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HISTORY
OF THE
CONQUEST OF MEXICO.
VOL. II.
LONDON :
R. CLAY, PRINTER, liRF.AD STREET HILL.
i
f ""V
♦«"
HISTORY F ] ;
. Pi
OF THE
:
CONQUEST OF MEXICO,
WITH A PRELIMINARY VIEW OP
THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CIVILIZATION,
AND THE
LIFE OE THE CONQUEROR,
HERNANDO CORTES.
By WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT,
AUTHOR OF " THE HISTORY OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA,"
"THE CONQUEST OF PERU," ETC.
1 Vietrices aquilas alium laturus in orbem."
Lucan, Pharsalia, lib. v. v. 238.
FOURTH EDITION.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOLUME II.
LONDON:
t&ic&arft 33entley, ^jJubUsfjtr in ©rfctnarg to f^ei Jfflafeafg.
M.DCCC.XLIX.
CONTENTS
THE SECOND VOLUME.
BOOK IV.
RESIDENCE IN MEXICO.— CONTINUED.
CHAPTER VII.
CORTES DESCENDS FROM THE TABLE-LAND. NEGOTIATES WITH
NARVAEZ. PREPARES TO ASSAULT HIM. QUARTERS OF NAR-
VAEZ. ATTACK BY NIGHT. NARVAEZ DEFEATED, p. 3.
Cortes crosses the Valley .
Reinforced at Cholula . .
Falls in with his Envoy .
Unites with Sandoval . .
He reviews his Troops . .
Embassy from Narvaez . .
His Letter to the General .
Cortes' Tenure of Authority
Negotiates with Narvaez
Spaniards resume their March
Prepare for the Assaidt . .
Cortes harangues the Soldiers
Their Enthusiasm in his Cause
3
4
4
5
6
7
7
9
9
10
11
11
12
1)3
He divides his Eorces . .
Quarters of Narvaez at Cempo
alia
Cortes crosses the Rio de Ca
noas
Surprises Narvaez by Night
Tumult in his Camp ...
Narvaez wounded and taken
The Sanctuary in Elames
The Garrison surrender . .
Cortes gives Audience to his
Captives 20
Reflections on the Enterprise . 21
CHAPTER VIII.
DISCONTENT OF THE TROOPS. — INSURRECTION IN THE CAPITAL.
—RETURN OF CORTES. GENERAL SIGNS OF HOSTILITY. — MAS-
SACRE BY ALVARADO. — RISING OF THE AZTECS, p. 24.
Discontent of the Troops of
Narvaez ....... 24
Policy of Cortes 25
He displeases his Veterans . . 25
He divides his Eorces ... 26
News of an Insurrection in the
Capital 27
Cortes prepares to return . . 28
Arrives at Tlascala .... 29
Beautiful Landscape .... 30
Disposition of the Natives . . 31
News from the Spaniards in
Mexico 31
Cortes marches to the Capital . 32
Signs of Alienation in the Aztecs 32
Spaniards reenter the Capital . 33
VI
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PAGE
Cause of the Insurrection .
. 33
Cortes releases Montezuma's
Massacre by Alvarado . .
. 34
. . 41
His Apology for the Deed .
. 35
He heads the Aztecs . .
. . 41
His probable Motives
. 36
The City hi Arms . . .
. . 41
Rising of the Aztecs . .
. 37
. . 42
Assault the Garrison . .
. 37
His Life and Writings .
. . 43
Cortes reprimands Iris Officer . 39
Camargo's History . .
. . 45
His Coldness to Montezuma
. 40
BOOK V.
EXPULSION FROM MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
DESPERATE ASSAULT ON THE QUARTERS. FURY OF THE MEXI-
CANS. SALLY OF THE SPANIARDS. MONTEZUMA ADDRESSES
THE PEOPLE. DANGEROUSLY WOUNDED, p. 49.
Quarters of the Spaniards . . 49
Desperate Assault of the Aztecs 50
Cannonade of the Besieged . . 51
Indians fire the Outworks . . 52
Eury of the Mexicans ... 5 3
Appearance of their Forces . . 54
Sally of the Spaniards ... 55
Aztecs shower Missiles from the
Azoteas 56
Their Dwellings in Flames . . 57
Spaniards sound the Retreat .
Gallantry of Cortes . . . .
Resolute Bearing of the Aztecs
Cortes requests Montezuma to
interpose
He ascends the Turret .
Addresses his Subjects .
Is dangerously wounded .
His Grief and Humiliation
5S
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
CHAPTER II.
STORMING OF THE GREAT TEMPLE. SPIRIT OF THE AZTECS.
DISTRESSES OF THE GARRISON. — SHARP COMBATS IN THE CITY.
DEATH OF MONTEZUMA, p. 66.
The Aztecs hold the Great Tem-
ple
It is stormed by the Spaniards
Spirited Resistance . . .
Bloody Combat on the Area
Heroism of Cortes . . .
Spaniards victorious . . .
Conflagration of the Temple
Cortes invites a Parley . .
He addresses the Aztecs
Spirit of the Aztecs . . .
The Spaniards dismayed
Distresses of the Garrison .
66
67
68
69
69
70
71
72
72
73
73
74
Military Machine of Cortes . 76
Impeded by the Canals . . . 77
Sharp Combats in the City . . 78
Bold bearing of Cortes . . . 79
Apparition of St. James . . .81
Attempt to convert Montezuma 82
Its Failure 82
Last Hours of Montezuma . . 83
His Character 85
His Posterity 88
Effect of his Death on the Spa-
niards 89
Interment of Montezuma . . 90
CONTENTS.
Vll
CHAPTER III.
COUNCIL OF WAR. — SPANIARDS EVACUATE THE CITY. NOCUE
TRISTE, OR THE " MELANCHOLY NIGHT." — TERRIBLE SLAUGHTER.
HALT FOR THE NIGHT. AMOUNT OF LOSSES, p. 91.
PAGE
Council of War 91
Predictions of the Astrologer . 92
Their Effect on Cortes ... 92
He decides to abandon the Ca-
pital 93
Arranges his Order of March . 94
Spaniards leave the City . . 95
Noche Triste, or the " Melan-
choly Night " 95
The Capital is roused ... 96
Spaniards assailed on the Cause-
way 97
The Bridge wedged in the
Stones 97
Despair of the Spaniards . . 98
Eearful Carnage 98
Wreck of Bodies and Treasure. 99
Spaniards arrive at the third
Breach 100
The Cavaliers return to the
Rescue 100
Condition of the Rear . . . 101
Alvarado's Leap 102
Sad Spectacle of the Survivors. 103
Feelings of Cortes .... 103
Spaniards defile through Tacuba 101
Storm the Temple .... 105
Halt for the Night .... 106
Reflections of the General . .106
The Loss of the Spaniards . . 107
CHAPTER IV.
RETREAT OF THE SPANIARDS. DISTRESSES OF THE ARMY.
PYRAMIDS OF TEOTIHUACAN. — GREAT BATTLE OF OTUMBA,
p. 111.
Quiet of the Mexicans . . . Ill
The Spaniards resume their Re-
treat 112
Distresses of the Army . . . 113
Their Heroic Fortitude . . . Ill
Pyramids of Teotihuacan . .116
Account of them 117
Their probable Destination . . 118
The Micoatl, or Path of the Dead 119
The Paces who reared them . 119
Indian Host in the Valley of
Otumba 120
Sensations of the Spaniards . 121
Instructions of Cortes . . .122
He leads the Attack .... 122
Great Battle of Otumba . . .123
Gallantry of the Spaniards . .121
Their Forces in Disorder . . 121
Desperate Effort of Cortes . .125
The Aztec Chief is slain . . .126
The Barbarians put to Plight .126
Rich Spoil for the Victors . .127
Reflections on the Battle . . 128
CHAPTER V.
ARRIVAL IN TLASCALA. FRIENDLY RECEPTION. DISCONTENTS OF
THE ARMY. JEALOUSY OF THE TLASCALANS. — EMBASSY FROM
MEXICO, p. 129.
Spaniards arrive at Tlascala . 129
Friendly Reception . . . .130
Feelings of the Tlascalans . . 131
Spaniards recruit their Strength 132
Their further Misfortunes . .133
Tidings from Villa Rica . . .131
Indomitable Spirit of Cortes . 131
Discontents of the Army . . 131
Their Remonstrance . . . .135
The General's resolute Reply
Jealousy of the Tlascalaus
Cortes strives to allay it
Events in Mexico . . .
Preparations for Defence
Aztec Embassy to Tlascala
Stormy Debate in the Senate
Mexican Alliance rejected .
136
138
138
139
110
141
142
112
Ylll
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
WAR WITH THE SURROUNDING TRIBES. SUCCESSES OF THE SPA-
NIARDS. DEATH OF MAXIXCA. ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS.
RETURN IN TRIUMPH TO TLASCALA, p. 144.
War with the surrounding Tribes 144
Battle with the Tepeacans . . 145
They are branded as Slaves . 146
Hostilities with the Aztecs re-
newed 147
Suspicious of the Allies . . .148
Cortes heads his Forces . . . 148
Capture of Quauhquechollan . 149
Mexicans routed 149
Spaniards follow up the Blow . 150
Cortes' Treatment of his Allies. 151
State of his Resources . . . 152
PAGE
Building of the Brigantines . 152
Death of Maxixca 153
The Small-pox in Mexico . .153
The disaffected soldiers leave
the Army 154
Arrival of Reinforcements . .155
Further good fortune of Cortes 156
His Letter to the Emperor .157
Memorial of the Army . . . 159
The PoHcy of Cortes .... 159
Returns in Triumph to Tlascala 160
Prepares for the final Campaign 161
CHAPTER VII.
GUATEMOZIN, EMPEROR OF THE AZTECS. PREPARATIONS FOR THE
MARCH. MILITARY CODE. SPANIARDS CROSS THE SIERRA.
ENTER TEZCUCO. PRINCE IXTLILXOCHITL, p. 163.
The Aztec Monarch dies . . 163
The Electors appoint another . 163
Prayer of the High-priest . .164
Guatemozin elected Emperor . 165
Prepares for War 166
Amount of the Spanish Eorce . 167
Cortes reviews his Troops . . 167
His animated Address . . . 167
Number of the Indian Allies . 168
Their brilliant Array .... 168
Military Code of Cortes . . .169
Its Purpose 169
Its salutary Provisions . . . 170
The Troops begin their March . 172
Designs of Cortes 173
He selects his Route . . . .173
Crosses the Sierra .... 174
Magnificent View of the Valley 175
Energy of Cortes . . . . . 175
Affairs in Tezcuco .... 177
Spaniards arrive there . . . 179
Overtures of the Tezcucans . 179
Spanish Quarters in Tezcuco . 179
The Inhabitants leave the Town ISO
Prince Ixtlilxochitl .... 181
His youthful Excesses . . .182
Disputes the Succession . . 183
Becomes the fast Friend of the
Spaniards 184
Life and Writings of Gomara . 184
Of Bemal Diaz 185
BOOK VI.
SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
ARRANGEMENTS AT TEZCUCO. SACK OF IZTAPALAPAN. ADVAN-
TAGES OF THE SPANIARDS. WISE POLICY OF CORTES. — TRANS-
PORTATION OF THE BRIGANTINES, p. 191.
Head-quarters at Tezcuco . . 191 I Negotiates with the Aztecs . 193
Cortes distrusts the Natives . 192 I City of Iztapalapan .... 193
CONTENTS.
IX
Spaniards march upon it . . 194
Sack the Town . . . . . .195
Natives break down the Dikes. 190
Spaniards struggle in the Hood 196
Regain their Quarters in. Tez-
cuco '•• .197
Indian Cities tender Allegiance. 198
Some ask for Protection . . . 198
Cortes detaches Sandoval to
their aid . . . . . . .198
Difficult Situation of Cortes . 199
His sagacious Policy .... 201
PAGE
Makes overtures to Guatemozin 202
Spirit of the Indian Emperor . 203
The Brigantines are completed . 204
Sandoval detached to transport
them 204
Signs of the Massacre at Zolte-
pec . 205
Peaches Tlascala
Transportation of the Brigan-
tines . . 206
Joy at their Arrival .... 207
Reflections 208
CHAPTER II.
CORTES RECONNOITRES THE CAPITAL. OCCUPIES TACUBA. SKIR-
MISHES "WITH THE ENEMY. EXPEDITION OF SANDOVAL.
ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS, p. 209.
Cortes reconnnoitres the Capital 209
Action of Xaltocan .... 210
Spaniards ford the Lake . . . 211
Towns deserted as they advance 211
Beautiful Environs of Mexico . 212
Cortes occupies Tacuba . . . 213
The Allies fire the Town . . 213
Ambuscade of the Aztecs . . 214
Parley with the Enemy . . .215
Single Combats 216
Position of the Parties . . .217
Spaniards return to Tezcuco . 218
Embassy from Chalco ■ . . 218
Sandoval is detached to defend
it 219
Takes Huaxtepec 219
Storms Jacapichtla .... 220
Puts the Garrison to the Sword 221
Countermarch on Chalco . . 222
Cortes' Coolness with Sandoval 222
His Reconciliation . . . .223
Arrival of Reinforcements . .224
The Dominican Priar . . . 225
CHAPTER III.
SECOND RECONNOITRING EXPEDITION. ENGAGEMENTS ON THE
SIERRA. — CAPTURE OF'CUERNAVACA. BATTLES AT XOCHIMILCO.
NARROW ESCAPE OF CORTES. HE ENTERS TACUBA, p. 226.
Second reconnoitring Expedi-
tion 226
Preparations for the March . 226
Spaniards enter the Sierra . .227
Engagements in the Passes . 227
Rocks rolled down by the Az-
tecs 228
Enemy routed 229
Spaniards bivouac in the Mul-
berry Grove 229
Storm the Cliffs . .... 230
March through the Mountains . 231
Arrive at Cuernavaca . . . 231
Scenery in its Environs . . . 232
Bold Passage of the Ravine . 233
Capture of the City .... 234
Cortes recrosses the Sierra . . 235
Exquisite View of the Valley . 235
Marches against Xochimilco . 236
Narrow Escape of Cortes . . 237
Chivalric Spirit of the Age . . 238
Cor'es surveys the Countrv . 239
Vigilance in his Quarters . 240
Battles at Xochimilco . . . 240
Spaniards Masters of the Town 241
Conflagration of Xochimilco . 243
Army arrives at Cojohuacan . 243
Ambuscade of the Indians . . 245
Spaniards enter Tacuba . . . 245
View from its Teocalli . . . 246
Strong Emotion of Cortes . . 246
Return to Tezcuco .... 248
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
CONSPIRACY IN THE ARMY. BRIGANTINES LAUNCHED. — MUSTER
OF FORCES. EXECUTION OF XICOTENCATL. MARCH OF THE
ARMY. BEGINNING OF THE SIEGE, p. 249.
Affairs in Spain 249
Conspiracy in the Camp . . .250
Its Design 251
Disclosed to Cortes . . . .252
The Ringleader executed . .253
Policy of Cortes 254
The General's Body -guard . .255'
Brigantines launched . . . .256
Impression on the Spectators . 257
Muster of Forces 257
Instruction to the Allies . . .258
PAGE
Cortes distributes his Troops . 259
His spirited Harangue . . . 260
Regulations read to the Army . 261
Desertion of Xicotencatl . .261
His Execution ....... 262
His Character 263
March of the Army .... 264
Quarrel of Olid and Alvarado . 264
Spaniards destroy the Aqueduct 265
Commencement of the Siege . 266
CHAPTER V.
INDIAN FLOTILLA DEFEATED. OCCUPATION OF THE CAUSEWAYS.
—DESPERATE ASSAULTS. FIRING OF THE PALACES. SPIRIT
OF THE BESIEGED. — BARRACKS FOR THE TROOPS, p. 267.
Saudoval marches on Iztapalapan 267
Cortes takes Command of the
Fleet 267
Indian Flotilla defeated . . . 269
Cortes occupies Xoloc . . .270
Sandoval advances to Cojohuacan 270
Skirmishes on the Causeway . 271
Blockade completed .... 272
Simultaneous Assaults on Mexico 273
Ramparts raised by the Aztecs . 273
Brigantines enfilade the Cause-
way 273
Spaniards enter the City . . 274
Allies demolish the Buildings . 274
Fierce Battles in the City . . 275
Spaniards reach the Scmare . . 276
Storm the Pyramid .... 276
Hurl the Priests headlong . . 277
The Aztecs rally 277
Spaniards give way . . . .278
Cavalry to the Rescue . . . 278
Retreat to their Quarters . .279
Ixtlilxochitl in the Camp . . 280
A second Assault 280
Spaniards penetrate the City . 281
Fire the Palace of Axayacatl . 281
Royal Aviary in Flames . . . 282
Rage of the Mexicans . . . 2S2
Their Desperation 283
Sufferings of the Spaniards . . 2S5
Operations of Guatemozin . . 285
Has Vigilance 2S6
Ambuscade among the Reeds . 287
Resources of the Indian Em-
peror 288
Accession of Allies to the Spa-
niards 288
Barracks for the Troops . . . 289
Hard Fare of the Besiegers . . 289
Spirit of the Aztecs . . . .291
CHAPTER VI.
GENERAL ASSAULT ON THE CITY. DEFEAT OF THE SPANIARDS.
TriEIR DISASTROUS CONDITION. — SACRIFICE OF THE CAP-
TIVES. DEFECTION OF THE ALLIES. — CONSTANCY OF THE
TROOPS, p. 292.
Views of the Spaniards . . .292
Council of War 293
General Assault on the City . 293
Cortes rebukes Alvarado . . 294
The Enemy give way . . . 295
Their cunning Stratagem . . 296
Horn of Guatemozin sounds . 297
Aztecs turn upon their Foe . .297
CONTENTS.
XI
Terrible Rout of the Spaniards 297
Imminent Danger of Cortes . 298
Self-devotion of his Followers . 299
Sharp Struggle on the Causeway 300
His Division retreats .... 301
Sandoval and Alvarado . . .301
Their Troops driven from the
City . . 302
Sandoval visits the General . . 303
His Interview with him . . . 301
Great Drum beat in the Temple 305
Sacrifice of the Captives . . . 306
Sensations of the Spaniards . . 307
Rejoicings of the Aztecs . . . 30S
Prophecy of the Priests . . . 308
Defection of the Allies . . . 309
Gloomy Condition of the Spa-
niards 309
Their Constancy 310
Heroism of their Women . .311
CHAPTER VII.
SUCCESSES OF THE SPANIARDS. —
MOZIN. BUILDINGS RAZED
FAMINE. THE TROOPS GAIN
ING ENGINE, p. 312.
Allies return to the Camp . . 312
Accession of Confederates . . 312
Plan of the Campaign . . . 314
The Breaches filled . . . .315
Pamine in the City . . . .316
Fruitless Offers to Guatemozin 317
Council of the Aztecs . . . 31S
Result of their Deliberations . 318
Buildings razed to the Ground . 319
Single Combats 321
Guatemozin's Palace in Flames 321
• FRUITLESS OFFERS TO GUATE-
TO THE GROUND. TERRIBLE
THE MARKET-PLACE. — BATTER-
Sufferings of the Besieged . . 322
Neglect of their Dead . . .323
Their unconquerable Spirit . . 323
Conflagration of the Teocalli . 325
Success of Alvarado . . . .326
Spaniards in the Market-place . 327
Cortes surveys the City . . . 328
Its Desolation 328
Battering Engine 330
Its Failure 331
CHAPTER VIII.
DREADFUL SUFFERINGS OF THE BESIEGED. SPIRIT OF GUATE-
MOZIN. MURDEROUS ASSAULTS. CAPTURE OF GUATEMOZIN.
EVACUATION OF THE CITY. TERMINATION OF THE SIEGE.
REFLECTIONS, p. 332.
Dreadful Famine in the City . 332
Cannibalism 333
The Corpses fill the Streets. . 333
Pestilence sweeps off Multitudes 334
Alarming Prodigies .... 334
Spirit of Guatemozin . . . .335
Cortes requests an Interview
with him 336
Guatemozin consents .... 336
He avoids a Parley . . . .337
Murderous Assaidt . . . .338
Appalling Scene of Carnage . 339
Preparations for the final Attack 340
Cortes urges an Interview
The Signal given . . .
Aztecs attempt to escape
Capture of Guatemozin .
Cessation of Hostilities .
Person of Guatemozin .
341
342
343
344
344
346
Brought before Cortes . . . 346
HisWife,Montezuma'sDaughter 347
Furious Thunder-storm . . . 34S
Mexicans abandon their City . 349
Number of those who perished 350
Amount of the Spoil . . . .351
Cortes dismisses his Allies . .351
Rejoicings of the Spaniards . .352
Solemn Thanksgiving . . .352
Reflections 353
Aztec Institutions 354
Their moral Influence . . . 354
Cruelty ascribed to the Spaniards 355
The Conquest as a military
Achievement 358
Notice of the Historian Solis . 359
His Life and Writings . . .360
Sahagun's Twelfth Book . . 363
Xll
CONTENTS.
BOOK VII.
CONCLUSION— SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES.
CHAPTER I.
TORTURE OF GUATEMOZIN. SUBMISSION OF THE COUNTRY. RE-
BUILDING OF THE CAPITAL. MISSION TO CASTILE. — COMPLAINTS
AGAINST CORTES. HE IS CONFIRMED IN HIS AUTHORITY, p. 367.
PAGE
Small Amount of Treasure . . 367
Disappointment of the Soldiers 368
Torture of Guatemozin . . . 368
His Fortitude unshaken . . . 368
Submission of the Country . . 369
The Southern Ocean reached . 370
Rebuilding of the Capital . . 371
Aztec Prophecy accomplished . 372
Mission to Castile 373
Envoys captured by the French 374
Charges against Cortes . . . 374
Tapia sent to New Spain . . 375
Insurrection of the Natives . . 376
PAGE
Quelled by Sandoval .... 376
Fonseca's Hostility to Cortes . 377
His Cause referred to a select
Tribunal 378
Accusations against Cortes . . 378
Defence by his Friends . . . 379
Acts of Cortes ratified . . . 380
He is confirmed in the supreme
Authority 380
He triumphs over Fonseca . . 381
Mortification of Velasquez . . 382
His Death and Character . . 382
CHAPTER II.
MODERN MEXICO. SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. CONDITION
OF THE NATIVES. CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES. CULTIVATION
OF THE SOIL. — VOYAGES AND EXPEDITIONS, p. 384.
Mexico rebuilt 384
Edifices in the City . . . . 3S5
Its Fortress 385
Its Population 3S6
Settlement of the Country . . 387
Encouragements to Marriage . 3S8
The Wife of Cortes arrives in
Mexico 389
Her Death 389
System of Repartimientos . . 389
Reward of Ihe Tlascalans . .390
Treatment of the Natives . . 391
Franciscan Missionaries . . .391
Their Reception by Cortes . .392
Progress of Conversion . . .393
Settlements of the Conquerors . 394
Cultivation of the Soil . . .395
Fleet burnt at Zacatula . . . 395
Voyages to discover a Strait . 396
Expedition of Alvarado . . .397
Result of the Enterprises of
Cortes 398
CHAPTER III.
DEFECTION OF OLID. — DREADFUL MARCH TO HONDURAS. EX-
ECUTION OF GUATEMOZIN. DONNA MARINA. ARRIVAL AT
HONDURAS, p. 400.
Defection of Olid . . . . . 400
Cortes prepares to visit Hon-
duras 401
The General's Ectimic . . . 401
Obstacles on the March . . . '103
Passes near Palenque . . . 404
Lost in the Mazes of the Forests 404
Builds a stupendous Bridge . 405
Horses sink in the Marshes . . 406
Reports of a Conspiracy . . . 406
Guatemozin arrested .... 407
His Execution 407
COHTEOTS.
xi u
PAGE
His Character 408
Feelings of the Army .... 409
Cause of the Execution . . . 409
Cortes' Remorse 410
Prosecution of the March . . 41 1
Lake of Peten 411
Doha Marina 412
Her Meeting with her Mother . 412
She marries a Castilian Knight 412
Her Son Don Martin . . .413
Missionaries in the Isles of Peten 414
Passage of "the Mountain of
Hints'; 414
Army arrives at Honduras . .415
Famine in the Colony . . .416
Cortes reaches Truxillo . . .416
Prepares to. reduce Nicaragua . 416
His romantic Daring . . . .417
Tidings from Mexico . . . .418
CHAPTER IV.
DISTURBANCES IN MEXICO. — RETURN OF CORTES. — DISTRUST OF
THE COURT. — CORTES RETURNS TO SPAIN. DEATH OP SAN-
DOVAL. BRILLIANT RECEPTION OF CORTES. — HONOURS CON-
FERRED ON HIM, p. 419.
Misrule in Mexico . . . .419
Cortes attempts to return . . 420
Driven back by the Tempest . 420
His Despondency 421
Embarks once more for Mexico 421
Lands near San Juan de Ulua . 421
Progress to the Capital . . . 421
Cortes re-enters Mexico in State 422
Distrust of the Crown . . .423
Ponce de Leon sent as Commis-
sioner 424
He dies on his Arrival . . . 424
Appoints Estrada his Successor 424
Affronts to Cortes 425
He leaves the City .... 425
The Commission of the Royal
Audience 426
Cortes determines to return to
Spain 426
News of his Father's Death . 427
Preparations for Departure . .428
He lands at Palos 428
His Meeting with Pizarro . . 429
Death of Sandoval 429
His Person and Character . . 430
Brilliant Reception of Cortes . 432
Sensation caused by his Presence 432
Admitted to an Audience by the
Emperor 433
Charles V. visits him when ill . 433
He is made Marquess of the
VaUey 434
Grants of Lands and Vassals . 434
Refused the Government of
Mexico _. . . . . . .435
Reinstated in his military Com-
mand 435
Cortes' second Marriage . . . 436
Splendid Presents to his Bride . 437
His Residence at Court . . . 437
CHAPTER V.
CORTES REVISITS B1EXICO. RETIRES TO HIS ESTATES. HIS VOY-
AGES OP DISCOVERY. — FINAL RETURN TO CASTILE. COLD
RECEPTION. DEATH OP CORTES. HIti CHARACTER, p. 438.
Cortes embarks for Mexico
Stops at Hispaniola . .
Proceedings of the Audience
Cortes lands at Villa Rica
Reception in Mexico . .
Retires to his Estates
His Improvement of them
His Voyages of Discovery
He embarks for California
438
438
439
441
441
442
443
443
444
Disastrous Expedition . . . 445
Arrival of a Viceroy .... 445
Policy of the Crown .... 445
Maritime Enterprises of Cortes 446
His Disgust with Mendoza . . 44S
His final Return to Castile . _ . 448
He joins theExpedition to Algiers 449
His cold Reception by Charles V. 449
Cortes' last Letter to theEmperor 450
XIV
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Taken ill at Seville . . . .451
His Will 452
Scruples of Conscience as to
Slavery 453
Yiews entertained on this topic 453
He moves to Castilleja . . . 454
Death of Cortes 454
His funeral Obsequies . . .455
Fate of his Remains .... 456
Posterity of Cortes .... 457
His Character . . .
His Knight-errantry .
His military Genius .
Power over his Soldiers
Character as a Conqueror
His enlightened Views
His private Life . .
His Bigotry ....
His Manners and Habits
458
459
459
460
462
463
463
464
466
APPENDIX, PART I.
ORIGIN OF THE MEXICAN CIVILIZATION-
WITH THE OLD WORLD.
-ANALOGIES
Preliminary Notice . . . 470
Speculations on the New World 471
Manner of its Population . . 471
Plato's Atlantis 472
Modern Theory 472
Communication with the Old
World. . . . . _. . . 473
Origin of American Civilization 475
Plan of the Essay 475
Analogies suggested by the
Mexicans to the Old World . 476
Their Traditions of the Deluge 476
Resemble the Hebrew Accounts 478
Temple of Cholula . . . .478
Analogy to the Tower of Babel 478
The Mexican Eve 479
The God Quetzalcoatl . . . 479
Natural Errors of the Mis-
sionaries 480
The Cross in Anahuac . . • 480
Eucharist and Baptism . . . 481
Chroniclers strive for Coin-
cidences 483
Argument drawn from these . 484
Resemblance of social Usages . 485
Analogies from Science . . • 486
Chronological System . . . 4S6
Hieroglyphics arid Symbols . .487
Adjustment of Time .... 488
Affinities of Language . . .488
Difficulties of Comparison . . 490
Traditions of Migration . . .491
Tests of their Truth . . . .492
Physical Analogies .... 493
Architectural Remains . . .494
Destructive Spirit of the Spa-
niards 495
Ruins in Chiapa and Yucatan . 496
Works of Art _ 497
Tools for Building . . . .497
Little Resemblance to Egyptian
Art 49S
Sculpture 499
Hieroglyphics 501)
Probable Age of these Monu-
ments 502
Their probable Architects . . 503
Difficulties in forming a Con-
clusion 504
Ignorance of Iron and of Milk . 501
Unsatisfactory Explanations . 506
General Conclusions .... 507
CONTENTS.
XV
APPENDIX, PART II.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
Aztec Mother's Advice to her
Daughter 511
Translations of Nezahualcoyotl's
Poem 514
Palace of Tezcotzinco . . .518
Punishment of the guilty Tez-
cucan Queen 519
Velasquez's Instructions to
Cortes 521
Extracts from Las Casas' His-
tory 524
Deposition of Puerto Carrero . 525
Extract from the Letter of Vera
Cruz 527
Extract from Camargo's Tlas-
cala . . ._ . . . . .529
Extract from Oviedo's History . 530
Dialogue of Oviedo with Cano . 533
Privilege of Dona Isabel de
Montezuma 539
Military Ordinances of Cortes . 542
Extracts from the Fifth Letter
of Cortes 546
Last Letter of Cortes . . .549
Account of his Funeral Obse-
quies 552
Index 555
BOOK FOURTH.
RESIDENCE IN MEXICO.
VOL. II.
CONQUEST OF MEXICO.
BOOK IV.
RESIDENCE IN MEXICO.
CHAPTER VII.
Cortes descends from the Table-land. — Negotiates with Narvaez. — Prepares
to assault him. — Quarters of Narvaez. — Attacked by night. — Narvaez
defeated.
1520.
Traversing the southern causeway, by which they
had entered the capital, the little party were soon on
their march across the beautiful Valley. They climbed
the mountain-screen which Nature has so ineffectually
drawn around it; passed between the huge volcanoes
that, like faithless watch-dogs on their posts, have long
since been buried in slumber; threaded the intricate
defiles where they had before experienced such bleak and
tempestuous weather ; and, emerging on the other side,
descended the eastern slope which opens on the wide
expanse of the fruitful plateau of Cholula.
They heeded little of what they saw on their rapid
march, nor whether it was cold or hot. The anxiety of
their minds made them indifferent to outward annoy-
ances ; and they had fortunately none to encounter from
the natives, for the name of Spaniard was in itself a
charm, — a better guard than helm or buckler to the
bearer.
b2
4 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
In Cholula, Cortes had the inexpressible satisfaction of
meeting Velasquez de Leon, with the hundred and
twenty soldiers intrusted to his command for the forma-
tion of a colony. That faithful officer had been some
time at Cholula, waiting for the general's approach.
Had he failed, the enterprise of Cortes must have failed
also. 1 The idea of resistance, with his own handful of
followers, would have been chimerical. As it was, his
little band was now trebled, and acquired a confidence
in proportion.
Cordially embracing their companions in arms, now
knit together more closely than ever by the sense of a
great and common danger, the combined troops traversed
with quick step the streets of the sacred city, where
many a dark pile of ruins told of their disastrous visit on
the preceding autumn. They kept the high road to
Tlascala ; and, at not many leagues' distance from that
capital, fell in with father Olmedo and his companions
on their return from the camp of Narvaez, to Avhich, it
will be remembered, they had been sent as envoys. The
ecclesiastic bore a letter from that commander, in which
he summoned Cortes and his followers to submit to his
authority as captain-general of the country, menacing
them with condign punishment, in case of refusal or
delay. Olmedo gave many curious particulars of the
state of the enemy's camp. Narvaez he described as
puffed up by authority, and negligent of precautions
against a foe whom he held in contempt. He was sur-
rounded by a number of pompous conceited officers, who
ministered to his vanity, and whose braggart tones, the
good father, who had an eye for the ridiculous, imitated,
to the no small diversion of Cortes and the soldiers.
Many of the troops, he said, showed no great partiality
1 So says Oviedo — and with truth; vado a Guacacalco, a la parte dc
" Si aquel capitan Juan Velasquez Pannlo de Narvaez su cunado, aca-
de Leon no estubiera mal con su pa- bado oviera Cortes su oficio." Hist,
riente Diego Velasquez, e se pasara de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.
con los 150 Hombres, que havia lie-
chap, vii.] HE DESCENDS FROM THE TABLE-LAND. 5
for their commander, and were strongly disinclined to a
rupture with their countrymen ; a state of feeling much
promoted by the accounts they had received of Cortes,
by his own arguments and promises, and by the liberal
distribution of the gold with which he had been pro-
vided. In addition to these matters, Cortes gathered
much important intelligence respecting the position of
the enemy's force, and his general plan of operations.
At Tlascala, the Spaniards were received with a frank
and friendly hospitality. It is not said, whether any of
the Tlascalian allies had accompanied them from Mexico.
If they did, they went no further than their native city.
Cortes requested a reinforcement of six hundred fresh
troops to attend him on his present expedition. It was
readily granted; but, before the army had proceeded
many miles on its route, the Indian auxiliaries fell off,
one after another, and returned to their city. They had
no personal feeling of animosity to gratify in the present
instance, as in a war against Mexico. It may be, too,
that although intrepid in a contest with the bravest of
the Indian races, they had had too fatal experience of
the prowess of the white men, to care to measure swords
with them again. At any rate, they deserted in such
numbers, that Cortes dismissed the remainder at once,
saying, good-humouredly, " He had rather part with
them then, than in the hour of trial."
The troops soon entered on that wild district in the
neighbourhood of Perote, strewed with the wreck of
volcanic matter, which forms so singular a contrast to the
general character of beauty with which the scenery is
stamped. It was not long before their eyes were glad-
dened by the approach of Sandoval and about sixty
soldiers from the garrison of Vera Cruz, including
several deserters from the enemy. It was a most im-
portant reinforcement, not more on account of the num-
bers of the men than of the character of the commander,
in every respect one of the ablest captains in the service.
6 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
He had been compelled to fetch a circuit, in order to
avoid falling in with the enemy, and had forced his way
through thick forests and wild mountain passes, till he
had fortunately, without accident, reached the appointed
place of rendezvous, and stationed himself once more
under the banner of his chieftain. 2
At the same place, also, Cortes was met by Tobillos,
a Spaniard whom he had sent to procure the lances from
Chinantla. They were perfectly well made, after the
pattern which had been given ; double-headed spears,
tipped with copper, and of great length. Tobillos drilled
the men in the exercise of this weapon, the formidable
uses of which, especially against horse, had been fully
demonstrated, towards the close of the last century, by
the Swiss battalions, in their encounters with the Bur-
gundian chivalry, the best in Europe. 3
Cortes now took a review of his army, — if so paltry a
force may be called an army, — and found their numbers
were two hundred and sixty-six, only five of whom were
mounted. A few muskets and cross-bows were sprinkled
among them. In defensive armour they were sadly
deficient. They were for the most part cased in the
quilted doublet of the country, thickly stuffed with cotton,
the escaupil, recommended by its superior lightness, but
which, though competent to turn the arrow of the
Indian, was ineffectual against a musket-ball. Most of
this cotton mail was exceedingly out of repair, giving
evidence, in its unsightly gaps, of much rude service,
and hard blows. Few, in this emergency, but would
have given almost any price — the best of the gold chains
which they wore in tawdry display over their poor habili-
2 Rel. Scg. tie Cortes, ap. Loren- and buckler of the Spaniard, in the
zana, pp. 123, 12i. — Bernal Diaz, great battle of Ravenna, fought a few
Hist, cle la Conquista, cap. 115 — 117. years before this, 1512. Machiavelli
— Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., makes some excellent reflections on
lib. 33, cap. 12. the comparative merit of these arms.
3 But, although irresistible against Arte della Guerra, lib. 2, ap. Opere,
cavalry, the long pike of the German torn. iv. p. 07.
proved no match for the short sword
chap, vii.] HE DESCENDS FROM THE TABLE-LAND. 7
ments — for a steel morion or cuirass, to take the place
of their own hacked and battered armour. 4
Under this coarse covering, however, they bore hearts
stout and courageous as ever beat in human bosoms.
For they were the heroes, still invincible, of many a
hard-fought field, where the odds had been incalculably
against them. They had large experience of the country
and of the natives ; knew well the character of their own
commander, under whose eye they had been trained, till
every movement was in obedience to him. The whole
body seemed to constitute but a single individual, in
respect of unity of design and of action. Thus its real
effective force was incredibly augmented ; and what was
no less important, the humblest soldier felt it to be so.
The troops now resumed their march across the table-
land, until reaching the eastern slope, their labours were
lightened, as they descended towards the broad plains of
the tierra caliente, spread out like a boundless ocean of
verdure below them. At some fifteen leagues' distance
from Cempoalla, where Narvaez, as has been noticed,
had established his quarters, they were met by another
embassy from that commander. It consisted of the
priest, Guevara, Andres de Duero, and two or three
others. Duero, the fast friend of Cortes, had been the
person most instrumental, originally, in obtaining him
his commission from Velasquez. They now greeted each
other with a warm embrace, and it was not till after
much preliminary conversation on private matters, that
the secretary disclosed the object of his visit.
He bore a letter from Narvaez, couched in terms
somewhat different from the preceding. That officer
required, indeed, the acknowledgment of his paramount
authority in the land, but offered his vessels to transport
all who desired it, from the country, together with their
f "■- 4 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- por mi peto, 6 capacete, d casco, d
quista, cap. 118. babera de kierro, dieramos aquella
" Tambien quiero dezir la gran ne- noche quato nos pidiera por ello, y to-
cessidad que teniamos de annas, que do quato auiamos ganado." Cap. 122.
8 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
treasures and effects, without molestation or inquiry.
The more liberal ten our of these terms was, doubtless, to
be ascribed to the influence of Duero. The' secretary
strongly urged Cortes to comply with them, as the most
favourable that could be obtained, and as the only alter-
native affording him a chance of safety in his desperate
condition. " For, however valiant your men may be,
how can they expect," he asked, " to face a force so
much superior in numbers and equipment as that of
their antagonist?" But Cortes had set his fortunes on
the cast, and he was not the man to shrink from it.
" If Narvaez bears a royal commission," he returned,
" I will readily submit to him. But he has produced
none. He is a deputy of my rival, Velasquez. For
myself, I am a servant of the king, I have conquered the
country for him ; and for him I and my brave followers
will defend it, be assured, to the last drop of our blood.
If we fall, it will be glory enough to have perished in
the discharge of our duty." 5
His friend might have been somewhat puzzled to
comprehend how the authority of Cortes rested on a
different ground from that of Narvaez ; and if they both
held of the same superior, the governor of Cuba, why
that dignitary should not be empowered to supersede
his own officer in case of dissatisfaction, and appoint
a substitute. But Cortes here reaped the full benefit
5 " Yo les respond]', que no via que morir en servicio de mi Rcy, y
provision de Vuestra Alteza, por por defender, y amparar sus Tierras,
donde le debiesse entregar la Ticrra; y no las dejar usurpar, a mi, y a los
e que si alguna trahia, que la pre- de mi Companfa se nos scguia farfa
sentasse ante mi, y ante el Cabildo gloria." llel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo-
de la Vera Cruz, segun orden, y cos- renzana, pp. 125 — 127.
tumbrc de' Espaila, y que yo estaba ° Sucb are the natural reflections
presto de la obedecer, y cumplir ; y of Oviedo, speculating, on the matter
que hasta tanto, por niiigun intcrcse, some years later. " E tambien que
ni partido baria lo que el decia; antes me parece donaire, 6 no bastante la
yo, y los que conniigo estaban, mori- escusa que Cortes da para fundar e
rianios en defensa die la Tierra, pues justificar su negocio, que cs deeir,
la habiamos ganado, y tenido por que el Narvaez prescntase las provi-
vuestra Magestad pacifiea, y segura, siones que llevana de S. M. Como
y por no scr Traydorcs y deslealcs si el dicho Cortes oviera ido aaquella
a nucstroRey Consideraudo, tierra por mandado de S. M. 6 con
chap, vii.] NEGOTIATES WITH NARVAEZ.
of that legal fiction, if it may be so termed, by which his
commission, resigned to the self-constituted municipality
of Vera Cruz, was again derived through that body from
the Crown. The device, indeed, was too palpable to im-
pose on any but those who chose to be blinded. Most of
the army were of this number. To them it seemed to
give additional confidence, in the same manner as a
strip of painted canvass, when substituted, as it has
sometimes been, for a real parapet of stone, has been
found not merely to impose on the enemy, but to give
a sort of artificial courage to the defenders concealed
behind it. 7
Duero had arranged with his friend in Cuba, when he
took command of the expedition, that he himself was to
have a liberal share of the profits. It is said that Cortes
confirmed this arrangement at the present juncture, and
made it clearly for the other's interest that he should
prevail in the struggle with Narvaez. This was an
important point, considering the position of the secre-
tary. 8 Prom this authentic source the general derived
much information respecting the designs of Narvaez,
which had escaped the knowledge of Olmedo. On the
departure of the envoys, Cortes intrusted them with
a letter for his rival, a counterpart of that which he had
received from him. This show of negotiation intimated
a desire on his part to postpone, if not avoid hostilities,
which might the better put Narvaez off his guard. In
the letter he summoned that commander and his fol-
lowers to present themselves before him without delay,
and to acknowledge his authority as the representative of
his sovereign, He should otherwise be compelled to
mas, ni tanta autoridad como llebaba Hist, de las Lid., MS., lib. 33,
Narvaez; pues que es claro e notorio, cap. 12.
que el Adelautado Diego Velasquez, 7 More than one example of this
que embio a Cortes, era parte, segun ruse is mentioned by Mariana in
derecho, para le embiar a remover, Spanish history, though the precise
y el Cortes obligado a le obedecer. passages have escaped my memory.
No quiero deck mas en esto por no 8 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
ser odioso a ninguna de las partes." quista, cap. 119.
10 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
proceed against them as rebels to the Crown ! 9 With
this missive, the vaunting tone of which was intended
quite as much for his own troops as the enemy, Cortes
dismissed the envoys. They returned to disseminate
among their comrades their admiration of the general,
and of his unbounded liberality, of which he took care
they should experience full measure, and they dilated on
the riches of his adherents, who, over their wretched
attire, displayed with ostentatious profusion, jewels, orna-
ments of gold, collars, and massive chains winding
several times round their necks and bodies, the rich
spoil of the treasury of Montezuma.
The army now took its way across the level plains of
the tierra caliente, on which Nature has exhausted all
the wonders of creation ; it was covered more thickly
then, than at the present day, with noble forests, where
the towering cotton-wood tree, the growth of ages, stood
side by side with the light bamboo, or banana, the
product of a season, each in its way attesting the mar-
vellous fecundity of the soil, while innumerable creeping-
flowers, muffling up the giant branches of the trees,
waved in bright festoons above their heads, loading the
air with odours. But the senses of the Spaniards were
not open to the delicious influences of nature. Their
minds were occupied by one idea.
Coming upon an open reach of meadow, of some
extent, they were, at length, stopped by a river, or
rather stream, called no de canoas, " the river of canoes,"
of no great volume ordinarily, but swollen at this time
by excessive rains. It had rained hard that day, al-
9 " E assimismo mandaba, y mande debian hacer en scrvicio de Vuestra
por el dicho Mandamiento a todas Alteza : con protestation, que lo con-
las Personas, que con el dicho Nar- trario liacicndo, procedcria contra
vaez estaban, que no tubiessen, ui ellos, como contra Traydoros, y
obedcciessen al dicho Narvaez por aleves, y malos Vasallos, que se re-
tal Capitan, ni justicia; antes, dcntro belaban contra su lley, y quieren
de cierto termino, que en el dicho usurpar sus Tierras, y Scnorios."
Mandamiento senate, pnreciessenantc llel. Scg. de Cortes, ap Lorenzana,
mi, para que yo les dijesse, lo que p. 127-
chap, vii.] NEGOTIATES WITH NARVAEZ. 11
though at intervals the sun had broken forth with
intolerable fervour, affording a good specimen of those
alternations of heat and moisture, which give such acti-
vity to vegetation in the tropics, where the process of
forcing seems to be always going on.
The river was about a league distant from the camp
of Narvaez. Before seeking out a practicable ford, by
which to cross it, Cortes allowed his men to recruit their
exhausted strength by stretching themselves on the
ground. The shades of evening had gathered round ;
and the rising moon, wading through dark masses of
cloud, shone with a doubtful and interrupted light. It
was evident that the storm had not yet spent its fury. 10
Cortes did not regret this. He had made up his mind
to an assault that very night, and in the darkness and
uproar of the tempest his movements would be most
effectually concealed.
Before disclosing his design, he addressed his men in
one of those stirring, soldierly harangues, to which he
had recourse in emergencies of great moment, as if to
sound the depths of their hearts, and, where any faltered,
to reanimate them with his own heroic spirit. He
briefly recapitulated the great events of the campaign,
the dangers they had surmounted, the victories they had
achieved over the most appalling odds, the glorious spoil
they had won. But of this they were now to be de-
frauded : not bv men holding a legal warrant from the
Crown, but by adventurers, with no better title than
that of superior force. They had established a claim on
the gratitude of their country and their sovereign. This
claim was now to be dishonoured ; their very services
were converted into crimes, and their names branded
with infamy as those of traitors. But the time had at
last come for vengeance. God would not desert the
10 " Y ami llouia de rato en rato, llouia, y tambien la escuridad ayudo."
y entonces salia la Luna, que quado Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 122.
alii llegamos hazia muy escuro, y
12 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
soldier of the Cross. Those, whom he had carried vic-
torious through great dangers, would not be left to fail
now. And, if they should fail, better to die like brave
men on the field of battle, than, with fame and fortune
cast away, to perish ignominiously like slaves on the
gibbet. — This last point he urged home upon his hearers ;
well knowing there was not one among them so dull as
not to be touched by it.
They responded with hearty acclamations, and Ve-
lasquez de Leon, and de Lugo, in the name of the rest,
assured their commander, if they failed, it should be his
fault, not theirs. They would follow wherever he led.
— The general was fully satisfied with the temper of his
soldiers, as he felt that his difficulty lay not in awakening
their enthusiasm, but in giving it a right direction.
One thing is remarkable. He made no allusion to the
defection which he knew existed in the enemy's camp.
He would have his soldiers, in this last pinch, rely on
nothing but themselves.
He announced his purpose to attack the enemy that
very night, when he should be buried in slumber, and
the friendly darkness might throw a veil over their own
movements, and conceal the poverty of their numbers.
To this the troops, jaded though they were by incessant
marching, and half famished, joyfully assented. In their
situation, suspense was the worst of evils. He next dis-
tributed the commands among his captains. To Gonzalo
de Sandoval he assigned the important office of taking
Narvaez. He was commanded, as dlguacil mayor, to
seize the person of that officer as a rebel to his sovereign,
and, if he made resistance, to kill him on the spot. 11
11 The Attorney of Narvaez, in de V. M. 6 de sus provisioues R.%
his complaint before the Crown, ex- no mirando ni asattando la lealtad
patiates on the diabolical enormity q e debia a V. M., el dho Corttcs
of these instructions. " El dho Yer- dio un Mandamientto al dho Gonzalo
nando Corttcs como traidor aleboso, de Sandobal para que prendiese al
sin apercibir al dho mi partte, con dho Panfilo de Narvaez, e si se de-
nn diabolico pensam' e Infernal fendiese q c lo mattase." Dcmanda de
osadia, en contemtto 6 menosprccio Zavallos en nombrc dc Narvaez, MS.
chap, vii.] PREPARES TO ASSAULT HIM. 13
He was provided with sixty picked men to aid him in
this difficult task, supported by several of the ablest
captains, among whom were two of the Alvarados, de
Avila, and Ordaz. The largest division of the force was
placed under Christoval de Olid, or, according to some
authorities, of Pizarro, one of that family so renowned in
the subsequent conquest of Peru. He was to get pos-
session of the artillery, and to cover the assault of
Sandoval by keeping those of the enemy at bay, who
would interfere with it. Cortes reserved only a body of
twenty men for himself, to act on any point that occasion
might require. The watch-word was Espiritu Santo, it
being the evening of Whitsunday. Having made these
arrangements, he prepared to cross the river. 12
During the interval thus occupied by Cortes, Narvaez
had remained at Cempoalla, passing his days in idle
and frivolous amusement. Prom this he was at length
roused, after the return of Duero, by the remonstrances
of the old cacique of the city. " Why are you so
heedless?" exclaimed the latter; " do you think Ma-
lintzin is so ? Depend on it, he knows your situation
exactly, and, when you least dream of it, he will be
upon you." 13
Alarmed at these suggestions and those of his friends,
Narvaez at length put himself at the head of his troops,
and, on the very day on which Cortes arrived at the
River of Canoes, sallied out to meet him. But, when
he had reached this barrier, Narvaez saw no sign of an
enemy. The rain, which fell in torrents, soon drenched
the soldiers to the skin. Made somewhat effeminate by
their long and luxurious residence at Cempoalla, they
murmured at their uncomfortable situation. " Of what
12 Oviedo, Hist de las Ind., MS., descuidado ? pensais que Malintzin,
lib. 33, cap. 12, 47. — Bernal Diaz, y los Teules que trae cosigo, que son
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 122. — assi como vosotros ? Pues yo os
Hen-era, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. digo, que quado no os cataredes, sera,
10, cap. 1. aqui, y os matara." Bernal Diaz,
13 " Que hazeis, que estais mui Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 121.
14 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
use was it to remain there fighting with the elements ?
There was no sign of an enemy, and little reason to
apprehend his approach in such tempestuous weather.
It would be wiser to return to Cempoalla, and in the
morning they should be all fresh for action, should Cortes
make his appearance."
Narvaez took counsel of these advisers, or rather of his
own inclinations. Before retracing his steps, he provided
against surprise, by stationing a couple of sentinels at no
great distance from the river, to give notice of the approach
of Cortes. He also detached a body of forty horse in
another direction, by which he thought it not improbable
the enemy might advance on Cempoalla. Having taken
these precautions, he fell back again before night on his
own quarters.
He there occupied the principal teocalli. It consisted
of a stone building on the usual pyramidal basis ; and
the ascent was by a flight of steep steps on one of the
faces of the pyramid. In the edifice or sanctuary above
he stationed himself with a strong party of arquebusiers
and crossbowmen. Two other teocallis in the same area
were garrisoned by large detachments of infantry. His
artillery, consisting of seventeen or eighteen small guns,
he posted in the area below, and protected it by the
remainder of his cavalry. When he had thus distributed
his forces, he returned to his own quarters, and soon
after to repose, with as much indifference as if his rival
had been on the other side of the Atlantic, instead of a
neighbouring stream.
That stream was now converted by the deluge of
waters into a furious torrent. It was with difficulty
that a practicable ford could be found. The slippery
stones, rolling beneath the feet, gave way at every step.
The difficulty of the passage was much increased by the
darkness and driving tempest. Still, with their long
pikes, the Spaniards contrived to make good their foot-
ing, at least, all but two, who were swept down by the
chap, vii.] ATTACKED BY NIGHT. 15
fury of the current. When they had reached the oppo-
site side, they had new impediments to encounter in
traversing a road never good, now made doubly difficult
by the deep mire and the tangled brushwood with which
it was overrun.
Here they met with a cross, which had been raised by
them on their former march into the interior. They
hailed it as a good omen ; and Cortes, kneeling before
the blessed sign, confessed his sins, and declared his
great object to be the triumph of the holy Catholic
faith. The army followed his example, and, having made
a general confession, received absolution from father
Olmedo, who invoked the blessing of heaven on the
warriors who had consecrated their swords to the glory
of the Cross. Then rising up and embracing one another,
as companions in the good cause, they found themselves
wonderfully invigorated and refreshed. The incident is
curious, and well illustrates the character of the time, —
in which war, religion, and rapine were so intimately
blended together. Adjoining the road was a little cop-
pice ; and Cortes, and the few who had horses, dis-
mounting, fastened the animals to the trees, where they
might find some shelter from the storm. They deposited
there, too, their baggage and such superfluous articles as
would encumber their movements. The general then
gave them a few last words of advice. " Every thing,"
said he, " depends on obedience. Let no man, from
desire of distinguishing himself, break his ranks. On
silence, despatch, and, above all, obedience to your
officers, the success of our enterprise depends."
Silently and stealthily they held on their way without
beat of drum or sound of trumpet, when they suddenly
came on the two sentinels who had been stationed by
Narvaez to give notice of their approach. This had been
so noiseless, that the videttes were both of them surprised
on their post, and one only, with difficulty, effected his
escape. The other was brought before Cortes. Every
16 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
effort was made to draw from him some account of the
present position of Narvaez. But the man remained
obstinately silent ; and, though threatened with the
gibbet, and having a noose actually drawn round his
neck, his Spartan heroism was not to be vanquished.
Fortunately no change had taken place in the arrange-
ments of Narvaez since the intelligence previously derived
from Duero.
The other sentinel, who had escaped, carried the news
of the enemy's approach to the camp. But his report
was not credited by the lazy soldiers, whose slumbers he
had disturbed. " He had been deceived by his fears,"
they said, " and mistaken the noise of the storm, and the
waving of the bushes, for the enemy. Cortes and his
men were far enough on the other side of the river, which
they would be slow to cross in such a night." Narvaez
himself shared in the same blind infatuation, and the dis-
credited sentinel slunk abashed to his own quarters,
vainly menacing them with the consequences of their
incredulity. 14
Cortes, not doubting that the sentinel's report must
alarm the enemy's camp, quickened his pace. As he
drew near, he discerned a light in one of the lofty
towers of the city. " It is the quarters of Narvaez," he
exclaimed to Sandoval, " and that light must be your
beacon." On entering the suburbs, the Spaniards were
surprised to find no one stirring, and no symptom of
alarm. Not a sound was to be heard, except the mea-
sured tread of their own footsteps, half-drowned in the
howling of the tempest. Still they could not move so
stealthily as altogether to elude notice, as they defiled
through the streets of this populous city. The tidings
were quickly conveyed to the enemy's quarters, where,
in an instant, all was bustle and confusion. The trum-
11 Rel. Seg. dc Cortes, ap. Loren- rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10,
zana, p. 128. — Oviedo, Hist, de las cap. 2, 3.
Iud., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.— Her-
CHAP. VII
ATTACKED BY NIGHT. 17
pets sounded to arms. The dragoons sprang to their
steeds, the artillerymen to their guns. Narvaez hastily
buckled on his armour, called his men around him, and
summoned those in the neighbouring teocallis to join
him in the area. He gave his orders with coolness ; for,
however wanting in prudence, he was not deficient in
presence of mind or courage.
All this was the work of a few minutes. But in those
minutes the Spaniards had reached the avenue leading to
the camp. Cortes ordered his men to keep close to the
walls of the buildings, that the cannon-shot might have
a free range. 15 No sooner had they presented themselves
before the enclosure, than the artillery of Narvaez opened
a general fire. Fortunately the pieces were pointed so
high that most of the balls passed over their heads, and
three men only were struck down. They did not give
the enemy time to reload. Cortes shouting the watch-
word of the night, " Espiritu Santo ! Espiritu Santo !
Upon them !" in a moment Olid and his division rushed
on the artillerymen, whom they pierced or knocked
down with their pikes, and got possession of their
guns. Another division engaged the cavalry, and made
a diversion in favour of Sandoval, who with his gallant
little band sprang up the great stairway of the temple.
They were received with a shower of missiles, — arrows,
and musket-balls, which, in the hurried aim, and the
darkness of the night, did little mischief. The next
minute the assailants were on the platform, engaged
hand to hand with their foes. Narvaez fought bravely
in the midst, encouraging his followers. His standard-
bearer fell by his side, run through the body. He him-
self received several wounds ; for his short sword was no
match for the long pikes of the assailants. At length,
he received a blow from a spear, which struck out his
15 " Ya que se acercaban al Apo- Senores, arrimaos a las dos aeeras de
seuto de Narvaez, Cortes, que andaba la Calle, para que las balas del Artil-
reconocieudo, i ordenando a, todas leria pasen por medio, sin hacer
partes, dixo a la Tropa de Sandoval : dano." Ibid., dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 3.
VOL. II. C
18 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
left eye. " Santa Maria ! " exclaimed the unhappy man,
" I am slain ! " The cry was instantly taken up by the
followers of Cortes, who shouted, " Victory !"
Disabled, and half-mad with agony from his wound,
Narvaez was withdrawn by his men into the sanctuary.
The assailants endeavoured to force an entrance, but it
was stoutly defended. At length a soldier, getting pos-
session of a torch, or firebrand, flung it on the thatched
roof, and in a few moments the combustible materials of
which it was composed were in a blaze. Those within
were driven out by the suffocating heat and smoke.
A soldier, named Farfan, grappled with the wounded
commander, and easily brought him to the ground ;
when he was speedily dragged down the steps, and
secured with fetters. His followers, seeing the fate of
their chief, made no further resistance. 10
During this time, Cortes and the troops of Olid had
been engaged with the cavalry, and had discomfited
them, after some ineffectual attempts on the part of the
latter to break through the dense array of pikes, by
which several of their number were unhorsed and some
of them slain. The general then prepared to assault
the other teocattis, first summoning the garrisons to
surrender. As they refused, he brought up the heavy
guns to bear on them, thus turning the artillery against
its own masters. He accompanied this menacing move-
ment with offers of the most liberal import ; an amnesty
of the past, and a full participation in all the advantages
of the Conquest. One of the garrisons was under the
command of Salvatierra, the same officer who talked of
cutting off the ears of Cortes. Prom the moment he
had learned the fate of his own general, the hero was
seized with a violent fit of illness, which disabled him
from further action. The garrison waited only for one
discharge of the ordnance, when they accepted the terms
,6 Demanda de Zavallos en nam- Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33,
bre de Narvaez, MS. — Oviedo, cap. 47.
chap, vii.] NARVAEZ DEFEATED. 19
of capitulation. Cortes, it is said, received, on this
occasion, a support from an unexpected auxiliary. The
air was filled with the cocuyos, — a species of large beetle
which emits an intense phosphoric light from its body,
strong enough to enable one to read by it. These wan-
dering fires, seen in the darkness of the night, were con-
verted by the excited imaginations of the besieged, into
an army with matchlocks. Such is the report of an eye-
witness.' 7 But the facility with which the enemy surren-
dered may quite as probably be referred to the cowardice
of the commander, and the disaffection of the soldiers,
not unwilling to come under the banners of Cortes.
The body of cavalry posted, it will be remembered, by
Narvaez on one of the roads to Cempoalla, to intercept
his rival, having learned what had been passing, were
not long in tendering their submission. Each of the
soldiers in the conquered army was required, in token
of his obedience, to deposit his arms in the hands of the
alguacils, and to take the oaths to Cortes as Chief Justice
and Captain General of the colony.
The number of the slain is variously reported. It
seems probable that not more than twelve perished on
the side of the vanquished, and of the victors half that
number. The small amount may be explained by the
short duration of the action, and the random aim of the
missiles in the darkness. The number of the wounded
was much more considerable. 18
The field was now completely won. A few brief hours
17 " Como bazia tan escuro auia best means of approximation to
muchos cocayos (ansi los llaman en t rutb. " E alb le mattaron quince
Cuba) que relumbrauan de nocbe, e hombres q*. murieron de las feridas
los de Narvaez ereyeron que era q e. i es d i6r011 £ i es quema ron seis
muchas de las escopetas." Bernal hombres del dbo Incendio q e . despues
iff at • ^ la Conquista, cap. 122. parecieron las cabezas de ellos que-
ls arvaez, or rather bis attorney, m adas, e pusieron a sacomano todo
swells the amount of slain on his qua ntto ttenian los que benian con
own side much higher. But it was e [ dho mi partte como s i f ueran
his cue to magnify the mischief sus- Moros y al dbo mi partte robaron e
tamed by bis employer. The colla- sa quearon todos sus vienes, oro,
tion of this account with those of & Platta e Joyas." Demanda de
Cortes and his followers affords the Zavallos en nombre de Narvaez, MS.
c 2
20 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
had sufficed to change the condition of Cortes from that
of a wandering outlaw at the head of a handful of needy
adventurers, a rebel with a price upon his head, to that
of an independent chief, with a force at his disposal
strong enough not only to secure his present conquests,
but to open a career for still loftier ambition. While the
air rung with the acclamations of the soldiery, the vic-
torious general, assuming a deportment corresponding
with his change of fortune, took his seat in a chair of
state, and, with a rich embroidered mantle thrown over
his shoulders, received, one by one, the officers and
soldiers, as they came to tender their congratulations.
The privates were graciously permitted to kiss his hand.
The officers he noticed with words of compliment or
courtesy ; and, when Duero, Bermudez the treasurer,
and some others of the vanquished party, his old friends,
presented themselves, he cordially embraced them. 19
Narvaez, Salvatierra, and two or three of the hostile
leaders were led before him in chains. It was a moment
of deep humiliation for the former commander, in which
the anguish of the body, however keen, must have been
forgotten in that of the spirit. " You have great reason,
Senor Cortes," said the discomfited warrior, " to thank
Fortune for having given you the day so easily, and put
me in your power." — " I have much to be thankful for,"
replied the general ; " but for my victory over you, I
esteem it as one of the least of my achievements since
my coming into the country!" 20 He then ordered the
19 " Entre ellos venia Andres de tan senor, y pujate : y assi como le
Duero, y Agustin Bermudez, y rau- besaua la mano, se fuero cada vno a
chos amigos de nuestro Capita, y assi su posada." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de
como venia, ivan a, besar las manos la Conquista, cap. 122.
a Cortes, q. cstaua sentado en una 20 Ibid.
silla de cadetas, con una ropa larga " Di'xose que como Narvaez vido
de color como narajada, co sus armas a, Cortes estando asi preso lc dixo :
debaxo, acopanado de nosotros. Pues Senor Cortes, tened en mucho la
ver la gracia con (pie les hablaua, y ventura que habeis tenido, 6 lo
abraeaua, y las palabras de tatos mucho que habeis hecho en tcner
cumplimielos que les dczia, era cosa mi persona, d en tomar mi persona.
de ver que alegre cstaua : y tenia ■£ que Cortes le respondid, e dixo :
mucha razon de verse en aquel puto Lo menos que yo be hecho en esta
chap, vii.] NARVAEZ DEFEATED. 21
wounds of the prisoners to be cared for, and sent them
under a strong guard to Vera Cruz.
Notwithstanding the proud humility of his reply,
Cortes could scarcely have failed to regard his victory
over Narvaez as one of the most brilliant achievements
in his career. With a few scores of followers, badly
clothed, worse fed, wasted by forced marches, under
every personal disadvantage, deficient in weapons and
military stores, he had attacked in their own quarters,
routed, and captured the entire force of the enemy, thrice
his superior in numbers, well provided with cavalry and
artillery, admirably equipped, and complete in all the
munitions of war ! The amount of troops engaged on
either side was, indeed, inconsiderable. But the propor-
tions are not affected by this : and the relative strength
of the parties made a result so decisive one of the most
remarkable events in the annals of war.
It is true there were some contingencies on which the
fortunes of the day depended, that could not be said to
be entirely within his control. Something was the work
of chance. If Velasquez de Leon, for example, had
proved false, the expedition must have failed. 21 If the
weather, on the night of the attack, had been fair, the
enemy would have had certain notice of his approach,
and been prepared for it. But these are the chances
tierra donde estais, es haberos preu- quez, 6 al Panfilo en su nombre ; E
dido ; e luego le hizo poner a buen combienen los veteranos milites, e a
recaudo e le tubo mucho tiempo mi parecer determinan bien la ques-
preso." Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., tion, en que si Juan Velasqiiez tubo
MS., lib. 33, cap. 47. conducta de capitan para que con
aquella Gente que el le did 6 toviese
21 Oviedo says, that military men en aquella tierra como capitan par-
discussed whether Velasquez de Leon ticular le acudiese a el 6 a quien le
should have obeyed the commands of mandase. Juan Velasquez falto a lo
Cortes rather than those of his kins- que era obligado en no pasar a Pan-
man, the governor of Cuba. They filo de Narvaez sieudo requerido de
decided in favour of the former, on Diego Velasquez, mas si le hizo
the ground of his holding his com- capitan Hernando Cortes, e le dio el
mission immediately from him. " Vis- la Gente, a el havia de acudir, como
to he platicar sobre esto a caballeros acudio, excepto si viera carta, a man-
e personas militares sobre si este damiento expreso del Rey en con-
Juan Velasquez de Leon hizo lo que trario." Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
debia, en acudir 6 no a Diego Velas- 33, cap. 12.
22 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
that enter more or less into every enterprise. He is the
skilful general who knows how to turn them to account ;
to win the smiles of Fortune, and make even the elements
fight on his side.
If Velasquez de Leon was, as it proved, the very
officer whom the general should have trusted with the
command, it was his sagacity which originally discerned
this, and selected him for it. It was his address that
converted this dangerous foe into a friend ; and one so
fast, that in the hour of need he chose rather to attach
himself to his desperate fortunes than to those of the
governor of Cuba, powerful as the latter was, and his
near kinsman. It was the same address which gained
Cortes such an ascendancy over his soldiers, and knit
them to him so closely, that, in the darkest moment,
not a man offered to desert him. 22 If the success of the
assault may be ascribed mainly to the dark and stormy
weather which covered it, it was owing to him that he
was in a condition to avail himself of this. The shortest
possible time intervened between the conception of his
plan and its execution. In a very few days, he descended
by extraordinary marches from the capital to the sea-
coast. He came like a torrent from the mountains,
pouring on the enemy's camp, and sweeping everything
away, before a barrier could be raised to arrest it. This
celerity of movement — the result of a clear head and
determined will — has entered into the strategy of the
greatest captains, and forms a prominent feature in their
most brilliant military exploits. It was undoubtedly, in
the present instance, a great cause of success.
But it would be taking a limited view of the subject,
22 This ascendancy the thoughtful tincador de los que le vinieron, fue
Oviedo refers to his dazzling and mucha causa juntamentc con scr mal
liberal manners, so strongly con- quisto Diego Velasquez, para que
trasted with those of the governor Cortes so saliesc con lo que em-
of Cuba. " En lo demas valerosa prendid, e sc qucdase en el oficio, <'
persona ha seido, e para niucho ; y govcrnacion." Oviedo, Hist, de las
este deseo de manclar juntamente Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.
con que fue mui bien partido e gra-
chap, vii.] NARVAEZ DEFEATED. 23
to consider the battle which decided the fate of Narvaez
as wholly fought at Cempoalla. It was begun in Mexico.
With that singular power which he exercised over all
who came near him, Cortes converted the very emissaries
of Narvaez into his own friends and agents. The reports
of Guevara and his companions, the intrigues of father
Olmedo, and the general's gold, were all busily at work
to shake the loyalty of the soldiers, and the battle was
half won before a blow had been struck. It was fought
quite as much with gold as with steel. Cortes under-
stood this so well, that he made it his great object to
seize the person of Narvaez. In such an event, he had
full confidence that indifference to their own cause and
partiality to himself would speedily bring the rest of the
army under his banner. He was not deceived. Narvaez
said truly enough, therefore, some years after this event,
that " he had been beaten by his own troops, not by
those of his rival ; that his followers had been bribed to
betray him." 23 This affords the only explanation of their
brief and ineffectual resistance.
23 It was in a conversation with Adelantado Diego Velasquez a su
Oviedo himself, at Toledo, in 1525, propia costa, e se le havia alzado
in which. Narvaez descanted with con la tierra, e con la Gente e llaci-
much bitterness, as was natural, on enda, e otras muchas cosas que mal
his rival's conduct. The gossip, sonaban. Y en la manera de su pri-
which has never appeared in print, sion la contaba mui al reves de lo
may have some interest for the Spa- que esta dicho. Lo que yo noto de
nish reader. " Que el aho cle 1525, esto es, que con todo lo que oi a
estando Cesar en la cibdad de Toledo, Narvaez (como yo se lo dixe) no
vi alii al dicho Narvaez, e publica- puedo hallarle desculpa para su de-
mente decia, que Cortes era vn trai- scuido, porque ninguna necesidad
dor ; E que dandole S. M. licencia tenia de andar con Cortes en platicas,
se lo haria conocer de su persona a sino estar en vela mejor que la que
la suya, e que era hombre sin verdad, hizo. E a, esto decia el que le ha-
e otras muchas e feas palabras 11a- vian vendido aquellos de quien se
mandole alevoso e tirano, e ingrato fiaba, que Cortes les havia sobor-
a su Sehor, e a quien le havia em- nado." Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind.,
biado a la Nueva Espaha, que era el MS., lib. 33, cap. 12.
24
CHAPTER VIII.
Discontent of the Troops. — Insurrection in the Capital. — Return of
Cortes. — General Signs of Hostility. — Massacre by Alvarado. — Rising
of the ^ztecs.
1520.
The tempest that had raged so wildly during the
night, passed away with the morning, which rose bright
and unclouded on the field of battle. As the light
advanced, it revealed more strikingly the disparity of the
two forces so lately opposed to each other. Those of
Narvaez could not conceal their chagrin ; and murmurs
of displeasure became audible, as they contrasted their
own superior numbers and perfect appointments with
the way-worn visages and rude attire of their handful of
enemies ! It was with some satisfaction, therefore, that
the general beheld his dusky allies from Chmantla, two
thousand in number, arrive upon the field. They were
a fine athletic set of men ; and, as they advanced in a
sort of promiscuous order, so to speak, with their gay
banners of feather-work, and their long lances tipped
with itztli and copper, glistening in the morning sun,
they had something of an air of military discipline.
They came too late for the action, indeed, but Cortes
was not sorry to exhibit to his new followers the extent
of his resources in the country. As he had now no
occasion for his Indian allies, after a courteous reception
chap, vin.] DISCONTENT OF THE TROOPS. 25
and a liberal recompense, lie dismissed them to their
homes. 1
He then used his utmost endeavours to allay the dis-
content of the troops. He addressed them in his most
soft and insinuating tones, and was by no means frugal
of his promises. 2 He suited the action to the word.
There were few of them but had lost their accoutre-
ments, or their baggage, or horses taken and appro-
priated by the victors. This last article was in great
request among the latter, and many a soldier, weary with
the long marches hitherto made on foot, had provided
himself, as he imagined, with a much more comfortable
as well as creditable conveyance for the rest of the cam-
paign. The general now commanded everything to be
restored. 3 " They were embarked in the same cause,"
he said, " and should share with one another equally."
He went still further ; and distributed among the soldiers
of Narvaez a quantity of gold and other precious com-
modities gathered from the neighbouring tribes, or found
in his rival's quarters. 4
These proceedings, however politic in reference to his
new followers, gave great disgust to his old. " Our
commander," they cried, " has forsaken his friends for
his foes. We stood by him in his hour of distress, and
are rewarded with blows and wounds, while the spoil
goes to our enemies !" The indignant soldiery commis-
sioned the priest Olmedo and Alonso de Avila to lay
1 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, listines, as he tells us, a very good
lib. 10, cap. 6. — Oviedo, Hist, de horse, with all his accoutrements, a
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47. — brace of swords, three daggers, and
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, a buckler, — a very beautiful outfit
cap. 323. for the campaign. The general's
2 Diaz, who had often listened orders were, naturally enough, not
to it, thus notices his eloquence. at all to his taste. Ibid., cap. 124.
" Comenzo vn parlamento por tan 4 Narvaez alleges that Cortes
lindo estilo, y platica, tabie dichas plundered him of property to the
cierto otras palabras mas sabrosas, y value of 100,000 castellanos of gold !
llenas de ofertas, q. yo aqui no sabre (Demanda de Zavallos en nombre de
escriuir." Ibid., cap. 121 . Narvaez, MS.) If so, the pillage
3 Captain Diaz had secured for of the leader may have supplied the
his share of the spoil of the Phi- means of liberality to the privates.
26 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
their complaints before Cortes. The ambassadors stated
them without reserve, comparing their commander's con-
duct to the ungrateful proceeding of Alexander, who,
when he gained a victory, usually gave away more to his
enemies than to the troops who enabled him to beat
them. Cortes was greatly perplexed. Victorious or de-
feated, his path seemed equally beset with difficulties !
He endeavoured to soothe their irritation by pleading
the necessity of the case. " Our new comrades," he
said, " are formidable from their numbers ; so much so,
that we are even now much more in their power than
they are in ours. Our only security is to make them not
merely confederates, but friends. On any cause of dis-
gust, we shall have the whole battle to fight over again ;
and, if they are united, under a much greater disadvan-
tage than before. I have considered your interests," he
added, iC as much as my own. All that I have is yours.
But why should there be any ground for discontent,
when the whole country, with its riches, is before us ?
And our augmented strength must henceforth secure the
undisturbed control of it !"
But Cortes did not rely wholly on argument for the
restoration of tranquillity. He knew this to be incom-
patible with inaction ; and he made arrangements to
divide his forces at once, and to employ them on distant
services. He selected a detachment of two hundred
men, under Diego de Ordaz, whom he ordered to form
the settlement before meditated on the Coatzacualco.
A like number was sent with Velasquez de Leon, to
secure the province of Panuco, some three degrees to the
north, on the Mexican Gulf. Twenty in each detach-
ment were drafted from his own veterans.
Two hundred men he despatched to Vera Cruz, with
orders to have the rigging, iron, and everything portable
on board of the fleet of Narvaez, brought on shore, and
the vessels completely dismantled. He appointed a
person named Cavallero superintendent of the marine,
chap, viii.] INSURRECTION IN THE CAPITAL. 27
with instructions that if any ships hereafter should enter
the port, they should be dismantled in like manner, and
their officers imprisoned on shore. 5
But while he was thus occupied with new schemes of
discovery and conquest, he received such astounding in-
telligence from Mexico, as compelled him to concentrate
all his faculties and his forces on that one point. The
city was in a state of insurrection. No sooner had the
struggle with his rival been decided, than Cortes de-
spatched a courier with the tidings to the capital. In
less than a fortnight, the same messenger returned with
letters from Alvarado, conveying the alarming informa-
tion, that the Mexicans were in arms, and had vigorously
assaulted the Spaniards in their own quarters. The
enemy, he added, had burned the brigantines, by which
Cortes had secured the means of retreat in case of the
destruction of the bridges. They had attempted to force
the defences, and had succeeded in partially undermining
them, and they had overwhelmed the garrison with a
tempest of missiles, which had killed several, and wounded
a great number. The latter concluded with beseeching
his commander to hasten to their relief, if he would save
them, or keep his hold on the capital.
These tidings were a heavy blow to the general, — the
heavier, it seemed, coming, as they did, in the hour of
triumph, when he had thought to have all his enemies at
his feet. There was no room for hesitation. To lose
their footing in the capital, the noblest city in the Western
World, would be to lose the country itself, which looked
up to it as its head. 6 He opened the matter fully to his
5 Demanda cle Zavallos en nombre in his suite brought with him the
de Narvaez, MS. — Bernal Diaz, Hist. small-pox. The disease spread ra-
de la Conquista, cap. 124. — Oviedo, pidly in that quarter of the country,
Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. and great numbers of the Indian
47. — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- population soon fell victims to it.
zana, p. 130. — Camargo, Hist, de Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib.
Tlascala, MS. 10, cap. 6.
The visit of Narvaez left melan- 6 " Se perdia la mejor, y mas Noble
choly traces among the natives, that Ciudad de todo lo nuevamente descu-
made it long remembered, A negro bierto del Mundo ; y ella perdida, se
28 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
soldiers, calling on all who would save their countrymen
to follow him. All declared their readiness to go; show-
ing an alacrity, says Diaz, which some would have been
slow to manifest, had they foreseen the future.
Cortes now made preparations for instant departure.
He countermanded the orders previously given to Velas-
quez and Ordaz, and directed them to join him with
their forces at Tlascala. He recalled the troops from
Vera Cruz, leaving only a hundred men in garrison
there, under command of one Rodrigo Rangre : for he
could not spare the services of Sandoval at this crisis.
He left his sick and wounded at Cempoalla, under charge
of a small detachment, directing that they should follow
as soon as they were in marching order. Having com-
pleted these arrangements, he set out from Cempoalla,
well supplied with provisions by its hospitable cacique,
who attended him some leagues on his way. The Toto-
nac chief seems to have had an amiable facility of ac-
commodating himself to the powers that were in the
ascendant.
Nothing worthy of notice occurred during the first
part of the march. The troops everywhere met with a
friendly reception from the peasantry, who readily sup-
plied their wants. Some time before reaching Tlascala,
the route lay through a country thinly settled, and the
army experienced considerable suffering from want of
food, and still more from that of water. Their distress
increased to an alarming degree, as, in the hurry of their
forced march, they travelled with the meridian sun beat-
ing fiercely on their heads. Several faltered by the way,
and, throwing themselves down by the road-side, seemed
incapable of further effort, and almost indifferent to life.
In this extremity, Cortes sent forward a small detach-
ment of horse to procure provisions in Tlascala, and
speedily followed in person. On arriving, he found
perdia todo lo que cstaba ganado, todos obedccian." Eel. Seg. de
por ser la Cabcza de todo, y a quien Cortes, ap. Lorcnzana, p. 131.
chap, vin.] RETURN OF CORTES. .29
abundant supplies already prepared by the hospitable
natives. They were sent back to the troops ; the strag-
glers were collected one by one ; refreshments were
administered ; and the army, restored in strength and
spirits, entered the republican capital.
Here they gathered little additional news respecting
the events in Mexico, which a popular rumour attributed
to the secret encouragement and machinations of Monte-
zuma. Cortes was commodiously lodged in the quarters
of Maxixca, one of the four chiefs of the republic. They
readily furnished him with two thousand troops. There
was no want of heartiness, when the war was with their
ancient enemy, the Aztec. 7
The Spanish commander, on reviewing his forces, after
the junction with his two captains, found that they
amounted to about a thousand foot, and one hundred
horse, besides the Tlascalan levies. 8 In the infantry were
nearly a hundred arquebusiers, with as many cross-bow-
men ; and the part of the army brought over by Narvaez
was admirably equipped. It was inferior, however, to
his own veterans in what is better than any outward
appointments, — military training, and familiarity with
the peculiar service in which they were engaged.
Leaving these friendly quarters, the Spaniards took a
more northerly route, as more direct than that by which
they had before penetrated into the Valley. It was the
road to Tezcuco. It still compelled them to climb the
same bold range of the Cordilleras, which attains its
greatest elevation in the two mighty volcans at whose
base they had before travelled. The sides of the sierra
7 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- Bernal Diaz raises the amount to
zana, p. 131. — Oviedo, Hist, de las 1300 foot and 96 horse. (Ibid., cap.
Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13, 14. — 125.) Cortes diminishes it to less
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, than half that number. (Rel. Seg.,
cap. 124, 125. — Peter Martyr, de ubi supra.) The estimate cited in
Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 5. — Camargo, the text from the two preceding au-
Hist. de Tlascala, MS. thorities corresponds nearly enough
8 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 103. — with that already given from official
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. documents of the forces of Cortes
10, cap. 7. and Narvaez before the junction.
30 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
were clothed with dark forests of pine, cypress, and
cedar, 9 through which glimpses now and then opened
into fathomless dells and valleys, whose depths, far down
in the sultry climate of the tropics, were lost in a glowing
wilderness of vegetation. From the crest of the mountain-
range the eye travelled over the broad expanse of country,
which they had lately crossed far away to the green
plains of Cholula. Towards the west, they looked down
on the Mexican Valley, from a point of view wholly dif-
ferent from that which they had before occupied, but
still offering the same beautiful spectacle, with its lakes
trembling in the light, its gay cities and villas floating
on their bosom, its burnished teocallis touched with fire,
its cultivated slopes and dark hills of porphyry stretching
away in dim perspective to the verge of the horizon.
At their feet lay the city of Tezcuco, which, modestly
retiring behind her deep groves of cypress, formed a
contrast to her more ambitious rival on the other side of
the lake, who seemed to glory in the unveiled splendours
of her charms, as Mistress of the Valley.
As they descended into the populous plains, their re-
ception by the natives was very different from that which
they had experienced on the preceding visit. There were
no groups of curious peasantry to be seen gazing at them
as they passed, and offering their simple hospitality.
The supplies they asked were not refused, but granted
with an ungracious air, that showed the blessing of the
giver did not accompany them. This air of reserve
became still more marked as the army entered the
suburbs of the ancient capital of the Acolhuans. No one
came forth to greet them, and the population seemed to
have dwindled away, — so many of them were withdrawn
9 " Las sierras altns de Tctzcuco descubrir el un cmisferio y otro, por-
a que le mostrasen dcsde la mas alia que son los mayores puertos y mas
cumbre de aquellas montanas y sier- altos dc esta Nueva Espafia, de ar-
ras de Tetzcuco, que son las sierras boles y monies de grandisima altura
de Tlallocan altisimas y humbrosas de eedras, ciprescs y pinares." Ca-
en las cualcs he estado y visto y margo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
puedo decir que son bastante para
chap, viii.] RETURN OF CORTES. 31
to the neighbouring scene of hostilities at Mexico. 10
Their cold reception was a sensible mortification to the
veterans of Cortes, who, judging from the past, had
boasted to their new comrades of the sensation their
presence would excite among the natives. The cacique
of the place, who, as it may be remembered, had been
created through the influence of Cortes, was himself
absent. The general drew an ill omen from all these
circumstances, which even raised an uncomfortable ap-
prehension in his mind respecting the fate of the garrison
in Mexico. 11
But his doubts were soon dispelled by the arrival of a
messenger in a canoe from that city, whence he had
escaped through the remissness of the enemy, or, perhaps,
with their connivance. He brought despatches from
Alvarado, informing his commander that the Mexicans
had for the last fortnight desisted from active hostilities,
and converted their operations into a blockade. The
garrison had suffered greatly, but Alvarado expressed his
conviction that the siege would be raised, and tranquillity
restored on the approach of his countrymen. Monte-
zuma sent a messenger, also, to the same effect. At the
same time, he exculpated himself from any part in the
late hostilities, which he said had not only been con-
ducted without his privity, but contrary to his inclination
and efforts.
The Spanish general, having halted long enough to
refresh his wearied troops, took up his march along the
southern margin of the lake, which led him over the
same causeway by which he had before entered the
10 The historian partly explains the dicho Mutecznma, como antes lo
reason. " En la misma Ciudad de solian facer ; y toda la Tierra estaba
Tezcuco habia algunos apasionados alborotada, y casi despoblada -. de que
de los deudos y amigos de los que concebi mala sospecha, creyendo que
mataron Pedro de Alvarado y sus los Espailoles que en la dicha Ciudad
compafieros en Mexico." Ixtlilxochitl, habian quedado, eran muertos." Pel.
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p.
11 " En todo el camino nunca me 132.
salid a recibir ninguna Persona de el
32 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
capital. It was the day consecrated to St. John the Bap-
tist, the 24th of June, 1520. But how different was the
scene from that presented on his former entrance ! 12 No
crowds now lined the roads, no boats swarmed on the
lake, filled with admiring spectators. A single pirogue
might now and then be seen in the distance, like a spy
stealthily watching their movements, and darting away
the moment it had attracted notice. A death-like stillness
brooded over the scene, — a stillness that spoke louder to
the heart than the acclamations of multitudes.
Cortes rode on moodily at the head of his battalions,
finding abundant food for meditation, doubtless, in this
change of circumstances. As if to dispel these gloomy
reflections, he ordered his trumpets to sound, and their
clear, shrill notes, borne across the waters, told the inha-
bitants of the beleaguered fortress that their friends were
at hand. They were answered by a joyous peal of artil-
lery, which seemed to give a momentary exhilaration to
the troops, as they quickened their pace, traversed the
great drawbridges, and once more found themselves
within the walls of the imperial city.
The appearance of things here was not such as to allay
their apprehensions. In some places they beheld the
smaller bridges removed, intimating too plainly, now
that their brigantines were destroyed, how easy it would
be to cut off their retreat. 13 The town seemed even
more deserted than Tezcuco. Its once busy and crowded
population had mysteriously vanished. And, as the
Spaniards defiled through the empty streets, the tramp
of their horses' feet upon the pavement was answered by
dull and melancholy echoes that fell heavily on their
hearts. With saddened feelings they reached the great
12 " Y como asomd a la vista de la nacion y enemistad por lo que liabia
Ciudad de Mexico, pareciole quo pasado." Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
estaba toda ycrma, y que no parecia Espafia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 19.
persona por todos los caminos, ni 13 " Pontes ligncos qui tractim
casas, ni plazas, ne nadie le salid ;i lapideos intersecant sublafos, ac vias
rccibir, ni de los suyos, ni ne los aggeribus munitas repent." P. Mar-
enemigos ; y fue esto senal de indig- tyr, de Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 5.
chap, vni.] GENERAL SIGNS OF HOSTILITY. 33
gates of the palace of Axayacatl. The gates were thrown
open, and Cortes and his veterans, rushing in, were cor-
dially embraced by their companions in arms, while both
parties soon forgot the present in the interesting recapi-
tulation of the past. 14
The first inquiries of the general were respecting the
origin of the tumult. The accounts were various. Some
imputed it to the desire of the Mexicans to release their
sovereign from confinement ; others to the design of
cutting off the garrison while crippled by the absence of
Cortes and their countrymen. All agreed, however, in
tracing the immediate cause to the violence of Alvarado.
It was common for the Aztecs to celebrate an annual
festival in May, in honour of their patron war-god. It
was called the " incensing of Huitzilopotchli," and was
commemorated by sacrifice, religious songs, and dances,
in which most of the nobles engaged, for it was one of
the great festivals which displayed the pomp of the Aztec
ritual. As it was held in the court of the teocalli, in the
immediate neighbourhood of the Spanish quarters, and
as a part of the temple itself was reserved for a Christian
chapel, the caciques asked permission of Alvarado to
perform their rites there. They requested also, it is said,
to be allowed the presence of Montezuma. This latter
petition Alvarado declined, in obedience to the injunc-
tions of Cortes ; but acquiesced in the former, on condi-
tion that the Aztecs should celebrate no human sacrifices,
and should come without weapons.
They assembled accordingly on the day appointed, to
the number of six hundred, at the smallest computation. 15
14 Probanza a pedimento de Juan estaban sus hermanos ; los de dentro
de Lexalde, MS. — Rel. Seg. de cuando los vieron, recibieron singular
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 133. consolacion y esfuerzo y recibieronlos
" Esto causd gran admiration en con la artilleria que tenian, saludan-
todos los que venian, pero no dejaron dolos, y dandolos el parabien de su
de marcbar, hasta entrar donde esta- venida." Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
banlosEspanolesacorralados. Venian Espafia, MS., Lib. 12, cap. 22.
todos muy casados y muy fatigados is « e asi los Indios, todos Senores,
y con mucho deseo de llegar a donde mas de 600 desnudos e con muchas
VOL. II. D
34 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
They were dressed in their most magnificent gala cos-
tumes, with their graceful mantles of feather-work,
sprinkled with precious stones, and their necks, arms,
and legs, ornamented with collars and bracelets of gold.
They had that love of gaudy splendour which belongs to
semi-civilized nations, and on these occasions displayed
all the pomp and profusion of their barbaric wardrobes.
Alvarado and his soldiers attended as spectators, some
of them taking their station at the gates, as if by chance,
and others mingling in the crowd. They were all armed,
a circumstance, which, as it was usual, excited no atten-
tion. The Aztecs were soon engrossed by the exciting
movement of the dance, accompanied by their religious
chant, and wild, discordant minstrelsy. While thus
occupied, Alvarado and his men, at a concerted signal,
rushed with drawn swords on their victims. Unprotected
by armour or weapons of any kind, they were hewn
down without resistance by their assailants, who, in their
bloody work, says a contemporary, showed no touch of
pity or compunction. 16 Some fled to the gates, but were
caught on the long pikes of the soldiers. Others, who
attempted to scale the Coatepantli, or Wall of Serpents,
as it was called, which surrounded the area, shared the
like fate, or were cut to pieces, or shot by the ruthless
soldiery. The pavement, says a writer of the age, ran
with streams of blood, like water in a heavy shower. 17
Not an Aztec, of all that gay company, was left alive !
It was repeating the dreadful scene of Cholula, with
joyas de oro e hermosos penachos, c usual, swells it only to two thousand,
muchas piedras preciosas, c como Brcvissima Relatione, p. 48.
mas adcrczados 6 gentiles hombres I6 „ gin dudo uj . dad Christiana
se pudicrou e supioron aderezar, e sm ^ . xcucm6> j mat( £» Qomara, Cv6-
anna alguna clclensiva m otensiva ■ -,q,
bailaban e cautaban c haeiau su arcito c ' "'
i fiesta scgun su costumbre." (Ovi- 1? "Fue" tan grande el derramami-
edo Hist, dc las Ind., MS., Ub. 33, ento de Sangre, rpie corrian arroyos
cap. 54.) Some writers carry the de clla nor el Patio, como agua cuan-
number as high as eight hundred or do mucho llucve." Sahagun, Hist,
even one thousand. Las Casas, with dc Nueva Espana, MS., lib. 12, cap.
a more modest exaggeration than 20.
chap, vin.] MASSACRE BY ALVARADO. 35
the disgraceful addition, that the Spaniards, not con-
tent with slaughtering their victims, rifled them of the
precious ornaments on their persons ! On this sad day
fell the flower of the Aztec nobility. Not a family of
note but had mourning and desolation brought within
its walls ; and many a doleful ballad, rehearsing the
tragic incidents of the story, and adapted to the plaintive
national airs, continued to be chanted by the natives long-
after the subjugation of the country. 18
Various explanations have been given of this atrocious
deed ; but few historians have been content to admit that
of Alvarado himself. According to this, intelligence had
been obtained through his spies — some of them Mexicans
— of an intended rising of the Indians. The celebration
of this festival was fixed on as the period for its execu-
tion, when the caciques would be met together, and
would easily rouse the people to support them. Alvarado,
advised of all this, had forbidden them to wear arms at
their meeting. While affecting to comply, they had
secreted their weapons in the neighbouring arsenals,
whence they could readily withdraw them. But his own
blow, by anticipating theirs, defeated the design, and, as
he confidently hoped, would deter the Aztecs from a
similar attempt in future. 19
Such is the account of the matter given by Alvarado.
But, if true, why did he not verify his assertion by
exposing the arms thus secreted? Why did he not vin-
dicate his conduct in the eyes of the Mexicans generally,
by publicly avowing the treason of the nobles, as was
is 't y de aqui a que se acabe el de la Conquista, cap. 125,) with
mundo, 6 ellos del todo se acaben, some additional particulars in Tor-
no dexaran de lamentar, y cantar en qu|mada, (Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap.
sus areytos, y bayles, como en ro- 66 J Solis, (Conquista, lib. 4, cap.
rnances, que aca dezimos, aquella 12,) and Herrera, (Hist. General,
calamidad, y perdida de la sucession dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 8,) who all seem
de toda su nobleza, de que se preci- content to endorse Alvarado's version
auan de tantos anos atras." Las of the matter. I find no other au-
Casas, Brevissima Relatione, p. 49. thority, of any weight, in the same
19 See Alvarado's reply to queries charitable vein,
of Cortes, as reported by Diaz, (Hist.
d 2
36 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
done by Cortes at Cliolula ? The whole looks much like
an apology devised after the commission of the deed, to
cover up its atrocity.
Some contemporaries assign a very different motive
for the massacre, which, according to them, originated in
the cupidity of the Conquerors, as shown by their plun-
dering the bodies of their victims. 20 Bernal Diaz, who,
though not present, had conversed familiarly with those
who were, vindicates them from the charge of this un-
worthy motive. According to him, Alvarado struck the
blow in order to intimidate the Aztecs from any insur-
rectionary movement. 21 But whether he had reason to
apprehend such, or even affected to do so before the
massacre, the old chronicler does not inform us.
On reflection, it seems scarcely possible that so foul a
deed, and one involving so much hazard to the Spaniards
themselves, should have been perpetrated from the mere
desire of getting possession of the bawbles worn on the
persons of the natives. It is more likely this was an
afterthought, suggested to the rapacious soldiery by the
display of the spoil before them. It is not improbable
that Alvarado may have gathered rumours of a conspiracy
among the nobles, — rumours, perhaps, derived through
the Tlascalans, their inveterate foes, and for that reason
very little deserving of credit. 22 He proposed to defeat
20 Oviedo mentions a conversation avenge it. (Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
which he had some years after this lib. 33, cap. 54.) See the original
tragedy with a noble Spaniard, Don dialogue in Appendix, Part 2, No. 11.
Tlioan Cano, who came over in the 21 " Verdaderamente did en ellos
train of Narvaez, and was present at por metelles tenior." Hist, de la
all the subsequent operations of the Conquista, cap. 125.
army. He married a daughter of w Such, indeed, is the statement
Montezuma, and settled in Mexico of Ixtlilxochitl, derived, as he says,
after the Conquest. Oviedo describes from the native Tezcucan annalists,
him as a man of sense and integrity. According to them, the Tlascalans,
In answer to the historian's queries urged by their hatred of the Aztecs
respecting the cause of the rising, he and their thirst for plunder, per-
said, that Alvarado had wantonly suaded Alvarado, nothing loth, that
perpetrated the massacre from pure the nobles meditated a rising on the
avarice ; and the Aztecs, enraged at occasion of these festivities. The
such unprovoked and unmerited testimony is important, and I give it
cruelty, rose, as they well might, to in the author's words. " Fue que
chap, vm.] MASSACRE BY ALVARADO. 37
it by imitating the example of his commander at Cholnla.
But he omitted to imitate his leader in taking precau-
tions against the subsequent rising of the populace. And
he grievously miscalculated, when he confounded the
bold and warlike Aztec with the effeminate Cholulan.
No sooner was the butchery accomplished, than the
tidings spread like wildfire through the capital. Men
could scarcely credit their senses. All they had hitherto
suffered, the desecration of their temples, the imprison-
ment of their sovereign, the insults heaped on his person,
all were forgotten in this one act. 23 Every feeling of
long-smothered hostility and rancour now burst forth in
the cry for vengeance. Every former sentiment of super-
stitious dread was merged in that of inextinguishable
hatred. It required no effort of the priests — though this
was not wanting — to fan these passions into a blaze.
The city rose in arms to a man ; and on the following
dawn, almost before the Spaniards could secure them-
selves in their defences, they were assaulted with des-
perate fury. Some of the assailants attempted to scale
the walls ; others succeeded in partially undermining and
in setting fire to the works. Whether they would have
ciertos Tlascaltecas (segun las His- fiesta habian acudido todos los Seii-
torias de Tescuco que son las que Io ores y Cabezas del Imperio y que
sigo y la carta que otras veces lie muertos no tenian mucho trabajo en
referido) por embidia lo uno acor- sojuzgarles." Hist. Chich., MS.,
dandose que en semejante fiesta los cap. 88.
Mexicanos solian sacrificar gran suma 23 Martyr well recapitulates these
da eautivos de los de la Nacion Tlas- grievances, showing that they seemed
calteca, y lo otro que era la mejor such in the eyes of the Spaniards
ocasion que ellos podian tener para themselves — of those, at least, whose
poder hinchir las manos de despojos judgment was not warped by a share
y hartar su codicia, y vengarse de in the transactions. " Emori statu-
sus Enemigos, (porque hasta enton- erunt malle, quam diutius ferre tales
ces no habian tenido lugar, ni Cortes hospites qui regem suum sub tutoris
se les diera, ni admitiera sus dichos, vitae specie detineant, civitatem occu-
porque siempre hacia las cosas con pent, antiquos hostes Tascaltecanos
mucho acuerdo) fueron con esta in- et alios prseterea in contumeham
vencion al capitan Pedro de Alba- ante illorum oculos ipsorum impeusa
rado, que estaba en lugar de Cortes, conseruent ; . . . . qui demum simul-
el qual no fue menester mucho para achra deorum confregerint, et ritus
darles credito porque tan buenos veteres ac ceremonias antiquas illis
filos, y pensamientos tenia como ellos abstulerint." De Orbe Novo, dec. 5,
y mas viendo que alii «n aquella cap. 5.
38 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book. iv.
succeeded in carrying the place by storm, is doubtful.
But, at the prayers of the garrison, Montezuma himself
interfered, and mounting the battlements, addressed the
populace, whose fury he endeavoured to mitigate by
urging considerations for his own safety. They respected
their monarch so far as to desist from further attempts
to storm the fortress, but changed their operations into
a regular blockade. They threw up works around the
palace to prevent the egress of the Spaniards. They
suspended the tianguez, or market, to preclude the pos-
sibility of their enemy's obtaining supplies ; and they
then quietly sat down, with feelings of sullen desperation,
waiting for the hour when famine should throw their
victims into their hands.
The condition of the besieged, meanwhile, was suffi-
ciently distressing. Their magazines of provisions, it is
true, were not exhausted ; but they suffered greatly from
want of water, which, within the inclosure, was exceed-
ingly brackish, for the soil was saturated with the salt of
the surrounding element. In this extremity, they dis-
covered, it is said, a spring of fresh water in the area.
Such springs were known in some other parts of the
city; but, discovered first under these circumstances, it
was accounted as nothing less than a miracle. Still
they suffered much from their past encounters. Seven
Spaniards, and many Tlascalans, had fallen, and there
was scarcely one of either nation who had not received
several wounds. In this situation, far from their own
countrymen, without expectation of succour from abroad,
they seemed to have no alternative before them but a
lingering death by famine, or one more dreadful on the
altar of sacrifice. From this gloomy state they were
relieved by the coming of their comrades. 24
Cortes calmly listened to the explanation made by
Alvarado. But, before it was ended, the conviction must
24 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, lib. 33, cap. 13, 47. — Gomara, Crd-
MS— Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., nica, cap. -105.
chap, viii.] RISING OF THE AZTECS. 39
have forced itself on his mind, that he had made a wrong
salection for this important post. Yet the mistake was
natural. Alvarado was a cavalier of high family, gallant
and chivalrous, and his warm personal friend. He had
talents for action, was possessed of firmness and intre-
pidity, while his frank and dazzling manners made the
Tonatiuh an especial favourite with the Mexicans. But,
underneath this showy exterior, the future conqueror of
Guatemala concealed a heart rash, rapacious, and cruel.
He was altogether destitute of that moderation, which,
in the delicate position he occupied, was a quality of
more worth than all the rest.
When Alvarado had concluded his answers to the
several interrogatories of Cortes, the brow of the latter
darkened, as he said to his lieutenant, " You have done
badly. You have been false to your trust. Your con-
duct has been that of a madman!" And, turning
abruptly on his heel, he left him in undisguised dis-
pleasure.
Yet this was not a time to break with one so popular,
and, in many respects, so important to him, as this cap-
tain, much less to inflict on him the punishment he
merited. The Spaniards were like mariners labouring in
a heavy tempest, whose bark nothing but the dexterity
of the pilot, and the hearty cooperation of the crew, can
save from foundering. Dissensions at such a moment
must be fatal. Cortes, it is true, felt strong in his pre-
sent resources. He now found himself at the head of a
force which could scarcely amount to less than twelve
hundred and fifty Spaniards, and eight thousand native
warriors, principally Tlascalans. 25 But, though relying
on this to overawe resistance, the very augmentation of
numbers increased the difficulty of subsistence. Dis-
25 He left in garrison, on his de- liberal allowance — to have perished
parture from Mexico, 1 40 Spaniards in battle and otherwise, it would still
and about 6500 Tlascalans, inclu- leave a number, which, with the rein-
ding a few Cempoallan warriors. forcement now brought, wovdd raise
Supposing five hundred of these — a the amount to that stated in the text.
40 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
contented with himself, disgusted with his officer, and
embarrassed by the disastrous consequences in which
Alvarado's intemperance had involved him, he became
irritable, and indulged in a petulance by no means com-
mon ; for, though a man of lively passions by nature, he
held them habitually under control. 26
On the day that Cortes arrived, Montezuma had left
his own quarters to welcome him. But the Spanish
commander, distrusting, as it would seem, however un-
reasonably, his good faith, received him so coldly that
the Indian monarch withdrew, displeased and dejected,
to his apartment. As the Mexican populace made no
show of submission, and brought no supplies to the
army, the general's ill-humour with the emperor con-
tinued. When, therefore, Montezuma sent some of the
nobles to ask an interview with Cortes, the latter, turning
to his own officers, haughtily exclaimed, " What have I
to do with this dog of a king, who suffers us to starve
before his eyes ? "
His captains, among whom were Olid, de Avila, and
Velasquez de Leon, endeavoured to mitigate his anger,
reminding him, in respectful terms, that, had it not been
for the emperor, the garrison might even now have been
overwhelmed by the enemy. This remonstrance only
chafed him the more. " Did not the dog," he asked,
repeating the opprobrious epithet, " betray us in his
communications with Narvaez ? And does he not now
suffer his markets to be closed, and leave us to die of
famine?" Then, turning fiercely to the Mexicans, he
said, " Go, tell your master and his people to open the
markets, or we will do it for them, at their cost ! " The
chiefs, who had gathered the import of his previous taunt
on their sovereign, from his tone and gesture, or perhaps
from some comprehension of his language, left his pre-
26 « y vicndo que todo estaua mucha gete de Espaiiolcs que traia,
niuy al contrario de sus pensami- y muy triste, y mohino." Bernal
entos, q' au de comer no uos dauan, Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
estaua muy airado, y sobervio co la 120.
chap, vin.] cortEs' embarrassment. 41
sence swelling with resentment ; and, in communicating
his message, took care it should lose none of its effect. 27
Shortly after, Cortes, at the suggestion, it is said, of
Montezuma, released his brother Cuitlahua, lord of Izta-
palapan, who, it will be remembered, had been seized on
suspicion of cooperating with the chief of Tezcuco in his
meditated revolt. It was thought he might be of service
in allaying the present tumult, and bringing the populace
to a better state of feeling. But he returned no more to
the fortress. 28 He was a bold, ambitious prince, and the
injuries he had received from the Spaniards rankled deep
in his bosom. He was presumptive heir to the crown,
which, by the Aztec laws of succession, descended much
more frequently in a collateral than in a direct line. The
people welcomed him as the representative of their sove-
reign, and chose him to supply the place of Montezuma
during his captivity. Cuitlahua willingly accepted the
post of honour and of danger. He was an experienced
warrior, and exerted himself to reorganize the disorderly
levies, and to arrange a more efficient plan of operations.
The effect was soon visible.
Cortes, meanwhile, had so little doubt of his ability to
overawe the insurgents, that he wrote to that effect to
the garrison of Villa Rica, by the same despatches in
which he informed them of his safe arrival in the
capital. But scarcely had his messenger been gone half
an hour, when he returned breathless with terror, and
covered with wounds. " The city," he said, " was all
in arms ! The drawbridges were raised, and the enemy
would soon be upon them !" He spoke truth. It was
not long before a hoarse, sullen sound became audible,
like that of the roaring of distant waters. It grew
louder and louder ; till, from the parapet surrounding
27 The scene is reported by Diaz, Cano, an eye-witness, in his conver-
who was present. (Ibid., cap. 126.) sation with Oviedo. See Appendix,
See, also, the Chronicle of .Gomara, Part 2, No. 11.
the chaplain of Cortes. (Cap. 106.) 2S Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
It is further confirmed by Don Thoan lib. 10, cap. 8.
42 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
the inclosure, the great avenues which led to it might
be seen dark with the masses of warriors, who came
rolling on in a confused tide towards the fortress. At
the same time, the terraces and azoteas or flat roofs, in
the neighbourhood, were thronged with combatants
brandishing their missiles, who seemed to have risen
up as if by magic ! 29 It was a spectacle to appal the
stoutest. — But the dark storm to which it was the pre-
lude, and which gathered deeper and deeper round the
Spaniards during the remainder of their residence in the
capital, must form the subject of a separate book.
29 " El qual Mensajero bolvid calles ni Azoteas se parecian con
dende a media hora todo descala- Gente ; la qual venia con los mayores
brado, y herido, dando voces, que alaridos, y grita mas espantable, que
todos los Indios de la Ciudad venian en el Mundo sepuede pensar." Bel.
de Guerra y que tenian todas las Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p.
Puentes alzadas ; e junto tras el da 134. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid.,
sobre nosotros tanta multitud de MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.
Gente por todas partes, que ni las
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes was born in 1478. He belonged
to an ancient family of the Asturias. Every family, indeed, claims to be
ancient in this last retreat of the intrepid Goths, fie was early introduced
at court, and was appointed page to Prince Juan, the only son of Ferdinand
and Isabella, on whom their hopes, and those of the nation, deservedly rested.
Oviedo accompanied the camp in the latter campaigns of the Moorish war,
and was present at the memorable siege of Grauada. On the untimely death
of his royal master in 1496, he passed over to Italy and entered the service
of King Frederick of Naples. At the death of that prince he returned to
his own country, and in the beginning of the sixteenth century we find him
again established in Castile, where he occupied the place of keeper of the
crown jewels. In 1513, he was named by Ferdinand the Catholic veedor, or
inspector of the gold founderies in the American colonies. Oviedo, accord-
ingly, transported himself to the New World, where he soon took a commis-
sion under Pedrarias, governor of Darien, and shared in the disastrous
fortunes of that colony. He obtained some valuable privileges from the
crown, built a fortress on Tierra Firme, and entered into traffic with the
natives. In this wc may presume he was prosperous, since we find him at
length established with a wife and family at Hispaniola, or Fernandina, as it
was then called. Although he continued to make his principal residence in
the New World, he made occasional visits to Spain; and, in 1526, published
at Madrid his Sumurio. It is dedicated to the Emperor Charles the Fifth,
and contains an account of the West Indies, their geography, climate, the
races who inhabited them, together with their animal and vegetable produc-
tions. The subject was of great interest to the inquisitive minds of Europe,
and one of which they had previously gleaned but scanty information. In
CHAP. VIII
] OVIEDO. 43
1535, in a subsequent visit to Spain, Oviedo gave to the world the first
volume of his great work, which he had been many years in compiling, — the
" Historia de las Indias Occidentals. " In the same year, he was appointed
by Charles the Fifth alcayde of the fortress of Hispaniola. He continued
in the island the ten following years, actively engaged in the prosecution of
his historical researches, and then returned for the last time to his native
land. The veteran scholar was well received at court, and obtained the
honourable appointment of Chronicler of the Indies. He occupied this post
until the period of his death, which took place at Valladolid in 1557, in the
seventy-ninth year of his age, at the very time when he was employed in
preparing the residue of his history for the press.
Considering the intimate footing on which Oviedo lived with the eminent
persons of his time, it is singular that so little is preserved of his personal
history and his character. Nic. Antonio speaks of him as a " man of large
experience, courteous in his manners, and of great probity." His long and
active life is a sufficient voucher for his experience, and one will hardly doubt
his good breeding, when we know the high society in which he moved. He
left a large mass of manuscripts, embracing a vast range both of Civil and
Natural History. By far the most important is his Historia General de las
Indias. It is divided into three parts containing fifty books. The first part,
consisting of nineteen books, is the one already noticed as having been pub-
lished during his lifetime. It gives in a more extended form the details of
geographical and natural history embodied in his Sumario, with a narrative,
moreover, of the discoveries and conquests of the Islands. A translation of
this portion of the work was made by the learned Ramusio, with whom
Oviedo was in correspondence, and is published in the third volume of his
inestimable collection. The two remaining parts relate to the conquests of
Mexico, of Peru, and other countries of South America. It is that portion
of the work consulted for these pages. The manuscript was deposited, at
his death, in the Casa de la Contratacion, at Seville. It afterwards came into
the possession of the Dominican monastery of Monserrat. In process of
time, mutilated copies found their way into several private collections ; when,
in 1775, Don Francisco Cerda y Rico, an officer in the Indian department,
ascertained the place in which the original was preserved, and, prompted by
his literary zeal, obtained an order from the government for its publication.
Under his supervision the work was put in order for the press, and Oviedo's
biographer, Alvarez y Baena, assures us that a complete edition of it, pre-
pared with the greatest care, would soon be given to the world. (Hijos de
Madrid, _ [Madrid, 1790,] torn. ii. pp. 354—361.) It still remains in
manuscript.
No country has been more fruitful in the field of historical composition
than Spain. Her ballads are chronicles done into verse. The chronicles
themselves date from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Every city, every
small town, every great family, and many a petty one, has its chronicler.
These were often mere monkish chroniclers, who in the seclusion of the con-
vent found leisure for literary occupation ; or, not unfrequently, they were
men who had taken part in the affairs they described, more expert with the
sword than with the pen. The compositions of this latter class have a general
character of that indifference to fine writing, which shows a mind intent on
the facts with which it is occupied, much more than on forms of expression.
The monkish chroniclers, on the other hand, often make a pedantic display
of obsolete erudition, which contrasts rather whimsically with the homely
texture of the narrative. The chroniclers of both the one and the other class
of writers may frequently claim the merit of picturesque and animated detail,
showing that the subject was one of living interest, and that the writer's
heart was in his subject.
