- 
wards by commission from the Governor of New York, whose claim of 
jurisdiction over the " Grants " he persistently supported, first against 
the pretensions of the State of New Hampshire, and afterwards against 
the independent State Government of Vermont. He and his son, 
Timothy Phelps, who had likewise a commission from New York as 
High Sheriff of Cumberland County, carried their opposition to the 
new State movement so far as to subject them both to proscription and 
confiscation of property by the Vermont authorities. John Phelps, 
son of Timothy, was a lawyer of reputation, and served at various 
times in the Council and State Senate. His son, by a first marriage, 
John Wolcott Phelps, graduated at West Point, served in the Flor- 
ida and Mexican wars as an officer of artillery, and was Colonel of 
the 1st Yermont Yolunteers in the civil war, and afterwards Briga- 
dier-General of Yolunteers. His son, by a second wife, Mrs. Almira 
Hart Lincoln, sister of Mrs. Emma Willard, of Troy, N. Y., was 
Charles E. Phelps, born in Guilford, Vt, May 1, 1833, removed by 
his parents to Westchester,.Pa., in 183Y, and to Ellicott's Mills, 
Maryland, in 1841. On the maternal side, Mr. Phelps is descended 
from Thomas Hooker, known as the " founder of Connecticut Col- 
ony," and from Samuel Hart, one of the colonial champions of relig- 


Ions liberty in opposition to the intolerant code known as the " Blue 
Laws." His mother, Mrs. A. H. Lincoln Phelps, is the author of a 
series of elementary treatises on botany, chemistry, natural philoe- 
ophy and geology, which have been for many years widely used as 
school text-books, and is also known through her contributions to lit- 
erature in other departments, and as a practical and successful edu- 
cator, first in connection with the Troy Female Seminary, and later 
as the Principal of the Patapsco Institute in Maryland. 

After completing his studies at St. Timothy's Hall, Md., Princeton 
College, K". J., and at the Law School of Harvard University, Mr. 
Phelps commenced the practice of law in Baltimore, and in the 
Court of Appeals of Maryland, and was admitted to the bar of the 
U. S. Supreme Court, in 1859. In politics, he took no active part 
until the autumn of 1860. 

Shortly before the latter date, the disorders which characterized 
the local rule of the Know-Xothing organization in the city of Balti- 
more, had compelled citizens of all parties to unite in an effort for 
municipal reform. A military organization, known as the " Mary- 
land Guard," of which Mr. Phelps was one of the originators, speed- 
ily gathered into its ranks several hundred young men, who volun- 
teered their services to sustain the measures of the State Legislature 
for the suppression of ruffian control of the ballot-box, by the estab- 
lishment of a police system analogous to that already introduced in 
New York, including a subdivision of the wards into election pre- 
cincts, and other features designed to secure the freedom and purity 
of elections. Of the regiment thus formed, Mr. Phelps was chosen 
one of the first captains, and afterwards major. 

The nominations of the " Keform Party " were made in disregard 
of the usual machinery of ward conventions, by a select committee of 
leading citizens, who assumed the responsibility of appealing to the 
people at a fair election for the support of their candidates. They 
were all elected by unprecedented majorities. Mr. Phelps was among 
those elected to the City Council, where he served as Chairman of 
the Committee on Police. 



The sectional difficulties shortly after culminated in rebellion and 
civil war, and on the 19th day of April, 1861, a Massachusetts regi- 
ment was mobbed while passing through the streets of Baltimore on 
its way to Washington. 

In obedience to orders, the Maryland Guard, which still retained 
its organization, was assembled at its armory, on the" corner of Balti- 
more and Calvert streets surrounded by an excited multitude. It 
was at once apparent that a large majority of its members were in 
sympathy with the prevalent spirit of hostility to the Federal troops. 
A very few, on the other hand, including Mr. Phelps, still major of 
the regiment, vainly endeavored to stem the current. 

Great anxiety was manifested by all to know what orders would 
come from the civil authorities ; and when they at length were re- 
ceived, the orders were applauded by the crowd. Mr. Phelps de- 
clined to obey, and withdrew, forwarding immediately a formal res- 
ignation of his commission,' assigning as his reason that he could not 
conscientiously serve under such orders in view of his construction of 
the oath which he had taken to support the Constitution of the 
United States. 

In August, 1862, he accepted the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the 7th 
Regiment of Maryland Volunteers, a new regiment of Infantry 
raised and commanded by Hon. Edwin H. Webster, then a member 
of the House of Representatives. In November, 1863, upon the 
resignation of Colonel Webster consequent upon his re-election to 
Congress, Colonel Phelps was commissioned and succeeded to the 

This regiment, with the exception of one company from Baltimore 
City, was recruited from the border counties of Maryland Harford, 
Baltimore, Carroll, Frederick, and Washington. It was ordered in- 
to the field on the 12th of September, 1862, and was organized with 
the 1st, 4th, and 8th Maryland Regiments into a separate brigade, 
under the command of General John R. Kenly. 

The Maryland Brigade was constantly in active service, at first on 

the Upper Potomac and in West Virginia, until after the .battle of 



Gettysburg, when it was assigned to the First Corps of the 
Army of the Potomac, under Major-General Meade. On the re- 
organization of that army by Lieutenant-General Grant, the Mary- 
land Brigade was assigned to General Eobinsou's (2d) Division of Gen- 
eral Warren's (5th) Corps, under the command of Colonel K T. Dii- 
shane, of the 1st Maryland Volunteers, afterwards killed in action; 
On the second day of the " Wilderness " it was temporarily rein- 
forced by the 14th New York (Brooklyn) Kegiment. In this action, 
Colonel Phelps had a horse killed under him while rallying his 
regiment during a temporary confusion. At Spottsylvania Court 
House, on the 8th of May, 1864, he succeeded to the command of 
the brigade after the fall of Colonel Denison, severely wounded. 

The fall of General Kobinson, also severely wounded, placed him 
in command of the division, or its remnant, while in the act of charg- 
ing a line of breastworks held by a division of Longstreet's corps. 
The assault was repulsed with heavy loss, and Colonel Phelps, while 
leading the column, had his horse shot, was wounded, and taken 
prisoner at the foot of the breastworks. Subsequently, on the recom- 
mendation of Major-General Warren, approved by General Grant, 
Colonel Phelps was commissioned Brevet-Brigadier-General for 
"gallant conduct" in this action. 

He twice endeavored to effect his escape, and at last succeeded in 
eluding his guard while being taken to the van, and lay concealed 
within the enemy's lines, under shell and musketry from the Union 
side, in expectation of an advance and re-capture. While in this 
situation, exhausted from the loss of blood, he was discovered and 
robbed by Rebel stragglers, who threatened his life, and might have 
taken it, but for the timely arrival of a Confederate Provost Guard. 
He was taken to their field-hospital and treated with attention, es- 
pecially by some who had been his comrades in the Maryland 

The day after being captured, while on the road to Richmond un- 
der a guard of the enemy's cavalry, with over three hundred Union 
prisoners, the convoy was overtaken by the advance of Sheridan's 



cavalry, and a "brief skirmish resulted in the rescue of the prisoners, 
and the capture or dispersion of their guard. Those prisoners who 
were not disabled, armed themselves from an ordnance train cap- 
tured at the same time, while those who were wounded suffered ex- 
cessively during the ten days which followed of rapid marching and 
frequent fighting. It was during this raid that the celebrated Eebel 
cavalry general, J. E. B. Stuart, was killed at the battle of Yellow 
Tavern. Here, as well as at the battles of Meadow Bridge, the De- 
fenses of Kichmond, etc., General Sheridan fought and maneuvered 
his cavalry with an intrepidity and skill which finally secured the 
success of his expedition in communicating at Haxall's Landing 
with the Army of the James. 

Colonel Phelps was in Baltimore, an invalid, when that city was 
in iminent danger of capture after the defeat of General Wallace at 
Monocacy, in July, 1864. He volunteered his services to Major-Gen- 
eral Ord, to assist in the defense of the city, and was assigned to his 
staff as additional Aid-de-camp until the invaders were repelled. 

The Third Congressional District of Maryland^ consisting of the 
thirteen upper Wards of Baltimore city, was represented in the 
Thirty-eighth Congress by Honorable Henry Winter Davis. His Re- 
construction Bill, reversing the policy announced by President Lin- 
coln in his Amnesty Proclamation of December 8, 1863, passed Con- 
gress in July, 1864, but was prevented by the President from becom- 
ing a law. Mr. Davis, in connection with Senator Wade, issued a 
protest, denouncing President Lincoln and his policy. The Con- 
gressional District Convention of the Union party met shortly after 
in Baltimore, and at once nominated Colonel Phelps by acclamation 
as Mr. Davis' successor. He had been honorably discharged the ser- 
vice on account of disability from his wound, and accepted the nom- 
ination in a speech defining his position as " radical in war and con- 
servative in peace." 

In the Thirty-ninth Congress, he served on the Committees on Na- 
val Affairs and on the Militia. He opposed, by speech and vote, the 

Kadical measures and policy of reconstruction, and advocated the iin- 



mediate restoration of the Southern States without farther condition 
than the abolition of slavery secured by Constitutional Amendment. 
He voted, however, under the shape which it finally assumed, for the 
additional Amendment known as Article XIY. 

In 1866, the Democratic party made no nominations in the Third 
District, but supported those of the Conservatives, by whom Mr. 
Phelps was nominated to the Fortieth Congress, and elected after a 
struggle of unprecedented fierceness. The circumstances that at- 
tended this election, including the trial and removal of the Police 
Commissioners by Governor Swann ; the arrest and imprisonment of 
their successors by order of Judge Bond ; the preparations for riot 
and bloodshed, and the threats of armed intervention by political 
organizations outside the State, pervaded the entire country with 
excitement and alarm. Mr. Phelps' election, though secured by a 
large majority, was formally contested by his Radical opponent, who, 
after causing a large mass of testimony to be taken, abandoned the 
contest with an apology. Mr. Phelps declined a re-nomination to 
the Forty ^first Congress. 

In the Fortieth Congress, Mr. Phelps was placed on the Committees 
on Appropriations, and on Expenditures in the War Departim nt. 
His course on Reconstruction, Impeachment, and other political 
questions, identified him with the Democratic minority. 

In September, 1864, Mr. Phelps served upon a commission ap- 
pointed by Gov. Bradford to revise and codify the State Militia 
laws. He was an invited guest of the New England Society at 
their Anniversary Banquet in New York in December, 1864, and 
responded to the sentiment, " Free Maryland." 

He attended the Union " Soldiers' and Sailors' " Conservative Con- 
vention at Cleveland, Ohio, in September, 1866, as a delegate for 
Maryland. In February, 1867, he declined an executive appoint- 
ment as a Judge of the Court of Appeals of Maryland. He is a 
Trustee of the Antietam National Cemetery, a member of the Mary- 
land Historical Society, and of the American Association for the 
Advancement of Science. 





M. BOYER was born in Montgomery County, 
Pennsylvania, January 22, 1823. He was for some time a 
student of Lafayette College, at Easton, Pennsylvania ; but 
afterwards graduated at the University of Pennsylvania. He read 
law at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, under the instruction of the late Judge 
Eeed, and was admitted to the bar at that place. He began the 
practice of law, however, in his native county, for which he was Dis- 
trict-Attorney from 1848 to 1850. Here he successfully pursued his 
profession, having several times declined judicial stations. 

In politics, Mr. Boyer was a Whig until the dissolution of the 
Whig party, when he associated himself with the Democracy. In 
1856, he voted for James Buchanan for President, against John C. 
Fremont, the Eepublican candidate, and since that date has always 
acted with the Democratic party. 

In 1860, Mr. Boyer was an active supporter of Judge Douglas for 
the Presidency, and aided in establishing a campaign newspaper called 
the National Democrat, which was the organ of the Douglas Democ- 
racy of his county during the Presidential canvass of that year, and of 
which he was, until after the election, the principal editor. 

Mr. Boyer, previously to the breaking out of the Southern rebel- 
lion, advocated conciliatory measures. But after the war had actually 
begun, he was an active and earnest advocate of the suppression ol 
the rebellion by force of arms. In addresses to the people, of all parties, 
at various public meetings, as well as in communications through the 
press, he urged the energetic support of the Government, and the 
prompt enlistment of men. 



Twice during the war, when Pennsylvania was invaded by the 
rebels, he raised a company of volunteers for the emergency, and, as 
their captain, served with them in the field, by which service he con- 
tracted an illness which nearly terminated his life. 

In 1864, Mr. Boyer was elected to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and 
was re-elected in 1866. He has maintained with zeal and ability the 
usual Democratic view of the prominent questions which have come 
before that body. 

In the Fortieth Congress, March 13, 1867, a joint resolution being 
under discussion in the House " for the relief of the destitute in the 
Southern and Southwestern States," Mr. Boyer said, " I trust that 
this joint resolution will be adopted ; that it will be passed promptly, 
and with unanimity. I am not deterred from supporting it by the 
reasons given by the gentleman from Indiana, based upon the fact 
that those who are to be recipients of this bounty are the families of 
rebels, nor by the arguments of the two gentlemen from New YoRk, 
that this fund is to be distributed through the Freedmen's Bureau. 
* * The time I trust will come at some future day when the 
people of this country, of all sections, shall again dwell together in 
peace and harmony. The time I hope will come, if not in this gene- 
ration, at least in the next, when the foundations of bur Government 
will again rest, as of old, in the affections and confidence of the 
whole people. That is the wisest legislation which hastens the 
consummation of this end so devoutly to be wished. That is the 
noblest as well as the wisest legislation which exhibits this great 
Government as a beneficent agent, clothed with mercy and magna- 
nimity as well as with resistless power, able to enforce the authority 
of its laws against all opposers, but willing also to forgive, to pro- 
tect, and to save." 

In the second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress Mr. Boyer was 
a member of the committee on the New Orleans riots, and made the 
minority report on that subject. In the Fortieth Congress he was more 
prominent as a defender of the President than any other member of the 
minority. His speeches in defense of the President were extensively 


circulated by his party. The first was delivered December 17, 1867, 
and was published under the title of " The President and Congress 
The Impeachers Impeached." " What public man," he asked on 
this occasion, "exercising the office of President of the United States 
at so critical a period, could have undergone a scrutiny like that to 
which Andrew Johnson has been subjected, and emerged from the or- 
deal more scatheless than he ? During more than eight months a se- 
cret inquisition assiduously labored to convict him of something, no 
matter what, so it would injure him in the estimation of mankind. 
His persecutors- were able men, armed with the power of the 'nation, 
and suspected by no man of any disposition to spare the accused. 
The secret history of his public acts was explored, his most private 
relations invaded, his personal correspondence ransacked, the revela- 
tion of his most confidential conversations in his most unguarded mo- 
ments required of his friends, his domestic life investigated, his pecu- 
niary transactions overhauled, and even his private bank accounts ex- 
amined. To get evidence against him the felon's cell was visited by 
honorable members of Congress, and testimony solicited at the hands 
of convicted perjurers. Spies and detectives were employed, traps 
set, money expended but all in vain. Andrew Johnson, as man and 
President, stands higher this day in the estimation of his countrymen 
than when this investigation began. I would rather take his chance 
for honorable and enduring fame hereafter than that of the proudest 
and loftiest among all his enemies, persecutors, and slanderers. 

" He was not the President of my choice. I did not vote for him. 
But I recognize in him a fearless defender of the Constitution, and 
as such I honor and defend him. As such, too, he will be remem- 
bered and honored by his countrymen when the political strife of 
these days shall be over, and when his administration of public 
affairs shall have passed into history." 

Mr. Boyer made a speech in defense of the President at the ban- 
quet of the 8th of January, at the Metropolitan Hotel in Washington, 
in response to one of the regular toasts "The President of the 
United States." On the 22d of February, Mr. Boyer made a legal 


argument defending the President against the charges preferred in 
the Articles of Impeachment. Two of his later speeches in the 
House of Eepresentatives were extensively circulated by his party as 
campaign documents, viz., that on " The Admission of Alabama," 
delivered March 17, 1868, and that of June 30, 1868, on " The Pub- 
lic Expenditures." From the first we make the following extracts : 

" It is only by gradual descent through many downward steps that 
so low a depth of legislative depravity could possibly be reached. 
That the government of a negro minority should; without the consent 
and against the protest of the people, be inflicted by an American 
Congress upon a State in the American Union, is a spectacle too mon- 
strous to be endured. * * Is this the Union which this Repub- 
lican Congress promised to restore when they summoned the nation 
to arms for the suppression of the rebellion ? Did Congress not then 
proclaim, and was it not the rallying cry of the Northern hosts, and 
the hope of all patriots, that the Union should be restored with all 
the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired ? If 
such conditions of inferiority as are prescribed by the pending bill can 
be imposed by Congress upon a State in one particular, where is the 
limit to the absolute power of Congress to impose every other ? But 
why should we be surprised ? Is not one-third of the nation in chains, 
and has not this same Congress abolished the government of the people 
in ten States? * * * * 

" For this nation there is but one way of salvation open. Abstract 
principles of law, justice, and morality are of little avail ; and against 
the inexorable tyranny of party discipline it has been our sad experi- 
ence to see the judgments and consciences of the more moderate men 
of the dominant party oppose but a feeble resistance. It is the peo- 
ple only who can arrest the usurpations which threaten to overwhelm 
and subvert the institutions of our country. And when we of the 
minority, who are so powerless in this Hall, are permitted to speak, 
we have no other resort than to appeal as best we can to that mighty 
audience outside the walls of this Capitol, who can, if they will, still 
save the Republic." 




[ROM a careful investigation of public and private records, 
recently made by Hon. Ezra Cornell, it appears that the 
numerous families that bear the name of CORNELL have de- 
scended from different parental stocks which emigrated from Europe 
in the early part of the seventeenth century. 

The subject of this sketch is descended from that particular family 
to which, in July, 1646, Mr. Wm. Kieft, then " Director General and 
Council for the Prince of Orange," delivered a grant of land in West- 
chester County, at a point on the East River afterwards known as 
" Cornell's Neck." 

Thomas Cornell was born at White Plains, "Westchester County, 
New York, January 23, 1814. Having enjoyed the limited advantage 
of a common school-education, he was first employed as a clerk in the 
city of New York. In 1843 he removed to Ulster County, where, 
with a very small capital, he began on his own account the forward- 
ing business between Eddyville and New York. Six years later he 
engaged in the new and growing traffic which followed the comple- 
tion of the Delaware and Hudson Canal, a traffic which under his 
skillful management made rapid progress, till at length it has attained 
the mammoth proportions which we witness to-day. 

"With the sudden increase in the products of labor which naturally 
sought a market in the metropolis, there arose the necessity of increas- 
ed facilities for the transportation .of freight and passengers on the 
waters of the Hudson, .and to this latter work, in 1848, Mr. Cornell 
began to devote his energies. In this enterprise his untiring indus- 
try and careful business management have for twenty years been at- 



tended with uniform and signal success, so that he is to-day the sole 
proprietor of twenty-three steamboats, some of them first-class in size, 
cost, and speed, and constituting one of the largest and most valuable 
steam fleets in the country. 

It is but natural that the capacity, energy, and industry which at- 
tained such results, should have opened up to them still other depart- 
ments of successful enterprise. Hence we find Mr. Cornell becoming 
in turn the founder and president of the First National Bank of 
Rondout, of the Rondout Savings Bank, the originator and presi- 
dent of the Rondout and Oswego Railroad, now in process of con- 
struction, and also of the Horse Railroad which connects Rondout 
with Kingston, all of which positions he still holds. He seems gifted 
with that rare and peculiar adaptation to business which almost in- 
stantly and instinctively discovers the elements of success or failure 
in every business transaction, with that self-reliance and energy which 
prompt him to go forward directly and confidently to the object be- 
fore him, and with that keen, penetrating, and comprehensive knowl- 
edge of human nature which is so essential in the choice of men to 
carry out his plans. 

As a citizen he is noted for his continued efforts to secure the gen- 
eral good of the community in which he resides. He is always ready 
to aid in any measures which tend to augment its wealth or add to 
its attractiveness. His gifts for the building of houses of worship 
and the support of the Gospel among the various denominations, are 
frequent and liberal. 

' Though never a politician, either by choice or inclination, Mr. Cor- 
nell has always been known for his zealous and faithful' adherence to 
the principles of the Republican party. Upon the leading questions 
of political economy, he has thought deeply, and clearly compre- 
hends the fundamental principles upon which 'our Republic rests, as 
well as the elements which are best fitted to secure the stability and 
permanence of its institutions ; while his appreciation of the bless- 
ings which flow from a well-ordered government is ardent and strong. 
A man of the people, he is in the closest sympathy with them, irre- 



spective of nationality, creed, or complexion. His friends, therefore, 
have long regarded him as endowed in a peculiar manner with the 
more solid and sterling qualities of the efficient legislator, but not 
till recently have they been able to prevail upon him to accept any 
public trust at their hands. His consent, when finally obtained, was 
given with the utmost reluctance and at great personal sacrifice. 
In his district, which has been uniformly and largely Democratic, he 
was elected to the Fortieth Congress by a handsome majority. His 
public service has more than met the expectation of his friends. He 
has discharged the duties of member of the Committee on Educa- 
tion and also of that on Roads and Canals ; his faithful and efficient 
guardianship of the interests of his constituents securing for him 
the increased confidence and esteem of both parties. 

The source of Mr. Cornell's great popularity is to be found, not, as 
is too often the case, in the shrewd and skillful maneuvers of the 
mere politician, but rather in the general public conviction of the pu- 
rity of his moral and Christian character, his superior business quali- 
fications, his great tact in the selection of right men and measures, 
his stern devotion to the principles of truth and justice, and possibly 
more than all, in his unbounded liberality. This last is of all others 
his predominant characteristic. Upon needy and meritorious public 
institutions his gifts have been bestowed, tens of thousands of dol- 
lars at a time, and in such rapid succession as to astonish even his 
most intimate friends. These free-will offerings, in many instances 
unsolicited, so far from being restricted to his own individual rela~ 
tionships or preferences, have been extended to the widest range of 
Christian and philanthropic benevolence. In giving, however, as 
in everything else, he is never reckless or indiscriminate, but shrewd 
and well advised, always taking into account the worthiness of the 
object, and the amount of good which is likely to be attained. His 
princely liberality was particularly manifest during the recent Ee- . 
bellion, as well in raising and sending men to the field, as in pro- 
viding for the maintenance of their families during, their absence. 
Many a soldier's taxes were paid while he was serving his country, 


and many a soldier's widow and children were relieved by his ready 

Mr. Cornell's method of thinking is peculiar to himself. He gen- 
eralizes with great rapidity, often deciding upon the merits of the 
most intricate proposition the instant it is fairly stated, but never 
without taking into account its minutest details. Hence the prompt- 
ness and punctuality with which he dispatches business, and the num- 
ber and magnitude of his business transactions. He is emphatically 
a man of deeds, not words ; yet when the occasion requires, he speaks 
with much eifectiveness, is self-possessed, and has a ready command 
of language. There is, moreover, a subdued earnestness in his man- 
ner, and a pathos in the tones of his voice, which never fail to at- 
tract attention and produce a favorable impression. In manners 
he is quiet, modest, and even retiring, never obtruding his opinion 
where it is not desired, but easy, graceful, and attractive in conver- 
sation. In his external demeanor there is not, to the ordinary ob- 
server, the slightest indication of his high position or great success; 
and yet in many respects, Thomas Cornell is one of the most re- 
markable men in the Fortieth Congress. 





HE Julian family is of French origin. The first of the 
name came to America sometime in the last century, and 
settled on the -eastern shore of Maryland. Their descend 
ants, however, soon scattered in various directions. One of the family is 
mentioned in Irving's " Life of Washington," as living near Winchester, 
Virginia, soon after Braddock's defeat. The next notice we have of the 
family, is in North Carolina, where Isaac Julian, the father of the 
subject of this sketch, was born and reared among the .Quakers, who 
gave that State a character for loyalty and anti-slavery sentiment, 
found nowhere else in the South. Early in the present' century, he 
removed to Indiana, where he was one of the earliest of the pioneer 
settlers. He was a man of sound judgment and practical ability. 
He took a part of some prominence in the affairs of the young 
Ttate, and was at one time a member of the State Legislature. 

^His son, George W. Julian, was born near Centreville, Indiana, Ma^ 
5, 1817, in a log house, which is still standing in a good state of pres- 
ervation. When George was six years old, his father died, leaving to 
the excellent mother and six children an inheritance of poverty and 

George was a boy of very industrious habits, exhibiting at an early 
age those sterling qualities of character which have since distinguished 
him. He was particularly remarkable for his close application to 
study, and his unconquerable resolution. When not engaged in labor 
necessary for the support of himself and other members of the fam- 
ily, he was constantly poring over books, which he had managed to 

borrow from kind neighbors. His principal opportunities of study 



were by fire-light, and after the other members of the family had re 
tired to rest. Thus he soon prepared himself for teaching ; and long 
before he came of age, he was engaged during the winter months 
at the head of a district school. 

In the twenty-second year of his age, and while engaged in teach- 
ing in Illinois, he commenced, without a preceptor, the study of law ; 
and so diligent and successful was he in his law studies, that, in the 
following year (1840), he was admitted to the bar. He began the 
practice of his profession in Greenfield, Indiana; and after two years 
he returned to Centreville, where, with little interruption, he contin- 
ued the practice of law for more than twenty years. 

In 1845, Mr. Julian was elected to the State legislature, to repre- 
sent the county of Wayne. He took a prominent part in advo- 
cating the abolition of capital punishment, and in support of what- 
was then known as the " Butler Bill," by the passage of which one- 
half of the State debt was cancelled, and the State probably saved 
from repudiation. 

Mr. Julian, though a strong Whig, yet possessed that fearless and 
independent spirit which could rise above party ties whenever its 
principles were likely to be perverted by designing leaders. No 
party could ever be made strong enough to hold him in its ranks for 
a moment after he believed it had once deserted the great principles 
of justice and humanity. It was doubtless this stern conviction of 
right that ultimately separated him from the Whig party. From 
his earliest connection with the politics of the country, he abhorred 
slavery, and regarded with contempt those who would cringe to its 
power. For years he seems to have foreseen the terrible crisis 
through which the country has recently passed, and warned the peo- 
ple to resist the encroachments of the slave power, as the only 
means of averting a great national calamity. 

Actuated by such sentiments, Mr. Julian, in 1848, aided in the 
nomination of Yan Buren and Adams, the Free-Soil candidates for 
President and Vice-President. He returned from the Buifalo Con- 
vention overflowing with enthusiasm in the cause of freedom. He was 



appointed elector for his District for Yan Buren and Adams, and en- 
gaged with, heart and strength in the unequal contest. In this' new 
and great career on which he had entered, he endured the disruption 
of social ties, and received the hisses and execrations, the abuse and 
calumnies of many of his former political associates, but courageously 
confronted his ablest opponents, and lashed the adversaries of free- 
dom until they cowered before him, and confessed the strength of his 
cause. All parties were astonished at his power and success, which 
was so great that in 1849 he was elected to Congress over the late 
Hon. Samuel W. Parker, a prominent Whig politician, and one of 
the best speakers of the West. 

Though' elected principally by Democratic votes, Mr. Julian faith- 
fully sustained, against all temptations, and during his entire term in 
Congress, the principles upon which he was elected. His speeches 
on the slavery question, and his uncompromising course 'in opposition 
to that system, tended still further to widen the breach between him 
and his former associates. He was one of the fathers of the Home- 
stead Law. Grace Greenwood thus wrote of his speech on the sub- 
ject of the public lands, delivered during his first term in Congress : 

" This was a strong, fearless, and eloquent expression of a liberty- 
loving and philanthropic spirit. It is lying before me now, and I 
have just been reading some of its finest passages ; and, brief and 
unstudied as it is, it does not seem to me a speech for one day, or for 
one Congressional session. It seems moved with the strength of a 
great purpose, veined with a vital truth, a moral life-blood beating 
through it warm and generous. It is something that must live and 
work yet many days." 

In 1851, Mr. Julian was again a candidate for Congress in opposi- 
tion to Mr. Parker, but was this time defeated. In 1852, he was, by 
the Free-Soil Convention at Pittsburg, placed upon the ticket with 
Hon. John P. Hale, as candidate for Yice-President. This served to 
increase his reputation among the more liberal thinkers of the coun- 
try, and made his name less than ever the property of his own State. 

1854 was the year of Know-lSTothingism a new and strange order, 


which failed not to find in Mr. Julian a most formidable and uncompro- 
mising opponent. He continued to wage an incessant warfare against 
it, until it ceased to exist as an organization. His anti-Know-Noth- 
ing speech, delivered at Indianapolis in 1855, is esteemed by many as 
the ablest argument which this remarkable movement called forth. 

In February, 1856, occurred at Pittsburg the great National Con- 
vention of all who were opposed to the Democratic party. It was at 
this convention that measures were taken for the organization of the 
National Eepublican party. Of this important convention, Mr. Ju- 
lian was one of the Yice-Presidents, and Chairman of the Committee 
on Organization, through whose report of a plan of action the party 
first took life. 

In 1860, Mr. Julian received the Republican nomination for Con- 
gress in the Fifth District of Indiana, and in spite of much and va- 
ried opposition, was elected by an overwhelming majority. He has 
since been four times re-elected, in the last instance largely by a 
new constituency, the State having recently been re-districted for 
Congressional purposes. 

At the organization of the Thirty-seventh Congress, Mr. Julian 
was placed upon the Committee on Public Lands, and also on the 
important Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War. On the 
election of Mr. Colfax as Speaker of the Thirty-eighth Congress, ho 
appointed Mr. Julian Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands. 
He was continued on the Committee on the Conduct of the War so 
long as this committee continued to exist. . 

Mr. Julian has been an exceedingly active and efficient member of 
the National Legislature. Among the important measures introduced 
by him during his ten years' service in Congress, may be men- 
tioned the bill repealing the Fugitive Slave law of 1850 and 1793 ; a 
bill abolishing the coast- wise slave trade ; a bill providing homesteads 
for soldiers and seamen on the forfeited lands of rebels ; a bill provid- 
ing for the sale of the mineral lands of the Government ; a bill fixing 
eight hours as a day's work for all Government employees (laborers 
and mechanics) ; a bill extending the homestead law over the public 


lands of the Southern States, in restricted allotments to white and col- 
ored, with a prohibition of further sales in that region ; a bill equaliz- 
ing bounties among our soldiers and sailors on the basis of eight and 
one-third dollars per month in lieu of bounties in land ; a bill prevent- 
ing the further issue of Agricultural College scrip to the rebellious 
States ; a bill establishing the right of suffrage in the District of Col- 
umbia, without regard to race or color ; a bill establishing the same 
principle in all the Territories of the United States, being the first 
introduced in either House on the subject ; the bill declaring forfeited 
the lands granted to Southern railroads in 1856 ; a bill making the 
public domain free to honorably discharged soldiers and seamen ; and 
a bill withdrawing the public lands from further sale except under, 
the pre-emption and homestead laws. 

W. H. Goddard, Esq., in a brief sketch of the life and services of 
Mr. Julian, published two years ago, thus enumerates his most im- 
portant speeches : 

" The speeches of Mr. Julian during the war, both in Congress and 
before the people, have been among the very ablest of the crisis. That 
delivered in the House on the 14th day of January, 1862, 'on the 
' Cause and Cure of our ISTational Troubles,' is one of which his 
friends may well be proud, and to day reads like a prophecy fulfilled. 
His speech on ' Confiscation and Liberation,' delivered in May fol- 
lowing, is similar in character. That delivered in February, 1863, on 
the ' Mistakes of the Past ; the duty of the Present,' is a merciless 
review of ' Democratic Policy,' as seen in, the facts and figures which 
had been supplied by the investigations of the Committee on the 
Conduct of the War. In the winter of 1863-4: he delivered a very 
thorough and forcible speech on his bill providing homesteads for sol- 
diers on the lands of rebels, which was followed by another on the 
same subject, involving a controversy with Mr. Mallory, of Kentucky, 
who met with a most humiliating discomfiture. During the session 
of 1864-5, Mr. Julian delivered an able speech on the sale of mineral 
lands, and another on ' Radicalism and Conservatism,' closing with 

a handsome and eloquent tribute to the anti-slavery pioneers. His 



speech on 'Reconstruction and Suffrage,' delivered last fall before the 
Legislature of Indiana, is reckoned among the most thorough and 
effective he has yet made ; whilst his speeches at the present session 
of the Thirty-ninth Congress on ' Suffrage in the District of Columbia,' 
and on c Amending the Constitution,' add still further to his reputation 
as a thinker, and a perfectly independent man who knows how to say 
what he thinks. All his speeches breathe the spirit of freedom, and 
have the merit of careful thought, methodical arrangement, and a re- 
markably clear and forcible diction." 

In addition to the speeches enumerated above, should be named 
those he has since delivered on "Radicalism, 'the Nation's Hope," 
" The Punishment of Rebel Leaders," " Regeneration before Recon- 
struction," " Forfeiture of the Southern Land Grants," " The True 
Policy of Land Bounties," and finally his speech of March 6, 1868, 
on " Our Land Policy, its Evils and their Remedy." The latter, made 
in support of his great measure now pending, forbidding the further 
sale of our public lands except to actual settlers, is perhaps the ablest 
and most thoroughly practical of all his speeches. 

In 1860, Mr. Julian lost his excellent wife, and was soon after still 
further bereaved by the death of two promising sons. In December, 
1863, he was married to Miss Laura Giddings, the talented and ac- 
complished daughter of the late Hon. Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio. 

Mr. Julian is tall in stature, possessing much physical as well as 
intellectual vigor. His expansive brow indicates clearness and 
strength of thought? His face bespeaks a man of firmness, con- 
scientiousness, and benevolence. While deficient in many of the 
arts by which the politician wins popularity, he possesses the superior 
ability by which the statesman earns enduring fame. 




HE subject of this sketch, William Darrah Kelley, was 
born in Philadelphia, April 12, 1814. His grandfather, 
Major John Kelley, was an officer of the Revolutionary 
war. His father followed the business of .watchmaker and jeweler in 
Philadelphia. During the financial troubles accompanying the close 
of the war of 1812, Mr. Kelley fell into pecuniary difficulties ; his 
'business was ruined, and he was stripped of all his possessions. He 
soon afterwards died, leaving his family in very straitened circum- 
stances, when William, who was the youngest, was but two years old. 
His mother, thus left with a dependent family of three daughters 
and a son, succeeded in maintaining herself and her children respect- 
ably. William was sent to a neighboring school until eleven years 
of age, when he left it finally with only the rudiments of an ordinary 
English education, while any further progressive study must depend 
upon his own exertions. He served for some time as an errand boy 
in a book store, and afterwards entered the office of the Pennsylvania 
Enquirer as a proof-reader, and remained there until his fourteenth 
year. He then apprenticed himself to a jeweler until twenty years 
of age leaving his mother's roof and taking up his residence with 
his employer, where he continued during the term of his apprentice- 
. ship. 

Young Kelley keenly realized the deficiencies of his early educa- 
tion, and applied himself diligently to remedy it by reading. Books, 
however, being difficult of access, he united with a number of his 
companions to found the " Youth's Library," afterwards called the 

" Pennsylvania Literary Institute." A library of about two thousand 



volumes was soon accumulated, and the association sustained for 
several years an annual course of lectures. The original members 
and officers were nearly all apprentice boys, and the influence thus 
exerted upon them was of a highly salutary character. The society 
continued to exist until its early members had become scattered, or 
too deeply involved in active business to give it their attention as 

Young Kelley's indenture expired in the spring of 1834 the period 
of pecuniary embarrassment which followed the struggle between the 
United States Bank and the Government. In Philadelphia, the seat 
of the operation of the bank, the consequent excitement and panic 
were intense, and with the many painful scenes that transpired around 
him, Mr. Kelley became familiar. Nurtured from childhood in the 
Democratic faith, and loving its course with all the intensity of an 
ardent and impulsive nature, he could not but be excited to a strong 
protest and resistance. He labored earnestly to strengthen the spirits 
of his Democratic associates against what he considered the tyranny 
of those who favored the interests of the bank, and it is thought that 
much of his intense energy of purpose and power of vehement decla- 
mation were developed by these exciting times. 

Thus, when William Kelley attained his freedom, it was a season 
of extreme depression, which all the forms of fancy business like that 
which he had spent his youth in learning, were the first to feel and 
the last from which to recover. Xor had his course been such as to 
secure the favor of such employers as were of opposite politics. Hence, 
failing to obtain employment at his trade in Philadelphia, he pro- 
ceeded to Boston, where, for four years, he pursued his calling with 
unremitted industry. His peculiar branch of the trade was enamel- 
ing, in which he seems to have excelled, and which he is said to have 
pursued with the enthusiasm of an artist as well as the skill of a cun- 
ning workman. 

During his residence in Boston, Mr. Kelley was not careless of 
mental improvement, although he pursued his business with steady 
industry. He read perseveringly, and gathered around him such a 



choice collection of standard literature as is seldom seen in the humble 
apartment of a mechanic. His reading was well selected, while an 
unusually retentive memory enabled him to profit by it in a greater 
degree than most others. Kor did his political fervor abate. His 
enthusiastic attachment to the great distinctive principles of Demo- 
cracy never grew cold for a moment. Much of his leisure time was 
devoted to political and historical reading and the details of party 
organization. It was now that his peculiar talent as a public speaker 
was first recognized. His style may have been crude and juvenile, 
but was fresh, vigorous, and impetuous ; and he soon became a favor- 
ite with the masses of the party. In the Democratic papers of that 
day his name occurs frequently in association with those of Bancroft, 
Brownson, and A. H. Everett. He also commenced the cultivation 
of a written style, with enviable success; and, even while in the 
workshop, his name appears in more than one programme of lectures 
with those of Channing and Emerson. 

The following testimonial of Mr. Kelley, while in Boston,, from the 
pen of the assistant editor of Burritfs Christian Citizen, will be in 
place here : 

" It was our good fortune, when an apprentice-boy in Boston, to 
enjoy the intimate companionship of this now eminent jurist and 
philanthropist, who was then a journeyman mechanic, devoting his 
days to hard manual toil, and his nights to the acquisition of knowl- 
edge. We were made a wiser and a better boy through the influence 
of his instruction and example ; and scores of young men, who were 
then our companions, but who are now scattered all over the country, 
from Maine to Oregon, can say the same. And we rejoice, as no 
doubt they do, that our early friend now occupies a position which 
enables him to impress the influence of his noble nature upon a whole 
community, and carry forward his plans for the benefit of his fellow- 
men, with the co-operation of the wise and good, in the common- 
wealth which shows its appreciation of his worth by elevating him to 
one of its most important and responsible trusts." 

Being persuaded by his numerous friends, as well as by his own 


inclination, Mr. Kelley finally resolved to abandon his calling for the 
study of the law, and with that view returned to Philadelphia. Here 
he pursued his studies with characteristic industry and perseverance, 
and was admitted to the bar in the spring of 1841. Entering upon 
the practice of his profession, he at once acquired a considerable busi- 
ness. Meanwhile, his political labors, and his connection with nu- 
merous literary and philanthropic associations, gave him a very ex- 
tensive acquaintance. Very few men, 'certainly, were acquainted 
with so many of his fellow-citizens, while all knew him in some con- 
nection creditable to himself and calculated to inspire confidence in 
his manliness, integrity, and intelligence. 

Even before his admission to the bar, Mr. Kelley took a warm and 
active part in the politics of his native State. Popular as a speaker, 
his influence grew stronger every day. Possessing unusual gifts as a 
popular 'orator, the warmth and -energy of his speeches roused and 
attracted his auditors, so that his appearance on the stand was always 
loudly called for and enthusiastically cheered. He enjoyed, in fact, 
at this period, a popularity and influence seldom attained by one of 
his age ; and when one of the newspapers of the day, in referring to 
his efforts to allay the public excitement consequent upon the suspen- 
sion of specie payments in 1842, spoke of him as the "tribune of -the 
people," certainly no other man in Philadelphia deserved the compH- 
ment as well. 

Mr. Kelley rendered efficient aid in the canvass which resulted in 
the election of Mr. Polk to the presidency ; also in the gubernatorial 
contest jrhich preceded in Pennsylvania. During this campaign he 
traversed the State in company with Mr. Shunk, the Democratic can- 
didate for Governor, addressing meetings in various places. Where- 
ever he was heard, his practical good sense, his genuine republican- 
ism, and his enthusiasm in the cause for which he was battling, were 
thought to have excited a decided influence upon the ensuing elec 
tion, which made Mr. Shunk Governor of the State. 

In 1845, Mr. Kelley was deputed, in conjunction with an associate, 
to conduct the prosecutions in the courts of the city and county of 



Philadelphia. To a young lawyer, hardly initiated into practice, this 
was a commission of special honor as well as responsibility; nor was 
the latter diminished by the important State trials arising from the 
riots of 1845. On the part of Mr.' Kelley, as well as his colleague, 
these prosecutions were conducted with skill, fearlessness, and energy, 
while it is thought to be not too much to say that the firm and cap- 
able administration of justice to which Mr. Kelley's exertions so much 
contributed, averted a threatened civil war. 

Among the last acts of Governor Shunk's administration was the 
appointment of Mr. Kelley to a seat on the bench of the Court of 
Common Pleas of Philadelphia. In the important trust thus im- 
posed upon him, he united to the industry and capacity that always 
characterized him a sound appreciation of the moral wants of the 
community, and an untiring energy and boldness in the exercise of 
his judicial functions. His decisions were said to be stamped not 
only by clearness of perception and vigor of reasoning, but by a 
general and profound, acquaintance with the literature of his pro- 
fession, for which even his friends had scarcely given him credit. 

Judge Kelley's elevation to the bench, while it removed him, of 
course, from participation in party politics, did not, however,- deprive 
him of his interest in public movements of a general character. In 
whatever concerned the elevation of the laboring community and the 
development of the rich resources of his native State, his interest re- 
mained deep and abiding. His eloquent and successful appeals in 
behalf of the Central Pennsylvania Railroad, and his exertions for the 
establishment of public night-schools in Philadelphia, for those whose 
daily employment would have otherwise cut them off from all means 
of instruction these and other nobler efforts during his judgeship are 
not forgotten. 

As a writer, Judge Kelley has evinced no mean abilities, %nd is 
capable of wielding the eloquence of the pen as well as that of the 
lips. His style is clear, terse, and compressed, and his thoughts 
eminently rational and practical. 

For our sketch of Judge Kelley, as thus far presented, we are in- 


debted substantially to an article in the " United States Magazine and 
Democratic Review " for June, 1851, from the pen of Dr. Henry S. 
Patterson. Not far from the time when this article appeared, Judge 
Kelley united in a decision in a contested election case by which a 
Democrat, who had secured a fraudulent return of votes, was ousted 
from a district-attorneyship, and the Whig candidate was placed in 
the office to which he had been elected. The judiciary of Pennsyl- 
vania having become elective, and the Democratic Nominating Con- 
vention refusing his name for re-nomination, the people took him up 
spontaneously, and re-elected him to the bench by a majority of about 
10,000. He continued, however, to vote the Democratic ticket until 
that party repealed the Missouri Compromise. 

In 1856 Judge Kelley resigned his judgeship and accepted a Re- 
publican nomination for Congress. He made a vigorous and able 
canvass, but failed of an election. He then resumed the practice of 
his profession, and with distinguished success. In 1860 he was a 
member of the Chicago Convention, and was the Pennsylvania mem- 
ber of- the Committee of one from each State to inform Mr. Lincoln 
of his nomination. In October ensuing he was elected a Represen- 
tative to Congress, which office, by successive elections, he has held 
to the present time. 

In the spring of 1867 Mr. Kelley made a tour in the .South, and 
delivered addresses in the principal cities. While speaking to a large 
assemblage in Mobile, Alabama, he was assailed by a mob, and nar- 
rowly escaped with his life. 

As a public speaker Judge Kelley has singular ability. His voice 
is remarkable for its deep, full, sonorous tone ; his manner is deliber- 
ate and graceful, and his enunciation most distinct. He speaks as 
one deeply impressed with the truth and importance of what he says, 
and never fails to command profound attention. 





'OBEKT GUMMING SCHENCK was born in Franklin, 
Warren County, Ohio, October 4, 1809. His father, 
General William C. Schenck, was one of the early settlers 
in the Miami Valley, and served in the Northwestern Army under 
General Harrison. He died at the capital of Ohio while a member 
of the General Assembly. 

At fifteen years of age young Schenck entered the Sophomore Class 
in the Miami University at Oxford, Ohio, where he graduated in 
1827. He remained at Oxford as a tutor of Latin and French until 
he received his Master's degree in 1830. He then commenced the 
study of law in Lebanon, with the celebrated Thomas Corwin. 
Having completed his course of legal studies, he removed to Dayton, 
where he entered upon the practice of law. Here his legal acquire- 
ments and ability as an advocate gave him rapid advancement in his 
profession, and secured him a large and lucrative practice. In 1838 he 
was first a candidate for public office. He ran on the Whig ticket for 
the legislature, and failed by a few votes to be elected. He entered 
with zeal into the presidential canvass of 1840, and obtained a reputa- 
tion as a popular speaker second to none in Ohio, save that of Corwin. 
In 1841 he was elected to the legislature of Ohio, and was recogniz- 
ed as a leading spirit among the Whigs in that body. At the extra 
session of the legislature in the summer of 1842, he defeated the 
scheme of the Democrats to pass an apportionment bill arranging the 
districts in such a way as to promote the interests of the Democratic 
party. Through his influence the Whig members of both branches 

of the legislature resigned. The remainder, being less than a quo- 



mm, were unable to carry out their plan of " Gerrymandering " the 
State. At the following session an apportionment bill, not so odious 
as the first, was passed in time for the Congressional election. 

Mr. Schenck was re-elected to the legislature by an increased ma- 
jority. He distinguished himself by laboring to secure economy in 
the finances, advocating internal improvements, and assisting to ef- 
fect a revision of the school law. 

Mr. Schenck rose so rapidly in the estimation of his party, that 
he was, in 1843, nominated for Congress, and was elected by a large 
majority, in a district which was usually very close. He served in 
Congress with great efficiency during four successive terms. He was 
a member of several important committees, and in the Thirtieth Con- 
gress was Chairman of the Committee of Roads and Canals. He 
was recognized as one of the Whig leaders of the House. He took 
a prominent part in discussions, and was regarded as a very formida- 
ble competitor in debate. 

In 1850, Mr. Schenck refused a re-nomination for Congress, and 
was the following year appointed, by President Fillmore, Minister to 
Brazil. His powers were subsequently extended by a commission to 
treat with the authorities of Uruguay and Paraguay. He negotiated 
several important treaties, by one* of which the navigation of the 
River La Plata and its tributaries was made " free to the merchant 
flags of all nations." 

' After Mr. Schenck's return to the United States in 1854, for a 
number of years he took no active part in politics. In addition to oc- 
casional practice at the bar, he was engaged in the management of a 
line of railroad from Fort "Wayne, Indiana, to the Mississippi River. 

At the election of a successor to Mr. Chase as United States Sen- 
ator, Mr. Schenck received the vote of the opposition to the Demo- 
cracy, but the preponderance of this party secured the election of its 
candidate, Mr. Pugh. 

Immediately after the attack on Fort Sumter, Mr. Schenck ten- 
dered his services to President Lincoln, who commissioned him a 
Brigadier-General of Volunteers on the 17th of May, 1861. 


On the 17th of June, 1861, General Schenck was ordered to take 
possession of the Loudon and Hampshire railroad as far as Yienna. 
Under instructions from General Scott, the road had been re- 
connoitered the day before, and no enemy discovered. General 
Schenck was ordered to place a regiment of his brigade in cars, and 
establish guards at certain points designated along the road. As the 
train was approaching Yienna, with but two companies on board, it 
was fired upon by a masked battery. Three cars were disabled, ten 
men were killed and two wounded. The locomotive being in the 
rear, the engineer treacherously uncoupled, and returned to Alexan- 
dria, leaving the little band in the midst of a. largely superior force, 
supported by artillery and cavalry. The rebels numbered eight hun- 
dred men, mainly South Carolinians, under command of General 
Gregg. General Schenck with great coolness rallied his men. So 
much courage was displayed that the rebels withdrew, impressed with 
the belief that a heavy force must be in reserve.. 

At the battle of Bull Kun, July 21, 1861, General Schenck com- 
manded a brigade embracing the First and Second Ohio, the Second 
New York, and a battery of six-pounders. His position was on the 
"Warrenton Koad, near the stone bridge. About four o'clock in the . 
afternoon General Schenck received 'orders to retreat, and forming 
his brigade brought off his men in such an orderly manner as to dis- 
tinguish them from the frightened mob which comprised the frag- 
ments of the disintegrated army. But for this orderly movement the 
day's disaster would have been far greater, for General Beauregard 
gave it as one reason why pursuit was not made that he was satisfied 
large re-inforcements held the Warrenton Koad. 

General Schenck was next assigned to the command of a brigade 
in "West Yirginia, and was actively engaged in the campaigns on the 
Kenawha and New Eivers. On the death of General Lander, he was 
ordered to Cumberland, Maryland, where he found everything in a state 
of confusion. Here he found scope for the exercise of his adminis- 
trative abilities, and soon succeeded in restoring order and enforcing 




General Schenck was next ordered to move up the south branch 
of the Potomac. In obedience to this order, he successively occu- 
pied and held Moorfield, Petersburg, Franklin, and other important 
points. He was then ordered to push on to the relief of General 
Milroy, who was at McDowell with a force of about four thousand 
men. When within twenty-two miles of McDowell, a dispatch was 
received from General Milroy, stating that the enemy was at least 
fourteen thousand strong, and would undoubtedly attack the next 
morning. General Schenck pushed onward with about fifteen hun- 
dred infantry, one battalion of cavalry, and a battery of artillery. The 
march. was continued all night, and a conjunction of the forces was 
effected early in the morning. On consultation, General Schenck 
and General Milroy agreed that they could not hold the place against 
such a force as the enemy possessed. Instead of awaiting an attack 
or commencing a retreat, a feint of strength was made, and hard 
fighting continued until dark. Meanwhile baggage was sent off in 
wagon trams, and, after the close of the day's demonstration, the en- 
tire army was brought off with slight loss, considering the immense 
odds against it. The commander of the department pronounced the 
march to the relief of Milroy, the battle, and the subsequent retreat, 
one of the most brilliant achievements that had thus far marked the 
campaigns of that region. 

At the battle of Cross Keys General Schenck occupied the right 
of the line. The rebels in heavy force attempted to flank his position. 
They were promptly repulsed, and fell back under a well-directed 
artillery fire. Until three o'clock in -the afternoon, the right con- 
tinued to press the enemy, and in no instance lost any part of the" 
field they had gained. When the left gave way, General Fremont 
ordered General Schenck to fall back to the strong position occupied 
in the morning. General Fremont, when relieved of his command, 
turned it over to General Schenck, who, in the absence of General 
Sigel, had command of the First Corps of the Army of Virginia. 

General Schenck, with his division, took an active part in the 
second battle of Bull Run. His orders were given with great prompt- 


ness and judgment, and he displayed much, coolness and bravery on 
the field. On the second day of the battle, in the thickest of the fight, 
he was severely wounded. A ball struck his right arm, by which his 
sword was thrown some distance from. him. As the position was 
much exposed, his staff desired to carry him instantly off the field, 
but he persistently and repeatedly refused to go until his sword 
should be found. He was conveyed to Washington, and the day fol- 
lowing his arrival the President and other distinguished persons 
visited him and gave him most cordial expressions of sympathy and 
praise. He was shortly afterwards promoted to the rank of Major- 
General. Secretary Stanton stated in a letter accompanying the 
commission, that no official act of his was ever performed with 
greater pleasure than the forwarding of this appointment. 

General Schenck recovered slowly, and six months elapsed before 
he was again fit for field duty. Before he had entirely recovered 
from his wound, on the llth of December, 1862, he was assigned by 
the President to the command of the Middle Department, Eighth 
Army Corps, with headquarters at Baltimore. This was one of the 
most difficult posts of duty in the entire service, and his fitness for it 
was inferred from his great reputation and experience in civil affairs. 

General Schenck's administration fully met public expectation. 
He displayed great executive ability, firmness, and determination. 
He arrested and promptly punished many who to " declarations of 
sympathy with treason " added " acts of complicity." 

