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HISTORY
OF THE
CONQUEST OF MEXICO.
VOL. I.
LOUDON :
B. CLAY, PRINTER, HR.EAD STR.EET HILL.
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HISTOKY
,Pn
OF THE
Y,)
CONQUEST OF MEXICO,
WITH A PRELIMINARY VIEW OP
THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CIVILIZATION,
AND THE
LIPE OP THE CONQJJEROR,
HERNANDO CORTES.
By WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT,
AUTHOR OF " THE HISTORY OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA,"
" THE CONQUEST OF PERU," ETC.
1 Victrices aquilas alium laturus in orbem."
Lucan, Pharsalia, lib. v. v. 23
POURTH EDITION.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOLUME I.
LONDON:
Hufjartr 2Sentlei), ^ublisficr in ©rtoinarg to ffizx Jttafestp.
M.DCCC.XLIX.
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2012 with funding from
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
http://archive.org/details/historyofconques1presc
PREFACE.
As the Conquest of Mexico has occupied the pens of
Solis and of Robertson, two of the ablest historians of
their respective nations, it might seem that little could
remain at the present day to be gleaned by the historical
inquirer. But Robertson's narrative is necessarily brief,
forming only part of a more extended work ; and nei-
ther the British, nor the Castilian author, was provided
with the important materials for relating this event,
which have been since assembled by the industry of
Spanish scholars. The scholar who led the way in these
researches was Don Juan Baptista Munoz, the celebrated
historiographer of the Indies, who, by a royal edict, was
allowed free access to the national archives, and to all
libraries, public, private, and monastic in the kingdom
and its colonies. The result of his long labours was a
vast body of materials, of which unhappily he did not
live to reap the benefit himself. His manuscripts were
deposited, after his death, in the archives of the Royal
Academy of History at Madrid ; and that collection was
subsequently augmented by the manuscripts of Don
Vargas Ponce, President of the Academy, obtained, like
those of Munoz, from different quarters, but especially
from the Archives of the Indies at Seville.
VI PREFACE.
On my application to the Academy, in 1838, for
permission to copy that part of this inestimable collec-
tion relating to Mexico and Peru, it was freely acceded
to, and an eminent German scholar, one of their own
number, was appointed to superintend the collation and
transcription of the manuscripts ; and this, it may be
added, before I had any claim on the courtesy of that
respectable body, as one of its associates. This conduct
shows the advance of a liberal spirit in the Peninsula
since the time of Dr. Robertson, who complains that he
was denied admission to the most important public
repositories. The favour with which my own applica-
tion was regarded, however, must chiefly be attributed
to the kind offices of the venerable President of the
Academy, Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete ; a
scholar whose personal character has secured to him the
same high consideration at home, which his literary
labours have obtained abroad. To this eminent person
I am under still further obligations, for the free use
which he has allowed me to make of his own manu-
scripts,— the fruits of a life of accumulation, and the
basis of those valuable publications with which he has at
different times illustrated Spanish colonial history.
Prom these three magnificent collections, the result of
half a century's careful researches, I have obtained a
mass of unpublished documents, relating to the Con-
quest and Settlement of Mexico and of Peru, comprising
altogether about eight thousand folio pages. They
consist of instructions of the Court, military and private
journals, correspondence of the great actors in the scenes,
legal instruments, contemporary chronicles, and the like,
drawn from all the principal places in the extensive
PREFACE. vil
colonial empire of Spain, as well as from the public
archives in the Peninsula.
I have still further fortified the collection, by gleaning
such materials from Mexico itself as had been over-
looked by my illustrious predecessors in these researches.
For these I am indebted to the courtesy of Count
Cortina, and, yet more, to that of Don Lucas Alaman,
Minister of Foreign Affairs in Mexico ; but, above all,
to my excellent friend Don Angel Calderon de la Barca,
late Minister Plenipotentiary to that country from the
Court of Madrid, — a gentleman whose high and esti-
mable qualities, even more than his station, secured
him the public confidence, and gained him free ac-
cess to^ every place of interest and importance in
Mexico.
I have also to acknowledge the very kind offices
rendered to me by the Count Camaldoli at Naples ; by
the Duke of Serradifalco in Sicily, a nobleman whose
science gives additional lustre to his rank ; and by the
Duke of Monteleone, the present representative of
Cortes, who has courteously opened the archives of his
family to my inspection. To these names must also be
added that of Sir Thomas Phillips, Bart., whose precious
collection of manuscripts probably surpasses in extent
that of any private gentleman in Great Britain, if not
in Europe ; that of Mons. Ternaux-Compans, the pro-
prietor of the valuable literary collection of Don Antonio
Uguina, including the papers of Munoz, the fruits of
which he is giving to the world in his excellent trans-
lations ; and, lastly, that of my friend and countryman,
Arthur Micldleton, Esq., late Charge d'AfTaires from the
United States at the. Court of Madrid, for the efficient
Vlll PREFACE.
aid he has afforded me in prosecuting my inquiries in
that capital.
In addition to this stock of original documents ob-
tained through these various sources, I have diligently
provided myself with such printed works as have refer-
ence to the subject, including the magnificent publica-
tions which have appeared both in Prance and England
on the Antiquities of Mexico, which, from their cost and
colossal dimensions, would seem better suited to a public
than to a private library.
Having thus stated the nature of my materials, and
the sources whence they are derived, it remains for me
to add a few observations on the general plan and com-
position of the work. — Among the remarkable achieve-
ments of the Spaniards in the sixteenth century, there is
no one more striking to the imagination than the con-
quest of Mexico. The subversion of a great empire by
a handful of adventurers, taken with all its strange and
7 o
picturesque accompaniments, has the air of romance
rather than of sober history ; and it is not easy to treat
such a theme according to the severe rules prescribed by
historical criticism. But, notwithstanding the seduc-
tions of the subject, I have conscientiously endeavoured
to distinguish fact from fiction, and to establish the
narrative on as broad a basis as possible of contempo-
rary evidence ; and I have taken occasion to corroborate
the text by ample citations from authorities, usually in
the original, since few of them can be very accessible to
the reader. In these extracts I have scrupulously con-
formed to the ancient orthography, however obsolete and
even barbarous, rather than impair in any degree the
integrity of the original document.
PREFACE. ix
Although the subject of the work is, properly, only
the Conquest of Mexico, I have prepared the way for
it by such a view of the civilization of the ancient
Mexicans, as might acquaint the reader with the cha-
racter of this extraordinary race, and enable him to
understand the difficulties which the Spaniards had to
encounter in their subjugation. This introductory part
of the work, with the essay in the Appendix, which
properly belongs to the Introduction, although both
together making only half a volume, has cost me as
much labour, and nearly as much time, as the remainder
of the history. If I shall have succeeded in giving the
reader a just idea of the true nature and extent of the
civilization to which the Mexicans had attained, it will
not be labour lost.
The story of the Conquest terminates with the fall of
the capital. Yet I have preferred to continue the narra-
tive to the death of Cortes, relying on the interest which
the development of his character in his military career
may have excited in the reader. I am not insensible to
the hazard I incur by such a course. The mind pre-
viously occupied with one great idea, that of the subver-
sion of the capital, may feel the prolongation of the story
beyond that point superfluous, if not tedious ; and may
find it difficult, after the excitement caused by witnessing
a great national catastrophe, to take an interest in the
adventures of a private individual. Solis took the more
politic course, of concluding his narrative with the fall of
Mexico, and thus leaves his readers with the full impres-
sion of that memorable event undisturbed on their minds.
To prolong the narrative is to expose the historian to the
error so much censured by the French critics in some of
X PREFACE.
their most celebrated dramas, where the author by a pre-
mature denouement has impaired the interest of his piece.
It is the defect that necessarily attaches, though in a
greater degree, to the history of Columbus, in which
petty adventures among a group of islands make up the
sequel of a life that opened with the magnificent disco-
very of a World ; a defect, in short, which it has required
all the genius of Irving, and the magical charm of his
style, perfectly to overcome.
Notwithstanding these objections, I have been induced
to continue the narrative partly from deference to the
opinion of several Spanish scholars, who considered that
the biography of Cortes had not been fully exhibited,
and partly from the circumstance of my having such
a body of original materials for this biography at my
command. And I cannot regret that I have adopted
this course ; since, whatever lustre the Conquest may
reflect on Cortes as a military achievement, it gives but
an imperfect idea of his enlightened spirit, and of his
comprehensive and versatile genius.
To the eye of the critic there may seem some incon-
gruity in a plan which combines objects so dissimilar as
those embraced by the present history ; where the Intro-
duction, occupied with the antiquities and origin of
a nation, has somewhat the character of a philosophic
theme, while the conclusion is strictly biographical, and
the two may be supposed to match indifferently with the
main body, or historical portion of the work. But I may
hope that such objections will be found to have less
weight in practice than in theory ; and, if properly
managed, that the general views of the Introduction will
prepare the reader for the particulars of the Conquest,
PREFACE. XI
and that the great public events narrated in this will,
without violence, open the way to the remaining personal
history of the hero who is the soul of it. Whatever
incongruity may exist in other respects, I may hope that
the unity of interest, the only unity held of much impor-
tance by modern critics, will be found still to be
preserved.
The distance of the present age from the period of the
narrative might be presumed to secure the historian from
undue prejudice or partiality. Yet to the American and
the English reader, acknowledging so different a moral
standard from that of the sixteenth century, I may
possibly be thought too indulgent to the errors of the
Conquerors ; while to a. Spaniard, accustomed to the
undiluted panegyric of Solis, I may be deemed to have
dealt too hardly with them. To such I can only say,
that, while, on the one hand, I have not hesitated to
expose in their strongest colours the excesses of the
Conquerors ; on the other, I have given them the benefit
of such mitigating reflections as might be suggested by
the circumstances and the period in which they lived.
I have endeavoured not only to present a picture true in
itself, but to place it in its proper light, and to put the
spectator in a proper point of view for seeing it to the
best advantage. I have endeavoured, at the expense of
some repetition, to surround him with the spirit of the
times, and, in a word, to make him, if I may so express
myself, a contemporary of the sixteenth century. Whe-
ther, and how far, I have succeeded in this, he must
determine.
For one thing, before I conclude, I may reasonably
ask the reader's indulgence. Owing to the state of my
Xll PREFACE.
eyes, I have been obliged to use a writing-case made for
the blind, which does not permit the writer to see his
own manuscript. Nor have I ever corrected, or even
read, my own original draft. As the chirography, under
these disadvantages, has been too often careless and
obscure, occasional errors, even with the utmost care of
my secretary, must have necessarily occurred in the
transcription, somewhat increased by the barbarous
phraseology imported from my Mexican authorities. I
cannot expect that these errors have always been detected
even by the vigilant eye of the perspicacious critic to
whom the proof-sheets have been subjected.
In the Preface to "The History of Ferdinand and
Isabella," I lamented, that, while occupied with that
subject, two of its most attractive parts had engaged the
attention of the most popular of American authors,
Washington Irving. By a singular chance, something
like the reverse of this has taken place in the compo-
sition of the present history, and I have found myself
unconsciously taking up ground which he was preparing
to occupy. It was not till I had become master of my
rich collection of materials, that I was acquainted with
this circumstance ; and had he persevered in his design,
I should unhesitatingly have abandoned my own, if not
from courtesy, at least from policy ; for, though armed
with the weapons of Achilles, this could give me no hope
of success in a competition with Achilles himself. But
no sooner was that distinguished writer informed of the
preparations I had made, than, with the gentlemanly
spirit which will surprise no one who has the pleasure
of his acquaintance, he instantly announced to me his
intention of leaving the subject open to me. While I do
PREFACE. Xlll
but justice to Mr. Irving by this statement, I feel the
prejudice it does to myself in the unavailing regret I am
exciting in the bosom of the reader.
I must not conclude this Preface, too long protracted
as it is already, without a word of acknowledgement to
my friend George Ticknor, Esq., — the friend of many
years, — for his patient revision of my manuscript ; a
labour of love, the worth of which those only can esti-
mate who are acquainted with his extraordinary erudition
and his nice critical taste. If I have reserved his name
for the last in the list of those to whose good offices I am
indebted, it is most assuredly not because I value his
services least.
WILLIAM H. PKESCOTT.
Boston, October 1. 1843.
CONTENTS
THE FIRST VOLUME.
BOOK I.
INTRODUCTION.— VIEW OF THE AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
CHAPTER I.
ANCIENT MEXICO. CLIMATE AND PRODUCTS. PRIMITIVE
RACES. — AZTEC EMJPIRE, p. 3.
PAGE
4
5
6
7
Extent of the Aztec Territory .
The Hot Region ....'.
Volcanic Scenery
Cordillera of the Andes . . .
Table-land in the Days of the
Aztecs 8
Valley of Mexico 8
TheToltecs. ...... 9
Their mysterious Disappearance ] 1
Races from the North-west .
Their Hostilities ....
Foundation of Mexico
Domestic Eeuds ....
League of the kindred Tribes
Rapid Rise of Mexico . .
Prosperity of the Empire
Criticism on Veytia's History
PACE
11
12
13
13
14
16
16
17
CHAPTER II.
SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN. — AZTEC NOBILITY. — JUDICIAL SYS-
TEM. LAWS AND REArENUES. MILITARY INSTITUTIONS, p. 19.
Election of the Sovereign . . 19
His Coronation 20
Aztec Nobles 20
Their barbaric Pomp .... 20
Tenure of their Estates ... 21
Legislative Power ..... 23
Judicial System 24
Independent Judges .... 25
Their Mode of Procedure . . 26
Showy Tribunal 27
Hieroglyphical Paintings . . 27
Marriage Rites 29
Slavery in Mexico 29
Roval Revenues 30
Burdensome Imposts .... 31
Public Couriers 33
Military Enthusiasm .... 31
Aztec Ambassadors .... 34
Orders of Knighthood ... 35
Gorgeous Armour 35
National Standards .... 36
Military Code 37
Hospitals for the Wounded . . 37
Influence of Conrpiest on a
Nation 39
Criticism on Torquemada's
History 40
Abbe Clavigero 41
XVI
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY. — THE SARCERDOTAL ORDER.-
TEMPLES. HUMAN SACRIFICES, p. 42.
Revenue of the Priests
Mexican Temples . .
Religions Festivals .
Human Sacrifices . .
The Captive's Doom .
Ceremonies of Sacrifice
Torturing of the Victim
Sacrifice of Infants
Cannibal Bancpuets
Number of Victims .
Houses of Skulls . .
Cannibalism of the Aztecs
Criticism on Sahaguu's History
Systems of Mythology
42
Mythology of the Aztecs
43
Ideas of a God ....
44
Sanguinary War-god
45
God of the Air . .
46
Mystic Legends .
47
Division of Time .
47
Future State . .
43
Puneral Ceremonies
49
Baptismal Rites .
50
Monastic Orders .
51
Pasts and Flagellation
52
Aztec Confessional
52
Education of the You
,h
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
59
60
60
61
62
65
66
CHAPTER IV.
MEXICAN HIEROGLYPHICS. MANUSCRIPTS. ARITHMETIC.
CHRONOLOGY. ASTRONOMY, p. 69.
Dawning of Science .... 69
Picture -writing * 70
Aztec Hieroglyphics .... 71
Manuscripts of the Mexicans . 72
Emblematic Symbols .... 73
Phonetic Signs 73
Materials of the Aztec Manu-
scripts 76
Form of their Volumes . . . 77
Destruction of most of them . 77
Remaining Manuscripts ... 78
Difficulty of deciphering them . 81
Minstrelsy of the Aztecs . . 82
Theatrical Entertainments . . 83
System of Notation .
. . 83
Their Chronology . .
. . 87
. . 87
Calendar of the Priests
. . S9
Science of Astrology .
. . 91
Astrology of the Aztecs
. . 92
Aztec Astronomy . .
. . 93
Wonderful Attainments
n this
. . 94
Remarkable Festival .
. . 95
Carnival of the Aztecs
. . 97
Lord Kingsborough's W
3rk . 97
. . 98
CHAPTER V.
AZTEC AGRICULTURE. MECHANICAL ARTS. MERCHANTS .-
DOMESTIC MANNERS, p. 100.
Mechanical Genius .... 100
Agriculture 101
Mexican Husbandry .... 102
Vegetable Products .... 103
Mineral Treasures 105
Skill of the Aztec Jewellers . 107
Sculpture 108
Huge Calendar-stone .... 108
Azfcc Dyes 109
Beautiful Feather-work . . . 110
Fairs of Mexico Ill
National Currency .... Ill
Trades 112
Aztec Merchants 112
Militant Traders 113
Domestic Life 114
Kindness to Children .... 115
Polygamy 115
Condition of the Sex .... 116
Social Entertainments . . . 116
Use of Tobacco 117
Culinary Art 118
Agreeable Drinks 118
Dancing 119
Intoxication ... . . 119
Criticism on Boturini's Work . ]21
CONTENTS.
XV 11
CHAPTER VI.
TEZCUCANS. THEIR GOLDEN AGE. ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. -
DECLINE OF THEIR MONARCHY, p. 123.
The Acollmaus or Tezcucans
Prince Nezahualcoyotl . .
His Persecution ....
His hair-breadth Escapes
His wandering Life . . .
Fidelity of his Subjects . .
Triumphs over his Enemies .
Remarkable League . . .
General Amnesty ....
The Tezcucan Code . . .
Departments of Government
Council of Music ....
Its Censorial Office . . .
Literary Taste . ... . .
Tezcucan Bards ....
Resources of N ezahualcoyotl
His magnificent Palace . .
His Gardens and Villas .
Address of the Priest . .
His Baths
Luxurious Residence . . .
123
124
124
125
126
127
128
128
129
129
130
130
130
131
132
135
136
136
138
140
141
Existing Remains of it . .
Royal Amours . ■ . . . .
Marriage of the King . .
Forest Laws
Strolling Adventures . . .
Munificence of the Monarch
His Religion
Temple to the Unknown God
Philosophic Retirement . .
His plaintive Verses . . .
Last Hours of Nezahualcoyotl
His Character
Succeeded bv Nezahualpilli .
The Lady of Tula ....
Executes his Son . - . . .
Effeminacy of the King . .
His consequent Misfortunes
Death of Nezahualpilli . .
Tezcucan Civilization . . .
Criticism on Txtlilxochitl's
Writings
PAGE
111
142
144
145
145
146
147
148
149
149
151
152
153
154
154
155
155
156
157
BOOK II.
DISCOVERY OP MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V. PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY. — COLONIAL
POLICY. CONQUEST OF CUBA. EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN,
p. 163.
Condition of Spain . . .
Increase of Empire . . .
Cardinal Ximenes ....
Arrival of Charles the Fifth
Swarm of Flemings . . .
Opposition of the Cortes .
Colonial Administration . .
Spirit of Chivalry ....
Progress of Discovery . .
Advancement of Colonization
System of Repartimientos .
Colonial Policy
Discovery of Cuba . . .
VOL. I.
163
163
164
164
165
165
166
167
168
168
168
170
170
Its Conquest by Velasquez . . .
Cordova's Expedition to Yuca-
tan
His Reception by the Natives .
Grijalva's Expedition .
Civilization in Yucatan
Traffic with the Indians
His Return to Cuba .
His cool Reception .
Ambitious Schemes of the Go-
170
172
172
174
174
175
175
175
176
Preparations for an Expedition 177
XV1I1
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER II.
HERNANDO CORTES. — HIS EARLY LIFE. VISITS THE NEW WORLD.
HIS RESIDENCE IN CUBA. — DIFFICULTIES WITH VELASQUEZ.
— ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES, p. 178.
PAGE
Hernando Cortes 178
His Education 179
Choice of a Profession . . . 179
Departure for America . . .180
Arrival at Hispaniola .... 181
His mode of Life 182
Enlists under Velasquez . . .182
Habits of Gallantry . . . .183
Disaffected towards Velasquez 184
Cortez in Confinement . . .184
PAGE
Elies into a Sanctuary . . .185
Again put in Irons . . . .186
His perilous Escape . . . .186
His Marriage 186
Reconciled with the Governor . 1 87
lletires to his Plantation . . 188
Armada intrusted to Cortes . 189
Preparations for the Voyage . 190
Instructions to Cortes . . .193
CHAPTER III.
JEALOUSY OF VELASQUEZ.— CORTES EMBARKS. — EQUIPMENT OF
HIS FLEET. HIS PERSON AND CHARACTER. RENDEZVOUS AT
HAVANA. STRENGTH OF HIS ARMAMENT, p. 194.
Jealousy of Velasquez . . . 1 94
Intrigues against Cortes . . .195
His clandestine Embarkation . 196
Arrives at Macaca 196
Accession of Volunteers . .197
Stores and Ammunition . . .198
Orders from Velasquez to arrest
Cortes 198
Heraiscsthe Standard at Havana 199
Person of Cortes 200
His Character 200
Strength of the Armament . . 202
Stirring Address to his Troops 203
Eleet weighs Anchor .... 204
Remarks on Estrella's Manu-
script . . 204
CHAPTER IV.
VOYAGE TO COZUMEL. CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES. JERO-
NIMO DE AGUILAR. ARMY ARRIVES AT TABASCO. GREAT
BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. CHRISTIANITT INTRODUCED, p. 205.
216
217
217
218
219
220
220
221
221
Disastrous Voyage to Cozumel 205
Humane Policy of Cortes . . 206
Cross found in the Island . . 207
Religious Zeal of the Spaniards 208
Attempts at Conversion . . . 209
Overthrow of the Idols . . . 209
Jeronimo de Aguilar . . . .211
His Adventures 211
Employed as an Interpreter . 212
Eleet arrives at Tabasco . . .213
Hostile Reception 213
Eierce Defiance of the Natives 213
Desperate Conflict . . . .215
Effect of the Eire-arms . . .215
Cortes takes Tabasco . . .
Ambush of the Indians . .
The Country in Arms . .
Preparations for Battle .
March on the Enemy . . .
Joins Battle with the Indians
Doubtful Struggle. . .
Terror at the War-horse . .
Victory of the Spaniards .
Number of slain 222
Treaty with the Natives . .223
Conversion of the Heathen . . 223
Catholic Communion . . . . 224
Spaniards embark for Mexico . 225
CONTENTS.
XIX
CHAPTER V.
VOYAGE ALONG THE COAST. DONA MARINA.— SPANIARDS LAND
IN MEXICO. INTERVIEW WITH THE AZTECS, p. 226.
Voyage along the Coast . . . 226
Natives come on Board . . . 227
Doiia Marina 228
Her History 228
Her Beauty and Character . . 229
First Tidings of Montezuma . 230
PAGE
Spaniards land in Mexico . . 230
First Interview with the Aztecs 232
Their magnificent Presents . . 233
Cupidity of the Spaniards . . 234
Cortes displays his Cavalry . . 234
Aztec Paintings 235
CHAPTER VI.
ACCOUNT OF MONTEZUMA. — STATE OF HIS EMPIRE. —STRANGE
PROGNOSTICS.— EMBASSY AND PRESENTS. SPANISH ENCAMP-
MENT, p. 2.36.
Embassy and Presents to the
Spaniards ....... 244
Life in the Spanish Camp . . 245
Rich Present from Montezuma 240
Large gold Wheels .... 247
Message from Montezuma . . 248
Effects of the Treasure on the
Spaniards 249
Return of the Aztec Envoys . 250
Prohibition of Montezuma . .250
Preaching of Father Olmcdo . 251
Desertion of the Natives . .251
Montezuma then npon
the
Throne .....
. 236
Inaugural Address . .
. 237
The Wars of Montezuma
. 238
. 238
Oppression of his Subjects
. 239
Foes of his Empire . .
. 240
Superstition of Montezuma
. 241
Mysterious Prophecy . .
. 241
Portentous Omens . .
. 242
Dismay of the Emperor .
. 242
CHAPTER VII.
TROUBLES IN THE CAMP. PLAN OF A COLONY. — MANAGEMENT
OF CORTES. — MARCH TO CEMPOALLA. PROCEEDINGS WITH
THE NATIVES. FOUNDATION OF VERA CRUZ, p. 253.
Discontent of the Soldiery . .253
Envoys from the Totonacs . . 254
Dissensions in the Aztec Empire 254
Proceedings in the Camp . .255
Cortes prepares to return to
Cuba 256
Army remonstrate 257
Cortes yields 257
Foundation of Villa Iiica . .258
Resignation and Reappointment
of Cortes 258
. 259
. 259
. 261
. 201
Divisions in the Camp
General Reconciliation
March to Cempoalla .
Picturesque Scenery .
Remains of Victims .... 262
Terrestrial Paradise .... 263
Love of Flowers by the Natives 264
Their splendid Edifices . . . 204
Hospitable Entertainment at
Cempoalla 265
Conference with the Cacique . 266
Proposals of Alliance . . . 267
Advance of the Spaniards . . 268
Arrival of Aztec Nobles . . . 269
Artful Policy of Cortes . . .270
Allegiance of the Natives . . 271
City of Villa Rica built . . . 271
Infatuation of the Indians . . 272
XX
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
ANOTHER AZTEC EMBASSY. — DESTRUCTION OF THE IDOLS. DE-
SPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN. — CONSPIRACY IN THE CAMP. —
THE FLEET SUNK, p. 273.
PAGE
Embassy from Montezuma . . 273
Its Results. _. 274
Severe Discipline in the Army . 275
Gratitude of the Cempoallan Ca-
cique 275
Attempt at Conversion . . . 276
Sensation among the Natives . 277
The Idols burned ... 278
Consecration of the Sanctuary . 278
News from Cuba 279
Presents for Charles the Fifth . 280
First Letter of Cortes . . .281
Despatches to Spain . . . . 2 SI
Agents for the Mission .
Departure of the Ship .
It touches at Cuba , .
Rage of Velasquez . .
Ship arrives in Spain . .
Conspiracy in the Camp .
Destruction of the Fleet
Oration of Cortes . . .
Enthusiasm of the Army
Notice of Las Casas .
His Life and Character .
Criticism on his Works .
PAG12
283
284
, 284
, 284
, 285
, 285
, 287
, 288
. 289
. 290
.291
. 295
BOOK III.
MARCH TO MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
PROCEEDINGS AT CEMPOALLA. THE SPANIARDS CLIMB THE TABLE-
LAND. PICTURESQUE SCENERY. TRANSACTIONS WITH THE
NATIVES. — EMBASSY TO TLASCALA, p. 299.
Squadron off the Coast . . . 299
Stratagem of Cortes .... 300
Arrangement at Villa Rica . . 301
Spaniards begin their March . 302
Climb the Cordilleras . . .303
Immense Heaps of human Skulls 307
Accounts of Montezuma's Power 308
Transactions with the Natives . 309
Moderation of Father Olmedo . 310
Indian Dwellings 311
Cortes determines his Route . 312
Embassy to Tlascala .... 312
Remarkable Fortification . .314
Arrival in Tlascala .... 315
CHAPTER II.
REPUBLIC OF TLASCALA. ITS INSTITUTIONS. EARLY HISTORY.
— DISCUSSIONS IN THE SENATE. DESPERATE BATTLES, p. 316.
The Tlascalans 316
Their Migrations 317
Their Government . . . .317
Public Games 318
Order of Knighthood . . . .319
Internal Resources .... 319
Their Civilization 320
Struggles with the Aztecs
Means of Defence . .
Sufferings of the Tlascalans
Their hardy Character
Debates in the Senate .
Spaniards advance
Desperate Onslaught .
321
322
322
323
324
325
325
CONTENTS.
XXI
Retreat of the Indians . .
Bivouac of the Spaniards
The Army resumes its March
Immense Host of Barbarians
Bloody Conflict in the Pass
PAGE
326
327
327
328
330
Enemy give Ground . . .
Spaniards clear the Pass . .
Cessation of Hostilities . .
Results of the Conflict . .
Troops encamp for the Night
PAGE
330
331
332
332
333
CHAPTER III.
DECISIVE VICTORY. — INDIAN COUNCIL. — NIGHT ATTACK. — NEGO-
TIATIONS WITH THE ENEMY. TLASCALAN HERO, p. 334.
Envoys to Tlascala .... 334
Foraging Party 334
Bold Defiance by the Tlascalans 335
Preparations for Battle . . . 336
Appearance of the Tlascalans . 337
Showy Costume of the Warriors 337
Their Weapons 339
Desperate Engagement . . .340
The Combat thickens . . .341
Divisions among the Enemy . 343
Decisive Victory 343
Triumph of Science over Num-
bers 344
Dread of the Cavalry . . . 345
Indian Council 345
Night Attack 346
Spaniards Victorious .... 347
Embassy to Tlascala .... 347
Peace with the Enemy . . . 348
Patriotic Spirit of their Chief . 349
CHAPTER IV.
DISCONTENTS IN THE ARMY. TLASCALAN SPIES. — PEACE WITH
THE REPUBLIC. EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA, p. 350.
Spaniards scour the Country . 350
Success of the Eoray .... 351
Discontents in the Camp . . 351
Representations of the Malcon-
tents 352
Reply of Cortes 353
Difficulties of the Enterprise . 354
Mutilation of the Spies . . .355
Interview with the Tlascalan
Chief 357
Peace with, the Republic . .358
Embassy from Montezuma . . 359
Declines to receive the Spa-
niards 360
They advance towards the City 361
CHAPTER V.
SPANIARDS ENTER TLASCALA. — DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPITAL.
ATTEMPTED CONVERSION. AZTEC EMBASSY. INVITED TO
CHOLULA, p. 363.
Spaniards enter Tlascala
Rejoicings on their Arrival
Description of Tlascala .
Its Houses and Streets .
Its Eairs and Police . .
Divisions of the City . .
Wild Scenery round Tlascala
Character of the Tlascalans
Vigilance of Cortes . . .
Attempted Conversion . .
Resistance of the Natives .
363
364
365
365
366
366
367
367
368
368
369
b 3
Zeal of Cortes ....
Prudence of the Friar .
Character of Olmedo . .
Mass celebrated in Tlascala
The Indian Maidens . .
Aztec Embassy . . .
Power of Montezuma
Embassy from Pxtlilxochitl
Deputies from Cholula .
Invitation to Cholula
Prepare to leave Tlascala
. 369
. 370
. 370
. 371
. 372
. 372
. 373
. 374
. 374
. 374
. 376
XXII
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
CITY OF CHOLULA. GREAT TEMPLE. MARCH TO CHOLULA.
RECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS. CONSPIRACY DETECTED, p. 377.
PAGE PAGE
377 Army enters Cholula .... 384
, 377 Brilliant Reception . . . .384
, 378 Envoys from Montezuma . . 385
, 379 Suspicions of Conspiracy . . 386
. 380 Fidelity of Marina . . . . 387
. 381 Alarming Situation of Cortes . 388
. 382 Intrigues with the Priests . . 388
. 382 Interview with the Caciques . 389
. 3S3 Niffht- watch of the Spaniards . 390
City of Cholula . .
Its History ....
Religious Traditions .
Its ancient Pyramid .
Temple of Quetzalcoatl
Holy City ....
Magnificent Scenery .
Spaniards leave Tlascala
Indian Volunteers
TERRIBLE MASSACRE. -
ON THE MASSACRE
MONTEZUMA, p. 392.
Preparations for a secret As-
sault 392
Natives collect in the Square . 393
The Signal given 393
Terrible Massacre .... 393
Onset of the Tlascalans . . . 394
Defence of the Pyramid . . .395
Division of the Spoil . . . .396
Restoration of Order .... 396
Reflections on the Massacre . 398
Right of Conquest .... 398
Missionary Spirit 399
CHAPTER VII.
• TRANQUILLITY RESTORED.
—FURTHER PROCEEDINGS. -
—REFLECTIONS
-ENVOYS FROM
Policy of Cortes . . . . .401
His perilous Situation . . . 401
Cruelty to be charged on him . 402
Terror of " the White Gods " . 403
The Cross raised in Cholula . 404
Victims liberated from the
Cages 404
Christian Temple reared on the
Pyramid 404
Embassy from Montezuma . . 405
Departure of the Cempoallans . 406
CHAPTER VIII.
MARCH RESUMED. ASCENT OF THE GREAT VOLCANO. VALLEY
OF MEXICO. IMPRESSION ON THE SPANIARDS. CONDUCT OF
MONTEZUMA. — THEY DESCEND INTO THE VALLEY, p. 408.
Spaniards leave Cholula . . . 408
Signs of Treachery .... 409
The Army reaches the Moun-
tains 410
Wild Traditions 410
The Great Volcano . . . .410
Spaniards ascend its Sides . . 411
Perils of the Enterprise . .412
Subsequent Ascent .... 413
Descent into the Crater . . . 413
The Troops suffer from the
Tempest 414
First View of the Valley . . 415
Its Magnificence and Beauty . 415
Impression on the Spaniards . 416
Disaffection of the Natives to
Montezuma 417
Embassy from the Emperor . 418
His gloomy Apprehensions . . 419
Silence of the Oracles . . . 419
Spaniards advance .... 420
Death of the Spies .... 421
Arrival of the Tezcucan Lord . 422
Floating Gardens 423
Crowds assembled on the Roads 424
Army reaches Iztapalapan . . 425
Its celebrated Gardens . . .425
Striking View of Mexico . .427
CONTENTS.
XXlll
CHAPTER IX.
ENVIRONS OF MEXICO. INTERVIEW WITH MONTEZUMA. EN-
TRANCE INTO THE CAPITAL. — HOSPITABLE RECEPTION. — VISIT
TO THE EMPEROR, p. 428.
Preparations to enter the Capi-
tal
Anny enters on the great Cause-
way . . _
Beautiful Environs ....
Brilliant Procession of Chiefs .
Splendid Betinue of Monte-
zuma
Dress of the Emperor
His Person
His Beception of Cortes
Spaniards enter the Capital
Eeelings of the Aztecs .
Hospitable Beception
The Spanish Quarters
Precaution of the General
Yisited by the Emperor .
428
429
430
430
431
432
433
433
434
435
437
437
438
438
His rich Presents 439
Superstitious Terrors . . . 440
Boyal Palace 441
Description of its Interior . . 442
Cortes visits Montezuma . . 442
Attempts to convert the Mo-
narch 443
Entire Eailure 443
His religious Views .... 444
Montezuma's Eloquence . . 445
His courteous Bearing . . . 446
Beflections of Cortes .... 446
Notice of Herrera .... 448
Criticism on his History . . . 449
Life of Toribio 450
Peter Martyr 451
His Works 452
BOOK IV.
RESIDENCE IN MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
TEZCUCAN LAKE. DESCRIPTION OF
MUSEUMS. ROYAL HOUSEHOLD.
p. 457.
Lake of Tezcuco 457
Its Diminution 458
Bloating Islands 459
The ancient Dikes .... 459
Houses of Ancient Mexico . . 460
Its Streets 461
Its Population 462
Its Aqueducts and Eountains
The Imperial Palace . .
Adjoining Edifices . . .
Magnificent Aviary . . .
Extensive Menagerie . .
the capital. -
—montezuma's
-PALACES AND
WAT OF LIFE,
464
465
466
466
467
Collection of Dwarfs . .
Beautiful Gardens
Boyal Hill of Chapoltepec
Wives of Montezuma
His Meals
Luxurious Dessert . .
Custom of Smoking . .
Ceremonies at Court .
Economy of the Balace .
Oriental Civilization . .
Beserve of Montezuma .
468
468
469
470
471
473
473
474
475
476
476
Symptoms of Decline of Power 477
CHAPTER II.
MARKET OF MEXICO. — GREAT TEMPLE. — INTERIOR SANCTUARIES.
' — SPANISH QUARTERS, p. 478.
Mexican Costume 479
Great Market of Mexico . . 480
Quarter of the Goldsmiths . . 4S0
Booths of the Armourers . . 481
Provisions for the Capital . .482
Throngs in the Market . . .483
Aztec Money 484
The Great Temple . . . .485
XXIV
CONTENTS.
Its Structure 486
Dimensions . . . . . . .487
Instruments of Worship . .488
Grand View from the Temple . 488
Shrines of the Idols . . . .490
Imprudence of Cortes . . .491
PAGE
Interior Sanctuaries . . . .492
Mound of Skulls 493
Aztec Seminaries 493
Impression on the Spaniards . 495
Hidden Treasures . . .
Mass performed in Mexico .
495
496
CHAPTER III.
ANXIETY OF CORTES. SEIZURE OP MONTEZUMA. HIS TREAT-
MENT BY THE SPANIARDS. — EXECUTION OP HIS OFFICERS.
MONTEZUMA IN IRONS. — REFLECTIONS, p. 497.
Montezuma's Treatment . . 506
Vigilant Patrol 507
Trial of the Aztec Chiefs . . 508
Montezuma in Irons . . .. .509
Chiefs burnt at the Stake . .509
Emperor allowed to return . . 510
Declines this Permission . .510
Reflections on theseProceedmgs 511
Views of the Conquerors . .512
Anxiety of Cortes . . . .497
Council of War 498
Opinions of the Officers . . .498
Bold Project of Cortes . . .499
Plausible Pretext .- . . . .500
Interview with Montezuma . .502
Accusation of the Emperor . . 503
His Seizure by the Spaniards . 505
He is carried to their Quarters 506
Tumult amonar the Aztecs . . 506
CHAPTER IV.
montezuma's deportment. — his life in the Spanish quar-
ters. MEDITATED INSURRECTION.' — LORD OF TEZCUCO SEIZED.
— FURTHER MEASURES OF CORTES, p. 514.
Troubles at Vera Cruz . . . 514
Vessels built on the Lake . .515
Montezuma's Life in the Spa-
nish Quarters . . . . .515
His Munificence 516
Sensitive to Insult .... 517
Emperor's Eavourites . . . 518
Spaniards attempt his Conver-
sion 519
Brigantines on the Lake . . 519
The Royal Chase 520
Lord of Tezcuco 520
Meditated Insurrection . . .522
Policy of Cortes 523
Tezcucan Lord in Chains . .524
Further Measures of Cortes . 525
Survevs the Coast .... 525
Montezuma convenes his Nobles 527
CHAPTER V.
MONTEZUMA SWEARS ALLEGIANCE TO SPAIN. ROYAL TREASURES.
THEIR DIVISION. CHRISTIAN "WORSHIP IN THE TEOCALLI. —
DISCONTENTS OF THE AZTECS, p. 527.
Progress in Conversion . . .536
Cortes demands the Teocalli . 537
Christian Worship in the Sanc-
tuary
National Attachment to Reli-
gion
Discontents of the Aztecs . .
Montezuma's Warning . . .
Reply of Cortes . . . . .541
Insecurity in the Castilian Quar-
ters 542
Swears Allegiance to Spain
His Distress ....
Its Effect on the Spaniards
Imperial Treasures .
Splendid Ornaments .
The Royal Fifth . .
Amount of the Treasure
Division of Spoil . .
Murmurs of the Soldiery
Cortes calms the Storm .
528
528
529
530
530
532
532
533
534
534
538
539
539
540
CONTENTS.
XXV
CHAPTER VI.
FATE OF CORTES' EMISSARIES. PROCEEDINGS IN THE CASTILIAN
COURT. PREPARATIONS OF VELASQUEZ. NARVAEZ LANDS IN
MEXICO. POLITIC CONDUCT OF CORTES. HE LEAVES THE
CAPITAL, p. 543.
Cortes' Emissaries arrive in
Spain 543
Their Eate 544
Proceeding at Court . . . .544
The Bishop of Burgos . . . 545
Emperor postpones his Decision 546
Velasquez meditates Revenge . 547
Sends Narvaez against Cortes . 547
The Audience interferes . . .548
Narvaez sails for Mexico . . 549
He anchors off San Juan de Ulua 550
PAGE
Vaunts of Narvaez . . . .551
Sandoval prepares for Defence . 552
His Treatment of the Invaders 552
Cortes hears of Narvaez . . . 553
He bribes his Emissaries . .554
Sends an Envoy to his Camp . 555
The Briar's Intrigues . . . 556
Embarrassment of Cortes . .557
He prepares for Departure . .558
He leaves the Capital . . .560
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
MAP OF THE COUNTRY TRAVERSED BY THE SPANIARDS ON THEIR MARCH
TO MEXICO.
MAP OP THE VALLEY OF MEXICO AT THE PERIOD OF THE CONQUEST.
The maps for this •work are the result of a laborious investigation by a
skilful and competent hand. Humboldt's are the only maps of New Spain
which can lay claim to the credit even of tolerable accuracy. They have
been adopted as the basis of those for the present history ; and an occasional
deviation from them has been founded on a careful comparison with the
verbal accounts of Gomara, Bernal Diaz, Clavigero, and, above all, of
Cortes, illustrated by his meagre commentator, Lorenzana. Of these,
Cortes is generally the most full and exact in his statement of distances,
though it is to. be regretted, that he does not more frequently afford a hint
as to the bearings of the places. As it is desirable to present the reader
with a complete and unembarrassed view of the route of Cortes, the names
of all other places than those which occur in this work have been discarded,
while a considerable number have been now introduced which are not to be
found on any previous chart. The position of these must necessarily be, in
some degree, hypothetical ; but, as it has been determined by a study of the
narratives of contemporary historians, and by the measurement of distances,
the result, probably, cannot in any instance be much out of the way. The
ancient names have been retained, so as to present a map of the country as
it was at the time of the Conquest.
PORTRAIT OF HERNANDO CORTES,
(Prefixed to the First Volume).
This engraving of Cortes was taken from a full-length portrait, presented
to me by my friend Don Angel Calderon de la Barca, during his residence as
minister to Mexico. It is a copy, and as I am assured, a very faithful one,
from the painting in the Hospital of Jesus. This painting is itself a copy
from one taken, probably, a few years before the death of Cortes, on his
last visit to Spain. What has become of the original is not known. That
in Mexico was sent there by one of the family of Monteleone, descendants
of the Conqueror, as appears from his arms, which the painter has
introduced in a corner of the picture. This seems to be regarded by the
family as the best portrait of the Conqueror, and a copy, like that in my
possession, has been recently made for the present Duke of Monteleone in
Italy. It- has never before been engraved.
XXV111 MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
PORTRAIT OF MONTEZUMA II.,
(Prefixed to the Second Volume).
The original portrait was said to have been painted by an artist named Mal-
donado, who came over to Mexico at the time of the Conquest. It belonged
to the Counts of Miravalle, and, not many years since, came into the posses-
sion of Mr. Smith Wilcox, consul from the United States to Mexico. Of
the authenticity of this portrait I have received opposite opinions, and these,
too, from the most respectable sources in Mexico ; the one representing it
as undoubtedly genuine, the other regarding it as an ideal portrait, painted
after the Conquest, to adorn the halls of the Counts of Miravalle, and to
natter their pride by the image of their royal progenitor. The countenance
must be admitted to wear a tinge of soft and not unpleasing melancholy,
quite in harmony with the fortunes of the unhappy monarch.
PORTRAIT OP HERNAN CORTES,
(Facing p. 465 Vol. II).
This likeness of Cortes was originally engraved for that inquisitive scholar
and industrious collector, Don Antonio Uguina, of Madrid, from what lie
considered the best portrait of Cortes. The original is, I am informed, the
same portrait which now hangs in the Museo, among the series of viceroys,
at Mexico. It must have been taken at a much earlier period of life than
the portrait in the Hospital of Jesus, in which both the hair and beard are
somewhat grizzled with years. The expression of the countenance, of a
higher and more intellectual cast than the preceding, has a quiet content
plative air, not to have been expected in one of the stirring character of
Cortes.
ARMS OF CORTES.
The stamp on the back of the work represents the arms granted by
letters patent to Cortes by the Emperor Charles V., March 7, 1525. In
the instrument, it is stated, that the double-headed eagle is given as the
arms of the empire; the golden lion, in memory of the courage and
constancy shown by Cortes in the conquest of Mexico ; the three gold
crowns indicate the three monarehs whom he successively opposed in the
capital of Mexico ; the city represents that capital ; and the seven heads
held together by a chain, on the border of the shield, denote so many
Indian princes whom he subdued in the Valley.
MAP OF THE COILWTKY mfiKEESEB) BT TIDE SPASlAKiaS OH TIFHEIJR MAJRC1HI Tffi MEXICO.
Loti^.W. frrim Greenwidi
Engraved, for Trescotts.History of ike Conquest oi'Mci
London , Rouiledge , Warnes & BoutLedge .
BOOK FIRST.
INTRODUCTION.
PRELIMINARY VIEW OF THE AZTEC CIVILIZATION
VOL. I.
CONQUEST OF MEXICO.
BOOK I.
INTRODUCTION.
VIEW OF THE AZTEC CIVILIZATION,
CHAPTER I.
Ancient, Mexico. — Climate and Products. — Primitive Races. — Aztec
Empire.
Of all that extensive empire which once acknowledged
the. authority of Spain in the New World, no portion, for
interest and importance, can be compared with Mexico ;
— and this equally, whether we consider the variety of
its soil and climate ; the inexhaustible stores of its
mineral wealth ; its scenery, grand and picturesque
beyond example ; the character of its ancient inhabi-
tants, not only far surpassing in intelligence that of the
other North American races, but reminding us, by their
monuments, of the primitive civilization of Egypt and
Hindostan; and lastly, the peculiar circumstances of
its Conquest, adventurous and romantic as any legend
devised by Norman or Italian bard of chivalry. It is
the purpose of the present narrative to exhibit the his-
tory of this Conquest, and that of the remarkable man
by whom it was achieved.
But, in order that the reader may have a better under-
standing of the subject, it will be well, before entering
on it, to take a general survey of the political and social
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
institutions of the races who occupied the land at the
time of its discovery.
The country of the ancient Mexicans, or Aztecs as
they were called, formed but a very small part of the
extensive territories comprehended in the modern re-
public of Mexico.1 Its boundaries cannot be defined
with certainty. They were much enlarged in the latter
days of the empire, when they may be considered as
reaching from about the eighteenth degree north, to the
twenty-first on the Atlantic ; and from the fourteenth to
the nineteenth, including a very narrow strip, on the
Pacific.2 In its greatest breadth, it could not exceed
five degrees and a half, dwindling, as it approached its
south-eastern limits, to less than two. It covered, pro-
bably, less than sixteen thousand square leagues.3 Yet,
1 Extensive indeed, if we may trust
Archbishop Lorenzana, who tells us,
" It is doubtful if the country of New
Spain does not border on Tartary and
Greenland ; — by the way of Califor-
nia on the former, and by New Mexico
on the latter ! " Historia de Nueva
Espaha, (Mexico, 1770,) p. 38, nota.
2 I have conformed to the limits
fixed by Clavigero. He has, proba-
bly, examined the subject with more
thoroughness and fidelity than most
of his countrymen, who differ from
him, and who assign a more liberal
extent to the monarchy. (See his
Storia Antica del Messico, [Cesena,
1780,] dissert, 7.) The Abbe, how-
ever, has not informed his readers on
what frail foundations his conclusions
rest. The extent of the Aztec em-
pire is to be gathered from the writ-
ings of historians since the arrival of
the Spaniards, and from the picture-
rolls of tribute paid by the conquered
cities ; both sources extremely vague
and defective. See the MSS. of the
Mendoza collection, in Lord Kings-
borough's magnificent publication
(Antiquities of Mexico, comprising
Eac-similes of Ancient Paintings and
Hieroglyphics, together with tbe
Monuments of New Spain, London,
1S30). The difficulty of the inquiry
is much increased by the fact of the
conquests having been made, as will
be seen hereafter, by the united arms
of three powers, so that it is not
always easy to tell to which party
they eventually belonged. The affair
is involved in so much uncertainty,
that Clavigero, notwithstanding the
positive assertions m his text, has
not ventured, in his map, to define
the precise limits of the empire,
either towards the north, where it
mingles with the Tezcucan empire,
or towards the south, where, indeed,
he has fallen into the egregious
blunder of asserting, that, while the
Mexican territory reached to the
fourteenth degree, it did not include
any portion of Guatemala. (See torn,
i. p. 29, and torn. iv. dissert. 7.) The
Tezcucan chronicler, Ixtlilxochitl,
puts in a sturdy claim for the para-
mount empire of his own nation.
Historia Chichemeca, MS., cap. 39,
53, et alibi.
3 Eighteen to twenty thousand,
according to Humboldt, who con-
siders the Mexican territory to have
been the same with that occupied by
the modern intendancies of Mexico,
Puebla, Vera Cruz, Oxaca, and Val-
ladolid. (Essai Politique sur le Roy-
aume de Nouvelle Espagne, [Paris,
chap, i.] ANCIENT MEXICO. 5
such is the remarkable formation of this country, that,
though not more than twice as large as New England, it
presented every variety of climate, and was capable of
yielding nearly every fruit found between the equator
and the Arctic circle.
All along the Atlantic the country is bordered by a
broad tract, called the tierra caliente, or hot region,
which has the usual high temperature of equinoctial
lands. Parched and sandy plains are intermingled with
others of exuberant fertility, almost impervious from
thickets of aromatic shrubs and wild flowers, in the
midst of which tower up trees of that magnificent growth
which is found only within the tropics. In this wilder-
ness of sweets lurks the fatal malaria, engendered, pro-
bably, by the decomposition of rank vegetable substances
in a hot and humid soil. The season of the bilious fever,
— vomito, as it is called, — which scourges these coasts,
continues from the spring to the autumnal equinox, when
it is checked by the cold winds that descend from Hud-
son's Bay. These winds in the winter season frequently
freshen into tempests, and, sweeping down the Atlantic
coast and the winding Gulf of Mexico, burst with the
fury of a hurricane on its unprotected shores, and on the
neighbouring West India Islands. Such are the mighty
spels with which Nature has surrounded this land of
enchantment, as if to guard the golden treasures locked
up within its bosom. The genius and enterprise of man
have proved more potent than her spells.
After passing some twenty leagues across this burn-
ing region, the traveller finds himself rising into a purer
atmosphere. His limbs recover their elasticity. He
breathes more freely, for his senses are not now op-
pressed by the sultry heats and intoxicating perfumes of
the valley. The aspect of nature, too, has changed, and
1825,] torn. i. p. 196.) Tins last, choacan, as lie himself more correctly
however, was all, or nearly all, in- states in another part of his work,
eluded in the rival kingdom of Me- Comp. torn. ii. p. 164.
C) AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
his eye no longer revels among the gay variety of colors
with which the landscape was painted there. The vanilla,
the indigo, and the flowering cocoa groves disappear as
he advances. The sugar-cane and the glossy-leaved
banana still accompany him : and, when he has ascended
about four thousand feet, he sees in the unchanging ver-
dure, and the rich foliage of the liquid-amber tree, that
he has reached the height where clouds and mists settle,
in their passage from the Mexican Gulf. This is the
region of perpetual humidity ; but he welcomes it with
pleasure, as announcing his escape from the influence of
the deadly vomiio} He has entered the tierra templada,
or temperate region, whose character resembles that of
the temperate zone of the globe. The features of the
scenery become grand, and even terrible. His road
sweeps along the base of mighty mountains, once gleam-
ing with volcanic fires, and still resplendent in their man-
tles of snow, which serve as beacons to the mariner, for
many a league at sea. All around he beholds traces of their
ancient combustion, as his road passes along vast tracts of
lava, bristling in the innumerable fantastic forms into
which the fiery torrent has been thrown by the obstacles
in its career. Perhaps, at the same moment, as he casts
his eye down some steep slope, or almost unfathomable
ravine, on the margin of the road, he sees their depths
glowing with the rich blooms and enamelled vegetation
of the tropics. Such are the singular contrasts pre-
sented, at the same time, to the senses, in this pic-
turesque region !
Still pressing upwards, the traveller mounts into
4 The traveller, who enters the than Latrobe, who came on shore at
country across the dreary sand-hills Tampico ; (Rambler in Mexico, [New
of Yera Cruz, will hardly recognise York, 1836,] chap, i.) a traveller, it
the truth of the above description. may be added, whose descriptions of
He must look for it in other parts of man and nature in our own country,
the tierra calie?ite. Of recent tourists, where we can judge, are distinguished
no one has given a more gorgeous by a sobriety and fairness that entitle
picture of the impressions made on him to confidence in his delineation
his senses by these sunny regions of other countries.
chap. I.] CLIMATE AND PRODUCTS. 7
other climates, favorable to other kinds of cultivation.
The yellow maize, or Indian corn, as we usually call it,
has continued to follow him up from the lowest level ;
but he now first sees fields of wheat, and the other
European grains, brought into the country by the con-
querors. Mingled with them, he views the plantations
of the aloe or maguey {cigave Americana), applied to such
various and important uses by the Aztecs. The oaks
now acquire a sturdier growth, and the dark forests of
pine announce that he has entered the tierra fria, or
cold region, — the third and last of the great natural ter-
races into which the country is divided. When he has
climbed to the height of between seven and eight thou-
sand feet, the weary traveller sets his foot on the summit
of the Cordillera of the Andes, — the colossal range that
after traversing South America and the Isthmus of Darien,
spreads out, as it enters Mexico, into that vast sheet of
table land which maintains an elevation of more than six
thousand feet, for the distance of nearly two hundred
leagues, until it gradually declines in the higher latitudes
of the north.5
Across this mountain rampart a chain of volcanic hills
stretches, in a westerly direction, of still more stupen-
dous dimensions, forming, indeed, some of the highest
land on the globe. Their peaks, entering the limits of
perpetual snow, diffuse a grateful coolness over the ele-
vated plateaus below ; for these last, though termed
" cold," enjoy a climate, the mean temperature of which
is not lower than that of the central parts of Italy.6 The
5 This long extent of country varies tique, torn. i. p. 273.) The more
in elevation., from 5570 to 8856 feet, elevated plateaus of the table land,
— equal to the height of the passes as the valley of Toluea, about 8500
of Mount Cenis, or the Great St. feet above the sea, have a stem cli-
Eernard. The table land stretches mate, in which the thermometer,
still three hundred leagues further, during a great part of the day, rarely
before it declines to a level of 2624 rises beyond 45° E. Idem. (loc. cit.)
feet. Humboldt, Essai Politique, and Malte-Brun, (Universal Geo-
tom. i. pp. 157, 255. graphy, Eng. Trans, book 83,) who
6 About 62° Fahrenheit, or 17° i?, indeed, in this part of his work,
Reaumur. (Humboldt, Essai Poli- but an echo of the former writer.
8 . AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
air is exceedingly dry ; the soil, though naturally good,
is rarely clothed with the luxuriant vegetation of the
lower regions. It frequently, indeed, has a parched and
barren aspect, owing partly to the greater evaporation
which takes place on these lofty plains, through the dimi-
nished pressure of the atmosphere ; and partly, no doubt,
to the want of trees to shelter the soil from the fierce in-
fluence of the summer sun. In the time of the Aztecs,
the table land was thickly covered with larch, oak,
cypress, and other forest trees, the extraordinary dimen-
sions of some of which remaining to the present day,
show that the curse of barrenness in later times is
chargeable more on man than on nature. Indeed, the
early Spaniards made as indiscriminate war on the forest
as did our Puritan ancestors, though with much less rea-
son. After once conquering the country, they had no
lurking ambush to fear from the submissive, semi-civilized
Indian, and were not, like our forefathers, obliged to
keep watch and ward for a century. This spoliation of
the ground, however, is said to have been pleasing to
their imaginations, as it reminded them of the plains of
their own Castile, — the table land of Europe ; 7 where
the nakedness of the landscape forms the burden of
every traveller's lament, who visits that country.
Midway across the continent, somewhat nearer the
Pacific than the Atlantic ocean, at an elevation of nearly
seven thousand five hundred feet, is the celebrated Valley
of Mexico. It is of an oval form, about sixty-seven
leagues in circumference,8 and is encompassed by a tower-
7 The elevation of the Castiles, ac- leagues, correcting at the same time
cording to the authority repeatedly the statement of Cortes, which puts
cited, is about 350 toises, or 2100 it at seventy, very near the truth, as
feet above the ocean. (Humboldt's appears from the result of M. de
Dissertation, apud Laborde, Itine- Humboldt's measurement, cited in
rah-e Descriptif de l'Espagne, [Paris, the text. Its length is about eighteen
1S27,] torn. i. p. 5.) It is rare to leagues, by twelve and a half in
find plains in Europe of so great a breadth. (Humboldt, Essai Poli-
height. tique, torn. ii. p. 29. — Lorenzana,
s Archbishop Lorenzana estimates Hist, de Nueva Espaha, p. 101.)
the circuit of the Valley at ninety Humboldt's map of the Valley of
■]
CLIMATE AND PRODUCTS. 9
ing rampart of porphyritic rock, which nature seems to
have provided, though ineffectually, to protect it from
invasion.
The soil, once carpeted with a beautiful verdure and
thickly sprinkled with stately trees, is often bare, and, in
many places, white with the incrustation of salts, caused
by the draining of the waters. Five lakes are spread over
the Valley, occupying one tenth of its surface.9 On the
opposite borders of the largest of these basins, much
shrunk in its dimensions10 since the days of the Aztecs,
stood the cities of Mexico and Tezcuco, the capitals of the
two most potent and flourishing states of Anahuac, whose
history, with that of the mysterious races that preceded
them in the country, exhibits some of the nearest ap-
proaches to civilization to be met with anciently on the
North American continent.
Of these races the most conspicuous were the Toltecs.
Advancing from a northerly direction, but from what
region is uncertain, they entered the territory of Anahuac,11
Mexico forms the third in his "Atlas narchia Indiana, [Madrid, ]723,J
Geographique et Physique," and, like torn. i. p. 309.) Quite as probable,
all the others in the collection, will if not as orthodox an explanation,
be found of inestimable value to the may be found in the active evapora-
traveller, the geologist, and the his- tion of these upper regions, and in
torian. the fact of an immense drain having
9 Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. been constructed, during the lifetime
ii. pp. 29, 44-49.- — Malte-Brun, book of the good fattier, to reduce the
85. This latter geographer assigns waters of the principal lake, and pro-
only 6,700 feet for the level of the tect the capital from inundation.
Valley, contradicting himself, (comp. u Anahuac, according to Hum-
book S3,) or rather, Humboldt, to boldt, comprehended only the country
whose pages he helps himself, plenis between the 14th and 21st degrees
mcaiibus, somewhat too liberally, in- of N. latitude. (Essai Politique,
deed, for the scanty references at the torn. i. p. 197.) According to Cla-
bottom of his page. vigero, it included nearly all since
10 Torquemada accounts, in part, known as New Spain. (Stor. del
for this diminution, by supposing Messico, torn. i. p. 27.) Veytia uses
that, as God permitted the waters, it, also, as synonymous with New
which once covered the whole earth, Spain. (Historia Antigua de Mejico,
to subside, after mankind had been [Mejico, 1836,] torn. i. cap. 12.) The
nearly exterminated for their iniqui- first of these writers probably allows
lies, so he allowed the waters of the too little, as the "latter do too much,
Mexican lake to subside, in token of for its boundaries. Ixtlilxochitlsays
goodwill and reconciliation, after the it extended four hundred leagues
idolatrous races of the land had been south of the Otomie country. (Hist,
destroyed by the Spaniards! (Mo- Chichemeca, MS., cap. 73.) The word
10 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
probably before the close of the seventh century. Of
course, little can be gleaned, with certainty, respecting a
people whose written records have perished, and who are
known to us only through the traditionary legends of the
nations that succeeded them.12 By the general agree-
ment of these, however, the Toltecs were well instructed
in agriculture, and many of the most useful mechanic
arts ; were nice workers of metals ; invented the complex
arrangement of time adopted by the Aztecs ; and, in
short, were the true fountains of the civilization which
distinguished this part of the continent in later times.13
They established their capital at Tula, north of the Mexican
Valley, and the remains of extensive buildings were to be
discerned there at the time of the Conquest.14 The noble
ruins of religious and other edifices, still to be seen in
various parts of New Spain, are referred to this people,
whose name, Toltec, has passed into a synonyme for
architect}5 Their shadowy history reminds us of those
primitive races, who preceded the ancient Egyptians in the
march of civilization ; fragments of whose monuments, as
they are seen at this day, incorporated with the buildings
Anahuac signifies near the water. It and Chichemec races was " derived
was, probably, first applied to the from interpretation," (probably, of
country around the lakes in the the Tezcucan paintings,) " and from
Mexican Valley, and gradually ex- the traditions of old men;" poor
tended to the remoter regions occu- authority for events which had
pied by the Aztecs, and the other passed centuries before. Indeed, he
semi-civilized races. Or, possibly, the acknowledges that their narratives
name may have been intended, as were so full of absurdity and false-
Veytia suggests, (Hist. Antig., bb. i. hood, that he was obbged to reject
cap. 1,) to denote the land between nine-tenths of them. (See his Bela-
the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific. clones, MS., no. 5.) The cause of
truth would not have suffered much,
12 Clavigero talks of Boturini's probably, if he bad rejected nine-
having written " on the faith of the tenths of the remainder.