44 OVIEDO. [book iv.
Many of the characteristic blemishes of which I have been speaking, may
be charged on Oviedo. His style is cast in no classic mould. His thoughts
find themselves a vent in tedious, interminable sentences, that may fill the
reader with despair ; and the thread of the narrative is broken by impertinent
episodes that lead to nothing. His scholarship was said to be somewhat
scanty. One will hardly be led to doubt it, from the tawdry display of Latin
quotations with which he garnishes his pages, like a poor gallant, who would
make the most of his little store of finery. He affected to take the elder
Pliny as his model, as appears from the preface to his Sumario. But his own
work fell far short of the model of erudition and eloquence which that great
writer of natural history has bequeathed to us.
Yet, with his obvious defects, Oviedo showed an enlightened curiosity,
and a shrewd spirit of observation, which place him far above the ordinary
range of chroniclers. He may even be said to display a philosophic tone in
his reflections, though his philosophy must be regarded as cold and unscru-
pulous, wherever the rights of the aborigines are in question. He was inde-
fatigable iu amassing materials for his narratives, and for this purpose
maintained a correspondence with the most eminent men of his time, who
had taken part in the transactions which he commemorates. He even con-
descended to collect iuformatiou from more humble sources, from popular
tradition and the reports of the common soldiers. Hence his work often
presents a medley of inconsistent and contradictory details, which perplex
the judgment, making it exceedingly difficult, at this distance of time, to dis-
entangle the truth. It was, perhaps, for this reason, that Las Casas com-
plimented the author by declaring, that "his works were a wholesale
fabrication, as full of lies as of pages!" Yet another explanation of this
severe judgment may be found in the different characters of the two men.
Oviedo shared in the worldly feelings common to the Spanish Conquerors;
and, wliile he was ever ready to magnify the exploits of his countrymen, held
lightly the claims and the sufferings of the unfortunate aborigines. He was
incapable of appreciating the generous philanthropy of Las Casas, or of rising
to his lofty views, which he doubtless derided as those of a benevolent, it
might be, but visionary, fanatic. Las Casas, on the other hand, whose voice
had been constantly uplifted against the abuses of the Conquerors, was filled
with abhorrence at the sentiments avowed by Oviedo, and it was natural that
his aversion to the principles should be extended to the person who professed
them. Probably no two men could have been found less competent to form
a right estimate of each other.
Oviedo showed the same activity in gathering materials for natural history,
as he had done for the illustration of civil He collected the different plants
of the Islands in his garden, and domesticated many of the animals, or kept
them in confinement under his eye, where he could study their peculiar
habits By this course, if he did not himself rival Pliny and Hernandez in
science, he was, at least, enabled to furnish the man of science with facts of
the highest interest and importance.
Besides these historical writings, Oviedo left a work in six volumes, called
by the whimsical title of Quincuagmas. It consists of imaginary dialogues
between the most eminent Spaniards of the time, in respect to their personal
history, their families, and genealogy. It is a work of inestimable value to
the historian of the times of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of Charles the
Fifth. But it has attracted little attention in Spain, where it still remains
in manuscript. A complete copy of Oviedo's History of the Indies is in the
archives of the Royal Academy of History in Madrid, and it is understood
that this body has now an edition prepared for the press. Such parts as are
literally transcribed from preceding narratives, like the Letters of Cortes,
which Oviedo transferred without scruple entire and unuiutilated into his
CHAP. VIII.
CAMARGO. 45
own pages, though enlivened, it is true, by occasional criticism of his own,
might as well be omitted. But the remainder of the great work affords a
mass of multifarious information which would make an important contribu-
tion to the colonial history of Spain.
An authority of frequent reference in these pages is Diego Munos
Camargo. He was a noble Tlascalan mestee, aud lived in the latter half of
the sixteentli century. He was educated in the Christian faith, and early
instructed in Castilian, in which tongue he composed his Historia de Tlascala.
In this work he introduces the reader to the different members of the great
Nahuatlac family, who came successively up the Mexican plateau. Born
and bred among the aborigines of the country, when the practices of the
Pagan age had not wholly become obsolete, Camargo was in a position per-
fectly to comprehend the condition of the ancient inhabitants ; and his work
supplies much curious and authentic information respecting the social and
religious institutions of the land at the time of the Conquest. His patriotism
warms, as he recounts the old hostilities of his countrymen with the Aztecs,
and it is singular to observe how the detestation of the rival nations sur-
vived their common subjection under the Castilian yoke.
Camargo embraces in his narrative an account of this great event, and of
the subsequent settlement of the country. As one of the Indian family, we
might expect to see his chronicle reflect the prejudices, or, at least, par-
tialities, of the Indian. But the Christian convert yielded up his sympathies
as freely to the Conquerors as to his own countrymen. The desire to mag-
nify the exploits of the latter, and at the same time to do full justice to the
prowess of the white men, produces occasionally a most whimsical contrast
in his pages, giving the story a strong air of inconsistency. In point of
literary execution the work has little merit ; as great, however, as could be
expected from a native Indian, indebted for his knowledge of the tongue to
such imperfect instruction as he could obtain from the missionaries. Yet in
style of composition it may compare not unfavourably with the writings of
some of the missionaries themselves.
The original manuscript was long preserved in the convent of San Felipe
Neri in Mexico, where Torquemada, as appears from occasional references,
had access to it. It has escaped the attention of other historians, but was
embraced by Munoz in his magnificent collection, and deposited in the
archives of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid; from which source
the copy in my possession was obtained. It bears the title of Pedazo de
Historia Verdadera, and is without the author's name, and without division
into books or chapters.
BOOK FIFTH.
EXPULSION FROM MEXICO.
BOOK V.
EXPULSION FROM MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
Desperate Assault on the Quarters. — Fury of the Mexicans. — Sally of the
Spaniards. — Montezuma addresses the People. — Dangerously wounded.
1520.
The palace of Axayacatl, in which the Spaniards were
quartered, was, as the reader may remember, a vast,
irregular pile of stone buildings, having but one floor,
except in the centre, where another story was added,
consisting of a suite of apartments which rose like turrets
on the main building of the edifice. A vast area stretched
around, encompassed by a stone wall of no great height.
This was supported by towers or bulwarks at certain
intervals, which gave it some degree of strength, not,
indeed, as compared with European fortifications, but
sufficient to resist the rude battering enginery of the
Indians. The parapet had been pierced here and there
with embrasures for the artillery, which consisted of thir-
teen guns ; and smaller apertures were made in other
parts for the convenience of arquebusiers. The Spanish
forces found accommodations within the great building ;
but the numerous body of Tlascalan auxiliaries could
have had no other shelter than what was afforded by
barracks or sheds hastily constructed for the purpose
VOL. II. e
50 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
in the spacious court-yard. Most of them, probably,
bivouacked under the open sky, in a climate milder than
that to which they were accustomed among the rude hills
of their native land. Thus crowded into a small and
compact compass, the whole army could be assembled at
a moment's notice ; and, as the Spanish commander was
careful to enforce the strictest discipline and vigilance, it
was scarcely possible that he could be taken by surprise.
No sooner, therefore, did the trumpet call to arms, as
the approach of the enemy was announced, than every
soldier was at his post, the cavalry mounted, the artillery-
men at their guns, and the archers and arquebusiers
stationed so as to give the assailants a warm reception.
On they came, with the companies, or irregular masses,
into which the multitude was divided, rushing forward
each in its own dense column, with many a gay banner
displayed, and many a bright gleam of light reflected
from helmet, arrow, and spear-head, as they were tossed
about in their disorderly array. As they drew near the
inclosure, the Aztecs set up a hideous yell, or rather that
shrill whistle used in light by the nations of Anahuac,
which rose far above the sound of shell and atabal, and
their other rude instruments of warlike melody. They
followed this by a tempest of missiles, — stones, darts,
and arrows, — which fell thick as rain on the besieged,
while volleys of the same kind descended from the
crowded terraces in the neighbourhood. 1
The Spaniards waited until the foremost column had
arrived within the best distance for giving effect to their
fire, when a general discharge of artillery and arquebuses
swept the ranks of the assailants, and mowed them down
1 "Eran tantas las Pioclras, que p. 134.) No wonder that they should
uos cchabau con Hondas dentro en have found some difficulty in' wading
la Fortalcza, que no parccia sino que through the arrows, if Herrera's ac-
ol Ciclo las llovia ; e las Elechas, y count be correct, thgbforfy cart-loads
Tiraderas eran tantas, que todas las of them were gathered up and burnt
paredes y Patios cstaban llenos, que by the besieged every day ! Hist,
casi no podiamos andar con ellas." General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9.
(Rel. Seg. dc Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
chap, i.] DESPERATE ASSAULT ON THE QUARTERS, 51
by hundreds. 2 The Mexicans were familiar with the
report of these formidable engines, as they had been
harmlessly discharged on some holyday festival; but
never till now had they witnessed their murderous power.
They stood aghast for a moment, as with bewildered
looks they staggered under the fury of the fire ; 3 but,
soon rallying, the bold barbarians uttered a piercing cry,
and rushed forward over the prostrate bodies of their
comrades. A second and a third volley checked their
career, and threw them into disorder, but still they
pressed on, letting off clouds of arrows ; while their com-
rades on the roofs of the houses took more deliberate
aim at the combatants in the court-yard. The Mexicans
were particularly expert in the use of the sling ; 4 and the
stones which they hurled from their elevated positions
on the heads of their enemies did even greater execution
than the arrows. They glanced, indeed, from the mail-
covered bodies of the cavaliers, and from those who were
sheltered under the cotton panoply, or escaupil. But
some of the soldiers, especially the veterans of Cortes, and
many of their Indian allies, had but slight defences, and
suffered greatly under this stony tempest.
The Aztecs, meanwhile, had advanced close under the
walls of the intrenchment ; their ranks broken and dis-
ordered, and their limbs mangled by the unintermitting
fire of the Christians. But they still pressed on, under
the very muzzle of the guns. They endeavoured to scale
2 " Luego sin tardanza se juntaron 22.) The good father waxes elo-
los Mexicanos, en gran copia, puestos quent in his description of the battle
a punto de Guerra, que no parecia, scene.
sino que habian salido debajo de , The prese nted so easy a
tierra todos luntos, y comenzaron i n_ Aiii
i , -, J -, "i i -it, mark, says Gomara, that the eunners
luego a dar grit a y pelear, y los Es- j d ' d ^ flre d with hardly the
panoles les comenzaron a responder t u f ^ their J^
de dentro con toda la artillena que st T ^ f ^.^ gk
de neubo habian traido, y con toda . ? >■ • ,■ ■ „ p. A
-i , -> vf 1- ■ i asestar ]ue;aban con los tiros. Oro-
la gente que de nuevo habia vemdo, • J s nfl
? -pi i - i i • ■/ j nica, cap. 106.
y los iiSpanoles hicieron gran de- r
s'trozo en los Indios, con la artillena, 4 " Hondas, que eran la mas fuerte
arcabuzes, y ballestas y todo el otro arma de pelca que los Mejicanos te-
artificio de pelear." (Sahagun, Hist. man." Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala,
de Nueva Espaiia, MS., lib. 12, cap. MS.
e2
52 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
the parapet, which, from its moderate height, was in
itself a work of no great difficulty. But the moment
they showed their heads above the rampart, they were
shot down by the unerring marksmen within, or stretched
on the ground by a blow of a Tlascalan maquahuiU.
Nothing daunted, others soon appeared to take the place
of the fallen, and strove, by raising themselves on the
writhing bodies of their dying comrades, or by fixing
their spears in the crevices of the wall, to surmount the
barrier. But the attempt proved equally vain.
Defeated here, they tried to effect a breach in the
parapet by battering it with heavy pieces of timber. The
works were not constructed on those scientific principles
by which one part is made to overlook and protect
another. The besiegers, therefore, might operate at their
pleasure, with but little molestation from the garrison
within, whose guns could not be brought into a position
to bear on them, and who could mount no part of their
own works for their defence, without exposing their per-
sons to the missiles of the whole besieging army. The
parapet, however, proved too strong for the efforts of the
assailants. In their despair, they endeavoured to set the
Christian quarters on fire, shooting burning arrows into
them, and climbing up so as to dart their firebrands
through the embrasures. The principal edifice was of
stone. But the temporary defences of the Indian allies,
and other parts of the exterior works, were of wood.
Several of these took fire, and the flame spread rapidly
among the light combustible materials. This was a
disaster for which the besieged were wholly unprepared.
They had little water, scarcely enough for their own con-
sumption. They endeavoured to extinguish the flames
by heaping on earth; but in vain. Fortunately the
great building was of materials which defied the destroy-
ing element. But the fire raged in some of the out-
works, connected with the parapet, with a fury which
could only be checked by throwing clown a part of the
.chap. I.] DESPERATE ASSAULT ON THE QUARTERS. 53
wall itself, thus laying open a formidable breach. This,
by the general's order, was speedily protected by a bat-
tery of heavy guns, and a file of arquebusiers, who kept
up an incessant volley through the opening on the
assailants. 5
The fight now raged with fury on both sides. The
walls around the palace belched forth an unintermitting
sheet of flame and smoke. The groans of the wounded
and dying were lost in the fiercer battle-cries of the com-
batants, the roar of the artillery, the sharper rattle of the
musketry, and the hissing sound of Indian missiles. It
was the conflict of the European with the American ; of
civilized man with the barbarian ; of the science of the
one with the rude weapons and warfare of the other.
And as the ancient walls of Tenochtitlan shook under
the thunders of the artillery, — it announced that the
white man, the destroyer, had set his foot within her
precincts. 6
Night at length came, and drew her friendly mantle
over the contest. The Aztec seldom fought by night.
It brought little repose, however, to the Spaniards, in
hourly expectation of an assault ; and they found abun-
dant occupation in restoring the breaches in their
defences, and in repairing their battered armour. The
beleaguered host lay on their arms through the night,
giving token of their presence, now and then, by send-
ing a stone or shaft over the battlements, or by a solitary
cry of defiance from some warrior more determined than
the rest, till all other sounds were lost in the vague,
5 " En la Fortaleza daban tan recio sistir." Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap.
combate, que por muchas partes nos Lorenzana, p. 134.
pusieron fuego, y por la nna se quemo
mucha parte deella, sin la poder reme- 6 Ibid., ubi supra.- Gomara, Crd-
diar, hasta que la atajamos, cortando nica, cap. 106. — Oviedo, Hist, de las
las paredes, y derrocando ,un pe- Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13. — Saha-
dazo que matd el fuego. E si no gun, Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, MS.,
fuera por la mucha Guarda, que alii lib. 12, cap. 22. — Gonzalo de las
puse de Escopeteros, y Ballesteros, Casas, Defensa, MS., Parte 1, cap.
y otros tiros do polvora, nos entra- 26. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
ran a escala vista, sin los poder re- quista, cap. 126.
54 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
indistinct murmurs which float upon the air in the
neighbourhood of a vast assembly.
The ferocity shown by the Mexicans seems to have
been a thing for which Cortes was wholly unprepared.
His past experience, his uninterrupted career of victory
with a much feebler force at his command, had led him
to underrate the military efficiency, if not the valour, of
the Indians. The apparent facility with which the
Mexicans had acquiesced in the outrages on their sove-
reign and themselves, had led him to hold their courage,
in particular, too lightly. He could not believe the pre-
sent assault to be anything more than a temporary ebul-
lition of the populace, which would soon waste itself by
its own fury. And he proposed, on the following day,
to sally out and inflict such chastisement on his foes as
should bring them to their senses, and show who was
master in the capital.
With early dawn, the Spaniards were up and under
arms ; but not before their enemies had given evidence
of their hostility by the random missiles, which, from
time to time, were sent into the enclosure. As the grey
light of morning advanced, it showed the besieging army
far from being diminished in numbers, filling up the
great square and neighbouring avenues in more dense
array than on the preceding evening. Instead of a con-
fused, disorderly rabble, it had the appearance of some-
thing like a regular force, with its battalions distributed
under their respective banners, the devices of which
showed a contribution from the principal cities and dis-
tricts in the Valley. High above the rest was conspicuous
the ancient standard of Mexico, with its well-known
cognizance, an eagle pouncing on an ocelot, emblazoned
on a rich mantle of feather-work. Here and there priests
might be seen mingling in the ranks of the besiegers,
and, with frantic gestures, animating them to avenge
their insulted deities.
The greater part of the enemy had little clothing save
chap, i.] SALLY OF THE SPANIARDS. 55
the maxtlatl, or sash round the loins. They were vari-
ously armed, with long spears tipped with copper, or
flint, or sometimes merely pointed and hardened in the
fire. Some were provided with slings, and others with
darts having two or three points, with long strings
attached to them, by which, when discharged, they could
be torn away again from the body of the wounded. This
was a formidable weapon, much dreaded by the Spaniards.
Those of a higher order wielded the terrible maqualmitl,
with its sharp and brittle blades of obsidian. Amidst
the motley bands of warriors, were seen many whose
showy dress and air of authority intimated persons of
high military consequence. Their breasts were protected
by plates of metal, over which was thrown the gay
surcoat of feather-work. They wore casques resembling,
in their form, the head of some wild and ferocious animal,
crested with bristly hair, or overshadowed by tall and
graceful plumes of many a brilliant colour. Some few
were decorated with the red fillet bound round the hair,
having tufts of cotton attached to it, which denoted by
their number that of the victories they had won, and
their own preeminent rank among the warriors of the
nation. The motley assembly plainly showed that priest,
warrior, and citizen had all united to swell the tumult.
Before the sun had shot his beams into the Castilian
quarters, the enemy were in motion, evidently preparing
to renew the assault of the preceding day. The Spanish
commander determined to anticipate them by a vigorous
sortie, for which he had already made the necessary
dispositions. A general discharge of ordnance and
musketry sent death far and wide into the enemy's
ranks, and, before they had time to recover from their
confusion, the gates were thrown open, and Cortes, sally-
ing out at the head of his cavalry, supported by a large
body of infantry, and several thousand Tlascalans, rode
at full gallop against them. Taken thus by surprise, it
was scarcely possible to offer much resistance. Those
56 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
who did were trampled down under the horses' feet, cut
to pieces with the broadswords, or pierced with the
lances of the riders. The infantry followed up the blow,
and the rout for the moment was general.
But the Aztecs fled only to take refuge behind a
barricade, or strong work of timber and earth, which
had been thrown across the great street through which
they were pursued. Rallying on the other side, they
made a gallant stand, and poured in turn a volley of
their light weapons on the Spaniards, who, saluted with
a storm of missiles at the same time, from the terraces
of the houses, were checked in their career, and thrown
into some disorder. 7
Cortes, thus impeded, ordered up a few pieces of
heavy ordnance, which soon swept away the barricades,
and cleared a passage for the army. But it had lost the
momentum acquired in its rapid advance. The enemy
had time to rally and to meet the Spaniards on more
equal terms. They were attacked in flank, too, as they
advanced, by fresh battalions, who swarmed in from the
adjoining streets and lanes. The canals were alive with
boats filled with warriors, who with their formidable
darts searched every crevice or weak place in the armour
of proof, and made havoc on the unprotected bodies of
the Tlascalans. By repeated and vigorous charges, the
Spaniards succeeded in driving the Indians before them;
though many, with a desperation which showed they
loved vengeance better than life, sought to embarrass the
movements of their horses by clinging to their legs, or
more successfully strove to pull the riders from their
saddles. And woe to the unfortunate cavalier who was
thus dismounted, — to be despatched by the brutal maqua-
huill, or to be dragged on board a canoe to the bloody
altar of sacrifice !
But the greatest annoyance which the Spaniards en-
dured was from the missiles from the azoteas, consisting
7 Carta del Exercito, MS.
chap, i.] SALLY OF THE SPANIARDS. 57
often of large stones, hurled with a force that would
tumble the stoutest rider from his saddle. Galled in the
extreme by these discharges, against which even their
shields afforded no adequate protection, Cortes ordered
fire to be set to the buildings. This was no very difficult
matter, since, although chiefly of stone, they were filled
with mats, cane-work, and other combustible materials,
which were soon in a blaze. But the buildings stood
separated from one another by canals and drawbridges,
so that the flames did not easily communicate to the
neighbouring edifices. Hence, the labour of the Spaniards
was incalculably increased, and their progress in the work
of destruction — fortunately ' for the city — was compara-
tively slow. 8 They did not relax their efforts, however,
till several hundred houses had been consumed, and the
miseries of a conflagration, in which the wretched inmates
perished equally with the defenders, were added to the
other horrors of the scene.
The day was now far spent. The Spaniards had been
everywhere victorious. But the enemy, though driven
back on every point, still kept the field. When broken
by the furious charges of the cavalry, he soon rallied
behind the temporary defences, which, at different in-
tervals, had been thrown across the streets, and, facing
about, renewed the fight with undiminished courage, till
the sweeping away of the barriers by the cannon of the
assailants left a free passage for the movements of their
horse. Thus the action was a succession of rallying and
retreating, in which both parties suffered much, although
the loss inflicted on the Indians was probably tenfold
greater than that of the Spaniards. But the Aztecs could
8 " Estan todas en el agua, y de amos fuego, tardaua vim casa e se
casa a casavna puente leuadiza, pas- quemar vn dia entero, y no se podia
salla a nado, era cosa muy peligrosa ; pegar fuego de vna casa a otra ; lo
porque desde las acuteas tirauan vno, por estar apartadas la vna de
tanta piedra, y cantos, que era cosa. otra el agua en medio ; y lo otro, por
perdida ponernos en ello. Y demas ser de acuteas." Berdal Diaz, Hist,
desto, en algunas casas que les poni- de la Conquista, cap. 126.
5S EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
better afford the loss of a hundred lives than their anta-
gonists that of one. And, while the Spaniards showed
an array broken, and obviously thinned in numbers, the
Mexican army, swelled by the tributary levies which
flowed in upon it from the neighbouring streets, exhi-
bited, with all its losses, no sign of diminution. At
length, sated with carnage, and exhausted by toil and
hunger, the Spanish commander drew off his men, and
sounded a retreat. 9
On his way back to his quarters, he beheld his friend,
the secretary Duero, in a street adjoining, unhorsed, and
hotly engaged with a body of Mexicans, against whom
he was desperately defending himself with his poniard.
Cortes, roused at the sight, shouted his war-cry, and,
dashing into the midst of the enemy, scattered them
like chaff by the fury of his onset ; then, recovering his
friend's horse, he enabled him to remount, and the two
cavaliers, striking their spurs into their steeds, burst
through their opponents and joined the m-ain body of
the army. 10 Such displays of generous gallantry were
not uncommon in these engagements, which called forth
more feats of personal adventure than battles with anta-
gonists better skilled in the science of war. The chi-
valrous bearing of the general was emulated in full
measure by Sandoval, De Leon, Olid, Alvarado, Ordaz,
and his other brave companions, who won such glory
under the eye of their leader, as prepared the way for
the independent commands which afterwards placed
provinces and kingdoms at their disposal.
9 " The Mexicans fought with shown by these Indians." Hist, de
such ferocity," says Diaz, " that, if la Conquista, cap. 126.
we had had the assistance on that Sec, also, for the last pages, Ilel.
day of ten thousand Hectors, and as Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p.
many Orlando.s, we should have made 135. — Ixtlilxochitl, llclacioncs, MS.
no impression on them! There were — Brobanza k pedimento de Juan de
several of our troops," he adds, Lexaldc, MS. — Ovicdo, Hist, de las
" who had served in the Italian Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13. — Gomara,
wars, but neither there nor in the Crdnica, cap. 190.
battles with the Turk had they ever 10 Hcrrcra, Hist. General, dec 2,
seen anything like the desperation lib. 10, cap. 9. — Torrnicmada, Mo-
narch. Ind., lib. 1, cap. 09.
chap. i.] FURY OF THE MEXICANS. 59
The undaunted Aztecs hung on the rear of their re-
treating foes, annoying them at every step by fresh flights
of stones and arrows ; and, when the Spaniards had
reentered their fortress, the Indian host encamped around
it, showing the same dogged resolution as on the pre-
ceding evening. Though true to their ancient habits of
inaction during the night, they broke the stillness of the
hour by insulting cries and menaces, which reached the
ears of the besieged. " The gods have delivered you, at
last, into our hands," they said; " Huitzilopotchli has
long cried for his victims. The stone of sacrifice is
ready. The knives are sharpened. The wild beasts in
the palace are roaring for their offal. And the cages,"
they added, taunting the Tlascalans with their leanness,
" are waiting for the false sons of Anahuac, who are to
be fattened for the festival." These dismal menaces,
which sounded fearfully in the ears of the besieged, who
understood too well their import, were mingled with
piteous lamentations for their sovereign, whom they
called on the Spaniards to deliver up to them.
Cortes suffered much from a severe wound which he
had received in the hand in the late action. But the
anguish of his mind must have been still greater, as he
brooded over the dark prospect before him, He had
mistaken the character of the Mexicans. Their long and
patient endurance had been a violence to their natural
temper, which, as their whole history proves, was arro-
gant and ferocious beyond that of most of the races of
Anahuac. The restraint which, in deference to their
monarch, more than to their own fears, they had so long
put on their natures, being once removed, their passions
burst forth with accumulated violence. The Spaniards
had encountered in the Tlascalan an open enemy, who
had no grievance to complain of, no wrong to redress.
He fought under the vague apprehension only of some
coming evil to his country. But the Aztec, hitherto the
proud lord of the land, was goaded by insult and injury,
60 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
till lie had readied that pitch of self-devotion, which
made life cheap, m comparison with revenge. Armed
thus with the energy of despair, the savage is almost a
match for the civilized man ; and a whole nation, moved
to its depths by a common feeling which swallows up all
selfish considerations of personal interest and safety,
becomes, whatever be its resources, like the earthquake
and the tornado, the most formidable among the agencies
of nature.
Considerations of this kind may have passed through
the mind of Cortes, as he reflected on his own impotence
to restrain the fury of the Mexicans, and resolved in
despite of his late supercilious treatment of Montezuma,
to employ his authority to allay the tumult, — an authority
so successfully exerted in behalf of Alvarado, at an earlier
stage of the insurrection. He was the more confirmed
in his purpose, on the following morning, when the
assailants, redoubling their efforts, succeeded in scaling
the works in one quarter, and effecting an entrance into
the inclosure. It is true, they were met with so resolute
a spirit, that not a man of those who entered was left
alive. But in the impetuosity of the assault, it seemed,
for a few moments, as if the place was to be carried by
storm. 11
Cortes now sent to the Aztec emperor to request his
interposition with his subjects in behalf of the Spaniards.
But Montezuma was not in the humour to comply.
He had remained moodily in his quarters ever since the
general's return. Disgusted with the treatment he had
received, he had still further cause for mortification in
finding himself the ally of those who were the open
enemies of his nation. From his apartment he had be-
held the tragical scenes in his capital, and seen another,
the presumptive heir to his throne, taking the place
which he should have occupied at the head of his Avar-
11 Bcmal Diaz, Hist, do la Con- las Lid., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.—
quista, cap. 126. — Ovicdo, Hist, de Gomava, Crouica, cap. 107.
chap, i.] MONTEZUMA ADDRESSES THE PEOPLE. 01
riors, and fighting the battles of his country. 12 Dis-
tressed by his position, indignant at those who had
placed him in it, he coldly answered, " What have I to
do with Malintzin ? I do not wish to hear from him.
I desire only to die. To what a state has my willingness
to serve him reduced me !" 13 When urged still further
to comply by Olid and father Olmedo, he added, "It is
of no use. They will neither believe me, nor the false
words and promises of Malintzin. You will never leave
these walls alive." On being assured, however, that the
Spaniards would willingly depart, if a way were opened
to them by their enemies, he at length — moved, pro-
bably, more by the desire to spare the blood of his
subjects than of the Christians — consented to expostulate
with his people. 14
In order to give the greater effect to his presence, he
put on his imperial robes. The tilmatli, his mantle of
white and blue, flowed over his shoulders, held together
by its rich clasp of the green chalchivitl. The same
precious gem, with emeralds of uncommon size, set in
gold, profusely ornamented other parts of his dress.
His feet were shod with the golden sandals, and his
brows covered by the copilli, or Mexican diadem, re-
sembling in form the pontifical tiara. Thus attired, and
surrounded by a guard of Spaniards and several Aztec
nobles, and preceded by the golden wand, the symbol of
sovereignty, the Indian monarch ascended the central
turret of the palace. His presence was instantly recog-
nised by the people, and, as the royal retinue advanced
12 Cortes sent Marina to ascertain rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10,
from Montezuma the name of the cap. 10.
gallant chief, who could be easily 13 " ,3 Que quiere de mi ya Malint-
seen from the walls animating and zin, que yo no deseo viuir ni oille ?
directing his countrymen. The em- pues en tal estado por su causa mi
peror informed him that it was his ventura me ha traido." Bernal Diaz,
brother Cuitlahuac,- the presumptive Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 126.
heir to his crown, and the same chief M Ibid., ubi supra. — Ixililxochitl,
whom the Spanish commander had Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.
released a few days previous. Her-
G.2 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
along the battlements, a change, as if by magic, came
over the scene. The clang of instruments, the fierce
cries of the assailants, were hushed, and a death-like
stillness pervaded the whole assembly, so fiercely agitated
but a few moments before by the wild tumult of war !
Many prostrated themselves on the ground ; others
bent the knee ; and all turned with eager expectation
towards the monarch, whom they had been taught to
reverence with slavish awe, and from whose countenance
they had been wont to turn away as from the intolerable
splendours of divinity ! Montezuma saw his advantage ;
and, while he stood thus confronted with his awe-struck
people, he seemed to recover all his former authority and
confidence as he felt himself to be still a king. With a
calm voice, easily heard over the silent assembly, he
is said by the Castilian writers to have thus addressed
them : —
" Why do I see my people here in arms against the
palace of my fathers ? Is it that you think your sovereign
a prisoner, and wish to release him ? If so, you have
acted rightly. But you are mistaken. I am no prisoner.
The strangers are my guests. I remain with them only
from choice, and can leave them when I list. Have you
come to drive them from the city ? That is unnecessary.
They will depart of their own accord, if you will open a
way for them. Return to your homes, then. Lay down
your arms. Show your obedience to me who have a
right to it. The white men shall go back to their own
land; and all shall be well again within the walls of
Tenochtitlan."
As Montezuma announced himself the friend of the
detested strangers, a murmur ran through the multitude;
a murmur of contempt for the pusillanimous prince who
could show himself so insensible to the insults and in-
juries for which the nation was in arms ! The swollen
tide of their passions swept away all the barriers of
ancient reverence, and, taking a new direction, descended
chap. I.] HE IS DANGEROUSLY WOUNDED. 63
on the head of the unfortunate monarch, so far degene-
rated from his warlike ancestors. " Base Aztec," they
exclaimed, " woman, coward, the white men have made
you a woman,— fit only to weave and spin!" These
bitter taunts were soon followed by still more hostile
demonstrations. A chief, it is said, of high rank, bent a
bow or brandished a javelin with an air of defiance
against the emperor, 15 when, in an instant, a cloud of
stones and arrows descended on the spot where the royal
train was gathered. The Spaniards appointed to protect
his person had been thrown off their guard by the re-
spectful deportment of the people during their lord's
address. They now hastily interposed their bucklers.
But it was too late. Montezuma was wounded by three
of the missiles, one of which, a stone, fell with such
violence on his head, near the temple, as brought him
senseless to the ground. The Mexicans, shocked at their
own sacrilegious act, experienced a sudden revulsion of
feeling, and, setting up a dismal cry, dispersed panic-
struck in different directions. Not one of the multi-
tudinous array remained in the great square before the
palace !
The unhappy prince, meanwhile, was borne by his
attendants to his apartments below. On recovering from
the insensibility caused by the blow, the wretchedness
of his condition broke upon him. He had tasted the last
bitterness of degradation. He had been reviled, rejected,
by his people. The meanest of the rabble had raised
their hands against him. He had nothing more to live
for. It was in vain that Cortes and his officers endea-
voured to soothe the anguish of his spirit and fill him
with better thoughts. He spoke not a word in answer.
His wound, though dangerous, might still, with skilful
treatment, not prove mortal. But Montezuma refused
15 Acosta reports a tradition, that the throne, was the man that shot
Guatemozin, Montezuma's nephew, the first arrow. Lib. 7, cap. 26.
who himself afterwards succeeded to
64
EXPULSION FROM MEXICO.
BOOK V.
all the remedies prescribed for it. He tore off the ban-
dages as often as they were applied, maintaining all the
while the most determined silence. He sat with eyes
dejected, brooding over his fallen fortunes, over the
image of ancient majesty and present humiliation. He
had survived his honour. But a spark of his ancient
spirit seemed to kindle in his bosom, as it was clear he
did not mean to survive his disgrace. From this painful
scene the Spanish general and his followers were soon
called away by the new dangers which menaced the
garrison. 16
16 I have reported this tragical
event, and the circumstances attend-
ing it, as they are given, in more or
less detail, but substantially in the
same way, by the most accredited
writers of that and the following
age, — several of them eye-witnesses.
(See Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
quista, cap. 126. — Oviedo, Hist, de
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.— Eel.
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p.
13G. — Camargo, Hist, cle Tlascala,
MS.— Ixtlilxochitl,Hist.Chich.,MS.,
cap. 88. — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 10. — Torque-
mada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 70.
• — Acosta, ubi supra. — Martyr, de
Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 5.) It is
also confirmed by Cortes in the in-
strument granting to Montezuma's
favourite daughter certain estates by
way of dowry. (See Appendix, Part
2, No. 12.) Don Thoan Cano, in-
deed, who married this princess,
assured Oviedo that the Mexicans
respected the person of the monarch
so long as they saw him ; and were
not aware, when they discharged
their missiles, that he was present,
being hid from sight by the shields
of the Spaniards. (See Appendix,
Part 2, No. 11.) This improbable
statement is repeated by the chap-
lain Gomara. (Cronica, cap. 107.)
It is rejected by Oviedo, however,
who says, that Alvarado, himself
present at the scene, in a conversa-
tion with him afterwards, explicitly
confirmed the narrative given in the
text. (Hist, de las hid., MS., lib.
33, cap. 47.) The Mexicans gave a
very different account of the trans-
action. According to them, Monte-
zuma, together with the lords of
Tezcuco and Tlatelolco, then de-
tained as prisoners in the fortress by
the Spaniards, were all strangled by
means of the garrote, and then dead
bodies thrown over the walls to their
countrymen. I quote the original of
father Sahagun, who gathered the
story from the Aztecs themselves.
"De esta manera se determinaron
los Espaholes a morir 6 veneer va-
ronihnente ; y asi hablaron a todos
los amigos Indios, y todos ellos estu-
vieron firnies en esta determinacion ;
y lo primero que hicieron fue que
dieron garrote a todos los Schores
que tenian presos, y los echaron
mucrtos fuera del fucrte : y antes
que esto hiciesen les dijeron muchas
cosas, y les hicieron saber su deter-
miuacion, y que de ellos habia de
comenzar esta obra, y luego todos
los demas habian de ser muertos a
sus manos, dijeronles, no es posible
que vuestros idolos os libren de
nuestras manos. Y desque les hu-
bieron dado Garrote, y vieron que
cstaban muertos, mandiironlos echar
por las azotcas, fuera de la casa, en
un lugar que se llama Tortuga dc
Picdra, porquc alii estaba una piedra
labrada a manera de Tortuga. Y
desque supioron y vieron los de a
fuera, que aqucllos Sciiorcs tan prin-
cipals habian sido muertos por las
'■]
HE IS DANGEROUSLY WOUNDED.
65
manos de los Espafioles, luego to-
maron los cuerpos, y les hicieron sus
exequias, al niodo de su Idolatria, y
quemaron sus cuerpos, y tomaron
sus cenizas, y las pusieron eu lugares
apropiadas a sus dignidades y valor."
Hist, de Nueva Espaha, MS., lib. 12,
cap. 23.
It is hardly necessary to comment
on the absurdity of this monstrous
imputation, which, however, has
found favour with some later writers.
Independently of all other conside-
rations, the Spaniards would have
been slow to compass the Indian
monarch's death, since, as the Tezcu-
can Ixtlilxochitl truly observes, it
was the most fatal blow which could
befall them, by dissolving the last tie
which held them to the Mexicans.
Hist. Chich., MS., ubi supra.
VOL. II.
60
CHAPTER II.
Storming of the Great Temple. — Spirit of the Aztecs. — Distresses of the
Garrison. — Sharp Combats in the City. — Death of Montezuma.
1520.
Opposite to the Spanish quarters, at only a few rods'
distance, stood the great teocalli of Huitzilopotchli. This
pyramidal mound, with the sanctuaries that crowned it,
rising altogether to the height of near a hundred and
fifty feet, afforded an elevated position that completely
commanded the palace of Axayacatl, occupied by the
Christians. A body of five or six hundred Mexicans,
many of them nobles and warriors of the highest rank,
had got possession of the teocalli, whence they discharged
such a tempest of arrows on the garrison, that no one
could leave his defences for a moment without imminent
danger ; while the Mexicans, under shelter of the sanc-
tuaries, were entirely covered from the fire of the
besieged. It was obviously necessary to dislodge the
enemy, if the Spaniards would remain longer in their
quarters.
Cortes assigned this service to his chamberlain Escobar,
giving him a hundred men for the purpose, with orders
to storm the teocalli, and set fire to the sanctuaries.
But that officer was thrice repulsed in the attempt, and,
after the most desperate efforts, was obliged to return
with considerable loss, and without accomplishing his
object.
chap, ii.] STORMING OF THE GREAT TEMPLE. l37
Cortes, wlio saw the immediate necessity of carrying
the place, determined to lead the storming party himself.
He was then suffering much from the wound in his left
hand, which had disabled it for the present. He made
the arm serviceable, however, by fastening his buckler
to it, 1 and, thus crippled, sallied out at the head of three
hundred chosen cavaliers, and several thousand of his
auxiliaries.
In the court-yard of the temple he found a numerous
body of Indians prepared to dispute his passage. He
briskly charged them, but the flat, smooth stones of the
pavement were so slippery that the horses lost their
footing, and many of them fell. Hastily dismounting,
they sent back the animals to their quarters, and, renew-
ing the assault, the Spaniards succeeded without much
difficulty in dispersing the Indian warriors, and opening
a free passage for themselves to the teocalli. This
building, as the reader may remember, was a huge pyra-
midal structure, about three hundred feet square at the
base. A flight of stone steps on the outside, at one of
the angles of the mound, led to a platform, or terraced
walk, which passed round the building until it reached a
similar flight of stairs directly over the preceding, that
conducted to another landing as before. As there were
five bodies or divisions of the teocalli, it became neces-
sary to pass round its whole extent four times, or nearly
a mile, in order to reach the summit, which, it may be
recollected, was an open area, crowned only by the two
sanctuaries dedicated to the Aztec deities. 2
Cortes, having cleared a way for the assault, sprang
up the lower stairway, followed by Alvarado, Sandoval,
1 " Salf fuera de la Eortaleza, 2 See ante, vol. i. p. 55.
aunque manco de la mano izquierda I have ventured to repeat the de-
de una herida que el primer dia me scription of the temple here, as it is
habian dado : y liada la rodela en el important that the reader, who may
brazo fuy a la Torre con algunos perhaps not turn to the preceding
Espaiioles, que me siguieron." Rel. pages, should have a distinct image
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loreozana, p. of it in his own mind, before begin-
138. ning the combat.
f 2
68 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
Ordaz, and the other gallant cavaliers of his little band,
leaving a file of arquebusiers and a strong corps of Indian
allies to hold the enemy in check at the foot of the monu-
ment. On the first landing, as well as on the several
galleries above, and on the summit, the Aztec warriors
were drawn up to dispute his passage. From their
elevated position they showered down volleys of lighter
missiles, together with heavy stones, beams, and burning
rafters, which, thundering along the stairway, overturned
the ascending Spaniards, and carried desolation through
their ranks. The more fortunate, eluding or springing
over these obstacles, succeeded in gaining the first ter-
race, where, throwing themselves on their enemies, they
compelled them, after a short resistance, to fall back.
The assailants pressed on, effectually supported by a
brisk fire of the musketeers from below, which so much
galled the Mexicans in their exposed situation, that they
were glad to take shelter on the broad summit of the
teocalli.
Cortes and his comrades were close upon their rear,
and the two parties soon found themselves face to face
on this aerial battle-field, engaged in mortal combat, in
presence of the whole city, as well as of the troops in the
court-yard, who paused, as if by mutual consent, from
their own hostilities, gazing in silent expectation on the
issue of those above. The area, though somewhat smaller
than the base of the teocalli, was large enough to afford
a fair field of fight for a thousand combatants. It was
paved with broad, flat stones. No impediment occurred
over its surface, except the huge sacrificial block, and
the temples of stone which rose to the height of forty
feet, at the further extremity of the arena. One of these
had been consecrated to the Cross ; the other was still
occupied by the Mexican war-god. The Christian and
the Aztec contended for their religions under the very
shadow of their respective shrines • while the Indian
priests, running to and fro, with their hair wildly
chap. II.] SPIRIT OF THE AZTECS. 69
streaming over their sable mantles, seemed hovering in
mid air, like so many demons of darkness urging on the
work of slaughter !
The parties closed with the desperate fury of men who
had no hope but in victory. Quarter was neither asked
nor given ; and to fly was impossible. The edge of the
area was unprotected by parapet or battlement. The
least slip would be fatal ; and the combatants, as they
struggled in mortal agony, were sometimes seen to roll
over the sheer sides of the precipice together. 3 Cortes
himself is said to have had a narrow escape from this
dreadful fate. Two warriors, of strong, muscular frames,
seized on him, and were dragging him violently towards
the brink of the pyramid. Aware of their intention, he
struggled with all his force, and, before they could
accomplish their purpose, succeeded in tearing himself
from their grasp, and hurling one of them over the walls
with his own arm ! The story is not improbable in
itself, for Cortes was a man of uncommon agility and
strength. It has been often repeated, but not by con-
temporary history. 4
The battle lasted with unintermitting fury for three
hours. The number of the enemy was double that of
the Christians ; and it seemed as if it were a contest
3 Many of the Aztecs, according los Mexicanos, ruurieron mala mu-
to Sahagun, seeing the fate of such erte." Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
of their comrades as fell into the Espafia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 22.
hands of the Spaniards, on the narrow 4 Among others, see Herrera,
terraces below, voluntarily threw Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. ]0, cap. 9.
themselves headlong from the lofty — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib.
summit, and were dashed in pieces 4, cap. 69, — and Soli's, very circum-
on the pavement. " Y los de arriba stantially, as usual, Conquista, lib. 4,
viendo a los de abajo muertos, y a cap. 16.
los de arriba que los iban matando The first of these authors had ac-
los que habian subido, comenzaron a cess to some contemporary sources,
arrojarse del cu abajo, desde lo alto, the chronicle of the old soldier, Ojeda,
los cuales todos morian despenados, for example, not now to be met with,
quebrados brazos y piernas, y hechos It is strange, that so valiant an ex-
pedazos, porque el cu era muy alto ; ploit should not have been eommu-
y otros los mesmos Espailoles los nicated by Cortes himself, who cannot
arrojaban de lo alto del cu, y asi be accused of diffidence in such mat-
todos cuantos alia habian subido de ters.
70 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
which must be determined by numbers and brute force,
rather than by superior science. But it was not so.
The invulnerable armour of the Spaniard, his sword of
matchless temper, and his skill in the use of it, gave him
advantages which far outweighed the odds of physical
strength and numbers. After doing all that the courage
of despair could enable men to do, resistance grew fainter
and fainter on the side of the Aztecs. One after another
they had fallen. Two or three priests only survived to
be led away in triumph by the victors. Every other
combatant was stretched a corpse on the bloody arena,
or had been hurled from the giddy heights. Yet the
loss of the Spaniards was not inconsiderable. It
amounted to forty-five of their best men, and nearly all
the remainder were more or less injured in the desperate
conflict. 5
The victorious cavaliers now rushed towards the sanc-
tuaries. The lower story was of stone ; the two upper
were of wood. Penetrating into their recesses, they had
the mortification to find the image of the Virgin and the
Cross removed. 6 But in the other edifice they still
beheld the grim figure of Huitzilopotchli, with his censer
of smoking hearts, and the walls of his oratory reeking
with gore, — not improbably of their own countrymen !
With shouts of triumph the Christians tore the uncouth
5 Captain Diaz, a little loth some- — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espaiia,
times, is emphatic in his encomiums MS., lib, 12, cap. 22. — Herrera.,
on the valour shown by his com- Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap.
mander on this occasion. " Aqui se 9. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
mostro Cortes mui varo, como siepre lib. 33, cap. 13. — Torquemada, Mo-
lo fue. O que pelear : y fuerte ba- narch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 69.
talk q. aqui tuuimos, era cosa de no- 6 Archbishop Lorenzana is of opi-
tar vernos a todos corriendo sangre, nion that this image of the Virgin is
y llenos de hcridas, e mas de qua- the same now seen in the church of
renta soldados mucrtos." (Hist. <le Nuestra Senora de los Remedios !
la Conquista, cap. 126.) The pens (Rcl. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
of the old chroniclers keep pace with p. 138, nota.) In what way the
their swords in the display of this Virgin survived the sack of the city,
brilliant exploit ; — " colla penna e and was brought to light again, he
colla spada," equally fortunate. See does Dot inform us. But the more
Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, difficult to explain, the more un-
p. 138. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 106. doubted the miracle.
chap. II.] SPIRIT OF THE AZTECS. 71
monster from his niche, and tumbled him, in the pre-
sence of the horror-struck Aztecs, down the steps of the
teocatti. They then set fire to the accursed building.
The flame speedily ran up the slender towers, sending
forth an ominous light over city, lake, and valley, to the
remotest hut among the mountains. It was the funeral
pyre of paganism, and proclaimed the fall of that sangui-
nary religion which had so long hung like a dark cloud
over the fair regions of Anahuac ! 1
Having accomplished this good work, the Spaniards
descended the winding slopes of the teocatti with more
free and buoyant steps, as if conscious that the blessing
of Heaven now rested on their arms. They passed
through the dusky files of Indian warriors in the court-
yard, too much dismayed by the appalling scenes they
had witnessed to offer resistance ; and reached their own
quarters in safety. That very night they followed up
the blow by a sortie on the sleeping town, and burned
three hundred houses, the horrors of conflagration being
made still more impressive by occurring at the hour
when the Aztecs, from their own system of warfare, were
least prepared for them. 8
Hoping to find the temper of the natives somewhat
subdued by these reverses, Cortes now determined, with
7 No achievement in the war domos combussere tercentum : in
struck more awe into the Mexicans altera plerasque e quibus arci mo-
than this storming of the great tern- lestia fiebat. Ita nunc trucidando,
pie, in which the white men seemed nunc diruendo, et interdum vulnera
to bid defiance equally to the powers recipiendo, in pontibus et in viis,
of God and man. Hieroglyphical diebus noctibusque multis laboratum
paintings minutely commemorating est utrinque." (Martyr, de Orbe
it were to be frequently found among Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6.) In the num-
the natives after the Conquest. The ber of actions and their general re-
sensitive Captain Diaz intimates that suit, namely, the victories, barren
those which he saw made full as victories of the Christians, all writers
much account of the wounds and are agreed. But as to time, place,
losses of the Christians as the facts circumstance, or order, no two hold
would warrant. (Ibid., ubi supra.) together. How shall the historian
It was the only way in which the of the present day make a harmo-
conquered could take their revenge. nious tissue out of these motley and
8 " Sequeuti nocte, nostri erum- many-coloured threads ?
pentes in vna viarum arci vicina,
72 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
his usual policy, to make them a vantage-ground for
proposing terms of accommodation. lie accordingly in-
vited the enemy to a parley, and, as the principal chiefs,
attended by their followers, assembled in the great
square, he mounted the turret before occupied by Mon-
tezuma, and made signs that he would address them.
Marina, as usual, took her place by his side, as his inter-
preter. The multitude gazed with earnest curiosity on
the Indian girl, whose influence with the Spaniards was
well known, and whose connexion with the general, in
particular, had led the Aztecs to designate him by her
Mexican name of Malinche. 9 Cortes, speaking through
the soft, musical tones of his mistress, told his audience
they must now be convinced that they had nothing fur-
ther to hope from opposition to the Spaniards. They
had seen their gods trampled in the dust, their altars
broken, their dwellings burned, their warriors falling on
all sides. " All this," continued he, " you have brought
on yourselves by your rebellion. Yet for the affection
the sovereign, whom you have so unworthily treated,
still bears you, I would willingly stay my hand, if you
will lay down your arms, and return once more to your
obedience. But, if you do not," he concluded, " I will
make your city a heap of ruins, and leave not a soul alive
to mourn over it !"
But the Spanish commander did not yet comprehend
the character of the Aztecs, if he thought to intimidate
them by menaces. Calm in their exterior, and slow to
move, they were the more difficult to pacify when roused ;
and now that they had been stirred to their inmost
depths, it was no human voice that could still the tem-
pest. It may be, however, that Cortes did not so much
misconceive the character of the people. He may have
9 It is the name by which she is named in compliment to the Indian
still celebrated in the popular min- damsel? At all events, it was an
strelsy of Mexico. Was the famous honour well merited from her adopted
Tlascalan mountain, sierra de Ma- countrymen.
linche,— anciently " Maltalcupyc,"—
chap, ii.] DISTRESSES OF THE GARRISON. 73
felt that an authoritative tone was the only one he could
assume with any chance of effect, in his present position,
in which milder and more conciliatory language would,
by intimating a consciousness of inferiority, have too cer-
tainly defeated its own object.
It was true, they answered, he had destroyed their
temples, broken in pieces their gods, massacred their
countrymen. Many more, doubtless, were yet to fall
under their terrible swords. But they were content so
long as for every thousand Mexicans they could shed the
blood of a single white man ! 10 " Look out," they con-
tinued, " on our terraces and streets, see them still
thronged with warriors as far as your eyes can reach.
Our numbers are scarcely diminished by our losses.
Yours, on the contrary, are lessening every hour. You
are perishing from hunger and sickness. Your provi-
sions and water are failing. You must soon fall into
our hands. The bridges are broken down, and you cannot
escape /" There will be too few of you left to glut the
vengeance of our gods ! " As they concluded, they sent
a volley of arrows over the battlements, which com-
pelled the Spaniards to descend and take refuge in their
defences.
The fierce and indomitable spirit of the Aztecs filled
the besieged with dismay. All, then, that they had done
and suffered, their battles by day, their vigils by night,
the perils they had braved, even the victories they had
won, were of no avail. It was too evident that they had
no longer the spring of ancient superstition to work upon
in the breasts of the natives, who, like some wild beast
that has burst the bonds of his keeper, seemed now to
swell and exult in the full consciousness of their strength.
10 According to Cortes, they
boasted, in somewhat loftier strain, n " Que todas las calzadas de las
they could spare twenty-five thou- entradas de la ciudad eran deshechas,
sand for one, " a morir veinte y cinco como de hecho passaba." Ibid., loc.
mil de ellos, y uno de los nuestros." cit. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
Eel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, lib. -33, cap. 13.
p. 139.
74 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
The annunciation respecting the bridges fell like a knell
on the ears of the Christians. All that they had heard
was too true, — and they gazed on one another with looks
of anxiety and dismay.
The same consequences followed, which sometimes
take place among the crew of a shipwrecked vessel.
Subordination was lost in the dreadful sense of danger.
A spirit of mutiny broke out, especially among the recent
levies drawn from the army of Narvaez. They had come
into the country from no motive of ambition, but at-
tracted simply by the glowing reports of its opulence,
and they had fondly hoped to return in a few months
with their pockets well lined with the gold of the Aztec
monarch. But how different had been their lot ! From
the first hour of their landing they had experienced only
trouble and disaster, privations of every description, suf-
ferings unexampled, and they now beheld in perspective
a fate yet more appalling. Bitterly did they lament the
hour when they left the sunny fields of Cuba for these
cannibal regions ! And heartily did they curse their own
folly in listening to the call of Velasquez, and still more,
in embarking under the banner of Cortes ! 12
They now demanded with noisy vehemence to be led
instantly from the city, and refused to serve longer in
defence of a place where they were cooped up like sheep
in the shambles, waiting only to be dragged to slaughter.
In all this they were rebuked by the more orderly soldier-
like conduct of the veterans of Cortes. These latter had
shared with their general the day of his prosperity, and
they were not disposed to desert him in the tempest. It
was, indeed, obvious, on a little reflection, that the only
chance of safety, in the existing crisis, rested on subor-
dination and union ; and that even this chance must be
12 « p ues tambicn quiero dezir las aca les erobid, que bien pacificos
maldiciones que Los de Narvaez estauau en sus casas en la Isla de
echauan a Cortes, y las palabras que Cuba, y cst,auan embclcsados, y sin
dezian, que reneg'auan del, y de la sentido." Beriial Diaz, Hist, de la
tierra, y aim de Diego Velasquez, que Conquista, ubi supra.
chap, ii.] DISTRESSES OF THE GARRISON. 75
greatly diminished under any other leader than their
present one.
Thus pressed by enemies without and by factions
within, that leader was found, as usual, true to himself.
Circumstances so appalling as would have paralysed a
common mind, only stimulated his to higher action, and
drew forth all its resources. He combined what is most
rare, singular coolness and constancy of purpose, with a
spirit of enterprise that might well be called romantic.
His presence of mind did not now desert him. He
calmly surveyed his condition, and weighed the difficul-
ties which surrounded him, before coming to a decision.
Independently of the hazard of a retreat in the face of a
watchful and desperate foe, it was a deep mortification
to surrender up the city, where he had so long lorded it
as a master ; to abandon the rich treasures which he had
secured to himself and his followers ; to forego the very
means by which he had hoped to propitiate the favour of
his sovereign, and secure an amnesty for his irregular
proceedings. This, he well knew must, after all, be
dependent on success. To fly now was to acknowledge
himself further removed from the conquest than ever.
What a close was this to a career so auspiciously begun !
What a contrast to his magnificent vaunts ! What a
triumph would it afford to his enemies ! The governor
of Cuba would be amply revenged.
But, if such humiliating reflections crowded on his
mind, the alternative of remaining, in his present crippled
condition, seemed yet more desperate. 13 With his men
daily diminishing in strength and numbers, their provi-
sions reduced so low that a small daily ration of bread
was all the sustenance afforded to the soldier under his
extraordinary fatigues, 14 with the breaches every day
^ Notwithstanding this, in the pressly stated as the principal motive
petition or letter from Vera Cruz, that finally induced their general to
addressed by the army to the Em- abandon the city. Carta del Exer-
peror Charles V., after the Conquest, cito, MS.
the importunity of the soldiers is ex- M " La hambre era tanta, que a
76 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
widening in his feeble fortifications, with his ammunition,
in fine, nearly expended, it would be impossible to main-
tain the place much longer — and none but men of iron
constitutions and tempers, like the Spaniards, could have
held it out so long — against the enemy. The chief
embarrassment was as to the time and manner in which
in would be expedient to evacuate the city. The best
route seemed to be that of Tlacopan (Tacuba). For the
causeway, the most dangerous part of the road, was but
two miles long in that direction, and would therefore
place the fugitives, much sooner than either of the other
great avenues, on terra firma. Before his final departure,
however, he proposed to make another sally in that direc-
tion, in order to reconnoitre the ground, and, at the same
time, divert the enemy's attention from his real purpose
by a show of active operations.
For some days his workmen had been employed in
constructing a military machine of his own invention.
It was called a mania, and was contrived somewhat on
the principle of the mantelets used in the wars of the
Middle Ages. It was, however, more complicated, con-
sisting of a tower made of light beams and planks, having
two chambers, one over the other. These were to be
filled with musketeers, and the sides were provided with
loop-holes, through which a fire could be kept up on the
enemy. The great advantage proposed by this con-
trivance was, to afford a defence to the troops against
the missiles hurled from the terraces. These machines,
three of which were made, rested on rollers, and were
provided with strong ropes, by which they were to be
dragged along the streets by the Tlascalan auxiliaries. 15
los Indios no sc daba mas de vna mance of " Calavar," has made good
Tortilla de. ration, i a los Caslellanos use of these manias, belter, indeed,
cinquenta granos de Maiz." IIerrcra, than can be permitted to the his-
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9. torian. He claims the privilege of
15 llcl. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- the romancer; though it must be
renzana, p. 135. — Gomara, Cronica, owned he docs not abuse this privi-
cap. 106. lege, for he lias studied with great
Dr. Bird, in his picturesque ro- care the costume, manners, and
chap. II.] DISTRESSES OF THE GARRISON. 77
The Mexicans gazed with astonishment on this war-
like machinery, and, as the rolling fortresses advanced,
belching forth fire and smoke from their entrails, the
enemy, incapable of making an impression on those
within, fell back in dismay. By bringing the manias
under the walls of the houses, the Spaniards were enabled
to fire with effect on the mischievous tenants of the
azoteas, and when this did not silence them, by letting a
ladder, or light drawbridge, fall on the roof from the
top of the mania, they opened a passage to the terrace,
and closed with the combatants hand to hand. They
could not, however, thus approach the higher buildings,
from which the Indian warriors threw down such heavy
masses of stone and timber as dislodged the planks that
covered the machines, or, thundering against their sides,
shook the frail edifices to their foundations, threatening
all within with indiscriminate ruin. Indeed, the success
of the experiment was doubtful, when the intervention of
a canal put a stop to their further progress.
The Spaniards now found the assertion of their ene-
mies too well confirmed. The bridge which traversed
the opening had been demolished; and, although the
canals which intersected the city were in general of no
great width or depth, the removal of the bridges not
only impeded the movements of the general's clumsy
machines, but effectually disconcerted those of his cavalry.
Resolving to abandon the manias, he gave orders to fill
up the chasm with stone, timber, and other rubbish
drawn from the ruined buildings, and to make a new
passage-way for the army. While this labour was going
military usages of the natives. He revive the antique dialogue of the
has done for them what Cooper has Spanish cavalier, we must not be sur-
done for the wild tribes of the prised. Nothing is more difficult
North — touched their rude features than the skilful execution of a modern
with the bright colouring of a poetic antique. It requires all the genius
fancy. He has been equally fortu- and learning of Scott to execute it so
nate in his delineation of the pictu- that the connoisseur shall not detect
resque scenery of the land. If he the counterfeit,
has been less so in attempting to
78 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
on, the Aztec slingers and archers on the other side of
the opening kept up a galling discharge on the Chris-
tians, the more defenceless from the nature of their
occupation, When the work was completed, and a safe
passage secured, the Spanish cavaliers rode briskly against
the enemy, who, unable to resist the shock of the steel-
clad column, fell back with precipitation to where another
canal afforded a similar strong position for defence. 16
There were no less than seven of these canals, inter-
secting the great street of Tlacopan, 17 and at every one
the same scene was renewed, the Mexicans making a
gallant stand, and inflicting some loss, at each, on their
persevering antagonists. These operations consumed
two days, when, after incredible toil, the Spanish gene-
ral had the satisfaction to find the line of communication
completely reestablished through the whole length of the
avenue, and the principal bridges placed under strong
detachments of infantry. At this juncture, when he had
driven the foe before him to the furthest extremity of the
street, where it touches on the causeway, he was in-
formed that the Mexicans, disheartened by their re-
verses, desired to open a parley with him respecting the
terms of an accommodation, and that their chiefs awaited
his return for that purpose at the fortress. Overjoyed
at the intelligence, he instantly rode back, attended by
Alvarado, Sandoval, and about sixty of the cavaliers, to
his quarters.
The Mexicans proposed that he should release the two
priests captured in the temple, who might be the bearers
of his terms, and serve as agents for conducting the
negotiation. They were accordingly sent with the
10 Carta del Exercito, MS. — ltd. Spaniards entered, but by which they
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorcnzana, p. finally left the city, and is correctly
140. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 109. indicated by Lorenzana, as that of
17 Clavigero is mistaken in call- Tlacopan, — or rather, Tacuba, into
ing this the street of Iztapalapan. which the Spaniards corrupted the
(Stor. del Messico, torn, hi., p. 129.) name.
It was not the street bv which the
chap, ii.] SHARP COMBATS IN THE CITY. 79
requisite instructions to their countrymen. But they did
not return. The whole was an artifice of the enemy,
anxious to procure the liberation of their religious leaders,
one of whom was their teoteuctli, or high priest, whose
presence was indipensable in the probable event of a
new coronation.
Cortes, meanwhile, relying on the prospects of a
speedy arrangement, was hastily taking some refresh-
ment with his officers, after the fatigues of the day,
when he received the alarming tidings, that the enemy
were in arms again, with more fury than ever ; that they
had overpowered the detachments posted under Alvarado
at three of the bridges, and were busily occupied in
demolishing them. Stung with shame at the facility
with which he had been duped by his wily foe, or rather
by his own sanguine hopes, Cortes threw himself into the
saddle, and, followed by his brave companions, galloped
back at full speed to the scene of action. The Mexicans
recoiled before the impetuous charge of the Spaniards.
The bridges were again restored ; and Cortes and his
chivalry rode down the whole extent of the great street,
driving the enemy, like frightened deer, at the points of
their lances. But before he could return on his steps,
he had the mortification to find, that the indefatigable
foe, gathering from the adjoining lanes and streets, had
again closed on his infantry, who, worn down by fatigue,
were unable to maintain their position, at one of the
principal bridges. New swarms of warriors now poured
in on all sides, overwhelming the little band of Christian
cavaliers with a storm of stones, darts, and arrows, which
rattled like hail on their armour and on that of their
well-barbed horses. Most of the missiles, indeed, glanced
harmless from the good panoplies of steel, or thick
quilted cotton; but, now and then, one better aimed
penetrated the joints of the harness, and stretched the
rider on the ground.
The confusion became greater around the broken
SO EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
bridge. Some of the horsemen were thrown into the
canal, and their steeds floundered, wildly about without a
rider. Cortes himself, at this crisis, did more than any
other to cover the retreat of his followers. While the
bridge was repairing, he plunged boldly into the midst
of the barbarians, striking down an enemy at every
vault of his charger, cheering on his own men, and
spreading terror through the ranks of his opponents by
the well-known sound of his battle-cry. Never did he
display greater hardihood, or more freely expose his
person, emulating, says an old chronicler, the feats of the
Roman Codes. 18 In this way he stayed the tide of
assailants, till the last man had crossed the bridge,
when, some of the planks having given way, he was
compelled to leap a chasm of full six feet in width,
amidst a cloud of missiles, before he could place himself
in safety. 19 A report ran through the army that the
general was slain. It soon spread through the city, to
the great joy of the Mexicans, and reached the fortress,
where the besieged were thrown into no less consterna-
tion. But, happily for them, it was false. He, indeed,
received two severe contusions on the knee, but in other
respects remained uninjured. At no time, however, had
he been in such extreme danger ; and his escape, and
that of his companious, were esteemed little less than a
18 It is Ovieclo who finds a parallel and horse in armour. But the gene-
for his hero in the Roman warrior ; ral's own assertion to the Emperor
the same, to quote the spirit-stirring (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 142)
legend of Macaulay, is fully confirmed by Oviedo, who tells
" who kept the bridge so well us he had it from several who were
In the brave days of old." present. " Y segun lo que yo he en-
" Mui digno es Cortes que se com- tendido dc algunos que presentcs se
pare estc feclio suyo desta Jornada hallaron, denras de la resistencia de
al de Oracio Cocles, que se toco de aquellos havia de la vna parte a la
suso, porque con su esfuerzo, 6 otra casi vn cstado dc saltar con el
lanza sola did" tanto lugar, que los caballo sin lc faltar muchas pedradas
caballos pudieran pasar, c hizo des- de diversas partes, 6 manos, 6 por ir
embarazar la pucnte e paso, a pesar el, e su caballo bien armados no los
de los Enemigos, aunquc con harto hirieron ; pero no dexo de quedar
trabajo." Hist, de las Ind., MS., atormentado de los golpes que le
lib. 33, cap. 13. dieron." Hist, dc las Ind., MS.,
19 It was a fair leap for a knight ubi supra.
chap, ii.] SHARP COMBATS IN THE CITY. SI
miracle. More than one grave historian refers the
preservation of the Spaniards to the watchful care of
their patron Apostle, St. James, who, in these desperate
conflicts, was beheld careering on his milk-white steed
at the head of the Christian squadrons, with his sword
flashing lightning, while a lady robed in white — supposed
to be the Virgin — was distinctly seen by his side, throw-
ing dust in the eyes of the infidel ! The fact is attested
both by Spaniards and Mexicans, — by the latter after
their conversion to Christianity. Surely never was there
a time when the interposition of their tutelar saint was
more strongly demanded. 20
The coming of night dispersed the Indian battalions,
which, vanishing like birds of ill omen from the field,
left the well-contested pass in possession of the Spaniards.
They returned, however, with none of the joyous feelings
of conquerors to their citadel, but with slow step and
dispirited, with weapons hacked, armour battered, and
fainting under the loss of blood, fasting, and fatigue.
In this condition they had yet to learn the tidings of a
fresh misfortune in the death of Montezuma. 21
20 Truly, "dignus vindice nodus!" incredulos 6 poco devotos diran, que
The intervention of the celestial mi ocupacion en esto destos miraglos,
chivalry on these occasions is testi- pues no los vi, es superflua, 6 perder
fied in the most unqualified manner tiempo novelando, y yo hablo, que
by many respectable authorities. It esto e mas se puede creer : pues que
is edifying to observe the combat los gentiles e sin fe, e Idolatras es-
going on in Oviedo's mind between criben, que ovo grandes misterios 6
the dictates of strong sense and miraglos en sus tiempos, e aquellos
superior learning, and those of the sabemos que eran causados e fechos
superstition of the age. It was an por el Diablo, pues mas facil cosa es
unequal combat, with odds sorely a Dios e a la inmaculata Virgen
against the former, in the sixteenth Nuestra Senora e al glorioso Apdstol
century. I quote the passage as Santiago, e a los santos e amigos de
characteristic of the times. " A fir- Jesu Christo hacer esos miraglos,
man que se vido el Apostol Santiago que de suso estan dichos, e otros
a caballo peleando sobre vn caballo maiores." Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
bianco en favor de los Christianos ; lib. 33, cap. 47.
e decian los Indios que el caballo 21 " Multi restiterunt lapidibus et
con los pies y manos e con la boca iaculis confossi, fuit et Cortesius
mataba muchos dellos, de forma, que grauiter percussus, pauci evaserunt
en poco discurso de tiempo no parecid incolumes, et hi adeb languidi, vt
Indio, e reposaron los Christianos lo neque lacertos erigere quirent. Post-
restante de aquel dia. Yasequelos quam vero se in arcem receperunt,
VOL. II. G
82 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
The Indian monarch had rapidly declined since he
had received his injury, sinking, however, quite as much
under the anguish of a wounded spirit, as under disease.
He continued in the same moody state of insensibility as
that already described ; holding little communication
with those around him, deaf to consolation, obstinately
rejecting all medical remedies, as well as nourishment.
Perceiving his end approach, some of the cavaliers pre-
sent in the fortress, whom the kindness of his manners
had personally attached to him, were anxious to save the
soul of the dying prince from the sad doom of those who
perish in the darkness of unbelief. They accordingly
waited on him, with father Olmedo at their head, and in
the most earnest manner implored him to open his eyes
to the error of his creed, and consent to be baptized.
But Montezuma — whatever may have been suggested to
the contrary — seems never to have faltered in his here-
ditary faith, or to have contemplated becoming an
apostate; for surely he merits that name in its most
odious application, who, whether Christian or pagan,
renounces his religion without conviction of its false-
hood. 22 Indeed, it was a too implicit reliance on its
oracles, which had led him to give such easy confidence
to the Spaniards. His intercourse with them had,
doubtless, not sharpened his desire to embrace their
communion ; and the calamities of his country he might
consider as sent by his gods to punish him for his
non commode satis conditas dapes, ~ The sentiment is expressed with
quibus reficerentur, inuenerunt, nee singular energy in the verses of Vol-
forte asperi maiicii panis bnccllas, taire :
ant aquam potabilem, dc vino aut
carnibus sublata erat cura." (Mar- " Mais renoncer aux dieux que Ton
tyr, de Orbc Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6.) croit dans son coeur,
See also, for the hard fighting in the C'est le crime d'un lache, et non
last pages, Ovicdo, Hist, de las Ind., pas une erreur ;
MS., lib. 33, cap. 13. — Kcl. Seg. de C'est trahir a la fois, sons un
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 140 — masque hypocrite,
142. — Carta del Excrcito, MS. — Et lc dieu qu'on prefere, et le dieu
Gonzalo de las Casas, Dcl'cnsa, MS., que Ton quitte :
Parte 1, cap. 20. — Herrcra, Hist. C'est mentir au Ciel meme, a
General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 9, 10. l'univers, a soi."
— Gomara, Cronica, cap. 107. AxziEE, Acte 5, sc. 5.
... „.]
DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.
83
hospitality to those who had desecrated and destroyed
their shrines. 23
When father Olmedo, therefore, kneeling at his side,
with the uplifted crucifix, affectionately besought him to
embrace the sign of man's redemption, he coldly re-
pulsed the priest, exclaiming, " I have but a few
moments to live ; and will not at this hour desert the
faith of my fathers." 2i One thing, however, seemed to
press heavily on Montezuma's mind. This was the fate
of his children, especially of three daughters, whom he
had by his two wives ; for there were certain rites of
marriage, which distinguished the lawful wife from the
concubine. Calling Cortes to his bedside, he earnestly
commended these children to his care, as " the most
precious jewels that he could leave him." He besought
the general to interest his master, the emperor, in their
behalf, and to see that they should not be left destitute,
but be allowed some portion of their rightful inheritance.
23 Camargo, the Tlascalan convert,
says, he was told by several of the
Conquerors, that Montezuma was
baptized at his own desire in his
last moments, and that Cortes and
Alvarado stood sponsors on the occa-
sion. " Muchos afirman de los con-
quistadoresque yo conoci, que estando
en el articulo de la muerte pidid agua
de batismo e que fue batizado y mu-
rid Cristiano, aunque en esto hay
grandes dudas y diferentes pares-
ceres ; mas como digo que de per-
sonas fidedignas conquistadores de
los primeros desta tierra de quien
fuiinos informados, supimos que mu-
rid batizado y Cristiano, e que fueron
sus padrinos del batismo Fernando
Cortes y Don Pedro de Alvarado."
(Hist, de Tlascala, MS.) According
to Gomara, the Mexican monarch
desired to be baptized before the
arrival of Narvaez. The ceremony
was deferred till Easter, that it
might be performed with greater
effect. But in the hurry and bustle
of the subsequent scenes it was for-
gotten, and he died without the stain
of infidelity having been washed
away from him. (Crdnica, cap. 107.)
Torquemada, not often a Pyrrhonist
where the honour of the faith is con-
cerned, rejects these tales as irrecon-
cilable with the subsequent silence
of Cortes himself, as well as of Alva-
rado, who would Lave been loud to
Sroclaim an event so long in vain
esired by them. (Monarch. Ind.,
lib. 4, cap. 70.) The criticism of
the father is strongly supported by
the fact, that neither of the pre-
ceding accounts is corroborated by
writers of any weight, while they are
contradicted by several, by popular
tradition, and, it may be added, by
one another.
24 " Respondid, Que por la media
hora que le quedaba de vida, no se
queria apartar de la religion de sus
Padres." (Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 10.) " Ya he
dicho," says Diaz, "la tristeza que
todos nosotros huvimos por ello, y
ami al Frayle de la Merced, que
siempre estaua con el, y no le pudo
atraer a que se volviesse Cristiano.
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 127.
g 2
84 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
" Your lord will do this," he concluded, " if it were only
for the friendly offices I have rendered the Spaniards,
and for the love I have shown them, — though it has
brought me to this condition ! But for this I bear them
no ill-will." 25 Such, according to Cortes himself, were
the words of the dying monarch. Not long after, on the
30th of June, 1520, 26 he expired in the arms of some
of his own nobles, who still remained faithful in their
attendance on his person. " Thus," exclaims a native
historian, one of his enemies, a Tlascalan, " thus died
the unfortunate Montezuma, who had swayed the sceptre
with such consummate policy and wisdom ; and who was
held in greater reverence and awe than any other prince
of his lineage, or any, indeed, that ever sat on a throne
in this Western World. With him may be said to have
terminated the royal line of the Aztecs, and the glory to
have passed aw T ay from the empire, which under him had
reached the zenith of its prosperity." 27 " The tidings of
his death," says the old Castilian chronicler Diaz, " were
received with real grief by every cavalier and soldier in the
army who had had access to his person ; for we all loved
25 Antique no le pesaba dello ; 26 I adopt Clavigero's chronology,
literally, "although he did not re- which cannot he far from truth,
pent of it." But this would he (Stor. del Messico, torn. iii. p. 131.)
rather too much for human nature And yet there are reasons for sup-
to assert; and it is probable the Ian- posing he must have died at least a
guage of the Indian prince under- day sooner.
went some little change, as it was - 7 " Dc suerte que le tiraron una
sifted through the interpretation of pedrada con una lionda y le diuron
Marina. The Spanish reader will en la cabeza de que vino a morir el
find the original conversation, as re- desdichado Rey, habiendo gobemado
ported by Cortes himself, in the re- este nuevo Mundo con la mayor
markable document {Appendix, Part prudencia y gobicrno que se puedc
2, No. 12). — The general adds, that imaginar, siendo el mas tenido y
he faithfully complied with Monte- reverenciado y adorado Senor que en
zunia's request, receiving his daugh- el mundo ha habido, y en su linaje.
tors, after the Conquest, into his own como es cosa publica y notoria en
family, where, agreeably to their royal toda la maquina deste Nuevo Mundo,
fathers desire, they were baptized, dondc con la muerte de tan gran
and instructed in the doctrines and Schor so acabaron los Reyes Culhu-
usages of the Christian faith. They aqucs Mcjicanos, y todo su poder y
were afterwards married to Castilian mando, estando en la mayor fclicidad
hidalgos, and handsome dowries were de su monarqufa ; y ansi no hay dc
assigned them by the government. que fiar en las cosas desta vida sino
See note 30 of this chapter. on soloDios." Hist. dcTlascala, MS.
'•]
DEATH OE MONTEZUMA.
85
him as a father, — and no wonder, seeing how good he
was." 28 This simple, but emphatic, testimony to his
desert, at such a time, is in itself the best refutation of
the suspicions occasionally entertained of his fidelity to
the Christians. 29
It is not easy to depict the portrait of Montezuma in
its true colours, since it has been exhibited to us under
two aspects, of the most opposite and contradictory
character. In the accounts gathered of him by the
Spaniards, on coming into the country, he was uniformly
epresented as bold and warlike, unscrupulous as to the
means of gratifying his ambition, hollow and perfidious,
the terror of his foes, with a haughty bearing which
made him feared even by his own people. They found
him, on the contrary, not merely affable and gracious,
but disposed to waive all the advantages of his own
2S " Y Cortes lloro por el, y toclos
nuestros Capitanes, y soldados, e
liombres, huvo entre nosotros, de los
que le conociamos, y tratauamos, que
tan llorado fue, como si fuera nuestro
padre, y no nos hemos de maravillar
dello, viendo que tan bueno era."
Hist, de la Couquista, cap. 126.
29 " He loved the Christians," says
Herrera, " as well as could be judged
from appearances." Hist. General,
dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 10.) " They
say," remarks the general's chap-
lain, " that Montezuma, though often
urged to it, never consented to the
death of a Spaniard, nor to the in-
jury of Cortes, whom he loved ex-
ceedingly. But there are those who
dispute this." (Gomara, Cronica,
cap. 107.) Hon Thoan Cailo assured
Oviedo, that, during all the troubles
of the Spaniards with the Mexi-
cans, both in the absence of Cortes
and after his return, the emperor did
his best to supply the camp with
provisions. (See Appendix, Part 2,
No. 11.) And finally, Cortes him-
self, in an instrument already re-
ferred to, dated six years after
Montezuma's death, bears emphatic
testimony to the good will he had
shown to Spaniards, and particularly
acquits him of any share in the late
rising, which, says the Conqueror,
" I had trusted to suppress through
his assistance." See Appendix, Part
2, No. 19, ,
The Spanish historians, in general,
— notwithstanding an occasional in-
timation of a doubt as to his good
faith towards their countrymen, —
make honourable mention of the
many excellent qualities of the In-
dian prince. Soils, however, the
most eminent of all, dismisses the
account of his death with the re-
mark, that " his last hours were
spent in breathing vengeance and
maledictions against his people ; un-
til he surrendered up to Satan — with
whom he had frequent communica-
tion in his lifetime — the eternal pos-
session of his soul !" (Conquista de
Mexico, lib. 4, cap. 15.) Fortunately,
the historiographer of the Indies
could know as little of Montezuma's
fate in the next world, as he appears
to have known of it in this. Was it
bigotry, or a desire to set his own
hero's character in a brighter light,
which led him thus unworthily to
darken that of his Indian rival P'
86 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
position, and to place them on a footing with himself;
making their wishes his law ; gentle even to effeminacy
in his deportment, and constant in his friendship, while
his whole nation was in arms against them. — Yet these
traits, so contradictory, were truly enough drawn. They
are to be explained by the extraordinary circumstances
of his position.
When Montezuma ascended the throne, he was
scarcely twenty-three years of age. Young, and ambi-
tious of extending his empire, he was continually en-
gaged in war, and is said to have been present himself
in nine pitched battles. 30 He was greatly renowned for
his martial prowess, for he belonged to the Quachictin,
the highest military order of his nation, and one into
which but few even of its sovereigns had been admitted. 31
In later life, he preferred intrigue to violence, as more
consonant to his character and priestly education. In
this he was as great an adept as any prince of his time,
and, by arts not very honourable to himself, succeeded
in filching away much of the territory of his royal kins-
man of Tezcuco. Severe in the administration of justice,
he made important reforms in the arrangement of the
tribunals. He introduced other innovations in the royal
household, creating new offices, introducing a lavish
magnificence and forms of courtly etiquette unknown to
his ruder predecessors. He was, in short, most attentive
to all that concerned the exterior and pomp of royalty. 32
Stately and decorous, he was careful of his own dignity,
and might be said to be as great an " actor of majesty "
among the barbarian potentates of the New World, as
30 "Dicen que vencio* nueve Ba- ffi " Era mas cauteloso, y ardidoso,
talks, i otros nueve Campos, en que valeroso. En las Armas, y modo
desafio vno a vno." Gomara, Cro- de su govierno, fiie" muy justiciero ;
nica, cap. 107. en las cosas tocantes a ser estimado
31 One other only of his predeces- ytenido en su Dignidad y Majestad
sors, Tizoc, is shown by the Aztec Real de condicion muy severo, aun-
paintings to have belonged to this que cuerdo y gracioso." Ixtlilxochitl,
knightly order, according to Clavi- Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.
gero. Stor.del Messico, tom.ii. p. 140.
chap, ii.] DEATH OF MONTEZUMA. 87
Louis the Fourteenth was among the polished princes
of Europe.
He was deeply tinctured, moreover, with that spirit of
bigotry, which threw such a shade over the latter days of
the French monarch. He received the Spaniards as the
beings predicted by his oracles. The anxious dread,
with which he had evaded their proffered visit, was
founded on the same feelings which led him so blindly
to resign himself to them on their approach. He felt
himself rebuked by their superior genius. He at once
conceded all that they demanded, — his treasures, his
power, even his person. For their sake, he forsook his
wonted occupations, his pleasures, his most familiar
habits. He might be said to forego his nature ; and, as
his subjects asserted, to change his sex and become a
woman. If we cannot refuse our contempt for the pusil-
lanimity of the Aztec monarch, it should be mitigated
by the consideration, that his pusillanimity sprung from
his superstition, and that superstition in the savage is the
substitute for religious principle in the civilized man.
It is not easy to contemplate the fate of Montezuma
without feelings of the strongest compassion ; — to see
him thus borne along the tide of events beyond his
power to avert or control ; to see him, like some stately
tree, the pride of his own Indian forests, towering aloft
in the pomp and majesty of its branches, by its very
eminence a mark for the thunderbolt, the first victim of
the tempest which was to sweep over its native hills !
When the wise king of Tezcuco addressed his royal
relative at his coronation, he exclaimed, " Happy the
empire, which is now in the meridian of its prosperity,
for the sceptre is given to one whom the Almighty has
in his keeping; and the nations shall hold him in
reverence !" 33 Alas ! the subject of this auspicious in-
vocation lived to see his empire melt away like the
33 The whole address is given by Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4,
cap. 68.
SS EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
winter's wreath ; to see a strange race drop, as it were,
from the clouds on his land ; to find himself a prisoner
in the palace of his fathers, the companion of those who
were the enemies of his gods and his people ; to be
insulted, reviled, trodden in the dust, by the meanest of
his subjects, by those who, a few months previous, had
trembled at his glance ; drawing his last breath in the
halls of the stranger, a lonely outcast in the heart of his
own capital ! He was the sad victim of destiny, — a
destiny as dark and irresistible in its march, as that
which broods over the mythic legends of antiquity ! u
Montezuma, at the time of his death, was about forty-
one years old, of which he reigned eighteen. His person
and manners have been already described. He left a
numerous progeny by his various wives, most of whom,
having lost their consideration after the Conquest, fell
into obscurity as they mingled with the mass of the
Indian population. 35 Two of them, however, a son and
a daughter, who embraced Christianity, became the
founders of noble houses in Spain. 36 The government,
34 " Texvrj b' dvaynrjs daGevecrTepa Mexico ; and a daughter named Te-
fiaKpcp. cuichpo, who embraced Christianity,
Tt? ovv dvaynrjs iarlv olaico- and received the name of Isabella.
arpocfios ; She was married, when very young,
Molpat. rplpopcpot., fipqfxov&s r to her cousin Guatemozin; and lived
'Epivvves. long enough after his death to give
Tovto>v dp' 6 Zevs co-tip da- her hand to three Castilians, all of
Bevearepos ; honourable family. From two of
Ovkow av (Kcpvyoi ye rr)i/ ire- these, Don Pedro Gallejo, and Don
7rp(cptvr]v." Thoan Caho, descended the illus-
.ZEschyl., Prometh. v. 514 — 518. • trious families of the Andrada and
Caho Montezuma.
35 Sehor de Calderon, the late Montezuma, by his second wife,
Spanish minister at Mexico, informs the princess Acatlan, left two
me, that he has more than once daughters, named after their conver-
passcd by an Indian dwelling, where sion, Maria and Leonor. The former
the Indians in his suite made a died without issue. Dona Leonor
reverence, saying it was occupied by married with a Spanish cavalier,
a descendant of Montezuma. Cristoval de Valdcrrama, from whom
38 This son, baptized by the name descended the family of the Sotelos
of Pedro, was descended from one of de Montezuma. To which of these
the royal concubines. Montezuma branches belonged the counts of
had two lawful, wives. By the first Miravallc, noticed by Humboldt,
of these, named Tecalco, he had a (Essai Politique, torn. ii. p. 73, note,)
son, who perished in the flight from I am ignorant.
chap. II.] DEATH OF MONTEZUMA. 89
willing to show its gratitude for the large extent of
empire derived from their ancestor, conferred on them
ample estates, and important hereditary honours ; and
the Counts of Montezuma and Tula, intermarrying with
the best blood of Castile, intimated by their names and
titles their illustrious descent from the royal dynasty of
Mexico. 37
Montezuma's death was a misfortune to the Spaniards.
While he lived, they had a precious pledge in their hands,
which, in extremity, they might possibly have turned to
account. Now the last link was snapped which connected
them with the natives of the country. But independently
of interested feelings, Cortes and his officers were much
affected by his death from personal considerations j and,
when they gazed on the cold remains of the ill-starred
monarch, they may have felt a natural compunction, as
they contrasted his late flourishing condition with that
to which his friendship for them had now reduced him.
The Spanish commander showed all respect for his.
memory. His body, arrayed in its royal robes, was laid
The royal genealogy is minutely — Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn,
exhibited in a Memorial, setting i. p. 302, torn. iii. p. 132.) The last
forth the claims of Montezuma's of the line, of whom I have been able
grandsons to certain property in to obtain any intelligence, died not
right of their respective mothers. long since in North America. He
The document, which is without was very wealthy, having large es-
date, is among the MSS. of Muhoz. tates in Spain, — but was not, as it
37 It is interesting to know that a appears, very wise. When seventy
descendant of the Aztec emperor, years old or more, he passed over to
Don Joseph Sarmiento Valladares, Mexico, in the vain hope that the
Count of Montezuma, ruled as vice- nation, in deference to his descent,
roy, from 1697 to 1701, over the do- might place him on the throne of his
minions of his barbaric ancestors. Indian ancestors, so recently occu-
(Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. ii. pied by the presumptuous Iturbide.
p. 93, note.) Soils speaks of this But the modern Mexicans, with
noble house, grandees of Spain, who all their detestation of the old
intermingled their blood with that Spaniards, showed no respect for the
of the Guzmans and the Mendozas. royal blood of the Aztecs. The un-
Clavigero has traced their descent fortunate nobleman retired to New
from the emperor's son Iohualicahua, Orleans, where he soon after put an
or Don Pedro Montezuma, as he was end to his existence by blowing out
called after his baptism, down to his brains, — -not for ambition, how-
the close of the eighteenth century. ever, if report be true, but disap-
(See Solis, Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 15. pointed love !
90 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
decently on a bier, and borne on the shoulders of his
nobles to his subjects in the city. What honours, if any,
indeed, were paid to his remains, is uncertain. A sound
of wailing, distinctly heard in the western quarters of the
capital, was interpreted by the Spaniards into the moans
of a funeral procession, as it bore the body to be laid
among those of his ancestors, under the princely shades
of Chapoltepec. 38 Others state, that it was removed to a
burial-place in the city named Copalco, and there burnt
with the usual solemnities and signs of lamentation by
his chiefs, but not without some unworthy insults from
the Mexican populace. 39 Whatever be the fact, the
people, occupied with the stirring scenes in which they
were engaged, were probably not long mindful of the
monarch, who had taken no share in their late patriotic
movements. Nor is it strange that the very memory of
his sepulchre should be effaced in the terrible catastrophe
which afterwards overwhelmed the capital, and swept
away every landmark from its surface.
38 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 107. — 3S Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. lib. 4, cap. 7.
10, cap. 10.
CHAP. III.
91
CHAPTER III.
Council of War. — Spaniards evacuate the City. — Noche Triste, or "The
Melancholy Night." — Terrible Slaughter. — Halt for the Night. — Amount
of Losses.
1520.
There was no longer any question as to the expe-
diency of evacuating the capital. The only doubt was
as to the time of doing so, and the route. The Spanish
commander called a council of officers to deliberate on
these matters. It was his purpose to retreat on Tlascala,
and in that capital to decide according to circumstances
on his future operations. After some discussion, they
agreed on the causeway of Tlacopan as the avenue by
which to leave the city. It would indeed take them
back by a circuitous route, considerably longer than
either of those by which they had approached the capital.
But, for that reason, it would be less likely to be guarded,
as least suspected ; and the causeway itself, being shorter
than either of the other entrances, would sooner place
the army in comparative security on the main land*
There was some difference of opinion in respect to the
hour of departure. The day-time, it was argued by
some, would be preferable, since it would enable them
to see the nature and extent of their danger, and to pro-
vide against it. Darkness would be much more likely
to embarrass their own movements than those of the
enemy, who were familiar with the ground. A thousand
impediments would occur in the night, which might
92 Expulsion from Mexico. [book v.
prevent their acting in concert, or obeying, or even
ascertaining, the orders of the commander. But on the
other hand it was urged, that the night presented many
obvious advantages in dealing Avith a foe who rarely
carried his hostilities beyond the day. The late active
operations of the Spaniards had thrown the Mexicans off
their guard, and it was improbable they would anticipate
so speedy a departure of their enemies. With celerity
and caution they might succeed, therefore, in making
their escape from the town, possibly over the causeway,
before their retreat should be discovered ; and could they
once get beyond that pass of peril, they felt little appre-
hension for the rest.
These views were fortified, it is said, by the counsels
of a soldier named Botello, who professed the mysterious
science of judicial astrology. He had gained credit with
the army by some predictions which had been verified
by the events ; those lucky hits which make chance pass
for calculation with the credulous multitude. 1 This man
recommended to his countrymen by all means to evacuate
the place in the night, as the hour most propitious to
them, although he should perish in it. The event proved
the astrologer better acquainted with his own horoscope
than with that of others. 2
It is possible Botello's predictions had some weight in
determining the opinion of Cortes. Superstition was the
feature of the age, and the Spanish general, as Ave have
seen, had a full measure of its bigotry. Seasons of
gloom, moreover, dispose the mind to a ready acqui-
escence in the marvellous. It is, however, quite as pro-
bable that he made use of the astrologer's opinion,
1 Ovicdo, Hist, de las Incl, MS., cunning iu his art, as the West Indian
lib. 33, cap. 47. sybil who foretold the destiny of the
Theastrologerprcdictcd thatCortes unfortunate Josephine,
would be reduced to the greatest cx-
tremity of distress, and afterwards 2 "Pues al astrologo Botello, no
come to great honour and fortune. le aprovochd su astrologia, que tarn-
(Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, bien alii murio." Berual Diaz, Hist,
cap. 128.) He showed himself as dc la Conquista, cap. 128.
chap, in.] COUNCIL OF WAR. 93
finding it coincided with his own, to influence that of
his men, and inspire them with higher confidence. At
all events, it was decided to abandon the city that
very night.
The general's first care was to provide for the safe
transportation of the treasure. Many of the common
soldiers had converted their share of the prize, as we
have seen, into gold chains, collars, or other orna-
ments, which they easily carried about their persons.
But the royal fifth, together with that of Cortes himself,
and much of the rich booty of the principal cavaliers,
had been converted into bars and w r eclges of solid gold,
and deposited in one of the strong apartments of the
palace. Cortes delivered the share belonging to the Crown
to the royal officers, assigning them one of the strongest
horses, and a guard of Castilian soldiers to transport it. 3
Still, much of the treasure belonging both to the Crown
and to individuals was necessarily abandoned, from the
want of adequate means of conveyance. The metal lay
scattered in shining heaps along the floor, exciting the
cupidity of the soldiers. " Take what you will of it,"
said Cortes to his men. " Better you should have it than
these Mexican hounds. 4 But be careful not to overload
yourselves. He travels safest in the dark night who
travels lightest." His own more wary followers took
3 The disposition of the treasure manera que habia para lopodersalvar,
has been stated with some discre- que el alii estaba para por su parte
pancy, though all agree as to its ul- hacer lo que fuese posible e poner su
tirnate fate. The general himself persona a qualquier trance e riesgo
did not escape the imputation of neg- que sobre lo salvar le viniese
ligeuce, and even peculation, most El qual les did para ello una muy
unfounded from his enemies. The buena yegua, e quatro 6 cinco Espa-
account in the text is substantiated noles de mucha confianza, a quien se
by the evidence, under oath, of the encargd la dha yegua cargado con el
most respectable names in the expe- otro oro." Probanza a pedimento de
dition, as given in the instrument Juan de Lexalde.
already more than once referred to.
"Hizo sacar el oro e joyas de sus 4 "Desde aqui se lo doi, como se
Altezas e le did e entregd a los otros ha de quedar perdido entre estos
oficiales Alcaldes e Kegidores, e les perros." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
dixo a la rason que asi se lo entrego, Conquista, cap. 128. — Oviedo, Hist.
que todos viesen el •mejor modo e de las Inch, MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.
94 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
heed to his counsel, helping themselves to a few articles
of least bulk, though, it might be, of greatest value. 5
But the troops of Narvaez, pining for riches, of which
they had heard so much, and hitherto seen so little,
showed no such discretion. To them it seemed as if the
very mines of Mexico were turned up before them, and,
rushing on the treacherous spoil, they greedily loaded
themselves with as much of it, not merely as they could
accommodate about their persons, but as they could stow
away in wallets, boxes, or any other mode of conveyance
at their disposal. 6
Cortes next arranged the order of march. The van,
composed of two hundred Spanish foot, he placed under
the command of the valiant Gonzalo de Sandoval, sup-
ported by Diego de Ordaz, Francisco de Lujo, and about
twenty other cavaliers. The rearguard, constituting the
strength of the infantry, was intrusted to Pedro de
Alvarado, and Velasquez de Leon. The general himself
took charge of the " battle," or centre, in which went
the baggage, some of the heavy guns, most of which,
however, remained in the rear, the treasure, and the pri-
soners. These consisted of a son and two daughters of
Montezuma, Cacama, the deposed lord of Tezcuco, and
several other nobles, whom Cortes retained as important
pledges in his future negotiations with the enemy. The
Tlascalans were distributed pretty equally among the three
divisions ; and Cortes had under his immediate command
a hundred picked soldiers, his own veterans most attached
to his service, who, with Christoval de Olid, Francisco
de Morla, Alonso de Avila, and two or three other cava-
liers, formed a select corps, to act wherever occasion
might require.
5 Captain Diaz tells us, that lie service, by supplying him the means
contented himself with four chalchi- of obtaining food and medicine, when
vitl, — the green stone so much prized in great extremity afterwards, from
by the natives, — which he cunningly the people of the country. Ibid-,
picked out of the royal coffers before loc. cit.
Cortes' major domo had time to sc- ° Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
cure them. The prize proved of great lib. 33, cap. 47.
chap, in.] THE SPANIARDS EVACUATE THE CITY. 95
The general had already superintended the construc-
tion of a portable bridge to be laid over the open canals
in the causeway. This was given in charge to an officer
named Magarino, with forty soldiers under his orders, all
pledged to defend the passage to the last extremity.
The bridge was to be taken up when the entire army
had crossed one of the breaches, and transported to the
next. There were three of these openings in the cause-
way, and most fortunate would it have been for the
expedition if the foresight of the commander had provided
the same number of bridges. But the labour would have
been great, and time was short. 7
At midnight the troops were under arms, in readiness
for the march. Mass was performed by father Olmedo,
who invoked the protection of the Almighty through the,
awful perils of the night. The gates were thrown open,
and, on the first of July, 1520, the Spaniards for the
last time sallied forth from the walls of the ancient for-
tress, the scene of so much suffering and such indo-
mitable courage. 8
The night was cloudy, and a drizzling rain, which fell
without intermission, added to the obscurity. The great
square before the palace was deserted, as, indeed, it had
been since the fall of Montezuma. Steadily, and as
noiselessly as possible, the Spaniards held their way
along the great street of Tlacopan, which so lately had
resounded to the tumult of battle. All was now hushed
in silence ; and they were only reminded of the past by
7 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 109. — Cortes, which states, that the army
Reg. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, reached Tlascala on the eighth of
p. 143.— Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid., July, not the tenth, as Clavigero
MS., lib. 33, cap. 13, 47. misquotes him ; (Stor. del Messico,
8 There is some difficulty in ad- torn. iii. pp. 135, 136, nota;) and
justing the precise date of their de- from the general's accurate account
parture, as, indeed, of most events of their progress each day, it appears
in the Conquest ; attention to chro- that they left the capital on the last
nology being deemed somewhat su- night of June, or rather the morning
perfluous by the old chroniclers. of July 1st. It was the night, he
Ixtlilxochitl, Gomara, and others, also adds, following the affair of the
fix the date at July 10th. But this bridges in the city. Comp. Rel. Seg,
is wholly contrary to the letter of ap. Lorenzana, pp. 142 — 149.
96 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
the occasional presence of some solitary corpse, or a dark
heap of the slain, which too plainly told where the strife
had been hottest. As they passed along the lanes and
alleys which opened into the great street, or looked down
the canals, whose polished surface gleamed with a sort
of ebon lustre through the obscurity of night, they easily
fancied that they discerned the shadowy forms of their
foe lurking in ambush, and ready to spring on them.
But it was only fancy ; and the city slept undisturbed
even by the prolonged echoes of the tramp of the horses,
and the hoarse rumbling of the artillery and baggage
trains. At length a lighter space beyond the dusky line
of buildings showed the van of the army that it was
emerging on the open causeway. They might well have
congratulated themselves on having thus escaped the
dangers of an assault in the city itself, and that a brief
time would place them in comparative safety on the op-
posite shore. — But the Mexicans were not all asleep.
As the Spaniards drew near the spot where the street
opened on the causeway, and were preparing to lay the
portable bridge across the uncovered breach which now
met their eyes, several Indian sentinels, who had been
stationed at this, as at the other approaches to the city,
took the alarm, and fled, rousing their countrymen by
their cries. The priests, keeping their night watch on
the summit of the teocattis, instantly caught the tidings
and sounded their shells, while the huge drum in the
desolate temple of the war-god sent forth those solemn
tones, which, heard only in seasons of calamity, vibrated
through every corner of the capital. The Spaniards saw
that no time was to be lost. The bridge was brought
forward and fitted with all possible expedition. San-
doval was the first to try its strength, and, riding across,
was followed by his little body of chivalry, his infantry,
and Tlascalan allies, who formed the first division of the
army. Then came Cortes and his squadrons, with the
baggage, ammunition wagons, and a part of the artillery.
chap, in.] THE MELANCHOLY NIGHT. 97
But before they had time to defile across the narrow pas-
sage, a gathering sound was heard, like that of a mighty
forest agitated by the winds. It grew louder and louder,
while on the dark waters of the lake was heard a splash-
ing noise, as of many oars. Then came a few stones and
arrows striking at random among the hurrying troops.
They fell every moment faster and more furious, till they
thickened into a terrible tempest, while the very heavens
were rent with the yells and war-cries of myriads of
combatants, who seemed all at once to be swarming over
land and lake !
The Spaniards pushed steadily on through this arrowy
sleet, though the barbarians, dashing their canoes against
the sides of the causeway, clambered up and broke in
upon their ranks. But the Christians, anxious only to
make their escape, declined all combat except for self-
preservation. The cavaliers, spurring forward their steeds,
shook off their assailants, and rode over their prostrate
bodies, while the men on foot with their good swords or
the butts of their pieces drove them headlong again
down the sides of the dike.
But the advance of several thousand men, marching,
probably, on a front of not more than fifteen or twenty
abreast, necessarily required much time, and the leading
files had already reached the second breach in the cause-
way before those in the rear had entirely traversed the
first. Here they halted ; as they had no means of effect-
ing a passage, smarting all the while under unintermitting
volleys from the enemy, who were clustered thick on the
waters around this second opening. Sorely distressed,
the vanguard sent repeated messages to the rear to
demand the portable bridge. At length the last of the
army had crossed, and Magarino and his sturdy followers
endeavoured to raise the ponderous framework. But it
stuck fast in the sides of the dike. In vain they strained
every nerve. The weight of so many men and horses,
and above all of the heavy artillery, had wedged the
VOL. II. h
98 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
timbers so firmly in the stones and earth, that it was
beyond their power to dislodge them. Still they la-
boured amidst a torrent of missiles, until, many of them
slain, and all wounded, they were obliged to abandon
the attempt.
The tidings soon spread from man to man, and no
sooner was their dreadful import comprehended, than a
cry of despair arose, which for a moment drowned all
the noise of conflict. All means of retreat were cut off.
Scarcely hope was left. The only hope was in such
desperate exertions as each could make for himself.
Order and subordination were at an end. Intense dan-
ger produced intense selfishness. Each thought only of
his own life. Pressing forward, he trampled down the
weak and the wounded, heedless whether it were friend
or foe. The leading files, urged on by the rear, were
crowded on the brink of the gulf. Sandoval, Ordaz, and
the other cavaliers dashed into the water. Some suc-
ceeded in swimming their horses across; others failed,
and some, who reached the opposite bank, being over-
turned in the ascent, rolled headlong with their steeds
into the lake. The infantry followed pellmell, heaped
promiscuously on one another, frequently pierced by the
shafts, or struck down by the war-clubs of the Aztecs ;
while many an unfortunate victim was dragged half-
stunned on board their canoes, to be reserved for a pro-
tracted but more dreadful death. 9
The carnage raged fearfully along the length of the
causeway. Its shadowy bulk presented a mark of suffi-
cient distinctness for the enemy's missiles, which often
prostrated their own countrymen in the blind fury of the
tempest. Those nearest the dike, running their canoes
9 Eel. Seg. de Cortes ap. Loren- Espafia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 24. — Mar-
zana, p. 143. — Camargo, Hist, dc tyr, de Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6. —
Tlascala, MS. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib.
de la Conquista, cap. 128. — Ovicdo, 10, cap. 4. — Probanza en la Villa
Hist, dc las Ind., MS., lib. 32, cap. Segura, MS.
13, 47.— Sahagun, Hist, dc Nucva
chap, in.] TERRIBLE SLAUGHTER. 99
alongside, with a force that shattered them to pieces,
leaped on the land and grappled with the Christians,
until both came rolling down the side of the causeway
together. But the Aztec fell among his friends, while
his antagonist was borne away in triumph to the sacri-
fice. The struggle was long and deadly. The Mexicans
were recognised by their white cotton tunics, which
showed faint through their darkness. Above the com-
batants rose a wild and discordant clamour, in which
horrid shouts of vengeance were mingled with groans of
agony, with invocations of the saints and the blessed
Virgin, and with the screams of women ; 10 for there were
several women, both native and Spaniards, who had
accompanied the Christian camp. Among these, one
named Maria de Estrada is particularly noticed for the
courage she displayed, battling with broadsword and
target like the stanchest of the warriors. 11
The opening in the causeway, meanwhile, was filled up
with the wreck of matter which had been forced into it,
ammunition-wagons, heavy guns, bales of rich stuffs scat-
tered over the waters, chests of solid ingots, and bodies
of men and horses, till over this dismal ruin a passage
was gradually formed, by which those in the rear were
enabled to clamber to the other side. 12 Cortes, it is said,
found a place that was fordable, where halting with the
10 « p ues i a g r ita, y lloros, y las- Pueblo de Tetela." Torquemada,
timas q. dezia demadando socorro : Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 72.
Ayudadme, q. me ahogo, otros : So- 12 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
corrednie, q. me mata, otros dema- — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
dando ayuda a N. Sefiora Santa cap. 128.
Maria, y a Sefior Santiago." Bernal " Por la gran priesa que daban de
Diaz, Ibid., cap. 128. ambas partes de el camino, comen-
11 " Y asimismo se mostrd mui zaron a caer en aquel foso, y cayeron
valerosa en este aprieto, y conflicto juntos, que de Espafioles, que de
Maria de Estrada, la qual con vna Indios y de caballos, y de cargas, el
Espada, y vna Rodela en las Manos, foso se hincho hasta arriba, cayendo
hipo heehos maravillosos, y se entraba los unos sobre los otros y los otros
por los Enemigos con tanto corage, sobre los otros, de manera que todos
y animo, como si fuera vno de los los del bagage quedaron alii ahoga-
mas valientes Hombres de el Mundo, dos, y los de la retaguardia pasaron
olvidada de que era Muger sobre los muertos." Sahagun, Hist.
Casd esta Sefiora con Pedro Sanchez de Nueva Espafia, MS., lib. 12, cap.
Earfan, y dieronle en Encomienda el 24.
h2
100 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
water up to his saddle-girths, he endeavoured to check
the confusion, and lead his followers by a safer path to
the opposite bank. But his voice was lost in the wild
uproar, and finally, hurrying on with the tide, he pressed
forwards with a few trusty cavaliers, who remained near
his person, to the van ; but not before he had seen his
favourite page, Juan de Salazar, struck down, a corpse,
by his side. Here he found Sandoval and his com-
panions, halting before the third and last breach, endea-
vouring to cheer on their followers to surmount it. But
their resolution faltered. It was wide and deep ; though
the passage was not so closely beset by the enemy as the
preceding ones. The cavaliers again set the example by
plunging into the water. Horse and foot followed as
they could, some swimming, others with dying grasp
clinging to the manes and tails of the struggling animals.
Those fared best, as the general had predicted, who tra-
velled lightest ; and many were the unfortunate wretches,
who, weighed down by the fatal gold which they loved
so well, were buried with it in the salt floods of the
lake. 13 Cortes, with his gallant comrades, Olid, Morla,
Sandoval, and some few others, still kept in the advance,
leading his broken remnant off the fatal causeway. The
din of battle lessened in the distance ; when the rumour
reached them, that the rearguard would be wholly over-
whelmed without speedy relief. It seemed almost an
act of desperation ; but the generous hearts of the Spanish
cavaliers did not stop to calculate danger when the cry
for succour reached them. Turning their horses' bridles,
they galloped back to the theatre of action, worked their
way through the press, swam the canal, and placed them-
selves in the thick of the melee on the opposite bank. 14
33 " E los que habian ido con Nar- dos ; e* a otros llevaban arrastrando,
vaez arrojaronse en la sala, e carga- e si otros mataban alb ; e asi no se
ronse de aquel oro e plata quanto salviiron sino los desocupados e que
pudieron ; pcro los menos lo gozaron, iban en la delantera." Oviedo, Hist,
porque la carga no los dexaba pelear, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.
6 los Indios los tomaban vivos carga- M Herrcra, Hist. General, dec. 2,
chap, in.] TERRIBLE SLAUGHTER. 101
The first grey of the morning was now coming over
the waters. It showed the hideous confusion of the
scene which had been shrouded in the obscurity of night.
The dark masses of combatants, stretching along the
dike, were seen struggling for mastery, until the very
causeway on which they stood appeared to tremble, and
reel to and fro, as if shaken by an earthquake ; while the
bosom of the lake, as far as the eye could reach, was
darkened by canoes crowded with warriors, whose spears
and bludgeons, armed with blades of " volcanic glass,"
gleamed in the morning light.
The cavaliers found Alvarado unhorsed, and defending
himself with a poor handful of followers against an over-
whelming tide of the enemy. His good steed, which
had borne him through many a hard fight, had fallen
under him. 15 He was himself wounded in several places,
and was striving in vain to rally his scattered column,
which was driven to the verge of the canal by the fury of
the enemy, then in possession of the whole rear of the
causeway, where they were reinforced every hour by
fresh combatants from the city. The artillery in the
earlier part of the engagement had not been idle, and its
iron shower, sweeping along the dike, had mowed down
the assailants by hundreds. But nothing could resist
their impetuosity. The front ranks, pushed on by those
behind, were at length forced up to the pieces, and,
pouring over them like a torrent, overthrew men and
guns in one general ruin. The resolute charge of the
Spanish cavaliers, who had now arrived, created a tem-
porary check, and gave time for their countrymen to make
a feeble rally. But they were speedily borne down by
the returning flood. Cortes and his companions were
compelled to plunge again into the lake, — though all did
lib. 10, cap. 11. — Oviedo, Hist, de dro de Alvarado bien herido con una
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13. — lanca en la mano a pie, que la yegua
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, alacana ya se la auian muerto."
cap. 128. Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
15 " Luego encontraron con Pe- cap. 128.
102 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
not escape. Alvarado stood on the brink for a moment,
hesitating what to do. Unhorsed as he was, to throw
himself into the water in the face of the hostile canoes
that now swarmed around the opening, afforded but a
desperate chance of safety. He had but a second for
thought. He was a man of powerful frame, and despair
gave him unnatural energy. Setting his long lance
firmly on the wreck which strewed the bottom of the
lake, he sprung forward with all his might, and cleared
the wide gap at a leap ! Aztecs and Tlascalans gazed in
stupid amazement, exclaiming, as they beheld the incre-
dible feat, " This is truly the TonatiuJt, — the child of the
Sun !" 16 — The breadth of the opening is not given. But
it was so great, that the valorous captain Diaz, who well
remembered the place, says the leap was impossible to
any man. 17 Other contemporaries, however, do not dis-
credit the story. 18 It was, beyond doubt, matter of
popular belief at the time j it is to this day familiarly
known to every inhabitant of the capital ; and the name
of the Salto de Alvarado, " Alvarado's leap/' given to
16 " Y los amigos vista tan gran would do more than anything else
hazaiia quedaron maravillados, y al to establish the fact. But Camargo's
instante que esto vieron se arrojaron language does not seem to me neces-
por el suelo postrados por tierra en saruy to warrant the inference,
sehal de hecho tan heroico, espan- 17 " Se llama aora la pucnte del
table y raro, que ellos no habian salto de Alvarado : y platicavamos
visto hacer a ningun hombre, y ansi muchos soldados sobre ello, y no hal-
adoraron al Sol, comicndo puhados lavamos razon, ni soltura de vn horn-
de tierra, arrancando yervas del bre que tal saltassc." Hist, de la
campo, diciendo a grandes voces, Conquista, cap. 128.
verdaderamente que este hombre es ls Gomara Cronica, cap. 109. —
hijo 'del Sol." (Camargo, Hist, de Camargo, Ibid., ubi supra. — Oviedo,
Tlascala, MS.) This writer con- Hist, cle las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap.
suited the process instituted by Al- 47. — Which last author, however,
varado's heirs, in which they set frankly says, that many who had
forth the merits of their ancestor, as seen the place, declared it seemed
attested by the most valorous cap- to them impossible. " Eue tan estrc-
tains of theTlascalan nation, present mado de grande el salto, que a mu-
at the conquest. It may be that chos hombres que ban visto aquello,
the famous leap was among these he oido deeir que parcce cosa im-
" merits," of which the historian posiblc habcrlo podido saltar ninguno
speaks. M. de Humboldt, citing hombre humano. En fin el lo salto
Camargo, so considers it. (Essai e gand por ello la vida, e perdieronla
Politique, torn. ii. p. 75.) This muchos que atras quedaban !"
chap, in.] TERRIBLE SLAUGHTER. 103
the spot, still commemorates an exploit which rivalled
those of the demigods of Grecian fable. 19
Cortes and his companions now rode forward to the
front, where the troops, in a loose, disorderly manner,
were marching off the fatal causeway. A few only of the
enemy hung on their rear, or annoyed them by occasional
flights of arrows from the lake. The attention of the
Aztecs was diverted by the rich spoil that strewed the
battle-ground ; fortunately for the Spaniards, who, had
their enemy pursued with the same ferocity with which
he had fought, would, in their crippled condition have
been cut off, probably to a man. But little molested,
therefore, they were allowed to defile through the
adjacent village, or suburbs, it might be called, of
Popotla. 20
The Spanish commander there dismounted from his
jaded steed, and, sitting down on the steps of an Indian
temple, gazed mournfully on the broken files as they
passed before him. What a spectacle did they present !