As the rebels of Maryland attempted to fight the battles of the 
" Confederacy " at the ballot-box, it became a part of General 
Schenck's duty to provide that Union men should be protected 
at the polls, and that voters should take a suitable oath of alle- 
giance. To effect these objects, General Schenck issued " General 
Order Fifty-three," celebrated among the official documents of the 
war, and especially odious to all secession sympathizers. Winter 
Davis and other Union leaders of Maryland were accustomed to speak 
of him as the savior of the State. 

On the 5th of December, 1863, General Schenck resigned his 



commission to take a seat in Congress as a Representative from the 
Third Ohio District. He was immediately appointed to the respon- 
sible position of Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, 
which he held during the Thirty-eighth and Thirty -ninth Congresses. 
In this position he had to do with questions of the utmost importance 
affecting the immense army then engaged in suppressing the rebel- 
lion. He projected many important features in the military measures 
which tended to promote the efficiency and success of the army. 
He was the firm friend of the volunteer as against the encroachments 
and assumptions of the regulars. He was a vigorous advocate of the 
draft, the enemy of deserters, and the champion of private soldiers. 

On taking his seat by re-election in the Fortieth Congress, General 
Schenck was appointed to the most important and responsible posi- 
tion in the House the Chairmanship of the Committee of Ways and 
Means. His sound views on financial questions and his great in- 
dustry well fitted him for the important and laborious duties pertain- 
ing to this committee. His force of character, his strength of will, 
his readiness in debate, and his general abilities as a statesman, make 
him practically as well as technically " Leader of the House." 


\ ' 





&AMES F. WILSON was born in Newark, Ohio, October 19, 
1828. With no early advantages for education, he, like many 
Americans who have attained distinguished positions, was 
dependent upon his own resources for that measure of culture which 
fitted him for those public stations which he was to occupy. Origin- 
ally he learned a mechanical trade, which, however, he early aban- 
doned for the study of the law. 

In 1853, he removed to Fairneld, Iowa, where he entered upon the 
practice of his profession. For a considerable period he edited with 
much ability the local newspaper of his party, which brought his tal- 
ents into public recognition. 

In 1856, he was elected a member of the Convention to revise the 
State Constitution. His services in this body gave him a reputation 
through the State as a wise and judicious legislator, and a young man 
of great promise. In 1857, he was appointed, by the Governor of 
Iowa, Assistant Commissioner of the Des Moines River Improvement, 
then the chief work of internal improvement in the State. During 
the same year, he was first elected to the Legislature of the State, as a 
member of the House of Representatives. In 1859, he was elected 
a member of the State Senate, of which body he was chosen Presi- 
dent in 1861. During that year, Hon. Samuel R. Curtis, Represen- 
tative in Congress for the district in which he resided, having resigned 
his seat to engage in the war for the Union, Mr. Wilson was elected 
to serve for the unexpired portion of his term. He was subsequently 
elected, without opposition in any of the nominating conventions, to 
the Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth, and Fortieth Congresses. Before the 


commencement of the canvass for members of the Forty-first Congress, 
Mr. Wilson published a letter to his constituents announcing his de- 
termination not to be a candidate for re-election. 

In politics, Mr. Wilson was originally an Anti-Slavery Whig. He 
joined the Anti-Nebraska party, which served as a temporary orga- 
nization for the opponents of slavery during the political confusion 
which followed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Soon after, 
he assisted in the organization of the Republican party in his State, 
and became at once one of its most distinguished members, as he still 
remains one of its most sincere and consistent adherents. In all politi- 
cal conflicts in his own State, as in the more extended sphere of his 
public life, he has been, from the commencement of his career, an 
unswerving friend of equal rights, without regard to race, color, or 
creed. He was an original advocate of the proposition to strike the 
word " white " from the State Constitution a measure which finally 
triumphed in the canvass of 1868. 

At the commencement of the Thirty-eighth Congress, Mr. Wilson 
was appointed Chairman of the Judiciary Committee of the House. 
The progress of events connected with the war rendered that Com- 
mittee of far greater importance than it had ever before been. So 
many important, intricate, and novel questions touching the public 
interest in its most vital parts, were necessarily submitted to it, that 
its decisions w r ere watched with anxiety, and subjected to the most 
searching criticism. For the credit of Mr. Wilson in that capacity, 
it is sufficient to state that throughout the long and terrible turmoil 
of the war, with the great exactions that it devolved upon the chair- 
man of that committee, he remained uninterruptedly at its head, with 
the common consent and applause of the House, and that he did not 
fail to carry in that body a single important measure which he re- 
ported from it. 

On the first day of the session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, De- 
cember 7, 1863, Mr. Wilson- gave notice of his intention to introduce 
a joint resolution for an amendment of the Constitution abolishing 

Slavery. This was one of the first resolutions looking to that end, if 



not actually the first. Not long after, he reported the resolution from 
the Judiciary Committee ; and on the nineteenth of March he made 
a speech in its support, which is, perhaps, the ablest and most effec- 
tive speech that he ever made in the House. Notwithstanding it 
seems in the retrospect that at that advanced period of the war the 
final and legal extirpation of slavery, which was its originating cause, 
would have been an easy cause to champion, it was nevertheless met 
by a thousand objections of prudence, interest, timidity, and preju- 
dice, and was finally carried only after the most intense parliamen- 
tary struggle that occurred during the pendency of the war. The 
brevity of these sketches forbids lengthy quotations from Congres- 
sional speeches, but we will introduce here the closing paragraph of 
the speech of Mr. "Wilson upon that great subject, regretting that 
space forbids us further quotations or a summary of the argument by 
which he enforced his proposition. Mr. Wilson said : 

" The Committee on the Judiciary have authorized me to report to 
the House the proposed amendment of the Constitution of the United 
States, with a recommendation that it be passed by this body, and 
submitted to the legislatures of the several States for their acceptance. 
A concurrence in this recommendation is the plain road over "which 
we may escape from the difficulties which now beset us. A submis- 
sion of this proposition to the several States will at once remove from 
Congress the question of slavery. No further agitation of this vexa- 
tious question need disturb our relations if we concur in this recom- 
mendation, and we shall be far advanced towards a lasting, ever-endur- 
ing peace. Send this proposition to the States, trust it to the people, 
fix it as a center around which public opinion may gather its potent 
agencies, and we shall have accomplished more for the future tran- 
quillity of the Republic than ever was effected by Congress before. 
The people are now convinced of the incompatibility of slavery with 
free government. Let us impart to them an opportunity to give 
effect to their conviction. If we refuse, our successors will be more 
obedient : for the people have decreed that slavery shall die, and that 
its death shall be recorded by the Constitution. "We are to construct 


the machinery that shall execute the decree, or give place to those 
who will perform the bidding of the people. "We cannot evade the 
responsibility which rests upon us by declaring that we ' accept the 
abolition of slavery as a fact accomplished.' The nation knows that 
this enunciation is a mere lachrymose, diplomatic intrigue employed 
by slavery to arrest the grand volcanic action that is upheaving the 
great moral ideas which underlie the Republic. The nation demands 
more ; its faith embraces more ; its acute appreciation of the true 
nature of the disease which preys upon its heart-strings, assures it that 
the work of death cannot be arrested until the fact of slavery's disso- 
lution is accomplished ; and that this may not be until, by an amend- 
ment of the Constitution, we assert the ultimate triumph of liberty 
over slavery, democracy over aristocracy, free government over abso- 

In this Congress, too, Mr. Wilson advocated the employment of 
negro troops. In order to dispose him to accept the services of black 
men to aid in the salvation of the Republic, he never had any preju- 
dices to conquer. The repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, with the 
removal of all the odious relics of the institution of slavery, found him 
at all times a prompt and indefatigable supporter. 

Soon after the organization of the Thirty-ninth Congress, Mr. Wil- 
son reported from the Judiciary Committee a joint resolution propos- 
ing an amendment of the Constitution to prohibit for ever the pay- 
ment of any portion of the rebel debt. This interest was so great, 
and so complicated with partisan intrigues, that the danger seemed 
imminent that some proportion or the whole of it might be assumed, 
and its perpetual inhibition became a matter of great public impor- 
tance. The resolution was passed by the House. It was not acted 
upon by the Senate, but the substance of it was included in the four- 
teenth constitutional amendment as finally adopted. 

On the 18th of the same month, he reported from the Judiciary 
Committee the bill introduced by Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, estab- 
lishing impartial suffrage in the District of Columbia, and opened 
the discussion in its favor in a very pointed and able speech, support- 


ing the measure energetically in all its stages through the House, 
until its final passage over the Executive veto. 

At the same session, on the 1st of March, 1866, he reported, with 
some amendments, the Civil Eights Bill, which had passed the Senate, 
and engineered it skillfully through the House. On a motion to re- 
commit the bill, he made an argument on its legal aspects and general 

At the second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, the subject 
of Impeachment of the President was referred to the Judiciary 
Committee, and was continued as a subject of their consideration in 
the Fortieth Congress. After a protracted examination of the evi- 
dence submitted, and of the law in the case, the committee made 
divided reports. Mr. Wilson made a report, in behalf of a minority, 
against impeachment. After an energetic debate, his proposition was 
adopted by the House. Mr. Wilson went to the examination of this 
case with the prevailing ideas with regard to the law and the practice 
in cases of impeachment that the power to impeach is a vast, vague, 
almost illimitable prerogative, resting substantially alone in the judg- 
ment of the Senate as to the character of the offensive acts and the 
exigencies of the public welfare. The known deeds of the Executive 
led him to anticipate the necessity of reporting in favor of impeach- 
ment, and he was not inclined to suspect the legal power to meet the 
admitted acts by the extreme remedy of the Constitution. But the 
careful study of the law and history of impeachments which the 
occasion imposed upon him, forced him to the conclusion that, at 
least under our Constitution, no Federal officer could be impeached for 
any offense which was not named in the Constitution, or which was 
not a criminal offense under the laws of Congress. No such offense 
was shown. In support of his views he comprised in his report a care- 
ful but succinct review of every important case of impeachment in 
the British Parliament, and of every case brought before the Senate of 
the United States, with an elucidation of the law and practice under 
both governments, which forms an interesting and valuable treatise 

for the jurist and the historian. The report comprised, also, a sum- 



mary of all the evidence bearing upon every charge made against the 
President, and a consideration of the character of each specific 

When the subject came a second time before the House, on new 
charges, Mr. Wilson was one of the most prompt and decided of those 
who demanded the impeachment of the President. In this instance, 
in his judgment, there was no doubt about the power and duty of 
Congress. In his view, a penal enactment of Congress had been 
violated, clearly, knowingly, intentionally, defiantly. He was made 
one of the Managers appointed by the House to carry the articles of 
impeachment that were found against the President before the Senate, 
and to prosecute them there. He gave to that prosecution his best 
and most active efforts, and the failure of the undertaking affected 
him more painfully than any public event with which he had ever 
been connected. 

In the Thirty-ninth Congress Mr. Wilson was also Chairman of the 
Committee on Unfinished Business, and was also a member of the 
Committee on the Air-Line Railroad to New York. He has taken 
much interest in the subject of free comimmication between the Cap- 
ital of the country and the North, and in the removal of the obstruc- 
tions of the railroad monopolies on that line and elsewhere. Among 
other measures which elicited his sympathies in the Fortieth Con- 
gress, was the bill to protect the rights of American citizens. 

Since the close of the rebellion he has been an active promoter of 
measures for the re-organization of the rebel States. He has been 
careful to provide, so far as any effort of his own was concerned, that 
they should not be restored except under such auspices and conditions 
as gave the country the surest attainable guarantees for the future, 
and yet none have hailed more readily and with greater satisfaction 
their restoration clothed in the garments of loyalty and law. 




[ORTY" years ago, Calais, Maine, was a new settlement on a 
strip of land just cleared of forest. Situated at the head of 
the navigable waters of the river St. Croix, it was accessi- 
ble to sailing vessels eight or nine months in the year, and was con- 
nected with the Western towns by a single road, over which a weekly 
mail came without regularity, bringing Boston papers six or eight 
days old. The chief employment of its enterprising pioneer popula- 
tion was lumbering, a pursuit calculated to give strong and marked 
development to both body and mind. The exposure to the intense 
cold in short winter days and long winter nights, the long journeys 
through trackless forests and over ice-bound lakes, the danger of get- 
ting lost in the woods, and the expedients necessary to be devised in 
order to keep alive under such circumstances, all tended to give to 
the lumbermen of that day a vigor of body and mind which charac- 
terizes their children to this day. It gave fortitude and contempt for 
danger such as carried the Sixth Regiment Maine Volunteers, raised 
in this region, through their bloody charges at St. Mary's Heights and 
Rappahannock Station. 

In this then remote settlement of Calais, Frederick A. Pike was 
born in 1817. When he was quite young, it was his misfortune to 
lose his father by accidental death. The care and support of the 
family thus devolved upon the widowed mother, a lady whose devo- 
tion, energy, and good sense are shown in the eminent success of her 
sons. The eldest of these i the well-known " J. S. P." late Minister 
to the Hague, whose racy epigrammatic articles in the Tribime and 
other leading journals have given him a wide reputation. The second 


son, Charles E. Pike, Esq., recently Solicitor of the Internal .Revenue 
in Washington, now in active practice at the Boston bar, has long 
been highly appreciated and eminently successful in his profession. 

Frederick A. Pike, as a boy, was educated at public schools, taught 
three summer months by a woman, and three winter months by a 
man. He subsequently spent a short time at the County Academy, 
and entered Bowdoin College in the Class of 1839. In those days 
boating had not become so common and popular among collegians as 
at present, yet Mr. Pike made a voyage in an open boat from New 
Brunswick, Maine, to Boston, a distance of one hundred and fifty 
miles, across a stormy and unsheltered sea, at so much personal risk as 
to attract the notice of the newspapers of the day. Leaving college 
without graduation, Mr. Pike employed himself for some years as a 
teacher of public schools, and as a mercantile clerk. Meanwhile he 
studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1841. 

As a lawyer, he early took high rank as an advocate and manager 
of causes on trial. He completely identified himself with the feelings 
of his client, and exhibited an unyielding determination to take care 
of his interests. Skillful in the examination of witnesses, quick to 
see and take advantage of the mistakes of his opponent, and ready 
on all the points of law and practice, he attained to a high degree of 
professional success. 

He served for several years as Prosecuting Attorney for the County. 
He was for some time editor of the local newspaper, and has ever 
since retained, with greater or less intimacy, his connection with the 

In politics, Mr. Pike was originally a Whig, and was an avowed 
Abolitionist when the name was odious, Since the formation of the 
Republican party, he has been an earnest and consistent supporter of 
its principles. 

In 1856, Mr. Pike's friends made a strenuous effort to send him to 
Congress, but failed to secure his nomination. In this year he was 
elected to the State Legislature, and was returned for the two succeed- 
ing years, during the last of which he was Speaker of the House. 



In the Legislature lie held a prominent position. He made many 
noteworthy speeches, particularly one upon a railroad controversy of 
general interest, which is regarded as the happiest forensic effort of 
his life. 

In 1860, Mr. Pike was elected, by the Kepublicans, a Kepresentative 
in the Thirty-seventh Congress, and has subsequently served in the 
Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth, and Fortieth Congresses. He most cheer- 
fully performed the augmented duties devolved upon his office by the 
emergencies of the war. He was assiduous in his efforts to comply 
with the numerous requests of his correspondents. In addition to 
his regular duties as a member of Congress, he was occupied in visit- 
ing hospitals, looking after the interests of soldiers, and in transact- 
ing business for his constituents with the various departments of the 

During the war, Mr. Pike was one of the most fearless and em- 
phatic supporters of the Government in the halls of Congress. 
Every measure for the raising of men and money had his earnest 
support and advocacy. Representing a maritime community, he was, 
on entering Congress, very properly placed on the Committee of 
Naval Affairs, of which he was. a member during his entire term of 
service, and its Chairman in the Fortieth Congress. He was prompt 
and regular in his attention to duty on this committee, and deeply 
interested in measures emanating from it, advocating them upon the 
floor with earnestness and force. He has manifested more interest in 
measures affecting the trade of the country than in those more purely 
political. Subjects of finance, of tariff, or revenue, coming up for 
the action of Congress, received his close attention, and frequently 
called him into discussions. He has been particularly vigilant in his 
attention to subjects of especial concern to his constituents the ship- 
ping, the lumbering, and the fishing interests. He was an early op- 
ponent of the Reciprocity Treaty with Great Britain, and labored 
with success for its repeal, believing that it operated unfavorably 
to the United States, and especially to the State of Maine. 

When Congress became involved in the controversy with the Presi- 


dent, Mr. Pike was among those 'who insisted most firmly upon the 
rights, privileges, and power of the legislative department of the Gov- 
ernment. When the House presented Articles of Impeachment against 
President Johnson, he gave them his earnest and active support. 

Mr. Pike's first speech in Congress was made in February, 1862. 
It was upon the Legal-Tender Bill ; and in connection with that mea- 
sure, criticized Gen. McClellan's policy, and commended that of Secre- 
tary Stanton, who had just issued his famous " Mill Spring " address 
to the army. The speech closed as follows : 

" The next sixty days are to be the opportunity for the nation 
to re-assert itself. In them, past blunders can be remedied, and the 
memory of inefiiciency be lost in the brilliancy of triumph. I have 
all faith in the war, when it shall move to the tones of our new 
Secretary. It has already done much to enlighten our people as 
to the destiny of the Republic. Civilians in high station and officers 
of leading rank have been converted by it to sound doctrines of 
political action. It is the measure of our civilization and Christianity. 
In its grand march in the future, it shall carry with it, like a torrent, 
the sophisms and theories of vicious political organizations ; and pres- 
ently clearing itself of all entanglements, it will make plain to the 
world that this is a contest of ideas. It will try aspirants for the 
leadership ; and when one fails, another shall supply his place ; until, in 
God's own time, the appointed Joshua shall be found who shall lead 
us into the promised land of peace and liberty. 

" Our duty to-day is to tax and fight twin brothers of great 
power ; to them, in good time, shall be added a third ; whether he 
shall be of executive parentage or generated in Congress, or spring, 
like Minerva, full-grown from the head of our army, I care not. 
Come he will, and his name shall be Emancipation. And these 
three tax, fight, emancipate shall be the trinity of our salvation. 
In this sign we shall conquer." 

This was the first announcement in Congress of the necessity of 
Emancipation to the success of the war. Gurowski says in his 

" Diary " that it was the key-note of the Thirty-seventh Congress. 



Mr. Pike voted with the ultra anti-slavery men on all occasions ; 
and when the great anti-slavery amendment to the Constitution was 
pending, in January, 1865, he said : 

"When, something more than a quarter of a century ago, just 
commencing active life, I made myself conspicuous in a limited sphere 
by attacking Slavery, I had no expectation of taking part here and 
now in the grand consummation of its utter demolition." 

After arguing the constitutional points, he closed : " Let the amend- 
ment be adopted, and slavery be destroyed, and hereafter the only 
contest upon the subject will be, Who did the most to bring about 
this consummation so devoutly wished for by all good men. The 
earlier anti-slavery men shall have their full meed of praise. They 
did well. They brought the wrongs inherent in the institution to 
the attention of the people of the country. They would not be 
put down at the bidding of the imperious advocates of the system. 
But slavery nourished under their attacks. It grew rich and strong. 
It waxed fat. How long; it would have lived, God only knows, if it 
had not injured itself. But it was not content. It destroyed itself. 
Our Davids were not powerful enough to inflict a mortal blow upon 
this modern Goliah, and Heaven would have it that the giant wrong 
of the age should commit suicide. 

" And when the genius of history shall write its epitaph on the walls 
of the great Hereafter, specifying the date of its death, short stay 
will it make in describing its virtues ; but after cataloguing a por- 
tion of the great crimes it has committed against mankind, it will 
add, ' Dead ! dead ! not of Lloyd Garrison or Wendell Phillips, but 
dead of Jefferson Davis and the Montgomery Constitution.' 

" God speed the day of its burial, for with it, as creator, ends this war 
of its creation, and liberty and peace shall come hand in hand, and 
bless the continent with their presence." 

Mr. Pike is happy in his domestic life, having married, in 1846, 
Miss Mary H. Green, a lady of rare endowments of heart and mind. 
After the experience of a winter in the South, she wrote " Ida May," 

and some other novels, which were received by the public with great 



favor. Her mental activity and acquirements have been chiefly 
displayed, however, in a rare conversational talent, which makes her 
the charm of the social circle. 

In person, Mr. Pike is of medium height, of dark complexion, 
with black hair and eyes. He is lively and entertaining in conver- 
sation, ardent in his friendships, and decided in his dislikes. Proud, 
sensitive, honorable, and truthful, he possesses all the elements of an 
original and independent character. 


. <2 




MONGr the older members of the Fortieth Congress, and 
one who retains the physical and intellectual vigor of 
middle age, is Rufus Paine Spalding. of Cleveland, Ohio, 
who has, for six consecutive years, represented the Eighteenth Con- 
gressional District of that State. 

He was born on the 3d day of May, 1798, at West Tisbury, on the 
Island of Martha's Yineyard, in the State of Massachusetts, where 
his father, Dr. Rufus Spalding, resided and practiced medicine for 
twenty years. He traces back his ancestry two hundred and twenty- 
eight years in a direct line to Edward Spalding, who was " made a 
Freeman " at Braintree, Massachusetts, in 1640. Benjamin Spalding, 
the son of Edward, migrated to Connecticut about the year 1665, 
and settled in the town of Plainfield, in the County of Windham. 
Dr. Rufus Spalding, the father of the subject of this sketch, was 
the great grandson of Benjamin Spalding, who thus settled in Con- 

In the spring of the year 1812, Dr. Spalding returned with his 
family to Connecticut, and took up his abode in the city of Norwich. 
After the usual preparatory studies, his son Rufus P. Spalding en- 
tered Yale College ; and in the autumn of 1817, received from that 
institution the degree of Bachelor of Arts. Among the members 
of his class in college were Rt. Rev. "Wm. H. De Lancy, Bishop of 
Western New York ; Dr. Nathan R. Smith, of Baltimore ; Prof. 
Lyman Coleman, of Easton, Pa. ; Hon. Charles J. McCurdy, at one 
time Minister to Austria, and now a Judge of the Supreme Court 
of Connecticut ; Hon. Thomas B. Osborne, and Hon. Thomas T. 

Whittlesey, ex-members of Congress from Connecticut ; Sam'l H. Per- 



kins and Joel Jones, Esquires, eminent lawyers of Philadelphia ; J. 
Prescott Hall, Esq., U. S. District Attorney for New York, and 
others who also became distinguished for usefulness in life. 

Immediately on leaving college, Mr. Spalding commenced the 
study of the law with Hon. Zephaniah Swift, the learned author of 
the " Digest," who was then Chief-Justice of Connecticut. 

After reading the usual time, and receiving from his instructor the 
most flattering testimonials of his qualifications, he, like very many 
of the energetic young men of New England, made his way to the 
West ; and after encountering various -fortunes incident to a frontier 
settlement, he found himself, in December, 1819, at the old " Post of 
Arkansas," and shortly afterwards at " Little Kock," in the practice 
of law, in co-partnership with Samuel Dinsmoor, Esq., since Governor 
of New Hampshire. 

He remained in this new Territory until June, 1821, when he 
retraced his steps eastward, and was finally induced to throw out his 
sign as an "Attorney at Law " in the pleasant village of Warren, the 
shire town of Trumbull County, Ohio. 

In October, 1822, he was married to Lucretia A. Swift, the eldest 
daughter of the gentleman with whom he had studied his profession. 
Seven children, three sons and four daughters, were the offspring of 
this marriage, only three of whom now survive. They are Col. Zeph. 
S. Spalding, now United States Consul at Honolulu, Bt. Captain 
George S. Spalding, First Lieutenant 33d U. S. Infantry, and Mrs. 
Lucretia Mcllrath, the wife of Charles Mcllrath, Esq., of St. Paul, 
Minnesota. In January, 1859, Judge Spalding was married to his 
present wife,, the eldest daughter of Dr.. Wm. S. Pierson, of Windsor, 

After a residence of more than sixteen years in Warren, Mr. 
Spalding removed to Ravenna, in the County of Portage. Th the 
fall of 1839, he was chosen by a majority of one vote over his op- 
ponent, to represent the people of Portage County in the General 
Assembly of Ohio. The Legislature, mainly through the active 
exertions of Mr. Spalding, passed an act at this session, erecting the 



new County of Summit, of which he soon became an inhabitant by 
transferring his residence to Akron, the county seat. 

In 1841-2, he was again a member of the Legislature, as a repre- 
sentative from the new county. At this time he was chosen Speaker 
of the House, and became justly popular as an able and successful 
presiding officer. In conjunction with the late Governor John 
Brought, then Auditor of State, he took strong ground against the 
effort, then being made, to repudiate the public debt of Ohio, and, 
by his personal influence, did much to prevent the disastrous con- 
sequences which must always attach to such pernicious legislation. 

In the winter of 1848-9, Mr. Spakling was elected, by joint vote 
of the two Houses of the General Assembly, a Judge of the Supreme 
Court of Ohio, for the constitutional term of seven years, of which 
he served, however, but three years, as the new Constitution, then 
adopted, re-organized the Judiciary, and Judge Spalding declined 
being a candidate in the popular canvass that followed. 

The following extract from a letter written to the author, by Hon. 
William Lawrence, M. C., who was" the Reporter of the decisions of 
the Supreme Court of Ohio during all the time Judge Spalding was 
upon the Bench, will serve to show his qualifications for that high 
trust : 

" The judicial services of Judge Spalding commenced March 7, 
1849, and ended February 1, 1852. He brought to the exalted 
position the force of a vigorous and cultivated intellect, imbued 
with a profound knowledge of the law, and enriched with classical 
attainments of no ordinary character. His opinions will be found in 
volumes 18, 19, and 20 of the Ohio Reports ; and it is, at least, no dis- 
paragement to others to say, that Judge Spalding has never had a 
superior on the Bench of the State. His opinions are remarkable 
specimens of judicial literature, distinguished for the force of their 
logic, their terse, clear, emphatic style, and a precision of expression 
unsurpassed even by the learned English judges whose decisions are 
found in the celebrated Reports of Durnford and East. 

" The generous nature and urbane deportment of Judge Spalding 


was such that he enjoyed the profound respect a:,d esteem of the 
Bar, and all with whom he was associated, as the writer of this has 
abundant means of knowing." 

On retiring from the Bench, Judge Spalding removed to the city of 
Cleveland, where he at once entered upon a lucrative business in the 
practice of his profession. As an advocate and counselor he main- 
tained the highest rank in his State. 

In politics, the Judge was an active and devoted member of the 
Democratic party, from the days of Andrew Jackson until the 
passage of the. Fugitive Slave Law in 1850, when he threw all his 
energy and influence into the ranks of the " Free-Soil " or " Anti- 
Slavery " party. 

He was a member of the Convention at Pittsburg, in February, 
1852 ; and it was on his motion that John P. Hale was nominated for 
the Presidency. He was again a member of the Pittsburg Conven- 
tion of 1856, which originated the Republican party ; and he was, 
the same year, one of the delegates at large from the State of Ohio, 
to the National Convention in Philadelphia, which nominated John 
C. Fremont. In May, 1868, he was a delegate to the Convention in 
Chicago, which nominated General IT. S. Grant for President. 

In October, 1862, Judge Spalding was chosen to represent the 
Eighteenth Congressional District, made up of the Counties of Cuya- 
hoga, Lake, and Summit, in the Congress of the United States. 
He was re-elected in October, 1864, and again in October, 1866, 
so that he served in the Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth, and Fortieth 
Congresses. In the spring of 1868, he addressed a letter to his" con- 
stituents, declining to be again a candidate. 

In the Thirty-eighth Congress he was a member of the Standing 
Committee on Naval Affairs, the Committee on Revolutionary Pen- 
sions, and served as Chairman on the Select Committee on the Bank- 
rupt Law. 

In the Thirty-ninth Congress he was made a member of the Stand- 
ing Committee on Appropriations, and continued to serve on the Com- 
mittee on Bankruptcy, of which Mr. Jenckes was then Chairman 



Soon after the opening of the first session of this Congress, Mr. 
Spalding made a speech in which he indicated the measures which 
he regarded as necessary to be adopted in order to reconstruct the 
rebel States. The suggestions then made were for the most part 
afterwards adopted by Congress. The military features of the 
Reconstruction Acts originated in an amendment offered by Mr. 
Spalding to Mr. Stevens' first bill. 

In the Fortieth Congress he was placed on the Committee on 
Appropriations, the Committee on the Revision of the Laws of the 
United States, and upon the Joint Committee on the Library of 
Congress. He took an important part in the investigation and dis- 
cussion of the financial questions which enlisted the attention of this 
Congress. In May, 1868, he delivered in the House of Representa- 
tives a speech on " The Political and -Financial Condition of the 
Country," from which we make an extract from his able argument, 
showing the unconstitutionally of Legal Tenders : 

"It is my purpose to show that this cherished plan of paying off 
the interest-bearing bonds of the Government with the United States 
' legal-tender' notes has no warrant in the Constitution of the United 
States, in the act of Congress of February 25, 1862, which first 
authorized their issue : neither is it justified by the plainest principles 
of political economy, or the soundest precepts of common sense. 

" In the first place, I meet the whole question ' without gloves,' and 
afiirm that there exists no constitutional power in the Congress of the 
United States to make paper money a ' legal tender' in payment of 
debts. I admit that under the pressure of extreme necessity, and in 
order to save the life of the nation, Congress did, in the darkest hours 
of the rebellion, assume the right to impress on a limited amount of 
Treasury notes the quality of a ' legal tender.' And I admit that 
this extreme measure was justified by the extraordinary circumstances 
under which it was adopted, and that, under like circumstances, I 
should not hesitate to repeat the experiment ; but I can yield nothing 
further. A measure of national defence under the weighty pressure 
of war that 'brings a strain -upon the Constitution of the country, is 



not to be continued, much less extended, as a principle of financial 
policy in times of peace, without seriously endangering the whole 
framework of our Government. 

" The wise men who, in 1787, constructed the great charter of our 
national rights, had experimental knowledge of the pernicious ten- 
dencies of an irredeemable paper currency ; for in the year 1780, paper 
money issued to carry on the war of the Revolution had depreciat ed 
to such an extent that in the city of Philadelphia it was sold a hundred 
dollars in paper for one in silver. Hence it will be found that in 
framing the Constitution, they sought in every possible way to guard 
against the evils incident to a circulating medium made up of ' paper 
promises.' " 

After citing the debates in the Convention which formed the Con- 
stitution, and the authority of its ablest expounders,- Mr. Spalding 
remarked : 

" It was reserved for the Thirty-seventh Congress of the United 
States to assert and exert a power, so obviously opposed to the wishes 
of the tramers of the Constitution, to the letter and spirit of the instru- 
ment itself, and to its practical construction for three-fourths of a 
century. But it was exerted in the darkest hour of the nation's 
conflict with treason and rebellion. It was exerted ex necessitate, to 
save the life of our glorious Republic. * * * 

" Mr Chairman, I now solemnly aver that if I had been a member 
of the Thirty-seventh Congress, I would have voted under the pressure 
of circumstances for the passage of the act entitled " An act to au- 
thorize the issue of -United States notes, and for the redemption or 
funding thereof, and for the funding of the floating debt of the 
United States," approved F.ebruary 25, 1862. And I affirm just as 
solemnly, that at no time since the surrender of Lee's army would I 
have felt justified in repeating that vote." 

Mr. Spalding's career in Congress has been that of a wise and 
patriotic legislator, eminently useful to the country, and highly 
honorable to himself. His name is associated with all the important 
legislation relative to the war of the rebellion and its results, 




[ AMUEL HOOPEK was born on the 3d of February, 1808, 
at Marblehead, a seaport town in Massachusetts, about 
fifteen miles from Boston. The people of Marblehead at 
the time of Mr. Hooper's birth and early life there, were bold and hardy 
fishermen, largely engaged in the cod-fisheries on the banks of New- 
foundland, and having considerable business .relations and inter- 
course with the West Indies, Russia, and Spain. They sent their 
fish to the "West Indies for sale, and bought sugars with the proceeds, 
which they carried thence in their ships to Russia, bringing home in 
return iron, hemp, and other products of that country. They also 
shipped large quantities of fish to Spain, and sold them there for 
doubloons, which they brought back to this country. Mr. Hooper's 
father was largely engaged in the European and West Indian trade ; 
and, as his agent, Mr. Hooper in early life visited more than once 
Russia and .the West Indies, and passed a whole season in Spain. 

In 1833, he became a junior partner in the firm of Bryant, Stur- 
gis & Co., at that time one of the leading houses in Boston, con- 
ducting extensive enterprises on the Western coast of this Continent 
and in China, sending their vessels to California (it was nearly 
twenty years before the gold discoveries there) for hides, which were 
then the great export of that cattle-grazing region, to the North- 
west coast for furs, and to China for teas and silks. In this firm 
Mr. Hooper continued for about ten years, and until its senior mem- 
bers, whose names it had long borne, and who had grown gray in 
honorable mercantile pursuits, wished to retire from active business. 
He then became a member of another large house engaged in the 
China trade, and remained in that business for many years. 



During the period of his active business life, however-, foreign 
commerce did not alone engage or absorb his interests or his ener- 
gies. He became early interested in the development pf our domes- 
tic resources, and embarked both time and capital in the iron busi- 
ness, to the understanding of which and of the true interests of this 
branch of industry in -this country, he gave much attention. The 
subject of currency and finance early interested him, both as a theo- 
retical question, and as a practical matter affecting the real pros- 
perity anol substantial growth of the country. In the House of Kep- 
resentatives of the State of Massachusetts, in the years 1851, '52 and 
'53, and subsequently in the State Senate of that State in 1858, he 
distinguished himself by the interest he took in the subject of bank- 
ing and finance,, by the knowledge he displayed upon it, and by the 
judicious and thoughtful measures which he introduced to check the 
evils of our unstable currency, and to establish on an impregnable 
basis the banks then existing in Massachusetts under State charters. 
During this period he wrote and published two pamphlets on cur- 
rency or money and bank notes, which are full of sound thought and 
clear statement, and are remarkable for their broad, thorough, and 
comprehensive views of the whole subject. 

In the summer of 1861, he was elected from Boston to the Thirty- 
seventh Congress, to fill a vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. 
William Appleton. Possessing at this time a commercial experience 
and knowledge, the result of extensive transactions in foreign com- 
merce for more than a quarter of a century with all parts of the 
globe, and of active, if less extensive, operations at home, and a very 
clear and thorough understanding of that great mystery of finance 
and money as applied both to publieand private affairs, the fruit of much 
study, reading, and sagacious and patient observation for an equally 
long period, and being thoroughly in sympathy with the Administra 
tion, and earnest in devising the best means for enabling the Govern 
ment to obtain the funds necessary for the prosecution of the war, on 
the one hand, and the people to bear the heavy burden it entailed on 
the other, Mr. Hooper became at once a trusted adviser of tbe 


Treasury Department, and a most useful and indefatigable member 
of the Committee of "Ways and Means of the House of Kepresen- 

An extract from a letter of Mr. Chief- Justice Chase to the author, 
will serve to show his appreciation of Mr. Hooper's patriotism an4 
public services during- the critical period when Mr. Chase was Secre- 
tary of the Treasury : 

" WASHINGTON, Jan. 3, 1869. 

"My impressions of Mr. Hooper, until April, 1861, were derived 
almost wholly from the opinions of others. These gave me great 
confidence in his sagacity, integrity, and patriotism. 

"I do not now recollect where our personal acquaintance com- 
menced ; but it was, I think, not long before the 6th of April, 1861. 
I then advertised for proposals for a loan of $14,901,000 in money 
(coin) in exchange for Treasury notes. The proposals were to be 
opened five days afterward, on the llth. 

" This was at a time of great anxiety and depression. Before the 
day for opening the proposals arrived, the expeditions for the rein- 
forcement of Pickens and the provisionment of Sumter had already 
sailed; and on that day, the correspondence between Beauregard, 
commanding the rebels, and Anderson, commanding the Fort, was 
going on, in reference to the surrender of Sumter. The next day 
the nebel batteries opened fire. 

" No time could be more unpropitious to the negotiation of a loan. 
Yet the advertisement could not be withdrawn without serious injury 
to the public credit ; and a failure to obtain the amount advertised 
for, would have had, perhaps, at that particular juncture, a still 
worse effect . 

" Mr. Hooper happened to be in Washington, and was a subscriber 
for $100,000. On opening the proposals I found that the offers fell 
short of the amount required, by about a million of dollars. I sent 
for Mr. Hooper, then personally almost a stranger to me, and asked 
him to take that sum, in addition to what he had before subscribed, 
assuring him he should be protected from loss in the event of hia 


being unable to distribute the amount in Boston. He complied with 
my request without hesitation, and disposed of the whole amount 
without any aid from the Treasury. His readiness to come to the 
aid of the Government at the critical moment, and the personal con- 
fidence he shared in me, made an impression on my mind which 
cannot be obliterated. The sum does not now seem large, but it was 
large then, and the responsibility was assumed when most men would 
have shrunk from it. 

" On another and even more important occasion, my obligations to 
Mr. Hooper for support and co-operation, were still greater. 

" Yery few months had passed, after I took charge of the Depart- 
ment, before I became fully satisfied that the best interests of the 
people, future as well as immediate, in peace as well as in war, de- 
manded a complete revolution in currency by the substitution of 
notes, uniform in form and in credit-value, issued under the authority 
of the nation, for notes varying in both respects issued under State 
authority, and I suggested to different financial gentlemen the plau 
of a National Banking System. The suggestion was not received 
with favor, or anything like favor. 

" But my conviction of the necessity of some such measure, both 
to the successful management of the finances during the war, and to 
the prevention of disastrous convulsions on the return of peace, was 
so strong, that I determined to bring the subject to the attention of 

" In my report on the finances submitted on the 9th of December, 
1861, 1 therefore recommended the adoption of a National Banking 
System, upon principles and under restrictions explained partly in 
the report, and more fully in the Bill drawn -up under my direction, 
and either sent to the Committee of Ways and Means, or handed to 
one of its members perhaps to Mr. Hooper himself. However the 
bill may have gone to the Committee, I am not mistaken, I think, in 
saying that Mr. Hooper was the only member who gave it any sup- 
port. I am pretty sure that the only favor shown it by the. Com- 
mittee was a permission to Mr. Hooper to report it without recom- 



mendation, on his own responsibility. He took that responsibility, 
and the Bill was reported and printed. 

" No action was asked upon it at that session. If action had been 
asked, it is not improbable that it would have been rejected with very 
few dissenting votes so powerful then was the influence of the State 
Banks, so reluctant were they to accept the new measure, and so strong 
was the general sentiment of the Members of Congress against it. 

" Before the next session, a strong public opinion, in favor of a 
uniform currency for the whole country, and of the National Bank- 
ing System as a means of accomplishing that object, had developed 
itself; and Mr. Hooper found himself able to carry the measure 
through the House of Representatives. It still encountered a for- 
midable opposition in the Senate, and I well remember the personal 
appeals I was obliged to make to Senators, as I had already to Rep- 
resentatives, in order to overcome their objections. 

" The Bill found a powerful and judicious friend in Mr. Sherman, 
and at length passed by a clear vote. It was approved by Mr. Lin- 
coln, who had steadily supported it from the beginning, on the 25th 
of February, 1863. 

"I think I cannot err in ascribing the success of the measure in the 
House to the sound judgment, persevering exertions, and disinter- 
ested patriotism of Mr. Hooper. The results of the measure during 
the war fulfilled, and since the war have justified the expectations I 
formed. It received valuable amendments in both Houses of Congress 
before its enactment, and has since been further amended ; and is, I 
think, still capable of beneficial modification in points of much im- 
portance to the public interests. 

" But this is not the place nor the occasion for a discussion of this 
matter ; all that you desire is my estimate of the services of Mr. 
Hooper. I have mentioned only the two principal occasions on 
which I was specially indebted to him; but they were by no means 
the only occasions in which he aided me, or rather the Department 
of the Government of which I then had charge, both by personal 
counsel and by Congressional support. 



"During the whole time I was at the head of the Treasury, I con- 
stantly felt the great benefit of his wise and energetic co-operation. 
It would be unjust, saying this of Mr. Hooper, not to say that there 
were others in and out of Congress, to whom in other financial rela- 
tions the Treasury Department and the country were very greatly 
indebted ; but it is simple duty to add that the timely aid which he 
rendered at the crisis of the loan of April, 1861, and in promoting 
the enactment of the National Banking Law, placed me, charged as I 
was with a most responsible and difficult task, under special obliga- 
tions which I can never forget, and shall always take pleasure in 

" With great respect, yours very truly, 

"S. P. CHASE." 

In accepting a re-nomination for the third time in the autumn of 
1866, Mr. Hooper announced to his constituents his intention of 
retiring from Congress at the end of that term ; and in the spring of 
1868, he re-affirmed the same intention in a formal and decided 
letter to the people of his district, in which he thanked them most 
cordially for their continued support of him; but his constituents 
would take no refusal. They insisted upon his reconsidering the 
matter. He was unanimously nominated, and for the fifth time 
was elected to Congress after a sharp contest in a very close dis- 
trict, by a majority of nearly three thousand votes. 

More accustomed to writing than to public speaking, Mr. Cooper 
has not been in Congress a frequent or lengthy speaker ; but when- 
ever he has spoken, he has commanded the attention of the House. 
His speeches have all been distinguished by a thorough understand- 
ing of the subject matter, by vigorous and comprehensive thought, 
exact logic, and clear and forcible statements. They have been 
mostly on financial questions, and have attracted the attention and 
received the approval of the sound thinkers and of the public pres2 i 
both in this country and in Europe. 



the Congressional Library at "Washington is a " Historical 
Genealogy of the Lawrence family, from their first landing 
in this country, A.D. 1635, to July 4, 1858, by Thomas 
Lawrence, of Providence, Rhode Island." The author of this work 
says : " The patronymic of our family is of great antiquity, hav- 
ing originated with the Latins. Several members of the family of 
Lawrence have held, and still hold, responsible and distinguished 
stations, as well in the church and civil service as in the army and 
navy of the British Empire ; and many branches, also, have inter- 
married with the clergy and nobility. Sir Robert Lawrence accom- 
panied Richard Coeur-de-Lion in his famous expedition to Palestine, 
where he signalized himself in the memorable siege of St. Jean 
d'Acre in 1119, by being the first to plant the banner of the cross 011 
'the battlements of that town, for which he received the honors of 
knighthood from King Richard, and also a coat of arms." In 1635, 
two brothers, and in 1636, another brother pf these English Lawrences, 
came to this country and settled on Long Island. These are the an- 
cestors of the Lawrences of the United States. 

Some of the descendants of these at an early day purchased a tract 
of land on the Delaware River, near Philadelphia. Embarking in 
commercial transactions, they lost their landed estate. One of these 
married a French lady, and had a nurnerous offspring, among whom was 
David Lawrence, who died near Philadelphia, in .1805, leaving several 
children with no estate. One of these was Joseph Lawrence, who, after 
Earning the trade of a blacksmith, enlisted in the Philadelphia 
Guards, and served during the war of 1812. On the restoration of 



peace he removed to Ohio, where he married Temperance Gilchrist, 
a native of Virginia, a lady of exemplary piety and many virtues. 

Of these parents, the only surviving son is William Lawrence, who 
was born at Mount Pleasant, Jefferson County, Ohio, June 26, 1820. 
William was permitted to spend a portion of his early years in atten- 
dance on the country school ; but the intervals, which were' numerous 
and prolonged, were occupied in assisting his father, who was pursu- 
ing the double avocation of farmer and mechanic. 

In the autumn of 1833, he was placed under the instruction of Rev. 
John C. Tidball, who had recently opened a classical seminary near 
Steubenville, Ohio. Under this gentleman, who was an accomplished 
scholar, he made rapid proficiency, and laid the foundation of a fine 
classical education. 

He remained a student in the Seminary until the spring of 1819, 
when his father procured for him the position of a merchant's clerk. 
In this pursuit he acquired business habits which have contributed 
largely to his success. 

Young Lawrence did not long remain a clerk in the village store. 
A brilliant display of forensic eloquence, which it was his good fortune 
to hear, turned his attention toward another profession, and he re- 
solved to become a lawyer. With difficulty the consent of his father 
was obtained to this change of plans. That he might lay a founda- " 
tion sufficiently broad and deep for a superstructure of professional emi- 
nence, young Lawrence resylved to prosecute further his classical and 
literary education. He accordingly enrolled himself as a student in 
Franklin College, at New Athens, Ohio, in the autumn of 1836. He 
accomplished the collegiate course in a very short time, and was grad- 
uated in the fall of 1838, with the highest honors of the institution. 

Mr. Lawrence immediately proceeded to Morgan County, Ohio, 
where he commenced 'the study of law under James L. Gage, Esq., 
then the oldest and ablest member of the McConnellsville bar. Dur- 
ing the following winter and the succeeding summer, he taught a dis- 
trict school. At the same time he pursued his study of the law, and 
acquired considerable local fame by the success with which he con- 



ducted cases before " the dignitaries who presided on the township 
bench." - 

In the autumn of 1839, Mr. Lawrence became a student of law in 
the Law Department of the Cincinnati College, where he enjoyed 
the instruction of Hon. Timothy Walker, author of the " Introduc- 
tion- to American Law." He applied himself with great intensity 
to his duties, devoting no less than sixteen hours each day to study, 
and the exercises of the lecture-room. He graduated with the de- 
gree of L.B. in March, 1840; but not yet having reached ma- 
jority, he was compelled to defer making application for admission 
to the bar. 

In the memorable political campaign of 1840, he engaged with 
ardor in advocating the election of Harrison to the Presidency. He 
spent the winter of 1840-41 at Columbus, in attendance on the Ohio 
Legislature, occupied in reporting its proceedings for the Ohio State 
Journal. By strict attention to the rules and proceedings of that 
body, he acquired an accurate knowledge of the details of legislation, 
which has made him a skillful parliamentary tactician. 

In the summer of 1841, Mr. Lawrence located in Belief ontaine, 
Ohio, where he formed a professional partnership with/jjon. Ben- 
jamin Stan ton.} He soon acquired reputation for great skill in the 
details of professional business, promptness in the discharge of his 
duties, and accuracy in his knowledge of the principles of law. 

In 1842, he was appointed Commissioner of Bankrupts for Logan 
County. In 1845, he 'was elected Prosecuting Attorney for Logan 
County, which office he resigned in 1846, on being nominated as a 
candidate for representative in the legislature. He was proprietor of 
the Logan Gazette from March, 1845, to September, 1847, and was 
for several months editor of that paper. 

In 1846, he was elected a member of the legislature, and was re- 
elected in the following year. In 1849, he was elected a member of 
the .Ohio Senate for the term ending in 1851. At the close of his 
Senatorial term he was elected, by the legislature, Eeporter for the 
Supreme Court, and reported the twentieth volume of Ohio Keports. 


In 1852, he was on the Whig electoral ticket advocating the elec- 
tion of General Scott to the Presidency. In 1854 and 1855, he was 
again a member of the Senate of Ohio. As a member of the legis- 
lature in both its branches, Mr. Lawrence did great service to the 
State. He took a leading part in legislation as Chairman of the Ju- 
diciary Committee, of the Committee on Railroads and Turnpikes, 
on the Penitentiary and on Public Printing. At the session of 
1846-7, he introduced a bill to quiet land titles, which was contested 
at every session until it was adopted in 1849. It was of vast impor- 
tance to the real-estate interests of Ohio, and is familiarly known as 
" Lawrence's Law." At the session of 1847-8, he took the lead, as 
Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, against legislative divorces, 
in a lengthy argument, report, and protest against their constitution- 
ality. The Supreme Court afterwards recognized this view ; and the 
Constitution of Ohio, adopted in 1851, prohibits the granting of di- 
vorces by the legislature. 

At the session of 1850-51, he made a Report in favor of a Reform 
School for the correction of juvenile offenders a measure which was 
finally adopted. He is the author of the Ohio Free-Banking Law, 
framed at the same session the best system of State banking ever 
devised, embodying many of the features of the existing Banking Law 
of Congress. 

In 1856, he was elected Judge of ^the Court of Common Pleas for 
the Third Judicial District, for the term of five years. He was re- 
elected in 1861, and held the office until his resignation in 1864. 
The decisions of Judge Lawrence, published in the " Boston Law 
Reporter," the " Cleveland Western Law Monthly," of which he was 
one of the editors, the " Cincinnati Weekly Law Gazette," and the 
" Pittsburg Legal Journal," would, if collected, make a large volume 
of Reports. 

In 1862, he was appointed, by Governor Todd, Colonel of the 
Eighty-fourth Regiment of Ohio Volunteer Infantry, mustered into the 
service for three months, and served with his regiment mainly under 
General B. F. Kelley at Cumberland and New Creek. 



Subsequently to his retirement from the bench, Judge Lawrence 
has occupied himself, in the intervals of business, in the preparation 
of a work on the Ohio Civil Code, and an elementary treatise on the 
Law of Interest and Usury. 

In 1863, President Lincoln gave him, unsolicited, the appointment 
of Judge of the United States- District Court for Florida, which he 
declined to accept. In October, 1864, he was elected a Kepresenta- 
tive in the Thirty-ninth Congress, from the Fourth District of Ohio. 
In 1866 and in 1868 he was re-elected. 

No member of Congress has more earnestly advocated the home- 
stead policy, and the duty of the Government to actual settlers on the 
public lands, than Judge Lawrence. A practice had grown up by 
which the President and Senate, by treaties with the Indian tribes, 
had disposed of large bodies of public lands to corporations and spec- 
ulators. In June, 1868, a treaty was concluded with the Osage In- 
dians, by which 8,000,000 acres were about to be sold at twenty 
cents an acre. Judge Lawrence was the first in Congress, or else- 
where, to denounce these treaties as unconstitutional and impolitic, 
as he did in his speech of March 21, 1868. His views were subse- 
quently sustained by the House of Eepresentatives, June 3, 1868, by 
the passage of a joint resolution declaring that no patents should issue 
for lands so sold ; June 18, 1868, by the passage of a resolution unani- 
mously affirming that sales of public lands " are not within the 
treaty-making power ; " and June 26, 1868, by a joint resolution re- 
quiring all public lands to be disposed of in pursuance of law. 

For several years prior to 1868, Congress had been making large 
grants of public lands in aid of railways and other public improve- 
ments, without any provision securing the land to actual settlers. 
On the 20th of January, 1868, Judge Lawrence introduced in Con- 
gress a bill providing that all land thereafter granted to aid public 
work, whether under existing laws or those afterwards enacted, should 
be sold only to actual settlers at a limited price, the object being to 
event a monopoly, and secure the settlement of the lands. The 
platform of the National Convention of the two great political 



parties of the country in this year, substantially indorsed this policy. 
During the first session of the Fortieth Congress, Judge Lawrence 
made several speeches on national affairs. One of his principal 
works was the preparation of a brief, embracing all the authorities 
upon the law of impeachable crimes and misdemeanors. He has given 
the following definition of an impeachable high crime and misde- 
meanor, which will hereafter have the authority of law in American 
practice : 

" An impeachable high crime or misdemeanor is one in its nature 
or consequences subversive of some fundamental or essential principle 
of government, or highly prejudicial to the public interest, and this 
may consist of a violation of the Constitution, of law, of an official 
oath, or of duty, by an act committed or omjtted, or, without viola- 
ting a positive law, by the abuse of discretionary power from improper 
motives or for an improper purpose. 

" It should be understood, however, that while this is a proper def- 
inition, yet it by no means follows that the power of impeachment is 
limited to technical crimes or misdemeanors only. It may reach offi- 
cers who, from incapacity or other cause, are absolutely unfit for the 
performance of their duties, when no other remedy exists, and where 
the public interests imperatively demand it. ' 

" When no other remedy can protect them, the interests of millions 
of people may not be imperiled from tender regard to official tenure, 
which can only be held for their ruin." 

General Butler, one of the Managers on the pa,rt of the Ho'use in 
the impeachment of President Johnson, adopted it, and in -his open- 
ing argument referred to it in the following complimentary terms : 

" I pray leave to lay before you, at . the close of my argument, a 
brief of all the precedents and authorities upon this subject, in both 
countries, for which I am indebted to the exhaustive and learned la- 
bors of my friend, the Hon. William Lawrence, of Ohio, member of 
the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives, in which 

I fully concur, and which I adopt." 





[HE people of the United States are either emigrants or the 
descendants of emigrants from the Old World. Probably 
one-fifth of them were born in Europe, though seldom more 
than five or six of these hold seats in Congress. There are always 
some of them, however, and they are nowise inferior as a class, either 
in capacity, intelligence, or patriotism. 