Toltec historians." (Stor. del Mes- 13 Txtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
sico, torn. i. p. 128.) But that scho- cap. 2. — Idem, Relaciones, MS., no.
lar does not pretend to have ever 2. — Sahagun, Historia General de las
met with a Toltec manuscript him- Cosas de Nueva Esparia, (Mexico,
self, and bad heard of only one in the 1129,) Hb. 10, cap. 29. — Veytia,
possession of Ixtlilxochitl. (See his Hist. Antig., lib. 1, cap. 27.
Idea de una Nueva Historia General u Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espa-
de la America Septentrional, [Madrid, na, lib. 10, cap. 29.
1746,] p. 110.) The latter writer 15 Idem, ubi supra. — Torquemada,
tells us, that his account of the Toltec Monarch. Ind., lib. i. cap. II.
chap. I.] PRIMITIVE RACES. 11
of the Egyptians themselves, give to these latter the
appearance of almost modern constructions.16
After a period of four centuries, the Toltecs, who
had extended their sway over the remotest borders of
Anahuac,17 having been greatly reduced, it is said, by
famine, pestilence, and unsuccessful wars, disappeared from
the land as silently and mysteriously as they had entered
it. A few of them still lingered behind, but much the
greater number, probably, spread over the region of Central
America and the neighbouring isles ; and the traveller now
speculates on the majestic ruins of Mitla and Palenque as
possibly the work of this extraordinary people.18
After the lapse of another hundred years, a numerous
and rude tribe, called the Chichemecs, entered the de-
serted country from the regions of the far North-west.
They were speedily followed by other races, of higher
civilization, perhaps of the same family with the Toltecs,
Avhose language they appear to have spoken. The most
noted of these were the Aztecs, or Mexicans, and the
Acolhuans. The latter, better known in later times by
the name of Tezcucans, from their capital, Tezcuco,19 on
the eastern border of the Mexican lake, were peculiarly
fitted, by their comparatively mild religion and manners,
for receiving the tincture of civilization which could be
derived from the few Toltecs that still remained in the
country. This, in their turn, they communicated to the
1S Description de l'Egypte, (Paris, misinterpreting the Tezcncan hiero-
1809,) Antiquites, torn. i. cap. 1. glyphics — has accconnted for this
Veytia has traced the migrations of mysterious disappearance of the Tol-
the Toltecs with sufficient industry, tecs by such fee-faio-fam stories of
scarcely rewarded by the necessarily giants and demons, as show his appe-
doubtful credit of the results. Hist. tite for the marvellous was fully equal
Antig., lib. 2, cap. 21-33. to that of any of his calling. See his
Monarch. Ind., lib. 1, cap. 14.
17 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
cap. 73. l9 Tezcuco signifies " place of de-
tention ;" as several of the tribes
18 Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 1, cap. who successively occupied Anahuac
33. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., were said to have halted some time
cap. 3. — Idem, Relaciones, MS., no. at the spot. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
4, 5. — Pafcher Torquemada — perhaps Chich., MS., cap. 10.
12 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
barbarous Chichemecs, a large portion of whom became
amalgamated with the new settlers as one nation.20
Availing themselves of the strength derived, not only
from the increase of numbers, but from their own superior
refinement, the Acolhuans gradually stretched their em-
pire over the ruder tribes in the north ; while their
capital was filled with a numerous population, busily
employed in many of the more useful and even elegant
arts of a civilized community. In this palmy state, they
were suddenly assaulted by a warlike neighbour, the
Tepanecs, their own kindred, and inhabitants of the same
valley as themselves. Their provinces were overrun, their
armies beaten, their king assassinated, and the nourishing
city of Tezcuco became the prize of the victor. From this
abject condition the uncommon abilities of the young
prince Nezahualcoyotl, the rightful heir to the crown,
backed by the efficient aid of his Mexican allies, at length
redeemed the state, and opened to it a new career of pro-
sperity, even more brilliant than the former.21
The Mexicans, with whom our history is principally
concerned, came also, as we have seen, from the remote
regions of the north, — the populous hive of nations
in the New World, as it has been in the Old. They
arrived on the borders of Anahuac towards the be-
ginning of the thirteenth century, some time after the
occupation of the land by the kindred races. For a long
time they did not establish themselves in any permanent
residence ; but continued shifting their quarters to
different parts of the Mexican Valley, enduring all the
casualties and hardships of a migratory life. On one
occasion they were enslaved by a more powerful tribe ;
but their ferocity soon made them formidable to their
20 The historian speaks, in one ■ — Veytia. Hist, Antig., lib. 2, cap.
page, of the Chichemecs' burrowing 1-10. — Camargo, Historia de Tlas-
in caves, or, at best, in cabins 5f cala, MS.
straw ; — and, in the next, talks 21 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
gravely of their setioras. infantas, cap. 9-20. — Veytia, Hist. Antig.,
and caballeros ! Ibid., cap. 9, et seq. lib- 2, cap. 29-54.
chap, i.] PRIMITIVE RACES. 13
masters.22 After a series of wanderings and adventures,
which need not shrink from comparison with the most
extravagant legends of the heroic ages of antiquity, they
at length halted on the south-western borders of the
principal lake, in the year 1325. They there beheld,
perched on the stem of a prickly pear, which shot out
from the crevice of a rock that was washed by the waves,
a royal eagle of extraordinary size and beauty, with a
serpent in his talons, and his broad wings opened to the
rising sun. They hailed the auspicious omen, announced
by an oracle as indicating the site of their future city,
and laid its foundations by sinking piles into the shal-
lows ; for the low marshes were half buried under water.
On these they erected their light fabrics of reeds and
rushes ; and sought a precarious subsistence from fish-
ing, and from the wild fowl which frequented the waters,
as well as from the cultivation of such simple vegetables
as they could raise on their floating gardens. The place
was called Tenochtitlan, in token of its miraculous origin,
though only known to Europeans by its other name
of Mexico, derived from their war-god, Mexitli.23 The
legend of its foundation is still further commemorated
by the device of the eagle and the cactus, which form
the arms of the modern Mexican republic. Such were
the humble beginnings of the Venice of the Western
World.24
The forlorn condition of the new settlers was made
still worse by domestic feuds. A part of the citizens
seceded from the main body, and formed a sepa-
rate community on the neighbouring marshes. Thus
divided, it was long before they could aspire to the
22 These were the Colhuans, not others. (See his Stor. del Messico,
Acolhuans, with whom Humboldt, torn. i. p. 168, nota.) The name
and most writers since, have con- Tenochtitlan signifies tunal (a cac-
founded them. See his Essai Poli- tus) on a stone. Esplicacion de la
tique, torn i. p. 414 ; ii. p. 37. Col. de Mendoza, apud Antiq. of
23 Clavigero gives good reasons Mexico, vol. iv.
for preferring the etymology of 24 " Datur hsec venia antiquitati,"
Mexico above noticed, to various says Livy, "ut miscendo humana
14 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book r.
acquisition of territory on the main land. They gra-
dually increased, however, in numbers, and strengthened
themselves yet more by various improvements in their
polity and military discipline, while they established a
reputation for courage as well as cruelty in war, which
made their name terrible throughout the Valley. In the
early part of the fifteenth century, nearly a hundred
years from the foundation of the city, an event took
place which created an entire revolution in the circum-
stances, and, to some extent, in the character of the
Aztecs. This was the subversion of the Tezcucan
monarchy by the Tepanecs, already noticed. When the
oppressive conduct of the victors had at length aroused
a spirit of resistance, its prince, Nezahualcoyotl, suc-
ceeded, after incredible perils and escapes, in mustering
such a force, as, with the aid of the Mexicans, placed
him on a level with his enemies. In two successive
battles these were defeated with great slaughter,
their chief slain, and their territory, by one of those
sudden reverses which characterize the wars of petty
states, passed into the hands of the conquerors. It was
awarded to Mexico, in return for its important services.
Then was formed that remarkable league, which,
indeed, has no parallel in history. It was agreed be-
tween the states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and the neigh-
divinis primordia urbium augustiora of the Acolhuans ; torn. i. p. 147,
faciat." Hist. Prajf. — See, for the and torn. iv. dissert. 2.) —
above paragraph, Col. de Meudoza, a.d.
plate 1, apud Antiq. of Mexico, vol. The Toltecs arrived in Anahuac 648
i. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., They abandoned the country . 1051
cap. 10. — Toribio, Historia de las The Chichemecs arrived . . 1170
Indias, MS., Parte 3, cap. 8. — The Acolhuans arrived about 1200
Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 2, cap. 15. The Mexicans reached Tula . 1196
— Clavigero, after a laborious exa- They founded Mexico . . . 1325
mination, assigns the following dates
to some of the prominent events See his Dissert. 2. Sec. 12. In the
noticed in the text. No two autho- last date, the one of most iruport-
rities agree on them ; and this is ance, he is confirmed by the learned
not strange, considering that Clavi- Veytia, who differs from him in all
ger0 — the most inquisitive of all — the others. Hist. Antig , lib. 2. cap.
does not always agree with himself. 15.
(Compare his dates for the coming
CHAP. I
PRIMITIVE RACES. 15
bo urin g little kingdom of Tlacopan, that they should
mutually support each other in their wars, offensive
and defensive, and that, in the distribution of the
spoil, one-fifth should be assigned to Tlacopan, and
the remainder be divided, in what proportions is un-
certain, between the other powers. The Tezcucan
writers claim an equal share for their nation with the
Aztecs. But this does not seem to be warranted by
the immense increase of territory subsequently appro-
priated by the latter. And we may account for any
advantage conceded to them by the treaty, on the sup-
position, that, however inferior they may have been
originally, they were, at the time of making it, in a
more prosperous condition than their allies, broken
and dispirited by long oppression. What is more
extraordinary than the treaty itself, however, is the
fidelity with which it was maintained. During a cen-
tury of uninterrupted warfare that ensued, no instance
occurred where the parties quarrelled over the division
of the spoil, which so often makes shipwreck of similar
confederacies among civilized states.25
The allies for some time found sufficient occupation
for their arms in their own valley ; but they soon over-
leaped its rocky ramparts, and by the middle of the
fifteenth century, under the first Montezuma, had
spread down the sides of the table land to the borders
25 The loyal Tezcucan chronicler petent critics, acquiesce in an equal
claims the supreme dignity for his division between the two principal
own sovereign, if not the greatest states in the confederacy. An ode,
share of the spoil, by this imperial still extant, of Nezahualcoyotl, in
compact. (Hist. Chich., cap. 32.) its Castilian version, bears testimony
Torquemada, on the other hand, to the singular union of the three
claims one half of all the conquered powers.
lands for Mexico. (Monarch. Ind., " Solo se acordaran en las Na-
lib. 2, cap. 40.) All agree in as- ciones
signing only one fifth to Tlacopan ; lo bien que gobemaron
and Veytia (Hist. Antig., lib. 3, cap. las tres Cabezas que el Imperio
3) and Zurita (Rapport sur les Dif- honraron.''"
ferentes Classes de Chefs de la Kou- Cantares del Empehador.
yelle Espagne, trad, de Ternaux Nezahualcoyotl, MS.
[Paris, 1840] p. 11), both very com-
16 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
of the Gulf of Mexico. Tenocbtitlan, the Aztec capi-
tal, gave evidence of the public prosperity. Its frail
tenements were supplanted by solid structures of stone
and lime. Its population rapidly increased. Its old
feuds were healed. The citizens who had seceded
were again brought under a common government with
the main body, and the quarter they occupied was
permanently connected with the parent city ; the
dimensions of which, covering the same ground, were
much larger than those of the modern capital of
Mexico.26
Fortunately, the throne was filled by a succession of
able princes, who knew how to profit by their enlarged
resources and by the martial enthusiasm of the nation.
Year after year saw them return, loaded with the spoils
of conquered cities, and with throngs of devoted cap-
tives, to their capital. No state was able long to re-
sist the accumulated strength of the confederates. At
the beginning of the sixteenth century, just before the
arrival of the Spaniards, the Aztec dominion reached
across the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific ;
and, under the bold and bloody Ahuitzotl, its arms
had been carried far over the limits already noticed as
defining its permanent territory, into the farthest cor-
ners of Guatemala and Nicaragua. This extent of
empire, however limited in comparison with that of
many other states, is truly wonderful, considering it as
the acquisition of a people whose whole population
and resources had so recently been comprised within
the walls of their own petty city; and considering,
moreover, that the conquered territory was thickly
settled by various races, bred to arms like the Mexi-
26 See the plans of the ancient seems probable, it is the one indi-
and modem capital, in Bullock's cated on page 13 of his Catalogue,
"Mexico," first edition. The ori- I find no warrant for Mr. Bullock's
ginal of the ancient map was obtained statement, that it was the one pre-
by that traveller from the collection pared for Cortes by the order of
of the unfortunate Boturini : if, as Montezuma.
CHAP. I
.] VEYTIA. 17
cans, and little inferior to them in social organization.
The history of the Aztecs suggests some strong points
of resemblance to that of the ancient Romans, not only
in their military successes, but in the policy which led
to them.27
27 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, with other states, as the principal ; "
torn. i. lib. 2. — Torquemada, Mo- and expresses his astonishment that
narch. hid., torn. i. lib. 2. — Botu- a similar policy should not have been
rini, Idea, p. 146. — Col. of Mendoza, adopted by ambitious republics in
part i. and Codex Telleriano-Remen- later times. (See bis Discorsi sopra
sis, apud Antiq. of Mexico, vol i., vi. T. Livio, lib. 2, cap. 4, apud Opere.)
Machiavelli lias noticed it as one [Geneva, 1798.] This, as we have
great cause of the military successes seen above, was the very course pur-
of the Romans, " that they asso- sued by the Mexicans,
ciated themselves, in their wars,
The most important contribution, of late years, to the early history of
Mexico, is the Historia Antigua of the Lie. Don Mariano Veytia, published
in the city of Mexico, in 1836. This scholar was born of an ancient and
highly respectable family at Puebla, 1718. After finishing his academic
education, he went to Spain, where he was kindly received at court. He
afterwards visited several other countries of Europe, made himself acquainted
with their languages, and returned home well stored with the fruits of a
discriminating observation and diligent study. The rest of his life he de-
voted to letters, especially to the illustration of the national history and
antiquities. As the executor of the unfortunate Boturini, with whom he
had contracted an intimacy in Madrid, he obtained access to his valuable
collection of manuscripts in Mexico, and from them, and every other source
which his position in society and his eminent character opened to him, he
composed various works, none of which, however, except the one before us,
has been admitted to the honours of the press. The time of his death is not
given by his editor, but it was probably not later than 1780.
Veytia's history covers the whole period from the first occupation of
Anahuac to the middle of the fifteenth century, at which point his labours
were unfortunately terminated by his death. In the early portion he has
endeavoured to trace the migratory movements and historical annals of the
principal races who entered the country. Every page bears testimony to
the extent and fidelity of his researches ; and if we feel but moderate con-
fidence in the results, the fault is not imputable to him, so much as to the
dark and doubtful nature of the subject. As he descends to later ages, he
is more occupied with the fortunes of the Tezcucan than with those of the
Aztec dynasty, which have been amply discussed by others of his country-
men. The premature close of his labours prevented him, probably, from
giving that attention to the domestic institutions of the people he describes,
to which they are entitled as the most important subject of inquiry to the
historian. The deficiency has been supplied by his judicious editor, Orteaga,
from other sources. In the early part of his work, Veytia has explained the
chronological system of the Aztecs ; but, like most writers preceding the
VOL. I. C
18 VEYTIA. [book i.
accurate Gama, with indifferent success. As a critic, he certainly ranks
much higher than the annalists who preceded him ; and, when his own reli-
gion is not involved, shows a discriminating judgment. When it is, he
betrays a full measure of the credulity which still maintains its hold on too
many even of the well informed of his countrymen. The editor of the work
has given a very interesting letter from the Abbe Clavigero to Veytia,
written when the former was a poor and humble exile, and in the tone of
one addressing a person of high standing and literary eminence. Both were
employed on the same subject. The writings of the poor Abbe, published
again and again, and translated into various languages, have spread his
fame throughout Europe ; while the name of Veytia, whose works have
been locked up in their primitive manuscript, is scarcely known beyond the
boundaries of Mexico.
CHAP. II.
19
CHAPTER II.
Succession to the Crown. — Aztec Nobility. — Judicial System. — Laws and
Revenues. — Military Institutions.
The form of government differed in the different states
of Anahuac. With the Aztecs and Tezcucans it was
monarchical and nearly absolute. The two nations re-
sembled each other so much, in their political institutions,
that one of their historians has remarked, in too un-
qualified a manner indeed, that what is told of one may
be always-understood as applying to the other.1 I shall
direct my inquiries to the Mexican polity, borrowing an
illustration occasionally from that of the rival kingdom.
The government was an elective monarchy. Eour of
the principal nobles, who had been chosen by their own
body in the preceding reign, filled the office of electors,
to whom were added, with merely an honorary rank
however, the two royal allies of Tezcuco and Tlacopan.
The sovereign was selected from the brothers of the
deceased prince, or, in default of them, from his nephews.
Thus the election was always restricted to the same
family. The candidate preferred must have distinguished
himself in war, though, as in the case of the last Mon-
tezuma, he were a member of the priesthood.2 This
singular mode of supplying the throne had some advan-
tages. The candidates received an education which fitted
them for the royal dignity, while the age at which they
were chosen not only secured the nation against the evils
of minority, but afforded ample means for estimating
their qualifications for the office. The result, at all
1 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS. taken from the warrior caste, though
cap. 36. obliged afterwards to be instructed
2 This was an exception. — In in the mysteries of the priesthood :
Egypt, also, the king was frequently o fie £k /zaxtVwc anoheheiyixevos
c 2
20 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
events, was favourable ; since the throne, as already
noticed, was filled by a succession of able princes, well
qualified to rule over a warlike and ambitious people.
The scheme of election, however defective, argues a more
refined and calculating policy than was to have been
expected from a barbarous nation.3
The new monarch was installed in his regal dignity
with much parade of religious ceremony ; but not until,
by a victorious campaign, he had obtained a sufficient
number of captives to grace his triumphal entry into the
capital, and to furnish victims for the dark and bloody
rites which stained the Aztec superstition. The crown,
resembling a mitre in its form, and curiously ornamented
with gold, gems, and feathers, was placed on his head
by the lord of Tezcuco, the most powerful of his royal
allies. The title of King, by which the earlier Aztec
princes are distinguished by Spanish writers, is sup-
planted by that of Umperor in the later reigns, intimating,
perhaps, his superiority over the confederated monarchies
of Tlacopan and Tezcuco.4
The Aztec princes, especially towards the close of the
dynasty, lived in a barbaric pomp, truly Oriental. Their
spacious palaces were provided with halls for the different
councils, who aided the monarch in the transaction of
business. The chief of these was a sort of privy council,
composed in part, probably, of the four electors chosen
by the nobles after the accession, whose places, when
made vacant by death, were immediately supplied as
before. It was the business of this body, so far as can
evGvs eylvfro rap lepcov. Plutarch, Clavigero may be permitted to out-
de Isid. et Osir., sec. 9. weigh this general assertion.
3 Torquemada, Monarch. Lid., lib. 4 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
2, cap. 18 ; lib. 11, cap. 27.— Clavi- pana, lib. 6, cap. 9, 10, 14 ; lib. 8,
gero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ii. p. cap. 31, 34. — See, also, Zurita, Rap-
US. — Acosta, Naturall and Morall port, pp. 20—23.
Historie of the East and West In- Ixtlilxochitl stoutly claims this
dies, Eng. trans. (London, 1601.) supremacy for his own nation.
According to Zurita, an election (Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 34.) His
by the nobles took place only in assertions are at variance with facts
default of heirs of the deceased stated by himself elsewhere, and are
monarch. (Rapport, p. 15.) The not countenanced by any other writer
minute historical investigation of whom I have consulted.
chap, ii.] AZTEC NOBILITY. 21
be gathered from the very loose accounts given of it, to
advise the king, in respect to the government of the pro-
vinces, the administration of the revenues, and indeed,
on all great matters of public interest.5
In the royal buildings were accommodations, also, for
a numerous body-guard of the sovereign, made up of the
chief nobility. It is not easy to determine with precision,
in these barbarian governments, the limits of the several
orders. It is certain there was a distinct class of nobles,
with large landed possessions, who held the most import-
ant offices near the person of the prince, and engrossed
the administration of the provinces and cities.6 Many
of these could trace their descent from the founders of
the Aztec monarchy. According to some writers of
authority, there were thirty great caciques, who had their
residence, -at least a part of the year, in the capital,
and who could muster a hundred thousand vassals each
on their estates.7 Without relying on such wild state-
ments, it is clear, from the testimony of the conquerors,
that the country was occupied by numerous powerful
chieftains, who lived like independent princes on their
domains. If it be true that the kings encouraged, or
indeed exacted, the residence of these nobles in the
capital, and required hostages in their absence, it is evi-
dent that their power must have been very formidable.8
Their estates appear to have been held by various
5 Sahagun, who places the elective Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra
power in a much larger body, speaks Firme del Mar Oceano, (Madrid,
of four senators, who formed a state 1730,) dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 12.
council. (Hist, de Nueva Espana, 8 Carta de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
lib. 8, cap. 30.) Acosta enlarges Hist, de Nueva Espana, p. 110. —
the council beyond the number of Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 2,
the electors. (Lib. 6, ch. 26.) No cap. 89 ; lib. 14, cap. 6. — Clavigero,
two writers agree. Stor. del Messico, torn. ii. p. 321. —
6 Zurita enumerates four orders of Zurita, Rapport, pp. 48, 65.
chiefs, all of whom were exempted Ixtlilxochitl (Hist. Chich., MS.,
from imposts, and enjoyed very con- cap. 34) speaks of thirty great feudal
siderable privileges. He does not chiefs, some of them Tezcucan and
discriminate the several ranks with Tlacopan, whom he styles " grandees
much precision. Rapport, pp. 47 et of the empire !" He says nothing
seq. of the great tail of 100,000 vassals
7 See, in particular, Herrera, His- to each mentioned by Torquemada
toria General de los Hechos de los and Herrera.
22 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
tenures, and to have been subject to different restrictions.
Some of them, earned by their own good swords, or
received as the recompense of public services, were held
without any limitation, except that the possessors could
not dispose of them to a plebeian.9 Others were entailed
on the eldest male issue, and, in default of such, reverted
to the crown. Most of them seem to have been burdened
with the obligation of military service. The principle
chiefs of Tezcuco, according to its chronicler, were ex-
pressly obliged to support their prince with their armed
vassals, to attend his court, and aid him in the council.
Some, instead of these services, were to provide for the
repairs of his buildings, and to keep the royal demesnes
in order, with an annual offering, by wray of homage, of
fruits and flowers. It was usual, if we are to believe
historians, for a new king, on his accession, to confirm
the investiture of estates derived from the crown.10
It cannot be denied that we recognise in all this,
several features of the feudal system, which, no doubt,
lose nothing of their effect, under the hands of the
Spanish writers, who are fond of tracing analogies to
European institutions. But such analogies lead some-
times to very erroneous conclusions. The obligation of
military service, for instance, the most essential principle
of a fief, seems to be naturally demanded by every
government from its subjects. As to minor points of
resemblance, they fall far short of that harmonious sys-
tem of reciprocal service and protection which embraced,
in nice gradation, every order of a feudal monarchy.
9 Maceliual, — a word equivalent mara, Crdnica de Nueva Espafia, cap.
to the French word roturier. Nor 199, ap. Barcia, torn. ii.
conld fiefs originally be held by pie- Boturini (Idea, p. 165) carries
beians in Prance. See Hallam's back the origin of fiefs in Anahuac,
Middle Ages, (London, 1819,) vol. ii. to the twelfth century. Carli says,
p. 207. " Le systeme politique y etait feo-
dal." In the nest page he tells us,
10 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., " Persoual merit alone made the dis-
ubi supra. — Zurita, Rapport, ubi tmction of the nobility!" (Lettres
supra. — Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, Americaines, trad. Fr., [Paris,
torn. ii. pp. 122— 121.— -Torquemada, 1788,] torn. i. let. 11.) Carli was
Monarch, hid., lib. 14, cap. 7. — Go- a writer of a lively imagination.
chap, ii.] JUDICIAL SYSTEM. 23
The kingdoms of Anahuac were, in their nature, despotic,
attended, indeed, with many mitigating circumstances
unknown to the despotisms of the East ; but it is chime-
rical to look for much in common — beyond a few acci-
dental forms and ceremonies — with those aristocratic
institutions of the Middle Ages, which made the court
of every petty baron the precise image in miniature of
that of his sovereign.
The legislative power, both in Mexico and Tezcuco,
resided wholly with the monarch. This feature of des-
potism, however, was, in some measure, counteracted
by the constitution of the judicial tribunals — of more
importance, among a rude people, than the legislative,
since it is easier to make good laws for such a community,
than to enforce them, and the best laws, badly admi-
nistered, ^re but a mockery. Over each of the principal
cities, with its dependent territories, was placed a supreme
judge, appointed by the crown, with original and final
jurisdiction in both civil and criminal cases. There was
no appeal from his sentence to any other tribunal, nor
even to the king. He held his office during life ; and
any one who usurped his ensigns was punished with
death.11
Below7 this magistrate was a court, established in each
province, and consisting of three members. It held con-
current jurisdiction with the supreme judge in civil suits,
but in criminal an appeal lay to his tribunal. Besides
these courts, there was a body of inferior magistrates
distributed through the country, chosen by the people
themselves in their several districts. Their authority was
limited to smaller causes, while the more important wrere
11 This magistrate, who was called justice, under Montezuma, who intro-
cihuacoatl, was also to audit the duced great changes in them. (An-
accounts of the collectors of the tiq. of Mexico, vol. i., Plate 70.)
taxes in his district. (Clavigero, According to the interpreter, an
Stor. del Messico, torn. ii. p. 127. — appeal lay from them, in certain
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 11, cases, to the king's council. Ibid.,
cap. 25.) The Mendoza Collection vol. vi. p. 70.
contains a painting of the courts of
24 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [
BOOK I.
carried up to the higher courts. There was still another
class of subordinate officers, appointed also by the people,
each of whom was to watch over the conduct of a certain
number of families, and report any disorder or breach of
the laws to the higher authorities.12
In Tezcuco the judicial arrangements were of a more
refined character;13 and a gradation of tribunals finally
terminated in a general meeting or parliament, consisting
of all the judges, great and petty, throughout the king-
dom, held every eighty days in the capital, over which the
king presided in person. This body determined all suits,
which, from their importance, or difficulty, had been re-
served for its consideration by the lower tribunals. It
served, moreover, as a council of state, to assist the mo-
narch in the transaction of public business,14
Such are the vague and imperfect notices that can be
gleaned, respecting the Aztec tribunals, from the hiero-
glyphical paintings still preserved, and from the most
accredited Spanish writers. These, being usually eccle-
siastics, have taken much less interest in this subject than
in matters connected with religion. They find some
apology, certainly, in the early destruction of most of the
12 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, the Tezcucan courts, which, in their
torn. ii. pp. 127, 128. — Torquemada, forms of procedure, he says, were
Monarch. Lid., ubi supra. like the Aztec. (Loc. cit.)
In this arrangement of the more
humble magistrates we are reminded u Boturiui, Idea, p. 87. Tor-
of the Anglo-Saxon hundreds and quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 11,
tithings, especially the latter, the cap. 26.
members of which were to watch Zurita compares this body to the
over the conduct of the families in Castiliancortes. It would seem, how-
their districts, and bring the offenders ever, according to him, to have con-
to justice. The hard penalty of mu- sisted only of twelve principal judges,
tu'al responsibility was not known to besides the king. His meaning is
the Mexicans. somewhat doubtful. (Rapport, pp.
94, 101, 106.) M. de Humboldt, in
13 Zurita, so temperate, usually, in his account of the Aztec courts, has
his language, remarks, that, in the confounded them with the Tezcucan.
capital, " Tribunals were instituted Comp. Vues des Cordilleres et Mo-
which might compare in their organ- numens des Peuples Indigenes de
ization with the royal audiences of l'Amerique, (Paris. 1S10,) p. 55, and
Castile." (Rapport, p. 93.) His Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ii.
observations are chiefly drawn from pp. 128, 129.
chap, ii.] JUDICIAL SYSTEM. 25
Indian paintings, from which their information was, in
part, to be gathered.
On the whole, however, it must be inferred, that the
Aztecs were sufficiently civilized to evince a solicitude for
the rights both of property and of persons. The law,
authorizing an appeal to the highest judicature in cri-
minal matters only, shows an attention to personal
security, rendered the more obligatory by the extreme
severity of their penal code, which would naturally have
made them more cautious of a wrong conviction. The
existence of a number of coordinate tribunals, without
a central one of supreme authority to control the whole,
must have given rise to very discordant interpretations of
the law in different districts. But this is an evil which
they shared in common with most of the nations of Europe.
The provision for making the superior judges wholly
independent of the crown was worthy of an enlightened
people. It presented the strongest barrier, that a mere
constitution could afford, against tyranny. It is not, in-
deed, to be supposed that, in a government otherwise so
despotic, means could not be found for influencing the
magistrate. But it was a great step to fence round his
authority with the sanction of the law ; and no one of
the Aztec monarchs, as far as I know, is accused of an
attempt to violate it.
To receive presents or a bribe, to be guilty of collusion
in any way with a suitor, was punished, in a judge, with
death. Who, or what tribunal, decided as to his guilt,
does not appear. In Tezcuco, this was clone by the rest
of the court. But the king presided over that body.
The Tezcucan prince, Nezahualpilli, who rarely tempered
justice with mercy, put one judge to death for taking
a bribe, and another for determining suits in his own
house, — a capital offence, also, by law.15
15 "Ah ! si esta se repitiera hoy, Rapport, p. 102. — Torquemada, Mo-
que bueno seria !" exclaims Saha- narch.Lid.,ubi supra. — Ixtlilxochitl,
gun's Mexican editor. Hist'.deNueva Hist. Chick, MS., cap. 67.