The cavalry, most of them dismounted, were mingled
with the infantry, who dragged their feeble limbs along
with difficulty j their shattered mail and tattered gar-
ments dripping with the salt ooze, showing through
their rents many a bruise and ghastly wound ; their
bright arms soiled, their proud crests and banners gone,
the baggage, artillery, — all, in short, that constitutes the
pride and panoply of glorious war, for ever lost. Cortes,
as he looked wistfully on their thinned and disordered
19 The spot is pointed out to every 20 " Fue Dios servido de que los
traveller. It is where a ditch, of no Mejicanos se ocupasen en recqjer
great width, is traversed by a small los despoios de los muertos, y las
bridge not far from the western ex- riquezas de oro y piedras que llevaba
tremity of the Alameda. As the el bagage, y de sacar los muertos de
place received its name in Alvarado's aquel acequia, y a los caballos y
time, the story could scarcely have otras bestias. Y.por esto no sigui-
been discountenanced by him. But, eron el alcanze, y los Espanoles pu-
siuce the length of the leap, strange dieron ir poco a poco por su. cammo
to say, is nowhere given, the reader sin tener mucha molestia de enemi-
can have no means of passing his gos." Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
own judgment on its probability. Espana, MS.,"lib. 12, cap. 25.
104 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
ranks, sought in vain for many a familiar face, and
missed more than one dear companion who had stood
side by side with him through all the perils of the Con-
quest. Though accustomed to control his emotions, or,
at least, to conceal them, the sight was too much for
him. He covered his face with his hands, and the tears
which trickled down revealed too plainly the anguish of
his soul. 21
He found some consolation, however, in the sight of
several of the cavaliers on whom he most relied. Alva-
rado, Sandoval, Olid, Ordaz, Avila, were yet safe. He
had the inexpressible satisfaction, also, of learning the
safety of the Indian interpreter, Marina, so dear to him,
and so important to the army. She had been committed
with a daughter of a Tlascalan chief, to several of that
nation. She was fortunately placed in the van, and her
faithful escort had carried her securely through all the
dangers of the night. Aguilar, the other interpreter, had
also escaped ; and it was with no less satisfaction that
Cortes learned the safety of the ship-builder, Martin
Lopez. 22 The general's solicitude for the fate of this
man, so indispensable, as he proved, to the success of his
subsequent operations, showed that amidst all his affliction,
his indomitable spirit was looking forward to the hour of
vengeance.
Meanwhile, the advancing column had reached the
neighbouring city of Tlacopan (Tacuba), once the capital
of an independent principality. There it halted in the
great street, as if bewildered and altogether uncertain
what course to take ; like a herd of panic-struck deer,
who, flying from the hunters, with the cry of hound and
horn still ringing in their ears, look wildly around for
some glen or copse in which to plunge for concealment.
Cortes, who had hastily mounted and rode on to the
21 Oviedo, Hist, dc las Ind., MS., nica, cap. 109.
lib. 33, cap. 47. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. B Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
Chich., MS., cap. 89.— Gomara, Grd- lib. 10, cap. 12.
chap, in.] HALT FOR THE NIGHT. 105
front again, saw the danger of remaining in a populous
place, where the inhabitants might sorely annoy the
troops from the azoteas, with little risk to themselves.
Pushing forward, therefore, he soon led them into the
country. There he endeavoured to reform his disor-
ganized battalions, and bring them to something like
order. 23
Hard by, at no great distance on the left, rose an
eminence, looking towards a chain of mountains which
fences in the Valley on the west. It was called the Hill
of Otoncalpolco, and sometimes the Hill of Montezuma. 24
It was crowned with an Indian teocalli, with its large
outworks of stone covering an ample space, and by its
strong position, which commanded the neighbouring
plain, promised a good place of refuge for the exhausted
troops. But the men, disheartened and stupefied by
their late reverses, seemed for the moment incapable of
further exertion ; and the place was held by a body of
armed Indians. Cortes saw the necessity of dislodging
them, if he would save the remains of his army from
entire destruction. The event showed he still held a
control over their wills stronger than circumstances
themselves. Cheering them on, and supported by his
gallant cavaliers, he succeeded in infusing into the most
sluggish something of his own intrepid temper, and led
them up the ascent in face of the enemy. But the latter
made slight resistance, and, after a few feeble volleys of
missiles which did little injury, left the ground to the
assailants.
It was covered by a building of considerable size, and
23 " Tacuba," says that interesting tion chosen by Cortes for his in-
traveller, Latrobe, "lies near the trenchment, after the retreat just
foot of the hills, and is at the pre- mentioned, and before he commenced
sent day chiefly noted for the large his painful route towards Otumba."
and noble church which was erected (Rambler in Mexico, Letter 5.) It
there by Cortes. And hard by, you is evident, from our text, that Cortes
trace the lines of a Spanish encamp- could have thrown up no intrench-
ment. I do not hazard the opinion, ment here, at least on his retreat
but it might appear by the coin- from the capital,
cidence, that this was the very posi- 2I Lorenzana, Viage, p. xiii.
106 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
furnished ample accommodations for the diminished
numbers of the Spaniards. They found there some
provisions ; and more, it is said, were brought to them
in the course of the day from some friendly Otomie vil-
lages in the neighbourhood. There was, also, a quantity
of fuel in the courts, destined to the uses of the temple.
With this they made fires to dry their drenched gar-
ments, and busily employed themselves in dressing one
another's wounds, stiff and extremely painful from expo-
sure and long exertion. Thus refreshed, the weary
soldiers threw themselves down on the floor and courts
of the temple, and soon found the temporary oblivion
which Nature seldom denies even in the greatest ex-
tremity of suffering. 25
There was one eye in the assembly, however, which
we may well believe did not so speedily close. For what
agitating thoughts must have crowded on the mind of
their commander, as he beheld his poor remnant of fol-
lowers thus huddled together in this miserable bivouac !
And this was all that survived of the brilliant array with
which but a few weeks since he had entered the capital
of Mexico ! Where now were his dreams of conquest
and empire ? And what was he but a luckless adven-
turer, at whom the finger of scorn would be uplifted as
a madman ? Whichever way he turned, the horizon
was almost equally gloomy, with scarcely one light spot
to cheer him. He had still a weary journey before him,
through perilous and unknown paths, with guides of
whose fidelity he could not be assured. And how could
he rely on his reception at Tlascala, the place of his des-
tination ; the land of his ancient enemies ; where, formerly
as a foe, and now as a friend, he had brought desolation
to every family within its borders ?
Yet these agitating and gloomy reflections, which
25 Sahagun, Hist, de Nucva Espa- — Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
na, MS., 'lib. 12, cap. 21.— Bemal — Ixtlikocliitl, Hist. Cbich., MS.,
Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 128. cap. 89.
chap, in.] . AMOUNT OF LOSSES. 107
might have crushed a common mind, had no power over
that of Cortes ; or rather, they only served to renew his
energies, and quicken his perceptions, as the war of the
elements purifies and gives elasticity to the atmosphere.
He looked with an unblenching eye on his past reverses ;
but, confident in his own resources, he saw a light
through the gloom which others could not. Even in the
shattered relics which lay around him, resembling in
their haggard aspect and wild attire a horde of famished
outlaws, he discerned the materials out of which to re-
construct his ruined fortunes. In the very hour of dis-
comfiture and general despondency, there is no doubt
that his heroic spirit was meditating the plan of opera-
tions which he afterwards pursued with such dauntless
constancy.
The loss sustained by the Spaniards on this fatal night,
like every other event in the history of the Conquest, is
reported with the greatest discrepancy. If we believe
Cortes' own letter, it did not exceed one hundred and
fifty Spaniards and two thousand Indians. But the
general's bulletins, while they do full justice to the diffi-
culties to be overcome, and the importance of the results,
are less scrupulous in stating the extent either of his
means or of his losses. Thoan Cano, one of the cavaliers
present, estimates the slain at eleven hundred and seventy
Spaniards, and eight thousand allies. But this is a
greater number than we have allowed for the whole
army. Perhaps we may come nearest the truth by taking
the computation of Gomara, the chaplain of Cortes, who
had free access doubtless, not only to the general's papers,
but to other authentic sources of information. According
to him, the number of Christians killed and missing was
four hundred and fifty, and that of natives four thou-
sand. This, with the loss sustained in the conflicts of
the previous week, may have reduced the former to some-
thing more that a third, and the latter to a fourth, or,
perhaps, fifth, of the original force with which they
108
EXPULSION FROM MEXICO.
[■
entered the capital. 26 The brunt of the action fell on
the rearguard, few of whom escaped. It was formed
chiefly of the soldiers of Narvaez, who fell the victims
in some measure of their cupidity. 27 Forty-six of the
cavalry were cut off, which with previous losses reduced
the number in this branch of the service to twenty-three,
and some of these in very poor condition. The greater
part of the treasure, the baggage, the general's papers,
including his accounts, and a minute diary of trans-
actions since leaving Cuba — which, to posterity at least,
would have been of more worth than the gold, — had
been swallowed up by the waters. 28 The ammunition,
26 The table below may give the
reader some idea of the discrepancies
in numerical estimates, even among
eyewitnesses, and writers who, hav-
ing access to the actors, are nearly
of equal authority.
Spaniards. Indians.
2000 killed and missing
8000 „ ,,
2000 „ „
2000 „ „
4000 „ „
4000 „ „
4000 „ ,,
2000 ,,
4000 „
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 145, 150
Cano, ap. Oviedo, lib. 33, cap. 54, . . . . 1170
Probanza, &c 200
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., lib. 33, cap. 13, . 150
Camargo 450
Gomara, cap. 109 450
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., cap. 88, ... 450
Sahagun, lib. 12, cap. 24, 300
Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 12, 150
Bernal Diaz does not take the the knowledge of so many of their
trouble to agree with himself. After comrades, — and this be permitted,
stating that the rear, on which the too, at a juncture which made every
loss fell heaviest, consisted of 150 man's cooperation so important, —
men, he adds, in the same paragraph, is too obvious to require refutation,
that 150 of these were slain, which Herrera records, what is much more
number swells to 200 in a few lines probable, that Cortes gave particular
further ! Ealstaffs men in buck- orders to the captain, Ojeda, to see
ram ! See Hist, de la Conquista, that none of the sleeping or wounded
cap. 128. should, in the hurry of the moment,
Cano's estimate embraces, it is be overlooked in their quarters,
true, those — but their number was Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, nap.
comparatively small — who perished 11.
subsequently on the march. The 27 " Pues de los de Narvaez, todos
same authority states, that 270 of los mas en las puentes quedaron,
the garrison, ignorant of the pro- cargados de oro." Bernal Diaz,
posed departure of their countrymen, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 128.
were perfidiously left in the palace 28 According to Diaz, part of the
of Axayacatl, where they surrendered gold intrusted to the Tlascalan con-
on terms, but were subsequently all voy was preserved. (Hist, de la
sacrificed by the Aztecs ! (See Ap- Conquista, cap. 136.) Prom the
pendix, Part 2, No. 11.) The im- document already cited, — Probanza
probability of this monstrous story, de Villa Segura, MS., — it appears
by which the army with all its equi- that it was a Castllian guard who
page could leave the citadel without had charge of it.
chap, in.] AMOUNT OF LOSSES. 109
the beautiful little train of artillery, with which Cortes
had entered the city, were all gone. Not a musket even
remained, the men having thrown them away, eager to
disencumber themselves of all that might retard their
escape on that disastrous night. Nothing, in short, of
their military apparatus was left, but their swords, their
crippled cavalry, and a few damaged crossbows, to assert
the superiority of the European over the barbarian.
The prisoners, including, as already noticed, the chil-
dren of Montezuma and the cacique of Tezcuco, all
perished by the hands of their ignorant countrymen, it
is said, in the indiscriminate fury of the assault. There
were, also, some persons of consideration among the
Spaniards, whose names were inscribed on the same
bloody roll of slaughter. Such was Francisco de Morla,
who fell by the side of Cortes, on returning with him to
the rescue. But the greatest loss was that of Juan
Velasquez de Leon, who, with Alvarado, had command
of the rear. It was the post of danger on that night,
and he fell, bravely defending it, at an early part of the
retreat. He was an excellent officer, possessed of many
knightly qualities, though somewhat haughty in his
bearing, being one of the best connected cavaliers in the
army. The near relation of the governor of Cuba, he
looked coldly, at first, on the pretensions of Cortes ;
but, whether from a conviction that the latter had been
wronged, or from personal preference, he afterwards
attached himself zealously to his leader's interests. The
general requited this with a generous confidence, assign-
ing him, as we have seen, a separate and independent
command, where misconduct, or even a mistake, would
have been fatal to the expedition. Velasquez proved
himself worthy of the trust ; and there was no cavalier
in the army, with the exception, perhaps, of Sandoval
and Alvarado, whose loss would have been so deeply
deplored by the commander. Such were the disastrous
results of this terrible passage of the causeway; more
110 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
disastrous than those occasioned by any other reverse
which has stained the Spanish arms in the New World ;
and which has branded the night on which it happened,
in the national annals, with the name of the noche triste,
" the sad or melancholy night." 29
29 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 109. — Segura, MS. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. la Conquista, cap. 128.
33, cap. 13. — Probanza en la Villa
Ill
CHAPTER IV.
Retreat of the Spaniards. — Distresses of the Army. — Pyramids of Tcoti-
huacan. — Great Battle of Otumba.
1520.
The Mexicans, during the day which followed the
retreat of the Spaniards, remained, for the most part,
quiet in their own capital, where they found occupation
in cleansing the streets and causeways from the dead,
which lay festering in heaps that might have bred a pes-
tilence. They may have been employed, also, in paying
the last honours to such of their warriors as had fallen,
solemnizing the funeral rights by the sacrifice of their
wretched prisoners, who, as they contemplated their own
destiny, may well have envied the fate of their com-
panions who left their bones on the battle-field. It was
most fortunate for the Spaniards, in their extremity, that
they had this breathing time allowed them by the enemy.
But Cortes knew that he could not calculate on its con-
tinuance, and, feeling how important it was to get the
start of his vigilant foe, he ordered his troops to be in
readiness to resume their march by midnight. Fires
were left burning, the better to deceive the enemy ; and
at the appointed hour, the little army, without sound of
drum or trumpet, but with renewed spirits, sallied forth
from the gates of the teocatti, within whose hospitable
walls they had found such seasonable succour. The
place is now T indicated by a Christian church, dedicated
112 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
to the Virgin, under the title of Nuestra Senora de los
Bemedios, whose miraculous image — the very same, it is
said, brought over by the followers of Cortes \ — still ex-
tends her beneficent sway over the neighbouring capital ;
and the traveller, who pauses within the precincts of the
consecrated fane, may feel that he is standing on the
spot made memorable by the refuge it afforded to the
Conquerors in the hour of their deepest despondency. 2
It was arranged that the sick and wounded should
occupy the centre, transported on litters, or on the backs
of the tamenes, while those who were strong enough to
keep their seats should mount behind the cavalry. The
able-bodied soldiers were ordered to the front and rear,
while others protected the flanks, thus affording all the
security possible to the invalids.
The retreating army held on its way unmolested under
cover of the darkness. But, as morning dawned, they
beheld parties of the natives moving over the heights, or
hanging at a distance, like a cloud of locusts on their
rear. They did not belong to the capital ; but were
gathered from the neighbouring country, where the
tidings of their route had already penetrated. The
charm, which had hitherto covered the white men, was
gone. The dread Teules 3 were no longer invincible.
1 Lorenzana, Viage, p. xiii. and which — whether correctly or not
2 The last instance, I believe, of — he interprets into gods, or divine
the direct interposition of the Virgin beings. (See Hist, de la Conquista,
in behalf of the metropolis was in cap. 48, et alibi ) One of the stanzas
1833, when she was brought into of Ercilla intimates the existence of
the city to avert the cholera. She a similar delusion among the South
refused to pass the night in town, American Indians, — and a similar
however, but was found the next cure of it.
morning in her own sanctuary at
Los llemedios, showing, by the mud ' " Por dioses, como dixe, eran
with which she was plentifully be- tenidos
spattered, that she must have per- de los Indios los nuestros ; pcro
formed the distance — several leagues olieron
— through the miry ways on foot! que de muger y hombre cran
See Latrobe, Rambler in Mexico, nacidos,
Letter 5. y todas sus flaquezas entcn-
3 The epithet by which, according dieron
to Diaz, the Castilians were con- viendolos a miserias sometidos,
stantly addressed by the natives ; el error ignorante conocicron,
chap, iv.] RETREAT OF THE SPANIARDS. 113
The Spaniards, under the conduct of their Tlascalan
guides, took a circuitous route to the north, passing
through Quauhtitlan, and round lake Tzompanco, (Ziim-
pango,) thus lengthening their march, but keeping at a
distance from the capital. "From the eminences, as they
passed along, the Indians rolled down heavy stones,
mingled with volleys of darts and arrows, on the heads of
the soldiers. Some were even bold enough to descend
into the plain and assault the extremities of the column.
But they were soon beaten off by the horse, and com-
pelled to take refuge among the hills, where the ground
was too rough for the rider to follow. Indeed, the
Spaniards did not care to do so, their object being rather
to fly than to fight.
In this way they slowly advanced, halting at intervals
to drive off their assailants when they became too im-
portunate, and greatly distressed by their missiles and
their desultory attacks. At night, the troops usually
found shelter in some town or hamlet, whence the
inhabitants, in anticipation of their approach, had been
careful to carry off all the provisions. The Spaniards
were soon reduced to the greatest straits for subsistence.
Their principal food was the wild cherry, which grew in
the woods or by the roadside. Fortunate were they, if
they found a few ears of corn unplucked. More fre-
quently nothing was left but the stalks ; and with them,
and the like unwholesome fare, they were fain to supply
the cravings of appetite. When a horse happened to be
killed, it furnished an extraordinary banquet ; and Cortes
himself records the fact of his having made one of a
party who thus sumptuously regaled themselves, devour-
ing the animal even to his hide. 4
ardiendo en viva rabia avergon- 4 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
zados zana, p. 147.
por verse de mortales conquis- Hunger furnished them a sauce,
tados." says Oviedo, which made their horse-
La Araucana, Parte 1, flesh as relishing as the far-famed
Canto 2. sausages of Naples, the delicate kid
VOL. II. I
114 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
The wretched soldiers, faint with famine and fatigue,
were sometimes seen to drop down lifeless on the road.
Others loitered behind unable to keep up with the
march, and fell into the hands of the enemy, who fol-
lowed in the track of the army like a flock of famished
vultures, eager to pounce on the dying and the dead.
Others, again, who strayed too far, in their eagerness to
procure sustenance, shared the same fate. The number
of these, at length, and the consciousness of the cruel
lot for which they were reserved, compelled Cortes to
introduce stricter discipline, and to enforce it by sterner
punishments than he had hitherto done, — though too
often ineffectually, such was the indifference to danger,
under the overwhelming pressure of present calamity.
In their prolonged distresses, the soldiers ceased to
set a value on those very things for which they had once
been content to hazard life itself. More than one, who
had brought his golden treasure safe through the perils
of the noche triste, now abandoned it as an intolerable
burden ; and the rude Indian peasant gleaned up, with
wondering delight, the bright fragments of the spoils of
the capital. 5
Through these weary days Cortes displayed his usual
serenity and fortitude. He was ever in the post of
danger, freely exposing himself in encounters with the
enemy ; in one of which he received a severe wound in
of Avila, or the savoury veal of Sara- tado, e cocido, e yervas del campo,
gossa ! " Con la carne del caballo y desto no tanto quanto quisieran d
tubicron buen pasto, e se consolaron ovieran menester." Hist, de las
6 mitigaron en parte su hambre, e se Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 13.
lo comieron sin dexar cuero, ni otra
cosa del sino los huesos, e las vnas, 5 Herrera mentions one soldier
y el pelo; e aun las tripas no les who had succeeded in carrying off
parecio dc menos buen gusto que las his gold to the value of 3,000 cas-
sobieasados de Napoles, 6 los gen- tellanos across the causeway, and
tiles cabritos dc Abila, 6 las sabrosas afterwards flung it away by the ad-
Terneras de Zaragosa, segun la es- vice of Cortes. " The devil take
trema necesidad que llevaban ; por your gold," said the commander
que despues que de la gran cibdad bluntly to him, " if it is to cost you
de Temixtitan havian salido, ninguna your life." Hist. General, dec. 2,
otra cosa comieron sino mahiz tos- lib. 10, cap. 11.
chap, iv.] DISTRESSES OF THE ARMY. 115
the head, that afterwards gave him much trouble. 6 He
fared no better than the humblest soldier, and strove, by
his own cheerful countenance and counsels, to fortify the
courage of those who faltered, assuring them that their
sufferings would soon be ended by their arrival in the
hospitable " land of bread." 7 His faithful officers co-
operated with him in these efforts ; and the common file,
indeed, especially his own veterans, must be allowed, for
the most part, to have shown a full measure of the
constancy and power of endurance so characteristic of
their nation, — justifying the honest boast of an old
chronicler, " that there was no people so capable of sup-
porting hunger as the Spaniards, and none of them who
were ever more severely tried than the soldiers of Cortes." 8
A similar fortitude was shown by the Tlascalans, trained
in a rough school that made them familiar with hardship
and privations. Although they sometimes threw them-
selves on the ground, in the extremity of famine, im-
ploring their gods not to abandon them, they did their
duty as warriors ; and, far from manifesting coldness
towards the Spaniards as the cause of their distresses,
seemed only the more firmly knit to them by the sense
of a common suffering.
On the seventh morning, the army had reached the
mountain rampart which overlooks the plains of Otompan,
or Otumba, as commonly called, from the Indian city, —
now a village, — situated in them. The distance from
the capital is hardly nine leagues. But the Spaniards
had travelled more than thrice that distance, in their
circuitous march round the lakes. This had been per-
formed so slowly, that it consumed a week ; two nights
of which had been passed in the same quarters, from the
absolute necessity of rest. It was not, therefore, till the
I Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 110. 8 " Empero la Nation nuestra
' The meaning of the word Tlas- Espanola sufre mas hambre que
cola, and so called from the abund- otra ninguna, i estos de Cortes mas
ance of maize raised in the country. que todos." Gomara, Cronica, cap.
Boturini, Idea, p. 78. 110.
i 2
11 G EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
7th of July, that they reached the heights commanding
the plains which stretched far away towards the territory
of Tlascala, in full view of the venerable pyramids of
Teotihuacan, two of the most remarkable monuments of
the antique American civilization now existing north of
the Isthmus. During all the preceding day, they had
seen parties of the enemy hovering like dark clouds above
the highlands, brandishing their weapons, and calling
out in vindictive tones, " Hasten on ! You will soon
find yourselves where you cannot escape I" words of
mysterious import, which they were made fully to com-
prehend on the following morning. 9
The monuments of San Juan Teotihuacan are, with the
exception of the temple of Cholula, the most ancient
remains, probably, on the Mexican soil. They were
found by the Aztecs, according to their traditions, on
their entrance into the country, when Teotihuacan, the
habitation of the gods, now a paltry village, was a
flourishing city, the rival of Tula, the great Toltec
capital. 10 The two principal pyramids were dedicated
to Tonatinh, the Sun, and Meztli, the Moon. The
former, which is considerably the larger, is found by
recent measurements to be six hundred and eighty-two
feet long at the base, and one hundred and eighty feet
high, dimensions not inferior to those of some of the
kindred monuments of Egypt. 11 They were divided into
four stories, of which three are now discernible, while
9 For the concluding pages, see por estos tiempos era ciudad tan
Cam argo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. — famosa que no solo competia, pero
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, excedia con muchas ventajas a la
cap. 12S.— Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., Corte de Tollan." Veytia, Hist.
MS., lib. 33, cap. 13: — Gomara, Antig., torn. i. cap. 27.
Crdnioa, ubi supra. — Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chick, MS., cap. 89. — Martyr, u The pyramid of Mycerinos is
de Orhe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 6.— Rel. 280 feet only at the base, and 162
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp. feet in height. The great pyramid
147, 148.— Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva of Cheops is 728 feet at the base,
Espana, MS., lib. 12, cap. 25, 26. and 448 feet high. See Denon,
'° " Su nombre, que quiere decir, Egypt Illustrated, (London, 1825,)
habitation de los Dioses, y que ya p. 9.
chap, iv.] PYRAMIDS OF TEOTIHUACAN. 117
the vestiges of the intermediate gradations are nearly
effaced. In fact, time has dealt so roughly with them,
and the materials have been so much displaced by the
treacherous vegetation of the tropics, muffling up with
its flowery mantle the ruin which it causes, that it is not
easy to discern, at once, the pyramidal form of the struc-
tures. 12 The huge masses bear such resemblance to the
North American mounds, that some have fancied them
to be only natural eminences shaped by the hand of
man into a regular form, and ornamented with the
temples and terraces, the wreck of which still covers their
slopes. But others, seeing no example of a similar ele-
vation in the wide plain in which they stand, infer, with
more probability, that they are wholly of an artificial
construction. 13
The interior is composed of clay mixed with pebbles,
incrusted on the surface with the light porous stone tet-
zontli, so abundant in the neighbouring quarries. Over
this was a thick coating of stucco, resembling, in its
reddish colour, that found in the ruins of Palenque.
According to tradition, the pyramids are hollow, but
hitherto the attempt to discover the cavity in that dedi-
cated to the Sun has been unsuccessful. In the smaller
mound, an aperture has been found on the southern side,
at two-thirds of the elevation. It is formed by a narrow
gallery, which, after penetrating to the distance of several
yards, terminates in two pits or wells. The largest of
these is about fifteen feet deep ; 14 and the sides are faced
12 " It requires a particular posi- " Si com je I'ai trove escrite,
tion," says Mr. Tudor, " united with Vos couterai la verite."
some little faith to discover the „ ^ fa M de Humboldt's
pyramidal form at all. (Tour in ^ (gee ^ Essai p olitique ,
North .America, vol. u r, 277.) Ye t om. ii. pp. 66-70.) He has also
fiSLnff? SaJS ' " Tf discussed these interesting monu-
ngure oi the square is as pertec " as , • i • ir j rvS^niww!
+*?„ „,„„+ -a e t? I" /o- merits m his Vues des Loraiiieres,
the great pyramid ol Egypt. (Six QK .
Months in Mexico, vol. ii. chap. 26.) P- **> et seq *
Eyewitnesses both ! The historian u Latrobe gives the description of
must often content himself with re- this cavity, into which he aud his
peating, in the words of the old fellow-travellers penetrated. Ram-
Erench lay, — bier in Mexico, Let. 7.
118 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
with unbaked bricks j but to what purpose it was de-
voted, nothing is left to show. It may have been to
hold the ashes of some powerful chief, like the solitary
apartment discovered in the great Egyptian pyramid.
That these monuments were dedicated to religious uses,
there is no doubt ; and it would be only conformable to
the practice of antiquity in the eastern continent, that
they should have served for tombs, as well as temples. 15
Distinct traces of the latter destination are said to be
visible on the summit of the smaller pyramid, consisting
of the remains of stone walls, showing a building of
considerable size and strength. 16 There are no remains
on the top of the pyramid of the Sun. But the traveller,
who will take the trouble to ascend its bald summit, will
be amply compensated by the glorious view it will open
to him ; — towards the south-east, the hills of Tlascala,
surrounded by their green plantations and cultivated
corn-fields, in the midst of which stands the little village,
once the proud capital of the republic. Somewhat fur-
ther to the south, the eye passes across the beautiful
plains lying around the city of Puebla de los Angeles,
founded by the old Spaniards, and still rivalling, in the
splendour of its churches, the most brilliant capitals of
Europe ; and far in the west he may behold the Valley
of Mexico, spread out like a map, with its diminished
lakes, its princely capital rising in still greater glory from
its ruins, and its rugged hills gathering darkly around it,
as in the days of Montezuma.
The summit of this larger mound is said to have been
crowned by a temple, in which was a colossal statue of
its presiding deity, the Sun, made of one entire block of
15 "Et tot templa deum Roma?, 16 The dimensions are given by
quot in urbe sepulcra Bullock, (Six Months in Mexico,
Hcroum nunicrare licet : quos vol. ii. chap. 26,) who has sometimes
fabula manes seen what has eluded the optics of
Nobilitat, nostcr populus ve- other travellers.
neratus adorat."
Prudentius, Contra Sym., lib. 1.
chap, iv.] PYRAMIDS OF TEOTIHUACAN. 119
stone, and facing the east. Its breast was protected by
a plate of burnished gold and silver, on which the first
rays of the rising luminary rested. 17 An antiquary, in
the early part of the last century, speaks of having seen
some fragments of the statue. It was still standing,
according to report, on the invasion of the Spaniards,
and was demolished by the indefatigable bishop Zumar-
raga, whose hand fell more heavily than that of Time
itself on the Aztec monuments, 18
Around the principal pyramids are a great number of
smaller ones, rarely exceeding thirty feet in height, which,
according to tradition, were dedicated to the stars, and
served as sepulchres for the great men of the nation.
They are arranged symmetrically in avenues terminating
at the sides of the great pyramids, which face the cardinal
points. The plain on which they stand was called Micoatl,
or " Path of the Dead." The labourer, as he turns up
the ground, still finds there numerous arrow-heads, and
blades of obsidian, attesting the warlike character of its
primitive population. 19
What thoughts must crowd on the mind of the tra-
veller, as he wanders amidst these memorials of the past ;
as he treads over the ashes of the generations who reared
these colossal fabrics, which take us from the present into
the very depths of time ! But who were their builders ?
Was it the shadowy Olmecs, whose history, like that of
the ancient Titans, is lost in the mists of fable? or as
commonly reported, the peaceful and industrious Toltecs,
of whom all that we can glean rests on traditions hardly
more secure ? What has become of the races who built
17 Such is the account given by entirely disappeared by 1757, when
the cavalier Boturini. Idea, pp. 42. Veytia examined the pyramid. Hist.
43. Antig., torn. i. cap. 26.
18 Both Ixtlilxochitl and Boturini,
who visited these monuments, one, 19 " Agricola, incurvo terrain moli-
early in the seventeenth, the other, tus aratro,
in the first part of the eighteenth Exesa inveniet scabra rubi-
century, testify to their having seen gine pila," &c.
the remains of this statue. They had Georg., lib. 1.
120 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
them ? Did they remain on the soil, and mingle and be-
come incorporated with the fierce Aztecs who succeeded
them ? Or did they pass on to the south, and find a
wider field for the expansion of their civilization, as
shown by the higher character of the architectural
remains in the distant regions of Central America and
Yucatan ? It is all a mystery, — over which Time has
thrown an impenetrable veil, that no mortal hand may
raise. A nation has passed away, — powerful, populous,
and well advanced in refinement, as attested by their
monuments, — but it has perished without a name. It
has died and made no sign !
Such speculations, however, do not seem to have dis-
turbed the minds of the Conquerors, who have not left
a single line respecting these time-honoured structures,
though they passed in full view of them, — perhaps, under
their very shadows. In the sufferings of the present, they
had little leisure to bestow on the past. Indeed, the new
and perilous position, in which at this very spot they
found themselves, must naturally have excluded every
other thought from their bosoms, but that of self-pre-
servation.
As the army was climbing the mountain steeps which
shut in the Valley of Otompan, the videttes came in with
the intelligence, that a powerful body was encamped on
the other side, apparently awaiting their approach. The
intelligence was soon confirmed by their own eyes, as
they turned the crest of the sierra, and saw spread out,
below, a mighty host, filling up the whole depth of the
valley, and giving to it the appearance, from the white
cotton mail of the warriors, of being covered with snow. 20
It consisted of levies from the surrounding country, and
especially the populous territory of Tezcuco, drawn together
at the instance of Cuitlahuac, Montezuma's successor, and
now concentrated on this point to dispute the passage of
20 " Y como iban vestidos de bianco, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap.
parecia el campo nevado." Herrcra, 13.
chap. iv. J GREAT BATTLE OF OTUMBA. 121
the Spaniards. Every chief of note had taken the field
with his whole array gathered under his standard, proudly
displaying all the pomp and rude splendour of his mili-
tary equipment. As far as the eye could reach, were to
be seen shields and waving banners, fantastic helmets,
forests of shining spears, the bright feather- mail of the
chief, and the coarse cotton panoply of his follower, all
mingled together in wild confusion, and tossing to and
fro like the billows of a troubled ocean. 21 It was a sight
to fill the stoutest heart among the Christians with dis-
may, heightened by the previous expectation of soon
reaching the friendly land which was to terminate their
wearisome pilgrimage. Even Cortes, as he contrasted the
tremendous array before him with his own diminished
squadrons, wasted by disease and enfeebled by hunger
and fatigue, could not escape the conviction that his last
hour had arrived. 22
But his was not the heart to despond ; and he gathered
strength from the very extremity of his situation. He
had no room for hesitation ; for there was no alternative
left to him. To escape was impossible. He could not
retreat on the capital, from which he had been expelled.
He must advance, — cut through the enemy, or perish.
He hastily made his dispositions for the fight. He gave
his force as broad a front as possible, protecting it on
each flank by his little body of horse, now reduced to
twenty. Fortunately, he had not allowed the invalids,
for the last two days, to mount behind the riders, from a
desire to spare the horses, so that these were now in
tolerable condition ; and, indeed, the whole army had
been refreshed by halting, as we have seen, two nights
and a day in the same place, a delay, however, which had
21 " Vistosa confusion," says Soils, should not have put fire-arms into
'•' de armas y penachos, en que tenian the hands of his countrymen, on this
su hermosura los horrores." (Con- occasion.
quista, lib. 4, cap. 20.) His paint- ffl " Y cierto creimos sur aquel el
ing shows the hand of a great artist, ultimo de nuestros dias." E.el. Seg.
— which he certainly was. But he de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 148.
122 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book I v.
allowed the enemy time to assemble in such force to dis-
pute its progress.
Cortes instructed his cavaliers not to part with their
lances, and to direct them at the face. The infantry
w r ere to thrust, not strike, with their swords ; passing
them, at once, through the bodies of their enemies.
They were, above all, to aim at the leaders, as the
general well knew how much depends on the life of the
commander in the wars of barbarians, whose want of
subordination makes them impatient of any control but
that to which they are accustomed.
He then addressed to his troops a few words of en-
couragement, as customary with him on the eve of an
engagement. He reminded them of the victories they
had won with odds nearly as discouraging as the pre-
sent ; thus establishing the superiority of science and
discipline over numbers. Numbers, indeed, were of no
account, where the arm of the Almighty was on their
side. And he bade them have full confidence, that He,
who had carried them safely through so many perils,
would not now abandon them and his own good cause,
to perish by the hand of the infidel. His address was
brief, for he read in their looks that settled resolve which
rendered words unnecessary. The circumstances of their
position spoke more forcibly to the heart of every soldier
than any eloquence could have done, filling it with that
feeling of desperation, which makes the weak arm strong,
and turns the coward into a hero. After they had
earnestly commended themselves, therefore, to the pro-
tection of God, the Virgin, and St. James, Cortes led his
battalions straight against the enemy. 23
It was a solemn moment, — that in which the devoted
23 Camargo, Hist, dc Tlascala, troops, as Napoleon did his in the
MS. — Oviedo, Hist, dc las Ind., famous battle with the Mamelukes :
MS., lib. 33, cap. 14. — Bernal Diaz, " From yonder pyramids forty cen-
Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 128. — turics look down upon you." But
Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, the situation of the Spaniards was
MS., lib. 12, cap. 27. altogether too serious for theatrical
Cortes might have addressed his display.
Chap. IV.] GREAT BATTLE OF OTUMBA. 123
little band, with steadfast countenances, and their usual
intrepid step, descended on the -plain to be swallowed
up, as it were, in the vast ocean of their enemies. The
latter rushed on with impetuosity to meet them, making
the mountains ring to their discordant yells and battle-
cries, and sending forth volleys of stones and arrows
which for a moment shut out the light of day. But,
when the leading files of the two armies closed, the
superiority of the Christians was felt, as their antagonists,
falling back before the charges of cavalry, were thrown
into confusion by their own numbers who pressed on
them from behind. The Spanish infantry followed up
the blow, and a wide lane was opened in the ranks of
the enemy, who receding on all sides, seemed willing to
allow a free passage for their opponents. But it was to
return on them with accumulated force, as, rallying, they
poured upon the Christians, enveloping the little army
on all sides, which with its bristling array of long swords
and javelins, stood firm, — in the words of a contempo-
rary, — like an islet against which the breakers, roaring
and surging, spend their fury in vain. 24 The struggle
was desperate of man against man. The Tlascalan
seemed to renew his strength, as he fought almost in
view of his own native hills ; as did the Spaniard, with
the horrible doom of the captive before his eyes. Well
did the cavaliers do their duty on that day ; charging, in
little bodies of four or five abreast, deep into the enemy's
ranks, riding over the broken files, and by this temporary
advantage giving strength and courage to the infantry.
Not a lance was there which did not reek with the blood
of the infidel. Among the rest, the young captain Sando-
val is particularly commemorated for his daring prowess.
Managing his fiery steed with easy horsemanship, he
24 It is Sahagun's simile. "Es- venerable missionary gathered the
taban los Espanoles como una Isleta particulars of the action, as he in-
en el mar, combatida de las olas por lorms us, from several who were
todas partes." (Hist, de Nueva present in it.
Espaha, MS., lib. 12, cap. 27.) The
124 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
darted, when least expected, into the thickest of the
melee, overturning the stanchest warriors, and rejoicing
in danger, as if it were his natural element. 25
But these gallant displays of heroism served only to
ingulf the Spaniards deeper and deeper in the mass of
the enemy, with scarcely any more chance of cutting
their way through his dense and interminable battalions,
than of hewing a passage with their swords through the
mountains. Many of the Tlascalans and some of the
Spaniards had fallen, and not one but had been wounded.
Cortes himself had received a second cut on the head,
and his horse was so much injured that he was com-
pelled to dismount, and take one from the baggage-train,
a strong-boned animal, who carried him well through
the turmoil of the day. 26 The contest had now lasted
several hours. The sun rode high in the heavens, and
shed an intolerable fervour over the plain. The Christians,
weakened by previous sufferings, and faint with loss of
blood, began to relax in their desperate exertions. Their
enemies, constantly supported by fresh relays from the
rear, were still in good heart, and, quick to perceive
their advantage, pressed with redoubled force on the
Spaniards. The horse fell back, crowded on the foot;
and the latter, in vain seeking a passage amidst the
dusky throngs of the enemy, who now closed up the
rear, were thrown into some disorder. The tide of battle
was setting rapidly against the Christians. The fate
of the day would soon be decided; and all that now
25 The epic bard Ercilla's spirited con piedra, palo, flecha, lanza y
portrait of the young warrior Tuca- dardo
pel may apply without violence to le persigue la gente cle manera
Sandoval, as described by the Cas- como si fuera toro, 6 brava flera."
tilian chroniclers. La Araucana, Parte 1, canto 8.
"Cubierto Tucapel de fina malla 26 Hen-era, Hist. General, dec. 2,
salt6 como un ligero y suclto lib. 10, cap. 13.
pardo "Este caballo harricro," says Ca-
en medio de la ti'mida canalla, margo, " le servio en la conquista de
haciendo plaza el barbaro gal- Mejico, y en la ultima guerra que se
lardo : did se le mataron." Hist, de Tlas-
con silvos grita en desigual ba- cala, MS.
talk :
chap, iv.] GREAT BATTLE OF OTUMBA. 125
remained for them seemed to be to sell their lives as
dearly as possible.
At this critical moment, Cortes, whose restless eye had
been roving round the field in quest of any object that
might offer him the means of arresting the coming ruin,
rising in his stirrups, descried at a distance, in the midst
of the throng, the chief who, from his dress and military
cortege, he knew must be the commander of the barbarian
forces. He was covered with a rich surcoat of feather-
work; and a panache of beautiful plumes, gorgeously
set in gold and precious stones, floated above his head.
Rising above this, and attached to his back, between
the shoulders, was a short staff bearing a golden net
for a banner,— the singular, but customary, symbol of
authority for an Aztec commander. The cacique, whose
name was Cihuaca, was borne on a litter, and a body
of young warriors, whose gay and ornamented dresses
showed them to be the flower of the Indian nobles,
stood round as a guard of his person and the sacred
emblem.
The eagle eye of Cortes no sooner fell on this per-
sonage, than it lighted up with triumph. Turning
quickly round to the cavaliers at his side, among whom
were Sandoval, Olid, Alvarado, and Avila, he pointed out
the chief, exclaiming, " There is our mark ! Follow and
support me ! " Then crying his war-cry, and striking
his iron heel into his weary steed, he plunged headlong
into the thickest of the press. His enemies fell back,
taken by surprise and daunted by the ferocity of the
attack. Those who did not were pierced through with
his lance, or borne down by the weight of his charger.
The cavaliers followed close in the rear. On they swept,
with the fury of a thunderbolt, cleaving the solid
ranks asunder, strewing their path with the dying and
the dead, and bounding over every obstacle in their
way. In a few minutes they were in the presence
of the Indian commander, and Cortes, overturning his
126 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
supporters, sprung forward with the strength of a lion,
and striking him through with his lance, hurled him to
the ground. A young cavalier, Juan de Salamanca, who
had hept close by his general's side, quickly dismounted
and despatched the fallen chief. Then tearing away his
banner, he presented it to Cortes, as a trophy to which
he had the best claim. 27 It was all the work of a
moment. The guard overpowered by the suddenness of
the onset, made little resistance, but, flying, communi-
cated their own panic to their comrades. The tidings of
the loss soon spread over the field. The Indians, filled
with consternation, now thought only of escape. In
their blind terror, their numbers augmented their con-
fusion. They trampled on one another, fancying it was
the enemy in their rear. 28
The Spaniards and Tlascalans were not slow to avail
themselves of the marvellous change in their affairs.
Their fatigue, their wounds, hunger, thirst, all were for-
gotten in the eagerness for vengeance ; and they fol-
lowed up the flying foe, dealing death at every stroke,
and taking ample retribution for all they had suffered in
the bloody marshes of Mexico. 29 Long did they pursue,
2; The brave cavalier was after- notice of the affair in the general's
wards permitted by the emperor own letter forms a beautiful contrast
Charles V. to assume this trophy on to ,the style of panegyric by others,
his own escutcheon, in commemora- "E con este trabajo fuimos mucha
tion of his exploit. Bernal Diaz, parte de el dia, hasta que quiso Dios,
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 128. que murio una Persona de cllos, que
2s The historians all concur in debia scr tan Principal, que con su
celebrating this glorious, achieve- muerte ceso toda aquella Guerra."
ment of Cortes ; who, concludes Eel, Seg. ap. Lorenzana, p. 148.
Gomara, " by his single arm saved 29 " Pues a nosotros," says the
the whole army from destruction." doughty captain Diaz, " no nos dolian
See Cronica, cap. 110. — Also, Saha- las heridas, ni teniamos hambre, ni
gun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, MS., sed, sino que pcrecia que no auiamos
lib. 12, cap. 27. — Camargo, Hist, de auido, ni passado ningun mal trabajo.
Tlascala, MS. — Bernal Diaz, Hist. Scguimos la vitoria matando, e" hi-
de la Conquista, cap. 128. — Oviedo, riendo. Pues nucstros amigos los de
Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. Tlascala estavan hechos vnos leones,
47. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, y con sus espadas, y montantes, y
lib. 10, cap. 13. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. otras annas que alii apailaron, hazi-
Chich., MS., cap. 89. anlo muy bie y csforcadamente."
The brief and extremely modest Hist, de fa Conquista, loe cit.
chap, iv.] GREAT BATTLE OF OTUMBA. 127
till, the enemy having abandoned the field, they returned
sated with slaughter to glean the booty which he had
left. It was great, for the ground was covered with the
bodies of chiefs, at whom the Spaniards, in obedience to
the general's instructions, had particularly aimed ; and
their dresses displayed all the barbaric pomp of ornament,
in which the Indian warrior delighted. 30 When his men
had thus indemnified themselves, in some degree, for
their late reverses, Cortes called them again under their
banners ; and, after offering up a grateful acknowledg-
ment to the Lord of Hosts for their miraculous preserva-
tion, 31 they renewed their march across the now deserted
valley. The sun was declining in the heavens, but before
the shades of evening had gathered around, they reached
an Indian temple on an eminence, which afforded a
strong and commodious position for the night.
Such was the famous battle of Otompan, — or Otumba,
as commonly called, from the Spanish corruption of the
name. It was fought on the 8th of July, 1520. The
whole amount of the Indian force is reckoned by Castilian
writers at two hundred thousand ! that of the slain at
twenty thousand ! Those who admit the first part of the
estimate will find no difficulty in receiving the last. 32 It
is about as difficult to form an accurate calculation of the
numbers of a disorderly savage multitude, as of the peb-
bles on the beach, or the scattered leaves in autumn.
Yet it was, undoubtedly, one of the most remarkable
victories ever achieved in the New World. And this,
30 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- St. Peter. (Hist. Chich., MS., eap.
quista, ubi supra. 89.) Voltaire sensibly remarks,
31 The belligerent apostle, St. James, " Ceux que out fait les relations de
riding, as usual, his milk-white courser, ces etranges evenemens les ont voulu
came to the rescue on this occasion ; relever pas des miracles, qui ne ser-
an event commemorated by the dedi- vent en effet qu'a les rabaisser. Le
cation of a hermitage to him, in the vrai miracle fat la conduite de
neighbourhood. (Camargo, Hist, de Cortes." Voltaire, Essai sur les
Tlascala.) Diaz, a sceptic on former Moeurs, chap. 147.
occasions, admits his indubitable ap- 32 See Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind-,
pearance on this. (Ibid., ubi supra.) MS., lib. 33, cap. 47. — Herrera, Hist.
According to the Tezcucan chronicler, General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13. —
he was supported by the Virgin and Gomara, Cronica, cap. 110.
128 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
not merely on account of the disparity of the forces, but
of their unequal condition. For the Indians were in all
their strength, while the Christians were wasted by dis-
ease, famine, and long protracted sufferings; without
cannon or fire-arms, and deficient in the military appa-
ratus which had so often struck terror into their barbariau
foe, — deficient even in the terrors of a victorious name.
But they had discipline on their side, desperate resolve,
and implicit confidence in their commander. That they
should have triumphed against such odds furnishes an
inference of the same kind as that established by the
victories of the European over the semi-civilized hordes
of Asia.
Yet even here all must not be referred to superior dis-
cipline and tactics. For the battle would certainly have
been lost, had it not been for the fortunate death of the
Indian general. And, although the selection of the vic-
tim may be called the result of calculation, yet it was by
the most precarious chance that he was thrown in the
way of the Spaniards. It is, indeed, one among many
examples of the influence of fortune in determining the
fate of military operations. The star of Cortes was in
the ascendant. Had it been otherwise, not a Spaniard
would have survived that day to tell the bloody tale of
the battle of Otumba.
CHAP. V.
129
CHAPTER V.
Arrival in Tlascala. — Friendly Reception. — Discontents of the Army. —
Jealousy of the Tlascalans. — Embassy from Mexico.
1520.
On the following morning, the army broke up its
encampment at an early hour. The enemy do not seem
to have made an attempt to rally. Clouds of skir-
mishers, however, were seen during the morning, keep-
ing at a respectful distance, though occasionally venturing
near enough to salute the Spaniards with a volley of
missiles.
On a rising ground they discovered a fountain, a
blessing not too often met with in these arid regions,
and gratefully commemorated by the Christians, for the
refreshment afforded by its cool and abundant waters. 1
A little further on, they descried the rude works which
served as the bulwark and boundary of the Tlascalan
territory. At the sight, the allies sent up a joyous shout
of congratulation, in which the Spaniards heartily joined,
as they felt they were soon to be on friendly and hos-
pitable ground.
But these feelings were speedily followed by others of
a different nature ; and as they drew nearer the territory,
1 Is it not the same fountain of llama Azumba, que en su lengua
which Toribio makes honourable quiere decir cabeza, y asi es, porque
mention in his topographical account esta fuente es cabeza y principio del
of the country ? " Nace en Tlaxcala mayor rio de los que entran en la mar
una fuente grande a la parte del del Sur, el cual entra en la mar por
Norte, cinco leguas de la principal Zacatula." Hist, de los Indios, MS.,
ciudad; nace en un pueblo que se Parte 3, cap. 16.
VOL. II. K
130 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [look v.
their minds were disturbed with the most painful appre-
hensions as to their reception by the people among whom
they were bringing desolation and mourning, and who
might so easily, if ill-disposed, take advantage of their
present crippled condition. " Thoughts like these," says
Cortes, " weighed as heavily on my spirit as any which
I ever experienced in going to battle with the Aztecs." 2
Still he put, as usual, a good face on the matter, and
encouraged his men to confide in their allies, whose past
conduct had afforded every ground for trusting to their
fidelity in future. He cautioned them, however, as their
own strength was so much impaired, to be most careful
to give no umbrage, or ground for jealousy, to their high-
spirited allies. " Be but on your guard," continued the
intrepid general, " and we have still stout hearts and
strong hands to carry us through the midst of them!" 3
With these anxious surmises, bidding adieu to the Aztec
domain, the Christian army crossed the frontier, and once
more trod the soil of the Republic.
The first place at which they halted was the town of
Huejotlipan, a place of about twelve or fifteen thousand
inhabitants. 4 They were kindly greeted by the people,
who came out to receive them, inviting the troops to
their habitations, and administering all the relief of their
simple hospitality. Yet this was not so disinterested,
according to some of the Spaniards, as to prevent their
expecting in requital a share of the plunder taken in the
late action. 5 Here the weary forces remained two or
three days, when the news of their arrival having reached
2 " El qual pensamicnto, y sospccha cibidos." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
nos puso en tanta afliccion, quanto Conquista, cap. 128.
trahiamos viniendo peleando con los '' Called Gualipan by Cortes. (Ibid.,
dc Culua." Eel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. p. 149.) An Aztec would have found
Lorenzana, p. 149. it hard, to trace the route of his
3 " Y mas dixo, que tenia csperanca enemies by their itineraries,
en Dios que los hallariamos bucnos, 5 Ibid., ubi supra.
y leales ; e que si otra cosa fuesse, Tlioaii Cano, however, one of lite
lo que Dios no permita, que nos ban army, denies this, and asserts that
de tornar a andar los puhos con co- the natives received them like their
racones fuertes, y bracos vigorosos, children, and would take no recom-
y que para esso fucssemos may aper- pense. (See 'Appendix, Part 2. No. IE)
chap, v.] ARRIVAL IN TLASCALA. 13 L
the capital, not more than four or five leagues distant,
the old chief, Maxixca, their efficient friend on their
former visit, and Xicotencatl, the young warrior who, it
will be remembered, had commanded the troops of his
nation in their bloody encounters with the Spaniards,
came with a numerous concourse of the citizens to wel-
come the fugitives to Tlascala. Maxixca, cordially em-
bracing the Spanish commander, testified the deepest
sympathy for his misfortunes. That the white men could
so long have withstood the confederated power of the
Aztecs was proof enough of their marvellous prowess.
" We have made common cause together," said the lord
of Tlascala, " and we have common injuries to avenge ;
and, come weal or come woe, be assured we will prove
true and loyal friends, and stand by you to the death," G
This cordial assurance and sympathy, from one who
exercised a control over the public counsels beyond any
other ruler, effectually dispelled the doubts that lingered
in the mind of Cortes. He readily accepted his invita-
tion to continue his march at once to the capital, where
he would find so much better accommodations for his
army, than in a small town on the frontier. The sick
and wounded, placed in hammocks, were borne on the
shoulders of the friendly natives ; and, as the troops
drew near the city, the inhabitants came flocking out in
crowds to meet them, rending the air with joyous accla-
mations, and wild bursts of their rude Indian minstrelsy.
Amidst the general jubilee, however, were heard sounds
of wailing and sad lament, as some unhappy relative or
friend, looking earnestly into the diminished files of their
countrymen, sought in vain for some dear and familiar
countenance, and, as they turned disappointed away,
gave utterance to their sorrow in tones that touched the
heart of every soldier in the army. With these mingled
accompaniments of joy and woe, — the motley web of
6 " Y que tubiesse por cierto, que Amigos, hasta la muerte." Rel. Seg.
me serian muy ciertos, y verdaderos de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 150.
k2
132 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
human life, — the way-worn columns of Cortes at length
reentered the republican capital. 7
The general and his suite were lodged in the rude,
but spacious, palace of Maxixca. The rest of the army
took up their quarters in the district over which the
Tlascalan lord presided. Here they continued several
weeks, until, by the attentions of the hospitable citizens,
and such medical treatment as their humble science
could supply, the wounds of the soldiers were healed,
and they recovered from the debility to which they had
been reduced by their long and unparalleled sufferings.
Cortes was one of those who suffered severely. He lost
the use of two of the ringers of his left hand. 8 He had
received, besides, two injuries on the head ; one of which
was so much exasperated by his subsequent fatigues and
excitement of mind, that it assumed an alarming appear-
ance. A part of the bone was obliged to be removed. 9
A fever ensued, and for several clays the hero, who had
braved danger and death in their most terrible forms,
lay stretched on his bed, as helpless as an infant. His
excellent constitution, however, got the better of disease,
and he was, at length, once more enabled to resume his
7 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. Lorenzana, p. 152.) Don Thoan
— Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, Cano, however, whose sympathies —
ubi supra. — " Sobrevinieron las ran- from Ins Indian alliance, perhaps —
geres Tlascaltecas, y todas puestas de seem to have been quite as much
luto, y llorando a donde estaban los with the Aztecs as with his own
Espanoles, las unas preguntaban por countrymen, assured Oviedo, who
sus maridos, las otras por sus hijos was lamenting the general's loss, that
y hermanos, las otras por sus pari- he might spare his regrets, since
entes que habian ido con los Espa- Cortes had as many fingers on his
Holes, y quedaban todos allamuertos : hand, at that hour, as when he came
no es menos, sino que de esto llanto from Castile. (Sec Ajypendix, Part
causo gran sentimiento en el corazon 2, No. 11.) May not the word
del Capitan, y de todos los Espanoles, manco, in his letter, be rendered by
y el procuro lo mcjor que pudo con- " maimed " ?
solarles por medio de sus Inter-
pretes." Saliagun, Hist, de Nucva 9 " Hiricron a Cortes con Honda
Espaiia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 2S. tan mal, que sc le pasmo" la Cabeea,
8 " Yo assimismo quedemanco de 6 porque no le cuniron bicn, sacan-
dos dedos de la mano izquierda" — is dole Cascos, 6 por cl demasiado tra-
Cortes' own expression in his letter bajo que paso." Gomara, Crouica,
to the Emperor. (Rel. Scg., ap. cap. 110.
chap, v.] FRIENDLY RECEPTION. 133
customary activity. The Spaniards, with politic gene-
rosity, requited the hospitality of their hosts by sharing
with them the spoils of their recent victory ; and Cortes
especially rejoiced the heart of Maxixca, by presenting
him with the military trophy which he had won from the
Indian commander. 10
But while the Spaniards were thus recruiting their
health and spirits under the friendly treatment of their
allies, and recovering the confidence and tranquillity of
mind which had sunk under their hard reverses, they
received tidings, from time to time, which showed that
their late disaster had not been confined to the Mexican
capital. On his descent from Mexico to encounter
Narvaez, Cortes had brought with him a quantity of
gold, which he left for safe keeping at Tlascala. To this
was added a considerable sum, collected by the unfor-
tunate Velasquez de Leon, in his expedition to the
coast, as well as contributions from other sources. Prom
the unquiet state of the capital, the general thought it
best, on his return there, still to leave the treasure under
the care of a number of invalid soldiers, who, when in
marching condition, were to rejoin him in Mexico. A
party from Vera Cruz, consisting of five horsemen and
forty foot, had since arrived at Tlascala, and, taking
charge of the invalids and treasure, undertook to escort
them to the capital. He now learned that they had been
intercepted on the route, and all cut off, with the entire
loss of the treasure. Twelve other soldiers, marching
in the same direction, had been massacred in the neigh-
bouring province of Tepeaca ; and accounts continually
arrived of some unfortunate Castilian, who, presuming on
the respect hitherto shown to his countrymen, and igno-
rant of the disasters in the capital, had fallen a victim to
the fury of the enemy. 11
10 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, u Eel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
lib. 10, cap. 13. — Bernal Diaz, Ibid., zana, p. 150.— Oviedo, Hist, de las
ubi supra. , Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.
Herrera
134 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
These dismal tidings filled the mind of Cortes with
gloomy apprehensions for the fate of the settlement at
Villa Rica, — the last stay of their hopes. He despatched
a trusty messenger, at once, to that place \ and had the
inexpressible satisfaction to receive a letter in return
from the commander of the garrison, acquainting him
with the safety of the colony, and its friendly relations
with the neighbouring Totonacs. It was the best
guarantee of the fidelity of the latter, that they had
offended the Mexicans too deeply to be forgiven.
While the affairs of Cortes wore so gloomy an aspect
without, he had to experience an annoyance scarcely less
serious from the discontents of his followers. Many of
them had fancied that their late appalling reverses would
put an end to the expedition ; or, at least, postpone all
thoughts of resuming it for the present. But they knew
little of Cortes who reasoned thus. Even while tossing
on his bed of sickness, he was ripening in his mind fresh
schemes for retrieving his honour, and for recovering the
empire which had been lost more by another's rashness
than his own. This was apparent, as he became con-
valescent, from the new regulations he made respecting
the army, as well as from the orders sent to Vera Cruz
for fresh reinforcements.
The knowledge of all this occasioned much disquietude
to the disaffected soldiers. They were, for the most
part, the ancient followers of Narvaez, on whom, as Ave
have seen, the brunt of war had fallen the heaviest.
Many of them possessed property in the islands, and had
embarked on this expedition chiefly from the desire of
increasing it. But they had gathered neither gold nor
glory in Mexico. Their present service rilled them only
Hcrreva gives the following in- hunger, that they were obliged to
scription, cut on the bark of a tree give a solid bar of gold, weighing
by some of these unfortunate Spa- eight hundred ducats, for a few cakes
niards. " By this road passed Juan of maize bread." Hist. General, dec.
Juste and his wretched companions, 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.
who were so much pinched Ivy
chap, v.] DISCONTENTS OF THE ARMY. 135
with disgust ; and the few, comparatively, who had been
so fortunate as to survive, languished to return to their
rich mines and pleasant farms in Cuba, bitterly cursing
the day when they had left them.
Ending their complaints little heeded by the general,
they prepared a written remonstrance, in which they
made their demand more formally. They represented
the rashness of persisting in the enterprise in his present
impoverished state, without arms or ammunition, almost
without men ; and this, too, against a powerful enemy,
who had been more than a match for him, with all the
strength of his late resources. It was madness to think
of it. The attempt would bring them all to the sacrifice-
block. Their only course was to continue their inarch
to Vera Cruz. Every hour of delay might be fatal. The
garrison in that place might be overwhelmed from want
of strength to defend itself; and thus their last hope
would be annihilated. But, once there, they might wait
in comparative security for such reinforcements as would
join them from abroad ; while in case of failure, they
could the more easily make their escape. They con-
cluded, with insisting on being permitted to return, at
once, to the port of Villa Rica. This petition, or rather
remonstrance, was signed by all the disaffected soldiers,
and, after being formally attested by the royal notary,
was presented to Cortes. 12
It was a trying circumstance for him. What touched
him most nearly was, to find the name of his friend, the
secretary Duero, to whose good offices he had chiefly
owed his command, at the head of the paper. He was
not, however, to be shaken from his purpose for a
moment ; and while all outward resources seemed to be
12 One is reminded of the similar from the ambition of indefinite con-
remonstrance made by Alexander's quest, while Cortes was only bent on
soldiers to him, on reaching the Hys- carrying out his original enterprise,
taspis, — but attended with more What was madness in the one, was
success ; as, indeed, was reasonable. heroism in the other.
For Alexander continued to advance
136 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
fading away, and his own friends faltered or failed him,
he was still true to himself. He knew that to retreat to
Vera Cruz would be to abandon the enterprise. Once
there, his army would soon find a pretext and a way for
breaking up, and returning to the islands. All his
ambitious schemes would be blasted. The great prize,
already once in his grasp, would then be lost for ever.
He would be a ruined man.
In his celebrated letter to Charles the Fifth, he says,
that, in reflecting on his position, he felt the truth of the
old adage, " that fortune favours the brave. The
Spaniards were the followers of the Cross ; and, trusting
in the infinite goodness and mercy of God, he could not
believe that He would suffer them and His own good
cause thus to perish among the heathen. 13 He was
resolved, therefore, not to descend to the coast, but at
all hazards to retrace his steps and beard the enemy
again in his capital,"
It was in the same resolute tone that he answered his
discontented followers. 14 He urged every argument which
could touch their pride or honour as cavaliers. He ap-
pealed to that ancient Castilian valour which had never
been known to falter before an enemy ; besought them
not to discredit the great deeds which had made their
name ring throughout Europe ; not to leave the emprise
half achieved, for others more daring and adventurous to
finish. How could they with any honour, he asked,
desert their allies whom they had involved in the war,
and leave them unprotected to the vengeance of the
Aztecs ? To retreat but a single step towards Villa Rica
would be to proclaim their own weakness. It would
13 " Acordandome, que siempre a M This reply, exclaims Ovicdo,
los osados ayuda la fortuna, y que showed a man of unconquerable spirit,
cramos Christianos yconfiando en la and high destinies. "Pareccme que
grandfssima Bondad, y Misericordia la respuesta que a csto les dio Her-
de Dios, que no pcrmitiria, que del nando Cortes, e lo que hizo en cllo,
todo pcrccicsscjnos, y se perdiessc fue vna cosa do amino invcnciblc 6
tanta, y Ian noble Tierra." Rel. de varon de mucha suerte c valor."
Beg., ap. Lorcnzana, p. 152. Hist, de las lnd., MS., lib. 33, c. 15.
chap, v.] DISCONTENTS OF THE ARMY. 137
dishearten their friends, and give confidence to their foes.
He implored them to resume the confidence in him
which they had ever shown, and to reflect, that, if they
had recently met with reverses, he had up to that point
accomplished all, and more than all, that he had pro-
mised. It would be easy now to retrieve their losses, if
they would have patience, and abide in this friendly land
until the reinforcements, which would be ready to come
in at his call, should enable them to act on the offensive.
If, however, there were any so insensible to the motives
which touch a brave man's heart, as to prefer ease at
home to the glory of this great achievement, he would
not stand in their way. Let them go in God's name.
Let them leave then general in his extremity. He
should feel stronger in the service of a few brave spirits,
than if surrounded by a host of the false or the faint-
hearted. 15
The disaffected party, as already noticed, was chiefly
drawn from the troops of Narvaez. When the general's
own veterans heard this appeal, 16 their blood warmed
with indignation at the thoughts of abandoning him or
the cause at such a crisis. They pledged themselves to
stand by him to the last ; and the malecontents silenced,
if not convinced, by this generous expression of senti-
ment from their comrades, consented to postpone their
departure for the present, under the assurance that no
obstacle should be thrown in their way, when a more
favourable season should present itself. 17
15 " E no me hable ninguno en of eloquence savouring much more
otra cosa ; y el que desta opinion no of the closet than the camp. Cortes
estubiere vayase en buen hora, que was no pedant, and his soldiers were
mas holgare de quedar con los pocos no scholars.
y osados, que en compania de mu- l? Eor the account of this turbu-
chos, ni de ninguno cobarde, ni desa- lent transaction, see Bernal Diaz,
cordado de su propia honra." Hist. Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 129, —
de las Ind., MS., loc. cit. Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
16 Oviedo has expanded the ha- p. 152,— Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind.,
rangue of Cortes into several pages, MS., lib. 33, cap. 15, — Gomara, Cro-
in the course of which the orator nica, cap. 112, 113, — Herrera, Hist.
quotesXenophon, and borrows largely General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 14.
from the old Jewish history, a style Diaz is exceedingly wroth with the
13S EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
Scarcely was this difficulty adjusted, when Cortes was
menaced with one more serious, in the jealousy springing
up between his soldiers and their Indian allies. Not-
withstanding the demonstrations of regard by Maxixca
and his immediate followers, there were others of the
nation who looked with an evil eye on their guests, for
the calamities in which they had involved them ; and
they tauntingly asked, if, in addition to this, they were
now to be burdened by the presence and maintenance of
the strangers? The sallies of discontent were not so
secret as altogether to escape the ears of the Spaniards,
in whom they occasioned no little disquietude. They
proceeded, for the most part, it is true, from persons of
little consideration, since the four great chiefs of the
Republic appear to have been steadily secured to the
interests of Cortes. But they derived some importance
from the countenance of the warlike Xicotencatl, in
Avhose bosom still lingered the embers of that implacable
hostility which he had displayed so courageously on the
field of battle ; and sparkles of this fiery temper occa-
sionally gleamed forth in the intimate intercourse into
which he was now reluctantly brought with his ancient
opponents.
Cortes, who saw with alarm the growing feelings of
estrangement, which must sap the very foundations on
which he was to rest the lever for future operations, em-
ployed every argument which suggested itself to restore
the confidence of his own men. He reminded them of
the good services they had uniformly received from the
great body of the nation. They had a sufficient pledge
of the future constancy of the Tlascalans in their long-
cherished hatred of the Aztecs, which the recent disasters
they had suffered from the same quarter could serve
only to sharpen. And he urged with much force, that,
chaplain, Gomara, for not discrimi- The captain's own version seems a
nating between the old soldiers and fair one, and I have followed it,
the levies of Narvacz, whom he in- therefore, in the text.
volves equally in the sin of rebellion.
chap, v.] JEALOUSY OF THE TLASCALANS. 139
if any evil designs had been meditated by them against
the Spaniards, the Tlascalans would doubtless have taken
advantage of their late disabled condition, and not waited
till they had recovered their strength and means of
resistance. 18
While Cortes was thus endeavouring, with somewhat
doubtful success, to stifle his own apprehensions, as well
as those in the bosoms of his followers, an event occurred
which happily brought the affair to an issue, and per-
manently settled the relations in which the two parties
were to stand to each other. This will make it neces-
sary to notice some events which had occurred in Mexico
since the expulsion of the Spaniards.
On Montezuma's death, his brother Cuitlahuac, lord
of Iztapalapan, conformably to the usage regulating the
descent of the Aztec crown, was chosen to succeed him.
He was an active prince, of large experience in military
affairs, and, by the strength of his character, was well
fitted to sustain the tottering fortunes of the monarchy.
He appears, moreover, to have been a man of liberal,
and what may be called enlightened taste, to judge from
the beautiful gardens which he had filled with rare
exotics, and which so much attracted the admiration of
the Spaniards in his city of Iztapalapan. Unlike his
predecessor, he held the white men in detestation ; and
had probably the satisfaction of celebrating his own
coronation by the sacrifice of many of them. From the
moment of his release from the Spanish quarters, where
he had been detained by Cortes, he entered into the
patriotic movements of his people. It was he who con-
ducted the assaults both in the streets of the city, and
on the '" Melancholy Night ;■" and it was at his instiga-
tion that the powerful force had been assembled to
dispute the passage of the Spaniards in the Vale of
Otumba. 19
18 Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espaiia,
lib. 33, cap. 15.— Hen-era, Hist. MS., lib. 12, cap. 29.
General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 14.— *» Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS ,
140 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
Since the evacuation of the capital, he had been busily
occupied in repairing the mischief it had received, —
restoring the buildings and the bridges, and putting it
in the best posture of defence. He had endeavoured to
improve the discipline and arms of his troops. He in-
troduced the long spear among them, and, by attaching
the sword-blades taken from the Christians to long poles,
contrived a weapon that should be formidable against
cavalry. He summoned his vassals, far and near, to
hold themselves in readiness to march to the relief of the
capital, if necessary, and, the better to secure their good
will, relieved them from some of the burdens usually
laid on them. But he was now to experience the insta-
bility of a government which rested not on love, but on
fear. The vassals in the neighbourhood of the Valley
remained true to their allegiance ; but others held them-
selves aloof, uncertain what course to adopt ; while others,
again, in the more distant provinces, refused obedience
altogether, considering this a favourable moment for
throwing off the yoke which had so long galled them. 20
In this emergency, the government sent a deputation
to its ancient enemies, the Tlascalans. It consisted of
six Aztec nobles, bearing a present of cotton cloth, salt,
and other articles rarely seen, of late years, in the Re-
public. The lords of the state, astonished at this unpre-
cedented act of condescension in their ancient foe, called
the council or senate of the great chiefs together, to give
the envoys audience.
Before this body, the Aztecs stated the purpose of their
mission. They invited the Tlascalans to bury all past
lib. 33, cap. 47. — Rel. Scg. dc Cortes, the coming of the Spaniards," ac-
ap. Lorenzana, p. 106. — Sahagun, cording to father Sahagun, who
Hist, de Nueva Espafia, MS., lib. 12, begins his chapter with this eloquent
cap. 27, 2'.). exordium.
Or rather it was "at the instiga- 2o Ixtlilxochiti, Hist. Chich., MS.,
lion of the great devil, the captain cap. S8. — Sahagun, Hist, dc Nueva
of all the devils, called Satan, who Espana, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29. —
regulated everything in New Spain Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib.
by his free will and pleasure, before 10, cap. 19.
chap, v.] EMBASSY FROM MEXICO. 141
grievances in oblivion, and to enter into a treaty with
them. All the nations of Anahnac should make common
cause in defence of their country against the white men.
The Tlascalans would bring down on their own heads
the wrath of the gods, if they longer harboured the
strangers who had violated and destroyed their temples.
If they counted on the support and friendship of their
guests, let them take warning from the fate of Mexico,
which had received them kindly within its walls, and
which, in return, they had filled with blood and ashes.
They conjured them, by their reverence for their common
religion, not to suffer the white men, disabled as they
now were, to escape from their hands, but to sacrifice
them at once to the gods, whose temples they had pro-
faned. In that event, they proffered them their alliance,
and the renewal of that friendly traffic which would
restore to the Republic the possession of the comforts
and luxuries of which it had been so long deprived.
The proposals of the ambassadors produced different
effects on their audience. Xicotencatl was for embracing
them at once. Par better was it, he said, to unite with
their kindred, with those who held their own language,
their faith and usages, than to throw themselves into the
arms of the fierce strangers, who, however they might
talk of religion, worshipped no god but gold. This
opinion was followed by that of the younger warriors,
who readily caught the fire of his enthusiasm. But the
elder chiefs, especially his blind old father, one of the
four rulers of the state, who seem to have been all
heartily in the interests of the Spaniards, and one of
them, Maxixca, their stanch friend, strongly expressed
their aversion to the proposed alliance with the Aztecs.
They were always the same, said the latter, — fair in
speech, and false in heart. They now proffered friend-
ship to the Tlascalans. But it was fear which drove
them to it, and, when that fear was removed, they would
return to their old hostility. Who was it, but these
142 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
insidious foes, that had so long deprived the country of
the very necessaries of life, of which they were now so
lavish in their offers ? Was it not owing to the white
men that the nation at length possessed them? Yet
they were called on to sacrifice the white men to the
gods ! — the warriors who, after fighting the battles of
the Tlascalans, now threw themselves on their hospitality.
But the gods abhorred perfidy. And were not their
guests the very beings whose coming had been so long
predicted by the oracles ? Let us avail ourselves of it,
he concluded, and unite and make common cause with
them, until we have humbled our haughty enemy.
This discourse provoked a sharp rejoinder from Xico-
tencatl, till the passion of the elder chieftain got the
better of his patience, and, substituting force for argu-
ment, he thrust his younger antagonist with some
violence from the council chamber. A proceeding so
contrary to the usual decorum of Indian debate asto-
nished the assembly. But, far from bringing censure
on its author, it effectually silenced opposition. Even
the hot-headed followers of Xicotencatl shrunk from sup-
porting a leader who had incurred such a mark of con-
temptuous displeasure from the ruler whom they most
venerated. His own father openly condemned him ;
and the patriotic young warrior, gifted with a truer fore-
sight into futurity than his countrymen, was left without
support in the council, as he had formerly been on the
field of battle. — The proffered alliance of the Mexicans
was unanimously rejected ; and the envoys, fearing that
even the sacred character with which they were invested
might not protect them from violence, made their escape
secretly from the capital. 21
The result of the conference was of the last importance
21 The proceedings in the Tlas- MS., lib. 12, cap. 29, — Hcrrera, Hist,
calan senate are reported in more or General, dec. 2, lib. 12, cap. 14.
less detail, but substantially alike, by Sec, also, Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, dc
Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS., — . la Conquista, cap. 129, — Goraara,
Saliagun, Hist, de Nueva Espnfia, Crdnica, cap. 111.
chap, v.] EMBASSY FROM MEXICO. 143
to the Spaniards, who, in their present crippled con-
dition, especially if taken unawares, would have been,
probably, at the mercy of the Tlascalans. At all events,
the union of these latter with the Aztecs w^ould have
settled the fate of the expedition ; since, in the poverty
of his own resources, it was only by adroitly playing off
one part of the Indian population against the other, that
Cortes could ultimately hope for success.
144
CHAPTER VI.
War with the surrounding Tribes. — Successes of the Spaniards. — Death of
Maxixca. — Arrival of Reinforcements. — lleturn in Triumph to Tlascala.
1520.
The Spanish commander, reassured by the result of
the deliberations in the Tlascalan senate, now resolved
on active operations, as the best means of dissipating
the spirit of faction and discontent inevitably fostered by
a life of idleness. He proposed to exercise his troops,
at first, against some of the neighbouring tribes who
had laid violent hands on such of the Spaniards as, con-
fiding in their friendly spirit, had passed through their
territories. Among these were the Tepeacans, a people
often engaged in hostility with the Tlascalans, and who,
as mentioned in a preceding Chapter, had lately mas-
sacred twelve Spaniards in their march to the capital.
An expedition against them would receive the ready
support of his allies, and would assert the dignity of the
Spanish name, much dimmed in the estimation of the
natives by the late disasters.
The Tepeacans were a powerful tribe of the same
primitive stock as the Aztecs, to whom they acknow-
ledged allegiance. They had transferred this to the
Spaniards, on their first march into the country, intimi-
dated by the bloody defeats of their Tlascalan neigh-
bours. But, since the troubles in the capital, they had
again submitted to the Aztec sceptre. Their capital,
chap, vi.] WAR WITH THE SURROUNDING TRIBES. 145
now a petty village, was a flourishing city at tlie time of
the Conquest, situated in the fruitful plains that stretch
far away towards the base of Orizaba. 1 The province
contained, moreover, several towns of considerable size,
filled with a bold and warlike population.
As these Indians had once acknowledged the authority
of Castile, Cortes and his officers regarded their present
conduct in the light of rebellion, and, in a council of
war, it was decided that those engaged in the late mas-
sacre had fairly incurred the doom of slavery. 2 Before
proceeding against them, however, the general sent a
summons requiring their submission, and offering full
pardon for the past, but, in case of refusal, menacing
them with the severest retribution. To this the Indians,
now in arms, returned a contemptuous answer, chal-
lenging the Spaniards to meet them in fight, as they
were in want of victims for their sacrifices.
Cortes, without further delay, put himself at the head
of his small corps of Spaniards, and a large reinforce-
ment of Tlascalan warriors. They were led by the
younger Xicotencatl, who now appeared willing to bury
his recent animosity, and desirous to take a lesson in
war under the chief who had so often foiled him in the
field. 3
The Tepeacans received their enemy on their borders.
A bloody battle followed, in which the Spanish horse
were somewhat embarrassed by the tall maize that
covered part of the plain. They were successful in the
end, and the Tepeacans, after holding their ground like
1 The Indian name of the capital, — sado, y que se diessen por esclauos."
the same as that of the province, — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
Tepejacac, was corrupted by the Spa- cap. 130.
niards into Tepeaca. It must be * The chroniclers estimate his
admitted to have gained by the cor- army at 50,000 warriors ; one half,
ruption. according to Toribio, of tire dispo-
" Y como aquello vio Cortes, sable military force of the Republic,
comunicolo con todos nuestros Capi- " De la cual, (Tlascala,) como ya
tanes, y soldados : y fue acordado, tengo dicho, solian salir cien mil
que se hiziesse vn auto por ante Es- hombres de pelea." Hist, de los
criuano, que diesse fe de todo lo pas- Indios, MS., parte 3, cap. 1G.
VOL. II. L
146 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
good warriors, were at length routed with great slaughter.
A second engagement, which took place a few days
after, was followed by like decisive results ; and the vic-
torious Spaniards, with their allies, marching straightway
on the city of Tepeaca, entered it in triumph. 4 No
further resistance was attempted by the enemy, and the
whole province, to avoid further calamities, eagerly ten-
dered its submission. Cortes, however, inflicted the
meditated chastisement on the places implicated in the
massacre. The inhabitants were branded with a hot
iron as slaves, and, after the royal fifth had been re-
served, were distributed between his own men and the
allies. 5 The Spaniards were familiar with the system of
repartimientos established in the islands ; but this was
the first example of slavery in New Spain. It was
justified, in the opinion of the general and his military
casuists, by the aggravated offences of the party. The
sentence, however, was not countenanced by the Crown, 6
which, as the colonial legislation abundantly shows, was
ever at issue with the craving and mercenary spirit of
the colonist.
Satisfied with this display of his vengeance, Cortes
now established his head-quarters at Tepeaca, which,
situated in a cultivated country, afforded easy means
for maintaining an army, while its position on the
Mexican frontier made it a good point d'appui for
future operations.
The Aztec government, since it had learned the issue
of its negotiations at Tlascala, had been diligent in
fortifying its frontier in that quarter. The garrisons
4 " That night," says the credu- liave smelt savoury in the nostrils
lous Herrera, speaking of the carouse of Cortes.
that followed one of their victories, s ,, v m 1 • a \. 1 1 ■
tc + i „ T „ 1; ii- „ 1 j j ' 6 Y alii hizierou hazer el hierro
the Indian allies had a crand sup- • i 1 1
„ » 1 j e -L -j con que se auian de herrar Jos que
per ot legs and arms ; lor, besides . ' 1
an incredible number of roasts on se to " iauan P or - esclauos ' 1 ue e ™
wooden spits, they had fifty thou- ™ a G. que quierc , decu • guerra
sand pots of stewed human flesh ! !" Banal Dia* Hist, de la Conqmsta,
(Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. ca P* 1,iU '
15.) Such a banquet would not c Solfs, Conquista, lib. 5, cap. 3.
chap, vi.] WAR WITH THE SURROUNDING TRIBES. 147
usually maintained there were strengthened, and large
bodies of men were marched in the same direction, with
orders to occupy the strong positions on the borders.
The conduct of these troops was in their usual style of
arrogance and extortion, and greatly disgusted the inha-
bitants of the country.
Among the places thus garrisoned by the Aztecs was
Quauhquechollan, 7 a city containing thirty thousand in-
habitants, according to the historians, and lying to the
south-west twelve leagues or more from the Spanish
quarters. It stood at the extremity of a deep valley,
resting against a bold range of hills, or rather moun-
tains, and flanked by two rivers with exceedingly high
and precipitous banks. The only avenue by which the
town could be easily approached, was protected by a
stone wall more than twenty feet high and of great thick-
ness. 8 Into this place, thus strongly defended by art
as well as by nature, the Aztec emperor had thrown a
garrison of several thousand warriors, while a much
more formidable force occupied the heights commanding
the city.
The cacique of this strong post, impatient of the
Mexican yoke, sent to Cortes, inviting him to march to
his relief, and promising a cooperation of the citizens in
an assault on the Aztec quarters. The general eagerly
embraced the proposal, and detached Christoval de Olid,
with two hundred Spaniards and a strong body of Tlas-
calans, to support the friendly cacique. 9 On the way,
Olid was joined by many volunteers from the Indian
7 Called by the Spaniards Hva- dentro esta casi igual con el suelo.
cachula, and spelt with every con- Y por toda la Muralla va su petril,
ceivable diversity by the old writers, tan alto, como medio estado, para
who may be excused for stumbling pelear, tiene quatro entradas, tan
over such a confusion of conso- auchas, como uno puede entrar Ca-
nants. ballo."
8 " Y toda la Ciudad esta cercada 9 This cavalier's name is usually
de muy fuerte Muro de cal y canto, spelt Olid by the chroniclers. In a
tan alto, como quatro estados por copy of his own signature, I find it
de fuera de la Ciudad : c por de written Oli.
l2
148 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
city and from the neighbouring capital of Cholula, all
equally pressing their services, The number and eager-
ness of these auxiliaries excited suspicions in the bosom
of the cavalier. They were strengthened by the surmises
of the soldiers of Narvaez, whose imaginations were still
haunted, it seems, by the horrors of the noche triste, and
who saw in the friendly alacrity of their new allies
evidence of an insidious understanding with the Aztecs.
Olid, catching this distrust, made a countermarch on
Cholula, where he seized the suspected chiefs, who had
been most forward in offering their services, and sent
them under a strong guard to Cortes.
The general, after a careful examination, was satisfied
of the integrity of the suspected parties, He, expressing
his deep regret at the treatment they had received, made
them such amends as he could by liberal presents ; and,
as he now saw the impropriety of committing an affair
of such importance to other hands, put himself at the
head of his remaining force, and effected a junction with
his officer in Cholula,
He had arranged with the cacique of the city against
which he was marching, that, on the appearance of
the Spaniards, the inhabitants should rise on the gar-
rison. Everything succeeded as he had planned. No
sooner had the Christian battalions defiled on the plain
before the town, than the inhabitants attacked the garri-
son with the utmost fury. The latter, abandoning the
outer defences of the place, retreated to their own
quarters in the principal ieocalli, where they maintained
a hard struggle with their adversaries. In the heat of it,
Cortes, at the head of his little body of horse, rode into
the place, and directed the assault in person. The Aztecs
made a fierce defence. But fresh troops constantly ar-
riving to support the assailants, the works were stormed,
and every one of the garrison was put to the sword. 10
10 " I should have been very glad Cortes, " who could have informed
to have taken some alive," says me of what was going on in the
chap, vi.] WAR WITH THE SURROUNDING TRIBES. 149
The Mexican forces, meanwhile, stationed on the neigh-
bouring eminences, had marched down to the support of
their countrymen in the town, and formed in order of
battle in the suburbs, where they were encountered by
the Tlascalan levies. " They mustered," says Cortes,
speaking of the enemy, " at least thirty thousand men,
and it was a brave sight for the eye to look on, — such a
beautiful array of warriors glistening with gold and
jewels and variegated feather- work \" u The action was
well contested between the two Indian armies. The
suburbs were set on fire, and, in the midst of the flames,
Cortes and his squadrons, rushing on the enemy, at
length broke their array, and compelled them to fall
back in disorder into the narrow gorge of the mountain,
from which they had lately descended. The pass was
rough and precipitous. Spaniards and Tlascalans fol-
lowed close in the rear, and the light troops, scaling the
high wall of the valley, poured down on the enemy's
flanks. The heat was intense, and both parties were
so much exhausted by their efforts, that it was with
difficulty, says the chronicler, that the one could pursue,
or the other fly. 12 They were not too weary, however,
to slay. The Mexicans were routed with terrible
slaughter. They found no pity from their Indian foes,
who had a long account of injuries to settle with them.
Some few sought refuge by flying higher up into the
fastnesses of the sierra. They were followed by their
indefatigable enemy, until, on the bald summit of the
ridge, they reached the Mexican encampment. It covered
great city,, and who had been lord Plumajes." Rel. Seg-. de Cortes,
there since the death of Montezuma. p. 160.
But I succeeded in saving only one, 12 " Alcanzando rauchos por una
— and he was more dead than alive." Cuesta arriba muy agra ;. y tal, que
Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, quando acabamos de encumbrar la
p. 159. Sierra, ni los Enemigos, ni nosotros
11 " Y a ver que cosa era aquella, podiamos ir atras, ni adelante : e
los quales eran mas de treinta mil assi caieron muchos de ellos muer-
Hoinbres, y la mas lucida Gente. tos, y ahogados de la calor, sin herida
que hemos visto, porque trahian ninguna." Ibid., p. 160.
muchas Joyas de Oro, y Plata, y
150 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
a wide tract of ground. Various utensils, ornamented
dresses, and articles of luxury, were scattered round, and
the number of slaves in attendance showed the barbaric
pomp with which the nobles of Mexico went to their
campaigns. 13 It was a rich booty for the victors, who
spread over the deserted camp, and loaded themselves
with the spoil, until the gathering darkness warned them
to descend. 14
Cortes followed up the blow by assaulting the strong
town of Itzocan, held also by a Mexican garrison, and
situated in the depths of a green valley watered by
artificial canals, and smiling in all the rich abundance of
this fruitful region of the plateau. 15 The place, though
stoutly defended, was stormed and carried; the Aztecs
were driven across a river which ran below the town,
and, although the light bridges that traversed it were
broken down in the flight, whether by design or acci-
dent, the Spaniards, fording and swimming the stream
as they could, found their way to the opposite bank,
following up the chase with the eagerness of blood -
13 cc p or q UC clemas de la Gente de supply the omissions with the details
Guerra, teniau mucho aparato de of other writers. But where he is
Servidores, y fornecimiento para su positive in his statements, — unless
Real." Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. there be some reason to suspect a
Lorenzana, p. 160. bias, — his practice of writing on the
14 The story of the capture of this spot, and the peculiar facilities for
strong post is told very differently information afforded by his posi-
by Captain Diaz. According to him, tion, make him decidedly the best
Olid, when he had fallen back on authority.
Cholula, in consequence of the re- 15 Cortes, with an eyeless sensible
fnsal of his men to advance, under to the picturesque than his great
the strong suspicion which they predecessor in the track of discovery,
entertained of some foul practice Columbus, was full as quick in de-
from their allies, received such a tccting the capabilities of the soil.
stinging rebuke from Cortes, that lie " Ticnc «n Valle redondo muy fertil
compelled his troops to resume their dc Frutas, y Algodon, que en nin-
march, and, attacking the enemy, guna parte de los Puertos arriba sc
" with the fury of a tiger," totally hace por la gran frialdad : y alii cs
routed them. (Hist, dc la Con- Tierra caliente, y caiisalo, que esta
quista, cap. 132.) But this version muy abrigada de Sierras ; todo cste
of the affair is not endorsed, so far Valle se riega por muy buenas Aze-
as I am aware, by any contemporary. quias, que tienen muy bien sacadas,
Cortes is so compendious in his y concertadas." Ibid., p. 164.
report, that it is often necessary to
chap, vi.] SUCCESSES OF THE SPANIARDS. 151
hounds. Here, too, the booty was great ; and the
Indian auxiliaries flocked by thousands to the banners
of the chief who so surely led them on to victory and
plunder. 16
Soon afterwards, Cortes returned to his head-quarters
at Tepeaca. Thence he detached his officers on expedi-
tions which were usually successful. Sandoval, in par-
ticular, marched against a large body of the enemy lying
between the camp and Vera Cruz ; defeated them in two
decisive battles, and thus restored the communications
with the port.
The result of these operations was the reduction of
that populous and cultivated territory which lies between
the great volcan, on the west, and the mighty skirts
of Orizaba, on the east. Many places, also, in the
neighbouring province of Mixtecapan, acknowledged the
authority of the Spaniards, and others from the remote
region of Oaxaca sent to claim their protection. The
conduct of Cortes towards his allies had gained him
great credit for disinterestedness and equity. The Indian
cities in the adjacent territory appealed to him, as their
umpire, in their differences with one another, and cases
of disputed succession in their governments were referred
to his arbitration. By his discreet and moderate policy,
he insensibly acquired an ascendancy over their counsels,
which had been denied to the ferocious Aztec. His
authority extended wider and wider every day; and a
new empire grew up in the very heart of the land, form-
ing a counterpoise to the colossal power which had so
long overshadowed it. 17
16 So numerous, according to trusting the amount to the reader's
Cortes, that they covered hill and own imagination,
dale, as far as the eye could reach, 17 For the hostilities with the
mustering more than a hundred and Indian tribes, noticed in the pre-
twenty thousand strong. (Ibid., p. ceding pages, see, in addition to the
162.) When the Conquerors attempt Letter of Cortes so often cited,
anything like a precise numeration, Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
it will be as safe to substitute "a lib. 33, cap. 15, — Herrera, Hist,
multitude," " a great force," &c, General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 15, ] 6,
152 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
Cortes now felt himself strong enough to put in execu-
tion the plans for recovering the capital, over which he
had been brooding ever since the hour of his expulsion.
He had greatly undervalued the resources of the Aztec
monarchy. He was now aware, from bitter experience,
that, to vanquish it, his own forces, and all he could
hope to muster, would be incompetent, without a very
extensive support from the Indians themselves. A large
army would, moreover, require large supplies for its
maintenance, and these could not be regularly obtained,
during a protracted siege, without the friendly coopera-
tion of the natives. On such support he might now
safely calculate from Tlascala, and the other Indian
territories, whose warriors were so eager to serve under
his banners. His past acquaintance with them had in-
structed him in their national character and system of
war ; while the natives who had fought under his com-
mand, if they had caught little of the Spanish tactics,
had learned to act in concert with the white men, and to
obey him implicitly as their commander. This was a
considerable improvement in such wild and disorderly
levies, and greatly augmented the strength derived from
numbers.
Experience showed, that in a future conflict with the
capital it would not do to trust to the causeways, but
that to succeed, he must command the lake. He pro-
posed, therefore, to build a number of vessels, like those
constructed under his orders in Montezuma's time, and
afterwards destroyed by the inhabitants. For this he
had still the services of the same experienced ship-builder,
Martin Lopez, who, as we have seen, had fortunately
escaped the slaughter of the " Melancholy Night."
Cortes now sent this man to Tlascala, Avith orders to
build thirteen brigantines, which might be taken to
— IxtlikochitJ, Hist. Chick, MS., P. Martyr, de Orbe Novo, dec. 5,
cap. 90, — Bemal Diaz, Hist, dc la cap. fi, — Camargo, Hist, dc Tlas-
Conquista, cap. 130, 132, 134,— cala, MS.
Gomara, Cronica, cap. 114 — 117, —
chap, vi.] SUCCESSES OF THE SPANIARDS. 153
pieces and carried on the shoulders of the Indians to be
launched on the waters of Lake Tezcuco. The sails, rig-
ging, and iron-work, were to be brought from Vera Cruz,
where they had been stored since their removal from the
dismantled ships. It was a bold conception, that of con-
structing a fleet to be transported across forest and
mountain before it was launched on its destined waters !
But it suited the daring genius of Cortes, who, with the
cooperation of his stanch Tlascalan confederates, did not
doubt his ability to carry it into execution.
It was with no little regret, that the general learned
at this time the death of his good friend Maxixca, the old
lord of Tlascala, who had stood by him so steadily in the
hour of adversity. He had fallen a victim to that terrible
epidemic, the small-pox, which was now sweeping over
the land like fire over the prairies, smiting down prince
and peasant, and adding another to the long train of
woes that followed the march of the white men. It was
imported into the country, it is said, by a Negro slave, in
the fleet of Narvaez. 18 It first broke out in Cempoalla.
The poor natives, ignorant of the best mode of treating
the loathsome disorder, sought relief in their usual prac-
tice of bathing in cold water, which greatly aggravated
their trouble. From Cempoalla it spread rapidly over
the neighbouring country, and, penetrating through Tlas-
cala, reached the Aztec capital, where Montezuma's suc-
cessor, Cuitlahuac, fell one of its first victims. Thence
it swept down towards the borders of the Pacific, leaving
its path strown with the dead bodies of the natives, who,
in the strong language of a contemporary, perished in
heaps like cattle stricken with the murrain. 19 It does
18 " La primera fue de viruela, y habia visto, y esta sazon estaba esta
comenzo de esta manera. Siendo nueva Espaha en estremo muy llena
Capitany Governador Hernando Cor- de gente." Toribio, Hist, de los
tes al tiempo que el Capitan Panfilo Indios, MS., parte 1, cap. 1.
de Narvaez desernbarco en esta tier- 19 " Morian como chinches a. mon-
ra, en uno de sus navios vino un tones." (Ibid., ubi supra.) " Eran
negro herido de viruelas, la cual en- tantos los difuntos que morian de
ferraedad nunca en esta tierra se aquella enfermedad, que no habia
154 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
not seem to have been fatal to the Spaniards, many of
whom, probably, had already had the disorder, and who
were, at all events, acquainted with the proper method
of treating it.
The death of Maxixca was deeply regretted by the
troops, who lost in him a true and most efficient ally.
With his last breath, he commended them to his son
and successor, as the great beings whose coming into the
country had been so long predicted by the oracles. 20 He
expressed a desire to die in the profession of the Chris-
tian faith. Cortes no sooner learned his condition, than
he despatched father Olmedo to Tlascala. The friar
found that Maxixca had already caused a crucifix to be
placed before his sick couch, as the object of his adora-
tion. After explaining, as intelligibly as he could, the
truths of revelation, he baptized the dying chieftain ;
and the Spaniards had the satisfaction to believe, that
the soul of their benefactor was exempted from the
doom of eternal perdition that hung over the unfortunate
Indian who perished in his unbelief. 21
Their late brilliant successes seem to have reconciled
most of the disaffected soldiers to the prosecution of the
war. There were still a few among them, the secretary
Duero, Bermudez the treasurer, and others high in office,
or wealthy hidalgos, who looked with disgust on another
campaign, and now loudly reiterated their demand of a
free passage to Cuba. To this Cortes, satisfied with the
support on which he could safely count, made no further
objection. Having once given his consent, he did all in
his power to facilitate their departure, and provide for
their comfort. He ordered the best ship at Vera Cruz
to be placed at their disposal, to be well supplied with
quien los cntcrrase, por lo cual en 20 Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
Mexico los cchaban en las azequias, quista, cap. 136.
porque entonccs habia mny grandc 21 Ibid., nbi supra. — Hcrrera, Hist,
eopia de agua3 y era may grande General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 19, —
hedor el que salia de los cuerpos Sahagim, Hist, de Nueva Espaila,
muertos." Sahaguu, Hist, de "Nueva MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.
Espaiia, lib. 8, cap. 1.
chap, vi.] ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS. 155
provisions and everything necessary for the voyage, and
sent Alvarado to the coast to superintend the embarka-
tion. He took the most courteous leave of them, with
assurances of his own unalterable regard. But, as the
event proved, those who could part from him at this crisis
had little sympathy with his fortunes ; and we find
Duero not long afterwards in Spain, supporting the
claims of Velasquez before the emperor, in opposition to
those of his former friend and commander.
The loss of these few men was amply compensated by
the arrival of others, whom Fortune — to use no higher
term — most unexpectedly threw in his way. The first
of these came in a small vessel sent from Cuba by the
governor, Velasquez, with stores for the colony at Vera
Cruz. He was not aware of the late transactions in the
country, and of the discomfiture of his officer. In the
vessel came despatches, it is said, from Fonseca, bishop
of Burgos, instructing Narvaez to send Cortes, if he had
not already done so, for trial to Spain. 22 The alcalde of
Vera Cruz, agreeably to the general's instructions, allowed
the captain of the bark to land, who had no doubt that
the country was in the hands of Narvaez. He was unde-
ceived by being seized, together with his men, so soon as
they had set foot on shore. The vessel was then secured ;
and the commander and his crew, finding out their error,
were persuaded without much difficulty to join their
countrymen in Tlascala.
A second vessel, sent soon after by Velasquez, shared
the same fate, and those on board consented, also, to take
their chance in the expedition under Cortes.
About the same time, Garay, the governor of Jamaica,
fitted out three ships with an armed force to plant a
colony on the Panuco, a river which pours into the Gulf
a few degrees north of Villa Rica. Garay persisted in
establishing this settlement, in contempt of the claims of
22 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Couquista, cap. 131.
156 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
Cortes, who had already entered into a friendly commu-
nication with the inhabitants of that region. But the
crews experienced such a rough reception from the
natives on landing, and lost so many men, that they
were glad to take to their vessels again. One of these
foundered in a storm. The others put into the port of
Vera Cruz to restore the men, much weakened by hunger
and disease. Here they were kindly received, their wants
supplied, their wounds healed ; when they were induced,
by the liberal promises of Cortes, to abandon the disas-
trous service of their employer, and enlist under his own
prosperous banner. The reinforcements obtained from
these sources amounted to full a hundred and fifty men,
well provided with arms and ammunition, together with
twenty horses. By this strange concurrence of circum-
stances, Cortes saw himself in possession of the supplies
he most needed ; that, too, from the hands of his enemies,
whose costly preparations were thus turned to the benefit
of the very man whom they were designed to ruin.
His good fortune did not stop here. A ship from the
Canaries touched at Cuba, freighted with arms and mili-
tary stores for the adventurers in the New World. Their
commander heard there of the recent discoveries in
Mexico, and, thinking it would afford a favourable
market for him, directed his course to Vera Cruz. He
was not mistaken. The alcalde, by the general's orders,
purchased both ship and cargo ; and the crews, catching
the spirit of adventure, followed their countrymen into
the interior. There seemed to be a magic in the name
of Cortes, which drew all who came within hearing of it
under his standard. 23
Having now completed the arrangements for settling
his new conquests, there seemed to be no further reason
for postponing his departure to Tlascala. He was first
23 Bcmal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Seg. dc Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp.
quista, cap. 131, 133, 136.— Her- 151, 167.— Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid.,
vera, Hist. General, ubi supra. — Rel. MS., lib. 33, cap. 16.
chap. Vl.] ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS. 157
solicited by the citizens of Tepeaca to leave a garrison
with them, to protect them from the vengeance of the
Aztecs. Cortes acceded to the request, and, considering
the central position of the town favourable for maintain-
ing his conquests, resolved to plant a colony there. For
this object he selected sixty of his soldiers, most of whom
were disabled by wounds or infirmity. He appointed the
alcaldes, regidores, and other functionaries of a civic
magistracy. The place he called Segura tie la Front-era,
or Security of the Frontier. 24 It received valuable pri-
vileges as a city, a few years later, from the emperor
Charles the Fifth f 5 and rose to some consideration in
the age of the Conquest. But its consequence soon after
declined. Even its Castilian name, with the same caprice
which has decided the fate of more than one name in our
own country, was gradually supplanted by its ancient
one, and the little village of Tepeaca is all that now
commemorates the once flourishing Indian capital, and
the second Spanish colony in Mexico.
While at Segura, Cortes wrote that celebrated letter
to the emperor, — the second in the series, — so often
cited in the preceding pages. It takes up the narrative
with the departure from Vera Cruz, and exhibits in a brief
and comprehensive form the occurrences up to the time
at which we are now arrived. In the concluding page,
the general, after noticing the embarrassments under
which he labours, says, in his usual manly spirit, that
he holds danger and fatigue light in comparison with the
attainment of his object ; and that he is confident a short
time will restore the Spaniards to their former position,
and repair all their losses. 26
He notices the resemblance of Mexico, in many of its
features and productions, to the mother country, and
24 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- Magestad he dicho, que en muy
zana, p. 156. breve tomara al estado, en que antes
2o Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, yo la tenia, e se restanraran las per-
tom. iii. p. 153. didas pasadas." Rel. Seg., ap. Lo-
26 " E creo, como ya a Vuestra renzana, p. 167.
158 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
requests that it may henceforth be called, " New Spain
of the Ocean Sea." 27 He finally requests that a com-
mission may be sent out at once, to investigate his con-
duct, and to verify the accuracy of his statements.
This letter, which was printed at Seville the year after
its reception, has been since reprinted and translated
more than once. 28 It excited a great sensation at the
court, and among the friends of science generally. The
previous discoveries in the New A¥orld had disappointed
the expectations which had been formed after the solu-
tion of the grand problem of its existence. They had
brought to light only rude tribes, which, however gentle
and inoffensive in their manners, were still in the primi-
tive stages of barbarism. Here was an authentic account
of a vast nation, potent and populous, exhibiting an
elaborate social polity, well advanced in the arts of
civilization, occupying a soil that teemed with mineral
treasures and with a boundless variety of vegetable
products, stores of wealth, both natural and artificial,
that seemed, for the first time, to realize the golden
dreams in which the great discoverer of the New World
had so fondly, and in his own day, so fallaciously, in-
dulged. Well might the scholar of that age exult in the
revelation of these wonders, which so many had long,
but in vain, desired to see. 29
27 " Me parecio, que el mas con- not sent till the spring of the follow-
venicnte nombre para esta dicha ing year ; leaving the nation still in
Ticrra, era llamarse la Nueva Espana ignorance of the fate of the gallant
del Mar Oceano : y assi en nombre adventurers in Mexico, and the mag-
de Vuestra Magestad se le puso nitude of their discoveries,
aqucste nombre : humildemente su-
plico a, Vuestra Altcza lo tenga por 2 ' J The state of feeling occasioned
bien, y mande, que se nombre assi." by these discoveries may be seen in
(Ibid., p. 169.) The name of "New the correspondence of Peter Martyr,
Spain," without other addition, had then residing at the court of Castile.
been before given by Grijalva to Yu- Sec, in particular, his epistle, dated
catan. Ante, Book 2, Chapter 1. March, 1521, to his noble pupil, the
28 It was dated, " De la Villa Marques dc Mondejar, in which he
Segura de la Fronteradc esta Nueva dwells with unbounded satisfaction
Espafia, a treinta de Octubre de mil on all the rich stores of science which
quinientos veiute anos." Bui, in the expedition of Cortes had thrown
consequence of the loss of the ship open to the world. Opus Episto-
intended to bear it, the letter was laruin, ep. 771.
chap, vi.] ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS. 159
With this letter went another to the emperor, signed,
as it would seem, by nearly every officer and soldier in
the camp. It expatiated on the obstacles thrown in the
way of the expedition by Velasquez and Narvaez, and
the great prejudice this had caused to the royal interests.
It then set forth the services of Cortes, and besought the
emperor to confirm him in his authority, and not to
allow any interference with one who, from his personal
character, his intimate knowledge of the land and its
people, and the attachment of his soldiers, was the man
best qualified in all the world to achieve the conquest of
the country. 30
It added not a little to the perplexities of Cortes, that
he was still in entire ignorance of the light in which his
conduct was regarded in Spain. He had not even heard
whether his despatches, sent the year preceding from
Vera Cruz, had been received. Mexico was as far
removed from all intercourse with the civilized world, as
if it had been placed at the antipodes. Pew vessels had
entered, and none had been allowed to leave its ports.
The governor of Cuba, an island distant but a few days'
sail, was yet ignorant, as we have seen, of the fate of his
armament. On the arrival of every new vessel or fleet
on these shores, Cortes might well doubt whether it
brought aid to his undertaking, or a royal commission
to supersede him. His sanguine spirit relied on the
former ; though the latter was much the more probable,
considering the intimacy of his enemy, the governor, with
Bishop Fonseca, a man jealous of his authority, and one
who, from his station at the head of the Indian depart-
ment, held a predominant control over the affairs of the
30 This memorial is in that part in the army, should not contain that
of my collection made hy the former of Bernal Diaz del Castillo. It can
President of the Spanish Academy, only be accounted for by his illness ;
Vargas Ponce. It is signed by four as he tells us he was confined to his
hundred and forty-four names ; and bed by a fever about this time,
it is remarkable that this roll, which Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 134.
includes every other familiar name
160 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
New World. It was the policy of Cortes, therefore, to
lose no time ; to push forward his preparations, lest
another should be permitted to snatch the laurel now
almost within his grasp. Could he but reduce the Aztec
capital, he felt that he should be safe ; and that, in
Avhatever light his irregular proceedings might now be
viewed, his services in that event would far more than
counterbalance them in the eyes both of the Crown and
of the country.
The general wrote, also, to the Royal Audience at St.
Domingo, in order to interest them in his cause. Pie
sent four vessels to the same island, to obtain a further
supply of arms and ammunition • and, the better to
stimulate the cupidity of adventurers, and allure them
to the expedition, he added specimens of the beautiful
fabrics of the country, and of its precious metals. 31 The
funds for procuring these important supplies were pro-
bably derived from the plunder gathered in the late
battles, and the gold which, as already remarked, had been
saved from the general wreck by the Castilian convoy.
It was the middle of December, when Cortes, having
completed all his arrangements, set out on his return to
Tlascala, ten or twelve leagues distant. He inarched in
the van of the army, and took the way of Cholula. How
different was his condition from that in which he had left
the republican capital not five months before ! His
march was a triumphal procession, displaying the various
banners and military ensigns taken from the enemy, long
files of captives, and all the rich spoils of conquest
gleaned from many a hard-fought field. As the army
passed through the towns and villages, the inhabitants
poured out to greet them, and, as they drew near to
31 Rcl. Tcrc. de Cortes, ap. Lo- and then, to a fling at his commander,
renzana, p. 179. — Hcrrera, Hist. says, that Cortes was willing to get
General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 18. rid of this gallant cavalier, because
Alouso de Avila went as the he was too independent and plain-
bearer of despatches to St. Domingo. spoken. Hist, de la Conqnista, cap.
Bernal Diaz, who is not averse, now 136.
chap, vi.] RETURN IN TRIUMPH TO TLASCALA. 101
Tlascala, the whole population, men, women, and chil-
dren, came forth celebrating their return with songs,
dancing, and music. Arches decorated with flowers
were thrown across the streets through which they
passed, and a Tlascalan orator addressed the general, on
his entrance into the city, in a lofty panegyric on his
late achievements, proclaiming him the " avenger of the
nation." Amidst this pomp and triumphal show, Cortes
and his principal officers were seen clad in deep mourn-
ing in honour of their friend Maxixca. And this tribute
of respect to the memory of their venerated ruler touched
the Tlascalans more sensibly than all the proud display
of military trophies. 32
The general's first act was to confirm the son of his
deceased friend in the succession, which had been con-
tested by an illegitimate brother. The youth was but
twelve years of age ; and Cortes prevailed on him with-
out difficulty to follow his father's example, and receive
baptism. He afterwards knighted him with his own
hand ; the first instance, probably, of the order of
chivalry being conferred on an American Indian. 33 The
elder Xicotencatl was also persuaded to embrace Chris-
tianity ; and the example of their rulers had its obvious
effect in preparing the minds of the people for the recep-
tion of the truth. Cortes, whether from the suggestions
of Olmedo, or from the engrossing nature of his own
affairs, did not press the work of conversion further at
this time, but wisely left the good seed, already sown, to
ripen in secret, till time should bring forth the harvest.
The Spanish commander, during his short stay in
Tlascala, urged forward the preparations for the cam-
paign. He endeavoured to drill the Tlascalans, and to
give them some idea of European discipline and tactics.
32 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- mole caballero, al vso de Castilla ; i
quista, cap. 136. — Herrera, Hist. porque lo fuese de Jesu-Christo, le
General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 19. hico bauticar, i se llamb D. Lorenco
33 Ibid., ubi supra. Maxiscatzin."
" Hfcolo," says Herrera, " i ar-
VOL. IT. M
162 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
He caused new arms to be made, and the old ones to be
put in order. Powder was manufactured with the aid
of sulphur obtained by some adventurous cavaliers from
the smoking throat of Popocatepetl. 34 The construction
of the brigantines went forward prosperously under the
direction of Lopez, with the aid of the Tlascalans. 35
Timber was cut in the forests, and pitch, an article
unknown to the Indians, was obtained from the pines on
the neighbouring Sierra de Malinche. The rigging and
other appurtenances were transported by the Indian
tammies from Villa Rica ; and by Christmas, the work
was so far advanced, that it was no longer necessary for
Cortes to delay the march to Mexico.
34 For an account of the manner junto a una hermita que se llama
in which this article was procured by San Buenaventura, los quales hizo y
Montaho and his doughty com- otro Martin Lopez uno de los pri-
panions, see ante, vol. i. p. 413. meros conquistadores, y le ayudo
35 " Ansi se hicieron trece ber- Neguez Gomez." Hist, de Tlascala,
gantines en el barrio de Atempa, MS.
CHAP. VII.
1G3
CHAPTER VII.
Guatemozin, Emperor of the Aztecs. — Preparations for the March — Military-
Code. — Spaniards cross the Sierra. — Enter Tezcuco. — Prince Ixtlilxochitl.