William Erigena Robinson was born in Unagh, near Cookstown, 
Tyrone County, Ireland, on the 6th of May, 1814. His father 
(Thomas married to Mary Sloss) was a merchant in Cookstown, rent- 
ing a small farm in Unagh, where he died in 1863. 

William worked on his father's farm, and attended school, while a 
boy, entering at length, in 1832, the Royal Academy at Belfast ; but 
a severe attack of typhus fever soon arrested his studies, and, on 
recovering, he resolved to seek his fortune in the New World. Em- 
barking at Liverpool, he had a stormy voyage of eight weeks to New 
York, where he landed in September, 1836. His emotions on first 
approaching the shores of his adopted country, found expression as 

follows : 

Hail ! brightest banner that floats on the gale 1 
Flag of the country of Washington, hail ! 
Red are thy stripes, as the blood of the brave, 
Bright are thy*stars as the sun on the wave ; 
Wrapt in thy folds are the hopes of the free, 
Banner of Washington, blessings on thee ! 

Mountain-tops mingle the sky with their snow; 
Prairies lie smiling in sunshine below ; 
Rivers, as broad as the sea in their pride, 
Border thine Empires, but do not divide; 
Niagara's voice far out-anthems the sea ; 
Land of sublimity, blessings on thee ! 


Hope of the World ! on thy mission sublime, 
When thou didst burst on the pathway ot Time, 
Millions from darkness and bondage awoke ; 
Music was born when Liberty spoke ; 
Millions to come yet shall join in the glee ; 
Land of the Pilgrim's hope ! blessings on thee I 

Empires shall perish and monarchies fail ; 
Kingdoms and thrones in thy glory grow pale ! 
Thou on, and thy people shall own 
Loyalty's sweet, where each heart is thy throne. 
UNIOK and FREEDOM thine heritage be, 
. . Country of Washington, blessings on thee ! 

Though fully of age, and wholly dependent on his own exertions, 
young Robinson soon entered the classical school of Rev. John J. 
Owen, where he completed his preparation for college, entering Yale 
as a Freshman in the autumn of 1837. While in college, he began 
to write for the journals, especially the New Haven Herald. He 
graduated in 1841, and his valedictory oration before the Brothers in 
Unity was published by the Society. He now entered the New Ha- 
ven Law School, but still found time* for writing, and for lecturing on 
Ireland, in response to invitations from different cities. In 1844, he 
became a writer for the New York Tribune, with which he was for 
several years connected, either as correspondent (" Richelieu ") or as- 
sistant editor ; but he wrote also for the Richmond Whig, Boston 
Atla$, and other journals, especially while acting as correspondent at 
Washington. In the autumn of 1846, he edited for a time the Buf- 
falo Express. In 1848, he was proposed as a Whig candidate for 
Congress from New York City, in a district where a nomination was 
then equivalent to an election ; but another was. preferred to him by 
a majority of one. In 1849, he started in that city, in connection 
with the late Thomas Devin Reilly, an Irish paper entitled The People ; 
but this proving a losing speculation, was stopped at the close of its 
first half-year, and Mr. Robinson accepted the post of Measurer in 
the New York Custom House, and held it till the Whig party waa 
ousted from power by the election of Pierce as President. General 
Scott was the Whig candidate in 1852, and he had no more zealous 
nor efficient supporter than Mr. Robinson. 



The dissolution of the Whig party was one consequence (if not 
rather a cause) of General Scott's overwhelming discomfiture, and Mr. 
Robinson thenceforth eschewed politics. He was married in January, 
1853, to Miss Helen A. Dougherty, of Newark, New Jersey, and de- 
voted himself assiduously to the practice of law in New York for the ten 
years ensuing. Though avoiding activity or prominence in politics, 
his affiliations during this period were mostly with the independent 
or anti-Tammany Democrats, by whom he was once run for a Dis- 
trict Judge ; but though he ran ahead of his Democratic rival on 
the regular ticket, the split insured the defeat of both. Mean- 
time he made a visit, in 1859, to his native land, accompanied by his 
wife, and had the pleasure of greeting once more his aged father not 
long before his decease. He made a hasty trip on the Continent, but 
returned without crossing the Alps. A public dinner was given to 
him by the Mayor, Recorder, and other citizens of New York, on his 
departure, and a similar honor was bestowed upon him at the Giant's 
Causeway by his old friends and neighbors on his arrival in Ireland. 

Having removed to Brooklyn, and the war of secession having con- 
strained him to take an active part in defense of the Union, Presi- 
dent Lincoln, in 1862, appointed him Assessor of Internal Revenue 
in the Third District, and he held that trust until March 4, 1867, 
when he resigned it, having been elected to Congress from that Dis- 
trict, as a Democrat, at the preceding November election, by 12,634 
votes to 10,803 for Simeon B. Chittendon, Republican. The District 
' chose a Republican at the preceding election. 

Mr. Robinson's prior knowledge of Congress as a correspondent 
was extensive and familiar. Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, John C. 
Calhoun, John Quincy Adams, and John M. Clayton, were members 
in his day, and he was on friendly terms with all the great men of 
the Whig party. James Iv. Polk, Millard Fillmore, James Bu- 
chanan, and Franklin Pierce, with Jefferson Davis, Alexander H. 
Stephens, Thomas H. Benton, John Slidell, and William L. Yancey, 
were under his eye for years as he watched the proceedings from the 
reporters' gallery of either House. Stephen A. Douglas, Abraham 


Lincoln, and Andrew Johnson, were members of that House whereof 
Robert C. Winthrop, of Boston, was Speaker, and of whose doings 
Mr. Robinson was a watchful and deeply interested observer. Twen- 
ty years elapsed before he was called to a seat, and in those years 
most of them had passed from earth. Andrew Johnson, Simon 
Cameron, and Robert C. Schenck, are perhaps all who remain in public 
life of those whom Mr. Robinson saw occupying seats in Congress 
in 1846-Y. 

Elected as a Democrat, Mr. Robinson has been faithful to the con- 
victions of his party, but not a blind partisan. He voted for Schuy- 
ler Colfax for Speaker. As a member of the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs, he has devoted his attention mainly to the securing of full 
protection for the rights of adopted citizens against the claims of 
European Governments to require of them military service, or to 
call them to account for acts done or words spoken in this country. 
If this question shall ultimately be settled to the satisfaction of the 
large class more especially interested, the credit will be largely due 
to Mr. Robinson's ardent and indefatigable efforts. He closed one 
of his speeches on the subject with these impressive words : 

" I have done what I could to excite the attention of this people, 
and to call that of this House to the subject, and I can only say that 
when this thing is accomplished, when the true doctrine which we 
announce here to-day, and will hereafter insist upon, shall become in- 
corporated in international law, and its vitality shall be recognized , 
throughout the world, though I may have departed before that time, 
my memory may live among those who have advocated it. And in 
that hour of triumph for American ideas, and maybe the hour of 
Ireland's independence, although 

" ' I, too, shall be gone-; yet my name shall be spoken 
When Erin awakes, and her fetters are broken.' " 

Mr. Robinson, while discharging his duties as an American citizen, 
has always been devoted to the cause of his native land. The subject 
of protecting American citizens in foreign lands, and guaranteeing 
the right of expatriation, was urged by him on the attention of Con 



gress in 1842, through Henry Clay ; and since then he has kept it be- 
fore the public in lectures, speeches, and editorials. In 1843, he was 
a prominent actor in the Irish Repeal movement in this country. In 
1847, when the famine broke out in Ireland, he was the principal ac- 
tor in the movement to send from this country that substantial relief 
which the Macedonian and other vessels carried to Ireland. It was 
at his request that his friends, John J. Crittenden and Washington 
Hunt, urged the Half-Million Bill on the Senate (which passed it) 
and the House (where it failed), and carried through the Resolution 
to send the frigate Macedonian with provisions. The national meet- 
ing in Washington, at which Yice-President Dallas presided, and 
Calhoun, Clayton, Cass, and others (one from each State), acted as 
vice-presidents with Webster, Crittenden, and others, as speakers, 
was due mainly to his exertions. It was at his personal solicitation 
that every officer and speaker attended. In 1848, he threw his whole 
soul into the movement for Irisn independence ; and the chief actors 
therein sought, found, and acknowledged Mr. Robinson's efficient and 
disinterested friendship on their arrival in this country. In 1856-7, 
he was Secretary (James T. Brady, President) of the Society of " The 
Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty," which held up the tolera-nt 
views of Washington in opposition to those of the then formidable 
Know-Nothing party ; and he was chosen by that Society, at their 
last grand annual banquet on Washington's birth-day, 1857, as speaker 
to the principal toast, in place of Judge Douglas of Illinois, who had 
been chosen for that duty, but was unable to attend. 

Many of Mr. Robinson's lectures, speeches, and orations, and some 
of his poetry, have been published, and extensively quoted and criti- 
cized on both sides of the Atlantic particularly his orations before 
the Psi Upsilon Society, convened from different colleges, at Hamilton 
College, in 1851, in which he combated the then prevalent idea that 
this country is Anglo-Saxon, arguing that the Irish was the strongest, 
and the Anglo-Saxon the weakest element in the United States. 
The distant mutterings of disunion were heard even then, and, at the 
close of the oration, Mr. Robinson thus referred to it : 



" This Union shall not fail. ' It shall stand : for the prayers, and 
hopes, and sympathies of a world are gathering around it. * * * 

" There are four millions of citizen soldiers whose every heart is a 
citadel, whose every body is a shield around and over it ; and around 
the citadel of liberty shall rise ramparts of bodies, and shall flow a 
deluge of blood, before its safety is periled or its throne shaken. 
From the exiles from one country alone, whose sons, flying 'from op- 
pression there, found shelter here, we could raise an army of 100,000 
fighting men, as brave, as irresistible, as their countrymen who fought 
at Cremona or Fontenoy. * * * There should be * no such word 
as fail ' in the Lexicon of this Kepublic. Washington's wisdom, 
Montgomery's blood, the blessings of the past, the promise of the fu- 
ture, the hopes of the world, are mingling with the folds of its flag, 
and dancing in its stars. * * * 

" Those who talk of disunion have little faith in man's wisdom, and 
less in God's providence. They have but a faint idea of our bright 
destiny. The light of that flag shall burst like a sun upon the falling 
ruins of oppression throughout the world. Many an eye, sick and 
sunken, shall revive to gaze upon the increasing constellation of its 
stars. There shall be no Gibeon on which the sun of its glory shall 
stand stilly no valley of Ajalon over which the moon of its beauty 
shall be stayed. For him who shall attempt to fire the temple of 
American Liberty, who would pale a star, or blot a stripe from its glo- 
rious flag, time shall be too short for repentance, Heaven too indig- 
nant for forgiveness, and the woe of the doomed too merciful for the 
punishment of his crime. He shall perish from among men ; his 
name shall not blister on the page of history ; he, 

1 Living, shall forfeit fair renown, 
And, doubly dying, shall go down 
To the vile dust from which he sprung, 
Unwept, unhonored, and unsung.' " 





1 ORMAN B. JUDD was born at Eome, N. Y., January 
10, 1815. He descended from New England ancestors, 
combined with the Dutch stock to which the region adja- 
cent to the Hudson owes so much of its thrift. 

Young Judd received the rudiments of education at the common 
schools, and subsequently attended Grovernor's High School at Rome. 
Upon his graduation from the school, he was qualified to enter col- 
lege ; but being unwilling to burden his parents with the expenses of 
his education, he determined to enter at once upon business pursuits. 
He was employed for a short time as a merchant's clerk ; but finding 
this an uncongenial pursuit, he entered upon the study of law in his 
native town, and was admitted to the bar in the spring of 1836, hav- 
ing just attained his majority. 

One of Mr. Judd's schoolmates and friend, at Grovernor's, after- 
wards distinguished as Chief-Justice Caton, had removed 4o the 
West, and settled in Chicago, where he had laid the foundation of a 
lucrative law practice. 

He wrote to Mr. Judd, requesting him to come to the new city, 
which had already commenced to attract attention. The letter from 
his friend, and the advantages which the West then held out to young 
men, induced him to comply with the request. He arrived in Chi- 
cago in November,. 1836, and at once entered into a partnership with 
Mr. Caton. His abilities as a lawyer immediately gave him prom- 
inent position at the bar, and secured for him an election as the first 
City Attorney, during the mayoralty of Hon. William B. Ogden, in 
the year 1887, a position which he filled successfully for two years. 


In 1838, Judge Caton removed to Plainfield, 111., and the partner- 
ship between him and Mr. Judd was dissolved. Immediately there- 
after, he entered into partnership .with Hon. J. Y. Scammon, and 
they remained together in the successful practice of the law for nine 

Mr. Judd held many city offices during the time, and had become 
known as one of the leading lawyers of the State. He became 
largely engaged in railroad business, which he managed with so much 
ability and satisfaction to the companies, that he was permanently 
retained as the attorney for the Michigan Southern, the Chicago and 
Rock Island, the Mississippi and Missouri, and the Pittsburg and 
Fort Wayne railroads. He also held the office of president of the 
Peoria and Bureau Valley Railroad, president of the Railroad Bridge 
Company at Rock Island, a director of the Chicago and Rock Island 
railroad, and a director of the Chicago and Milwaukee Railroad. He 
has been engaged in nearly all the railroad enterprises that centered 
at Chicago, manifesting rare abilities for organizing that vast system 
which is now a source of wealth to the State, and of growth to the 

His active political life commenced in 1844, when he was elected 
to the State Senate, on the Democratic ticket, from the district of 
Cook and Lake Counties, to fill a vacancy occasioned by the resigna- 
tion of Hon. Samuel Hoard. He was re-elected to the same position in 
1846, and (the new constitution cutting oft half his term) again in 
1848. His career in the Senate was so satisfactory in the ad- 
vancement of the best interests of Chicago, that he was re-elected 
in 1852, and again in 1856. During the sixteen years that he was 
State Senator, he gave his best energies and abilities to securing 
the material growth and prosperity of Chicago. He also did much to 
place the impaired credit of the State on a healthy basis, and, aided by 
his close knowledge of the law and his position as an attorney, he 
helped largely to mould, by legislation, the character of the courts 
of Chicago. 

"We come now to an important era in Mr. Judd's political life, the 


events of which brought him more prominently than ever before the 
people of the State. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was 
agitating the entire country at the election in the autumn of 1853, 
and was the entering- wedge that was to divide parties. The Legis- 
lature of Illinois, elected that year, was made up of three parties : 
Democrats, "Whigs, and Anti-Nebraska Democrats. The General 
Assembly, in joint session, was composed of one hundred members. 
Of these the Whigs and Anti-Nebraska Democrats numbered fifty- 
one, and the Democrats forty-nine. Mr. Judd belonged to the Anti- 
Nebraska Democrats, and was a zealous and unflinching advocate of 
their doctrines, although the party seemed to be in a hopeless minor- 
ity. On the meeting of the General Assembly, the full strength of 
the party was eight, three Senators and five Representatives. Before 
the election for Senator came on, that small minority was still 
further reduced by the loss of three of its members. Honorable 
James Shields, who had voted to repeal the Missouri Compromise, 
was a candidate for re-election. Mr. Lincoln was the candidate of 
the Whigs, who had forty-six votes'. Judge Trumbull was the can- 
didate of the Anti-Nebraska Democrats, who could muster five votes. 
After several ballots, the Democrats dropped General Shields, and 
cast their votes for Governor Joel A. Mattison. On the nineteenth 
ballot, the friends of Mr. Lincoln, at his request, dropped his name, 
and joining the Anti-Nebraska Democrats, elected Judge Trumbull 
as Senator. 

The action of the small minority in this election caused an intense 
excitement among the Whig politicians throughout the State ; and 
afterwards, in 1860, when Mr. Judd was a candidate for nomination 
by the Republican party to the office of "Governor, his opponents 
charged him with treachery and bad faith toward Mr. Lincoln. 

A letter was addressed to Mr. Lincoln, inquiring into the truth of 
these charges. He replied with characteristic candor, fully justify- 
ing " the wisdom, politically, of Mr. Judd's course," and testifying 
to " his honesty, honor, and integrity." 

In 1856, Mr. Judd was a member of the famous Bloomington Con- 



vention, that organized the Republican party in Illinois. He was 
one of the prime movers of that Convention, and brought to bear 
upon it that executive ability which has always marked lus career in 
the organization of conventions, the management of canvasses, and 
the direction of great political movements. His prominence in the 
Convention, both as a counselor and projector, placed him on the 
Committee on Eesolutions, and secured for him the appointment of 
Chairman of the State Central Committee a position which he held 
during the canvass of 1856, the Lincoln and Douglas Senatorial 
campaign of 1858, and the canvass of 1860, which resulted in the 
election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency. During that period, his 
practical experience and cool judgment did much to place the party in 
the majority ; and he managed all its canvasses with remarkable suc- 
CQSS. His forte was not so much on the stump although he was 
always a clear, able, and forcible speaker as in planning the battle, 
choosing the ground, distributing the forces, and governing their 
movements. In this direction he brought a rare generalship to bear 
upon campaigns. 

The next important event in Mr. Judd's political life, was the 
Philadelphia Convention, that nominated John C. Fremont for the 
Presidency, to which Mr. Judd was a delegate from Illinois, and 
chairman of the delegation. He was selected by the delegation as a 
member of the National Republican Committee. By his efforts in 
that Committee, he secured Chicago as the locality for the Republi- 
can Convention of 1860. 

In 1858, after a consultation with Mr. Judd, Mr. Lincoln con- 
cluded to ask for a joint discussion with Judge Douglas on the 
great issues of the day. Upon Mr. Judd devolved the duty of 
making the preliminary arrangements, and managing the executive 
part of a discussion which must ever be regarded as one of the most 
memorable events in the political history of the country. 

The next political movement in which Mr. Judd was' prominently 
engaged was the Convention that nominated Mr. Lincoln for the 
Presidency, held in Chicago, in 1860, in which he was chairman of ' 



the Illinois delegation. The contest in the Convention was between 
the friends of Mr. Seward, under the leadership of the New York del- 
egation, and the friends of Mr. Lincoln, under the leadership of the 
Illinois delegation. Mr. Seward was placed in nomination, in behalf 
of the New York delegation, by Hon. William M. Evarts ; and Mr. 
Lincoln, in behalf of the Illinois delegation, by Mr. Judd. The con- 
test throughout was one of the most animated ever known in the his- 
tory of political conventions. Mr. Seward's interests were in the 
hands of some of the most astute and influential politicians of the 
East, and some of the prominent party-leaders of the West. At the 
outset Mr. Seward's chances seemed the most favorable ; but the 
ground had been carefully reviewed, and the preliminaries had been 
skillfully planned by the friends of Mr. Lincoln. Although the 
struggle was a long and severe one, Mr. Judd's generalship was suc- 
cessful, and Mr. Lincoln received the unanimous nomination of the 
Convention to be the standard-bearer of the Republican party. 

Mr. Judd was one of the party that accompanied Mr. Lincoln when 
he went to Washington to assume the duties of the Presidency. When 
the party arrived in Cincinnati, Mr. Judd received a letter from Mr. 
Allen Pinkerton, a detective officer in Baltimore, informing him that 
there was a plot on foot to assassinate Mr. Lincoln on his passage 
through that city. Additional evidence communicated at Buffalo, 
New York, and Philadelphia, convinced Mr. Judd that the murderous 
and treasonable conspiracy was a reality. He kept the matter a pro- 
found secret from Mr. Lincoln and his company until they reached 
Philadelphia, and then, in the Continental Hotel, laid all the proofs 
of the conspiracy before them. The evidence was so conclusive that 
Mr. Lincoln was fully convinced of a plot to assassinate him, and 
acquiesced in Mr. Judd's arrangement, by which he returned from 
Harrisburg, and leavjng Philadelphia by the night train, proceeded 
immediately to Washington, where he arrived a day earlier than was 
expected. He thus eluded his enemies, and deferred the fatal blow of 
assassination which fell upon him and appalled the world a little more 
than four years later. 



On Mr. Lincoln's accession to the Presidency, March 4, 1861, the 
first appointment that he made after nominating the members of his 
Cabinet, was that of Mr. Judd to be Minister to Berlin. He imme- 
diately sailed for his new field of duty, where he remained during Mr. 
Lincoln's administration r one of the most energetic, faithful, and ac- 
complished of our Representatives in foreign countries. Honored by 
Mr. Lincoln in -being made the recipient of his first appointment, Mr. 
Judd was also distinguished by Mr. Johnson as the first victim in the 
series of removals by which he marked his departure from the party 
that elected him to office. 

Mr. Judd came home from Berlin in October, 1865. He was at 
once spoken of by prominent Republicans in Chicago as the suitable 
man to receive their nomination for Representative in Congress. 

Hon. John Wentworth, a gentleman of great ability and political 
influence, was his opponent before the Convention. They had been 
rivals for twenty years in the Democratic and Republican parties. 
The contest for the nomination was very spirited, but l^Tr. Judd 
triumphed over his rival, and received the nomination. He was 
elected by a majority of nearly eleven thousand votes. 
In the deliberations and discussions of the Fortieth Congress, Mr. 
Judd took a prominent and influential part. By his devotion to the 
interests of his enterprising constituency, and his patriotic regard for 
the good of the country, he merited the testimonial which was given 
in his re-election in November, 1868. 




FTER a distinguished career and a successful public life in 
another field, Judge Woodward appears for the first time 
among national legislators ,as a member of -the Fortieth 
He was born in Bethany, Pennsylvania, March 26, 1809. 
His family had settled in Pennsylvania before the Revolution. His 
two grandfathers formed part of a colony from Connecticut, which 
had occupied in 1774 the valley of the Wallenpaupack. After the 
massacre of Wyoming in July, 1778, the colonists were driven from 
their homes by the Tories and Indians. The women and children 
took refuge in the counties of Orange and Dutchess, in the State of 
New York, while most of the men of the colony enlisted in the Revo- 
lutionary army. Jacob Kimble, the maternal grandfather of Judge 
Woodward, commanded a company in the Connecticut line through- 
out the war. After the close of the war, in 1783, the survivors of 
the settlers returned to the valley of the Wallenpaupack, a region 
then remote and obscure, where they labored to re-establish their 
homes and retrieve their fortunes. 

The father of Judge Woodward was an industrious fanner, who 
struggled for years against poverty and adversity to maintain a large 
family. Before the birth of George, who was the youngest son, an 
event occurred which changed the entire fortunes of the family. As 
the father was returning from his work one evening, he fell upon his 
scythe and severed his hand from his body. By this accident Mr. 
Woodward was prevented from following his former pursuits, and 
was confined for several months while recovering from his wound. 
He occupied the time in reading, and improving his mind. On his 



recovery, lie engaged in teaching school ; and having the confidence of 
his neighbors and fellow-citizens, he was soon chosen to public office. 
At the birth of his son George, he was Sheriff of the county of Wayne, 
and subsequently became Associate Judge, an office which he held 
until his death in 1829. 

In his childhood, young "Woodward attended such schools as could 
be afforded in a community of struggling and straitened settlers. He 
subsequently enjoyed the instructions of an elder brother, who was 
for the time an accomplished mathematician, and gave has pupil the 
foundation of a thorough mathematical education. 

As soon as he attained a suitable age, he was placed at Geneva, 
New York, in the institution now known as Hobart College. Here 
he was the classmate of Horatio Seymour, and other young men who 
have since become distinguished in public life. From Geneva he was 
transferred to the Wilkesbarre Academy, in the ounty of Luzerne, 
in Pennsylvania an institution which offered to its pupils rare ad- 
vantages for acquiring thorough classical, mathematical, and scien- 
tific knowledge. 

Ending his academical pursuits in 1829, young Woodward entered 
the office of the Hon. Garrick Mallery, as a student-at-law. In 1831, 
Mr. Mallery having been appointed Judge of a Judicial District, Mr. 
Woodward, who had been admitted to the bar in the preceding year, 
occupied his office, and succeeded to his business. His success at the 
bar was very rapid and very great. Within a very short time he was 
in full practice in the counties of Luzerne, Wayne, Pike, Munroe, and 
Susquehanna, and in the Supreme Court of the State. 

In politics, Mr. Woodward was a member of the Democratic party. 
In 1836, he was elected a delegate to the -Convention called to 
reform the Constitution of Pennsylvania. Its numbers included the 
most prominent leaders at the bar, judges who have been long upon 
the bench, and gentlemen who had held high positions in the State 
and National Governments. Mr. Woodward was one of the youngest 
members of the Convention, yet he took a prominent and influential 

part in the debates. He advocated a limitation of the tenure of 



office in the Judges of the State, who had been appointed for life. 
He favored a modification of the Constitution, by which the right of 
suffrage was limited to the white inhabitants of Pennsylvania. 

At the close of the Constitutional Convention, Mr. "Woodward 
resumed the practice of his profession. In April, 1841, he was ap- 
pointed by the Governor to the office of President Judge of the 
Fourth Judicial District. He discharged the duties of his office 
with great energy and ability for a term of ten years. 

In 1844, a vacancy occurring in the United States Senate, by the 
appointment of Mr. Buchanan to a place in the Cabinet of President 
Polk, Judge Woodward received the nomination of the caucus of 
Democratic members who composed a majority of the legislature. 
By the rules regulating the action of political parties, Judge Wood- 
ward was entitled to an election, but a sufficient number of Demo- 
crats deserted their nominee to secure the election of Simon 

In March, 1845, a vacancy occurring in the Supreme Court for the 
Circuit composed of the States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, 
President Polk nominated Judge Woodward to fill the vacancy. The 
fact that this nomination had been made without consultation with 
Mr. Buchanan, Secretary of State, in connection with* the hostility 
of Mr. Cameron, led to the defeat of Judge "Woodward in the Senate. 

On the expiration of his term of office as President Judge of the 
Fourth Judicial District, in April, 1851, he resumed the practice of law 
in his former office at Wilkesbarre. In May, 1852, he was appointed, 
by Governor Bigler, a Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. 
By a constitutional amendment adopted in 1850, this office had be- 
come elective, and the appointment therefore extended only to the 
first of December, 1852. He was nominated as the Democratic can- 
didate, by the convention of the party, by acclamation. He now, for 
the first time, was able to submit his merits and his claims to the de- 
cision of the people of the State. It was found in his case that the 
man who is the last choice of the political managers, is the first 
choice of the mass of the voters. In the county of Luzeme, where 



he had spent his life, and in several adjacent counties, where he was 
intimately known, he received a larger vote than had ever been cast 
for a candidate in a contested election. He was elected by a majority 
in the State, which attested most emphatically his professional emi- 
nence, and his integrity of character. 

Few men in the country have occupied the Bench for a longer 
period than Judge Woodward. As a Judge, he soon readied a repu- 
tation deservedly high. He possessed unusual powers of concentra- 
tion, and great capacity for labor. His style of discussing legal 
questions is singularly forcible, distinct, and clear. Avoiding all 
affectation of fine writing, he says of a case just that which it is 
necessary to say in English that is always simple, accurate, and ele- 
gant. There are no opinions in the Pennsylvania Keports more in- 
telligible to plain and unlearned men than those of Judge Wpod- 
ward, and there are none more able, thorough, and exhaustive. 

In 1863, Judge Woodward received the unsolicited nomination of 
the Democrats of Pennsylvania as their candidate for Governor. 
Restrained by his judicial commission from taking an active part in 
the canvass, -he encountered all the opposition the national adminis- 
tration could make, which at that stage of the war was considerable. 
Notwithstanding these disadvantages, he received 254,171 votes, the 
largest number which up to that time had ever been polled for < any 
gubernatorial candidate. Many well-informed politicians believed 
then, and still believe, that this was' a majority of the votes cast; 
but a majority of 15,335 was certified to his competitor, Governor 
Curtin, and no scrutiny was ever instituted to test this return. 

As Mr. Woodward's term of office as Judge of the Supreme Court 
would expire in December, 1867, he gave notice as early as the pre- 
ceding January, that he should decline a re-election. In June, 1867, 
he went to Europe, and was absent several months. Soon after his 
departure, the death of Mr. Denison occurred, who.had been elected 
to represent the Twelfth District of Pennsylvania in the Fortieth 
Congress. Judge Woodward was nominated to fill the vacancy, and 
was elected before his return from Europe. 



Taking his seat with the minority in the Fortieth Congress, in 
November, 1867, Judge Woodward at once took a high position as 
a clear, calm, and logical defender of the principles and policy of 
the Democratic party. 

His speeches in Congress have received . marked attention from 
men of all parties. We have space for only a brief extract, which 
forms the conclusion of an impromptu speech delivered by Judge 
Woodward in the House of Representatives, March 27, 1868, on the 
President's veto of the bill withdrawing the McCardle case from the 
Supreme Court : 

" Here is an American citizen with the vested right to the judg- 
ment of that court, about, according to common rumor, to obtain 
favorable judgment, when the legislative department rushes in and 
takes the case out of the hands of the judicial department. It de- 
cides the case against the citizen. * * * This law prostrates all 
distinction between the coordinate branches into which the political 
power of this country was divided. It is no longer true that judicial 
power belongs exclusively to the judicial department. It is hence- 
forth true that the Legislature may invade the courts and stop the 
exercise of judicial power in proper judicial cases. In other words, 
Sir, the first principles of the Government under which we live are 
trampled under foot by this law. The Constitution, which we have 
sworn to support, is utterly disregarded by this law. Every man 
must judge for himself how that oath is to be performed, but I lay 
the Constitution across the path the majority are pursuing, and I re- 
mind them of their oaths. 

" ' If reason hath not fled from man to brutish beasts,' I wonld 
like to see these positions either confessed or answered. Powers are 
distributed ; the judicial power (all of it) belongs to the courts ; 
jurisdiction in McCardle's case had attached ; the court were advising 
on the judgment to render ; the Legislature claims to take the case 
out of court, and thus in effect to decide it against McCardle. 

" Mr. Speaker, this is not the only liberty we have taken with the 

Supreme Court of the United States: At this session we passed a 



law which requires two- thirds of the judges of that court to unite in 
declaring any act of Congress unconstitutional. The Senate has not 
passed that bill, and I trust it never will. I took the liberty to ex- 
press my repugnance to it when it passed the House. I am glad the 
Senate has refrained from passing it. Why ? Because it is a legis- 
lative interference with judicial functions. That is my great objec- 
tion to that law, as it is to this one. 

" I look upon any interference on the part of Congress with the 
proper judicial tribunals not only as a great indelicacy, but a most 
dangerous precedent. We have found it so in stripping the Execu- 
tive of his proper constitutional duties. The Tenure-of-Office act and 
several other laws, which place the Executive in the power of his sub- 
ordinates, have virtually destroyed the executive power of this Gov- 
ernment. The legislation to which I have referred, and this bill, are 
acts directed at the judicial department, and what do they portend ? 
What are the people of the country to understand from such legisla- 
tion ? Just this : that the legislative department of the country is 
determined to consolidate all the powers of the Government into its 
own hands ; determined to consolidate this Government into a grand 
legislative oligarchy, the country to be governed by the Legislature, 
and the Legislature to be governed by a caucus, and the caucus to be 
governed by the Lord knows who ; for I do not know who will suc- 
ceed my venerable friend from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stevens] as ruler 
of this House when he shall depart. I hope he will be a man as wise 
and good as he is. 

" Sir, if this legislation means anything, it means just this : that 
the President shall not exercise the constitutional functions of his 
office, the judges shall not exercise the constitutional powers vested 
in them, but the legislative will shall be supreme ; which I say is a 
repeal of the Constitution of the United States, and a consolidation 
of all the political power of this Government into the hands of a 
legislative oligarchy to be wielded I know not by whom." 

Spontaneously re-nominated in the fall of 1868, Judge Woodward 
was elected by an increased majority to the Forty-first Congress. 





'GNATIUS DONNELLY was born in Philadelphia, Novem 
ber 3, 1831. He received an academical education, grad- 
uating at the Central High School of his native city. In 
1849, he commenced the study of law with the Hon. Benjamin 
Harris Brewster, who in a recently published letter describes his 
former pupil as " a man of uncommon energy, skill, and strict integ- 
rity." Having completed his law studies, in 1853, Mr. Donnelly 
devoted much time and attention to furthering the interests of the 
Union Land and Homestead Association, of which he was Secretary. 
Upon Mr. Donnelly's removal from Philadelphia, a card was pub- 
lished in the daily papers by order of the Association attributing its 
success to his exertions, and expressing the best wishes of the mem- 
bers for his prosperity. 

In 1857, Mr. Donnelly emigrated to Minnesota. Just before his 
removal to the West he left the Democratic party, with which he had 
been identified, and became a Eepublican. As the State of Minnesota 
was at that time Democratic, and the County where he went to reside 
was two to one Democratic, his change of party seemed unfavorable 
to any political aspirations he might have possessed. The result, 
however, proved more fortunate than the most sanguine hope could 
have anticipated. So favorable an impression did he make, that in 
1859, two years after his arrival in the State, he was elected Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of Minnesota. In 1861, he was re-elected .to the 
same office. In 1862, he was elected a Representative in the Thirty- 
eighth Congress. He was re-elected to the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth 
Congresses. In 1868, Mr. Donnelly was nominated for re-election to 
the Forty-first Congress; but another Republican candidate entering 



the field, both were beaten by a Democrat. The indepeudant Re- 
publican candidate gave as one reason for opposing the re-election of 
Mr. Donnelly that he was " a candidate for the United States Senate, 
and surely had no good demand on the party to elect him to the 
House of Representatives merely as a stepping stone to the Senate, 
and to enable him the better to control votes in the contest." 

Mr. Donnelly has been an active and able member of the House, 
and his acts and speeches evince not only ability and energy, but are 
strongly marked by patriotic and philanthropic views. Among other 
speeches of his delivered in the Thirty-eighth Congress, was one on 
the "Reform in the Indian System," from which we present one or 
two brief selections : 

" Let it not be said that the nation shall advance in its career of 
greatness regardless of the destruction of the red man. There is 
room enough in the world, thank God, for all the races he has created 
to inhabit it. Thirty million white people can certainly find space 
somewhere on this broad continent for a third of a million of those 
who originally possessed the whole of it. While we are inviting to 
our shores the oppressed races of mankind, let us at least deal justly 
by those whose rights ante-date our own by countless centuries. It 
is the destiny of the white man to overrun this world ; but it is as 
plainly his destiny to cany in his train the great forces which con- 
stitute his superiority, civilization, and Christianity. We are exhibit- 
ing, to-day, the unequaled spectacle of a superior race sharing its 
noblest privileges with the humblest of mankind, and lifting up to 
the condition of freedom and happiness those who, from the date of 
time,- have been either barbarians or slaves. 

"How shall the Indian a nomad, a hunter, a barbarian compete 
on the same soil, and under the same circumstances, in the great 
struggle for life with the civilized white man? Civilization means 
energy, industry, acuteness, skill, perseverance. Barbarism means in- 
dolence, torpidity, ignorance, and irresolution. How can the two be 
brought together, and the inferior not fall at once a sacrifice to the 

rapacity of the superior ? This is the problem before us. 



" The Government must interpose its merciful protection between 
weakness and power. It is doing so in the case of the black man ; 
let it deal as fairly by the red man. Without action by this Govern- 
ment, a thousand years would have left the slave of the South still a 
slave. Under wise and just laws he will swell at once the power of 
the nation,. increase its resources, and adorn it, in time, with great 
names and honored services. We cannot afford to be unjust to any 
portion of mankind." 

On the 7th of May, 1868, Mr. Donnelly made a speech in favor of 
a bill to prevent the further sale of public lands, except as provided 
for in the pre-emption and homestead laws. From this speech we 
make the following extracts : 

" The first settler is the comer-stone of all future development ; 
the entire structure of society and government must rest upon the 
foundation of his labors. His work shall last till doomsday. He 
first unites the industry of man to the capabilities of the fertile 
earth. The tide of which he is the forerunning breaker, shall never 
recede ' Ne'er feel returning ebb, but keep due on ' until the wil- 
derness is densely populated ; until every foot of land, however in- 
tractable, is subdued ; until the factories cluster thickly in great knots 
upon every falling stream ; until cities, towns, and villages dot the 
whole land ; until science, art, education, morality, and religion bear 
the world forward to a development far beyond the furthest ken of 
the imagination, into that unknown future of the human race which 
we cannot prefigure even in our dreams. 

" How many beautiful traits gather around these homes snatched 
from the wilderness ? How many fair women and noble men have 
seen the first light of heaven through the chinks of the log-house ? 
How many heroes worthy to be embalmed in perpetual history have 
grown up in sturdy independence of the forest and prairie ? By the 
side of such men the denizens of your cities are a dwarfed race. 
It needs pure air, pure sunshine, pure food, and the great stormy 
winds of heaven to produce the highest types of the human family, 



and to give to them that inflexible grain which is the first constituent 
of great characters. 

" Consider for one instant the part performed by the people of -the 
"West in the suppression of the rebellion. Their share of the great 
work was well done. Wherever they advanced, they overcame the 
rebellion as they overcame the wilderness ; they hewed it. down, they 
out-worked it, they chopped it to pieces, they overwhelmed it with 
energy and industry, they bridged it, they corduroyed it, they blazed 
and burned it out of existence. The men whom nature in all its 
hard and stubborn moods could not resist, made easy victory over 
their misguided fellow-citizens fighting for slavery and against lib- 
erty and law. 

" They were types of thousands and tens of thousands of men 
through all the regions from which they came the great West : 
quiet, unpretending men, steadfast and earnest, patiently fulfilling 
the appointed work which God has given them to do. 

" This nation needs more of such men. 'We must cherish the insti- 
tutions which have produced them. Their price is richer than ru- 
bies. They are the salt of a nation. Some one said to Croesus 
when he showed him his treasures : " But if one should come along 
with more iron, he would take all this gold." The prosperity of a 
people rests upon its manhood ; the gold can only repose upon the 
iron. Without this a nation is but a conglomerate of sordidness and 
sensuality a mixture of clay and brass, which must fall to pieces the 
moment a strong hand is laid upon it. 

" Now, what is the root of all this ? It is the pioneer driving his 
plow for the first time into the surface of the wilderness. The whole 
structure rests upon the occupancy and ownership of the land by the 
individual. Hence follow independence, self-respect, and all the in- 
centives to labor ; hence industry, intelligence, schools, society, de- 
velopment not the hot-house development of the towns, but sturdy, 
healthy development, which has its roots in the earth, which expands 
in the family circle, and which brings strength and power to the best 
traits of human nature." 


' ln >5 * by Geo E Ptenn* 




E subject of this sketch is a lineal descendant of John Gary, 
of the Plymouth Colony. His father, William Gary, emi- 
grated from New Hampshire to the Northwest Territory 
before Ohio became a State. His mother, Kebecca Fenton, was a 
native of the State of New York, and was a sister of Governor 
Teuton's father. 

Samuel Fenton Gary was born in Cincinnati, Ohio, February 18, 
1814. In the same year his father removed to a farm in the wilder- 
ness, six miles from Cincinnati. The place is now known as College 
Hill, and is the seat of Fanners' College, founded by Freeman G. 
Cary, and the Ohio Female College, established by Samuel F. Gary, 
two brothers who, with rare taste and public spirit, expended their 
patrimony in rearing these noble institutions as monuments on the 
paternal estate. 

Young Cary was graduated at Miami University, in ' the class of 
1835. Shortly after his graduation he entered the Cincinnati Law 
School, and received its honors in 1837. He was immediately admit- 
ted to practice, and at once took rank with the first young members 
of the Cincinnati bar. His practice rapidly increased, and when he 
relinquished the profession in 1845, no man of his age in the State of 
Ohio had a larger business, or more enviable reputation as an advocate. 

Obeying his philanthropic impulses, Mr. Gary abandoned the bar, 
in spite of the remonstrances of his numerous admirers, and began to 
devote all his energies to the cause of Temperance. In behalf of 
this great reform, he has made more public addresses, has been 
heard by a greater number of persons, and has made larger contribu- 
tions of time and money than any other man in the United States. 



He has been repeatedly heard in all the principal cities and towns 
in twenty-six States, and all the British Provinces in North America. 
'No less than 400,000 have been induced by him to sign the pledge of 
total abstinence, and a multitude that no man can number bless his 

Mr. Gary early became a Son of Temperance, and in 1848 was 
chosen the head of the Order in North America. During the two 
years of his official term, he visited twenty-two States and Provinces, 
and the Order was more than doubled in the number of its member- 
ship. For twenty years he was the gratuitous editor of Temperance 
papers of large circulation, and has written several valuable tracts that 
have been widely distributed and read. 

As early as 1840, Mr. Gary acquired a great reputation as a politi- 
cal speaker, and took a prominent and active part in the Harrison 
campaign. In every Presidential campaign since that time his ser- 
vices have been Bought and appreciated. There is probably not a 
man in the United States who is his superior on the stump. During 
the late civil war he was indefatigable and very successful in his 
efforts to fill up the ranks of the Union Army. 

His style of speaking is peculiarly his own. A distinguished 
writer has said of him that " he speaks like a Greek, with the ease, 
the grace, the naturalness of the ancient orators." His speeches are 
the happiest combination of logic, argument, wit, sarcasm, pathos, 
apt illustrations, and felicitous anecdotes. He plays upon the pas- 
sions and feelings of an audience with consummate skill. His per- 
sonale gives force to his utterances. He is five feet eleven inches in 
height, weighs two hundred pounds, has dark complexion, a large head, 
with an unusual amount of hair, large black and speaking eyes, with 
a full, clear, and well-modulated voice. He never becomes hoarse, 
never tires, and often speaks three or four hours in the open air for 
successive days and weeks. He uses no notes or manuscripts, and 
weaves in every passing incident with most happy effect. ' 

It had with many been a matter of surprise that with the eminent 

talents and ability of Mr. Gary, Ohio had for so long a time failed to 



avail herself of his services in the national councils. Two reasons 
for this have been given ; first, that his ambition did not take that 
direction ; and secondly, that his prominence as an advocate of a 
great moral reform has led political managers to imagine that he 
would not be an available candidate. 

In the summer of 1867, the Eepublicans of the Second Ohio 
District very generally expressed a desire to have Mr. Gary as their 
candidate for Congress. Distrust in his availability, however, in- 
duced some of the leaders of the party to take ground against him, 
and the Republican Congressional Convention gave the nomina- 
tion to Eichard Smith, Esq., editor of the Cincinnati Gazette. Mr. 
Gary was induced to go before the people as an independent 
candidate. The city of Cincinnati was greatly excited by the 
contest which ensued. Mr. Gary made numerous public ad- 
dresses. He avowed himself the champion of the working-men. 
He advocated making eight hours a legal day's work, and issuing 
greenbacks to replace the interest-bearing bonds of the Government. 
Mr. Gary receiving the votes of most of the Democrats of the Dis- 
trict, and some of the Republicans, was elected by 959 majority. 

In October, 1868, Mr. Gary was a candidate for re-election to the 
Forty-first Congress. Taking no part in Presidential politics, but 
running as the champion of the working-men, without regard to party, 
in a District giving 3,600 majority for Grant, he was defeated by less 
than 500 .votes, gaining largely upon his former vote. In the Fortieth 
Congress, Mr. Gary took a prominent part. He opposed the impeach- 
ment of the President. In a speech of five minutes he presented his 
views of this subject as follows : 

" If I comprehend the question, it is not whether President 
Johnson is a traitor to the party which placed him in power, nor 
whether he has prevented the reconstruction of the Southern States, 
responsible for the New Orleans riots, and for the assassinations of 
loyal men, nor whether he is a bad man generally and unfit to be 
trusted. We do not arraign him before the high court of impeachment 

on the common counts, but for an unlawful effort to rid himself of a 



Cabinet Minister, or, to state the case strongly, for an open and 
deliberate violation of the Tenure-of-Office law. The Cabinet of the 
President constitute his constitutional advisers, and should obviously 
consist of men with whom the President can have unreserved and 
confidential intercourse. To force upon the President a Cabinet 
Minister who is openly and avowedly an enemy of his administration, 
and one with whom the President can have no intercourse, is mani- 
festly so unfair and improper that no fair-minded men, not influenced 
by a malignant partisan zeal, can or will justify it. 

" I must not be understood as impeaching the ability, integrity, 
and patriotism of Secretary Stan ton. All these are fully established. 
As a War Minister, history will accord to him the first place. I doubt 
whether his equal has lived in any age. Deeply as we may regret a 
rupture between the President and his Minister of War, it did 
occur, and it is not our present duty to inquire who was in fault. The 
Senate restored Mr. Stanton to the ofiice from which he had been 
removed by the President, and I do not arraign that body for their 
action. If, at that juncture, when Mr. Stanton was vindicated by the 
Senate, he had gracefully bowed himself out of the President's 
household, he would have had the sympathy and confidence of the 
people, and would have added magnanimity to his list of patriotic 
rirtues. Either upon his own motion, or acting by the advice of others 
(most probably the latter), he chose to remain unbidden as a confi- 
dential adviser of the President. There has been such a manifest 
want of courtesy, such a persistent and dogged determination to 
badger and bully the President, that the people will condemn Stanton, 
and sympathize with, if they do not justify, the President, however 
much they may despise him. 

" In the present aspect of the case, my desire is that the Supreme 
Court, our highest judicial tribunal, shall be invoked to decide the 
rights of the President under the Constitution, and the constitutionality 
of the Civil-Tenure bill. 





ICHIGAN is eminent among her sister States for the 
enterprise and intelligence of her people. Her enviable 
position is partly due to the energetic character of the 
emigrants from New England who formed many of the early settle- 

In 1822 Rev. William M. Ferry emigrated from Massachusetts to 
Michigan, and established the Mackinaw Mission, which was very suc- 
cessful under his management, until it was terminated by the removal 
of the Indians further west. 

Thomas W. Terry , son of the pioneer missionary, was born at 
Mackinaw, June 1st, 1827. 

The father, on the termination of his mission at Mackinaw, made 
an extended tour of observation to determine where he should make 
his future home. He visited Chicago, then only a military outpost, 
and many other places, and finally determined to locate at Grand 
Haven, Michigan. He established his family in the first frame-house 
built in that now large and prosperous city. 

' Possessed of great physical power, energy of mind, and strength ot 
will, the pioneer preacher turned his attention to developing the ma- 
terial resources of the region. He immediately began operations in 
the lumber business, which before his death reached great propor- 
tions. With the aid of his four sons, he erected a number of mills, 
built vessels for transportation, and made Grand Haven an important 
source of the lumber trade for Chicago and vicinity. 

A business partnership with a father so energetic, successful, and 
thorough, had a tendency to develop noble traits of character in his 




"When the war broke out two of them entered the army, one of 
whom, Major N. H. Ferry of the Fifth Michigan Cavalry, fell at Get- 
tysburg shot through the head while bravely leading his command. 

Thomas "W. Ferry's first political associations were with the Whigs, 
by whom he was elected to the Legislature of Michigan in 1857. 
. After the disintegration of the Whig party he became a Republi- 
can, and as such was elected to the State Senate in 185T, serving two 
years. He soon became an active and influential member of the Re- 
publican party. For a period of eight years he served on the Re- 
publican State Central Committee of Michigan. In 1860 he was a 
member and one of the Yice-Presidents of the National Convention 
which nominated Mr. Lincoln for the Presidency. 

In 1864 he was elected a Representative from Michigan to the 
Thirty-Ninth Congress. In this Congress he was appointed upon 
three Committees : Post Offices and Post Roads, Militia, and the 
War Debts of the Loyal States. During the Thirty-Ninth Congress 
he was successful in originating and securing the passage of impor- 
tant measures for developing the resources and promoting the com- 
merce of his State. 

Mr. Ferry was re-elected to Congress for his second term by a ma- 
jority of more than seven thousand votes. In the Fortieth Congress 
Mr. Ferry was re-appointed to the Post-Office Committee, and was 
placed on the important committee of Naval Affairs. 

A Washington correspondent says: "Mr. Ferry is the hardest 
worker in the Post-Office Committee. The Department places him 
next to Colfax in connection with our mail system." 

He has done a great deal to increase mail facilities for the region 
which he represents. When he entered Congress, in 1864, there was 
only a weekly mail from Grand Haven to Traverse City. Now there 
is a daily lake-shore mail, a daily mail by steamer, and a tri-weekly 
interior mail from Grand Rapids via Newaygo to Traverse City ; a 
daily mail to Milwaukee and Chicago, and tri-weekly to St. Joseph. 

Mr. Ferry was chairman of a sub-committee to visit New York to 
examine the old Post-Office, and report upon the necessity of a new 


one. Speaking of the result of this investigation as laid before the 
House by Mr. Ferry, the New York Herald said : " The report is an 
interesting and instructive document. Mr. Ferry takes a broad and 
statesmanlike view of the wonderful progress and future grandeur of 
this metropolis, and urges the erection of an edifice which in point of 
architecture and completeness will do honor to the Republic and to 
her greatest city." 

Mr. Ferry was influential in defeating the passage of a bill estab- 
lishing low rates of tariff on lumber coming from Canada. In a 
speech on this measure, Mr. Ferry said : " Are we under any obli- 
gation to pursue so generous a policy as is proposed by the committee 
toward Canada? What has she done to merit 'this liberal treatment ? 
What has been the experience of the past years of our sanguinary 
war ? Did she lend the aid of her sympathy and good will, most 
cheaply given, which would have been gladly received ? No, sir ; she 
preferred to offer her soil as an asylum for plotters, conspirators, and 
traitors against the life of this Government. The treatment we had 
given Canada deserved her encouragement in the hour of our peril. 
Her press and voices should have been raised to conciliate England, 
to remind her that in the veins of this great people, battling for life 
and liberty, there ran the blood of her own sons, and that her hand 
should be stayed against a contest so righteous as putting down a re- 
bellion founded on human slavery. We fought alone, under the 
sneers and jeers of both England and Canada, and crowned our victory 
with universal liberty, and vindicated the rights of humanity." 

When the tax-bill was under consideration Mr. Ferry made a suc- 
cessful argument in favor of exempting breadstuff's and lumber from 
the tax. " It harmonizes," said he, " with the theory of that legislation 
.which generously grants a free homestead to the poor settler who, for 
want of means, would otherwise roam homeless and a wanderer 
throughout the land. Freeing lumber from taxation lessens its cost 
and cheapens the shelter of the homestead. Releasing breadstuff's 
from taxation reduces the cost of tjie primal food of the primal pover- 
ty-stricken settler. With a free home, a free shelter, and free food, 



the staple and necessary conditions of livelihood are protected, and 
the poorer classes of the community befriended by a considerate Gov- 
ernment. With such protection and such a start in life, failure to rise 
above the misfortunes which hover around the more dependent classes 
of citizenship must be chargeable to personal inefficiency rather than to 
legislative authority." 

Mr. Ferry is ready and sometimes even eloquent in speech. He 
never consumes time with displays of prepared oratory, but in extem- 
porary speeches makes his point, and generally produces the desired 

Ever active in the service of his constituents, by voice and vote and 
private labor, he enjoys a high degree of popularity among them. 
They have lately given new evidence of their appreciation of their 
Representative by re-nominating and electing him to the Forty-first 
Congress by a large majority. 




[HOMAS A. JENCKES was born in Providence, Khode 
Island, in 1818. Having graduated at Brown University 
in 1838, he studied law, and by his ability and industry 
soon rose to eminence in his profession. His practice was not merely 
of a local character, but the nature of the litigations of which he had 
charge, which were mostly in the courts of the United States, carried 
him frequently into other States and to Washington. 

He first entered into public life in 1840, as Clerk of the Rhode 
Island House of Representatives, and held the office five years. 
During the Dorr Rebellion, he was Private Secretary to Governor 
King. From 1845 to 1855, he served as Adjutant-General of the 
State Militia. From 1854 to 1859, he was in the State Legislature- 
four years in the House, and one year in the Senate. 

In 1863, he was elected a Representative from Rhode Island to the 
Thirty-eighth Congress. He was appointed Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Patents, and of the Special Committee on the Bankrupt 
Law. He was re-elected to the Thirty-ninth Congress, in which he 
was continued at the head of the Committee on Patents, and was 
appointed Chairman of a Select Committee on the Civil Service. 