Espafia, tora.ii. p.304,nota.— Zurita,
26' AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [b
BOOK I.
The judges of the higher tribunals were maintained
from the produce of a part of the crown lands, reserved
for this purpose. They, as well as the supreme judge,
held their offices for life. The proceedings in the courts
were conducted with decency and order. The judges
wore an appropriate dress, and attended to business both
parts of the day, dining always, for the sake of despatch,
in an apartment of the same building where they held
their session \ a method of proceeding much commended
by the Spanish chroniclers, to whom despatch was not
very familiar in their own tribunals. Officers attended
to preserve order, and others summoned the parties, and
produced them in court. No counsel was employed ; the
parties stated their own case, and supported it by their
witnesses. The oath of the accused was also admitted in
evidence. The statement of the case, the testimony, and
the proceedings of the trial, were all set forth by a clerk,
in hieroglyphical paintings, and handed over to the court.
The paintings were executed with so much accuracy, that,
in all suits respecting real property, they were allowed to
be produced as good authority in the Spanish tribunals,
very long after the Conquest ; and a chair for their study
and interpretation was established at Mexico in 1553,
which has long since shared the fate of most other pro-
visions for learning in that unfortunate country.16
A capital sentence was indicated by a line traced with
an arrow across the portrait of the accused. In Tezcuco,
where the king presided in the court, this, according to
the national chronicler, was done with extraordinary pa-
rade. His description, which is of rather a poetical cast,
I give in his own words. " In the royal palace of Tezcuco
was a court-yard, on the opposite sides of which were
16 Zurita, Rapport, pp. 95, 100, Clavigero says, the accused might
103. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva free himself by oath ; " il reo poteva
Espafta, loc. cit. — Humboldt, Vues purgarsi col giuramento." (Stor. del
des Cordilleres, pp. 55, 56.— Tor- Messico, torn. ii. p. 129.) What
quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 11, rogue, then, could ever have been
cap. 25. convicted ?
chap, ii.] LAWS AND REVENUES. 27
two halls of justice. In the principal one, called the
' tribunal of God,' was a throne of pure gold, inlaid with
turquoises and other precious stones. On a stool, in
front, was placed a human skull, crowned with an im-
mense emerald, of a pyramidal form, and surmounted by
an aigrette of brilliant plumes and precious stones. The
skull wTas laid on a heap of military weapons, shields,
quivers, bows, and arrows. The walls were hung with
tapestry, made of the hair of different wild animals, of
rich and various colours, festooned by gold rings, and
embroidered with figures of birds and flowers. Above
the throne was a canopy of variegated plumage, from the
centre of which shot forth resplendent rays of gold and
jewrels. The other tribunal, called ' the King's,' was also
surmounted by a gorgeous canopy of feathers, on which
were emblazoned the royal arms. Here the sovereign
gave public audience, and communicated his despatches.
But, when he decided important causes, or confirmed
a capital sentence, he passed to ' the tribunal of God,'
attended by the fourteen great lords of the realm, mar-
shalled according to their rank. Then, putting on his
mitred crown, incrusted with precious stones, and holding
a golden arrow, by way of sceptre, in his left hand, he
laid his right upon the skull, and pronounced judgment."17
All this looks rather fine for a court of justice, it must be
owned. But it is certain, that the Tezcucans, as we shall
see hereafter, possessed both the materials and the skill
requisite to work them up in this manner. Had they
been a little further advanced in refinement, one might
well doubt their having the bad taste to do so.
The laws of the Aztecs were registered, and exhibited
to the people in their hieroglyphical paintings. Much
the larger part of them, as in every nation imperfectly
civilized, relates rather to the security of persons than of
17 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., MS., bolical meaning, according to Botu-
cap. 36. rim. Idea, p. 84.
These various objects had a sym-
28 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
property. The great crimes against society were all made
capital. Even the murder of a slave was punished with
death. Adulterers, as among the Jews, were stoned to
death. Thieving, according to the degree of the offence,
was punished by slavery or death. Yet the Mexicans
could have been under no great apprehension of this
crime, since the entrances to their dwellings were not
secured by bolts, or fastenings of any kind. It was a
capital offence to remove the boundaries of another's
lands ; to alter the established measures ; and for a
guardian not to be able to give a good account of his
ward's property. These regulations evince a regard for
equity in dealings, and for private rights, which argues
a considerable progress in civilization. Prodigals, who
squandered their patrimony, were punished in like man-
ner ; a severe sentence, since the crime brought its
adequate punishment along with it. Intemperance,
which was the burden, moreover, of their religious homi-
lies, was visited with ihe severest penalties ; as if they
had foreseen in it the consuming canker of their own, as
well as of the other Indian races in later times. It was
punished in the young with death, and in older persons
with loss of rank and confiscation of property. Yet a
decent conviviality was not meant to be proscribed at
their festivals, and they possessed the means of indulging
it, in a mild fermented liquor, called pulque, which is still
popular, not only with the Indian, but the European
population of the country.13
18 Paintings of the Mendoza Col- p. 112.) Mons. Ternaux's translation
lection, PL 72, and Interpretation ap. of a passage of the Anonymous Con-
Antiq. of Mexico, vol vi. p. 87.— queror, " aucnn peuple n'est aussi
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 12, sobre," (Recueil de Pieces Relatives
cap. 7 — Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, a la Conquete du Mexiqne, ap. Voy-
tom. ii. pp. 130-134— Camargo, ages, &c, [Paris, 1838,] p. 44,) may
Hist, de Tlascala, MS. give a more favourable impression,
They could scarcely have been however, than that intended by his
an intemperate people, with these original, whose remark is confined to
heavy penalties hanging over them. abstemiousness in eating. See the
Indeed, Zurita bears testimony that Relatione, ap. Ramusio, Raccolta
those Spaniards, who thought they delle Navigation! et Viaggi. (Ve-
were, greatly erred. (Rapport, netia, 1551-1565.)
chap. II.] LAWS AND REVENUES. 29
The rites of marriage were celebrated with as much
formality as in any Christian country ; and the institu-
tion was held in such reverence, that a tribunal was
instituted for the sole purpose of determining questions
relating to it. Divorces could not be obtained, until
authorized by a sentence of this court, after a patient
hearing of the parties.
But the most remarkable part of the Aztec code was
that relating- to slavery. There were several descriptions
of slaves : prisoners taken in war, who were almost
always reserved for the dreadful doom of sacrifice ; crimi-
nals, public debtors, persons who, from extreme poverty,
voluntarily resigned their freedom, and children who
were sold by their own parents. In the last instance,
usually occasioned also by poverty, it was common for
the parents, with the master's consent, to substitute
others of their children successively, as they grew up :
thus distributing the burden, as equally as possible,
among the different members of the family. The wil-
lingness of freemen to incur the penalties of this condi-
tion is explained by the mild form in which it existed.
The contract of sale was executed in the presence of at
least four witnesses. The services to be exacted were
limited with great precision. The slave was allowed to
have his own family, to hold property, and even other
slaves. His children were free. No one could be born
to slavery in Mexico;19 an honourable distinction, not
known, I believe, in any civilized community where
slavery has been sanctioned.20 Slaves were not sold by
19 In Ancient Egypt the child of eye of the Mexican law, that one
a slave was born tree, if the father might kill them with impunity. (His-
were free. (Biodorus, Bibl. Hist., tory of America, [ed. London, 1 776,]
lib. 1, sec. 80.) This, though more vol. iii. p. 164.) This, however, was
liberal than the code of most coun- not in Mexico, but in Nicaragua,
tries, fell short of the Mexican. (see his own authority, Herrera,
20 In Egypt the same penalty was Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap. 2,)
attached to the murder of a slave as a distant country, not incorporated
to that of a freeman. (Ibid. lib. 1, in the Mexican empire, and with
sec. 77.) Robertson speaks .of a laws and institutions very different
class of slaves held so cheap in the from those of the latter.
30 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
their masters, unless when these were driven to it by
poverty. They were often liberated by them at their
death, and sometimes, as there was no natural repug-
nance founded on difference of blood and race, were
married to them. Yet a refractory or vicious slave
might be led into the market, with a collar round his
neck, which intimated his bad character, and there be
publicly sold, and, on a second sale, reserved for sacri-
fice.21
Such are some of the most striking features of the
Aztec code, to which the Tezcucan bore great resem-
blance.22 With some exceptions, it is stamped with the
severity, the ferocity, indeed, of a rude people, hardened
by familiarity with scenes of blood, and relying on phy-
sical, instead of moral means, for the correction of evil.23
Still, it evinces a profound respect for the great principles
of morality, and as clear a perception of these principles
as is to be found in the most cultivated nations.
The royal revenues were derived from various sources.
The crown lands, which appear to have been extensive,
made their returns in kind. The places in the neigh-
bourhood of the capital were bound to supply workmen
and materials for building the king's palaces, and keeping
them in repair. They were also to furnish fuel, provi-
sions, and whatever was necessary for his ordinary do-
mestic expenditure, which was certainly on no stinted
scale.24 The principal cities, which had numerous villages
21 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., countryman could boast, " Gloriari
lib. 12, cap. 15 ; lib. 14, cap. 16, 17. licet, nulli gentium mitiores placuisse
— Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, pcenas." Livy, Hist., lib. 1, cap. 28.
lib. 8, cap. 14. — Clavigcro, Stor. del 24 The Tezcucan revenues were, in
Messico, torn. ii. pp. 134-136. like manner, paid in the produce of
22 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., the country. The various branches
cap. 3S, and Relaciones, MS. of the royal expenditure were de-
The Tezcucan code, indeed, as frayed by specified towns and dis-
digested under the great Nezahual- tricts ; and the whole arrangements
coyotl, formed the basis of the Mex- here, and in Mexico, bore a remark-
ican, in the latter days of the empire, able resemblance to the financial re-
Zurita, Eapport, p. 95. gulations of the Persian empire, as
23 hi this, at least, they did not reported by the Greek writers (see
resemble the Romans; of whom their Herodotus, Clio, sec. 192); with
>•]
LAWS AND REVENUES.
3L
and a large territory dependent on them, were distributed
into districts, with each a share of the lands allotted to
it, for its support. The inhabitants paid a stipulated
part of the produce to the crown. The vassals of the
great chiefs, also, paid a portion of their earnings into the
public treasury ; an arrangement not at all in the spirit
of the feudal institutions.25
In addition to this tax on all the agricultural produce
of the kingdom, there was another on its manufactures.
The nature and variety of the tributes will be best shown
by an enumeration of some of the principal articles.
These were cotton dresses, and mantles of featherwork
exquisitely made ; ornamented armour ; vases and plates
of gold ; gold-dust ; bands and bracelets ; crystal, gilt,
and varnished- jars and goblets ; bells, arms, and utensils
of copper ; reams of paper ; grain, fruits, copal, amber,
cochineal, cocoa, wild animals, and birds, timber, lime,
mats, &c.26 In this curious medley of the most homely
this difference, however, that the
towns of Persia proper were not
burdened with tributes, like the con-
quered cities. (Idem, Thalia, sec.
97.)
25 Lorenzana, Hist, de Nueva Es-
pana, p. 172. — Torquemada, Mon-
arch. Inch, lib. 2, cap. 89 ; lib. 14,
cap. 7. — Boturini, Idea, p. 166. —
Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. —
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib.
7, cap. 13.
The people of the provinces were
distributed into calpulli, or tribes,
who held the lands of the neighbour-
hood in common. Officers of their
own appointment parcelled out these
lands among the several families of
the calpulli ; and, on the extinction
or removal of a family, its lands
reverted to the common stock, to be
again distributed. The individual
proprietor had no power to alienate
them. The laws regulating these
matters were very precise, and had
existed ever since the occupation of
the country by the Aztecs. Zurita,
Rapport, pp. 51-62.
20 The fohWing items of the tri-
bute furnished by different cities
will give a more precise idea of its
nature : — 20 chests of ground choco-
late ; 40 pieces of armour, of a par-
ticular device ; 2400 loads of large
mantles, of twisted cloth ; 800 loads
of small mantles, of rich wearing ap-
parel ; 5 pieces of armour, of rich fea-
thers; 60 pieces of armour of common
feathers ; a chest of beans ; a chest
of cJiian ; a chest of maize; 8000
reams of paper ; likewise 2000 loaves
of very white salt, refined in the
shape of a mould, for the consump-
tion only of the lords of Mexico ;
8000 lumps of unrefined copal ; 400
small baskets of white refined copal ;
100 copper axes ; 80 loads of red
chocolate ; 800 xicarus, out of which
they drank chocolate ; a little vessel
of small turquoise stones ; 4 chests
of timber full of maize ; 4000 loads
of lime ; tiles of gold, of the size of
an oyster, and as thick as the finger ;
40 bags of cochineal; 20 bags of
gold dust, of the finest quality; a
diadem of gold, of a specified pat-
32 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book f.
commodities, and the elegant superfluities of luxury, it is
singular that no mention should be made of silver, the
great staple of the country in later times, and the use of
which was certainly known to the Aztecs.27
Garrisons were established in the larger cities, — pro-
bably those at a distance, and recently conquered, — to
keep down revolt, and to enforce the payment of the tri-
bute.28 Tax-gatherers were also distributed throughout
the kingdom, who were recognised by their official
badges, and dreaded from the merciless rigour of their
exactions. By a stern law, every defaulter was liable to be
taken and sold as a slave. In the capital were spacious
granaries and warehouses for the reception of the tri-
butes. A receiver-general was quartered in the palace,
who rendered in an exact account of the various contri-
butions, and watched over the conduct of the inferior
agents, in whom the least malversation was summarily
punished. This functionary was furnished with a map
of the whole empire, with a minute specification of the
imposts assessed on every part of it. These imposts,
moderate under the reigns of the early princes, became
so burdensome under those at the close of the dynasty,
being rendered still more oppressive by the manner of
tern ; 20 lip-jewels of clear amber, terly Review, No. xvii. Art. 4.) An
ornamented with gold ; 200 loads of original painting of the same roll was
chocolate; 100 pots or jars of liquid- in Boturini's museum. Lorenzana
amber ; 8000 handfuls of rich scar- has given us engravings of it, in
let feathers; 40 tiger-skins; 1000 which the outlines of the Oxford
bundles of cotton, &c. &c. Col. copy are filled up, though somewhat
de Mendoza, part 2, ap. Antiq. of rudely. Clavigero considers the ex-
Mexico, vols, i., vi. planations in Lorezana's edition very
27 Mapa de Tributes, ap. Loren- inaccurate, (Stor. del Messico, torn,
zana, Hist, de Nueva Espaiia. — Tri- i. p. 25,) a judgment confirmed by
bute-roll, ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. Aglio, who has transcribed the entire
i., and Interpretation, vol. vi., pp. collection of the Mendoza papers,
17-44,. " in the first volume of the Antiquities
The Mendoza Collection, in the of Mexico. It would have much
Bodleian Library at Oxford, contains facilitated reference to his plates, if
a roll of the, cities of the Mexican they had been numbered ; — a strange
empire, with the specific tributes ex- omission !
acted from them. It is a copy made
after the Conquest, with a pen, on 28 The caciques, who submitted
European paper. (See Foreign Quar- to the allied arms, were usually con-
chap. II.] LAWS AND REVENUES. 33
collection, that they bred disaffection throughout the
land, and prepared the way for its conquest by the
Spaniards.29
Communication was maintained with the remotest
parts of the country by means of couriers. Post-houses
were established on the great roads, about two leagues
distant from each other. The courier, bearing his de-
spatches in the form of a hieroglyphical painting, ran with
them to the first station, where they were taken by an-
other messenger, and carried forward to the next, and so
on till they reached the capital. These couriers, trained
from childhood, travelled with incredible swiftness ; not
four or five leagues an hour, as an old chronicler would
make us believe, but with such speed that despatches
were carried from one to two hundred miles a-day.30
Fresh fish, was frequently served at Montezuma's table in
twenty -four hours from the time it had been taken in the
Gulf of Mexico, two hundred miles from the capital. In
this way, intelligence of the movements of the royal armies
was rapidly brought to court ; and the dress of the courier,
denoting by its colour that of his tidings, spread joy or
consternation in the towns through which he passed.31
firmed iu their authority, and the hundred miles in four and twenty
conquered places allowed to retain hours. (Travels in N. America,
their laws and usages. (Zurita, Rap- [New York, 1839,] vol. i. p. 193.)
port, p. 67.) The conquests were The Greek, who, according to Plut-
not always partitioned, but some- arch, brought the news of victory at
times, singularly enough, were held Platsea, a hundred and twenty -five
in common by the three powers. miles, hi a day, was a better traveller
Ibid., p. 11. still. Some interesthig facts on the
29 Collec. of Mendoza, ap. Antiq. pedestrian capabilities of man in the
of Mexico, vol. vi. p. 17. — Carta de savage state are collected by Buf-
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, Hist, de Nue- fon, who concludes, truly enough,
va Espana, p. 110. — Torquemada, " L'homme civilise ne connait pas
Monarch. Ind., lib. 14, cap. 6, 8. — ses forces." (Histoire Naturelle ;
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. De la Jeunesse.)
7, cap. 13. — Sahagun, Hist.de Nue- 31 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib.
va Espana, lib. 8, cap. 18, 19. 14, cap. 1.
38 The Hon. C. A. Murray, whose The same wants led to the same
imperturbable good humour under expedients in ancient Rome, and still
real troubles forms a contrast rather more ancient Persia. "Nothing in
striking, to the sensitiveness of some the world is borne so swiftly," says
of his predecessors to imaginary ones, Herodotus, "as messages by the
tells us, among other marvels, that Persian couriers ;" which his com-
an Indian of his party travelled a mentator, Valckenaer, prudently qua-
VOL. I. D
34 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
But the great aim of the Aztec institutions to which
private discipline and public honours were alike directed,
was the profession of arms. In Mexico, as in Egypt, the
soldier shared with the priest the highest consideration.
The king, as we have seen, must be an experienced war-
rior. The tutelary deity of the Aztecs was the god of
war. A great object of their military expeditions, was to
gather hecatombs of captives for his altars. The soldier,
who fell in battle, was transported at once to the region
of ineffable bliss in the bright mansions of the Sun.32
Every war, therefore, became a crusade ; and the war-
rior, animated by a religious enthusiasm like that of the
early Saracen, or the Christian crusader, was not only
raised to a contempt of danger, but courted it, for the
imperishable crown of martyrdom. Thus we find the
same impulse acting in the most opposite quarters of the
globe, and the Asiatic, the European, and the American,
each earnestly invoking the holy name of religion in the
perpetration of human butchery.
The question of war was discussed in a council of the
king and his chief nobles. Ambassadors were sent, pre-
viously to its declaration, to require the hostile state to
receive the Mexican gods, and to pay the customary tri-
bute. The persons of ambassadors were held sacred
throughout Anahuac. They were lodged and entertained
in the great towns at the public charge, and were every-
where received with courtesy, so long as they did not
deviate from the highroads on their route. When they
did, they forfeited their privileges. If the embassy proved
unsuccessful, a defiance, or open declaration of war, was
lifies by the exception of the carrier arrangement for posts subsists there
pigeon. (Herodotus, Hist. Urania, at the present day, and excites the
sec. 98, necnon Adnot. ed. Schweigh- admiration of a modern traveller,
auser.) Couriers are noticed, in the (Anderson, British Embassy to Chi-
thirteenth century, in China, by na, [London, 1796,] p. 282.) In all
Marco Polo. Their stations were these cases, the posts were for the
only three miles apart, and they ac- use of government only,
complished five days' journey in one.
(Viaggi di Marco Polo, lib. 2, cap. 32 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
20, ap. Ramusio, torn, ii.) A similar paha, lib. 3. Apend., cap. 3.
chap. II.] MILITARY INSTITUTIONS. 35
sent ; quotas were drawn from the conquered provinces,
which were always subjected to military service, as well
as the payment of taxes ; and the royal army, usually
with the monarch at its head, began its march.33
The Aztec princes made use of the incentives em-
ployed by European monarchs to excite the ambition of
their followers. They established various military orders,
each having its privileges and peculiar insignia. There
seems, also, to have existed a sort of knighthood of
inferior degree. It was the cheapest reward of martial
prowess, and whoever had not reached it, was excluded
from using ornaments on his arms or his person, and
obliged to wear a course white stuff, made from the
threads of the aloe, called ?iequen. Even the members
of the royal family were not excepted from this law,
which reminds one of the occasional practice of Christian
knights, to wear plain armour, or shields without device,
till they had achieved some doughty feat of chivalry.
Although the military orders were thrown open to all,
it is probable that they were chiefly filled with persons
of rank ; who, by their previous training and connexions,
were able to come into the field under pecidiar advan-
tages.34
The dress of the higher warriors was picturesque, and
often magnificent. Their bodies were covered with a
close vest of quilted cotton, so thick as to be impenetra-
ble to the light missiles of Indian warfare. This gar-
ment was so light and serviceable, that it was adopted
by the Spaniards. The wealthier chiefs sometimes wore,
instead of this cotton mail, a cuirass made of thin plates
of gold or silver. Over it was thrown a surcoat of the
33 Zurita, Rapport, pp. 6S, 120. Liv., Hist., lib. 1, cap. 32; lib. 4, cap.
— Collec. of Mendoza, ap. Antiq. of 30, et alibi.
Mexico, vol. i. PI. 67; vol. vi. p. 74.
— Torquemada, Monarch. Lid., lib. si Ibid., lib. 14, cap. 4, 5. — Acos-
14, cap. 1. ta, lib. 6, ch. 26.— Collec. of Men-
The reader will find a remarkable doza, ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. i.
resemblance to these military usages PL 65 ; vol. vi. p. 72. — Camargo,
in those of the earlv Romans. Comp. Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
D 2
36 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
gorgeous feather-work in which they excelled.35 Their
helmets were sometimes of wood, fashioned like the heads
of wild animals, and sometimes of silver, on the top of
which waved a panache of variegated feathers, sprinkled
with precious stones and ornaments of gold. They wore
also collars, bracelets, and earrings, of the same rich
materials.36
Their armies were divided into bodies of eight thousand
men ; and these, again, into companies of three or four
hundred, each with its own commander. The national
standard, which has been compared to the ancient
Roman, displayed, in its embroidery of gold and feather-
work, the armorial ensigns of the state. These were
significant of its name, which, as the names of both per-
sons and places were borrowed from some material ob-
ject, was easily expressed by hieroglyphical symbols.
The companies and the great chiefs had also their ap-
propriate banners and devices, and the gaudy hues of
their many-coloured plumes gave a dazzling splendour to
the spectacle.
Their tactics were such as belong to a nation with
whom war, though a trade, is not elevated to the rank
of a science. They advanced singing, and shouting their
war-cries, briskly charging the enemy, as rapidly retreat-
ing, and making use of ambuscades, sudden surprises,
and the light skirmish of guerilla warfare. Yet their
discipline was such as to draw forth the encomiums of
33 "Their mail, if mail it may be Or what the thin gold hauberk,
called, was woven when opposed
Of vegetable down, like finest To arms like ours in battle ?"
flax, Madoc, P. 1, canto 7.
Bleached to the whiteness of -r, ,.» , . . . . „ , ,
new-fallen snow." Beautiful painting! One may doubt,
however, the propriety ol the Welsli-
" Others, of higher office, were mau's vaunt> before the use of fire"
arrayed arms-
In feathery breastplates, of more ,, 0 , TT. , , __ _
gorgeous hue " Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
Than'the gay plumage of the Pa™> ^ 2> cap. 27; lib 8, cap. 12.
mountain cock, —Relatione d im gentil huomo, ap.
Than the pheasant's glittering Ramusio, torn m. p. 305. -Torque-
pride, But what were these, mada> Monarch. Ind., ubi supra.
chap. II.] MILITARY INSTITUTIONS. 37
the Spanish conquerors. " A beautiful sight it was,"
says one of them, " to see them set out on their march,
all moving forward so gaily, and in so admirable order!"37
In battle, they did not seek to kill their enemies, so much
as to take them prisoners ; and they never scalped, like
other North American tribes. The valour of a warrior
was estimated by the number of his prisoners ; and no
ransom was large enough to save the devoted captive.38
Their military code bore the same stern features as
their other laws. Disobedience of orders was punished
with death. It was death, also, for a soldier to leave his
colours to attack the enemy before the signal was given,
or to plunder another's booty or prisoners. One of the
last Tezcucan princes, in the spirit of an ancient Roman,
put two sons to death, after having cured their wounds,
for violating the last-mentioned law.39
I must not omit to notice here an institution, the in-
troduction of which, in the Old World, is ranked among
the beneficent fruits of Christianity. Hospitals were
established in the principal cities, for the cure of the
sick, and the permanent refuge of the disabled soldier ;
and surgeons were placed over them, " who were so far
better than those in Europe," says an old chronicler,
" that they did not protract the cure, in order to increase
the pay."40
Such is the brief outline of the civil and military polity
of the ancient Mexicans ; less perfect than could be de-
SJ Relatione d'un gentil' huomo, wore the hideous trophy, in the same
ubi supra. manner as our North American In-
38 Col. of Mendoza, ap. Antiq. of dians. (Herodot., Hist., Melpomene,
Mexico, vol. i. PL 65, 66; vol. vi. p. sec. 64.) Traces of the same savage
73. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- custom are also found in tJie laws of
park, lib. 8, cap. 12. — Toribio, Hist. the Visigoths, among the Franks, and
de los Indios, MS., Parte 1. cap. even the Anglo-Saxons. See Guizot,
7.— Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. Cours d'Histoire Moderne, (Paris,
14, cap. 3.— Relatione d'un gentil' 1829,) torn. i. p. 283.
huomo, ap. Ramusio, loc. cit. ,„ T ,,., , ... TT. ,-,,., ,ro
Scalping may claim high authority, Ixtldxochitl, Hist. Cinch., MS.,
or, at least, antiquity. The Father caP- b/'
of History gives an account of it 40 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib.
among the Scythians, showing that 12, cap. 6 ; lib. 14, cap. 3. — Ixtlilx-
they performed the operation, and ochitl, Hist. Chich., MS,, cap. 36.
88 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
sired, in regard to the former, from the imperfection of
the sources whence it is drawn. Whoever has had oc-
casion to explore the early history of modern Europe, has
found how vague and unsatisfactory is the political infor-
mation which can be gleaned from the gossip of monkish
annalists. How much is the difficulty increased in the
present instance, where this information, first recorded in
the dubious language of hieroglyphics, was interpreted
in another language, with which the Spanish chroniclers
were imperfectly acquainted, while it related to institu-
tions of which their past experience enabled them to form
no adequate conception ! Amidst such uncertain lights,
it is in vain to expect nice accuracy of detail. All that
can be done is, to attempt an outline of the more pro-
minent features, that a correct impression, so far as it
goes, may be produced on the mind of the reader.
Enough has been said, however, to show that the
Aztec and Tezcucan races were advanced in civilization
very far beyond the wandering tribes of North America.41
The degree of civilization which they had reached, as
41 Zurita is indignant at the epi- of the Aztec laws and institutions,
thet of barbarians bestowed on the and on that of the modifications in-
Aztecs ; an epithet, he says, " which troduced by the Spaniards. Much of
could come from no one who had his treatise is taken up with the lat-
personal knowledge of the capacity ter subject. In what relates to the
of the people, or their institutions, former he is more brief than could
and which, in some respects, is quite be wished, from the difficulty, per-
as well merited by the European na- haps, of obtaining full and satisfac-
tions." (Rapport, pp. 200, et seq.) tory information as to the details.
This is strong language. Yet no one As far as he goes, however, he ma-
had better means of knowing than nifests a sound and discriminating
this eminent jurist, who, for nineteen judgment. He is very rarely be-
years, held a post in the royal audi- trayed into the extravagance of ex-
ences of New Spain. During his long pression so visible in the writers of
residence in the country he had ample the time ; and this temperance, corn-
opportunity of acquainting himself bined with his uncommon sources of
with its usages, both through his information, makes his work one of
own personal observation and inter- highest authority on the limited topics
course with the natives, aud through within its range.— The original manu-
the first missionaries who came over script was consulted by Clavigero,
after the Conquest. On his return and, indeed, has been used by other
to Spain, probably about 1560, he writers. The work is now accessible
occupied himself with an answer to to all, as one of the series of trans-
queries which had been propounded lations from the pen of the indefati-
by the government, on the character gable Ternaux.
chap, ii.] AZTEC CIVILIZATION. 39
inferred by their political institutions, may be considered,
perhaps, not much short of that enjoyed by our Saxon
ancestors, under Alfred. In respect to the nature of it,
they may be better compared with the Egyptians ; and
the examination of their social relations and culture may
suggest still stronger points of resemblance to that
ancient people.
Those familiar with the modern Mexicans, will find it
difficult to conceive that the nation should ever have
been capable of devising the enlightened polity which
we have been considering. But they should remember,
that in the Mexicans of our day they see only a con-
quered race, as different from their ancestors as are the
modern Egyptians from those who built, — I will not say,
the tasteless pyramids, — but the temples and palaces,
whose magnificent wrecks strew the borders of the Nile,
at Luxor and Karnac. The difference is not so great,
as between the ancient Greek and his degenerate de-
scendant, lounging among the master-pieces of art which
he has scarcely taste enough to admire — speaking the
language of those still more imperishable monuments of
literature which he has hardly capacity to comprehend.
Yet he breathes the same atmosphere, is warmed by the
same sun, nourished by the same scenes, as those who
fell at Marathon, and won the trophies of Olympic Pisa.
The same blood flows in his veins that flowed in theirs.
But ages of tyranny have passed over him ; he belongs
to a conquered race.
The American Indian has something peculiarly sen-
sitive in his nature. He shrinks instinctively from the
rude touch of a foreign hand. Even when this foreign
influence comes in the form of civilization, he seems to
sink and pine away beneath it. It has been so with the
Mexicans. Under the Spanish domination, their num-
bers have silently melted away. Their energies are
broken. They no longer tread their mountain plains
with the conscious independence of their ancestors. In
40 TORQUEMADA. [book i.
their faltering step, and meek and melancholy aspect,
we read the sad characters of the conquered race. The
cause of humanity, indeed, has gained. They live under
a better system of laws, a more assured tranquillity, a
purer faith. But all does not avail. Their civilization
was of the hardy character which belongs to the wilder-
ness. The fierce virtues of the Aztec were all his own.