1520.
While the events narrated in the preceding Chapter
were passings an important change had taken place in
the Aztec monarchy. Montezuma's brother and suc-
cessor, Cuitlahuac, had suddenly died of the small-pox,
after a brief reign of four months, — brief, but glorious,
for it had witnessed the overthrow of the Spaniards, and
their expulsion from Mexico. 1 On the death of their
warlike chief, the electors were convened, as usual, to
supply the vacant throne. It was an office of great
responsibility in the dark hour of their fortunes. The
teoteuctli, or high-priest, invoked the blessing of the
supreme God on their deliberations. His prayer is still
extant. It was the last one ever made on a similar occa-
sion in Anahuac, and a few extracts from it may interest
the reader, as a specimen of Aztec eloquence.
1 Solis dismisses this prince with sovereign in the light represented in
the remark, " that he reigned but a the text. Cortes, who ought to
few days ; long enough, however, for know, describes him " as held to be
his indolence and apathy to efface very wise and valiant." Pel. Seg.,
the memory of his name among the ap. Lorenzana, p. 166. — See, also,
people." (Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 16.) Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espafia,
Whence the historiographer of the MS., lib. 12, cap. 29, — Herrera, Hist.
Indies borrowed the colouring for General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 19, —
this portrait I cannot conjecture ; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
certainly not from the ancient autho- 88, — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
rities, which uniformly delineate the lib. 33, cap. 16, — Gomara, Cronica,
character and conduct of the Aztec cap. 118.
m2
1G4 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
" O Lord ! thou knowest that the days of our sovereign
are at au end, for thou hast placed him beneath thy feet.
He abides in the place of his retreat ; he has trodden the
path which we are all to tread ; he has gone to the house
whither we are all to follow, — the house of eternal dark-
ness, where no light cometh. He is gathered to his rest,
and no one henceforth shall disquiet him All
these were the princes, his predecessors, who sat on the
imperial throne, directing the affairs of thy kingdom ; for
thou art the universal lord and emperor, by whose will
and movement the whole world is directed ; thou needest
not the counsel of another. They laid down the intole-
rable burden of government, and left it to him, their suc-
cessor. Yet he sojourned but a few days in his kingdom,
— but a few days had we enjoyed his presence, when
thou summonedst him away to follow those who had
ruled over the land before him. And great cause has he
for thankfulness, that thou hast relieved him from so
grievous a load, and placed him in tranquillity and rest.
Who now shall order matters for the good of the
people and the realm ? Who shall appoint the judges to
administer justice to thy people ? Who now shall bid
the drum and the flute to sound, and gather together
the veteran soldiers and the men mighty in battle ? Our
Lord and our Defence ! wilt thou, in thy wisdom, elect
one who shall be worthy to sit on the throne of thy king-
dom • one who shall bear the grievous burden of govern-
ment ; who shall comfort and cherish thy poor people,
even as the mother cherisheth her offspring?
Lord most merciful ! pour forth thy light and thy
splendour over this thine empire ! Order it so
that thou shalt be served in all, and through all." 2
2 The reader of Spanish will sec como cs muerto nuestro N. : ya lo
that, in the version in the text, I have habeis puesto debajo de vnestros
condensed the original, which abounds pies: ya esta en su recogimiento, y
in the tautology and repetitions cha- es ido por el camino que todos hemos
racteristic of the compositions of a de ir y a la casa donde hemos de
rude people. morar, casa de perpetuas tinieblas,
" Senor nuestro ! ya V.M. sabe donde ni hay ventana, ni luz alguna :
chap, vii.] GUATEMOZIN, EMPEROR OF THE AZTECS. 165
The choice fell on Quauhtemotzin, or Guatemozin, as
euphoniously corrupted by the Spaniards. 3 He was
nephew to the two last monarchs, and married his cousin,
the beautiful princess Tecuichpo, Montezuma's daughter.
" He was not more than twenty-five years old, and elegant
in his person for an Indian," says one who had seen him
often ; " valiant, and so terrible, that his followers trem-
bled in his presence." 4 He did not shrink from the
perilous post that was offered to him ; and, as he saw
the tempest gathering darkly around, he prepared to
meet it like a man. Though young, he had ample expe-
rience in military matters, and had distinguished himself
ya esta en el reposo donde uadie le
desasosegara Todos estos se-
llores y reyes rigieron, gobemaron,
y gozaron del senorio y dignidad real,
y del trono y sitial del imperio, los
cuales ordenaron y concertaron las
cosas de vuestro reino, que sois el
universal seiior y emperador, por
cuyo albedrio y motivo se rige todo
el universo, y que no teneis necesi-
dad de consejo de ningun otro. Ya
estos dichos dejaron la carga intole-
rable del gobierno que trageron sobre
sus hombros, y lo dejaron a su suc-
cesor N., el cual por algunos pocos
dias tuvo en pie su senorio y reino,
y ahora ya se ba ido en pos de ellos
al otro mundo, porque vos le man-
dasteis que fuese y le llamasteis, y
por baberle descargado de tan gran
carga, y quitado tan gran trabajo, y
baberle puesto en paz y en reposo,
esta muy obligado a daros gracias.
Algunos pocos dias le logramos, y
abora para siempre se ausento de
nosotros para nunca mas volver al
nmndo i Qnien ordenara y
dispondra las cosas necesarias al bien
del pueblo, senorio y reino ? ,; Quien
elegira a los jueces particulares, que
tengan carga de la gente baja por los
barrios ? ,5 Quien mandara tocar el
atambor y pifano para juntar gente
para la guerra ? i Y quien reunira,
y acaudMlara a los soldados viejos, y
bombres diestros en la pelea ? Seiior
nuestro y amparador nuestro ! tenga
por bieu V. M. de eleghy y senalar
alguna persona suficiente para que
tenga vuestro trono, y lleve a cuestas
la carga pesada del regimen de la re-
publica, regocige y regale a, los popu-
iares, bien asi como la madre regala
a su hijo, poniendole en su regazo.
O seiior nuestro humam-
simo ! dad lumbre y resplandor de
vuestra mano a esto reino !
Hagase como V.M. fuere servido en
todo, y por todo." Sahagun, Hist,
de Nueva Espaha, lib. 6, cap. 5.
3 Tbe Spaniards appear to bave
cbanged tbe Qua, beginning Aztec
names into Qua, in tbe same manner
as, in tbe mother country, tbey changed
the Wad at the beginning of Arabic
names into Guad. (See Conde, El
Nubiense, Descripcion de Espaiia,
notas, passim.) The Aztec tzin was
added to the names of sovereigns
and great lords, as a mark of rever-
ence. Thus Cuitlahua was called
Cuitlahuatzin. This termination,
usually dropped by the Spaniards,
has been retained from accident, or,
perhaps, for the sake of euphony, in
Guatemozin's name.
4 " Mancebo de hasta veynte y
cinco aiios, bien gentil hombre para
ser Indio, y muy esforcado, y se hizo
temer de tal manera, que todos los
suyos temblauan del ; y estaua casado
con vna hi j a de Montecuma, bien
hermosa muger para ser India."
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
cap. 130.
166 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
above all others in the bloody conflicts of the capital.
He bore a sort of religious hatred to the Spaniards, like
that which Hannibal is said to have sworn, and which
he certainly cherished, against his Roman foes.
By means of his spies, Guatemozin made himself
acquainted with the movements of the Spaniards, and
their design to besiege the capital. He prepared for it
by sending away the useless part of the population, while
he called in his potent vassals from the neighbourhood.
He continued the plans of his predecessor for strengthen-
ing the defences of the city, reviewed his troops, and
stimulated them by prizes to excel in their exercises. He
made harangues to his soldiers to rouse them to a spirit
of desperate resistance. He encouraged his vassals
throughout the empire to attack the white men wherever
they were to be met with, setting a price on their heads,
as well as on the persons of all who should be brought
alive to him in Mexico. 5 And it was no uncommon
thing for the Spaniards to find hanging up in the temples
of the conquered places the arms and accoutrements of
their unfortunate countrymen who had been seized and
sent to the capital for sacrifice. 6 — Such was the young
monarch who was now called to the tottering throne of
the Aztecs; worthy, by his bold and magnanimous
nature, to sway the sceptre of his country, in the most
flourishing period of her renown ; and now, in her dis-
tress, devoting himself in the true spirit of a patriot
prince, to uphold her falling fortunes, or bravely perish
with them. 7
We must now return to the Spaniards in Tlascala,
5 Herrcra, Hist. General, dec. 2, " Venez, cher rejeton d'une vaillante
lib. 10, cap. 19. race,
Remplir vos defenseurs d'une nou-
6 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- velle audace ;
quista, cap. 134. Venez du diademe a leurs yeux vous
couvrir,
7 One may call to mind the beau- Et perissez du moins en roi, s'il
tiful invocation which Racine has put faut perir."
into the mouth of Joad; Athalie, acte 4, scene 5.
chap, vii.] GUATEMOZIN, EMPEROR OF THE AZTECS. 167
where we left them preparing to resume their march on
Mexico. Their commander had the satisfaction to see his
troops tolerably complete in their appointments ; varying,
indeed, according to the condition of the different rein-
forcements which had arrived from time to time ; but on
the whole, superior to those of the army with which he
had first invaded the country. His whole force fell little
short of six hundred men ; forty of whom were cavalry,
together with eighty arquebusiers and crossbowmen.
The rest were armed with sword and target, and with
the copper-headed pike of Chinantla. He had nine
cannon of a moderate calibre, and was indifferently sup-
plied with powder. 8
As his forces were drawn up in order of march, Cortes
rode through the ranks, exhorting his soldiers, as usual
with him on these occasions, to be true to themselves,
and the enterprise in which they were embarked. He
told them they were to march against rebels, who had
once acknowledged allegiance to the Spanish sovereign ; 9
against barbarians, the enemies of their religion. They
were to fight the battles of the Cross and of the crown ;
to fight their own battles, to wipe away the stain from
their arms, to avenge their injuries, and the loss of the
dear companions who had been butchered on the field or
on the accursed altar of sacrifice. Never was there a
war which offered higher incentives to the Christian
cavalier ; a war which opened to him riches and renown
in this life, and an imperishable glory in that to come. 10
Thus did the politic chief touch all the secret springs
of devotion, honour, and ambition in the bosoms of his
8 Rel. Tercera de Cortes, ap. Lo- ellas sujetas, no solamente se habian
renzana, p. 183. rebelado contra Vuestra Magestad."
Most, if not all, of the authorities, Ibid., ubi supra.
— a thing worthy of note, — concur 10 Rel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lo-
in this estimate of the Spanish renzana., p. 184.
forces. " Porque demas del premio, que
9 " Y como sin causa ninguna todos les davia en el cielo, se les seguirian
los Naturales de Coltia, que son los en esto mundo grandissima honra,
de la gran Ciudad de Temixtitan, y riquezas inestimables." Ixtlilxochitl,
los de todas las otras Provincias a Hist. Chichimeca, MS., cap. 91.
168 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
martial audience, waking the mettle of the most sluggish
before leading him on the perilous emprise. They an-
swered with acclamations, that they were ready to die in
defence of the Faith ; and would either conquer, or leave
their bones with those of their countrymen in the waters
of the Tezcuco.
The army of the allies next passed in review before the
general. It is variously estimated by writers from a
hundred and ten to a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers!
The palpable exaggeration, no less than the discrepancy,
shows that little reliance can be placed on any estimate.
It is certain, however, that it was a multitudinous array,
consisting not only of the flower of the Tlascalan war-
riors, but of those of Cholula, Tepeaca, and the neigh-
bouring territories, which had submitted to the Castilian
crown. 11
They were armed, after the Indian fashion, with bows
and arrows, the glassy macpcahuitl, and the long pike,
which formidable weapon, Cortes, as we have seen, had
introduced among his own troops. They were divided
into battalions, each having its own banner, displaying
the appropriate arms or emblem of its company. The
four great chiefs of the nation marched in the van ; three
of them venerable for their years, and showing, in the
insignia which decorated their persons, the evidence of
many a glorious feat in arms. The panache of many-
coloured plumes floated from their casques, set in eme-
ralds or other precious stones. Their escaupil, or stuffed
doublet of cotton, was covered with the graceful surcoat
of feather- work, and their feet were protected by sandals
embossed with gold. Tour young pages followed, bear-
ing their weapons, and four others supported as many
standards, on which were emblazoned the armorial bear-
ings of the four great divisions of the Republic. 12 The
11 " Cosa muy de ver," says father de Nueva Espana, lib. 12, cap. 30,
Sahagun, without hazarding any pre- MS.
me number, "en la cantidad y en ,2 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
los aparejos que llevaban." Hist. lib. 10, cap. 20.
chap, vii.] MILITARY CODE. 169
Tlascalans, though frugal in the extreme, and rude in
their way of life, were as ambitious of display in their
military attire as any of the races on the plateau. As
they denied before Cortes, they saluted him by waving
their banners and by a flourish of their wild music, which
the general acknowledged by courteously raising his cap
as they passed. 13 The Tlascalan warriors, and especially
the younger Xicotencatl, their commander, affected to
imitate their European masters, not merely in their tac-
tics, but in minuter matters of military etiquette.
Cortes, with the aid of Marina, made a brief address
to his Indian allies. He reminded them that he was
going to fight their battles against their ancient enemies.
He called on them to support him in a manner worthy
of their renowned Republic. To those who remained at
home, he committed the charge of aiding in the comple-
tion of the brigantines, on which the success of the expe-
dition so much depended ; and he requested that none
would follow his banner, who were not prepared to
remain till the final reduction of the capital. 14 This ad-
dress was answered by shouts, or rather yells, of defiance,
showing the exultation felt by his Indian confederates at
the prospect of at last avenging their manifold wrongs,
and humbling their haughty enemy.
Before setting out on the expedition, Cortes published
a code of ordinances, as he terms them, or regulations
for the army, too remarkable to be passed over in silence.
The preamble sets forth that in all institutions, whether
divine or human, — if the latter have any worth, — order
is the great law. The ancient chronicles inform us, that
the greatest captains in past times owed their successes
quite as much to the wisdom of their ordinances, as to
their own valour and virtue. The situation of the
Spaniards eminently demanded such a code ; a mere
handful of men, as they were, in the midst of countless
enemies, most cunning in the management of their
13 Ibid , ubi supra. " Ibid., loc. cit.
170 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
weapons and in the art of war. The instrument then
reminds the army that the conversion of the heathen is
the work most acceptable in the eye of the Almighty,
and one that will be sure to receive his support. It calls
on every soldier to regard this as the prime object of the
expedition, without which the war would be manifestly
unjust, and every acquisition made by it a robbery} 5
The general solemnly protests, that the principal
motive which operates in his own bosom, is the desire to
wean the natives from their gloomy idolatry, and to im-
part to them the knowledge of a purer faith j and next,
to recover for his master, the emperor, the dominions
which of right belong to him. 16
The ordinances then prohibit all blasphemy against
God or the saints; a vice much more frequent among
Catholic than Protestant nations, arising, perhaps, less
from difference of religion, than of physical temperament,
for the warm sun of the South, under which Catholicism
prevails, stimulates the sensibilities to the more violent
expression of passion. 17
Another law is directed against gaming, to which the
Spaniards in all ages have been peculiarly addicted.
Cortes, making allowance for the strong national propen-
15 " Que su principal motive- e in- imperial e real de su Sacra Magestad,
tencion sea apartar y desarraigar le a quien juridicamente el Senorio de
las dichas idolatrias a todos los natu- todas estas partes." Ordenanzas Mili-
rales destas partes y rcducillos 6 a tares, MS.
lo meno desear su salvacion y quo 17 « Ce n'est qu'en Espagne et en
sean reducidos al conocimieuto de italie," says the penetrating histo-
Dios y de su Santa le catolica: rian of the Italian Republics, " qu'on
porque si con otra mtencion se hi- renC0 ntre cette habitude vicieuse,
ciese la dicha guerra sena mjusta _y absolument inconnue aux peuples
todo lo que en ella se oviese Onoloxio pro testans, et qu'il ne faut point con-
e obhgado arestitucion. Ordenanzas {• ondre avec les grossiers juremens
Mibtares, MS. rmc j e p eu pi e en tout pays mele a
16 " E desde ahora protexto en ses discours. Dans tous les acces de
nombre de S. M. que mi principal in- colere des peuples du Midi, ils s'atta-
tencion e motivo es facer esta guerra quent aux objets de leur culte, ils les
e las otras que ficiese por traer y re- menacent, et ils accablent de paroles
ducir a los dichos naturales al dicho outrageantes la Divinite elle-meme,
conocimiento de nuestra Santa Ee e le Redempteur ou ses saints." Sis-
creencia ; y despvies por los sozjugar mondi, Republiques Italicnnes, cap.
6 supeditar debajo yugo e dominio 126.
CHAP. VII
,] MILITARY CODE. 171
sity, authorizes it under certain limitations ; but prohibits
the use of dice altogether. 18 Then follow other laws
against brawls and private combats, against personal
taunts and the irritating sarcasms of rival companies ;
rules for the more perfect discipline of the troops, whether
in camp or the field. Among others is one prohibiting
any captain, under pain of death, from charging the
enemy without orders ; a practice, noticed as most per-
nicious and of too frequent occurrence, — showing the
impetuous spirit and want of true military subordination
in the bold cavaliers who followed the standard of
Cortes.
The last ordinance prohibits any man, officer or pri-
vate, from securing to his own use any of the booty taken
from the enemy, whether it be gold, silver, precious
stones, feather-work, stuffs, slaves, or other commodity,
however or wherever obtained, in the city or in the
field ; and requires him to bring it forthwith to the pre-
sence of the general, or the officer appointed to receive
it. The violation of this law T was punished with death
and confiscation of property. So severe an edict may be
thought to prove, that however much the Conquistador
may have been influenced by spiritual considerations,
he was by no means insensible to those of a temporal
character. 19
18 Lucio Marineo, who witnessed parescerne verdadera la opinion de
all the dire effects of this national aquellos que dizen el infierno estar
propensity at the Castilian court, lleno de jugadores." Cosas Memo-
where he was residing at this time, rabies de Espagna, (ed. Sevilla, 1539,)
breaks out into the following ani- fol. 165.
mated apostrophe against it. "El 19 These regulations are reported
jugador es el que dessea y procura la with much uniformity by Herrera,
muerte de sus padres, el que jura Solis, Clavigero, and other's, but with
falso por Dios y por la vida de su Hey such palpable inaccuracy, that it is
y Senor, el que mata a su anima, y clear they never could have seen the
la echa en el infierno : <j y que no original instrument. The copy in
hara, el jugador q'no averguenca de my possession was taken from the
perder sus dineros, de perder el Munoz collection. As the document,
tiempo, perder el sueilo, perder la though curious and highly interest-
fama, perder la honra, y perder final- ing, has never been published, I have
mente la vida ? Por lo cual como ya given it entire in the Appendix, Part
gran parte de los hombres siempre y II. No. 13.
donde quiera continuamente juegan,
172 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
These provisions were not suffered to remain a dead
letter. The Spanish commander, soon after their pro-
clamation, made an example of two of his own slaves,
whom he hanged for plundering the natives. A similar
sentence was passed on a soldier for the like offence,
though he allowed him to be cut down before the sen-
tence was entirely executed. Cortes knew well the cha-
racter of his followers ; rough and turbulent spirits, who
required to be ruled with an iron hand. Yet he Avas not
eager to assert his authority on light occasions. The
intimacy into which they were thrown by their peculiar
situation, perils, and sufferings, in which all equally
shared, and a common interest in the adventure, induced
a familiarity between men and officers, most unfa void-
able to military discipline. The general's own manners,
frank and liberal, seemed to invite this freedom, which
on ordinary occasions he made no attempt to repress;
perhaps finding it too difficult, or at least impolitic, since
it afforded a safety-valve for the spirits of a licentious
soldiery, that, if violently coerced, might have burst forth
into open mutiny. But the limits of his forbearance
were clearly defined ; and any attempt to overstep them,
or to violate the established regulations of the camp,
brought a sure and speedy punishment on the offender.
By thus tempering severity with indulgence, masking an
iron will under the open bearing of a soldier, — Cortes
established a control over his band of bold and reckless
adventurers, such as a pedantic martinet, scrupulous in
enforcing the minutiae of military etiquette, could never
have obtained.
The ordinances, dated on the twenty-second of De-
cember, were proclaimed to the assembled army on the
twenty-sixth. Two days afterwards, the troops were on
their march, and Cortes, at the head of his battalions,
with colours flying and music playing, issued forth from
the gates of the republican capital, which had so gene-
rously received him in his distress, and which now for
chap, vii.] SPANIARDS CROSS THE SIERRA. 173
the second time, supplied him with the means for con-
summating his great enterprise. The population of the
city, men, women, and children, hung on the rear of the
army, taking a last leave of their countrymen, and im-
ploring the gods to crown their arms with victory.
Notwithstanding the great force mustered by the
Indian confederates, the Spanish general allowed but a
small part of them now to attend him. He proposed to
establish his head-quarters at some place on the Tezcucan
lake, whence he could annoy the Aztec capital, by re-
ducing the surrounding country, cutting off the supplies,
and thus placing the city in a state of blockade. 20
The direct assault on Mexico itself he intended to
postpone, until the arrival of the brigantines should
enable him to make it with the greatest advantage.
Meanwhile, he had no desire to encumber himself with
a superfluous multitude, whom it would be difficult to
feed ; and he preferred to leave them at Tlascala, whence
they might convey the vessels, when completed, to the
camp, and aid him in his future operations.
Three routes presented themselves to Cortes, by which
he might penetrate into the Valley. He chose the most
difficult, traversing the bold sierra which divides the
eastern plateau from the western, and so rough and pre-
cipitous, as to be scarcely practicable for the march of an
army. He wisely judged, that he should be less likely
to experience annoyance from the enemy in this direction,
as they might naturally confide in the difficulties of the
ground for their protection.
The first day the troops advanced five or six leagues,
Cortes riding in the van at the head of his little body of
cavalry. They halted at the village of Tetzmellocan, at
the base of the mountain chain which traverses the
20 Herrera, Hist. General, dee. 2, of Indian allies who followed Cortes,
lib. 10, cap. 20. — Bernal Diaz, Hist. at eighty thousand ; the latter at ten
de la Conquista, cap. 127. The thousand? jQtdensabe?
former historian states the number
174 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
country, touching at its southern limit the mighty Iztac-
cihuatl, or " White Woman," — white with the snows of
ages. 21 At this village they met with a friendly recep-
tion, and on the following morning began the ascent of
the sierra.
The path was steep and exceedingly rough. Thick
matted bushes covered its surface, and the winter tor-
rents had broken it into deep stony channels, hardly
practicable for the passage of artillery, while the strag-
gling branches of the trees flung horizontally across the
road, made it equally difficult for cavalry. The cold, as
they rose higher, became intense. It was keenly felt by
the Spaniards, accustomed of late to a warm, or at least
temperate climate ; though the extreme toil with which
they forced their way upward furnished the best means
of resisting the weather. The only vegetation to be seen
in these higher regions was the pine, dark forests of which
clothed the sides of the mountains, till even these dwindled
into a thin and stunted growth. It was night before the
wayworn soldiers reached the bald crest of the sierra,
where they lost no time in kindling their fires ; and,
huddling round their bivouacs, they warmed their frozen
limbs, and prepared their evening repast.
With the earliest dawn, the troops were again in
motion. Mass was said, and they began their descent,
more difficult and painful than their ascent on the day
preceding; for, in addition to the natural obstacles of
the road, they found it strown with huge pieces of tim-
ber and trees, obviously felled for the purpose by the
natives. Cortes ordered up a body of light troops to
clear away the impediments, and the army again resumed
its march, but with the apprehension that the enemy
21 This mountain, which., with its let. 22.) It rises far above the
neighbour Popocatepetl, forms the limits of perpetual snow in the
great barrier — the Herculis columns tropics, and its huge crest and sides,
— of the Mexican Valley, has been enveloped in its silver drapery, form
fancifully likened, from its long dor- one of the most striking objects in
sal swell, to the back of a dromedary. the magnificent coup d'ceil presented
(Tudor 's Tour in North America, to the inhabitants of the capital.
chap, vxi.] SPANIARDS CROSS THE SIERRA. 175
had prepared an ambuscade, to surprise them when they
should be entangled in the pass. They moved cautiously
forward, straining their vision to pierce the thick gloom
of the forests, where the wily foe might be lurking. But
they saw no living thing, except only the wild inhabitants
of the woods, and flocks of the zopilote, the voracious
vulture of the country, which, in anticipation of a bloody
banquet, hung like a troop of evil spirits on the march
of the army.
As they descended, the Spaniards felt a sensible and
most welcome change in the temperature. The character
of the vegetation changed with it, and the funereal pine,
their only companion of late, gave way to the sturdy
oak, to the sycamore, and lower down, to the graceful
pepper-tree, mingling its red berry with the dark foliage
of the forest; while, in still lower depths the gaudy-
coloured creepers might be seen flinging their gay blos-
soms over the branches, and telling of a softer and more
luxurious climate.
At length, the army emerged on an open level, where
the eye, unobstructed by intervening wood or hill-top,
could range far and wide over the Valley of Mexico.
There it lay bathed in the golden sunshine, stretched
out as it were in slumber, in the arms of the giant hills,
which clustered like a phalanx of guardian genii around
it. The magnificent vision, new to many of the spec-
tators, filled them with rapture. Even the veterans of
Cortes could not withhold their admiration, though this
was soon followed by a bitter feeling, as they recalled
the sufferings which had befallen them within these
beautiful, but treacherous precincts. It made us feel,
says the lion-hearted Conqueror in his Letters, that " we
had no choice but victory or death; — and our minds
once resolved, we moved forward with as light a step as
if we had been going on an errand of certain pleasure." 22
22 " Y prometimos todos de nunca ibamos todos tan alegres, como si
de ella salir, sin Victoria, 6 dejar alii fueramos a cosa de mucho placer."
las vidas. Y con esta determinacion Rel. Terc. ap. Lorenzana, p. 188.
176 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v
As the Spaniards advanced, they beheld the neigh-
bouring hill-tops blazing with beacon-fires, showing that
the country was already alarmed and mustering to
oppose them. The general called on his men to be
mindful of their high reputation ; to move in order,
closing up their ranks, and to obey implicitly the com-
mands of their officers. 23 At every turn among the hills,
they expected to meet the forces of the enemy drawn up
to dispute their passage. And, as they were allowed to
pass the defiles unmolested, and drew near to the open
plains, they were prepared to see them occupied by a
formidable host, who would compel them to fight over
again the battle of Otumba. But, although clouds of
dusky warriors were seen, from time to time, hovering
on the highlands, as if watching their progress, they ex-
perienced no interruption till they reached a barranca,
or deep ravine, through which flowed a little rivej*,
crossed by a bridge partly demolished. On the opposite
side a considerable body of Indians was stationed, as if
to dispute the passage ; but, whether distrusting their
own numbers, or intimidated by the steady advance of
the Spaniards, they offered them no annoyance, and were
quickly dispersed by a few resolute charges of cavalry.
The army then proceeded, without molestation, to a small
town, called Coatepec, where they halted for the night.
Before retiring to his own quarters, Cortes made the
rounds of the camp, with a few trusty folloAvers, to see
that all was safe. 24 He seemed to have an eye that never
slumbered, and a frame incapable of fatigue. It was the
indomitable spirit within, which sustained him. 25
2:i " Y yo tonic a, rogar, y enco- Coatcpequc. . . . E yo con diez de
mondar mucho a, los Espafiolcs, que Caballo comenze la Vela, y Honda de
hicicsscii,coniosicmprcliabianhccho, la prima, y bice, que toda la Gente
y como se csperaba de susPcrsonas; cstubicssc muy apercibida." Ibid.,
y que nadie no se desmandasse, yque pp. 188, 189.
f uessen con mucho concierto, y orden 25 For t ] ie prccc di n g p a g CS) giving
por su Camino." Ibid., ubi supra. the account of the march, besides the
a " E como la Gente de pic venia Letter of Cortes, so often quoted,
algo cansada, y se hacia tarde, dor- sec Gomara, Cronica, cap. 121, —
munos en una Poblacion, que ee" dice Ovicdo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
chap, vii.] ENTER TEZCUCO. 177
Yet he may well have been kept awake through the
watches of the night, by anxiety and doubt. He was
now but three leagues from Tezcuco, the far-famed
capital of the Acolhuans. He proposed to establish his
head-quarters, if possible, at this place. Its numerous
dwellings would afford ample accommodations for his
army. An easy communication with Tlascala, by a dif-
ferent route from that which he had traversed, would
furnish him with the means of readily obtaining supplies
from that friendly country, and for the safe transporta-
tion of the brigantines, when finished, to be launched on
the waters of the Tezcuco. But he had good reason to
distrust the reception he should meet with in the capital;
for an important revolution had taken place there, since
the expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, of which it
will be necessary to give some account.
The reader will remember that the cacique of that
place, named Cacama, was deposed by Cortes, during
his first residence in the Aztec metropolis, in conse-
quence of a projected revolt against the Spaniards, and
that the crown had been placed on the head of a
younger brother, Cuicuitzca. The deposed prince was
among the prisoners carried away by Cortes, and
perished with the others, in the terrible passage of the
causeway, on the noche triste. His brother, afraid, pro-
bably, after the flight of the Spaniards, of continuing
with his own vassals, whose sympathies were altogether
with the Aztecs, accompanied his friends in their retreat,
and was so fortunate as to reach Tlascala in safety.
Meanwhile, a second son of Nezahualpilli, named
Coanaco, claimed the crown, on his elder brother's
death, as his own rightful inheritance. As he heartily
joined his countrymen and the Aztecs in their detestation
of the white men, his claims were sanctioned by the
33, cap. 18, — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de — Ixtlilxochitl,RelaciondelaVenida
la Conquista, cap. 137, — Camargo, de los Espafioles y Principle- de la
Hist, de Tlascala, MS.,— Herrera, Ley Evangelica, (Mexico, 1829,)
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 20, p. 9.
VOL. II. n
178 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
Mexican emperor. Soon after his accession, the new
lord of Tezcnco had an opportunity of showing his
loyalty to his imperial patron in an effectual manner.
A body of forty-five Spaniards, ignorant of the dis-
asters in Mexico, were transporting thither a large quan-
tity of gold, at the very time their countrymen were on
the retreat to Tlascala. As they passed through the
Tezcucan territory, they were attacked by Coanaco's
orders, most of them massacred on the spot, and the
rest sent for sacrifice to Mexico. The arms and accou-
trements of these unfortunate men were hung up as
trophies in the temples, and their skins, stripped from
their dead bodies, were suspended over the bloody
shrines, as the most acceptable offering to the offended
deities. 26
Some months after this event, the exiled prince,
Cuicuitzca, wearied with his residence in Tlascala, and
pining for his former royal state, made his way back
secretly to Tezcuco, hoping, it would seem, to raise a
party there in his favour. But if such were his expecta-
tions, they were sadly disappointed ; for no sooner had
he set foot in the capital, than he was betrayed to his
brother, who, by the advice of Guatemozin, put him to
death, as a traitor to his country. 27 — Such was the pos-
ture of affairs in Tezcuco, when Cortes, for the second
time, approached its gates ; and well might he doubt,
not merely the nature of his reception there, but whether
he would be permitted to enter it at all, without force of
arms.
These apprehensions were dispelled the following
morning, when, before the troops were well under arms,
26 Soe ante, p. 133. these disgusting spoils of their vic-
The skins of those immolated on tims. See Sahagim, Hist, dc Nueva
the sacrificial stone were a common Espafia, passim,
offering in the Indian temples, and
the mad priests celebrated many of 2 ' Rel. Tcrc. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
their festivals by publicly dancing zana, p. 187. — Oviedo, Hist, de las
with their own persons enveloped in ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 19.
.] ENTER TEZCUCO. 179
CHAP. VII
an embassy was announced from the lord of Tezcuco.
It consisted of several nobles, some of whom were known
to the companions of Cortes. They bore a golden flag
in token of amity, and a present of no great value to
Cortes. They brought also a message from the cacique,
imploring the general to spare his territories, inviting
him to take up his quarters in his capital, and pro-
mising on his arrival to become the vassal of the Spanish
sovereign.
Cortes dissembled the satisfaction with which he
listened to these overtures, and sternly demanded of the
envoys an account of the Spaniards who had been mas-
sacred, insisting, at the same time, on the immediate
restitution of the plunder. But the Indian nobles ex-
cused themselves, by throwing the whole blame upon
the Aztec emperor, by whose orders the deed had been
perpetrated, and who now had possession of the treasure.
They urged Cortes not to enter the city that day, but to
pass the night in the suburbs, that their master might
have time to prepare suitable accommodations for him.
The Spanish commander, however, gave no heed to this
suggestion, but pushed forward his march, and, at noon,
on the thirty-first of December, 1523, entered, at the
head of his legions, the venerable walls of Tezcuco, " the
place of rest," as not inaptly denominated. 28
He was struck, as when he before visited this populous
city, with the solitude and silence which reigned through-
out its streets. He was conducted to the palace of
Nezahualpilli, which was assigned as his quarters. It
was an irregular pile of low buildings, covering a wide
extent of ground, like the royal residence occupied by
the troops in Mexico. It was spacious enough to furnish
accommodations, not only for all the Spaniards, says
28 Tezcuco, a Chichemec name, North halted there on their entrance
according to Ixtlilxochitl, signifying into Anahuac. Hist. Chich., MS.,
" place of detention or rest," be- cap. 10.
cause the various tribes from the
n 2
180 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
Cortes, but for twice their number. 29 He gave orders
on his arrival, that all regard should be paid to the
persons and property of the citizens ; and forbade any
Spaniard to leave his quarters under pain of death.
His commands were not effectual to suppress some
excesses of his Indian allies, if the report of the Tezcucan
chronicler be correct, who states that the Tlascalans
burned down one of the royal palaces, soon after their
arrival. It was the depository of the national archives ;
and the conflagration, however it may have occurred,
may well be deplored by the antiquary, who might have
found in its hieroglyphic records some clue to the migra-
tions of the mysterious races which first settled on the
highlands of Anahuac. 30
Alarmed at the apparent desertion of the place, as
well as by the fact that none of its principal inhabitants
came to welcome him, Cortes ordered some soldiers to
ascend the neighbouring teocatti and survey the city.
They soon returned with the report, that the inhabitants
were leaving it in great numbers, with their families and
effects, some in canoes upon the lake, others on foot
towards the mountains. The general now comprehended
the import of the cacique's suggestion, that the Spaniards
should pass the night in the suburbs, — in order to secure
time for evacuating the city. He feared that the chief
himself might have fled. He lost no time in detaching
troops to secure the principal avenues, where they were
to turn back the fugitives, and arrest the cacique, if he
were among the number. But it was too late. Coanaco
was already far on his way across the lake to Mexico.
29 " La qual es tan grande, que de las mayores perdidas que tuvo
aunque fueramos doblados los Espa- esta tierra, porque con esto toda la
fioles, nos pudierauios aposentar bien memoria de sus antiguayas y otras
a placer en ella." Rel. Terc, ap. cosas que eran como Escrituras y
Lorenzana, p. 191. recuerdos perecieron desde este ti-
empo. La obra de las Casas era la
30 " De tal manera que se quema- mejor y la mas artificiosa que hubo
ron todos los Archivos Reales de en esta tierra." Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist,
toda la Nueva Espafia, que fue una Chich., MS., cap. 91.
chap, vii.] PRINCE IXTLILXOCHITL. 181
Cortes now determined to turn this event to his own
account, by placing another ruler on the throne, who
should be more subservient to his interests. He called
a meeting of the few principal persons still remaining in
the city, and by their advice, and ostensible election,
advanced a brother of the late sovereign to the dignity,
which they declared vacant. This prince, who consented
to be baptized, was a willing instrument in the hands of
the Spaniards. He survived but a few months, 31 and
was succeeded by another member of the royal house,
named Ixtlilxochitl, who, indeed, as general of his armies,
may be said to have held the reins of government in his
hands during his brother's lifetime. As this person was
intimately associated with the Spaniards in their sub-
sequent operations, to the success of which he essen-
tially contributed, it is proper to give some account of
his earlier history, which, in truth, is as much enveloped
in the marvellous, as that of any fabulous hero of
antiquity. 32
He was son, by a second queen, of the great Neza-
hualpilli. Some alarming prodigies at his birth, and the
gloomy aspect of the planets, led the astrologers, who
cast his horoscope, to advise the king, his father, to take
31 The historian Ixtlilxochitl pays se debia hacer acerca de las guer-
the following high tribute to the ras." Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los
character of his royal kinsman, whose Esp., pp. 12, 13.
name was Tecocol. Strange that 32 The accession of Tecocol, as,
this name is not to be found — with indeed, his existence, passes un-
the exception of Sahagun's work — noticed by some historians, and by
in any contemporary record ! "Eue others is mentioned in so equivocal
el primero que lo fue en Tezcoco, a manner, — his Indian name being
con harta pena de los Espanoles, omitted, — that it is very doubtful
porque fue nobilisimo y los quiso if any other is intended than his
mucho. Eue D. Eernando Tecocolt- younger brother Ixtlilxochitl. The
zin muy gentil hombre, alto de cu- Tezcucan chronicler, bearing this
erpo y muy bianco, tanto cuanto last melodious name, has alone given
podia ser cualquier Espanol por muy the particulars of his history. I
bianco que fuese, y que mostraba have followed bim, as, from his per-
su persona y termino descender, y sonal connexions, having had access
ser del linage que era. Supo la to the best sources of information ;
lengua Castallana, y asi casi las mas though, it must be confessed, he is
noches despues de haber cenado, far too ready to take things on trust,
trataban el y Cortes de todo lo que to be always the best authority.
182 EXPULSION FROM MEXICO. [book v.
away the infant's life, since, if he lived to grow up, he
was destined to unite with the enemies of his country,
and overturn its institutions and religion. But the old
monarch replied, says the chronicler, that " the time had
arrived when the sons of Quetzalcoatl were to come from
the East to take possession of the land ; and if the
Almighty had selected his child to cooperate with them
in the work, His will be done." 33
As the boy advanced in years, he exhibited a marvel-
lous precocity not merely of talent, but of mischievous
activity, which afforded an alarming prognostic for the
future. When about twelve years old, he formed a little
corps of followers of about his own age, or somewhat
older, with whom he practised the military exercises of
his nation, conducting mimic lights and occasionally
assaulting the peaceful burghers, and throwing the whole
city as well as palace into uproar and confusion. Some
of his father's ancient counsellors, connecting this con-
duct with the predictions at his birth, saw in it such
alarming symptoms, that they repeated the advice of the
astrologers, to take away the prince's life, if the monarch
would not see his kingdom one day given up to anarchy.
This unpleasant advice was reported to the juvenile
offender, who was so much exasperated by it, that he
put himself at the head of a party of his young des-
peradoes, and, entering the houses of the offending coun-
sellors, dragged them forth, and administered to them
the garrote, — the mode in which capital punishment was
inflicted in Tezcuco.
He was seized and brought before his father. When
questioned as to his extraordinary conduct, he coolly
replied, " that he had done no more than he had a right
33 " El respondio, que era por de- sus Antepasados, que haviasc venir
mas ir contra lo determinado por cl nucvas Gentes ;i poseer la Tierra,
Dios Criador de todas las cosas, como eran los Hijos de Quetzalcoatl
pues no sin misterio y secreto juicio que aguardaban se venida de la parte
suyo le daba tal Hijo al tiempo y oriental." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Cliicli.,
quando se acercaban las profecias dc MS., cap. 69.
chap, vii.] PRINCE 1XTLILX0CHITL. 183
to clo. The guilty ministers had deserved their fate, by
endeavouring to alienate his father's affections from him,
for no other reason, than his too great fondness for the
profession of arms, — the most honourable profession in
the state, and the one most worthy of a prince. If they
had suffered death, it was no more than they had intended
for him." The wise Nezahualpilli, says the chronicler,
found much force in these reasons ; and, as he saw
nothing low and sordid in the action, but rather the
ebullition of a daring spirit, which in after life might
lead to great things, he contented himself with bestowing
a grave admonition on the juvenile culprit. 34 Whether
this admonition had any salutary effect on his subsequent
demeanour, we are not informed. It is said, however,
that as he grew older he took an active part in the wars
of his country, and when no more than seventeen had
won for himself the insignia of a valiant and victorious
captain. 35
On his father's death, he disputed the succession with
his elder brother, Cacama. The country was menaced
with a civil war, when the affair was compromised by his
brother's ceding to him that portion of his territories,
which lay among the mountains. On the arrival of the
Spaniards, the young chieftain — for he was scarcely
twenty years of age — made, as we have seen, many
friendly demonstrations towards them, induced, no doubt,
by his hatred of Montezuma, who had supported the
34 " Con que el Rey no supo con Among other anecdotes recorded
que ocacion poderle castigar, porque of the young prince's early develop-
lo parecieron sus razones tan vivas ment is one of his having, when only
y fundadas que su parte no habia three years old, pitched his nurse
necho cosa indebida ni vileza para into a well, as she was drawing
poder ser castigado, mas tan solo water, to punish her for certain im-
una ferocidad de animo ; prondstico proprieties of conduct of which he
de lo mucho que habia de venir a had been witness. But I spare the
saber por las Armas, y asi el Rey reader the recital of these astonishing
dijo, que se fuese a la mano." Ixt- proofs of precocity, as it is very pro-
lilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. bable, his appetite for the marvellous
69. may not keep pace with that of the
35 Ibid., ubi supra. chronicler of Tezcuco.
184 GOMARA. [book v.
pretensions of Cacama. 36 It was not, however, till his
advancement to the lordship of Tezcuco, that he showed
the full extent of his good-will. From that hour, he
became the fast friend of the Christians, supporting them
with his personal authority, and the whole strength of his
military array and resources, which, although much shorn
of their ancient splendour since the days of his father,
were still considerable, and made him a most valuable
ally. His important services have been gratefully com-
memorated by the Castilian historians; and history should
certainly not defraud him of his just meed of glory, — the
melancholy glory of having contributed more than any
other chieftain of Anahuac to rivet the chains of the
white man round the necks of his countrymen.
36 Ante, vol. i. p. 240.
The two pillars on which the story of the Conquest mainly rests, are the
Chronicles of Gomara and of Bemal Diaz, two individuals having as little
resemblance to each other as the courtly and cultivated churchman has to
the unlettered soldier.
The first of these, Francisco Lopez de Gomara, was a native of Seville.
On the return of Cortes to Spain after the Conquest, Gomara became his
chaplain; and on his patron's death continued in the service of his son, the
second Marquess of the Valley. It was then that he wrote his Chronicle ;
and the circumstances under which it was produced might lead one to con-
jecture, that the narrative would not be conducted on the strict principles of
historic impartiality. Nor would such a conjecture be without foundation.
The history of the Conquest is necessarily that of the great man who
achieved it. But Gomara has thrown his hero's character into so bold
relief, that it has entirely overshadowed that of his brave companions in
arms ; and, while he has tenderly drawn the veil over the infirmities of his
favourite, he is ever studious to display his exploits in the full blaze of
panegyric. His situation may in some degree excuse his partiality. But it
did not vindicate him in tire eyes of the honest Las Casas, who seldom con-
cludes a chapter of his own narrative of the Conquest without administering
a wholesome castigatiou to Gomara. He even goes so far as to tax the
chaplain with " downright falsehood," assuring us, " that he had neither
eyes nor ears but for what his patron chose to dictate to him." That this
is not literally true is evident from the fact, that the narrative was not
written till several years after the death of Cortes. Indeed, Gomara derived
his information from the highest sources ; not merely from his patron's
family, but also from the most distinguished actors in the great drama, with
whom his position in society placed him in intimate communication.
The materials thus obtained he arranged with a symmetry little under-
stood by the chroniclers of the time. Instead of their rambling incoherencies,
chap, vii.] BERNAL DIAZ. 185
his style displays an elegant brevity ; it is as clear as it is concise. If the
facts are somewhat too thickly crowded on the reader, and occupy the mind
too busily for reflection, they at least all tend to a determinate point, and
the story, instead of dragging its slow length along till our patience and
interest are exhausted, steadily maintains its onward march. In short,
the execution of the work is not only superior to that of most contemporary
narratives, but, to a certain extent, may aspire to the rank of a classical
composition.
Owing to these circumstances, Gomara's history soon obtained general
circulation and celebrity ; and, while many a letter of Cortes himself, and
the more elaborate compositions of Oviedo and Las Casas, were suffered to
slumber in manuscript, Gomara's writings were printed and reprinted in his
own day, and translated into various languages of Europe. The first
edition of the Cronica de la Nueva Espana appeared at Medina, in 1553 ; it
was republished at Antwerp the following year. It has since been incor-
porated in Barcia's collection, and lastly, in 1826, made its appearance in
America from the Mexican press. The circumstances attending this last
edition are curious. The Mexican government appropriated a small sum to
defray the expense of translating what was supposed to be an original
chronicle of Chimalpain, an Indian writer who lived at the close of the
sixteenth century. The care of the translation was committed to the
laborious Bustamante. But this scholar had not proceeded far in his
labour, when he ascertained that the supposed original was itself an Aztec
translation of Gomara's Chronicle. He persevered, however, in his editorial
labours, until he had given to the public an American edition of Gomara.
It is a fact more remarkable, that the editor in his different compilations
constantly refers to this same work as the Chronicle of Chimalpain.
The other authority to which I have adverted is Bernal Diaz del Castillo,
a native of Medina del Campo in Old Castile. He was born of a poor and
humble family, and in 1514 came over to seek his fortunes in the New
World. He embarked as a common soldier under Cordova in the first
expedition to Yucatan. He accompanied Grijalva, in the following year, to
the same quarter ; and finally enlisted under the banner of Cortes. He
followed this victorious chief in his first march up the great plateau ';
descended with him to make the assault on Narvaez ; shared the disasters
of the noche triste ; and was present at the siege and surrender of the
capital. In short, there was scarcely an event or an action of importance
in the whole war in which he did not bear a part. He was engaged in a
hundred and nineteen different battles and rencontres, in several of which he
was wounded, and in more than one narrowly escaped falling into the enemy's
hands. In all these Bernal Diaz displayed the old Castilian valour, and a
loyalty which made him proof against the mutinous spirit that too often
disturbed the harmony of the camp. On every occasion he was found true
to his commander and to the cause in which be was embarked. And his
fidelity is attested not only by his own report, but by the emphatic com-
mendations of his general ; who selected him on this account for offices of
trust and responsibility, which furnished the future chronicler with access to
the best means of information in respect to the Conquest.
On the settlement of the country, Bernal Diaz received his share of the
repartimientos of land and labourers. But the arrangement was not to his
satisfaction ; and he loudly murmurs at the selfishness of his commander,
too much engrossed by the care for his own emoluments to think of his
followers. The division of spoil is usually an unthankful office. Diaz had
been too long used to a life of adventure to be content with one of torpid
security. He took part in several expeditions conducted by the captains of
Cortes, and he accompanied that chief in his terrible passage through the
186 BERNAL DIAZ. [book v.
forests of Honduras. At length, in 156S, we find the veteran established
as regidor of the city of Guatemala, peacefully employed in recounting the
valorous achievements of his youth. It was then nearly half a century after
the Conquest. He had survived his general and nearly all his ancient com-
panions in arms. Five only remained of that gallant band who had accom-
panied Cortes on his expedition from Cuba ; and those five, to borrow the
words of the old chronicler, were " poor, aged, and infirm, with children and
grandchildren looking to them for support, but with scarcely the means of
affording it, — ending their days, as they had begun them, in toil and trouble."
Such was the fate of the conquerors of golden Mexico.
The motives which induced Bernal Diaz to take up his pen at so late a
period of life, were to vindicate for himself and his comrades that share of
renown in the Conquest which fairly belonged to them. Of this they had
been deprived, as he conceived, by the exaggerated reputation of their
general; owing, no doubt, in part, to the influence of Gomara's writings.
It was not, however, till he had advanced beyond the threshold of his own
work, that Diaz met with that of the chaplain. The contrast presented by
his own homely diction to the clear and polished style of his predecessor
filled him with so much disgust, that he threw down his pen in despair. But,
when he had read further, and saw the gross inaccuracies and what he
deemed disregard of truth in his rival, he resumed his labours, determined
to exhibit to the world a narrative which should, at least, have the merit of
fidelity. Such was the origin of the Ilistoria Verdadera de la Conquista de
la Nueva JSspana.
The chronicler may be allowed to have succeeded in his object. In
reading his pages we feel that, whatever are the errors into which he has
fallen from oblivion of ancient transactions, or from unconscious vanity, — of
which he had full measure, — or from credulity, or any other cause, there is
nowhere a wilful perversion of truth. Had he attempted it, indeed, his very
simplicity would have betrayed him. Even in relation to Cortes, while he
endeavours to adjust the true balance between his pretensions and those of
his followers, and while he freely exposes his cunning or cupidity, and
sometimes his cruelty, he does ample justice to his great and heroic
qualities. With all his defects, it is clear that he considers his own chief as
superior to any other of ancient or modern times. In the heat of remon-
strance, he is ever ready to testify his loyalty and personal attachment.
When calumnies assail his commander, or he experiences unmerited slight or
indignity, the loyal chronicler is prompt to step forward and shield him. In
short, it is evident that, however much he may at times censure Cortes, he
will allow no one else to do it.
Bernal Diaz, the untutored child of nature, is a most true and literal
copyist of nature. He transfers the scenes of real life by a sort of
daguerreotype process, if I may so say, to his pages. He is among
chroniclers what De Foe is among novelists. He introduces us into the
heart of the camp, we huddle round the bivouac with the soldiers, loiter
with them on their wearisome marches, listen to their stories, their murmurs
of discontent, their plans of conquest, their hopes, their triumphs, their dis-
appointments. All the picturesque scenes and romantic incidents of the
campaign are reflected in his page as in a mirror. The lapse of fifty years
has had no power over the spirit of the veteran. The fire of youth glows in
every line of his rude history ; and, as he calls up the scenes of the past, the
remembrance of the brave companions who are gone gives, it may be, a
warmer colouring to the picture than if it had been made at an earlier
period. Time, and reflection, and the apprehensions for the future, which
might steal over the evening of life, have no power over the settled opinions
of his earlier days. He has no misgivings as to the right of conquest, or as
to the justice of the severities inflicted on the natives. He is still the
CHAP. VII
,] BERNAL DIAZ. 187
soldier of the Cross , and those who fell by his side in the fight were
martyrs for the Faith. " Where are now my companions ?" he asks ;
" they have fallen in battle, or been devoured by the cannibal, or been
thrown to fatten the wild beasts in their cages ! they whose remains should
rather have been gathered under monuments emblazoned with their achieve-
ments, which deserve to be commemorated in letters of gold ; for they died
in the service of God and of his Majesty, and to give light to those who sat
in darkness, — and also to acquire that wealth which most men covet." The
last motive — thus tardily and incidentally expressed — may be thought by
some to furnish a better key than either of the preceding to the conduct of
the Conquerors. It is, at all events, a specimen of that naivete which gives
an irresistible charm to the old chronicler ; and which, in spite of himself,
unlocks his bosom, as it were, and lays it open to the eye of the reader.
It may seem extraordinary that, after so long an interval, the incidents
of his campaigns should have been so freshly remembered. But we must
consider that they were of the most strange and romantic character, well
fitted to make an impression on a young and susceptible imagination. They
had probably been rehearsed by the veteran again and again to his family and
friends, until every passage of the war was as familiar to his mind as the
" tale of Troy" to the Greek rhapsodist, or the interminable adventures of
Sir Lancelot or Sir Gawain to the Norman minstrel. The throwing of his
narrative into the form of chronicle was but repeating it once more.
The literary merits of the work are of a very humble order ; as might be
expected from the condition of the writer. He has not even the art to
conceal his own vulgar vanity, which breaks out with a truly comic osten-
tation in every page of the narrative. And yet we should have charity for
this, when we find that it is attended with no disposition to depreciate
the merits of others, and that its display may be referred in part to the
singular simplicity of the man. He honestly confesses his infirmity, though,
indeed, to excuse it. " When my chronicle was finished," he says, " I sub-
mitted it to two licentiates, who were desirous of reading the story, and for
whom I felt all the respect which an ignorant man naturally feels for a
scholar. I besought them, at the same time, to make no change or
correction in the manuscript, as all there was set down in good faith.
When they had read the work, they much commended me for my wonderful
memory. The language, they said, was good old Castilian, without any
of the flourishes and finicalities so much affected by our fine writers. But
they remarked, that it would have been as well, if I had not praised myself
and my comrades so liberally, but had left that to others To this
I answered, that it was common for neighbours and kindred to speak
kindly of one another ; and, if we did not speak well of ourselves, who
would ? Who else witnessed our exploits and our battles, — unless, indeed,
the clouds in the sky, and the birds that were flying over our heads ?"
Notwithstanding the liberal encomiums passed by the licentiates on our
author's style, it is of a very homely texture ; abounding in colloquial
barbarisms, and seasoned occasionally by the piquant sallies of the camp.
It has the merit, however, of clearly conveying the writer's thoughts, and is
well suited to their simple character. His narrative is put together with
even less skill than is usual among his craft, and abounds in digressions and
repetitions, such as vulgar gossips are apt to use in telling their stories.
But it is superfluous to criticise a work by the rules of art, which was
written manifestly in total ignorance of those rules ; and which, however
we may criticise it, will be read and re-read by the scholar and the schoolboy,
while the compositions of more classic chroniclers sleep undisturbed on their
shelves.
In what, then, lies the charm of the work ? In that spirit of truth which
pervades it ; which shows us situations as they were, and sentiments as
188 BERNAL DIAZ.
BOOK V.
they really existed ju the heart of the writer. It is this which imparts
a living interest to his story ; and which is more frequently found in the
productions of the untutored penman solely intent upon facts, than in
those of the ripe and fastidious scholar occupied with the mode of expressing
them.
It was by a mere chance that this inimitable chronicle was rescued from
the oblivion into which so many works of higher pretensions have fallen
in the Peninsula. For more than sixty years after its composition, the
manuscript lay concealed in the obscurity of a private library, when it
was put into the hands of Father Alonso Remon, Chronicler General of the
Order of Mercy. He had the sagacity to discover, under its rude exterior,
its high value in illustrating the history of the Conquest. He obtained
a license for the publication of the work, and under his auspices it
appeared at Madrid in 1632, — the edition used in the preparation of these
volumes.
BOOK SIXTH.
SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO.
BOOK VI.
SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
Arrangements at Tezcuco. — Sack of Iztapalapan. — Advantages of the
Spaniards. — Wise Policy of Cortes. — Transportation of the Bngantines.
1521.
The city of Tezcuco was the best position, probably,
which Cortes could have chosen for the head-quarters of
the army. It supplied all the accommodations for lodg-
ing a numerous body of troops, and all the facilities for
subsistence, incident to a large and populous town. 1 It
furnished, moreover, a multitude of artisans and labourers
for the uses of the army. Its territories, bordering on
the Tlascalan, afforded a ready means of intercourse with
the country of his allies, while its vicinity to Mexico
enabled the general, without much difficulty, to ascertain
the movements in that capital. Its central situation, in
short, opened facilities for communication with all parts
of the Valley, and made it an excellent point d'appui for
his future operations.
The first care of Cortes was to strengthen himself in
1 " Asi mismo hizo juntar todos a la Ciudad de Tezcuco el Maiz que
los bastimentos que fueron necesa- habia en las Troxes y Graneros de
rios para sustentar el Exercito y las Provincias sugetas al Reyno de
Guarniciones de Gente que andaban Tezcuco." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chicli.,
en favor de Cortes, y asi hizo traer MS., cap. 91.
192 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
the palace assigned to him, and to place his quarters in
a state of defence, which might secure them against
surprise, not only from the Mexicans, but from the
Tezcucans themselves. Since the election of their new
ruler, a large part of the population had returned to their
homes, assured of protection in person and property.
But the Spanish general, notwithstanding their show of
submission, very much distrusted its sincerity; for he
knew that many of them were united too intimately with
the Aztecs, by marriage and other social relations, not to
have their sympathies engaged in their behalf. 2 The
young monarch, however, seemed wholly in his interest ;
and, to secure him more effectually, Cortes placed several
Spaniards near his person, whose ostensible province it
was to instruct him in their language and religion, but
who were in reality to watch over his conduct, and pre-
vent his correspondence with those who might be un-
friendly to the Spanish interests. 3
Tezcuco stood about half a league from the lake. It
would be necessary to open a communication with it, so
that the brigantines, when put together in the capital,
might be launched upon its waters. It was proposed,
therefore, to dig a canal, reaching from the gardens of
Nezahualcoyotl, as they were called from the old monarch
who planned them, to the edge of the basin. A little
stream or rivulet, which flowed in that direction, was
to be deepened sufficiently for the purpose ; and eight
thousand Indian labourers were forthwith employed
on this great work, under the direction of the young
Ixtlilxochitl. 4
Meanwhile Cortes received messages from several
places in the neighbourhood, intimating their desire to
2 " No era de espantar que tuviese todos." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
este recelo, porque sus Enemigos, y MS., cap. 92.
los de esta Ciudad eran todos Deudos 3 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
y Parientes mas cercanos, mas des- quista, cap. 137.
pues el tiempo lo desengailo, y vido 4 Ibid., ubi supra. — Ixtlilxochitl,
la gran lealtad de Ixtlilxochitl, y de Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 91.
chap, i.] ARRANGEMENTS AT TEZCUCO. 193
become the vassals of his sovereign, and to be taken
under his protection. The Spanish commander required,
in return, that they should deliver up every Mexican who
should set foot in their territories. Some noble Aztecs,
who had been sent on a mission to these towns, were
consequently delivered into his hands. He availed him-
self of it to employ them as bearers of a message to their
master, the emperor. In it he deprecated the necessity
of the present hostilities. Those who had most injured
him, he said, were no longer among the living. He was
willing to forget the past ; and invited the Mexicans, by
a timely submission, to save their capital from the horrors
of a siege. 5 Cortes had no expectation of producing any
immediate result by this appeal. But he thought it
might lie in the minds of the Mexicans, and that, if
there was a party among them disposed to treat with
him, it might afford them encouragement, as showing
his own willingness to cooperate with their views. At
this time, however, there was no division of opinion in
the capital. The whole population seemed animated by
a spirit of resistance, as one man.
In a former page I have mentioned that it was the
plan of Cortes, on entering the Valley, to commence
operations by reducing the subordinate cities before
striking at the capital itself, which, like some goodly
tree, whose roots had been severed one after another,
would be thus left without support against the fury of
the tempest. The first point of attack which he selected
was the ancient city of Iztapalapan ; a place containing
fifty thousand inhabitants, according to his own account,
and situated about six leagues distant, on the narrow
tongue of land which divides the waters of the great salt
lake from those of the fresh. It was the private domain
of the last sovereign of Mexico ; where, as the reader may
_ 5 "Los principales, que habian dar causa a que destruyesse sus
sido en hacerme la Guerra pasada, Tierras, y Ciudades, porque me pe-
eran ya muertos ; y que lo pasado saba mucho do ello." Rel. Terc. de
fuesse pasado, y que no quisiessen Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 193.
VOL. II. O
194 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
remember, he entertained the white men the night before
their entrance into the capital, and astonished them by
the display of his princely gardens. To this monarch
they owed no good-will, for he had conducted the opera-
tions on the noclie triste. He was, indeed, no more ;
bnt the people of his city entered heartily into his hatred
of the strangers, and were now the most loyal vassals of
the Mexican crown.
In a week after his arrival at his new quarters, Cor-
tes, leaving the command of the garrison to Sandoval,
marched against this Indian city, at the head of two
hundred Spanish foot, eighteen horse, and between three
and four thousand Tlascalans. Their route lay along the
eastern border of the lake, gemmed with many a bright
town and hamlet, or, unlike its condition at the present
day, darkened with overhanging groves of cypress and
cedar, and occasionally opening a broad expanse to their
view, with the Queen of the Valley rising gloriously from
the waters, as if proudly conscious of her supremacy over
the fair cities around her. Further on, the eye ranged
along the dark line of causeway connecting Mexico with
the main land, and suggesting many a bitter recollection
to the Spaniards.
They quickened their step, and had advanced within
two leagues of their point of destination, when they were
encountered by a strong Aztec force, drawn up to dis-
pute their progress. Cortes instantly gave them battle.
The barbarians showed their usual courage ; but, after
some hard fighting, were compelled to give way before
the steady valour of the Spanish infantry, backed by the
desperate fury of the Tlascalans, whom the sight of an
Aztec seemed to inflame almost to madness. The enemy
retreated in disorder, closely followed by the Spaniards.
When they had arrived within half a league of Iztapa-
lapan, they observed a number of canoes filled with
Indians, who appeared to be labouring on the mole
which hemmed in the waters of the salt lake. Swept
chap, i.] SACK OF 1ZTAPALAPAN. 195
along in the tide of pursuit, they gave little heed to it,
but, following up the chase, entered pell-mell with the
fugitives into the city.
The houses stood some of them on dry ground, some
on piles in the water. The former were deserted by the
inhabitants, most of whom had escaped in canoes across
the lake, leaving, in their haste, their effects behind them.
The Tlascalans poured at once into the vacant dwellings
and loaded themselves with booty ; while the enemy,
making the best of their way through this part of the
town, sought shelter in the buildings erected over the
water, or among the reeds which sprung from its shallow
bottom. In the houses were many of the citizens also,
who still lingered with their wives and children, unable
to find the means of transporting themselves from the
scene of danger.
Cortes, supported by his own men, and by such of the
allies as could be brought to obey his orders, attacked
the enemy in this last place of their retreat. Both parties
fought up to their girdles in the water. A desperate
struggle ensued, as the Aztec fought with the fury of a
tiger driven to bay by the huntsmen. It was all in vain.
The enemy was overpowered in every quarter. The
citizen shared the fate of the soldier, and a pitiless mas-
sacre succeeded, without regard to sex or age. Cortes
endeavoured to stop it. But it would have been as easy
to call away the starving wolf from the carcass he was
devouring, as the Tlascalan who had once tasted the
blood of an enemy. More than six thousand, including
women and children, according to the Conqueror's own
statement, perished in the conflict. 6
Darkness meanwhile had set in ; but it was dispelled
in some measure by the light of the burning houses,
which the troops had set on fire in different parts of the
6 " Murieron de ellos mas de seis que Dios nos daba, no entendian en
mil animas, entre Hombres, y Mu- otra cosa, sino en matar a diestro y
geres, y Ninos; porque los Indios a siniestro." Ibid., p. 195.
nuestros Amigos, vista la Victoria,
o 2
106 SIEOE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book VI.
town. Their insulated position, it is true, prevented the
flames from spreading from one building to another, but
the solitary masses threw a strong and lurid glare over
their own neighbourhood, which gave additional horror to
the scene. As resistance was now at an end, the soldiers
abandoned themselves to pillage, and soon stripped the
dwellings of every portable article of any value.
While engaged in this w^ork of devastation, a murmur-
ing sound was heard as of the hoarse rippling of waters,
and a cry soon arose among the Indians that the dikes
were broken ! Cortes now comprehended the business
of the men whom he had seen in the canoes at work on
the mole which fenced in the great basin of Lake Tez-
cuco. 7 It had been pierced by the desperate Indians,
who thus laid the country under an inundation, by suf-
fering the waters of the salt lake to spread themselves
over the lower level, through the opening. Greatly
alarmed, the general called his men together, and made
all haste to evacuate the city. Had they remained three
hours longer, he says, not a soul could have escaped. 8
They came staggering under the weight of booty, w r ading
with difficulty through the water, which was fast gaining
upon them. For some distance, their path was illumined
by the glare of the burning buildings. But, as the light
faded away in distance, they wandered with uncertain
steps, sometimes up to their knees, at others up to their
waists, in the water, through which they floundered on
with the greatest difficulty. As they reached the opening
in the dike, the stream became deeper, and flowed out
with such a current that the men were unable to main-
tain their footing. The Spaniards, breasting the flood,
forced their way through; but many of the Indians,
7 " Estandolas qucinando, parccio tad, que si aquclla noche no pasara-
que Nuestro Sefior me inspird, y mos el Agua, 6 aguardaranios tres
trujo a. la memoria la Calzada, 6 horas mas, que ninguno de nosotros
Presa, que habia visto rota en el escapara, porque quedabamos cerca-
Camino, y reprcscntdseine el gran dosae Agua, sin toner paso por parte
dano, que era." Ibid., Ion. cit. ninguna." Ibid., ubi supra.
8 " Y ccrtifico a Vucstra Mages-
chap. I.] SACK OF IZTAPALAPAN. 197
unable to swim, were borne down by the waters. All the
plunder was lost. The powder was spoiled ; the arms
and clothes of the soldiers were saturated with the brine,
and the cold night wind, as it blew over them, benumbed
their weary limbs till they could scarcely drag them along.
At dawn they beheld the lake swarming with canoes, full
of Indians, who had anticipated their disaster, and who
now saluted them with showers of stones, arrows, and
other deadly missiles. Bodies of light troops, hovering
in the distance, disquieted the flanks of the army in like
manner. The Spaniards had no desire to close with the
enemy. They only wished to regain their comfortable
quarters in Tezcuco, where they arrived on the same
day, more disconsolate and fatigued than after many a
long inarch and hard-fought battle. 9
The close of the expedition, so different from its bril-
liant commencement, greatly disappointed Cortes. His
numerical loss had, indeed, not been great ; but this
affair convinced him how much he had to apprehend
from the resolution of a people, who, with a spirit worthy
of the ancient Hollanders, were prepared to bury their
country under water rather than to submit. Still, the
enemy had little cause for congratulation ; since, inde-
pendently of the number of slain, they had seen one of
their most flourishing cities sacked, and in part, at least,
laid in ruins, — one of those, too, which in its public works
displayed the nearest approach to civilization. Such are
the triumphs of war I
The expedition of Cortes, notwithstanding the disasters
which chequered it, was favourable to the Spanish cause.
The fate of Iztapalapan struck a terror throughout the
Valley. The consequences were soon apparent in the
deputations sent by the different places eager to offer
9 The general's own Letter to the cap. 138— Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind.,
emperor is so full and precise, that MS., lib. 33, cap. 18.— Ixtlilxocliitl,
it is the very best authority for this Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 92.— Herrera
event. The story is told also by Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 2,
Berual Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, et auct. aliis.
198 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
their submission. Its influence was visible, indeed,
beyond the mountains. Among others, the people of
Otumba, the town near which the Spaniards had gained
their famous victory, sent to tender their allegiance, and
to request the protection of the powerful strangers.
They excused themselves, as usual, for the part they
had taken in the late hostilities, by throwing the blame
on the Aztecs.
But the place of most importance which thus claimed
their protection, was Chalco, situated on the eastern ex-
tremity of the lake of that name. It was an ancient
city, peopled by a kindred tribe of the Aztecs, and once
their formidable rival. The Mexican emperor, distrusting
their loyalty, had placed a garrison within their walls to
hold them in check. The rulers of the city now sent a
message secretly to Cortes, proposing to put themselves
under his protection, if he would enable them to expel
the garrison.
The Spanish commander did not hesitate ; but in-
stantly detached a considerable force under Sandoval
for this object. On the march his rearguard, composed
of Tlascalans, was roughly handled by some light troops
of the Mexicans. But he took his revenge in a pitched
battle, which took place with the main body of the
enemy at no great distance from Chalco. They were
drawn up on a level ground, covered with green crops of
maize and maguey. The field is traversed by the road
which at this day leads from the last-mentioned city to
Tezcuco. 10 Sandoval, charging the enemy at the head of
his cavalry, threw them into disorder. But they quickly
rallied, formed again, and renewed the battle with greater
spirit than ever. In a second attempt he was more for-
tunate ; and, breaking through their lines by a desperate
onset, the brave cavalier succeeded, after a warm, but
ineffectual, struggle on their part, in completely routing
and driving them from the field. The conquering army
10 Lorenzana, p. 199, nota.
chap, i.] SACK OF IZTAPALAPAN. 199
continued its march to Chalco, which the Mexican gar-
rison had already evacuated, and was received in triumph
by the assembled citizens, who seemed eager to testify
their gratitude for their deliverance from the Aztec yoke.
After taking such measures as he could for the permanent
security of the place, Sandoval returned to Tezcuco, ac-
companied by the two young lords of the city, sons of
the late cacique.
They were courteously received by Cortes ; and they
informed him that their father had died full of years, a
short time before. With his last breath he had expressed
his regret that he should not have lived to see Malintzin.
He believed that the white men were the beings predicted
by the oracles, as one day to come from the East and
take possession of the land; 11 and he enjoined it on his
children, should the strangers return to the Valley, to
render them their homage and allegiance. The young
caciques expressed their readiness to do so ■ but, as this
must bring on them the vengeance of the Aztecs, they
implored the general to furnish a sufficient force for their
protection. 12
Cortes received a similar application from various other
towns, which were disposed, could they do so with safety,
to throw off the Mexican yoke. But he was in no situ-
ation to comply with their request. He now felt, more
sensibly than ever, the incompetency of his means to his
undertaking. " I assure your Majesty," he writes in his
letter to the emperor, " the greatest uneasiness which I
feel after all my labours and fatigues, is from my inability
to succour and support our Indian friends, your Majesty's
loyal vassals." 13 Ear from having a force competent to
11 « Porque ciertamente sus ante- 12 Ibid., ubi supra. — Eel. Terc. de
passados les auian dicho, que auian Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 200. —
de senorear aquellas tierras hombres Gornara, Cronica, cap. 122. — Venida
que vernian con barbas de hazia de los Esp., p. 15.
donde sale el Sol, y que por las cosas 13 " Y certifico a Vuestra Mages-
que han visto, eramos nosotros." tad, allende de nuestro trabajo y ne-
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cesidad, la mayor fatiga, que tenia,
cap. 139. era no poder ayudar, y socorrer a los
200 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
this, he had scarcely enough for his own protection. His
vigilant enemy had an eye on all his movements, and,
should he cripple his strength by sending away too many
detachments, or by employing them at too great a dis-
tance, would be prompt to take advantage of it. His
only expeditions, hitherto, had been in the neighbour-
hood, where the troops, after striking some sudden and
decisive blow, might speedily regain their quarters. The
utmost watchfulness was maintained there, and the
Spaniards lived in as constant preparation for an assault,
as if their camp was pitched under the walls of Mexico.
On two occasions the enemy had sallied forth and
engaged the enemy in the environs of Tezcuco. At one
time a thousand canoes, filled with Aztecs, crossed the
lake to gather in a large crop of Indian corn nearly ripe,
on its borders. Cortes thought it important to secure
this for himself. He accordingly marched out and gave
battle to the enemy, drove them from the field, and
swept away the rich harvest to the granaries of Tezcuco.
Another time a strong body of Mexicans had established
themselves in some neighbouring towns friendly to their
interests. Cortes, again sallying, dislodged them from
their quarters, beat them in several skirmishes, and re-
duced the places to obedience. But these enterprises
demanded all his resources, and left him nothing to
spare for his allies. In this exigency, his fruitful genius
suggested an expedient for supplying the deficiency of
his means.
Some of the friendly cities without the Valley, observ-
ing the numerous beacon-fires on the mountains, inferred
that the Mexicans were mustering in great strength, and
that the Spaniards must be hard pressed in their new
quarters. They sent messengers to Tezcuco, expressing
their apprehension, and offering reinforcements, which
Inclios nucstros Amigos, que por ser Culiia." Rcl. Tcrc, ap. Lorcnzana,
Vasallos de Vu'cstra Magestad, eras p. 204.
molcstados y trabajados dc los do
chap, i.] WISE POLICY OF CORTES. 201
the general, when he set out on his march, had declined.
He returned many thanks for the proffered aid; but,
while he declined it for himself as unnecessary, he indi-
cated in what manner their services might be effectual
for the defence of Chalco and the other places which had
invoked his protection. But his Indian allies were in
deadly feud with these places, whose inhabitants had too
often fought under the Aztec banner not to have been
engaged in repeated wars with the people beyond the
mountains.
Cortes set himself earnestly to reconcile these differ-
ences. He told the hostile parties that they should be
willing to forget their mutual wrongs, since they had
entered into new relations. They were now vassals of
the same sovereign, engaged in a common enterprise
against the formidable foe who had so long trodden them
in the dust. Singly they could do little, but united they
might protect each other's weakness, and hold their
enemy at bay till the Spaniards could come to their
assistance. These arguments finally prevailed ; and the
politic general had the satisfaction to see the high-spirited
and hostile tribes forego their long-cherished rivalry, and,
resigning the pleasures of revenge, so dear to the bar-
barian, embrace one another as friends and champions
in a common cause. To this wise policy the Spanish
commander owed quite as much of his subsequent suc-
cesses, as to his arms. 14
Thus the foundations of the Mexican empire were
hourly loosening, as the great vassals around the capital,
on whom it most relied, fell off one after another from
their allegiance. The Aztecs, properly so called, formed
but a small part of the population of the Valley. This
was principally composed of cognate tribes, members of
the same great family of the Nahuatlacs, who had come
upon the plateau at nearly the same time. They were
14 Ibid., pp. 204, 205.— Ovicdo, Hist, de las Ind.,MS. 3 lib. 33, cap. 19.
202 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vr.
mutual rivals, and were reduced one after another by the
more warlike Mexican, who held them in subjection,
often by open force, always by fear. Fear was the great
principle of cohesion which bound together the discordant
members of the monarchy, and this was now fast dis-
solving before the influence of a power more mighty than
that of the Aztec. This, it is true, was not the first time
that the conquered races had attempted to recover their
independence ; but all such attempts had failed for want
of concert. It was reserved for the commanding genius
of Cortes to extinguish their old hereditary feuds, and,
combining their scattered energies, to animate them with
a common principle of action. 15
Encouraged by this state of things, the Spanish general
thought it a favourable moment to press his negotiations
with the capital. He availed himself of the presence of
some noble Mexicans, taken in the late action with San-
doval, to send another message to their master. It was
in substance a repetition of the first, with a renewed
assurance, that, if the city would return to its allegiance
to the Spanish crown, the authority of Guatemozin should
be confirmed, and the persons and property of his sub-
jects be respected. To this communication no reply was
15 Oviedo, in his admiration of his de caballeria Julio Cesar dictador,
hero, breaks out in the following pa- como parece por sus comentarios, e
negyric on his policy, prudence, and por Suetonio e Plutarco e otros au-
military science, which, as he truly tores que en conformidad escrivieron
predicts, must make his name im- los grandes hechos suyos. Pero los
mortal. It is a fair specimen of de Hernando Cortes en un Mundo
the manner of the sagacious old nuevo, e tan apart adas provincias dc
chronicler. Europa, e con tantos trabajos e ne-
" Sin dubda alguna la habilidad y cesidacles e pocas fuerzas, e con
esfuerzo, e prudencia de Hernando gente tan innumerable, e tan barbara
Cortes mui aignas son que cntrc los e bcllicosa, e apacentada en carne
cavalleros, e gente militar en nucs- humana, e aun habida por excelentc
tros tiempos se tcngan en mucha cs- e sabroso manjar entro sus adversa
timacion, y en los venideros nunca rios; efaltandole a el 6 asusmilitcs
se dcsacucrdcn. Por causa suya me el pan e vino e los otros mantcni-
acuerdo muchas veecs de aqucllas co- mientos todos de Espaiia, y en tan
sas qucseescriven dclcapitanViriato diferenciadas regioncs e aires 6 tan
nuestro Espafiol y Estremefio ; y por dosviado e lejos de socorro e dc su
Hernando Cortes me ocurren al senti- principe, cosas son de admiracion."
do las muchas fatigas de aquel esprjo Hist, dc las Iiid., MS., lib. 33, cap. 20.
•]
WISE POLICY OF CORTES.
203
made. The young Indian emperor had a spirit as daunt-
less as that of Cortes himself. On his head descended
the full effects of that vicious system of government
bequeathed to him by his ancestors. But, as he saw his
empire crumbling beneath him, he sought to uphold it
by his own energy and resources. He anticipated the
defection of some vassals by establishing garrisons within
their walls. Others he conciliated by exempting them
from tributes, or greatly lightening their burdens, or by
advancing them to posts of honour and authority in the
state. He showed, at the same time, his implacable
animosity towards the Christians, by commanding that
every one taken within his dominions should be straight-
way sent to the capital, where he was sacrificed, with all
the barbarous ceremonies prescribed by the Aztec ritual. 16
16 Among other chiefs, to whom
Guatemozin applied for assistance in
the perilous state of his affairs, was
Tangapan, lord of Michuacan, an in-
dependent and powerful state in the
west, which had never been subdued
by the Mexican army. The accounts
which the Aztec emperor gave him,
through his ambassadors, of the white
men, were so alarming, according to
Ixtlilxochitl, who tells the story, that
the king's sister voluntarily starved
herself to death, from her apprehen-
sions of the coming of the terrible
strangers. Her body was deposited,
as usual, in the vaults reserved for
the royal household, until prepara-
tions could be made for its being
burnt. On the fourth day, the at-
tendants who had charge of it were as-
tounded by seeing the corpse exhibit
signs of returning life. The restored
princess, recovering her speech, re-
quested her brother's presence. On
his coming, she implored him not to
think of hurting a hair of the heads
of the mysterious visitors. She had
been permitted, she said, to see the
fate of the departed in the next
world. The souls of all her ances-
tors she had beheld tossing about in
unquenchable fire ; while those who
embraced the faith of the strangers
were in glory. As a proof of the
truth of her assertion, she added,
that her brother would see, on a great
festival, near at hand, a young war-
rior, armed with a torch brighter than
the sun, in one hand, and a flaming
sword, like that worn by the white
men, in the other, passing from east
to west over the city.
Whether the monarch waited for
the vision, or ever beheld it, is not
told us by the historian. But rely-
ing, perhaps, on the miracle of her
resurrection, as quite a sufficient
voucher, he disbanded a very power-
ful force, which he had assembled on
the plains of Avalos, for the support
of his brother of Mexico.
This narrative, with abundance of
supernumerary incidents, not neces-
sary to repeat, was commemorated
in the Michuacan picture-records,
and reported to the historian of Tez-
cuco himself, by the grandson of
Tangapan. (See Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., MS., cap. 91.)— Whoever re-
ported it to him, it is not difficult to
trace the same pious fingers in it,
which made so many wholesome le-
gends for the good of the Church on
the Old Continent, and which now
found, in the credulity of the New, a
rich harvest for the same godly work.
204 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
While these occurrences were passing, Cortes received
the welcome intelligence, that the brigan tines were com-
pleted and waiting to be transported to Tezcuco. He
detached a body for the service, consisting of two hundred
Spanish foot and fifteen horse, which he placed under
the command of Sandoval. This cavalier had been rising
daily in the estimation both of the general and of the
army. Though one of the youngest officers in the service,
he possessed a cool head and a ripe judgment, which
fitted him for the most delicate and difficult undertakings.
There were others, indeed, as Alvarado and Olid, for
example, whose intrepidity made them equally competent
to achieve a brilliant coup -de-main. But the courage of
Alvarado was too often carried to temerity, or perverted
by passion ; while Olid, dark and doubtful in his charac-
ter, was not entirely to be trusted. Sandoval was a
native of Medellin, the birthplace of Cortes himself. He
was warmly attached to his commander, and had on all
occasions proved himself worthy of his confidence. He
was a man of few words, showing his worth rather by
what he did, than what he said. His honest, soldier-like
deportment made him a favourite with the troops, and
had its influence even on his enemies. He unfortunately
died in the flower of his age. But he discovered talents
and military skill, which, had he lived to later life, would
undoubtedly have placed his name on the roll with those
of the greatest captains of his nation.
Sandoval's route was to lead him by Zoltepec, a small
city where the massacre of the forty-five Spaniards,
already noticed, had been perpetrated. The cavalier
received orders to find out the guilty parties, if possible,
and to punish them for their share in the transaction.
When the Spaniards arrived at the spot, they found
that the inhabitants, who had previous notice of their
approach, had all fled. In the deserted temples they
discovered abundant traces of the fate of their country-
men ; for, besides their arms and clothing, and the hides
chap, i.] WISE POLICY OF CORTfiS. 205
of their horses, the heads of several soldiers, prepared in
such a way that they could be well preserved, were found
suspended as trophies of the victory. In a neighbouring
building, traced with charcoal on the walls, they found
the following inscription in Castilian : "In this place the
unfortunate Juan Juste, with many others of his com-
pany, was imprisoned." 17 This hidalgo was one of the
followers of Narvaez, and had come with him into the
country in quest of gold, but had found, instead, an
obscure and inglorious death. The eyes of the soldiers
were suffused with tears, as they gazed on the gloomy
record, and their bosoms swelled with indignation, as
they thought of the horrible fate of the captives. For-
tunately the inhabitants were not then before them.
Some few, who subsequently fell into their hands, were
branded as slaves. But the greater part of the popula-
tion, who threw themselves, in the most abject manner,
on the mercy of the Conquerors, imputing the blame of
the affair to the Aztecs, the Spanish commander spared,
from pity, or contempt. 18
He now resumed his inarch on Tlascala ; but scarcely
had he crossed the borders of the republic, when he
descried the flaunting banners of the convoy which
transported the brigantines, as it was threading its way
through the defiles of the mountains. Great was his
satisfaction at the spectacle, for he had feared a detention
of some days at Tlascala, before the preparations for the
march could be completed.
There were thirteen vessels in all, of different sizes.
They had been constructed under the direction of the
experienced ship-builder, Martin Lopez, aided by three
or four Spanish carpenters and the friendly natives, some
of whom showed no mean degree of imitative skill. The
brigantines, when completed, had been fairly tried on the
17 " Aqul estuvo preso el sin ven- 18 Ibid., ubi supra. — Oviedo, Hist,
tura de Jua Juste co otros muclios de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 19. —
que traia en mi compafiia." Bernal Eel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
L)iaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 140. p. 206.
206 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
waters of the Zahuapan. They were then taken to
pieces, and, as Lopez was impatient of delay, the several
parts, the timbers, anchors, iron-work, sails, and cordage
were placed on the shoulders of the tamanes, and, under
a numerous military escort, were thus far advanced on
the way to Tezcuco. 19 Sandoval dismissed a part of the
Indian convoy, as superfluous.
Twenty thousand warriors he retained, dividing them
into two equal bodies for the protection of the tamanes
in the centre. 20 His own little body of Spaniards he
distributed in like manner. The Tlascalans in the van
marched under the the command of a chief who gloried
in the name of Chichemecatl. For some reason Sandoval
afterwards changed the order of march, and placed this
division in the rear, — an arrangement which gave great
umbrage to the doughty warrior that led it, who asserted
his right to the front, the place which he and his ancestors
had always occupied, as the post of danger. He was
somewhat appeased by Sandoval's assurance that it was
for that very reason he had been transferred to the rear,
the quarter most likely to be assailed by the enemy.
But even then he was greatly dissatisfied, on finding that
the Spanish commander was to march by his side,
grudging, it would seem, that any other should share
the laurel with himself.
Slowly and painfully, encumbered with their heavy
burden, the troops worked their way over steep emi-
nences and rough mountain-passes, presenting, one might
suppose, in their long line of march, many a vulnerable
point to an enemy. But, although small parties of
19 " Y dcspues dc hcclios por ordcn Camargo, Hist, dc Tlascala, MS.
de Cortes, y probados en el rio que 20 Rel. Terc. de Cort6s, ap. Loren-
llaman de Tlaxcalla Zahuapan, que zana, p. 207.
se atajo para probarlos los bergan- Benial Diaz says sixteen thousand,
tines, y los tornaron a desbaratar por (Ibid., ubi supra.) There is a won-
llcvarlos a cuestas sobrc hombros de derful agreement between the several
los de Tlaxcalla a la ciudad de Tctz- Castilian writers as to the number of
cuco, donde se echaron en la laguna, y forces, the order of march, and the
scarmaron de artillcrfa y municiou." events that occurred on it.
chap, i.] TRANSPORTATION OF THE BRIGANTINES. . 207
warriors were seen hovering at times on their flanks and
rear, they kept at a respectful distance, not caring to
encounter so formidable a foe. On the fourth day the
warlike caravan arrived in safety before Tezcuco.
Their approach was beheld with joy by Cortes and the
soldiers, who hailed it as the signal of a speedy termina-
tion of the war. The general, attended by his officers,
all dressed in their richest attire, came out to welcome
the convoy. It extended over a space of two leagues,
and so slow was its progress that six hours elapsed before
the closing files had entered the city. 21 The Tlascalan
chiefs displayed all their wonted bravery of apparel, and
the whole array, composed of the flower of their warriors,
made a brilliant appearance. They marched by the
sound of atabal and cornet, and, as they traversed the
streets of the capital amidst the acclamations of the
soldiery, they made the city ring with the shouts of
" Castile and Tlascala, long live our sovereign, the
I " 22
emperor !
" It was a marvellous thing," exclaims the Conqueror,
in his Letters, " that few have seen, or even heard of, —
this transportation of thirteen vessels of war on the
shoulders of men, for nearly twenty leagues across the
mountains!" 23 It was, indeed, a stupendous achieve-
ment, and not easily matched in ancient or modern story ;
one which only a genius like that of Cortes could have
devised, or a daring spirit like his have so successfully
21 " Estendfase tanto la Gente, que lib. 33, cap. 19. — Gomara, Crdnica,
dende que los primeros comenzaron cap. 124. — Torquemada, Monarch.
a entrar, hasta que los postreros Ind., lib. 4, cap. 84. — Ixtlilxochitl,
hobieron acabado, se pasaron mas de Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 92. — Herrera,
seis horas ; sin quebrar el kilo de la Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 2.
Gente." Rel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. 23 "Que era cosa maravillosa de
Lorenzana, p. 208. ver, y assi me parece que es de oir,
22 Dando voces y silvos y diziendo : Uevar trece Fustas diez y ocho leguas
" Viva, viva el Emperador, nuestro por Tierra." (Rel. Terc. de Cortes,
Senor, y Castilla, Castilla, y Tlascalla, ap. Lorenzana, p. 207.) " En rem
Tlascalla." (Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Romano populo," exclaims Martyr,
Conquista, cap. 104.) For the par- " quando illustrius res illorum vige-
ticulars of Sandoval's expedition, see, bant, non facilem !" De Orbe Novo,
also, Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., dec. 5, cap. 8.
208 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
executed. Little did he foresee, when he ordered the
destruction of the fleet which first brought him to the
country, and with his usual forecast commanded the
preservation of the iron-work and rigging, — little did he
foresee the important uses for which they were to be
reserved. So important, that on their preservation may
be said to have depended the successful issue of his great
enterprise. 24
He greeted his Indian allies with the greatest cor-
diality, testifying his sense of their services by those
honours and attentions which he knew would be most
grateful to their ambitious spirits. " We come," ex-
claimed the hardy warriors, " to fight under your banner ;
to avenge our common quarrel, or to fall by your side ;"
and, with their usual impatience, they urged him to lead
them at once against the enemy. " Wait," replied the
general, bluntly, " till you are rested, and you shall have
your hands full." 25
24 Two memorable examples of a si- successful, as only two reached their
milar transportation of vessels across point of destination. (See Herrera,
the land are recorded, the one in an- Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 2, cap. 11.)
cient, the other in modern history; This took place in 151.6, in the neigh-
and both, singularly enough, at the bourhood, as it were, of Cortes, and
same place, Tarentum, in Italy. The may have suggested to his enter-
first occurred at the siege of that prising spirit the first idea of his own
city by Hannibal ; (see Polybius, bb. more successful, as well as more ex-
8 ;) the latter some seventeen centu- tensive, undertaking,
ries later, by the Great Captain, Gon-
salvo de Cordova. But the distance 25 " Y ellos me dijeron, que trahiau
they were transported was inconsi- deseo de se ver con los de Culiia, y
derable. A more analogous example que viesse lo que mandaba, que ellos,
is that of Balboa, the bold discoverer y aquella Gente vcuiau con deseos, y
of the Pacific. He made arrange- voluntad de se vengar, 6 morir con
ments to have four brigantincs trans- nosotros ; y yo les df las gracias, y
fwrted a distance of twenty-two les dije, que rcposassen, y que presto
eagucs across the Isthmus of Daricn, les daria las manos llcnas." Bel.
a stupendous labour, and not entirely Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 208.
ii.] 209
CHAPTER II.
Cortes reconnoitres the Capital. — Occupies Tacuba. — Skirmishes with the
Enemy. — Expedition of Sandoval. — Arrival of Reinforcements.
1521.
In the course of three or four days, the Spanish gene-
ral furnished the Tlascalans with the opportunity so
much coveted, and allowed their boiling spirits to effer-
vesce in active operations. He had, for some time,
meditated an expedition to reconnoitre the capital and
its environs, and to chastise, on the way, certain places
which had sent him insulting messages of defiance, and
which were particularly active in their hostilities. He
disclosed his design to a few only of his principal officers,
from his distrust of the Tezcucans, whom he suspected
to be in correspondence with the enemy.
Early in the spring, he left Tezcuco, at the head of
three hundred and fifty Spaniards and the whole strength
of his allies. He took with him Alvarado and Olid, and
entrusted the charge of the garrison to Sandoval. Cortes
had had practical acquaintance with the incompetence of
the first of these cavaliers for so delicate a post, during
his short, but disastrous, rule in Mexico.
But all his precautions had not availed to shroud his
designs from the vigilant foe, whose eye was on all his
movements; who seemed even to divine his thoughts,
and to be prepared to thwart their execution. He had
advanced but a few leagues, when he was met by a con-
siderable body of Mexicans, drawn up to dispute his
VOL. II. F
210 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
progress. A sharp skirmish took place, in which the
enemy were driven from the ground, and the way was
left open to the Christians. They held a circuitous route
to the north, and their first point of attack was the
insular town of Xaltocan, situated on the northern ex-
tremity of the lake of that name, now called San Chris-
tobal. The town was entirely surrounded by water, and
communicated with the main land by means of cause-
ways, in the same manner as the Mexican capital.
Cortes, riding at the head of his cavalry, advanced along
the dike, till he was brought to a stand by finding a
wide opening in it, through which the waters poured so
as to be altogether impracticable, not only for horse, but
for infantry. The lake was covered with canoes, filled
with Aztec warriors, who, anticipating the movement of
the Spaniards, had come to the aid of the city. They
now began a furious discharge of stones and arrows on
the assailants, while they were themselves tolerably well
protected from the musketry of their enemy by the light
bulwarks, with which, for that purpose, they had fortified
their canoes.
The severe volleys of the Mexicans did some injury to
the Spaniards and their allies, and began to throw them
into disorder, crowded as they were on the narrow cause-
way, without the means of advancing, when Cortes
ordered a retreat. This was followed by renewed tem-
pests of missiles, accompanied by taunts and fierce yells
of defiance. The battle-cry of the Aztec, like the war-
whoop of the North American Indian, was an appalling
note, according to the Conqueror's own acknowledgment,
in the ears of the Spaniards. 1 At this juncture, the
general fortunately obtained information from a deserter,
one of the Mexican allies, of a ford, by which the army
might traverse the shallow lake, and penetrate into the
place. He instantly detached the greater part of the
1 " De lejos comenzaron a gritar, que cierto es cosa espantosa ofllos."
corao lo suelen hacer en la Gucrra, Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 209.
chap, ii.] CORTES RECONNOITRES THE CAPITAL. 211
infantry on the service, posting himself with the re-
mainder, and with the horse, at the entrance of the pas-
sage, to cover the attack and prevent any interruption in
the rear.
The soldiers, under the direction of the Indian guide,
forded the lake without much difficulty, though in some
places the water came above their girdles. During the
passage, they were annoyed by the enemy's missiles ;
but when they had gained the dry level, they took ample
revenge, and speedily put all who resisted to the sword.
The greater part, together with the townsmen, made
their escape in the boats. The place was now abandoned
to pillage. The troops found in it many women, who
had been left to their fate ; and these, together with a
considerable quantity of cotton stuffs, gold, and articles
of food, fell into the hands of the victors, who, setting
fire to the deserted city, returned in triumph to their
comrades. 2
Continuing his circuitous route, Cortes presented him-
self successively before three other places, each of which
had been deserted by the inhabitants in anticipation of
his arrival. 3 The principal of these, Azcapozalco, had
once been the capital of an independent state. It was
now the great slave-market of the Aztecs, where their
unfortunate captives were brought, and disposed of at
public sale. It was also the quarter occupied by the
jewellers ; and the place whence the Spaniards obtained
the goldsmiths who melted down the rich treasures re-
ceived from Montezuma. But they found there only a
small supply of the precious metals, or, indeed, of any-
thing else of value, as the people had been careful to
2 Ibid., loc. cit. — Bernal Diaz, lodious names of Tenejoccan, Quauh-
Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 141. — titlan, and Azcapozalco. I have
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. constantly endeavoured to spare the
33, cap. 20. — Ixtlilxochitl, Venidade reader, in the text, any unnecessary
los Esp., pp. 13, 14. — Idem, Hist. accumulation of Mexican names,
Chich., MS., cap. 92. — Gomara, Crd- which, as he is aware by this time,
nica, cap. 125. have not even brevity to recommend
3 These towns rejoiced in the me- them.
p 2
212 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
remove their effects. They spared the buildings, how-
ever, in consideration of their having met with no
resistance.
During the nights, the troops bivouacked in the open
fields, maintaining the strictest watch, for the country
was all in arms, and beacons were flaming on every hill-
top, while dark masses of the enemy were occasionally
descried in the distance. The Spaniards were now
traversing the most opulent region of Anahuac. Cities
and villages were scattered over hill and valley, with
cultivated environs blooming around them, all giving
token of a dense and industrious population. In the
centre of this brilliant circumference stood the Indian
metropolis, with its gorgeous tiara of pyramids and
temples, attracting the eye of the soldier from every
other object, as he wound round the borders of the lake.
Every inch of ground which the army trod was familiar
to them, — familiar as the scenes of childhood, though
with very different associations, for it had been written
on their memories in characters of blood. On the right
rose the Hill of Montezuma, crowned by the teocalli,
under the roof of which the shattered relics of the army
had been gathered on the day following the flight from
the capital. In front lay the city of Tacuba, through
whose inhospitable streets they had hurried in fear and
consternation ; and away to the east of it, stretched the
melancholy causeway.
It was the general's purpose to march at once on
Tacuba, and establish his quarters in that ancient capital
for the present. He found a strong force encamped
under its walls, prepared to dispute his entrance. With-
out waiting for their advance, he rode at full gallop
against them with his little body of horse. The arque-
buses and crossbows opened a lively volley on their
extended wings, and the infantry, armed with their
swords and copper-headed lances, and supported by the
Indian battalions, followed up the attack of the horse
chap, ii.] OCCUPIES TACUBA. 213
with an alacrity which soon put the enemy to flight.
The Spaniards usually opened the combat with a charge
of cavalry. But, had the science of the Aztecs been
equal to their courage, they might with their long spears
have turned the scale of battle, sometimes at least, in
their own favour ; for it was with the same formidable
weapon, that the Swiss mountaineers, but a few years
before this period of our history, broke and completely
foiled the famous ordonnance of Charles the Bold, the
best appointed cavalry of their day. But the barbarians
were ignorant of the value of this weapon when opposed
to cavalry. And, indeed, the appalling apparition of the
war-horse and his rider, still held a mysterious power
over their imaginations, which contributed, perhaps,
quite as much as the effective force of the cavalry itself,
to their discomfiture. — Cortes led his troops without
further opposition into the suburbs of Tacuba, the
ancient Tlacopan, where he established himself for the
night.
On the following morning, he found the indefatigable
Aztecs again under arms, and, on the open ground be-
fore the city, prepared to give him battle. He marched
out against them, and, after an action hotly contested,
though of no long duration, again routed them. They
fled towards the town, but were driven through the
streets at the point of the lance, and were compelled,
together with the inhabitants, to evacuate the place.
The city was then delivered over to pillage ; and the
Indian allies, not content with plundering the houses of
everything portable within them, set them on fire, and in
a short time a quarter of the town — rthe poorer dwellings,
probably, built of light, combustible materials — was in
flames. Cortes and his troops did all in their power to
stop the conflagration, but the Tlascalans were a fierce
race, not easily guided at any time, and, when their
passions were once kindled, it was impossible, even for
the general himself, to control them. They were a
214 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
terrible auxiliary, and, from their insubordination, as
terrible sometimes to friend as to foe. 4
Cortes proposed to remain in his present quarters for
some days, during which time he established his own
residence in the ancient palace of the lords of Tlacopan.
It was a long range of low buildings, like most of the
royal residences in the country, and offered good accom-
modations for the Spanish forces. During his halt here,
there was not a day on which the army was not engaged
in one or more rencontres with the enemy. They termi-
nated almost uniformly in favour of the Spaniards, though
with more or less injury to them and to their allies. One
encounter, indeed, had nearly been attended with more
fatal consequences.
The Spanish general, in the heat of pursuit, had
allowed himself to be decoyed upon the great causeway,
— the same which had once been so fatal to his army.
He followed the flying foe, until he had gained the
further side of the nearest bridge, which had been re-
paired since the disastrous action of the noche triste.
When thus far advanced, the Aztecs, with the rapidity
of lightning, turned on him, and he beheld a large rein-
forcement in their rear, all fresh on the field, prepared to
support their countrymen. At the same time, swarms
of boats, unobserved in the eagerness of the chase,
seemed to start up as if by magic, covering the waters
around. The Spaniards were now exposed to a perfect
hail-storm of missiles, both from the causeway and the
lake ; but they stood unmoved amidst the tempest, when
Cortes, too late perceiving his error, gave orders for the
4 They burned this place, accord- se quemd un Quarto ; y esto se hizo,
ing to Cortes, in retaliation of the porque quando salimos la otra vez
injuries inflicted by the inhabitants desbaratados de Temixtitan, pasando
on their countrymen in the retreat. por esta Ciudad, los Naturales de
" Y en amaneciendo los Indios cues- ella juntamente con los de Temix-
tros Amigos comenzaron a saqucar, titan nos hicieron muy cruel Guerra,
y quemar toda la Ciudad, salvo el y nos mataron muchos Espanoles."
Aposento donde estabamos, y pusie- Rel. Terc, ap. Lorenzana, p. 210.
ron tanta diligencia, que aun de el
chap, ii.] SKIRMISHES WITH THE ENEMY. 215
retreat. Slowly, and with admirable coolness, his men
receded, step by step, offering a resolute front to the
enemy. 5 The Mexicans came on with their usual vocife-
ration, making the shores echo to their war-cries, and
striking at the Spaniards with their long pikes, and with
poles, to which the swords taken from the Christians had
been fastened. A cavalier, named Volante, bearing the
standard of Cortes, was felled by one of their weapons,
and, tumbling into the lake, was picked up by the
Mexican boats. He was a man of a muscular frame,
and, as the enemy were dragging him off, he succeeded
in extricating himself from their grasp, and clenching his
colours in his hand, with a desperate effort sprang back
upon the causeway. At length, after some hard righting,
in which many of the Spaniards were wounded, and
many of their allies slain, the troops regained the land,
where Cortes, with a full heart, returned thanks to
Heaven for what he might well regard as a providential
deliverance. 6 It was a salutary lesson ; though he should
scarcely have needed one, so soon after the affair of Izta-
palapan, to warn him of the wily tactics of his enemy.
It had been one of Cortes' principal objects in this
expedition to obtain an interview, if possible, with the
Aztec emperor, or with some of the great lords at his
court, and to try if some means for an accommodation
could not be found, by which he might avoid the appeal
to arms. An occasion for such a parley presented itself,
when his forces were one day confronted with those of
the enemy, with a broken bridge interposed between
them. Cortes, riding in advance of his people, intimated
by signs his peaceful intent, and that he wished to confer
with the Aztecs. They respected the signal, and, with
5 " Luego mandd, que todos se de la Conquista, cap. 141.
retraxessen ; y con el mejor con- 6 " Desta manera se escapo Cortes
cierto que pudo, y no bueltas las aquella vez del poder de Mexico, y
espaldas, sino los rostros a los con- quando se vid en tierra firme, did
trarios, pie contra pie, como quien muclias gracias a Dios." Ibid., ubi
haze represas." Bernal Diaz, Hist. supra.
216 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [rook vi.
the aid of his interpreter, he requested, that, if there
were any great chief among them, he would come for-
ward and hold a parley with him. The Mexicans replied,
in derision, they were all chiefs, and bade him speak openly
whatever he had to tell them. As the general returned
no answer, they asked, why he did uot make another
visit to the capital, and tauntingly added, " Perhaps
Malintzin does not expect to find there another Monte-
zuma, as obedient to his command as the former." 7
Some of them complimented the Tlascalans with the
epithet of women, who, they said, would never have
ventured so near the capital, but for the protection of
the white men.
The animosity of the two nations was not confined to
these harmless, though bitter jests, but showed itself in
regular cartels of defiance, which daily passed between
the principal chieftains. These were followed by com-
bats, in which one or more champions fought on a side,
to vindicate the honour of their respective countries. A
fair field of fight was given to the warriors, who con-
ducted those combats a Toutrance, with the punctilio of
a European tourney ; displaying a valour worthy of the
two boldest of the races of Anahuac, and a skill in the
management of their weapons, which drew forth the
admiration of the Spaniards. 8
Cortes had now been six days in Tacuba. There was
nothing further to detain him, as he had accomplished
the chief objects of his expedition. He had humbled
several of the places which had been most active in their
hostility ; and he had revived the credit of the Castilian
arms, which had been much tarnished by their former
reverses in this quarter of the Valley. He had also made
himself acquainted with the condition of the capital,
7 "Pcnsais, que hay agora otto « «y peleaban los unos con los
Mutcczuma, para quo naga todo, lo otros muy hcrmosamentc." Ibid.,
que quisieredes ? " Rcl. Tcrc. de ubi supra. — Ovicdo, Hist, de las
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 211. laid., MS., lib. 33, cap. 20.
chap, ii.] SKIRMISHES WITH THE ENEMY. 217
which he found in a better posture of defence than he
had imagined. All the ravages of the preceding year
seemed to be repaired, and there was no evidence, even
to his experienced eye, that the wasting hand of war had
so lately swept over the land. The Aztec troops, which
swarmed through the Valley, seemed to be well ap-
pointed, and showed an invincible spirit, as if prepared
to resist to the last. It is true, they had been beaten in
every encounter. In the open field they were no match
for the Spaniards, whose cavalry they could never com-
prehend, and whose fire-arms easily penetrated the cotton
mail, which formed the stoutest defence of the Indian
warrior. But, entangled in the long streets and narrow
lanes of the metropolis, where every house was a citadel,
the Spaniards, as experience had shown, would lose
much of their superiority. With the Mexican emperor,
confident in the strength of his preparations, the general
saw there was no probability of effecting an accommoda-
tion. He saw, too, the necessity of the most careful
preparations on his own part — indeed, that he must
strain his resources to the utmost, before he could safely
venture to rouse the lion in his lair.
The Spaniards returned by the same route by which
they had come. Their retreat was interpreted into a
flight by the natives, who hung on the rear of the army,
uttering vainglorious vaunts, and saluting the troops
with showers of arrows, which did some mischief. Cortes
resorted to one of their own stratagems to rid himself of
this annoyance. He divided his cavalry into two or
three small parties, and concealed them among some
thick shrubbery, which fringed both sides of the road.
The rest of the army continued its march. The Mexi-
cans followed, unsuspicious of the ambuscade, when the
horse, suddenly darting from their place of conceal-
ment, threw the enemy's flanks into confusion, and
the retreating columns of infantry, facing about sud-
denly, commenced a brisk attack, which completed their
218 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
consternation. It was a broad and level plain, over which
the panic-struck Mexicans made the best of their way,
without attempting resistance ; while the cavalry, riding
them down and piercing the fugitives with their lances,
followed up the chase for several miles, in what Cortes
calls a truly beautiful style. 9 The army experienced no
further annoyance from the enemy.
On their arrival at Tezcuco, they were greeted with
joy by their comrades, who had received no tidings of
them during the fortnight which had elapsed since their
departure. The Tlascalans, immediately on their return,
requested the general's permission to carry back to their
own country the valuable booty which they had gathered
in their foray, — a request which, however unpalatable,
he could not refuse. 10
The troops had not been in quarters more than two
or three days, when an embassy arrived from Chalco,
again soliciting the protection of the Spaniards against
the Mexicans, who menaced them from several points
in their neighbourhood. But the soldiers were so much
exhausted by unintermitted vigils, forced marches, battles,
and wounds, that Cortes wished to give them a breathing-
time to recruit, before engaging in a new expedition.
He answered the application of the Chalcans, by sending
his missives to the allied cities, calling on them to march
to the assistance of their confederate. It is not to be
supposed that they could comprehend the import of his
despatches. But the paper, with its mysterious charac-
ters, served for a warrant to the officer who bore it, as
the interpreter of the general's commands.
But, although these were implicitly obeyed, the Chal-
cans felt the danger so pressing, that they soon repeated
9 "Y comcnzamos a lanzcar en own commentaries so often quoted,
ellos, y duro el alcanze cerca dc dos Oviedo, Hist, dc las Ind., MS., lib.
leguas todas lianas, como la palma, 33, cap. 20, — Torquemada, Monarch,
que fue muy hcrmosa cosa." ltd. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 85, — Gomara, Cro-
T ere, ap. Lorenzana, p. 212. nica, cap. 125, — Ixtlilxochitl, Vcuida
10 For the particulars of this ex- delosEsp., pp. 13,14, — BemalDiaz,
pedition of Cortes, see, besides his Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 141.
chap, ii.] EXPEDITION OF SANDOVAL. 219
their petition for the Spaniards to come in person to
their relief. Cortes no longer hesitated ; for he was well
aware of the importance of Chalco, not merely on its own
account, but from its position, which commanded one of
the great avenues to Tlascala, and to Vera Cruz, the in-
tercourse with which should run no risk of interruption.
Without further loss of time, therefore, he detached a
body of three hundred Spanish foot and twenty horse,
under the command of Sandoval, for the protection of
the city.
That active officer soon presented him self before Chalco,
and, strengthened by the reinforcement of its own troops
and those of the confederate towns, directed his first
operations against Huaxtepec, a place of some import-
ance, lying two leagues or more to the south among the
mountains. It was held by a strong Mexican force,
watching their opportunity to make a descent upon
Chalco. The Spaniards found the enemy drawn up at a
distance from the town, prepared to receive them. The
ground was broken and tangled with bushes, unfavour-
able to the cavalry, which in consequence soon fell into
disorder ; and Sandoval, finding himself embarrassed by
their movements, ordered them, after sustaining some
loss, from the field. In their place he brought up his
musketeers and crossbowmen, who poured a rapid fire
into the thick columns of the Indians. The rest of the
infantry, with sword and pike, charged the flanks of the
enemy, who, bewildered by the shock, after sustaining
considerable slaughter, fell back in an irregular manner,
leaving the field of battle to the Spaniards.
The victors proposed to bivouac there for the night.
But, while engaged in preparations for their evening
meal, they were aroused by the cry of " To arms, to
arms! the enemy is upon us!" In an instant the
trooper was in his saddle, the soldier grasped his musket
or his good toledo, and the action was renewed with
greater fury than before. The Mexicans had received a
220 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
reinforcement from the city. But their second attempt
was not more fortunate than their first ; and the victo-
rious Spaniards, driving their antagonists before them,
entered and took possession of the town itself, which had
already been evacuated by the inhabitants. 11
Sandoval took up his quarters in the dwelling of the
lord of the place, surrounded by gardens, which rivalled
those of Iztapalapan in magnificence, and surpassed them
in extent. They are said to have been two leagues in
circumference, having pleasure-houses, and numerous
tanks stocked with various kinds of fish ; and they were
embellished with trees, shrubs, and plants, native and
exotic, some selected for their beauty and fragrance,
others for their medicinal properties. They were scien-
tifically arranged ; and the whole establishment displayed
a degree of horticultural taste and knowledge, of which
it would not have been easy to find a counterpart, at
that day, in the more civilized communities of Europe. 12
Such is the testimony not only of the rude Conquerors,
but of men of science, who visited these beautiful repo-
sitories in the day of their glory. 13
Alter halting two days to refresh his forces in this
agreeable spot, Sandoval marched on Jacapichtla, about
six miles to the eastward. It was a town, or rather
11 Rel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lo- dc admiration ver la gentileza, y
renzana, pp. 214, 215. — Gomara, grandeza de toda esta Huerta."
Crdnica, cap. 146. — Bernal Diaz, (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 221,
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 142. — 222.) Bernal Diaz is not less em-
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. pliatic in Lis admiration. Hist, de
33, cap. 21. la Conquista, cap. 142.
12 " La qual Huerta," says Cortes, Vi The distinguished naturalist,
who afterwards passed a day there, Hernandez, has frequent occasion to
" es la mayor, y mas hcrmosa, y notice this garden, which furnished
frcsca, que nunca se vio, porque him with many specimens for his
tiene dos leguas dc circuito, y por great work. It had the good for-
medio de clla va una muy gentil Ri- tunc to be preserved after the Con-
bera de Agua, y de trccho a trecho, quest, when particular attention was
cantidad dc dos tiros de Ballesta, given to its medicinal plants, for the
hay Aposentamientos, y, Jardincs use of a great hospital established
muy frescos, y infinitos Arboles dc in the neighbourhood. See Cla-
divcrsas Erutas, y mucnas Yervas, y vigero, Stor. del Mcssico, torn. ii. p.