His services in Congress have been of great value, and are such as 
entitled him to high rank among the legislators of the country. 
Among these services may be mentioned first his agency in the 
passage of the bill to establish a uniform system of Bankruptcy 
throughout the United States. He was the author and principal 
advocate of this bill, which is considered as by far the best act of 
the kind ever passed. In his speech upon this bill, June 1, 1864, we 
have the following beautiful introduction : 



" ME. SPEAKER : I take pleasure in introducing into this House a 
subject for its action which is entirely unconnected with political or 
partisan questions. It relates solely and entirely to th6 business and 
.men of business of the nation. Its consideration at the present time 
is demanded by every active business interest. It is a subject which 
we can discuss without acrimony, and differ upon without anger. If 
a division is had upon it, the lines will not be those of party. It is 
a green spot amid the arid wastes of party strife, and one to which 
the fiery scourge of civil war has not yet extended. It presents 
unusual claims upon us at the present time, when all the business 
interests of the country are in a state of constant agitation. The 
life of the nation is in the prosperity and energy of its active men. 
While they are encouraged, and their rights and interests protected 
by just legislation, their efforts will continue, and the nation will 

Mr. Jenckes then proceeds to specify the general purpose of the bill : 

" What is now proposed is the enactment of a law with a different 
purpose from the ephemeral laws which have preceded it, and which 
shall form the basis of a permanent and uniform system of legisla- 
tion and jurisprudence on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the 
country. We desire that henceforth there shall be no longer upon 
this subject one law in Maine, and another law in Wisconsin, a third 
in California, and a fourth in Kentucky, and so on throughout all 
the States ; but one law for all ; which the citizens of the United 
States, inhabiting each and all the States, may acknowledge, live un- 
der, and enjoy, and feel it to be as stable as the Constitution upon 
which it stands." 

Mr. Jenckes states the points aimed to be secured by the bill to be, 
first, the discharge of the honest debtor upon the surrender of hia 
property ; and, second, the protection of the creditor against the 
fraudulent practices and reckless conduct of his debtor. 

Further on, lie thus depicts the former condition of an honest 
bankrupt : " If he possesses integrity and ability, those very quali 
ties are a disadvantage in any attempt to procure a discharge. The 



creditor says to him, l Some day you will recover yourself, or your 
friends will set you up in business, and then I can secure my debt.' 
The qualifications for success are thus made to increase the penalties 
and sufferings of misfortune. * * 

"The laws formerly in force by which the creditor could keep 
his debtor in prison for an indefinite period, without relief, have 
been abolished in all Christian countries. But there may be a pun- 
ishment of death without the knife, and an imprisonment without 
the bolts- and bars of the jail. When in this' country one enters the 
gates of hopeless insolvency, all his life must be passed within the 
imprisonment of mercantile dishonor, the pain of uncanceled obli- 
gations, the surveillance of creditors, and there is no release except 
by death. Who enters here may hereafter write over such habita- 
tion as he may have during the remnant of his life, the motto that 
the poet found inscribed over the gates of hell : 

' Who enters here abandons hope.' 
To him thenceforth 

'Hope never comes,that comes to all.' 

"Whatever may be his talents, whatever his skill the result of long 
business experience, whatever his opportunity, whatever his integrity 
and character, so long as creditors stand unwilling to release him, 
his life is one continuous thralldom, without the power of relief by 
his own exertions, and beyond the aid of his friends. Why should 
this be, and for what good? To what end ? Do the public gain by 
it ? Do the creditors ? No one can answer in the affirmative." 

The speech of Mr. Jenckes before the House, Jan. 17, 1868, in 
favor of " Supplementary Reconstruction," though brief, was one of 
the very best on that side of this great question. By the precedent 
of President Tyler's administration bearing upon the difficulties in 
Rhode Island in 1842, in connection with the " Charter government," 
and the " People's government," as well as by the decision of the 
Supreme Court in that case, Mr. Jenckes clearly demonstrated that 
the authority and power to decide what is, and what is not, the con- 
stitutional government of a State, is with Congress, in distinction 


from either of the other departments of the General Government. 
He then presented the whole existing case and condition of affairs as 
follows : 

" Now, in the light of this precedent, what is the true ground for 
the action now proposed ? We all agree with the opinion of the 
present President, in the spring of 1865, when he issued his procla- 
mation of the reorganization of the State of North Carolina, that there 
was no civil government there ; that all civil government there had been 
utterly destroyed by the rebellion. During the period immediately 
preceding the meeting of the last Congress, he undertook to do what 
his predecessor, Mr. Tyler, under similar circumstances, said he had 
no power to do to raise and construct State governments. It is true, 
he said all the time, that the action of the people of these States, 
and the executive department in that region, would be subject to 
the approval and ratification of Congress when it assembled. 

" Now, when Congress did assemble, the acts of the President and 
those under his authority were not satisfactory to that tribunal. It 
was a long time before the Thirty-ninth Congress could obtain official 
information of what had been done. Congress met on the first Monday 
in December, and the message of the President, transmitting the 
information to Congress, was not received until the month of March' 

" In the mean time, evidence of hostility to the Government of the 
United States, which was unmistakable in its 'character, had been 
received from every quarter of the South. The Executive did not con- 
ceal his disappointment at the coolness with which his efforts at 
reconstruction had been received. by the people. Congress undertook 
to settle the difficulty by proposing an amendment to the Constitution 
of the United States, establishing a due proportion between the repre- 
sentation and the voting constituency. Instead of the acceptance of 
that amendment either by these pretended .State governments or by 
the Executive, it was opposed by the latter, and rejected by the States 
most interested in it. * * * 

" What was to be done ? Was Congress to allow a new rebellion to 



be instigated, to be fostered into life by the Executive? or were they 
to undertake other means for keeping peace throughout the nation ? 
They decided that it was their duty to undertake other means, and 
those means are these Eeconstruction Acts." 

But perhaps the most important Congressional service yet rendered 
by Mr. Jenckes, remains to be sketched. We refer to a bill of which 
he is the author, and which he lately introduced in the House, en- 
titled " a bill to regulate the civil service of the United States, and 
to promote the efficiency thereof." 

The first section of this bill will sufficiently explain its. purpose and 
drift. It provides, " That hereafter all appointments of civil officers 
in the several departments of the service of the United States, except 
postmasters and such officers as are by law required to be appointed 
by the President, by and with the*advice and consent of the Senate, 
shall be made from those persons who shall have been found best 
qualified for the performance of the duties of the offices to which 
such appointments are to be made, in an open and competitive examina- 
tion, to be conducted as herein prescribed." 

An admirable and very able speech from Mr. Jenckes, accompanied 
the presentation of this important measure, of which we have space 
for merely the outlines. 

He began by submitting that what the bill proposes was substanti- 
ally the same principle as has always been applied to the Military 
and Naval service, illustrating the statement by reference to Military 
and Naval schools, and the examinations there required. Then, after 
glancing at certain reasons why the same principle has not been 
applied to the Civil service, he expatiates upon the necessity of a 
thorough reformation in the mode of appointment to office, and the 
duties of Heads of Departments and Members of Congress with 
regard to appointments to office. He also dwells upon the tendency 
of the present system of appointments toward centralization ; and in 
stating the conclusion of the Committee upon this point, he makes 
the following startling announcement : 

" It is safe to assert that the number of offices may be diminished 



one-third, and the efficiency of the whole force of the civil service 
increased one-half, with a corresponding reduction of salaries for 
discontinued offices, if a healthy system of appointment and discipline 
be established for its government." 

Mr. Jenckes then comes to the remedy the measure he is advo- 
cating and the mode of applying it. For the latter he proposes, 
first, open admission to these offices to all ; in other words, a free 
competition ; at the same time, suggesting that the requirement of a 
proper examination into qualifications, and scrutiny into character, 
will greatly diminish the number of applicants. He proposes, second, 
that the most worthy candidates receive appointments ; and he ex- 
plains, third, how the best attainable talent can be secured. 

In the remainder of this important speech, Mr. Jenckes descants 
upon the grand effect of the proposed system, and incidental 
topics, and concludes with the following summary : 

" Thus, while this proposed system will stimulate education and 
bring the best attainable talent into the public service, it will place 
that service above all consideration of locality, favoritism, patronage, 
or party, and will give it permanence and the character of nation- 
ality as distinct from its present qualities of insecurity and of cen- 
tralized power. A career will be opened to all who wish to serve 
the Republic ; and although its range is limited, yet success in it 
will be an admitted qualification for that higher and more laborious 
and uncertain competition before the people, if any one should be 
tempted to enter upon it. The nation will be better served ; the 
Government will be more stable and better administered ; property 
will be more secure ; personal rights more sacred ; and the Republic 
more respected and powerful. The great experiment of self-govern- 
ment, which our fathers initiated, will have another of its alien 
elements of discord removed from it, and in. its administration, in 
peace as well as in war, will have become a grand success." 


,m.v S v-.irr AT r.-E FECM WASSACHL'SETTS. 


EISTJAM1N F. BUTLER was born in Deerfield, New Hamp- 
shire, November 5, 1818. Five months afterwards, his 
father, a sea-captain, died at one of the West India Islands. 
Thus he grew up a fatherless boy, and in early childhood was slender 
and sickly. Yet he early evinced a fondness for reading, and 
eagerly availed himself of whatever books came within his reach. His 
memory from childhood was extraordinary, and he was fond of pleas- 
ing his mother by committing and reciting to her long passages 
once, indeed, the entire Gospel of Matthew. This extraordinary 
gift of memory he is said to retain in full force to the present day. 

At ten years of age his mother removed to Lowell, Massachusetts, 
that she might find better privileges for schooling her children. 
Benjamin improved well his opportunity ; graduating duly into the 
High School, and thence into Exeter Academy, where he completed 
his preparation for college. After some deliberation it was decided 
to send him to Waterville College, Maine. He was at this time 
sixteen years of age, and is represented as being a youth of small 
stature, infirm health, and fair complexion, while as to his mental 
qualities he was "of keen view fiery, inquisitive, fearless," with 
ardent curiosity to know, and a perfect memory to retain. In col- 
lege he excelled in those departments of the course in which he took 
a more especial interest, as for example the several branches of natural 
science, giving only ordinary attention to the rest. Meantime he 
read extensively, devouring books by the multitude. 

At graduating he was but a weak, attenuated young man, weigh- 
ing short of a hundred pounds. At the same time he was entirely 
dependent upon himself, and obliged to carve out his own fortune. 
To improve his health he accompanied an uncle on a fishing excur- 



sion to the coasts of Labrador, when, after a few weeks, he returned 
strong and well. 

He now commenced vigorously his life-work. Entering a law 
office at Lowell he pursued the study of the law with all his might, 
teaching school a portion of the time to aid in defraying his expenses ; 
and such was his diligence at this period that he was accustomed to 
work eighteen out of the twenty-four hours. Meanwhile he indulged 
in no recreation save military exercises, for which he betrayed an early 
predilection, and served in the State militia in every grade, from 
that of the private up to brigadier-general. 

Mr. Butler was admitted to the bar in 1840, at twenty-two years 
of age. As a lawyer " he won his way rapidly to a lucrative prac- 
tice, and with sufficient rapidity to an important leading and con- 
spicuous position." As an opponent, he was bold, diligent, vehement, 
and inexhaustible. It was his well-settled theory, that his business 
was simply and solely to serve the interests of his client. " In some 
important particulars," says his biographer, " General Butler sur- 
passed all his contemporaries at the New England bar. His memory 
was such that he could retain the whole of the very longest trial 
without taking a note. His power of labor seemed unlimited. In 
fertility of expedient, and in the lightning quickness of his devices 
to snatch victory from the jaws of defeat, his equal has seldom lived." 
" A verdict of guilty," says another, " is nothing to him ; it is only 
the beginning of the case. He has fifty exceptions ; a hundred motions 
in arrest of judgment ; and, after that, the habeas corpus and personal 
replevin." Hence, his professional success was extraordinary ; and, 
when he left his practice to go to the war, he is said to have had a 
larger business than any other lawyer in the State. After ten years 
of practice at Lowell he opened an office in Boston also, and went 
thither and back punctually every day ; and so lucrative had his bus- 
iness become at the beginning of the war, that it was worth, at a 
moderate estimate, $18,000 annually. 

Yet General Butler was among the first, if not the very first of 
Northern men, to discern the coming of war, and to sound the note of 
preparation to meet it, and to leave behind his business, large and 



profitable as it was, and fly to the rescue. From the beginning of 
his career he had been one of the most determined and earnest of 
Democrats. He had been a leader of his party in Massachusetts, 
although a leader of a " forlorn hope." Yet when the great crisis 
came on he seemed at once to rise above party and party politics, 
and to think of nothing but crushing the rebellion, and crushing it, 
too, with speedy and heavy blows. Ascertaining, on a visit to Wash- 
ington, the designs of the Southern leaders, he warned them that 
those designs would lead to war ; that the North would resist them to 
the death ; and notified them that he himself would be among the 
first to draw the sword against the attempt to break up the Union. 
Returning home, he immediately conferred with Governor Andrew, 
assuring him that war was imminent, and that no time should be 
lost in the great matter of preparation, and that the militia of 
Massachusetts should be ready to move at a day's notice. The Gov- 
ernor acquiesced, and through the winter months, daily, except Sun- 
days, military drilling was the order of the day, and other necessary 
preparations of war were diligently prosecuted. Thus when, in the 
succeeding spring, the first and fatal blow fell, Massachusetts was 
ready, and at the call of the Government several full regiments were 
in a few hours on their way to Washington, under the command of 
General Butler. Then in quick succession we hear of the murder- 
ous attack on one of the regiments as it passed through Baltimore, 
of the landing of the 8th Massachusetts at Annapolis, of the march 
thence to Washington, of the quiet occupation by General Butler of 
the city of Baltimore and the consequent distress of poor old General 
Scott, of the approval of President Lincoln of Butler's promotion to 
the major-generalship, and of his assuming command of Fortress Mon- 
roe. During his brief command at this important post he exerted 
himself strenuously to bring order out of confusion. He extended 
his lines several miles inland, and was eager for a strong demonstra- 
tion upon "Virginia from this point as a base of operations, but his 
views failed of acquiescence by the Government. It was while in this 
command that General Butler originated the shrewd device of pro- 
nouncing as contrabands the slaves that escaped into his lines from 


the neighboring country. The epithet was at once seen to be appro- 
priate as it was skillful, as by the enemy the blacks were esteemed as 
property ; and as such property was used for aiding the rebellion, 
General Butler rationally concluded that it might be more properly 
employed in helping to crush it. Hence, this new species of contra- 
band property, instead of being returned to its alleged owners, 
was retained and set to work for the Government. 

On his recall from the command of Fortress Monroe, General 
Butler requested and obtained leave to recruit six regiments in the 
several New England States. With these new forces he was com- 
missioned, in conjunction with the naval squadron under command 
of Captain Farragut, to capture the city of New Orleans. The com- 
bined military and naval forces were at the mouths of the Missis- 
sippi in April of 1862. Between them and New Orleans was 
105 miles ; and 30 miles up the river, one on each bank, and nearly 
opposite each other, were the two impregnable forts, Jackson and 
St. Philip, together with a huge chain cable, supported by anchored 
hulks, stretched sheer across the river. Added to these obstructions 
was, just above the fort, a fleet of armed steam vessels, ready to aid 
in disputing every inch of the terrible passage. After several days 
of severe bombarding, however, with but small impression upon 
either fort, having succeeded in sundering the cable, the fleet, under 
cover of night, yet with a raking fire from the forts and an engage- 
ment with the rebel squadron, passed the terrible batteries with com- 
paratively small loss, and proceeded triumphantly up to the city. 
The transport steamers, still at the river mouths, were then put in 
motion, and by a back passage General Butler landed the troops in 
the rear of the two forts, which with but little further resistance 
were surrendered, and their garrisons parolled. Then presently the 
General, having manned the forts with loyal troops, followed the 
fleet to the city, of which he took immediate possession, the rebel 
troops stationed there having retired precipitately. 

In New Orleans, General Butler was the right man in the right 
place. His government may not have been faultless ; yet, if bring- 
ing order out of confusion, if providing for forty thousand starving 


poor, if the averting of pestilence by cleaning the filthy streets and 
squares and canals of the city, if giving the loyal citizens freedom of 
election, such as they never had before, and causing justice to be im- 
partially administered, if restoring to freedom slaves subjected to the 
most horrible oppression, if imparting salutary lessons on morals and 
manners to traitorous officials and ministers, and rebellious and impu- 
dent women if these and a hundred other kindred measures were 
commendable and good, then was General Butler's career at New 
Orleans praiseworthy and eminently beneficial. Nor is it any mean 
confirmation of such statement that on being recalled by the Govern- 
ment, no word or hint was ever given him why such recall was 

During a few months which followed, General Butler, though with- 
out a command, was not idle, but ably supported the Government by 
public speeches in various places. His executive ability was soon 
called into requisition in the military command of New York, which 
was lately the scene of the terrible " draft riots." 
In the spring of 1864 he was assigned to the command of the 
Army of the James. He was expected to pave the way for the cap- 
ture of Petersburg and Richmond by the capture of the intermediate 
position of Bermuda Hundred, which he speedily accomplished. 
In the assault on Petersburg General Butler and General Kautz gal- 
lantry carried out their parts of the plan, but the enterprise was un- 
successful, from the fact that General Gilmore failed to co-operate with 
the force at his command. We find General Butler patiently and labo- 
riously striving to effect the fall of Richmond, whether by hard work 
at Dutch Gap or successful fighting at Deep Bottom and Straw- 
berry Plains. We next see him commanding the land forces to co- 
operate with a naval squadron under Admiral Porter in an expedition 
against Wilmington. Arriving before Fort Fisher December 24, the 
squadron opened a terrific fire. The day following the land forces 
were disembarked, and a joint assault was ordered by sea and land. 
Upon moving forward to the attack, however, General Weitzel, 
tfho accompanied the column, came to the conclusion, from a careful 
reconnoisance of the fort, that " it would be butchery to order an as- 


sanlt." General Butler, having formed the same opinion from other 
information, re-embarked his troops and sailed for Hampton Roads. 
CTpon his return to the James River he was relieved from the com- 
mand of the Army of the James, and ordered to report to Lowell, 
Massachusetts, his residence. 

Returning to civil life, General Butler was triumphantly elected 
Representative from Massachusetts to the Fortieth Congress, and re- 
elected to the Forty-first Congress. In the House of Representa- 
tives he has distinguished himself for activity and industry, and for 
skill and readiness in debate. .He was prominent as a Radical, and 
assumed a leading position against the views and policy of President 
Johnson. In the impeachment of that functionary he was desig- 
nated as one of the managers for the people, and performed his part 
in that grave transaction with signal ability. 

In conclusion, while we do not contemplate General Butler as 
among the most faultless and prudent of men, we cannot at the same 
time refrain from assigning him an elevated rank among the heroic 
and distinguished spirits of his generation. He is emphatically a 
" man of mark," a man whose perceptions are keen and quick to an 
extraordinary degree, faithful and ready in expedients, sprightly and 
active beyond most men of strong and determined purpose ambi- 
tious, but true as steel in his patriotism a man to have enemies, 
but friends also equally numerous and equally strong a man like 
few others, yet just such a one as is needed under peculiar and 
extraordinary circumstances a man bold, fearless, prompt, ingen- 
ious, talented, able, persistent, and efficient. 





5 OHN~ A. GKISWOLD was born at Nassau, Keiisselaer 
County, New York, in 1822. His grandfathers fought in 
the war for Independence, and one of them was confined 
in the " Jersey Prison Ship." The subject of this sketch is described 
as in youth kind and generous, despising falsehood and deceit, devel- 
oping strength of body by much out-of-door activity, and at the same 
time cultivating his mind by diligent attention to study. 

His tastes tending to commercial pursuits, when seventeen years 
of age he went to Troy, and entered the iron and hardware house of 
Hart, Lesley & Warren. ' At the expiration of a year he accepted 
the position of book-keeper in the cotton manufacturing and commis- 
sion house of C. H. & I. J. Merritt. During this period of his life, 
he lived in the family of his uncle, Major-General Wool, thus enjoy- 
ing the influence of a refined and cultivated society in developing his 
social, moral, and intellectual character. * 

In a few years, Mr. Griswold embarked in business for himself, in 
a wholesale and retail drug establishment. He subsequently became 
interested in the manufacture of iron, as a partner in the Rensselaer 
Iron Company. He soon reached a leading position among the busi- 
ness men of the country as a manufacturer of iron. Owing to the 
exertions of Mr. Griswold and others engaged in similar pursuits, the 
city of Troy has gradually grown to be one of the most important 
iron centers of the United States. The introduction into the United 
States by Mr. Griswold and his associates of the process of iron 
manufacture known as the Bessemer steel process, promises within a 
few years to substitute the steel rail for the iron rail on the railroads 
of this country. 


Although immersed in business, Mr. Griswold deemed it his duty 
as a citizen to give attention to public affairs. In 1855, he was 
elected Mayor of the city of Troy. During his term of office, he 
gave careful attention to the affairs of the city, and as the presiding 
officer in the common council, gave acknowledged satisfaction by his 
urbanity and impartial administration of parliamentary laws. 

At the breaking out of the rebellion, Mr. Griswold at once arrayed 
himself among the supporters of the Government. On the 15th of 
April, 1861, the day after the arrival of the news of the fall of Fort 
Sumter, he presided at a mass meeting held in Troy for the purpose 
of raising men to protect the United States against rebels, and means 
to support the families of those who should enter the service. On 
this occasion, at the organization of the meeting, he in a few words 
disclaimed any -partisan action in his own conduct, deplored the dis- 
tracted state of the country, declared that any man who should be 
influenced by political considerations in such a crisis, ought to receive 
universal public execration, and expressed the hope that the citizens 
would respond with alacrity to the call of the President for men. 
The Second Eegiment of New York State Yolunteers was the result 
of the efforts which followed .this and similar meetings. Mr. Gris- 
wold also aided in raising the 30th, 125th, and 169th regiments of 
New York Yolunteers, as well as the Black-Horse Cavalry and the 
21st New York, or " Griswold Light Cavalry." 

In August, 1861, Congress made an appropriation for the construc- 
tion of iron-clad steamships, or floating steam batteries. A few 
weeks later, C. S. Bushnell of New Haven, John F. Winslow of 
Troy, and Mr. Griswold, were at Washington engaged in closing a 
contract with the Government for clothing a wooden vessel with iron. 
This business having been concluded, these gentlemen called the 
attention of the Naval Board to a model of an iron-clad vessel made 
by John Ericsson, which they had brought with them, and suggested 
the propriety of building a vessel after his plans. These gentlemen 
subsequently had interviews with President Lincoln, who manifested 
great interest in the ideas presented. Taking up the model, he exam- 


ined it closely and critically, commented in his shrewd and homely 
way upon the principles involved in the construction of a vessel on 
such a model, spoke favorably of the design, and proposed that they 
should meet him, with the model, at the Navy Department. This 
meeting,' suggested by Mr. Lincoln himself, was held, he being 

In their report, which was made soon after this meeting, the Naval 
Board, Commodores Joseph Smith and H. Paulding, and Captain C. 
H. Davis, recommended that an experiment be made with one- bat- 
tery of the description presented by Captain Ericsson, with a guar- 
antee and forfeiture in case of failure in any of the properties and 
'points of the vessel as proposed. The contract as made, stipulated 
for the completion of the battery within one hundred days from the 
signing o'f the contract, which was on October 5, 1861 ; and the 
extraordinary provision was introduced, that the test of the battery, 
upon which its acceptance by the United States Government de- 
pended, should be its withstanding the fire of the enemy's batteries 
at the shortest ranges, the United States agreeing to fit out the 
vessel with men and guns.' 

The contract price for building the battery was $275,000. The 
work was begun in October, 1861, at the Continental Works, Green- 
point, Long Island, by Mr. J. F. Rowland, under the direct super- 
vision of Captain Ericsson. The plating of the vessel, and portions 
of her machinery and other iron work, were manufactured at the 
Rensselaer Iron Works and the Albany Iron Works. On January 
30, 1862, which was the one hundred and first working day 
from the time the contract was entered into, the Monitor was 
launched at Greenpoint, and was delivered to the Government March 
5, 1862. 

Her subsequent history is well known. Formidable in appear- 
ance, and invulnerable in structure, she appeared at Fortress Monroe 
at ten o'clock on the evening of Friday, March 8, 1862. On the 
following day, in conflict with the rebel iron-clad Merrimac in 
Hampton Roads, she not only compelled her antagonist to retire in 
a disabled condition, but saved Fortress Monroe from capture, 



preserved millions of shipping and public property, and thousands 
of lives, put an end to all the plans and expectations of the rebel 
authorities based upon their experimental vessel, and gave us pres- 
tige abroad, the worth of which to us as a nation was inestimable. 
Speaking of the views that obtained concerning this vessel before 
and after that celebrated sea-fight of March 9, 1862, one. writer has 
well said, " Never was a greater hope placed upon apparently more 
insignificant means, but never was a great hope more triumphantly 
fulfilled." The thanks of Congress were officially returned to Cap- 
tain Ericsson, the designer of the Monitor; and President Lincoln and 
his Cabinet personally awarded to the contractors the position of 
public benefactors. 

In the following October, Mr. Griswold was nominated by the 
Democratic party of the Fifteenth Congressional District, as a can- 
didate for Representative in the Thirty-eighth Congress. His nomi- 
nation was received with great cordiality. Although nominally a 
Democrat, his course for months past had shown that he could not 
allow party attachments or considerations to rise superior to his 
patriotism. Ever liberal and magnanimous in his political actions 
and views, he had signally displayed these noble characteristics in 
his efforts to sustain the Government in crushing the rebellion. 

In the election that followed, and in a district strongly Republican, 
he was chosen as Representative in Congress by a majority of 1,287 
votes, while in the same district the Republican State ticket received 
a majority of 817 votes. 

Mr. Griswold's course in the Congress to which he was then elected, 
was such as to distinguish him as a firm and decided friend of the 
Government. . He refused to affiliate with those members of the Demo- 
cratic party who were doing their utmost to embarrass the Government, 
and obstruct the war. As questions of administrative policy, and 
those of a still more important character involving the very life of 
the Republic arose, he voted promptly and unhesitatingly to provide 
the nation with everything necessary for its welfare, and his guiding 

principle was that " the Republic should receive no harm." He 



favored all measures having for their end a more vigorous prosecu- 
tion of the war ; and on all questions of furnishing supplies, on all 
matters of financial policy, and upon every declaration of the duty of 
crushing the rebellion and preserving the Government, he constantly 
and uniformly gave his vote with the Union men in Congress. 

As a member of the Naval Committee, he labored indefatigably and 
effectively to strengthen and promote the efficiency of the navy. 
Acting ever from principle, the agency of former party friendships 
was exerted in vain to impose upon him a course of conduct that in- 
volved the spirit of disloyalty. Unflinching patriotism, such as was 
his, stood unshaken by the dictation of caucus, or the persuasion of 
earlier political ties. With such a record he returned home at the 
close of the session of 1864. As one man, the Union men of his dis- 
trict resolved to return him to the seat in Congress which he had filled 
with such distinguished honor. On the 14th of September, 1864, a 
Union nominating convention for the Fifteenth Congressional District 
met at Salem, in Washington County, and, without a ballot, selected 
him by acclamation as their candidate for Representative in the 
Thirty-ninth Congress. On this occasion the Hon. A. D. Wait, 
a member of the convention, said of Mr. Griswold : " He has a 
record that the best man in the land may be proud of. He 
has passed through the furnace of party influence seven times 
heated, and escaped without so much as a smell of fire upon his 

Against the most determined efforts of the Democratic party Mr. 
Griswold was again elected to Congress for the term commencing 
March 4, 1865. During his second term in Congress, his course was 
distinguished by the same devotion to the principles of patriotism and 
liberty that marked his conduct there during his first two years. With 
men of vacillating natures, disloyal views, vindictive dispositions, or 
of characters in which ambition and discontent were the main ingre- 
dients, he had no sympathy. The object at which he aimed was to 
put down the rebellion by force of arms ; and the means by which he 
sought to effect this end, were the support of the Government to which 
this labor was especially intrusted. All his sympathies and opinions 

i ' 


were in unison with the grand design of preserving the Republic, and 
all his energies were bent toward the fulfillment of that work. In 
common with the noble army of patriots in Congress which posterity 
will delight to honor, his later, like his earlier votes, were in consonance 
with the Union sentiments of the North. 

The Republicans of the Fifteenth Congressional District indicated 
their approval of this patriotic course, by nominating Mr. Griswold 
for re-election to the Fortieth Congress. At the election which 
followed, he received a majority of 5,316 votes, the largest ever 
given to any Representative from his district. On returning to 
Washington for the third term, he was placed on the Committee ot 
Ways and Means, in which position he labored with zeal and industry, 
bringing to the discharge of his duties the results of his previous 
legislative experience, an extensive knowledge of the manufacturing 
interests of the country, a comprehension of the differences existing 
between the labor of the United States and the labor of Great Britain, 
and sagacity in reaching- ends beneficial to the nation by the most 
acceptable means. 

In July, 1868, Mr. Griswold was nominated by the Republican 
State Convention for the office of Governor of New York. During 
the laborious and exciting canvass that ensued, Mr. Griswold steadily 
grew in favor with the people. Neither he nor his friends had 
sanguine hopes of overcoming the majority of 48,000 by which the 
Democrats had carried the State in 1867. Official returns of the 
election gave Mr. Hoffman a majority of 27,946. Subsequent investi- 
gations made by a Congressional Committee disclosed the fact, that 
more than 30,000 fraudulent votes were cast for the Democratic 
candidates in the city of New York. 





'EENVILLE M. DODGE was born at Danvers, Massachu- 
setts, April 12, 1831, and was educated at the Military Uni- 
versity, Norwich, Vermont. He emigrated to the west in 
1851, and was employed as a civil engineer on various Illinois rail- 
roads until 1853, when he was appointed Assistant Engineer of the 
Mississippi and Missouri Eailroad, and made the preliminary surveys 
of that road across the State of Iowa. In the fall of 1854 he located 
at Council Bluffs, Iowa, and engaged 'in mercantile and banking oper- 
ations. At the breaking out of the Rebellion he promptly tendered 
his services to the Governor of Iowa, and was sent to Washington to 
make arrangements for securing arms and equipments for the troops 
of that State. Having succeeded in his mission, he returned home 
and raised the 4th regiment of Iowa Infantry and the 2d Iowa 
(Dodge's) Battery, and was commissioned Colonel of the former. 

In the month of July, 1861, with such force as he had then in 
hand, he marched into North-west Missouri to drive out the rebel 
leader, Poindexter, who with a large force of rebels was threatening 
the southern border of Iowa, and the destruction of the Hannibal and 
St. Joseph Eailroad. Having accomplished the object of this expedi- 
tion he marched back to Council Bluffs, where he completed the or- 
ganization of his regiment and battery, and reported with them to 
General Fremont, at St. Louis, in the month of August. 

He was soon after ordered to Eolla, Missouri, and commanded that 
post until the "Army of the South-west " was organized under Gen. 
Curtis, when he was assigned to command the 4th Division of that 
army, and led its advance in the capture of Springfield, Missouri. 
He- commanded the right wing at the battle of Pea Eidge, where he 
had three horses killed under him, and was dangerously wounded. 
For his gallant conduct in this battle he was made a Brigadier-Gen- 



eral, and as soon as lie recovered from his wounds was assigned to 
command the district of Columbus, Kentucky. He defeated General 
Villipigue on the Hatchie river, captured General Faulkner and his 
command near Island Number Ten, and attacked Yan Dorn's column 
at Tuscumbia, Tennessee, capturing many prisoners. In the spring 
of 1863 he brilliantly opened the campaign with the defeat of the forces 
of Forrest, Roddy and Ferguson in several severe engagements. In 
July he was assigned to command the left wing of the 16th Army 
Corps, with headquarters at Corinth, and made the famous raid on 
Grenada which resulted in the capture of fifty-five locomotives and 
one thousand cars. He rebuilt railroads, organized, armed and equip- 
ped many thousands of colored troops, and fought many battles which 
would require a volume to describe. 

In the spring of 1864, with his command, he joined General Sher- 
man at Chattanooga, and was given the advance of the Army of the 
Tennessee, in its celebrated movement at the opening of the Atlanta 
campaign. He defeated the rebels in many hotly contested engage- 
ments, and saw his splendid services recognized by the Government 
in his promotion to the rank of Major-General. 

He was on the extreme left of the army in the .bloody battle of 
July 22d in front of Atlanta (in which McPherson fell), and for a 
long time with 'his corps he bore the brunt of the battle, and, by 
stubborn resistance and heroic bravery, hurled back the advancing 
columns of an enemy confident of success and outnumbering him 
three to one, and, doubtless, saved the army from a serious disaster, 
turning a threatened defeat into a substantial victory. In front of 
his eleven regiments that held the left, he took prisoners from forty- 
nine regiments representing two corps of the enemy. Against this 
great odds he not only held his ground, drove the enemy with terri- 
ble slaughter, capturing a large number of prisoners, but also de- 
tached an entire brigade to assist the 15th Corps (General Logan's) 
to retake and hold its works, from which the enemy had driven a 
portion of it. 

On the 19th of August, while superintending an advance of his 
front line, then' besieging the city of Atlanta, he fell, dangerously 



wounded, by a gun shot in his head, and as soon as able to. move 
was sent North, where he remained until he had recovered from his 
wound, when he reported for duty to General Sherman, but not 
being considered physically able to take part in the " march to the 
Sea," he was ordered to take command of the district of Yicksburg. 
While en route for this command he was assigned by the President 
to take command of the Department of Missouri, relieving General 
Rosecrans. When he assumed command of this difficult department, 
the " grave of generals," the troops were in bad condition, and the 
State was overrun with guerillas and rebel marauders. General 
Dodge went to work with great energy, and soon succeeded in bring- 
ing order to the scene of anarchy and confusion. The Departments 
of Kansas and Utah were soon after merged in his command, bring- 
ing additional trouble and .responsibilities. The Indians of the 
plains had combined in hostilities, from the British Provinces to the 
Red River on the south. 

General Dodge grasped the numberless and perplexing difficulties 
of his department with a master hand. Although it was mid- winter, 
he promptly concentrated and put in motion troops who invaded the 
country of the hostile Indians, chastised them and compelled them 
to sue for peace. The guerillas were so vigorously hunted down that 
those who were not killed either fled or surrendered. The rebel 
general Jeif. Thompson, with about 8,000 officers and men, surren- 
dered to General Dodge in Arkansas, while about 4,000 men of 
Kirby Smith's army surrendered to him in Missouri. At the close 
of the war General Dodge turned over the department of Missouri 
to General Pope. He subsequently held a general command, em- 
bracing Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Western Dakota, Montana, and 
Utah. In June, 1866, at his urgent solicitation, he was relieved of 
his command and his resignation was accepted. 

He immediately entered actively upon his duties as Chief Engineer 
of the Union Pacific Railroad, to which position he had been previ- 
ously appointed. As early as 1853 his attention had been attracted 
to the Pacific Railroad enterprise. During that year he surveyed the 
present route west from the Missouri River, and made a report to 




Messrs. Farnham and Durant. The primary object then was to fix 
upon the most feasible route for the Pacific road, and to accommo- 
date the terminus of the Mississippi and Missouri road thereto, in 
order to make a connection. 

In 1859 Mr. Lincoln visited Council Bluffs and consulted with Mr. 
Dodge relative to the. Pacific Railroad, at which time all its impor- 
tant features were discussed. In 1863, pending the passage of the 
Pacific Railroad bill, President Lincoln telegraphed to General 
Dodge, then commanding at Corinth, Mississippi, to repair to "Wash- 
ington, which he did, and in the interview then had Mr. Lincoln 
decided to fix the initial point of the road at the western boundary 
of Iowa, between the towns of Council Bluffs and Omaha, and the 
bill was so perfected. 

In July, 1866, the Republicans of the Fifth Congressional District 
of Iowa, proud of his brilliant war record, and grateful for his ser- 
vices, nominated General Dodge for Congress. The honor was en- 
tirely unsought and reluctantly accepted, as he was at the time at 
the head of his engineer corps, tracing the route of that grand thor- 
oughfare, the Union Pacific Railroad, over the plains. Though he 
made no canvass whatever, being all the while away upon the plains, 
General Dodge was elected over a popular competitor by 4,398 ma- 
jority, nearly 2.000 more than the district had ever before given. 

In the Fortieth Congress Mr. Dodge never occupied the time of 
the House in speaking, and yet was among the most able and effi- 
cient members. As a member of the Committee on Military Affairs 
he rendered the country valuable service, especially in the measure 
for the re-organization of the Army. To his services Iowa is largely 
indebted for the passage of bills to reimburse the expenses incurred 
by the State in raising and equipping volunteers and defending its 
borders. He positively declined a re-nomination, and shortly after 
the close of the Fortieth Congress he returned to the plains to push for- 
ward the construction of the Pacific Railroad. He has just enjoyed 
the proud satisfaction of witnessing the completion of that grand 
enterprise, to which the best energies of his life have been given, to 
the success of which no living man has contributed more. 





'EOKGE S. BOUTWELL was born in Brookline, Massachu- 
setts, January 28th, 1818. He learned to read at his 
mother's knee while she read the large family Bible. Be- 
ing a farmer's son, his assistance was required at home during the 
greater part of the year, so that his training in the schools was lim- 
ited to a few weeks of the winter. Whether in school or out, he 
prosecuted his studies most diligently, and when seventeen years of 
age he taught school in Shirley, Massachusetts. 

In March, 1835, he went to Groton and commenced business as 
clerk in a store. In the second story of the store there was kept an 
old but well-selected library. This was more fortunate for young 
Boutwell than the discovery of a mine of gold. In the absence of 
customers, and in the intervals of business, he read during the day. 
At nine o'clock, when the store was closed, he would repair to the 
library and read till overcome by drowsiness, when he would arouse 
himself by physical exercise, or plunging his head in a pail of water 
at hand for that purpose. He pursued the study of Latin and French, 
and made proficiency in other branches, such as gave him rank in 
scholastic attainments equal to that attained by college graduates. 
At the age of eighteen he entered his name in an attorney's office for 
the study of law, which he pursued with diligence in the intervals 
of business, for many years. 

At nineteen he made his first public appearance in a lecture before 
the Groton Lyceum. In 1840 he entered with youthful ardor into 
politics, advocating the election of Mr. Van Buren. At the age of 
twenty-one he was elected a member of the School Committee of 
Groton, a large town of more than usual wealth and culture. In the 

same year he was the candidate of the Democratic party for the Leg- 



islature, but failed to be elected. He was again nominated, however, 
and in 1842 was elected to the Legislature, in which he served for seven 
years. He soon became a leading member, surpassing all in thorough 
mastery of the subjects discussed, and in readiness and ability as a 
debater. He ably and successfully advocated the question of retrench- 
ment of expenses, enlargement of the school fund, and Harvard Col- 
lege reform. 

During his service in the Legislature Mr. Bout well was also Rail- 
way Commissioner, Bank Commissioner, and three times a Demo- 
cratic candidate for Congress. He also delivered numerous lyceum 
lectures and political addresses. 

In 1851 he was elected Governor of Massachusetts, and held the 
office two terms. He was a member of the Constitutional Conven- 
' tion of 1853, in which he was a recognized leader. Rufus Choate 
was his leading opponent. Early in the session, the subject of 
" Town Representation " being under consideration, Mr. Choate made 
one of his most characteristically eloquent speeches, which completely 
carried away the Convention. Mr. Boutwell rose to reply, surpris- 
ing many with his apparent temerity in attempting to meet the most 
brilliant orator of the Whigs. But all apprehension of a damaging 
comparison or a failure soon passed away. He enchained the atten- 
tion of the Convention, and maintained his cause with signal ability. 
He drafted and reported the Constitution, which was submitted to 
the people and adopted. 

The same year Mr. Boutwell became a member of the State Board 
of Education, in which he remained ten years. For five years he 
was Secretary of the Board, meanwhile preparing its Annual Re- 
ports, and publishing a " Manual of the School System and School 
Laws of Massachusetts," and a volume on " Educational Topics and 
Institutions." In 1856 his literary and scientific attainments were 
recognized in his election as a member of the American Academy of 
Arts and Sciences. From 1851 to 1860 he was a member of the 
Board of Overseers of Harvard College. 

In 1853 Mr. Boutwell cast his last vote with the Democratic party, 
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in 1854, completely sunder- 


ing his old political ties. He was a leader in the organization of the 
Republican party in Massachusetts. 

In 1861, having been elected a member of the Phi Beta Kappa of 
Cambridge, he delivered the Commencement oration. With obvious 
propriety, political subjects are usually avoided on such occasions ; but 
such was the absorbing interest in national aifairs, that the officers of 
the college and of the society requested him to discuss freely the 
state of the country. In the oration whioh followed, he showed that 
Slavery was the cause of the war, and demonstrated the justice and 
necessity of emancipation. It was so far in advance of the times as 
to receive severe censure, not only from Democrats, but from many 
Republicans. Published entire in many journals, and circulated 
throughout the country, it did much to hasten the great revolution in 
public sentiment which was essential to the suppression of the Rebel- 

The first time that Mr. Boutwell appeared in a public capacity 
outside of Massachsetts, was as a member of the celebrated Peace 
Congress, held in 1861, which failed to arrest the rebellion of the 
South. He was first Commissioner of Internal Revenue, from July, 
1862 to March, 1863. During his incumbency of this office he or- 
ganized the vast Revenue System of the United States. 

Having been elected a Representative in Congress, he took his 
seat as a member of the House in March, 1863. He was appointed 
a member of the Judiciary Committee an evidence of the high 
estimate in which his legal talent and attainments were held. 

In the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses he was continued on 
this committee, and was a member of the Joint Committee on Re- 

Making his first appearance in the national councils when the 
country was in the midst of a war of unexampled magnitude, he found 
a wide field opened before him for the exercise of his abilities. The 
Emancipation Proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, and all the war meas- 
ures of the Administration, received his hearty support. When the 
enlistment of negroes was first resolved upon, he was among the 
foremost to encourage the policy, making several speeches in support 



of what he regarded as a movement essential to a successful prose- 
;ution of the war. After the Rebellion had been suppressed, he was 
me of the earliest advocates of negro suffrage. 

No one was more impatient with President Johnson's defection 
!'rom the principles of the party by whom he had been elected ; no 
3ne was more firmly convinced that he was guilty of crimes and 
misdemeanors deserving impeachment. As a Manager of the Im- 
peachment Trial before the Senate, his sincerity, honesty, eloquence 
and erudition attracted the attention of the entire country. 

Elected for the fourth time as a Representative from Massachusetts, 
Mr. Boutwell had just taken .his seat in the Forty-first Congress 
when hS was called by President Grant to a seat in the Cabinet, as 
Secretary of the Treasury. This appointment was recognized by the 
country as eminently wise and proper. 

The new Secretary at once addressed himself to the work of regu- 
lating the complex and much disordered machinery of his Depart- 
ment. He began at the very opening of his administration of the 
Treasury to diminish the public debt. Notwithstanding the difficulties 
incident to entering upon a new financial policy, during his first three 
months in office he reduced the national indebtedness more than 
twenty millions of dollars. 

Mr. Boutwell is a man of great force of character, power of mind 
and strength of will. With indomitable perseverance and rare 
sagacity, he has risen to a position of commanding influence. He is 
an impressive speaker, with distinct articulation and earnest manner. 
He is a vigorous thinker, convincing by the force of logio, rather 
than captivating with the charms of rhetoric. Whether as State 
executive, national legislator or cabinet officer, he is the same honest, 
popular and efficient statesman. 


Eng 'by G- E Peru*-- 


^ALBERT E. PAINE was born in Chardon, Ohio, February 
4, 1826. lie graduated at the Western Eeserve College in 
1845, studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1848. 
He engaged in the practice of his profession in Cleveland until 1857,' 
when he removed to Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 

On the breaking out of the civil war he entered the military ser- 
vice, and was commissioned Colonel of the Fourth Regiment of Wis- 
consin "Volunteer Infantry. Receiving orders to join the Eastern 
Department, the regiment left the State July 15, 1861, and proceed- 
ed to Harrisburg, Pa., and thence to Baltimore, where they were 
furnished with arms. Headquarters were established at the Relay 
House, and for several months the men were employed in guarding 
railroads and constructing forts. In November the regiment joined 
an expedition under Gen. Lockwood against the rebels on the " East- 
ern Shore." On the successful issue of this expedition Col. Paine 
led his regiment back to Baltimore, where they remained until Febru- 
ary, 1862, when they were ordered to join Gen. Butler's New Or- 
leans expedition. Embarking at Fortress Monroe, they made a 
successful voyage, and, having delayed at the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi until the capture of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, they reach- 
ed New Orleans about the 1st of May. The Fourth Wisconsin and 
the Thirty-first Massachusetts regiments were the first Union troops 
landed at Ne^ Orleans. With colors flying and baud playing, they 
marched to the Custom House and took forcible possession. 

Colonel Paine performed provost guard duty in New Orleans until 
May 8th, and then proceeding up the Mississippi, took possession of 
Baton Rouge. On the 5th of June General Williams issued an order 
directing commanders to turn fugitive slaves from their camps, and 



keep them out. Colonel Paine refused to execute the order, and was 
placed under arrest. The Act of Congress of March 15th, 1862, pro- 
vided that no officer should employ the troops under his command in 
'' returning fugitives from service or labor "to their masters. The 
order of Gen. Williams directed that they should be turned out of 
camp and sent beyond the lines. Col. Paine considered this to mean 
practically the same thing as returning the fugitives, and disobeyed 
the order, declaring, in a letter to the General, that his regiment 
would not with his consent be employed . in the violation of the law 
for the purpose of returning fugitives to rebels. The correspondence 
on the subject was read, at dress parade, before the regiment. His 
men unanimously sustained their Colonel, and were highly indignant 
on account of his arrest. 

On the 17th of June the regiment again embarked and started 
on an expedition to Vicksburg. The order with regard to Colonel 
Paine was so modified that when the troops landed for action he was 
to assume command, and the arrest was to be renewed immediately 
on re-embarkation. They reached the mouth of Bayoji Black, near 
Grand Gulf, the 23d, and having dispersed a rebel battery, they went 
up the Bayou to the Grand Gulf and Port Gibson Railroad. Return- 
ing, Colonel Paine took the 4th Wisconsin, the 9th Connecticut, and 
a section of Artillery, and marched thirteen miles in the excessive 
heat to the rear of Grand Gulf where they engaged and defeated the 
enemy, capturing prisoners and camp. 

On the 31st of July Colonel Paine, in obedience to orders, started 
for New Orleans to report in arrest to General Butler. A few days 
after, in a battle with the rebels under Breckinridge, General Wil- 
liams was killed, and General Butler ordered Colonel Paine to pro- 
ceed at once to Baton Rouge and take command. He was ordered 
to burn the city to the ground, except the State library, paintings, 
statuary, and charitable institutions. This course was decided on, 
inasmuch as the city would furnish quarters for a large rebel army 
if, as was expected, it should be abandoned by the Federal forces. 

On reaching Baton Rouge, Colonel Paine found that the rebels had 
retreated, and the Federal troops, having changed their position, 



were awaiting another attack. The next day Colonel Paine ordered 
the removal of the statue of Washington, which was sent to the 
Patent Office in Washington. Several days were spent in forti- 
fying the city in expectation of an attack from General Brecken- 
ridge. On the 18th of August a considerable force approached 
the works, but were easily repulsed with the aid of the gunboats. 
Meanwhile Colonel Paine sent a messenger to General Butler 
with an earnest request that the order for the burning of Baton 
Eouge might be rescinded, as " he felt, sure the rebels could not com- 
pel an evacuation, and believed that the town would be useful to 
our army in future military operations." While awaiting a reply, 
Col. Paine ordered notices printed requiring all the residents to leave 
the town the following day, and directed that they be posted up in 
the streets at daylight on the 20th, if the order to burn the town 
should not be revoked before that time. At this critical juncture, a 
little before daylight on the 20th, a message was received from Gen. 
Butler countermanding his order for the burning of the city. 

During several months which followed, Colonel Paine was engaged 
in various successful operations on the lower Mississippi. In March, 
1863, he was promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General. On the 
7th of April he met a considerable rebel force, which was defeated 
after a spirited engagement. On the 25th he marched to Opelousas, 
where he met a large number of mounted rebels who fled, and could 
not be overtaken by infantry, whereupon the 4th Wisconsin was or- 
dered to seize horses and transform themselves into cavalry. In two 
days this work was accomplished. During most of the month of 
May they were occupied night and day in traversing the Red-River 
country, in pursuit of the enemy.. On the 19th the expedition started 
for the Mississippi, and by rapid marching reached it ten miles above 
Port Hudson on the 25th, having been engaged in almost daily skir- 
mishing with Taylor's cavalry, which hovered about their rear. 

General Paine having ' received orders from General Banks to 
hasten forward to Port Hudson, reached the rear of that town on 
the 26th of May. In the first attack upon that rebel stronghold, 
made on the 27th, General Paine commanded a part of the right of 



the assaulting line. The 4th Wisconsin lost, in this attack, five 
officers and fifty-five men, killed and wounded. They pushed on 
until they reached the ditch surrounding the enemy's fortifications. 
The final and successful assault was made on the 4th of. June. 
General Paine's division held the center, and advanced within fif- 
teen rods of the rebel works. Having gone to the extreme front to 
encourage his men, General Paine fell, severely wounded, soon after 
daylight. A part of the division had entered the works, but the loss 
of their leader, and the lack of support, prevented the possibility of 
success. General Paine lay upon the field in the broiling sun all day. 
As often as he attempted to move, a furious fire opened upon him. 
Several soldiers, attempting to reach him with a stretcher, to bear 
him away, were shot and fell near him. Patrick H. Cohen, a 
wounded private of the 133d New York, was lying near, and deny- 
ing himself water, tossed to his suffering commander a canteen cut 
from the body of a dead soldier, and thus saved his life. In the 
evening he was rescued by a party under Colonel Kimball, of the 
53d Massachusetts. 

General Paine was taken to New Orleans, where his leg was am- 
putated on the 23d of June. In less than a month he started for 
Milwaukee, and on the 1st of September set out for "Washington, 
to do duty as a member of a military commission. In an emergency 
he commanded a force for the protection of the capital against an 
attack by General Early. In March, 1865, he was brevetted Major- 
General, but resigned his commission soon after to enter upon the 
duties of Representative from Wisconsin to the Thirty-ninth Con- 
gress, to which he had been elected. He was re-elected to the 
Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses, serving on the Committee on 
Reconstruction and as Chairman of the Committee on the Militia. 

by O E Fen"* 




BEATTY was born in Sandusky City, Ohio, Decem- 
ber 16, 1828. Having obtained a good English educa- 
tion, he engaged in the business of banking at Cardington, 
in his native State. Meanwhile he was not neglectful of politics, and in 
1860 he was a presidential elector on the Republican ticket. Partak- 
ing of the almost universal feeling of patriotic indignation that aroused 
the entire North at the fall of Fort Sumter, early in April, 1861, he vol- 
unteered as a private in a company raised in his own town. Of this 
company he was immediately and unanimously elected Captain, and on 
the 19th of the month he reported with his men for duty to the Adju- 
tant-General of Ohio. Eight days later he was elected Lieutenant Colo- 
nel of the 3d Ohio Infantry, of which his company was a part. 
This was originally a three months' regiment, but on the 12th of 
June it re-organized for three years' service, the field officers remain- 
ing the same. 

On the 23rd of June the regiment was sent to Western Virginia. 
During the summer and fall campaign in that mountainous region, 
at Middle Fork, Rich Mountain, Cheat Mountain, and Elkwater, it 
manifested its own valor and the excellence of its officers. 

Transferred to Kentucky in November, the regiment was assigned 
to the old Third Division of the Army of the Ohio, commanded by 
General O. M. Mitchell. Soon after Lieutenant Colonel Beatty was 
promoted to the Colonelcy of his regiment. He accompanied Gen- 
eral Mitchell in his campaign through Southern Kentucky, Middle 
Tennessee, and Northern Alabama. In the battle of Bridgeport, and 
in the operations about Decatur, Colonel Beatty took a conspicuous 
and efficient part. Having been appointed Provost Marshal of 



Huntsville, he performed the duties of that office with fidelity and 

Returning to Louisville with General Buell, in September, 1862, 
he joined in the pursuit of Bragg through Kentucky. On the 8th 
of October he fought at the head of his regiment in the battle of 
Perrysville. Holding the extreme right of General Rousseau's divi- 
sion, his regiment was assailed in both front and flank by an over- 
whelming force ; and though in an hour's time one-third of his men 
were killed and wounded, Colonel Beatty held his ground until re- 
lieved by Colonel Pope with the 15th Kentucky. 