They refused to submit to European culture — to be
engrafted on a foreign stock. His outward form, his
complexion, his lineaments, are substantially the same ;
but the moral characteristics of the nation, all that con-
stituted its individuality as a race, are effaced for ever.
Two of the principal authorities for this Chapter, are Torquernada and
Clavigero. The former, a Provincial of the Franciscan order, came to the
New World about the middle of the sixteenth century. As the generation
of the conquerors had not then passed away, he had ample opportunities of
gathering the particulars of their enterprise from their own lips. Fifty
years, during whicli he continued in the country, put him in possession of
the traditions and usages of the natives, and enabled him to collect their
history from the earliest missionaries, as well as from such monuments as
the fanaticism of his own countrymen had not then destroyed. From these
ample sources he compiled his bulky tomes, beginning, after the approved
fashion of the ancient Castilian chroniclers, with the creation of the world,
and embracing the whole circle of the Mexican institutions, political,
rebgious, and social, from the earliest period to his own time. In handling
these fruitful themes, the worthy father has shown a full measure of the
bigotry which belonged to his order at that period. Every page, too, is
loaded with illustrations from Scripture or profane history, which form a
whimsical contrast to the barbaric staple of his story; and he has sometimes
fallen into serious errors, from his misconception of the chronological system
of the Aztecs. But, notwithstanding these glaring defects in the composi-
tion of the work, the student, aware of his author's infirmities, will find few
better guides than Torquernada in tracing the stream of historic truth up to
the fountain head ; such is his manifest integrity, and so great were his
facilities for information on the most curious points in Mexican antiquity.
No work, accordingly, has been more largely consulted and copied, even by
some who, like Herrera, have affected to set little value on the sources
whence its information was drawn. — (Hist. General, dec. 6, Ub. 6, cap. 19.)
The Monarquia Indiana was first pubbshed at Seville, 1615, (Nic. Antonio,
Bibliotheca Nova, [Matriti, 1783,] torn. ii. p. 787,) and since, in a better
style, in three volumes folio, at Madrid, in 1723.
The other authority, frequently cited in the preceding pages, is the Abbe
Clavigero's Storia Antica del Messico. It was originally printed towards
the close of the last century, in the Italian language, and in Italy, whither
the author, a native of Vera Cruz, and a member of the order of the Jesuits,
had retired, on the expulsion of that body from America, in 1767. During
CHAP II
.] CLAVIGERO. 41
a residence of thirty-five years in Lis own country, Clavigero had made him-
self intimately acquainted with its antiquities, by the careful examination of
paintings, manuscripts, and such other remains as were to be found in his
day. The plan of his work is nearly as comprehensive as that of his pre-
decessor, Torquemada; but the later and more cultivated period, in which
he wrote, is visible in the superior address with which he has managed his
complicated subject. In the elaborate disquisitions in his concluding volume,
he has done much to rectify the chronology, and the various inaccuracies of
preceding writers. Indeed, an avowed object of his work was, to vindicate
his countrymen from what he conceived to be the misrepresentations of
Robertson, Raynal, and De Pau. In regard to the last two, he was per-
fectly successful. Such an ostensible design might naturally suggest un-
favourable ideas of his impartiality. But, on the whole, he seems to have
conducted the discussion with good faith ; and if he has been led by national
zeal to overcharge the picture with brilliant colours, he will be found much
more temperate on this score, than those who preceded him, while he has
applied sound principles of criticism, of which they were incapable. In a
word, the diligence of his researches has gathered into one focus the
scattered lights of tradition and antiquarian lore, purified in a great measure
from the mists of superstition which obscure the best productions of an
earlier period. Erom these causes, the work, notwithstanding its occasional
prolixity, and the disagreeable aspect given to it by the profusion of uncouth
names in the Mexican orthography, which bristle over every page, has found
merited favour with the public, and created something like a popular interest
in the subject. Soon after its publication at Cesena, in 1780, it was trans-
lated into English, and more lately, into Spanish and German.
42 Tbook i.
CHAPTER III.
Mexican Mythology. — The Sacerdotal Order. — The Temples. —
Human Sacrifices.
The civil polity of the Aztecs is so closely blended
with their religion, that, without understanding the
latter, it is impossible to form correct ideas of their
government or their social institutions. I shall pass
over for the present, some remarkable traditions, bear-
ing a singular resemblance to those found in the Scrip-
tures, and endeavour to give a brief sketch of their
mythology, and their careful provisions for maintaining
a national worship.
Mythology may be regarded as the poetry of religion,
or rather as the poetic development of the religious
principle in a primitive age. It is the effort of untutored
man to explain the mysteries of existence, and the secret
agencies by which the operations of nature are conducted.
Although the growth of similar conditions of society, its
character must vary with that of the rude tribes in which
it originates ; and the ferocious Goth, quaffing mead
from the skulls of his slaughtered enemies, must have a
very different mythology from that of the effeminate
native of Hispaniola, loitering away his hours in idle
pastimes, under the shadow of his bananas.
At a later and more refined period, we sometimes find
these primitive legends combined into a regular system
under the hands of the poet, and the rude outline
moulded into forms of ideal beauty, which are the objects
of adoration in a credulous age, and the delight of all
chap, in.] AZTEC CIVILIZATION. 43
succeeding ones. Such were the beautiful inventions of
Hesiod and Homer, " who," says the Father of History,
" created the theogony of the Greeks ;" an assertion not
to be taken too literally, since it is hardly possible that
any man should create a religious system for his nation.1
They only filled up the shadowy outlines of tradition
with the bright touches of their own imaginations, until
they had clothed them in beauty which kindled the
imaginations of others. The power of the poet, indeed,
may be felt in a similar way in a much riper period of
society. To say nothing of the " Divina Commedia," who
is there that rises from the perusal of "Paradise Lost,"
without feeling his own conceptions of the angelic
hierarchy quickened by those of the inspired artist, and
a new and sensible form, as it were, given to images
which had before floated dim and undefined before him?
The last-mentioned period is succeeded by that of
philosophy ; which, disclaiming alike the legions of the
primitive age, and the poetical embellishments of the
succeeding one, seeks to shelter itself from the charge of
impiety by giving an allegorical interpretation to the
popular mythology, and thus to reconcile the latter with
the genuine deductions of science.
The Mexican religion had emerged from the first of
the periods we have been considering, and, although
little affected by poetical influences, had received a
peculiar complexion from the priests, who had di-
gested as thorough and burdensome a ceremonial as
ever existed in any nation. They had, moreover,
thrown the veil of allegory over early tradition, and
invested their deities with attributes, savouring much
more of the grotesque conceptions of the eastern na-
tions in the Old World, than of the lighter fictions of
1 ILoi-qo-avTes Qeoyovirjv "EAA^cri. plied the numerous gods that fill her
Herodotus, Euterpe, sec. 53. — Pantheon/' Historical Researches,
Heeren hazards a remark equally Eng. trans., (Oxford, 1833,) vol. iii,
strong, respecting the epic poets of p. 139.
India; "who," says he, "have sup-
44 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
Greek mythology, in which the features of humanity,
however exaggerated, were never wholly abandoned.2
In contemplating the religious system of the Az-
tecs, one is struck with its apparent incongruity, as
if some portion of it had emanated from a compa-
ratively refined people, open to gentle influences,
while the rest breathes a spirit of unmitigated fero-
city. It naturally suggests the idea of two distinct
sources, and authorizes the belief that the Aztecs
had inherited from their predecessors a milder faith,
on which was afterwards engrafted their own mytho-
logy. The latter soon became dominant, and gave its
dark colouring to the creeds of the conquered nations,
which the Mexicans, like the ancient Romans, seem
willingly to have incorporated into their own, until
the same funereal superstition settled over the farthest
borders of Anahuac.
The Aztecs recognised the existence of a supreme
Creator and Lord of the universe. They addressed
him in their prayers, as " the God by whom we live,"
"omnipresent, that knoweth all thoughts, and giveth
all gifts," " without whom man is as nothing," " invi-
sible, incorporeal, one God, of perfect perfection and
purity," "under whose wings we find repose and a
sure defence." These sublime attributes infer no in-
adequate conception of the true God. But the idea
of unity — of a being, with whom volition is action —
who has no need of inferior ministers to execute his
purposes — was too simple, or too vast, for their under-
standings ; and they sought relief, as usual, in a plu-
rality of deities, who presided over the elements, the
changes of the seasons, and the various occupations of
2 The Hon. Mountstuart Elphin- same chapter of this truly philoso-
stone has fallen into a similar train phic work suggests some curious
of thought, in a comparison of the points of resemblance to the Aztec
Hindoo and Greek Mythology, in religious institutions, that may fur-
bis "History of India," published nish pertinent illustrations to the
since the remarks in the text were mind bent on tracing the affinities
written. (See book 1. ch. 4.) The of the Asiatic and American races.
•]
MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY
man.3 Of these, there were thirteen principal deities,
and more than two hundred inferior ; to each of whom
some special day, or appropriate festival, was con-
secrated.4
At the head of all stood the terrible Huitzilopotchli,
the Mexican Mars ; although it is doing injustice to
the heroic war-god of antiquity to identify him with
this sanguinary monster. This was the patron deity
of the nation. His fantastic image was loaded with
costly ornaments. His temples were the most stately
and august of the public edifices ; and his altars reeked
with the blood of human hecatombs in every city of
the empire. Disastrous, indeed, must have been the
influence of such a superstition on the character of the
people.5
3 Hittei* has well shown, by the
example of the Hindoo system, how
the idea of unity suggests, of itself,
that of plurality. History of An-
cient Philosophy, Eng. trans., (Ox-
ford, 1838,) book 2, cli. 1.
4 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
paha, lib. 6, passim. — Acosta, lib.
5, ch. 9. — Boturini, Idea, p. 8, et
seq.— IxtlilxochitlHist. Chich., MS.
cap. 1. — Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala,
MS.
The Mexicans, according to Cla-
vigero, believed in an evil Spirit, the
enemy of the human race, whose
barbarous name signified " Rational
Owl." (Stor. del Messico, torn. ii.
p. 2.) The curate Bernaldez speaks
of the Devil being embroidered on
the dresses of Columbus's Indians,
in the likeness of an owl. (Historia
de los Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap.
131.) This must not be confounded,
however, with the evil Spirit in the
mythology of the North American
Indians, (see Heckewelder's Account,
ap. Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society, Philadelphia,
vol. i. p. 205,) still less, with the
evil Principle of the Oriental nations
of the Old World. It was only one
among many deities, for evil was
found too - liberally mingled in the
natures of most of the Aztec gods, —
in the same manner as with the
Greek, — to admit of its personifica-
tion by any one.
5 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
paua, lib. 3, cap. 1, et seq. — Acosta,
lib. 5, ch. 9. — Torquemada, Monarch.
Ind., lib. 6, cap. 21.— Boturini, Idea,
pp. 27, 28.
Huitzilopotchli is compounded of
two words, signifying " humming-
bird," and " left," from his image
having the feathers of this bird on
its left foot ; (Clavigero, Stor. del
Messico, torn. ii. p. 17 ;) an amiable
etymology for so ruffian a deity —
The fantastic forms of the Mexican
idols were in the highest degree
symbolical. See Gama's learned ex-
position of the devices on the statue
of the goddess found in the great
square of Mexico. (Descripcion de
las Dos Piedras, [Mexico, 1832,]
parte 1, pp. 34 — 44.) The tradition
respecting the origin of this god,
or, at least, his appearance on earth,
is curious. He was born of a wo-
man. His mother, a devout person,
one day, in her attendance on the
temple, saw a ball of bright-coloured
feathers floating in the air. She
took it, and deposited it in her
bosom. She soon after found her-
&
46 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
A far more interesting personage in their mythology
was Quetzalcoatl, god of the air, a divinity who, dur-
ing his residence on earth, instructed the natives in
the use of metals, in agriculture, and in the arts of
government. He was one of those benefactors of their
species, doubtless, who have been deified by the gra-
titude of posterity. Under him, the earth teemed
with fruits and flowers, without the pains of culture.
An ear of Indian corn was as much as a single man
could carry. The cotton, as it grew, took, of its own
accord, the rich dyes of human art. The air was filled
with intoxicating perfumes and the sweet melody
of birds. In short, these were the halcyon days,
which find a place in the mythic systems of so many
nations in the Old World. It was the golden age of
Anahuac.
From some cause, not explained, Quetzalcoatl in-
curred the wrath of one of the principal gods, and was
compelled to abandon the country. On his way, he
stopped at the city of Cholula, where a temple was
dedicated to his worship, the massy ruins of which still
form one of the most interesting relics of antiquity
in Mexico. When he reached the shores of the Mexi-
can Gulf, he took leave of his followers, promising that
he and his descendants would revisit them hereafter;
and then entering his wizard skiff, made of serpents'
self pregnant, and the dread deity of a virgin. So were the Fohi of
was born, coming into the world, China, and the Schaka of Thibet, no
like Minerva, all armed, — with a doubt the same, whether a mythic
spear in the right hand, a shield in or a real personage. The Jesuits in
the left, and his head surmounted by China, says Barrow, were appalled
a crest of green plumes. (See Cla- at finding in the mythology of that
vigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ii. p. country the counterpart of the
19, et seq.) A similar notion in Virgo Deipara." (Vol. i. p. 99,
respect to the incarnation of their note.) The existence of similar re-
principal deity existed among the ligious ideas in remote regions, in-
people of India beyond the Ganges, habited by different races, is an in-
of China, and of Thibet. " Budh," terestingsubject ofstudy; furnishing,
says Milman, in his learned and as it does, one of the most important
luminous work on the History of links in the great chain of commu-
Christianity, "according to a tra- nication which binds together the
dition known in the West, was bora distant families of nations.
chap, in.] MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY. 47
skins, embarked on the great ocean for the fabled land
of Tlapallan. He was said to have been tall in stature,
with a white skin, long, dark hair, and a flowing beard.
The Mexicans looked confidently to the return of the
benevolent deity ; and this remarkable tradition, deeply
cherished in their hearts, prepared the way, as we
shall see hereafter, for the future success of the
Spaniards.6
We have not space for further details respecting
the Mexican divinities, the attributes of many of whom
were carefully defined, as they descended, in regular
gradation, to the penates or household gods, whose
little images were to be found in the humblest dwell-
ing.
The Aztecs, felt the curiosity, common to man in
almost every stage of civilization, to lift the veil
which covers the mysterious past, and the more
awful future. They sought relief, like the nations
of the Old Continent, from the oppressive idea of
eternity, by breaking it up into distinct cycles, or
periods of time, each of several thousand years' dura-
tion. There were four of these cycles, and at the end
of each, by the agency of one of the elements, the
6 Codex Vaticanus, PI. 15, and this rather startling conjecture he is
Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Part 2, supported by several of his devout
PI. 2, ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vols, i., countrymen, who appear to have as
vi. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- little doubt of the fact, as of the ad-
pana, lib. 3, cap. 3, 4, 13, 14. — Tor- vent of St. James, for a similar pur-
quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 6, cap. pose, in the mother country. See
24. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., the various authorities and argu-
cap. 1. — Gomara, Crdnica de la ments set forth with becoming gra-
Nueva Espana, cap. 222, ap. Barcia, vity in Dr. Mier's dissertation in
Historiadores Primitivos de las In- Bustamente's edition of Sahagun,
dias Occidentales, (Madrid, 1749,) (lib. 3, Suplem., [and Veytia,] torn,
torn. ii. i. pp. 160 — 200.) Our ingenious
Quetzalcoatl signifies " feathered countryman, M'Culloch, carries the
serpent." The last syllable means, Aztec god up to a still more respect-
likewise, a " twin " ; which fur- able antiquity, by identifying him
nished an argument for Dr. Siguenza with the patriarch Noah. Researches,
to identify this god with the Apostle Philosophical and Antiquarian, con-
Thomas, (Didymus signifying also a ceruing the Aboriginal History of
twin,) who, he supposes, came over America, (Baltimore, 1829,) p. 233.
to America to preach the gospel. In
48 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
human family was swept from the earth, and the
sun blotted out from the heavens, to be again re-
kindled.7
They imagined three separate states of existence
in the future life. The wicked, comprehending the
greater part of mankind, were to expiate their sins in
a place of everlasting darkness. Another class, with
no other merit than that of having died of certain
diseases, capriciously selected, were to enjoy a negative
existence of indolent contentment. The highest place
was reserved, as in most warlike nations, for the heroes
who fell in battle, or in sacrifice. They passed, at
once, into the presence of the Sun, whom they ac-
companied with songs and choral dances, in his bright
progress through the heavens ; and, after some years,
their spirits went to animate the clouds and singing
birds of beautiful plumage, and to revel amidst the
rich blossoms and odours of the gardens of paradise.8
Such was the heaven of the Aztecs ; more refined in
its character than that of the more polished pagan,
7 Cod. Vat. PI. 7 — 10 ap. Antiq. while the cycles of the Vatican
of Mexico, vols, i., vi. — Ixtlilxochitl, paintings take up near 18,000 years.
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 1. — It is interesting to observe how
M. de Humboldt has been at some the wild conjectures of an ignorant
pains to trace the analogy between age have been confirmed by the
the Aztec cosmogony and that of more recent discoveries in geology,
Eastern Asia. He has tried, though making it probable that the earth
in vain, to find a multiple which has experienced a number of con-
might serve as the key to the calcu- vulsions, possibly thousands of years
lations of the former. (Vues des distant from each other, which have
Cordilleres, pp. 202 — 212.) In swept away the races then exist-
truth, there seems to be a material iug, and given a new aspect to the
discordance in the Mexican state- globe.
ments, both in regard to the number 8 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
of revolutions and their duration. A paiia, lib. 3, Apend. — Cod. Vat., ap.
manuscript before me, of Ixtlilxo- Antiq. of Mexico, PI. 1 — 5. — Tor-
chitl, reduces them to three, before quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13,
the present state of the world, and cap. 48.
allows only 4,394 years for them ; The last writer assures us, " that
(Sumaria Kelacioii, MS.. No. 1 ;) as to what the Aztecs said of their
Gama, on the faith of an ancient going to hell, they were right ; for,
Indian MS., in Boturini's Catalogue, as they died in ignorance of the true
(viii. 13.) reduces the duration still faith, they have, without question,
lower ; (Description de las Dos all gone there to suffer everlasting
Piedras, parte 1, p. 49, et seq. ;) punishment ! " Ubi supra.
chap, in.] MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY. 49
whose elysium reflected only the martial sports, or
sensual gratifications of this life.9 In the destiny they
assigned to the wicked, we discern similar traces of
refinement; since the absence of all physical torture
forms a striking contrast to the schemes of sufFerinp;
so ingeniously devised by the fancies of the most en-
lightened nations.10 In all this, so contrary to the
natural suggestions of the ferocious Aztec, we see the
evidences of a higher civilization, inherited from their
predecessors in the land.
Our limits will allow only a brief allusion to one or
two of their most interesting ceremonies. On the death
of a person, his corpse was dressed in the peculiar habili-
ments of his tutelar deity. It was strewed with pieces
of paper, which operated as charms against the dangers
of the dark road he was to travel. A throng of slaves,
if he were rich, was sacrificed at his obsequies. His
body was burned, and the ashes, collected in a vase, were
preserved in one of the apartments of his house. Here
we have successively the usages of the Roman Catholic,
the Mussulman, the Tartar, and the ancient Greek and
Roman ; curious coincidences, which may show how cau-
tious we should be in adopting conclusions founded on
analogy.11
A more extraordinary coincidence may be traced with
9 It conveys but a poor idea of " He sees •with other eyes than
these pleasures, that the shade of theirs ; where they
Achilles can say, " he had rather be Behold a sun, he spies a deity."
the slave of the meanest man on 10 It is singular that the Tuscan
earth, than sovereign among the bard, while exhausting his invention
dead." (Odyss. A. 488—490.) The in devising modes of bodily torture
Mahometans believe that the souls in his " Inferno," should have made
of martyrs pass, after death, into the so little use of the moral sources of
bodies of birds, that haunt the sweet misery. That he has not done so
waters and bowers of Paradise. might be reckoned a strong proof of
(Sale's Koran, [London, 1S25,] vol. the rudeness of the time, did we not
i. p. 106.) — The Mexican heaven meet with examples of it in a later
may remind one of Dante's in its day ; in which a serious and sublime
material enjoyments ; which, in both, writer, like Dr. Watts, does not
are made up of light, music, and disdain to employ the same coarse
motion. The sun, it must also be machinery for moving the conscience
remembered, was a spiritual con- of the reader,
ception with the Aztec ; " Carta del Lie. Zuazo, (Nov.,
VOL. I. E
50 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
Christian rites, in the ceremony of naming their children.
The lips and bosom of the infant were sprinkled with
water, and " the Lord was implored to permit the holy
drops to wash away the sin that was given to it before the
foundation of the world ; so that the child might be born
anew."12 We are reminded of Christian morals, in more
than one of their prayers, in which they used regular
forms. "Wilt thou blot us out, 0 Lord, for ever? « Is
this punishment intended, not for our reformation, but
for our destruction?" Again, " Impart to us, out of thy
great mercy, thy gifts which we are not worthy to receive
through our own merits." " Keep peace with all," says
another petition; "bear injuries with humility; God,
who sees, will avenge you." But the most striking
parallel with Scripture is in the remarkable declaration,
that " he who looks too curiously on a woman, commits
adultery with his eyes." These pure and elevated maxims,
it is true, are mixed up with others of a puerile, and even
brutal character, arguing that confusion of the moral
perceptions, which is natural in the twilight of civilization.
One would not expect, however, to meet, in such a state
of society, with doctrines as sublime as any inculcated by
the enlightened codes of ancient philosophy.13
1521,) MS. — Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 8. Saliagun's account, see Appendix,
— Torquemada, Monarch. Indiana, Part 1, No. 1. note 26.
lib. 13, cap. 45. — Sahagun, Hist, de 13 " ,j Es posible que este azote
Nueva Espana, lib. 3, Apend. y este castigo no se nos da para
Sometimes the body was buried nuestra correccion y enmienda, sino
entire, with valuable treasures, if the para total destruccionyasolamiento?"
deceased was rich. The "Anony- (Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana,
mous Conqueror," as he is called, lib. 6, cap. 1.) "Y esto por sola
saw gold to the value of 3,000 castel- vuestra liberalidad y magnificencia
lanos drawn from one of these tombs. lo habeis de hacer, que ninguno es
Relatione d'un gentil' huomo, ap. digno ni merecedor de recibir vues-
ltamusio, torn. iii. p. 310. tras larguezas por su dignidad y
12 This interesting rite, usually merecimiento, sino que por vuestra
solemnized with great formality, in benignidad." (Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 2.
the presence of the assembled friends " Sed sufridos y reportados, que Dios
and relatives, is detailed with minute- bien os ve y respondera por vosotros,
ness by Sahagun, (Hist, de Nueva y el os vengara (a) sed humildes con
Espana, lib. 6, cap. 37,) and by Zuazo, todos, y con esto os hara Dios merced
(Carta, MS.,) both of them eyewit- y tambien honra." (Ibid., lib. 6,
nesses. For a version of part of cap. ] 7-) " Tampoco mires con
chap. HI.] MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY. 51
But, although the Aztec mythology gathered nothing
from the beautiful inventions of the poet, nor from the
refinements of philosophy, it was much indebted, as I
have noticed, to the priests, who endeavoured to dazzle
the imagination of the people by the most formal and
pompous ceremonial. The influence of the priesthood
must be greatest in an imperfect state of civilization,
where it engrosses all the scanty science of the time in
its own body. This is particularly the case, when the
science is of that spurious kind which is less occupied
with the real phenomena of nature, than with the fan-
ciful chimeras of human superstition. Such are the
sciences of astrology and divination, in which the Aztec
priests were well initiated; and while they seemed to
hold the keys of the future in their own hands, they
impressed the ignorant people with sentiments of super-
stitious awe, beyond that which has probably existed in
any other country — even in Ancient Egypt.
The sacerdotal order was very numerous, as may be
inferred from the statement, that five thousand priests
were, in some way or other, attached to the principal
temple in the capital. The various ranks and functions
of this multitudinous body were discriminated with great
exactness. Those best instructed in music took the
management of the choirs. Others arranged the festivals
conformably to the calendar. Some superintended the
education of youth, and others had charge of the hiero-
glyphical paintings and oral traditions ; while the dismal
rites of sacrifice were reserved for the chief dignitaries of
the order. At the head of the whole establishment were
two high-priests, elected from the order, as it would
seem, by the king and principal nobles, without reference
to birth, but solely for their qualifications, as shown by
euriosidad el gesto y disposition de la cnriosamente mira a la muger adul-
gente principal, mayormente de las tera con la vista." (Ibid., lib. 6,
mugeres, y sobre todo de las casadas, cap. 22.)
porque dice el refran que el que
E 2
52 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
their previous conduct in a subordinate station. They
were equal in dignity, and inferior only to the sovereign,
who rarely acted without their advice in weighty matters
of public concern.14
The priests were each devoted to the service of some
particular deity, and had quarters provided within the
spacious precincts of their temple ; at least, while engaged
in immediate attendance there, — for they were allowed
to marry, and have families of their own. In this
monastic residence they lived in all the stern severity of
conventual discipline. Thrice during the day, and once
at night, they were called to prayers. They were fre-
quent in their ablutions and vigils, and mortified the
flesh by fasting and cruel penance, — drawing blood from
their bodies by flagellation, or by piercing them with the
thorns of the aloe ; in short, by practising all those
austerities to which fanaticism (to borrow the strong lan-
guage of the poet) has resorted, in every age of the world,
" In hopes to merit Leaven by making eartb a hell."15
The great cities were divided into districts, placed
under the charge of a sort of parochial clergy, who regu-
lated every act of religion within their precincts. It is
remarkable that they administered the rites of confession
and absolution. The secrets of the confessional were
held inviolable, and penances were imposed of much the
same kind as those enjoined in the Roman Catholic
14 'Sabagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- the fact may be." (Monarch. Ind.,
pana, lib. 2, Apend. ; lib. 3, cap. 9. — lib. 9, cap. 5.) It is contradicted by
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 8, Sabagun, whom I have followed as
cap. 20 ; lib. 9, cap. 3, 56. — Gomara, the highest authority in these mat-
Grou., cap. 215, ap. Barcia, torn. ii. ters. Clavigero bad no other know-
— Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., ledge of Sabagun' s work than what
Parte 1, cap. 4. was filtered through the writings of
Clavigero says, that the high-priest Torquemada, and later authors,
was necessarily a person of rank.
(Stor. del Messico, torn. ii. p. 37.) 15 Sabagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
I find no authority for this, not even paha, ubi supra. — Torquemada, Mo-
in bis oracle; Torquemada, who ex- narcb. Ind., lib. 9, cap. 25. — Gomara,
pressly says, "There is no warrant Crdn., ap. Barcia, ubi supra. — Acosta,
for the assertion, however probable lib. 5, cap. 14, 17.
chap, in.] SACERDOTAL ORDER. 53
Church. There were two remarkable peculiarities in the
Aztec ceremony. The first was, that, as the repetition
of an offence, once atoned for, was deemed inexpiable,
confession was made but once in a man's life, and was
usually deferred to a late period of it, when the penitent
unburdened his conscience, and settled, at once, the long
arrears of iniquity. Another peculiarity was, that priestly
absolution was received in place of the legal punishment
of offences, and authorized an acquittal in case of arrest.
Long after the Conquest, the simple natives, when they
came under the arm of the law, sought to escape by pro-
ducing the certificate of their confession.16
One of the most important duties of the priesthood
was that of education, to which certain buildings were
appropriated within the inclosure of the principal temple.
Here the youth of both sexes, of the higher and middling
orders, were placed at a very tender age. The girls were
intrusted to the care of priestesses ; for women were
allowed to exercise sacerdotal functions, except those of
sacrifice.17 In these institutions the boys were drilled in
16 Sahagun, Hist, cle Nueva Es- like thine, and they are men like thee!'
pafia, lib. 1, cap. 12 ; lib. 6, cap. 7. Such is the strange medley of truly
The address of the confessor, on Christian benevolence and heathenish
these occasions, contains some things abominations which pervades the
too remarkable to be omitted. " O Aztec litany, intimating sources
merciful Lord," he says, in his prayer, widely different.
"Thou who knowest the secrets of 17 The Egyptian gods were also
all hearts, let thy forgiveness and served by priestesses. (See Hero-
favour descend, like the pure waters dotus, Euterpe, sec. 54.) Tales of
of heaven, to wash away the stains scandal similar to those which the
from the soul. Thou knowest that Greeks circulated respecting them,
this poor man has sinned, not from have been told of the Aztec virgins.
his own free -will, but from the in- (See Le Noir's dissertation, ap. An-
fluence of the sign under which he tiquites Mexicaines, [Paris, 1834,]
was born." After a copious exhor- torn. ii. page 7, note.) The early
tation to the penitent, enjoining a missionaries, credulous enough cer-
variety of mortifications and minute tainly, give no countenance to such
ceremonies by way of penance, and reports ; and father Acosta, on the
particularly urging the necessity of contrary, exclaims, "In truth, it is
instantly procuring a slave for sacri- very strange to see that this false
fee to the Deity, the priest concludes opinion of religion hath so great
with inculcating charity to the poor. force among these young men and
" Clothe the naked and feed the maidens of Mexico, that they will
hungry, whatever privations it may serve the Divell with so great rigour
cost thee : for remember their flesh is and austerity, which many of us doe
54 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book ft
the routine of monastic discipline ; they decorated the
shrines of the gods with flowers, fed the sacred fires, and
took part in the religious chants and festivals. Those in
the higher school, the Calmecac, as it was called, were
initiated in their traditionary lore, the mysteries of hiero-
glyphics, the principles of government, and such branches
of astronomical and natural science as were within the
compass of the priesthood. The girls learned various
feminine employments, especially to weave and embroider
rich coverings for the altars of the gods. Great atten-
tion was paid to the moral discipline of both sexes. The
most perfect decorum prevailed ; and offences were
punished with extreme rigour, in some instances with
death itself. Terror, not love, was the spring of educa-
tion with the Aztecs.18
At a suitable age for marrying, or for entering into
the world, the pupils were dismissed with much cere-
mony, from the convent, and the recommendation of the
principal often introduced those most competent to re-
sponsible situations in public life. Such was the crafty
policy of the Mexican priests, who, by reserving to them-
selves the business of instruction, were enabled to mould
the young and plastic mind according to their own wills,
and to train it early to implicit reverence for religion and
its ministers ; a reverence which still maintained its hold
on the iron nature of the warrior, long after every other
vestige of education had been effaced by the rough trade
to which he was devoted.