Flores olorosas, que cierto es cosa 153.
chap, ii.] EXPEDITION OF SANDOVAL. 221
fortress, perched on a rocky eminence, almost inacces-
sible from its steepness. It was garrisoned by a Mexican
force, who rolled clown on the assailants, as they attempted
to scale the heights, huge fragments of rock, which, thun-
dering over the sides of the precipice, carried ruin and
desolation in their path. The Indian confederates fell
back in dismay from the attempt. But Sandoval, indig-
nant that any achievement should be too difficult for a
Spaniard, commanded his cavaliers to dismount, and,
declaring that he " would carry the place or die in the
attempt," led on his men with the cheering cry of " St.
Iago." 14 With renewed courage, they now followed their
gallant leader up the ascent, under a storm of lighter
missiles, mingled with huge masses of stone, which,
breaking into splinters, overturned the assailants, and
made fearful havoc in their ranks. Sandoval, who had
been wounded on the preceding day, received a severe
contusion on the head, while more than one of his brave
comrades were struck down by his side. Still they
clambered up, sustaining themselves by the bushes or
projecting pieces of rock, and seemed to force themselves
onward as much by the energy of their wills, as by the
strength of their bodies.
After incredible toil, they stood on the summit, face
to face with the astonished garrison. Eor a moment
they paused to recover breath, then sprang furiously on
their foes. The struggle was short but desperate. Most
of the Aztecs were put to the sword. Some were thrown
headlong over the battlements, and others, letting them-
selves down the precipice, were killed on the borders of
a little stream that wound round its base, the waters
of which were so polluted with blood, that the victors
14 " E como esto vid el diclio comenzaron a subir." Kel. Terc.
Alguacil Mayor, y los Espaiioles, de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 214. —
determinaron de morir, d subilles Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
por fuerza a lo alto del Pueblo, y 33, cap. 21.
con el apellido de Senor Santiago,
222 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
were unable to slake their tliirst with them for a full
hour ! 15
Sandoval, having now accomplished the object of his
expedition, by reducing the strongholds which had so
long held the Chalcans in awe, returned in triumph to
Tezcuco. Meanwhile, the Aztec emperor, whose vigilant
eye had been attentive to all that had passed, thought
that the absence of so many of its warriors afforded a
favourable opportunity for recovering Chalco. He sent
a fleet of boats for this purpose across the lake, with a
numerous force under the command of some of his most
valiant chiefs. 16 Fortunately the absent Chalcans reached
their city before the arrival of the enemy ; but, though
supported by their Indian allies, they were so much
alarmed by the magnitude of the hostile array, that they
sent again to the Spaniards, invoking their aid.
The messengers arrived at the same time with San-
doval and his army. Cortes was much puzzled by the
contradictory accounts. He suspected some negligence
in his lieutenant, and, displeased with his precipitate
return in this unsettled state of the affair, ordered him
back at once, with such of his forces as were in fighting
condition. Sandoval felt deeply injured by this proceed-
ing, but he made no attempt at exculpation, and, obeying
his commander in silence, put himself at the head of
his troops, and made a rapid countermarch on the
Indian city. 17
Before he reached it, a battle had been fought between
the Mexicans and the confederates, in which the latter,
16 So says the Conquistador. (Rel. mara, says, that the force consisted
Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 215.) Diaz, of 20,000 warriors in 2000 canoes,
who will allow no one to hyperbolize Ibid., loc cit.
but himself, says, "For as long as
one might take to say an Ave 17 " El Cortes no le quiso escu-
Maria!" (Hist, de la Conquista, char a Sandoval de enojo, creyendo
cap. 142.) Neither was present. que por su culpa, 6 descuido, reci-
16 The gallant captain Diaz, who bia mala obra nuestros amigos los de
affects a sobriety in his own esti- Chalco ; y luego sin mas dilacion, ni
mates, which often leads him to le oyr, le mandd bolver." Ibid., ubi
disparage those of the chaplain Go- supra.
chap. II.] EXPEDITION OF SANDOVAL. 223
who had acquired unwonted confidence from their recent
successes, were victorious. A number of Aztec nobles
fell into their hands in the engagement, whom they
delivered to Sandoval to be carried off as prisoners to
Tezcuco. On his arrival there, the cavalier, wounded by
the unworthy treatment he had received, retired to his
own quarters without presenting himself before his chief.
During his absence, the inquiries of Cortes had satis-
fied him of his own precipitate conduct, and of the great
injustice he had done his lieutenant. There was no man
in the army on whose services he set so high a value, as
the responsible situations in which he had placed him
plainly showed ; and there was none for whom he seems
to have entertained a greater personal regard. On San-
doval's return, therefore, Cortes instantly sent to request
his attendance; when, with a soldier's frankness, he
made such an explanation as soothed the irritated spirit
of the cavalier, — a matter of no great difficulty, as the
latter had too generous a nature, and too earnest a
devotion to his commander and the cause in which they
were embarked, to harbour a petty feeling of resentment
in his bosom. 18
During the occurrence of these events, the work was
going forward actively on the canal, and the brigantines
were within a fortnight of their completion. The greatest
vigilance was required, in the mean time, to prevent their
destruction by the enemy, who had already made three
ineffectual attempts to burn them on the stocks. The
precautions which Cortes thought it necessary to take
against the Tezcucans themselves, added not a little to his
embarrassment.
At this time he received embassies from different
Indian states, some of them on the remote shores of the
Mexican Gulf, tendering their allegiance and soliciting
18 Besides the authorities already Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
quoted for Sandoval's expedition, 92. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
see Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 126. — lib. 4, cap. 86.
224 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
his protection. For this he was partly indebted to the
good offices of Ixtlilxocliitl, who, in consequence of his
brother's death, was now advanced to the sovereignty of
Tezcuco. This important position greatly increased his
consideration and authority through the country, of which
he freely availed himself to bring the natives under the
dominion of the Spaniards. 19
The general received also at this time the welcome
intelligence of the arrival of three vessels at Villa Rica,
with two hundred men on board, well provided with
arms and ammunition, and with seventy or eighty horses.
It was a most seasonable reinforcement. From what
quarter it came is uncertain ; most probably, from His-
paniola. Cortes, it may be remembered, had sent for
supplies to that place ; and the authorities of the island,
who had general jurisdiction over the affairs of the
colonies, had shown themselves, on more than one occa-
sion, well inclined towards him, probably considering
him, under all circumstances, as better fitted than any
other man to achieve the conquest of the country. 20
The new recruits soon found their way to Tezcuco ; as
the communications with the port were now open and
unobstructed. Among them were several cavaliers of
consideration, one of whom, Julian de Alderete, the royal
treasurer, came over to superintend the interests of
the Crown.
19 " Ixtlilxocliitl procuraba si- does not intimate from what quarter,
empre traer a la devocion y amistad (Rel. Tcrc., ap. Lorenzaua, p. 216.)
de los Cristianos no tan solamente Bcrnal Diaz, who notices only one,
a los de el Rcyno de Tezcuco sino says it came from Castile. (Hist,
aun los de las Provincias remotas, de la Conquista, cap. 143.) But the
rogandolcs que todos so procurasen old soldier wrote long after the
dar de paz al Capitan Cortes, y events he commemorates, and may
que aunque de las guerras pasadas have confused the true order of
algunos tuviesen culpa, era tan things. It seems hardly probable
afable y deseaba tanto la paz que that so important a reinforcement
luego al punto los rcciviria en su should have arrived from Castile,
amistad." Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. Chick,, considering that Cortes had yet
MS., cap. 92. received none of the royal patro-
nage, or even sanction, which would
20 Cortes speaks of these vessels stimulate adventurers in the mother-
as coming at the same time, but country to enlist under his standard.
chap, ii.] ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS. 225
There was also in the number a Dominican friar, who
brought a quantity of pontifical bulls, offering indulgences
to those who engaged in war against the infidel. The
soldiers were not slow to fortify themselves with the
good graces of the Church ; and the worthy father, after
driving a prosperous traffic with his spiritual wares, had
the satisfaction to return home, at the end of a few
months, well freighted, in exchange, with the more sub-
stantial treasures of the Indies. 21
21 Berual Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib.
quista, cap. 143. — Oviedo, Hist, de 1, cap. G.
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 21.— -
VOL. II.
226 [BOOK VI.
CHAPTER III.
Second Reconnoitring Expedition. — Engagements on the Sierra. — Capture
of Cuemavaca. — Battles at Xochhnilco. — Narrow Escape of Cortes. — He
enters Tacuba.
1521.
Notwithstanding the relief which had been afforded
to the people of Chalco, it was so ineffectual, that envoys
from that city again arrived at Tezcuco, bearing a hiero-
glyphical chart, on which were depicted several strong
places in their neighbourhood, garrisoned by the Aztecs,
from which they expected annoyance. Cortes determined
this time to take the affair into his own hands, and to
scour the country so effectually, as to place Chalco, if
possible, in a state of security. He did not confine
himself to this object, but proposed, before his return, to
pass quite round the great lakes, and reconnoitre the
country to the south of them, in the same manner as he
had before done to the west. In the course of his
march, he would direct his arms against some of the
strong places from which the Mexicans might expect
support in the siege. Two or three weeks must elapse
before the completion of the brigantines ; and, if no
other good resulted from the expedition, it would give
active occupation to his troops, whose turbulent spirits
might fester into discontent in the monotonous existence
of a camp.
He selected for the expedition thirty horse and three
hundred Spanish infantry, with a considerable body of
chap, in.] ENGAGEMENTS ON THE SIERRA. 227
Tlascalan and Tezcucan warriors. The remaining garri-
son lie left in charge of the trusty Sandoval, who, with
the friendly lord of the capital, would watch over the
construction of the brigantines, and protect them from
the assaults of the Aztecs.
On the fifth of April he began his march, and on the
following day arrived at Chalco, where he was met by a
number of the confederate chiefs. With the aid of his
faithful interpreters, Dona Marina and Aguilar, he ex-
plained to them the objects of his present expedition ;
stated his purpose soon to enforce the blockade of
Mexico, and required their cooperation with the whole
strength of their levies. To this they readily assented ;
and he soon received a sufficient proof of their friendly
disposition in the forces which joined him on the march,
amounting, according to one of the army, to more than
had ever before followed his banner. 1
Taking a southerly direction, the troops, after leaving
Chalco, struck into the recesses of the wild sierra, which,
with its bristling peaks, serves as a formidable palisade
to fence round the beautiful Valley; while, within its
rugged arms, it shuts up many a green and fruitful
pasture of its own. As the Spaniards passed through its
deep gorges, they occasionally wound round the base of
some huge cliff or rocky eminence, on which the inhabi-
tants had built their towns in the same manner as was
done by the people of Europe in the feudal ages ; a
position which, however favourable to the picturesque,
intimates a sense of insecurity as the cause of it, which
may reconcile us to the absence of this striking appen-
dage of the landscape in our own more fortunate
country.
The occupants of these airy pinnacles took advantage
of their situation to shower down stones and arrows on
1 " Vinieron tantos, que en to- guerra de nuestros amigos, como
das las entradas que yo auia ido, aora fueron en nuestra compama."
despues que en la Nueva Espana Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
entre, nunca vi tanta gente de cap. 144.
q2
228 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vr.
the troops, as they defiled through the narrow passes of
the sierra. Though greatly annoyed by their incessant
hostilities, Cortes held on his way, till, winding round
the base of a castellated cliff, occupied by a strong garri-
son of Indians, he was so severely pressed, that he felt
to pass on without chastising the aggressors would imply
a want of strength, which must disparage him in the
eyes of his allies. Halting in the Valley, therefore, he
detached a small body of light troops to scale the heights,
while he remained with the main body of the army below,
to guard against surprise from the enemy.
The lower region of the rocky eminence was so steep,
that the soldiers found it no easy matter to ascend,
scrambling, as well as they could, with hand and knee.
But, as they came into the more exposed view of the
garrison, the latter rolled down huge masses of rock,
which, bounding along the declivity, and breaking into
fragments, crushed the foremost assailants, and mangled
their limbs in a frightful manner. Still thev strove to
work their way upward, now taking advantage of some
gulley, worn by the winter torrent, now sheltering them-
selves behind a projecting cliff, or some straggling tree,
anchored among the crevices of the mountain. It Avas
all in vain. For no sooner did they emerge again into
open view, than the rocky avalanche thundered on their
heads with a fury against which steel helm and cuirass
were as little defence as gossamer. All the party were
more or less wounded. Eight of the number were killed
on the spot, — a loss the little band could ill afford, —
and the gallant ensign Corral, who led the advance, saw
the banner in his hand torn into shreds. 2 Cortes, at
length convinced of the impracticability of the attempt,
at least without a more severe loss than he was disposed
to incur, commanded a retreat. It was high time ; for
a " Todos descalabrados, y com- y oclio mucrtos." Bernal Diaz, ubi
cndo saiigrc, y las vandcras rotas, supra.
chap, in.] ENGAGEMENTS ON THE SIERRA. 229
a large body of the enemy were on full march across the
valley to attack him.
He did not wait for their approach, but, gathering
his broken files together, headed his cavalry, and spurred
boldly against them. On the level plain, the Spaniards
were on their own ground. The Indians, unable to sus-
tain the furious onset, broke, and fell back before it.
The flight soon became a rout, and the fiery cavaliers,
dashing over them at full gallop, or running them
through with their lances, took some revenge for their late
discomfiture. The pursuit continued for some miles, till
the nimble foe made their escape into the rugged fast-
nesses of the sierra, where the Spaniards did not care to
follow. The weather was sultry, and, as the country was
nearly destitute of water, the men and horses suffered
extremely. Before evening they reached a spot over-
shadowed by a grove of wild mulberry trees, in which some
scanty springs afforded a miserable supply to the army.
Near the place rose another rocky summit of the sierra,
garrisoned by a stronger force than the one which they
had encountered in the former part of the day ; and at
no great distance stood a second fortress at a still greater
height, though considerably smaller than its neighbour.
This was also tenanted by a body of warriors, who, as
well as those of the adjoining cliff , soon made active de-
monstration of their hostility by pouring down missiles on
the troops below. Cortes, anxious to retrieve the disgrace
of the morning, ordered an assault on the larger, and, as
it seemed, more practicable eminence. But, though two
attempts were made with great resolution, they were
repulsed with loss to the assailants. The rocky sides
of the hill had been artificially cut and smoothed, so as
greatly to increase the natural difficulties of the ascent.
— The shades of evening now closed around ; and
Cortes drew off" his men to the mulberry grove, where he
took up his bivouac for the night, deeply chagrined at
having been twice foiled by the enemy on the same day.
230 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
During the night, the Indian force, which occupied
the adjoining height, passed over to their brethren, to
aid them in the encounter, which they foresaw would be
renewed on the following morning. No sooner did the
Spanish general, at the break of day, become aware of
this manoeuvre, than, with his usual quickness, he took
advantage of it. He detached a body of musketeers and
crossbowmen to occupy the deserted eminence, pur-
posing, as soon as this was done, to lead the assault in
person against the other. It was not long before the
Castilian banner was seen streaming from the rocky pin-
nacle, when the general instantly led up his men to the
attack. And, while the garrison were meeting them
resolutely on that quarter, the detachment on the
neighbouring heights poured into the place a well-
directed fire, which so much distressed the enemy, that,
in a very short time, they signified their willingness
to capitulate. 3
On entering the place, the Spaniards found that a
plain of some extent ran along the crest of the sierra, and
that it was tenanted, not only by men, but by women
and their families, with their effects. No violence was
offered by the victors to the property or persons of the
vanquished, and the knowledge of this lenity induced
the Indian garrison, who had made so stout a resistance
on the morning of the preceding day, to tender their
submission. 4
After a halt of two days in this sequestered region,
3 For the assault on the rocks, — "not to meddle with a grain of
the topography of which it is iin- maizo belonging to the besieged."
possible to verify from the narratives Diaz, giving this a very liberal in-
oftlie Conquerors, — see Bernal Diaz, terprctation, proceeded forthwith to
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 144, — load his Indian tannines with every -
llel. Tore, de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, thing but maize, as fair booty. He
pp. 218 — 221, — Gomara, Cn'mica, was interrupted in his labours, how-
cap. 127, — Ixtlilxochitl, Vcnida de ever, by the captain of the dctach-
los Esp., pp. 10, 17, — Ovicdo, Hist. ment, who gave a more narrow con-
de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 21. struction to his general's orders,
4 Cortes, according to Bernal much to the dissatisfaction of the
Diaz, ordered the troops who took latter, if we may trust the doughty
possession of the second fortress, chronicler, [bid., ubi supra.
chap, in.] CAPTURE OF CUERNAVACA. 231
the army resinned its march in a south-westerly direction
on Huaxtepec, the same city which had surrendered to
Sandoval. Here they were kindly received by the ca-
cique, and entertained in his magnificent gardens, which
Cortes and his officers, who had not before seen them,
compared with the best in Castile. 5 Still threading the
wild mountain mazes, the army passed through Jauhtepec
and several other places, which were abandoned at their
approach. As the inhabitants, however, hung in armed
bodies on their flanks and rear, doing them occasionally
some mischief, the Spaniards took their revenge by burn-
ing the deserted towns.
Thus holding on their fiery track, they descended the
bold slope of the Cordilleras, which, on the south, are
far more precipitous than on the Atlantic side. Indeed,
a single day's journey is sufficient to place the traveller
on a level several thousand feet lower than that occu-
pied by him in the morning ; thus conveying him in a
few hours through the climates of many degrees of lati-
tude. The route of the army led them across many
an acre, covered with lava and blackened scoriae, attest-
ing the volcanic character of the region ; though this was
frequently relieved by patches of verdure, and even tracts
of prodigal fertility, as if Nature were desirous to com-
pensate by these extraordinary efforts for the curse of
barrenness, which elsewhere had fallen on the land.
On the ninth day of their march, the troops arrived be-
fore the strong city of Quauhnahuac, or Cuernavaca, as
since called by the Spaniards. 6 It was the ancient capital
of the Tlahuicas, and the most considerable place for
5 " Adoucle estaua la huerta que tortm - ed into all possible variations
he dicho, que es la mejor que auia by the old chroniclers. The town
visto en toda mi vida, y ausi lo torno soon received from the Spaniards the
a dezir, que Cortes, y el Tesorero name which it now bears, of Cuer-
Alderete, desque entonccs la vieron, navaca, and by which it is indicated
y passeiiron algo de ella, se admira- on modern maps. What can Clavi-
ron, y dixeron, que mejor cosa de gero mean by saying, that it is com-
huerta no auian visto en Castilla." monly called by his countrymen
Ibid., loc. cit. Cucinabaca ? Clavigero, Stor. del
6 This barbarous Indian name is Messico, torn. iii. p. 185, nota.
232 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
wealth and population in this part of the country. It
was tributary to the Aztecs, and a garrison of this nation
was quartered within its walls. The town was singu-
larly situated, on a projecting piece of land, encompassed
by barrancas, or formidable ravines, except on one side,
which opened on a rich and well-cultivated country.
Tor, though the place stood at an elevation of between
five and six thousand feet above the level of the sea, it
had a southern exposure so sheltered by the mountain
barrier on the north, that its climate was as soft and
genial as that of a much lower region.
The Spaniards, on arriving before this city, the limit
of their southerly progress, found themselves separated
from it by one of the vast barrancas before noticed, which
resembled one of those frightful rents not unfrequent in
the Mexican Andes, the result, no doubt, of some ter-
rible convulsion in earlier ages. The rocky sides of the
ravine sunk perpendicularly down, and so bare as
scarcely to exhibit even a vestige of the cactus, or of the
other hardy plants with which Nature in these fruitful
regions so gracefully covers up her deformities. The
bottom of the chasm, however, showed a striking con-
trast to this, being literally choked up with a rich and
spontaneous vegetation ; for the huge walls of rock,
which shut in these barrancas, while they screen them
from the cold winds of the Cordilleras, reflect the rays of
a vertical sun, so as to produce an almost suffocating
heat in the inclosure, stimulating the soil to the rank
fertility of the tierra calienfe. Under the action of this
forcing apparatus, — so to speak, — the inhabitants of the
towns on their margin above may with case obtain the
vegetable products which are to be found on the sultry
level of the low-lands.
At the bottom of the ravine was seen a little stream,
which, oozing from the stony bowels of the sierra, tum-
bled along its narrow channel, and contributed, by its
perpetual moisture, to the exuberant fertility of the
chap, in.] CAPTURE OF CUERNAVACA. 233
valley. This rivulet, which at certain seasons of the
year was swollen to a torrent, was traversed at some
distance below the town, where the sloping sides of the
barranca afforded a more practicable passage, by two
rude bridges, both of which had been broken in antici-
pation of the coming of the Spaniards. The latter had
now arrived on the brink of the chasm, which intervened
between them and the city. It was, as has been re-
marked, of no great width, and the army drawn up on
its borders was directly exposed to the archery of the
garrison, on whom its own fire made little impression,
protected as they were by their defences.
•-„ The general, annoyed by his position, sent a detach-
ment to seek a passage lower down, by which the troops
might be landed on the other side. But although the
banks of the ravine became less formidable as they de-
scended, they found no means of crossing the river,
till a path unexpectedly presented itself, on which, pro-
bably, no one before had ever been daring enough to
venture.
Prom the cliffs on the opposite sides of the barranca,
two huge trees shot up to an enormous height, and, in-
clining towards each other, interlaced their boughs so as
to form a sort of natural bridge. Across this avenue, in
mid air, a Tlascalan conceived it would not be difficult
to pass to the opposite bank. The bold mountaineer suc-
ceeded in the attempt, and was soon followed by several
others of his countrymen, trained to feats of agility and
strength among their native hills. The Spaniards imi-
tated their example. It was a perilous effort for an armed
man to make his way over this aerial causeway, swayed
to and fro by the wind, where the brain might become
giddy, and where a single false movement of hand or
foot would plunge him into the abyss below. Three of
the soldiers lost their hold and fell. The rest, consisting
of some twenty or thirty Spaniards, and a considerable
number of Tlascalans, alighted in safety on the other
234 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
bank. 7 There hastily forming, they marched with all
speed on the city. The enemy, engaged in their contest
with the Castilians on the opposite brink of the ravine,
were taken by surprise, — which, indeed, could scarcely
have been exceeded if they had seen their foe drop from
the clouds on the field of battle.
They made a brave resistance, however, when fortu-
nately the Spaniards succeeded in repairing one of the
dilapidated bridges in such a manner as to enable both
cavalry and foot to cross the river, though with much
delay. The horse under Olid and Andre de Tapia, in-
stantly rode up to the succour of their countrymen.
They were soon followed by Cortes at the head of the re-
maining battalions ; and the enemy, driven from one
point to another, were compelled to evacuate the city,
and to take refuge among the mountains. The buildings
in one quarter of the town were speedily wrapt in flames.
The place was abandoned to pillage, and, as it was one of
the most opulent marts in the country, it amply compen-
sated the victors for the toil and danger they had encoun-
tered. The trembling caciques, returning soon after to
the city, appeared before Cortes, and deprecating his
resentment by charging the blame, as usual, on the
Mexicans, threw themselves on his mercy. Satisfied
with their submission, he allowed no further violence to
the inhabitants. 8
Having thus accomplished the great object of his expe-
dition across the mountains, the Spanish commander
turned his face northwards, to recross the formidable
7 The stout-hearted Diaz was one 8 For the preceding account of the
of those who performed this danger- capture of Cuernavaca, sec Bernal
ous feat, though his head swam so, Diaz, ubi supra, — Ovicdo, Hist, dc
as lie tells us, that he scarcely knew las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 21, — Ix-
how he got on. "Porque dc mi tlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
digo, queverdadcramete quando pas- 93, — Hen-era, Hist. General, dec. 3,
saua, q' lo vi mui pcligroso, e malo lib. 1, cap. 8, — Torqucmada, Mon-
de passar, y sc me desvaneeia la ca- arch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 87, — Rel.
beca, y todavia passe yo, y ofros Tcrc. dc Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp.
vcintc 6 trcinta soldados, y muehos 223, 221.
Tlascaltecas." ibid., ubi supra.
chap, in.] CAPTURE OF CUERNAVACA. 235
barrier which divided him from the Valley. The ascent,
steep and laborious, was rendered still more difficult by
fragments of rock and loose stones which encumbered
the passes. The mountain sides and summits were
shaggy with thick forests of pine and stunted oak, which
threw a melancholy gloom over the region, still further
heightened at the present day by its being a favourite
haunt of banditti.
The weather was sultry, and, as the stony soil was
nearly destitute of water, the troops suffered severely
from thirst. Several of them, indeed, fainted on the
road, and a few of the Indian allies perished from ex-
haustion. 9 The line of march must have taken the army
across the eastern shoulder of the mountain, called the
Cruz del Marques, or Cross of the Marquess, from a huge
stone cross, erected there to indicate the boundary of
the territories granted by the Crown to Cortes, as Mar-
quess of the Valley. Much, indeed, of the route lately
traversed by the troops lay across the princely domain
subsequently assigned to the Conqueror. 10
The Spaniards were greeted from these heights with a
different view from any which they had before had of the
Mexican Valley, made more attractive in their eyes,
doubtless, by contrast with the savage scenery in which
they had lately been involved. It was its most pleasant
and populous quarter, for nowhere did its cities and vil-
lages cluster together in such numbers as round the lake
of sweet water. From whatever quarter seen, however,
the enchanted region presented the same aspect of natu-
ral beauty and cultivation, with its flourishing villas, and
9 " Una Tierra de Pinales, despo- the dukes of Monteleone, descend-
blada, y sin ninguna agua, la qual y ants and heirs of the Conquistador.
nn Puerto pasamos con grandissimo — The Spaniards, in their line of
trabajo, y sin beber : tanto, que mu- march towards the north, did not de-
chos de los Indios que iban con no- viate far, probably, from the great
sotros perecieron de sed." Rel. Terc. road which now leads from Mexico
de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 22i. to Acapulco, still exhibiting in this
upper portion of it the same charac-
10 The city of Cuernavaca was teristic features as at the period of
comprehended in the patrimony of the Conquest.
236 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vt.
its fair lake in the centre, whose dark and polished sur-
face glistened like a mirror, deep set in the huge frame-
work of porphyry in which nature had enclosed it.
The point of attack selected by the general was Xochi-
milco, or " the field of flowers," as its name implies,
from the floating gardens which rode at anchor, as it
were, on the neighbouring waters. 11 It was one of the
most potent and wealthy cities in the Valley, and a
stanch vassal of the Aztec crown. It stood, like the
capital itself, partly in the water, and was approached in
that quarter by causeways of no great length. The town
was composed of houses like those of most other places
of like magnitude in the country, mostly of cottages or
huts made of clay and the light bamboo, mingled with
aspiring teocallis, and edifices of stone, belonging to the
more opulent classes.
As the Spaniards advanced, they were met by skirmish-
ing parties of the enemy, who, after dismissing a light
volley of arrows, rapidly retreated before them. As they
took the direction of Xochimilco, Cortes inferred that
they were prepared to resist him in considerable force.
It exceeded his expectations.
On traversing the principal causeway, he found it oc-
cupied, at the further extremity, by a numerous body of
warriors, who, stationed on the opposite side of a bridge,
which had been broken, were prepared to dispute his
passage. They had constructed a temporary barrier of
palisades, which screened them from the fire of the mus-
ketry. But the water in its neighbourhood was very
shallow, and the cavaliers and infantry, plunging into it,
soon made their way, swimming or wading, as they could,
in face of a storm of missiles, to the landing near the
town. Here they closed with the enemy, and, hand to
hand, after a sharp struggle, drove them back on the
city ; a few, however, taking the direction of the open
country, were followed up by the cavalry. The great
11 Ckvigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. iii. p. 187, nota.
chap, in.] BATTLES AT XOCHIMILCO. 237
mass, hotly pursued by the infantry, were driven
through street and lane without much further resistance.
Cortes, with a few followers, disengaging himself from
the tumult, remained near the entrance of the city. He
had not been there long, when he was assailed by a fresh
body of Indians, who suddenly poured into the place
from a neighbouring dike. The general, with his usual
fearlessness, threw himself into the midst, in hopes to
check their advance. But his own followers were too
few to support him, and he was overwhelmed by the
crowd of combatants. His horse lost his footing and
fell ; and Cortes, who received a severe blow on the head
before he could rise, was seized and dragged off in
triumph by the Indians. At this critical moment, a
Tlascalan, who perceived the general's extremity, sprang,
like one of the wild ocelots of his own forests, into the
midst of the assailants, and endeavoured to tear him from
their grasp. Two of the general's servants also speedily
came to the rescue, and Cortes, with their aid and that of
the brave Tlascalan, succeeded in regaining his feet and
shaking off his enemies. To vault into the saddle and
brandish his good lance was but the work of a moment.
Others of his men quickly came up, and the clash of
arms reaching the ears of the Spaniards who had gone in
pursuit, they returned, and, after a desperate conflict,
forced the enemy from the city. Their retreat, however,
was intercepted by the cavalry returning from the coun-
try, and, thus hemmed in between the opposite columns,
they were cut to pieces, or saved themselves only by
plunging into the lake. 12
12 Bel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Loren- server received three severe wounds
zana, p. 226. — Herrera, Hist. Gene- himself on the occasion. (Hist, de
ral, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 8.— Oviedo, la Conquista, cap. 145.) This was
Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. an affair, however, in which Coi'tes
21. ought to be better informed than any
This is the general's own account one else, and one, moreover, not
of the matter. Diaz, however, says, likely to slip his memory. The old
that he was indebted for his rescue soldier has probably confounded it
to a Castilian, named Olea, supported with another and similar adventure
by some Tlascalans, and that his pre- of his commander.
238 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vr.
This was the greatest personal danger which Cortes
had yet encountered. His life was in the power of the
barbarians, and, had it not been for their eagerness to
take him prisoner, lie must undoubtedly have lost it. To
the same cause may be frequently attributed the preser-
vation of the Spaniards in these engagements. The next
day be sought, it is said, for the Tlascalan, who came so
boldly to his rescue, and, as he could learn nothing of
him, he gave the credit of his preservation to his patron,
St. Peter. 13 He may well be excused for presuming the
interposition of his good Genius, to shield him from the
awful doom of the captive, — a doom not likely to be
mitigated in his case. That heart must have been a bold
one, indeed, which, from any motive, could voluntarily
encounter such a peril ! Yet his followers did as much,
and that, too, for a much inferior reward.
The period which we are reviewing was still the age
of chivalry; that stirring and adventurous age of which
we can form little conception in the present day of sober,
practical reality. The Spaniard, with his nice point of
honour, high romance, and proud, vainglorious vaunt,
was the true representative of that age. The Europeans,
generally, had not yet learned to accommodate them-
selves to a life of literary toil, or to the drudgery of
trade, or the patient tillage of the soil. They left these
to the hooded inmate of the cloister, the humble burgher,
and the miserable serf. Arms was the only profession
worthy of gentle blood, — the only career which the high-
mettled cavalier could tread with honour. The New
World, with its strange and mysterious perils, afforded a
noble theatre for the exercise of his calling ; and the
Spaniard entered on it with all the enthusiasm of a
paladin of romance.
Other nations entered on it also, but with different
13 " Otro Dia bused Cortes al In- vocion dc San Pedro, juzgd que el le
dio, que le socorrid ; i mucrto, ni avia aiudado." Ilerrcra, Hist. Genc-
vivo no parccid ; i Cortes, por la dc- ral, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 9.
chap, in.] BATTLES AT XOCHIMILCO. 239
motives. The French sent forth their missionaries to
take up their dwelling among the heathen, who, in the
good work of winning souls to Paradise, were content to
wear — nay, sometimes seemed to court — the crown of
martyrdom. The Dutch, too, had their mission, but it
was one of worldly lucre, and they found a recompense
for toil and suffering in their gainful traffic with the
natives. While our own Puritan fathers, with the true
Anglo-Saxon spirit, left their pleasant homes across the
waters, and pitched their tents in the howling wilderness,
that they might enjoy the sweets of civil and religious
freedom. But the Spaniard came over to the New
World in the true spirit of a knight-errant, courting
adventure however perilous ; wooing danger, as it would
seem, for its own sake. With sword and lance, he was
ever ready to do battle for the Faith ; and, as he raised
his old war-cry of " St. Jago," he fancied himself fighting
under the banner of the military apostle, and felt his
single arm a match for more than a hundred infidels ! —
It was the expiring age of chivalry ; and Spain, romantic
Spain, was the land where its light lingered longest above
the horizon.
It was not yet dusk when Cortes and his followers
reentered the city; and the general's first act was to
ascend a neighbouring teocatti and reconnoitre the sur-
rounding country. He there beheld a sight which might
have troubled a bolder spirit than his. The surface of
the salt lake was darkened with canoes, and the cause-
way, for many a mile, with Indian squadrons, apparently
on their march towards the Christian camp. In fact, no
sooner had Guatemozin been apprized of the arrival of
the white men at Xochimilco, than he mustered his levies
in great force to relieve the city. They were now on
their march, and, as the capital was but four leagues
distant, would arrive soon after nightfall. 14
14 " Por el Agua a una muy que pasaban cle dos mil ; y en ellas
grande nota de Canoas, que creo, venian mas de doce mil Hombres dc
240 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
Cortes made active preparations for the defence of his
quarters. He stationed a corps of pikemen along the
landing where the Aztecs would be likely to disembark.
He doubled the sentinels, and, with his principal officers,
made the rounds repeatedly in the course of the night.
In addition to other causes for watchfulness, the bolts of
the crossbowmen were nearly exhausted, and the archers
were busily employed in preparing and adjusting shafts
to the copper heads, of which great store had been pro-
vided for the army. There was little sleep in the camp
that night. 15
It passed away, however, without molestation from the
enemy. Though not stormy, it was exceedingly dark.
But, although the Spaniards on duty could see nothing,
they distinctly heard the sound of many oars in the
water, at no great distance from the shore. Yet those
on board the canoes made no attempt to land, distrust-
ing, or advised, it may be, of the preparations made for
their reception. With early dawn, they were under
arms, and, without waiting for the movement of the
Spaniards, poured into the city and attacked them in
their own quarters.
The Spaniards, who were gathered in the area round
one of the teocallis, were taken at disadvantage in the
town, where the narrow lanes and streets, many of them
covered with a smooth and slippery cement, offered
obvious impediments to the manoeuvres of cavalry. But
Cortes hastily formed his musketeers and crossbowmen,
and poured such a lively, well-directed fire into the
enemy's ranks, as threw him into disorder, and compelled
him to recoil. The infantry, with their long pikes,
Gucrra ; e por la Ticrra llcgo 1 anta barcar, y los de acauallo mui a punto
multifold de Gente, que todos los toda la noclie cnsillados y enfrena-
Campos cubrian." Rel. Tcrc. de dos, aguardando en la oalcada, y
Cortes, ap. Lorcnzana, p. 227. tierra lirme, y todos los Capitancs,
15 " Y acordose que liuviesse mui y Cortes con cllos, hazicndo vela
buena vela en todo nucstro Real, y ronda toda la noclie." Bcrnal
repartida a los puertos, e azequias Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
por dondc auian de vcnir a dcscra- 145.
chap, in.] BATTLES AT XOCHIMILCO. 241
followed up the blow ; and the horse, charging at full
speed, as the retreating Aztecs emerged from the city,
drove them several miles along the main land.
At some distance, however, they were met by a strong
reinforcement of their countrymen, and rallying, the tide
of battle turned, and the cavaliers, swept along by it,
gave the rein to their steeds, and rode back at full gallop
towards the town. They had not proceeded very far,
when they came upon the main body of the army,
advancing rapidly to their support. Thus strengthened,
they once more returned to the charge, and the rival
hosts met together in full career, with the shock of an
earthquake. For a time, victory seemed to hang in the
balance, as the mighty press reeled to and fro under the
opposite impulse, and a confused shout rose up towards
heaven, in which the war-whoop of the savage was
mingled with the battle-cry of the Christian, — a still
stranger sound on these sequestered shores. But, in
the end, Castilian valour, or rather Castilian arms and
discipline, proved triumphant. The enemy faltered,
gave way, and, recoiling step by step, the retreat soon
terminated in a rout, and the Spaniards, following up
the flying foe, drove them from the field with such
dreadful slaughter, that they made no further attempt to
renew the battle.
The victors were now undisputed masters of the city.
It was a wealthy place, well stored with Indian fabrics,
cotton, gold, feather-work, and other articles of luxury
and use, affording a rich booty to the soldiers. While
engaged in the work of plunder, a party of the enemy,
landing from their canoes, fell on some of the stragglers
laden with merchandise, and made four of them pri-
soners. It created a greater sensation among the troops
than if ten times that number had fallen on the field.
Indeed, it was rare that a Spaniard allowed himself to be
taken alive. In the present instance, the unfortunate
men were taken by surprise. They were hurried to the
vol. ii. n
242 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
capital, and soon after sacrificed ; when their arms and
legs were cut off, by the command of the ferocious young
chief of the Aztecs, and sent round to the different cities,
with the assurance that this should be the fate of the
enemies of Mexico ! 16
From the prisoners taken in the late engagement,
Cortes learned that the forces already sent by Guate-
mozin formed but a small part of his levies; that his
policy was to send detachment after detachment, until
the Spaniards, however victorious they might come off
from the contest with each individually, would, in the
end, succumb from mere exhaustion, and thus be van-
quished, as it were, by their own victories.
The soldiers having now sacked the city, Cortes did
not care to await further assaults from the enemy in his
present quarters. On the fourth morning after his
arrival, he mustered his forces on a neighbouring plain.
They came many of them reeling under the weight of
their plunder. The general saw this with uneasiness.
They were to march, he said, through a populous coun-
try, all in arms to dispute their passage. To secure their
safety, they should move as light and unencumbered as
possible. The sight of so much spoil would sharpen the
appetite of their enemies, and draw them on, like a flock
of famished eagles after their prey. But his eloquence
was lost on his men ; who plainly told him they had a
right to the fruit of their victories, and that what they
had won with their swords, they knew well enough how
to defend with them.
Seeing them thus bent on their purpose, the general
16 Diaz, who had an easy faith, ninguno de nosotros a vida, y con
states, as a fact, that the limbs of los coracones y sangre hizo sacriiicio
the unfortunate men were cut off a sus idolos." (Hist, de la Con-
before their sacrifice. "Manda cor- quista, cap. 145.) — This is not very-
tar pies y bracos a los tristes nues- probable. The Aztecs did not, like
tros compaiieros, y las cmbia por our North American Indians, torture
muchos pueblos nuestros amigos de their enemies from mere cruelty, but
los que nos auian venido de paz, y les in conformity to the prescribed regu-
embzia a dezir, que antes que bolva- lations of their ritual. The captive
mos a Tezcuco, piensa no qucdara was a religious victim.
chap, in.] BATTLES AT XOCHIMILCO. 243
did not care to balk their inclinations. He ordered the
baggage to the centre, and placed a few of the cavalry
over it ; dividing the remainder between the front and
rear, in which latter post, as that most exposed to attack,
he also stationed his arqnebusiers and crossbowmen.
Thus prepared, he resumed his march ; but first set fire
to the combustible buildings of Xochimilco, in retaliation
for the resistance he had met there. 17 The light of the
burning city streamed high into the air, sending its
ominous glare far and wide across the waters, and telling
the inhabitants on their margin, that the fatal strangers
so long predicted by their oracles had descended like a
consuming flame upon their borders. 18
Small bodies of the enemy were seen occasionally at a
distance, but they did not venture to attack the army on
its march, which before noon brought them to Cojo-
huacan, a large town about two leagues distant from
Xochimilco. One could scarcely travel that distance in
this populous quarter of the Valley without meeting with
a place of considerable size, oftentimes the capital of
what had formerly been an independent state. The
inhabitants, members of different tribes, and speaking-
dialects somewhat different, belonged to the same great
family of nations who had come from the real or imaginary
17 "Y al cabo dejandola toda deed, prevails in the different reports
quemada y asolada nos partimos ; y of them, even those proceeding from
cierto era mucho para ver, porque contemporaries, making it extremely
tenia muchas Casas, y Torres de sus difficult to collect a probable narra-
Idolos de cal y canto." Rel. Terc. tive from authorities, not only con-
de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 228. tradicting one another, but them-
18 Eor other particulars of the selves. It is rare, at any time, that
actions at Xochimilco, see Oviedo, two accounts of a battle coincide in
Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 23, cap. all respects ; the range of observa-
21, — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, tion for each individual is necessarily
lib. 1, cap. 8, 11, — Ixtlilxochitl, so limited and different, and it is so
Venida de los Esp., p. 18, — Torque- difficult to make a cool observation
mada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 87, at all in the hurry and heat of con-
88, — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- flict. Any one who has conversed
quista, cap. 145. with the survivors will readily com-
The Conqueror's own account of prehend this, and be apt to conclude,
these engagements has not his usual that, wherever he may look for truth,
perspicuity, perhaps from its brevity. it will hardly be on the battle-
A more than ordinary confusion, in- ground. ,
r 2
244 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
region of Aztlan, in the far North-west. Gathered round
the shores of their Alpine sea, these petty communities
continued, after their incorporation with the Aztec
monarchy, to maintain a spirit of rivalry in their inter-
course with one another, jwhich — as with the cities on
the Mediterranean, in the feudal ages — quickened their
mental energies, and raised the Mexican Valley higher
in the scale of civilization than most other quarters of
Anahuac.
The town at which the army had now arrived was
deserted by its inhabitants ; and Cortes halted two days
there to restore his troops, and give the needful attention
to the wounded. 19 He made use of the time to recon-
noitre the neighbouring ground, and taking with him a
strong detachment, descended on the causeway which led
from Cojohuacan to the great avenue of Iztapalapan. 20
At the point of intersection, called Xoloc, he found a
strong barrier or fortification, behind which a Mexican
force was intrenched. Their archery did some mischief
to the Spaniards, as they came within bow-shot. But
the latter, marching intrepidly forward in face of the
arrowy shower, stormed the works, and, after an obsti-
nate struggle, drove the enemy from their position. 21
19 This place, recommended by the given of the Valley. A short arm,
exceeding beauty of its situation, which reached from this city in the
became, after the Conquest, a fa- days of the Aztecs, touched obliquely
vourite residence of Cortes, who the great southern avenue, by which
founded a nunnery in it, and com- the Spaniards first entered the capi-
manded in his will, that his bones tal. As the waters which once
should be removed thither from any entirely surrounded Mexico, have
part of the world in which he might shrunk into their narrow basin, the
die. " Que mis huesos — los lleven face of the country has undergone a
a la mi Villa de Coyoacan, y alii les great change, and, though the foun-
den tierra en el Monesterio de Mon- dations of the principal causeways
jas, que mando hacer y edificar en la are still maintained, it is not always
dicha mi Villa." Testamento de Her- easy to discern vestiges of the ancient
nan Cortes, MS. avenues.
20 Ihis, says Archbishop Loren- 21 "Y llegamos a una Albarrada,
zana, was the modern calzada de la que tenian hecha en la Calzada, y
Piedad. (Rel. Terc. de Cortes, p. los Peones comenzaronla acombatir;
229, nota.) But it is not easy to y aunque fue muy recia, y hubo mu-
reconcile this with the elaborate cha resisteucia, y hirieron diez Espa-
chart which M. de Humboldt has iloles, al fin se la ganaron, y mataron
chap, in.] HE ENTERS TACUBA. 245
Cortes then advanced some way on the great causeway
of Iztapalapan ; but he beheld the further extremity
darkened by a numerous array of warriors, and as he
did not care to engage in unnecessary hostilities, espe-
cially as his ammunition was nearly exhausted, he fell
back and retreated to his own quarters.
The following day, the army continued its march,
taking the road to Tacuba, but a few miles distant. On
the way it experienced much annoyance from straggling
parties of the enemy, who, furious at the sight of the
booty which the invaders were bearing away, made re-
peated attacks on their flanks and rear. Cortes retaliated,
as on the former expedition, by one of their own strata-
gems, but with less success than before ; for, pursuing
the retreating enemy too hotly, he fell with his cavalry
into an ambuscade, which they had prepared for him in
their turn. He was not yet a match for their wily tactics.
The Spanish cavaliers were enveloped in a moment by
their subtle foe, and separated from the rest of the army.
But, spurring on their good steeds, and charging in a
solid column together, they succeeded in breaking
through the Indian array, and in making their escape,
except two individuals, who fell into the enemy's hands.
They were the general's own servants, who had followed
him faithfully through the whole campaign, and he was
deeply affected by their loss ; rendered the more dis-
tressing by the consideration of the dismal fate that
awaited them. When the little band rejoined the army,
which had halted in some anxiety at their absence, under
the walls of Tacuba, the soldiers were astonished at the
dejected mien of their commander, which too visibly
betrayed his emotion. 22
The sun was still high in the heavens, when they
entered the ancient capital of the Tepanecs. The first
muchos de los Enemigos, aunqueBal- tes, con el qual nos allegramos, pu-
lesteros, y Escopeteros quedaron sin esto que el venia muy triste y como
Pol vora,y sin Saetas." Ibid. ,ubi supra, lloroso." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
22 " Y estando en esto viene Cor- Conauista, cap. 145.
246 SIEGE AND SURRENDER, OE MEXICO. [book vi.
care of Cortes was to ascend tlie principal teocatti, and
survey the surrounding country. It was an admirable
point of view, commanding the capital, which lay but
little more than a league distant, and its immediate
environs. Cortes was ; accompanied by Alderete, the
treasurer, and some other cavaliers, who had lately
joined his banner. The spectacle was still new to
them ; and, as they gazed on the stately city, with its
broad lake covered with boats and barges hurrying to
and fro, some laden with merchandise, or fruits and
vegetables, for the markets of Tenochtitlan, others crowded
with warriors, they could not withhold their admiration
at the life and activity of the scene, declaring that nothing
but the hand of Providence could have led their country-
men safe through the heart of this powerful empire. 23
In the midst of the admiring circle, the brow of Cortes
alone was observed to be overcast, and a sigh, which now
and then stole audibly from his bosom, showed the
gloomy working of his thoughts. 24 " Take comfort,"
said one of the cavaliers, approaching his commander,
and wishing to console him in his rough way for his
recent loss, " you must not lay these things so much to
heart ; it is, after all, but the fortune of war." The
general's answer showed the nature of his meditations.
" You are my witness," said he, " how often I have
endeavoured to persuade yonder capital peacefully to
submit. It fills me with grief, when I think of the toil
and the dangers my brave followers have yet to encounter
before we can call it ours. But the time is come when
we must put our hands to the work." 25
_ » « p U es quan do vieron la gran eran cosas de hombres humanas, sino
ciudad de Mexfco, y la laguna, y que la gran misericordia de Dios quie
tanta multitud de canoas, que viias nos sostenia." Ibid., ubi supra,
ivan cargadas con bastimentos, y M " En este instante, suspiro Cor-
otras ivan a pescar, y otras valdias, tes co vna muy gra tristeza, mui
muclio mas cspantaron, porque no mayor q' la q' de antes traia." Ibid.,
las auian visto, hasta en aquella loc. cit.
facon ; y dixeron, que nuestra ve- 2S " Y Cortes le dixo, que ya veia
nida en esta Nueva Espana, que no quantasvezes auia embiado a Mexico
chap, in.] HE ENTERS TACUBA. 247
There can be no doubt, that Cortes, with every other
man in his army, felt he was engaged in a holy crusade,
and that, independently of personal considerations, he
could not serve Heaven better than by planting the
Cross on the blood-stained towers of the heathen metro-
polis. But it was natural that he should feel some com-
punction, as he gazed on the goodly scene, and thought
of the coming tempest, and how soon the opening blos-
soms of civilization which there met his eye must wither
under the rude breath of War. It was a striking spec-
tacle, that of the great Conqueror, thus brooding in
silence over the desolation he was about to bring on the
land ! It seems to have made a deep impression on his
soldiers, little accustomed to such proofs of his sensi-
bility ; and it forms the burden of some of those
romances, or national ballads, with which the Castilian
minstrel, in the olden time, delighted to commemorate
the favourite heroes of his country, and which, coming
mid-way between oral tradition and chronicle, have been
found as imperishable a record as chronicle itself. 26
Tacuba was the point which Cortes had reached on
his former expedition round the northern side of the
Valley. He had now, therefore, made the entire circuit
of the great lake; had reconnoitred the several ap-
proaches to the capital, and inspected with his own
eyes the dispositions made on the opposite quarters for
its defence. He had no occasion to prolong his stay in
a rogalles con la paz, y que la tris- triste, y con gran cuidado,
teza no la tenia por solo vna cosa, la vna mano en la mexilla,
sino en pensar en los grandes traba- y la otra en el costado," &c.
jos en que nos auiamos de ver, hasta Jt be thus done Mq tt
tornarasenorear;yqueconlaayuda literal do J erel .
de JJios presto lo pormamos por la a&
obra." Ibid., ubi supra. In Tacuba stood Cortes,
26 Diaz gives tbe opening redon- With many a care opprest,
dillas of the romance, which I have Thoughts of the past came o'er him,
not been able to find in any of the And he bowed his haughty crest,
printed collections. One hand upon his cheek he laid,
" En Tacuba esta Cortes, The other on his breast,
c5 su esquadron esforcado, While his valiant squadrons round
triste estaua, y muy penoso, him, &c.
248 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
Tacuba, the vicinity of which to Mexico must soon bring
on him its whole warlike population.
Early on the following morning, he resumed his march,
taking the route pursued in the former expedition, north
of the small lakes. He met with less annoyance from
the enemy than on the preceding days ; a circumstance
owing in some degree, perhaps, to the state of the
weather, which was exceedingly tempestuous. The
soldiers, with their garments heavy with moisture,
ploughed their way with difficulty through miry roads
flooded by the torrents. On one occasion, as their
military chronicler informs us, the officers neglected to
go the rounds of the camp at night, and the sentinels
to mount guard, trusting to the violence of the storm
for their protection. Yet the fate of Narvaez might
have taught them not to put their faith in the elements.
At Acolman, in the Acolhuan territory, they were
met by Sandoval, with the friendly cacique of Tezcuco,
and several cavaliers, among whom were some recently
arrived from the islands. They cordially greeted their
countrymen, and communicated the tidings that the
canal was completed, and that the brigantines, rigged
and equipped, were ready to be launched on the bosom
of the lake. There seemed to be no reason, therefore,
for longer postponing operations against Mexico. — With
this welcome intelligence, Cortes and his victorious
legions made their entry for the last time into the
Acolhuan capital, having consumed just three weeks in
completing the circuit of the Valley.
CHAP. IV.] 249
CHAPTER IV.
Conspiracy in the Army. — Brigantines launched. — Muster of Forces. — •
Execution of Xicotencatl. — March of the Army. — Beginning of the
Siege.
1521.
At the very time when Cortes was occupied with
reconnoitring the Valley, preparatory to his siege of
the capital, a busy faction in Castile was labouring to
subvert his authority and defeat his plans of conquest
altogether. The fame of his brilliant exploits had spread
not only through the isles, but to Spain and many parts
of Europe, where a general admiration was felt for the
invincible energy of the man, who, with his single arm
as it were, could so long maintain a contest with the
powerful Indian empire. The absence of the Spanish
monarch from his dominions, and the troubles of the
country, can alone explain the supine indifference shown
by the government to the prosecution of this great
enterprise. To the same causes it may be ascribed, that
no action was had in regard to the suits of Velasquez
and Narvaez, backed as they were by so potent an
advocate as Bishop Fonseca, president of the council of
the Indies. The reins of government had fallen into the
hands of Adrian of Utrecht, Charles's preceptor, and
afterwards Pope, — a man of learning, and not without
sagacity, but slow and timid in his policy, and altogether
incapable of that decisive action which suited the bold
genius of his predecessor, Cardinal Ximenes.
250 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vj.
In the spring of 1521, however, a number of ordi-
nances passed the Council of the Indies, which threatened
an important innovation in the affairs of New Spain.
It was decreed, that the Royal Audience of Hispaniola
should abandon the proceedings already instituted against
Narvaez, for his treatment of the commissioner Ayllon ;
that that unfortunate commander should be released from
his confinement at Vera Cruz ; and that an arbitrator
should be sent to Mexico, with authority to investigate
the affairs and conduct of Cortes, and to render ample
justice to the governor of Cuba. There were not want-
ing persons at court, who looked with dissatisfaction on
these proceedings, as an unworthy requital of the services
of Cortes, and who thought the present moment, at any
rate, not the most suitable for taking measures which
might discourage the general, and, perhaps, render him
desperate. But the arrogant temper of the Bishop of
Burgos overruled all objections ; and the ordinances
having been approved by the Regency, were signed by
that body, April 11, 1521. A person named Tapia,
one of the functionaries of the Audience at St. Domingo,
was selected as the new commissioner to be despatched
to Vera Cruz. Fortunately circumstances occurred which
postponed the execution of the design for the present,
and permitted Cortes to go forward unmolested in his
career of conquest. 1
But, while thus allowed to remain, for the present
at least, in possession of authority, he was assailed by
a danger nearer home, which menaced not only his
authority, but his life. This was a conspiracy in the
army, of a more dark and dangerous character than any
hitherto formed there. It was set on foot by a common
soldier, named Antonio Villafaiia, a native of Old Castile,
of whom nothing is known but his share in this trans-
action. He was one of the troop of Narvaez, — that
1 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, de Vcrzara, Escrivano Publico de
lib. 1, cap. 15. — Relacion de Alouso Vera Cruz, MS., dec. 21.
chap, iv.] CONSPIRACY IN THE ARMY. 251
leaven of dissaffectkm, which had remained with the
army, swelling with discontent on every light occasion,
and ready at all times to rise into mutiny. They had
voluntarily continued in the service after the secession of
their comrades at Tlascala ; but it was from the same
mercenary hopes with which they had originally embarked
in the expedition, — and in these they were destined
still to be disappointed. They had little of the true
spirit of adventure, which distinguished the old com-
panions of Cortes ; and they found the barren laurels
of victory but a sorry recompense for all their toils and
sufferings.
With these men were joined others, who had causes
of personal disgust with the general ; and others, again,
who looked with disgust on the result of the war. The
gloomy fate of their countrymen, who had fallen into the
enemy's hands, filled them with dismay. They felt
themselves the victims of a chimerical spirit in their
leader, who, with such inadequate means, was urging to
extremity so ferocious and formidable a foe; and they
shrunk with something like apprehension from thus
pursuing the enemy into his own haunts, where he
would gather tenfold energy from despair.
These men would have willingly abandoned the enter-
prise, and returned to Cuba; but how could they do it?
Cortes had control over the whole route from the city
to the sea-coast ; and not a vessel could leave its ports
without his warrant. Even if he were put out of the
way, there were others, his principal officers, ready to
step into his place, and avenge the death of their com-
mander. It was necessary to embrace these, also, in the
scheme of destruction ; and it was proposed, therefore,
together with Cortes, to assassinate Sandoval, Olid, Alva-
rado, and two or three others most devoted to his
interests. The conspirators would then raise the cry of
liberty, and doubted not that they should be joined by
the greater part of the army, or enough, at least, to
252 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
enable them to work their own pleasure. They proposed
to offer the command, on Cortes' death, to Francisco
Verdugo, a brother-in-law of Velasquez. He was an
honourable cavalier, and not privy to their design. But
they had little doubt that he would acquiesce in the
command, thus, in a manner, forced upon him, and this
would secure them the protection of the governor of
Cuba, who, indeed, from his own hatred of Cortes,
would be disposed to look with a lenient eye on their
proceedings.
The conspirators even went so far as to appoint the
subordinate officers, an alguacil mayor, in place of San-
doval, a quarter-master-general to succeed Olid, and
some others. 2 The time fixed for the execution of the
plot was soon after the return of Cortes from his expe-
dition. A parcel, pretended to have come by a fresh
arrival from Castile, was to be presented to him while
at table, and, when he was engaged in breaking open
the letters, the conspirators were to fall on him and his
officers, and despatch them with their poniards. Such
was the iniquitous scheme devised for the destruction of
Cortes and the expedition. But a conspiracy, to be
successful, especially when numbers are concerned, should
allow but little time to elapse between its conception and
its execution.
On the day previous to that appointed for the per-
petration of the deed, one of the party, feeling a natural
compunction at the commission of the crime, went to
the general's quarters, and solicited a private interview
with him. He threw himself at his commander's feet,
and revealed all the particulars relating to the con-
spiracy, adding, that in Villafana's possession a paper
would be found, containing the names of his accom-
plices. Cortes, thunderstruck at the disclosure, lost not
2 " Ilazia Alguazil mayor c Al- partido eutre ellos nuestros bienes,
ferez, y Alcaldes, y llegidores, y y cauallos." Bcrual Diaz, Hist, de
Contador, y Tesorcro, y Ucedor, y la Conquista, cap. 146.
otras cosas deste arte, y aun re-
chap, iv.] CONSPIRACY IN THE ARMY. 253
a moment in profiting by it. He sent for Alvarado,
Sandoval, and one or two other officers marked out by
the conspirator, and, after communicating the affair to
them, went at once with them to Villafana's quarters,
attended by four alguacils.
They found him in conference with three or four
friends, who were instantly taken from the apartment,
and placed in custody. Villafana, confounded at this
sudden apparition of his commander, had barely time to
snatch a paper, containing the signatures of the con-
federates, from his bosom, and attempt to swallow it.
But Cortes arrested his arm, and seized the paper. As
he glanced his eye rapidly over the fatal list, he was
much moved at finding there the names of more than
one who had some claim to consideration in the army.
He tore the scroll in pieces, and ordered Villafana to be
taken into custody. He was immediately tried by a
military court hastily got together, at which the general
himself presided. There seems to have been no doubt of
the man's guilt. He was condemned to death, and,
after allowing him time for confession and absolution,
the sentence was executed by hanging him from the
window of his own quarters. 3
Those ignorant of the affair were astonished at the
spectacle; and the remaining conspirators were filled
with consternation, when they saw that their plot was
detected, and anticipated a similar fate for themselves.
But they were mistaken. Cortes pursued the matter no
further. A little reflection convinced him, that to do so
would involve him in the most disagreeable, and even
dangerous, perplexities. And, however much the parties
implicated in so foul a deed might deserve death, he
could ill afford the loss even of the guilty, with his
present limited numbers. He resolved, therefore, to con-
tent himself with the punishment of the ringleader.
3 Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. — Oviedo, 48. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3,
Hist, de las Ind , MS., lib. 33, cap. lib. 1, cap. 1.
254 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
He called his troops together, and briefly explained to
them the nature of the crime for which Villafana had
suffered. He had made no confession, he said, and the
guilty secret had perished with him. He then expressed
his sorrow, that any should have been found in their
ranks capable of so base an act, and stated his own
unconsciousness of having wronged any individual among
them ; but, if he had done so, he invited them frankly to
declare it, as he was most anxious to afford them all the
redress in his power. 4 — But there was no one of his
audience, whatever might be his grievances, who cared
to enter his complaint at such a moment ; least of all
were the conspirators willing to do so, for they were too
happy at having, as they fancied, escaped detection, to
stand forward now in the ranks of the malecontents. The
affair passed off, therefore, without further consequences.
The conduct of Cortes, in this delicate conjuncture,
shows great coolness and knowledge of human nature.
Had he suffered his detection, or even his suspicion, of
the guilty parties to take air, it would have placed him in
hostile relations with them for the rest of his life. It
was a disclosure of this kind, in the early part of Louis
the Eleventh's reign, to which many of the troubles of
his later years were attributed. 5 The mask once torn
away, there is no longer occasion to consult even appear-
ances. The door seems to be closed against reform. The
alienation, which might have been changed by circum-
stances, or conciliated by kindness, settles into a deep
and deadly rancour • and Cortes would have been sur-
rounded by enemies in his own camp, more implacable
than those in the camp of the Aztecs.
As it was, the guilty soldiers had suffered too serious
4 Ibid, ubi supra. fait cclater leur mauvais vouloir, cm
6 So says M. de Barantc in his clu rnoins leur peu de fidelite pour le
picturesque rifacimento of the ancient roi ; ils ne pouvaient done douter
chronicles. "Lcsprocesdu conne- qu'il desirat ou complotat leur ruinc."
table et de monsieur de Nemours, Histoire des Dues de Bourgogne,
bien d'autrcs revelations, avaicnt (Paris 1838,) torn. xi. p. 169.
chap, iv.] CONSPIRACY IN THE ARMY. 255
apprehensions to place their lives hastily in a similar
jeopardy. They strove, on the contrary, by demonstra-
tions of loyalty, and the assiduous discharge of their
duties, to turn away suspicion from themselves. Cortes,
on his part, was careful to preserve his natural demea-
nour, equally removed from distrust, and — what was
perhaps more difficult — that studied courtesy which inti-
mates, quite as plainly, suspicion of the party who is the
object of it. To do this required no little address. Yet
he did not forget the past. He had, it is true, destroyed
the scroll containing the list of the conspirators ; but the
man that has once learned the names of those who have
conspired against his life, has no need of a w T ritten record
to keep them fresh in his memory. Cortes kept his eye
on all their movements, and took care to place them in
no situation, afterwards, where they could do him injury. 6
This attempt on the life of their commander excited
a strong sensation in the army, with whom his many
dazzling qualities and brilliant military talents had made
him a general favourite. They were anxious to testify
their reprobation of so foul a deed coming from their own
body, and they felt the necessity of taking some effectual
measures for watching over the safety of one, with whom
their own destinies, as well as the fate of the enterprise,
were so intimately connected. It was arranged, there-
fore, that he should be provided with a guard of soldiers,
who were placed under the direction of a trusty cavalier
named Antonio de Quinones. They constituted the
general's body-guard during the rest of the campaign,
watching over him day and night, and protecting him
from domestic treason, no less than from the sword of
the enemy.
As was stated at the close of the last Chapter, the
Spaniards, on their return to quarters, found the
6 " Y desde alii adelante, aunque siempre se rezelaua dellos." Bernal
mostraua gran voluntad a las per- Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
sonas que eran en la cojuracid, 146.
256 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
construction of the brigantines completed, and that they
were fully rigged, equipped, and ready for service. The
canal, also, after having occupied eight thousand men for
nearly two months, was finished.
It was a work of great labour; for it extended half
a league in length, was twelve feet wide, and as many
deep. The sides were strengthened by palisades of
wood, or solid masonry. At intervals dams and locks
were constructed, and part of the opening was through
the hard rock. By this avenue the brigantines might
now be safely introduced on the lake. 7
Cortes was resolved that so auspicious an event should
be celebrated with due solemnity. On the 28th of April,
the troops were drawn up under arms, and the whole
population of Tezcuco assembled to witness the cere-
mony. Mass was performed, and every man in the
army, together with the general, confessed and received
the sacrament. Prayers were offered up by father
Ohnedo, and a benediction invoked on the little navy,
the first worthy of the name ever launched on American
waters. 8 The signal was given by the firing of a cannon,
when the vessels, dropping down the canal one after ano-
ther, reached the lake in good order; and as they
emerged on its ample bosom, with music sounding, and
the royal ensign of Castile proudly floating from their
masts, a shout of admiration arose from the countless
multitudes of spectators, which mingled with the roar of
artillery and musketry from the vessels and the shore ! 9
7 Ixtblxochitl, Venida de los Esp., 8 The brigantines were still to be
p. 19. — llel. Tcrc. de Cortes, ap. seen, preserved as precious memorials
Lorenzana, p. 234. long after the Conquest, in the dock-
" Obra grantlissima," exclaims the yards of Mexico. Toribio, Hist, de
Conqueror, "y muclio para ver." — ■ los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 1.
"Fueron en guarde de estos bergan- ° "Deda la serial, soltd la Presa,
tines," adds Camargo, " mas de diez fueron saliendo los Vcrgantines, sin
mil hombres de gucrra con los macs- tocar vno a otro, i apartandose por
tros dcllas, liasta que los armaron y la Laguna, desplegaron las Vanderas,
ccharon en el agua y laguna de toed la Musica, dispaniron su Artil-
Mejico, que fue obra de muclio cfecto lcria, respondid la del Exercito, asi
para tomarsc Mejico." Hist, de de Castellanos, como de Indios."
Tlascala, MS. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. 3, lib. 1, c. 6.
chap, iv.] MUSTER OF FORCES. 257
It was a novel spectacle to the simple natives ; and they
gazed with wonder on the gallant ships, which, fluttering
like sea-birds on their snowy pinions, bounded lightly
over the waters, as if rejoicing in their element. It
touched the stern hearts of the Conquerors with a glow
of rapture, and, as they felt that Heaven had blessed
their undertaking, they broke forth, by general accord,
into the noble anthem of the Te Deum. But there was
no one of that vast multitude for whom the sight had
deeper interest than their commander. For he looked
on it as the work, in a manner, of his own hands ; and
his bosom swelled with exultation, as he felt he was now
possessed of a power strong enough to command the
lake, and to shake the haughty towers of Tenoch-
titlan. 10
The general's next step was to muster his forces in the
great square of the capital. He found they amounted to
eighty-seven horse, and eight hundred and eighteen foot,
of which one hundred and eighteen were arquebusiers and
crossbowmen. He had three large field-pieces of iron, and
fifteen lighter guns or falconets of brass. 11 The heavier
cannon had been transported from Vera Cruz to Tezcuco,
a little while before, by the faithful Tlascalans. He was
well supplied with shot and balls, with about ten hun-
dredweight of powder, and fifty thousand copper-headed
arrows, made after a pattern furnished by him to the
natives. 12 The number and appointments of the army
10 Ibid, ubi supra. — Rel. Terc. de quiero detener, ni las teugo en tanto
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 234. — como esta tranchea, 6 canja que es
Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Esp., dicho, y los Vergantiues de que tra-
p. 19. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., tamos, los quales dieron ocasion a
MS., lib. 33, cap. 48. que se ovieseu mayores Thesoros e
The last-mentioned chronicler in- Provincias, e Reynos, que no tuvo
dulges in no slight swell of exultation Sesori, para la corona Real de Cas-
at this achievement of his hero, which tilla por la industria de Hernando
in his opinion throws into shade the Cortes." Ibid., lib. 33, cap. 22.
boasted exploits of the great Sesos- n Rel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
tris. " Otras muchas e notables zana, p. 234.
cosas, cuenta este actor que he dicho B Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
de aqueste Rey Sesori, en que no me quista, cap. 147.
VOL. II. S
258 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
much exceeded what they had been at any time since the
flight from Mexico, and showed the good effects of the
late arrivals from the Islands. Indeed, taking the fleet
into the account, Cortes had never before been in so good
a condition for carrying on his operations. Three hun-
dred of the men were sent to man the vessels, thirteen,
or rather twelve, in number, one of the smallest having
been found, on trial, too dull a sailer to be of service.
Half of the crews were required to navigate the ships.
There was some difficulty in finding hands for this, as
the men were averse to the employment. Cortes selected
those who came from Palos, Moguer, and other maritime
towns, and notwithstanding their frequent claims of
exemption, as hidalgos, from this menial occupation, he
pressed them into the service. 13 Each vessel mounted
a piece of heavy ordnance, and was placed under an
officer of respectability, to whom Cortes gave a general
code of instructions for the government of the little
navy, of which he proposed to take the command in
person.
He had already sent to his Indian confederates, an-
nouncing his purpose of immediately laying siege, to
Mexico, and called on them to furnish their promised
levies within the space of ten days at furthest. The
Tlascalans he ordered to join him at Tezcuco ; the others
were to assemble at Chalco, a more convenient place of
rendezvous for the operations in the southern quarter of
the Valley. The Tlascalans arrived within the time pre-
scribed, led by the younger Xicotencatl, supported by
Chichemecatl, the same doughty warrior who had con-
voyed the brigantines to Tezcuco. They came fifty thou-
13 Ibid., ubi supra. bread. (For an amusing account of
Hidalguia, besides its legal privi- these, see Doblado's Letters from
leges, brought with it some fanciful Spain, Let. 2.) In no country has
ones to its possessor ; if, indeed, it the poor gentleman afforded so rich a
be considered a privilege to have theme for the satirist, as the writings
excluded liim from many a humble, of Le Sage, Cervantes, and Lope de
but honest calling, by which the Vega, abundantly show.
poor man might have gained his
chap, iv.] MUSTER OF FORCES. 259
sand strong, according to Cortes, 14 making a brilliant
show with their military finery, and marching proudly
forward under the great national banner, emblazoned
with a spread eagle, the arms of the Republic. 15 With
as blithe and manly a step as if they were going to the
battle-ground, they defiled through the gates of the
capital, making its walls ring with the friendly shouts of
" Castile and Tlascala."
The observations which Cortes had made in his late
tour of reconnaissance had determined him to begin the
siege by distributing his forces into three separate camps,
which he proposed to establish at the extremities of the
principal causeways. By this arrangement the troops
would be enabled to move in concert on the capital, and
be in the best position to intercept its supplies from the
surrounding country. The first of these points was
Tacuba, commanding the fatal causeway of the noche
triste. This was assigned to Pedro de Alvarado, with a
force consisting, according to Cortes' own statement, of
thirty horse, one hundred and sixty-eight Spanish infantry,
and five and twenty thousand Tlascalans. Christoval de
Olid had command of the second army, of much the same
magnitude, which was to take up its position at Cojohua-
can, the city, it will be remembered, overlooking the short
causeway connected with that of Iztapalapan. Gonzalo
cle Sandoval had charge of the third division, of equal
strength with each of the two preceding, but which was
to draw its Indian levies from the forces assembled at
14 " Y los Capitaues de Tascaltecal 15 " Y sus vaderas tedidas, y el aue
con toda su gente, muy hicida, y bien blaca q' tienen por armas, q 3 parece
armada, y segun la cuenta, aguila, con sus alas tendidas." (Berual
que los Capitanes nos dieron, pasaban Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 149.)
decinquentamilHornbresdeGuerra." A spread eagle of gold, Clavigero
( Rel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, considers as the arms of theRepublic.
p. 236.) " I toda la Gente," adds (Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ii.
Herrera, " tardo tres Dias en entrar, p. 145.) But, as Bernal Diaz speaks
segun en sus Memoriales dice Alonso of it as " white," it may have beeii
de Ojeda, ni con ser Tezcuco tan gran the white heron, which belonged to
Ciudad, cabian en ella." Hist. Ge- the house of Xicotencatl.
ncral, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 13.
s2
260 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
Chalco. This officer was to march on Iztapalapan, and
complete the destruction of that city, begun by Cortes
soon after his entrance into the Valley. It was too for-
midable a post to remain in the rear of the army. The
general intended to support the attack with his brigan-
tines, after which the subsequent movements of Sandoval
would be determined by circumstances. 16
Having announced his intended dispositions to his
officers, the Spanish commander called his troops together,
and made one of those brief and stirring harangues with
which he was wont on great occasions to kindle the hearts
of his soldiery. " I have taken the last step," he said ;
" I have brought you to the goal for which you have so
long panted. A few days will place you before the gates
of Mexico, — the capital from which you were driven with
so much ignominy. But we now go forward under the
smiles of Providence. Does any one doubt it ? Let him
but compare our present condition with that in which we
found ourselves not twelve months since, when, broken
and dispirited, we sought shelter within the walls of
Tlascala; nay, with that in which we were but a few
months since, when we took up our quarters inTezcueo. 17
Since that time our strength has been nearly doubled.
We are fighting the battles of the Faith, fighting for our
honour, for riches, for revenge. I have brought you face
to face with your foe. It is for you to do the rest." 18
10 The precise amount of eacli divi- porque bien sabian, que quando ha-
sion, as given by Cortes, was, — in biamos entrado en Tesaico, no habi-
that of Alvarado, 30 horse, 168 Cas- amos trahido mas de quarentade Ca-
tilian infantry, and 25,000 Tlasca- ballo, y que Dios nos liabia socorrido
laus ; in that of Olid, 33 horse, 178 meior, que lo habiamos pensado."
infantry, 20,000 Tlascalans ; and in Iiei. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
Sandoval's, 24 horse, 1G7 infantry, p. 235.
30,000 Indians. — (Rel. Terc. ap. Lo- ls Oviedo expands what he never-
renzana, p. 236 ) Diaz reduces the theless calls the " brebe e substan-
number of native troops to one third. cial oracion" of Cortes, into treble
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 150. the length of it, as found in the genc-
' 7 " Que se alegrassen, y esfor- ral's own pages ; in which he is imi-
zassen mucho, pues que veian que tatedbymost of the other chroniclers,
nuestro Serior nos encaminaba para Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap.
haber victoria de nuestros Eneini^os : 22.
chap, iv.] MUSTER OF FORCES. 261
The address of the bold chief was answered by the
thundering acclamations of his followers, who declared
that every man would do his duty under such a leader;
and they only asked to be led against the enemy. 19 Cortes
then caused the regulations for the army, published at
Tlascala, to be read again to the troops, with the assur-
ance that they should be enforced to the letter.
It was arranged that the Indian forces should precede
the Spanish by a day's march, and should halt for their
confederates on the borders of the Tezcucan territory.
A circumstance occurred soon after their departure which
gave bad augury for the future. A quarrel had arisen
in the camp at Tezcuco, between a Spanish soldier and a
Tlascalan chief, in which the latter was badly hurt. He
was sent back to Tlascala, and the matter was hushed
up, that it might not reach the ears of the general, who,
it was known, would not pass it over lightly. Xicotencatl
was a near relative of the injured party, and, on the first
day's halt, he took the opportunity to leave the army,
with a number 'of his followers, and set off for Tlascala.
Other causes are assigned for his desertion. 20 It is
certain, that, from the first, he looked on the expedition
with an evil eye, and had predicted that no good would
come of it. He came into it with reluctance, as, indeed,
he detested the Spaniards in his heart.
His partner in the command instantly sent information
of the affair to the Spanish general, still encamped at
Tezcuco. Cortes, who saw at once the mischievous con-
sequences of this defection at such a time, detached a
19 " Y con estas ultimas palabras con los Enemigos." Oviedo, Hist,
ceso ; y todos respondieron sin dis- de las Ind., MS., ubi supra,
crepancia, e a una voce dicentes : 2o According to Diaz, the desire to
Sirvanse DiosyelEmperadornuest.ro possess himself of the lands of his
Seiior de tan buen capitan, y de no- comrade Chichemecatl, who remained
sotros, que asi lo haremos todos como with the army ; (Hist, de la Con-
quien somos, y como se debe esperar quista, cap. 150 ;) according to Her-
de buenos Espanoles, y con tanta rera, it was an amour that carried
voluntad, y deseo ; dicho que parecia him home. (Hist. General, dec. 3,
que cada hora les era perder vn ano lib. 1, cap. 17-) Both and all agree
de tiempo por estar ya a las manos on the chief's aversion to the Spa-
niards, and to the war.
262 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book VI.
party of Tlascalan and Tezcucan Indians after the fugitive,
with instructions to prevail on him, if possible, to return
to his duty. They overtook him on the road, and remon-
strated with him on his conduct, contrasting it with that
of his countrymen generally, and of his own father in
particular, the steady friend of the white men. " So
much the worse," replied the chieftain ; "if they had
taken my counsel, they would never have become the
dupes of the perfidious strangers." 21 Finding their
remonstrances received only with anger or contemptuous
taunts, the emissaries returned without accomplishing
their object.
Cortes did not hesitate on the course he was to pursue.
" Xicotencatl," he said, " had always been the enemy of
the Spaniards, first in the field, and since in the council-
chamber ; openly, or in secret, still the same, — their
implacable enemy. There was no use in parleying with
the false-hearted Indian." He instantly despatched a
small body of horse with an alguacil to arrest the chief,
wherever he might be found, even though it were in the
streets of Tlascala, and to bring him back to Tezcuco.
At the same time he sent information of Xicotencatl's
proceedings to the Tlascalan senate, adding, that deser-
tion among the Spaniards was punished with death.
The emissaries of Cortes punctually fulfilled his
orders. They arrested the fugitive chief, — whether in
Tlascala or in its neighbourhood is uncertain, — and
brought him a prisoner to Tezcuco, where a high gallows,
erected in the great square, was prepared for his recep-
tion. He was instantly led to the place of execution ;
his sentence and the cause for which he suffered were
publicly proclaimed, and the unfortunate cacique expiated
his offence by the vile death of a malefactor. His ample
21 " Y la rcspucsta que le embio dellos, que les haze hazcr todo lo
adczirfue, que si el viejode su padre, quiere: y por no gastar rims palabras,
y Masse Escaci le Imvieiau creido, di.ro, que no gneria venir." Berual
que no se lmvieran seiioreado tanto Diaz, Hist, de laConquisia, cap. 150.
chap, iv.] EXECUTION OF XICOTENCATL. 263
property, consisting of lands, slaves, and some gold, was
all confiscated to the Castilian crown. 22
Thus perished Xicotencatl, in the flower of his age, —
as dauntless a warrior as ever led an Indian army to
battle. He was the first chief who successfully resisted
the arms of the invaders ; and, had the natives of Anahuac
generally been animated with a spirit like his, Cortes
would probably never have set foot in the capital of
Montezuma. He was gifted with a clearer insight into
the future than his countrymen ; for he saw that the
European was an enemy far more to be dreaded than the
Aztec. Yet, when he consented to fight under the ban-
ner of the white men, he had no right to desert it, and
he incurred the penalty prescribed by the code of savage
as well as of civilized nations. It is said, indeed, that
the Tlascalan senate aided in apprehending him, having
previously answered Cortes, that his crime was punishable
with death by their own laws. 23 It was a bold act, how-
ever, thus to execute him in the midst of his people ; for
he was a powerful chief, heir to one of the four seig-
niories of the Republic. His chivalrous qualities made
him popular, especially with the younger part of his
countrymen ; and his garments were torn into shreds at
his death, and distributed as sacred relics among them.
Still, no resistance was offered to the execution of the
sentence, and no commotion followed it. He was the
22 So says Hen-era, who had the tencatl before the eyes of his own
Memorial of Ojeda in his possession, troops. (Conquista, lib. 5, cap. 19.)
one of the Spaniards employed to But the Tlascalans were already well
apprehend the chieftain. (Hist. Ge- on their way towards Tacuba. A
neral, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 17, and Tor- very few only could have remained
quemada, Monarch. Lid., lib. 4, cap. in Tezcuco, which was occupied by
90.) Bernal Diaz, on the other hand, the citizens and the Castilian army,
says, that the Tlascalan chief was ■ — neither of them very likely to in-
taken and executed on the road. terfere in the prisoner's behalf. His
(Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 150.) execution there would be an easier
But the latter chronicler was pro- matter than in the territory of Tlas-
bably absent at the time with Alva- cala, which he had probably reached
rado's division, in which he served. before his apprehension.
Soils, however, prefers his testimony, 23 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3,
on the ground that Cortes would not lib. 1, cap. 17. — Torquemada, Mo-
have hazarded the execution of Xico- narch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 90.
264 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
only Tlascalan who ever swerved from his loyalty to the
Spaniards.
According to the plan of operations settled by Cortes,
Sandoval, with his division, was to take a southern direc-
tion ; while Alvarado and Olid would make the northern
circuit of the lakes. These two cavaliers, after getting
possession of Tacuba, were to advance to Chapoltepec,
and demolish the great aqueduct there, which supplied
Mexico with water. On the 10th of May, they com-
menced their march ; but at Acolman, where they halted
for the night, a dispute arose between the soldiers of the
two divisions, respecting their quarters. Prom words
they came to blows, and a defiance was even exchanged
between the leaders, who entered into the angry feelings
of their followers. 24 Intelligence of this was soon com-
municated to Cortes, who sent at once to the fiery chiefs,
imploring them, by their regard for him and the com-
mon cause, to lay aside their differences, which must end
in their own ruin, and that of the expedition. His
remonstrance prevailed, at least, so far as to establish a
show of reconciliation between the parties. But Olid
was not a man to forget, or easily to forgive ; and Alva-
rado, though frank and liberal, had an impatient temper
much more easily excited than appeased. They were
never afterwards friends. 25
The Spaniards met with no opposition on their march.
The principal towns were all abandoned by the inhabit-
ants, who had gone to strengthen the garrison of Mexico,
or taken refuge with their families among the mountains.
Tacuba was in like manner deserted, and the troops once
more established themselves in their old quarters in the
lordly city of the Tcpanecs. 26
24 " Y sobre cllo ya auiamos echado Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p.
manotilas armas los do nucstra Capi- 237. — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 130. —
tania contra los dc Cliristoval dc Ovicdo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
Oli, y auu los Capitancs desafiados." 33, cap. 22.
Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, 26 The Tepanec capital, shorn of
cap. 150. its ancient splendours, is now only
25 Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. — Eel. interesting from its historic associa-
chap, iv.] MARCH OF THE ARMY. 20 5
Their first undertaking was, to cut off the pipes that
conducted the water from the royal streams of Chapol-
tepec to feed the numerous tanks and fountains which
sparkled in the court-yards of the capital. The aque-
duct, partly constructed of brick-work, and partly of
stone and mortar, was raised on a strong, though nar-
row, dike, which transported it across an arm of the
lake ; and the whole work was one of the most pleasing
monuments of Mexican civilization. The Indians, well
aware of its importance, had stationed a large body of
troops for its protection. A battle followed, in which
both sides suffered considerably, but the Spaniards were
victorious. A part of the aqueduct was demolished, and
during the siege no water found its way again to the
capital through this channel.
On the following dav, the combined forces descended
on the fatal causeway, to make themselves masters, if
possible, of the nearest bridge. They found the dike
covered with a swarm of warriors, as numerous as on
the night of their disaster, while the surface of the lake
was dark with the multitude of canoes. The intrepid
Christians strove to advance under a perfect hurricane
of missiles from the water and the land, but they made
slow progress. Barricades thrown across the causeway
embarrassed the cavalry, and rendered it nearly useless.
The sides of the Indian boats were fortified with bul-
warks, which shielded the crews from the arquebuses
and crossbows ; and, when the warriors on the dike
were hard pushed by the pikemen, they threw them-
selves fearlessly into the water, as if it were their native
element, and reappearing along the sides of the dike,
tions. " These plains of Tacuba," mud huts, with some fine old trees,
says the spirited author of " Life in a few very old ruined houses, a
Mexico," " once the theatre of fierce ruined church, and some traces of
and bloody conflicts, and where, a building, which assured us
during the siege of Mexico, Alvarado had been the palace of their last
' of the leap ' fixed his camp, now monarch ; whilst others declare it
present a very tranquil scene. Ta- to have been the site of the Spanish
cuba itself is now a small village of encampment." Vol. i. Let. 13.
2G6 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
shot off their arrows and javelins with fatal execution.
After a long and obstinate struggle, the Christians were
compelled to fall back on their own quarters with dis-
grace, and — including the allies — with nearly as much
damage as they had inflicted on the enemy. Olid, dis-
gusted with the result of the engagement, inveighed
against his companion, as having involved them in it by
his wanton temerity, and drew off his forces the next
morning to his own station at Cojohuacan.
The camps, separated by only two leagues, maintained
an easy communication with each other. They found
abundant employment in foraging the neighbouring
country for provisions, and in repelling the active sallies of
the enemy ; on whom they took their revenge by cutting
off his supplies. But their own position was precarious,
and they looked with impatience for the arrival of the
brigantines under Cortes. It was in the latter part of
May that Olid took up his quarters at Cojohuacan ; and
from that time may be dated the commencement of the
siege of Mexico. 27
27 Bel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Loren- Cortes ; and three weeks could not
zana, pp. 237 — 239. — Ixtlilxochitl, have intervened between their depar-
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 94. — Oviedo, ture and their occupation of Cojo-
Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. lmacan. Clavigero disposes of this
22. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de las Con- difficulty, it is true, by dating the
quista, cap. 50. — Gornara, Crdnica, beginning of their march on the
cap. 130. 20th, instead of the 10th of May ;
Clavigero settles this date at the following the Chronology of Herrera,
day of Corpus Christi, May 30th. instead of that of Cortes. Surely,
(Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. the general is the better authority
iii. p. 196.) But the Spaniards left of the two.
Tezcuco, May 10th, according to
CHAP. V.
267
CHAPTER V.
Indian Flotilla defeated. — Occupation of the Causeways. — Desperate
Assaults. — Firing of the Palaces. — Spirit of the Besieged. — Barracks
for the Troops.
1521.
No sooner had Cortes received intelligence that his
two officers had established themselves in their respective
posts, than he ordered Sandoval to march on Iztapalapan.
The cavalier's route led him through a country for the
most part friendly ; and at Chalco his little body of
Spaniards was swelled by the formidable muster of
Indian levies who awaited there his approach. After
this junction, he continued his march without opposition
till he arrived before the hostile city, under whose walls
he found a large force drawn up to receive him. A
battle followed, and the natives, after maintaining their
ground sturdily for some time, were compelled to give
Avay, and to seek refuge either on the water, or in that
part of the town which hung over it. The remainder
was speedily occupied by the Spaniards.
Meanwhile Cortes had set sail with his flotilla, intend-
ing to support his lieutenant's attack by water. On
drawing near the southern shore of the lake, he passed
under the shadow of an insulated peak, since named
from him the " Rock of the Marquess." It was held
by a body of Indians, who saluted the fleet, as it passed,
with showers of stones and arrows. Cortes, resolving to
2G8 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
punish their audacity, and to clear the lake of his trou-
blesome enemy, instantly landed with a hundred and
fifty of his followers. He placed himself at their head,
scaled the steep ascent, in the face of a driving storm of
missiles, and, reaching the summit, put the garrison to
the sword. There Avas a number of women and children,
also, gathered in the place, whom he spared. 1
On the top of the eminence was a blazing beacon,
serving to notify to the inhabitants of the capital when
the Spanish fleet weighed anchor. Before Cortes had
regained his brigantine, the canoes and piraguas of the
enemy had left the harbours of Mexico, and Avere seen
darkening the lake for many a rood. There were several
hundred of them, all crowded with warriors, and advanc-
ing rapidly by means of their oars over the calm bosom
of the waters. 2
Cortes, who regarded his fleet, to use his own lan-
guage, as " the key of the war," felt the importance of
striking a decisive blow in the first encounter with the
enemy. 3 It was with chagrin, therefore, that he found
his sails rendered useless by the want of wind. He
calmly waited the approach of the Indian squadron,
which, however, lay on their oars, at something more
than musket-shot distance, as if hesitating to encounter
these leviathans of their waters. At this moment, a light
air from land rippled the surface of the lake ; it gradually
freshened into a breeze, and Cortes taking advantage of
the friendly succour, which he may be excused, under
all the circumstances, for regarding as especially sent
1 " It was a beautiful victory," Bernal Diaz ; (Hist, de la Conquista,
exclaims the Conqueror. " E entra- cap. 150 ;) who, however, was not
moslos de tal manera, que ninguno present.
dc ellos se escapo, excepto las Mu- 3 " Y como yo deseaba mucho, que
geres, y Niilos ; y en este combate el primer reencuentro, que coil ellos
me hineron veinte y cinco Espailoles, obiesscmos, fuesse de mucha victoria;
pero fue muy hermosa Victoria." y se hiciesse de manera, que ellos
]tel. Tore., ap. Lorcn.zana, p. 241. cobrassen mucho temor de los ber-
2 About live hundred boats, ac- gantines, porque la Have de toda la
cording to the general's own esti- Guerra cstaba en ellos." liel. Terc.,
mate ; (Ibid., loc. cit. ;) but more ap. Lorenzana, p. 213.
than four thousand, according to
chap, v.] INDIAN FLOTILLA DEFEATED. 269
him by Heaven, extended his line of battle, and bore
down, under full press of canvass, on the enemy. 4
The latter no sooner encountered the bows of their
formidable opponents, than they were overturned and
sent to the bottom by the shock, or so much damaged
that they speedily filled and sank. The water was
covered with the wreck of broken canoes, and with the
bodies of men struggling for life in the waves, and vainly
imploring their companions to take them on board their
over-crowded vessels. The Spanish fleet, as it dashed
through the mob of boats, sent off its vollies to the right
and left with a terrible effect, completing the discomfiture
of the Aztecs. The latter made no attempt at resistance,
scarcely venturing a single flight of arrows, but strove
with all their strength to regain the port from which
they had so lately issued. They were no match in the
chase, any more than in the fight, for their terrible anta-
gonist, who, borne on the wings of the wind, careered to
and fro at his pleasure, dealing death widely around him,
and making the shores ring with the thunders of his
ordnance. A few only of the Indian flotilla succeeded
in recovering the port, and, gliding up the canals, found
a shelter in the bosom of the city, where the heavier
burden of the brigantines made it impossible for them
to follow. This victory, more complete than even the
sanguine temper of Cortes had prognosticated, proved
the superiority of the Spaniards, and left them, hence-
forth, undisputed masters of the Aztec sea. 5
4 " Plugo a nuestro Senor, que scription in " Madoc," and one as
estandonos mirando los unos a los pertinent as it is beautiful :
otros, vino un viento de la Tierra " Their thousand boats, and the
muy favorable para embestir con ten thousand oars
ellos." Ibid., ubi supra. From whose broad bowls the
waters fall and flash,
5 Rel. Terc. loc. cit. — Oviedo, And twice ten thousand feather'd
Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. helms, and shields,
48. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espa- Glittering with gold and scarlet
fia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32. plurnery.
I may be excused for again quoting Onward they come with song and
a few verses from a beautiful de- swelling horn;
270 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
It was nearly dusk, when the squadron, coasting along
the great southern causeway, anchored off the point of
junction, called Xoloc, where the branch from Cojohu-
acan meets the principal dike. The avenue widened at
this point, so as to afford room for two towers, or tur-
reted temples, built of stone, and surrounded by walls
of the same material, which presented altogether a posi-
tion of some strength, and, at the present moment, was
garrisoned by a body of Aztecs. They were not nume-
rous ; and Cortes, landing with his soldiers, succeeded
without much difficulty in dislodging the enemy, and in
getting possession of the works.
It seems to have been originally the general's design,
to take up his own quarters with Olid at. Cojohuacan.
But, if so, he now changed his purpose, and wisely fixed
on this spot, as the best position for his encampment.
It was but half a league distant from the capital ; and,
while it commanded its great southern avenue, had a
direct communication with the garrison at Cojohuacan,
through which he might receive supplies from the sur-
rounding country. Here, then, he determined to esta-
blish his head-quarters. He at once caused his heavy
iron cannon to be transferred from the brigantines to the
causeway, and sent orders to Olid to join him with half
his force, while Sandoval was instructed to abandon his
present quarters, and advance to Cojohuacan, whence he
was to detach fifty picked men of his infantry to the
camp of Cortes. Having made these arrangements, the
general busily occupied himself with strengthening the
works at Xoloc, and putting them in the best posture
of defence.
During the first five or six days after their encamp-
ment, the Spaniards experienced much annoyance from
On the other side The waters sing, while proudly
Advance the British barks ; the they sail on,
freshening breeze Lords of the water."
Pills the broad sail ; around the Madoc, Part 2,
rushing keel canto 25.
chap, v.] OCCUPATION OF THE CAUSEWAYS. 271
the enemy, who too late endeavoured to prevent their
taking up a position so near the capital, and which, had
they known much of the science of war, they would have
taken better care themselves to secure. Contrary to
their usual practice, the Indians made their attacks by
night as well as by day. The water swarmed with
canoes, which hovered at a distance in terror of the
brigantines, but still approached near enough, especially
under cover of the darkness, to send showers of arrows
into the Christian camp, that fell so thick as to hide the
surface of the ground, and impede the movements of
the soldiers. Others ran along the western side of the
causeway, unprotected, as it was, by the Spanish fleet,
and plied their archery with such galling effect, that the
Spaniards were forced to make a temporary breach in
the dike, wide enough to admit tw r o of their own smaller
vessels, which, passing through, soon obtained as entire
command of the interior basin, as they before had of the
outer. Still, the bold barbarians, advancing along the
causeway, marched up within bow-shot of the Christian
ramparts, sending forth such yells and discordant battle-
cries, that it seemed, in the words of Cortes, "as if
heaven and earth were coming together." But they were
severely punished for their temerity, as the batteries,
which commanded the approaches to the camp, opened a
desolating fire, that scattered the assailants, and drove
them back in confusion to their own quarters. 6
The two principal avenues to Mexico, those on the
south and the west, were now occupied by the Christians.
There still remained a third, the great dike of Tepejacac,
on the north, which, indeed, taking up the principal
street, that passed in a direct line through the heart of
the city, might be regarded as a continuation of the dike
6 " Y era tanta la multitud," says ap.Lorenzana, p 245. — Oviedo, Hist.
Cortes, " que por el Agua, y por la de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23. —
Tierra no viamos sino Gente, y daban Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Cliich., MS., cap.
tantas gritas, y alaridos, que parecia 95. — Sahagun, Hist, de NuevaEspa-
que se huudia'el Mundo." Rel. Terc. na, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.
272 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
of Tztapalapan. By this northern route a means of
escape was still left open to the besieged, and they
availed themselves of it, at present, to maintain their
communications with the country, and to supply them-
selves with provisions. Alvarado, who observed this
from his station at Tacuba, advised his commander of it,
and the latter instructed Sandoval to take up his position
on the causeway. That officer, though suffering at the
time from a severe wound received from a lance in one
of the late skirmishes, hastened to obey ; and thus, by
shutting up its only communication with the surrounding
country, completed the blockade of the capital. 7
But Cortes was not content to wait patiently the effects
of a dilatory blockade, which might exhaust the patience
of his allies, and his own resources. He determined to
support it by such active assaults on the city as should
still further distress the besieged, and hasten the hour of
surrender. For this purpose he ordered a simultaneous
attack, by the two commanders at the other stations, on
the quarters nearest their encampments.
On the day appointed, his forces were under arms
with the dawn. Mass, as usual, was performed; and
the Indian confederates, as they listened with grave atten-
tion to the stately and imposing service, regarded with
undisguised admiration the devotional reverence shown
by the Christians, whom, in their simplicity, they looked
upon as little less than divinities themselves. 8 The
Spanish infantry marched in the van, led on by Cortes,
attended by a number of cavaliers, dismounted like him-
self. They had not moved far upon the causeway, when
7 Rel. Tcrc. de Cortes, ap. Loren- devotion ; e aun los Indios, como
zana, pp. 246, 247- — Beraal Diaz, simples, e no entendientes de tan alto
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 150. — • misterio, con admiration estaban
Herrera, Hist, de las Ind., dec. 3, atentos notando el silencio de los
lib. 1, cap. 17. — Dcfensa, MS., cap. catholicos y el acatamiento que al
28. altar, y al sacerdote los Christianos
8 " Asi como fue de dia sc dixo tovieron hasta recevir la benedicion."
vna misa de Espiritu Santo, que to- Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
dos los Christianos oyeron con rnuclio 3.'3, cap. 2 1.
chap, v.] OCCUPATION OF THE CAUSEWAYS. 273
they were brought to a stand by one of the open breaches,
that had formerly been traversed by a bridge. On the
further side a solid rampart of stone and lime had been
erected, and behind this a strong body of Aztecs were
posted, who discharged on the Spaniards, as they ad-
vanced, a thick volley of arrows. The latter vainly
endeavoured to dislodge them with their fire-arms and
crossbows ; they were too well secured behind their
defences.
Cortes then ordered two of the brigantines, which had
kept along, one on each side of the causeway, in order
to cooperate with the army, to station themselves so as
to enfilade the position occupied by the enemy. Thus
placed between two well-directed fires, the Indians were
compelled to recede. The soldiers on board the vessels,
springing to land, bounded like deer up the sides of the
dike. They were soon followed by their countrymen
under Cortes, who, throwing themselves into the water,
swam the undefended chasm, and joined in pursuit of
the enemy. The Mexicans fell back, however, in some-
thing like order, till they reached another opening in the
dike, like the former, dismantled of its bridge, and for-
tified in the same manner by a bulwark of stone, behind
which the retreating Aztecs, swimming across the chasm,
and reinforced by fresh bodies of their countrymen, again
took shelter.
They made good their post till, again assailed by the
cannonade from the brigantines, they were compelled to
give way. In this manner breach after breach was car-
ried, and, at every fresh instance of success, a shout went
up from the crews of the vessels, which, answered by the
long files of the Spaniards and their confederates on the
causeway, made the Valley echo to its borders.
Cortes had now reached the end of the great avenue,
where it entered the suburbs. There he halted to give
time for the rearguard to come up with him. It was
detained by the labour of filling up the breaches, in such
VOL. II. T
274 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
a manner as to make a practicable passage for the artillery
and horse, and to secure one for the rest of the army on
its retreat. This important duty was intrusted to the
allies, who executed it by tearing down the ramparts on
the margins, and throwing them into the chasms, and,
when this was not sufficient, — for the water was deep
around the southern causeway, — by dislodging the great
stones and rubbish from the dike itself, which was broad
enough to admit of it, and adding them to the pile, until
it was raised above the level of the water.
The street, on which the Spaniards now entered, was
the great avenue that intersected the town from north to
south, and the same by which they had first visited the
capital. It was broad and perfectly straight, and, in
the distance, dark masses of warriors might be seen
gathering to the support of their countrymen, who were
prepared to dispute the further progress of the Spaniards.
The sides were lined with buildings, the terraced roofs
of which were also crowded with combatants, who, as
the army advanced, poured down a pitiless storm of
missiles on their heads, which glanced harmless, indeed,
from the coat of mail, but too often found their way
through the more common escaupil of the soldier, already
gaping with many a ghastly rent. Cortes, to rid him-
self of this annoyance for the future, ordered his Indian
pioneers to level the principal buildings, as they ad-
vanced ; in which work of demolition, no less than in
the repair of the breaches, they proved of inestimable
service. 9
The Spaniards, meanwdiile, were steadily, but slowly,
advancing, as the enemy recoiled before the rolling fire
of musketry, though turning at intervals to discharge
their javelins and arrows against their pursuers. In
this way they kept along the great street, until their
9 Saliagun, Hist, dc Nueva Es- 95.— Oviedo, Hist, cle las Ind., MS.,
paiia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.— Ix- lib. 33, cap. 23. — Rel. Terc. de
tlilxochitl, Hist. Chicb., MS., cap. Cortes, ap. Lorcnz. pp. 247, 248.
chap, v.] DESPERATE ASSAULTS. 275
course was interrupted by a wide ditch or canal, once
traversed by a bridge, of which only a few planks now
remained. These were broken by the Indians, the
moment they had crossed, and a formidable array of
spears were instantly seen bristling over the summit of
a solid rampart of stone, which protected the opposite
side of the canal. Cortes was no longer supported by
his brigantines, which the shallowness of the canals
prevented from penetrating into the suburbs. He
brought forward his arquebusiers, who, protected by the
targets of their comrades, opened a fire on the enemy.
But the balls fell harmless from the bulwarks of stone ;
while the assailants presented but too easy a mark to
their opponents.
The general then caused the heavy guns to be brought
up, and opened a lively cannonade, which soon cleared a
breach in the works, through which the musketeers and
crossbowmen poured in their volleys thick as hail. The
Indians now gave way in disorder, after having held
their antagonists at bay for two hours. 10 The latter,
jumping into the shallow water, scaled the opposite bank
without further resistance, and drove the enemy along
the street towards the square, where the sacred pyramid
reared its colossal bulk high over the other edifices of
the city.
10 Ibid., ubi supra. — Ixtlilxochitl, Indian languages and picture-writing,
Hist. Chicb., MS., cap. 95. and in tbe oral testimony wbich lie
Here terminates tbe work last was at pains to collect from the
cited of tbe Tezcucan chronicler; actors in tbe scenes be describes,
who has accompanied us from the All these advantages are too often
earliest period of our narrative down counterbalanced by a singular in-
to this point in tbe final siege of the capacity for discriminating — I will
capital. Whether tbe concluding not say, between historic truth and
pages of the manuscript have been falsehood (for what is truth ?) — but
lost, or whether he was interrupted between tbe probable, or rather the
by death, it is impossible to say. possible, and the impossible. One
But the deficiency is supplied by a of the generation of primitive con-
brief sketch of tbe principal events verts to the Romish faith, he lived
of the siege, which be has left in in a state of twilight civihzation,
another of bis writings. He bad, when, if miracles were not easily
undoubtedly, uucommon sources of wrought, it was at least easy to be-
information in his knowledge of the lieve them.
T 2
276 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book VI,
It was a spot too familiar to the Spaniards. On one
side stood the palace of Axayacatl, their old quarters,
the scene to many of them of so much suffering. Oppo-
site was the pile of low, irregular, buildings, once the
residence of the unfortunate Montezuma; while a third
side of the square was flanked by the Coatepantli, or
Wall of Serpents, which encompassed the great teocalli
with its little city of holy edifices. The Spaniards halted
at the entrance of the square, as if oppressed, and for a
moment overpowered, by the bitter recollections that
crowded on their minds. But their intrepid leader,
impatient at their hesitation, loudly called on them to
advance before the Aztecs had time to rally; and,
grasping his target in one hand, and waving his sword
high above his head with the other, he cried his war-
cry of " St. Iago," and led them at once against the
enemy. 11
The Mexicans, intimidated by the presence of their
detested foe, who, in spite of all their efforts, had again
forced his way into the heart of their city, made no
further resistance, but retreated, or rather fled, for refuge
into the sacred inclosure of the teocalli, where the
numerous buildings scattered over its ample area afforded
many good points of defence. A few priests, clad in
their usual wild and blood-stained vestments, were to be
seen lingering on the terraces which wound round the
stately sides of the pyramid, chanting hymns in honour
of their god, and encouraging the warriors below to
battle bravely for his altars. 12
The Spaniards poured through the open gates into the
area, and a small party rushed up the winding corridors
to its summit. No vestige now remained there of the
11 " I con todo cso no se deter- Santiago, arrcmctio cl primero."
minaban los Cliristianos de entrar en Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 1,
laPlaca; por lo qual diciendo Her- cap. IS.
nando Cortes, que no era tiempo de
mostrar cansancio, ni cobardia, con 12 Sahagiui, Hist, de Nucva Es-
vna Rodela en la mano, apcllidando pafin, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.
chap, v.] DANGEROUS ASSAULTS. 277
Cross, or of any other symbol of the pure faith to which
it had been dedicated. A new effigy of the Aztec war-
god had taken the place of the one demolished by the
Christians, and raised its fantastic and hideous form in
the same niche which had been occupied by its prede-
cessor. The Spaniards soon tore away its golden mask
and the rich jewels with which it was bedizened, and,
hurling the struggling priests down the sides of the
pyramid, made the best of their way to their comrades
in the area. It was full time. 13
The Aztecs, indignant at the sacrilegious outrage per-
petrated before their eyes, and gathering courage from
the inspiration of the place, under the very presence of
their deities, raised a yell of horror and vindictive fury,
as, throwing themselves into something like order, they
sprang, by a common impulse, on the Spaniards. The
latter, who had halted near the entrance, though taken
by surprise, made an effort to maintain their position at
the gateway. But in vain ; for the headlong rush of
the assailants drove them at once into the square, where
they were attacked by other bodies of Indians, pouring
in from the neighbouring streets. Broken, and losing
their presence of mind, the troops made no attempt to
rally, but, crossing the square, and abandoning the
cannon planted there to the enemy, they hurried down
the great street of Iztapalapan. Here they were soon
mingled with the allies, who choked up the way, and
who, catching the panic of the Spaniards, increased the
confusion, while the eyes of the fugitives, blinded by the
missiles that rained on them from the azoteas, were
scarcely capable of distinguishing friend from foe. In
13 Ixtlilxochitl, in his Thirteenth estaba HuitzilopoxctlL que llegaron
Relation, embracing among other Cortes e Ixtlilxuchitl a. un tiempo,
things a brief notice of the capture y ambos embistieron con el idolo.
of Mexico, of which an edition has Cortes cogio la mascara de oro que
been given to the world by the in- tenia puesta este idolo con ciertas
dustrious Bustamante, bestows the piedras preciosas que estaban engas-
credit of this exploit on Cortes him- tadas en ella." Venida de los Esp.,
self. "En la capilla mayor donde p. 29.
278 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi-
vain Cortes endeavoured to stay the torrent, and to
restore order. His voice was drowned in the wild
uproar, as he was swept away, like drift-wood, by the
fury of the current.
All seemed to be lost; — when suddenly sounds were
heard in an adjoining street, like the distant tramp
of horses galloping rapidly over the pavement. They
drew nearer and nearer, and a body of cavalry soon
emerged on the great square. Though but a handful
in number, they plunged boldly into the thick of the
enemy. We have often had occasion to notice the super-
stitious dread entertained by the Indians of the horse
and his rider. And, although the long residence of the
cavalry in the capital had familiarized the natives, in
some measure, with their presence, so long a time had
now elapsed since they had beheld them, that all their
former mysterious terrors revived in full force ; and,
when thus suddenly assailed in flank by the formidable
apparition, they were seized with a panic, and fell into
confusion. It soon spread to the leading files, and
Cortes, perceiving his advantage, turned with the rapidity
of lightning, and, at this time supported by his followers,
succeeded in driving the enemy with some loss back into
the inclosure.
It was now the hour of vespers, and, as night must
soon overtake them, he made no further attempt to
pursue his advantage. Ordering the trumpets, there-
fore, to sound a retreat, he drew off his forces in good
order, taking with him the artillery which had been
abandoned in the square. The allies first went off the
ground, followed by the Spanish infantry, while the rear
was protected by the horse, thus reversing the order of
march on their entrance. The Aztecs hung on the
closing files, and, though driven back by frequent charges
of the cavalry, still followed in the distance, shooting
off their ineffectual missiles, and filling the air with
wild cries and bowlings, like a herd of ravenous wolves
chap, v.] DESPERATE ASSAULTS. 279
disappointed of their prey. It was late before the army
reached its quarters at Xoloc. 14
Cortes had been well supported by Alvaraclo and San-
doval in this assault on the city ; though neither of these
commanders had penetrated the suburbs, deterred, per-
haps, by the difficulties of the passage, which, in Alva-
raclo's case, were greater than those presented to Cortes,
from the greater number of breaches with which the
dike in his quarter was intersected. Something was
owing, too, to the want of brigantines, until Cortes sup-
plied the deficiency by detaching half of his little navy
to the support of his officers. Without their cooperation,
however, the general himself could not have advanced
so far, nor, perhaps, have succeeded at all in setting foot
within the city. The success of this assault spread con-
sternation, not only among the Mexicans, but their vassals,
as they saw that the formidable preparations for defence
were to avail little against the white man, who had so
soon, in spite of them, forced his way into the very heart
of the capital. Several of the neighbouring places, in
consequence, now showed a willingness to shake off their
allegiance, and claimed the protection of the Spaniards.
Among these were the territory of Xochimilco, so roughly
treated by the invaders, and some tribes of Otomies, a
rude but valiant people, who dwelt on the western con-
fines of the Valley. 15 Their support was valuable, not
so much from the additional reinforcements which it
brought, as from the greater security it gave to the
army, whose outposts were perpetually menaced by these
warlike barbarians.
14 " Los de Caballo revolvian Lorenzana, p. 250. — Herrera, Hist,
sobre ellos, que siempre alanceaban, General, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. IS. —
6 mataban algunos ; e como la Calle Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espaha,
era muy larga, bubo lugar de bacerce MS., lib. 12, cap. 32. — Oviedo, Hist.
esto quatro, 6 cinco veces. F aunque de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.
los Enemigos viau que recibian dafio, 15 Tbe great mass of the Otomies
venian los Perros tan rabiosos, que were an untamed race, who roamed
en ninguna nianera los podiaraos over the broad tracts of the plateau,
detener, ni que nos dejassen de far away to the north. But many
seguir." Peel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. of them, who found their way into
280 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book VI.
The most important aid which the Spaniards received
at this time, was fromTezcuco, whose prince, IxtlilxochitJ,
gathered the whole strength of his levies, to the number
of fifty thousand, if we are to credit Cortes, and led
them in person to the Christian camp. By the general's
orders they were distributed among the three divisions
of the besiegers. 16
Thus strengthened, Cortes prepared to make another
attack upon the capital, and that before it should have
time to recover from the former. Orders were given
to his lieutenants on the other causeways, to march at
the same time, and cooperate with him, as before, in the
assault. It was conducted in precisely the same manner
as on the previous entry, the infantry taking the van,
and the allies and cavalry following. But, to the great-
dismay of the Spaniards, they found two thirds of the
breaches restored to their former state, and the stones
and other materials, with which they had been stopped,
removed by the indefatigable enemy. They were again
obliged to bring up the cannon, the brigantines ran
alongside, and the enemy was dislodged, and driven
from post to post, in the same manner as on the pre-
ceding attack. In short, the whole work was to be done
over again. It was not till an hour after noon that the
army had won a footing in the suburbs.