In December, 1862, Colonel Beatty assumed command of the old 
Seventeenth Brigade, which had been commanded previously by such 
men as Lytle and Dumont. In the Battle of Stone River, on 
"Wednesday, the 31st of December, this brigade, forming part 
of Rousseau's division, assisted in checking the assault of Hardee. 
Colonel Beatty had two horses shot under him, but he carne out un- 

On Saturday night, January 3, 1863, he was ordered to attack the 
enemy's works lying near the Murfreesboro turnpike. Placing him- 
self at the head of his brigade, he charged over the rebel works, and 
carried them at the point of the bayonet. 

On the 12th of March, 1863, he was commissioned Brigadier Gen- 
eral of Volunteers, to rank from the 29th of November, 1862. As- 
signed to the First Brigade of Negley's Division, he participated in 
the Tullahoma campaign. After the rebels had been driven out of 
that stronghold, he led the column which pursued them, skirmishing 
successfully with their rear guard until he gained the lofty plateau 
of the Cumberland. 

In the Chattanooga campaign Gen. Beatty had the honor of being 
the first to lead his command to the summit of Lookout Mountain. 
The rebels, after a feeble resistance at Johnson's Crook, retired rapidly 
before him. In the masterly retreat from Dug Gap, which elicited 
warm commendation from both General Rosecrans and General 
Thomas, General Beatty was assigned by General Negley to the 
responsible and difficult duty of protecting and bringing away a large 



wagon-train in the face of an immense force of Rebels. Not a single 
wagon fell into the enemy's hands. 

In the battle of Chickamauga, General Beatty commenced the 
fighting, both on the 19th and 20th of September ; the first day upon 
the extreme right, and the second upon the extreme left of the line. 
Assailed early on the morning of the 19th, he had scarcely repulsed 
the enemy after a fight of three hours' duration, and held his ground, 
when he was ordered to the centre of the line late in the afternoon. On 
Sunday morning he reported to General Thomas with his command, 
and was placed on the extreme left, along the Lafayette road, with 
orders to hold it at all hazards. Hour after hour, with his compara- 
tively feeble force, he maintained his position against the masses of 
the foe which surged around him. He was reinforced at last by 
Colonel T. R. Stanley with his brigade, and, in conjunction, they 
charged and drove the Rebels half a mile, capturing a large part of 
General Adams's Louisiana brigade, with its leader at its head. 
Later in the day, General Beatty was among the heroes who held 
the last position against the combined efforts of the Rebel army. 
Again, on the 21st, while in position near Rossville, a heavy recon- 
noitering column attacked his brigade, but it was driven back with 
considerable loss. 

In the re-organi/ation of the army, General Beatty was assigned 
to the Second Brigade of Davis's division, and during the operations 
which resulted in the expulsion of the Rebels from Mission Ridge 
and Lookout Mountain, his command held the left of the line. 
Though not actively engaged at that time, he joined with great 
vigor in pursuit of the retreating foe. On the 20th of November, 
General Beatty, in conjunction with Colonel Daniel McCook, over- 
took the Rebel General Maury at Graysville, and after a short con- 
flict entirely defeated him. 

On the 1st of December General Davis's division commenced its 
march toward Knoxville, for the relief of General Burnside, not re- 
turning to its camp at Chattanooga until the 18th of the same 
month. General Beatty participated in this march, sharing fully 
the fatigues and hardships of the humblest soldier in the command. 



On the 13th of January, 1864, he resigned his commission,, and re- 
turned to the pursuits of a civilian. 

Hon. C. S. Hamilton, member of the Fortieth Congress from the 
Eighth Ohio District, having been killed by an insane son near the 
commencement of his term, General Beatty was elected to fill the 
vacancy. This election, being the first held after the defection of 
President Johnson from the Republican party, was regarded with 
much interest by the entire country. The election of General 
Beatty in a doubtful district, over his Democratic competitor, was 
the first triumph of Congress over President Johnson before the 

General Beatty took an active part in the campaign which result- 
ed in the elevation of General Grant to the Presidency, and was 
himself at the same time re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 



<UKE P. POLAND was born iii Westford, Vermont, Nov- 
ember 1, 1815. He attended such district schools as the 
region afforded during his early boyhood. When twelve 
years old he went for about two years as errand-boy, hostler, and clerk, 
to live with an excellent man who kept a store in the village. There 
he learned to write a good hand, to keep accounts, to cast interest, and 
acquired some knowledge of the common modes of business. Then 
for four years he lived at home, helping his father carry on a small 
farm, run a saw-mill on the village brook, and do service in his trade 
as a house-carpenter. When seventeen years old he went to an acad- 
emy for a term of five months, and this "finished" him in the 
schools. He manifested an unusual fondness for reading, and de- 
voured with eagerness the few books which that remote and rustic 
neighborhood contained. When fifteen years of age he told his 
father he thought he could do better for himself than to be a car- 
penter. His father being unable to do more for him, told him he was 
free to go forth and take his chances for making headway in the world. 
So, with his spare shirt and stockings tied up in a handkerchief, he 
went to the neighboring village of Morristown, and taught a district 
school during the winter, and in the spring he began the study of the 
law. He was admitted to'the bar in 1836, and continued in practice 
until 1848, when he was elected one of the Judges of the Supreme 
Court. For several years he had come to be recognized as one of the 
ablest lawyers in the Circuit consisting of Lamoille, Orleans, and 
Washington Counties, and in these counties he was probably engag- 
ed in the trial of more causes than any other single lawyer during 
the same period. Judge Charles Davis had for two years held the 
office to which Judge Poland was elected in 1848. In Yermont the 



Judges of the Supreme Court are elected annually by the joint vote 
of the Senate and House of ^Representatives. Judge Davis had 
always been a Whig, and Judge Poland a Democrat. 

That he was elected over such a competitor as Judge Davis, by a 
legislature composed in large majority of Whigs, at so early an 
age, is of itself ample proof of the public estimate of his ability as a 
lawyer and character as a citizen. That he received eighteen suc- 
cessive elections, all but the first by viva voce vote, is decisive proof 
that he adequately sustained himself in that high position. 

The mental qualities and the traits of character, the exercise and 
development of which had raised their possessor so rapidly to his 
high standing as a lawyer, marked and distinguished him as a Judge. 
With a mind of great native strength, quick in its perceptions, rapid 
in its operations, given to reasoning by a practical, direct, and forcible 
logic, he easily and with a kind of spontaneous gracefulness addressed 
himself to judicial duties in a manner which showed that in mak- 
ing him Judge the State had put " the right man in the right place." 
None have held that position in Yermont who more effectively, up- 
rightly, and acceptably have ministered in the dispensing of justice 
according to the principles and forms of law. With a self-possessed 
placidity and deliberateness of manner that never failed him, with a 
fortitude and firmness that were strangers to fear or wavering, he was 
at the same time courteous, complaisant, and kind, so that while the 
most service-hardened, confident, and captious members of the bar 
yielded in differential subordination to the power above them, the 
most inexperienced and diffident -were inspired with courage and con- 
fidence in their efforts to do professional service in the courts over 
which Judge Poland presided. 

Hon. Janles Barrett, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of 
Yermont, and for many years one of Judge Poland's associates at 
the bar, says in a communication to the author : " In thirty years' 
conversancy with the bench and bar of Yermont, it has not been 
my fortune to know any other instance in which the presiding Judge 
in his nisiprirus Circuit has been so uniformly and by the spontane- 
ous acquiescence of the bar so emphatically ' the end of the law ' in 



all things appertaining to the business of these courts. As Judge in 
the Supreme Court sitting in bank, his adaptedness to the place was 
equally manifest. His mastery of the principles of the law, his dis- 
criminating apprehension of the principles involved in the specific 
case in hand, his facility in developing 'by logical processes and practi- 
cal illustrations the proper applications and results of those principles, 
are very strikingly evinced in the judicial opinions drawn up by him 
contained in the Vermont Reports. His memory of cases in which 
particular points have been decided, is extraordinary ; and this 
memory is accompanied by a very full and accurate apprehension of 
the very points, and grounds, and reasons of the judgment. Some 
of the cases, in which he drew the opinion of the Court, stand forth 
as leading cases, and his treatment of the subjects involved ranks 
with the best specimens of judicial disquisition." 

Since leaving the bench Judge Poland has engaged somewhat in 
the practice of the law, appearing in important cases in the State 
and United States Courts, both at home and in Washington. He 
has, however, devoted himself more especially to politics. At the 
outset of his professional career he developed a taste for politics, and 
soon became an influential member and a local leader of the Demo- 
cratic party. He was always an anti-slavery Democrat, having be- 
come so before his party adopted the maintaining of slavery as a 
dogma of its faith. When the Free-Soil wing of the Democracy 
took open ground in 1848, he was its candidate for Lieutenant-G-ov- 
ernor of the State. On being elected Judge he withdrew from active 
participation in party politics ; yet throughout the whole progress of . 
the " irrepressible conflict " he has been true and firm as the cham- 
pion of free soil and free men ; and from the organization of the Re- 
publican party he has been one of the most sincere and unwavering 
of its members. 

His great ability, manifested at the bar and on the bench, the 
soundness of his political views, his eminently practical judgment in 
regard to policy and measures, his fearlessness in maintaining his con- 
victions of the right, his faculty of making his views and the reasons 
for them clear and forcible, his courteous bearing and imposing per-' 



sonal presence rendered him eminently fit to occupy the seat in the 
United States Senate made vacant by the death of the lamented 
Coll am er. 

He took his seat in the Senate in December, 1865, for the remain- 
der of Judge Collamer's term, which expired March 4, 1867. At 
the latter date he took his seat as a Representative from Vermont to 
the Fortieth Congress, and was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 

While in the Senate, though for so brief a period, he made upon 
his fellow-Senators an abiding impression of his eminent ability and 
fitness for that position. He at once assumed his full share of legis- 
lative work, and as a member of the Judiciary Committee he was en- 
trusted with the care and management of the Bankrupt Bill that had 
been passed by the House. The Judiciary Committee were almost 
equally divided in their views respecting it, and so also were the mem- 
bers of the Senate. Seldom has so important a measure successfully 
passed so perilous an ordeal. Mr. Poland's judicious management ot 
the measure, with the favor that his personal influence secured for it, 
saved the bill from defeat, and secured its passage into the present 
Bankrupt Law of the United States. 

As a member of the House he has secured the same consideration 
that was accorded him in the Senate. He was appointed Chairman 
of the Committee on the Revision of the Laws, a position calling into 
use the professional ability for which as a lawyer and a judge he had 
long been distinguished. 

In 1858 the University of Vermont testified its appreciation of 
Judge Poland by conferring on him the honorary degree of Master 
of Arts, and in 1861 the degree of Doctor of Laws. 

In private life Mr. Poland is very popular, his conversation spark- 
ling with wit and genial humor. A marked trait is his fearless inde- 
pendence, which leads him to shun the pursuit of even woithy ends 
by unworthy means. Says a distinguished jurist of Vermont : " The 
State, so far as her interests depend upon the character of hor courts, 
and their administration of the law, has suffered irreparable injury 
by the transfer of Judge Poland from the chiefship of her Judiciary 
to a seat in Congress." 





rILLIAM MUNGEN was born May 12th, 1821, in the city 
of Baltimore, whither his parents had emigrated, two years 
before, from Ireland. In 1822 his father removed to Phil- 
adelphia, where he remained until 1830, when he took his family to 
the west, and settled in what is now Carroll County, Ohio. 

William was taught the rudiments of learning by his mother, who 
was a woman of remarkable mental qualities and good education. 
Being a Presbyterian, she required him to commit to memory the 
Westminster Catechism, and when five years old to read two chapters 
daily in the Bible. 

At nine years of age he was put to work on the farm, but continu- 
ed to spend his leisure moments in reading and study. From the 
time he was fourteen until he was nineteen years old he went to 
school only fifty-five days, but meanwhile, by diligent night study 
at home, made excellent attainments in English grammar, mathe- 
matics, and the physical sciences. 

Subsequently he spent several years teaching school during the 
winter months and farming in the summer.; occasionally contributing 
articles to the newspapers. In the fall of 1845 he was appointed 
Deputy Treasurer of Hancock County, and removed to Findlay, the 
county-seat. In February, 1845, he commenced editing and publish- 
ing the " Hancock Farmer," a Democratic weekly newspaper. Six 
months later he bought the rival newspaper of the place, and united 
the two under the name of " Democratic Courier," a paper which he 
continued to edit and publish for ten years. In the fall of 1846 he 
was elected Auditor of Hancock County, and was re-elected in 1848. 

In 1850 the contest arose in Ohio as to the adoption of a new 
State constitution. On the stump, and with the pen, Mr. Mungen 



supported the new constitution, which was adopted at the popular 

In the fall of 1851 he was elected to the State Senate from the -dis- 
trict composed of the counties of Hancock, Putnam, Wood, Henry, 
Fulton and Lucas. He declined a re-nomination in 1853. In the 
meantime he studied law, was admitted to the bar, and commenced 
the practice of his profession in 1853. 

In 1858 he was nominated by the Democracy of the Fifth District 
as a candidate for Congress. He was beaten in the election by Hon. 
J. M. Ashley, but ran six hundred votes ahead of his party ticket. 

He continued in the practice of law until 1861. When the war 
broke out he assisted in raising the 21st Kegiment of Ohio Yolun- 
teer Infantry, in April, but on account of cases pending in court he 
could not himself go into the three months' service. He soon after 
enlisted men to form a battery of light artillery, but as the guns 
could not be furnished at the time by the Government, the company 
was disbanded. He then received authority from the Governor to 
raise a regiment of infantry. In about six weeks the regiment was 
full, and was organized as the 57th Ohio, Colonel Mungen command- 

The regiment was assigned to duty under General W. T. Sherman, 
in the West. It participated in all the important battles of the 
Southwest, including Shiloh, Corinth, Chickasaw, Yicksburg, Ray- 
mond, Champion Hills, Messenger's Ford, and Arkansas Post. At 
the latter place Colonel Mungen led the 4th Brigade, 1st Division, 
15th Army Corps in the charge against the enemy's works. Ill 
health compelled him to resign at Yicksburg, but his regiment went 
through to the sea with Sherman. 

After recruiting his health for a year, he resumed the practice of his 
profession. In 1866 he was a Democratic candidate for Congress, and 
was elected by 2,778 majority. He served on the Committee on In- 
dian Affairs, and Special 'Committees on the Niagara Ship Canal, 
and on the treatment of Union Prisoners. He was re-elected to the 
Forty-first Congress by a majority of 4,846, .and was placed on the 
Committees on Indian Affairs and on Printing. 




^ATHANIEL P. BANKS was born in "Waltham, Massachu- 

setts, January 30, 1819. With no other early education than 
that afforded by the common schools, he was placed, as soon 
as he could be of service, at work in a cotton factory of which his 
father was the overseer. He afterward learned the trade of a ma- 
chinist. Joining a dramatic company which was formed among his 
associates, he played the prominent parts with so much success, that 
he had inducements offered him to adopt the profession of an actor. 
Bat preferring another stage, he lectured before political meetings, 
lyceums, and temperance societies, and afterward became editor of a 
newspaper in his native place. He was in request as a speaker in 
the political meetings of the Democratic party, and for his services 
received an office under Folk's administration in the Boston Custom 
House. In 1849 he was elected to the House of Representatives of 
Massachusetts, and in 1851 he was chosen Speaker. 

In the summer of 1853 he was President of the Convention called 
to revise the Constitution of the State, and in the same year he took 
his seat as a Representative in the Thirty-third Congress from Massa- 
chusetts. He signified his withdrawal from the Democratic party by 
voting against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which was the absorbing 
political topic of the time. In 1854 he was re-elected to Congress, 
and was selected by the Republicans as their candidate for Speaker 
of the House. He was elected after a contest of two months, and 
more than one hundred ballots. He performed the difficult duties 
of the Speakership with unequalled ability, and no one of his deci- 
sions was ever overruled by the House. He continued a Representa- 
tive in Congress until 1857, when he was elected Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, to which office he was twice re-elected. 


At the breaking out of the rebellion, he entered the military 
service of the country. He was commissioned a Major-Genera^, May 
30, 1861, and was soon after assigned to command the Department 
of Annapolis, with headquarters at Baltimore. The spirit of rebellion 
possessed the people and the municipal government of that city, 
requiring for its successful treatment great executive ability and 
vigorous policy. The measures adopted by General Banks were 
such as the emergency demanded. The Government re-asserted its 
authority, and rebellion in Maryland was repressed by the prompti- 
tude and decision of General Banks in arresting George P. Kane, 
Marshal of the Baltimore Police, and suspending the powers of the 
Police Commissioners. 

Soon after the disaster of Bull Run General Banks was ordered to 
relieve General Patterson. He was subsequently assigned to com- 
mand the Fifth Army Corps which defeated Stonewall Jackson in the 
battle of Winchester, and broke the "quiet" which long had a 
depressing effect on the country. 

The spring of 1862 found General Banks in the valley of the 
Shenandoah with a force of about eighteen thousand men, ready to 
move upon Staunton and capture that important military position. 
He was already within twenty-eight miles of that place, and saw the 
prize within his grasp, when an order was issued from the War 
Department, directing him to send Shields' Division of 12,000 men 
to reinforce McDowell. Banks obeyed the order, though it was 
the death-blow of his hopes, and placed him at the mercy of 
Stonewall Jackson, who, flushed with a recent success, was ready 
to fall upon him with an overwhelming force. Resolved not to 
surrender his little army, he began his masterly retreat l>y way 
of Winchester to the Potomac. A series of battles was fought, 
by which the enemy was held in check until Banks' army and trains 
were placed across the Potomac with little loss. The nec-e^ity for 
this retreat was created in Washington, where it naturally and justly 
created great panic among the officials. Scarcely any movement of 
the war was managed with more consummate generalship than this 
retreat in the Yalley of the Shenandoah. 



His Corps having been placed in the Army of Virginia, under 
command of Pope, General Banks fought the Battle of Cedar Moun- 
tain. He subsequently, for a short time, was in command of the 
defences of Washington. 

He was, December 15, 1862, assigned to command the Department 
of the Gulf. Never was a more difficult task assigned to an officer 
than the accomplishment of the various political, diplomatic, and 
military ends which the Government had in view in this Depart- 
ment. The reconstruction of Louisiana, the presentation of a for- 
midable front to the French in Mexico, and the cutting in two of 
the eastern and western armies of the Confederacy these were some 
of the multifarious objects aimed" at in sending General Banks to 
New Orleans. 

His administration of civil affairs in New Orleans, though 
different in manner from that of General Butler, was similar in its 
object and effect the suppression of rebellion and the fostering of 
the loyal element. 

In his military movements, General Banks was successful in the 
capture of Fort Hudson on the Mississippi. A movement against 
Sabine Pass, under General Franklin, disastrously failed, although 
the fort was defended by less than fifty men. Other operations on 
the coast and on the Rio Grande were attended with success. 

After the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, it was the advice of 
General Grant and General Banks that a movement should be made 
on Mobile, and that the rebel army 'west of the Mississippi, isolated 
as it was, should be left unemployed and useless to the Confederacy. 
There were, however, in Washington, influential parties who desired 
that an expedition should be made up the Red River which would 
bring into market the cotton of that region. Against his own 
judgment General Banks entered upon the Red River expedition with 
an inadequate force, which was not wholly under his control, since 
Smith, and Steele, and Porter with the gun-boat fleet, each held inde- 
pendent commands an arrangement fatal to the success of the expe- 
dition. The Union army had made its way to a point about fifty 
miles south of Shreveport on the Red River, when its progress was 



checked by the disastrous battle of Sabine Cross Roads. Banks fell 
back a few miles with his army and made a stand at Pleasant Hill, 
where he gained a decisive victory. The expedition, however, pro- 
ceeded no further, since the low stage of water prevented the 
further progress of the fleet. General Banks was soon after relieved 
by General Canby, who had been assigned to command the Depart- 
ment of the Gulf. 

In his military career General Banks was by no means as success- 
ful as in political life. Without military experience, he was appointed 
a Major-Gen eral at so early a day as to outrank many experienced 
officers. This had a tendency to produce insubordination, and to fan 
the jealousy which existed among regulars against volunteer officers. 
He lacked the firm military grasp of one " born to command," by 
which a general causes subordinate officers and men promptly to 
execute his purposes. He was wanting in the faculty of looking 
after his own interests and reputation. He had no relatives nor 
partners engaged in profiting by the misfortunes of the country, and 
engaged in no private speculations of his own, yet he was unwill- 
ingly made the agent of cotton speculators in the Red River expe- 
dition ; and when their schemes were unsuccessful, they contrived to 
lay on General Banks the odium which justly belonged to themselves. 
No officer of the army gave more honest and patriotic service to the 
country, no general personally profited by it so little. 

Resigning his commission in the army, he was elected a Repre- 
sentative from Massachusetts to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and was 
re-elected to the Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses, serving as 
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 






A. LOGAN was born in Jackson County, Illinois, 
February 9, 1826. His father, Dr. John Logan, came from 
Ireland to Illinois in 1823 ; his mother, Elizabeth Jenkins, 
was a Tennesseean. He was indebted for his early education to his 
father, and to such teachers as chanced to remain for brief periods in 
the new settlement. 

At the commencement of the Mexican war young Logan volun- 
teered, and was chosen Lieutenant in a company of the First Illinois 
Infantry. He did good service as a soldier, and was for some time 
adjutant of his regiment. On his return home, in the fall of 1848, 
he commenced the study of law in the office of his uncle, Alexander 
M. Jenkins, Esq., formerly Lieutenant-Governor of Illinois. In No- 
vember, 1849, he was elected Clerk of Jackson County. He at- 
tended a course of law lectures in Louisville, and having received his 
diploma in 1857, he commenced the practice of his profession with 
his uncle. By his popular manners and rare abilities he soon won 
his way to a high place in public esteem, and was, in 1852, elected 
Prosecuting- Attorney of the Third Judicial District. In the autumn 
of the same year he was elected to the State Legislature, and was 
three times re-elected. In 1856 he was a presidential elector. In 
1858 he was elected by the Democrats as a Kepresentative in Con- 
gress, and was re-elected in 1860. In the Presidential campaign of 
this year he ardently advocated the election of Mr. Douglas ; never- 
theless, on the first intimation of coming trouble from the South, 
Mr. Logan did not hesitate to declare that in the event of Mr. 
Lincoln's election he would " shoulder his musket to have him in- 

When in Washington, in attendance on the called session of Con- 


gress, in July, 1861, Mr. Logan joined the troops that were marching 
to meet the enemy. He fought in the. ranks at the disastrous battle 
of Bull Run, and was among the last to leave the field. Returning 
to his home, he announced to his constituents the determination to 
enter the service of the country, for the defence of the "old blood- 
stained flag." 

His stirring and patriotic eloquence rallied multitudes of volun- 
teers ; and on the 13th of September, 1861, the Thirty-first Regiment 
of Illinois Infantry was organized and ready to take the field, under 
command of Colonel Logan. The regiment was attached to Gen- 
eral McClernand's Brigade. Its first experience in battle was at 
Belmont, where Colonel Logan had his horse shot under him. And 
here he assisted materially in preventing the capture of a part of 
General McClernand's command by leading his men in a bayonet 
charge, breaking the enemy's line, and opening the way for the force 
that was being surrounded. He led his regiment in the attack 
upon Fort Henry. While gallantly leading his men in the assault 
on Fort Donelson, he received a severe wound, which disabled him 
for some time from active service. Reporting again for duty to Gen- 
eral Grant, at Pittsburg Landing, he was, in March, 1862, made a 
Brigadier-General of Volunteers. He took an important part in the 
movement against Corinth ; and subsequently was given command 
at Jackson, Tennessee, with instructions to guard the railroad com- 

His numerous friends and old constituents urged him to become a 
candidate for re-election to Congress in 1862, as representative for 
the State at large ; but he replied to their importunities with these 
glowing words of patriotism : 

"In reply I would most respectfully remind you that a compliance 
with your request on my part would be a departure from the settled 
resolution with which I resumed my sword in defence and for the 
perpetuity of a Government the like and blessings of which no other 
nation or age shall enjoy, if once suffered to be weakened or de- 
stroyed. In making this reply, I feel that it is unnecessary to en- 


large upon what were, or are, or may hereafter be, my political 
views, but would simply state that politics, of every grade and char-, 
acter whatsoever, are now ignored by me, since I am convinced that 
the Constitution and life of the Republic which I shall never cease 
to adore are in danger. I express all my views and politics when I 
assert my attachment for the Union. I have no other politics now, 
and consequently no aspirations for civil place and power. 

" No ! I am to-day a soldier of this Republic, so to remain, 
changeless and immutable, until her last and weakest enemy shall 
have expired and passed away. 

" Ambitious men, who have not a true love for their country at 
heart, may bring forth crude and bootless questions to agitate the 
pulse of our troubled nation, and thwart the preservation of this 
Union, but for none of such am. I. I have entered the field to die, 
if need be, for this Government, and never expect to return to peace- 
ful pursuits until the object of this war of preservation has become a 
fact established. 

" Whatever means it may be necessary to adopt, whatever local 
interests it may affect or destroy, is no longer an affair of mine. If 
any locality or section suffers or is wronged in the prosecution of the 
war, I am sorry for it, but I say it must not be heeded now, for we 
are at war for the preservation of the Union. Let the evil be recti- 
fied when the present breach has been cemented for ever. 

" If the South by her malignant treachery has imperilled all that 
made her great and wealthy, and it was^ to be lost, I would not 
stretch forth my hand to save her from destruction, if she will not 
be saved by a restoration of tjie Union. Since the die of her 
wretchedness has been cast by her own hands, let the coin of her 
misery circulate alone in her own dominions until the peace of 
Union ameliorates her forlorn condition." 

In Grant's Northern Mississippi campaign, General Logan com- 
manded .the third division of the Seventeenth Army Corps, under 
General McPherson, exhibiting a skill and bravery which led to his 
promotion as Major-General of Volunteers, dating from November 


26, 1862. He took an active part in the movement on Vicksburg; 
the seven steamboats which ran the batteries there with supplies 
were manned exclusively by men from his command of his own 
selection. "We subsequently see him contributing to the victory at 
Port Gibson, saving the day by his personal valor at the battle of 
Kaymond, participating in the defeat of the rebels at Jackson, and 
taking a prominent part in the battle at Champion Hill. 

General Grant, in his report of the last mentioned battle, uses the 
following language : " Logan rode up at this time, and told me that 
if Hovey could make another dash at the enemy, he could come up 
from where he then was and capture the greater part of their force." 
"Which suggestions were acted upon and fully realized. 

In the siege of Vicksburg he commanded McPherson's centre, 
and on the 25th of June made the assault after the explosion of the 
mine. His column was the first to enter the surrendered city, and 
he was made its Military Governor. The Seventeenth Army Corps 
honored him by the presentation of a gold medal inscribed with the 
names of the nine battles in which his heroism and generalship had 
been distinguished. 

He succeeded General Sherman in the command of the Fifteenth 
Army Corps, in November, 1863, and during the following winter 
had his head-quarters at Huntsville, Alabama. In May, 1864, he 
joined the Grand Army, which, under General Sherman, was prepar- 
ing for its march into Georgia. He led the advance of the Army of 
the Tennessee in the movement at Resaca, and participated in the 
battle which ensued, with "Wood's Division, charging and capturing 
the enemy's lines of works between the fort and the river. At 
Dallas, on the 23d of May, he met and repulsed Hardee's veterans. 
The next day, while pointing out to Generals Sherman and McPher- 
pon the position of the enemy, he was again wounded by a shot 
through the left arm ; nevertheless he continued in the field, carrying 
his arm in a sling. At Kenesaw Mountain he drove the enemy 
from his line of works, and on the 27th of June made a desperate 
assault against the impregnable face of Little Keuesaw. 



At the battle of Atlanta, on the 22d of July, in the hottest of the 
fight, Logan was informed of the fall of his beloved commander, 
General McPherson, in another part of the field. Assuming com- 
mand, General Logan dashed impetuously along the lines, shouting, 
"McPherson and revenge." The effect was electrical, and thou- 
sands of rebels slain on that sanguinary field attested the love of 
the Union soldiers for their dead commander, and their enthusiastic 
imitation of the valor of his successor. 

General Sherman, in his report, speaking of the death of General 
McPherson, says : " General Logan succeeded him and commanded 
the Army of the Tennessee through this desperate battle, with the same 
success and ability that had characterized him in the command of a 
corps or division." And in his letter of August 16th, to General 
Halleck, General Sherman said : " General Logan fought that battle 
out as required, unaided save by a small brigade sent by my orders." 
On the 28th of July he fought the battle of Ezra Chapel, where, in 
the language of General Sherman, " He commanded in person, and 
that corps, as heretofore reported, repulsed the rebel army com- 
pletely." He was efficient in the remaining battles until after the 
fall of Atlanta, when his troops being ordered into camp for a 
season of respite, he went North and spent a few months in stumping 
the Western States during the Presidential campaign of 1864. His 
troops forming a part of Sherman's Grand Army in its march to 
the sea, General Logan rejoined them at Savannah, Georgia. 

From Savannah he marched with his corps through the Carolinas, 
actively participating in the battle of Benton's Cross Eoads or Mill 
Creek. After Johnson's surrender, he marched with his veterans to 
Washington, and took part in the great review of the victorious 
Union armies on the 23d of May. On the same day he was 
appointed to the command of the Army of the Tennessee. As soon 
as active duty in the field was over, he at once tendered his resigna- 
tion, stating he did not desire to draw pay when not in active 

He was offered the position of Minister to Mexico in 1865, but 


declined the honor. He was elected a Kepresentative to the For-' 
tieth Congress from the State at large, receiving 203,045 votes 
against 147,058 given for his Democratic opponent. He was re- 
elected to the Forty-first Congress, and was appointed Chairman of 
the Committee on Military Affairs. He was one of the managers 
in the Impeachment Trial of President Johnson. 

General Logan's military career was remarkably brilliant. From 
his impetuous personal bravery on the field of battle he was st} T led 
" the Murat of the Union Army." In Congress his career has been 
scarcely less distinguished. His jet-black hair and strongly-marked 
features render him conspicuous among the members of the House. 
His impetuous and eloquent oratory never fails to produce a marked 




"BON CLARK INGERSOLL was born in Oneida County, 
New York, December 12, 1831. In 1843, he removed with 
his father to Illinois. Having finished his education at Pa- 
ducah, Kentucky, he entered upon the study of law, and was admitted 
to the bar in 1854, and located himself at Peoria, Illinois, for the prac- 
tice of his profession. 

In 1856, Mr. Ingersoll was elected to the Illinois legislature. He 
served, for a time, as Colonel of a Regiment of Illinois Volunteers in 
the War of the Rebellion. In 18.64, he was elected a representative 
to the Thirty-eighth Congress for the unexpired term of Hon. Owen 
Lovejoy ; and has been re-elected to the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, 
and Forty-first Congress. 

In the Fortieth Congress, Mr. Ingersoll held the responsible po- 
sition of Chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia. 
He has shown himself an active and able Representative in Con- 
gress. His speeches give evidence of earnestness, joined with a sound 
and discriminating judgment. In his speech on the government of 
the insurrectionary States, delivered on "the 7th of February, 1867, 
he thus advanced his views tou hing the status of these States as 
affected by their rebellion : 

" I hold that the rebel States, by rebellion, destroyed all civil govern- 
ment within their boundaries, and destroyed their political organiza- 
tions known to the Constitution of the United States, and, conse- 
quently, they ceased to be States of this "Union ; and by the -operation 
' of the act of secession, culminating in armed rebellion, they became 
the territory of the United States, when we, by our successes on the 
battle-field, made a conquest of their armies." 



We present an extract from another speech by Mr. Ingersoll, which 
is interesting, not only as a specimen of extemporaneous oratory, but 
as an illustration of opinions of the President entertained in Con- 
gress, pending the great contest between him and the Legislative 
branch of the Government : 

" Sir, Andrew Johnson has made no sacrifices worthy of any men- 
tion, and if he has, an appreciative and grateful people would re- 
member them without his thrusting them in their faces on every oc- 
casion. What has he suffered ? He has not suffered so much as the 
humblest private that fought in our armies during the rebellion. 
The humblest private that fought at Gettysburg or in the Wilderness 
is entitled to more credit than is Andrew Johnson for what he has 
done. Has Andrew Johnson ever fought the enemy in battle? 
No, sir. Has he ever made an effort to find the enemy on the tented 
field ? Never. Has he ever even smelled gunpowder ? Has he ever 
camped on the frozen ground ? Has he ever stood guard in the stormy 
and dreary nights numbed with the frosts of winter ? Has he ever 
suffered any of the privations common to the soldier, or endured any 
of the hardships of campaign life ? No, never ; not even an hour ! 

" What has Andrew Johnson suffered ? He suffered being United 
States Senator in 1861 ; he has suffered being military governor of 
Tennessee, snugly ensconced in a mansion at Nashville, with a briga- 
dier-general's straps on his shoulders, and feasted and toasted, with 
sentinels pacing before his door while he was securely and quietly 
sleeping through the watches of the night,. while others braved the 
dangers he never met ! 

"And will the American people allow him to impose his infa- 
mous policy of " restoration " upon them because he claims to have 
suffered so much ? No, sir, not even if his pretended sufferings were 
real. Andrew Johnson has suffered nothing worthy of remark, un- 
less it be that he has suffered the pangs of an uneasy conscience 
f6r his perfidy to the principles of the Union party. That kind of 
suffering would be good for him, and I hope he may have plenty of it 
There is certainly plenty of cause, and I trust it may have a good effect." 





iHE ancestors of the subject of this sketch were Quakers, 
who emigrated from England among the early settlers of 
Pennsylvania. John M. Broom all was born in Upper 
Chichester, Delaware County, Pa., January 19, 1816. He received 
a classical and mathematical education in the select schools of the 
Society of Friends. 

Mr. Broomall studied law, and practiced in his native county with 
success for twenty years. In politics he was in early life a. Whig, 
and cast his first presidential vote, in 1840, for General Harrison. 

Embracing the anti-slavery principles of the Society in which he 
was born, he opposed at the polls, in 1838, the adoption of the new 
constitution of Pennsylvania, which disfranchised the blacks. His 
subsequent votes, whether as a citizen or a Kepresentative, have all 
been consistent with the one given on that occasion. 

In. 1851 and 1852, he served as a Eepresentative in the Legisla- 
ture of Pennsylvania, and was a member of the State Revenue 
Board in 1854. Two years later he attached himself to the Republi- 
can party. In 1860, he was a delegate to the Convention which 
nominated Abraham Lincoln, and was chosen a Presidential Elector 
in the election which followed. 

In 1862, he was elected a Representative in Corgress from the 
Seventh Pennsylvania District. In 1864, and in 1866, he was re- 
elected. In 1868, he declined to be again a candidate, on account 
of the state of his health, and the condition of his private affairs. 

He served on the Committees of Accounts and Public Expendi- 
tures, of the first of which he was Chairman during the Fortieth 
. 473 


Congress. During his entire Congressional service, Mr. Broom all 
has been counted among the extreme Radicals. Upon financial 
questions he always opposed the expansion of the currency, and ad- 
vocated contraction as a means to the resumption of specie payments. 

During Mr. Broomall's service in Congress he made a number of 
able and important speeches. On the 18th of March, 1868, he ad- 
dressed the House on " The power and duty of the United States to 
guarantee to every State a republican form of government." In the 
course of this speech, he remarked : 

" If the majority may lawfully disfranchise the minority on ac- 
count of race or lineage, then may the citizens of l&uth Carolina of 
African descent limit the elective franchise to themselves, to the 
exclusion of their white fellow-citizens. If in the form of govern- 
ment now being constituted there, such a limitation should be ptaced, 
who in* this Hall or in the country would maintain that the Govern- 
ment is republican ? Not a single vote could be obtained in either 
House of Congress for the admission of a State with such a constitu- 
tion. Now, if it is not republican in South Carolina, where black 
men are in the majority, to limit the suffrage to black men, with 
what consistency shall, we maintain that it is republican in Ohio, 
where white men are, in the majority, to limit the suffrage to white 
men ? Let us beware how we advocate the doctrine that the minority 
may be lawfully disfranchised on account of lineage, lest that doctrine 
be turned against ourselves, and lest for very shame we be obliged 
to submit." 






'AMES A. JOHNSON was bom at Spartanburg, South 
Carolina, May 16, 1829. He received a common-school edu- 
cation, and studied medicine and law. From 1850 to 1853 
he was employed as a writer 'and correspondent for various news- 
papers. In 1853 he went to California, and engaged in mining and 
mercantile business. *In the fall of 1859 he left these pursuits for the 
practice of law, in which he has ever since been engaged. He served 
two terms in the Legislature of California. In 1867" he was elected to 
the Fortieth Congress as a Democrat. The Legislature of California 
having meanwhile changed the time of holding Congressional elections 
from the odd to the even years, he was in 1868 re-elected a Represen- 
tative in the Forty-first Congress. In the Fortieth Congress he was 
appointed to positions on the Committee on Post-Offices and Post- 
Roads, and the Committee on Agriculture. Mr. Johnson has made 
several speeches on the Public Lands, Railroads, and other subjects of 
special importance to his State. On the 30th of June, 1868, he 
made a speech in favor of the bill making an appropriation for the 
purchase of Alaska. He gave interesting facts and figures relating 
to the extent and resources of the Territory, and showed the import- 
ance of the acquisition to the whole country, and especially to his own 
State. We make the following extract : 

" California is a young State, but is mature in all that constitutes the 
elements of a rising and prosperous commonwealth. Minerva-like, 
she sprung out fully developed from the fertile brains of her own 
statesmen. As a commercial, agricultural, mechanical, and wealth- 
producing State, despite disasters from floods and fires, she has at- 



tained a greatness which makes the records of her prosperity appear 
almost fabulous. Experience has developed her channels of prosperity, 
and she stands to-day the most notable example in the world of the 
energy, enterprise, and industry of a people. Scarce nineteen years 
ago, her hills and plains were settled by the best young bloods of our 
country, when she commenced an existence with all the elements to 
make her an excelsior State. 

" With her first life she was possessed of all the advantages of the 
improvements of the age, and did not have to grow into their use by 
overcoming the prejudices of the past. We are of the present time, 
and availing ourselves of the advantages of the day ; and as each pro- 
gressive benefit for the community is developed, we have incorpor- 
ated it with our daily life, thus lending vitality ever to our young 
blood and venturesome spirits. Too much honor can never be done 
the young men of California. Among us are settled young men 
from every country in Europe. With the liberal spirit of the age 
and our own institutions, we have adopted all that is good to the , 
community from each. Such valuable traits, methods, and means of 
future benefit as were consonant with our institutions, we have wove 
into the fabric of our social as well as business life, and have thus 
become more liberal and expansive in our views, more progressive in 
our exertions. We differ essentially in our manners and customs 
from other communities, which are trammeled by old-fashioned rou- 
tine and by old traditions, and worse, by old prejudices. We are 
daring and venturesome. Old fogies would call us daring, extrava- 
gant, and perhaps reckless, but our course is controlled by rules of 
progress and commerce which Accord with the spirit of the age, and 
so we make our paths of industry broader, brighter, and more invit- 
ing than can be found elsewhere. The wants of the community, and 
the natural impulse of enlarging the sphere of commercial interests 
an interest which binds together the States of this Union rational- 
izes our progress. 

" We need no better example to illustrate this than the recent 
change into our hands of the trade of China, via California, which 



will eventually make San Francisco the center of the commercial 
world, and place in the lap of her queenly and capacious robes the 
wealth of Asia, however this may be to the disadvantage of England. 
This is one of the revolutions resulting from our progress ; and does it 
not reflect equal credit on the commercial enterprise of the great marts 
of the Atlantic, whose interests are so closely interwoven with our 
own as to be almost identical ? Any benefit accruing to California, 
is a benefit to them in a commercial point of view. We are rais- 
ing up in our youths, as it were, a new nationality, educated on 
a scale unknown elsewhere in the Union. The blessings of a free 
education are not confined to the channels of English knowledge 
alone ; but the German, French, and Spanish classics are taught in 
our public schools, as also are the fine arts, the law, medicine, me- 
chanics, metallurgy, music and painting, while theology is not neg- 
lected. We intend that our posterity shall possess the same vigor 
mentally, that a beneficent God has given them physically ; for we 
are blessed with'a climate beyond compare, and a soil teeming with 
richness, bearing with an astonishing prolificacy all the cereals and 
fruits of the most temperate as well as tropical climates." 

On the 8th of February, Mr. Johnson addressed the House on the 
subject of Eeconstruction, in which he denounced "the tyranny 
which loads the people with unbearable taxation, and enthralls the 
white citizens of ten States." 

On the 24th of February, 1868, the House having under considera- 
tion the Kesolution reported from the Committee on Keconstruction 
to impeach the President, Mr. Johnson remarked : 

" Is it wise, is it desirable, is it necessary to impeach the President 
of the United States ? Is there an uprising of the people demanding 
the impeachment of this high officer ? One word answers all these 
questions : No. There is not a man in the United States, outside of 
Congress, who desires the impeachment of the President, except those 
who desire it on political grounds, and those speculators and agita- 
tors who hope to make capital out of their country's misfortunes, 
and hope that by possible convulsions they may be shaken to the 



surface, and may profit by the general ruin. No possible advantage, 
not attainable other ways, will be gained by this impeachment ; and 
untold misfortunes may result from it. Whatever tends to weaken 
the respect of the people for high official station, for our courts and 
laws, weakens the force of the Constitution. This proceeding has such 
tendency. Whatever tends to make uncertain our laws and institu- 
tions, certainly should be regarded as against good policy. What- 
ever tends to render uncertain and above the courts any tenure, 
whether of constitutional and lawful place, of property, or of life, 
should be avoided as dangerous to liberty, and as leading to chaos 
and anarchy on the one side, or a despotism on the other. The un- 
restrained bad passions of hot and hasty politicians involved us in a 
fearful civil war seven years ago, the horrors of which can never be 
written. By it ten States of this Union have been reduced from 
happy, prosperous, and rich commonwealths, to a state bordering 
upon starvation, to misery, despondency, and the most terrible con- 
dition of poverty, with their governments turned oveV to the keeping 
of ignorant and lawless bands of degraded negroes. Desolation 
and ruin have swept over that portion of our common country. 
Where the torch and the. sword passed by, and left a little green, 
fertile spot, with its happy cultivator undisturbed, the speculator has 
since gone ; the happy tiller of the soil has been turned out penni 
less and homeless ; and the little green spot, by a convenient mode of 
confiscation, has become the property of some political thief who 
Brayed for a civil war in his own country, his own land." 



aT.'E KPCM FslN3.'^YL'> 


LHE father of the subject of this sketch was himself a Mem- 
ber of Congress. Hon. Joseph Lawrence was a Represen- 
tative in Congress from Pennsylvania, from 1825 to 1829, 
and again from 1841 to the time of his death, which occurred in 
Washington, April 17, 1842. 

His son, George V. Lawrence, was born in Washington County, 
Pennsylvania, Nov. 13, 1818. He was a student at the Washington 
College for a time, but through loss of his health failed to graduate. 
He afterwards labored for ten years at farming. In 1844, he was 
elected to the State Legislature from his native county, and re-elected 
in 1847. He was also a member of the State Senate for six years, 
in which, during his last term in that body, he was chosen Speaker. 
In 1864, he was elected to Congress, and was re-elected in 1866. 

Mr. Lawrence represents a District of extensive agricultural re- 
sources, with immense capacity for stock-raisjng and wool-growing, 
in both of which his constituents are largely engaged. In these pur- 
suits, their representative is also deeply concerned, and has a thor- 
ough knowledge of all the relations of a protective tariff to the 
manufacturing interests and the revenues of the country. He also 
possesses the ability requisite to present this subject before the country 
for intelligent legislation. 

In presenting his views in a speech on this general subject, he 
gave the following interesting statistics relating to sheep and wool- 
growing : 

" From 1840 to 1860 there was little increase in the production of 
wool, or number of sheep really no substantial advancement in 
twenty years and this during a period when other interests were, 



the most of them, in a flourishing condition ; indeed, wool is almost 
the only product that did not increase largely. Our population in- 
creased over eight millions between 1850 and 1860. The increase 
of stockj except sheep, in the Western States in these years was one 
hundred and forty-three and a half per cent., but of sheep only two 
and seven-tenths per cent., and wool seventeen per cent. All the 
agricultural products except this increased in the last decade one 
hundred and twenty-five per cent. In 1850 the number of sheep re- 
turned was 21,723,220, and the amount of wool at 25,516,954 pounds. \ 
The number of sheep in 1860 was 24,823,556, and the amount of ^ 
wool 60,511,543 pounds. 

"In Pennsylvania during the ten years preceding the rebellion, 
the number of sheep had decreased twelve per cent. ; in Illinois, 
fourteen per cent. After the war had been waged for four years, and 
we had been thrown more upon our own resources, and less wool was 
imported on account of the danger to which foreign commerce was 
exposed, and also because of the slight protection under the tariff ofl 
1861, the increase in Pennsylvania in the production of wool was 
seventy-six per cent., and in a greater ratio in some of the Wester 
States. Illinois, for example, had during ten years preceding de- 
creased fourteen per cent. ; but during the first two years of the wan 
the number increased from 769,135 to 1,206,195. This shows how 
this interest increased when we had control of the home market, off 
even partially so. I doubt not many wool-growers will be utterly 
astonished when I present figures showing the importations of for- 
eign wool into the United States, and when they see how their in- 
terests come in competition and are put in jeopardy by. products of* 
cheap land and cheaper labor in foreign countries sold an their own 




REfW ,3".HXArr/E FROM 1CS30UPJ. 


(ABMAN A. KEWCOMB was born in Mercer County, 
Pennsylvania, July 1, 1830. After receiving an academical 
education, he commenced the study of law, at the age of 
eighteen, with Hon. "W. M. Stevenson. He removed to Freeport, 
Illinois, where he resumed the reading of law, and was admitted to 
practice in the Supreme Court of Illinois. He soon after emigrated 
to Iowa, and located at West Union, Fayette County. Here he was 
elected to the office of Prosecuting Attorney, which he held two years. 
He was then elected and served as Judge for two years. 

Early in 1861, he- raised one of the first companies that entered the 
three years' service, for the suppression of the Rebellion. He was 
mustered into the service on the 16th of May, 1861, as Captain of 
Company F, Third Eegiment of Iowa Volunteers. In the fall of the 
same year, he removed his family to Missouri, where he has since 
resided. After serving a year and a half in the army, he resigned 
because of ill-health. 

In 1864, he was elected a member of the lower House of the General 
Assembly of Missouri, and took a leading part in all the important 
questions which came before that body. He was especially active 
in opposition to a change in the Constitution which imposed disabili- 
ties on rebels. He was appointed, by Governor Fletcher, Attorney 
for the Fifteenth Judicial Circuit of Missouri, which he declined, as 
he did the Judgeship of the same Circuit, which was subsequently 
offered him. 

In 1866, Mr. Newcomb was elected a member of the Fortieth 
Congress to represent the Second District of Missouri, composed of 
the Counties of Jefferson, Crawford, Phelps, Franklin, Maries, Gas- 



conade, and Osage, together with four wards of the city of St. Louis 
In the deliberations of the Fortieth Congress, Mr. Newcomb took an 
active part. In a speech favoring the impeachment of the President, 
he said : 

" The impeachment and removal of Andrew Johnson will be looked 
upon all over the world, as the grand crowning triumph of freedom 
and republicanism, and do more to overthrow arbitrary power and 
oppression, and establish the universal Republic, than any other act 
of this Government up to the present time. The war of 1812, the 
war with Mexico, and the late civil contest with rebellion, demonstrated 
the power of the Republic to repel invasion, to prosecute foreign war, 
and defend itself against the machinations of internal foes. The 
impeachment and removal of Andrew Johnson will prove the power 
of the people, under the forms of law, to remove a ruler of their own 
selection whenever he proves false to the ideas that underlie the 
institutions of our country, or his elevation to power. The contests 
of arms resulted in victories of force over force, 'while the successful 
impeachment of a criminal Executive will prove the grandest of the 
many grand victories of liberty and peace, more noble and enduring 
in its influence upon the future of the nation, than ten thousand 
victories won upon the field of carnage and strife. 

In a speech on the Suffrage question, Mr. Newcomb thus sums up : 
" The colored man has ever yielded a faithful allegiance to the 
Government, paid taxes, and faithfully discharged the duties of 
citizenship in time of peace. He has rendered gallant service in all 
the wars of our nation, winning the highest commendation oi Wash- 
ington, Jackson, and Grant. His deeds of heroism and valor are 
most honorable. They are for ever treasured up in the history of our 
country. They are immortalized by the speech of the orator and the 
poet's song ; and, sir, I do insist that while we require and accept his 
service in support and defense of the Government, it is an act of 
injustice and cowardice to withhold from him his rights of citizen- 
ship that will some day call down upon this nation the scorn and 
reproach of mankind." 





'OHN WINTHROP CHANLER was born in "the city of 
New York in 1826. Having graduated in Columbia Col- 
lege, New York, in 1847, he studied law, and practiced the 
profession until 1859, when he entered political life as a member of 
the New York State Assembly. In 1860 he was nominated for the 
State Senate, and declined. In the same year he was a candidate 
for Representative for the Sixth District of New York, but was de- 
feated. Two years later, he was elected a Representative to the 
Thirty-eighth Congress, from the Seventh New York District, and was 
re-elected to the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. In the Thirty- 
eighth Congress he served on the Committee on Patents; in the 
Thirty -ninth on the Committee on Patents, and the Bankrupt Law ; 
and in the Fortieth Congress on the Committee on Patents, Elections, 
and Southern Railroads. 

Mr. Chanler has been prominent among the Democrats of Con- 
gress, advocating with zeal and eloquence the views of the minority 
on the important subjects of recent legislation. On the 10th of De- 
cember, 1867, Mr. Chanler delivered a speech in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, in reply to Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, on his Southern Confis- 
cation Bill, from which we make the following extract : 

" Confiscation is a method by which a conqueror robs his foes and 
rewards his friends. Two distinct acts are done by it, and two dis- 
tinct motives actuate it. One result is sought by it, namely, security 
to the State established by the conqueror. All confiscation is rob- . 
bery ; it is the tool of the tyrant and the oppressor, who, under the 
law of might, creates his title to that which was another's. History 



is filled with examples of confiscation. Founded in violence, sus- 
tained by fraud, and sanctioned by necessity, it lias become one of the 
established methods by which States are overthrown and maintained. 
Revolutions, civil wars, conspiracies, assassinations, work the decay 
of dynasties', parties, and States ; but by confiscation the victor seizes 
the spoils, and holds , possession by the right of arms. Confiscation 
and proscription have moved hand in hand through all the changes 
and fluctuations of empire, and have come down to us heavy with 
crimes of past ages, and stained with the blood, and burdened with the 
wrongs of uncounted thousands whom man's inhumanity to man has 
made to mourn. The Eoman triumvirs divided the empire and 
doomed their dearest friends to assassination in the same breath. 
The genius and eloquence of Cicero could not save him from the doom 
which partisan hate decreed against him. The empire of Augustus 
was cemented with blood and enriched by the wealth of obnoxious 
men, proscribed by his partisans in a spirit of revenge and avarice. 
Eoman liberty lost her last great advocate in the death of Cicero. 
Roman empire began when the spirit of liberty was silenced by the 
edict of proscription and confiscation. All along the highway of his- 
tory are strewn magnificent monuments reared to commemorate this 
mighty wrong by the successful tyrant of the era. No reader of the 
inscriptions which they bear, can leave their perusal without cherish- 
ing a hope that in his day no ruthless tyrant shall rob him of his 
patrimony, his freedom, or his life. Confiscation is one of the hid- 
eous monsters chained to Ijje car of grim-visaged war, and never should 
be let loose to raven for its prey. It legitimately is only an instru- 
ment of terror, and should not be let loose to destroy. In time of 
peace it should be nowhere seen or heard ; savage, cruel, destroying, 
it has no place among civilized, humane, and law-abiding men in 
times like these." 

Having spoken of the general character of confiscation laws, and 
the punishments usual among civilized nations, Mr. Chanler said of 
this particular measure : 

" It is a legal, lineal offspring of that body of laws which sent the 



commissioners of Herod to every household to fetch him the young 

child whom he feared. It is of the same kind as those memorable 
laws of Spain which drove the Moors from their homes in Andalusia ; 
and of that edict of France which sent Protestant Huguenots to this 
land, and everywhere out of their native land, in search of a home. 

" It is the same kind of laws, in a written form, as the crude laws 
of conquest issued by the commissioners of the King of Dahomey, of 
Congo, or any barbaric absolute monarchs of Central Africa, which 
strips every prisoner of every right to live, save at the option of the 
conqueror. The object is the same, the effect the same revenge ! 
revenge ! revenge and all in the name of justice under the cover 
of law cruel, bad law terrible, dire vengeance, carrying desola- 
tion and ruin in its course blear-eyed justice, seeing only the ave- 
nues of wrong and cruelty. 