To each of the principal temples, lands were annexed
for the maintenance of the priests. These estates were
not in the service of the most high 15,16. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
God; the which is a great shame and lib. 9, cap. 11 — 14, 30, 31.
confusion." Eng. Trans., lib. 5, " They were taught," says the
cap. 18. good father last cited, "to eschew
vice, and cleave to virtue, — according
18 Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, to their notions of them ; namely, to
MS., Parte 1, cap. 9. — Sahagun, abstain from wrath, to offer violence
Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib. 2, Apend.; and do wrong to no man, — in short,
lib. 3, cap. 4 — 8. — Zurita, Rapport, to perform the duties plainly pointed
pp. 123 — 126.— Acosta, lib. 5, cap. out by natural religion."
chap, in.] SACERDOTAL ORDER. 55
augmented by the policy or devotion of successive princes ;
until, under the last Montezuma, they had swollen to an
enormous extent, and covered every district of the empire.
The priests took the management of their property into
their own hands ; and they seem to have treated their
tenants with the liberality and indulgence characteristic
of monastic corporations. Besides the large supplies
drawn from this source, the religious order was enriched
with the first-fruits, and such other offerings as piety or
superstition dictated. The surplus beyond what was
required for the support of the national worship, was dis-
tributed in alms among the poor; a duty strenuously
prescribed by their moral code. Thus we find the same
religion inculcating lessons of pure philanthropy on the
one hand, and of merciless extermination, as we shall soon
see, on the other. The inconsistency will not appear
incredible to those who are familiar with the history of
the Roman Catholic Church, in the early ages of the
Inquisition.19
The Mexican temples, — teocallis, " houses of God," as
they were called, were very numerous. There were
several hundreds in each of the principal cities, many of
them, doubtless, very humble edifices. They were solid
masses of earth, cased with brick or stone, and in their
form somewhat resembled the pyramidal structures of
ancient Egypt. The bases of many of them were more
than a hundred feet square, and they towered to a still
greater height. They were distributed into four or five
stories, each of smaller dimensions than that below. The
ascent was by a flight of steps, at an angle of the pyramid,
19 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., English reader may consult, for the
lib. 8, cap. 20, 21.— Camargo, Hist. same purpose, Heeren, (Hist. Res.,
de Tlascala, MS. vol. v. chap. 2,) Wilkinson, (Manners
It is impossible not to be struck and Customs of the Ancient Egyp-
with the great resemblance, not tians,[London,1837,] vol. i. pp. 257 — ■
merely in a few empty forms, but in 279,) the last writer especially, who
the whole way of life, of the Mexican has contributed, more than all others,
and Egyptian priesthood. Compare towards opening to us the interior of
Herodotus (Euterpe, passim) and the social life of this interesting
Diodorus (lib. 1, sec. 73, 8]). The people.
56 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
on the outside. This led to a sort of terrace or gallery,
at the base of the second story, which passed quite round
the building to another flight of stairs, commencing also
at the same angle as the preceding and directly over it,
and leading to a similar terrace ; so that one had to make
the circuit of the temple several times, before reaching
the summit. In some instances the stairway led directly
up the centre of the western face of the building. The top
was a broad area, on which were erected one or two
towers, forty or fifty feet high, the sanctuaries in which
stood the sacred images of the presiding deities. Before
these towers stood the dreadful stone of sacrifice, and two
lofty altars, on which fires were kept, as inextinguishable
as those in the temple of Vesta. There were said to be
six hundred of these altars on smaller buildings within
the enclosure of the great temple of Mexico, which, with
those on the sacred edifices in other parts of the city, shed
a brilliant illumination over its streets, through the darkest
night.20
From the construction of their temples, all religious
services were public. The long processions of priests,
winding round their massive sides, as they rose higher
and higher towards the summit, and the dismal rites of
sacrifice performed there, were all visible from the re-
motest corners of the capital, impressing on the spectator's
mind a superstitious veneration for the mysteries of his
religion, and for the dread ministers by whom they were
interpreted.
This impression was kept in full force by their nume-
rous festivals. Every month was consecrated to some
20 Rel. d'un gent., ap. llamusio, of the smaller temples, or pyramids,
torn. iii. fol. 307. — Camargo, Hist. Avere filled with earth impregnated
de Tlascala, MS. — Acosta, lib. 5, with odoriferous gums and gold dust ;
cap. 13. — Gomara, Cron., cap. SO, the latter, sometimes in such quan-
ap. Barcia, torn. ii. — Toribio, Hist. tities as probably to be worth a
de los Iudios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 4. million of castellanos ! (Ubi supra.)
Carta del Lie Zuazo, MS. These were the temples of Mammon,
This last writer, who visited indeed ! But I find no confirmation
Mexico immediately after the Con- of such golden reports,
quest in 1521, assures us that some
chap, ill.] HUMAN SACRIFICES. 57
protecting deity ; and every week — nay, almost every
day, was set down in their calendar for some appropriate
celebration ; so that it is difficult to understand how the
ordinary business of life could have been compatible with
the exactions of religion. Many of their ceremonies
were of a light and cheerful complexion, consisting of the
national songs and dances, in which both sexes joined.
Processions were made of women and children crowned
with garlands and bearing offerings of fruits, the ripened
maize, or the sweet incense of copal and other odoriferous
gums, while the altars of the deity were stained with no
blood save that of animals.21 These were the peaceful
rites derived from their Toltec predecessors, on which the
fierce Aztecs engrafted a superstition too loathsome to be
exhibited in alL its nakedness, and one over which I would
gladly draw a veil altogether, but that it would leave the
reader in ignorance of their most striking institution, and
one that had the greatest influence in forming the national
character.
Human sacrifices were adopted by the Aztecs early in
the fourteenth century, about two hundred years before
the Conquest.22 Rare at first, they became more frequent
with the wider extent of their empire; till, at length,
almost every festival was closed with this cruel abomina-
tion. These religious ceremonials were generally arranged
in such a manner as to afford a type of the most pro-
minent circumstances in the character or history of the
deity who was the object of them. A single example
will suffice.
One of their most important festivals was that in honour
21 Cod. Tel. Rem... PI. 1, and Cod. 22 The traditions of their origin
Vat., passim, ap. Autiq. of Mexico, have somewhat of a fabulous tinge,
vols. L, vi — Torquemada, Monarch. But, whether true or false, they are
Ind., lib. 10, cap. 10, et seq. — Saha- equally indicative of unparalleled
gun, Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, lib. 2, ferocity in the people who could be
passim. the subject of them. Clavigero, Stor.
Among the oiferings, quails may del Messico, torn. i. p. 167, et seq. ;
be particularly noticed, for the iucre- also Humboldt, (who does not appear
dible quantities of them sacrificed and to doubt them,) Vues des Cordilleres,
consumed at many of the festivals. p. 95.
58 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
of the god Tezcatlepoca, whose rank was inferior only to
that of the Supreme Being. He was called "the soul of
the world," and supposed to have been its creator. He
was depicted as a handsome man, endowed with perpetual
youth. A year before the intended sacrifice, a captive,
distinguished for his personal beauty, and without a
blemish on his body, was selected to represent this deity.
Certain tutors took charge of him, and instructed him how
to perform his new part with becoming grace and dignity.
He was arrayed in a splendid dress, regaled with incense,
and with a profusion of sweet-scented flowers, of which
the ancient Mexicans were as fond as their descendants at
the present day. When he went abroad, he was attended
by a train of the royal pages, and, as he halted in the
streets to play some favourite melody, the crowd pro-
strated themselves before him, and did him homage as
the representative of their good deity. In this way he led
an easy, luxurious life, till within a month of his sacrifice.
Pour beautiful girls, bearing the names of the principal
goddesses, were then selected to share the honours of his
bed ; and with them he continued to live in idle dalliance,
feasted at the banquets of the principal nobles, who paid
him all the honours of a divinity.
At length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived. The term
of his short-lived glories was at an end. He was stripped
of his gaudy apparel, and bade adieu to the fair partners
of his revelries. One of the royal barges transported him
across the lake to a temple which rose on its margin,
about a league from the city. Hither the inhabitants of
the capital flocked, to witness the consummation of the
ceremony. As the sad procession wound up the sides of
the pyramid, the unhappy victim threw away his gay
chaplets of flowers, and broke in pieces the musical in-
struments with which he had solaced the hours of cap-
tivity. On the summit he was received by six priests,
whose long and matted locks flowed disorderly over their
sable robes, covered with hieroglyphic scrolls of mystic
CHAP. Ill
.] HUMAN SACRIFICES. 5 9
import. They led him to the sacrificial stone, a huge
block of jasper, with its upper surface somewhat convex.
On this the prisoner was stretched. Five priests secured
his head and his limbs ; while the sixth, clad in a scarlet
mantle, emblematic of his bloody office, dexterously opened
the breast of the wretched victim with a sharp razor of
itztti, — a volcanic substance hard as flint, — and, inserting
Ids hand in the wound, tore out the palpitating heart.
The minister of death, first holding this up towards the
sun, an object of worship throughout Anahuac, cast it at
the feet of the deity to whom the temple was devoted,
while the multitudes below prostrated themselves in
humble adoration. The tragic story of this prisoner was
expounded by the priests as the type of human destiny,
which, brilliant in its commencement, too often closes in
sorrow and disaster.23
Such was the form of human sacrifice usually practised
by the Aztecs. It was the same that often met the in-
dignant eyes of the Europeans, in their progress through
the country, and from the dreadful doom of which they
themselves were not exempted. There were, indeed,
some occasions when preliminary tortures, of the most
exquisite kind, with which it is unnecessary to shock
the reader, were inflicted ; but they always terminated
with the bloody ceremony above described. It should be
remarked, however, that such tortures were not the spon-
taneous suggestions of cruelty, as with the North Ameri-
can Indians ; but were all rigorously prescribed in the
Aztec ritual, and doubtless were often inflicted with
the same compunctious visitings which a devout familiar
of the Holy Office might at times experience in executing
23 Sahagun,Hist.de]MuevaEspaiia, Regimiento de Vera Cruz, (Julio,
lib. 2, cap. 2, 5, 24, et alibi.— Hen-era, 1519,) MS.
Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 16. Few readers, probably will sym-
— Torquemada, Monarch, hid., lib. 7, pathise with the sentence of Torque-
cap. 19 ; lib. 10, cap. 14. — Rel. d' un mada, who concludes his tale of woe
gent., ap. Ramusio, torn, iii, fol. 307. by coolly dismissing " the soul of the
— Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 9 — 21. — Carta victim, to sleep with those of his false
del Lie. Zuazo, MS. — Relacion por el gods, in hell!" Lib. 10, cap. 23.
60 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
its stern decrees.24 Women, as well as the other sex,
were sometimes reserved for sacrifice. On some occasions,
particularly in seasons of drought, at the festival of the
insatiable Tlaloc, the god of rain, children, for the most
part infants, were offered up. As they were borne along
in open litters, dressed in their festal robes, and decked
with the fresh blossoms of spring, they moved the hard-
est heart to pity, though their cries were drowned in the
wild chant of the priests, who read in their tears a favour-
able augury for their petition. These innocent victims
were generally bought by the priests of parents who were
poor, but who stifled the voice of nature, probably less at
the suggestions of poverty, than of a wretched supersti-
tion.25
The most loathsome part of the story, the manner in
which the body of the sacrificed captive was disposed of,
remains yet to be told. It was delivered to the warrior
who had taken him in battle, and by him, after being
dressed, was served up in an entertainment to his friends.
This was not the coarse repast of famished cannibals, but
a banquet teeming with delicious beverages and delicate
viands, prepared with art, and attended by both sexes,
who, as we shall see hereafter, conducted themselves with
all the decorum of civilized life. Surely, never were
24 Sahagmi, Hist, de Nueva Es- tion was sometimes furnished with
paiia, lib. 2, cap. 10, 29. — Gomara, arms, and brought against a number
Crdn., cap. 219, ap. Barcia, torn. ii. of Mexicans in succession. If he
— Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., defeated them all, as did occasionally
Parte 1, cap. 6 — 11. happen, he was allowed to escape.
The reader will find a tolerably If vanquished, he was dragged to
exact picture of the nature of these the block and sacrificed in the usual
tortures in the twenty-first canto of manner. The combat was fought on
the " Inferno." The fantastic crea- a huge circular stone, before the as-
tions of the Florentine poet were sembled capital. Sahagmi, Hist, de
nearly realized, at the very time he Nueva Espana, lib. 2, cap. 21 — Eel.
was writing, by the barbarians of an d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. iii.
unknown world. One sacrifice of a fol. 305.
less revolting character, deserves to 25 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
be mentioned. The Spaniards called paiia, lib. 2, cap. 1, 4, 21, et alibi. —
it the " gladiatorial sacrifice," and it Torqneiuada, Monarch. Ind., lib, 10,
may remind one of the bloody games cap. 10.— Clavigero, Stor. del Mes-
of antiquity. A captive of distinc- sico, torn. ii. pp, 76, 82.
CHAP. III.]
HUMAN SACRIFICES.
Gl
refinement and the extreme of barbarism brought so
closely in contact with each other !26
Human sacrifices have been practised by many nations,
not excepting the most polished nations of antiquity;27
but never by any, on a scale to be compared with those
in Anahuac. The amount of victims immolated on its
accursed altars would stagger the faith of the least
scrupulous believer. Scarcely any author pretends to
estimate the yearly sacrifices throughout the empire at
less than twenty thousand, and some carry the number
as high as fifty !28
On great occasions, as the coronation of a king, or the
consecration of a temple, the number becomes still more
appalling. At the dedication of the great temple of
Huitzilopotchli, in 1486, the prisoners, who for some
years had been reserved for the purpose, were drawn
from all quarters to the capital. They were ranged in
states that 20,000 victims were
yearly slaughtered in the capital.
Torquemada turns this into 20,000
infants. (Monarch. Ind., lib. 7, cap.
21.) Herrera, following Acosta,
says 20,000 victims on a specified
day of the year, throughout the
kingdom. (Hist. General, dec. 2,
lib. 2, cap. 16.) Clavigero, more
cautious, infers that this number
may have been sacrificed annually
throughout Anahuac. (Ubi supra.)
Las Casas, however, in his reply to
Sepulveda's assertion, that no one
who had visited the New World put
the number of yearly sacrifices at less
than 20,000, declares that "this is
the estimate of brigands, who wish
to find an apology for their own atro-
cities, and that the real number was
not above 50 !" (CEuvres, ed. Llo-
rente, [Paris, 1822,] torn. i. pp. 365,
386.) Probably the good Bishop's
arithmetic, here, as in most other
instances, came more from his heart
than his head. With such loose and
contradictory data, it is clear that
any specific number is mere conjec-
ture, undeserving the name of calcu-
lation.
26 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS.—
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 7,
cap. 19. — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 17. — Sahagun,
Hist, de Nueva Espana, lib. 2, cap.
21, et alibi. — Toribio, Hist, de los
Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 2.
27 To say nothing of Egypt, where,
notwithstanding the indications on
the monuments, there is strong rea-
son for doubting it. (Comp. Hero-
dotus, Euterpe, sec. 45.) It was
of frequent occurrence among the
Greeks, as every schoolboy knows.
In Rome, it was so common as to
require to be interdicted by an ex-
press law, less than a hundred years
before the Christian era, — a law re-
corded in a very honest strain of
exultation by Pliny ; (Hist. Nat.,
lib. 30; sec. 3, 4;) notwithstanding
which, traces of the existence of the
practice may be discerned to a much
later period. See, among others,
Horace, Epod., In Canidiam.
28 See Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
torn. ii. p. 49.
Bishop Zumarraga, in a letter writ-
ten a few years after the Conquest,
6.2 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
files, forming a procession nearly two miles long. The
ceremony consumed several clays, and seventy thousand
captives are said to have perished at the shrine of this
terrible deity ! But who can believe that so numerous
a bodv would have suffered themselves to be led unresist-
ingly like sheep to the slaughter ? Or how could their
remains, too great for consumption in the ordinary way,
be disposed of, without breeding a pestilence in the capi-
tal ? Yet the event was of recent date, and is unequivo-
cally attested by the best informed historians.29 One
fact may be considered certain. It was customary to
preserve the skulls of the sacrificed, in buildings appro-
priated to the purpose. The companions of Cortes
counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand in one of
these edifices !30 Without attempting a precise calcula-
tion, therefore, it is safe to conclude that thousands were
yearly offered up, in the different cities of Anahuac,
on the bloody altars of the Mexican divinities.31
Indeed, the great object of war with the Aztecs, was
quite as much to gather victims for their sacrifices, as to
extend their empire. Hence it was, that an enemy was
never slain in battle, if there were a chance of taking him
29 I am within bounds. Torque- zotl a man " of a mild and moderate
mada states the number, most pre- disposition," templada y benigjia con-
cisely, at 72,344. (Monarch. Ind., dicion! Ibid., vol. v. p. 49.
lib. 2, cap. 63.) Ixtlilxochitl, with 30 Gomara states the number on
equal precision, at 80,400. (Hist. the authority of two soldiers, whose
Chich., MS.,) Quien sabe? The names he gives, who took the trou-
latter adds, that the captives massa- ble to count the grinning horrors in
cred in the capital, in the course one of these Golgothas, where they
of that memorable year, exceeded were so arranged as to produce the
100,000 ! (Loc. cit.) One, however, most hideous effect. The existence
has to read but a little way to find of these conservatories is attested by
out that the science of numbers, at every writer of the time,
least, where the party was not an 31 The "Anonymous Conqueror"
eyewitness, is anything but an exact assures us, as a fact beyond dispute,
science with these ancient chroni- that the devil introduced himself into
clers. The Codex Tel.-Remensis, the bodies of the idols, and persuaded
written some fifty years after the the silly priests that his only diet was
Conquest, reduces the amount to human hearts i It furnishes a very
20,000. (Antiq. of Mexico, vol. i., satisfactory solution, to his mind, of
PI. 19; vol. vi. p. 14], Eng. note.) the frequency of sacrifices in Mexico.
Even this hardly warrants the Span- Rel/d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, tom.'iii.,
ish interpreter in calling king Ahuit- fol. 307.
chap, in.] HUMAN SACRIFICES. 03
alive. To this circumstance the Spaniards repeatedly
owed their preservation. When Montezuma was asked,
" why he had suffered the republic of Tlascala to main-
tain her independence on his borders," he replied, " That
she might furnish him with victims for his gods !" As
the supply began to fail, the priests, the Dominicans of
the New World, bellowed aloud for more, and urged on
their superstitious sovereign by the denunciations of ce-
lestial wrath. Like the militant churchmen of Christen-
dom in the Middle Ages, they mingled themselves in the
ranks, and were conspicuous in the thickest of the fight,
by their hideous aspects and frantic gestures. Strange,
that in every country the most fiendish passions of the
human heart have been those kindled in the name of re-
ligion !32
The influence of these practices on the Aztec cha-
racter was as disastrous as might have been expected.
Familiarity with the bloody rites of sacrifice steeled the
heart against human sympathy, and begat a thirst for
carnage, like that excited in the Romans by the exhibi-
tions of the circus. The perpetual recurrence of ceremo-
nies, in which the people took part, associated religion
with their most intimate concerns, and spread the gloom
of superstition over the domestic hearth, until the cha-
racter of the nation wore a grave and even melancholy
aspect, which belongs to their descendants at the present
32 The Tezcucan priests would fain which the troops of the hostile na-
have persuaded the good king Neza- tions were to engage at stated sea-
hualcoyotl, on occasion of a pesti- sons, and thus supply themselves
lence, to appease the gods by the sa- with subjects for sacrifice. The vic-
crifice of some of his own subjects, torious party was not to pursue his
instead of his enemies; on the advantage by invading the others'
ground, that, not only they would territory, and they were to continue,
be obtained more easily, but would in all other respects, on the most
be fresher victims, and more accept- amicable footing. (Ubi supra.) The
able. (Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., historian, who follows in the track of
MS., cap. 41.) This writer mentions the Tezcucan chronicler, may often
a cool arrangement entered into by find occasion to shelter himself, like
the allied monarchs with the repub- Ariosto, with
lie of Tlascala and her confederates. " Mettendolo Turpin, lo metto
A ba'ttle-field was marked out, on anch'io."
64 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
day. The influence of the priesthood, of course, be-
came unbounded. The sovereign thought himself
honoured by being permitted to assist in the services of
the temple. Par from limiting the authority of the
priests to spiritual matters, he often surrendered his
opinions to theirs, where they were least competent to
give it. It was their opposition that prevented the
final capitulation which would have saved the capital.
The whole nation, from the peasant to the prince,
bowed their necks to the worst kind of tyranny — that
of a blind fanaticism.
In reflecting on the revolting usages recorded in the
preceding pages, one finds it difficult to reconcile their
existence with anything like a regular form of govern-
ment, or an advance in civilization. Yet the Mexi-
cans had many claims to the character of a civilized
community. One may, perhaps, better understand the
anomaly, by reflecting on the condition of some of the
most polished countries in Europe, in the sixteenth
century, after the establishment of the modern Inquisi-
tion ; an institution which yearly destroyed its thousands
by a death more painful than the Aztec sacrifices ;
which armed the hand of brother against brother, and
setting its burning seal upon the lip, did more to stay
the march of improvement than any other scheme ever
devised by human cunning.
Human sacrifice, however cruel, has nothing in it
degrading to its victim. It may be rather said to en-
noble him by devoting him to the gods. Although so
terrible with the Aztecs, it was sometimes voluntarily
embraced by them, as the most glorious death, and one
that opened a sure passage into paradise.33 The Inqui-
33 Rel. d'un gent., ap. Hamusio, off an indignity offered him by a
torn. iii. fol. 307. brother monarch. (Torquemada, Mo-
Among other instances, is that of narch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 28.) This
Chimalpopoca, third king of Mexico, was the law of honour with the
who doomed himself, with a number Aztecs,
of his lords, to this death, to wipe
chap, ill.] HUMAN SACRIFICES. 65
sition, on the other hand, branded its victims with
infamy in this world, and consigned them to everlasting
perdition in the next.
One detestable feature of the Aztec superstition,
however, sunk it far below the Christian. This was its
cannibalism ; though, in truth, the Mexicans were not
cannibals in the coarsest acceptation of the term. They
did not feed on human flesh merely to gratify a brutish
appetite, but in obedience to their religion. Their
repasts were made of the victims whose blood had been
poured out on the altar of sacrifice. This is a distinction
worthy of notice.34 Still cannibalism, under any form,
or whatever sanction, cannot but have a fatal influence
on the nation addicted to it. It suggests ideas so loath-
some, so degrading to man, to his spiritual and immor-
tal nature, that it is impossible the people who practise
it should make any great progress in moral or intel-
lectual culture. The Mexicans furnish no exception to
this remark. The civilization which they possessed
descended from the Toltecs, a race who never stained
their altars, still less their banquets, with the blood of
man. All chat deserved the name of science in Mexico
came from this source ; and the crumbling ruins of
edifices, attributed to them, still extant in various parts
of New Spain, show a decided superiority in their archi-
tecture over that of the later races of Anahuac. It is
true, the Mexicans made great proficiency in many of
the social and mechanic arts, in that material culture —
if I may so call it — the natural growth of increasing
opulence, which ministers to the gratification of the
senses. In purely intellectual progress, they were be-
hind the Tezcucans, whose wise sovereigns came into
the abominable rites of their neighbours with reluctance,
and practised them on a much more moderate scale.35
34 Voltaire, doubtless, intends Americaines." (Essai sur les Moeurs,
this when he says, "lis n'etaient chap. 148.)
point anthropophages, comme un 35 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
tres petit nombre de peuplades cap. 45, et alibi.
VOL. I. F
66 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
Iii tins state of things, it was beneficently ordered
by Providence that the land should be delivered over
to another race, who would rescue it from the brutish
superstitions that daily extended wider and wider, with
extent of empire.36 The debasing institutions of the
Aztecs furnish the best apology for their conquest. It
is true, the conquerors brought along with them the
Inquisition ; but they also brought Christianity, whose
benign radiance would still survive, when the fierce
flames of fanaticism should be extinguished ; dispelling
those dark forms of horror which had so long brooded
over the fair regions of Anahuac.
36 No- doubt the ferocity of clia- corsi sopra T. Livio, lib. 2, cap. 2.)
racter engendered by their sangui- The same chapter contains some in-
nary rites greatly facilitated their genious reflections — much more iu-
conquests. Machiavelli attributes genious than candid — on the opposite
to a similar cause, in part, the mili- tendencies of Christianity,
tary successes of the Romans. (Dis-
The most important authority in the preceding chapter, and, indeed,
wherever the Aztec religion is concerned, is Bernardino de Sahagun, a
Franciscan friar, contemporary with the Conquest. His great work, His-
toria Universal de Nueva Espana, has been recently printed for the first
time. The circumstances attending its compilation and subsequent fate,
form one of the most remarkable passages in literary history.
Sahagun was born in a place of the same name, in old Spain. He was
educated at Salamanca ; and, having taken the vows of St. Francis, came over
as a missionary to Mexico in the year 1529. Here he distinguished himself
by his zeal, the purity of his life, and his unwearied exertions to spread the
great truths of religion among the natives. He was the guardian of several
conventual houses, successively, until he relinquished these cares, that he
might devote himself more unreservedly to the business of preaching, and of
compiling various works designed to illustrate the antiquities of the Aztecs.
For these literary labours he found some facilities in the situation which he
continued to occupy, of reader, or lecturer, in the College o fSanta Cruz, in
the capital.
The " Universal History " was concocted in a singular manner. In order
to secure to it the greatest possible authority, he passed some years in a
Tezcucan town, where he conferred daily with a number of respectable
natives unacquainted with Castilian. He propounded to them queries,
which they, after deliberation, answered in their usual method of writing,
by hieroglyphical paintings. These he submitted to other natives, who had
been educated under his own eye in the college of Santa Cruz ; and the
latter, after a consultation among themselves, gave a written version, in the
Mexican tongue, of the hieroglyphics. This process he repeated in another
■]
SAHAGUN. (37
place, in some part of Mexico, and subjected the whole to a still further
revision by a third body in another quarter. He finally arranged the com-
bined results into a regular history, in the form it now bears ; composing it
in the Mexican language, which he could both write and speak with great
accuracy and elegance, greater, indeed, than any Spaniard of the time.
The work presented a mass of curious information, that attracted much
attention among his brethren. But they feared its influence in keeping alive
in the natives a too vivid reminiscence of the very superstitions which it
was the great object of the Christian clergy to eradicate. Sahagun had
views more liberal than those of his order, whose blind zeal would willingly
have annihilated every monument of art and human ingenuity, which had not
been produced under the influence of Christianity. They refused to allow
him the necessary aid to transcribe his papers, which he had been so many
years hi preparing, under the pretext that the expense was too great for
their order to incur. This occasioned a further delay of several years.
What was worse, his provincial got possession of his manuscripts, which
were soon scattered among the different religious houses in the country.
In this forlorn state of his affairs, Sahagun drew up a brief statement of
the nature and contents of his work, and forwarded it to Madrid. It fell
into the hands of Don Juan de Ovando, president of the councd for the
Indies, who was so much interested in it, that he ordered the manuscripts
to be restored to their author, with the request that he would at once set
about translating them into Castilian. This was accordingly done. His
papers were recovered, though not without the menace of ecclesiastical
censures ; and the octogenarian author began the work of translation from
the Mexican, in which they had been originally written by him thirty years
before. He had the satisfaction to complete the task, arranging the
Spanish version in a parallel column with the original, and adding a
vocabulary, explaining the difficult Aztec terms and phrases ; while the text
was supported by the numerous paintings on which it was founded. In
this form, making two bulky volumes in folio, it was sent to Madrid. There
seemed now to be no further reason for postponing its publication, the im-
portance of which could not be doubted. But from this moment it dis-
appears ; and we hear nothing further of it for more than two centuries,
except only as a valuable work, which had once existed, and was probably
buried in some one of the numerous cemeteries of learning in which Spain
abounds.
At length, towards the close of the last century, the indefatigable Munoz
succeeded in disinterring the long-lost manuscript from the place tradition
had assigned to it, the library of a convent at Tolosa, in Navarre, the
northern extremity of Spain. With his usual ardour, he transcribed the
whole work with his own hands, and added it to the inestimable collection,
of which, alas ! he was destined not to reap the full benefit himself. Erom
this transcript Lord Kingsborough was enabled to procure the copy which
was published in 1830, in the sixth volume of his magnificent compilation.
In it he expresses an honest satisfaction at being the first to give Saha-
gun's work to the world. But in this supposition he was mistaken. The
very year preceding, an edition of it, with annotations, appeared in
Mexico, in three volumes octavo. It was prepared by Bustamante — a
scholar to whose editorial activity his country is largely indebted — from a
copy of the Munoz manuscript which came into his possession. Thus this
remarkable work, which was denied the honours of the press during the
author's lifetime, after passing into oblivion, reappeared at the distance of
nearly three centuries, not in his own country, but in foreign lands widely
remote from each other, and that, almost simultaneously. The story
is extraordinary, though unhappily not so extraordinary in Spain as it
would be elsewhere.
t 2
68 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book r.
Saliagun divided his history into twelve books. The first eleven are
occupied with the social institutions of Mexico, and the last with the Con-
quest. On the religion of the country he is particularly full. His great
object evidently was, to give a clear view of its mythology, and of the bur-
densome ritual which belonged to it. Religion entered so intimately into
the most private concerns and usages of the Aztecs, that Sahagun's work
must be a text-book for every student of their antiquities. Torquemada
availed himself of a manuscript copy, which fell into his hands before it was
sent to Spain, to enrich his own pages, a circumstance more fortunate for
his readers than for Sahagun's reputation, whose work, now that it is pub-
lished, loses much of the originality and interest which would otherwise
attach to it. In one respect it is invaluable, as presenting a complete
collection of the various forms of prayer, accommodated to every possible
emergency, in use by the Mexicans. They are often clothed in dignified and
beautiful language, showing, that sublime speculative tenets are quite com-
patible with the most degrading practices of superstition. It is much to be
regretted that we have not the eighteen hymns, inserted by the author in
his book, which would have particular interest, as the only specimen of
devotional poetry preserved of the Aztecs. The hieroglyphical paintings
which accompanied the text, are also missing. If they have escaped the
hands of fanaticism, both may reappear at some future day.