Here their progress was not so difficult as before ; for
the buildings from the terraces of which they had
the Valley, became blended with the Tezcuco. It is rare, that either of
Tezcucan, and even with the Tlas- them is mentioned by any other than
calan nation, making some of the his baptismal name of Hernando ;
best soldiers in their armies. and, if Iierrera is correct in the as-
sertion, that this name was assumed
10 " Istrisuchil, (Ixtlilxochitl,) que by both, it may explain in some de-
es de edad de veinte y trcs, 6 vcinte grec the confusion. (Hist. General,
y quatro afios, muy csforzado, amado, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.) I have con-
y temido dc todos." (Rcl. Terc. formed in the main to the old Tez-
de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 251.) cucan chronicler, who gathered his
The greatest obscurity prevails account of his kinsman, as he tells
among historians in respect to this us, from the records of his nation,
prince, whom they seem to have con- and from the oral testimony of the
founded very often with his brother contemporaries of the prince him-
and predecessor on the throne of self. Vcuida de los Esp., pp. 3D, 31.
chap, v.] DESPERATE ASSAULTS. 281
experienced the most annoyance, had been swept away.
Still it was only step by step that they forced a passage
in face of the Mexican militia, who disputed their ad-
vance with the same spirit as before. Cortes, who would
willingly have spared the inhabitants, if he could have
brought them to terms, saw them with regret, as he
says, thus desperately bent on a war of extermination.
He conceived that there would be no way more likely to
affect their minds, than by destroying at once some of
the principal edifices, which they were accustomed to
venerate as the pride and ornament of the city. 17
Marching into the great square, he selected, as the
first to be destroyed, the old palace of Axayacatl, his
former barracks. The ample range of low buildings
was, it is true, constructed of stone ; but the interior, as
well as the outworks, its turrets, and roofs, were of wood.
The Spaniards, whose associations with the pile were of
so gloomy a character, sprang to the work of destruction
with a satisfaction like that which the French mob may
have felt in the demolition of the Bastile. Torches and
firebrands were thrown about in all directions ; the lower
parts of the building were speedily on fire, which running
along the inflammable hangings and woodwork of the
interior, rapidly spread to the second floor. There the
element took freer range, and, before it was visible from
without, sent up from every aperture and crevice a dense
column of vapour, that hung like a funereal pall over the
city. This was dissipated by a bright sheet of flame,
which enveloped all the upper regions of the vast pile,
till, the supporters giving way, the wide range of turreted
chambers fell, amidst clouds of dust and ashes, with an
appalling crash, that for a moment stayed the Spaniards
in the work of devastation.
17 "Daban ocasion, y nos forza- viniesseu en conocimiento de su
"ban a que,totalmente les destruyes- yerro, y de el daiio, que podian re-
semos. E de esta postrera tenia cibir de nosotros, y no hacia sino
mas sentimiento, y me pesaba en el quemalles, y derrocalles las Torres
alma, y pensaba que forma ternia de susJdolos,y sus Casas." Rel.Terc.
para los atemorizar, de manera, que de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 254,
282 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
It was but for a moment. On the other side of the
square adjoining Montezuma's residence, were several
buildings, as the reader is aware, appropriated to animals.
One of these was now marked for destruction, — the
House of Birds, — filled with specimens of all the painted
varieties which swarmed over the wide forests of Mexico.
It was an airy and elegant building, after the Indian
fashion, and viewed in connexion with its object, was
undoubtedly a remarkable proof of refinement and intel-
lectual taste in a barbarous monarch. Its light, combus-
tible materials of wood and bamboo formed a striking
contrast to the heavy stone edifices around it, and made
it obviously convenient for the present purpose of the
invaders. The torches were applied, and the fanciful
structure was soon wrapped in flames, that sent their
baleful splendours far and wide over city and lake.
Its feathered inhabitants either perished in the fire, or
those of stronger wing, bursting the burning lattice-
work of the aviary, soared high into the air, and
fluttering for a while over the devoted city, fled
with loud screams to their native forests beyond the
mountains.
The Aztecs gazed with inexpressible horror on this de-
struction of the venerable abode of their monarchs, and
of the monuments of their luxury and splendour. Their
rage was exasperated almost to madness, as they beheld
their hated foes, the Tlascalans, busy in the work of de-
solation, and aided by the Tezcucans, their own allies,
and not unfrequently their kinsmen. They vented their
fury in bitter execrations, especially on the young prince,
Ixtlilxochitl, who, marching side by side with Cortes,
took his full share in the dangers of the day. The
warriors from the housetops poured the most oppro-
brious epithets on him as he passed, denouncing him
as a false-hearted traitor ; false to his country and
his blood, — reproaches not altogether unmerited, as
his kinsman, who chronicles the circumstance, candidly
chap, v.] SPIRIT OF THE BESIEGED. 283
confesses. 18 He gave little heed to their taunts, however,
holding on his way with the dogged resolution of one
true to the cause in which he was embarked ; and,
when he entered the great square, he grappled with
the leader of the Aztec forces, wrenched a lance from
his grasp, won by the latter from the Christians, and
dealt him a blow with his mace, or maquahuitl, which
brought him lifeless to the ground. 19
The Spanish commander, having accomplished the
work of destruction, sounded a retreat, sending on the
Indian allies, who blocked up the way before him. The
Mexicans, maddened by their losses, in wild transports
of fury hung close on his rear, and, though driven back
by the cavalry, still returned, throwing themselves des-
perately under the horses, striving to tear the riders
from their saddles, and content to throw away their
own lives for one blow at their enemy. Fortunately
the greater part of their militia was engaged with the
assailants on the opposite quarters of the city ; but, thus
crippled, they pushed the Spaniards under Cortes so
vigorously, that few reached the camp that night with-
out bearing on their bodies some token of the desperate
conflict. 20
On the following day, and, indeed, on several days
following, the general repeated his assaults with as little
care for repose, as if he and his men had been made of
iron. On one occasion he advanced some way down the
street of Tacuba, in which he carried three of the bridges,
desirous, if possible, to open a communication with
Alvarado, posted on the contiguous causeway. But the
Spaniards in that quarter had not penetrated beyond the
18 "Y desde las azoteas deshon- 19 Ibid., p. 29.
rarle llamandole de traidor contra su 20 For the preceding pages relat-
patria y deudos, y otras razones pe- ing to this second assault, see Hel.
sadas, que a la verdad a ellos les so- Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp.
braba la razon ; mas Ixtlilxuchitl 254 — 256, — Sahagun, Hist, de
callaba y peleaba, que mas estimaba Nueva Esp., MS., lib. 12, cap. 33,
la amistad y salud de los Cristianos, — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
que todo esto." Venida de los Esp., lib. 33, cap. 24, — Defensa, MS.,
p. 32. cap. 28.
284 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
suburbs, still impeded by the severe character of the
ground, and wanting, it may be, somewhat of that fiery
impetuosity which the soldier feels who fights under the
eye of his chief.
In each of these assaults, the breaches were found
more or less restored to their original state by the perti-
nacious Mexicans, and the materials, which had been
deposited in them with so much labour, again removed.
It may seem strange, that Cortes did not take measures
to guard against the repetition of an act which caused so
much delay and embarrassment to his operations. He
notices this in his Letter to the Emperor, in which he
says, that to do so would have required, either that he
should have established his quarters in the city itself,
which would have surrounded him with enemies, and
cut off his communications with the country ; or that he
should have posted a sufficient guard of Spaniards — for
the natives were out of the question — to protect the
breaches by night, a duty altogether beyond the strength
of men engaged in so arduous a service through
the day. 21
Yet this was the course adopted by Alvarado ; who
stationed, at night, a guard of forty soldiers for the de-
fence of the opening nearest to the enemy. This was
relieved by a similar detachment in a few hours, and this
again by a third, the two former still lying on their post ;
so that, on an alarm, a body of one hundred and twenty
soldiers was ready on the spot to repel an attack. Some-
times, indeed, the whole division took up their bivouac
in the neighbourhood of the breach, resting on their
arms, and ready for instant action. 22
21 Rcl. Tore, ap. Lorcnzaua, p. of the breaches. " I Alvarado, i San-
259. doval, por su parte, tambien lo hici-
22 Bernal Diaz, Hist, dc la Con- eron mui bicn, culpando a Hernando
quista, cap. 151. Cortes por estas retiradas, queriendo
According to ITerrcra, Alvarado mucbos que se quedara en lo ganado,
and Sandoval did not conceal their por no bolver tantas vcce3 a cllo."
disapprobation of the course pur- Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 19.
sued by their commander in respect
chap, v.] SPIRIT OF THE BESIEGED. 285
But a life of such incessant toil and vigilance was
almost too severe even for the stubborn constitutions of
the Spaniards. " Through the long night," exclaims
Diaz, who served in Alvarado's division, "we kept our
dreary watch ; neither wind, nor wet, nor cold availing
anything. There we stood, smarting, as we were, from
the wounds we had received in the tight of the preceding
day." 23 It was the rainy season, which continues in that
country from July to September ; and the surface of the
causeways, flooded by the storms, and broken up by the
constant movement of such large bodies of men, was con-
verted into a marsh, or rather quagmire, which added
inconceivably to the distresses of the army.
The troops under Cortes were scarcely in a better
situation. But few of them could find shelter in the rude
towers that garnished the works of Xoloc. The greater
part were compelled to bivouac in the open air, exposed
to all the inclemency of the weather. Every man, unless
his wounds prevented it, was required by the camp regu-
lations to sleep on his arms ; and they were often roused
from their hasty slumbers by the midnight call to battle.
For Guatemozin, contrary to the usual practice of his
countrymen, frequently selected the hours of darkness to
aim a blow at the enemy. " In short," exclaims the
veteran soldier above quoted, " so unintermitting were
our engagements, by day and by night, during the three
months in which we lay before the capital, that to re-
count them all would but exhaust the reader's patience,
and make him to fancy he was perusing the incredible
feats of a knight errant of romance." 24
23 « Porque como era de noclie, estuuimos sobre esta tan fuerte ciu-
no aguardauan raucho, y desta ma- dad, cada dia e de noclie tenianios
nera que he dicho velauamos, que ni guerras, y combates ; e no lo pongo
porque llouiesse, ni vientos, ni frios, aqui por capitulos lo que cada dia
y aunque estauamos metidos en me- haziamos, porque me parece que seria
dio de grandes lodos, y heridos, alii gran proligidad, e seria cosa para
auiamos de estar." Hist, de la Con- nunca acabar, y pareceria a los libros
quista, cap. 151. de Amadis, e de otros corros de cau-
21 " Porque nouenta y tres dias alleros." Ibid., ubi supra.
286 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
The Aztec emperor conducted his operations on a sys-
tematic plan, which showed some approach to military
science. He not unfrequently made simultaneous attacks
on the three several divisions of the Spaniards established
on the causeways, and on the garrisons at their extremi-
ties. To accomplish this, he enforced the service not
merely of his own militia of the capital, but of the great
towns in the neighbourhood, who all moved in concert,
at the well-known signal of the beacon-fire, or of the
huge drum struck by the priests on the summit of the
temple. One of these general attacks, it was observed,
whether from accident or design, took place on the eve
of St. John the Baptist, the anniversary of the clay on
which the Spaniards made their second entry into the
Mexican capital. 25
Notwithstanding the severe drain on his forces by this
incessant warfare, the young- monarch contrived to re-
lieve them in some degree by different detachments, who
took the place of one another. This was apparent from
the different uniforms and military badges of the Indian
battalions, who successively came and disappeared from
the field. At night a strict guard was maintained in the
Aztec quarters, a thing not common with the nations of
the plateau. The outposts of the hostile armies were sta-
tioned within sight of each other. That of the Mexicans
was usually placed in the neighbourhood of some wide
breach, and its position was marked by a large fire in
front. The hours for relieving guard were intimated by
the shrill Aztec whistle, while bodies of men might be
seen moving behind the flame, which threw a still ruddier
glow over the cinnamon-coloured skins of the warriors.
While thus active on land, Guatemozin was not idle on
the water. He was too wise, indeed, to cope with the
Spanish navy again in open battle ; but he resorted to
stratagem, so much more congenial to Indian warfare.
25 Hist, de la Conquista, ubi supra. — Saliagun, Hist, dc Nueva Esp., MS.,
lib. 12, cap. 33.
chap, v.] SPIRIT OF THE BESIEGED. 287
He placed a large number of canoes in ambuscade
among the tall reeds which fringed the southern shores
of the lake, and caused piles, at the same time, to be
driven into the neighbouring shallows. Several piraguas,
or boats of a larger size, then issued forth, and rowed
near the spot where the Spanish brigantines were moored.
Two of the smallest vessels, supposing the Indian barks
were conveying provisions to the besieged, instantly stood
after them, as had been foreseen. The Aztec boats fled
for shelter to the reedy thicket, where their companions
lay in ambush. The Spaniards following, were soon
entangled among the palisades under the water. They
were instantly surrounded by the whole swarm of Indian
canoes, most of the men were wounded, several, including-
the two commanders, slain, and one of the brigantines fell
— a useless prize — into the hands of the victors. Among
the slain was Pedro Barba, captain of the crossbowmen,
a gallant officer, who had highly distinguished himself in
the Conquest. This disaster occasioned much mortifica-
tion to Cortes. It was a salutary lesson, that stood him
in good stead during the remainder of the war. 26
Thus the contest was waged by land and by water, —
on the causeway, the city, and the lake. Whatever else
might fail, the capital of the Aztec empire was true
to itself ; and, mindful of its ancient renown, opposed a
bold front to its enemies in every direction. As in a
body, whose extremities have been struck with death,
life still rallied in the heart, and seemed to beat there for
the time, with even a more vigorous pulsation than ever.
It may appear extraordinary, that Guatemozin should
have been able to provide for the maintenance of the
crowded population now gathered in the metropolis, espe-
cially as the avenues were all in the possession of the
besieging army. 27 But, independently of the preparations
26 Hist, cle la Conquista, loc. cit. 27 I recollect meeting -with no es-
— Sahagun, Hist, de Neuva Esp., timate of their numbers ; nor, in the
MS., lib. 12, cap. 34. loose arithmetic of the Conquerors,
288 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vr.
made with this view before the siege, and of the loathsome
sustenance daily furnished by the victims for sacrifice,
supplies were constantly obtained from the surrounding
country across the lake. This was so conducted, for
a time, as in a great measure to escape observation ;
and even when the brigantines were commanded to
cruise day and night, and sweep the waters of the
boats employed in this service, many still contrived,
under cover of the darkness, to elude the vigilance of the
cruisers, and brought their cargoes into port. It was
not till the great towns in the neighbourhood cast off
their allegiance, that the supply began to fail, from the
failure of its sources. This defection was more frequent,
as the inhabitants became convinced that the govern-
ment, incompetent to its own defence, must be still more
so to theirs : and the Aztec metropolis saw its great
vassals fall off, one after another, as the tree, over which
decay is stealing, parts with its leaves at the first blast of
the tempest. 28
The cities, which now claimed the Spanish general's
protection, supplied the camp with an incredible number
of warriors ; a number which, if we admit Cortes' own
estimate, one hundred and fifty thousand, 29 could have
only served to embarrass his operations on the long
extended causeways. Yet it is true, that the Valley,
teeming with towns and villages, swarmed with a popu-
lation — and one, too, in which every man was a warrior
— greatly exceeding that of the present day. These
levies were distributed among the three garrisons at the
terminations of the causeways ; and many found active
employment in foraging the country for provisions, and
would it be worth much. They must, The principal cities were Mexicalt-
however, have been very great, to zinco, Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, Miz-
cnable them to meet the assailants quiz, Huitzilopochco, Colhuacan.
so promptly and efficiently on every 20 " Y como aqucl dia llevabamos
point. mas de cicnto y cincucnta mil Hom-
28 Dcfensa, MS., cap. 28. — Saha- bres de Guerra." Itel. Terc. ap. Lo-
gun, Hist, de Nueva Esp., MS., lib. renza, p. 280.
12, cap. 31.
chap, v.] BARRACKS FOR THE TROOPS. 289
yet more in carrying on hostilities against the places still
unfriendly to the Spaniards.
Cortes found further occupation for them in the con-
struction of barracks for his troops, who suffered greatly
from exposure to the incessant rains of the season, which
were observed to fall more heavily by night than by day.
Quantities of stone and timber were obtained from the
buildings that had been demolished in the city. They
were transported in the brigantines to the causeway, and
from these materials a row of huts or barracks was con-
structed, extending on either side of the works of Xoloc.
It may give some idea of the great breadth of the cause-
way at this place, one of the deepest parts of the lake,
to add, that, although the barracks were erected in
parallel lines on the opposite sides of it, there still
remained space enough for the army to defile between. 30
By this arrangement, ample accommodations were fur-
nished for the Spanish troops and their Indian attend-
ants, amounting in all to about two thousand. The
great body of the allies, with a small detachment of horse
and infantry, were quartered at the neighbouring post of
Cojohuacan, which served to protect the rear of the
encampment, and to maintain its communications with
the country. A similar disposition of forces took place
in the other divisions of the army, under Alvarado and
Sandoval, though the accommodations provided for the
shelter of the troops on their causeways were not so sub-
stantial as those for the division of Cortes.
The Spanish camp was supplied with provisions from
the friendly towns in the neighbourhood, and especially
from Tezcuco. 31 They consisted of fish, the fruits of the
country, particularly a sort of fig borne by the tuna,
30 " Y vea Vuestra Magestad," caballo ibamos, y veniamos por ella."
says Cortes to the Emperor, " que Ibid., p. 260.
tan ancha puede ser la Calzada, que 31 The greatest difficulty under
va por lo mas hondo de la Laguna, which the troops laboured, accord-
que de la una parte, y de la otra iban ing to Diaz, was that of obtaining
estas Casas, y quedaba en medio he- the requisite medicaments for their
cha Calle, que muy a placer a pic, y wounds. But this was in a great
VOL. II. U
290
SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
{cactus opuntia,) and a species of cherry, or something
much resembling it, which grew abundant at this season.
But their principal food was the tortillas, cakes of
Indian meal, still common in Mexico, for which bake-
houses were established, under the care of the natives, in
the garrison towns commanding the causeways. 32 The
allies, as appears too probable, reinforced their frugal fare
with an occasional banquet on human flesh, for which the
battle-field unhappily afforded them too much facility,
and which, however shocking to the feelings of Cortes,
he did not consider himself in a situation at that moment
to prevent. 33
Thus the tempest, which had been so long mustering,
broke at length in all its fury on the Aztec capital. Its
unhappy inmates beheld the hostile legions encompassing
them about with their glittering files stretching as far as
the eye could reach. They saw themselves deserted by
degree obviated by a Catalan sol-
dier, who, by virtue of bis prayers
and incantations, wrought wonder-
ful cures both on the Spaniards and
their allies. The latter, as the more
ignorant, flocked in crowds to the
tent of this military iEsculapius,
whose success was doubtless in a
direct ratio to the faith of his pa-
tients. Hist, de la Conquista, ubi
supra.
32 Diaz mourns over this unsa-
vory diet. (Ibid., loc. cit.) Yet
the Indian fig is an agreeable, nu-
tritious fruit ; and the tortilla, made
of maize-flour, with a slight infu-
sion of lime, though not precisely
a moreen u friand, might pass for
very tolerable camp fare. Accord-
ing to the lively Author of " Life
in Mexico," it is made now pre-
cisely as it was in the days of the
Aztecs. — If so, a cooking receipt
is almost the only thing that has
not changed in this country of revo-
lutions.
33 "Quo strages," says Martyr,
" crat crudelior, eo magis copiose ac
opipare ccenabant Guazuzingui et
Tascaltecani, cseterique prouinciales
auxiliarij, qui soliti sunt hostes in
prcelio cadentes intra suos ventres
scpelire ; nee vetare ausus fuisset
Cortesius." (De Orbe Novo, dec.
5, cap. 8.) "Y los otros les mostra-
ban los de su eiudad hechos pedazos,
diciendoles, que los habian de cenar
aquella noche, y almorzar otro dia,
como de hecho lo hacian." (Rel.
Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p.
25(3.) Yet one may well be startled
by the assertion of Oviedo, that the
carnivorous monsters fished up the
bloated bodies of those drowned in
the lake to swell their repast ! " Ni
podian ver los ojos de los Christi-
anos, e Catholicos, mas cspantable e
aborrccida cosa, que ver en el Real
de los Amigos confederados el con-
tinuo exercicio de comer carne asada,
6 cocida de los Indios enemigos, e
ami de los que mataban en las ca-
noas, d se ahogaban, e despues el
agua los echaba en la superficie de la
laguna, 6 cu la costa, no los dcxaban
de pescar, c aposcntar en sus vien-
trcs." Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
33, cap. 24.
••v.]
BARRACKS FOR THE TROOPS.
291
their allies and vassals in their utmost need ; the fierce
stranger penetrating into their secret places, violating
their temples, plundering their palaces, wasting the fair
city by day, firing its suburbs by night, and intrenching
himself in solid edifices under their walls, as if deter-
mined never to withdraw his foot while one stone
remained upon another. All this they saw, yet their
spirits were unbroken ; and, though famine and pesti-
lence were beginning to creep over them, they still
showed the same determined front to their enemies.
Cortes, who would gladly have spared the town and its
inhabitants, beheld this resolution with astonishment.
He intimated more than once, by means of the prisoners
whom he released, his willingness to grant them fair
terms of capitulation. Day after day, he fully expected
his proffers would be accepted. But day after day he
was disappointed. 34 He had yet to learn how tenacious
was the memory of the Aztecs ; and that, whatever might
be the horrors of their present situation, and their fears
for the future, they were all forgotten in their hatred of
the white man.
34 "Y sin duda el dia pasado, y
aqueste yo tenia por cierto, que
vinieran de Paz, de la qual yo siem-
pre con Victoria, y sin ella hacia
todas las muestras, que podia. Y
nunca por esso en ellos kallabamos
alguua serial de Paz." Rel. Terc.
de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 261.
u 2
292 [book vi.
CHAPTER VI.
General Assault on the City. — Defeat of the Spaniards. — Their Disastrous
Condition. — Sacrifice of the Captives. — Defection of the Allies. — Con-
stancy of the Troops.
1521.
Famine was now gradually working its way into the
heart of the beleaguered city. It seemed certain that,
with this strict blockade, the crowded population must
in the end be driven to capitulate, though no arm should
be raised against them. But it required time ; and the
Spaniards, though constant and enduring by nature,
began to be impatient of hardships scarcely inferior to
those experienced by the besieged. In some respects
their condition was even worse, exposed, as they were,
to the cold, drenching rains, which fell with little inter-
mission, rendering their situation dreary and disastrous
in the extreme.
In this state of things, there were many who would
willingly have shortened their sufferings, and taken the
chance of carrying the place by a coup de main. Others
thought it would be best to get possession of the great
market of Tlatelolco, which, from its situation in the
north-western part of the city, might afford the means of
communication with the camps of both Alvarado and
Sandoval. This place, encompassed by spacious porticos,
would furnish accommodations for a numerous host; and,
once established in the capital, the Spaniards would be
chap, vi.] GENERAL ASSAULT ON THE CITY. 293
in a position to follow up the blow with far more effect
than at a distance.
These arguments were pressed by several of the
officers, particularly by Alderete, the royal treasurer, a
person of much consideration, not only from his rank,
but from the capacity and zeal he had shown in the
service. In deference to their wishes, Cortes summoned
a council of war, and laid the matter before it. The
treasurer's views were espoused by most of the high-
mettled cavaliers, who looked with eagerness to any
change of their present forlorn and wearisome life ; and
Cortes, thinking it probably more prudent to adopt the
less expedient course, than to enforce a cold and re-
luctant obedience to his own opinion, suffered himself to
be overruled. 1
A day was fixed for the assault, which was to be made
simultaneously by the two divisions under Alvaraclo and
the commander-in-chief. Sandoval was instructed to
draw off the greater part of his forces from the northern
causeway, and to unite himself with Alvarado, while
seventy picked soldiers were to be detached to the sup-
port of Cortes.
On the appointed morning, the two armies, after the
usual celebration of mass, advanced along their respec-
tive causeways against the city. 2 They were supported,
in addition to the brigantines, by a numerous fleet of
Indian boats, which were to force a passage up the
canals, and by a countless multitude of allies, whose
1 Such is the account explicitly sunshine, by day and by night,
given by Cortes to the Emperor. among friends and enemies, draws
(Rel. Terc.j ap. Lorenzana, p. 264.) forth a warm eulogium from the
Bernal Diaz, on the contrary, speaks archiepiscopal editor of Cortes,
of the assault as first conceived by " En el Campo, en una Calzada,
the general himself. (Hist, de la entre Enemigos, trabajando dia, y
Conquista, cap. 151.) Yet Diaz noche, nunca se omitia la Missa,
had not the best means of knowing ; para que toda la obra se atribuyesse
and Cortes would hardly have sent a Dios, y mas en unos Meses, en
home a palpable misstatement that que incomodan las Aguas cle el
could have been so easily exposed. Cielo ; y encima del Agua las Habi-
2 This punctual performance of taciones, 6 malas Tiendas." Loren-
mass by the army, in storm and in zana, p. 266, nota.
294 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
very numbers served in the end to embarrass their opera-
tions. After clearing the suburbs, three avenues pre-
sented themselves, which all terminated in the square of
Tlatelolco. The principal one, being of much greater
width than the other two, might rather be called a cause-
way than a street, since it was flanked by deep canals on
either side. Cortes divided his force into three bodies.
One of them he placed under Alderete, with orders to
occupy the principal street. A second he gave in charge
to Andres de Tapia and Jorge de Alvarado ; the former
a cavalier of courage and capacity, the latter, a younger
brother of Don Pedro, and possessed of the intrepid
spirit which belonged to that chivalrous family. These
were to penetrate by one of the parallel streets, while
the general himself, at the head of the third division,
was to occupy the other. A small body of cavalry, with
two or three field pieces, was stationed as a reserve in
front of the great street of Tacuba, which was designated
as the rallying point for the different divisions. 3
Cortes gave the most positive instructions to his cap-
tains not to advance a step without securing the means
of retreat, by carefully filling up the ditches, and the
openings in the causeway. The neglect of this precau-
tion by Alvarado, in an assault which he had made on
the city but a few days before, had been attended with
such serious consequences to his army, that Cortes rode
over, himself, to his officer's quarters, for the purpose of
publicly reprimanding him for his disobedience of orders.
On his arrival at the camp, however, he found that his
offending captain had conducted the affair with so much
gallantry, that the intended reprimand — though well
deserved — subsided into a mild rebuke. 4
3 In the treasurer's division, ac- allies." (Ibid., ubi supra.) The
cording to the general's Letter, there looseness of the language shows
were 70 Spanish foot, 7 or 8 horse, that a few thousands, more or less,
and 15,000 or 20,000 Indians; in were of no great moment in the
Tapia's, 80 foot, and 10,000 allies ; estimate of the Indian forces,
ami in his own, 8 horse, 100 in- '' " OI.ro dia de mahana acorde de
fnntry, and "an infinite number of ir a ,'su Real para le reprehender lo
chap, vi.] GENERAL ASSAULT ON THE CITY. 295
The arrangements being completed, the three divisions
marched at once up the several streets. Cortes, dis-
mounting, took the van of his own squadron, at the head
of his infantry. The Mexicans fell back as he advanced,
making less resistance than usual. The Spaniards pushed
on, carrying one barricade after another, and carefully
filling up the gaps with rubbish, so as to secure them-
selves a footing. The canoes supported the attack, by
moving along the canals, and grappling with those of the
enemy ; while numbers of the nimble-footed Tlascalans,
scaling the terraces, passed on from one house to another,
where they were connected, hurling the defenders into
the streets below. The enemy, taking apparently by
surprise, seemed incapable of withstanding for a moment
the fury of the assault; and the victorious Christians,
cheered on by the shouts of triumph which arose from
their companions in the adjoining streets, were only the
more eager to be first at the destined goal.
Indeed, the facility of his success led the general to
suspect that he might be advancing too fast ; that it
might be a device of the enemy to draw them into the
heart of the city, and then surround or attack them in
the rear. He had some misgivings, moreover, lest his
too ardent officers, in the heat of the chase, should,
notwithstanding his commands, have overlooked the
necessary precaution of filling up the breaches. He
accordingly brought his squadron to a halt, prepared to
baffle any insidious movement of his adversary. Mean-
while he received more than one message from Alderete,
informing him that he had nearly gained the market.
This only increased the general's apprehension, that, in
the rapidity of his advance, he might have neglected
to secure the ground. He determined to trust no
eyes but his own, and, taking a small body of troops,
pasado Y visto, no les impute habia de hacer, yo me bolvi a nues-
tanta culpa, como antes parecia tro Real aquel dia." Rel. Terc, pp.
teiier, y platicado cerca de lo que 263, 264.
296 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi
proceeded at once to reconnoitre the route followed by
the treasurer.
He had not proceeded far along the great street, or
causeway, when his progress was arrested by an opening
ten or twelve paces wide, and filled with water, at
least two fathoms deep, by which a communication was
formed between the canals on the opposite sides. A
feeble attempt had been made to stop the gap with the
rubbish of the causeway, but in too careless a manner to
be of the least service ; and a few straggling stones and
pieces of timber only showed that the work had been
abandoned almost as soon as begun. 5 To add to his
consternation, the general observed that the sides of the
causeway in this neighbourhood had been pared off, and,
as was evident, very recently. He saw in all this the
artifice of the cunning enemy ; and had little doubt that
his hot-headed officer had rushed into a snare deliberately
laid for him. Deeply alarmed, he set about repairing
the mischief as fast as possible, by ordering his men to
fill up the yawning chasm.
But they had scarcely begun their labours, when the
hoarse echoes of conflict in the distance were succeeded
by a hideous sound of mingled yells and war-whoops,
that seemed to rend the very heavens. This was fol-
lowed by a rushing noise, as of the tread of thronging
multitudes, showing that the tide of battle was turned
back from its former course, and was rolling on towards
the spot where Cortes and his little band of cavaliers
were planted.
His conjectures proved too true. Alderete had fol-
lowed the retreating Aztecs with an eagerness which
increased with every step of his advance. He had carried
5 " Y balle, que habian pasado en clla madera, y caiias de carrizo,
una quebrada de la Callc, que era dc y como pasaban pocos a pocos, y con
diez, 6 docc pasos de audio ; y el tieuto, no sc habia liundido la madera
Agua, que por ella pasaba, era de y cafias." Ilcl. Tcrc, ap. Lorenzana,
bondura dc mas de dos estados, y al p. 268. — See also Ovicdo, Hist, dc
tiempo que la pasaron liabian echado las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.
chap. VI.] GENERAL ASSAULT ON THE CITY. 297
the barricades, which had defended the breach, without
much difficulty, and, as he swept on, gave orders that
the opening should be stopped. But the blood of the
high-spirited cavaliers was warmed by the chase, and no
one cared to be detained by the ignoble occupation of
filling up the ditches, while he could gather laurels so
easily in the fight ; and they all pressed on, exhorting and
cheering one another with the assurance of being the
first to reach the square of Tlatelolco. In this way they
suffered themselves to be decoyed into the heart of the
city ; when suddenly the horn of Guatemozin — the
sacred symbol, heard only in seasons of extraordinary
peril — sent forth a long and piercing note from the
summit of a neighbouring teocatti. In an instant, the
flying Aztecs, as if maddened by the blast, wheeled
about, and turned on their pursuers. At the same time,
countless swarms of warriors from the adjoining streets
and lanes poured in upon the flanks of the assailants,
filling the air with the fierce, unearthly cries which had
reached the ears of Cortes, and drowning, for a moment,
the wild dissonance which reigned in the other quarters
of the capital. 6
The army, taken by surprise, and shaken by the fury
of the assault, were thrown into the utmost disorder.
Friends and foes, white men and Indians, were mingled
together in one promiscuous mass ; spears, swords, and
war-clubs were brandished together in the air. Blows
fell at random. In their eagerness to escape, they trod
down one another. Blinded by the missiles, which now
rained on them from the azoteas, they staggered on,
6 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 138. — roanera, q' hiziessen presa, d morir
Ixtlilxochitl, Yemda de los Esp., sobre ello ; y retumbaua el sonido,
p. 37. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., q' se metia en los oidos, y de q' lo
MS., lib. 33, cap. 26. oyero aquellos sus esquadrones, y
Guatemozin's horn rung in the Capitanes saber yo aqm dezir aora,
ears of Bernal Diaz for many a day con q' rabia, y esfuerco le metian
after the battle. " Guatemuz, y entre nosotros a nos echar inano, es
manda tocar su corneta, q' era vna cosa de espanto." Hist, de la Con-
senal quando aquella se tocasse, era quista, cap. 152.
q' avian de pelear sus Capitanes de
298 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [cook vi.
scarcely knowing in what direction, or fell, struck down
by bands which they could not see. On they came like
a rushing torrent sweeping along some steep declivity,
and rolling in one confused tide towards the open breach,
on the further side of which stood Cortes and his com-
panions, horror-struck at the sight of the approaching
ruin. The foremost files soon plunged into the gulf,
treading one another under the flood, some striving in-
effectually to swim, others, with more success, to clamber
over the heaps of their suffocated comrades. Many, as
they attempted to scale the opposite sides of the slippery
dike, fell into the water, or were hurried off by the war-
riors in the canoes, who added to the horrors of the
rout by the fresh storm of darts and javelins which they
poured on the fugitives.
Cortes, meanwhile, with his brave followers, kept his
station undaunted on the other side of the breach. " I
had made up my mind," he says, " to die rather than
desert my poor followers in their extremity ! " 1 With
outstretched hands he endeavoured to rescue as many as
he could from the watery grave, and from the more
appalling fate of captivity. He as vainly tried to restore
something like presence of mind and order among the
distracted fugitives. His person was too well known to
the Aztecs, and his position now made him a conspicuous
mark for their weapons. Darts, stones, and arrows fell
around him thick as hail, but glanced harmless from his
steel helmet and armour of proof. At length a cry
of " Malintzin, Malintzin ! " arose among the enemy ;
and six of their number, strong and athletic warriors,
rushing on him at once, made a violent effort to drag
him on board their boat. In the struggle he received a
severe wound in the leg, which, for the time, disabled it.
There seemed to be no hope for him ; when a faithful
7 "Ecorao cl ncgocio fuc tan de peleaado." Rel. Terc, ap. Loren-
si'ipito, y vf que mataban la Genii;, zaua, p. 2G8.
determine de me qucdar alii, y morir
chap, vi.] DEFEAT OF THE SPANIARDS. 299
follower, Christoval cle Olea, perceiving his general's
extremity, threw himself on the Aztecs, and with a blow
cut off the arm of one savage, and then plunged his
sword in the body of another. lie was quickly sup-
ported by a comrade named Lerma, and by a Tlascalan
chief, who, fighting over the prostrate body of Cortes,
despatched three more of the assailants, though the
heroic Olea paid dearly for his self-devotion, as he fell
mortally wounded by the side of his general. 8
The report soon spread among the soldiers, that their
commander was taken ; and Quiiiones, the captain of his
guard, with several others, pouring- in to the rescue, suc-
ceeded in disentangling Cortes from the grasp of his
enemies who were struggling with him in the water, and,
raising him in their arms, placed him again on the cause-
way. One of his pages, meanwhile, had advanced some
way through the press, leading a horse for his master to
mount. But the youth received a wound in the throat
from a javelin, which prevented him from effecting his
8 Ixtlilxochitl, who 'would fain fate he commemorates in verses, that,
make his royal kinsman a sort of at least, aspire to historic fidelity,
residuary legatee for all unappro-
priated, or even doubtful, acts of " Tiivole con las manos abracado,
heroism, puts in a sturdy claim for Y Francisco de Olea el valeroso,
him on this occasion. A painting, Vn valiente Espaiiol, y su criado,
he says, on one of the gates of a Le tiro vn tajo brauo y riguroso :
monastery of Tlatelolco, long re- Las dos manos a cercen le ha cor-
corded the fact that it was the tado,
Tezcucan chief who saved the life of Y el le librd del trance trabajoso.
Cortes. (Venida de los Esp., p. 38.) Huuo muy gran rumor, porque
But Camargo gives the full credit of dezian,
it to Olea, on the testimony of "a Que ya en prision amarga le
famous Tlascalan warrior," present tenian.
in the action, who reported it to
him. (Hist, de Tlascala, MS.) The " Llegaron otros Indios arriscados,
same is stoutly maintained by Bemal Y a Olea mataron en vn punto,
Diaz, the townsman of Olea, to whose Cercaron a Cortes por todos lados,
memory he pays a hearty tribute, as Y al miserable cuerpo ya difunto :
one of the best men and bravest Y viendo sus sentidos recobrados,
soldiers in the army. (Hist, de la Puso mano a la espada y daga
Conquista, cap. 152, 204.) Saavedra, junto.
the poetic chronicler, — something Antonio de Quiiiones llegd luego,
more of chronicler than poet, — who Capitan de la guarda ardiendo eu
came on the stage before all that had fuego."
borne arms in the Conquest had left El Perec;kino Indian o,
it, gives the laurel also to Olea, whose Canto 20.
300 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vr.
object. Another of his attendants was more successful.
It was Guzman, his chamberlain; but, as he held the
bridle, while Cortes was assisted into the saddle, he was
snatched away by the Aztecs, and with the swiftness of
thought, hurried off by their canoes. The general still
lingered, unwilling to leave the spot, whilst his presence
could be of the least service. But the faithful Quifiones,
taking his horse by the bridle, turned his head from the
breach, exclaiming, at the same time, that " his master's
life was too important to the army to be thrown away
there." 9
Yet it was no easy matter to force a passage through
the press. The surface of the causeway, cut up by the
feet of men and horses, was knee-deep in mud, and in
some parts was so much broken, that the water from the
canals flowed over it. The crowded mass, in their efforts
to extricate themselves from their perilous position, stag-
gered to and fro like a drunken man. Those on the
flanks were often forced by the lateral pressure of their
comrades down the slippery sides of the dike, where they
were picked up by the canoes of the enemy, whose shouts
of triumph proclaimed the savage joy with which they
gathered in every new victim for the sacrifice. Two
cavaliers, riding by the general's side, lost their footing,
and rolled down the declivity into the water. One was
taken and his horse killed ; the other was happy enough
to escape. The valiant ensign, Corral, had a similar
piece of good fortune. He slipped into the canal, and
the enemy felt sure of their prize, when he again suc-
ceeded in recovering the causeway with the tattered
banner of Castile still flying above his head. The bar-
barians set up a cry of disappointed rage, as they lost
9 "E aquel Capitan que cstaba vos, ninguno de nosotros puede esca-
con el General, que sc dccia Antonio par, que no es esf'uerzo, sino poque-
dc Quifiones, dixolc : Vamos, Sefior, dad, porfiar aqui otra cosa." Oviedo,
de aqui, y salvcmos vuestra Persona, Hist, dc las Ind., MS., lib. 33,
pucs que ya esto estade manera, que cap. 26.
es morir dcscsperado atcnder ; e sin
chap, vi.] DEFEAT OF THE SPANIARDS. 301
possession of a trophy, to which the people of Anahuac
attached, as we have seen, the highest importance, hardly
inferior in their eyes to the capture of the commander-
in-chief himself. 10
Cortes at length succeeded in regaining the firm
ground, and reaching the open place before the great
street of Tacuba. Here, under a sharp fire of the artil-
lery, he rallied his broken squadrons, and charging at
the head of the little body of horse, which, not having
been brought into action, were still fresh, he beat off the
enemy. He then commanded the retreat of the two other
divisions. The scattered forces again united ; and the
general, sending forward his Indian confederates, took the
rear with a chosen body of cavalry to cover the retreat of the
army, which was effected with but little additional loss. 11
Andres de Tapia was despatched to the western
causeway to acquaint Alvarado and Sandoval with the
failure of the enterprise. Meanwhile the two captains
had penetrated far into the city. Cheered by the trium-
phant shouts of their countrymen in the adjacent streets,
they had pushed on with extraordinary vigour, that they
might not be outstripped in the race of glory. They
had almost reached the market-place, which lay nearer
to their quarters than to the general's, when they heard
the blast from the dread horn of Guatemozin, 12 followed
10 It may have been the same Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
banner which is noticed by Mr. 33, cap. 26, 48.
Bullock, as treasured up in the ,„ . CT1 i -i j i ± j
tt -j. i e t ct i " El resomdo de la corneta de
Hospital oi Jesus, where, says r, . „ A . i f , i
he, "we beheld the identical em- Guatenmz. -Astolfo s magic horn
broidered standard, under which the was not m0re temble> ^
great captain wrested this immense " Dico che '1 corno e di si orribil
empire from the unfortunate Monte- suono,
zuma." Six Months in Mexico, vol. i., Ch' ovunque s' oda, fa fuggir la
chap. 10. gente.
11 For tins disastrous affair, be- Non pub trovarsi al mondo un cor
sides the Letter of Cortes, and the si buono,
Chronicle of Diaz, so often quoted, Che possa non fuggir come lo sente.
see Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Esp., Rumor di vento e di tremuoto, e '1
MS., lib. 12, cap. 33. — Camargo, tuono,
Hist, de Tlascala, MS.,— Gomara, A par del suon di questo, era
Crdnica, cap. 138, — Torquemada, niente."
Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 94, — Oklakdo Fuiuoso, Canto 15, st. 15.
302 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
by the overpowering yell of the barbarians, which had so
startled the ears of Cortes ; till at length the sounds of
the receding conflict died away in the distance. The two
captains now understood that the day must have gone
hard with their countrymen. They soon had further
proof of it, when the victorious Aztecs, returning from
the pursuit of Cortes, joined their forces to those engaged
with Sandoval and Alvarado, and fell on them with
redoubled fury. At the same time they rolled on the
ground two or three of the bloody heads of the Spaniards,
shouting the name of " Malintzin." The captains, struck
with horror at the spectacle, — though they gave little
credit to the words of the enemy, — instantly ordered a
retreat. Indeed, it was not in their power to maintain
their ground against the furious assaults of the besieged,
who poured on them swarm after swarm, with a despe-
ration, of which, says one who was there, " although it
seems as if it were now present in my eyes, I can give
but a faint idea to the reader. God alone could have
brought us off safe from the perils of that day." 13 The
fierce barbarians followed up the Spaniards to their very
intrenchments. But here they were met, first by the
cross fire of the brigantines, which, dashing through the
palisades planted to obstruct their movements, completely
enfiladed the causeway, and next by that of the small
battery erected in front of the camp, which, under the
management of a skilful engineer, named Medrano, swept
the whole length of the defile. Thus galled in front and
on flank, the shattered columns of the Aztecs were com-
pelled to give way and take shelter under the defences of
the city.
The greatest anxiety now prevailed in the camp,
regarding the fate of Cortes; for Tapia had been
13 « Porque yo no lo se aqui csfuerco, segun estauamos todos
escrivir q' aora q' me pongo a pcnsar heridos : el nos saluo\ q' de otra
en ello, es como si visiblemcntc lo manera no nos podiamos llegar ;'i
viesse, mas bueluo a dezir, y ansi es nuestros ranchos." Bernal Diaz,
verdad, q' si Dios no nos diera Hist, de la Conqnista, cap. 152.
chap, vi.] THEIR DISASTROUS CONDITION. 303
detained on the road by scattered parties of the enemy,
whom Gautemozin had stationed there to interrupt the
communications between the camps. He arrived, at
length, however, though bleeding from several wounds.
His intelligence, while it reassured the Spaniards as to
the general's personal safety, was not calculated to allay
their uneasiness in other respects.
Sandoval, in particular, was desirous to acquaint
himself with the actual state of things, and the further
intentions of Cortes. Suffering as he was from three
wounds which he had received in that day's fight, he
resolved to visit in person the quarters of the commander-
in-chief. It was mid-day, — for the busy scenes of the
morning had occupied but a few hours, when Sandoval
remounted the good steed, on whose strength and speed
he knew he could rely. It was a noble animal, well-
known throughout the army, and worthy of its gallant
rider, whom it had carried safe through all the long
marches and bloody battles of the conquest. 14 On the
way he fell in with Guatemozin's scouts, who gave him
chase, and showered around him volleys of missiles, which
fortunately found no vulnerable point in his own harness,
or that of his well-barbed charger.
On arriving at the camp, he found the troops there
much worn and dispirited by the disaster of the morning.
They had good reason to be so. Besides the killed, and
a long file of wounded, sixty-two Spaniards, with a mul-
titude of allies, had fallen alive into the hands of the
enemy, — an enemy who was never known to spare a
captive. The loss of two field-pieces and seven horses
crowned their own disgrace and the triumphs of the
14 This renowned steed, who might defrauded of his fair guerdon in
rival the Babieca of the Cid, was these campaigns against the infidel,
named Motilla, and, when one would He was of a chestnut colour, it
pass unqualified praise on a horse, seems, with a star in his forehead,
he would say, "He is as good as and, luckily for his credit, with only
Motilla." So says that prince of one foot white. See Hist, de la
chroniclers, Diaz, who takes care Conquista, cap. 152 — 205.
that neither beast nor man shall be
304 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
Aztecs. This loss, so insignificant in European warfare,
was a great one here, where both horses and artillery,
the most powerful arms of war against the barbarians,
were not to be procured without the greatest cost and
difficulty. 15
Cortes, it was observed, had borne himself throughout
this trying day with his usual intrepidity and coolness.
The only time he was seen to falter was when the
Mexicans threw down before him the heads of several
Spaniards, shouting, at the same time, " Sandoval,"
" Tonatiuh," the well-known epithet of Alvarado. At the
sight of the gory trophies he grew deadly pale, — but, in
a moment recovering his usual confidence, he endea-
voured to cheer up the drooping spirits of his followers.
It was with a cheerful countenance, that he now received
his lieutenant ; but a shade of sadness was visible through
this outward composure, showing how the catastrophe
of the puente cuidada, " the sorrowful bridge," as he
mournfully called it, lay heavy at his heart.
To the cavalier's anxious inquiries, as to the cause of
the disaster, he replied : " It is for my sins, that it has
befallen me, son Sandoval;" for such was the affection-
ate epithet with which Cortes often addressed his best-
beloved and trusty officer. He then explained to him
the immediate cause, in the negligence of the treasurer.
Further conversation followed, in which the general
declared his purpose to forego active hostilities for a few
days. "You must take my place," he continued, "for
I am too much crippled at present to discharge my
duties. You must watch over the safety of the camps.
Give especial heed to Alvarado's. He is a gallant soldier,
I know it well ; but I doubt the Mexican hounds may,
15 The cavaliers might be excused sazon vn cauallo ochocientos pesos,
for not wantonly venturing their y aun alguuos costauan a mas dc
horses, if, as Diaz asserts, they could mil." Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
only be replaced at an expense of 151. See, also, ante, Book II.,
eight hundred, or a thousand dollars chap. 2, note 42.
apiece. " Porque costaua en aquclla
chap, vi.] SACRIFICE OF THE CAPTIVES. 305
some hour, take him at disadvantage." 16 These few words
showed the general's own estimate of his two lieutenants ;
both equally brave and chivalrous ; but the one uniting
with these qualities the circumspection so essential to
success in perilous enterprises, in which the other was
signally deficient. The future conqueror of Guatemala
had to gather wisdom, as usual, from the bitter fruits of
his own errors. It was under the training of Cortes,
that he learned to be a soldier. — The general, having
concluded his instructions, affectionately embraced his
lieutenant, and dismissed him to his quarters.
It was late in the afternoon when he reached them ;
but the sun was still lingering above the western hills,
and poured his beams wide over the Valley, lighting up
the old towers and temples of Tenochtitlan with a mellow
radiance that little harmonized with the dark scenes of
strife in which the city had so lately been involved. The
tranquillity of the hour, however, was on a sudden broken
by the strange sounds of the great drum in the temple
of the war-god, — sounds which recalled the iwche triste,
with all its terrible images, to the minds of the Spaniards,
for that was the only occasion on which they had ever
heard them. 17 They intimated some solemn act of reli-
gion within the unhallowed precincts of the teocatti ; and
the soldiers, startled by the mournful vibrations, which
might be heard for leagues across the Valley, turned
their eyes to the quarter whence they proceeded. They
there beheld a long procession winding up the huge sides
of the pyramid ; for the camp of Alvarado was pitched
scarcely a mile from the city, and objects are distinctly
is « jy[j ra p ueg ye j s q Ue y no p U _ g rau p 0( j er d es tos perros no les ayan
edo ir a todas partes, a vos os enco- desbaratado." Ibid., cap. 152.
miendo estos trabajos, pues veis q'
estoy herido y coxo ; ruego os pon- 17 " Un atambor de muy triste
gais cobro en estos tres reales ; bien sonido, enfin como instrumento de
se q' Pedro de Aluarado, y sus Capi- demonios, y retumbaua tanto, que
tanes, y soldados auran batallado, y se oia dos, d tres leguas." Ibid.,
liecho como caualleros, rnas temo el loc. cit.
VOL. II. X
306 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
visible, at a great distance, in the transparent atmosphere
of the table-land.
As the long file of priests and warriors reached the
flat summit of the ieocalli, the Spaniards saw the figures
of several men stripped to their waists, some of whom,
by the whiteness of their skins, they recognised as their
own countrymen. They were the victims for sacrifice.
Their heads were gaudily decorated with coronals of
plumes, and they carried fans in their hands. They
were urged along by blows, and compelled to take part
in the dances in honour of the Aztec war-god. The
unfortunate captives, then stripped of their sad finery,
were stretched one after another on the great stone of
sacrifice. On its convex surface, their breasts were
heaved up conveniently for the diabolical purpose of the
priestly executioner, who cut asunder the ribs by a strong
blow with his sharp razor of itztli, and thrusting his
hand into the wound, tore away the heart, which, hot
and reeking, was deposited on the golden censer before
the idol. The body of the slaughtered victim was then
hurled down the steep stairs of the pyramid, which, it
may be remembered, were placed at the same angle of
the pile, one flight below another ; and the mutilated
remains were gathered up by the savages beneath, who
soon prepared with them the cannibal repast which
completed the work of abomination ! 18
We may imagine with what sensations the stupefied
,s Ibid., ubi supra. — Oviedo, Hist. de largo, le daba un golpe con ambas
de las Ir±d., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48. manos en el pecbo ; y sacando aquel
" Sacandoles los corazones sobre pedernal, por la misma llaga mctia
una piedra que era como un pilar la mano, y arrancabale el corazon, y
cortado, tan grueso como un liombre luego frcgaba con el la boca del
y algo mas, y tan alto como medio Jdolo ; y ecbaba ;i rodar el cuerpo
estadio ; alii a cada uno ecliado de por } as grac i as a b a j , que serian como
cspaldas sobre aquclla piedra, que sc C m qucn ta 6 scsenta gradas, por alii
llama Tcchcatl, uno le tiraba por un a t> a j , iba quebrando las piernas y los
brazo, y otro por el otro, y tambien brazos, y dando cabezasos con la
por las piernas otros dos, y vema ca bcza, hasta que llegaba abajo ann
uno de aquellos Satrapas, con un vivo » Sabagun, Hist, de Nueva
pedernal, como un bicrro de lauza E sp-) ^s. } lib. 12, cap. 35.
cnliastado, en un palo de dos palmos
chap. VI.] SACRIFICE OF THE CAPTIVES. 307
Spaniards must have gazed on this horrid spectacle, so
near that they could almost recognise the persons of
their unfortunate friends, see the struggles and writhing
of their bodies, hear — or fancy that they heard — their
screams of agony ! yet so far removed that they could
render them no assistance. Their limbs trembled beneath
them, as they thought what might one day be their own
fate; and the bravest among them, who had hitherto
gone to battle, as careless and light-hearted, as to the
banquet or the ball-room, were unable, from this time
forward, to encounter their ferocious enemy without
a sickening feeling, much akin to fear, coming over
them. 19
Such was not the effect produced by this spectacle on
the Mexican forces, gathered at the end of the causeway.
Like vultures maddened by the smell of distant carrion,
they set up a piercing cry, and, as they shouted that,
" such should be the fate of all their enemies," swept
along in one fierce torrent over the dike. But the
Spaniards were not to be taken by surprise ; and, before
the barbarian horde had come within their lines, they
opened such a deadly fire from their battery of heavy
guns, supported by the musketry and crossbows, that
the assailants were compelled to fall back slowly, but
fearfully mangled, to their former position.
The five following days passed away in a state of in-
action, except indeed, so far as was necessary to repel
the sorties, made from time to time, by the militia of the
19 At least, such is the honest todos aquellos caualleros, que desto
confession of captain Diaz, as stout- del militar entienden, y se han hal-
hearted a soldier as any in the army. lado en trances peligrosos de muerte,
He consoles himself, however, with a que fin echaran mi temor, si es a
the reflection, that the tremor of mucha flaqueza de animo, 6 a mucbo
his limbs intimated rather an excess esfuerco, porque como he dicho, sen-
of courage than a want of it, since tia yo en mi pensamiento, que auia
it arose from a lively sense of the de poner por mi persona, batallando
great dangers into which his daring en parte que por fuerca auia de
spirit was about to hurry him ! The temer la muerte mas que otras vezes,
passage in the original affords a good y por esto me temblaua el coracon,
specimen of the inimitable naivete of y temia la muerte." Hist, de la
the old chronicler. " Digan agora Conquista, cap. 156.
x2
308 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
capital. The Mexicans, elated with their success, mean-
while abandoned themselves to jubilee ; singing, dancing
and feasting on the mangled relics of their wretched
victims. Guatemozin sent several heads of the Spaniards,
as well as of the horses, round the country, calling on
his old vassals to forsake the banners of the white men,
unless they would share the doom of the enemies of
Mexico. The priests now cheered the young monarch
and the people with the declaration, that the dread Huit-
zilopochtli, their offended deity, appeased by the sacrifices
offered up on his altars, would again take the Aztecs
under his protection, and deliver their enemies, before
the expiration of eight days, into their hands. 20
This comfortable prediction, confidently believed by
the Mexicans, was thundered in the ears of the besieging
army in tones of exultation and defiance. However it
may have been contemned by the Spaniards, it had a
very different effect on their allies. The latter had begun
to be disgusted with a service so full of peril and suffer-
ing, and already protracted far beyond the usual term of
Indian hostilities. They had less confidence than before
in the Spaniards. Experience had shown that they were
neither invincible nor immortal, and their recent reverses
made them even distrust the ability of the Christians to
reduce the Aztec metropolis. They recalled to mind
the ominous words of Xicotencatl, that " so sacrilegious
a war could come to no good for the people of Anahuac."
They felt that their arm was raised against the gods of
their country. The prediction of the oracle fell heavy on
their hearts. They had little doubt of its fulfilment, and
were only eager to turn away the bolt from their own
heads by a timely secession from the cause.
They took advantage, therefore, of the friendly cover
20 Hcrrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, nosotros a vida, porque assi se lo
lib. 2, cap. 20. — Ixtlilxochitl, Vcnida auian prometido la noche antes sus
de los Esp., pp. 41, 42. Dioses." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
" Y nos dezian, que de ai a oclio Conquista, cap. 153.
dias no auia de quedar niuguno de
chap, vi.] DEFECTION OF THE ALLIES. 309
of night to steal away from their quarters. Company
after company deserted in this manner, taking the direc-
tion of their respective homes. Those belonging to the
great towns of the Valley, whose allegiance was the most
recent, were the first to cast it off. Their example was
followed by the older confederates, the militia of Cholula,
Tepeaca, Tezcuco, and even the faithful Tlascala. There
were, it is true, some exceptions to these, and, among
them, Ixtlilxochitl, the younger lord of Tezcuco, and
Chichemecatl, the valiant Tlascalan chieftain, who, with
a few of their immediate followers, still remained true to
the banner under which they had enlisted. But their
number was insignificant. The Spaniards beheld with
dismay the mighty array, on which they relied for sup-
port, thus silently melting away before the breath of
superstition. Cortes alone maintained a cheerful coun-
tenance. He treated the prediction with contempt, as
an invention of the priests, and sent his messengers after
the retreating squadrons, beseeching them to postpone
their departure, or at least to halt on the road, till the
time, which would soon elapse, should show the falsehood
of the prophecy.
The affairs of the Spaniards, at this crisis, must be
confessed to have worn a gloomy aspect. Deserted by
their allies, with their ammunition nearly exhausted, cut
off from the customary supplies from the neighbourhood,
harassed by unintermitting vigils and fatigues, smarting
under wounds, of which every man in the army had his
share, with an unfriendly country in their rear, and a
mortal foe in front, they might well be excused for
faltering in their enterprise. They found abundant occu-
pation by day in foraging the country, and in maintaining
their position on the causeways against the enemy, now
made doubly daring by success and by the promises of
their priests ; while at night their slumbers were dis-
turbed by the beat of the melancholy drum, the sounds
of which, booming far over the waters, tolled the knell
310 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
of their murdered comrades. Night after night fresh
victims were led up to the great altar of sacrifice ; and
while the city blazed with the illuminations of a thou-
sand bonfires on the terraced roofs of the dwellings, and
in the areas of the temples, the dismal pageant, showing-
through the fiery glare like the work of the ministers of
hell, was distinctly visible from the camp below. One
of the last of the sufferers was Guzman, the unfor-
tunate chamberlain of Cortes, who lingered in captivity
eighteen days before he met his doom. 21
Yet in this hour of trial the Spaniards did not falter.
Had they faltered, they might have learned a lesson of
fortitude from some of their own wives, who continued
with them in the camp, and who displayed a heroism, on
this occasion, of which history has preserved several
examples. One of these, protected by her husband's
armour, would frequently mount guard in his place,
when he was wearied. Another, hastily putting on a
soldier's escaupil and seizing a sword and lance, was
seen, on one occasion, to rally her retreating country-
men, and lead them back against the enemy. Cortes
would have persuaded these Amazonian dames to remain
at Tlascala; but they proudly replied, "It was the duty
of Castilian wives not to abandon their husbands in
danger, but to share it with them, — and die with them,
if necessary." And well did they do their duty. 22
21 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Esp., en aquel instate estauan sacrificaudo
MS., lib. 12, cap. 36, — Ixtlilxochitl, de nuestros copaiieros, dc los q'
Venida de los Esp., pp. 41, 42. tomaro a Cortes, que supimos q'
The Castilian scholar will see that sacrificaron dicz dias arrco, hasta
I have not drawn on my imagination que los acabaron, y el postrero dex-
for the picture of these horrors. aro a Christoua! dc Guzman, q' viuo
"Digamos aoraloque los Mexicanos lo tuuieron dicz y ocho dias, seguu
hazian de noche en sus grandcs, y dixero trcs Capitancs Mexicanos q'
altos Cues ; y es, q' taiiian su maldito prcdimos." Eernal Diaz, Hist, dc
atambor, que dixe otra vez que era la Conquista, cap. 153.
el de mas maldito sonido, y mas 22 " Que no era bien, que Mugercs
triste q' sc podia inuetar, y sonaua Castellanas dexasen a sus Maridos,
muy lexos ; y tanian otros peores iendo a la Gnerra, i que adonde ellos
instrumentos. En fin, cosas diabo- muriesen, moririan ellas." (Hcrrera,
licas, y tenia grandes lumbrcs, y Hist. General, dec. 3. lib. 1, cap. 22.)
dana gradissimos gritos, y siluos, y The historian has embalmed the
chap, vi.] CONSTANCY OF THE SPANIARDS. 311
Amidst all the distresses and multiplied embarrass-
ments of their situation, the Spaniards still remained
true to their purpose. They relaxed in no degree the
severity of the blockade. Their camps still occupied the
only avenues to the city ; and their batteries, sweeping
the long defiles at every fresh assault of the Aztecs,
mowed down hundreds of the assailants. Their brigan-
tines still rode on the waters, cutting off the communi-
cation with the shore. It is true, indeed, the loss of the
auxiliary canoes left a passage open for the occasional
introduction of supplies to the capital. 23 But the whole
amount of these supplies was small ; and its crowded
population, while exulting in their temporary advantage,
and the delusive assurances of their priests, were begin-
ning to sink under the withering grasp of an enemy
within, more terrible than the one which lay before
their gates.
names of several of these heroines Maria de Estrada, Juana Martin,
in his pages, who are, doubtless, Isabel Rodriguez, and Beatriz Ber-
well entitled to share the honours of mudez.
the Conquest; Beatriz de Palacios, 2a Ibid., ubi supra.
312
BOOK VI.
CHAPTER VII.
Successes of the Spaniards. — Fruitless Offers to Guatemozin. — Buildings
razed to the Ground. — Terrible Famine. — The Troops gain the Market-
place. — Battering Engine.
1521.
Thus passed away the eight days prescribed by the
oracle ; and the sun, which rose upon the ninth, beheld
the fair city still beset on every side by the inexorable
foe. It was a great mistake of the Aztec priests, — one
not uncommon with false prophets, anxious to produce a
startling impression on their followers, — to assign so
short a term for the fulfilment of their prediction. 1
The Tezcucan and Tlascalan chiefs now sent to acquaint
their troops with the failure of the prophecy, and to re-
call them to the Christian camp. The Tlascalans, who
had halted on the way, returned, ashamed of their cre-
dulity, and with ancient feelings of animosity, heightened
by the artifice of which they had been the dupes. Their
example was followed by many of the other confederates,
with the levity natural to a people whose convictions are
the result, not of reason, but of superstition. In a short
time the Spanish general found himself at the head of
an auxiliary force, which, if not so numerous as before,
was more than adequate to all his purposes. He received
1 And yet the priests were not so into the cars of his flock, what he
much to blame, if, as Solis assures could not into their hearts." Con-
us, " the devil went about very in- quista, lib. 5, cap. 22.
dustriously in those days, insinuating
chap. VII.] SUCCESSES OF THE SPANIARDS. 313
them with politic benignity ; and, while he reminded
them that they had been guilty of a great crime in thus
abandoning their commander, he was willing to overlook
it in consideration of their past services. They must be
aware that these services were not necessary to the
Spaniards, who had carried on the siege with the same
vigour during their absence as when they were present.
But he was unwilling that those who had shared the
dangers of the war with him, should not also partake of
its triumphs, and be present at the fall of their enemy,
which he promised, with a confidence better founded
than that of the priests in their prediction, should not be
long delayed.
Yet the menaces and machinations of Guatemozin
were still not without effect in the distant provinces.
Before the full return of the confederates, Cortes received
an embassy from Cuernavaca, ten or twelve leagues dis-
tant, and another from some friendly towns of the Oto-
mies, still further off, imploring his protection against
their formidable neighbours, who menaced them with
hostilities, as allies of the Spaniards. As the latter were
then situated, they were in a condition to receive succour
much more than to give it. 2 Most of the officers were
accordingly opposed to granting a request, the compli-
ance with which must still further impair their dimi-
nished strength. But Cortes knew the importance,
above all, of not betraying his own inability to grant it.
" The greater our weakness," he said, " the greater need
have we to cover it under a show of strength." 3
He immediately detached Tapia with a body of about
a hundred men in one direction, and Sandoval with a
somewhat larger force in the other, with orders that their
2 " Y teniamos necesidad antes de pero como nos convenia mostrar mas
ser socorridos, que de dar socorro." esfuerzo y animo, que nunca, y morir
Sel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, peleando, disimulabamos nuestra fla-
p- 272. queza assi con los Amigos como con
3 " God knows," says the general, los Enemigos." Ibid., p. 275.
" the peril in which we all stood ;
314 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
absence should not in any event be prolonged beyond ten
days. 4 The two captains executed their commission
promptly and effectually. They each met and defeated
his adversary in a pitched battle ; laid waste the hostile
territories, and returned within the time prescribed.
They were soon followed by ambassadors from the con-
quered places, soliciting the alliance of the Spaniards •
and the affair terminated by an accession of new con-
federates, and, what was more important, a conviction
in the old, that the Spaniards were both willing and
competent to protect them.
Fortune, who seldom dispenses her frowns or her
favours single-handed, further showed her good-will to
the Spaniards at this time, by sending a vessel into
Vera Cruz laden with ammunition and military stores.
It was part of the fleet destined for the Florida coast
by the romantic old knight, Ponce de Leon. The cargo
was immediately taken by the authorities of the port,
and forwarded, without delay, to the camp, where it
arrived most seasonably, as the want of powder, in par-
ticular, had begun to be seriously felt. 5 With strength
thus renovated, Cortes determined to resume active
operations, but on a plan widely differing from that
pursued before.
In the former deliberations on the subject, two courses,
as we have seen, presented themselves to the general.
One was, to intrench himself in the heart of the capital,
and from this point carry on hostilities ; the other was
the mode of proceeding hitherto followed. Both were
open to serious objections, which he hoped would be
4 Tapia's force consisted of 10 p. 278.) It was probably the expe-
horse and SO foot ; the chief alguacil, dition in which Ponce de Leon lost
as Sandoval was styled, had IS horse his life ; an expedition to the very
and 100 infantry. Ibid., loc. cit. — land which the chivalrous cavalier
Also Ovicdo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., had himself first visited in quest of
lib. 33, cap. 26. the Fountain of Health. The story
5 " Polvora y Ballestas, dc que is pleasantly told by Irving, as the
teniamos muy estrema necesidad." reader may remember, in his " Com-
(llel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, panions oi Columbus."
chap. VII.] SUCCESSES OF THE SPANIARDS. 315
obviated by the one now adopted. This was to advance
no step without securing the entire safety of the army,
not only on its immediate retreat, but in its future
inroads. Every breach in the causeway, every canal in
the streets, was to be filled up in so solid a manner, that
the work should not be again disturbed. The materials
for this were to be furnished by the buildings, every one
of which, as the army advanced, whether public or pri-
vate, hut, temple, or palace, was to be demolished ! Not
a building in their path was to be spared. They were
all indiscriminately to be levelled, until, in the Con-
queror's own language, " the water should be converted
into dry land," and a smooth and open ground be afforded
for the manoeuvres of the cavalry and artillery. 6
Cortes came to this terrible determination with great
difficulty. He sincerely desired to spare the city, " the
most beautiful thing in the world," 7 as he enthusiasti-
cally styles it, and which would have formed the most
glorious trophy of his conquest. But, in a place where
every house was a fortress, and every street was cut up
by canals so embarrassing to his movements, experience
proved it was vain to think of doing so, and becoming
master of it. There was as little hope of a peaceful
accommodation with the Aztecs, who, so far from being
broken by all they had hitherto endured, and the long
perspective of future woes, showed a spirit as haughty
and implacable as ever. 8
The general's intentions were learned by the Indian
allies with unbounded satisfaction ; and they answered
6 The calm and simple manner in paso adelante, sin lo dejar todo aso-
•\yhich the Conquistador, as usual, lado, y lo que era Agua, hacerlo
states this' in his Commentaries, has Tierra-finne, aunque hobiesse toda la
something appalling in it from its dilacion, que se pudiesse seguir."
very simplicity. " Acorde de tomar Rel. Terc, ap. Lorenzana, p. 279.
un medio para nuestra seguridad, y 7 „p era k mas hermosa
para poder mas estrechar a los Ene- coga M jj ^ „ md 278>
migos ; y me, que como tuessemos r
ganando por las Calles de la Ciudad, 8 " Mas antes en el pelear, y en
que fuessen derrocando todas las Ca- todos sur ardides, los hallabamos con
sas de ellas, del un lado, y del otro ; mas ammo que nunca." Ibid., p.
por manera, que no fuessemos un 279.
310 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
his call for aid by thousands of pioneers, armed with
their coas, or hoes of the country, all testifying the
greatest alacrity in helping on the work of destruction. 9
In a short time the breaches in the great causeways were
filled up so effectually that they were never again molested.
Cortes himself set the example by carrying stones and
timber with his own hands. 10 The buildings in the
suburbs were then thoroughly levelled, the canals were
filled up with the rubbish, and a wide space around the
city was thrown open to the manoeuvres of the cavalry,
who swept over it free and unresisted. The Mexicans
did not look with indifference on these preparations to lay
waste their town, and leave them bare and unprotected
against the enemy. They made incessant efforts to
impede the labours of the besiegers ; but the latter,
under cover of their guns, which kept up an un intermit-
ting fire, still advanced in the work of desolation. 11
The gleam of fortune, which had so lately broken out
on the Mexicans, again disappeared ; and the dark mist,
after having been raised for a moment, settled on the
doomed capital more heavily than before. Famine, with
all her hideous train of woes, was making rapid strides
among its accumulated population. The stores provided
for the siege were exhausted. The casual supply of
human victims, or that obtained by some straggling
9 Yet we shall hardly credit the fue tan porfiada y tan sangrienta,
Tczcucan historian's assertion, that que era espanto de vcrla, y no hay
a hundred thousand Indians nocked possibilidad, para decir las particula-
te the camp for this purpose ! " Vi- ridades que pasaban ; eran tan espe-
niesen todos los labradores con sus sas las sactas, y dardos, y piedras, y
coas para este efecto con toda breve- palos, que se arrojavan los unos a los
dad : llegaron mas de cien mil otros, que quitavan la claridad del
de ellos." Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de sol ; era tan grande la voceria, y
los Esp., p. 42. grita, de hombres y mugeres y ninos
10 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- que voceaban y lloraban, que era
quista, cap. 153. cosa dc grima; era tan grande la
11 Sahagun,who gathered the story polvareda, y ruido, en derrocar y
from the actors, and from the aspect quemar casas y robar lo que en ellas
of the scene, before the devastation Labia, y cautivar ninos y mugeres,
had been wholly repaired, writes que parecia un juicio." Hist, dc
with the animation of an eye-witness. Nueva Esp., MS., lib. 12, cap. 38.
"La guerra por agua y por tierra
chap. VII.] FRUITLESS OFFERS TO GUATEMOZIN. 317
pirogue from the neighbouring shores, was too inconside-
rable to be widely felt. 12 Some forced a scanty suste-
nance from a mucilaginous substance, gathered in small
quantities on the surface of the lake and canals. 13 Others
appeased the cravings of appetite by devouring rats,
lizards, and the like loathsome reptiles, which had not
yet deserted the starving city. Its days seemed to be
already numbered. But the page of history has many
an example, to show that there are no limits to the endu-
rance of which humanity is capable, when animated by
hatred and despair.
With the sword thus suspended over it, the Spanish
commander, desirous to make one more effort to save the
capital, persuaded three Aztec nobles, taken in one of the
late actions, to bear a message from him to Guatemozin ;
though they undertook it with reluctance, for fear of the
consequences to themselves. Cortes told the emperor,
that all had now been done that brave men could clo in
defence of their country. There remained no hope, no
chance of escape, for the Mexicans. Their provisions
were exhausted ; their communications were cut off ;
their vassals had deserted them ; even their gods had
betrayed them. They stood alone, with the nations of
Anahuac banded against them. There was no hope, but
in immediate surrender. He besought the young monarch
to take compassion on his brave subjects, who were daily
perishing before his eyes ; and on the fair city, whose
stately buildings were fast crumbling into ruins. " Return
to the allegiance," he concludes, " which you once prof-
fered to the sovereign of Castile. The past shall be
forgotten. The persons and property — in short, all the
rights of the Aztecs shall be respected. You shall be
12 The flesh of the Christians 13 Ibid., ubi supra,
failed to afford them even the cus- When dried in the sun, this slimy
tomary nourishment, since the Mexi- deposit had a flavour not unlike that
cans said it was intolerably bitter ; a of cheese, and formed part of the
miracle, considered by Captain Diaz, food of the poorer classes at all times,
as expressly wrought for this occa- according to Clavigero, Stor. del
sion. Ibid., cap. 153. Messico, torn. ii. p. 222.
- 318 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
confirmed in your authority, and Spain will once more
take your city under her protection." u
The eye of the young monarch kindled, and his dark
cheek flushed with sudden anger, as he listened to pro-
posals so humiliating. But, though his bosom glowed with
the fiery temper of the Indian, he had the qualities of a
" gentle cavalier," says one of his enemies who knew him
well. 15 He did no harm to the envoys ; but, after the
heat of the moment had passed off, he gave the matter
a calm consideration, and called a council of his wise
men and warriors to deliberate upon it. Some were for
accepting the proposals, as offering the only chance of
preservation. But the priests took a different view of
the matter. They knew that the ruin of their own order
must follow the triumph of Christianity. " Peace was
good," they said, "but not with the white men." They
reminded Guatemozin of the fate of his uncle Monte-
zuma, and the requital he had met with for all his hospi-
tality ; of the seizure and imprisonment of Cacama, the
cacique of Tezcuco ; of the massacre of the nobles by
Alvarado ; of the insatiable avarice of the invaders, which
had stripped the country of its treasures ; of their profa-
nation of the temples ; of the injuries and insults which
they had heaped without measure on the people and
their religion. " Better," they said, " to trust in the
promises of their own gods, who had so long watched
over the nation. Better, if need be, give up our lives at
once for our country, than drag them out in slavery and
suffering among the false strangers." 16
The eloquence of the priests, artfully touching the
various wrongs of his people, roused the hot blood of
Guatemozin. " Since it is so," he abruptly exclaimed,
11 Bernal Diaz, Ibid., cap. 151. consejo sobrc cllo y no tc fics de
15 "Mas como el Gualcmuz era Malinlzin, ni de sus palabras, que
mancebo, y muy gentil-hombre y de mas vale que todos muramos en csla
buena disposiciou." Ibid., loc. cit. ciudad pclcando, que no vernos en
i6 « Mira primcro lo que nucstros podcr de quie nos lianin esclauos, y
Dieses te ban prometido, toina buen nos atormentaran." Ibid., ubi supra.
chap, vii.] FRUITLESS OFFERS TO GUATEMOZIN. 319
" let us think only of supplying the wants of the people.
Let no man, henceforth, who values his life, talk of sur-
render. We can at least die like warriors." 17
The Spaniards waited two days for the answer to their
embassy. At length, it came in a general sortie of the
Mexicans, who, pouring through every gate of the capital,
like a river that has burst its banks, swept on, wave
upon wave, to the very intrenchments of the besiegers,
threatening to overwhelm them by their numbers ! For-
tunately the position of the latter on the dikes secured
their flanks, and the narrowness of the defile gave their
small battery of guns all the advantages of a larger one.
The fire of artillery and musketry blazed without inter-
mission along the several causeways, belching forth
volumes of sulphurous smoke, that, rolling heavily over
the waters, settled dark around the Indian city, and hid
it from the surrounding country. The brigantines thun-
dered, at the same time, on the flanks of the columns,
which, after some ineffectual efforts to maintain them-
selves, rolled back in wild confusion, till their impotent
fury died away in sullen murmurs within the capital.
Cortes now steadily pursued the plan he had laid down
for the devastation of the city. Day after day the several
armies entered by their respective quarters ; Sandoval
probably directing his operations against the north-
eastern district. The buildings made of the porous
tetzontti, though generally low, were so massy and exten-
sive, and the canals were so numerous, that their progress
was necessarily slow. They, however, gathered fresh
accessions of strength every day from the numbers who
flocked to the camp from the surrounding country, and
who joined in the work of destruction with a hearty
good-will, which showed their eagerness to break the
17 "Y entonces el Guatemuz me- adelante ninguno sea osado a me
dio enojado les dixo : Pues assi que- demandar pazes, si no yo le matare :
reis que sea, guardad mucho el maiz, y alii todos prometieron de pelear
y bastimentos que tenemos, y mura- noches, y dias, y morir en la defensa
mos todos peleando : y clesde aqui de su ciudad." Ibid., ubi supra.
320 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
detested yoke of the Aztecs. The latter raged with
impotent anger as they beheld their lordly edifices, their
temples, all they had been accustomed to venerate, thus
ruthlessly swept away ; their canals, constructed with so
much labour, and what to them seemed science, filled up
with rubbish ; their flourishing city, in short, turned into
a desert, over which the insulting foe now rode trium-
phant. They heaped many a taunt on the Indian allies.
" Go on," they said bitterly ; " the more you destroy,
the more you will have to build up again hereafter. If
we conquer, you shall build for us ; and if your white
friends conquer, they will make you do as much for
them." 18 The event justified the prediction.
In their rage they rushed blindly on the corps which
covered the Indian pioneers. But they were as often
driven back by the impetuous charge of the cavalry, or
received on the long pikes of Chinantla, which did good
service to the besiegers in their operations. At the close
of day, however, when the Spaniards drew off their
forces, taking care to send the multitudinous host of con-
federates first from the ground, the Mexicans usually
rallied for a more formidable attack. Then they poured
out from every lane and by-way, like so many mountain
streams, sweeping over the broad level cleared by the
enemy, and falling impetuously on their flanks and rear.
At such times, they inflicted considerable loss in their
turn, till an ambush, which Cortes laid for them among
the buildings adjoining the great temple, did them so
much mischief, that they were compelled to act with
more reserve.
At times the war displayed something of a chivalrous
character, in the personal rencontres of the combatants.
Challenges passed between them, and especially between
18 " Los do la Ciuclad como vcian porquc si ellos eran vencedores, ya
tanto cstrago, por esforzarsc, decian cllos sabian, que habia de ser assi y
a, nuestros Amigos, que no ficiessen si no, que las habian dc hacer para
sino quemar, y destruir, que ellos se nosotros." llel. Terc. de Cortes, ap.
las harian tornar a hacer dc nuevo, Lorciizana, p. 286.
chap, vii.] BUILDINGS RAZED TO THE GROUND. 321
the native warriors. These combats were usually con-
ducted on the azoteas, whose broad and level surface
afforded a good field of fight. On one occasion, a Mexi-
can of powerful frame, brandishing a sword and buckler
which he had won from the Christians, defied his enemies
to meet him in single fight. A young page of Cortes,
named Nunez, obtained his master's permission to accept
the vaunting challenge of the Aztec ; and, springing on
the azotea, succeeded after a hard struggle in discom-
fiting his antagonist, who fought at a disadvantage with
weapons in which he was unpractised, and, running him
through the body, brought off his spoils in triumph, and
laid them at the general's feet. 19
The division of Cortes had now worked its way as far
north as the great street of Tacuba, which opened a com-
munication with Alvarado's camp, and near which stood
the palace of Guatemozin. It was a spacious stone pile,
that might well be called a fortress. Though deserted
by its royal master, it was held by a strong body of
Aztecs, who made a temporary defence, but of little avail
against the battering enginery of the besiegers. It was
soon set on fire, and its crumbling walls were levelled in
the dust, like those other stately edifices of the capital,
the boast and admiration of the Aztecs, and some of the
fairest fruits of their civilization. " It was a sad thing
to witness their destruction," exclaims Cortes ; " but it
was part of our plan of operations, and we had no
alternative." 20
These operations had consumed several weeks, so that
it was now drawing towards the latter part of July.
During this time, the blockade had been maintained with
the utmost rigour, and the wretched inhabitants were
19 Ibid., pp. 282 — 284. — Herrera, 20 " No se entendio sino en quemar,
Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 22, y hallanar Casas, que era lastima
lib. 2, cap. 2. — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. cierto de lo ver; pero corao no nos
140. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., convenia hacer otra cosa, eramos for-
lib. 33, cap. 28. — Ixtlilxoehitl, Veni- zado seguir aquella drden." Ibid.,
da de los Esp., p. 43. p. 286.,
vol. ii. y
322 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book VI.
suffering all the extremities of famine. Some few stragglers
were taken, from time to time, in the neighbourhood of
the Christian camp, whither they had wandered in search
of food. They were kindly treated by command of
Cortes, who was in hopes to induce others to follow their
example, and thus to afford a means of conciliating the
inhabitants, which might open the way to their submis-
sion. But few were found willing to leave the shelter of
the capital, and they preferred to take their chance with
their suffering countrymen, rather than trust themselves
to the mercies of the besiegers.
From these few stragglers, however, the Spaniards
heard a dismal tale of woe, respecting the crowded popu-
lation in the interior of the city. All the ordinary means
of sustenance had long since failed, and they now sup-
ported life as they could, by means of such roots as they
could dig from the earth, by gnawing the bark of trees,
by feeding on the grass, — on anything, in short, however
loathsome, that could allay the craving of appetite. Their
only drink was the brackish water of the soil, saturated
with the salt lake. 21 Under this unwholesome diet, and
the diseases engendered by it, the population was gradu-
ally wasting away. Men sickened and died every day,
in all the excruciating torments produced by hunger,
and the wan and emaciated survivors seemed only to be
waiting for their time.
The Spaniards had visible confirmation of all this, as
they penetrated deeper into the city, and approached
the district of Tlatelolco, now occupied by the besieged.
They found the ground turned up in quest of roots and
weeds, the trees stripped of their green stems, their
foliage and their bark. Troops of famished Indians
21 "No tenian agua dulce para fcrmaron muchos, y murieron mu-
bcbcr, ni para de ninguna mancra dc clios." Sahaguu, Hist, dc Nueva
comer; bcbian del agua salada y lie- Esp., MS., lib. 12, cap. 39. — Also,
dionda, comian ratoucs y lagartijas, llcl. Tcrc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
y cortczas dc iirbolcs, y otras cosas p. 289.
no comestibles ; y dc esta causa en-
chap, vii.] TERRIBLE FAMINE. 323
flitted in the distance, gliding like ghosts among the
scenes of their former residence. Dead bodies lay
unburied in the streets and court-yards, or filled up the
canals. It was a sure sign of the extremity of the
Aztecs ; for they held the burial of the dead as a
solemn and imperative duty. In the early part of the
siege, they had religiously attended to it. In its later
stages, they were still careful to withdraw the dead
from the public eye, by bringing their remains within
the houses. But the number of these, and their own
sufferings, had now so fearfully increased, that they
had grown indifferent to this, and they suffered their
friends and their kinsmen to lie and moulder on the
spot where they drew their last breath ! 22
As the invaders entered the dwellings, a more appalling
spectacle presented itself; — the floors covered with the
prostrate forms of the miserable inmates, some in the
agonies of death, others festering in their corruption ;
men, women, and children, inhaling the poisonous atmo-
sphere, and mingled promiscuously together; mothers,
with their infants in their arms perishing of hunger
before their eyes, while they were unable to afford them
the nourishment of nature ; men crippled by their
wounds, with their bodies frightfully mangled, vainly
attempting to crawl away, as the enemy entered. Yet,
even in this state, they scorned to ask for mercy, and
glared on the invaders with the sullen ferocity of the
wounded tiger, that the huntsmen have tracked to his
forest cave. The Spanish commander issued strict orders
22 " Y es verdad y juro ainen, que Messico, torn. ii. p. 231, nota.) But
toda la laguna, y casas, y babacoas this policy would have operated much
estavan llenas de cuerpos, y cabecas more to the detriment of the besieged
de hombres muertos, que yo no se than of the besiegers, whose presence
de que manera lo escriua." (Bernal in the capital was but transitory. It
Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. is much more natural to refer it to
156.) Clavigero considers that it the same cause which has led to_ a
was a scheme of the Mexicans to similar conduct under similar cir-
leave the dead unburied, in order cumstances elsewhere, whether occa-
that the stench might annoy and sioned by pestilence or famine,
drive off the Spaniards. (Stor. del
y 2
324 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
that mercy should be shown to these poor and disabled
victims. But the Indian allies made no distinction.
An Aztec, under whatever circumstances, was an enemy ;
and, with hideous shouts of triumph, they pulled down
the burning buildings on their heads, consuming the
living and the dead in one common funeral pile !
Yet the sufferings of the Aztecs, terrible as they were,
did not incline them to submission. There were many,
indeed, who, from greater strength of constitution, or
from the more favourable circumstances in which they
were placed, still showed all their wonted energy of body
and mind, and maintained the same undaunted and
resolute demeanour as before. They fiercely rejected
all the overtures of Cortes, declaring they would rather
die than surrender, and, adding with a bitter tone of
exultation, that the invaders would be at least disap-
pointed in their expectations of treasure, for it was
buried where they could never find it ! 23
The women, it is said, shared in this desperate — it
should rather be called heroic — spirit. They were inde-
fatigable in nursing the sick, and dressing their wounds ;
they aided the warriors in battle, by supplying them
with the Indian ammunition of stones and arrows, pre-
pared their slings, strung their bows, and displayed, in
short, all the constancy and courage shown by the noble
maidens of Saragossa in our day, and by those of
Carthage in the days of antiquity. 24
Cortes had now entered one of the great avenues
leading to the market-place of Tlatelolco, the quarter
23 Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, Mugeres de Fcmixtitan, de quien
MS., cap. 28. — Martyr, de Orbe ninguna mention se ha fecho. Y soy
Novo, dec. 5, cap. 8. — Ixtlilxocliill, ccrtiOcado, que fue cosa maravillosa
Venida de los Esp., p. 45. — Rel. y para cspantar, vcr la prontitud y
Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. constancia que tobieron en servir a
289. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Iud., MS., sus maridos, y en curar los hcridos,
lib. 33, cap. 29. e en el labrar de las picdras para los
24 " Muclias cosas acaecieron en que tiraban con hondas, e en otros
este cerco, que entre otras genera- oficios para mas que mugeres." Ovi-
ciones estobieran discantadas 6 te- edo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33,
nidas en mucbo, en especial de las cap. 48.
chap, vii.] THE TROOPS GAIN THE MARKET-PLACE. 325
towards which the movements of Alvarado were also
directed. A single canal only lay in his way, but this
was of great width and stoutly defended by the Mexican
archery. At this crisis, the army one evening, while in
their intrenchments on the causeway, were surprised by
an uncommon light, that arose from the huge teocalli in
that part of the city, which, being at the north, was the
most distant from their own position. This temple, dedi-
cated to the dread War-god, was inferior only to the
pyramid in the great square ; and on it the Spaniards
had more than once seen their unhappy countrymen led
to slaughter. They now supposed that the enemy were
employed in some of their diabolical ceremonies, when
the flame, mounting higher and higher, showed that the
sanctuaries themselves were on fire. A shout of exulta-
tion at the sight broke forth from the assembled soldiers,
as they assured one another that their countrymen under
Alvarado had got possession of the building.
It was indeed true. That gallant officer, whose posi-
tion on the western causeway placed him near the district
of Tlatelolco, had obeyed his commander's instructions
to the letter, razing every building to the ground in his
progress, and filling up the ditches with their ruins.
He, at length, found himself before the great teocalli in
the neighbourhood of the market. He ordered a com-
pany, under a cavalier named Gutierre cle Badajoz, to
storm the place, which was defended by a body of
warriors, mingled with priests, still more wild and fero-
cious than the soldiery. The garrison, rushing down the
winding terraces, fell on the assailants with such fury, as
compelled them to retreat in confusion, and with some
loss. Alvarado ordered another detachment to their
support. This last was engaged, at the moment, with a
body of Aztecs, who hung on its rear as it wound up
the galleries of the teocalli. Thus hemmed in between
two enemies, above and below, the position of the
Spaniards was critical. With sword and buckler, they
326 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
plunged desperately on the ascending Mexicans, and
drove them into the court-yard below, where Alvarado
plied them with such lively volleys of musketry, as soon
threw them into disorder and compelled them to abandon
the ground. Being thus rid of annoyance in the rear,
the Spaniards returned to the charge. They drove the
enemy up the heights of the pyramid, and, reaching the
broad summit, a fierce encounter followed in mid-air, —
such an encounter as takes place where death is the
certain consequence of defeat. It ended, as usual, in
the discomfiture of the Aztecs, who were either slaugh-
tered on the spot still wet with the blood of their
own victims, or pitched headlong down the sides of
the pyramid.
The area was covered with the various symbols of the
barbarous worship of the country, and with two lofty
sanctuaries, before whose grinning idols were displayed
the heads of several Christian captives, who had been im-
molated on their altars. Although overgrown by their
long, matted hair and bushy beards, the Spaniards could
recognise, in the livid countenances, their comrades who
had fallen into the hands of the enemy. Tears fell from
their eyes, as they gazed on the melancholy spectacle,
and thought of the hideous death which their country-
men had suffered. They removed the sad relics with
decent care, and after the Conquest, deposited them
in consecrated ground, on a spot since covered by the
Church of the Martyrs. 25
They completed their work by firing the sanctuaries,
that the place might be no more polluted by these
abominable rites. The flame crept slowly up the lofty
pinnacles, in which stone was mingled Math wood, till at
length, bursting into one bright blaze, it shot up its
spiral volume to such a height, that it was seen from the
25 Ovicdo, Hist, dc las Ind., MS., Tore, de Cortes, ap. Lorcnzana, pp.
lib. 33, cap. 29.— Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. 2S7— 289.
de la Conquista, cap. 155. — Rcl.
chap, vii.] THE TROOPS GAIN THE MARKET-PLACE. 327
most distant quarters of the Valley. It was this which
had been hailed by the soldiery of Cortes, and it served
as the beacon-light to both friend and foe, intimating the
progress of the Christian arms.
The commander-in-chief and his division, animated by
the spectacle, made, in their entrance on the following
day, more determined efforts to place themselves along-
side of their companions under Alvarado. The broad
canal, above noticed as the only impediment now lying
in his way, was to be traversed ; and on the further side,
the emaciated figures of the Aztec warriors were gathered
in numbers to dispute the passage, like the gloomy shades
that wander, — as ancient poets tell us — on the banks of
the infernal river. They poured down, however, a storm
of missiles, which were no shades, on the heads of the
Indian labourers, while occupied with filling up the wide
gap with the ruins of the surrounding buildings. Still
they toiled on in defiance of the arrowy shower, fresh
numbers taking the place of those who fell. And when
at length the work was completed, the cavalry rode over
the rough plain at full charge against the enemy, fol-
lowed by the deep array of spearmen, who bore down all
opposition Avith their invincible phalanx.
The Spaniards now found themselves on the same
ground with Alvarado's division. Soon afterwards, that
chief, attended by several of his staff, rode into their
lines, and cordially embraced his countrymen and com-
panions in arms, for the first time since the beginning of
the siege. They were now in the neighbourhood of the
market. Cortes, taking with him a few of his cavaliers,
galloped into it. It was a vast inclosure, as the reader
has already seen, covering many an acre. 26 Its dimensions
26 Ante, vol. i. p. 480. muy espasioso mucho mas de lo que
The tianguez still continued of ahora es) el cual se podia llamar em-
great dimensions, though with faded porio de toda esta nueva Espaila :
magnificence, after the Conquest, al cual venian a tratar gentes de toda
■when it is thus noticed by father esta nueva Espaha, y aun de los Re-
Sahagun. " Entraron en la plaza 6 inos a ella contiguos, y donde se
Tianguez de este Tlaltilulco (lugar vendian y compraban todas cuantas
328 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
were suited to the immense multitudes who gathered
there from all parts of the Valley in the flourishing days
of the Aztec monarchy. It was surrounded by porticos
and pavilions for the accommodation of the artisans and
traders, who there displayed their various fabrics and
articles of merchandise. The flat roofs of the piazzas
were now covered with crowds of men and women, who
gazed in silent dismay on the steel-clad horsemen, that
profaned these precincts with their presence for the first
time since their expulsion from the capital. The multi-
tude, composed for the most part, probably, of unarmed
citizens, seemed taken by surprise ; at least, they made
no show of resistance ; and the general, after leisurely
viewing the ground, was permitted to ride back unmo-
lested to the army.
On arriving there, he ascended the teocatti, from
which the standard of Castile, supplanting the memo-
rials of Aztec superstition, was now triumphantly float-
ing. The Conqueror, as he strode among the smoking
embers on the summit, calmly surveyed the scene of
desolation below. The palaces, the temples, the busy
marts of industry and trade, the glittering canals, covered
with their rich freights from the surrounding country,
the royal pomp of groves and gardens, all the splendours
of the imperial city, the capital of the Western World,
for ever gone, — and in their place a barren wilderness !
How different the spectacle which the year before had
met his eye, as it wandered over the same scenes from
the heights of the neighbouring tcocalU, with Montezuma
at his side ! Seven-eights of the city were laid in ruins,
with the occasional exception, perhaps, of some colossal
temple, that it would have required too much time to
demolish. 27 The remaining eighth, comprehending the
cosas bay en toda csta ticrra, y en no era tan to como antes de la Con-
los Reinos de Quahtimalla y Xaiisco, quista." Hist, dc Nncva Espafia,
(cosa cierto muclio de ver,) yo lo vi MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.
por muchos alios morando en csta 2 ? " E'yo mire dendc aquella Torre,
Casa del Seilor Santiago, aunque ya ] q ue tcniamos ganado dc la Ciudad,
chap, vn.] THE TROOPS GAIN THE MARKET-PLACE. 329
district of Tlatelolco, was all that now remained to the
Aztecs, whose population — still large after all its losses
— was crowded into a compass that would hardly have
afforded accommodations for a third of their numbers.
It was the quarter lying between the great northern and
western causeways, and is recognised in the modern
capital as the Barrio de San Jago and its vicinity. It
was the favourite residence of the Indians after the Con-
quest, 28 though at the present day thinly covered with
humble dwellings, forming the straggling suburbs, as it
were, of the metropolis. Yet it still affords some faint
vestiges of what it was in its prouder days ; and the
curious antiquary, and occasionally the labourer, as he
turns up the soil, encounters a glittering fragment of
obsidian, or the mouldering head of a lance, or arrow, or
some other warlike relic, attesting that on this spot the
retreating Aztecs made their last stand for the indepen-
dence of their country. 29
On the day following, Cortes, at the head of his bat-
talions, made a second entry into the great tiaiiguez.
But this time the Mexicans were better prepared for his
coming. They were assembled in considerable force in
the spacious square. A sharp .encounter followed ; but
it was short. Their strength was not equal to their
spirit, and they melted away before the rolling fire
of musketry, and left the Spaniards masters of the
inclosure.
The first act was to set fire to some temples of no
great size within the market-place, or more probably
que sin duda de ocko partes teuiamos now in his possession several of these
ganado las siete." Rel. Terc. de military spoils. " Todo la llanura
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 289. del Santuario de nuestra Sefiora de
28 Toribio, Hist, de los Ind., MS., los Angeles y de Santiago Tlaltilolco
Parte 3, cap. 7. se ve sembrada de fragmentos de
The remains of the ancient foun- lanzas cortantes, de macanas, y fie-
dations may still be discerned in this chas de piedra obsidiana, de que
quarter, while in every other etiam usaban los Mexicanos 6 sea Chinapos,
periere mince ! y yo he recogido no pocos que con-
. 29 Bustamante, the Mexican editor servo en mi poder." Hist, de Nueva
of Sahagun, mentions that he has Esp., lib. 12, nota 21.
330 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
on its borders. As the flames ascended, the Aztecs,
horror-struck, broke forth into piteous lamentations at
the destruction of the deities on whom they relied for
protection. 30
The general's next step was at the suggestion of a
soldier named Sotelo, a man who had served under the
Great Captain in the Italian wars, where he professed to
have gathered knowledge of the science of engineering,
as it was then practised. He offered his services to con-
struct a sort of catapult, a machine for discharging stones
of great size, which might take the place of the regular
battering-train, in demolishing the buildings. As the
ammunition, notwithstanding the liberal supplies which,
from time to time, had found their way into the camp,
now began to fail, Cortes eagerly acceded to a proposal
so well suited to his exigencies. Timber and stone were
furnished, and a number of hands were employed, under
the direction of the self-styled engineer, in constructing
the ponderous apparatus, which was erected on a solid
platform of masonry, thirty paces square, and seven or
eight feet high, that covered the centre of the market-
place. It was the work of the Aztec princes, and was
used as a scaffolding on \Y,hich mountebanks and jugglers
might exhibit their marvellous feats for the amusement
of the populace, who took great delight in these
performances. 31
The erection of the machine consumed several days,
during which hostilities were suspended, while the arti-
sans were protected from interruption by a strong corps
of infantry. At length the work was completed ; and
the besieged, who, with silent awe, had beheld from the
30 " Y corao comcnzo a ardcr, tanico lucgo cntendieron que habian
lcvantose una llama tan alta que de ser del todo destruidos y robados."
parecia llegar al cielo, al expect iiculo Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Esp., MS.,
de esta quema, todos los hombrcs y lib. 12, cap. 37.
mugcrcs que se habian acogido a las 31 Vestiges of the work are still
tiendas que cercaban todo el Tian- visible, according to M. de Hum-
guez comenzaron a llorar a voz en boldt, within the limits of the porch
grito, que fue cosa de espanto oirlos ; of the chapel of St. Jago. Essai Poli-
porquc qucmado aquel delubro sa- tiquc, torn. ii. p. 44.
chap, vii.] BATTERING ENGINE. 331
neighbouring azoteas, the progress of the mysterious
engine, which was to lay the remainder of their capital in
ruins, now looked with terror for its operation. A stone
of huge size was deposited on the timber. The machinery
was set in motion ; and the huge rocky fragment was
discharged with a tremendous force from the catapult.
But, instead of taking the direction of the Aztec build-
ings, it rose high and perpendicularly into the air, and,
descending whence it sprung, broke the ill-omened ma-
chine into splinters ! It was a total failure. The Aztecs
were released from their apprehensions, and the soldiery
made many a merry jest on the catastrophe, somewhat
at the expense of their commander, who testified no little
vexation at the disappointment, and still more at his
own credulity. 32
32 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Sahagim, Hist, de Nueva Espaiia,
quista, cap. 155. — Rel. Terc. de MS.,' lib. 12, cap. 37.
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 290. —
332
CHAPTER VIII.
Dreadful Sufferings of tire Besieged. — Spirit of Guatemozin. — Murderous
Assault. — Capture of Guatemozin. — Evacuation of the City. — Termination
of the Siege. — Reflections.
1521.
There was no occasion to resort to artificial means to
precipitate the ruin of the Aztecs. It was accelerated
every hour by causes more potent than those arising
from mere human agency. There they were, — pent up
in their close and suffocating quarters, nobles, com-
moners, and slaves, men, women, and children, some in
houses, more frequently in hovels, — for this part of the
city was not the best, — others in the open air in canoes,
or in the streets, shivering in the cold rains of night, and
scorched by the burning heat of clay. 1 An old chronicler
mentions the fact of two women of rank remaining three
days and nights up to their necks in the water among
the reeds, with only a handful of maize for their sup-
port. 2 The ordinary means of sustaining life were long
since gone. They wandered about in search of anything,
however unwholesome or revolting, that might mitigate
the fierce gnawings of hunger. Some hunted for insects
1 " Estabau los tristes Mcjicanos, y cada hora cspci'ando la muerte."
hombrcs y mugcrcs, nifios y nhlas, Sahagun, Hist, dc Nueva Esp., MS.,
vicjos y vicjas, heridos y cnfcrmos lib. 12, cap. 39.
en un lugar bicn cstrccho, y bicn 2 Tonpicmada had the anecdote
aprctados los unos con los otros, y from a nephew of one of the Indian
con grandisima falta de bastimentos, matrons, then a very old man him-
y al calor del Sol, y al frio de la nochc, self. Monarch. lud., lib. 4, cap. 102.
chap, vin.] SUFFERINGS OF THE BESIEGED. 333
and worms on the borders of the lake, or gathered the
salt weeds and moss from its bottom, while at times they
might be seen casting a wistful look at the green hills
beyond, which many of them had left to share the fate
of their brethren in the capital.
To their credit, it is said by the Spanish writers, that
they were not driven in their extremity to violate the
laws of nature by feeding on one another. 3 But unnap-
pily this is contradicted by the Indian authorities, who
state that many a mother, in her agony, devoured the
offspring which she had no longer the means of sup-
porting. This is recorded of more than one siege in
history ; and it is the more probable here, where the
sensibilities must have been blunted by familiarity with
the brutal practices of the national superstition. 4
But all was not sufficient, and hundreds of famished
wretches died every day from extremity of suffering.
Some dragged themselves into the houses, and drew
their last breath alone, and in silence. Others sank
down in the public streets. Wherever they died, there
they were left. There was no one to bury or to remove
them. Familiarity with the spectacle made men indif-
ferent to it. They looked on in dumb despair, waiting
for their own turn. There was no complaint, no lamen-
tation, but deep, unutterable woe.
If in other quarters of the town the corpses might be
seen scattered over the streets, here they were gathered
in heaps. " They lay so thick," says Bernal Diaz, "that
3 Ibid., ubi supra. — Bernal Diaz, tions of Moses : " The tender and
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 156. delicate woman among you, which
would not adventure to set the sole
4 " De los niilos, no quedo nadie, of her foot upon the ground for deli-
que las mismas madres y padres los cateness and tenderness, her eye shall
comian (que era gran lastima de ver, be evil toward her children
y mayormentedesufrir)." (Sahaguu, which she shall bear: for she shall
Hist, de Nueva Esp., MS., lib. 12, eat them for want of all things,
cap. 39.) The historian derived his secretly, in the siege and straitness
accounts from the Mexicans them- wherewith thine enemy shall distress
selves, soon after the event. — One is thee in thy gates." Deuteronomy,
reminded of the terrible demmcia- chap. 28, vs. 5G, 57.
334 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
one could not tread except among the bodies." 5 " A
man could not set his foot down," says Cortes, yet more
strongly, " unless on the corpse of an Indian !" 6 They
were piled one upon another, the living mingled with
the dead. They stretched themselves on the bodies of
their friends, and lay down to sleep there. Death was
everywhere. The city was a vast charnel-house, in which
all was hastening to decay and decomposition. A poi-
sonous steam arose from the mass of putrefaction, under
the action of alternate rain and heat, which so tainted
the whole atmosphere, that the Spaniards, including the
general himself, in their brief visits to the quarter, were
made ill by it, and it bred a pestilence that swept off
even greater numbers than the famine. 7
Men's minds were unsettled by these strange and
accumulated horrors. They resorted to all the super-
stitious rites prescribed by their religion, to stay the
pestilence. They called on their priests to invoke the
gods in their behalf. But the oracles were dumb, or
gave only gloomy responses. Their deities had deserted
them, and in their place they saw signs of celestial
wrath, telling of still greater woes in reserve. Many,
after the siege, declared, that, among other prodigies,
they beheld a stream of light, of a blood-red colour,
coming from the north in the direction of Tepejacac,
with a rushing noise, like that of a whirlwind, which
swept round the district of Tlatelolco, darting out
sparkles and flakes of fire, till it shot far into the centre
of the lake ! 8 In the disordered state of their nerves,
5 "No podiamos andar sino cntrc lib. 12, cap. 41. — Gonzalo de las
cuevpos, y cabecas de Indios muer- Casas, Defcnsa, MS., cap. 28.
tos. Hist, de la Conquista, cap. s " Un torbellino dc f'uego como
15G. sangre embuelto en brasas y en cen-
" No tenian donde cstar sino tellas, que partia de bacia Tepeacac
sobrc los cuerpos mucrtos dc los (que cs donde csta, abora Santa
suyos." Rel. Terc, ap. Lorenzana, Maria dc Guadalupe) y fue haciendo
p. 291. gran ruido, bacia donde cstaban acor-
7 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- raladoslosMejicanosyTlaltilulcanos;
quista, ubi supra. — Herrera, Hist. y dio una vuclta para enrededor de
General, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 8. — Sa- ellos, y no dicen si los ciupccio algo,
bagun, Hist, de Nucva Lsp., MS., sino que babiendo dado aquclla vu-
chap. VIII.] SPIRIT OF GUATEMOZ1N. 335
a mysterious fear took possession of their senses. Pro-
digies were of familiar occurrence, and the most familiar
phenomena of nature were converted into prodigies. 9
Stunned by their calamities, reason was bewildered, and
they became the sport of the wildest and most super-
stitious fancies.
In the midst of these awful scenes, the young em-
peror of the Aztecs remained, according to all accounts,
calm and courageous. With his fair capital laid in ruins
before his eyes, his nobles and faithful subjects dying
around him, his territory rent away, foot by foot, till
scarce enough remained for him to stand on, he rejected
every invitation to capitulate, and showed the same in-
domitable spirit as at the commencement of the siege.
When Cortes, in the hope that the extremities of the
besieged would incline them to listen to an accommoda-
tion, persuaded a noble prisoner to bear to Guatemozin
his proposals to that effect ; the fierce young monarch,
according to the general, ordered him at once to be
sacrificed. 10 It is a Spaniard, we must remember, who
tells the story.
Cortes, who had suspended hostilities for several days,
in the vain hope that the distresses of the Mexicans
would bend them to submission, now determined to
drive them to it by a general assault. Cooped up, as
they were, within a narrow quarter of the city, their
position favoured such an attempt. He commanded
Alvarado to hold himself in readiness, and directed
Sandoval — who, besides the causeway, had charge of
the fleet, which lay off the Tlatelolcan district, — to sup-
port the attack by a cannonade on the houses near the
water. He then led his forces into the, city, or rather
across the horrid waste that now encircled it.
elta, se eritrd por la laguna adelante; tuita." Tacitus, Hist., lib. 2, sec. 1.
y alii desaparecio." Sahagun, Hist. l0 " Y como lo Uevaron delante de
de Nueva Esp., MS., lib. 12, cap. 40. Guatirrracin su Seilor, y el le co-
9 " Inclinatis ad credendura an- menzd a hablar sobre la Paz, dizque
imis," says the philosophic Roman luego lo mandd matar y sacrificar."
historian, " loco ominum etiam for- Rel. Terc, ap. Lorenzana, p. 293.
336 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
On entering the Indian precincts, lie was met by
several of the chiefs, who, stretching forth their emaciated
arms, exclaimed, "You are the children of the Sun. But
the Sun is swift in his course. Why are you, then, so
tardy ? Why do you delay so long to put an end to
our miseries ? Rather kill us at once, that we may go
to our god Huitzilopochtli, who waits for us in heaven
to give us rest from our sufferings !" n
Cortes was moved by their piteous appeal, and an-
swered, that he desired not their death, but their submis-
sion. " Why does your master refuse to treat with me,"
he said, " when a single hour will suffice for me to crush
him and all his people ?" He then urged them to request
Guatemozin to confer with him, with the assurance that
he might do it in safety, as his person should not be
molested.
The nobles, after some persuasion, undertook the
mission ; and it was received by the young monarch in
a manner which showed — if the anecdote before related
of him be true — that misfortune had, at length, asserted
some power over his haughty spirit. He consented
to the interview, though not to have it take place on
that clay, but the following, in the great square of
Tlatelolco. Cortes, well satisfied, immediately with-
drew from the city, and resumed his position on the
causeway.
The next morning he presented himself at the place
appointed, having previously stationed Alvarado there
with a strong corps of infantry to guard against treachery.
The stone platform in the centre of the square was
covered with mats and carpets, and a banquet was pre-
pared to refresh the famished monarch and his nobles.
11 " Que pues olios me icnian por pcnar tanto, porque ya ellos tcniau
I T i j o del Sol, y el Sol en tanta breve- descos de mom, y irsc al Cielo para
dad como era en un dia,'y una noclic su Ochilobus, (Huitzilopochtli,) que
daba vuclta a todo.cl Mundo, que losestaba csperando para descansar."
porque yo assf brevemente no Jos Ibid., p. 292.
acababa dc matar, y los quitaba de
chap, vin.] SPIRIT OF GUATEMOZIN. 337
Having made these arrangements, he awaited the hour
of the interview.
But Guatemozin, instead of appearing himself, sent
his nobles, the same who had brought to him the general's
invitation, and who now excused their master's absence
on the plea of illness. Cortes, though disappointed, gave
a courteous reception to the envoys, considering that it
might still afford the means of opening a communication
with the emperor. He persuaded them without much
entreaty to partake of the good cheer spread before them,
which they did with a voracity that told how severe had
been their abstinence. He then dismissed them with a
seasonable supply of provisions for their master, pressing
him to consent to an interview, without which it was
impossible their differences could be adjusted.
The Indian envoys returned in a short time, bearing
with them a present of fine cotton fabrics, of no great
value, from Guatemozin, who still declined to meet the
Spanish general. Cortes, though deeply chagrined, was
unwilling to give up the point. " He will surely come,"
he said to the envoys, " when he sees that I suffer you
to go and come unharmed, you who have been my steady
enemies, no less than himself, throughout the war. He
has nothing to fear from me." n He again parted with
them, promising to receive their answer the following day.
On the next morning, the Aztec chiefs, entering the
Christian quarters, announced to Cortes that Guatemozin
would confer with him at noon in the market-place. The
general was punctual at the hour ; but without success.
Neither monarch nor ministers appeared there. It was
plain that the Indian prince did not care to trust the
promises of his enemy. A thought of Montezuma may
12 " Y yo les tome a repetir, que y venir seguramente, sin recibir en-
no sabia la causa, porque el se rece- ojo alguno ; que lcs rogaba, que le
laba venir ante mi, pues veia que a, tornassena. hablar, y mirassea mucho
ellos, que yo sabia q' habian sido los en esto de su venida, pues a el le
causadores priucipales de la Guerra, convenia, y yo lo haeia por su pro-
y que la habian sustentado, les haeia vecho." Itel. Terc. de Cortes, ap.
buen tratamiento, que los dejaba ir, Lorenzana, pp. 294, 295.
VOL. II. Z
338 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
have passed across his mind. After he had waited three
hours, the general's patience was exhausted, and, as he
learned that the Mexicans were busy in preparations for
defence, he made immediate dispositions for the assault. 13
The confederates had been left without the walls, for
he did not care to bring them in sight of the quarry,
before he was ready to slip the leash. He now ordered
them to join him ; and, supported by Alvarado's division,
marched at once into the enemy's quarters. He found
them prepared to receive him. Their most able-bodied
warriors were thrown into the van, covering their feeble
and crippled comrades. Women were seen occasionally
mingling in the ranks, and, as well as children, thronged
the azoteas, where, with famine -stricken visages and
haggard eyes, they scowled defiance and hatred on their
invaders.