" It was one of a long series of indictments which, as the great 
dragon 'swinges the horrors of his' twisted tail,' was to close in upon 
the wlu'te race of the Southern States, and to strangle them into a 
torpor worse than death 1 the torpor of political subordination to the 
negro. This is the tail of this horrid monster of political atrocity ; 
it carries the sting which was to rob the white race of all political 
vitality in the future. Its fiery breath was to light up the flames of 
another civil war of races the prize to the conquering race to be the 
public lands in the Southern States. That the negro might be 
stronger and more irresistible for evil in this conflict,'the Secretary of 
"War is, by this bill, made monarch of the black kingdom of Dixie 
supreme and migjhty lord, serene invincible sovereign and com- 
mander-in-chief of the black armies which were and may hereafter 
be enrolled into our services, armed and equipped, without law of 
Congress, but on the mere general order of the "War Secretary. That 
money might be had for this black horde without additional tax, the 
lands confiscated by this bill are to be sold always, however, under 
the commission of this sovereign Secretary of "War, who shall make 
a trust fund of a large part of the proceeds of the sale, to keep the 
families of his black warriors in hog and hominy, while the throats 



of white citizens are being heroically cut, or their starved bodies 
stuck with black bayonets." 

On the 6th of February, 1868, Mr. Chanler delivered an able 
speech in the House of Representatives on the Bights of American 
citizens abroad, from which we make the following brief extract : 

" It does not properly belong, perhaps, to this branch of the Gov- 
ernment, to mar the harmony which may exist between the Secretary 
of State and our foreign relations. But if the Representatives of a 
free and brave nation do not use every means in their power to 
redress the wrongs done by the oppressor of American citizens at home 
or abroad, the curse of that nation will justly rest upon their memory. 
The brand of sloth and neglect will be stamped on our names in 
history, when the inevitable consequence of the long list of griev- 
ances under which the naturalized citizen has lived in this country 
since the Revolution, shall culminate in universal Fenianism, involv- 
ing this Government in a labyrinth of discords, complicated by dis- 

" The destinies and rights of many million emigrants from Europe 
to this country, are in our hands. A new epoch has been made in 
the law of nations by the power of steam. The lateen-sails which 
wooed the breeze to waft the Asiatic races along the shores of In- 
dian and Chinese seas, now flap idly on their reedy masts, as the 
swift steamer rides the deep, laden with the adventurous freight of 
human beings departing from Asia, to seek labor in the Western 
World, or coming from Europe to seek their fortunes in Australasia. 
The barriers built by Confucius are battered do\\;n by progress and 
Christian civilization. The Chinese wall of exclusiveness and 
despotism is crumbling at the sound of the steam-whistle, more ter- 
rible to barbarians than an army with banners." * * * 

j fine G/E Peru*. 





A. NICHOLSON was born in Laurel, Sussex County, 
Delaware, November 17, 1827. " His father and grand- 
father were natives of Delaware, and his mother a native of 
Virginia. He was educated, in part, at an academy in Nelson 
County, Yirginia, where his parents were residing at the time. Li 
1843 he entered Dickinson College, at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, but left 
at the end of two years, without graduating. 

In 1847, Mr. Nicholson entered on the study of law, with Hon. 
Martin Bates, of Dover, Delaware, and was admitted to the bar in 
1850. He selected Dover as his place of residence, having previ- 
ously married Miss Angelica K. Eeed, of the same town. 

In 1850, he was appointed, by Governor Ross, Superintendent of 
the free schools of that county. After practicing law a few years, 
he devoted his time principally to general literature, leading a very 
quiet and secluded life, and repeatedly refusing to be a candidate for 
any office. 

Yielding at length to the solicitations of friends, Mr. Nicholson was 
elected in 1864 to the Thirty-jiinth Congress, and was re-elected to 
the Fortieth Congress, serving in the former on the Committee on 
Election's, and in the latter on the Committee on Appropriations. 

In politics, Mr. Nicholson has always been Democratic, and was a 
member of the National Democratic Committee, appointed in 1864. 

The style of Mr. Nicholson, as a speaker and writer,' is chaste and 
forcible ; but by reason of his retired habits he is inclined to shrink 
from an active participation in debate. 

Pending the resolution to impeach the President, Mr. Nicholson 


made a speech against a measure which he characterized as " a foul 
wrong," and " the climax of those revolutionary acts which have 
marked the existence of the Republican party." After contending 
that the President could " only be impeached for a knowing and 
willful violation of the Constitution or a law in pursuance there- 
of," he argued that the Tenure-of-Office Act was not such a law. 
" For the first time," said he, " in the history of the country has 
the Congress of the United States stooped from its high position to 
legislate directly for the interests of their party. With the powers 
of Congress they combine the spirit and ethics of a party convention. 
Their course to this end has been systematic since the surrender of 
Lee gave us hope of peace and union again. It was this instinct 
which first prompted them to refuse to restore the South to her place 
in the Union, knowing, as they did, that the vote of those States 
would be given against the Radical candidate for President ; and they 
had not the hardihood, at that time, to hint even at the disfranchise- 
ment of whites and the enfranchisement of negroes to accomplish 
their purpose. Now their purpose is changed. Despairing of carry- 
ing more than half-a-dozen of the Northern States at the next elec- 
tion, they have turned to the South, and by the most arbitrary, cruel, 
and barbarous legislation that ever disgraced a civilized government, 
they have made of her a moral monster fit for their embrace. Every- 
thing that endangers the success of their scheme excites them to 
frenzy. They have now, Cortez-like, burned their ships, and their 
struggle is becoming desperate. 

" If the policy which is called the President's policy, but which is 
also the policy which common sense, justice, honor, and self-interest 
would have dictated, had . been carried out in 1865, every scar 
made by the war would now have been healed, trade and commerce 
would .now ha,ve been flourishing, the South would have been pour- 
ing her millions into the national Treasury, taxation would have 
been so diffused as scarcely to be felt ; but the blessing of a Radical 
President could not be conferred upon us in that condition of things." 


HON. G-EO. F.. MIL,] 



'EORGE F. MILLER was born May 9, 1809. His birth-place 
was Chilisquaque, Northumberland County, Pennsylvania. 
He was at an early age thrown upon his own resources, and 
by his personal exertions and industiy succeeded in obtaining an 
academic education. He then commenced the study of law under 
James F. Linn, Esq., of Lewisburg ; and after admission to the bar, 
commenced his profession in the same town, and succeeded in secur- 
ing an extensive practice. 

* Mr. Miller was from the first actively interested in politics. He 
was an " Old Line Whig," a great admirer of Henry Clay, and a strong 
protectionist in favor of American industry. When the Republican 
party was formed, he, with a large majority of the old Whig party, 
joined it, and has ever since been an active member. He applied 
himself, however, closely to his profession, and refused to become a 
candidate for any office until nominated for Congress. 

Mr. Miller took an active part in founding the university at Lewis- 
burg, Pennsylvania a literary institution which has become one of 
the leading colleges f the country. In June, 1848, he was elected sec- 
retary of the Board of Trustees of this institution, and served in that 
capacity for sixteen years. 

In 1864, Mr. Miller received the Republican nomination for Con- 
gress in the Fourteenth District. He was elected by a majority of five 
hundred and seventeen votes over his Democratic opponent, who was 
a member of the Thirty-eighth Congress. He was re-elected in 1866 
by a majority of nearly three times that of his former election. 

In the Thirty-ninth Congress, Mr. Miller was a member of the 


Committee on Roads and Canals, as also of the Committee on 
Expenditures of the War. In the Fortieth Congress, he was a mem- 
ber of the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and of the Committee on 
Revolutionary Pensions and that of the War of 1812. 

Mr. Miller is not an inactive member of the House, but gives evi- 
dence of keeping a watchful eye upon its proceedings. His speeches 
are, in general, brief, and marked by patriotism and good sense. We 
subjoin a specimen selected from his speech on Reconstruction, deliv- 
ered on the floor of the House, February 13, 1867. 

After noticing briefly the main provisions of the Reconstruction 
bill, Mr. Miller remarked that " the main arguments urged against 
the passage of this bill is that the proposed law is unconstitutional r 
that the said ten late rebellious States have organized governments, 
and, therefore, no power exists in Congress to extend over them mar- 
tial law to take the place of the civil law. I admit, Mr. Speaker, that 
this extraordinary power should only be exercised in extreme cases. 
It is, however, a universal rule among all civilized nations, that whdh 
the civil law is not strong enough to afford ample protection, the more 
powerful to wit, martial law must be resorted to ; and it is evident 
that these ten States present a case demanding such extreme mea- 
sures. The civil governments of which we hear so much were not es- 
tablished by the action of Congress, but under the auspices of Andrew 
Johnson, without any authority delegated to him for that purple." 
Then, after showing that the Constitution and laws of the United 
States are the supreme laws of the land, Mr. Miller proceeds to ask, 
" Who, then, can make the laws ? Not the exejutive^, as he possesses 
only the power to give or withhold his assent when bill* ;uv ]nv>. -ntrd 
to him. It rests with Congress to pass laws ; and if the executive 
interpose the veto power, such bills can, notwithstanding such veto, 
become laws if the same shall be passed by a two-third vote in each 
house thus showing clearly that the executive alone had no power 
under the Constitution to undertake to reconstruct these ten rebel 
States by establishing civil governments therein, and his acts in that 
matter were usurpation." 




rILLIAM B. ALLISON was born in Perry, Wayne County, 
Ohio, March 2, 1829. Most of his boyhood was spent upon 
a farm. He was educated at Alleghany College, Penn- 
sylvania, and at Western Reserve College, Ohio. He then entered 
on the study of law, and was admitted to practice in 1851. He con- 
tinued the practice of law in Ohio until 1857", when he removed to 
Dubuque, Iowa. He was a delegate in the Chicago Convention of 
1860 ; and, in 1861, he was a member of the Governor's staff, render- 
ing essential service in raising troops for the war. 

In 1862, Mr. Allison was elected from Iowa a Representative to 
the Thirty-eight Congress, and re-elected to the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, 
and Forty-first Congresses. He has served on the Committee on Public 
Lands, Roads and Canals, also on Ways and Means, Mines and Mining, 
and Expenses in the Interior Department. 

The Congressional records show Mr. Allison to be vigilant and 
faithful in his duties in the House. His speeches evince sobriety 
and'care, at the same time that they display ability and fearlessness 
in the advocacy of his views. 

Mr. Allison's speech, June 4, 1868, on the " Internal Tax Bill," 
while it evinces much ability, presents facts and statements of special 
interest to the country at large. The following extracts are selected 
in illustration : * 

" Mr. Chairman, I fear we must resort to something more perfect 
if we would check the frauds on the revenue which exist in this coun- 
try to-day. I beg leave to differ with gentlemen on this side of the 
House as to the cause of these great frauds. I do not attribute their 



commission to the division of responsibility. The Commissioner of In- 
ternal Revenue is a bureau officer under the Secretary of the Treasury. 
The Secretary of the Treasury is to-day the responsible head of 
the Department, charged with the collection of the revenue of the 
country. It is no defense for him to say that he does not kjiow of the 
existence of these frauds. Is it not enough for him to know that there 
are produced in this country at least seventy-five million gallons of 
distilled spirits, and that but seven million gallons pay the tax dur- 
ing the fiscal year about to close ? Is it to be said that the respon- 
sible head of the revenue department the Secretary of the Treasury 
does not know that the reason why this revenue is not collected is 
because of frauds in his Department, and that he must wait for his 
subordinate officer to bring those frauds to his knowledge ? 

" I say the responsibility rests to-day upon the Secretary of the 
Treasury, unless he can shift that responsibility upon the President 
of the United States, where I believe it legitimately and properly be- 
longs. While I give the Secretary of the Treasury credit for integ- 
rity of purpose and purity of 'character, he is unfortunately too much 
of a partisan, or is not willing to assume the responsibility which is 
within his power and control. Many of these revenue agents be- 
long to what my colleagues on the Committee of Ways and Means 
and others here donominate "the whisky ring." They are constantly 
roaming over the country and forming leagues, by which the Govern- 
ment is defrauded. * * * 

" These men are not removed from office. I have been told that the 
Secretary of the Treasury makes representations to the President of 
the United States ; but I have yet to learn that a single man who has 
been engaged in these fraudulent practices has been removed by the 
President of the United States. Hence, Mr. Chairman, I think the 
chief reason for these frauds is inherent in our present political situa- 
tion, and that we never can get rid of them except in one way, that 
is by having harmony in the administration, and harmony in legisla- 
tion, and administration and legislation on the side of the Govern- 



On the 29th of February, 1868, the House having under considera- 
tion the Articles of Impeachment, as reported from the Committee, 
Mr. Allison sustained them in a speech of which the following is an 
extract : 

" The President by the Constitution is especially enjoined to fake 
care that the laws be faithfully executed, and he is therefore not only 
bound, as is every other citizen of the Republic, to observe the laws 
that may be passed from time to time, but has the higher duty im- 
posed upon him of seeing to it that every citizen obeys the laws ; and 
if he can set at defiance this law, he may with equal propriety disre- 
gard any law that may be found upon the statute-books, and set up 
in defense that he regards the law as unconstitutional. The very 
nature of the executive office requires him to obey the law, as it is 
involved in the executive authority conferred upon him by the Con- 
stitution, and as such executive officer he is bound to execute the 
laws, whatever may be his individual opinion as a citizen with refer- 
ence to their constitutionality ; and a failure on his part to execute 
any law not declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the 
United States, is to violate his oath of office, which compels him to 
take care that the laws be faithfully executed. 

" When laws are duly made and promulgated, they only remain to 
be execute\l. No discretion is submitted to the executive officer. It 
is not for him to deliberate and decide upon the wisdom, expediency, 
or constitutionality of the law ; that power he has exhausted when 
he returns a bill, with his objections, to the House in which it origin- 
ated. What has been once declared to be law under all the cautious 
forms of deliberation prescribed by the Constitution, ought to receive 
a prompt obedience ; and a failure to obey in the President should be 
regarded as a high misdemeanor in office." 

After having referred particularly to the President's violation of 
the Tenure-of-Office Act, Mr. Allison concluded as follows : 

" But, Mr. Chairman, this is but one link in a long chain of usur- 
pations on the part of the President. It is but a chapter (I hope the 

last) in the history of a great conspiracy, begun by the President in 



December, 1865, and continued in perseveringly to the present mo- 
ment, to turn over the Government of at least ten States, if not of 
the whole country, to the enemies of the Republic. 

" It is possible the first act by which he has brought himself within 
the provisions of a criminal statute, but only one of many instances 
in which he has used the powers of his high office to thwart the will 
and judgment of the people. He has attempted to usurp to himself 
the absolute control of the rebel States, and has sought by every 
means possible to thwart the execution of the humane laws passed 
for their restoration to the Union. Under his guidance, life, liberty, 
and property in those States have been put in jeopardy ; and the spirit 
of rebellion, though dormant, is as str6ng as during the war, all be- 
cause this spirit has in him an advocate. Shielded and protected and 
powerful, because he happens to hold the Presidential office, he has 
tried in various ways to secure the Army to sustain him ; and foiled 
in every way, under the forms of law he now seeks to wrest it by 
force, thereby seeking to place the "War Department and the Army 
under the control of a weak, irresolute old man, who will do his bid- 
ding. In the meantime every material interest of the country is suf- 
fering, because this man persists in retaining in office men who are 
utterly unworthy of place. The country wants peace, and peace it 
cannot have while this criminal remains in office. If we" allow this 
last act or acts of usurpation to pass without applying the peaceful 
constitutional remedy, we may naturally expect that these usurpations 
will continue, until republican government itself will be destroyed, . 
and upon its ruins a dictatorship established in the interest of the 
worst enemies of liberty and law." 





'OSEPH W. McCLUKG- was born in St. Louis County, Mis- 
souri, February 22, 1818. He was educated at the Miami 
University, Ohio, and subsequently spent two years in teach- 
ing in Louisiana and Mississippi. In 1841, he went to Texas, where 
lie was admitted to the bar, and became Clerk of a Circuit Court. 
In 1844, he settled as a merchant in Missouri. At the outbreak of 
the civil war, he suffered severe losses at the hands of the rebels, and 
abandoning his business, served in the army for a time as Colonel of 
Cavalry. He was 'a member of the Missouri State Convention of 
1862, and was in that year elected a Representative from Missouri 
to the Thirty-eighth Congress, and was re-elected in 1864, and 1866. 

In the summer of 1868, Mr. McClurg having been nominated by 
the Republicans of Missouri as their candidate for Governor, re- 
signed his seat in the Fortieth Congress. After an active and exciting 
canvass, Mr. McClurg was elected Governor of Missouri, a position 
which his ability and honesty eminently fitted him. 

On the 28th of January, 1868, the subject of " Southern Land 
Grants " was before the House, comprised in the bill declaring for- 
feited to the United States certain lands granted to aid in the con- 
struction of railroads in the States of Alabama, Mississippi, and 

In the debate on this subject, Mr. McClurg showed very conclusively 
from the testimony of competent witnesses, that nearly all the 
officers and stock-holders of those railroads were disloyal during the 
war ; that the roads were voluntarily relinquished to the rebels for 
military purposes, and, therefore, the forfeiture to the United States 
of the lands that had been previously granted for building and sus- 
taining them, was but a matter of right and justice. 



In the course of his speech on the question, Mr. Clurg remarked: 
" The principle upon which I presume the House will act, will not 
be changed by any information that may be obtained. As I under- 
stand it, the principle grows out of the fact that the former States 
named in the bill declared themselves separated from the Government 
which made such munificent grants, and arrayed themselves in 
armed hostility to the Government. 

" On this point the House needs no other testimony than the letters 
of blood written on every page of our country's history during the 
four years of desolating war. These former States erected for them- 
selves a government and confederated together for rebellion, thus 
forfeiting all claim to the kind consideration of the parent Govern- 
ment which they in their madness attempted to destroy." 

To a member expressing himself as not in favor of punishing a 
whole people without trial or jury, Mr. McClurg responded : " I 
am as desirous as any gentleman can be whose friends have in- 
vested capital in corporations controlled by rebels, knowing them to 
be such, and prepared, of course, to take the responsibility I am as 
desirous as they can be to see the prosperity of the South return, as 
well as that of all portions of our common country. It is that very 
desire, I would say to the gentleman from Wisconsin and to others, 
that our common prosperity may never again be interrupted by those 
who attacked the life of the Union and stagnated its channels of com 
merce. I almost feel willing that God shall visit, as I have no doubt 
He will, that land with desolation, as He visited in times of old those 
who knew him not, until they shall return to their duty to humanity, 
and come out from the tombs of corruption where they have so long 
dwelled. And that is my answer to the gentleman from Wisconsin. 
When they shall have done that, and shown unmistakable signs of 
returned reason, sitting in their proper places by their own voluntary 
action, clothed in garments of loyalty, then I shall, in any legislation, 
be willing to treat them as loyal States ; but not till then. Northern 
capital did not prevent them from throwing off their loyal garments, 

and we have no assurance it will aid in putting them on." 



In the Thirty-ninth Congress Mr. McClurg was appointed Chair- 
man of the Select Committee on the Southern Railroads, and held 
the same position in the Fortieth Congress. In the prosecution of 
the arduous duties imposed upon this Committee, a large amount 
of important testimony was taken. On the 7th of February, 1868, 
Mr. McClurg made to the House an able and elaborate report setting 
forth the relations which the Southern Eailroads sustained to the 
Government, and recommending that measures be taken to prevent, 
so far as possible, the injury which would result from the act of the 
executive in returning Eailroads to their rebel owners without " au- 
thority in law." From this report we make the following extract : 

" While the committee have much respect for the high officials 
who advised restoration, they are constrained to express the opinion 
that, in the exercise of their magnanimous liberality in the disposal 
of property not their own, they lost sight of justice, and were misled 
by too high an estimate of the character of the enemy that had delib- 
erately assailed the Government. It should have been borne in mind 
that the war of rebellion was waged to perpetuate human oppression 
by those who, with their ancestors, had for many years gratified that 
disposition to oppress that destroys all the noble sentiments and feel- 
ings of the soul. This seems to have been forgotten. 

" The high standing socially, and, in time past, politically, of rail- 
road presidents and directors, and the influence whfch wealth and 
intelligence ever give, seem to have caused sight to be lost of the 
enormity of the crime of treason, so much so that while the only 
horse of a poor, ignorant man, led into the rebellion by this very 
intelligence, is retained and never returned, these engines of 
power, this wealth amounting to one hundred and twenty-three mil- 
lion dollars and over, is returned to the intelligent, wealthy, and 
influential, whose only magnanimity had been to surrender when 
they could no longer fight returned, too, before the basis had been 
determined upon for their return as citizens under recognized govern- 
ments of States restored to the Union. 

" If desiring to renew rebellion, what more in the premises could 



these former enemies have desired than they have received ? Roads 
repaired and constructed, equipped, made ready for profitable use, 
and returned ! 

" An individual would consider it blind policy to put his enraged 
antagonist upon his feet and restore to him his deadly weapon. It 
would be considered madness in a keeper to turn from the cage an 
untamed beast, with food administered to strengthen him for another 
effort to take his life. 

" Is the life of the nation less precious, or maddened rebel enemies 
less to be dreaded ? And those who regard oaths of loyalty as safe- 
guards, would do well to remember that almost yesterday there were 
in the halls of Congress those who disregarded oaths, and, by con- 
cocting treason, blackened their souls with perjury. 

" The policy in the past had been, with all governments, to im- 
poverish an enemy. In the cases being considered, it has been to 
enrich. The policy pursued can only be justified on the ground of 
magnanimity and charity charity blinded to justice ; and such 
magnanimity can only be excused, if at all, under supposition of 
bewilderment growing out of the magnitude of the war, and the 
momentous questions connected with it and growing out of recon- 

" The desire for peace was laudable ; but that had been conquered. 
The desire for "general prosperity was praiseworthy, and may have 
shown goodness of heart ; but justice and the security of after gener- 
ations forbid rewards for treason. " 






EWIS W. EOSS was born in Seneca County, New York, 
December 8, 1812. In his boyhood he removed with his 
father to Illinois. He was educated at Illinois College, and 
adopted the profession of law. In 1840 and 1844 he was elected to 
the State Legislature, and in 1848 he was a Democratic Presidential 
Elector, and in 1860 was a delegate to the Charleston and Baltimore 
Conventions. In 1861 he was a member of the State Constitutional 
Convention, and in the following year was elected a Representative 
from Illinois to the Thirty-eighth Congress. He was re-elected to 
the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

Mr. Eoss is active and prominent as a member of the National 
Legislature. As a Democrat he is outspoken and fearless, while hie 
speeches give evidence of a rnind actuated by warm impulses and 
strong convictions. His speech on the "Abolition of Slavery," de- 
livered in the House, June 14, 1864, presents as fairly, perhaps, as any 
other, the attitude of the Democratic party at that time towards the 
prosecution of the war, while at the same time it exemplifies some 
of the more prominent mental characteristics of its author. One or 
two brief extracts will accordingly be presented. At the time of 
delivering this speech, Mr. Eoss was favorable to some kind of compro- 
mise, and for arresting further war. 

" We are now passing," he says, " the fiery ordeal of this malignant 
.disease. The hectic flush mantles the cheek, the pulse beats quick 
and wiery ; but there are still hopes, by a change of doctors and treat- 
ment, and careful nursing, the patient may survive. If I had power 
to reach the mind and touch the heart of the nation, I would beseech 
my countrymen, everywhere, North and South, to stay their hands 
and cease this self-destruction before it be for ever too late. Why 



persist in destroying the best form of government ever devised by 
the wisdom, virtue, and patriotism of man ? Why blot out the world's 
last hope of free, constitutional liberty ? The despots of the Old World 
have no love for our free institutions and Democratic form of govern- 
ment ; they have watched with a jealous eye our growing greatness 
and power ; they are pleased with the manner in which we are exe- 
cuting a job for them which they dare not undertake themselves. If 
we continue to gratify them by procrastinating our civil war until 
our armies are destroyed and our finances collapse, they will be ready 
to grasp the exhausted giant by the throat, and furnish Maximilians 
to rule over us. I would implore the country to pause and reflect. 
This question of self-preservation, of maintaining our liberties and free 
institutions, rises infinitely above all party considerations. Save the 
country, though political parties crumble into atoms. * * * 
These suggestions in favor of an amicable adjustment will not be 
likely to meet the approbation of the Cabinets or -their special ad- 
herents at Washington or Richmond. The first would peril the na- 
tion, with its thirty millions of Anglo-Saxons, for the supposed benefit 
of three or four millions of African slaves. They would extirpate 
slavery at whatever cost or sacrifice of blood and treasure. They 
would brush Federal and State constitutions out of their way like 
cobwebs. They would over-run and subjugate the South and exter- 
minate the people. They would encourage servile insurrection and 
arm the slave against his master. They would make war on and 
starve non-combatants, women and children. They would devastate 
and desolate the land with fire and sword, and make it a howling 
wilderness ; confiscate real and personal property ; place the negro, 
as to civil and political rights, on an equality with the whites ; execute 
or banish the rebel leaders; exclude all others engaged in the re- 
bellion from the rights of citizens ; place the free negroes under the 
control of the Secretary of War, to be worked and managed by 
Government overseers ; keep the people in subjection by means of a 
standing army ; and rule and govern the country by civil and mili- 
tary officers appointed by the President." 



'.IVj-: i'HOW MA^rLATsT 


[HE Catoctin Valley, in Frederick County, Maryland, was 
pronounced by Henry Clay, who was accustomed to pass 
through it by stage on his way to Washington, to be one of 
the loveliest spots in America. In this beautiful valley Francis 
Thomas was born, February 3, 1799. His ancestors were among the 
early and prominent residents of Maryland. His father, Colonel John 
Thomas, filled many offices of trust and honor in the State. 

In his childhood Francis Thomas manifested an unusual taste for 
reading and study. At the age of twelve he left his father's roof to 
become- a student in Frederick College, and subsequently prosecuted his 
studies at St. John's College, Annapolis. Being of a thoughtful, philo- 
sophic cast of mind, he early perceived and reflected deeply upon the 
evils of slavery, and in early life conceived that abhorrence for the 
institution which made him in after years one of its most determined 

Mr. Thomas studied law at Annapolis in the office of Alexander 
C. Magruder, one of the Judges of the' Court of Appeals of Mary- 
land. He was admitted to the bar and commenced the practice of 
law at Frederick in 1820. Immediately on arriving at the age of 
twenty-one, he was elected a member of the House of Delegates, re- 
ceiving every vote that was polled within three miles of his residence. 
He was re-elected four successive terms, and in 1829 was chosen 
Speaker of the House. 

In 1831, Mr. Thomas was elected a Eepresentative in Congress, and 
neld this office by re-election for ten successive years. In 1833, he ran 
for Congress as the regular nominee of the Jackson Democracy. The 



Whigs had made no nomination, and were disposed to support an in- 
dependent Jackson candidate, whose name was Lewis. On the day 
of the election, Henry Clay, passing through Maryland by stage on 
his way to "Washington, stopped for a short time in the village of 
Middletown. He asked who were the candidates, and on being in- 
formed, he said, with emphasis: "I would rather vote for Frank 
Thomas than any other Jackson man in Maryland." The influence 
of Clay's emphatic indorsement was such that in this village Mr. 
Thomas received five hundred and fifty votes against fifty for his op- 
ponent, nearly all the latter having been cast before Mr. Clay's ar- 

In 1832, Mr. Thomas was a member of a committee associated 
with John M. Clayton, John Quincy Adams, Richard M. Johnson, 
McDuffie, and Cambrelling, to examine into the condition of the 
United States Bank. They went to Philadelphia, and took rooms at 
the same hotel, prosecuting their work assiduously for more than a 
month. The shrewdness of Mr. Thomas availe$ to detect evidences 
of fraud and corruption in the Bank, which had escaped the notice of 
his associates. 

While in Congress, Mr. Thomas boldly and earnestly opposed the 
schemes of the Southern nullifiers. At one time, John Quincy 
Adams having in the House of Kepresentatives presented a petition 
signed by negro slaves of Fredericksburg, the extreme Southerners 
became very indignant, and offered a resolution in the House, the sub- 
stance of which was, that no member who presented a petition from 
slaves should be regarded as a gentleman or a friend of the Union. The 
resolution was promptly and decisively voted down. Mr. Thomas was 
soon after appointed on a Committee to inform Mr. Van Buren of 
his election to the Presidency of the United States. Having per- 
formed this duty, on his return to the Hall of Representatives he was 
surprised to see the seats of the Southern members all vacant, and 
was informed that the Representatives from the Slave States were 
holding a consultation in the Committee Room of Claims. Sup- 
posing there was mischief brewing, Mr. Thomas went immediately to 



the designated room, where he found about seventy Representatives 
assembled. Asking whether his presence would be considered an in- 
trusion, he was answered in the negative, since all Representatives from 
STave States had been invited. Having learned that they were seri- 
ously considering the question of a summary secession from Congress, 
Mr. Thomas took the floor, and spoke earnestly and eloquently 
against the rashness and folly of the movement proposed. He closed 
with a motion to adjourn, which was carried,, and nothing more was 
heard of the rash design of the offended slaveholders. 

At one time, during the administration of Mr. Van Buren, eight 
Southern members attempted to control Congress, and were thwarted 
in their schemes by Mr. Thomas. The Whigs and Democrats in the 
House were then very nearly equally divided. The position of Pub- 
lic Printer was very lucrative, and much sought after. Gales & 
Seaton were supported by the Whigs, and Blair & Rives by the 
Democrats. Eight Southerners bargained with the latter firm that 
they should have their votes to secure for 'them the public printing, 
provided the influence of the firm would be given to throw the votes 
of the Democratic party for Dixon H. Lewis, one of their number, for 
the Speakership. Mr. Thomas, however, and ten other Democrats, 
resolved that this should not be, and, by steadily holding out, prevented 
the election, which was to be secured by bargain and corruption. 
At one stage in .the contest, President Yan Buren's son visited Mr. 
Thomas, and urged him, as a special favor to the President, to yield 
and vote with the men of the party for Lewis. " Not all the power 
and patronage of your father," he replied, " could induce me to do a 
thing which I regard as so dangerous to the country." 

During his long service in Congress, Mr. Thomas took rank among 
the most influential and efficient members. He occupied for a con- 
siderable time the important position of Chairman of the Judiciary 
Committee. He originated a measure, which was adopted by Congress, 
to settle the controversy between Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan about 
the southern boundary of the last named State. 

In 1841, Mr. Thomas declined a re-election to Congress, desiring to 


devote himself to the local affairs of his State, and to the interests of 
the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, of which he had some time before 
been elected president. 

Mr. Thomas devoted himself to the work of bringing about in 
Maryland a constitutional reform, which in the end amounted really to 
a revolution. By the old Constitution of Maryland the slaveholding 
counties were allowed four-fifths of the representation in the Legis- 
lative Assembly of the State. Baltimore, with a population of two 
hundred thousand, was allowed but one representative ; and the entire 
western portion of the State, with a preponderance of wealth and pop- 
ulation, had so meager a representation as practically to possess no 
power whatever. The Whigs controlled the slaveholding counties, 
and the Democrats the western counties. 

By the Constitution of the State a College of Electors was chosen 
by the people, consisting of forty members, whose duty it was to elect 
a Governor and a Senate for a term of five years. Mr. Thomas being 
a Democrat in politics, and an ardent hater of slavery, determined to 
use all the influence he possessed to break up the constitutional oli- 
garchy which ruled the State. 

The fortunate election of a College of Senatorial Electors, consisting 
of twenty-one Whigs and nineteen Democrats, gave to Mr. Thomas an 
Opportunity which he had long desired. Since no business could be 
done without a quorum of three-fifths, three Democrats were necessary 
for the organization of the body. Mr. Thomas induced the nineteen 
Democrats to enter into a solemn agreement that they would not take 
seats in the College of Electors unless they would agree to give to the 
western counties a fair proportion of the representation, and make the 
Governor elective by the people. The Democratic electors went in 
the same boat from Baltimore to Annapolis, accompanied" by Mr. 
Thomas, who secured quarters for all at the same hotel. They made 
an organization with a president and secretary, through whom they 
submitted their terms to the majority, taking care that no three should 
at any one time go together. The majority not acceding to the pro- 
position, the democrat 1 , under the lead of Mr. Thomas, adjourned, 



and left Annapolis. After this revolution for it was nothing less, the 
old Constitution being practically annulled Mr. Thomas issued a call 
upon the voters to select delegates to a convention for the formation 
of a new Constitution. As he saw great obstacles in the way of secur- 
ing this result immediately, the most he expected to accomplish by 
issuing the call for a convention, was to arouse the Whig majority of 
the earnest men of the western portion of the State, and induce them 
to acquiesce in the just demands of that section. "While the call for a 
Constitutional Convention was pending, and after the Whigs had been 
at the capital two months, impatiently waiting to effect an organiza- 
tion, Mr. Thomas induced three Democratic members elect, who lived 
nearest, to go, and apparently on their own responsibility, propose to 
form a quorum on condition that demands similar to those first made 
should be acceded to. The desired result was gained. A more just 
and equal representation was secured, and the Governor was ever after 
elected by the people. Mr. Thomas himself was the second Governor 
elected under the new arrangement. He held the office two terms, 
and retired from the gubernatorial chair in January, 1845. Two 
years later-he declined to be a candidate for Congress. In 1856 he was 
a member of the Maryland State Constitutional Contention. 

Being largely interested in the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, he had 
many years before purchased an immense traet of land along the line 
of the road, in the extreme western end of Maryland. Soon after the 
close of his public service as Governor, he went into the wilderness on 
his great estate, and devoted himself for many years to its development 
and improvement. From his retired yet elevated residence among the 
Alleghanies, Governor Thomas viewed events that were passing in the 
country with the profound interest of a patriot and philanthropist. 

Mr. Thomas was drawn from his retirement by the danger which 
he saw gathering against the country in I860.. Being well versed in the 
ways of politicians, and knowing thoroughly the Southern character, 
he foresaw the designs of the Democracy in breaking up the Charles- 
ton Convention in 1860. He saw that the plan of the Breckenridge 
party was to get as large a vote as possible in Maryland and other 



Border States, trusting that thus they might hope to carry away those 
States into the treason of secession. That he might do all that was 
possible in defeating these wicked designs, Mr. Thomas came down 
from his retirement and made numerous speeches in favor of the Union 
and against secession. 

When President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for seventy- 
five thousand men to put down the rebellion, Governor Hicks re- 
sponded that he would send the quota of Maryland with the ex- 
press understanding that the troops should go no further than "Wash- 
ington, and be used only in defending the capital. When Mr. 
Thomas heard of this response, he at once wrote a letter to Governor 
Hicks protesting against such a narrow construction of the duty of 
Maryland. He proposed to go into his old Congressional District 
and enlist two thousand men who would be willing to. go anywhere 
in the service of the country against its enemies. The Governor 
of Maryland saw proper to disregard this proposition. Mr. Thomas 
then wrote to Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, who also 
gave no attention to the proposition. Not to be foiled in his 
patriotic purpose, Mr. Thomas next laid his plans before President 
Lincoln, who immediately directed Secretary Cameron to make out the 
requisite authority. The immediate result of the first speech made 
by Mr. Thomas was th* enlistment of five hundred volunteers, and in 
a short time twenty-five hundred men were enrolled. All this was 
done with no expense to the Government, since Mr. Thomas would ac- 
cept no pay for his services, and refused the offer of a brigadier-gen- 
eral's commission. Though willing to go into the field if necessary, 
he thought, in view of his years, that he would be more useful in 
Congress, to which he had just been elected. 

In March, 1863, Mr. Thomas proposed to Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet 
a plan which was designed to rid Maryland of slavery. To effect this 
it was Tiecessary to secure the election of a Legislature which would 
order a convention to revise the Constitution of the State. Mr. 
Thomas expected by his personal influence to carry the western coun- 
ties for the scheme, and as the Government had a controlling influence 



in Baltimore, the measure could be carried against the solid opposition 
of the lower or slaveholding counties. 

The President and Cabinet at once approved the plan, and, by an 
arrangement then made, the movement was started under the imme- 
diate auspices of Mr. Thomas, who addressed a public meeting in the 
western part of the State in support of resolutions instructing the 
Legislature to call a Convention to re-form the State Constitution. A 
full report of the proceedings of this meeting was, by direction of the 
Government, copied into the Baltimore papers, and thus the move- 
ment was fully inaugurated. The Legislature was carried in the 
fall for the measure, and a Convention was called in 1864, which 
submitted to a vote of the people a Constitution securing the aboli- 
tion of slavery in Maryland. It received their sanction by a small 
majority, and thus Maryland was placet beyond the reach of agita- 
tion in relation to the " vexed question of slavery." 

In the Thirty-seventh Congress Mr. Thomas took his seat for his 
sixth term as a Representative in Congress, and was successively re- 
elected to the Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 
He rarely participated in debate, but preserving unimpaired those 
talents which made him conspicuous among the statesmen of a 
former generation, he exerted a great influence, and was the object 
of marked respect. 



F. FARNSWORTH was born in Eaton, Canada, 
March 27, 1860, but was early removed to the Territory 
of Michigan. In 1843 he settled in St. Charles, Illinois, 
and 'entered upon the practice of law. In 1846 he left the Demo- 
cratic party, with which he had acted, and joined the " Liberty 
Party." In 1856, and again in 1858, he was elected to Congress 
from what was then known as the Chicago District. In 1861 he 
raised the Eighth Illinois Cavalry Regiment, of which he was 
Colonel until his promotion to the rank of Brigadier-General. In 
the fall of 1862 he was elected a Representative from Illinois to the 
Thirty-eighth Congress, arid was re-elected in 1864, 1866 and 1868. 

DAM J. GLOSSBRENNER was born in Hagerstown, 
Maryland, August 31, 1810. After serving an appren- 
ticeship in the printing business, he journeyed westward, 
and became foreman in the office of the " Ohio Monitor." In 1829 he 
returned to Pennsylvania and settled iu York, and there published 
the " York Gazette." In 1849 he was elected Sergeant-at-arrns of the 
House of Representatives for the Thirty-first Congress, and held the 
office through the four following Congresses. In 1861 he was pri- 
vate Secretary to President Buchanan. In 1864 he was elected a 
Representative from Pennsylvania to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and 
was re-elected to the Fortieth Congress. 

fAMUEL M. ARNELL was born in Maury County, Tennes- 
see, May 3, 1833. He was educated at Amherst, Massa- 
chusetts, and subsequently taught school and studied law. 
In 1859 he went into the business of manufacturing leather. In 
1861 he took an active interest in putting down the rebellion, and 
was injured by the rebels in his person and property. On the re- 
organization of Tennessee he was elected a member of the State 
Legislature, and was soon after elected a Representative from Ten- 
nessee to the Thirty-ninth Congress as a Republican, and was twice 




'AMUEL S. MARSHALL was born in Gallatin County, Illi- 
nois, in 1821. The educational institutions of the West were 
at that time of an inferior grade, and although he studied for 
two years at Cumberland College, Kentucky, he was more indebted 
for any considerable advance in knowledge to his private studies 
and to his love of books, than to his educational facilities. After a 
pretty extensive, but very desultory course of reading, Mr. Marshall 
commenced the study of law in the office of his cousin, Hon. Henry 
Eddy of Shawneetown. Mr. Marshall was at that time in very 
feeble health, with little hope of improvement, and he commenced the 
study of law more from a desire of extending his range of informa- 
tion than from a hope of engaging successfully in the practice of the 
profession. He pursued his studies, nevertheless, with considerable 
vigor, and was licensed by the Supreme Court to practice in all the 
courts of the State. He opened a law-office in Hamilton County, Illi- 
nois, and almost immediately achieved unhoped-for success at the bar. 
In the fall of 1846, only one year from the time he commenced 
the practice of the law, he was elected to the lower 'branch of the 
State legislature. Although the youngest member of the Illinois 
Legislature, he took an active part in its deliberations and proceed- 
ings. In March, 1847, he was unanimously elected by that body 
to the office of State's Attorney for the Third Judicial Circuit, and 
immediately resigned his seat in the Legislature for the purpose of 
entering upon the duties of his new office. The Judicial District 
included fifteen counties, in two of which and in portions of others 
the people were in open and organized resistance to the authority of 
the laws. Crimes of every grade were of frequent occurrence, and 
it had been impossible to get officers or men to enforce the laws. 
The Legislature that elected Mr. Marshall Prosecuting-Attorney 
passed a law for the " enlargement of the vicinage," which provided 
that when the Governor should be notified that in any county, by 
reason of lawless organizations, the laws were powerless, he was au- 
thorized by proclamation to organize a district composed of all the 


counties in the Judicial Circuit, in some portion of which a court 
should convene having jurisdiction of all criminal causes within the 
District. The new district court was immediately organized, and 
the rioters who did not flee were promptly arrested. They were 
amazed and alarmed to find themselves arraigned by a fearless pros- 
ecutor before intelligent and impartial jurors determined to vindi- 
cate the supremacy of the laws. The new prosecutor won the re- 
spect and confidence of all by the success with which he pursued a 
course so vigorously begun. After a few salutary examples were 
made, the rioters returned to the peaceful avocations of life. Vio- 
lence ceased, feuds died out, and the lawless counties have ever 
since been peaceful and prosperous. 

After serving his term of two years as State's Attorney with gen- 
eral approval, Mr. Marshall declined a re-election. He was not per- 
mitted, however, to remain long in private life, and in March, 1851, 
he was elected by the people, Judge of the Seventh Judicial Circuit. 
In this office, by a faithful, upright, and impartial administration of 
justice, he won the confidence and respect of the public, without re- 
gard to party. This office he resigned in the fall of 1854, to accept 
the position of Representative in Congress from the Ninth Congres- 
sional District of Illinois. His election was vigorously contested not 
only by the opposition party, but by a bolting Democratic candidate. 
A clause in the State Constitution furnished a plausible pretext 
with which to go before the people. It declared all Judges in the 
State ineligible to any other office, State or Federal, during the term 
for which they were elected, and for one year thereafter, and that 
all votes cast for them for any other office should be void. This 
clause had always been regarded by the best lawyers of the State as 
having no validity whatever, as applied to Federal offices, since the 
qualifications for them should manifestly be fixed by the Constitution 
and laws of the United States. Up to this time, however, there had 
been no adjudication thereon, and it afforded a plausible pretext for 
appealing to the masses, who do not readily comprehend these legal 

With three candidates in the field the contest was conducted with 


great activity, but when the ballots were counted it was found 
that Judge Marshall had led his foremost competitor by nearly 
six thousand majority. The contest, however, did not end here, 
but was carried to the House of Kepresentatives on the ground 
that all the votes cast for Mr. Marshall were void, and that the 
candidate having the next highest vote was entitled to the seat. 
This was at the first session of the Thirty-Fourth Congress. The 
seat of Judge Trumbull, who had been elected to the United States 
Senate, was contested at the same time and upon the same ground. 
This decision is entitled to greater weight as a precedent, from the 
fact that the Senate being then overwhelmingly Democratic, decided 
the case almost unanimously in favor of Judge Trumbull, a Republi- 
can ; and the House, being Republican, decided in favor of Judge 
Marshall, a Democrat. 

Mr. Marshall was re-elected to the Thirty-fifth Congress, and declin- 
ing another re-election, retired at the end of the term to private life. 
In 1861 he was re-elected to the office of Judge of the Twelfth Judi- 
cial Circuit, and held this office until 1864, when he resigned and 
was elected a Representative to the Thirty-ninth Congress. He has 
since been twice re-elected by large majorities, and retains the undi- 
minished confidence of his constituents. 

In 1862, he received the votes of the Democratic members of the 
Illinois Legislature for the United States Senate, and was within 
three or four votes of an election over Judge Trumbull. In the For- 
tieth Congress he received the votes of the Democratic members of 
the House of Representatives for Speaker. 

In politics Mr. Marshall has always been a decided Democrat. 
He was a supporter of the Union cause during the war. While firm 
and decided in maintaining his views, he is ever courteous towards 
opponents, and always retains their respect and good will. He seems 
unambitious of display, and in his bearing is modest even to diffi- 
dence. He does not often participate in the debates of the House, 
but when he speaks invariably commands attention. His oratory is 
calm, deliberate, and logical, as is befitting the able jurist and judi- 
cious statesman. 



! AMES K. MOONHEAD was born in Halifax, Pennsylva- 
nia, September 7, 1806. He spent his youth on a farm, 
and as an apprentice to a tanner. He was a contractor for 
building the Susquehanna branch of the Pennsylvania Canal, on 
which he originated a passenger packet line. In 1836 he removed to 
Pittsburg, where he became President of a company for the im- 
provement of the navigation of the Monongahela. In 1838 he was 
appointed Adjutant-General of Pennsylvania; In 1859 lie was 
elected a Representative in Congress from Pennsylvania, as a Re- 
publican, and was four times re-elected, retiring from service at the 
close of the Fortieth Congress. 

HOMAS E. STEWART was born in New York City, Sep- 
tember 22, 1824. He studied and practiced law; was 
Commissioner of Common Schools in 1854 ; was a Republi- 
can member of the State Assembly of New York in 1864 and 1865. 
He was nominated by the Conservative Republicans to the Fortieth 
Congress, and was elected by them and the Democrats. 

LEDERICK STONE was born in Charles County, Maryland, 
February 7, 1820. He was educated at St. John'* Col- 
lege, Annapolis ; studied and practiced law ; was a member 
of the State Legislature in 1864 and 1865 ; was elected from Mary- 
land to the Fortieth Congress as a Democrat, and was re-elected. 

' 5 @TEPHEN TABER, whose father, Thomas Taber, was a mem- 
ber of Congress, was born in Dover, Dutchess County, New 
York. Having received an academical education, he devot- 
ed himself to agriculture in Queens County, on Long Island. In 
1860 and 1861 he was elected to the State Legislature. In 1863 he 
was elected a Representative to the Thirty-ninth Congress, as a 
Democrat, and was re-elected to the Fortieth Congress. 

512 ' 



10LTJMBUS DELANO was born at Shoreham, Vermont, in 
the year 1809. At eight years of age he removed to Ohio, 
in the care of immediate relatives, who settled in the county 
of Knox. His boyhood was passed in the lighter avocations of the 
farm, joined with persistent devotion to study. He pursued his ele- 
mentary education at such schools as were then available, learning 
the Latin language with but little aid from classical teachers. His 
historical reading at the age of eighteen was extensive. With a se- 
riousness becoming his disposition, rather than his years, he began 
thus early to consider how he should make his way in the world, and 
what pathway was to lead him out of obscurity to a useful position 
in life. Without the aid of influential friends, but cheered with the 
encouraging words of those who knew and loved him, he determined 
to undertake the study of law. 

In 1829 he entered the office of Hosmer Curtis, Esq., then a noted 
special pleader, practicing at Mount Yernon, Ohio. After three 
years of preparation he was admitted to the bar, in 1832, and com- 
menced practice at Mount Vernon at the age of twenty-two. 

Though no display of talent had been exhibited to justify the ex- 
pectation that he would triumph suddenly over the formidable obsta- 
cles in the way of the young attorney, his success was immediate. 
He had the good fortune to be employed as junior counsel in a 
local suit, involving important legal questions and considerable estate. 
Having been left by an accident to the sole management of the case, 
he was triumphantly successful, and thus gained a reputation, the 
immediate effect of which was his election as prosecuting-attorney 
in a county adverse to his politics. After three years' service he was 
re-elected, but immediately resigned the trust, which interfered with 



his general practice. His constant attention upon the courts for a 
period of ten years, his uniform success as an advocate, his thorough- 
ness and integrity as a lawyer, met with ample reward. 

In politics he has ever been opposed to Slavery and the Demo 
cratie policy. Seeking no office while pursuing his profession, he 
was still the occasional exponent of the Whig party in local contests. 
Surrounded by a cordon of Democratic counties, there seemed to be 
little hope for his popular preferment. But being unanimously 
nominated for Congress by the Whigs of his district, in 1844, he was 
elected by a majority of twelve over his Democratic competitor, 
Hon. Caleb J. McNulty, a gentleman of extensive popularity, re- 
sources and power. The Democratic candidate for Governor received 
600 majority in the same district, at the same election. On the 1st 
of December, 1845, Mr. Delano took his seat in the Twenty-ninth 
Congress, serving on the Committee on Invalid Pensions. This was 
an epoch in Congressional history. Contemporaneous with Mr. Folk's 
administration, it comprised men of great experience and ability. 
The measures of war and conquest, of Oregon and Mexico, were the 
vexed questions of that day, the evil shadows of which lengthened 
into the future. On the Oregon question, Mr. Delano advocated 
the claims for the largest measure of territory against the settlement 
which eventually prevailed. On the llth of May, 1846, he voted 
with John Quincy Adams, and twelve others, against the declaration 
that " war existed by the act of Mexico," defending his votes and 
the action of his associates by a speech in the House. Put forward 
as a leader of the fourteen who voted against the false declaration, 
he fully answered their expectations, but without the politician's cir- 
cumspection as to the future. The speech made great contention, 
and was regarded of so much significance that Mr. Douglas, of Illi 
nois, Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, Mr. Chipman, of Missouri, and Mr. 
Tibbatt's, of Kentucky, gave themselves serious concern to answer it. 
His district having been changed by special legislation, Jie was not 
a candidate for re-election, but retired to close up his business in the 
courts. His name was brought before the Whig convention of 
Ohio on the 22d of February, 1848, for nomination as a candidate for 



Governor ; and though he had voted in Congress to reinforce the 
army, and to supply the army, the rote against the declaration con- 
tributed to place him in opposition to the war, and he was conse- 
quently defeated by two votes. Eetiring from his profession, he re- 
moved to the city of New York, as principal of the banking firm of 
Delano, Dunlevy & Co., with a branch at Cincinnati, Ohio. After 
four years he withdrew from a successful business, in 1856, returning 
to his home in Ohio, to engage in agriculture. He was a delegate to 
the Chicago Convention of 1860, and supported Mr. Lincoln for the 
nomination. In 1861 he was appointed Commissary-General of 
Ohio, and administered that department with marked success until 
the General Government assumed the subsistence of all volunteers. 
The following year the Republican caucus of the Ohio Legislature 
brought his name forward for the United States Senate, and he 
again lacked but two votes of a nomination. 

In 1863 he was a member of the Ohio Legislature, serving as 
Chairman of the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representa- 
tives. In 1864 he was a member of the National Republican Con- 
vention at Baltimore, and was Chairman of the Ohio delegation in 
that body. He was elected to the Thirty-ninth Congress in that 
year, and served as Chairman of the Committee of Claims of the 
House of Representatives. As an evidence of the integrity of his 
character, and the confidence reposed in him by the House, it is suffi- 
cient to state that every bill reported by him was passed into a law. 
He was re-elected to the Fortieth Congress, serving as a member of 
the Committee of Foreign Affairs. 

Immediately upon the close of his Congressional term, he was 
nominated by President Grant, and unanimously confirmed by the 
Senate, as Commissioner of Internal Revenue, one of the most im- 
portant and responsible offices in the Government. 



WILLIAM E. NIBLACK was born in Dubois County, In- 
diana, May 19, 1822. In 1845 he commenced the prac- 
tice of law, and in 1849 he was elected a Representative 
in the State Legislature. In the following year he was elected to the 
State Senate. In January, 1854, he was appointed Judge of the 
Third Judicial Circuit, to fill a vacancy, and was, in the following 
fall, elected to the office for the term of six years. In 1857 he was 
elected a Representative from Indiana to the Thirty-fifth Congress, 
and was re-elected in 1859. After the close of the Thirty-sixth 
Congress he served one term in the State Legislature. In 1864 he 
was again elected a Representative in Congress from Indiana, and 
was re-elected to the Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses as a Demo- 

'REEN B. RAUM was born at Golconda, Illinois, December 
He received a common school education, and stud- 
ied and practiced law. He entered the service as Major, 
and rose to the rank of Brigadier-General in the Union army during 
the war, and was elected from Illinois to the Fortieth Congress as a 

(URT YAN HORN was born at New Fane, New York, 
October 28, 1823. He was educated at the Madison Uni- 
versity, New York, and became a farmer and manufacturer. 
He was a member of the General Assembly of New York in 1858, 
1859 and 1860. He was elected from New York to the Thirty- 
seventh, Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses, as a Republican. 