Sahagun produced several other works, of a religious or philological
character. Some of these were voluminous, but none have been printed.
He lived to a very advanced age, closing a life of activity and usefulness, in
1590, in the capital of Mexico. His remains were followed to the tomb by
a numerous concourse of his own countrymen, and of the natives, who
lamented in him the loss of unaffected piety, benevolence, and learning.
:hap. iv.] 69
CHAPTER IV.
Mexican Hieroglyphics. — Manuscripts. — Arithmetic. — Chronology. —
Astronomy.
It is a relief to turn from the gloomy pages of the
preceding chapter to a brighter side of the picture, and
to contemplate the same nation in its generous struggle
to raise itself from a state of barbarism, and to take a
positive rank in the scale of civilization. It is not the
less interesting, that these efforts were made on an en-
tirely new theatre of action, apart from those influences
that operate in the Old World ; the inhabitants of which,
forming one great brotherhood of nations, are knit to-
gether by sympathies, that make the faintest spark of
knowledge struck out in one quarter, spread gradually
wider and wider, until it has diffused a cheering light
over the remotest. It is curious to observe the human
mind, in this new position, conforming to the same
laws as on the ancient continent, and taking a similar
direction in its first inquiries after truth, so similar in-
deed, as, although not warranting, perhaps, the idea of
imitation, to suggest, at least, that of a common origin.
In the eastern hemisphere, we find some nations, as
the Greeks, for instance, early smitten with such a love
of the beautiful as to be unwilling to dispense with it,
even in the graver productions of science ; and other
nations, again, proposing a severer end to themselves,
to which even imagination and elegant art were made
subservient. The productions of such a people must be
criticised, not by the ordinary rules of taste, but by their
70 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. !
BOOK I.
adaptation to the peculiar end for which they were de-
signed. Such were the Egyptians in the Old World/
and the Mexicans in the New. We have already had
occasion to notice the resemblance borne by the latter
nation to the former in their religious economy. We
shall be more struck with it in their scientific culture, es-
pecially their hieroglyphical writing and their astronomy.
To describe actions and events by delineating visible
objects, seems to be a natural suggestion, and is prac-
tised, after a certain fashion, by the rudest savages.
The North American Indian carves an arrow on the
bark of trees to show his followers the direction of his
march, and some other sign to show the success of his
expeditions. But to paint intelligibly a consecutive
series of these actions — forming what Warburton has
happily called picture-writing2 — requires a combination
of ideas, that amounts to a positively intellectual effort.
Yet further, when the object of the painter, instead of
being limited to the present, is to penetrate the past,
and to gather from its dark recesses lessons of instruc-
tion for coming generations, we see the dawnings of a
literary culture, and recognise the proof of a decided
civilization in the attempt itself, however imperfectly it
may be executed. The literal imitation of objects will
not answer for this more complex and extended plan.
It would occupy too much space, as well as time, in the
execution. It then becomes necessary to abridge the
pictures, to confine the drawing to outlines, or to such
prominent parts of the bodies delineated, as may readily
1 "An Egyptian temple/' says The bishop of Gloucester, in his
Denon, strikingly, " is an open comparison of the various hiero-
volume, in which the teachings of glyphical systems of the world,
science, morality, and the arts are shows his characteristic sagacity and
recorded. Everything seems to boldness by announcing opinions
speak one and the same language, little credited then, though since
and breathes one and the same established. He affirmed the ex-
spirit." The passage is cited by istence of an Egyptian alphabet, but
Heeren, Hist, lies., vol. v. p. 178. was not aware of the phonetic pro-
2 Divine Legation, ap. Works, perty of hieroglyphics, the great
(London, 1811,) vol. iv. b. 4, sec. 4. literary discovery of our age.
If
m^
i Si
\
ipjO
7: W> J
ia,w*
10 «
x^/
w
I
I
f
I
t
i 1
55
•v
i
f
chap, iv.] MEXICAN HIEROGLYPHICS. 71
suggest the whole. This is the representative ox figurative
writing, which forms the lowest stage of hieroglyphics.
But there are things which have no type in the ma-
terial world ; abstract ideas, which can only be repre-
sented by visible objects supposed to have some quality
analogous to the idea intended. This constitutes sym-
bolical writing, the most difficult of all to the interpreter,
since the analogy between the material and immaterial
object is often purely fanciful, or local in its application.
Who, for instance, could suspect the association which
made a beetle represent the universe, as with the Egyp-
tians, or a serpent typify time, as with the Aztecs ?
The third and last division is the phonetic, in which
signs are made to represent sounds, either entire words,
or parts of them. This is the nearest approach of the
hieroglyphical series to that beautiful invention, the
alphabet, by which language is resolved into its ele-
mentary sounds, and an apparatus supplied for easily
and accurately expressing the most delicate shades of
thought.
The Egyptians were well skilled in all three kinds of
hieroglyphics. But, although their public monuments
display the first class, in their ordinary intercourse and
written records, it is now certain they almost wholly
relied on the phonetic character. Strange, that having
thus broken down the thin partition which divided them
from an alphabet, their latest monuments should exhibit
no nearer approach to it than their earliest.3 The Aztecs,
also, were acquainted with the several varieties of hiero-
3 It appears that the hieroglyphics that the enchorial alphabet, so much
on the most recent monuments of more commodious, should not have
Egypt, contain no larger infusion of been substituted. But the Egyptians
phonetic characters than those which were familiar with their hieroglyphics
existed eighteen centuries before from infancy, which, moreover, took
Christ ; showing no advance, in the fancies of the most illiterate,
this respect, for twenty-two hundred probably in the same manner as our
years ! (See Champollion, Precis du children are attracted and taught by
Systeme Hieroglyphique des Anciens the picture-alphabets in an ordinary
Egyptiens, [Paris, 1824,] pp. 242, spelling-book.
281.) It may seem more strange
72 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
glyphics. But they relied on the figurative infinitely
more than on the others. The Egyptians were at the
top of the scale, the Aztecs at the bottom.
In casting the eye over a Mexican manuscript, or
map, as it is called, one is struck with the grotesque
caricatures it exhibits of the human figure ; monstrous,
overgrown heads, on puny misshapen bodies, which are
themselves hard and angular in their outlines, and with-
out the least skill in composition. On closer inspection,
however, it is obvious that it is not so much a rude
attempt to delineate nature, as a conventional symbol, to
express the idea in the most clear and forcible manner ;
in the same way as the pieces of similar value on a chess-
board, while they correspond with one another in form,
bear little resemblance, usually, to the objects they re-
present. Those parts of the figure are most distinctly
traced, which are the most important. So also, the
colouring, instead of the delicate gradations of nature,
exhibits only gaudy and violent contrasts, such as may
produce the most vivid impression. " For even colours,"
as Gama observes, " speak in the Aztec hieroglyphics." 4
But in the execution of all this the Mexicans were
much inferior to the Egyptians. The drawings of the
latter, indeed, are exceedingly defective when criticised
by the rules of art ; for they were as ignorant of per-
spective as the Chinese, and only exhibited the head
in profile, with the eye in the centre, and with total
absence of expression. But they handled the pencil
more gracefully than the Aztecs, were more true to the
natural forms of objects, and, above all, showed great
superiority in abridging the original figure by giving
only the outline, or some characteristic or essential
feature. This simplified the process, and facilitated the
communication of thought. An Egyptian text has
almost the appearance of alphabetical writing in its
4 Description Historica y Cronologica de las Dos Piedras, (Mexico, 1832,)
Parte 2, p. 39.
chap, iv.] MEXICAN HIEROGLYPHICS. 73
regular lines of minute figures. A Mexican text looks
usually like a collection of pictures, each one forming
the subject of a separate study. This is particularly
the case with the delineations of mythology ; in which
the story is told by a conglomeration of symbols, that
may remind one more of the mysterious anaglyphs
sculptured on the temples of the Egyptians, than of their
written records.
The Aztecs had various emblems for expressing such
things as, from their nature, could not be directly
represented by the painter ; as, for example, the years,
months, days, the seasons, the elements, the heavens,
and the like. A "tongue " denoted speaking; a "foot-
print," travelling ; " a man sitting on the ground," an
earthquake. These symbols were often very arbitrary,
varying with the caprice of the writer ; and it requires a
nice discrimination to interpret them, as a slight change
in the form or position of the figure intimated a very
different meaning.5 An ingenious writer asserts, that
the priests devised secret symbolic characters for the
record of their religious mysteries. It is possible. But
the researches of Champollion lead to the conclusion, that
the similar opinion, formerly entertained respecting the
Egyptian hieroglyphics, is without foundation.6
Lastly, they employed, as above stated, phonetic signs,
though these were chiefly confined to the names of
5 Description Histdrica y Crono- 6 Gama, Description, Parte 2,
ldgica de las Dos Piedras, (Mexico, p. 32.
1832,) Parte 2, pp. 32, 44. — Acosta, Warburton, with his usual pene-
lib. 6, cap. 7. tration, rejects the idea of mystery
The continuation of Gama's work, in the figurative hieroglyphics. (Di-
recently edited by Bustamante, in vine Legation, b. 4, sec. 4.) If
Mexico, contains, among other there was any mystery reserved for
things, some interesting remarks on the initiated, Champollion thinks it
the Aztec hieroglyphics. The editor may have been the system of the
has rendered a good service by this anaglyphs. (Precis, p. 360.) Why
further pubbcation of the writings may not this be true, likewise, of
of this estimable scholar, who has the monstrous symbobcal combina-
done more than any of his country- tious which represented the Mexican
men to explain the mysteries of Aztec deities ?
science.
74 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
persons and places ; which, being derived from some cir
cumstance, or characteristic quality, were accommodated
to the hieroglyphical system. Thus the town Cimatlan
was compounded of cimatt, a " root," which grew near
it, and tlan, signifying "near;" Tlaoccallan meant "the
place of bread," from its rich fields of corn ; liuexotzinco,
"a place surrounded by willows." The names of per-
sons were often significant of their adventures and
achievements. That of the great Tezcucan prince,
Nezahualcoyotl, signified " hungry fox," intimating his
sagacity, and his distresses in early life.7 The emblems
of such names were no sooner seen, than they suggested
to every Mexican the person and place intended ; and,
when painted on their shields, or embroidered on their
banners, became the armorial bearings by which city and
chieftain were distinguished, as in Europe, in the age of
chivalry.8
But, although the Aztecs were instructed in all the
varieties of hieroglyphical painting, they chiefly resorted
to the clumsy method of direct representation. Had
their empire lasted, like the Egyptian, several thousand,
instead of the brief space of two hundred, years, they
would, doubtless, like them, have advanced to the more
frequent use of the phonetic writing. But, before they
could be made acquainted with the capabilities of their
own system, the Spanish Conquest, by introducing the
European alphabet, supplied their scholars with a more
perfect contrivance for expressing thought, which soon
supplanted the ancient pictorial character.9
7 Boturini, Idea, pp. 77 — 83. — object to the hieroglyphic. This, of
Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2, pp. course, could not admit of great
34 — 43. extension. "We find phonetic charac-
Heeren is not aware, or does not ters, however, applied, in some in-
allow, that the Mexicans used pho- stances, to common, as well as proper
netic characters of any kind. (Hist. names.
Res., vol. v. p. 45.) They, indeed, 8 Boturini, Idea, ubi supra,
reversed the usual order of proceed- 9 Clavigero has given a catalogue
ing, and, instead of adapting the of the Mexican historians of the six-
hieroglyphic to the name of the ob- teenth century, some of whom are
ject, accommodated the name of the often cited in this history, which
chap, iv.] MEXICAN HIEROGLYPHICS. 75
Clumsy as it was, however, the Aztec picture-writing
seems to have been adequate to the demands of the
nation in their imperfect state of civilization. By means
of it were recorded all their laws, and even their regula-
tions for domestic economy ; their tribute -rolls, specifying
the imposts of the various towns ; their mythology,
calendars, and rituals ; their political annals, carried back
to a period long before the foundation of the city. They
digested a complete system of chronology, and could
specify with accuracy the dates of the most important
events in their history ; the year being inscribed on the
margin, against the particular circumstance recorded. It
is true, history, thus executed, must necessarily be vague
and fragmentary. Only a few leading incidents could be
presented. But in this it did not differ much from the
monkish chronicles of the dark ages, which often dispose
of years in a few brief sentences, quite long enough for
the annals of barbarians.10
In order to estimate aright the picture-writing of the
Aztecs, one must regard it in connexion with oral tradi-
tion, to which it was auxiliary. In the colleges of the
priests the youth were instructed in astronomy, history,
mythology, &c. ; and those who were to follow the pro-
fession of hieroglyphical painting were taught the applica-
tion of the characters appropriated to each of these
branches. In an historical work, one had charge of the
chronology, another of the events. Every part of the
labour was thus mechanically distributed.11 The pupils,
bears honourable testimony to the two facts recorded in any year, and
literary ardour and intelligence of sometimes not one in a dozen or
the native races. Stor. del Messico, more. The necessary looseness and
torn, i., Pref — Also, Gaina, Descrip- uncertainty of these historical records
cion, Parte 1, passim. are made apparent by the remarks of
10 M. de Humboldt's remark, that the Spanish interpreter of the Men-
the Aztec annals, from the close of doza Codex, who tells us that the
the eleventh century, " exhibit the natives, to whom it M'as submitted,
greatest method, and astonishing were very long in coming to an agree-
minuteness," (Vues des Cordilleres, ment about the proper signification
p. 137,) must be received with some of the paintings. Antiq. of Mexico,
qualification. The reader would vol. vi. p. 87.
scarcely understand from it, that " Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2, p.
there are rarely more than one or 30. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 7.
" Tenian
76
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
instructed in all that was before known in their several
departments, were prepared to extend still further the
boundaries of their imperfect science. The hieroglyphics
served as a sort of stenography, a collection of notes,
suggesting to the initiated much more than could be con-
veyed by a literal interpretation. This combination of
the written and the oral comprehended what may be
called the literature of the Aztecs.12
Their manuscripts were made of different materials —
of cotton cloth, or skins nicely prepared ; of a composition
of silk and gum j but, for the most part, of a fine fabric
from the leaves of the aloe, agave Americana, called by
the natives, maguey, which grows luxuriantly over the
table lands of Mexico. A sort of paper was made from it,
resembling somewhat the Egyptian papyrus,13 which,
when properly dressed and polished, is said to have been
more soft and beautiful than parchment. Some of the
specimens, still existing, exhibit their original freshness,
"Tenian para cada genero," says
Ixtlilxochitl, "sus Escritores, uuos
que tratabau de los Anales, poniendo
por su orden las cosas que acaeciaueu
cada un aho, con dia, mes, y hora;
otros tenian a su cargo las Genealo-
gias, y descendencia de los Reyes,
Sefiores, y Personas de linaje,
asentando por cuenta y razon los
que nacian, y borraban los que mo-
rian con la misma cuenta. Unos
tenian cuidado de las pinturas, de los
terminos, limites, y rnojoneras de las
Ciudades, Provincias, Pueblos, y Lu-
gares, y de las suertes, y reparti-
miento de las tierras cuyas eran, y a
quien pertenecian ; otros de los libros
de Leyes, ritos, y seremonias que
usaban." Hist. Chick, MS., Prologo.
12 According to Boturini, the
ancient Mexicans were acquainted
with the Peruvian method of record-
ing events, by means of the quippns
— knotted strings of various colours
— which were afterwards superseded
by hieroglyphical painting. (Idea,
p. 86.) He could discover, how-
ever, but a single specimen, which
he met with in Tlaseala, and that
had nearly fallen to pieces with age.
McCulloch suggests that it may have
been only a wampum belt, such as is
common among our North American
Indians. (Researches, p. 201 ) The
conjectureisplausibleenough. Strings
of wampum, of various colours, were
used by the latter people for the
similar purpose of registering events.
The insulated fact, recorded by Bo-
turini, is hardly sufficient — unsup-
ported, as far as I know, by any
other testimony — to establish the
existence of quippus among the Az-
tecs, who had but little in common
with the Peruvians.
13 Pliny, who gives a minute ac-
count of the papyrus reed of Egypt,
notices the various manufactures ob-
tained from it, as ropes, cloth, paper,
&c. It also served as a thatch for
the roofs of houses, and as food and
drink for the natives. (Hist. Nat.,
lib. 11, cap. 20-22.) It is singular
that the American agave, a plant so
totally different, should also have
been applied to all these various uses.
chap, iv.] . MANUSCRIPTS. 77
and the paintings on them retain their brilliancy of colours.
They were sometimes done up into rolls, but more fre-
quently into volumes of moderate size, in which the
paper was shut up, like a folding-screen, with a leaf or
tablet of wood at each extremity, that gave the whole,
when closed, the appearance of a book. The length of
the strips was determined only by convenience. As the
pages might be read and referred to separately, this form
had obvious advantages over the rolls of the ancients.14
At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, great quan-
tities of these manuscripts were treasured up in the
country. Numerous persons were employed in painting,
and the dexterity of their operations excited the astonish-
ment of the conquerors. Unfortunately, this was mingled
with other, and unworthy feelings. The strange, un-
known characters inscribed on them excited suspicion.
They were looked on as magic scrolls ; and were regarded
in the same light with the idols and temples, as the sym-
bols of a pestilent superstition, that must be extirpated.
The first archbishop of Mexico, Don Juan de Zumarraga,
— a name that should be as immortal as that of Omar —
collected these paintings from every quarter, especially
from Tezcuco, the most cultivated capital in Anahuac, and
the great depository of the national archives. He then
caused them to be piled up in a " mountain-heap" — as it
is called by the Spanish writers themselves — in the
market-place of Tlatelolco, and reduced them all to ashes !15
14 Lorenzana, Hist, de Nueva and jewellers. But Martyr had been
Espafia, p. 8. — Boturini, Idea, p. 96. in Egypt, and he felt little hesitation
— Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, in placing the Indian drawings in
p. 52. — Peter Martyr Anglerius, De the same class with those he had
Orbe Novo, (Compluti, 1530,) dec. seen on the obelisks and temples of
3, cap. 8 ; dec. 5, cap. 10. that country.
Martyr has given a minute de- 15 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
scription of the Indian maps, sent Prologo.— Idem, Sum. Relac, MS.
home soon after the invasion of New Writers are not agreed whether
Spain. His inquisitive mind was the conflagration took place in the
struck with the evidence they af- square of Tlatelolco or Tezcuco.
forded of a positive civilization. Comp. Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
Ribera, the friend of Cortes, brought torn. ii. p 188, and Bustamante's
back a story, that the paintings were Pref. to Ixtlilxochitl, Cruautes des
designed as patterns for embroiderers Conqucrans, trad, de Ternaux, p. xvii.
78 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
His greater countryman, Archbishop Ximenes, had cele-
brated a similar auto-da-fe of Arabic manuscripts, in
Granada, some twenty years before. Never did fana-
ticism achieve two more signal triumphs, than by the
annihilation of so many curious monuments of human
ingenuity and learning ! 16
The unlettered soldiers were not slow in imitating the
example of their prelate. Every chart and volume which
fell into their hands was wantonly destroyed ; so that,
when the scholars of a later and more enlightened age
anxiously sought to recover some of these memorials of
civilization, nearly all had perished, and the few surviving
were jealously hidden by the natives.17 Through the in-
defatigable labours of a private individual, however, a con-
siderable collection was eventually deposited in the archives
of Mexico ; but was so little heeded there, that some were
plundered, others decayed piecemeal from the damps and
mildews, and others, again, were used up as waste-paper !18
We contemplate with indignation the cruelties inflicted by
the early conquerors. But indignation is qualified with
contempt, when we see them thus ruthlessly trampling
out the spark of knowledge, the common boon and pro-
perty of all mankind. We may well doubt, which has
the strongest claims to civilization, the victor or the van-
quished.
A few of the Mexican manuscripts have found their
way, from time to time, to Europe, and are carefully
preserved in the public libraries of its capitals. They
are brought together in the magnificent wrork of Lord
Kingsborough ; but not one is there from Spain. The
most important of them, for the light it throws on the
16 It has been my lot to record both ,s Very many of the documents
these displays of human infirmity, so thus painfully amassed in the ar-
humbling to the pride of intellect. chives of the Audience of Mexico,
See the History of Ferdinand and were sold, according to Bustamante,
Isabella, Part 2, Chap. 6. as wrapping-paper, to apothecaries,
17 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espa- shopkeepers, and rocket-makers!
fia, lib. 10, cap. 27- — Bustamante, Boturini's noble collection has not
Mananasde Alameda, (Mexico, 1836,) fared much better.
torn, ii., Prologo.
CHAP. IV
■J
MANUSCRIPTS.
79
Aztec institutions, is the Mendoza Codex ; which, after
its mysterious disappearance for more than a century,
has at length reappeared in the Bodleian library at
Oxford. It has been several times engraved.19 The
most brilliant in colouring, probably, is the Borgian collec-
tion, in Rome.20 The most curious, however, is the
Dresden Codex, which has excited less attention than it
deserves. Although usually classed among Mexican
manuscripts, it bears little resemblance to them in its
19 The history of this famous col-
lection is familiar to scholars. It
was sent to the Emperor Charles the
Fifth, not long after the Conquest,
by the viceroy Mendoza, Marques de
Mondejar. The vessel fell into the
hands of a French cruiser, and the
manuscript was taken to Paris. It
was afterwards bought by the chap-
lain of the English embassy, and,
coming into the possession of the
antiquary Purchas, was engraved, in
extenso, by him, in the third volume
of his "Pilgrimage." After its pub-
lication, in 1625, the Aztec original
lost its importance, and fell into obli-
vion so completely, that, when at
length the public curiosity was ex-
cited in regard to its fate, no trace
of it could be discovered. Many
were the speculations of scholars, at
home and abroad, respecting it, and
Dr. "Robertson settled the question as
to its existence in England, by declar-
ing that there was no Mexican relic in
that country except a golden goblet
of Montezuma. (History of Ame-
rica, [London, 1796,] vol. iii. p. 370.)
Nevertheless, the identical Codex,
and several other Mexican paintings,
have been since discovered in the
Bodleian library. The circumstance
has brought some obloquy on the
historian who, while prying into the
collections of Vienna and the Escu-
rial, could be so blind to those under
his own eyes. The oversight will
not appear so extraordinary to a
thorough-bred collector, whether of
manuscripts, or medals, or any other
rarity. The Mendoza Codex is, after
all, but a copy, coarsely done with a
pen on European paper. Another
copy, from which Archbishop Loren-
zana engraved his tribute-rolls in
Mexico, existed in Boturini's collec-
tion. A third is in the Escurial,
according to the Marquis of Spineto.
(Lectures on the Elements of Hiero-
glyphics, [London,] lee. 7.) This
may possibly be the original painting.
The entire Codex, copied from the
Bodleian maps, with its Spanish and
English interpretations, is included in
the noble compilation of Lord Kings-
borough. (Vols, i., v., vi.) It is
distributed into three parts : em-
bracing the civil history of the nation,
the tributes paid by the cities, and
the domestic economy and discipline
of the Mexicans ; and, from the
fulness of the interpretation, is of
much importance in regard to these
several topics.
20 It formerly belonged to the
Giustiniani family ; but was so little
cared for, that it was suffered to fall
into the mischievous hands of the
domestics' children, who made sundry
attempts to burn it. Eortunately it
was painted on deerskin; and, though
somewhat singed, was not destroyed.
(Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres,
p. 89, et seq.) It is impossible to
cast the eye over this brilliant assem-
blage of forms and colours without
feeling how hopeless must be the
attempt to recover a key to the
Aztec mythological symbols ; which
are here distributed with the sym-
metry, indeed, but in all the endless
combinations of the kaleidoscope. It
is in the third volume of Lord Kings-
boromjh's work.
80
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
[»
execution ; the figures of objects are more delicately
drawn, and the characters, unlike the Mexican, appear to
be purely arbitrary, and are possibly phonetic.21 Their
regular arrangement is quite equal to the Egyptian.
The whole infers a much higher civilization than the
Aztec, and offers abundant food for curious speculation.22
Some few of these maps have interpretations annexed
to them, which were obtained from the natives after the
Conquest.23 The greater part are without any, and can-
not now be unriddled. Had the Mexicans made free
use of a phonetic alphabet, it might have been originally
21 Humboldt, who has copied some
pages of it in his "Atlas Pittoresque,"
intimates no doubt of its Aztec origin.
(Vues des Cordilleras, pp. 266, 267.)
M. Le Noir even reads in it an expo-
sition of Mexican Mythology, with
occasional analogies to that of Egypt
and of Hindostan. (Antiquites,
Mexicaines, torn, ii., introd ) The
fantastic forms of hieroglyphic sym-
bols may afford analogies for almost
anything.
22 The history of this Codex, en-
graved entire in the third volume of
the " Antiquities of Mexico," goes
no further back than 1739, when it
was purchased at Vienna for the
Dresden library. It is made of the
American agave. The figures painted
on it bear little resemblance, either
in feature or form, to the Mexican.
They are surmounted by a sort of
head-gear, which looks something
like a modern peruke. On the chin
of one we may notice a beard, a sign
often used after the Conquest, to
denote a European. Many of the
persons are sitting cross-legged. The
profiles of the faces, and the whole
contour of the limbs, are sketched
with a spirit and freedom very unlike
the hard angular outbnes of the
Aztecs. The characters, also, are
delicately traced, generally in an irre-
gular, but circular form, and are very
minute. They are arranged, like the
Egyptian, both horizontally and per-
pendicularly, mostly in the former
manner; and, from the prevalent
direction of the profiles, would seem
to have been read from right to left.
Whether phonetic or ideographic,
they are of that compact and purely
conventional sort which belongs to a
well digested system for the commu-
nication of thought. One cannot
but regret, that no trace should exist
of the quarter whence this MS. was
obtained ; perhaps some part of Cen-
tral America, from the region of the
mysterious races who built the monu-
ments of MitlaandPalenque. Though,
in truth, there seems scarcely more
resemblance in the symbols to the
Palenque bas-reliefs than to the Aztec
paintings.
23 There are three of these; the
Mendoza Codex ; the Telleriano-
Kemensis, formerly the property of
Archbishop Tellier, in the Royal
Library of Paris ; and the Vatican
MS, No. 3738. The interpretation
of the last, bears evident marks of its
recent origin ; probably as late as the
close of the sixteenth, or the begin-
ning of the seventeenth century,
when the ancient hieroglyphics were
read with the eye of faith, rather
than of reason. Whoever was the
commentator, fcomp. Vues des Cor-
dilleres, pp. 203, 204 ; and Antiq. of
Mexico, vol. vi, pp. 155, 222,) he
has given such an exposition as shows
the old Aztecs to have been as
orthodox Christians as any subjects
of the Pope.
chap, iv.] MANUSCRIPTS. 81
easy, by mastering the comparatively few signs employed
in this kind of communication, to have got a permanent
key to the whole.24 A brief inscription has furnished a
clue to the vast labyrinth of Egyptian hieroglyphics.
But the Aztec characters, representing individuals, or at
most, species, require to be made out separately ; a hope-
less task, for which little aid is to be expected from the
vague and general tenor of the few interpretations now
existing. There was, as already mentioned, until late in
the last century, a professor in the university of Mexico,
especially devoted to the study of the national picture-
writing. But, as this was with a view to legal proceed-
ings, his information, probably, was limited to deciphering
titles. In less than a hundred years after the Conquest,
the knowledge of the hieroglyphics had so far declined,
that a diligent Tezcucan writer complains he could find
in the country only two persons, both very aged, at all
competent to interpret them.25
It is not probable, therefore, that the art of reading
these picture-writings will ever be recovered ; a circum-
stance certainly to be regretted. Not that the records
of a semi-civilized people would be likely to contain any
new truth or discovery important to human comfort or
progress ; but they could scarcely fail to throw some
additional light on the previous history of the nation,
and that of the more polished people who before occu-
pied the country. This would be still more probable, if
24 The total number of Egyptian afford him the least clue to the Aztec
hieroglyphics discovered by Cham- hieroglyphics. So completely had
polliou amounts to 864; and of these every vestige of their ancient lan-
130 only are phonetic, notwithstand- guage been swept away from the
ing that this kind of character is memory of the natives. (Idea, p.
used far more frequently than both 116.) If we are to believe Busta-
the others. Precis, p. 263 ; also mante, however, a complete key to
Spineto, Lectures, lect. 3. the whole system is, at this moment,
25 ' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., somewhere in Spain. It was carried
Dedic. home at the time of the process
Boturini, who travelled through against Father Myer, in 1795. The
every part of the country, in the name of the Mexican Champollion
middle of the last century, could not who discovered it is Borunda. Gama,
meet with an individual who could Descripcion, torn, ii, p. 33, nota.
VOL. I. G
82 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
any literary relics of their Toltec predecessors were pre-
served ; and, if report be true, an important compilation
from this source was extant at the time of the invasion,
and may have perhaps contributed to swell the holocaust
of Zumarraga.26 It is no great stretch of fancy, to sup-
pose that such records might reveal the successive links
in the mighty chain of migration of the primitive races ■
and, by carrying us back to the seat of their possessions
in the Old World, have solved the mystery which has so
long perplexed the learned, in regard to the settlement
and civilization of the New.