As the Spaniards advanced, the Mexicans set up a
fierce war-cry, and sent off clouds of arrows with their
accustomed spirit, while the women and boys rained
down darts and stones from their elevated position on
the terraces. But the missiles were sent by hands too
feeble to do much damage ; and, when the squadrons
closed, the loss of strength became still more sensible
in the Aztecs. Their blows fell feebly and with doubtful
aim ; though some, it is true, of stronger constitution,
or gathering strength from despair, maintained to the
last a desperate fight.
The arquebusiers now poured in a deadly fire. The
brigantines replied by successive volleys in the opposite
quarter. The besieged, hemmed in, like deer surrounded
by the huntsmen, were brought down on every side.
The carnage was horrible. The ground was heaped up
13 The testimony is most emphatic Hist. General, lib. 2, cap. 6, 7, —
and unequivocal to these repealed Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4,
efforts on the part of Cort6s to bring cap. 100, — Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de
the Aztecs peaceably to terms. Be- los Esp., pp. 44 — 48, — Oviedo, Hist.
sides his own Letter to the Emperor, dc las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29, 30.
see Bcrnal Diaz, cap. 155, — Herrcra,
chap, viii.] MURDEROUS ASSAULT. 339
with slain, until the maddened combatants were obliged
to climb over the human mounds to get at one another.
The miry soil was saturated with blood, which ran off
like water, and dyed the canals themselves with crimson. 14
All was uproar and terrible confusion. The hideous yells
of the barbarians ; the oaths and execrations of the
Spaniards ; the cries of the wounded ; the shrieks of
women and children ; the heavy blows of the Conquerors ;
the death-struggle of their victims ; the rapid, reverbe-
rating echoes of musketry ; the hissing of innumerable
missiles ; the crash and crackling of blazing buildings,
crushing hundreds in their ruins • the blinding volumes
of dust and sulphurous smoke shrouding all in their
gloomy canopy, — made a scene appalling even to the
soldiers of Cortes, steeled as they were by many a rough
passage of war, and by long familiarity with blood and
violence. " The piteous cries of the women and children,
in particular," says the general, " were enough to break
one's heart." 15 He commanded that they should be
spared, and that all, who asked it, should receive quarter.
He particularly urged this on the confederates, and placed
men among them to restrain their violence. 16 But he
had set an engine in motion too terrible to be controlled.
It were as easy to curb the hurricane in its fury, as the
passions of an infuriated horde of savages. " Never did
I see so pitiless a race," he exclaims, "or any thing
wearing the form of man so destitute of humanity." 17
14 " Corrian Arroios de San'gre por 16 " Como la geute de la Cibdad
las Calles, como pueden correr de se salia a los nuestros, Labia el gene-
Agua, quando llueve, y con impetu, ral proveido, que por todas las calles
y fuerca." Torquemada, Monarch. estubiesen Espaiioles para estorvar a
Ind., lib. 4, cap. 103. los amigos, que no matasen aquellos
15 " Era tanta la grita, y lloro de tristes, que eran sin numero. E tam-
los Nines, y Mugeres, que no habia bien dixo a todos los amigos capi-
Persona, a, quien no quebrantasse el tanes, que no consintiesen a su gente
corazon." (Pel. Terc. ap. Lorenzana, que matasen a ninguno de los que
p. 296.) They were a rash and stiff- salian." Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind.,
necked race, exclaims his reverend MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.
editor, the archbishop, with a cha- 17 "La qual crueldad nnnca en
ritable commentary ! " Gens clurce Generacion tan recia se vid, ni tan
cervicis, gens absque consilio." Nota. fuera de toda orden de naturaleza,
z 2
340 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
They made no distinction of sex or age, and in this hour
of vengeance seemed to be requiting the hoarded wrongs
of a century. At length, sated with slaughter, the
Spanish commander sounded a retreat. It was full time,
if, according to his own statement, — we may hope it is
an exaggeration, — forty thousand souls had perished ! 18
Yet their fate was to be envied, in comparison with that
of those who survived.
Through the long night which followed, no movement
was perceptible in the Aztec quarter. No light was seen
there, no sound was heard, save the low moaning of
some wounded or dying wretch, writhing in his agony.
All was dark and silent, — the darkness of the grave.
The last blow seemed to have completely stunned them.
They had parted with hope, and sat in sullen despair,
like men waiting in silence the stroke of the executioner.
Yet, for all this, they showed no disposition to submit.
Every new injury had sunk deeper into their souls, and
filled them with a deeper hatred of their enemy. Fortune,
friends, kindred, home, — all were gone. They were con-
tent to throw away life itself, now that they had nothing
more to live for.
Far different was the scene in the Christian camp,
where, elated with their recent successes, all was alive
with bustle and preparation for the morrow. Bonfires
were seen blazing along the causeways, lights gleamed
from tents and barracks, and the sounds of music and
merriment, borne over the waters, proclaimed the joy of
the soldiers at the prospect of so soon terminating their
wearisome campaign.
On the following morning the Spanish commander
again mustered his forces, having decided to follow up
the blow of the preceding day before the enemy should
have time to rally, and at once to put an end to the war.
como en los Naturales dc cstas says, 50,000 were slain and taken in
partes." Rel. Terc. dc Cortes, ap. this dreadful onslaught. Venida de
Lorcnzana, p. 29G. los Esp., p. 48.
18 Ibid., ubi supra. — Ixtlilxochitl
chap, viii.] MURDEROUS ASSAULT. 341
He had arranged with Alvaraclo, on the evening previous,
to occupy the market-place of Tlateloico ; and the dis-
charge of an arquebuse was to be the signal for a simul-
taneous assault. Sandoval was to hold the northern
causeway, and, with the fleet, to watch the movements
of the Indian emperor, and to intercept the flight to the
main land, which Cortes knew he meditated. To allow
him to effect this, would be to leave a formidable enemy
in his own neighbourhood, who might at any time kindle
the flame of insurrection throughout the country. He
ordered Sandoval, however, to do no harm to the royal
person, and not to fire on the enemy at all, except in
self-defence. 19
It was on the memorable 15th of August, 1521, the
day of St. Hypolito, — from this circumstance selected as
the patron saint of modern Mexico, — that Cortes led his
warlike array for the last time across the black and
blasted environs which lay around the Indian capital.
On entering the Aztec precincts, he paused, willing to
afford its wretched inmates one more chance of escape,
before striking the fatal blow. He obtained an intervieAv
with some of the principal chiefs, and expostulated with
them on the conduct of their prince. " He surely will
not," said the general, " see you all perish, when he can
so easily save you." He then urged them to prevail on
Guatemozin to hold a conference with him, repeating the
assurances of his personal safety.
The messengers went on their mission, and soon re-
turned with the cilmacoatt at their head, a magistrate of
high authority among the Mexicans. He said, with a
melancholy air, in which his own disappointment was
visible, that " Guatemozin was ready to die where he
was, but would hold no interview with the Spanish
19 " Adonde estauan retraidos, el dios, saluo si no le diessen guerra, e
Guatemuz con todo la flor de sns que aunque se la diessen, que sola-
Capitanes, y personas mas nobles que mente se defendiesse." Bernal Diaz,
en Mexico auia, y le mando que no Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 156.
matasse, ni hiriesse a ningunos In-
342 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
commander;" adding, in atone of resignation, "It is
for you to work your pleasure." " Go, then," replied
the stern Conqueror, " and prepare your countrymen for
death. Their hour is come." 20
He still postponed the assault for several hours. But
the impatience of his troops at this delay was heightened
by the rumour, that Guatemozin and his nobles were
preparing to escape with their effects in the piraguas
and canoes which were moored on the margin of the
lake. Convinced of the fruitlessness and impolicy of
further procrastination, Cortes made his final dispositions
for the attack, and took his own station on an azotea,
which commanded the theatre of operations.
When the assailants came into presence of the enemy,
they found them huddled together in the utmost con-
fusion, all ages and sexes, in masses so dense that they
nearly forced one another over the brink of the cause-
ways into the water below. Some had climbed on the
terraces, others feebly supported themselves against the
walls of the buildings. Their squalid and tattered gar-
ments gave a wildness to their appearance, which still
further heightened the ferocity of their expression, as
they glared on their enemy with eyes in which hate was
mingled with despair. When the Spaniards had ap-
proached within bowshot, the Aztecs let off a flight of
impotent missiles, showing to the last the resolute spirit,
though they had lost the strength, of their better days.
The fatal signal was then given by the discharge of an
arquebuse, — speedily followed by peals of heavy ordnance,
the rattle of fire-arms, and the hellish shouts of the con-
federates, as they sprang upon their victims. It is
unnecessary to stain the page with a repetition of the
2U " Y al fin rac dijo, que en niu- dije ; que se bolvicsse a los suyos, y
guna manera el Sefior vernia ante que el, y cllos se aparejasscn, porque
mi ; y antes qucria por alia morir, y los queria coinbatir, y acabar de
que a el pesaba inuclio do. eslo, que matar, y assi se fue." Rel. Terc. de
liiciesse yo lo que quisiessc ; y como Cortes, ap. Lorenzaua, p. 298.
vi en esto bu detenninacion, jo le
chap, viii.] MURDEROUS ASSAULT. 343
horrors of the preceding day. Some of the wretched
Aztecs threw themselves into the water, and were picked
up by the canoes. Others sunk and were suffocated in
the canals. The number of these became so great, that
a bridge was made of their dead bodies, over which the
assailants could climb to the opposite banks. Others
again, especially the women, begged for mercy, which,
as the chroniclers assure us, was everywhere granted by
the Spaniards, and, contrary to the instructions and
entreaties of Cortes, everywhere refused by the con-
federates. 21
While this work of butchery was going on, numbers
were observed pushing off in the barks that lined the
shore, and making the best of their way across the lake.
They were constantly intercepted by the brigantines,
which broke through the flimsy array of boats ; sending
off their volleys to the right and left, as the crews of the
latter hotly assailed them. The battle raged as fiercely
on the lake as on the land. Many of the Indian vessels
were shattered and overturned. Some few, however,
under cover of the smoke, which rolled darkly over the
waters, succeeded in clearing themselves of the turmoil,
and were fast nearing the opposite shore.
Sandoval had particularly charged his captains to keep
an eye on the movements of any vessel in which it was
at all probable that Guatemozin might be concealed. At
this crisis, three or four of the largest piraguas were seen
skimming over the water, and making their way rapidly
across the lake. A captain named Garci Holguin, who
had command of one of the best sailers in the fleet,
instantly gave them chase. The wind was favourable,
and every moment he gained on the fugitives, who
pulled their oars with a vigour that despair alone could
have given. But it was in vain ; and, after a short race,
21 Oviedo, Hist, de las Irid., MS., — Rel. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
lib. 33, cap. 30. — Ixtlilxochitl, zana, pp. 297, 298. — Gomara, Cro-
Yenida de losEsp., p. 48. — Hen-era, nica, cap. 142.
Hist. General, dec, 3, lib. 2, cap. 7.
344 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
Holguin, coming alongside of one of the piraguas, which,
whether from its appearance, or from information he had
received, he conjectured might bear the Indian emperor,
ordered his men to level their crossbows at the boat.
But, before they could discharge them, a cry arose from
those in it, that their lord was on board. At the same
moment, a young warrior, armed with buckler and
maqualudtl, rose up, as if to beat off the assailants. But,
as the Spanish captain ordered his men not to shoot, he
dropped his weapons, and exclaimed, " I am Guate-
mozin ; lead me to Malintzin. I am his prisoner; but
let no harm come to my wife and my followers." 22
Holguin assured him that his wishes should be re-
spected, and assisted him to get on board the brigantine,
followed by his wife and attendants. These were twenty
in number, consisting of Coanoca, the deposed lord of
Tezcuco, the lord of Tlacopan, and several other caciques
and dignitaries whose rank, probably, had secured them
some exemption from the general calamities of the siege.
When the captives were seated on the deck of his vessel,
Holguin requested the Aztec prince to put an end to the
combat by commanding his people in the other canoes
to surrender. But, with a dejected air, he replied, " It
is not necessary. They will fight no longer, when they
see that their prince is taken." He spoke truth. The
news of Guatemozin's capture spread rapidly through
the fleet, and on shore, where the Mexicans were still
engaged in conflict with their enemies. It ceased, how-
ever, at once. They made no further resistance ; and
those on the water quickly followed the brigantines,
22 IxtlilxochithVenidadclosEsp., cap. 156.) M. de Humboldt has
p. 49. taken much pains to identify the
"No me tircn, que yo soy el Rcy place of Guatemozin's capture, —
dc Mexico, y desta tierra, y lo que now become dry land, — which he
te ruego cs, que no me Ucgucs a mi considers to have been somewhere
muger, ni a mis hijos ; ni a ninguna between the Garita del Peralvillo,
muger, ni a ninguna cosa de lo que the square of St. Iago de Tlaltclolco,
aqui traygo, siuo que me tomes a and the bridge of Amaxac. Essai
mi, y me llcucs a Malintzin." (Ber- Politique, loin. ii. p. 70.
nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquistft,
chap, viii.] CAPTURE OF GUATEMOZIN. 345
which conveyed their captive monarch to land. It
seemed as if the fight had been maintained thus long,
the better to divert the enemy's attention, and cover
their master's retreat. 23
Meanwhile Sandoval, on receiving tidings of the cap-
ture, brought his own brigantine alongside of Holguin's,
and demanded the royal prisoner to be surrendered to
him. But his captain claimed him as his prize. A dis-
pute arose between the parties, each anxious to have the
glory of the deed, and perhaps the privilege of com-
memorating it on his escutcheon. The controversy con-
tinued so long that it reached the ears of Cortes, who, in
his station on the azote a, had learned, with no little
satisfaction, the capture of his enemy. He instantly sent
orders to his wrangling officers to bring Guatemozin
before him, that he might adjust the difference between
them. 24 He charged them, at the same time, to treat
their prisoner with respect. He then made preparations
for the interview ; caused the terrace to be carpeted with
crimson cloth and matting, and a table to be spread
with provisions, of which the unhappy Aztecs stood so
much in need. 25 His lovely Indian mistress, Dona
Marina, was present to act as interpreter. She had
stood by his side through all the troubled scenes of
the Conquest, and she was there now to witness its
triumphant termination.
23 For the preceding account of ing Jugurtlia. (Hist, de la Con-
tbe capture of Guatemozin, told with quista, cap. 156.) This piece of
little discrepancy, though with more pedantry savours much more of the
or less minuteness by the different old chronicler than his commander,
writers, see Bernal Diaz, Ibid., ubi The result of the whole, — not an
supra, — Rel. Terc. de Cortes, p. 299, uncommon one in such cases, — was,
— Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, that the Emperor granted to neither
MS., — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., of the parties, but to Cortes, the ex-
MS., lib. 33, cap. 30, — Torquemada, elusive right of commemorating the
Monarch. Inch, lib. 4, cap. 101. capture of Guatemozin, by placing
21 The general, according to Diaz, his head, together with the heads of
rebuked his officers for their ill-timed seven other captive princes, on the
contention, reminding them of the border of his shield,
direful effects of a similar quarrel 25 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Esp.,
between Marius and Sylla, respect- lib. 12, cap. 40, MS.
346 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
Guatemozin, on landing, was escorted by a company
of infantry to the presence of the Spanish commander.
He mounted the azoiea with a calm and steady step,
and was easily to be distinguished from his attendant
nobles, though his full, dark eye was no longer lighted
up with its accustomed fire, and his features wore an
expression of passive resignation, that told little of the
fierce and fiery spirit that burned within. His head was
large, his limbs well proportioned, his complexion fairer
than those of his bronze-coloured nation, and his whole
deportment singularly mild and engaging. 20
Cortes came forward with a dignified and studied
courtesy to receive him. The Aztec monarch probably
knew the person of his conqueror, for he first broke
silence by saying ; "I have clone all that I could to
defend myself and my people. I am now reduced to
this state. You will deal with me, Malintzin, as you
list." Then, laying his hand on the hilt of a poniard,
stuck in the general's belt, he added, with vehemence,
"Better despatch me with this, and rid me of life at
once." 2? Cortes was filled with admiration at the proud
bearing of the young barbarian, showing in his reverses
a spirit worthy of an ancient Roman. " Fear not," he
replied, "you shall be treated with all honour. You have
defended your capital like a brave warrior. A Spaniard
knows how to respect valour even in an enemy." 28 He
26 For the portrait of Guatemozin, lengua ; que ya el Labia hecho todo,
I again borrow the faithful pencil of lo que de su parte era obligado para
Diaz, who knew him — at least his dcfendcrsc a si, y a los suyos, hasta
person — well. "Guatemuz era dc venir en aquel estado ; que aliora
muy gentil disposicion, assi dc ficicsse dc cl lo que yo quisiesse ; y
cucrpo, como de faycioncs, y la cata puso la mano en un puhal, que yo
algo larga, y alegre, y los ojos mas tenia, diciendome, que le diessc de
parccian que quando miraua, que pufialadas, y le niatasse." (Rcl.
eran con grauedad, y halaguenos, y Tcrc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p.
no iiauia falta en ellos, y era de cdad 300.) This remarkable account by
de vcinte y tres, d veintc y quatro tlic Conqueror himself is confirmed
ahos, y cl color tiraua mas ;i bianco, by Diaz, wlio docs not appear to
que al color, y matiz dc essotros have seen this letter of his com-
lndios morcnos.". Hist, dc la Con- mander. Hist, de la Conquista,
quista, cap. 156. cap. 156.
27 " Llegose a mi, y dijomc en su ffl Ibid., cap. 156. — Also Oviedo,
chap, viii.] CAPTURE OF GUATEMOZIN. 347
then inquired of hirn, where he had left the princess, his
wife ; and, being informed that she still remained under
protection of a Spanish guard on board the brigantine,
the general sent to have her escorted to his presence.
She was the youngest daughter of Montezuma; and
was hardly yet on the verge of womanhood. On the
accession of her cousin, Guaternozin, to the throne, she
had. been wedded to him as his lawful wife. 29 She is
celebrated by her contemporaries for her personal charms ;
and the beautiful princess, Tecuichpo, is still commemo-
rated by the Spaniards, since from her, by a subsequent
marriage, are descended some of the illustrious families
of their own nation. 30 She was kindly received by Cortes,
who showed her the respectful attentions suited to her
rank. Her birth, no doubt, gave her an additional
interest in his eyes, and he may have felt some touch
of compunction, as he gazed on the daughter of the
unfortunate Montezuma. He invited his royal captives
to partake of the refreshments which their exhausted
condition rendered so necessary. Meanwhile the Spanish
commander made his dispositions for the night, ordering
Sandoval to escort the prisoners to Cojohuacan, whither
he proposed himself immediately to follow. The other
captains, Olid and Alvarado, were to draw off their
forces to their respective quarters. It was impossible for
them to continue in the capital, where the poisonous
effluvia from the unburied carcasses loaded the air with
infection. A small guard only was stationed to keep
order in the wasted suburbs. — It was the hour of vespers
Hist, de las Lid., MS., lib. 33, cap. conversation with Oviedo. Accord-
48, — and Martyr, (de Orbe Novo, ing to this, it appears that the only
dec. 5, cap. 8,) who, by the epithet legitimate offspring which Monte-
of Magnaninw rec/i, testifies the ad- zuma left at his death, was a son
miration which Guatemozin's lofty and a daughter, this same princess,
spirit excited in the court of Castile. — See Appendix, Part II, No. 11.
29 The ceremony of marriage,
which distinguished the " lawful 30 For a further account of Mon-
Avife" from the concubine, is de- tezuma's daughter, see Book VII.,
scribed by Don Thoan Cano, in his Chapter III. of this History.
348
SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
when Guateraozin surrendered, 31 and the siege might be
considered as then concluded. The evening set in dark,
and the rain began to fall, before the several parties had
evacuated the city. 32
During the night, a tremendous tempest, such as the
Spaniards had rarely witnessed, and such as is known
only within the tropics, burst over the Mexican Valley.
The thunder, reverberating from the rocky amphitheatre
of hills, bellowed over the waste of waters, and shook the
teocallis and crazy tenements of Tenochtitlan — the few
that yet survived — to their foundations. The lightning
seemed to cleave asunder the vault of heaven, as its vivid
flashes wrapped the whole scene in a ghastly glare, for a
moment, to be again swallowed up in darkness. The
war of elements was in unison with the fortunes of the
ruined city. It seemed as if the deities of Anahuac,
scared from their ancient abodes, were borne along;
shrieking and howling in the blast, as they abandoned
the fallen capital to its fate ! 33
31 The event is annually com-
memorated, or rather was, under
the colonial government, by a solemn
procession round the walls of the
city. It took place on the 13th of
August, the anniversary of the sur-
render, and consisted of the principal
cavaliers and citizens on horseback,
headed by the viceroy, and display-
ing the venerable standard of the
Conqueror.
32 Toribio, Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
Parte 3, cap. 7- — Sahagun, Hist, de
Nueva Esp., MS., lib. 12, cap. 42.—
Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
cap. 156.
" The lord of Mexico having sur-
rendered," says Cortes, in his letter
to the Emperor, "the war, by the
blessing of Heaven, was brought to
an end, on Wednesday, the 13th day
of August, 1521. So that from the
day when wc first sat down before
the city, which was the 30th of May,
until its final occupation, seventy-five
days elapsed." (Rel. Tore, ap. Lo-
renzana, p. 300.) It is not easy to
tell what event occurred on May
30th, to designate the beginning of
the siege. Clavigero considers it the
occupation of Cojohuacan by Olid.
(Stor. del Messico, torn. hi. p. 19G.)
But I know not on what authority.
Neither Bcrnal Diaz, nor Herrcra,
nor Cortes, so fixes the date. In-
deed, Clavigero says, that Alvarado
and Olid left Tezcuco May 20, while
Cortes says May 10. Perhaps Cortes
dates from the time when Sandoval
established himself on the northern
causeway, and when the complete
investment of the capital began. —
Bcrnal Diaz, more than once, speaks
of the siege as lasting three months,
computing, probably, from the time
when his own division, under Alva-
rado, 1 ook up its position at Tacuba.
33 It did not, apparently, disturb
the slumbers of the troops, who had
been so much deafened by the in-
cessant noises of the siege, that now
these had ceased, " wc felt," says
chap, viii.] TERMINATION OF THE SIEGE. 349
On the day following the surrender, Guateraozin
requested the Spanish commander to allow the Mexicans
to leave the city, and to pass unmolested into the open
country. To this Cortes readily assented, as, indeed,
without it he could take no steps for purifying the capital.
He gave his orders, accordingly, for the evacuation of
the place, commanding that no one, Spaniard or con-
federate, should offer violence to the Aztecs, or in any
way obstruct their departure. The whole number of
these is variously estimated at from thirty to seventy
thousand, beside women and children who had survived
the sword, pestilence, and famine. 34 It is certain they
were three days in defiling along the several causeways,
— a mournful train; 35 husbands and wives, parents and
children, the sick and the wounded, leaning on one
another for support, as they feebly tottered along, squalid,
and but half covered with rags, that disclosed at every
step hideous gashes, some recently received, others
festering from long neglect, and carrying with them an
atmosphere of contagion. Their wasted forms and
famine-stricken faces told the whole history of the siege ;
and as the straggling files gained the opposite shore, they
were observed to pause from time to time, as if to take
one more look at the spot so lately crowned by the im-
perial city, once their pleasant home, and endeared to
them by many a glorious recollection.
On the departure of the inhabitants, measures were
immediately taken to purify the place, by means of
Diaz, in his homely way, "like men 70,000. (Hist, de las IncL, MS.,
suddenly escaped from a helfry, lib. 33, cap. 48.) — After the losses
where we had been shut up for of the siege, these numbers are
months with a chime of bells ringing startling.
in our ears !" Ibid., ubi supra. 35 "Digo que en tres dias con sus
34 Herrera (Hist. General, dec. 3, noches iban todas tres calcadas llenas
lib. 2, cap. 7,) and Torquemada de Indios, e Indias, y muchachos,
(Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 101) llenas de bote en bote, que nunca
estimate them at 30,000. Ixtlil- dexauan de salir, y tan flacos, y
xochitl says, that 60,000 fighting suzios, e amarillos, e hediondos, que
men laid down their arms ; (Venida era lastima de los ver." Bemal
de los Esp., p. 49 ;) and Oviedo Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
swells the amount still higher to 156.
350 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
numerous fires kept burning day and night, especially in
the infected quarter of Tlatelolco, and by collecting the
heaps of dead, which lay mouldering in the streets, and
consigning them to the earth. — Of the whole number
who perished in the course of the siege, it is impossible
to form any probable computation. The accounts range
widely from one hundred and twenty thousand, the
lowest estimate, to two hundred and forty thousand. 36
The number of the Spaniards who fell was comparatively
small, but that of the allies must have been large, if the
historian of Tezcuco is correct in asserting, that thirty
thousand perished of his own countrymen alone. 37 That
the number of those destroyed within the city was im-
mense cannot be doubted, when we consider, that,
besides its own redundant population, it was thronged
with that of the neighbouring towns, who, distrusting
their strength to resist the enemy, sought protection
within its walls.
The booty found there — that is, the treasures of gold
and jewels, the only booty of much value in the eyes of
the Spaniards — fell far below their expectations. It did
not exceed, according to the general's statement, a
36 Cortes estimates the losses of number of Indian warriors from all
the enemy in the three several the provinces and towns subject to
assaults at 67,000, which, with Mexico, the most of whom perished."
50,000, whom he reckons to have (Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 156.)
perished from famine and disease, " I have conversed," says Oviedo,
would give 117,000. (Rel. Terc. " with many hidalgos and other per-
ap. Lorenzana, p. 298, et alibi.) sons, and have heard tlicm say that
But this is exclusive of those who the number of the dead was incal-
fell previously to the commencement culablc, — greater than that at Jcru-
of the vigorous plan of operations salcm, as described by Josephus."
for demolishing the city. Ixtlil- (Hist, dc las Ind., MS., lib. 30, cap.
xochitl, who seldom allows any one 30.) As the estimate of the Jewish
to beat him in figures, puts the dead, historian amounts to 1,100,000, (An-
in rouDcl numbers, at 210,000, com- liquifies of the Jews, Eng. tr., Book
prehending the flower of the Aztec vii. chap, xvii.,) the comparison may
nobility. ( Vcnidade los Esp., p. 51.) stagger the most accommodating
Bcrnal Diaz observes, more gene- faith. It will be safer to dispense
rally, "I have read the story of the with arithmetic, where the data are
destruction of Jerusalem, but 1 doubt too loose and slippery to afford a
if there was as great mortality there foothold for getting at truth,
as in this siege; for there was
assembled in the city an immense :! ' Ibid., nbi supra.
chap, viii.] TERMINATION OF THE SIEGE. 351
hundred and thirty thousand castettanos of gold, including
the sovereign's share, which, indeed, taking into account
many articles of curious and costly workmanship, volun-
tarily relinquished by the army, greatly exceeded his
legitimate fifth. 38 Yet the Aztecs must have been in
possession of a much larger treasure, if it were only the
wreck of that recovered from the Spaniards on the night
of the memorable flight from Mexico. Some of the
spoil may have been sent away from the capital ; some
spent in preparations for defence, and more of it buried
in the earth, or sunk in the water of the lake. Their
menaces were not without a meaning. They had, at
least, the satisfaction of disappointing the avarice of
their enemies.
Cortes had no further occasion for the presence of his
Indian allies. He assembled the chiefs of the different
squadrons, thanked them for their services, noticed their
valour in flattering terms, and, after distributing presents
among them, with the assurance that his master, the
Emperor, would recompense their fidelity yet more
largely, dismissed them to their own homes. They
carried off a liberal share of the spoils, of which they
had plundered the dwellings, — not of a kind to excite
the cupidity of the Spaniards, — and returned in triumph,
short-sighted triumph ! at the success of their expedition,
and the downfall of the Aztec dynasty.
Great also was the satisfaction of the Spaniards at this
brilliant termination of their long and laborious cam-
paign. They were, indeed, disappointed at the small
amount of treasure found in the conquered city. But
the soldier is usually too much absorbed in the present
to give much heed to the future ; and, though their dis-
content showed itself afterwards in a more clamorous
form, they now thought only of their triumph, and
38 Rel. Terc, ap. Lorenzana, p. the treasure, and especially of the
301. imperial fifth, to which I shall have
Oviedo goes into some further occasion to advert hereafter. Hist,
particulars respecting the amount of de las Inch, MS., lib. 33, cap. 31.
352 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO. [book vi.
abandoned themselves to jubilee. Cortes celebrated the
event by a banquet, as sumptuous as circumstances would
permit, to which all the cavaliers and officers were in-
vited. Loud and long was their revelry, which was
carried to such an excess, as provoked the animadversion
of father Olmedo, who intimated that this was not the
fitting way to testify their sense of the favours shown
them by the Almighty. Cortes admitted the justice of
the rebuke, but craved some indulgence for a soldier's
licence in the hour of victory. The following clay was
appointed for the commemoration of their successes in a
more suitable manner.
A procession of the whole army was then formed with
father Olmedo at its head. The soiled and tattered
banners of Castile, which had waved over many a field
of battle, now threw their shadows on the peaceful array
of the soldiery, as they slowly moved along, rehearsing
the litany, and displaying the image of the Virgin, and
the blessed symbol of man's redemption. The reverend
father pronounced a discourse, in which he briefly re-
minded the troops of their great cause for thankfulness
to Providence for conducting them safe through their
long and perilous pilgrimage ; and, dwelling on the
responsibility incurred by their present position, he be-
sought them not to abuse the rights of conquest, but to
treat the unfortunate Indians with humanity. The sacra-
ment was then administered to the commander-in-chief
and the principal cavaliers, and the services concluded
with a solemn thanksgiving to the God of battles, who
had enabled them to carry the banner of the Cross tri-
umphant over this barbaric empire. 39
Thus, after a siege of nearly three months' duration,
unmatched in history for the constancy and courage of
39 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, 12, cap. 42. — Oviedo, Hist, de las
lib. 2, cap. 8.— Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. Lid., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.— Ixtlil-
de la Conquista, cap. 156. — Saha- xochitl, Vcnida dc los Esp., pp. 51,
gun, Hist, de Nucva Esp., MS., lib. 52.
chap, viii.] TERMINATION OF THE SIEGE. 353
the besieged, seldom surpassed for the severity of its
sufferings, fell the renowned capital of the Aztecs. Un-
matched, it may be truly said, for constancy and courage,
when we recollect that the door of capitulation on the
most honourable terms was left open to them through-
out the whole blockade, and that, sternly rejecting every
proposal of their enemy, they, to a man, preferred to
die rather than surrender. More than three centuries
had elapsed, since the Aztecs, a poor and wandering
tribe from the far North-west, had come on the plateau.
There they built their miserable collection ef huts on the
spot — as tradition tells us — prescribed by the oracle.
Their conquests, at first confined to their immediate
neighbourhood, gradually covered the Valley, then cross-
ing the mountains, swept over the broad extent of the
table-land, descended its precipitous sides, and rolled
onwards to the Mexican gulf, and the distant confines of
Central America. Their wretched capital, meanwhile,
keeping pace with the enlargement of territory, had
grown into a flourishing city, filled with buildings,
monuments of art, and a numerous population, that
gave it the first rank among the capitals of the Western
World. At this crisis, came over another race from the
remote East, strangers like themselves, whose coming-
had also been predicted by the oracle, and, appearing
on the plateau, assailed them in the very zenith of their
prosperity, and blotted them out from the map of
nations for ever ! The whole story has the air of fable,
rather than of history ! a legend of romance, — a tale of
the genii !
Yet we cannot regret the fall of an empire which did
so little to promote the happiness of its subjects, or the
real interests of humanity. Notwithstanding the lustre
thrown over its latter days by the glorious defence of its
capital, by the mild munificence of Montezuma, by the
dauntless heroism of Guatemozin, the Aztecs were em-
phatically a fierce and brutal race, little calculated, in
VOL. II. a a
354 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
their best aspects, to excite our sympathy and regard.
Their civilization, such as it was, was not their own, but
reflected, perhaps imperfectly, from a race whom they
had succeeded in the land. It was, in respect to the
Aztecs, a generous graft on a vicious stock, and could
have brought no fruit to perfection. They ruled over
their wide domains with a sword, instead of a sceptre.
They did nothing to ameliorate the condition, or in any
way promote the progress, of their vassals. Their vassals
were serfs, used only to minister to their pleasure, held
in awe by armed garrisons, ground to the dust by imposts
in peace, by military conscriptions in war. They did
not, like the Romans, whom they resembled in the nature
of their conquests, extend the rights of citizenship to the
conquered. They did not amalgamate them into one
great nation, with common rights and interests. They
held them as aliens, — even those who in the Valley were
gathered round the very walls of the capital. The Aztec
metropolis, the heart of the monarchy, had not a sym-
pathy, not a pulsation, in common with the rest of the
body politic. It was a stranger in its own land.
The Aztecs not only did not advance the condition of
their vassals, but, morally speaking, they did much to
degrade it. How can a nation, where human sacrifices
prevail, and especially when combined with cannibalism,
further the march of civilization ? How can the interests
of humanity be consulted, where man is levelled to the
rank of the brutes that perish ? The influence of the
Aztecs introduced their gloomy superstition into lands
before unacquainted with it, or where, at least, it was
not established in any great strength. The example of
the capital was contagious. As the latter increased in
opulence, the religious celebrations were conducted with
still more terrible magnificence. In the same manner as
the gladiatorial shows of the Romans increased in pomp
with the increasing splendour of the capital, men became
familiar with scenes of horror and the most loathsome
chap. VIII.] REFLECTIONS. 355
abominations; women and children — the whole nation
became familiar with, and assisted at them. The heart
Avas hardened, the manners were made ferocious, the
feeble light of civilization, transmitted from a milder
race, was growing fainter and fainter, as thousands and
thousands of miserable victims throughout the empire,
were yearly fattened in its cages, sacrificed on its altars,
dressed and served at its banquets ! The whole land
was converted into a vast human shambles ! The empire
of the Aztecs did not fall before its time.
Whether these unparalleled outrages furnish a suffi-
cient plea to the Spaniards for their invasion, whether,
with the Protestant, we are content to find a warrant for
it in the natural rights and demands of civilization, or,
with the Roman Catholic, in the good pleasure of the
Pope, — on the one or other of which grounds, the con-
quests by most Christian nations in the East and the
West have been defended, — it is unnecessary to discuss,
as it has already been considered in a former Chapter.
It is more material to inquire, whether, assuming the
right, the conquest of Mexico was conducted with a
proper regard to the claims of humanity. And here we
must admit, that, with all allowance for the ferocity of
the age and the laxity of its principles, there are passages
which every Spaniard, who cherishes the fame of his
countrymen, would be glad to see expunged from their
history; passages not to be vindicated on the score of
self-defence, or of necessity of any kind, and which must
for ever leave a dark spot on the annals of the Conquest.
And yet, taken as a whole, the invasion, up to the cap-
ture of the capital, was conducted on principles less
revolting to humanity, than most, perhaps than any, of
the other conquests of the Castilian crown in the New
World.
It may seem slight praise to say, that the followers of
Cortes used no blood-hounds to hunt down their wretched
victims, as in some other parts of the Continent, nor
356 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
exterminated a peaceful and submissive population in
mere wantonness of cruelty, as in the Islands. Yet it is
something, that they were not so far infected by the
spirit of the age, and that their sAvords were rarely
stained with blood, unless it was indispensable to the
success of their enterprise. Even in the last siege of
the capital, the sufferings of the Aztecs, terrible as they
were, do not imply any unusual cruelty in the victors ;
they were not greater than those inflicted on their own
countrymen at home, in many a memorable instance, by
the most polished nations, not merely of ancient times,
but of our own. They were the inevitable conse-
quences which follow from war, when, instead of being
confined to its legitimate field, it is brought home to the
hearthstone, to the peaceful community of the city, —
its burghers untrained to arm, its Avomen and children
yet more defenceless. In the present instance, indeed,
the sufferings of the besieged were in a great degree to
be charged on themselves, — on their patriotic, but des-
perate, self-devotion. It was not the desire, as certainly
it was not the interest, of the Spaniards to destroy the
capital, or its inhabitants. When any of these fell into
their hands, they were kindly entertained, their wants
supplied, and every means taken to infuse into them a
spirit of conciliation ; and this, too, it should be remem-
bered, in despite of the dreadful doom to which they
consigned their Christian captives. The gates of a fair
capitulation were kept open, though unavailing!}^, to the
last hour.
The right of conquest necessarily implies that of using
whatever force may be necessary for overcoming resist-
ance to the assertion of that right. For the Spaniards
to have done otherwise than they did, would have been
to abandon the siege, and, with it, the conquest of the
country. To have suffered the inhabitants, with their
high-spirited monarch, to escape, would but have pro-
longed the miseries of war by transferring it to another
CHAP
. viii.] REFLECTIONS. 357
and more inaccessible quarter. They literally, as far as
the success of the expedition was concerned, had no
choice. If our imagination is struck with the amount
of suffering in this, and in similar scenes of the Con-
quest, it should be borne in mind, that it is a natural
result of the great masses of men engaged in the conflict.
The amount of suffering does not in itself show the
amount of cruelty which caused it ; and it is but justice
to the Conquerors of Mexico to say, that the very bril-
liancy and importance of their exploits have given a
melancholy celebrity to their misdeeds, and thrown them
into somewhat bolder relief than strictly belongs to
them. It is proper that thus much should be stated,
not to excuse their excesses, but that we may be enabled
to make a more impartial estimate of their conduct, as
compared with that of other nations under similar cir-
cumstances, and that we may not visit them with peculiar
obloquy for evils which necessarily flow from the con-
dition of war. 40 I have not drawn a veil over these
evils ; for the historian should not shrink from depicting,
in their true colours, the atrocities of a condition, over
which success is apt to throw a false halo of glory, but
which, bursting asunder the strong bonds of human
fellowship, purchases its triumphs by arming the hand
of man against his brother, makes a savage of the
40 By none has this obloquy been pure Aztec blood, uncontaminated
poured with such unsparing hand by a drop of Castilian, flowed in the
on the heads of the old Conquerors, veins of the indignant editor and his
as by their own descendants, the compatriots ; or, at least, that their
modern Mexicans. Ixtlilxochitl's sympathies for the conquered race
editor, Bustamante, concludes an would make them anxious to rein-
animated invective against the in- state them in their ancient rights,
vaders, with recommending that a Notwithstanding these bursts of ge-
monument should be raised on the nerous indignation, however, which
spot, — now dry land, — where Gua- plentifully season the writings of
temozin was taken, which, as the the Mexicans of our day, we do not
proposed inscription itself intimates, find that the Revolution, or any of
should " devote to eternal execration its numerous brood of pronuncia-
the detested memory of these ban- mientos, has resulted in restoring
ditti!" (Venida de los Esp., p. 52, them to an acre of their ancient
nota.) One would suppose that the territory.
358 SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF MEXICO, [book vi.
civilized, and kindles the fires of hell in the bosom of
-the savage.
Whatever may be thought of the Conquest in a moral
view, regarded as a military achievement, it must fill us
with astonishment. That a handful of adventurers, in-
differently armed and equipped, should have landed on
the shores of a powerful empire, inhabited by a fierce
and warlike race, and, in defiance of the reiterated pro-
hibitions of its sovereign, have forced their way into the
interior ; — that they should have done this, without
knowledge of the language or of the land, without chart
or compass to guide them, without any idea of the diffi-
culties they were to encounter, totally uncertain whether
the next step might bring them on a hostile nation, or
on a desert, feeling their way along in the dark, as it
were ; — that, though nearly overwhelmed by their first
encounter with the inhabitants, they should have still
pressed on to the capital of the empire, and, having
reached it, thrown themselves unhesitatingly into the
midst of their enemies ; — that, so far from being daunted
by the extraordinary spectacle there exhibited of power
and civilization, they should have been but the more
confirmed in their original design ; — that they should
have seized the monarch, have executed his ministers
before the eyes of his subjects, and, when driven forth
with ruin from the gates, have gathered their scattered
wreck together, and, after a system of operations pursued
with consummate policy and daring, have succeeded in
overturning the capital, and establishing their sway over
the country ,— that all this should have been so effected
by a mere handful of indigent adventurers, is a fact
little short of the miraculous, — too startling for the
probabilities demanded by fiction, and without a parallel
in the pages of history.
Yet this must not be understood too literally; for it
would be unjust to the Aztecs themselves, at least to
their military prowess, to regard the Conquest as directly
CHAP. VIII
,] REFLECTIONS. 359
achieved by the Spaniards alone. This would indeed be
to arm the latter with the charmed shield of Ruggiero,
and the magic lance of Astolfo, overturning its hundreds
at a touch. The Indian empire was in a manner con-
quered by Indians. The first terrible encounter of the
Spaniards with the Tlascalans, which had nearly proved
their ruin, did in fact insure their success. It secured
to them a strong native support, on which to retreat in
the hour of trouble, and round which they could rally the
kindred races of the land for one great and overwhelming
assault. The Aztec monarchy fell by the hands of its
own subjects, under the direction of European sagacity
and science. Had it been united, it might have bidden
defiance to the invaders. As it was, the capital was dis-
severed from the rest of the country ; and the bolt, which
might have passed off comparitively harmless, had the
empire been cemented by a common principle of loyalty
and patriotism, now found its way into every crack and
crevice of the ill-compacted fabric, and buried it in its
own ruins. — Its fate may serve as a striking proof, that
a government, which does not rest on the sympathies of
its subjects, cannot long abide ; that human institutions,
when not connected with human prosperity and pro-
gress, must fall, — if not before the increasing light of
civilization, by the hand of violence ; by violence from
within, if not from without. And who shall lament
their fall ?
With the events of this book terminates the history, by Soils, of the
Conquista de Mejico; a history, in many points of view, the most remark-
able in the Castilian language. — Don Antonio de Soils was born of a respect-
able family, in October, 1610, at Alcala de Henares, the nursery of science,
and the name of which is associated in Spain with the brightest ornaments
of both church and state. Sobs, while very young, exhibited the sparks of
future genius, especially in the vivacity of his imagination and a sensibility to
the beautifid. He showed a decided turn for dramatic composition, and
produced a comedy, at the age of seventeen, which would have reflected
credit on a riper age. He afterwards devoted himself with assiduity to the
study of ethics, the fruits of which are visible in the moral reflections which
give a didactic character to the lightest of his compositions.
300 SOLIS. [book vt.
At the usual age he entered the University of Salamanca, and went
through the regular course of canon and civil law. But the imaginative
spirit of Solis took much more delight in the soft revels of the Muses than
in the severe discipline of the schools ; and he produced a number of pieces
for the theatre, much esteemed for the richness of the diction, and for the
ingenious and delicate texture of the intrigue. His taste for dramatic com-
position was, no doubt, nourished by his intimacy with the great Calderon,
for whose dramas he prepared several has, or prologues. The amiable
manners and brilliant acquisitions of Solis recommended him to the favour
of the Conde de Oropesa, viceroy of Navarre, who made him his secretary.
The letters written by him while in the service of this nobleman, and after-
wards, have some of thern been given to the public, and are much com-
mended for the suavity and elegance of expression, characteristic of all the
writings of their author.
The increasing repul ation of Solis attracted the notice of the Court, and,
in 1661, he was made secretary of the queen dowager, — an office which he
had declined under Philip the Eourth, — and he was also preferred to the
still more important post of Historiographer of the Indies, an appointment
which stimulated his ambition to a bold career, different from anything he
had yet attempted. Five years after this event, at the age of fifty-six, he
made a most important change in his way of life, by embracing the religious
profession, and was admitted to priest's orders in 1666. Erom this time he
discontinued his addresses to the comic Muse ; and, if we may credit his
biographers, even refused, from conscientious scruples, to engage in the
composition of the religious dramas, styled autos sacramentales, although the
field was now open to him by the death of the poet Calderou. But such
tenderness of conscience it seems difficult to reconcile with the publication
of his various comedies, which took place in 1681. It is certain, however,
that he devoted himself zealously to his new profession, and to the historical
studies in which his office of chronicler had engaged him. At length the
fruits of these studies were given to the world in his Conquisla de Mejico,
which appeared at Madrid in 1684. He designed, it is said, to continue
the work to the times after the Conquest. But, if so, he was unfortunately
prevented by his death, which occurred about two years after the publica-
tion of his history, on the 13th of April, 1686. He died at the age of
seventy-six, much regarded for his virtue and admired for his genius, but in
that poverty with which genius and virtue are too often requited.
The miscellaneous poems of Solis were collected nnd published a few years
after his death in one volume quarto ; which has since been reprinted. But
his great work, that on which his fame is permanently to rest, is his Con-
quista de Mejico. Notwithstanding the field of history had been occupied
by so many eminent Spanish scholars, there was still a new career open to
Solis. His predecessors, with all their merits, had shown a strange ignor-
ance of the principles of art. They had regarded historical writing not as a
work of art, but as a science. They had approached it on that side only,
and thus divorced it from its legitimate connexion with belles-lettres. They
had thought only of the useful, and nothing of the beautiful ; had addressed
themselves to the business of instruction, not to that of giving pleasure ; to
the man of letters, studious to hive up knowledge, not to the man of leisure,
who turns to books as a solace or a recreation. Such writers are never in the
hands of the many, — not even of the cultivated many. They are condemned
to the closet of the student, painfully toiling after truth, aud little mindful
of the coarse covering under which she may be wrapped. Some of the most
distinguished of the national historiographers, as, for example, Hcrrera and
Zurita, two of the greatest names in Castile and Aragon, fall under this
censure. They display acutcness, strength of argument, judicious criticism,
■wonderful patience and industry in accumulating details lor their varied and
CHAP. VIII
.] solis. 361
voluminous compilations ; but in all the graces of composition, — in elegance
of style, skilful arrangement of the story, and in selection of incidents, they
are lamentably deficient. With all their high merits, intellectually con-
sidered, they are so defective on the score of art, that they can neither be
popular, nor reverenced as the great classics of the nation.
Solis saw that the field was unappropriated by his predecessors, and had
the address to avail himself of it. Instead of spreading himself over a vast
range, where he must expend his efforts on cold and barren generalities, he
fixed his attention on one great theme, — one, that, by its picturesque ac-
companiments, the romantic incidents of the story, the adventurous character
of the actors, and their exploits, associated with many a proud and patriotic
feeling in the bosom of the Spaniard, — one, in fine, that, by the brilliant
contrast it afforded of European civilization to the barbaric splendours of an
Indian dynasty, was remarkably suited to the kindling imagination of the
poet. It was accordingly under its poetic aspect that the eye of Solis sur-
veyed it. He distributed the whole subject with admirable skill, keeping
down the subordinate parts, bringing the most important into high relief,
and, by a careful study of its proportions, giving an admirable symmetry to
the whole. Instead of bewildering the attention by a variety of objects, he
presented to it one great and predominant idea, which shed its light, if I
may so say, over his whole work. Instead of the numerous episodes leading,
like so many blind galleries, to nothing, he took the student along a great
road, conducting straight towards the mark. At every step which we take
in the narrative, we feel ourselves on the advance. The story never falters
or stands still. That admirable liaison of the parts is maintained, by which
one part is held to another, and each preceding event prepares the way for
that which is to follow. Even those occasional interruptions, the great
stumbling-block of the historian, which cannot be avoided in consequence of
the important bearing which the events that cause them have on the story,
are managed with such address, that, if the interest is suspended, it is never
snapped. Such halting-places, indeed, are so contrived as to afford a repose
not unwelcome after the stirring scenes in which the reader has been long
involved ; as the traveller, exhausted by the fatigues of his journey, finds
refreshment at places which, in their own character, have little to recom-
mend them.
The work, thus conducted, affords the interest of a grand spectacle, — of
some well-ordered drama, in which scene succeeds to scene, act to act, each
unfolding and preparing the mind for the one that is to follow, until the
whole is consummated by the grand and decisive denouement. With this
denouement, the fall of Mexico, Solis has closed his history, preferring to
leave the full impression unbroken on the reader's mind, rather than to
weaken it by prolonging the narrative to the Conqueror's death. In this
he certainly consulted effect.
Solis used the same care in regard to style, that he showed in the arrange-
ment of his story. It is elaborated with nicest art, and displays that varied
beauty and brilliancy which remind us of those finely variegated woods,
which, under a high polish, display all the rich tints that lie beneath the
surface. Yet this style finds little favour with foreign critics, who are apt
to condemn it as tumid, artificial and verbose. But let the foreign critic
beware how he meddles with style, that impalpable essence which surrounds
thought as with an atmosphere, giving to it its life and peculiar tone of
colour, differing in different nations, like the atmospheres which envelope the
different planets of our system, and which require to be comprehended, that
we may interpret the character of the objects seen through their medium.
None but a native can pronounce with any confidence upon style, affected,
as it is, by so many casual and local associations, that determine its pro-
priety and its elegance. In the judgment of eminent Spanish critics, the
362 solis.
BOOK VI.
style of Solis claims the merits of perspicuity, copiousness, and classic ele-
gance. Even the foreigner will not be insensible to its power of conveying
a living picture to the eye. Words are the colours of the writer, and Solis
uses them with the skill of a consummate artist ; now displaying the dark
tumult of battle, and now refreshing the mind by scenes of quiet magnifi-
cence, or of soft luxury and repose.
Soils formed himself, to some extent, on the historical models of Anti-
quity. He introduced set speeches into the mouths of his personages,
speeches of his own composing. The practice may claim high authority
among moderns as well as ancients, especially among the great Italian histo-
rians. It has its advantages, in enabling the writer to convey, in a dramatic
form, the sentiments of the actors, and thus to maintain the charm of
historic illusion by never introducing the person of the historian. It has
also another advantage, that of exhibiting the author's own sentiments under
cover of his hero's, — a more effective mode than if they were introduced as
his own. But to one trained in the school of the great English historians,
the practice has something in it unsatisfactory and displeasing. There is
something like deception in it. The reader is unable to determine what are
the sentiments of the characters, and what those of the author. History
assumes the air of romance, and the bewildered student wanders about in an
uncertain light, doubtful whether he is treading on fact or fiction.
It is open to another objection, when, as it frequently does, it violates the
propriety of costume. Nothing is more difficult than to preserve the keep-
ing of the piece, when the new is thus laid on the old, — the imitation of the
antique on the antique itself. The declamations of Solis are much prized as
specimens of eloquence. But they are too often misplaced, and the rude
characters, into whose mouths they are inserted, are as little in keeping with
them, as were the lioman heroes with the fashionable wig and sword, with
which they strutted on the French stage in Louis the Fourteenth's time.
As to the value of the researches made by Solis in the compilation of his
work, it is not easy to speak, for the page is supported by none of the notes
and references which enable us to track the modern author to the quarry
whence he has drawn his materials. It was not the usage of the age. The
people of that day, and, indeed, of preceding times, were content to take the
author's word for his facts. They did not require to know why he affirmed
this thing or doubted that ; whether he built his story on the authority of
a friend, or of a foe, of a writer of good report, or of evil report. In short,
they did not demand a reason for their faith. They were content to take it
on trust. This was very comfortable to the historian. It saved him a world
of trouble in the process, and it prevented the detection of error, or at least
of negligence It prevented it with all who did not carefully go over the
same ground with himself. They who have occasion to do this with Solis
will probably arise from the examination with no very favourable idea of the
extent of his researches ; they will find that, though his situation gave him
access to the most valuable repositories in the kingdom, he rarely ascends to
original documents, but contents himself with the most obvious and acces-
sible ; that he rarely discriminates between the contemporary testimony, and
that of later date; in a word, that, in all that constitutes the scientific value
of history, he falls far below his learned predecessor, Hcrrcra, — rapid as was
the composition of this last.
Another objection that may be made to Solis is his bigotry, or rather his
fanaticism. This defect, so repugnant to the philosophic spirit which should
preside over the labours of the historian, he possessed, it is true, in common
with many of his countrymen. But, in him it was carried to an uncommon
height; and it was peculiarly unfortunate, since his subject, being the con-
test between the Christian and the Infidel, naturally drew forth the full
display of this failing. Instead of regarding the benighted heathen with the
CHAP. VIII
.] SAHAGUN. 363
usual measure of aversion iu which they were held iu the Peninsula, after
the subjugation of Granada, he considered them as part of the grand confe-
deracy of Satan, not merely breathing the spirit and acting under the invi-
sible influence of the Prince of Darkness, but holding personal communication
with him-; he seems to have regarded them, in short, as his regular and
organized militia. In this view, every act of the unfortunate enemy was
a crime. Even good acts were misrepresented, or referred to evil motives ;
for how could goodness originate with the Spirit of Evil ? No better evi-
dence of the results of this way of thinking need be given, than that afforded
by the ill-favoured and unauthorized portrait which the historian has left us
of Montezuma, — even in his dying hours. The war of the Conquest was, in
short, iu the historian's eye, a conflict between light and darkness, between
the good principle and the evil principle, between the soldiers of Satan and
the chivalry of the Cross. It was a Holy War, in which the sanctity of the
cause covered up the sins of the Conquerors ; and every one — the meanest
soldier who fell in it — might aspire to the crown of martyrdom. With sym-
pathies thus preoccupied, what room was there for that impartial criticism
which is the life of history ?
The historian's overweening partiality to the Conquerors is still further
heightened by those feelings of patriotism, — a bastard patriotism, — which,
identifying the writer's own glory with that of his countrymen, makes him
blind to their errors. This partiality is especially shown in regard to Cortes,
the hero of the piece. The lights and shadows of the picture are all disposed
with reference to this principal character. The good is ostentatiously
paraded before us, and the bad is winked out of sight. Soils does not stop
here, but, by the artful gloss which makes the worse appear the better
cause, he calls on us to admire his hero sometimes for his very trans-
gressions. No one, not even Gomara himself, is such a wholesale encomiast
of the great Conqueror ; and, when his views are contradicted by the state-
ments of honest l)iaz, Soils is sure to find a motive for the discrepancy in
some sinister purpose of the veteran. He knows more of Cortes, of Ins
actions and his motives, than his companion in arms, or his admiring
chaplain.
In this way, Soils has presented a beautiful image of his hero, — but it is
a hero of Romance ; a character without a blemish. An eminent Castilian
critic has commended him for " having conducted his history with so much
art that it has become a panegyric." This may be true ; but, if history be
panegyric, panegyric is not history.
Yet, with all these defects, the existence of which no candid critic will be
disposed to deny, the History of Soils has found such favour with his own
countrymen, that it has been printed and reprinted, with all the refinements
of editorial luxury. It has been translated into the principal languages of
Europe ; and such is the charm of its composition, and its exquisite finish as
a work of art, that it will doubtless be as imperishable as the language in
which it is written, or the memory of the events which it records.
At this place, also, we are to take leave of father Sahagun, who has
accompanied us through our narrative. As his information was collected
from the traditions of the natives, the contemporaries of the Conquest, it has
been of considerable importance in corroborating or contradicting the state-
ments of the Conquerors. Yet its value in this respect is much impaired by
the wild and random character of many of the Aztec traditions,' — so absurd,
indeed, as to carry their own refutation with them. Where the passions
are enlisted, what is too absurd to find credit ?
The Twelfth Book — as it would appear from his Preface, the Ninth Book
originally — of his Historia de la Nueva Hspana, is devoted to the account of
the Conquest. In 15S5, thirty years after the first draft, he re- wrote this
364 SAHAGUN.
BOOK VI.
part of his great work, moved to it, as he tells us, " by the desire to correct
the defects of the first account, in which some things had found their way
that had better been omitted, and other things omitted which were well-
deserving of record." * It might be supposed, that the obloquy which the
missionary had brought on his head by his honest recital of the Aztec tradi-
tions, would have made him more circumspect in this rifacimento of his
former narrative. But I have not found it so ; or that there has been any
effort to mitigate the statements that bore hardest on his countrymen. As
this manuscript copy must have been that which the author himself deemed
the most correct, since it is his last revision, and as it is more copious than
the printed narrative, I have been usually guided by it.
Sehor de Bustamante is mistaken in supposing that the edition of this
Twelfth Book, which he published in Mexico in 1829, is from the reformed
copy of Sahagun. The manuscript cited in these pages is undoubtedly
a transcript of that copy. For in the Preface to it, as we have seen, the
author himself declares it. — In the intrinsic value of the two drafts there is,
after all, but little difference.
* " En el libro nono, donde se trata esta Conquista, se hicieron ciertos
defectos ; y fue, que algunas cosas se pusieron en la narracion de esta Con-
quista que fueron mal puestas ; y otras se callaron, que fueron mal calladas.
Por esta causa, este aho de mil quinientos ochenta y cinco, enmende este
Libro." MS.
BOOK SEVENTH.
CONCLUSION.
SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES.
BOOK VII.
(conclusion.)
SUBSEQUENT CAREEIl OF CORTES,
CHAPTER I.
orture of Guatemozin. — Submission of the Country. — Rebuilding of the
Capital. — Mission to Castile. — Complaints against Cortes. — He is con-
firmed in his authority.
1521—1522.
The history of the Conquest of Mexico terminates
with the surrender of the capital. But the history of
the Conquest is so intimately blended with that of the
extraordinary man who achieved it, that there would
seem to be an incompleteness in the narrative, if it were
not continued to the close of his personal career. This
part of the subject has been very imperfectly treated by
preceding writers. I shall therefore avail myself of the
authentic materials in my possession to give a brief
sketch of the brilliant, but chequered, fortunes which
marked the subsequent career of Cortes.
The first ebullition of triumph was succeeded in the
army by very different feelings, as they beheld the scanty
spoil gleaned from the conquered city, and as they
brooded over the inadequate compensation they were to
receive for all their toils and sufferings. Some of the
soldiers of Narvaez, with feelings of bitter disappoint-
ment, absolutely declined to accept their shares. Some
368 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
murmured audibly against the general, and others against
Guatemozin, who, they said, could reveal, if he chose,
the place where the treasures were secreted. The white
walls of the barracks were covered with epigrams and
pasquinades levelled at Cortes, whom they accused of
taking " one-fifth of the booty as Commander-in-chief,
and another fifth as King." As Guatemozin refused to
make any revelation in respect to the treasure, or rather
declared there was none to make, the soldiers loudly
insisted on his being put to the torture. But for this act
of violence, so contrary to the promise of protection
recently made to the Indian prince, Cortes was not pre-
pared ; and he resisted the demand, until the men, insti-
gated, it is said, by the royal treasurer, Alderete, accused
the general of a secret understanding with Guatemozin,
and of a design to defraud the Spanish sovereigns and
themselves. These unmerited taunts stung Cortes to the
quick, and in an evil hour he delivered the Aztec prince
into the hands of his enemies to work their pleasure
on him.
But the hero, who had braved death in its most awful
forms, was not to be intimidated by bodily suffering.
When his companion, the cacique of Tacuba, who was
put to the torture with him, testified his anguish by his
groans, Guatemozin coldly rebuked him by exclaiming,
" And do you think I, then, am taking my pleasure in
my bath?" 1 At length Cortes, ashamed of the base
part he was led to play, rescued the Aztec prince from
his tormentors before it was too late ; — not, however,
before it was too late for his own honour, which has
suffered an indelible stain from this treatment of his
royal prisoner.
All that could be wrung from Guatemozin by the
extremity of his sufferings was the confession, that much
1 " rt Estoi yo en algun dclcitc, o as " the bed of flowers," into which
bafioP" (Gomara, Cronica, cap. 145.) this exclamation of Guatemozin is
The literal version is not so poetical usually rendered.
chap, i.] TORTURE OF GUATEMOZIN. 369
gold had been thrown into the water. But, although the
best divers were employed, under the eye of Cortes him-
self, to search the oozy bed of the lake, only a few arti-
cles of inconsiderable value were drawn from it. They
had better fortune in searching a pond in Guatemozin's
gardens, where a sun, as it is called, probably one of the
Aztec calendar-wheels, made of pure gold, of great size
and thickness, was discovered. The cacique of Tacuba
had confessed that a quantity of treasure was buried in
the ground at one of his own villas. But, when the
Spaniards carried him to the spot, he alleged that " his
only motive for saying so was the hope of dying on the
road !" The soldiers, disappointed in their expectations,
now, with the usual caprice of an unlicensed mob,
changed their tone, and openly accused their commander
of cruelty to his captive. The charge was well deserved,
but not from them. 2
The tidings of the fall of Mexico were borne on the
wings "of the wind over the plateau, and down the
broad sides of the Cordilleras. Many an envoy made his
appearance from the remote Indian tribes, anxious to
learn the truth of the astounding intelligence, and to gaze
with their own eyes on the ruins of the detested city.
Among these were ambassadors from the kingdom of
Mechoacan, a powerful and independent state, inhabited
by one of the kindred Nahuatlac races, and lying between
the Mexican Valley and the Pacific. The embassy was
soon followed by the king of the country in person, who
came in great state to the Castilian quarters. Cortes
received him with equal parade, astonished him by the
brilliant evolutions of his cavalry, and by the thunders of
his ordnance, and escorted him in one of the brigantines
round the fallen city, whose pile of smouldering palaces
and temples was all that now remained of the once dread
2 The most particular account of his villa. (Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
this disgraceful transaction is given 157.) He notices the affair with
by Bernal Diaz, one of those selected becoming indignation, but excuses
to accompany the lord of Tacuba to Cortes from a voluntary part in it.
VOL. IT. B B
370 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
capital of Anahuac. The Indian monarch gazed with
silent awe on the scene of desolation, and eagerly craved
the protection of the invincible beings who had caused it. 3
His example was followed by ambassadors from the
remote regions which had never yet had intercourse with
the Spaniards. Cortes, who saw the boundaries of his
empire thus rapidly enlarging, availed himself of the
favourable dispositions of the natives to ascertain the pro-
ducts and resources of their several countries.
Two small detachments were sent into the friendly
state of Mechoacan, through which country they pene-
trated to the borders of the great Southern ocean. No
European had as yet descended on its shores so far north
of the equator. The Spaniards eagerly advanced into its
waters, erected a cross on the sandy margin, and took
possession of it, with all the usual formalities, in the name
of their Most Catholic Majesties. On their return, they
visited some of the rich districts towards the north, since
celebrated for their mineral treasures, and brought back
samples of gold and Californian pearls, with an account
of their discovery of the Ocean. The imagination of
Cortes was kindled, and his soul swelled with exultation
at the splendid prospects which their discoveries unfolded.
" Most of all," he writes to the emperor, " do I exult in
the tidings brought me of the great Ocean. For in it, as
cosmographers, and those learned men who know most
about the Indies, inform us, are scattered the rich isles
teeming with gold and spices and precious stones." 4 He
3 Rel. Tcrc. de Cortes, ap. Lorcn- alii esta el gran tcmplo de Huitzilo-
zana, p. 308. puctli; estas ruinas son del graude
The simple statement of the Con- cdificio de Quauhtemoc, aquellos de
queror contrasts strongly with the la gran plaza del mcrcado. Conmo-
pompons narrative of Herrcra, (Hist. vido Vehichilzi de cste espectaculo,
Genera], dec. 3, lib. 3, cap. 3,) and sc le saltaron las lagrimas." Los
with that of father Cavo, who may Trcs Siglos de Mexico, (Mexico,
draw a little on his own imagination. 1836,) torn. i. p. 13.
" Cortes en una canoa ricamente en- 4 " Que todos los que tiencn al-
tapizada, llevd a el Itey Vehichilze, guna ciencia y experiencia en la
y a los nobles de Michoacan ;i Navegacion de las Indias, han tenido
Mexico. Este es uno de los pala- por muy cicrto, que descubriendo
cios de Moctheuzoma (les decia) ; por estas Partes la Mar del Sur, se
chap. I.] SUBxMISSION OF THE COUNTRY. 371
at once sought a favourable spot for -a colony on the
shores of the Pacific, and made arrangements for the con-
struction of four vessels to explore the mysteries of these
unknown seas. This was the beginning of his noble
enterprises for discovery in the Gulf of California.
Although the greater part of Anahuac, overawed by
the successes of the Spaniards, had tendered their alle-
giance, there were some, especially on the southern
slopes of the Cordilleras, who showed a less submissive
disposition. Cortes instantly sent out strong detach-
ments under Sandoval and Alvarado to reduce the
enemy and establish colonies in the conquered provinces.
The highly coloured reports which Alvarado, who had a
quick scent for gold, gave of the mineral wealth of
Oaxaca, no doubt operated with Cortes in determining
him to select this region for his own particular domain.
The commander-in-chief, with his little band of Spa-
niards, now daily recruited by reinforcements from the
Islands, still occupied the quarters of Cojohuacan, which
they had taken up at the termination of the siege.
Cortes did not immediately decide in what quarter of
the Valley to establish the new capital which was to
take the place of the ancient Tenochtitlan. The situation
of the latter, surrounded by water and exposed to occa-
sional inundations, had some obvious disadvantages.
But there was no doubt that in some part of the
elevated and central plateau of the Valley the new
metropolis should be built, to which both European and
Indian might look up as to the head of the colonial
empire of Spain. At length he decided on retaining
the site of the ancient city, moved to it, as he says, " by
its past renown, and the memory" — not an enviable
one, surely — " in which it was held among the nations ;"
and he made preparations for the reconstruction of the
habian de hallar muchas Tslas ricas brir y hallar otros muchos secretos y
de Oro, y Perlas, y Piedras preciosas, cosas admirables." Eel. Terc, de
y Especeria, y se habian de descu- Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 302.
b b 2
372 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
capital on a scale of magnificence, which should, in his
own language, " raise her to the rank of Queen of the
surrounding provinces, in the same manner as she had
been of yore." 5
The labour was to be performed by the Indian popu-
lation, drawn from all quarters of the Valley, and in-
cluding the Mexicans themselves, great numbers of whom
still lingered in the neighbourhood of their ancient
residence. At first they showed reluctance, and even
symptoms of hostility, when called to this work of
humiliation by their conquerors. But Cortes had the
address to secure some of the principal chiefs in his
interests, and, under their authority and direction, the
labour of their countrymen was conducted. The deep
groves of the Valley and the forests of the neighbouring
hills supplied cedar, cypress, and other durable woods,
for the interior of the buildings, and the quarries of
tetzontli and the ruins of the ancient edifices furnished
abundance of stone. As there were no beasts of draught
employed by the Aztecs, an immense number of hands
was necessarily required for the work. All within the
immediate control of Cortes were pressed into the ser-
vice. The spot so recently deserted now swarmed with
multitudes of Indians of various tribes, and with Euro-
peans, the latter directing, while the others laboured.
The prophecy of the Aztecs was accomplished. 6 And
the work of reconstruction went forward with a rapidity
like that shown by an Asiatic despot, who concentrates
the population of an empire on the erection of a favourite
capital. 7
5 " Y erea Vuestra Magestad, que Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 32. — Ca-
cada dia se ira. ennoblcciendo en tal margo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. —
manera, que como antes fue Prin- Gomara, Cronica, cap. 162.
cipal, y Sefiora de todas estas Pro- " En la cual (la edificacion dc la
vincias, que lo sera tambieu de aqui ciudad) los primeros afios andaba
adelantc." Ibid , p. 307. mas gente que en la edificacion del
Ante, p. 320. tempTo de Jerusalem, porque era
7 Hcrrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, tanta la gente que andaba en las
lib. 4, cap. 8. — Oviedo, Hist, de las obras, que apenas podia hombre
CHAP
. i.l MISSION TO CASTILE. 373
Yet the condition of Cortes, notwithstanding the
success of his arms, suggested many causes for anxiety.
He had not received a word of encouragement from
home, — not a word, indeed, of encouragement or cen-
sure. In what light his irregular course was regarded
by the government or the nation was still matter of
painful uncertainty. He now prepared another Letter
to the emperor, the Third in the published series, written
in the same simple and energetic style which has
entitled his Commentaries, as they may be called, to a
comparison with those of Caesar. It was dated at Cojo-
huacan, May 15th, 1525 j and in it he recapitulated the
events of the final siege of the capital, and his subsequent
operations, accompanied by many sagacious reflections,
as usual, on the character and resources of the country.
With this letter he purposed to send the royal fifth of
the spoils of Mexico, and a rich collection of fabrics,
especially of gold and jewelry wrought into many rare
and fanciful forms. One of the jewels was an emerald,
cut in a pyramidal shape, of so extraordinary a size, that
the base was as broad as the palm of the hand ! 8 The
collection was still further augmented by specimens of
many of the natural products, as well as of animals
peculiar to the country.
The army wrote a letter to accompany that of Cortes,
in which they expatiated on his manifold services, and
besought the emperor to ratify his proceedings and
confirm him in his present authority. The important
mission was intrusted to two of the general's confidential
romper por algunas calles y calzadas, esmeralda fina, como la palma, pero
aunque son muy anchas." (Toribio, quadrada, i que se remataba en punta
Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte 1, como piramide." ' (Gomara, Crdnica,
cap. 1.) Ixtlilxocbitl supplies any cap. 146.) Martyr confirms the ac-
blank which the imagination might count of this wonderful emerald,
leave, by filling it up with 400,000,, which, he- says; " was reported to
as the number of natives employed the king and council to be nearly as
in this work by Cortes ! Yenida de broad as the palm of the hand, and
los Esp., p. 60. which those who had seen it thought
8 " Sirvieron al Emperador con could not be procured for any sum."
muchas piedras, i entre ellas con una De Orbe Novo, dec. 8, cap. 4.
374 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
officers, Quinones and Avila. It proved to be unfor-
tunate. The agents touched at the Azores, where
Quinones lost his life in a brawl. Avila, resuming his
voyage, was captured by a French privateer, and the
rich spoils of the Aztecs went into the treasury of his
Most Christian Majesty. Francis the First gazed with
pardonable envy on the treasures which his Imperial
rival drew from his colonial domains ; and he intimated
his discontent by peevishly expressing a desire " to see
the clause in Adam's testament which entitled his
brothers of Castile and Portugal to divide the New
World between them." Avila found means, through a
private hand, of transmitting his letters, the most im-
portant part of his charge, to Spain, where they reached
the court in safety. 9
While these events were passing, affairs in Spain had
been taking an unfavourable turn for Cortes. It may
seem strange, that the brilliant exploits of the Conqueror
of Mexico should have attracted so little notice from the
government at home. But the country was at that time
distracted by the dismal feuds of the comunidades. The
sovereign was in Germany, too much engrossed by the
cares of the empire to allow leisure for those of his own
kingdom. The reins of government were in the hands
of Adrian, Charles's preceptor ; a man whose ascetic and
studious habits better qualified him to preside over a
college of monks, than to fill, as he successively did, the
most important posts in Christendom, — first as Regent
of Castile, afterwards as Head of the Church. Yet the
slow and hesitating Adrian could not have so long
passed over in silence the important services of Cortes,
but for the hostile interference of Velasquez, the governor
of Cuba, sustained by Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, the
chief person in the Spanish colonial department. This
prelate, from his elevated station, possessed paramount
authority in all matters relating to the Indies, and he
9 Ibid., ubi supra — Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, dc la Conquista, cap. 169.
chap, i.] COMPLAINTS AGAINST CORTfiS. 375
had exerted it from the first, as we have already seen, in
a manner most prejudicial to the interest of Cortes.
He had now the address to obtain a warrant from the
regent which was designed to ruin the Conqueror at
the very moment when his great enterprise had been
crowned with success. The instrument, after recapi-
tulating the offences of Cortes, in regard to Velasquez,
appoints a commissioner with full powers to visit the
country, to institute an inquiry into the general's conduct,
to suspend him from his functions, and even to seize his
person and sequestrate his property, until the pleasure
of the Castilian court could be known. The warrant was
signed by Adrian, at Burgos, on the 11th of April, 1521,
and countersigned by Fonseca. 10
The individual selected for the delicate task of appre-
hending Cortes and bringing him to trial, on the theatre
of his own discoveries and in the heart of his own camp,
was named Christoval de Tapia, veedor, or inspector of
the gold foundries in St. Domingo. He was a feeble,
vacillating man, as little competent to cope with Cortes
in civil matters, as Narvaez had shown himself to be
in military.
The commissioner, clothed in his brief authority, landed
in December, at Villa Rica. But he was coldly received
by the magistrates of the city. His credentials were dis-
puted, on the ground of some technical informality. It
was objected, moreover, that his commission was founded
on obvious misrepresentations to the government ; and,
notwithstanding a most courteous and complimentary
epistle which he received from Cortes, congratulating
him, as an old friend, on his arrival, the veedor soon
_ 10 The instrument also conferred ceedings of Tapia and the munici-
shnilar powers in respect to an in- pality of Villa Rica, dated at Cem-
quiry into Narvaez's treatment of poalla, Dec. 21th, 1521. The MS.
the licentiate Ayllon. The whole forms part of the collection of Don
document is cited in a deposition Vargas Ponce, in the archives of the
drawn up by the notary, Alonso Academy of History at Madrid,
de Vergara, setting forth the pro-
376 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
found that he was neither to be permitted to penetrate
far into the country, nor to exercise any control there.
He loved money, and, as Cortes knew the weak side of
his " old friend," he proposed to purchase his horses,
slaves, and equipage, at a tempting price. The dreams
of disappointed ambition were gradually succeeded by
those of avarice ; and the discomfited commissioner con-
sented to reembark for Cuba, well freighted with gold if
not with glory, and provided with fresh matter of accu-
sation against the high-handed measures of Cortes. 11
Thus left in undisputed possession of authority, the
Spanish commander went forward with vigour in his
plans for the settlement of his conquests. The Panu-
chese, a fierce people, on the borders of the Panuco,
on the Atlantic coast, had taken up arms against the
Spaniards. Cortes marched at the head of a consider-
able force into their country, defeated them in two
pitched battles, and after a severe campaign, reduced the
warlike tribe to subjection.
A subsequent insurrection was punished with greater
severity. They rose on the Spaniards, massacred five
hundred of their oppressors, and menaced with destruc-
tion the neighbouring settlement of San Estevan. Cortes
ordered Sandoval to chastise the insurgents ; and that
officer, after a campaign of incredible hardship, com-
pletely routed the barbarians, captured four hundred of
their chiefs, and, after the affected formalities of a trial,
sentenced every man of them to the stake or the gibbet.
" By which means," says Cortes, " God be praised !
the safety of the Spaniards was secured, and the pro-
vince once more restored to tranquillity and peace." 12
11 Relation dc Vergara, MS. — necessary to overawe the natives.
R,el. Terc. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, (MS., Coyoacan, Dee. 12, 1521.)
pp. 309 — 314. — Bernal Diaz, Hist. The general acquiesced in the force
de la Conquista, cap. 15S. of a remonstrance, which, it is not
The regidores of Mexico and other improbable, was made at his own
places remonstrated against Cortes' suggestion.
leaving the Valley to meet Tapia, on ' 2 " Como ya (loado nucstro Senor)
the ground that his presence was egtaba toda la Provincia muy paci-
chap. I.] COMPLAINTS AGAINST CORTES. 377
He had omitted to mention in his letter his ungenerous
treatment of Guatemozin. But the undisguised and
naive manner, so to speak, in which he details these cir-
cumstances to the emperor, shows that he attached no
discredit to the deed. It was the just recompense of
rebellion; a word that has been made the apology for
more atrocities than any other word, — save religion.
During this interval, the great question in respect to
Cortes and the colony had been brought to a decisive
issue. The general must have succumbed under the
insidious and implacable attacks of his enemies, but for
the sturdy opposition of a few powerful friends zealously
devoted to his interests. Among them may be men-
tioned his own father, Don Martin Cortes, a discreet
and efficient person, 13 and the Duke de Bejar, a power-
ful nobleman, who from an early period had warmly
espoused the cause of Cortes. By their representations
the timid regent was at length convinced that the mea-
sures of Fonseca were prejudicial to the interests of the
Crown, and an order was issued interdicting him from
further interference in any matters in which Cortes was
concerned.
While the exasperated prelate was chafing under this
affront, both the Commissioners Tapia and Narvaez
arrived in Castile. The latter had been ordered to
Cojohuacan after the surrender of the capital, where his
cringing demeanour formed a striking contrast to the
swaggering port which he had assumed on first entering
the country. When brought into the presence of Cortes
he knelt down and would have kissed his hand, but the
latter raised him from the ground, and, during his resi-
dence in his quarters, treated him with every mark of
respect. The general soon afterwards permitted his
fica, y segura." Rel. Quarta de him to manage all negotiations with
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 367. the emperor and with private per-
13 The Munoz collection of MSS. sons, to conduct all lawsuits on
contains a power of attorney given his behalf, to pay over and receive
by Cortes to his father, authorizing money, &c.
378 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book yn.
unfortunate rival to return to Spain, where lie proved,
as might have been anticipated, a most bitter and im-
placable enemy. 14
These two personages, reinforced by the discontented
prelate, brought forward their several charges against
Cortes with all the acrimony which mortified vanity and
the thirst of vengeance could inspire. Adrian was no
longer in Spain, having been called to the Chair of St.
Peter ; but Charles the Fifth, after his long absence, had
returned to his dominions, in July 1522. The royal
ear was instantly assailed with accusations of Cortes on
the one hand and his vindication on the other, till the
young monarch, perplexed, and unable to decide on the
merits of the question, referred the whole subject to the
decision of a board selected for the purpose. It was
drawn partly from the members of his privy council, and
partly from the Indian department, with the Grand
Chancellor of Naples as its president ; and constituted
altogether a tribunal of the highest respectability for
integrity and wisdom. 15
By this learned body a patient and temperate hearing
was given to the parties. The enemies of Cortes accused
him of having seized and finally destroyed the fleet in-
trusted to him by Velasquez, and fitted out at the
governor's expense ; of having afterwards usurped powers
in contempt of the royal prerogative ; of the unjustifiable
treatment of Narvaez and Tapia, when they had been
lawfully commissioned to supersede him ; of cruelty
to the natives, and especially to Guatemozin ; of em-
bezzling the royal treasures, and remitting but a small
part of its dues to the crown ; of squandering the reve-
nues of the conquered countries in useless and wasteful
14 Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, dc la Con- find in it the name of Dr. Galindez
quista, cap. 158. de Carbajal, an eminent Castilian
15 Sayas, Annales de Aragon, (Za- jurist, grown grey in the service of
ragoza, 1066,) cap. 63, 78. Ferdinand and Isabella, whose con-
It is sufficient voucher for the fidence he enjoyed in the highest
respectability of this court, that we degree.
chap. I.] COMPLAINTS AGAINST CORTES 379
schemes, and particularly in rebuilding the capital on a
plan of unprecedented extravagance; of pursuing, in short,
a system of violence and extortion, without respect to the
public interest, or any other end than his own selfish
aggrandizement.
In answer to these grave charges, the friends of Cortes
adduced evidence to show that he had defrayed with his
own funds two-thirds of the cost of the expedition.
The powers of Velasquez extended only to traffic, not to
establish a colony. Yet the interests of the Crown re-
quired the latter. The army had therefore necessarily
assumed this power to themselves ; but, having done so,
they had sent intelligence of their proceedings to the
emperor and solicited his confirmation of them. The
rupture with Narvaez was that commander's own fault ;
since Cortes would have met him amicably, had not the
violent measures of his rival, threatening the ruin of the
expedition, compelled him to an opposite course. The
treatment of Tapia was vindicated on the grounds alleged
to that officer by the municipality at Cempoalla. The
violence to Guateinozin was laid at the door of Alderete,
the royal treasurer, who had instigated the soldiers to
demand it. The remittances to the Crown, it was clearly
proved, so far from falling short of the legitimate fifth,
had considerably exceeded it. If the general had ex-
pended the revenues of the country on costly enterprises
and public works, it was for the interest of the country
that he did so, and he had incurred a heavy debt by
straining his own credit to the utmost for the same great
objects. Neither did they deny, that, in the same spirit,
he was now rebuilding Mexico on a scale which should
be suited to the metropolis of a vast and opulent empire.
They enlarged on the opposition he had experienced,
throughout his whole career, from the governor of Cuba,
and still more from the Bishop of Burgos, which latter
functionary, instead of affording him the aid to have
been expected, had discouraged recruits, stopped his
380 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
supplies, sequestered such property as, from time to time,
he had sent to Spain, and falsely represented his remit-
tances to the Crown, as coming from the governor of
Cuba. In short, such and so numerous were the obsta-
cles thrown in his path, that Cortes had been heard to
say, ' ' he had found it more difficult to contend against
his own countrymen than against the Aztecs." They
concluded with expatiating on the brilliant results of his
expedition, and asked if the council were prepared to
dishonour the man who, in the face of such obstacles,
and with scarcely other resources than what he found in
himself, had won an empire for Castile, such as was pos-
sessed by no European potentate ! 16
This last appeal was irresistible. However irregular
had been the manner of proceeding, no one could deny
the grandeur of the results. There was not a Spaniard
that could be insensible to such services, or that would
not have cried out " Shame ! " at an ungenerous requital
of them. There were three Flemings in the council;
but there seems to have been no difference of opinion in
the body. It was decided, that neither Velasquez nor
Fonseca should interfere further in the concerns of New
Spain. The difficulties of the former with Cortes were
regarded in the nature of a private suit ; and, as such,
redress must be sought by the regular course of law.
The acts of Cortes were confirmed in their full extent.
He was constituted Governor, Captain General, and
Chief Justice of New Spain, with power to appoint to all
offices, civil and military, and to order any person to
leave the country whose residence there he might deem
prejudicial to the interests of the Crown. This judg-
ment of the council was ratified by Charles the Fifth,
and the commission investing Cortes with these ample
powers was signed by the emperor at Valladolid,
16 Sayas, Annalcs de Aragon, cap. Villa Scgura, MSS. — Declaracioncs
78. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. dc Pucrtocarrcro y de Montcjo, MSS.
3, lib. 4, cap. 3. — Probanza en la
chap, i.] CONFIRMED IN HIS AUTHORITY. 381
October 15th, 1522. A liberal salary was provided, to
enable the governor of New Spain to maintain his office
with suitable dignity. The principal officers were re-
compensed with honours and substantial emoluments ;
and the troops, together with some privileges, grateful to
the vanity of the soldier, received the promise of liberal
grants of land. The emperor still further complimented
them by a letter written to the army with his own
hand, in which he acknowledged its services in the
fullest manner. 17
From this hour the influence of Fonseca in the Indian
department was at an end. He did not long survive his
chagrin, as he died in the following year. No man was
in a situation to do more for the prosperity of his coun-
try than the bishop of Burgos. For more than thirty
years, ever since the first dawn of discovery under
Columbus, he had held supreme control over colonial
affairs ; and it lay with him, therefore, in an especial
degree, to give ardour to enterprise, and to foster the
youthful fortunes of the colonies. But he lay like a
blight upon them. He looked with an evil eye on the
most illustrious of the Spanish discoverers, and sought
only to throw impediments in their career. Such had
been his conduct towards Columbus, and such to Cortes.
By a wise and generous policy, he might have placed his
name among the great lights of his age. As it was, he
only served to bring these into greater lustre by contrast
with his own dark and malignant nature. His career
shows the overweening ascendancy which the ecclesi-
astical profession possessed in Castile in the sixteenth
century ; when it could raise a man to so important a
station, for which he was totally unfit, — and keep him
there after he had proved himself to be so. 18
17 Nombramiento de Govemador 1!i The character of Fonseca has
y Capitan General y Justicia Mayor been traced by the same hand which
de Nueva Espaha, MS. — Also Ber- has traced that of Columbus. (Irv-
nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. ing's Life and Voyages of Columbus,
168. Appendix, No. 32.) Side by side
382 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
The messengers who bore the commission of Cortes to
Mexico, touched on their way at Cuba, where the tidings
were proclaimed by sound of trumpet. It was a death-
blow to the hopes of Velasquez. Exasperated by the
failure of his schemes, impoverished by the expense of
expeditions of which others had reaped the fruits, he
had still looked forward to eventual redress, and che-
rished the sweet hope of vengeance, — long delayed. That
hope was now gone. There was slight chance of redress,
he well knew, in the tedious and thorny litigation of the
Castilian courts. Ruined in fortune, dishonoured before
the nation, the haughty spirit of the governor was hum-
bled in the dust. He would take no comfort, but fell
into a sudden melancholy, and in a few months died — if
report be true — of a broken heart. 19
The portrait usually given of Velasquez is not favour-
able. Yet Las Casas speaks kindly of him, and, when
his prejudices are not involved, there can be no better
authority. But Las Casas knew him when, in his earlier
days, the missionary first landed in Cuba. The governor
treated him with courtesy, and even confidence ; and it
was natural, that the condescension of a man of high
family and station should have made its impression on
the feelings of the poor ecclesiastic. In most accounts
he is depicted as a haughty, irascible person, jealous of
authority, and covetous of wealth. He quarrelled with
Grijalva, Cortes' predecessor, apparently without cause.
With as little reason, he broke with Cortes before he left
the port. He proposed objects to himself in their nature
incompatible. He proposed that others should fight his
battles, and that he should win the laurels ; that others
should make discoveries, and that he should reap the
fruits of them. None but a weak mind would have
they will go down to posterity in the golden and iron pen which Paolo
the beautiful page of the historian, Giovio tells us he employed in his
though the characters of the t\vo composilions.
individuals have been inscribed with I9 Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, dc la Con-
pens as different from each other as qnista, cap. 158.
chap. I.] CONFIRMED IN HIS AUTHORITY. 383
conformed to his conditions, and a weak mind could not
have effected his objects. His appointment of Cortes
put him in a false position for the rest of his life. His
efforts to retrieve his position only made things worse.
The appointment of Cortes to the command was scarcely
a greater error, than the subsequent appointment of
Narvaez and of Tapia. The life of Velasquez was a
series of errors.
The announcement of the emperor's commission, con-
firming Cortes in the supreme authority of New Spain,
was received there with general acclamation. The army
rejoiced in having, at last, secured not merely an am-
nesty for their irregular proceedings, but a distinct ac-
knowledgment of their services. The nomination of
Cortes to the supreme command put his mind at ease
as to the past, and opened to him a noble theatre for
future enterprise. The soldiers congratulated themselves
on the broad powers conferred on their commander, and,
as they reckoned up their scars and their services, in-
dulged in golden dreams and the most vague and visionary
expectations. It is not strange that their expectations
should have been disappointed.
384
CHAPTER II.
Modern Mexico.— Settlement of the Country. — Condition of the Natives.—
Christian Missionaries. — Cultivation of the Soil. — Voyages and Expe-
ditions.
1522—1524.
In less than four years from the destruction of Mexico,
a new city had risen on its rains, which, if inferior to the
ancient capital in extent, surpassed it in magnificence
and strength. It occupied so exactly the same site as
its predecessor that the plaza mayor, or great square,
was the same spot which had been covered by the huge
teocalli and the palace of Montezuma ; while the prin-
cipal streets took their departure as before from this
central point, and passing through the whole length of
the city, terminated at the principal causeways. Great
alterations, however, took place in the fashion of the
architecture. The streets were widened, many of the
canals were filled up, and the edifices were constructed
on a plan better accommodated to European taste and
the wants of a European population.
On the site of the temple of the Aztec war-god rose
the stately cathedral dedicated to St. Francis ; and, as if
to complete the triumphs of the Cross, the foundations
were laid with the broken images of the Aztec gods. 1
In a corner of the square, on the ground once covered
1 Hcrrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap. 8.
chap, ii.] MODERN MEXICO. 385
by the House of Birds, stood a Franciscan convent, a
magnificent pile, erected a few years after the Conquest
by a lay brother, Pedro de Gante, a natural son, it is
said, of Charles the Fifth. 2 In an opposite quarter of
the same square, Cortes caused his own palace to be
constructed. It was built of hewn stone, and seven
thousand cedar beams are said to have been used for the
interior. 3 The government afterwards appropriated it
to the residence of the viceroys; and the Conqueror's
descendants, the Dukes of Monteleone, were allowed to
erect a new mansion in another part of the plaza, on
the spot which, by an ominous coincidence, had been
covered by the palace of Montezuma. 4
The houses occupied by the Spaniards were of stone,
combining with elegance a solid strength which made
them capable of defence like so many fortresses. 5 The
Indian buildings were for the most part of an inferior
quality. They were scattered over the ancient district
of Tlatelolco, where the nation had made its last stand
for freedom. This quarter was also provided with a spa-
cious cathedral ; and thirty inferior churches attested
the care of the Spaniards for the spiritual welfare of the
natives. 6 It was in watching over his Indian flock, and
in the care of the hospitals with which the new capital
was speedily endowed, that the good father Olmedo,
when oppressed by growing infirmities, spent the evening
of his clays. 7
To give greater security to the Spaniards, Cortes
caused a strong fortress to be erected in a place since
known as the Matadero. 8 It was provided with a dock-
yard, and the brigantines which had served in the siege
of Mexico, were long preserved there as memorials of the
2 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, 5 Rel. d' un gent., ap. Hamusio,
torn. i. p. 271.— Humboldt, Essai torn. iii. fol. 309.
Politique, torn. ii. p. 58. 6 Ibid., ubi supra.
3 Herrera, Hist. General, ubi 7 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
supra, quista, cap. 177.
4 Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. 8 Rel. Quarta de Cortes, ap. Lo-
ii. P- 72. renzana, p. 376, nota.
VOL. II. C C
386 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vn.
Conquest. When the fortress was completed, the general
owing to the evil offices of Fonseca, found himself in
want of artillery and ammunition for its defence. He sup-
plied the former deficiency by causing cannon to be cast
in his own foundries, made of the copper which was
common in the country, and tin which he obtained with
more difficulty from the mines of Tasco. By this means,
and a contribution which he received from the shipping,
he contrived to mount his walls with seventy pieces of
ordnance. Stone balls, used much in that age, could
easily be made ; but for the manufacture of his powder,
although there was nitre in abundance, he was obliged
to seek the sulphur by a perilous expedition into the
bowels of the great volcan? Such were the resources
displayed by Cortes, enabling him to supply every defi-
ciency, and to triumph over every obstacle which the
malice of his enemies had thrown in his path.
The general's next care was to provide a population
for the capital. He invited the Spaniards thither by
grants of lands and houses, while the Indians, with po-
litic liberality, were permitted to live under their own
chiefs as before, and to enjoy various immunities. With
this encouragement, the Spanish quarter of the city in
the neighbourhood of the great square could boast in a
few years two thousand families ; while the Indian
district of Tlatelolco included no less than thirty thou-
sand. 10 The various trades and occupations were re-
sumed; the canals were again covered with barges; two
vast markets in the respective quarters of the capital dis-
played all the different products and manufactures of the
surrounding country ; and the city swarmed with a busy,
industrious population, in which the white man and the
Indian, the conqueror and the conquered, mingled toge-
9 For an account of this singular veeinos. (Rcl. Quarta, ap. Lorenzaua,
enterprise, see ante, vol. i. p. 412. p. 375.) Gomara, speaking of Mexico
some years later, estimates the nura-
10 Cortes, reckoning only the In- ber of Spanish householders as in the
dian population, says treinta mil text. Cronica, cap. 162.
chap, ii.] MODERN MEXICO. 387
ther promiscuously in peaceful and picturesque confusion.
Not twenty years had elapsed since the Conquest, when
a missionary who visited it had the confidence, or the
credulity, to assert, that " Europe could not boast a single
city so fair and opulent as Mexico." 11
The metropolis of our day would seem to stand in a
different situation from that reared by the Conquerors ;
for the waters no longer flow through its streets, nor
wash the ample circumference of its walls. These waters
have retreated within the diminished basin of Tezcuco ;
and the causeways, which anciently traversed the depths
of the lake, are not now to be distinguished from the
other avenues to the capital. But the city, embellished,
it is true, by the labours of successive viceroys, is sub-
stantially the same as in the days of the Conquerors ;
and the massive grandeur of the few buildings that remain
of the primitive period, and the general magnificence and
symmetry of its plan, attest the far-sighted policy of its
founder, which looked beyond the present to the wants
of coming generations.
The attention of Cortes was not confined to the capital.
He was careful to establish settlements in every part of
the country which afforded a favourable position for
them. He founded Zacatula on the shores of the mis-
called Pacific, Coliman in the territory of Mechoacan, San
Esteban on the Atlantic coast, probably not far from the
site of Tampico, Medellin (so called after his own birth-
place) in the neighbourhood of the modern Vera Cruz,
and a port near the river Antigua, from which it derived
its name. It was designed to take the place of Villa
Rica, which, as experience had shown, from its exposed
situation, afforded no protection to shipping against the
Avinds that sweep over the Mexican Gulf. Antigua,
11 Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, di si belle piazze et strade, quaiito
MS., Parte 3, cap. 7. d' altre citta che siano al mondo."
Yet this is scarcely stronger Ian- B.el. d' un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn,
guage than that of the Anonymous iii. fol. 309.
Conqueror ; " Cosi ben ordinate et
c c 2
388 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
sheltered within the recesses of a bay, presented a more
advantageous position. Cortes established there a board
of trade, connected the settlement by a highway with the
capital, and fondly predicted that his new city would
become the great emporium of the country. 12 But in this
he was mistaken. From some cause not very obvious,
the port of entry was removed, at the close of the sixteenth
century, to the modern Vera Cruz ; which, without any
superiority, probably, of topographical position, or even
of salubrity of climate, has remained ever since the great
commercial capital of New Spain.
Cortes stimulated the settlement of his several colonies
by liberal grants of land and municipal privileges. The
great difficulty was to induce women to reside in the
country, and without them he felt that the colonies, like
a tree without roots, must soon perish. By a singular
provision, he required every settler, if a married man, to
bring over his wife within eighteen months, on pain of
forfeiting his estate. If he were too poor to do this him-
self, the government would assist him. Another law
imposed the same penalty on all bachelors who did not
provide themselves with wives within the same period !
The general seems to have considered celibacy as too great
a luxury for a young country. 13
12 " Y tengo por cierto, que aquel served in Mexico ; and the copy in
Tueblo ha de ser, despues de esta my possession was transmitted to me
Ciudad, el mejor que obiere en esta from that capital. They give ample
Nucva Espafia." (Rel. Quarta, ap. evidence of the wise and penetrating
Lorenzana, p. 382.) The archbishop spirit which embraced every object
confounds this town with the modern worthy of the attention of an en-
Vera Cruz. But the general's de- lightened ruler ; and I will quote, in
scription of the port refutes this sup- the original, the singular provisions
position, and confirms our confidence mentioned in the text,
in Clavigcro's statement, that the " Item. Por que mas sc manifieste
present city was founded by the la voluntad que los pobladores de
Conde de Monterey, at the time estas partes tiencn de residir y per-
mentioned in the text. See Vol. I. manecer en cllas, mando quetodas
p. 307, note. las pcrsonas que tuvicren Indios, que
13 Ordenanzas Municipalcs, Tc- fucrcn casados en Castilla 6 en otras
nochtitlan, Marzo, 1524, MS. partes, que traigan sus mugcres den-
The Ordinances made by Cortes, tro dc un afio y medio primero sigui-
for the government of the country entcs decomo estas ordenanzas fueran
during his viceroyalty, are still pre- prcgonadas, so pena de perdcr los
chap. II.] SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. 389
His own wife, Dona Catalina Xuarez, was among those
who came over from the Islands to New Spain. Accord-
ing to Bernal Diaz, her coming gave him iio particular
satisfaction. 14 It is possible ; since his marriage with her
seems to have been entered into with reluctance, and her
lowly condition and connexions stood somewhat in the
way of his future advancement. Yet they lived happily
together for several years, according to the testimony of
Las Casas ; 15 and, whatever he may have felt, he had the
generosity or the prudence not to betray his feelings to
the world. On landing, Dona Catalina was escorted by
Sandoval to the capital, where she was kindly received
by her husband, and all the respect paid to her to which
she was entitled by her elevated rank. But the climate
of the table-land was not suited to her constitution, and
she died in three months after her arrival. 16 An event so
auspicious to his worldly prospects did not fail, as we
shall see hereafter, to provoke the tongue of scandal to
the most malicious, but it is scarcely necessary to say,
unfounded inferences.
In the distribution of the soil among the Conquerors,
Cortes adopted the vicious system of repartimientos,
universally practised among his countrymen. In a letter
Indios, y todo lo con ellos adquirido la salud de sus conciencias de los tales
e grangeado ; y por que muchas per- por estar en buen estado, como por
sonas podrian poner por achaque la poblacion e noblecimiento de sus
aunque tuviesen aparejo de decirque tierras, mando que les tales personas
no tienen dineros para enviar por se casen, traigan y tengan sus mu-
ellas, por hende las tales personas geres en esta tierra dentro de un
que tuvieran esta necesidad parescan ano y medio, despues que fueren
ante el R°. P e . Eray Juan de Teto pregonadas estas dichas Ordenanzas,
y ante Alonso de Estrada, tesorero e que no haciendo lo por el mismo
de su Magestad, a les informar de su caso sean privados y pierdan los tales
necesidad, para que ellos la comuni- Indios que asi tienen."
quen a mi, y su necesidad se remedie ; u Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
y si algunas personas hay que casa- quista, cap. 160.
dos y no tienen sus mugeres en esta 15 Ante, vol. i. p. 187.
tierra, y quisieran traerlas, sepan que 16 Of asthma, according to Bernal
trayendolas seran ayudadas asi mismo Diaz ; (Hist, de la Conquista, ubi
para las traer dando fianzas. supra ;) but her death seems to have
" Item. Por quanto en esta tierra been too sudden to be attributed to
hay muchas personas que tienen In- that disease. I shall return to the
dios de encomienda y no son casados, subject hereafter,
por hende por que conviene asi para
390 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
to the emperor, lie states, that the superior capacity of
the Indians in New Spain had made him regard it as a
grievous thing to condemn them to servitude, as had
been done in the Islands. But, on further trial, he had
found the Spaniards so much harassed and impoverished,
that they could not hope to maintain themselves in the
land without enforcing the services of the natives, and
for this reason he had at length waived his own scruples
in compliance with their repeated remonstrances. 17 This
was the wretched pretext used on the like occasions by
his countrymen to cover up this flagrant act of injustice.
The crown, however, in its instructions to the general,
disavowed the act and annulled the repartimientos.™ It
was all in vain. The necessities, or rather the cupidity,
of the colonies, easily evaded the royal ordinances. The
colonial legislation of Spain shows, in the repetition of
enactments against slavery, the perpetual struggle that
subsisted between the crown and the colonists, and the
impotence of the former to enforce measures repugnant
to the interests, at all events, to the avarice, of the latter.
New Spain furnishes no exception to the general fact.
The Tlascalans, in gratitude for their signal services,
were exempted, at the recommendation of Cortes, from
the doom of slavery. It should be added that the
general, in granting the repartimientos, made many
humane regulations for limiting the power of the master,
and for securing as many privileges to the native as were
compatible with any degree of compulsory service. 19
These limitations, it is true, were too often disregarded ;
and in the mining districts in particular, the situation of
the poor Indian was often deplorable. Yet the Indian
17 ReL Terc. ap. Lorenzana, pp. may be employed, their food, com-
319, 320. pensation, and the like. They re-
18 Hen-era, Hist. General, dec. 3, quire theencomendero to provide them
lib. 5, cap. 1. with suitable means of religious in-
1D Ibid., dec. 4, lib. 0, cap. 5 — Or- struction and places of worship. — But
denanzas, MS. what avail good laws, which, in their
The ordinances prescribe the scr- very nature, imply the toleralion of
vice of the Indians, the hours they a great abuse ?
chap, ii.] CONDITION OF THE NATIVES. 391
population, clustering together in their own villages, and
living under their own magistrates, have continued to
prove by their numbers, fallen as these have below their
primitive amount, how far superior was their condition
to that in most other parts of the vast colonial empire of
Spain. 20 This condition has been gradually ameliorated,
under the influence of higher moral views and larger
ideas of government; until the servile descendants of
the ancient lords of the soil have been permitted, in
republican Mexico, to rise — nominally, at least — to a
level with the children of their conquerors.
Whatever disregard he may have shown to the political
rights of the natives, Cortes manifested a commendable
solicitude for their spiritual welfare. He requested the
emperor to send out holy men to the country ; not
bishops and pampered prelates, who too often squandered
the substance of the Church in riotous living, but godly
persons, members of religious fraternities, w T hose lives
might be a fitting commentary on their teaching. Thus
only, he adds, — and the remark is worthy of note, — can
they exercise any influence over the natives, who have
been accustomed to see the least departure from morals
in their own priesthood punished with the utmost rigour
of the law. 21 In obedience to these suggestions, twelve
Franciscan friars embarked for New Spain, w r hich they
reached early in 1524. They were men of unblemished
purity of life, nourished with the learning of the cloister,
and, like many others whom the Romish Church has
20 The whole population of New was acceded to by government, which
Spain, in 1810, is estimated by Don further prohibited " attorneys and
Francisco Navarro y Noriega at men learned in the law from setting
about 6,000,000 ; of which more foot in the country, on the ground
than half were pure Indians. The that experience had shown, they
author had the best means for arriving would be sure by their evil practices
at a correct result. See Humboldt, to disturb the peace of the com-
Essai Politique, torn. i. pp. 318, 319, munity." (Hen-era, Hist. General,
note. dec. 3, lib. 5, cap. 2.) These enact -
21 Rel. Quarta, ap. Lorenzana, ments are but an indifferent tribute
pp. 391—394. to the charcter of the two professions
The petition of the Conquerors in Castile.
392 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
sent forth on such apostolic missions, counted all personal
sacrifices as little in the sacred cause to which they were
devoted. 22
The presence of the reverend fathers in the country
was greeted with general rejoicing. The inhabitants of
the towns through which they passed came out in a body
to welcome them ; processions were formed of the natives,
bearing wax tapers in their hands, and the bells of the
churches rung out a joyous peal in honour of their arrival.
Houses of refreshment were provided for them along
their route to the capital ; and, when they entered it,
they were met by a brilliant cavalcade of the principal
cavaliers and citizens, with Cortes at their head. The
general dismounting, and bending one knee to the ground,
kissed the robes of father Martin of Valencia, the princi-
pal of the fraternity. The natives, filled with amazement
at the viceroy's humiliation before men whose naked feet
and tattered garments gave them the aspect of mendi-
cants, henceforth regarded them as beings of a superior
nature. The Indian chronicler of Tlascala does not con-
ceal his admiration of this edifying condescension of
Cortes, which he pronounces " one of the most heroical
acts of 'his life !" 23
The missionaries lost no time in the good work of con-
version. They began their preaching through interpre-
ters, until they had acquired a competent knowledge of
the language themselves. They opened schools and
founded colleges, in which the native youth were in-
structed in profane as well as Christian learning. The
ardour of the Indian neophyte emulated that of his
22 " Toribio, Hist, dc los Indios, Tlascala, MS. — See also Bernal Diaz,
MS., Parte 1, cap. 1. — Camargo, Hist, dc la Conquista, cap. 171.)
Hist, de Tlascala, MS. Archbishop Lorenzana falls nothing
23 " Cuyo hecho del rotisimo y hu- short of the Tlascalan historian in his
milde recebimiento fue uno de los admiration of the religious zeal of
heroicos hechos que este Capitan the great Conquistador, which, he
hizo, porque fue documento para que assures us, " entirely overwhelms
con mayor fervor nos naturaics desta him, as savouring so much more of
ticrra viniesen a la conversion dc the apostolic missionary than of the
nuestra fee." (Camargo, Hist, de soldier !" Lorenzana, p. 393, nota.
chap, ii.] CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES. 393
teacher. In a few years every vestige of the primitive
teocallis was effaced from the land. The uncouth idols
of the country, and unhappily the hieroglyphical manu-
scripts, shared the same fate. Yet the missionary and
the convert did much to repair these losses by their
copious accounts of the Aztec institutions, collected from
the most authentic sources. 24
The business of conversion went on prosperously among
the several tribes of the great Nahuatlac family. In
about twenty years from the first advent of the mission-
aries, one of their body could make the pious vaunt, that
nine millions of converts — a number probably exceeding
the population of the country — had been admitted within
the Christian fold ! 25 The Aztec worship was remarkable
for its burdensome ceremonial, and prepared its votaries
for the pomp and splendours of the Romish ritual. It
was not difficult to pass from the fasts and festivals of
the one religion to the fasts and festivals of the other ;
to transfer their homage from the fantastic idols of their
own creation to the beautiful forms in sculpture and in
painting which decorated the Christian cathedral. It is
true, they could have comprehended little of the dogmas
of their new faith, and little, it may be, of its vital spirit.
But, if the philosopher may smile at the reflection, that
conversion, under these circumstances, was one of form
rather than of substance, the philanthropist will console
24 Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, ing at it for a few days, they levelled
MS., Parte 3, cap. 1. it to the ground. In this way they
Father Sahagun, who has done demolished, in a short time, all the
better service in this way than any Aztec temples, great and small, so
other of his order, describes with that not a vestige of them remained?'
simple brevity the rapid process of (Hist, de Nueva Espafia, torn. iii. p.
demolition, " We took the children 77.) This passage helps to explain
of the caciques," he says, " into our why so few architectural relics of the
schools, where we taught them to Indian era still survive in Mexico,
read, write, and to chant. The chil-
dren of the poorer natives were 25 " De manera que a mi juicio y
brought together in the court-yard, verdaderamente seran bautizados en
and instructed there in the Christian este tiempo que digo, que seran
faith. After our teaching, one or quince ahos, mas de nueve millones
two brethren took the pupils to some de animas de Indios," Toribio, Hist.
neighbouring teocalli, and, by work- de los Indios, MS., Parte 2, cap. 3.
394 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
himself by considering how much the cause of humanity
and good morals must have gained by the substitution
of these unsullied rites for the brutal abominations of
the Aztecs.
The Conquerors settled in such parts of the country as
best suited their inclinations. Many occupied the south-
eastern slopes of the Cordilleras towards the rich valley
of Oaxaca. Many more spread themselves over the
broad surface of the table-land, which, from its elevated
position, reminded them of the plateau of their own Cas-
tiles. Here, too, they were in the range of those inex-
haustible mines which have since poured their silver
deluge over Europe. The mineral resources of the land
were not, indeed, fully explored or comprehended till at
a much later period ; but some few, as the mines of
Zacatecas, Guanuaxato, and Tasco, — the last of which
was also known in Montezuma's time, — had begun to be
wrought within a generation after the Conquest. 26
But the best wealth of the first settlers was in the vege-
table products of the soil, whether indigenous, or intro-
duced from abroad by the wise economy of Cortes. He
had earnestly recommended the crown to require all
vessels coming to the country, to bring over a certain
quantity of seeds and plants. 27 He made it a condition
of the grants of land on the plateau, that the proprietor
of every estate should plant a specified number of vines
in it. 28 He further stipulated, that no one should get a
clear title to his estate until he had occupied it eight
years. 29 He knew that permanent residence could alone
26 Clavigero, Stor. del Mcssico, 28 " Item, que cualquier vesino
torn. i. p. 43. — Humboldt, Essai que tubicre Indios de repartimiento
Politique, torn. iii. pp. 115, 145. — Es- sea obligado a poner en ellos en cada
posicion de Don Lucas Alaman, un ailo con cada cien Indios de los
(Mexico, 1828,) p. 59. que turieren de repartimiento mil
27 " Paraquc cada Navio traiga sarmientos, cncogicndo la mejor que
cierta cantidad de Plantas, y que no pudicse hallar." Ordenanzas Muni-
pueda salir sin ellas, porque son! cipales, ailo de 1524, MS.
mucha causa para la Poblacion, y
perpctuacion de ella." Rel. Quarta M Ordenanzas Municipalcs, ailo de
de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 397. 1524, MS.
chap. II.] CULTIVATION OF THE SOIL. 395
create that interest in the soil which would lead to its
efficient culture ; and that the opposite system had caused
the impoverishment of the best plantations in the Islands.
His various regulations, some of them not a little dis-
tasteful to the colonists, augmented the agricultural
resources of the country by the addition of the most
important European grains and other vegetables, for
which the diversified climate of New Spain was admi-
rably adapted. The sugar-cane was transplanted from
the neighbouring islands to the lower level of the coun-
try, and, together with indigo, cotton, and cochineal,
formed a more desirable staple for the colony than its
precious metals. Under the sun of the tropics, the
peach, the almond, the orange, the vine, and the olive,
before unknown there, flourished in the gardens of the
table-land, at an elevation twice as great as that at which
the clouds are suspended in summer above our heads.
The importation of a European fruit or vegetable was
hailed by the simple colonists with delight. The first
produce of the exotic was celebrated by a festival, and
the guests greeted each other, as on the appearance of an
old familiar friend, who called up the remembrance of the
past, and the tender associations of their native land.
While thus occupied with the internal economy of the
country, Cortes was still bent on his great schemes of
discovery and conquest. In the preceding chapter we
have seen him fitting out a little fleet at Zacatula, to
explore the shores of the Pacific. It was burnt in the
dock-yard, when nearly completed. This was a serious
calamity, as most of the materials were to be transported
across the country from Villa Rica. Cortes however,
with his usual promptness, took measures to repair the
loss. He writes to the emperor, that another squadron
will soon be got ready at the same port, and, "he doubts
not, will put his Majesty in possession of more lands and
kingdoms, than the nation has ever heard of!" 30 This
30 " Tengo de ser causa, que estas partes Seiior de mas Reynos,
Vuestra Cesarea Magestad sea en y Senorios que los que liasta boy en
396 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
magnificent vaunt shows the common sentiment of the
Spaniards at that time, who looked on the Pacific as the
famed Indian Ocean, studded with golden islands, and
teeming with the rich treasures of the East.