M. YAN AUKEN was born in Pennsylvania, January 
16, 1826. He graduated at Union College, and became 
Prosecuting-Attorney for Pike County, Pennsylvania, in 
1855. He was elected to the Fortieth Congress from Pennsylvania 
as a Democrat, and was re-elected. 



[ORE than two hundred years ago the ancestors of Robert T. 
Yan Horn emigrated from Holland to America, and set- 
tled in New Jersey,' near New 4 r ork. His great grand- 
father, Henry Yan Horn, was a captain in the " Pennsylvania Line " 
of the Revolutionary war, and died in the service. His son Isaiah,, 
grandfather of the subject of this sketch, was a member of his com- 
pany, and served until the close of the war. The father of Robert T. 
Yan Horn enlisted as a soldier in the war of 1812, and is still living, 
at an age of more than four-score years. His mother, Elizabeth 
Thompson, was born in the parish of Bannaher, County of London- 
derry, Ireland, and came to this country while a girl her father, 
Robert Thompson, settling in the wilderness of Western Pennsyl- 

Robert T. Yan Horn was born in East Mahoning, Indiana County, 
Pennsylvania, May 19, 1824. He was early put to work on his father's 
farm, collecting stones from the meadows, picking brush, raking 
hay, going to mill, and performing such other labors as small boys 
are able to do. He generally attended school three months in the 
year, studying reading, writing, and arithmetic, but not advancing to 
grammar, as this branch had not then been introduced into the schools 
of that region. 

When fifteen years of age, he was apprenticed to learn the printing 
business in the office of the Indiana (Pa.) Register, where he remained 
four years. From 1843 to 1855, he worked as a journeyman printer, 
in Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, and' Indiana, meanwhile varying 

his occupation by boating on the Erie Canal a portion of one season, 



teaching school in winter, publishing and editing newspapers occa- 
sionally, and steamboating two seasons on- the Ohio, Mississippi, 
Wabash, and other Western rivers. In addition to all the other per- 
suits of these twelve years, he studied law, and was admitted to the 
bar, but practiced only a very short time. He was married in 1848, 
at Pomeroy, Ohio. 

In 1855, he located at Kansas City, Missouri, then a small'village, 
where he founded the Journal of Commerce, now the leading daily 
paper of that part of Missouri. Here he was elected Alderman, and 
was afterwards Postmaster. In 1860, he supported Stephen A. 
Douglas for the Presidency. Soon after the Presidential election, 
the question of secession was forced upon the people of Missouri, and 
in the canvass for members of the Convention, in February, he took a 
very active part on the Union side. 

In April, 1861, he was selected by the Union men of Kansas City, 
as their candidate for Mayor, and after the most exciting municipal 
election ever known in the place, was elected to the office. This was 
the only municipal election that year in Missouri in which the Union 
issue was openly and fairly made. 

In May, 1861, Claiborne F. Jackson, Governor of Missouri, having 
declared for secession, and there being no one to commission military 
officers, Mr. Yan Horn applied to Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, command- 
ing at the St. Louis Arsenal, and obtained authority from him to 
raise three hundred men. The men raised under this authority were 
the first troops mustered into the United States service in Missouri, 
outside of St. Louis. 

On the 18th of July, 1861, Major Yan Horn fought an engage- 
ment with a rebel force under Col. Duncan, near Harrisonville, Mo., 
and defeated him. This was three days before the battle of Bull 
Run, and was the first fight in Western Missouri. 

In September, 1861, he commanded a force under Col. Mulligan, 
at Lexington, Missouri, where, on the last day of the siege, he was 
severely wounded. After the exchange of prisoners Mulligan's 
command for the Camp Jackson prisoners he was appointed Lieu- 



tenant-Colonel of the Twenty-fifth Missouri Volunteer Infantry, and 
was ordered to Tennessee. Colonel Van Horn commanded his 
regiment at Shiloh, where he had a horse killed under him on the 
first day of the battle. In the advance upon Corinth, he, for a short 
time, commanded a brigade. Having remained at Corinth after its 
evacuation till September 1, he was ordered to Southeast Missouri 
and Arkansas, under Gen. Davidson, in his movement on Little Kock. 
The consolidation of Colonel Yan Horn's regiment, near the close of 
its three years' service, with the First Engineers, terminated his ac- 
tive military service. 

While with his regiment in Mississippi, Colonel Yan Horn was 
elected to the Missouri Senate. He was one of the members of that 
body who early organized the opposition to the administration of 
Governor Gamble, a movement which led to the organization of the 
Kadical party of Missouri. 

At the close of his service in the Senate, Mr. Yan Horn was again, 
without opposition, elected Mayor of Kansas City, and as such was 
charged with the organization of the volunteer militia, and the con- 
struction of defensive works around the city, before its occupation by 
General Curtis, in his movement against Sterling Price's last invasion 
of Missouri. 

' In 1864, Mr. Yan Horn was a delegate to the Baltimore Conven- 
tion, which nominated Mr. Lincoln for re-election to the Presidency. 
He was, the same year, elected a Representative from the Sixth Dis- 
trict of Missouri to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and has .since been 
twice re-elected. 



MASA COJBB was born in Crawford County, Illinois, Sep- 
tember 27, 1823. He emigrated to Wisconsin Territory 
in 1842, and engaged in lead-mining. He served as 
private in the Mexican war, and at the close of this service he com 
menced the practice of law. He served as District-Attorney, State 
Senator, and Adjutant-General of Wisconsin. He was subsequently 
a member of the State Legislature, and was chosen Speaker. He 
was Colonel of the 5th Wisconsin Regiment in the war, and was 
elected a Representative from Wisconsin to the Thirty-eighth, Thirty- 
ninth, Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 

lHARLES A. ELDRIDGE was born at Bridport, Vermont, 
February 27, 1821. He removed to the State of New 
York, where he was admitted to the bar in 1846. In 1848 
he removed to Fond du Lac, Wisconsin, and served in the Senate of 
that State in 1854 and 1855. In 1862 he waff elected a Representa- 
tive from Wisconsin to the Thirty-eighth Congress as a Democrat, 
and was returned to the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth and Forty-first Con- 
gresses. _ ^_ ^ 

F. HOPKINS was born in Washington County, 
New York, April 22, 1829. He went to Wisconsin, where 
he served as private Secretary to the Governor in 1856 and 
1857. He was a member of the Wisconsin Senate in 1862, and of 
the State House of Representatives in 1865. He was elected as a 
Republican from Wisconsin to the Fortietli and Forty-first Con- 
gresses. _ . _ 

*ACOB BENTON was born in Waterford, Vermont, August 
14, 1819. Having received an academic education, he 
studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1843. He 
located in Lancaster, New Hampshire, and became a member of the 
State Legislature in 1854, 1855 and 1856. He served in the late 
war as a Major-General of Volunteers. He was elected a Repre- 
sentative from New Hampshire to the Fortieth Congress as a Repub- 
lican, and was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 





(ENJAMIN EGGLESTON", the father of the subject of this 
sketch, served ten years in the war of 1812, as a Captain, 
under General Winfield Scott. At the close of the war he 
devoted himself to agricultural pursuits in Saratoga County, New 
York, where his son, Benjamin Eggleston, the subject of this sketch, 
was born, January 3, 1816. In 1831, the family emigrated to Ohio, 
and settled in Athens County. Remaining there one year, they re- 
moved to Hocking County, where the elder Eggleston continued to 
reside, an enterprising farmer, a respected citizen, and a consistent 
member of the Baptist Church until his death, in 1855. 

Soon after settling in the wilds of Hocking County, Mr. Eggleston 
and his sons took a contract for making rails at thirty-one cents per 
hundred. When this work was completed, the subject of this sketch, 
in company witli his brother, walked fifty-four miles to the Ohio 
Canal, six miles below Chillicothe, and worked on " Arthington's job " 
at thirteen dollars per month. The next summer, notwithstanding 
the kind admonition of his father that a " rolling stone gathers no 
moss," he joined the caravan of Gregory and Co., and was assigned 
to the duty of driving one of the cages, containing the " White Bear." 
The caravan traveled over nearly all the State, and arrived in Cleve- 
land about the first of October. The Menagerie being now destined 
for Philadelphia for winter quarters, he determined to accompany it 
no further. 

Inclined toward commercial life by what he observed among the 
boats and shipping in the harbor of Cleveland, he determined to de- 
vote himself to canal-boating. Whereupon, he hired to Capt. Gear 



of the canal boat Oneida, with whom he made three trips to Fulton, 
Stark County, for wheat, when the boat was laid up, and the crew dis- 
charged. Nothing daunted in his determination to prosecute his 
new business, he hired to service on the boat Oswego, commanded by 
Captain Bitter of Chillicothe, and made one trip to Masaillon, and re- 
turned. The Captain was taken sick, and died at Cleveland, kindly 
attended by Mr. Eggleston to the last. He then hired to Captain 
Warren of the canal boat Aurora, and made one trip to Newark, 
where the boat was laid up, and the crew discharged. Persevering 
amid all discouragements in his new pursuit, Mr. Eggleston next 
hired to Capt. Hull of the Miami, on which he continued until 
it reached New Baltimore, where he left, and reached home the first 
of December. He had saved about eighty dollars, his father ac- 
knowledging that his predictions concerning the " rolling stone " 
had not been verified. In the spring, Mr. Eggleston returned to 
Cleveland under a previous engagement with Captain Warren, with 
whom he remained until the following August, when the proprietors 
of the Ohio Troy and Erie line having noticed his ability, faithful- 
ness, and industry, promoted him to the command of the boat Mon- 
ticetto. He continued aboard this boat till the close of the season, 
and the next year was tendered his choice of all the boats of that 
line. The next spring, the proprietors made him their general agent 
to buy produce in Southern Ohio, and to superintend their boats. 
He continued in their service until 1845, when he bought an interest 
in one-half the boats of the line, and took them to the new canal for 
operation under his sole control. He made his residence in Cincin- 
nati, and established the first successful line of boats from that city to 
Toledo. After running the boats two years in company with the 
original proprietors, he purchased their interest, and took his brother 
as a partner. 

In 1851, he sold out his entire interest in the canal line to his brother, 
and formed partnership with James Wilson, a wealthy commission 
merchant of Cincinnati, under the style of " Wilson, Eggleston & 
Co.," one of the largest and most successful business firms in the West, 



Mr. Eggleston took an early interest in the municipal affairs of the 
city, and in 1853 was chosen a niember of the City Council. He held 
the positions of President of the City Council, and Chairman of the 
Financial Committee. He has taken an active interest in all the 
public 'improvements of the city. The citizens of Cincinnati highly 
appreciated and acknowledged his services in devising a plan to save 
them from an impending calamity caused by the short supply of fuel 
in 1857. 

At the breaking out of the rebellion, large numbers of volunteers 
had entered the army, leaving their families destitute in Cincinnati. 
In 1861, Mr. Eggleston introduced in the City Council a resolution pro- 
viding for the distribution from the city treasury of $90,000 among the 
needy families of soldiers. He personally superintended the distribu- 
tion of this fund weekly, to the worthy recipients of the relief. 

In 1861, Mr. Eggleston was elected a State Senator for the County of 
Hamilton. He was a member of the Chicago Convention which nom- 
inated Mr. Lincoln in 1860, and was one of the Presidential Elec- 
tors of that year. 

In 1864, Mr. Eggleston was elected a Representative from Ohio 
in the Thirty-ninth Congress, and was re-elected in 1866 to the For- 
tieth Congress. In October, 1 868, he was a candidate for re-election. 
After a canvass of extraordinary excitement, the official returns indi- 
cated his defeat by a majority of two hundred and eleven votes. 
Evidences of fraud were so numerous as, in the opinion of his friends, 
to render it the duty of Mr. Eggleston to contest the seat. 

In Congress, Mr. Eggleston has been particularly active in promot- 
ing the improvement of Western rivers and harbors. He has labored 
in behalf of those important interests not only by vote and speech on 
the floor of the House, but by his efforts in the Committee of Com- 
merce, of which he is a member. He has not limited his Congres- 
, sional labors for the promotion of measures for the advantage of his 
own city alone. Chicago, St. Louis, and other Western cities have 
shared in the benefits of important measures proposed by him. 




[HOMAS WILLIAMS was born in Greensburg, West- 
moreland County, Pennsylvania, August 28, 1806. He 
graduated at Dickinson College in 1825, and studied 
He was admitted to the bar in 1828 and settled in Pitts- 
Froin 1838 to 1848 he was a member of the State Senate. In 
1860 he was a Representative in the State Legislature.. In 1862 he 
was elected "a Representative from Pennsylvania to the Thirty- 
eighth Congress, and was re-elected to the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth 

'OHN H. KETCHAM was born in Dover, New York, De- 
cember 21, 1831, and devoted his attention to agricultural 
pursuits. In 1856 and 1857 he was a member of the New 
York House of Representatives, and of the State Senate in 1860 and 
1861. He entered the military service in 1862, as Colonel of the 
150th New York Regiment, and became a Brigadier-General by bre- 
vet. He resigned his position in the army in March, 1865, having 
been elected a Representative from New York to the Thirty-ninth 
Congress, as a Republican. He was re-elected to the Fortieth and 
Forty -first Congresses. 

fTEPHEN F. WILSON was born at Columbia, Pennsylva- 
nia, September 4, 1828. He received his education at 
Wellsboro' Academy, begame a lawyer, and was in 1863 
elected a State Senator. In 1864 he was chosen as a Republican 
from* Pennsylvania to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and was re-elected 
to the Fortieth Congress. 

'AMES M. HUMPHREY was born at Holland, New York, 
September 21, 1819. He studied law, was District- Attorney 
for Erie County in 1857, 1858 and 18.59, and was a member 
of the State Senate of New York in 1863, 1864 and 1865. He was 
elected from New York to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and was re- 
elected to the Fortieth Congress as a Democrat. 





^HILETUS SAWYER was born in Whiting, Vermont, Sep- 

tember 22d, 1816. He was favored with no advantages of 
education save those of the common schools. At the age 


of seventeen he bought his time from his father, and commenced 
working by the month as a farm laborer. Having continued in this em- 
ployment ten years, saving about two thousand dollars, he emigrat- 
ed to Wisconsin in 1847 and engaged into the lumber business. He first 
rented and subsequently purchased mills and invested in pine lands, 
building up a large and prosperous business. He was a member of 
the Wisconsin Legislature in 1857 and 1861. He was elected Mayor 
of Oshkosh in 1863 ; was a member of the Eepublican National Con- 
vention of 1864, and the same year was elected a Eepresentative in 
the Thirty-ninth Congress. Pie was re-elected to the Fortieth and 
Forty-first Congresses, and has done efficient service on the Commit- 
tee on Manufactures and Commerce. He never makes speeches, 
but no member of Congress has greater influence on committees or 
in private consultation. In a letter to the " Green Bay Gazette," 
Senator Howe thus speaks of him : 

" No District in the United States has sent to Washington an hon- 
ester man, or a more faithful or efficient Representative. I don't know 
of an interest in the District that he has abused or neglected. At the 
same time I do not know a man more tolerant of or generous to his po- 
litical opponents than he is. Mr. Sawyer's early education was 
limited ; but he was born a gentleman, and he has lived like a gentle- 
man in all the relations of life. In spite of lack of culture, he is to- 
day' as wisely and familiarly known to the picked men who represent 
the States of this great republic, in Congress, and is as universally 

respected too, as any man in either house." 



'ODLOVE S. OETH was born near Lebanon, Pennsylvania, 
April 22, 1817. He was educated at the Pennsylvania 
College, Gettysburg. In 1839 he was admitted to the bar, 
and removed to Indiana, locating in Lafayette. In 1843 he was 
elected to the Indiana Senate, and served six years. In 1862 he was 
elected a Eepresentative from Indiana to the Thirty-eighth Congress, 
as a Republican, and was re-elected to the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, and 
Forty-first Congresses. 

OHN TAFFE was born at Indianapolis, Indiana, January 
30, 1827. He removed to Nebraska in 1856 ; was chosen- a 
member, of the lower branch of the State Legislature in 
1858 and 1859 ; was elected to the Senate in 1860, and was chosen Pres- 
ident of that body. He entered the military service in 1862, and 
served fifteen months as Major of the Second Nebraska Cavalry. 
He was electefl to the Fortieth Congress from Nebraska, as a Repub- 
lican, and was re-elected. 

\ AYID A. NUNN was born in Hayward County, Tennessee. 
He received a collegiate education, and studied law. He 
was a Whig member of the Senate of Tennessee in 1863 ; 
was a member of the State House of Representatives in 1865. He 
was elected from Tennessee to the Fortieth Congress as a Republican, 
and in 1869 was appointed by President Grant, United States Min- 
ister to Guatamala. 

NEWTON PETTIS was born in Ashtabula County, Ohio, 
October 10, 1827. He began the study of the law with 
Joshua R. Giddings, and was admitted to practice at Mead- 
ville, Pa. He was appointed in 1861 by President Lincoln an Asso- 
ciate Justice for the Territory of Colorado, but resigned in 1862. 
He was elected from Pennsylvania to the Fortieth Congress as a Re- 
publican, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Darwin A. Finney. 




IIDKEY PERHAM was born in Woodstock, Maine, March 
27, 1819. He was educated chiefly in the common schools, 
and until thirty-five years of age, he was a farmer and school 
teacher. He was a member of the Maine State Board of Agriculture in 
1852 and 1853. He was elected a member of the State Legislature 
in 1854, and was chosen Speaker of the House. He was elected 
Clerk of Courts for the county of Oxford in 1858, and was re-elected 
in 1861. He was elected to the Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth and 
Fortieth Congresses receiving in the last election 6,421 majority. 

In early life he became- interested in the Temperance reform, and 
by his example and lectures contributed largely to the success of 
that cause in the State of Maine. 

During the war he was untiring in his attention to the wants of 
the soldiers visiting them in the hospital, communicating with their 
friends, aiding them in obtaining discharges, furloughs, pay, bounty, 
pensions, etc., and in every way possible ministering to their neces- 

He was for six years a member and four years Chairman of the 
Pension Committee, the duties of which involved a very large 
amount of labor. He reported and carried through the House 
most of the provisions of law increasing pensions to invalids in pro- 
portion to the degree of disability, and giving an additional pension 
to widows, according to the number of children dependent on them 
for support. Mr. Perham, as a member of Congress, was always at 
the post of duty, whether in the committee room or on the floor of 
the House. He made but few speeches, never claiming the atten- 
tion of the House unless the interest of his constituents or the 
business he had in hand required it. 



^HARLES O'NEILL was born in Philadelphia, March 21, 
1821. Having graduated at Dickinson College, and 
studied law, he was admitted to the bar in 1843. He served 
five years in the House of Representatives and Senate of Pennsylva- 
nia. In 1862 he was elected a Representative from Pennsylvania to 
the Thirty-eighth Congress, as a Republican, and was re-elected to- 
the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, and Forty-first Congresses. 

[OBIAS A. PLANTS was bom in Beaver County, Pennsyl- 
vania, March 17, 1811. After teaching school for sev- 
eral years, he studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 
1841. Having settled in Ohio, he served in the State Legislature 
from 1858 to 1861. In 1864 he was elected a Representative from 
Ohio to the Thirty-ninth Congress, as a Republican, and was re- 
elected to the Fortieth. Congress. 

JANTEL POLSLEY was born near Fairmount, Virginia, No- 
vember 28, 1803. He studied law, and practiced until 
1845, when he retired to engage in agricultural pursuits. 
He was a member of the West Virginia (Wheeling) Convention in- 
1861, and in the same year was elected Lieutenant-Governor of the 
loyal State government of Virginia. He was elected Judge of the 
Seventh Judicial Circuit of West Virginia in 1862, and was elected 
from West Virginia to the Fortieth Congress as a Republican. 

A. PETERS was born at Ellsworth, Maine, October 
9, 1822. He graduated at Tale College, and studied law 
at the Cambridge Law School. He was a member of the 
Legislature of Maine in 1862, 1863, and 1864, and was elected Attor- 
ney-General of the State in 1864. He was elected from Maine to the 
Fortieth Congress as a Republican, and was re-elected. 

irrA.Tr.'K KKOV 


JLLIAM S. HOLMAN was born in Yerdstown, Indiana, 
September 6, 1822. His father was one of the first Judges 
of the Supreme Court of Indiana, and after giving him a 
common school education, instructed him in the science and prac- 
tice of the law. Soon after his admission to the bar, he was elected 
Judge of the Probate Court, an office which he held from 1843 to 
1846. He was Prosecuting- Attorney from 1847 to 1849. A Conven- 
tion having been called in 1850 to revise the Constitution of Indiana, 
Judge Holman was elected a member, and took an important part in 
the deliberations. In the following year he was a member of the 
lower branch of the State Legislature. In 1852 he was elected 
. Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, a department of the State Ju- 
diciary which was created by the new Constitution to supersede the 
Probate Court, with more extended jurisdiction. Judge Holman 
held this office until 1856, when he resumed the practice of law. In 
1858 he was elected a Eepresentative from Indiana to the Thirty- 
sixth Congress as a Democrat, and was re-elected to the Thirty- 
seventh, Thirty-eighth, Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 

An undeviating Democrat during his entire Congressional service, 
he resisted secession, and was steadily for the Union, which he desir- 
ed to serve by compromise until that was rendered impossible by the 
hot blood of the rebellious South. He was then for war, but war for 
the Union only. Few men on the side of the minority in Congress 
have more influence with political friends, or more respect among 
partisan opponents than Judge Holman. He is a rapid, fluent, and 
impressive speaker, with all his extensive legal attainments and politi- 
cal resources effectively at hand in the emergencies of debate. He 
is prepossessing in appearance, agreeable in manners, and genial in 
social intercourse. 


jAMILTON WARD was born in Salisbury, New York, July 
3, 1829. -In 1848 he began the study of law, and was 
admitted to the bar in 1851. e In 1856 he was elected Dis- 
trict Attorney for Alleghany County, and was re-elected in 1862. 
At an early period of the war he was appointed by the Governor a 
member of the Senatorial Military Committee, and in that capacity 
aided in raising several regiments of volunteers for the army. In 
1864 he was elected as a Republican from New York to the Thirty- 
ninth Congress, and was re-elected to the Fortieth and Forty-first 

[LLIAM B. WASHBURN was born in Winchendon, 
Massachusetts, January 31, 1820. He graduated at Yule 
College in 1844, and subsequently engaged in manufac- 
turing. In 1850 he was a Senator, and in 1854 a Representative, in 
the Legislature of Massachusetts, lie was subsequently President >!' 
the Greenfield Bank. In 1862 he was elected a Representative to the 
Thirty-eighth Congress, as a Republican, and was re-elected to the 
Thirty-ninth, Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 


Maine, April 22, 1818. He received an academic educa- 
tion, and studied and practiced law in Wisconsin. lie was 
appointed a Major-General in the Union army in the war, and was 
elected as a Republican from Wisconsin to the Thirty -fourth, Thirty- 
fifth, Thirty-sixth, Fortieth, and Forty-first Congresses. 

'AMUEL J. RANDALL was born in Philadelphia, October 
10, 1828. He was for many years engaged in mercantile 
pursuits. He served four years in the Philadelphia City 
Council, and one term in the State Senate. In 1862 he was elected a 
Representative to the Thirty-eighth Congress, and was re-elected to 
the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, and Forty-first Congresses. 

P. . O. SHARKS. 

fOHN P. C. SHAKES was born in Martinsburg, Virginia, 
June 17, 1826. But few facilities for education being within 
his reach, he applied himself to private study, and by in- 
dustry and perseverance made excellent attainments. He studied 
law and settled in Indiana, where he practised his profession with 
success. He was elected to the Indiana Legislature in 1854. In 1860 
he was elected a Representative from Indiana to the Thirty-seventh 
Congress, and took his seat July 4, 1861, when Congress was assem- 
bled by proclamation of President Lincoln to take measures for the 
prosecution of the war. He visited the field of Bull Run as a spec- 
tator, but became a participant in the battle. During the subsequent 
recess of Congress he served in Missouri as a member of General Fre- 
mont's staff, and doing other military duty. Returning to Washing- 
ton on the re-assembling of Congress in December, 1861, he entered 
again upon Ijis legislative duties and served on the Committees on 
Private Land Claims an-, on Agriculture. At the close of his Con- 
gressional term he raised the Seventh Regiment of Indiana Volun- 
teer Cavalry, of which he was commissioned Colonel. He was soon 
assigned to the command of a Brigade of Cavalry, and was pro- 
moted to Brigadier-General. For gallant conduct and efficient 
service he was brevetted Major-General, and served with distinction 
until the close of the war. 

'In 1866 he was elected a Representative from Indiana to the For- 
tieth Congress, and was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. He was 
appointed Chairman of the Committee on Union Prisoners and a 
member of the Committee on Indian Affairs. He is a popular 
speaker, an active politician, and an efficient legislator. 



[ERNANDO C. BEAMAN was born in Chester. Vermont, 
June 28, 1814, and was removed in boyhood to New York. 
He studied law in Rochester, and in 1838 he removed to 
Michigan, and engaged, in the practice of his profession. He served 
six years as Prosecuting- Attorney for the county of Lenawee, and 
four years as Judge of Probate. In 1860 he was elected a Repub- 
lican Representative from Michigan to the Thirty-seventh Congress, 
and was successively re-elected to the Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth, 
Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 

JENRY L. DA WES was born in Cummington, Massachu- 
setts, October 30, 1816. He graduated at Yale College 
ill 1839, and engaged successively in school-teaching, edit- 
ing a newspaper, and practicing law. From 1848 to 1853 he was a 
member of the Legislature of Massachusetts. In 1853 he was chosen 
District Attorney for the Western District of the State, and held the 
office until 1856, when he was elected from Massachusetts to the 
Thirty-fifth Congress as a Republican, and has been six times suc- 
cessively re-elected. 

'OSEPH J. GRAVELY was born in Virginia, in 1828. He 
received a common school education and engaged in agri- 
culture. He was a member of the Virginia Legislature in 
1853 and 1854. In the latter year he removed to Missouri, and was 
elected to the Constitutional Convention of that State in 1800, and 
subsequently was a member of the State Senate. He served in the 
war as Colonel of the Eighth Missouri Cavalry, and was elected a 
Representative from Missouri to the Fortieth Congress as a Republican. 

rILLIAM C. FIELDS was born in New York City, Feb- 
ruary 13, 1804. He removed to Otsego County, and was 
Justice of the Peace for sixteen yea"rs. He was subse- 
quently Clerk of Otsego County for three years, and was elected a 

Republican Representative from New York to the Fortieth Congress. 



MORRISSEY was born in the town of Templeraore, 
Tipperary County, Ireland, February 12, 1831. He came to 
'America when five years of age, and for many years resided 
in Troy and Lansingburg, New York. He received a common 
school education, worked some time in a paper-mill, and afterward 
learned the* trade of a brush-maker. He subsequently worked as a 
deck-hand on. a Hudson River steamer, and then became a runner 
for a steamboat company in New York city. 

Possessing great strength and a fine physical development, he 
became an expert pugilist, and in 1852 made his first appearance 
in California as a professional gladiator. Returning to New York, 
he fought contests with " Yankee Sullivan " and John C. Heenan, 
his success giving him wide reputation in the sporting world. 
Having won the " championship " in 1858 he relinquished the 

He attracted the attention of Commodore Cornelius Yanderbilt, 
who assisted him with means by which he acquired an immense 

His first public appearance in politics was in his election to the 
Fortieth Congress by the Democrats of the Seventh, Tenth, Thirteenth 
and Fourteenth wards of New York City. He was re-elected to the 
Forty-first Congress over two opposing candidates by a majority of 
nearly ten thousand votes. 

His notoriety acquired in other arenas makes him a marked figure 
in Congress, and attracts the notice of all observers. He never par- 
ticipates in debate, but invariably votes and acts in strict harmony 
with his party friends. 



|H ARLES SITGREAVES was born in Easton, Pennsylvania, 
April 22, 1803. He adopted the profession of law, and 
settled in New Jersey. In 1831 and 1833 lie was a mem- 
ber of the New Jersey Assembly. In 1834 and 1835 he was a mem- 
ber and President of the Legislative Council. From 1852 to 1854 
he served in the State Senate. He subsequently held the positions 
of Mayor of Phillipsburg, President of the Belvidere and Delaware 
Railroad Company, and Trustee of the State Normal School. In 
1864 he was elected a Representative from New Jersey to the Thirty- 
ninth Congress as a Democrat, and was re-elected. 

*AMES H. McCORMlCK was bom August 1, 1824, in 
Washington County, Missouri. He studied medicine, and 
practiced his profession until 1861, when he was elected 
member of the State Convention of Missouri. In *1862 he was 
elected to the Senate of the State ; in 1863 he resigned his place in 
the Senate, and was appointed Brigadier-General of the enrolled 
Missouri Militia, and Surgeon of the Board of Enrollment for the same 
district. In 1865 he was again elected to the Senate of the State 
of Missouri, and resigned on being elected to the Fortieth Congress. 
He was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 

[LLIAM WINDOM was bom in Belmont County, Ohio, 
May 10, 1827. He was admitted to the bar in 1850, 
and was soon after elected Prosecuting Attorney for Knox 
County, Ohio. In 1853 he removed to Minnesota, and settled in 
Winona. In 1858 he was elected a Representative from Minnesota 
to the Thirty-sixth Congress, and was re-elected to the Thirty-seventh, 
Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

'ULIUS HOTCHKISS was born in Waterbury, Connecticut, 
July 11, 1810. He became^a manufacturer, and was elected 
Mayor of Waterbury in 1852. He was a member of the 

Legislature of Connecticut in 1851 and 1858, and was elected to the 

Fortieth Congress from Connecticut as a Democrat. 



? OHN COBURN was born at Indianapolis, Indiana, October 
27, 1825. He graduated at Wabash College ; studied and 
practiced law ; was a member of the State Legislature 
of Indiana in 1850 and 18.51, and was Judge of the Court of Com- 
mon Pleas from 1859 to 1861. He served in the Union army as 
Colonel and Brigadier-General during the war. He was elected 
Judge of the Fifth Judicial Circuit of Indiana in October, 1865, but 
resigned the following year, and was elected a Representative from 
Indiana to the Fortieth Congress as a Eepublican, and was re- 

S HOMAS D. ELIOT was born in Boston, March 20, 1808. 
He graduated at Columbia College, Washington, in 1825, 
and settled as a lawyer in New Bedford. After serving in 
both branches of the Massachusetts Legislature, he first entered 
Congress in 1855 to fill a vacancy. In 1858 he was elected a Rep- 
resentative from Massachusetts as a Republican to the Thirty-sixth 
Congress, and was four times re-elected, retiring from public life at 
the close of the Fortieth Congress. 

*ENRY P. H. BROMWELL was born in Baltimore, Mary- 
land, August 26, 182*3. Having spent seven years of his 
boyhood in Ohio, he went to Illinois in 1836, and came to 
the bar in 1853. He was subsequently an editor, judge of a county 
court, and presidential elector. In 1864 he was elected a Repre- 
sentative from Illinois to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and in 1866 was 
re-elected to the Fortieth Congress. 

B. AXTELL was born in Franklin County, Ohio, 
October 14, 1819. He was educated at Western Reserve 
College, Ohio, and studied law. He emigrated to Cali- 
fornia in 1857. He was elected a Representative from California to 
the Fortieth Congress as a Democrat, and "was re-elected to the 
Forty-first Congress. 



'LYSSES MERCtTR was born in Towanda, Pennsylvania, 
August 12, 1818. He graduated at Jefferson College in 
1842, and was admitted to the bar in the following year. 
In 1861 he was elected President Judge of the Thirteenth Judicial 
District of Pennsylvania for a terra of ten years, but resigned in 
1864, when he was elected a Representative from Pennsylvania to 
the Thirty-ninth Congress, and was re-elected to the Fortieth and 
Forty-first Congresses. 

rORTHINGTON C. SMITH was born at St. Albans, Ver- 
mont, April 23, 1823. He graduated at the University 
of Vermont, and became largely interested in the manu- 
facture and sale of iron. He was a member of the State House of 
Representatives of Vermont in 1863 ; was a member of the State 
Senate of Vermont in 1864 and 1865, and was its presiding officer 
pro tern, during the last term. He was elected to the Fortieth Con- 
gress from Vermont as a Republican, and was re-elected to the Forty- 
first Congress. 

PROCTOR KNOTT was born in Marion County, Kentucky, 
August 29, 1830. He studied law, and removed to Missouri 
in 1850. He was elected to the State Legislature in 1858. 
He was Attorney General in 1860, and a member of the Missouri 
Convention of 1861. He returned to Kentucky in 1862, from which 
State he was elected to the Fortieth Congress . as a Democrat, and 
was re-elected. 

LAWRENCE GETZ was born at Reading, Pennsylvania, 
September 14, 1821. He received an academic educa- 
tion, studied law, and was for twenty-five years editor of 
the " Reading Gazette " and " Democrat." He was a member of the 
State Legislature of Pennsylvania in 1856 and 1857, sen-ing the last 
year as Speaker of the House. lie was elected to the Fortieth Con- 
gress as a Democrat, and was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 


ON DF'.T.OS ! ASlti.KY. 

! J r:ri'KSF.NTATI-vT-'. V'POI.f NKVAUA 


JELOS R. ASHLEY was born at the Post, Arkansas February 
19, 1828. Having received a liberal education, he stud- 
ied law at Monroe, Michigan. In 1849 he went to Cali- 
fornia, and settled at Monterey, where he served as District Attor 
ney from 1851 to 1853. In 1854 and 1855 he was a Democratic 
member of the Assembly of California, and was a State Senator in 
1856 and 1857. He then retired from politics, and continued the 
practice of law until the breaking out of the Eebellion in 1861, when 
he joined the Union party. In the interests of this party he made a 
canvass of the State and was elected State Treasurer, an office which 
he held two years. In 1864 he removed to Austin, Nevada, where 
he. practiced his profession until his election as Kepresentative in the 
Thirty-ninth Congress. He was re-elected to the Fortieth Congress 
as a Republican. * 

W. ANDERSON was born in Jefferson County, 
Tennessee, May 22, 1832. He graduated at Franklin Col- 
lege, Tennessee, and having studied law, he went to Mis- 
souri in 1853. In 1854 he became editor of the " North East Mis- 
sourian " newspaper. He was a member of the lower house of the 
Missouri Legislature in 1859 and 1860, and of the State Senate in 
1862. He was a presidential elector in 1860. He was colonel of 
a regiment of the reserve corps from 1862 to 1864, and saw some 
active service. He was elected a Representative from Missouri to 
the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses, as a Republican. 

ILLIAM LOUGHRIDGE was born at Toungstown, Ohio, 
July 11, 1827. He studied law and commenced practice 
at Mansfield, Ohio. He removed to Iowa in 1852, where 
he was a member of the State Senate in 1857, 1858, 1859 and 1860. 
He was elected Judge of the Sixth Judicial Circuit of Iowa in 1861, 
which position he held until January, 1867, when he was elected as 
a Republican from Iowa to the Fortieth Congress, and was re- 



MICHAEL C. KERR was born in Titusville, Pennsylvania, 
March 15, 1827. He taught school for some time, and 
in 1851 graduated in the Law Department of the Univer- 
sity of Louisville, and soon after located in New Albany, Indiana. 
In 1856 he was elected to the Legislature of Indiana, and served two 
terms. In 1862 he was elected reporter of the decisions of the Su- 
preme Court, and Field the office two years, publishing five volumes 
of Reports. In 1864 he was elected a Representative from Indiana to 
the Thirty-ninth Congress, as a Democrat, and was re-elected to the 
Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 

McKEE was bora in Montgomery County, Ken- 
tucky, November 4, 1833. In 1858 he graduated at the 
Miami University, Ohio, and afterwards at the Cincinnati 
Law School in 1858. He subsequently practiced law in Mount Ster- 
ling, Kentucky, until 1862, when he entered the Union army as 
Captain of the Fourteenth Kentucky Cavalry. He was thirteen, 
months a prisoner in Libby Prison. In 1865 he was elected a Rep- 
resentative from Kentucky to the Thirty-ninth Congress, as a Repub- 
lican, and was re-elected to the Fortieth Congress. 

J1RAM McCULLOUGH was born in Cecil County, Mary- 
land, September 20, 1813, and studied law. He was a 
member of the State Senate 'of Maryland seven years, and 

was appointed one of the codifiers of the laws of Maryland in 1852. 

He was elected to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and was re-elected to 

the Fortieth Congress. 

QHN FOX was bora in New York City, June 30, 1835. 
He received a common school education, and applied him- 
. self to a mechanical employment. After holding the 
offices of Alderman and Supervisor in New York, he was elected a 
Democratic Representative to the Fortieth Congress, receiving 
14,003 votes against 3,743 votes for Horace Greeley. 



was born in Southmgton, Connecticut, 
March 19, 1821. At the age of sixteen he commenced 
teaching school, in which he was employed during the win- 
ters of seven years. He attended the Law School of Yale College, 
and in 1845 removed to Michigan. In 1848 he was elected County 
Clerk, and in 1852 Prosecuting Attorney for St. Joseph County. In 
1854 he was elected to the State Senate, and in 1860 Attorney-Gen- 
eral of Michigan. In 1862 he was elected a Eepresentative from 
Michigan to the Thirty-eighth Congress as a Republican, and was re- 
elected to the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

TWITCHELL was born at Athol, Massachusetts, 
August 26, 1811. In 1830 he commenced the business of 
mail-carrying and stage-driving. He was the first to estab- 
lish a line of stages between Boston and Brattleborough, Yermont. 
In 1847 he became an employee of the Boston and Worcester R.R., 
and became its President in 1857. He was elected to the Fortieth 
Congress from Massachusetts, as a Republican, and was re-elected. 

"OWLAND E. TROWBRIDGE was born in Elmira, New 
York, June 18, 1821, and when a child removed to Mich- 
igan with his parents. He graduated at Kenyon College, 
and engaged in farming. In 1856 and 1858 he was elected a mem- 
ber of the Michigan Senate. In 1860 he was elected a Representa- 
tive from Michigan to the Thirty-seventh Congress, and was re-elected 
to the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

TRIMBLE was born in Roane County, Tennessee, Feb- 
ruary 7, 1812. He was educated at the Nashville Univer- 
sity and studied law. He was Attorney-General for the 
Nashville district in 1836, and was elected to the House of Repre- 
sentatives from Tennessee in 1843. He was State Senator in 1845, 
in 1859, and again in 1865. He was elected from Tennessee to the 
Fortieth Congress as a Republican. 



SAMUEL SHELLABARGER was bom in ciark County, 

Ohio, December 10, 1817. He graduated at the Miami 
University in 1841. He studied law, and practiced in the 
city of Springfield, Ohio. In 1852 and 1853 he was a member of the 
Ohio Legislature. In 1860 he was elected a Representative from 
Ohio to the Thirty-seventh Congress. He was re elected to the 
Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. In 1869 he was appointed 
United States Minister to Portugal. 

[LLIAM H. KOONTZ was born at Somerset, Pennsylva- 
nia, July 15, 1830. He received a public school educa- 
tion, studied law, and was District-Attorney of Somerset 
County in 1854, 1855 and 1856. He was clerk and prothonotary for 
the courts of Somerset County in 1861, 1862 and 1863. He was 
elected from Pennsylvania to the Thirty-ninth Congress as a Repub- 
lican, and was re-elected to the Fortieth Congress. 

DDISON H. LAFLIN was born in Lee, Massachusetts, 
October 24, 1823. He graduated at Williams College in 
1843, and settled in Herkimer County, New York, where 
he became engaged extensively in the manufacture of paper. In 
1857 he was elected State Senator. In 1864 he was elected a Rep- 
resentative from New York to the Thirty-ninth Congress as a Re- 
publicanj and was re-elected to the Fortieth and Forty-first Con- 

>OHN Y. L. PRUYN was bom at Albany, New York, in 
1811. He studied law, and came to the bar in 1832. He 
served as Treasurer of the New York Central Railroad 
and Master in Chancery. . In 1862 he was made Chancellor of the 
University of New York, and State Senator. In 1863 he was 
elected to the Thirty-eighth Congress from New York as a Demo- 
crat, and was re-elected to the Fortieth Congress. 


H ON H H ,S TAii KW fa 1 . AT H E R , 



JENEY H. STAEKWEATHEE was born in Preston, Con- 
necticut, April 29, 1826. He received his education in the 
public schools, and was occupied in farming and teaching 
until twenty-four years of age. He studied law, was admitted to 
the bar, and practiced in the city of Norwich. In 1856 he was 
elected to the Legislature of Connecticut. He was a delegate to the 
Eepublican National Conventions of 1860 and 1868. During the 
campaign which ended in the election of President Grant, he 
rendered efficient service as a member of the Eepublican National 

In 1861 he was appointed postmaster of Norwich by President 
Lincoln. He was re-appointed by President Johnson, but immedi- 
ately after the remarkable speech of February 22, 1866, Mr. Stark- 
weather sent in his resignation. 

In 1867 he was elected to the Fortieth Congress from Connecticut, 
the only Eepublican Eepresentative from that State, and was 
re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 

L. CAKE was born in Northumberland, Pennsyl- 
vania, October 6, 1827. Having received a common school 
education, he learned the art of printing, and published the 
" Pottsville Mining Eecord." At the breaking out of the Eebellion 
he entered the Union army as a private, and arrived at Washington 
April 18, 1861, with the first volunteers. He was placed in the 
Twenty-fifth Pennsylvania Eegiment, of which he was unanimously 
elected Colonel May 1, 1861. At the end of the three months' 
service he was made Colonel of the Thirty-sixth Pennsylvania Eegi- 
ment, which he commanded with distinction. After the close of the 
war he became largely 'engaged in the mining and shipping of an- 
thracite coal. In 1866 he w^s elected a Eepublican Eepresentative 
from Pennsylvania to the Fortieth Congress, and was re-elected to 

the Forty-first Congress. 



*OHN F. BENJAMIN was born in Cicero, New York, Jan 
nary 23, 1817. After having spent three years in Texas, he 
settled in Missouri, in 1848, and engaged in the practice of 
law. He was a member of the Missouri Legislature in 1851 and 1852, 
and was a presidential elector in 1856. He entered the Missouri 
Cavalry as a private in 1861, and by a series of promotions reached the 
rank of Brigadier-General. He resigned to accept the appointment 
of Provost Marshal for the Eighth District of Missouri. He was 
elected as a Republican from Missouri to the Thirty-ninth Con- 
gress, and was re-elected to the Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 

Z ATHAN F. DIXON, son of a Senator of the same name, 
was born in Westerly, Rhode Island, May 1, 1812, and 
graduated at Brown University in 1833. After attending 
the Law Schools at New Haven and Cambridge, he was admitted to 
the bar in 1837. From 1840 to 1849 he was a member of the Gen- 
eral Assembly of Rhode Island, and after serving in the Thirty-first 
Congress, was again elected to the Legislature. In 1863 he was 
elected a Republican Representative from Rhode Island to the 
Thirty-eighth Congress, and was re-elected to the Thirty-ninth, 
Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 

fTEVENSON ARCHER was born in Harford County, Mary- 
land, February 28, 1827. His grandfather and his father 
were members of Congress from Maryland. He graduated 

at Princeton College in 1846, and entered the profession of law. 

He was a member of the Legislature of Maryland in 1854, and in 

1866 he was elected as a Democrat to the Fortieth Congress, and 

was re-elected two years later. 

'ICHARD HUBBARD was born at Berlin, Connecticut, 
September 7, 1818, graduated at Yale College, studied 
and practiced law, and was elected from Connecticut to the 
Fortieth Congress as a Democrat. 



M. POMEKOY was born in Cayuga, New 
York, December 31, 1824. He graduated at Hamilton 
College, and adopted the profession of law. From 1850 to 
1856 he was District Attorney for Cayuga County, and in 185T was 
a member of the New York Legislature. In 1860 he was elected a 
Representative from New York to the Thirty-seventh Congress, as a 
Republican, and was re-elected to the Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth, 
and Fortieth Congresses. Near the close of the Fortieth Congress 
he was elected Speaker to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resig- 
nation of Schuyler Colfax. 

AMES MULLINS was born at the Three Forks of Duck 
River, Bedford County, Tennessee, September 15, 1807, 
and adopted the occupations of farmer and millwright. He 
was Sheriff of Bedford County from 1840 to 1846. He served as a 
soldier in the war, a part of the time upon the staff of General 
Rosecrans. In 1865 he was elected to the Legislature of Tennessee. 
In 1867 he was elected to the Fortieth Congress from Tennessee a 
a Republican. 

rILLIAM. S. LINCOLN was born in Newark Valley, New 
York, August 13, 1813. He engaged in mercantile -pur- 
suits, and subsequently in the manufacture of leather. He 
was postmaster of Newark Yalley from 1838 to 1866. He was 
elected a Representative from New York to the Fortieth Congress as 
a Republican. 

SELYE was born at Chittenango, New York, July 
11, 1808. He engaged in manufactures, and held sev- 
eral local offices in the City of Rochester. He was elected 
to the Fortieth Congress from New York as an Independent Repub- 



AKES AMES was born in Eastern, Bristol County, Massa- 
chusetts, January 10, 1804. Having received a common 
school education, he engaged with great success in manufac- 
turing pursuits, and also largely and successfully in railroad enter- 
prises. In 1860 and 1861 he was a member of the Executive 
Council of Massachusetts. In 1862 he was elected a Representative 
from Massachusetts to the Thirty-eighth Congress, as a Republican, 
and has been three times re-elected. He served on the Committees 
on Manufactures and the Pacific Railroad. 

SAHEL W. HUBBARD was born in Haddam, Connecti- 
cut, January 18, 1819. In 1838 he removed to Indiana, 
and engaged in school-teaching. He entered upon the pro- 
fession of law in 1841, and was in 1847 elected to the Indiana Legis- 
lature, in which he served three terms. He removed to Iowa in 1857, 
and was soon alter elected .Judge of the Fourth Judicial District o 
that State. In 1862 he was elected a Representative from Iowa to 
the Thirty-eighth Congress as a Republican, and was re-elected to 
the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

C. CHURCHILL was born at Mooers, New York, 
January 17, 1821. He graduated at Middlebury Col- 
lege, Vermont ; studied and practiced law ; was District- 
Attorney for Oswego County from 1857 to 1860, and was Judge of 
Oswego County from 1860 to 1864. He was elected a Representa- 
tive from .New York to the Fortieth Congress as a Republican, and 
was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 

S. GOLLADAY was bora in Lebanon, Tennessee, 
January 19, 1819, removed to Kentucky in 1845, was a 
member of the State Legislature of Kentucky in 1851 and 
1852, and was elected a State Senator in 1853. In August, 1867, 
he was elected a Representative from Kentucky to the Fortieth 
Congress, and was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 


&>, W#2rf& 




URTON C. COOK was born in Monroe County, New York, 
May 11, 1819. He received a collegiate education, adopted 
the profession of law, and settled in Illinois in 1546. He 
was elected State- Attorney for the Ninth Circuit, and in 1848 he was 
re-elected to the same office for a term of four years. From 1852 to 
1860 he was a member of the State Senate, and in 1864 was elected 
a Representative from Illinois to the Thirty-ninth Congress, and was 
re-elected to the Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 

In the Thirty-ninth Congress he served on the Judiciary Com- 
mittee, and in the Fortieth Congress on the Committee on Elections 
and the Niagara Ship Canal, and as Chairman of the Committee on 
Roads and Canals. In the Forty-first Congress he was appointed to 
the Chairmanship of the Committee on the District of Columbia. 

,LIAM WILLIAMS was born at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, 
May 11, 1821. After receiving a common school educa- 
tion, he studied law, and commenced practice in Indiana. 
He was treasurer of Kosciusko County in 1850, and was a Director 
of the Northern Indiana State Prison in 1860. He was commissioned 
by the President an additional paymaster in the United States Army 
in 1864. He was elected a Representative from Indiana to the 
Fortieth Congress as a Republican, and was re-elected to the Forty- 
first Congress. 

S. TRIMBLE was born in Fleming, Kentucky, 
August 26, 1825. In 1851 and 1852 he was a member of 
the Kentucky Legislature. From 1856 to 1860 he was 
Judge of the Equity and Criminal Court of the First Judicial Dis- 
trict of the State. He was subsequently for five years President 
of the New Orleans and Ohio Railroad Company. In 1865 he was 
elected a Representative from Kentucky to the Thirty-ninth Con- 
gress, and was re-elected to the Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses. 



,HILADELPH VAN TRUMP, of Lancaster, was born at 
Lancaster, Ohio, November, 15, 1810. He learned the 
art of printing, and edited "The Lancaster Gazette and 
Enquirer." He was a delegate to the National Whig Convention 
which nominated Scott and Graham in 1852, was a candidate for 
Elector on the Fillmore ticket for Ohio in 1856, and was Presi- 
dent of the Bell and Everett State Convention in 1860. He was 
a Democratic candidate for Supreme Judge of Ohio, and served as 
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas from 1862 to 1866. He was 
elected to the Fortieth Congress from Ohio as a Democrat, and was 

H. VAN WYCK was born at Poughkeepsie, 
New York, in 1824. He graduated at Rutgers College, 
studied and practiced law, and was District Attorney of 
Sullivan County from 1850 to 1856. He entered the Union army as 
Colonel of the Tenth Legion, or 56th New York Volunteers, and 
commanded it during the war, receiving the rank of Brigadier-Gen- 
eral. He was elected from New York to the Thirty-sixth, Thirty- 
seventh and Fortieth Congresses. 

jIRAM PRICE was born in Washington County, Pennsyl- 
vania, January 10, 1814. Removing to Iowa, he settled 
in the City of Davenport, and was made President of the 
State Bank of .Iowa. In 1862 he was elected a Representative from 
Iowa to the Thirty-eighth Congress, and was re-elected to the Thirty- 
ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

ENJAMIN F. LOAN was born at Hardensburg, Kentucky, 
October 4th, 1819. He studied and practiced law, and 
went to Missouri in 1838. He served as Brigadier-General 
in the war, and was elected as a Republican from Missouri to the 
Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

' by G E 



rILLIAM HIGBY was bom in Essex County, New York, 
August 18, 1813. He graduated at the University of 
Vermont in 1840, and practiced law in New York until 1850, 
when he removed to California. Three years after he was elected 
District Attorney of Cavaleras County, and held the office until 1859. 
He was subsequently a member of the State Senate. In 1863 he 
was elected a Kepresentative from California to the Thirty-eighth 
Congress as a Republican, and was successively re-elected to the 
Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

'EORGE A. HALSEY was born an Springfield, New Jersey, 
December 7th, 1827, and established himself in Newark as a 
manufacturer in 1844. He was a member of the Legisla- 
ture of New Jersey in 1861, and from 1862 to 1866 he was Assessor 
of Internal Eevenue. He was elected a Eepresentative from New 
Jersey to the Fortieth Congress, as a Republican, and declined the 
position of Register of the Treasury, offered him in 1869. 

[LLIAM MOORE was born in Montgomery County, Penn- 
sylvania, December 25, 1810. He devoted himself to 
mercantile pursuits, and was for some time engaged in 
ship-building and the coasting trade. He was Judge of the Court 
of Common Pleas for Atlantic County, N. J., from 1858 to 1868. 
He was elected from New Jersey to the Fortieth Congress as a Re- 
publican, and was re-elected. 

'AMES M. MARYIN was born in Ballston, New York, Feb- 
ruary 27th, 1809. In 1846 he was elected to the Legislature 
of New York, and subsequently held, for three terms, the 
office of County Supervisor. In 1862 he was elected a Representative 
from New York to the Thirty-eighth Congress, and was re-elected 
to the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 



FREDERICK E. WOODBRIDGE of Yergennes, was bora 
at Yergennes, Yermont, August 29, 1818, graduated at 
the University of Yermont in 1840, and studied law. He 
was elected a member of the Ilouse in the State Legislature in 1849, 
1857, and 1858, and was many times chosen Mayor of the city of 
Yergennes. He was State Auditor in 1850, 1851 and 1852, and was 
Prosecuting Attorney in 1854, 1855, 1856, 1857, and 1858. He en- 
gaged in railroad management, and was several }'ears Yice-President 
and. the active Manager of the Rutland and Washington Railroad. 
He was elected a member of the State Senate of Yermont in 1860, 
and was chosen President pro tern, of that body. lie was elected to 
the Thirty-eighth and Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses, as a 

F. STEYENS was bora at berry, New Hampshire, 
August 9, 1819. He studied and practiced law. He 
served in the New Hampshire Legislature four terms, and 
was County Solicitor from 1856 to 1861, when he entered the Union 
army in 1861 as Major of the First New Hampshire Yolunteers ; was 
afterwards Colonel of the Thirteenth New Hampshire Yolunteers ; 
Commandant of a brigade, and Brigadier-General by brevet. He was 
elected from New Hampshire to the Fortieth Congress as a Republi- 
can, and was re-elected. 