A principal object of this squadron was the discovery
of a strait which should connect the Atlantic with the
Pacific. Another squadron, consisting of five vessels,
was fitted out in the Gulf of Mexico, to take the direc-
tion of Florida, with the same view of detecting a strait.
Por Cortes trusted — we, at this day, may smile at the
illusion — that one might be found in that direction,
which should conduct the navigator to those waters
which had been traversed by the keels of Magellan ! 31
The discovery of a strait was the great object to which
nautical enterprise in that day was directed, as it had
been ever since the time of Columbus. It was in the
sixteenth century what the discovery of the North- West
passage has been in our own age ; the great ignis fatuus
of navigators. The vast extent of the American continent
had been ascertained by the voyages of Cabot in the
North, and of Magellan very recently in the South.
The proximity, in certain quarters, of the two great
oceans that washed its eastern and western shores had
been settled by the discoveries both of Balboa and of
Cortes. European scholars could not believe, that
Nature had worked on a plan so repugnant, apparently,
to the interests of humanity, as to interpose, through
the whole length of the great continent, such a barrier
to communication between the adjacent waters. The
correspondence of men of science, 32 the instructions of
the Court, the letters of Cortes, like those of Columbus,
touch frequently on this favourite topic. " Your Majesty
nucstra Nacion sc ticnc noticia." known, I think such an opinion
ltd. Quarta de Cortes, ap. Loren- shows he was no great cosmogra-
zana, p. 374. pher." (Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
31 "Much as I esteem Hernando lib. 33, cap. 41.) Oviedo had lived
Cortes," exclaims Oviedo, " for the to sec its fallacy,
greatest captain and most practised
in military matters of any we have M Martyr, Opus Epist., ep. 811.
chap. II.] VOYAGES AND EXPEDITIONS. 397
may be assured," he writes, " that, as I know how much
you have at heart the discovery of this great secret of a
strait, I shall postpone all interests and projects of my
own, some of them of the highest moment, for the
fulfilment of this great object." 33
It was partly with the same view, that the general
caused a considerable armament to be equipped and
placed under the command of Christoval de Olid, the
brave officer who, as the reader will remember, had
charge of one of the great divisions of the besieging
army. He was to steer for Honduras, and plant a
colony on its northern coast. A detachment of Olid's
squadron was afterwards to cruise along its southern
shore towards Darien in search of the mysterious strait.
The country was reported to be full of gold ; so full, that
" the fishermen used gold weights for their nets." The
life of the Spanish discoverers was one long day-dream.
Illusion after illusion chased one another like the bubbles
which the child throws off from his pipe, as bright,
as beautiful, and as empty. They lived in a world of
enchantment. 34
Together with these maritime expeditions Cortes fitted
out a powerful expedition by land. It was intrusted to
Alvarado, who, with a large force of Spaniards and
Indians, was to descend the southern slant of the Cor-
dilleras, and penetrate into the countries that lay beyond
the rich valley of Oaxaca. The campaigns of this bold
and rapacious chief terminated in the important conquest
of Guatemala. The general required his captains to
send him minute accounts of the countries which they
visited, the productions of the soil, and their general
33 Rel. Quarta, ap. Lorenzana, was a piece of ordnance, made of
p. 385. gold and silver, of very fine work-
34 The illusion at home was kept manship, the metal of which alone
up, in some measure, by the dazzling cost 25,500 pesos de oro. Oviedo,
display of gold and jewels remitted who saw it in the palace, speaks
from time to time, wrought into fan- with admiration of this magnificent
ciful and often fantastic forms. One toy. Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
of the articles sent home by Cortes 33, cap. 41.
398 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
resources. The result was several valuable and interest-
ing communications. 35 In his instructions for the conduct
of these expeditions, he enjoined a considerate treatment
of the natives, and inculcated a policy which may be
called humane, as far as humanity is compatible with a
system of subjugation. 36 Unfortunately, the character
of his officers too often rendered these instructions
unavailing.
In the prosecution of his great enterprise, Cortes,
within three short years after the Conquest, had reduced
under the dominion of Castile an extent of country more
than four hundred leagues in length, as he affirms, on
the Atlantic coast, and more than five hundred on the
Pacific; and, with the exception of a few interior pro-
vinces of no great importance, had brought them to a
condition of entire tranquillity. 37 In accomplishing this,
he had freely expended the revenues of the Crown, drawn
from tributes similar to those which had been anciently
paid by the natives to their own sovereigns ; and he had,
moreover, incurred a large debt on his own account, for
which he demanded remuneration from government.
The celebrity of his name, and the dazzling reports of
the conquered countries, drew crowds of adventurers to
New Spain, who furnished the general with recruits for
his various enterprises.
Whoever would form a just estimate of this remark-
able man, must not confine himself to the history of the
Conquest. His military career, indeed, places him on a
35 Among these may be particu- forms part of the Mufioz collection
larly mentioned the Letters of Alva- of MSS.
ratio and Diego de Godoy, transcribed 37 Rcl. Quarta, ap. Lorenzana,
by Oviedo in his Hist, dc las Ind., p. 371.
MS., (lib. 33, cap. 42 — 44,) and " Well may we wonder," exclaims
translated by Ramusio, for his rich his archiepiscopal editor, " that
collection, Viaggi, torn. iii. Cortes and his soldiers coidd have
30 Sec, among others, his orders overrun and subdued, in so short a
to his kinsman, Francis Cortes, — time, countries, many of them so
" Instruccion Civil y Militar por la rough and difficult of access, that,
Expedicion de la Costa dc Colima," even at the present day, we can
The paper is dated in 1524, and hardly penetrate them ! " Ibid., nota.
chap. II.] VOYAGES AND EXPEDITIONS. 399
level with the greatest captains of his age. But the
period subsequent to the Conquest affords different, and
in some respects nobler, points of view for the study of
his character. For we then see him devising a system
of government for the motley and antagonist races, so to
speak, now first brought under a common dominion ;
repairing the mischiefs of war ; and employing his
efforts to detect the latent resources of the country, and
to stimulate it to its highest power of production. The
narrative may seem tame after the recital of exploits as
bold and adventurous as those of a paladin of romance.
But it is only by the perusal of this narrative that we can
form an adequate conception of the acute and compre-
hensive genius of Cortes.
400 Tbook VII.
CHAPTER III.
Defection of Olid. — Dreadful March to Honduras. — Execution of Gua-
temozin. — Doiia Marina. — Arrival at Honduras.
1524—1526.
In the last chapter we have seen that Christoval de
Olid was sent by Cortes to plant a colony in Honduras.
The expedition was attended with consequences which
had not been foreseen. Made giddy by the possession
of power, Olid, when he had reached his place of des-
tination, determined to assert an independent jurisdiction
for himself. His distance from Mexico, he flattered
himself, might enable him to do so with impunity. He
misunderstood the character of Cortes, when he supposed
that any distance would be great enough to shield a
rebel from his vengeance.
It was long before the general received tidings of
Olid's defection. But no sooner was he satisfied of this,
than he despatched to Honduras a trusty captain and
kinsman, 1'rancisco de las Casas, with direction to arrest
his disobedient officer. Las Casas was wrecked on the
coast, and fell into Olid's hands ; but eventually suc-
ceeded in raising an insurrection in the settlement, seized
the person of Olid, and beheaded that unhappy delin-
quent in the market-place of Naco. 1
Of these proceeding Cortes learned only what related
to the shipwreck of his lieutenant. He saw all the
1 Carta Quinta dc Cortes, MS.
chap, in.] DEFECTION OF OLID. 401
mischievous consequences that must arise from Olid's ex-
ample, especially if his defection were to go unpunished.
He determined to take the affair into his own hands,
and to lead an expedition in person to Honduras. He
would thus, moreover, be enabled to ascertain from
personal inspection the resources of the country, which
were reputed great on the score of mineral wealth ; and
would, perhaps, detect the point of communication be-
tween the great oceans, which had so long eluded the
efforts of the Spanish discoverers. He was still further
urged to this step by the uncomfortable position in which
he had found himself of late in the capital. Several
functionaries had recently been sent from the mother
country for the ostensible purpose of administering the
colonial revenues. But they served as spies on the
general's conduct, caused him many petty annoyances,
and sent back to court the most malicious reports of his
purposes and proceedings. Cortes, in short, now that
he was made Governor- General of the country, had less
real power than when he held no legal commission at all.
The Spanish force which he took with him did not
probably exceed a hundred horse, and forty or perhaps
fifty foot; to which were added about three thousand
Indian auxiliaries. 2 Among them were Guatemozin and
the cacique of Tacuba, with a few others of highest rank,
whose consideration with their countrymen would make
them an obvious nucleus, round which disaffection might
gather. The general's personal retinue consisted of
several pages, young men of good family, and among
them Montejo, the future conqueror of Yucatan ; a butler
and steward ; several musicians, dancers, jugglers, and
buffoons, showing, it might seem, more of the effeminacy
of the Oriental satrap than the hardy valour of a Spanish
2 Carta de Albornos, MS., Mexico, agree as to the numbers, which were
Dec. 15, 1525. — Carta Quinta de changing, probably, with every step
Cortes, MS. of their march across the table-land.
The authorities do not precisely
VOL. II. D D
402 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
cavalier. 3 Yet the imputation of effeminacy is sufficiently
disproved by the terrible march which he accomplished.
On the 12th of October, 1524, Cortes commenced his
march. As he descended the sides of the Cordilleras,
he was met by many of his old companions in arms, who
greeted their commander with a hearty welcome, and
some of them left their estates to join the expedition. 4
He halted in the province of Coatzacualco, (Huasacualco,)
until he could receive intelligence respecting his route
from the natives of Tabasco. They furnished him with
a map, exhibiting the principal places whither the Indian
traders, who wandered over these wild regions, were in
the habit of resorting. With the aid of this map, a
compass, and such guides as from time to time he could
pick up on his journey, he proposed to traverse that
broad and level tract which forms the base of Yucatan,
and spreads from the Coatzacualco river to the head of
the Gulf of Honduras. " I shall give your Majesty," he
begins his celebrated Letter to the emperor, describing
this expedition, " an account, as usual, of the most
remarkable events of my journey, every one of which
might form the subject of a separate narration." Cortes
did not exaggerate. 5
The beginning of the march lay across a low and
marshy level, intersected by numerous little streams,
which form the head waters of the Bio de Tabasco, and
* Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- written in the same clear, simple,
quista, cap. 174. business-like manner; and is as fall
4 Among these was Captain Diaz, of interest as any of the preceding,
who, however, left the pleasant farm, It gives a minute account of the
which he occupied in the province of expedition to Honduras, together
Coatzacualco, with a very ill grace, with events that occurred in the
to accompany the expedition. "But year following. It bears no date,
Cortes commanded it, and we dared but was probably written in that
not say No," says the veteran. Ibid., year from Mexico. The original
cap. 175. manuscript is in the Imperial Library
6 This celebrated Letter, which at Vienna, which, as the German
has never been published, is usually sceptre was swayed at that time by
designated as the Carta Qa'mia, or the same hand which held the Cast'i-
" Fifth Letter," of Cortes. It is ban, contains many documents of
nearly as long as the longest of the value for the illustration of Spanish
printed letters of the Conqueror; is history.
chap, in.] DREADFUL MARCH TO HONDURAS. 403
of the other rivers that discharge themselves, to the
north, into the Mexican Gulf. The smaller streams they
forded, or passed in canoes, suffering their horses to swim
across as they held them by the bridle. Rivers of more
formidable size they crossed on floating bridges. It gives
one some idea of the difficulties they had to encounter in
this way, when it is stated, that the Spaniards were
obliged to construct no less than fifty of these bridges in
a distance of less than a hundred miles ! 6 One of them
was more than nine hundred paces in length. Their
troubles were much augmented by the difficulty of obtain-
ing subsistence, as the natives frequently set fire to the
villages on their approach, leaving to the wayworn adven-
turers only a pile of smoking ruins.
It would be useless to encumber the page with the
names of the Indian towns which lay in the route of the
army, but which may be now obsolete, and, at all events,
have never found their way into a map of the country. 7
The first considerable place which they reached was
Iztapan, pleasantly situated in the midst of a fruitful
region, on the banks of one of the tributaries of the Ilio
de Tabasco. Such was the extremity to which the Spa-
niards had already, in the course of a few weeks, been
reduced by hunger and fatigue, that the sight of a village
in these dreary solitudes was welcomed by his followers,
says Cortes, " with a shout of joy that was echoed back
from all the surrounding woods." The army was now
6 "Estierramuibajay de muchas by Spanish, French, and Dutch cos-
sienegas, tanto que en tiempo de mographers, in order to determine
invierno no se puede andar, ni se the route of Cortes. An inestimable
sirve sino en canoas, y con pasarla yo collection of these maps, made by
en tiempo de seca, desde la entrada the learned German, Ebeling, is to
hasta la salida de ella, que puede be found in the library of Harvard
aver veinti leguas, se hizieron mas University. I can detect on them
de cinquenta puentes, que sin se only four or five of the places indi-
hazer, fuera imposible pasar." Carta cated by the general. They are the
Quinta de Cortes, MS. places mentioned in the text, and,
though few, may serve to show the
7 I have examined some of the general direction of the march of the
most ancient maps of the country, army.
i) p 2
404 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
at no great distance from the ancient city of Palenque,
the subject of so much speculation in our time. The vil-
lage of Las Tres Crazes, indeed, situated between twenty
and thirty miles from Palenque, is said still to comme-
morate the passage of the Conquerors by the existence of
three crosses which they left there. Yet no allusion is
made to the ancient capital. Was it then the abode of
a populous and flourishing community, such as once
occupied it, to judge from the extent and magnificence
of its remains ? Or was it, even then, a heap of moul-
dering ruins, buried in a wilderness of vegetation, and
thus hidden from the knowledge of the surrounding
country ? If the former, the silence of Cortes is not easy
to be explained.
On quitting Iztapan, the Spaniards struck across a
country having the same character of a low and marshy
soil, chequered by occasional patches of cultivation, and
covered with forests of cedar and Brazil-wood, which
seemed absolutely interminable. The overhanging foliage
threw so deep a shade, that, as Cortes says, the soldiers
could not see where to set their feet. 8 To add to their
perplexity, their guides deserted them; and when they
climbed to the summits of the tallest trees, they could
see only the same cheerless, interminable line of waving
woods. The compass and the map furnished the only
clue to extricate them from this gloomy labyrinth ; and
Cortes and his officers, among whom was the constant
Sandoval, spreading out their chart on the ground,
anxiously studied the probable direction of their route.
Their scanty supplies meanwhile had entirely failed them,
and they appeased the cravings of appetite by such roots
as they dug out of the earth, or by the nuts and berries
that grew wild in the woods. Numbers fell sick, and
8 " Donde se ponian los pics en el subian en algunos, no podian descu-
suelo acia arriba la claridad del cielo brir un tiro de piedra." Carta
no se veia, tanta era la espesura y Quinta dc Cortes, MS.
alfeza de los arboles, que aunque se
chap, in.] DREADFUL MARCH TO HONDURAS. 405
many of the Indians sank by the way, and died of abso-
lute starvation.
When at length the troops emerged from these dismal
forests, their path was crossed by a river of great depth,
and far wider than any which they had hitherto traversed.
The soldiers, disheartened, broke out into murmurs
against their leader, who was plunging them deeper and
deeper in a boundless wilderness, where they must lay
their bones. It was in vain that Cortes encouraged
them to construct a floating bridge, which might take
them to the opposite bank of the river. It seemed
a work of appalling magnitude, to which their wasted
strength was unequal. He was more successful in his
appeal to the Indian auxiliaries, till his own men, put to
shame by the ready obedience of the latter, engaged in
the work with a hearty good-will, which enabled them,
although ready to drop from fatigue, to accomplish it at
the end of four days. It was, indeed, the only expedient
by which they could hope to extricate themselves from
their perilous situation. The bridge consisted of one
thousand pieces of timber, each of the thickness of a
man's body and full sixty feet long. 9 When we consider
that the timber was all standing in the forest at the com-
mencement of the labour, it must be admitted to have
been an achievement worthy of the Spaniards. The well-
compacted beams presented a solid structure, which
nothing, says Cortes, but fire could destroy. It excited
the admiration of the natives, who came from a great
distance to see it; and "the bridge of Cortes" remained
for many a year the enduring monument of that com-
mander's energy and perseverance.
The arrival of the army on the opposite bank of the
river involved them in new difficulties. The ground was
so soft and saturated with water, that the horses floun-
9 " Porque lleva mas que mil bigas, y diez brazas en largo." Carta
que la menor es casi tan gorda como Quinta de Cortes, MS.
un cuerpo de un hombre, y de nueve
400 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
dered up to their girths, and, sometimes plunging into
quagmires, were nearly buried in the mud. It was with
the greatest difficulty that they could be extricated by
covering the wet soil with the foliage and the boughs of
trees, when a stream of water, which forced its way
through the heart of the morass, furnished the jaded
animals with the means of effecting their escape by swim-
ming. 10 As the Spaniards emerged from these slimy
depths, they came on a broad and rising ground, which,
by its cultivated fields teeming with maize, agi, or pepper
of the country, and the yuca plant, intimated their
approach to the capital of the fruitful province of Aculan.
It was in the beginning of Lent, 1525, a period memo-
rable for an event of which I shall give the particulars
from the narrative of Cortes.
The general at this place was informed by one of the
Indian converts in his train, that a conspiracy had been
set on foot by Guatemozin, with the cacique of Tacuba,
and some other of the principal Indian nobles, to mas-
sacre the Spaniards. They would seize the moment
when the army should be entangled in the passage of
some defile, or some frightful morass like that from which
it had just escaped, where, taken at disadvantage, it
could be easily overpowered by the superior number of
the Mexicans. After the slaughter of the troops, the
Indians would continue their march to Honduras, and
cut off the Spanish settlements there. Their success
would lead to a rising in the capital, and, indeed,
10 " Pasada tenia la gente y cavallos a trabajar y oomponerles haces de
dc la otra parte del alcon di'mos lucgo verba y ramas graudes de bajo, sobrc
en una gran cicnega, que durava que sc sostuviesen y no se sumiescn,
bien trcs tiros dc ballcsta, la cosa remediavanse algo, y andando traba-
mas espantosa que jamas las gcutes jando y yendo y viniendo de la una
vieron, donde todos los cavallos de- parte a la otra, abriose por medio dc
scncillados se sumieron hasta las un calejon de agua y cieno, que los
orejas sin parecerse otra cosa, y cavallos comenzaron algo ;i nadar,
querer forccjar a salir, sumiansc mas, y con esto plugo a nuestro Scnor
de manera que alii pcrdfmos toda la que salieron todos sin peligro nin-
espcranza de pooler cscapar cavallos guno." Carl a Quinta de Cortes,
ningunos, pero todavia comenzamos MS.
chap, in.] DREADFUL MARCH TO HONDURAS. 407
throughout the land, until every Spaniard would be
exterminated, and the vessels in the ports be seized, and
secured from carrying the tidings across the waters.
No sooner had Cortes learned the particulars of this
formidable plot, than he arrested Guatemozin, and the
principal Aztec lords in his train. The latter admitted
the fact of the conspiracy, but alleged, that it had been
planned by Guatemozin, and that they had refused to
come into it. Guatemozin and the chief of Tacuba
neither admitted nor denied the truth of the accusation,
but maintained a dogged silence. — Such is the statement
of Cortes. 11 Bernal Diaz, however, who was present in
the expedition, assures us, that both Guatemozin and the
cacique of Tacuba avowed their innocence. They had,
indeed, they said, talked more than once together of the
sufferings they were then enduring, and had said, that
death was preferable to seeing so many of their poor
followers dying daily around them. They admitted, also,
that a project for rising on the Spaniards had been dis-
cussed by some of the Aztecs ; but Guatemozin had
discouraged it from the first, and no scheme of the kind
could have been put into execution without his know-
ledge and consent. 12 These protestations did not avail
the unfortunate princes ; and Cortes, having satisfied, or
affected to satisfy, himself of their guilt, ordered them to
immediate execution.
When brought to the fatal tree, Guatemozin displayed
the intrepid spirit worthy of his better days. " I knew
what it was," said he, " to trust to your false promises,
Malintzin ; I knew that you had destined me to this
fate, since I did not fall by my own hand when you en-
tered my city of Tenochtitlan. Why do you slay me so
unjustly ? God will demand it of you ! " 13 The cacique
of Tacuba, protesting his innocence, declared that he
desired no better lot than to die by the side of his lord.
11 Carta Quinta de Cortes, MS. 1S Ibid., ubi supra.
12 Hist, de laConquista, cap. 177.
403 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
The unfortunate princes, with one or more inferior no-
bles, (for the number is uncertain,) were then executed
by being hung from the huge branches of a ceiba tree,
which overshadowed the road. 14
Such was the sad end of Guatemozin, the last em-
peror of the Aztecs, if we might not rather call him " the
last of the Aztecs ;" since, from this time, broken in
spirit and without a head, the remnant of the nation re-
signed itself, almost without a struggle, to the stern yoke
of its oppressors. Among all the names of barbarian
princes, there are few entitled to a higher place on the
roll of fame than that of Guatemozin. He was young,
and his public career was not long ; but it was glorious.
He was called to the throne in the convulsed and expiring
hours of the monarchy, when the banded nations of
Anahuac and the fierce European were thundering at
the gates of the capital. It was a post of tremendous
responsibility ; but Guatemozin's conduct fully justified
the choice of him to fill it. No one can refuse his ad-
miration to the intrepid spirit which could prolong a de-
fence of his city while one stone was left upon another :
and our sympathies, for the time, are inevitably thrown
more into the scale of the rude chieftain, thus battling
for his country's freedom, than into that of his civilized
and successful antagonist. 15
14 According to Diaz, both Gua- of Montezuma, lived long enough
temoziu and the prince of Tacuba after his death to give her hand to
had embraced the religion of their three Castilians, all of noble descent,
conquerors, and were confessed by a (See ante, p. 347, note 30.) She is
Franciscan friar before their cxecu- described as having been as well in-
tion. We are further assured by structcd in the Catholic faith as any
the same authority, that "they were, woman in Castile, as most gracious
for Indians, very good Christians, and winning in her deportment, and
and believed well and truly." (Ibid., as having contributed greatly, by her
loc. cit.) One is reminded of the example, and the deference with
last hours of Caupolican, converted which she inspired the Aztecs, to
to Christianity by the same men who the tranquillity of the conquered
tied him to the stake. See the scene, country. — This pleasing portrait,
painted in the frightful colouring it may be well enough to mention,
of a master hand, in the Araucana, is by the hand of her husband, Don
Canto 34. . Thoan Cano. See Appendix, Part 2,
15 Guatemozin's beautiful wife, No. 11.
the princess Tecuichpo, the daughter
chap, in.] EXECUTION OF GUATEMOZIN. 409
In reviewing the circumstances of Guatemozin's death,
one cannot attach much weight to the charge of con-
spiracy brought against him. That the Indians, brooding
over their wrongs and present sufferings, should have
sometimes talked of revenge, would not be surprising.
But that any chimerical scheme of an insurrection, like
that above mentioned, should have been set on foot, or
even sanctioned by Guatemozin, is altogether improbable.
That prince's explanation of the affair, as given by Diaz,
is, to say the least, quite as deserving of credit as the
accusation of the Indian informer. 16 The defect of tes-
timony and the distance of time make it difficult for us,
at the present day, to decide the question. We have a
surer criterion of the truth in the opinion of those who
were eyewitnesses of the transaction. It is given in the
words of the old chronicler so often quoted. " The exe-
cution of Guatemozin," says Diaz, " was most unjust ;
and was thought wrong by all of us." 17
The most probable explanation of the affair seems to
be, that Guatemozin was a troublesome, and, indeed,
formidable captive. Thus much is intimated by Cortes
himself in his Letter to the emperor. 18 The fallen
sovereign of Mexico, by the ascendancy of his character,
as well as by his previous station, maintained an influ-
ence over his countrymen, which would have enabled
him with a breath, as it were, to rouse their smothered,
not extinguished, animosity into rebellion. The Spa-
niards, during the first years after the Conquest, lived
16 The Indian chroniclers regard 17 " Y fue esta rrraerte que les
the pretended conspiracy of Guate- dieron muy injustamente dada, y
mozin as an invention of Cortes. parecid mal a todos los que ibamos
The informer himself, when after- aquella Jornada." Hist, de la Con-
wards put to the torture by the quista, cap. 177.
cacique of Tezcuco, declared that
he had made no revelation of this 18 " Guatemozin, Sefior que fue
nature to the Spanish commander. de esta Ciudad de Temixtitan, a
Ixtlilxochitl vouches for the truth quien yo despues que la gane he
of this story. (Venida de los Esp., tenido siempre preso, teniendole por
pp. S3 — 93.) But who will vouch hombre bullicioso, y le lleve con-
fer Ixtlilxochitl ? mie-o." Carta Quinta, MS.
410 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
in constant apprehension of a rising of the Aztecs. This
is evident from numerous passages in the writings of the
time. It was under the same apprehension, that Cortes
consented to embarrass himself with his royal captive on
this dreary expedition. And in such distrust did he hold
him, that, even while in Mexico, he neither rode abroad,
nor walked to any great distance, according to Gomara,
without being attended by Guatemozin. 19
Parties standing in such relations to each other could
have been the objects only of mutual distrust and aver-
sion. The forlorn condition of the Spaniards on the
present march, which exposed them, in a peculiar degree,
to any sudden assault from their wily Indian vassals,
increased the suspicions of Cortes. Thus predisposed to
think ill of Guatemozin, the general lent a ready ear to
the first accusation against him. Charges were converted
into proofs, and condemnation followed close upon the
charges. By a single blow he proposed to rid himself
and the state for ever of a dangerous enemy, — the more
dangerous, that he was an enemy in disguise. Had he
but consulted his own honour and his good name, Guate-
mozin's head should have been the last on which he
should have suffered an injury to fall. " He should have
cherished him," to borrow the homely simile of his enco-
miast, Gomara, "like gold in a napkin, as the best
trophy of his victories." 20
Whatever may have been the real motives of his con-
duct in this affair, it seems to have left the mind of
Cortes but ill at ease. For a long time he was moody
and irritable, and found it difficult to sleep at night. On
one occasion, as he was pacing an upper chamber of a
teocalli in which he was quartered, he missed his footing
in the dark, and was precipitated from a height of some
19 " Y le hacian aquella mcsma como el iba." Cronica, cap. 170.
rcverencia, i ceremonias, que a Mo- 20 " I Cortes debiera guardarlo
teccuma, i creo que por eso le llevaba vivo, como Oro en paiio, que era el
uiernpre consigo por la Ciudad a triumpho, i gloria de sus Victorias."
Caballo, si cavalgaba, i sino a pie Cronica, cap. ]70.
chap, in.] DONA MARINA. 411
twelve feet to the ground, which occasioned him a severe
contusion on the head, — a thing too palpable to be con-
cealed, though he endeavoured, says the gossiping Diaz,
to hide the knowledge of it, as well as he could, from
the soldiers. 21
It was not long after the sad scene of Guatemozin's
execution, that the wearied troops entered the head town
of the great province of Aculan ; a thriving community
of traders, who carried on a profitable traffic with the
furthest quarters of Central America. Cortes notices in
general terms the excellence and beauty of the buildings,
and the hospitable reception which he experienced from
the inhabitants.
After renewing their strength in these comfortable
quarters, the Spaniards left the capital of Aculan, the
name of which is to be found on no map, and held on
their toilsome way in the direction of what is now called
the lake of Peten. It was then the property of an
emigrant tribe of the hardy Maya family, and their
capital stood on an island in the lake, " with its houses
and lofty teocallis glistening in the sun," says Bernal
Diaz, " so that it might be seen for the distance of two
leagues." 22 These edifices, built by one of the races of
Yucatan, displayed, doubtless, the same peculiarities of
construction as the remains still to be seen in that
remarkable peninsula. But, whatever may have been
their architectural merits, they are disposed of in a brief
sentence by the Conquerors.
The inhabitants of the island showed a friendly spirit,
and a docility unlike the warlike temper of their country-
men of Yucatan. They willingly listened to the Spanish
missionaries who accompanied the expedition, as they
expounded the Christian doctrines through the interven-
tion of Marina. The Indian interpreter was present
throughout this long march, the last in which she
21 Hist, de la Conquista, ubi supra. 22 Ibid., cap. 178.
412 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
remained at the side of Cortes. As this, too, is the last
occasion on which she will appear in these pages, I will
mention, before parting with her, an interesting circum-
stance that occurred when the army was traversing the
province of Coatzacualco. This, it may be remembered,
was the native country of Marina, where her infamous
mother sold her, when a child, to some foreign traders,
in order to secure her inheritance to a younger brother.
Cortes halted for some days at this place, to hold a con-
ference with the surrounding caciques on matters of
government and religion. Among those summoned to
this meeting was Marina's mother, who came, attended
by her son. No sooner did they make their appearance
than all were struck with the great resemblance of the
cacique to her daughter. The two parties recognised
each other, though they had not met since their separa-
tion. The mother, greatly terrified, fancied that she had
been decoyed into a snare, in order to punish her in-
human conduct. But Marina instantly ran up to her,
and endeavoured to allay her fears, assuring her that she
should receive no harm, and, addressing the by-standers,
said, " that she was sure her mother knew not what she
did, when she sold her to the traders, and that she for-
gave her." Then tenderly embracing her unnatural
parent, she gave her such jewels and other little orna-
ments as she wore about her own person, to win back,
as it would seem, her lost affection. Marina added, that
" she felt much happier than before, now that she had
been instructed in the Christian faith, and given up the
bloody worship of the Aztecs." 23
In the course of the expedition to Honduras, Cortes
gave Marina away to a Castilian knight, Don Juan
Xamarillo, to whom she was wedded as his lawful wife.
She had estates assigned to her in her native province,
23 Diaz, who was present, attests que dijo, se lo of muy certificada-
thc truth of this account by the most mente y se lo juro, amen. Hist, de
solemn adjuration. " Y todo esto la Conquista, cap. 37.
CHAP. Ill
.] DONA MARINA. 413
where she probably passed the remainder of her days.
From this time the name of Marina disappears from the
page of history. But it has been always held in grateful
remembrance by the Spaniards, for the important aid
which she gave them in effecting the Conquest, and by
the natives, for the kindness and sympathy which she
showed them in their misfortunes. Many an Indian
ballad commemorates the gentle virtues of Malinche, —
her Aztec epithet. Even now her spirit, if report be
true, watches over the capital which she helped to win ;
and the peasant is occasionally startled by the apparition
of an Indian princess, dimly seen through the evening
shadows, as it flits among the groves and grottos of the
royal Hill of Chapoltepec. 24
By the Conqueror, Marina left one son, Don Martin
Cortes. He rose to high consideration, and was made
a comendador of the order of St. Jago. He was subse-
quently suspected of treasonable designs against the
government ; and neither his parents' extraordinary ser-
vices, nor his own deserts, could protect him from a
cruel persecution ; and in 1568, the son of Hernando
Cortes was shamefully subjected to the torture in the
very capital which his father had acquired for the Cas-
tilian Crown !
The inhabitants of the isles of Peten — to return from
our digression — listened attentively to the preaching of
the Franciscan friars, and consented to the instant
demolition of their idols, and the erection of the Cross
upon their ruins. 25 A singular circumstance showed the
value of these hurried conversions. Cortes, on his
departure, left among this friendly people one of his
2 * Life in Mexico, Let. 8. did not destroy their idols while the
The fair author does not pretend Spaniards remained there. (His-
to have been favoured with a sight toria de la Conquista de la Provincia
of the apparition. de el Itza, [Madrid, 1701,] pp. 49,
50.) The historian is wrong, since
25 Yillagutierre says, that the Cortes expressly asserts, that the
Itzaes, by which name the inhabi- images were broken and burnt in his
tants of these islands were called, presence. Carta Quinta, MS.
414 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
horses, which had been disabled by an injury in the
foot. The Indians felt a reverence for the animal, as in
some way connected with the mysterious power of the
white men. When their visitors had gone, they offered
flowers to the horse, and, as it is said, prepared for him
many savoury messes of poultry, such as they would have
administered to their own sick. Under this extra-
ordinary diet the poor animal pined away and died.
The affrighted Indians raised his effigy in stone, and,
placing it in one of their teocattis, did homage to it, as
to a deity. In 1618, when two Franciscan friars came
to preach the Gospel in these regions, then scarcely
better known to the Spaniards than before the time of
Cortes, one of the most remarkable objects which they
found was this statue of a horse, receiving the homage
of the Indian worshippers, as the God of thunder and
lightning ! 26
It would be wearisome to recount all the perils and
hardships endured by the Spaniards in the remainder of
their journey. It would be repeating only the incidents
of the preceding narrative ; the same obstacles in their
path, the same extremities of famine and fatigue, —
hardships more wearing on the spirits than encounters
with an enemy, which, if more hazardous, are also more
exciting. It is easier to contend with man than with
Nature. Yet I must not omit to mention the passage of
the Sierra de los Pedemales, " the Mountain of Flints,"
which, though only twenty-four miles in extent, con-
sumed no less than twelve days in crossing it ! The
sharp stones cut the horses' feet to pieces, while many
were lost down the precipices and ravines ; so that, when
they had reached the opposite side, sixty-eight of these
valuable animals had perished, and the remainder were,
for the most part, in an unserviceable condition ! 27
26 The fact is recorded by Villa- 27 " Y quercr dezir la aspereza y
gutierrc, Concjuista de el Itza, pp. fragosidad de este Puerto y sierras,
]00 — 102, and Cojullado, Hist, cle ni quien lo dixesc lo sabria siguificar,
Yucathan, lib. 1, cap. 1G. ni quien lo oycsc podria cntender,
chap, in.] ARRIVAL AT HONDURAS. 415
The rainy season had now set in, and torrents of
water, falling day and night, drenched the adventurers
to the skin, and added greatly to their distresses. The
rivers, swollen beyond their usual volume, poured along
with a terrible impetuosity that defied the construction
of bridges ; and it was with the greatest difficulty that,
by laying trunks of trees from one huge rock to another,
with which these streams were studded, they effected a
perilous passage to the opposite banks. 28
At length the shattered train drew near the Golfo
Dolce, at the head of the Bay of Honduras. Their
route could not have been far from the side of Copan,
the celebrated city whose architectural ruins have fur-
nished such noble illustrations for the pencil of Cather-
wood. But the Spaniards passed on in silence. Nor,
indeed, can we wonder that, at this stage of the enter-
prise, they should have passed on without heeding the
vicinity of a city in the wilderness, though it were as
glorious as the capital of Zenobia ; for they were arrived
almost within view of the Spanish settlements, the object
of their long and wearisome pilgrimage.
The place which they were now approaching was Nito,
or San Gil de Buena Vista, a Spanish settlement on the
Golfo Dolce. Cortes advanced cautiously, prepared to
fall on the town by surprise. He had held on his way
with the undeviating step of the North American Indian,
who, traversing morass and mountain and the most
intricate forests, guided by the instinct of revenge,
presses straight towards the mark, and, when he has
reached it, springs at once on his unsuspecting victim.
sino que sepa V. M. que en ocho samos aprovecharnos de ninguno."
leguas que durd hasta este puerto Carta Quinta de Cortes, MS.
estuvimos en las andar doze dias, 2S " If any unhappy wretch had
digo los postreros en llegar al cabo become giddy in this transit," says
de el, en que murieron sesenta y Cortes, " lie must inevitably have
ocho cavallos despeiiados y desxare- been precipitated into the gulf and
tados, y todos los demas vinieron perished. There were upwards of
beridos y tan lasthnados que no pen- twenty of these frightful passes."
Carta Quinta, MS.
416 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
Before Cortes made his assault, his scouts fortunately
fell in with some of the inhabitants of the place, from
whom they received tidings of the death of Olid, and of
the reestablishment of his own anthority. Cortes, there-
fore, entered the place like a friend, and was cordially
welcomed by his countrymen, greatly astonished, says
Diaz, " by the presence among them of the general so
renowned throughout these countries." 29
The colony was at this time sorely suffering from
famine ; and to such extremity was it soon reduced, that
the troops would probably have found a grave in the
very spot to which they had looked forward as the goal
of their labours, but for the seasonable arrival of a vessel
with supplies from Cuba. With a perseverance which
nothing could daunt, Cortes made an examination of the
surrounding country, and occupied a month more in
exploring dismal swamps, steaming with unwholesome
exhalations, and infected with bilious fevers, and with
swarms of venomous insects which left peace neither by
day nor night. At length he embarked with a part of
his forces on board of two brigantines, and after touching
at one or two ports in the Bay, anchored off Truxillo,
the principal Spanish settlement on that coast. The
surf was too high for him easily to effect a landing ; but
the inhabitants, overjoyed at his arrival, rushed into the
shallow water and eagerly bore back the general in their
arms to the shore. 30
After he had restored the strength and spirits of his
men, the indefatigable commander prepared for a new
expedition, the object of which was to explore and to
reduce the extensive province of Nicaragua. One may
well feel astonished at the adventurous spirit of the
man, who, unsubdued by the terrible sufferings of his
29 " Espantaronse en gran ma- Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 179.
nera, y como supieron que era Cor- 30 Ibid., cap. 179, et seq. — Her-
tes q' tan nombrado era en todas rera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 8,
estas partes de las Indias, y en Cas- cap. 3, 4. — Carta Quinta de Cortds,
t ilia, no sabia que se hazer de placer." MS.
chap, in.] ARRIVAL AT HONDURAS. 417
recent march, should so soon be prepared for another
enterprise equally appalling. It is difficult, in this age
of sober sense, to conceive the character of a Castilian
cavalier of the sixteenth century, a true counterpart of
which it would not have been easy to find in any other
nation, even at that time, — or anywhere, indeed, save in
those tales of chivalry, which, however wild and extra-
vagant they may seem, were much more true to character
than to situation. The mere excitement of exploring the
strange and the unknown was a sufficient compensation
to the Spanish adventurer for all his toils and trials. It
seems to have been ordered by Providence, that such a
race of men should exist contemporaneously with the
discovery of the New World, that those regions should
be brought to light which were beset with dangers and
difficulties so appalling as might have tended to overawe
and to discourage the ordinary spirit of adventure. Yet
Cortes, though filled with this spirit, proposed nobler
ends to himself than those of the mere vulgar adven-
turer. In the expedition to Nicaragua, he designed,
as he had done in that to Honduras, to ascertain the
resources of the country in genera], and above all, the
existence of any means of communication between the
great oceans on its borders. If none such existed, it
would at least establish this fact, the knowledge of
which, to borrow his own language, was scarcely less
important.
The general proposed to himself the further object of
enlarging the colonial empire of Castile. The conquest
of Mexico was but the commencement of a series of
conquests. To the warrior who had achieved this,
nothing seemed impracticable ; and scarcely would any-
thing have been so, had he been properly sustained.
It is no great stretch of imagination, to see the Con-
queror of Mexico advancing along the provinces of the
vast Isthmus, — Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Darien, until
he had planted his victorious banner on the shores of
VOL. II. e E
418 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
the Gulf of Panama ; and while it was there fanned by
the breezes from the golden South, the land of the
Incas, to see him gathering such intelligence of this
land as would stimulate him to carry his arms still
further, and to anticipate, it might be, the splendid
career of Pizarro !
But from these dreams of ambition Cortes was sud-
denly aroused by such tidings as convinced him, that his
absence from Mexico was already too far prolonged, and
that he must return without delay, if he would save the
capital or the country.
CHAP. IV. J 419
CHAPTER IV.
Disturbances in Mexico. — Return of Cortes. — Distrust of the Court. —
Cortes returns to Spain. — Death of Sandoval. — Brilliant Reception of
Cortes. — Honours conferred on him.
1526—1530.
The intelligence alluded to in the preceding Chapter
was conveyed in a letter to Cortes from the licentiate
Zuazo, one of the functionaries to whom the general had
committed the administration of the country during his
absence. It contained full particulars of the tumultuous
proceedings in the capital. No sooner had Cortes quitted
it, than dissensions broke out among the different mem-
bers of the provisional government. The misrule in-
creased as his absence was prolonged. At length tidings
were received, that Cortes with his whole army had
perished in the morasses of Chiapa. The members of
the government showed no reluctance to credit this story.
They now openly paraded their own authority ; pro-
claimed the general's death ; caused funeral ceremonies
to be performed in his honour; took possession of his
property wherever they could meet with it, piously
devoting a small part of the proceeds to purchasing
masses for his soul, while the remainder was appropriated
to pay off what was called his debt to the state. They
seized, in like manner, the property of other individuals
engaged in the expedition. From these outrages they
proceeded to others against the Spanish residents in the
E E 2
420 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
city, until the Franciscan missionaries left the capital in
disgust, while the Indian population were so sorely op-
pressed, that great apprehensions were entertained of a
general rising. Zuazo, who communicated these tidings,
implored Cortes to quicken his return. He was a tem-
perate man, and the opposition which he had made to
the tyrannical measures of his comrades had been re-
warded with exile. 1
The general, greatly alarmed by this account, saw that
no alternative was left but to abandon all further schemes
of conquest, and to return at once, if he would secure
the preservation of the empire which he had won. He
accordingly made the necessary arrangements for settling
the administration of the colonies at Honduras, and em-
barked with a small number of followers for Mexico.
He had not been long at sea, when he encountered
such a terrible tempest as seriously damaged his vessel,
and compelled him to return to port and refit. A second
attempt proved equally unsuccessful ; and Cortes, feeling
that his good star had deserted him, saw, in this re-
peated disaster, an intimation from Heaven that he was
not to return. 2 He contented himself, therefore, with
sending a trusty messenger to advise his friends of his
personal safety in Honduras. He then instituted pro-
cessions and public prayers to ascertain the will of
Heaven, and to deprecate its anger. His health now
showed the effects of his recent sufferings, and declined
under a wasting fever. His spirits sank with it, and he
fell into a state of gloomy despondency. Bernal Diaz,
speaking of him at this time, says, that nothing could
be more wan and emaciated than his person, and that so
strongly was he possessed with the idea of his approach-
ing end, that he procured a Franciscan habit, — for it
was common to be laid out in the habit of some one or
1 Carta Quinta dc Cortes, MS. — Strada, MS., Mexico, 1526.
Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
cap. 185. ; — Relacion del Tesorcro 3 Carta Quinta de Cortes, MS.
chap, iv.] RETURN OF CORTES. 421
other of the monastic orders, — in which to be carried to
the grave. 3
From this deplorable apathy Cortes was roused by
fresh advices urging his presence in Mexico, and by the
judicious efforts of his good friend Sandoval, who had
lately returned, himself, from an excursion into the inte-
rior. By his persuasion, the general again consented to
try his fortunes on the seas. He embarked on board of
a brigantine, with a few followers, and bade adieu to the
disastrous shores of Honduras, April 25, 1526. He had
nearly made the coast of New Spain, when a heavy gale
threw him off his course, and drove him to the island of
Cuba. After staying there some time to recruit his ex-
hausted strength, he again put to sea on the 1 6th of May,
and in eight days landed near San Juan de Ulua, whence
he proceeded about five leagues on foot to Medellin.
Cortes was so much changed by disease, that his per-
son was not easily recognised. But no sooner was it
known that the general had returned, than crowds of
people, white men and natives, thronged from all the
neighbouring country to welcome him. The tidings
spread far and wide on the wings of the wind, and his
progress to the capital was a triumphal procession. The
inhabitants came from the distance of eighty leagues to
have a sight of him ; and they congratulated one another
on the presence of the only man who could rescue the
country from its state of anarchy. It was a resurrection
of the dead, — so industriously had the reports of his
death been circulated, and so generally believed. 4
At all the great towns where he halted he was sump-
tuously entertained. Triumphal arches were thrown
across the road, and the streets were strewed with flowers
as he passed. After a night's repose at Tezcuco, he
made his entrance in great state into the capital. The
3 Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 184, Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Ccmquista,
et seq. — Carta Quirita de Cortes, cap. 189, 190. — Carta de Cortes al
MS. Emperador, MS., Mexico, Sept. 11,
4 Carta Quinta de Cortes, MS.— 1526.
422 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
municipality came out to welcome him, and a brilliant
cavalcade of armed citizens formed his escort ; while the
lake was covered with barges of the Indians, all fancifully
decorated with their gala dresses, as on the day of his
first arrival among them. The streets echoed to music,
and dancing, and sounds of jubilee, as the procession
held on its way to the great convent of St. Francis, where
thanksgivings were offered up for the safe return of the
general, who then proceeded to take up his quarters
once more in his own princely residence. 5 — It was in
June, 1526, when Cortes reentered Mexico; nearly two
years had elapsed since he had left it, on his difficult march
to Honduras, — a inarch which led to no important re-
sults, but which consumed nearly as much time, and
was attended with sufferings quite as severe, as the con-
quest of Mexico itself. 6
Cortes did not abuse his present advantage. He, in-
deed, instituted proceedings against his enemies ; but he
followed them up so languidly, as to incur the imputa-
tion of weakness. It is the only instance in which he
has been accused of weakness ; and, since it was shown
in the prosecution of his own injuries, it may be thought
to reflect no discredit on his character. 7
He was not permitted long to enjoy the sweets of
5 Carta de Ocano, MS., Agosto 31, tude of mind, more perseverance and
1526. — Carta Quinta de Cortes, MS. patience, than in any other period or
"What Cortes suffered," says scene in his life." (Hist, of America,
Dr. Robertson, " on this march, a note 90.) The historian's remarks
distance, according to Gomara, of arc just ; as the passages, which I
3000 miles," — (the distance must be have borrowed from the extraordi-
grcatly exaggerated,) — " from fa- nary record of the Conqueror, may
mine, from the hostility of the na- show. Those who are desirous of
tives, from the climate and from seeing something of the narrative
hardships of every species, has no- told in his own way, will find a few
thing in history parallel to if, but pages of it translated in the Appeu-
what occurs in the adventures of the di.r, Part IT. No. 14.
other discoverers and conquerors of ' " Y esto yo lo oi dezir a los del
the New World. Cortes was em- Ileal Conscjo de Indias, estando pre-
ploycd in this dreadful service above scute el scfior Obispo Fray Bartolome
two years; and, though it was not de las Casas, que se descuido mucho
distinguished by any splendid event, Cortes en cllo, y se lo tuvieron a
he exhibited, during the course of it, floxedad." Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, de la
greater personal courage, more forti- Conquista, cap. 190.
chap, iv.] DISTRUST OF THE COURT. 423
triumph. In the month of July, he received advices of
the arrival of a juez de residencia on the coast, sent by
the court of Madrid to supersede him temporarily in the
government. The Crown of Castile, as its colonial em-
pire extended, became less and less capable of watching
over its administration. It was therefore obliged to
place vast powers in the hands of its viceroys ; and, as
suspicion naturally accompanies weakness, it was ever
prompt to listen to accusations against these powerful
vassals. In such cases the government adopted the
expedient of sending out a commissioner, ox juez de resi-
dencia, with authority to investigate the conduct of the
accused, to suspend him in the mean while from his
office, and, after a judicial examination, to reinstate him
in it, or to remove him altogether, according to the issue
of the trial. The enemies of Cortes had been, for a long
time, busy in undermining his influence at court, and in
infusing suspicions of his loyalty in the bosom of the
emperor. Since his elevation to the government of the
country, they had redoubled their mischievous activity,
and they assailed his character with the foulest imputa-
tions. They charged him with appropriating to his own
use the gold which belonged to the Crown, and especially
with secreting the treasures of Montezuma. He was
said to have made false reports of the provinces he had
conquered, that he might defraud the exchequer of its
lawful revenues. He had distributed the principal offices
among his own creatures ; and had acquired an un-
bounded influence, not only over the Spaniards, but the
natives, who were all ready to do his bidding. He had
expended large sums in fortifying both the capital and
his own palace ; and it was evident from the magnitude
of his schemes and his preparations, that he designed to
shake off his allegiance, and to establish an independent
sovereignty in New Spain. 8
8 Memorial de Luis Cardenas, MS. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 8,
— Carta de Diego de Ocana, MS. — cap. 14, 15.
424 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vn.
The government, greatly alarmed by these formidable
charges, the probability of which they could not estimate,
appointed a commissioner with full powers to investigate
the matter. The person selected for this delicate office
was Luis Ponce de Leon, a man of high family, young
for such a post, but of a mature judgment, and distin-
guished for his moderation and equity. The nomination
of such a minister gave assurance that the Crown meant
to do justly by Cortes.
The emperor wrote at the same time with his own
hand to the general, advising him of this step, and assur-
ing him that it was taken, not from distrust of his inte-
grity, but to afford him the opportunity of placing that
integrity in a clear light before the world. 9
Ponce de Leon reached Mexico in July, 1526. He
was received with all respect by Cortes and the muni-
cipality of the capital ; and the two parties interchanged
those courtesies with each other, which gave augury that
the future proceedings would be conducted in a spirit of
harmony. Unfortunately, this fair beginning was blasted
by the death of the commissioner in a few weeks after
his arrival, a circumstance which did not fail to afford
another item in the loathsome mass of accusation heaped
upon Cortes. The commissioner fell the victim of a
malignant fever, which carried off a number of those who
had come over in the vessel with him. 10
On his death-bed, Ponce de Leon delegated his autho-
rity to an infirm old man, who survived but a few months,
and transmitted the reins of government to a person
named Estrada or Strada, the royal treasurer, one of the
officers sent from Spain to take charge of the finances,
and who was personally hostile to Cortes. The Spanish
residents would have persuaded Cortes to assert for him-
self at least an equal share of the authority, to which
9 Carta del Emperador, MS., To- quista, cap. 192. — Carta de Cortes
lcdo, Nov. 4, 1525. al Emp., MS., Mexico, Set. 11,
10 Beriial Diaz, Hist, de la Con- 1526.
chap, iv.] DISTRUST OF THE COURT. 425
they considered Estrada as having no sufficient title.
But the general, with singular moderation, declined a
competition in this matter, and determined to abide a
more decided expression of his sovereign's will. To his
mortification, the nomination of Estrada was confirmed,
and this dignitary soon contrived to inflict on his rival
all those annoyances by which a little mind, in possession
of unexpected power, endeavours to make his superiority
felt over a great one. The recommendations of Cortes
were disregarded ; his friends mortified and insulted ;
his attendants outraged by injuries. One of the domes-
tics of his friend Sandoval, for some slight offence, was
sentenced to lose his hand ; and when the general re-
monstrated against these acts of violence, he was peremp-
torily commanded to leave the city ! The Spaniards,
indignant at this outrage, would have taken up arms in
his defence ; but Cortes would allow no resistance, and,
simply remarking, "that it was well, that those, who, at
the price of their blood, had won the capital, should not
be allowed a footing in it," withdrew to his favourite
villa of Cojohuacan, a few miles distant, to wait there the
result of these strange proceedings. 11
The suspicions of the Court of Madrid, meanwhile,
fanned by the breath of calumny, had reached the most
preposterous height. One might have supposed, that it
fancied the general was organizing a revolt throughout
the colonies, and meditated nothing less than an inva-
sion of the mother country. Intelligence having been
received, that a vessel might speedily be expected from
New Spain, orders were sent to the different ports of the
kingdom, and even to Portugal, to sequestrate the cargo,
under the expectation that it contained remittances to the
general's family which belonged to the Crown ; while his
letters, affording the most luminous account of all his
proceedings and discoveries, were forbidden to be printed.
11 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 194. — Carta de Cortes al
Emp., MS., Set. 11, 1526.
426 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
Fortunately, three letters, forming the most important
part of the Conqueror's correspondence, had already been
given to the world by the indefatigable press of Seville.
The Court, moreover, made aware of the incompe-
tency of the treasurer, Estrada, to the present delicate
conjuncture, now entrusted the whole affair of the inquiry
to a commission dignified with the title of the Royal
Audience of New Spain. This body was clothed with
full powers to examine into the charges against Cortes,
with instructions to send him back, as a preliminary
measure, to Castile, — peacefully, if they could, but for-
cibly if necessary. Still afraid that its belligerent vassal
might defy the authority of this tribunal, the government
resorted to artifice to effect his return. The president of
the Indian Council was commanded to write to him,
urging his presence in Spain to vindicate himself from
the charges of his enemies, and offering his personal
cooperation in his defence. The emperor further wrote
a letter to the Audience, containing his commands for
Cortes to return, as the government wished to consult
him on matters relating to the Indies, and to bestow on
him a recompense suited to his high deserts. This letter
was intended to be shown to Cortes. 12
But it was superfluous to put in motion all this com-
plicated machinery to effect a measure on which Cortes
was himself resolved. Proudly conscious of his own
unsAverving loyalty, and of the benefits he had rendered
to his country, he felt deeply sensible to this unworthy
requital of them, especially on the very theatre of his
achievements. He determined to abide no longer Avhere
he was exposed to such indignities ; but to proceed
at once to Spain, present himself before his sovereign,
boldly assert his innocence, and claim redress for his
wrongs, and a just reward for his services. In the close
of his letter to the emperor, detailing the painful expe-
dition to Honduras, after enlarging on the magnificent
12 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 2, cap. 1 ; and lib. 3, cap. 8.
chap, iv.] CORTES RETURNS TO SPAIN. 427
schemes lie had entertained of discovery in the South
Sea, and vindicating himself from the charge of a too
lavish expenditure, he concludes with the lofty, yet
touching, declaration, " that he trusts his Majesty will
in time acknowledge his deserts ; but, if that unhappily
shall not be, the world at least will be assured of his
loyalty, and he himself shall have the conviction of
having done his duty; and no better inheritance than
this shall he ask for his children." 13
No sooner was the intention of Cortes made known,
than it excited a general sensation through the country.
Even Estrada relented ; he felt that he had gone too far,
and that it was not his policy to drive his noble enemy
to take refuge in his own land. Negotiations were
opened, and an attempt at a reconciliation was made,
through the bishop of Tlascala. Cortes received these
overtures in a courteous spirit, but his resolution was
unshaken. Having made the necessary arrangements,
therefore, in Mexico, he left the Valley, and proceeded at
once to the coast. Had he entertained the criminal am-
bition imputed to him by his enemies, he might have
been sorely tempted by the repeated offers of support
which were made to him, whether in good or in bad
faith, on the journey, if he would but reassume the
government, and assert his independence of Castile.
But these disloyal advances he rejected with the scorn
they merited. 14
On his arrival at Villa Rica, he received the painful
tidings of the death of his father, Don Martin Cortes,
whom he had hoped so soon to embrace, after his long
13 <c Todas estas entradas estan con saber quea todo el muiido tengo
ahora para partir casi a una, plega satisfecho, y les son notorios mis
a Dios de los guiar como el se sirva, servicios y lealdad, con que los hago,
que yo aunque V. M. mas me mande y no quiero otro mayorasgo sino
desfavorecer no tengo de dejar de este." Carta Quinta, MS.
servir, que no es posible, que por u Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
tiempo V. M. no conosca mis ser- quista, cap. 194. — Carta de Ocaila,
vicios, y ya que esto no sea, yo me MS-, Agosto 31, 1520.
satisfago con hazer lo que debo, y
428 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTfiS. [book vn.
and eventful absence. Having celebrated his obsequies
with every mark of filial respect, he made preparations
for his speedy departure. Two of the best vessels in
the port were got ready and provided with everything
requisite for a long voyage. He was attended by his
friend, the faithful Sandoval, by Tapia, and some other
cavaliers, most attached to his person. He also took
with him several Aztec and Tlascalan chiefs, and among
them a son of Montezuma, and another of Maxixca, the
friendly old Tlascalan lord, both of whom were desirous
to accompany the general to Castile. He carried home
a large collection of plants and minerals, as specimens of
the natural resources of the country ; several wild ani-
mals and birds of gaudy plumage ; various fabrics of
delicate workmanship, especially the gorgeous feather-
work ; and a number of jugglers, dancers, and buffoons,
who greatly astonished the Europeans by the marvellous
facility of their performances, and were thought a suit-
able present for his Holiness the Pope. 15 Lastly, Cortes
displayed his magnificence in a rich treasure of jewels,
among which were emeralds of extraordinary size and
lustre, gold to the amount of two hundred thousand
pesos de oro, and fifteen hundred marks of silver. " In
fine," says Herrera, " he came in all the state of a
great lord." 16
After a brief and prosperous voyage, Cortes came in
sight once more of his native shores, and, crossing the
bar of Saltes, entered the little port of Palos in May,
1528, — the same spot where Columbus had landed five
and thirty years before on his return from the discovery
15 The Pope, who was of the joyous of the services rendered to Chris-
Medici family, Clement VII., and tianity by the Conquerors of Mexico,
the cardinals, were greatly delighted and generously requited them by
with the feats of the Indian jugglers, bulls, granting plenary absolution
according to Diaz ; and his Holiness, from their sins. Hist, de la Con-
who, it may be added, received at quista, cap. 195.
the same time from Cortes a sub-
stantial donative of gold and jewels, 1B " Y en fin venia como gran
publicly testified, by prayers and Scfior." Hist. Gen., dec. 4, lib. 3,
solemn processions, his great sense cap. 8.
chap. iv.] DEATH OF SANDOVAL. 429
of the Western World. Cortes was not greeted with the
enthusiasm and public rejoicings which welcomed the
great navigator; and, indeed, the inhabitants were not
prepared for his arrival. From Palos he soon proceeded
to the convent of La Rabida, the same place, also, within
the hospitable walls of which Columbus had found a
shelter. An interesting circumstance is mentioned by
historians, connected with his short stay at Palos. Fran-
cisco Pizarro, the Conqueror of Peru, had arrived there,
having come to Spain to solicit aid for his great enter-
prise. 17 He was then in the commencement of his bril-
liant career, as Cortes might be said to be at the close of
his. He was an old acquaintance, and a kinsman, as is
affirmed, of the general, whose mother was a Pizarro. 18
The meeting of these two extraordinary men, the Con-
querors of the North and of the South, in the New
World, as they set foot, after their eventful absence, on
the shores of their native land, and that, too, on the spot
consecrated by the presence of Columbus, has something
in it striking to the imagination. It has accordingly
attracted the attention of one of the most illustrious of
living poets, who, in a brief, but beautiful sketch, has
depicted the scene in the genuine colouring of the age. 19
While reposing from the fatigues of his voyage at La
Rabida, an event occurred which afflicted Cortes deeply,
and which threw a dark cloud over his return. This was
the death of Gonzalo de Sandoval, his trusty friend, and
so long the companion of his fortunes. He was taken ill
in a wretched inn at Palos, soon after landing ; and his
malady gained ground so rapidly, that it was evident his
constitution, impaired, probably, by the extraordinary
fatigues he had of late years undergone, would be unable
to resist it. Cortes was instantly sent for, and arrived
in time to administer the last consolations of friendship
17 Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. 4, ls Pizarro y Orellana, Varones
lib. 4, cap. 1. — Cavo, Los Tres Siglos Ilustres, p. 121.
de Mex., torn, i., p. 78. 19 See the conclusion of Rogers'
Yoyage of Columbus.
430 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
to the dying cavalier. Sandoval met his approaching
end with composure, and, having given the attention,
which the short interval allowed, to the settlement of
both his temporal and spiritual concerns, he breathed
his last in the arms of his commander.
Sandoval died at the premature age of thirty-one. 20
He was in many respects the most eminent of the great
captains formed under the eye of Cortes. He was of
good family, and a native of Medellin, also the birth-
place of the general, for whom he had the warmest per-
sonal regard. Cortes soon discerned his uncommon
qualities, and proved it by uniformly selecting the young
officer for the most difficult commissions. His conduct
on these occasions fully justified the preference. He was
a decided favourite with the soldiers ; for, though strict
in enforcing discipline, he was careful of their comforts,
and little mindful of his own. He had nothing of the
avarice so common in the Castilian cavalier ; and seemed
to have no other ambition than that of faithfully dis-
charging the duties of his profession. Pie was a plain
man, affecting neither the showy manners nor the bravery
in costume which distinguished Alvarado, the Aztec
Tonatiuh. The expression of his countenance was open
and manly ; his chestnut hair curled close to his head ;
his frame was strong and sinewy. He had a lisp in his
utterance, which made his voice somewhat indistinct.
Indeed, he was no speaker; but, if slow of speech, he
was prompt and energetic in action. He had precisely
the qualities which fitted him for the perilous enterprise
in which he was embarked. He had accomplished his
task ; and, after having escaped death, which lay waiting
for him in every step of his path, had come home as it
would seem, to his native land, only to meet it there.
His obsequies were performed with all solemnity by
the Franciscan friars of La Rabida, and his remains were
20 Bcrnal Diaz says, that Sandoval first came to New Spain, in 1519. — ■
Avas twenty-two years old, when he Hist, tie la Conquista, cap. 205.
chap, iv.] BRILLIANT RECEPTION OF CORTES. 431
followed to their final resting-place by the comrades who
had so often stood by his side in battle. They were laid
in the cemetery of the convent, which, shrouded in its
forest of pines, stood, and may yet stand, on the bold
eminence that overlooks the waste of waters so lately
traversed by the adventurous soldier. 21
It was not long after this melancholy event, that
Cortes and his suite began their journey into the inte-
rior. The general stayed a few days at the castle of the
duke of Medina Sidonia, the most powerful of the Anda-
lusian lords, who hospitably entertained him, and, at his
departure, presented him with several noble Arabian
horses. Cortes first directed his steps towards Guada-
loupe, where he passed nine days, offering up prayers
and causing masses to be performed at our Lady's
shrine for the soul of his departed friend.
Before his departure from La Rabida, he had written
to the court, informing it of his arrival in the country.
Great was the sensation caused there by the intelligence •
the greater, that the late reports of his treasonable prac-
tices had made it wholly unexpected. His arrival pro-
duced an immediate change of feeling. All cause of
jealousy was now removed ; and, as the clouds which
had so long settled over the royal mind were dispelled,
the emperor seemed only anxious to show his sense of
the distinguished services of his so dreaded vassal.
Orders were sent to different places on the route to
provide him with suitable accommodations, and prepa-
rations were made to give him a brilliant reception in
the capital.
Meanwhile Cortes had formed the acquaintance at
Guadaloupe of several persons of distinction, and among
them of the family of the comendador of Leon, a noble-
man of the highest consideration at court. The general's
conversation, enriched with the stores of a life of adven-
ture, and his manners, in which the authority of habitual
21 Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 195.
432 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES, [book vir.
command was tempered by the frank and careless free-
dom of the soldier, made a most favourable impression
on his new friends ; and their letters to the court, where
he was yet unknown, heightened the interest already felt
in this remarkable man. The tidings of his arrival had
by this time spread far and wide throughout the country ;
and, as he resumed his journey, the roads presented a
spectacle such as had not been seen since the return of
Columbus. Cortes did not usually affect an ostentation
of dress, though he loved to display the pomp of a great
lord in the number and magnificence of his retainers.
His train was now swelled by the Indian chieftains, who,
by the splendours of their barbaric finery, gave additional
brilliancy, as well as novelty, to the pageant. But his
own person was the object of general curiosity. The
houses and the streets of the great towns and villages
were thronged with spectators, eager to look on the hero,
who, with his single arm, as it were, had won an empire
for Castile, and who, to borrow the language of an old
historian, " came in the pomp and glory, not so much of
a great vassal, as of an independent monarch." 22
As he approached Toledo, then the rival of Madrid,
the press of the multitude increased, till he was met by
the duke de Bejar, the count de Aguilar, and others of
his steady friends, who, at the head of a large body of
the principal nobility and cavaliers of the city, came out
to receive him, and attended him to the quarters pre-
pared for his residence. It was a proud moment for
Cortes ; and distrusting, as he well might, his reception
by his countrymen, it afforded him a greater satisfaction
than the brilliant entrance, which a few years previous,
he had made into the capital of Mexico.
The following day he was admitted to an audience by
22 " Vino de las Indias dcspues vasallo dc algun Rcy 6 Emperador.'*
dc la conquista de Mexico, con Lanuza, Historias Ecclesiasticas y
tanto acompailamiento y magcstad, Scculares dc Aragon, (Zaragoza,
que mas parecia de Prmcipe, o sefior 1G22,) lib. 3, cap. 14.
poderosissimo, que de Capitan y
chap, xv.] HONOURS CONFERRED ON HIM. 433
the emperor; and Cortes, gracefully kneeling to kiss
the hand of his sovereign, presented to him a memorial
which succinctly recounted his services and the requital
he had received for them. The emperor graciously
raised him, and put many questions to him respecting
the countries he had conquered. Charles was pleased
with the general's answers, and his intelligent mind
took great satisfaction in inspecting the curious speci-
mens of Indian ingenuity which his vassal had brought
with him from New Spain. In subsequent conversations
the emperor repeatedly consulted Cortes on the best
mode of administering the government of the colonies ;
and by his advice introduced some important regulations,
especially for ameliorating the condition of the natives,
and for encouraging domestic industry.
The monarch took frequent opportunity to show the
confidence which he now reposed in Cortes. On all
public occasions he appeared with him by his side ; and
once, when the general lay ill of a fever, Charles paid
him a visit in person, and remained some time in the
apartment of the invalid. This was an extraordinary
..mark of condescension in the haughty court of Castile ;
and it is dwelt upon with becoming emphasis by the
historians of the time, who seem to regard it as an
ample compensation for all the sufferings and services
of Cortes. 23
The latter had now fairly triumphed over opposition.
The courtiers, with that ready instinct which belongs to
the tribe, imitated the example of their master; and
even envy was silent, amidst the general homage that
was paid to the man who had so lately been a mark for
the most envenomed calumny. Cortes, without a title,
without a name but what he had created for himself,
was, at once, as it were, raised to a level with the
proudest nobles in the land.
He was so still more effectually by the substantial
23 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 183. — cap. 1.— Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. 4, lib. 4, Conquista, cap. 195.
vol. ii. n
434 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [hook vii.
honours which were accorded to him by his sovereign in
the course of the following year. By an instrument,
dated July 6th, 1529, the emperor raised him to the
dignity of the Marquess of the Valley of Oaxaca ; 24 and
the title of " marquess," when used without the name of
the individual, has been always appropriated in the
colonies, in an especial manner, to Cortes, as the title
of " admiral " was to Colnmbus. 25
Two other instruments, dated in the same month of
July, assigned to Cortes a vast tract of land in the rich
province of Oaxaca, together with large estates in the
city of Mexico, and other places in the Valley. 26 The
princely domain thus granted comprehended more than
twenty large towns and villages, and twenty-three thou-
sand vassals. The language in which the gift was made
greatly enhanced its value. The preamble of the instru-
ment, after enlarging on the " good services rendered by
Cortes in the Conquest, and the great benefits resulting
therefrom, both in respect to the increase of the Castilian
empire, and the advancement of the Holy Catholic Faith,"
acknowledges " the sufferings he had undergone in
accomplishing this glorious work, and the fidelity and*
obedience with which, as a good and trusty vassal, he
had ever served the Crown." 27 It declares, in conclu-
sion, that it grants this recompense of his deserts,
24 Titulo cle Marques, MS., Bar- los, MS., Barcelona, G dc Julio,
cclona, 6 dc Julio, 1529. 1529. ;.
25 Humboldt, Essai Politique, 27 " E nos habemos rccibido y
torn, ii., p. 30, note. tencmos dc vos por bien servido cu
According to Lanuza, lie was ello, y acatando los grandes provc-
offered by the emperor the Order of chos que dc vucstros servicios ban
St. Jago, but declined it, because ralundado, ansi para el scrvicio dc
no encomienda was attached to it. Nuestro Scfior y aumento de su
(Hist, de Aragon, torn, i., lib. .'5, santa fc catolica, y en las dichas
cap. 14.) But Caro de Torres, in tierras que estaban sin conocimiento
his History of the Military Orders ni fe sc han plantado, como el acre-
of Castile, enumerates Cortes among ccntamicnto que dcllo ha redundado
the members of the Compostcllan a nuestra corona real destos rcynos,
fraternity. Hist, de las Ord- Mili- y los trabajos que en ello habcis
tares (Madrid, 1G29,) fol. 103, et pasado, y la fidelidad y obediencia
scq. con que siempre nos habeis servido
20 Merced de Tierras Immcdiatas como bucno 6 fiel servidor y vasallo
a Mexico, MS., Barcelona, 23 de nuestro, de que somos cicrtos y con-
Julio, 1529.— Merced de los Vasal- fiados." Merced de los Vasallos, MS.
chap, iv.] HONOURS CONFERRED ON HIM. 435
because it is " the duty of princes to honour and reward
those who serve them well and loyally, in order that the
memory of their great deeds should be perpetuated, and
others be incited by their example to the performance of
the like illustrious exploits." The unequivocal testimony
thus borne by his sovereign to his unwavering loyalty
was most gratifying to Cortes ; — how gratifying, every
generous soul, who has been the subject of suspicion
undeserved, will readily estimate. The language of
the general in after time shows how deeply he was
touched by it. 2S
Yet there was one degree in the scale, above which
the royal gratitude would not rise. Neither the soli-
citations of Cortes, nor those of the duke de Bejar, and
his other powerful friends, could prevail on the emperor
to reinstate him in the government of Mexico. The
country, reduced to tranquillity, had no longer need of
his commanding genius to control it ; and Charles did
not care to place again his formidable vassal in a situa-
tion which might revive the dormant spark of jealousy
and distrust. It was the policy of the crown to employ
one class of its subjects to effect its conquests, and
another class to rule over them. For the latter it
selected men in whom the fire of ambition was tempered
by a cooler judgment naturally, or by the sober influence
of age. Even Columbus, notwithstanding the terms of
his original " capitulation " with the crown, had not
been permitted to preside over the colonies ; and still
less likely would it be to concede this power to one
possessed of the aspiring temper of Cortes.
But although the emperor refused to commit the civil
government of the colony into his hands, he reinstated
him in his military command. By a royal ordinance,
28 " The benignant reception which cause me regret that I have not been
I experienced on my return, from called to endure more in your ser^
your Majesty," says Cortes, "your vice." (Carta de Cortes al Lie.
kind expressions and generous treat- Nunez, MS., 1535.) This memorial,
ment, make me not only forget all addressed to his agent in Castile, was
my toils and sufferings, but even designed for the emperor.
ff 2
43G SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book VII.
dated also in July, 1529, the marquess of the Valley was
named Captain-general of New Spain, and of the coasts
of the South Sea. He was empowered to make dis-
coveries in the Southern Ocean, with the right to rule
over such lands as he should colonize, 29 and by a sub-
sequent grant he was to become proprietor of one-twelfth
of all his discoveries. 30 The government had no design
to relinquish the services of so able a commander. But
it warily endeavoured to withdraw him from the scene of
his former triumphs, and to throw open a new career of
ambition, that might stimulate him still further to en-
large the dominions of the crown.
Thus gilded by the sunshine of royal favour, " rival-
ling," to borrow the homely comparison of an old
chronicler, " Alexander in the fame of his exploits, and
Crassus in that of his riches," 31 with brilliant manners,
and a person, which, although it showed the effects of
hard service, had not yet lost all the attractions of youth,
Cortes might now be regarded as offering an enviable
alliance for the best houses in Castile. It was not long
before he paid his addresses, Avhich were favourably
received, to a member of that noble house, which had so
steadily supported him in the dark hour of his fortunes.
The lady's name was Dona Juana de Zunigar, daughter
of the second count de Aguilar, and niece of the duke de
Bcjar. 32 She was much younger than himself, beautiful,
and, as events showed, not without spirit. One of his
presents to his youthful bride excited the admiration
and envy of the fairer part of the court. This was five
emeralds, of wonderful size and brilliancy. These jewels
29 Titulo de Capiian General dc la Valley, according to L. Marineo
Nueva Espafia y Costa del Sur, MS., Siculo, who lived at the court at this
Barcelona, G de Julio, 1529. time, were about 00,000 ducats a
30 Asiento y Capitulation epic hizo year. Cosas Mcmorables de Espafia,
con cl Emperador Don H. Cortes, (Alcala de Henares, 1539,) fol. 24.
MS., Madrid, 27 de Oct., 1529. 32 Dofia Juana was of the house
31 " Q,ae, segun se dezia, excedia of Arellano, and of the royal lineage
en las hazafias a Alexandro Magno, of Navarre. Her father was not a
y en las riquezas it Crasso." (Lanuza, very wealthy noble. L. Marineo
Hist, de Aragon, lib. 3, cap. 14.) Siculo, Cosas Mem., fol. 24, 25.
The rents of the Marquess of the
chap, iv.] HONOURS CONFERRED ON HIM. 437
had been cut by the Aztecs into the shapes of flowers,
fishes, and into other fanciful forms, with an exquisite
style of workmanship which enhanced their original
value. 33 They were, not improbably, part of the treasure
of the unfortunate Montezuma, and, being easily port-
able, may have escaped the general wreck of the noche
triste. The Queen of Charles the Fifth, it is said, — it
may be the idle gossip of a court, — had intimated
a willingness to become proprietor of some of these
magnificent baubles ; and the preference which Cortes
gave to his fair bride caused some feelings of estrange-
ment in the royal bosom, which had an unfavourable
influence on the future fortunes of the marquess.
Late in the summer of 1529, Charles the Fifth left
his Spanish dominions for Italy. Cortes accompanied
him on his way, probably to the place of embarkation :
and in the capital of Aragon we find him, according to
the national historian, exciting the same general interest
and admiration among the people as he had done in
Castile. On his return, there seemed no occasion for
him to protract his stay longer in the country. He was
weary of the life of idle luxury which he had been lead-
ing for the last year, and which was so foreign to his
active habits and the stirring scenes to which he had
been accustomed. He determined, therefore, to return
to Mexico, where his extensive property required his
presence, and where a new field was now opened to him
for honourable enterprise.
33 One of these precious stones little bell, with a fine pearl for the
was as valuable as Shylock's tur- tongue, and on the rim was the in-
quoise. Some Genoese merchants in scription, in Spanish, Blessed is He
Seville offered Cortes, according to who created thee. The fifth, which
Gomara, 40,000 ducats for it. The was the most valuable, was a small
same author gives a more particular cup with a foot of gold, and with
account of the jewels, which may four little chains, of the same metal,
interest some readers. It shows the attached to a large pearl as a button,
ingenuity of the artist, who, without The edge of the cup was of gold,
steel, could so nicely cut so hard a on which was engraven this Latin
material. One emerald was in the sentence, Inter natos mulierum non
form of a rose ; the second in that surrexit major. Gomara, Cronica,
of a horn; a third, like a fish, with cap. 184.
eyes of gold ; the fourth was like a
438
BOOK VII.
CHAPTER V.
Cortes revisits Mexico. — Retires to his Estates. — His Voyages of Dis-
covery. — Einal Return to Castile. — Cold Reception. — Death of Cortes. —
His Character.
1530—1547.
Eaiily in the spring of 1530, Cortes embarked for
New Spain. He was accompanied by the marchioness,
his wife, together with his aged mother, (who had the
good fortune to live to see her son's elevation,) and by a
magnificent retinue of pages and attendants, such as
belonged to the household of a powerful noble. How
different from the forlorn condition in which, twenty-six
years before, he had been cast loose, as a wild adventurer,
to seek his bread upon the waters !
The first point of his destination was Hispaniola,
where he was to remain until he received tidings of the
organization of the new government that was to take
charge of Mexico. 1 In the preceding Chapter it was
stated, that the administration of the country had been
intrusted to a body called the Royal Audience ; one of
whose first duties it was to investigate the charges
brought against Cortes. Nunez dc Guzman, his avowed
enemy, was placed at the head of this board ; and the
investigation was conducted with all the rancour of per-
sonal hostility. A remarkable document still exists,
called the Pesquisa Secreta, or " Secret Inquiry," which
contains a record of the proceedings against Cortes. It
1 Carta dc Cortes al Einpcrador, MS., Tczcuco, 10 de Oct.. 15o0.
CORTES REVISITS MEXICO.
439
" ed by the secretary of the Audience, and
g'»he several members. The document is very
lacing nearly a hundred folio pages. The
he testimony of every witness are given, and
forms a mass of loathsome details such as
,er suit a prosecution in a petty municipal
"(.that of a great officer of the Crown.
irges are eight in number ; involving, among
' tes, that of a deliberate design to cast off his
t to the Crown ; that of the murder of two of
tie 'nssioners who had been sent out to supersede
s^-the murder of his own wife, Catalina Suarez ; 2
de-ion, and of licentious practices, — of offences, in
Allien, from their private nature, would seem to
ir > le to do with his conduct as a public man.
ra imony is vague and often contradictory ; the
jf;S are, for the most part, obscure individuals, and
coi>ersons of consideration among them appear to
W e .\ taken from the ranks of his decided enemies.
it l:,
for
w hi talina's death happened
the y for the rising fortunes
COr <at this charge of murder
•' ,oband has found more
ith the vulgar than the
accusations brought against
a. Cortes, from whatever reason,
perhaps from the conviction that the
charge was too monstrous to obtain
credit, never condescended to vindi-
cate his innocence. But, in addition
to the arguments mentioned in the
text for discrediting the accusation
generally, we should consider, that
this particular charge attracted so
little attention in Castile, where he
had abundance of enemies, that he
found no difficulty, on his return
there, seven years afterwards, in
forming an alliance with one of the
noblest houses in the kingdom ; that
no writer of that day, (except
Bemal Diaz, who treats it as a base
calumny,) not even Las Casas, the
stern accuser of the Conquerors,
intimates a suspicion of his guilt ;
and that, lastly, no allusion whatever
is made to it in the suit, instituted,
some years after her death, by the
relatives of Doha Catalina, for the
recovery of property from Cortes,
pretended to have been derived
through her marriage with him, — a
suit conducted with acrimony, and
protracted for several years. I have
not seen the documents connected
with the suit, which are still pre-
served in the archives of the house
of Cortes, but the fact has been com-
municated to me by a distinguished
Mexican, who has carefully examined
them ; and I cannot but regard it as
of itself conclusive, that the family,
at least, of Doha Catalina, did not
attach credit to the accusation.
Yet so much credit has been given
to this in Mexico, where the memory
of the old Spaniards is not held in
especial favour, at the present day,
that it has formed the subject of an
elaborate discussion in the public
periodicals of that city.
440 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
When it is considered, that the inquiry was conducted
in the absence of Cortes, before a court, the members of
which were personally unfriendly to him, and that he
was furnished with no specification of the charges, and
had no opportunity, consequently, of disproving them, it
is impossible, at this distance of time, to attach any
importance to this paper as a legal document. When it
is added, that no action was taken on it by the govern-
ment to whom it was sent, we may be disposed to
regard it simply as a monument of the malice of his
enemies. It has been drawn by the curious antiquary
from the obscurity to which it had been so long con-
signed in the Indian archives at Seville ; but it can be
of no further use to the historian than to show, that a
great name in the sixteenth century exposed its pos-
sessor to calumnies as malignant as it has done at any
time since. 3
The high-handed measures of the Audience and the
oppressive conduct of Guzman, especially towards the
Indians, excited general indignation in the colony, and
led to serious apprehensions of an insurrection. It be-
came necessary to supersede an administration so reck-
less and unprincipled. But Cortes was detained two
months at the island, by the slow movements of the Cas-
tilian court, before tidings reached him of the appoint-
ment of a new Audience for the government of the
country. The person selected to preside over it was the
3 This remarkable paper, forming del dicho Don Hernando ausente
part of the valuable collection of Don como csta. Los quales yo Gregorio
Vargas Ponce, is without date. It de Saldaila, escribano dc S. M. y
was doubtless prepared in 1529, escribano dc la dicha Residcncia,
during the visit of Cortes to Castile. saque dc la dicha pesquisa secreta
The following title is prefixed to it: por mandado de los Senorcs, Presi-
" Pesquisa secreta. dente y Oidorcs de la Audiencia y
"Rclacion de los cargos que re- Chancillcria Real que por mandado
sultan de la pesquisa secreta contra dc S. M. en esta IMueva Espafia re-
Don Hernando Cortes, de los quales side. Los quales dischos Scilores,
no se lc did copia ni traslado a la Prcsidcnte y Oidorcs, envian a S. M.
parte del dicho Don Hernando, asi para que los mande ver, y vistos
por ser los dichos cargos de la calidad mande provecr lo que a su servicio
que son, como por estar la persona convenga." MS.
chap, v.] RETIRES TO HIS ESTATES. 441
bishop of St. Domingo, a prelate whose acknowledged
wisdom and virtue gave favourable augury for the con-
duct of his administration. After this, Cortes resumed
his voyage, and landed at Villa Rica on the 15th of
July, 1530.
After remaining for a time in the neighbourhood,
where he received some petty annoyances from the Au-
dience, he proceeded to Tlascala, and publicly proclaimed
his powers as Captain-general of New Spain and the
South Sea. An edict, issued by the empress during her
husband's absence, had interdicted Cortes from ap-
proaching within ten leagues of the Mexican capital,
while the present authorities were there. 4 The empress
was afraid of a collision between the parties. Cortes,
however, took up his residence on the opposite side of
the lake, at Tezcuco.
No sooner was his arrival there known in the metro-
polis, than multitudes, both of Spaniards and natives,
crossed the lake to pay their respects to their old com-
mander, to offer him their services, and to complain of
their manifold grievances. It seemed as if the whole
population of the capital was pouring into the neighbour-
ing city, where the marquess maintained the state of an
independent potentate. The members of the Audience,
indignant at the mortifying contrast which their own
diminished court presented, imposed heavy penalties on
such of the natives as should be found in Tezcuco ; and,
affecting to consider themselves in danger, made pre-
parations for the defence of the city. But these belli-
gerent movements were terminated by the arrival of the
new Audience ; though Guzman had the address to
maintain his hold on a northern province, where he
earned a reputation for cruelty and extortion, unrivalled
even in the annals of the New World.
Everything seemed now to assure a tranquil residence
4 MS., Tordelaguna, 22 deMarzo, 1530.
442 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
to Cortes. The new magistrates treated him with
marked respect, and took his advice on the most impor-
tant measures of government. Unhappily this state of
things did not long continue ; and a misunderstanding-
arose between the parties, in respect to the enumeration
of the vassals assigned by the Crown to Cortes, which
the marquess thought was made on principles prejudicial
to his interests, and repugnant to the intentions of the
grant. 5 He was still further displeased by finding that
the Audience were intrusted, by their commission, with
a concurrent jurisdiction with himself in military affairs. 6
This led, occasionally, to an interference, which the proud
spirit of Cortes, so long accustomed to independent rule,
could ill brook. After submitting to it for a time, he
left the capital in disgust, no more to return there, and
took up his residence in his city of Cuernavaca.
It was the place won by his own sword from the
Aztecs, previous to the Siege of Mexico. It stood on
the southern slope of the Cordilleras, and overlooked a
wide expanse of country, the fairest and most flourishing-
portion of his own domain. He had erected a stately
palace on the spot, and henceforth made this city his
favourite residence. 7 It was well situated for superin-
tending his vast estates, and he now devoted himself to
bring them into proper cultivation. He introduced the
sugar-cane from Cuba, and it grew luxuriantly in the rich
5 The principal grievance alleged deron, " of the Tlahuica nation, and
was, that slaves, many of them held after the Conquest, Cortes built, here
temporarily by their masters, ac- a splendid palace, a church, and a
cording to the old Aztec usage, were convent for Franciscans, believing
comprehended in the census. The that he had laid the foundation of a
complaint forms part of a catalogue great city It is, however, a
of grievances embodied by Cortes in palace of little importance, though
a memorial to the emperor. It is a so favoured by nature ; and the Con-
clear and business-like paper. Carta qucror's palace is a half-ruined bar-
de Cortes ti Nunez, MS. rack, though a most picturesque ob-
fi Carta dc Cort6s a Nunez, MS. jeet, standing on a hill, behind which
7 The palace has crumbled info starts up the great white volcan.
ruins, and tin; spot is now only re- There arc some good houses, and
markable for its natural beauty and the remains of the Church which
its historic associations. " It was Cortes built, celebrated for its bold
the capital," says Madame dc Cal- arch." Life in Mexico, vol. ii. let.31.
chap, v.] HIS VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY. 443
soil of the neighbouring lowlands. lie imported large
numbers of merino sheep and other cattle, which found
abundant pastures in the country around Tehuantepec.
His lands were thickly sprinkled with groves of mulberry
trees, which furnished nourishment for the silk- worm.
He encouraged the cultivation of hemp and flax, and,
by his judicious and enterprising husbandry, showed
the capacity of the soil for the culture of valuable pro-
ducts before unknown in the land ; and he turned these
products to the best account, by the erection of sugar-
mills, and other works for the manufacture of the raw
material. He thus laid the foundation of an opulence
for his family, as substantial, if not as speedy, as that
derived from the mines. Yet this latter source of wealth
was not neglected by him ; and he drew gold from the
region of Tehuantepec, and silver from that of Zacatecas.
The amount derived from these mines was not so abun-
dant as at a later day. But the expense of working
them, on the other hand, was much less in the earlier
stages of the operation, when the metal lay so much
nearer the surface. 8
But this tranquil way of life did not long content his
restless and adventurous spirit ; and it sought a vent by
availing itself of his new charter of discovery to explore
the mysteries of the Great Southern Ocean. In 1527,
two years before his return to Spain, he had sent a little
squadron to the Moluccas. The expedition was attended
with some important consequences ; but, as they do not
relate to Cortes, an account of it finds a more suitable
place in the maritime annals of Spain, where it has been
given by the able hand which has done so much for the
country in this department. 9
8 These particulars, respecting defence of the territorial rights pos-
the agricultural economy of Cortes, sessed at this clay by the Conqueror's
I have derived, in part, from a very descendant, the duke of Monteleone.
able argument, prepared in January, 9 Navarrete, Coleccion de los
1828, for the Mexican Chamber of Viages y Descubrimientos, (Madrid,
Deputies, by Don Lucas Alaman, in 1S37,) torn, v., Viages al Maluco.
444 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
Cortes was preparing to send another squadron of
four vessels in the same direction, when his plans
were interrupted by his visit to Spain ; and his un-
finished little navy, owing to the malice of the Royal
Audience, who drew off the hands employed in build-
ing it, went to pieces on the stocks. Two other squa-
drons were now fitted out by Cortes, in the years 1532
and 1533, and sent on a voyage of discovery to the
North-west. 10 They were unfortunate, though, in the
latter expedition, the Californian peninsula was reached,
and a landing effected on its southern extremity at
Santa Cruz, probably the modern port of La Paz. One
of the vessels, thrown on the coast of New Galicia, was
seized by Guzman, the old enemy of Cortes, who ruled
over that territory, the crew were plundered, and the
ship was detained as a lawful prize. Cortes, indignant
at the outrage, demanded justice from the Royal Au-
dience ; and, as that body was too feeble to enforce
its own decrees in his favour, he took redress into his
own hands. 11
He made a rapid but difficult march on Chiametla,
the scene of Guzman's spoliation ; and as the latter did
not care to face his incensed antagonist, Cortes recovered
his vessel, though not the cargo. He was then joined
by the little squadron which he had fitted out from his
own port of Tehuantepec, — a port which, in the six-
teenth century, promised to hold the place since occupied
by that of Acapu]co. 12 The vessels were provided with
everything requisite for planting a colony in the newly
discovered region, and transported four hundred Spa-
niards and three hundred negro slaves, which Cortes had
assembled for that purpose. With this intention he
10 Instruccion que dio Marques 12 The river Huasacualco furnished
del Valle a. Juan de Avellaneda, &c., great faciliticsfortransporting, across
MS. the isthmus, from Vera Cruz, ma-
11 Provision sobre los Descubri- tcrials to build vessels on the Pacific,
mientos del Sur, MS., Setiembre, Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn, iv.,
1354. p. 50.
chap, v.] HIS VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY. 445
crossed the Gulf, the Adriatic — to which an old writer
compares it — of the Western World.
Onr limits will not allow us to go into the details of
this disastrous expedition, which was attended with no
important results either to its projector or to science.
It may suffice to say, that, in the prosecution of it,
Cortes and his followers were driven to the last extre-
mity by famine; that he again crossed the Gulf, was
tossed about by terrible tempests, without a pilot to
guide him, was thrown upon the rocks, where his shat-
tered vessel nearly went to pieces, and, after a succession
of dangers and disasters as formidable as any which
he had ever encountered on land, succeeded, by means
of his indomitable energy, in bringing his crazy bark
safe into the same port of Santa Cruz from which he
had started.
While these occurrences were passing, the new Royal
Audience, after a faithful discharge of its commission,
had been superseded by the arrival of a Viceroy, the
first ever sent to New Spain. Cortes, though invested
with similar powers, had the title only of Governor.
This was the commencement of the system afterwards
pursued by the Crown, of intrusting the colonial admi-
nistration to some individual, whose high rank and
personal 'consideration might make him the fitting repre-
sentative of majesty. The jealousy of the Court did not
allow the subject clothed with such ample authority to
remain long enough in the same station to form dan-
gerous schemes of ambition, but at the expiration of a
few years he was usually recalled, or transferred to some
other province of the vast colonial empire. The person
now sent to Mexico was Don Antonio de Mendoza, a
man of moderation and practical good sense, and one of
that illustrious family who in the preceding reign fur-
nished so many distinguished ornaments to the church,
to the camp, and to letters.
The long absence of Cortes had caused the deepest
446 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES, [book vii.
anxiety in the mind of his wife, the marchioness of the
Valley. She wrote to the viceroy immediately on his
arrival, beseeching him to ascertain, if possible, the fate
of her husband, and, if he could be found, to urge his
return. The viceroy, in consequence, despatched two
ships in search of Cortes, but whether they reached him
before his departure from Santa Cruz is doubtful. It is
certain, that he returned safe, after his long absence, to
Acapulco, and was soon followed by the survivors of his
wretched colony.
Undismayed by these repeated reverses, Cortes, still
bent on some discovery worthy of his reputation, fitted
out three more vessels, and placed them under the com-
mand of an officer named Ulloa. This expedition, which
took its departure in July, 1539, was attended with
more important results. Ulloa penetrated to the head
of the Gulf; then, returning and winding round the
coast of the peninsula, doubled its southern point, and
ascended as high as the twenty- eighth or twenty-ninth
degree of north latitude on its western borders. After
this, sending home one of the squadron, the bold navi-
gator held on his course to the north, but was never
more heard of. 13
Thus ended the maritime enterprises of Cortes ; suffi-
ciently disastrous in a pecuniary view, since they cost
him three hundred thousand castellanos of gold, without
the return of a ducat. 14 He was even obliged to borrow
money, and to pawn his wife's jewels, to procure funds
13 Instruction del Marques del mary of his expeditions in the Gulf
Valle, MS. has been given by Navarrete in the
The most particular and authentic Introduction to his Relation del
account of Ulloa's cruise will be Viage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y
found in llamusio. (Tom. iii., pp. Mcxicaua, (Madrid, 1802,) pp. vi —
340 — 354.) It is by one of the xxvi. ; and the English reader will
oflicers of the squadron. — My limits find a brief account of them in
will not allow me to give the details Grccnhow's valuable Memoir -on the
of the voyages made by Cortes, Northwest Coast of North America,
which, although not -without into- (Washington, 1840,) pp. 22 — 27.
rest, were attended with no perm a- M Memorial al licy del Marques
nent consequences. A good sum- del Valle, MS., 25 dc Junio, 1540.
chap, v.] HIS VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY. 447
for the last enterprise; 15 thus incurring a debt which,
increased by the great charges of his princely establish-
ment, hung about him during the remainder of his life.
But, though disastrous in an economical view, his gene-
rous efforts added important contributions to science.
In the course of these expeditions, and those undertaken
by Cortes previous to his visit to Spain, the Pacific had
been coasted from the Bay of Panama to the Rio Colo-
rado. The great peninsula of California had been cir-
cumnavigated as far as the isle of Cedros or Cerros, into
which the name has since been corrupted. This vast
tract, which had been supposed to be an archipelago of
islands, was now discovered to be a part of the conti-
nent ; and its general outline, as appears from the maps
of the time, was nearly as well understood as at the
present day. 16 Lastly, the navigator had explored the
recesses of the Californian Gulf, or Sea of Cortes, as, in
honour of the great discoverer, it is with more propriety
named by the Spaniards ; and he had ascertained, that,
instead of the outlet before supposed to exist towards
the north, this unknown ocean was locked up within the
arms of the mighty continent. These were results that
might have been made the glory and satisfied the ambi-
tion of a common man ; but they are lost in the brilliant
renown of the former achievements of Cortes.
Notwithstanding the embarrassments of the Marquess
of the Valley, he still made new efforts to enlarge the
limits of discovery, and prepared to fit out another
squadron of five vessels, which he proposed to place
under the command of a natural son, Don Luis. But
the viceroy Mendoza, whose imagination had been in-
flamed by the reports of an itinerant monk respecting
an M Dorado in the north, claimed the right of discovery
in that direction. Cortes protested against this, as an
15 Provision sobre los Descubri- pilot Diego del Castillo, in 1541, ap.
mientos del Sur, MS. Lorenzana, p. 328.
10 See the map prepared by the
448 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES, [book VII.
unwarrantable interference with his own powers. Other
subjects of collision arose between them ; till the mar-
quess, disgusted with this perpetual check on his autho-
rity and his enterprises, applied for redress to Castile.' 7
He finally determined to go there to support his claims
in person, and to obtain, if possible, remuneration for
the heavy charges he had incurred by his maritime expe-
ditions, as well as for the spoliation of his property by
the Royal Audience, during his absence from the country ;
and, lastly, to procure an assignment of his vassals on
principles more conformable to the original intentions of
the grant. With these objects in view, he bade adieu to
his family, and, taking with him his eldest son and heir,
Don Martin, then only eight years of age, he embarked
from Mexico in 1540, and, after a favourable voyage,
again set foot on the shores of his native land.
The emperor was absent from the country. But Cortes
was honourably received in the capital, where ample
accommodations were provided for him and his retinue.
When he attended the Royal Council of the Indies to
urge his suit, he was distinguished by uncommon marks
of respect. The president went to the door of the hall
to receive him, and a seat was provided for him among
the members of the council. 18 But all evaporated in this
barren show of courtesy. Justice, proverbially slow in
Spain, did not mend her gait for Cortes ; and at the
expiration of a year, he found himself no nearer the
attainment of his object than on the first week after his
arrival in the capital.
In the following year, 1541, we find the Marquess of
the Valley embarked as a volunteer in the memorable
expedition against Algiers. Charles the Fifth, on his
return to his dominions, laid siege to that stronghold of
17 In the collection of Vargas cion contra Don Antonio de Mcn-
Ponce is a petition of Cortes, setting doza Virrcy, pediendo residencia
forth his grievances, and demanding contra el, MS.
an investigation of the vice-king's ' 8 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
conduct. It is without date. Pcti- quista, cap. 200.
chap, v.] HIS COLD RECEPTION. 449
the Mediterranean corsairs, Cortes accompanied the
forces destined to meet the Emperor, and embarked on
board the vessel of the Admiral of Castile. But a
furious tempest scattered the navy, and the admiral's
ship was driven a wreck upon the coast. Cortes and
his son escaped by swimming ; but the former, in the
confusion of the scene, lost the inestimable set of jewels
noticed in the preceding chapter ; " a loss," says an old
writer, " that made the expedition fall more heavily on
the Marquess of the Valley than on any other man in
the kingdom, except the Emperor." 19
It is not necessary to recount the particulars of this
disastrous siege, in which Moslem valour, aided by the
elements, set at defiance the combined forces of the
Christians. A council of war was called, and it was
decided to abandon the enterprise and return to Castile.
This determination was indignantly received by Cortes,
who offered, with the support of the army, to reduce the
place himself ; and he only expressed the regret that he
had not a handful of those gallant veterans by his side
who had served him in the conquest of Mexico. But
his offers were derided as those of a romantic enthusiast.
He had not been invited to take part in the discussions
of the council of war. It was a marked indignity ; but
the courtiers, weary of the service, were too much bent
on an immediate return to Spain, to hazard the oppo-
sition of a man, who, when he had once planted his foot,
was never known to raise it again till he had accom-
plished his object. 20
On arriving in Castile, Cortes lost no time in laying
his suit before the emperor. His applications were
received by the monarch with civility, — a cold civility,
which carried no conviction of its sincerity. His position
was materially changed since his former visit to the
19 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 237. d'Hermilly,) Hist. d'Espagne, torn.
20 Sandoval, Hist, de Carlos V., ix., p. 231.
lib. 12, cap. 25. — Ferreras, (trad.
VOL. IT. G G
450 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vir.
country. More than ten years had elapsed, and he was
now too well advanced in years to give promise of ser-
viceable enterprise in future. Indeed, his undertakings
of late had been singularly unfortunate. Even his
former successes suffered the disparagement natural to
a man of declining fortunes. They were already eclipsed
by the magnificent achievements in Peru, which had
poured a golden tide into the country, that formed a
striking contrast to the streams of wealth that, as yet,
had flowed in but scantily from the silver mines of
Mexico. Cortes had to learn, that the gratitude of a
court has reference to the future much more than to the
past. He stood in the position of an importunate suitor,
whose claims, however just, are too large to be readily
allowed. He found, like Columbus, that it was possible
to deserve too greatly. 21
In the month of February, 1 544, he addressed a letter
to the emperor, — it was the last he ever wrote him, —
soliciting his attention to his suit. He begins, by proudly
alluding to his past services to the Crown. " He had
hoped, that the toils of youth w r ould have secured him
repose in his old age. For forty years he had passed his
life with little sleep, bad food, and with 1&$ arms con-
stantly by his side. He had freely exposed his person
to peril, and spent his substance in exploring distant and
unknown regions, that he might spread abroad the name
of his sovereign, and bring under his sceptre many great
and powerful nations. All this he had done, not only
without assistance from home, but in the face of obstacles
thrown in his way by rivals and by enemies who thirsted
like leeches for his blood. He was now old, infirm, and
21 Voltaire tells us, that one day had towns before." (Essai sur les
Cortes, unable to obtain an audience Mceurs, chap. 147-) For this most
of the emperor, pushed through the improbable anecdote I have found
press surrounding the royal carriage, no authority whatever. It served,
and mounted the steps ; and when however, very well to point a moral,
Charles inquired " "Who that man — the main thing with the philoso-
was," he replied, " One who has pher of Fcruey.
given you more kingdoms than you
chap, v.] DEATH OF CORTES. 451
embarrassed with debt. Better had it been for him not
to have known the liberal intentions of the emperor, as
intimated by his grants ; since he should then have
devoted himself to the care of his estates, and not have
been compelled, as he now was, to contend with the
officers of the Crown, against whom it was more difficult
to defend himself than to win the land from the enemy."
He concludes with beseeching his sovereign to " order
the Council of the Indies, with the other tribunals which
had cognizance of his suits, to come to a decision ; since
he was too old to wander about like a vagrant, but ought
rather, during the brief remainder of his life, to stay at
home and settle his account with Heaven, occupied with
the concerns of his soul, rather than with his substance." 22
This appeal to his sovereign, which has something in
it touching from a man of the haughty spirit of Cortes,
had not the effect to quicken the determination of his
suit. He still lingered at the court from week to week,
and from month to month, beguiled by the deceitful
hopes of the litigant, tasting all that bitterness of the
soul which arises from hope deferred. After three years
more, passed in this unprofitable and humiliating occu-
pation, he resolved to leave his ungrateful country, and
return to Mexico.
He had proceeded as far as Seville, accompanied by
his son, when he fell ill of an indigestion, caused, pro-
bably, by irritation and trouble of mind. This terminated
in dysentery, and his strength sank so rapidly under the
disease, that it was apparent his mortal career was draw-
ing towards its close. He prepared for it by making the
necessary arrangements for the settlement of his affairs.
He had made his will some time before ; and he now
executed it. It is a very long document, and in some
respects a remarkable one.
The bulk of his property was entailed to his son, Don
22 The letter, dated February 3, in the original, in Appendix, Part II.
15 44, Valladolid, may be found entire, No. 1 5 .
g g 2
452 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vir.
Martin, then fifteen years of age. In the testament he
fixes his majority at twenty-five ; but at twenty his guar-
dians were to allow him his full income, to maintain the
state becoming his rank. In a paper accompanying the
will, Cortes specified the names of the agents to whom
he had committed the management of his vast estates
scattered over many different provinces ; and he requests
his executors to confirm the nomination, as these agents
have been selected by him from a knowledge of their
peculiar qualifications. Nothing can better show the
thorough supervision which, in the midst of pressing-
public concerns, he had given to the details of his widely
extended property.
He makes a liberal provision for his other children,
and a generous allowance to several old domestics and
retainers in his household. By another clause he gives
away considerable sums in charity, and he applies the
revenues of his estates in the city of Mexico to establish
and permanently endow three public institutions, — a
hospital in the capital, which was to be dedicated to Our
Lady of the Conception, a college in Cojohuacan for the
education of missionaries to preach the gospel among the
natives, and a convent, in the same place, for nuns. To
the chapel of this convent, situated in his favourite town,
he orders that his own body shall be transported for
burial, in whatever quarter of the world he may happen
to die.
After declaring that he has taken all possible care to
ascertain the amount of the tributes formerly paid by his
Indian vassals to their native sovereigns, he enjoins on
his heir, that, in case those which they have hitherto paid
shall be found to exceed the right valuation, he shall
restore them a full equivalent. In another clause, he
expresses a doubt whether it is right to exact personal
service from the natives ; and commands that a strict
inquiry shall be made into the nature and value of such
services as he had received, and that, in all cases, a fair
chap, v.] DEATH OF CORTES. 453
compensation shall be allowed for them. Lastly, he
makes this remarkable declaration : "It has long been a
question, whether one can conscientiously hold property
in Indian slaves. Since this point has not yet been
determined, I enjoin it on my son Martin and his heirs,
that they spare no pains to come to an exact knowledge
of the truth ; as a matter which deeply concerns the con-
science of each of them, no less than mine." 23
Such scruples of conscience, not to have been expected
in Cortes, were still less likely to be met with in the
Spaniards of a later generation. The state of opinion in
respect to the great question of slavery, in the sixteenth
century, at the commencement of the system, bears some
resemblance to that which exists in our time, when we
may hope it is approaching its conclusion. Las Casas
and the Dominicans of the former age, the abolitionists
of their day, thundered out their uncompromising invec-
tives against the system, on the broad ground of natural
equity and the rights of man. The great mass of pro-
prietors troubled their heads little about the question of
right, but were satisfied with the expediency of the insti-
tution. Others, more considerate and conscientious,
while they admitted the evil, found an argument for its
toleration in the plea of necessity, regarding the constitu-
tion of the white man as unequal, in a sultry climate, to
the labour of cultivating the soil. 24 In one important
respect, the condition of slavery, in the sixteenth century,
differed materially from its condition in the nineteenth.
23 " Item. Porque acerca de los tengo, e encargo. Y mando a D. Mar-
esclavos naturales de la dicha Nueva tin mi hijo subcesor, y a los que des-
Espaha, asi de guerra como de rescate, pues del subcedieren en mi Estado,
ha habido y hay muchas dudas y que para averiguar esto hagan todas
opnriones sobre si se han podido tener las diligencias que combengan al des-
con buena conciencia 6 no, y hasta cargo de mi conciencia y suyas."
ahora no esta determinado : Mando Testamento de Hernan, Cortes, MS.
que todo aquello que generalmente 2i This is the argument contro-
se averiguare, que en este caso se verted by Las Casas in his elaborate
debe hacer para descargo de las con- Memorial addressed to the govern-
ciencias en lo que toca a estos escla- ment, in 1542, on the best method
vos de la dicha Nueva Espana, que of arresting the destruction of the
se hayay cumpla en todos los que yo aborigines.
454 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
In the former, the seeds of the evil, but lately sown,
might have been, with comparatively little difficulty, eradi-
cated. But in our time they have struck their roots deep
into the social system, and cannot be rudely handled
without shaking the very foundations of the political
fabric. It is easy to conceive, that a man, who admits
all the wretchedness of the institution and its wrong to
humanity, may nevertheless hesitate to adopt a remedy,
until he is satisfied that the remedy itself is not worse
than the disease. That such a remedy will come with
time, who can doubt, that has confidence in the ultimate
prevalence of the right, and the progressive civilization
of his species ?
Cortes names, as his executors, and as guardians of
his children, the duke of Medina Sidonia, the marquess
of Astorga, and the count of Aguilar. For his executors
in Mexico, he appoints his wife, the marchioness, the
archbishop of Toledo, and two other prelates. The will
was executed at Seville, October 11th, 1547. 25
Finding himself much incommoded, as he grew weaker,
by the presence of visitors, to which he was necessarily
exposed at Seville, he withdrew to the neighbouring
village of Castilleja de la Cuesta, attended by his son,
who watched over his dying parent with filial solicitude.
Cortes seems to have contemplated his approaching end
with the composure not always to be found in those who
have faced death with indifference on the field of battle.
At length, having devoutly confessed his sins and received
the sacrament, he expired on the 2nd of December, 1547,
in the sixty-third year of his age. 28
25 This interesting document is in to be exact to a year. Gomara's
the Royal Archives of Seville ; and statement, that he was born in the
p, copy of it forms part of the valu- year 1485, (Crdnica, cap. 1) is con-
able collection of Don Vargas Ponce. firmed by Diaz, who tells us, that
26 Zufiiga, Annales de Scvilla, p. Cortes used to say, that, when he
504. — Gomara, Cron., cap. 237. first came over to Mexico, in 1519,
In his last letter to the emperor, he was thirty-four years old. (Hist,
dated in February, 1 54 1, he speaks de la Conquista, cap. 205.) This
of himself as being " sixty years of would coincide with the age men-
age." But he probably did not mean tioncd in the text.
chap, v.] DEATH OF CORTES. 455
The inhabitants of the neighbouring country were
desirous to show every mark of respect to the memory
of Cortes. His funeral obsequies were celebrated with
due solemnity by a long train of Andalusian nobles and
of the citizens of Seville, and his body was transported
to the chapel of the monastery, San Isidro, in that city,
where it was laid in the family vault of the duke of Me-
dina Sidonia, 27 In the year 1562, it was removed, by
order of his son, Don Martin, to New Spain, not, as di-
rected by his will, to Cojohuacan, but to the monastery
of St. Francis, in Tezcuco, where it was laid by the side of
a daughter, and of his mother, Dona Catalina Pizarro. In
1629, the remains of Cortes were again removed ; and on
the death of Don Pedro, fourth marquess of the Valley, it
was decided by the authorities of Mexico, to transfer them
to the church of St. Prancis, in that capital. The cere-
monial was conducted with the pomp suited to the occa-
sion. A military and religious procession was formed, with
the archbishop of Mexico at its head. He was accom-
panied by the great dignitaries of church and state, the
various associations with their respective banners, the
several religious fraternities, and the members of the Au-
dience. The coffin, containing the relics of Cortes, was
covered with black velvet, and supported by the judges of
the Royal tribunals. On either side of it was a man in
complete armour, bearing, on the right, a standard of pure
white, with the arms of Castile embroidered in gold, and,
on the left, a banner of black velvet, emblazoned in like
manner with the armorial ensigns of the house of Cortes.
Behind the corpse came the viceroy and a numerous
escort of Spanish cavaliers, aud the rear was closed by a
battalion of infantry, armed with pikes and arquebuses,
and with their banners trailing on the ground. With
this funeral pomp, by the sound of mournful music, and
the slow beat of the muffled drum, the procession moved
forward, with measured pace, till it reached the capital,
27 Noticia del Archivero de la Santa Eclesia de Sevilla, MS.
456 SUBSEQUENT CAREER OF CORTES. [book vii.
when the gates were thrown open to receive the mortal
remains of the hero, who, a century before, had per-
formed there such prodigies of valour.
Yet his bones were not permitted to rest here undis-
turbed; and in 1794 they were removed to the Hospital
of Jesus of Nazareth. It was a more fitting place, since
it was the same institution which, under the name of
" Our Lady of the Conception," had been founded and
endowed by Cortes, and which, with a fate not too
frequent in similar charities, has been administered to
this day on the noble principles of its foundation. The
mouldering relics of the warrior, now deposited in a
crystal coffin secured by bars and plates of silver, were
laid in the chapel, and over them was raised a simple
monument, displaying the arms of the family, and sur-
mounted by a bust of the Conqueror, executed in bronze
by Tolsa, a sculptor worthy of the best period of the
arts. 28
Unfortunately for Mexico, the tale does not stop here.
In 1823, the patriot mob of the capital, in their zeal
to commemorate the era of the national independence,
and their detestation of the " old Spaniards," prepared
to break open the tomb which held the ashes of Cortes,
and to scatter them to the winds ! The authorities
declined to interfere on the occasion ; but the friends of
the family, as is commonly reported, entered the vault by
night, and secretly removing the relics, prevented the
commission of a sacrilege, which must have left a stain,
not easy to be effaced, on the scutcheon of the fair city
of Mexico. — Humboldt, forty years ago, remarked, that
" we may traverse Spanish America from Buenos Ayres
to Monterey, and in no quarter s 
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