'EHLT BAKER was bora in Fayette County, Kentucky, No- 
vember 4, 1822. He received an academic education and 
entered the profession of law. He was elected a Repre- 
sentative from Illinois to the Thirty-ninth Congress as a Republican, 
and was re-elected to the Fortieth Congress. 

lALEB N. TAYLOR was born in Bucks County, Pennsylva- 
nia, July 27, 1813 ; engaged in agricultural pursuits ; and 
was elected to the Fortieth Congress from Pennsylvania, as 
a Republican. 





ETHUEL M. KITCHEN was born in Berkley County, Vir- 
\WH g inia ? March 21, 1812. He received a common school educa- 
,42^ tion, and devoted himself to agricultural pursuits. In 1861 
and 1862 he was elected to the Legislature of Virginia. In 1863 he 
was elected a Representative from Virginia to Congress, but was not 
admitted to a seat, on account of the rebellious attitude of the State. 
His farm was repeatedly overrun by rebel marauders, and he was 
subjected to many personal dangers on account of his loyalty. On 
the organization of West Virginia he was elected to the State 
Senate. In 1866 he was elected a Republican Representative to the 
Fortieth Congress from West Virginia. 

)HN H. STOVER was born at Aaronsburg, Pennsylvania, 
April 24, 1833. He was admitted to the bar in 1857, and 
served as District Attorney of Centre County. Se entered 
. the Union army in April, 1861, as a private, and wa& soon after pro- 
moted to a Captaincy in the Tenth Pennsylvania Regiment. He was 
subsequently appointed Major in the 106th Pennsylvania Volunteers, 
and served in that capacity two years and a half. He was afterward 
made Colonel of the 184th Pennsylvania Volunteers, and was placed 
in command of a brigade. In 1865 he settled in Missouri, and was 
elected to the Fortieth Congress as a Republican to fill the vacancy 
occasioned by the resignation of Governor J. W. McClurg. 

^LIVER J. DICKEY was born in Old Brighton, Beaver 
County, Pennsylvania, April 6, 1823. He was educated at 
Dickinson College, and studied law with Thaddeus Stevens, 
in Lancaster, where he subsequently practiced his profession. He 
held the office of District- Attorney for Lancaster County from 1856 to 
1859. He was elected to. fill the vacancy in the Fortieth Congress 
caused by the death of Thaddeus Stevens, and was re-elected to the 

Forty-first Congress as a Republican. 



! OHN D. BALDWIN was born in North Stonington, Con- 
necticut, September 28, 1810. He graduated at Yale 
College, studied law, and pursued a course of theological 
study. Devoting himself to literary pursuits, he published a vol- 
ume of poems, and became connected with the press, first in Hart- 
ford, and then in Boston, where he was editor of the u Daily Common- 
wealth." He subsequently became proprietor of the " Worcester Spy." 
In 1862 he was elected a Representative in Congress from Massachu- 
setts, and was re-elected in 1864 and 1866. He has recently pub- 
lished a valuable work on ancient history. 

FERRIS was born at Glenns Falls, New York, 
November 26, 1814. He was educated at the University 
of Vermont, and adopted the profession of law. He was 
Surrogate of Warren County from 1841 to 1845, and Vas County 
Judge from 1851 to 1863. In 1862 he was elected a Republican 
Representative from New York to the Fortieth Congress, and was 
re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 

rlLLLIAM H. KELSEY was born at Smyrna, New York, 
October 2, 1812, and studied and practiced law. He 
was appointed Surrogate of Livingston County in February, 
1840, and was elected District- Attorney of Livingston County in 
J850. He was elected to the Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth Con- 
gresses, and was re-elected to the Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses 
from New York, as a Republican. 

IUARLES HAIGHT was born at Colt's Neck, New Jersey, 
January 4, 1838 ; graduated at Princeton College in 1857, 
and studied law. He was a member of the State Legisla- 
ture of New Jersey in 1861 and 1862, serving the last year as Speaker 
of the House. He was elected as a Democratic Representative in tho 
Fortieth Congress, and was re-elected. . 



RODERICK E. BUTLER was born in Wytheville, Virginia, 
April 8, 1827. He served an apprenticeship at the tailor- 
ing business, but after arriving at his majority studied and 
practiced law. He became a County Judge in 1856, and was elected 
to the Tennessee Legislature in 1859. He served in the war as Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel of the Thirteenth Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry. He 
was elected a State Senator in April, 1865, .and the following June 
was appointed Circuit Court Judge. In August, 1867", he was 
elected a Representative from Tennessee to the Fortieth Congress, as 
a Republican. 

LBERT G. BURR was born in Illinois in 1829. He studied 
law, and was a member of the State Legislature from 1861 
to 1864. He was a member of the State Constitutional 
Convention of 1862, and was the author of the address to the people, 
accompanying the Constitution. In 1866 he was elected as Repre- 
sentative from Illinois to the Fortieth Congress, as a Democrat, and 
was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 

rILLIAM H. BARIUM was born in Connecticut, Sep- 
tember 17, 1818. Having received a common school ed- 
ucation, he engaged in business pursuits, and was for 
many years engaged in the production of iron from the ore, and the 
manufacture of car wheels. He was a member of the State Legisla- 
ture in 1851. In April, 1867, he was elected as a Democrat to the 
Fortieth Congress over P. T. Barnum. He was re-elected to the 
Forty-first Congress. 

'AMES B. BECK was born in Dumfriesshire, Scotland, Feb- 
ruary 13, 1822. He emigrated to America when sixteen 
years of age, and graduated at Transylvania University, 
Kentucky, in 1846. He adopted the profession of law, to which he 
devoted his entire attention for several years. In 1867 he was 
elected a Representative from Kentucky to the Fortieth Congress as 
a Democrat, and was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress. 



)RGE M. ADAMS was born in Knox County, Kentucky, 
December 20, 1837. He was educated at Centre College, 
Danville, Kentucky, and studied law. He held the office 
of Clerk of Knox County from 1859 to 1861. In August of the lat- 
ter year he raised a company and entered the Union army as Captain 
in the Seventh Kentucky Volunteers. He was soon after appointed 
additional Paymaster of Volunteers, and served in that capacity un- 
til the close of the war. He w,as elected a Representative from 
Kentucky to the Fortieth Congress, as a Democrat, and was re-elect- 
ed to the Forty-first Congress'. 

5AAC R. HAWKINS was born in Maury County, Tennes- 
see, May 16, 1818. He received an academic education, 
practiced law, and served in the Mexican war as a first lieu- 
tenant of volunteers. He was elected by the Tennessee Legislature as 
a delegate to the Peace Congress of 1861, and was elected as the Un- 
ion candidate to the State Convention called to consider the relations 
of Tennessee with the General Government. He entered the Union 
army as Lieutenant- Colonel in 1862. He was elected a Representa- 
tive from Tennessee to .the Thirty -ninth Congress, and was re-elected 
to the Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses, as a Republican. 

'OHN HILL was born at Catskill, New York, June 10, 1821. 
He engaged in mercantile pursuits and went to Boonton, New 
Jersey, where he held several local offices. He was a mem- 
ber of the Legislature of New Jersey in 186}, 1862 and 1866, the 
last year holding the office of Speaker. He was elected as a Repub- 
lican from New Jersey to the Fortieth Congress, and was re-elected. 

JNNIS McCARTHT was born at Salina, New York, March 
19, 1814, and engaged in mercantile pursuits. He was a 
member of the General Assembly of New York in 1846 ; 
was Mayor of Syracuse in 1853 ; and was elected from New York to 
the Fortieth and Forty-first Congresses as a Republican. 





PIIEAIM E. ECKLEY was born in Jefferson County, OJiio, 
December 9, 1812, and was admitted to the bar in 1837. 
From 1843 to 1853 he served in the Ohio House of Repre- 
sentatives and in the State Senate. In the civil war he was Colonel 
of the Twenty-sixth and Eightieth Regiments of Ohio Yolunteers. 
He fought in several battles, and at Corinth commanded a brigade. 
In 1862 he was elected a Representative from Ohio to the Thirty- 
eighth Congress as a Republican and was re-elected to the Thirty- 
ninth and Fortieth Congresses. 

ACOB H. ELA was born in Rochester, New Hampshire, 
July 18, 1820. Having learned the art of printing, he 
published the " Herald of Freedom," and afterwards the " In- 
dependent Democrat." He was-a member of the State Legislature in 
1857 and 1858, and United States Marshal from July to October, 
1861. He was elected as a Republican Representative from New 
Hampshire to the Fortieth Congress, and was re-elected to the Forty- 
first Congress. 

0, HUNTER was born at Versailles, Indiana, 
February 5, 1825. He was educated at the State Univer- 
sity, Bloomington, and studied law. He commanded a 
regiment of Indiana Yolunteers in the war, and became a Brigadier- 
General. He was elected to the Fortieth Congress from Indiana as 
a Republican. 

LEXANDER H. BAILEY was born at Minisink, New 
York, August 14, 1817. Pie graduated at Princeton 
College in 1838, and adopted the profession of law. He 
served for several years as Examiner in Chancery for Greene County, 
and Justice of the Peace. In 1849 he was a member of the State 
Assembly, and in 1851 he became County Judge, holding the office 
four years. In 1861 he entered the State Senate and served four 
years. He was elected a Representative from New York to the For- 
tieth Congress as a Republican, and was re-elected. 



[HE States of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisi- 
ana, North Carolina, and-South Carolina, were admitted tc 
representation in Congress in the month of June, 1868. 
Senators and Representatives from these States took but little 
part in national legislation until the last session of the Fortieth Con- 
gress. The following are brief biographical records of such Repre- 
sentatives : 

W. JASPEK BLACKBURN, of Louisiana, was born in Arkansas, and 
learned the art of printing. He removed to Homer, Louisiana, and 
established the " Homer Illiad." He twice suffered the destruction 
of his office and press on account of his Republican principles. 

THOMAS BOLES, of Arkansas, was born in Johnson County, Arkansas, 
July 16, 1837. While serving as Deputy Sheriff and Deputy Clerk 
of Yell County, he studied law and was admitted to the bar. He 
served as a Captain in the Union army, and at the close of the war 
he was chosen Judge of the Fourth Judicial District of Arkan-as. 
He resigned this office April 20, 1868, having been elected to Con- 

C. C. BOWEN, of South Carolina, was born in Rhode Island, 
January 3, 1832. Removing to Georgia in 1850, he studied and 
practised law. He removed to Charleston, South Carolina, in 1862, 
and in 1867 was elected to the Convention to form a State Consti- 
tution under the reconstruction acts. 

NATHANIEL BOYDEN, of North Carolina, was born in Con way, 
Massachusetts, August 16, 1796. He graduated at Union College, 
New York, in 1821, and the following year removed to North Caro- 
ina, where he practised law. He was repeatedly elected to the State 
Legislature, and was a Representative from North Carolina to the 
Thirtieth* Congress. 



CHAELES W. BUCKLEY, of Alabama, was born in Otsego County, 
New York, February 18, 1835. After graduating at Beloit College^ 
and the Union Theological Seminary, New York, he entered thJ 
Union army as Chaplain. After the war he served as Alabama 
State Superintendent of Education for the Freedmen's Bureau, and 
in November, 1867, he was a member of the Alabama Constitutional 

JOHN B. CALLIS, of Alabama, was born in Fayetteville, North Caro- / 
lina, January 3, 1828. He removed to Wisconsin in 1840. He en- 
tered the Union army in 1861 as Captain in the 7th Wisconsin Vol- 
unteers, and was promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonel. He was se- 
verely wounded at the battle of Gettysburg, and was in consequence 
honorably discharged. He subsequently entered the Yeteran Re- 
serve Corps, and was breveted Brigadier-General. He was appoint- 
ed a Captain in the regular army, settled in Alabama in 1865, and 
resigned his commission February 4, 1868. 

JOSEPH W. CLIFT, of Georgia, was born in North Marshfield, Mas- 
sachusetts, September 1, 1836. He was educated at Phillips Acad- 
emy, and graduated at the Harvard Medical School in 1862. He 
entered the army as a Surgeon, and served until the close of the war, 
when he settled in Savannah for the practice of medicine. He was 
appointed Registrar of Savannah under the Reconstruction acts. 

SIMEON COKLEY, of South Carolina, was born in Lexington County, 
of that State, February 10, 1823. He learned the tailor's trade, and 
invented a new system of garment-cutting in 1857. He edited 
the " South Carolina Temperance Standard " in 1855-'56. He op- 
posed secession from the first, but was compelled to enter the rebel 
army in 1863. He was captured by the national troops at Petersburg, 
Yirginia, April 2, 1865, and gladly took the oath of allegiance. Re- 
turning home, he advocated the reconstruction policy of Congress, and 
was elected a member of the South Carolina Constitutional Conven- 
f ion in 1867. 

JOHN T. DEWEESE, of North Carolina, was bora in Arkansas, June f 
4, 1835. He studied law in Indiana, where he practised his profes- 
sion until the breaking out of the Rebellion, when he entered the army 



as a private, and was promoted to the Colonelcy of the 4th Indiana 
Cavaliy. At the close of the war Ire was commissioned Lieutenant in 
the 8th United States Infantry, and stationed in North Carolina. He 
took part in the North Carolina Republican State Convention of 
March 27, 1867, and for, this act was arrested and ordered to be tried 
before a court martial by General Sickles, but was released from arrest 
by General Grant, and the court martial was dismissed. He was ap- 
pointed Register in Bankruptcy, and resigned his commission in the 
army August 14, 1867. 

OLIVER H. DOCKERY, of North Carolina, was born in Richmond 
County, of that State, August 12., 1830. He graduated at the 
University of North Carolina in 1848, and read law, but pursued the 
occupation of a farmer. He represented his county in the Legielat ure 
of 1858, and was an elector on the Bell and Everett ticket in 1860. 
Yielding to "the social pressure existing at the South," he was a 
short time in the rebel service, but left it as soon as possible, and ad- 
vocated the speedy restoration of North Carolina to her original posi- 
tion in the Union. 

JAMES T. ELLIOTT, of Arkansas, was born in Georgia, April 22, 
1823. He adopted the profession of law, and was chosen President 
of the Mississippi, Anachita and Red River Railroad in 1858. He 
was elected Judge of the Sixth Judicial Circuit of Arkansas in 1866, 
and established the " South Arkansas Journal," a Republican paper, 
at Camden. 

JOHN R. FRENCH, of North Carolina, was born at Silmanton, New 
Hampshire, May 28, 1819. He adopted the profession of a journal- 
ist, which he pursued in New Hampshire, Maine and Ohio. lie was 
a member of the Ohio Legislature in 1858 and 1859, and in 1861 re- 
ceived an appointment in the Treasury Department at "Washington. 
In 1864 he was appointed by President Lincoln one of the Board of 
Direct Tax Commissioners for North Carolina, and in 1867 was a 
member of the Constitutional Convention of that State. At the close 
of his term as a Representative in the 40th Congress he was elected 
Sergeant at-Arms of the Senate. 

JAMES H. Goss, of South Carolina, was born at Union Court 



House, in that State, August 9, 1820. He entered into mercantile 
pursuits, and was elected a member of the Convention to form a Con- 
stitution for South Carolina under the Reconstruction acts. 

SAMUEL F. GOVE, of Georgia, was born at Weymouth, Massachu- 
setts, March 9, 1822. He removed to Macon, Georgia, in 1838, and 
engaged in mercantile pursuits. He voted against secession, but Held 
a commission as paptain in the regular army of the so-called Confed- 
erate States, and was assessor of taxes for Bibb County, under the 
same government. He was elected a Republican member of the Con- 
stitutional Convention of Georgia. 

CHARLES M. HAMILTON, of Florida, was born in Clinton County, 
Pennsylvania, in 1840. He studied law, and entered the Union army 
as a private in 1861. He participated in numerous battles, and was 
many times severely wounded. He was appointed a Lieutenant in 
the Veteran Reserve Corps in October, 1863, was detailed as Judge- 
Advocate, and served in that capacity until 1865, when he was ap- 
pointed Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau. 

THOMAS HAUGHEY, of Alabama, was born near the cit^ of Glasgow, 
Scotland, in 1826, and came to Alabama at an early age. He gradu- 
ated at the New Orleans School of Medicine in 1858, and at the 
breaking out of the Rebellion he was engaged in the practice of his 
profession at Elyton, Alabama. Taking an active part against seces- 
sion he was compelled to abandon his home and family and take 
refuge in the Union lines. Entering the Union army, as Surgeon, in 
August, 1862, he served until the close of the war. In 186T he was a 
member of the Convention which formed a Constitution for Alabama 
under the Reconstruction acts. 

DAVID HEATON, of North Carolina, was born at Hamilton, Ohio, 
March 10, 1823. He adopted the profession of law, and was in 1855 
elected to the Senate of Ohio. In 1857 he removed to Minnesota, 
and was three times elected to the Senate of that State. In 1863 he 
was appointed by Secretary Chase as Special Agent of the Treasury 
Department and United States Depository at Newbern, North Caro- 
lina, and in 1865 was made President of the National Bank of New- 
bern. He was the author of the Republican platform adopted at Ra- 



leigli, March 27, 1867, and was a member of the Constitutional Con- 
vention of North Carolina. 

ALEXANDER H. JONES, of North Carolina, was born in Buncombe 
County, of that. State, July 21, 1822. He engaged in mercantile 
pursuits, and took an uncompromising stand in favor of the Union. 
In the summer of 1863 he fled into the Union lines, and was com- 
missioned by General Burnside to raise a regiment of loyal North 
Carolinians. While "engaged in recruiting he was captured by the 
rebels and incarcerated in Libby prison. He made his escape in 
November, 1864, and succeeded in reaching the Union lines. Return- 
ing home at the close of the war, he was elected to the State Consti- 
tutional Convention in the summer of 1865. 

FRANCIS "W. KELLOGG, of Alabama, was born in "Worthington, 
Massachusetts. Removing to Michigan he engaged in the lumber 
trade, and served in the State Legislature in 1856-'57. He was 
elected a Representative from Michigan to the Thirty-sixth, Thirty - 
seventh and Thirty-eighth Congresses. In 1865 he was appointed by 
President Lincoln Collector of Internal Revenue for the Southern 
District of Alabama. 

ISRAEL G. LASH, of North Carolina, was born at Bethania in that 
State, August 18, 1810. In 1830 he became a merchant and manu- 
facturer, and in 1847 a banker. 

JOSEPH P. NEWSHAM, of Louisiana, was born in Monroe County, 
Illinois, in 1839. He was admitted to the bar in 1860, and practised 
in St. Louis. He served on the staif of General Fremont, and was 
Adjutant of the Third Missouri Volunteers. Having been severely 
wounded, he received an honorable discharge in July, 1864. Settling 
in Louisiana, he became Clerk of the Fourth District Court of the 
parish of Ascension, and was a member of the Reconstruction Con- 
vention of Louisiana in 1867 and 1868. 

BENJAMIN W. NORRIS, of Alabama, was born in Monmouth, Maine, 
In 1819, graduated at Waterville College, and engaged in mercantile 
pursuits. He was a delegate to the Free-Soil National Convention 
in 1848, and to the Republican Convention of 1864. He was a Pay- 
master in the Union army. After the close of the war he settled in 


Alabama, and was a member of the Convention that framed the 
present Constitution of the State. 

CHARLES H. PRINCE, of Georgia, was born in Buckfield, Maine, 
May 9, 1837. He engaged in teaching and trade, and was appointed 
Post-Master at Buckfield by President Lincoln. He served in the 
late war as Captain in the Twenty-third Maine Regiment, and went 
to Augusta, Georgia, in 1866, as Cashier of the National Freedmen's 
Savings and Trust Company. He was a member of the Georgia 
Constitutional Convention. 

LOGAN H. ROOTS, of Arkansas, was born in Illinois, March 26, 
1841. He graduated at the Illinois State Normal University in 1862, 
and immediately took an active part in recruiting the Eighty-first 
Illinois Volunteers, in which he himself enlisted. He was soon com- 
missioned, and received an appointment as a staff officer, serving as 
chief depot commissary for the combined armies under General Sher- 
man. After the close of the war he settled in Arkansas, and 
engaged in cotton planting. He took a bold and prominent position 
in favor of the restoration of Arkansas under the Reconstruction 
acts of Congress. 

MICHAEL VIDAL, of Louisiana, was born in Carcassone, France, 
and emigrated to the republic of Texas. He was afterwards con- 
nected with the newspapers in New York, Quebec, and New Orleans. 
In 1867 he started, in Opelousas, western Louisiana, the "St. 
Landry Progress." He was appointed by General Sheridan one 
of the Registers for the city of New Orleans, and was elected a 
delegate to the Convention that framed the new Constitution for 

B. FRANK WHITTEMORE, of South Carolina, was born in Maiden, 
Massachusetts, May 18, 1824. He engaged in mercantile pursuits 
until 1859, when he entered the ministry of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church. He entered the army as Chaplain of the Fifty-third Massa- 
chusetts volunteers, and after the close of the term of service of this 
regiment, he was commissioned Chaplain of the Thirtieth Massa- 
chusetts Regiment. He edited the first journal in South Carolina 
devoted to Reconstruction and Union, called the " New Era." He was 



chairman of the Republican Executive State Central Committee until 
South Carolina was fully restored to the Union, and was a member of 
the State Constitutional Convention. He was Chairman of the South 
Carolina delegation to the Republican National Convention of 1868, 
and was the same year elected a State Senator, but resigned when 
elected a Representative in Congress. 




Abbott, Josepa C., biography of, 179. 

Adams, George M., biography of, 552. 

Alabama Admission of, opposed, 340. 

Alaska, Appropriation to purchase, 18. 

Allison, William B., biography of, 491. 

Amendment, to abolish Slavery, advocated, 364 ; 
remarks, upon, 373; the 15th, proposed by 
Congress, 18 ; the 14th, submitted to Con- 
gress, 145 ; as modified by Mr. Elaine, 328 ; a 
clause of, proposed, 366. 

American System, results of, 46. 

America, poetical apostrophe to, 393. 

Ames^Oakes, biography of, 544. 

Anderson, George W.. biography of, 537. 

Anthony, Henry B., biography of, 185. 

Anti-Masonry, in Pennsylvania, 287. 

Anti-Slavery document, the first, 215. 

Anti-Slavery men. tribute to, 257. 

Appropriation, for expenses of Reconstruction, 9 ; 
to purchase Alaska, 18. 

Archer, Stevenson, biography of, 542. 

Arguments in the Impeachment Trial, 15. 

Arkansas, Senators and Representatives of, 17. 

Army Officers, incompetency of, 52. 

Arnell. Samuel M., biography of, 508. 

Ashley, Delos R., biography of, 537. 

Ashley, James M., biography of, 255. 
proposes Impeachment, 8. 

Assassination conspirators, trial of, 199. 

Atlanta, battle in front of, 442. 

Auditor of the Treasury, biography of, 221. 

Baker, Jehu, biography of, 548. 

Baldwin, John D., biography of, 550. 

Ballot, voting by, advocated, 114. 

Baltimore, politics in, 333, 335 ; military matters 
in, 333 ; plot against Mr. Lincoln in, 403. 

Bailey, A. II., biography of, 553. 

Bankrupt Bill, its introduction, its purpose, 424. 

Bankrupt, condition of the, under former laws, 424. 

Banks, Nathaniel P., biography of, 463; his ef- 
forts to reconstruct Louisiana, 144 ; his report 
on the rights of naturalized citizens, 18. 

Banks of Michigan, 140. 

Barnes, Deinas, biography of, 239. 

Barnum, W. H., biography of, 551. 

Barrett, Judge, his estimate of judicial charac- 
ter, 458. 

Barstow, Governor, displaced, 148. 

Bashford, Governor, installed by judicial deci- 
sion, 149. 

Baton Rouge, orders for the burning of, 450. 

Bayard, James A., biography of, 188. 

Beamau, Fernando C., biography of, 532. 

Beatty, John, biography of, 453. 

Beck, James B., biography of, 551. 

Benjamin, John F., biography of, 542. 

Bentou, Jacob, biography of, 520. 

Berlin, minister to, 404. 

Bladensbiirg, Battle of, 119. 

Blaine, James G., biography of, 327, 

Blair, Austin, biography of, 315 ; his reply, 220. 

" Blood-letting Letter," remarks on the, 84. 

Blackburn, W. Jasper, biography of, 554. 

Bingham, John A., biography of, 199. 

Boutwell, George 8., biography of, 445 ; presents 
a report on Impeachment, 10. 

Boles, Thomas, biography of, 554. 

Bowen, C. C., biography of, 554. 

Boyer, Benjamin M., biography of, 337. 

Boydeu.N., biography of, 554. 

Brazil, minister to, 358. 

Bromwell, II. P. II., biography of 535. 

Brooks, James, biography of, 309. 

Brooks, Preston S., assaults Senator Sumner, 32; 
denounced by Mr. Wilson, 135. 

Broomall, John M., biography of, 473. 

Btickalew, Charles II., biography of, 47. 

Bticklancl, Ralph P., biography of 225. 

Buckley, C. W., biography of, 555. 

Bull Run, the first battle of, 359; 'the sec- 
ond, 361. 

Burr, Albert G., biography of, 551. 

Butler, Benjamin P., biography of, 429; extract 
from speech of, 392 ; financial plan of, 21. 

Butler, R. R., biography of, 551. 

Cairo made a military point, 105. 

Cake, Henry L., biography of, 541. 

Calais, Maine, 369. 

California, the greatness of, 475. 

Callis, J. B., biography of, 555. 

Cameron, Simon, biography of, 157. 

Cambria Iron Company, 251. 

Canada merits nothing from us, 421 ; the rebs. 

element in, 93. 
Canal boating in Ohio, 522. 
Canal management in New York, 83. 



Carrow, Rev. Dr., qnotation from, 46. 

Cary, Samuel F., biography of, 415. 

Cattell. A. G., biography of, 43. 

Central Park, beginning of, 324. 

Chandler, Zachariah. biography of, 81. 

Chandler, John W.. biography of, 483. 

Chase, Chief Justice, a letter from, 383. 

Chicago Convention, the nomination* of, 197. 

Chickamauga, battle of, 301, 455. 

China Mail Line originated, 101. 

C'hoate, Riifus, answered by Mr. Boutwell, 446. 

Cholera in New York, 86. 

Churchill, J. C., biography of, 644. 

Cincinnati, politics in, 417; municipal aflairs 
in, 523. 

Citizens., the rights of, abroad, 18. 

Civil Service Bill, the purpose of, 427 ; expected 
results of, 428. 

Clarke, Reader W., biography of, 221. 

Clarke, Sidney, biography of, 205. 

Clay, Henry, at a Maryland election, 602. 

Clift, J. W., biography of, 555. 

Cobb, Amasa, biography of, 520 

Cobnm, John, biography of, 535. 

Cole, Cornelius, biography of, 99. 

Colfax, Schnyler, biography of, 198. 

Collamer, Senator, hi* successor, 460. 

Commissioner of Pension*, the, 218. 

Conduct of the War, committee on, 88. 

Confiscation, Southern, opposed, 483. 

Conkling, Roscoe, biography of, 182. 

Conness, John, biography of, 51. 

Conscript ion act recommended, 148. 

Conspirators held responsible, 66. 

Cook, Burton C., biography of, 645. 

Corbett, Henry W., biography of, 115. 

Corley, Simeon, biography of, 655. 

Cornell, Thomas, biography of, 841. 

Custom House, New York, investigation of, 134. 

Cotton exempt from tax, 20. 

Counsel for the President, the, 16. 

Covode, John, biography of, 215. 

Cragin, Aaron 11., biography of, 61, 

Cross Keys, the battle of, *X). 

Cullom, Shelby M., biography of, 235. 

Cumulative voting Illustrated, 49. 

Currency, contraction of, opposed, 241 ; inflation 

of, demanded, 419. 

Curtis, Col. S. R., on the Muskingnm improve- 
ment, 153; enters the army, 868. 

Davis, Garrett, biography of, 176. 

Davis, Henry Winter, 835. 

Dawes, Henry I.., biography of. 532. 

Delano, Columbus, biography of, 518. 

Debts of Uebel States charged upon Congress, 9 ; 

repudiated by Congress, 10. 
Debt, the National, the President's message con 

cerning. 21 ; should be paid from our miner* 

resources, 826. 
Debt, the rebel, payment of, prohibited, 366. 

Democratic Members, protest of, 7 ; against im- 
peachment, 14;against admitting Southern 
members, 17. 

Denver, exciting scene in, 57. 

Deweese, J. T., biography of, 555. 

Dickey, O. J., biography of, 549. 

District of Columbia, schools in, 129 

Disunion denounced, 65. ' 

Dixon, James, biography of, 181. 

Dixon, Nathan F., biography of, 512. 

Dockrey, O. H., biography of, 556. 

Dodge, Grenviile M., biography of, 441. 

Donnelly, Ignatius, biography of, 411. 

Douglas, Hou. 8. A., retort upon, 27; consulta- 
tion with, 305; campaign of, with Lincoln, 
in Illinois, 402. 

Drake, Charles D., biography of, 109. 

Driggs, 8. F., biography of, 217. ' 

Eckley, E. R., biography of, 553. 

Edmunds, George F., biography of, 179 ; flnan 
cial proposition of, 21. 

Kggleston, B., biography of, 521. 

Ki-ht-hmir law. the, 19 ; advocated, 62. 

Ela, Jacob H., biography of, 553. 

KUlridge, Charles A., biography of, 520. 

Klint. Thomas I)., biography of, 635. 

Elliott. J. T., biography of, 656. 

Emancipation, its necessity first asserted in Con- 
gress, 878. 

Emigration, extent of, 238. 

Europe, travels in, 312. 

Evarts, W. M., counsel for the President, 15; At- 
torney-General, 20. 

Executive, the powers of, by legislative grant, 
265; has no power to construct States, 426. 

Famine of 1860, in Kansas, 73. 

Farnsworth, John F., biography of, 608. 

Ferris, Orange, biography of, 550. 

Ferry, Orris S., biography of, 180. 

Ferry, Thomas W.. biography o/. 419. 

Fessenden, W. P., b'.ogniphy of, 75. 

Field-, \V. C., biography of, 632. 

Fifteenth Amendment proposed by Congress, 18. 

Financial propositions. 21. 

Financial affairs, remarks on, by Mr. Lym 1>. v!t i ; 
by Mr. Cary, 419; history of, 383 ; troubles, 
the remedy for, 329. 

Fort Blakely, capture of, 280. 

Fort Donelson, gallant defence of, 223. 

Fort Fisher, the movement against, 433. 

Fourteenth Amendment, a clause of proposed, 
866 ; declared adopted, 18 ; submitted to Con- 
gress, 146. 

Fowler, Joseph S., biography of, 180; quotation 
from. '.Ml. 

Fox, John, biography of. 538. 

Freedman's Bureau, legislation concerning, 19; 
remarks on, 338. 

Frelinghuysen, Frederick E., biography of, 176, 



French, J. E., biography of, 556. 
Fugitive-Slave Act, the author of, denounced, 

141 ; resisted in Wisconsin, 150. 
Fugitives, Gen. Paine refuses to return, 450. 
Funding Indebtedness, bill for, 156. 

Garfleld, James A., biography of, 295. 

General of the Army to execute reconstruction 
acts, 9. 

Getz. J. Lawrence, biography of, 536. 

Glossbrenner, A. J., biography of, 508. 

Golladay, J. S., biography of, 544. 

Goss, J. H., biography of, 556. 

Gove, S. F., biography of, 557. 

Governor of Pennsylvania, riotous inaugura- 
tion of, 288. 

Governors of New York in the United States 
Senate, 85. 

Grant, General, incurs the displeasure of Presi- 
denfJohnson, 12 ; eulogy of, 54 ; as a citizen 
of Galena, 203 ; his career in the army, 204. 

Gravelly, Joseph J., biography of, 532. 

Green Bay, Wisconsin, in 1845, 147. 

Grimes, James W., biography of, 190. 

Griswold, John A., biography of, 435. 

Haight, Charles, biography of, 550. 

Halsey, George A., biography of, 547. 

Hamilton, Charles H., biography of, 557. 

Hamilton, Cornelius S., death of, 456. 

Hammond, of -South Carolina, reply to, 133. 

Harding, Abner C., biography of, 223. 

Harlan, James, biography of, 35. 

Harris, John S., biography of, 186. 

Haughey, Thomas, biography of, 557. 

Hawkins, I. K., biography of, 552.' 

Ileaton, David, biography of, 557. 

Henderson, John B., biography, of, 178. 

Hendricks, Thomas A., biography of, 95. 

Hicks, Governor, his policy, 506. 

Higby, William, biography of, 547. 

Hill, John, biography of, 552. 

Holman, William S., biography of, 529. 

Hooper, Samuel, biography of, 381. 

Hopkins, Benjamin F., biography of, 520. 

Hotchkiss, Julius, biography of, 534. 

House of Kepresentatives, organization of, 8. 

Howard, Jacob M., biography of, 139; on the 
re-assembling of Congress, 8. 

Howe, Timothy O., biography of, 147; concern- 
ing his colleague, 59 ; Mr. Sawyer, 525. 

Hubbard, A. W., biography of, 544. 

Hubbard, C. D., biography of, 275. 

Hubbard, B. D., biography of, 542. 

Hudson, transportation on the, 341. 

Humphrey, James M., biography of, 524. 

Hunter, Morton C., biography of, 55M. 

Hunter, of Virginia, speech in reply to, 39. 

Illinois declared for the Union, 10*; volunteer- 
ing in, 105 ; her prompt response to the Pres- 

ident, 106; brilliant services of her soldiers, 
107 ; the Legislature of, prorogued, 107 ; poli- 
tics in, 235 ; extraordinary means to suppress 
lawlessness in, 509. 

Jmpeachable crime denned, 392. 

^mpeachment of the President proposed, 8 ; re- 
ports for and against, 10 ; proposed by Mr. 
Stevens, 12 ; vote on report upon, 13 ; reso- 
lution for, 13 ; managers of, 14 ; court of, or- 
ganized, 14; trial of, 15, final vote of the Sen- 
ate on, 16 ; opinion of Mr. Fessenden on, 79 ; 
the effect of excitement, 59; the court of, 
how constituted, 126 : scene at the close of 
the argument on, 202 ; the damages of, 242 ; 
the first to move in the, 256 ; Mr. Stevens on 
the, 292 ; opposed by Mr. Boyer, 339 ; minor- 
ity report on, 366 ; Mr. Wilson appointed a 
manager of, 368 ; opposed by Mr. Gary, 417 ; 
unwise, 477; the triumph of liberty, 482; a 
party measure, 488 ; reason for, 494. 

Indian affairs, legislation concerning, 38. 

Indiana, prompt volunteering in, 169, 171 ; the 
18th regiment of, 271 ; saved from repudia- 
tion, 346; politics in, 347. 

Indians, legislation relating to, 19 ; war against 
prevented, 357; the friendly and the hos- 
tile, 125. 

Indian system, reform in the, 412. 

Ingersoll,- E. C., biography of, 471. 

Iowa, politics in, 363, 364. 

Ireland, relief for, 397. 

Jenckes, Thomas A., biography of, 423. 

Johnson, Andrew, his impeachment proposed, 8 ; 
his attitude causes the reassembling of Con- 
gress, 9 ; his charges against Congress, 10 , 
summoned to trial, 14^ his acquittal, 16 ; his 
last message, 20 ; denounced by Senator Sum- 
ner, 33; suggestion of his usurpation, 144; 
origin of his troubles, 145 ; his place in his- 
tory, 265 ; his impeachment urged, 280 ; de- 
voted to the Federal cause, 306; eulogy of, 
339 ; his sacrifices, 472. 

Johnson, James A., biography of, 475. 

Johnson, Eeverdy, biography of, 119 ; letter 
to, 113. 

Jones, A. H., biography of, 558. 

Judd, Norman B., biography of, 399. 

Judicial prerogative invaded by the legisla- 
ture, 409. 

Judiciary Committee of the House, chairmanship 
of, 364. 

Julian, George W^, biography of, 345. 

Kansas, early emigration to, 71, 72; politics 

in, 206. 

Kelley, William D., biography of, 351. 
Kellogg, F. W., biography of, 558. 
Kellogg, William P., biography of, 168. 
Kelsey, William H., biography of, 550. 
Kentucky, Governor Morton's oversight of, 170; 

military operations in, 297. 



Kerr, Micliael C. , biography of, 538. 
Ketcham, John H., biography of, 524. 
Kitchen, B. M., biography of, 549. 
Koontz, W. H., biography of, 540. 
Knights of the Golden Circle, 178. 
Knott, J. Proctor, biography of, 586. . 

Laflin, A. H., biography of, 540. 

Land laws perfected, 38. 

Lands,- public, legislation on. 391. 

Lash, J. G., biography of, 558. 

Lawrence G. V., biography of, 479. 

Lawrence, William, biography of, 387 ; quotation 
from, 377. 

Lawrence, Kansas, the city of, founded, 71. 

Lawyen?, a government by, 162. 

Lecompton Constitution, opposition to, 78. 

Legal tenders unconstitutional, 379. 

Liberty Party, attempt to organize a, 69. 

Lincoln. Abraham, sources of his power, 130 ; his 
confidence in McClellan, 143; his withdrawal 
in favor of Mr. Trambull, 165 ; the murder of, 
196; his murder not to be forgotten, 237; how 
distinguished, 261 ; indemnified by act of 
Congress, 290; his vindication of Mr. Jndd, 
401 ; nomination of, 403 ; plot to assassinate, 
in Baltimore, 403. 

Lincoln, William S., biography of, 543. 

Loan, B. F., biography of, 546. 

Logan, John A., biography of, 467. 

Loughridge, William, biography of, 537. 

Louisiana, plan for reconstructing, 144. 

Lynch, John, biography of, 243. 

MagofBn, Governor, aiding the rebels, 1C9. 

Maine, Lumbermen of, 369. 

Mallory, Rufus, biography of, 265. 

Managers of the Impeachment, 18. 

Marshall, Samuel S., biography of, 509. 

Marshall, Humphrey, defeat of, 298. 

Marvin, J. M., biography of, 547. 

Maryland, guard organized, 333; its disloyalty, 
333 ; Schenck's administration in, 301 ; con- 
stitutional reform in, 604. 

Massachusetts, the first regiments of, 431 ; 22d 
regiment of, organized, 136. 

Maynard, Horace, biography of, 803. 

McCardle Case, the, 409. 

McCarthy, Dennis, biography of, 552. 

McClellan, General, censured, 83; Mr Lincoln's 
opinion of, 143. 

McClurg, J. W., biography of, 495. 

McCormick, James H., biography of, 534. 

McCreery, Thomas C., biography of, 191. 

McCullough, Hiram, biography of, 538. 

McDonald, A., biography of, 184. 

McKee, Samuel, biography of, 538. 

McPherson, General, the fall of, 469. 

Mercur, Ulysses, biography of, 536. 

Mason, Charles, of Iowa, 85. 

Mexican War, opposition to the, 514. 

Michigan, controversy of, with Ohio, 139: poli 
tics in, 219, 316; loyal to the Union, 317; 
promptly furnishes soldiers, 318; gallantry 
of the soldiers of, 320 ; the eminence of, 419. 

Middle Creek,'battle of, 298. 

Military Government in the South, 9"< 

Military Measures proposed by Senator Wilson, 
186, 137. 

Military Reconstruction bill described, 49; its 
benefits to the South, 122 ; Elaine's Amend- 
ment of, 328, 

Miller, George F., biography of, 489. 

Milroy, march to the relief of, 360. 

Mississippi, blockade of, 105. 

Missouri, constitutional convention of, 111, 113; 
slavery abolished in, 113; troops, operations 
of, 279; military movements in, 441; the de- 
partment of, 443 ; the governor of, 495 ; poli- 
tics in, 618. 

Monitor, building of the, 437. 

Montana, thr Governor of, 258. 

Mojre, William, biography of, 547. 

Moorhead, James K., biography of, 512. 

Mormons, Mr.Colfax's address to, 196. 

Morgan, E. D., biography of, 85. 

Morrell, D. J., biography of, 251. 

Morrill, Justin S., biography of, 186. 

Morrill, Lot M., biography of, 177. 

Morrissey, John, biography of, 533. 

Morse, Professor, obtains the aid of Congress, 322. 

Morton, Oliver P., biography of, 167 ; his finan- 
cial plan, 21. 

Mozart Hall Party organized, 324. 

Mullins, James, biography of, 543. 

Mnngen, William, biography of, 461. 

Myers, Leonard, biography of, 261. 

Neal, John, of Portland, 810. 

Nebraska Bill, speech against, 77. 

Nebraska, first volunteers in, 123 

Negroes, arming of, urged, 157 ; the enlistment 
of, proposed in Congress, 290 ; enlisted in 
Missouri, 279. 

Negro Soldiers, the relatives of, set free, 188. 

Negro Suffrage advocated, 482. 

Neutrality of a State impossible, 170, 

New England, preponderance of in the Senate, 48 
Emigrant Aid Society of, organized, 71 

New Mexico, the Governor of, 282. 

New Orleans, the capture of, 432. 

Newshain, J. P., biography of, 668. 

Newspaper enterprises, 394. 

New York City, acts of the mayor of, 824. 

New York, Governors of, in the Senate, 85 ; canal 
management In, 8S; harbor and coast de- 
fences of, 89 ; normal schools introduced in- 
to, 133; Legislation in, 229; regiments rai- ! 
in, 436; gubernatorial election of to 1868, 440. 

Niblack, William E., biography of, 516. 

Nicholson, Jbhn A., biography of, 487. 

Norria, B. W., biography of, 558. 





Norton, Daniel S., biography of, 184. 
Nunn. David A., biography of, 526. 
Nye, James W., biography of, 163. 

Ohio, the Black Laws of, opposed, 24 ; the sol- 
diers of, 260; politics in, 268, 357, 377; mili- 
tary matters in, 269; first movement of, 
against the rebellion, 297 ; legislation in, 390. 

O'Neill, Charles, biography of, 528. 

Oregon, improvements in, 116; the Republican 
party organized in, 117. 

Orth, Godlove S., biography of, 526. 

Osborn, Thomas W., biography of, 187. 

Pacific Railroad opposed by Indians, 125 ; Gen- 
eral Dodge engineer of, 443, 444. 

Paine, Halbert E., biography of, 449. 

Patterson, David T., biography of, 178. 

Patterson, James W., biography of, 127. 

Pennsylvania, legislation in, 248; free school 
system of, 285 ; Anti-Masonry in, 287 ; consti- 
tutional convention of, 288, 400 ; Mr. Shunk 
governor of, 354 ; the Supreme Court of, 407. 

Pensions, Amendment to the laws of, 527. 

Perham, Sidney, biography of, 527. 

Perrysville, battle of, 454. 

Peters, John A., biography of, 528. 

Pettis, S. Newton, biography of, 526. 

Phelps, Charles E., biography of, 331. 

Philadelphia Corn Exchange Association, 44. 

Philadelphia, the bench in, 355. 

Pierce, President, address to, 70. 

Pike, F. A., biography of, 369. 

Pile, William A., biography of, 279. 

Plants, Tobias A., biography of, 528. 

Poland, Luke P., biography of, 457. 

Polsley, Daniel, biography of, 528. 

Pomeroy, Samuel C., biography of, 69. 

Pomeroy, T. M., biography of, 543. 

Pool, John, biography of, 187. 

Port Hudson, assault on, 451. 

Pound Gap, capture of, 299. 

President, character of the office of, 79 ; the, re- 
quired to obey the laws, 493. 

Price, H., biography of, 546. 

Prince, C. H., biography of, 559. 

Protection of American citizens, 237, 396, 486. 

Pruyn, J. V. L., biography of, 540. 

Public Lands, Mr. Julian's speech on, 347. 

Radicalism and Conservatism, 112. 

Railroads of the West, 400 ; Southern, officers of, 
495, 497. 

Ramsey, Alexander, biography of, 191. 

Randall, Samuel J., biography of, 530. 

Raum, Green B., biography of, 516. 

Reconstructed States, members from, 554. 

Reconstruction act passed over veto, 8 ; an addi- 
tional, 9 ; remarks on, 97. 

Reconstruction, the laws of, pronounced failures, 
20 ; the column of, 98 ; as proposed by Mr. 
Maynard, 307 ; haste in, to be avoided, 269 ; 

committee on, 291; suggestions on, 379 
Mr. Jencks oil, 425 ; in the power of Con- 
gress, 490. 

Red River Expedition, the, 465. 

Republican Government defined, 97; should not 
disfranchise a minority, 474. 

Republican Party, eulogy of, 62; built up in In- 
diana, 167; convention to organize, 348; in 
Philadelphia, 356 ; might have succeeded in 
1856, 154; organized in Oregon, 117; origin- 
ated in Michigan, 142 ; organized in Wiscdn- 
sin, 148; what it has done, 197. 

Repudiation opposed, 117, 302. 

Revenue system organized, 447. 

Rice, Benjamin F., biography of, 191. 

Richmond Convention, the, 275. 

Robertson, Thomas J., biography of, 188. 

Robertson, William H., biography of, 229. 

Robinson, W. E., biography of, 393. 

Roots, L. H., biography of, 559. 

Ross, E. G., biography of. 190. 

Ross, L. W., biography of, 499. 

Rousseau, General, ordered into Kentucky, 170. 

Russia, emancipation in, 157. 

Sabine Pass, afiair of, 465. 

Saulsbury, Willard, biography of, 190. 

Sawyer, F. A., biography of, 192. 

Sawyer, Philetus, biography of, 525. 

Schenck, R. C., biography of, 357. 

Schools, free, for New York, advocated, 132; 
powerful speech for, 286. 

Scofield, G. W., biography of, 247. 

Secession from Congress attempted, 502 ; senti- 
ment in Indiana, 168. 

Secretary of the Interior, under Mr. Lincoln, 40. 

Secretary of the Treasury, under President Lin- 
coln, 77 ; under President Grant, 445. 

Selye, Lewis, biography of, 543. 

Settlers, early in the West, eulogy of, 413. 

Seward, Secretary, concerning Mr. Wade, 24; 
response to his circular, 89.- 

Shanks, John P. C., biography of, 531. 

Shellabarger, S., biography of, 540. 

Shenandoah, retreat in the valley of the, 464. 

Sherman, John, biography of, 153. 

Shiloh, the battle of, 124, 226. 

Sitgreaves, Charles, biography of, 534. 

Slavery eloquently denounced, 70 ; the cause of 
the Rebellion. Ill ; bill to abolish, in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, 137; campaigns of, in the 
27th Congress, 149 ; poem on, 218 ; a woman 
saved from, 284 ; letters against, 311 ; opposi- 
tion to, 346 ; the author of its death, 373 ; 
mode of ils removal from Maryland, 506. 

Slavery, amendment of the constitution to abol- 
ish, reported, 143 ; proposed, 291, 364. 

Slaves, defense of, in California, 100; a measure 
to set free, 166 ; first called contrabands, 431 

Smith, W. C., biography of, 536. 

South Carolina rebuked, 121. 

South, the, favored by the government, 65. 



Spalding, Rufna A., biography of, 375. 

Speakership of the 86th Congress, contest for 
the, 155 ; of the 38th Congress, 196. 

Specie Payments, the way of return to, 246 ; im- 
portance of resuming, 329. 

Spencer, George E., biography of, 187. 

Spottaylvania Court House, battle of, 834. 

Sprague, William, biography of, 161. 

Stantou, Secretary, the President's reason for 
suspending, 11 ; sustained by the Senate, 12 ; 
disobeys the President's order, 13 ; report on 
his removal, 146. 

Starkweather, H. II., biography of, 541. 

State rights in Wisconsin, 150. 

States not represented, 7 ; the rebel, bill to ad- 
mit, 17 ; their status, 471. 

Stevens, A. P., biography of, 548. 

Stevens, Thaddeus, biography of, 233 ; proposes 
impeachment, 12; speech of, on Impeach- 
ment, 13. 

Stewart, Thomas E., biography of, 512. 

Stewart, William M., biography of, 159. 

Stokes, William B., biography of, 209. 

Stone, Frederick, biography of, 512. 

Strong, Judge, opinion of, reversed, 76. 

Stover, J. H., biography of, 549. 

Suffrage of Negroes opposed, 48 ; Impartial, ad- 
vocated, 74 ; in the District of Columbia, 366. 

Snmner, Charles, biography of, 29; his financial 
plan, 21. 

Taffe, John, biography of, 596. 

Taylor, C. N., biography of, 648. 

Telegraph, the origin of the, 8*2. 

Temperance, labors for, 415. 

Tennessee, military movement In, 124 ; politics 

in, 804, 805 ; loyal convention In, 808. 
Tenure of Office Act, 11 ; should be passed upon 

. by the Supreme Court, 418. 
Test Oath, vindication of the, 210. 
Thayer, John M., biography of, 128. 
Thomas, Francis, biography of, 501. 
Thomas, Lorenzo, Secretary of War ad interim, 13. 
Tipton, Thomas W., biography of, 182. 
Toorabs, of Georgia, on Mr. Wade, 26. 
Trimble, John, biography of, 559. 
Trimble, L. S., biography of, 545. 
Trowbridge, R. E., biography of, 589. 
Trumbnll, Lynian, biography of, 165 ; proposes 

constitutional amendment, 291 ; the election 

of, 401 ; seat of, contested, 611. 
Twenty-Seventh Congress, leaders in, 822. 
Twitchell, Ginery, biography of, 689. 

Upson, Charles, biography of, 680. 

United States, grcatneas of the, 117; perpetuity 
of the, 130; the bank of, and the govern- 
ment, 852; committee to examine the bank 
of the, 502. 

Union, the, a necessity, 66 ; necessity of the, 110 ; 

not to be peacefully broken, 817; its 
tally, 398. 

Union Party, the, in Tennessee, 305. 

Van Aemam, Henry, biography of, 218. 

Van Anken, D. M., biography of, 516. 

Van Horn, Hurt, biography of, 516. 

Van Horn, R. T., biography of, 517. 

Van Trump, P., biography of, 646. 

Van Winkle, Peter G., biography of, 186. 

Van Wyck, C. H., biography of, 546. 

Vice President of the United States, the, 198. 

Vice President, reasons for abolishing the office 

of, 256. 

Vickers, George, biography of, 188. 
Vlcksbnrg, the eiege of, 227. 
Vldal, M., biography of, 669. ' 
Vienna, the affair at, 359. 
Virginia, the convention of 1850 in, 64; should 

be true to the Uuiou, 275 ; secession of, 276. 
Volunteers, mode of securing, in New-York, 92. 

Wade, Benjamin F., biography of, 23 ; objection 
to his sitting in the court of impeachment, 
14 ; his right maintained, 126. 

Ward, Hamilton, biography of, 530. 

Warner, Willard, biography of, 184. 

War, the, a means of advancement, 879 ; speech 
gal ust the, 499. 

Washlmrn, C. C., biography pf, 680. 

Wafthhurnc, K. B., biography of, 203. 

Woshburn, Henry D., biography of, 271. 

Wartiburn, W. B., biography of, 680. 

Washington Correspondence originated, 311. 

Ways and Means Committee, chairmanship of, 802. 

Welch, A. S., biography of, 183. 

Wclker, Martin, biography of, 267. 

West Virginia, the proposition of, 277 ; vindica- 
tion of, 278; operations In, 454. 

Whig Party, character of, in 1854, 141. 
dissolution of, 395. 

White, the word, stricken from the constitution 
of Iowa, 364. 

Whittemore, B. F., biography of, 659. 

Whlttier, the bearer of an Anti-Slavery peti- 
tion, 14. 

Whyte, W. P., biography of, 188. 

Willey, W. T., biography of, 68. 

Williams, George H., biography of, 189. 

William*, Thomas, biography of, 624. 

William*, William, biography of, 545. 

Wilf-on, Henry, biography of, 188. 

Wilson, James P., biography of, 868. 

Wilson, John T., biography of, 960. 

Wilson, Stephen P., biography of, 694. 

Windom, William, biography of, 534. 

Wisconsin, remarkable trial in, 147. 

Woodbridge, F. E., biography of, 548. 

Wood, Fernando, biography of, 321. 

Woodward, G. W., biography of, 406. 

Wool-growing, statistic* of, 479. 

Wyoming, bill to organize the Territory of, 18. 

Yates, Richard, biography of, 108. 


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