Besides the hieroglyphical maps, the traditions of the
country were embodied in the songs and hymns, which,
as already mentioned, were carefully taught in the public
schools. These were various, embracing the mythic
legends of a heroic age, the warlike achievements of their
own, or the softer tales of love and pleasure.27 Many of
them were composed by scholars and persons of rank,
and are cited as affording the most authentic record of
events.28 The Mexican dialect was rich and expressive,
though inferior to the Tezcucan, the most polished of the
idioms of Anahuac. None of the Aztec compositions
have survived, but we can form some estimate of the
26 Teoamoxtli, " the divine book," never so deep, has discovered that
as it was called. According to Ix- the Teoamoxtli was the Pentateuch,
tlilxochitl, it was composed by a Thus, teo means " divine," amotl
Tezcucan doctor, named Huematzin, "paper," or "book," and moxtli
towards the close of the seventh " appears to be Moses," — " Divine
century. (Relaciones, MS.) It gave book of Moses !" Antiq. of Mexico,
an account of the migrations of his vol. vi. p. 204, nota.
nation from Asia, of the various v Boturini, Idea, pp. 90 — 97. —
stations on their journey, of their Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ii.
social and religious institutions, their pp. 174 — 178.
science, arts, &c, &c, a good deal 2S " Los cantos con que las obser-
too much for one book. Ignotum vaban Autores muy graves en su
pro rnagnifico. It has never been modo de ciencia y facultad, pues
seen by a European. A copy is said fueron los mismos Reyes, y de la
to have been in possession of the gente mas ilustre y entendida, que
Tezcucan chroniclers, on the taking siempre observaron y adquirieron la
of their capital. (Bustamante, Crd- verdad, y esta con tanta, y razon,
nica Mexicana, [Mexico, 1822,] carta quanta pudieron tener los mas graves
3.) Lord Kingsborough, who can y fidedignos Autores." Ixtlilxochitl,
scent out a Hebrew root, be it buried Hist. Chich., MS., Prdlogo.
chap, iv.] ARITHMETIC. 83
general state of poetic culture from the odes which have
come down to us from the royal house of Tezcuco.29
Sahagun has furnished us with translations of their more
elaborate prose, consisting of prayers and public discourses,
which give a favourable idea of their eloquence, and show
that they paid much attention to rhetorical effect. They
are said to have had, also, something like theatrical exhi-
bitions, of a pantomimic sort, in which the faces of the
performers were covered with masks, and the figures of
birds or animals were frequently represented ; an imita-
tion to which they may have been led by the familiar deli-
neation of such objects in their hieroglyphics.30 In all
this we see the dawning of a literary culture, surpassed,
however, by their attainments in the severer walks of
mathematical science.
They devised a system of notation in their arithmetic,
sufficiently simple. The first twenty numbers were
expressed by a corresponding number of dots. The first
five had specific names ; after which they were repre-
sented by combining the fifth with one of the four pre-
ceding : as five and one for six, five and two for seven,
and so on. Ten and fifteen had each a separate name,
which was also combined with the first four, to express
a^higher quantity. These four, therefore, were the radical
characters of their oral arithmetic, in the same manner
as they were of the written with the ancient Romans ; a
more simple arrangement, probably, than any existing
among Europeans.31 Twenty was expressed by a sepa-
rate hieroglyphic — a flag. Larger sums were reckoned
by twenties, and, in writing, by repeating the number of
29 See Chap. 6, of this Introduction. 31 Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2,
30 See some account of these mum- Apend. 2.
meries in Acosta, (Kb. 5, cap. 30,)
—also Clavigero (Stor. del Messico, Gama, in comparing the language
ubi supra.) Stone models of masks of Mexican notation with the decimal
are sometimes found among the In- system of the Europeans, and the
dian ruins, and engravings of them are ingenious binary system of Leibnitz,
both in Lord Kingsborough's work, confounds oral with written arith-
and in the Antiquites Mexicaines. metic.
G- 'Z
84 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
flags. The square of twenty, four hundred, had a sepa-
rate sign, that of a plume, and so had the cube of twenty,
or eight thousand, which was denoted by a purse, or
sack. This was the whole arithmetical apparatus of the
Mexicans, by the combination of which they were enabled
to indicate any quantity. For greater expedition, they
used to denote fractions of the larger sums by drawing
only a part of the object. Thus, half or three- fourths of
a plume, or of a purse, represented that proportion of
their respective sums, and so on.32 With all this, the
machinery will appear very awkward to us, who perform
our operations with so much ease by means of the Arabic,
or rather, Indian ciphers. It is not much more awkward,
however, than the system pursued by the great mathe-
maticians of antiquity, unacquainted with the brilliant
invention which has given a new aspect to mathematical
science, of determining the value, in a great measure, by
the relative position of the figures.
In the measurement of time, the Aztecs adjusted their
civil year by the solar. They divided it into eighteen
months of twenty days each. Both months and days
were expressed by peculiar hieroglyphics, — those of the
former often intimating the season of the year, like the
French months, at the period of the Revolution. Five
complementary days, as in Egypt,33 were added, to make
up the full number of three hundred and sixty-five. They
belonged to no month, and were regarded as peculiarly
unlucky. A month was divided into four weeks, of five
days each, on the last of which was the public fair or
market day.34 This arrangement, different from that of
the nations of the Old Continent, whether of Europe or
32 Gama, ubi supra. 34 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espa-
This learned Mexican has given a fia, lib. 4, Apend.
very satisfactory treatise on the According to Clavigero, the fairs
arithmetic of the Aztecs, in his were held on the days bearing the
second part. sign of the year. Stor. del Messico,
33 Herodotus, Euterpe, sec. 4. torn. ii. p. 62.
chap, iv.] ARITHMETIC. 85
Asia,35 has the advantage of giving an equal number of
days to each month, and of comprehending entire weeks,
without a fraction, both in the months and in the year.36
As the year is composed of nearly six hours more than
three hundred and sixty-five days, there still remained an
excess, which, like other nations who have framed a
calendar, they provided for by intercalation • not, indeed,
every fourth year, as the Europeans,37 but at longer in-
tervals, like some of the Asiatics.38 They waited till the
expiration of fifty-two vague years, when they interposed
thirteen days, or rather twelve and a half, this being the
number which had fallen in arrear. Had they inserted
thirteen, it would have been too much, since the annual
excess over three hundred and sixty-five is about eleven
minutes less than six hours. But, as their calendar, at
the time of the Conquest, was found to correspond with
the European, (making allowance for the subsequent
Gregorian reform,) they would seem to have adopted the
shorter period of twelve days and a half,39 which brought
35 The people of Java, according coutando seis dias de nemontemi ;"
to Sir Stamford Raffles, regulated the five unlucky complementary days
their markets also by a week of five were so called. (Hist, de Nueva
days. They had, besides, our week Espana, lib. 4. Apend.) But this
of seven. (History of Java, [London, author, however good an authority
1830,] vol. i., pp. 531, 532.) The for the superstitions, is an indifferent
latter division of time, of general use one for the science of the Mexicans,
throughout the East, is the oldest 3S The Persians had a cycle of one
monument existing of astronomical hundred and twenty years, of three
science See La Place, Exposition hundred and sixty-five days each, at
du Systemedu Monde, (Paris, 1S08,) the end of which they intercalated
liv. 5, chap. 1. thirty days. (Humboldt, Vues des
36 Veytia, Historia Antigua de Cordilleres, p. 177.) This was the
Mejico, (Mejico, 1806,) torn. i. cap. same as thirteen after the cycle of
6, 7- — Gama, Descripcion, Parte 1, fifty-two years of the Mexicans ; but
pp. 33, 34, et alibi. — Boturini, Idea, was less accurate than their probable
pp. 4, 44, et seq. — Cod. Tel.-Rem., intercalation of twelve clays and a
ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. vi. p. 104. half. It is obviously indifferent, as
— Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. far as accuracy is concerned, which
— Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., multiple of four is selected to form
Parte 1. cap. 5. the cycle ; though the shorter the
37 Sahagun intimates doubts of interval of intercalation, the less, of
this. " Otra fiesta hacian de cuatro course, will be the temporary de-
en cuatro anos a honra del fuego, y parture from the tine time.
en esta fiesta es verosimil, y hay 39 This is the conclusion to which
congeturas que hacian su visieslo Gama arrives, after a very careful
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
them, within an almost inappreciable fraction, to the exact
length of the tropical year, as established by the most
accurate observations.40 Indeed, the intercalation of
twenty-five days, in every hundred and four years, shows
a nicer adjustment of civil to solar time than is presented
by any European calendar ; since more than five centuries
must elapse, before the loss of an entire day.41 Such was
the astonishing precision displayed by the Aztecs, or,
perhaps, by their more polished Toltec predecessors, in
these computations, so difficult as to have baffled, till a
comparatively recent period, the most enlightened nations
of Christendom !42
investigation of the subject. He sup-
poses that the " bundles/' or cycles,
of fifty-two years — by which, as we
shall see, the Mexicans computed
time — ended alternately at midnight
and mid-day. (Descripcion, Parte 1,
p. 52, et seq.) He finds some war-
rant for this in Acosta's account,
(lib. 6, cap. 2.) though contradicted
by Torquemada, (Monarch. Ind., Kb.
5, cap. 33,) and, as it appears, by
Sahagun — whose work, however,
Gama never saw, — (Hist, de Nueva
Espana, lib. 7, cap. 9,) both of whom
place the close of the year at mid-
night. Gama's hypothesis derives
confirmation from a circumstance I
have not seen noticed. Besides the
"bundle" of fifty-two years, the
Mexicans had a larger cycle of one
hundred and four years, called " an
old age." As this was not used in
their reckonings, which were carried
on by their "bundles," it seems
highly probable that it was designed
to express the period which would
bring round the commencement of
the smaller cycles to the same hour,
and in which the intercalary days,
amounting to twenty-five, might be
comprehended without a fraction.
40 This length, as computed by
Zach, at 365 d. 5 h. 48 m. 48 sec,
is only 2 m. 39 sec. longer than the
Mexican; which corresponds with
the celebrated calculation of the
astronomers of the Caliph Almamon,
that fell short about two minutes of
the true time. See La Place, Ex-
position, p. 350.
41 " El corto exceso de 4 hor. 38
mm. 40 seg., que hay de mas de los
25 dias en el periodo de 104 anos,
no puede componer un dia entero,
hasta que pasen mas de cinco de
estos periodos maximos 6 538 ahos."
(Gama, Descripcion, Parte 1, p. 23.)
Gama estimates the solar year at
365 d. 5 h. 48 m. 50 sec.
42 The ancient Etruscans arranged
their calendar in cycles of 110 solar
years, and reckoned the year at
365 d. 5 h. 40 m. ; at least, this
seems probable, says Niebuhr. (His-
tory of Rome, Eng. trans., [Cam-
bridge, 1828,] vol. I, pp. 113, 238.)
The early Romans had not wit enough
to avail themselves of this accurate
measurement, which came within
nine minutes of the true time. The
Julian reform, which assumed 365 d.
5| h. as the length of the year, erred
as much, or rather more, on the other
side. And when the Europeans, who
adopted this calendar, landed in
Mexico, their reckoning was nearly
eleven days in advance of the exact
time ; or, in other words, of the
reckoning of the barbarous Aztecs ;
a remarkable fact.
Gama's researches lead to the con-
clusion, that the year of the new
cycle began with the Aztecs on the
ninth of January ; a date considerably
chap, iv.] CHRONOLOGY. 87
The chronological system of the Mexicans, by which
they determined the date of any particular event, was also
very remarkable. The epoch, from which they reckoned,
corresponded with the year 1091, of the Christian era.
It was the period of the reform of their calendar, soon
after their migration from Aztlan. They threw the years,
as already noticed, into great cycles, of fifty-two each,
which they called " sheafs," or "bundles," and represented
by a quantity of reeds bound together by a string. As
often as this hieroglyphic occurs in their maps, it shows
the number of half centuries. To enable them to specify
any particular year, they divided the great cycle into four
smaller cycles, or indictions, of thirteen years each. They
then adopted two periodical series of signs, one consisting
of their numerical dots up to thirteen, the other, of four
hieroglyphics of the years.43 These latter they repeated in
regular succession, setting against each one a number of
the corresponding series of dots, continued also in regular
succession up to thirteen. The same system was pursued
through the four indictions, which thus, it will be ob-
served, began always with a different hieroglyphic of the
year from the preceding ; and in this way, each of the
hieroglyphics was made to combine successively with each
of the numerical signs, but never twice with the same ;
earlier than that usually assigned by the annual excess of six hours, and
the Mexican writers. (Descripcion, therefore never intercalated ! (Mo-
Parte 1, pp. 49 — 52.) By post- narch. Ind., lib. 10, cap. 36.) The
poning the intercalation to the end interpreter of the Vatican Codex has
of fifty-two years, the annual loss of fallen into a series of blunders on the
six hours made every fourth year same subject, still more ludicrous,
begin a day earlier. Thus, the cycle (Antiq. of Mexico, vol. vi. PI. 16.)
commencing on the ninth of January, So soon had Aztec science fallen into
the fifth year of it began on the oblivion, after the Conquest !
eighth, the ninth year on the seventh, 43 These hieroglyphics were a
and so onfso that the last day of "rabbit," a "reed," a "flint," a
the series of fifty -two years fell on " house." They were taken as sym-
the twenty-sixth of December, when bolical of the four elements, air,
the intercalation of thirteen days water, fire, earth, according to Vey-
rectifled the chronology, and carried tia. (Hist. Antig. torn. i. cap. 5.)
the commencement of the new year It is not easy to see the connexion,
to the ninth of January again. Tor- between the terms " rabbit " and
quemada, puzzled by the irregularity " air," which lead the respective
of the new year's day, asserts that series,
the Mexicans were unacquainted with
88
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
since four, and thirteen, the factors of fifty-two — the
number of years in the cycle — must admit of just as
many combinations as are equal to their product. Thus
every year had its appropriate symbol, by which it was
at once recognised. And this symbol, preceded by the
proper number of "bundles," indicating the half centuries,
showed the precise time which had elapsed since the
national epoch of 1091. ^ The ingenious contrivance
44 The following table of two of year of the great cycle, or "bundle;"
the four indictions of thirteen years the second, the numerical dots used
each will make the text more clear. in their arithmetic. The third is
The first column shows the actual composed of their hieroglyphics for
First Indiction.
Year
of the
Cycle.
2.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
Second Indiction.
Year
of the
Cycle.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
21.
25.
26.
CHAP. IV.]
CHRONOLOGY.
89
of a periodical series, in place of the cumbrous system of
hieroglyphical notation is not peculiar to the Aztecs, and
is to be found among various people on the Asiatic con-
tinent,— the same in principle, though varying materially
in arrangement.45
The solar calendar, above described, might have an-
swered all the purposes of the nation ; but the priests
chose to construct another for themselves. This was
called a " lunar reckoning," though nowise accommo-
dated to the revolutions of the moon.46 It was formed,
also, of two periodical series ; one of them consisting of
thirteen numerical signs, or dots, the other of the twenty
hieroglyphics of the days. But, as the product of these
rabbit, reed, flint, . house, in their
regular order.
By pursuing the combinations
through the two remaining indic-
tions, it will be found that the same
number of dots will never coincide
with the same hieroglyphic.
These tables are generally thrown
into the form of wheels, as are those
also of their months and days, having
a very pretty effect. Several have
been published, at different times,
from the collections of Siguenza and
Boturini. The wheel of the great
cycle of fifty-two years is encom-
passed by a serpent, which was also
the symbol of " an age," both with
the Persians and Egyptians. Father
Toribio seems to misapprehend the
nature of these chronological wheels ;
" Tenian rodelas y escudos, y en ellas
pintadas las figuras y armas de sus
Demonios con su blason." Hist, de
los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 4.
45 Among the Chinese, Japanese,
Moghols, Mantchous,and other fami-
lies of the Tartar race. Their series
are composed of symbols of their five
elements, and the twelve zodiacal
signs, making a cycle of sixty years'
duration. Then* several systems are
exhibited in connexion with the
Mexican, in the luminous pages of
Humboldt, (Vues des Cordnleres,
p. 149,) who draws important con-
sequences from the comparison, to
which we shall have occasion to
return hereafter.
46 In this calendar, the months of
the tropical year were distributed
into cycles of thirteen days, which
being repeated twenty times, — the
number of days in a solar month, —
completed the lunar or astrological
year of 260 days ; when the reckon-
ing began again. " By the con-
trivance of these trecenas (terms of
thirteen days) and the cycle of fifty-
two years," says Gama, "they formed
a luni-solar period, most exact for
astronomical purposes." (Descrip-
cion, Parte 1, p. 27.) He adds, that
these trecenas were suggested by
the periods in which the moon is
visible before and after conjunction.
(Loc. cit.) It seems hardly possible
that a people, capable of construct-
ing a calendar so accurately on the
true principles of solar time, should
so grossly err as to suppose, that in
this reckoning they really " repre-
sented the daily revolutions of the
moon." " The whole Eastern world,"
says the learned Niebuhr, " has fol-
lowed the moon in its calendar ; the
free scientific division of a vast por-
tion of time is peculiar to the West.
Connected with the West is that
primeval extinct world which we
call the New." History of Rome
vol. i. p. 239.
90
AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
combinations would only be 260, and, as some confusion
might arise from the repetition of the same terms for the
remaining 105 days of the year, they invented a third
series, consisting of nine additional hieroglyphics, which,
alternating with the two preceding series, rendered it-
impossible that the three should coincide twice in the
same year, or indeed in less than 2340 days ; since 20
x 13 x 9 = 2340. 47 Thirteen was a mystic number,
of frequent use in their tables,48 Why they resorted to
that of nine, on this occasion, is not so clear.49
47 They were named " com-
panions," and " lords of the night,"
and were supposed to preside over
the night, as the other signs did
over the day. Boturini, Idea, p. 57.
48 Thus, their astrological year
was divided into months of thirteen
days ; there were thirteen years in
their indictions, which contained
each three hundred and sixty-five
periods of thirteen days, &c. It is
a curious fact, that the number of
lunar months of thirteen days, con-
tained in a cycle of fifty-two years,
with the intercalation, should corre-
spond precisely with the number of
years in the great Sothic period of
the Egyptians, namely, 1491 ; a
period, in which the seasons and
festivals came round to the same
place in the year again. The coinci-
dence may be accidental. But a
people employing periodical series,
and astrological calculations, have
generally some meaning in the num-
bers they select and the combina-
tions to which they lead.
49 According to Gama, (Descrip-
tion, Parte 1, pp. 75, 76,) because
360 can be divided by nine without
a fraction ; the nine " companions "
not being attached to the five com-
plementary days. But 4, a mystic
number much used in their arith-
metical combinations, would have
answered the same purpose equally
well. In regard to this, M°Culloch
observes, with much shrewdness,
" It seems impossible that the Mexi-
cans, so careful in constructing their
cycle, should abruptly terminate it
with 360 revolutions, whose natural
period of termination is 2340." And
he supposes the nine " companions "
were used in connexion with the
cycles of 260 days, in order to throw
them into the larger ones of 2340 ;
eight of which, with a ninth of 260
days, he ascertains to be equal to
the great solar period of 52 years.
(Researches, pp. 207, 208.) This is
very plausible. But in fact the com-
binations of the two first series,
forming the cycle of 260 days, were
always interrupted at the end of the
year, since each new year began
with the same hieroglyphic of the
days. The third series of the " com-
panions " was intermitted, as above
stated, on the five unlucky days
which closed the year, in order, if
we may believe Boturini, that the
first day of the solar year might
have annexed to it the first of the
nine "companions," which signified
"lord of the year;" (Idea, p. 57;)
a result which might have been
equally well secured, without any
intermission at all, by taking 5,
another favourite number, instead of
9, as the divisor. As it was, how-
ever, the cycle, as far as the third
series was concerned, did terminate
with 360 revolutions. The subject
is a perplexing one ; and I can
hardly hope to have presented it in
such a manner as to make it per-
fectly clear to the reader.
chap, iv.] CHRONOLOGY. 91
This second calendar rouses a holy indignation in the
early Spanish missionaries, and father Sahagun loudly
condemns it as " most unhallowed, since it is founded
neither on natural reason, nor on the influence of the
planets, nor on the true course of the year ; but is plainly
the work of necromancy, and the fruit of a compact with
the Devil !"50 One may doubt, whether the superstition
of those who invented the scheme was greater than that
of those who thus impugned it. At all events, we may,
without having recourse to supernatural agency, find in
the human heart a sufficient explanation of its origin ; in
that love of power, that has led the priesthood of many
a faith to affect a mystery, the key to which was in their
own keeping.
By means of this calendar the Aztec priests kept their
own records, regulated the festivals and seasons of sacri-
fice, and made all their astrological calculations.51 The
false science of astrology is natural to a state of society
partially civilized, where the mind, impatient of the slow
and cautious examination by which alone it can arrive at
truth, launches, at once, into the regions of speculation,
and rashly attempts to lift the veil — the impenetrable
veil, which is drawn around the mysteries of nature. It
is the characteristic of true science, to discern the im-
passable, but not very obvious, limits which divide the
province of reason from that of speculation. Such know-
ledge comes tardily. How many ages have rolled away,
in which powers, that, rightly directed, might have re-
vealed the great laws of nature, have been wasted in
brilliant, but barren, reveries on alchemy and astrology !
The latter is more particularly the study of a primitive
age; when the mind, incapable of arriving at the stu-
50 Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, lib. 4, power, " chez les peuples de inceurs
Introd. les plus opposees, le sacerdoce a du
51 " Dans les pays les plus diffe- au culte des elements et des astres
rents," says Benjamin Constant, un pouvoir dont aujour-d'hui nous
concluding some sensible reflections concevons a peine l'idee." De la
on the sources of the sacerdotal Religion, (Paris, 1825,) liv. 3, ch. 4.
92 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
pendous fact, that the myriads of minute lights, glowing
in the firmament, are the centres of systems as glorious
as our own, is naturally led to speculate on their probable
uses, and to connect the in in some way or other with
man, for whose convenience every other object in the
universe seems to have been created. As the eye of the
simple child of nature watches, through the long nights,
the stately march of the heavenly bodies, and sees the
bright hosts coming up, one after another, and changing
with the changing seasons of the year, he naturally
associates them with those seasons, as the periods over
which they hold a mysterious influence. In the same
manner, he connects their appearance with any interest-
ing event of the time, and explores, in their flaming
characters, the destinies of the new-born infant.52 Such
is the origin of astrology, the false lights of which have
continued from the earliest ages to dazzle and bewilder
mankind, till they have faded away in the superior illu-
mination of a comparatively recent period.
The astrological scheme of the Aztecs was founded
less on the planetary influences than on those of the
arbitrary signs they had adopted for the months and
days. The character of the leading sign, in each lunar
cycle of thirteen days, gave a complexion to the whole ;
though this was qualified, in some degree, by the signs
of the succeeding days, as well as by those of the hours.
It was in adjusting these conflicting forces that the great
art of the diviner was shown. In no country, not even
in ancient Egypt, were the dreams of the astrologer more
implicitly deferred to. On the birth of a child, he was
instantly summoned. The time of the event was accu-
52 " It is a gentle and affectionate Coleridge, " Translation of
thought, Wallenstein," Act 2, sc. 4.
That, in immeasurable heights Schiller is more true to poetry than
above us, history, when he tells us, in the
At our first birth the wreath of beautiful passage of which this is
love was woven part, that the worship of the stars
With sparkling stars for took the place of classic mythology.
flowers." It existed long before it.
chap, iv.] ASTRONOMY. 93
rately ascertained; and the family hung in trembling
suspense, as the minister of Heaven cast the horoscope
of the infant, and unrolled the dark volume of destiny.
The influence of the priest xvas confessed by the Mexican,
in the very first breath which he inhaled.53
We know little further of the astronomical attainments
of the Aztecs. That they were acquainted with the cause
of eclipses is evident from the representation on their
maps, of the disk of the moon projected on that of the
sun.54 Whether they had arranged a system of constel-
lations, is uncertain ; though, that they recognised some
of the most obvious, as the Pleiades, for example, is
evident from the fact that they regulated their festivals
by them. We know of no astronomical instruments
used by them, except the dial.55 An immense circular
block of carved stone, disinterred in 1790, in the great
square of Mexico, has supplied an acute and learned
scholar with the means of establishing some interesting
facts in regard to Mexican science.56 This colossal frag-
53 Gama lias given us a complete own ; whether the telescope may not
almanac of the astrological year, have been of the number is uncer-
with the appropriate signs and di- tain ; but the thirteenth plate of M.
visions, showing with what scientific Dupaix's Monuments, Part Second,
skill it was adapted to its various which represents a man holding
uses. (Descripcion, Parte 1, pp. something of a similar nature to his
25 — 31 ; 62 — 76.) Sahagun has eye, affords reason to suppose that
devoted a whole book to explaining they knew how to improve the
the mystic import and value of these powers of vision." (Antiq. of
signs, with a minuteness that may Mexico, vol. vi. p. 15, note.) The
enable one to cast up a scheme of instrument alluded to is rudely
nativity for himself. (Hist, de carved on a conical rock. It is
Nueva Espana, lib. 4.) It is evident raised no higher than the neck of
he fully believed the magic wonders the person who holds it, and looks,
which he told. " It was a deceitful to my thinking, as much like a
art," he says, " pernicious and idola- musket as a telescope ; though I
trous ; and was never contrived by shall not infer the use of fire-arms
human reason." The good father among the Aztecs from this cir-
was certainly no philosopher. cumstance. (See vol. iv. PI. 15.)
54 See, among others, the Cod. Captain Dupaix, however, in his
Tel.-Rem., Part 4., PI. 22, ap. Antiq. commentary on the drawing, sees
of Mexico, vol. i. quite as much in it as his lordship.
55 "It can hardly be doubted," Ibid., vol. v., p. 241.
says Lord Kingsborough, " that the 56 Gama, Descripcion, Parte 1,
Mexicans were acquainted with many sec. 4 ; Parte 2, Apend.
scientifical instruments of strange Besides this colossal fragment
invention, as compared with our Gama met with some others
94 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
ment, on which the calendar is engraved, shows that
they had the means of settling the hours of the day with
precision, the periods of the solstices and of the equi-
noxes, and that of the transit of the sun across the zenith
of Mexico.57
We cannot contemplate the astronomical science of
the Mexicans, so disproportioned to their progress in
other walks of civilization, without astonishment. An
acquaintance with some of the more obvious principles
of astronomy is within the reach of the rudest people.
With a little care, they may learn to connect the regular
changes of the seasons with those of the place of the sun
at its rising and setting. They may follow the march of
the great luminary through the heavens, by watching the
stars that first brighten on his evening track, or fade in
his morning beams. They may measure a revolution of
the moon, by marking her phases, and may even form a
general idea of the number of such revolutions in a solar
year. But that they should be capable of accurately
adjusting their festivals by the movements of the hea-
venly bodies, and should fix the true length of the tropical
year, with a precision unknown to the great philosophers
of antiquity, could be the result only of a long series of
nice and patient observations, evincing no slight progress
in civilization.58 But whence could the rude inhabitants
designed, probably, for similar scien- of most of the Asiatic nations, with
tine use3, at Chapoltepec. Before sunrise. M. de Humboldt, who pro-
he had leisure to examine them, bably never saw Gama's second trea-
however, they were broken up for tise, allows only eight intervals. Vues
materials to build a furnace ! A des Cordilleres, p. 128.
fate not unlike that which has too 5S " TJn calendrier," exclaims the
often befallen the monuments of enthusiastic Carli, " qui est regie
ancient art in the Old World. sur la revolution annuelle du soleil,
57 In his second treatise on the non seulement par l'addition de cinq
cylindrical stone, Gama dwells more jours tous les ans, mais encore par
at large on its scientific construction, la correction du bissextile, doit sans
as a vertical sun-dial, in order to doute etre regarde comme une ope-
dispel the doubts of some sturdy ration deduite d'une etude reflechie,
sceptics on this point. (Description, et d'une grande combinaison. II faut
Parte 2, Apend. 1.) The civil day done supposer chez ces peuples une
was distributed by the Mexicans into suite d'obseryations astronomiques,
sixteen parts ; and began, like that une idee distincte de la sphere, de
chap. iv. J ASTRONOMY. 95
of these mountain regions have derived this curious eru-
dition? Not from the barbarous hordes who roamed
over the higher latitudes of the north; nor from the
more polished races on the southern continent, with
whom it is apparent they had no intercourse. If we are
driven, in our embarrassment, like the greatest astro-
nomer of our age, to seek the solution among the civilized
communities of Asia, we shall still be perplexed by rinding,
amidst general resemblance of outline, sufficient discre-
pancy in the details, to vindicate, in the judgments of
many, the Aztec claim to originality.59
I shall conclude the account of Mexican science with
that of a remarkable festival, celebrated by the natives at
the termination of the great cycle of fifty -two years. We
have seen, in the preceding chapter, their tradition of the
destruction, of the world at four successive epochs. They
look forward confidently to another such catastrophe, to
take place, like the preceding, at the close of a cycle,
when the sun was to be effaced from the heavens, the
human race from the earth, and when the darkness of
chaos was to settle on the habitable globe. The cycle
would end in the latter part of December, and, as the
dreary season of the winter solstice approached, and the
diminished light of day gave melancholy presage of its
speedy extinction, their apprehensions increased ; and, on
the arrival of the five " unlucky" days which closed the
year, they abandoned themselves to despair.60 They
broke in pieces the little images of their household gods,
in whom they no longer trusted. The holy fires were
suffered to go out in the temples, and none were lighted
la declinaison de l'ecliptique, et new fire, with which ceremony the
l'usage d'un calcul concernant les old cycle properly concluded, at the
jours et les heures des apparitions winter solstice. It was not till the
solaires." LettresAmericaines,tom.i. 26th of December, if Gama is right,
let. 23. The cause of M. Jomard's error is
59 La Place, who suggests the ana- his hxing it before, instead of after,
logy, frankly admits the difficulty. the complementary days. See his
Systeme du Monde, liv. 5, ch. 3. sensible letter on the Aztec calendar,
60 M. Jomard errs in placing the in the Vues des Cordilleres, p. 309.
96 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
in their own dwellings. Their furniture and domestic
utensils were destroyed ; their garments torn in pieces ;
and everything was thrown into disorder, for the coming
of the evil genii who were to descend on the desolate
earth.
On the evening of the last day, a procession of priests,
assuming the dress and ornaments of their gods, moved
from the capital towards a lofty mountain about two
leagues distant. They carried with them a noble victim,
the flower of their captives, and an apparatus for kindling
the new fire, the success of which was an augury of the
renewal of the cycle. On reaching the summit of the
mountain, the procession paused till midnight ; when, as
the constellation of the Pleiades approached the zenith,61
the new fire was kindled by the friction of the sticks
placed on the wounded breast of the victim.62 The flame
was soon communicated to a funeral pile, on which the
body of the slaughtered captive was thrown. As the light
streamed up towards heaven, shouts of joy and triumph
burst forth from the countless multitudes who covered
the hills, the terraces of the temples, and the housetops,
with eyes anxiously bent on the mount of sacrifice.
Couriers, with torches lighted at the blazing beacon,
rapidly bore them over every part of the country ; and
the cheering element was seen brightening on altar and
hearth-stone, for the circuit of many a league, long before
the Sun, rising on his accustomed track, gave assurance that
61 At the actual moment of their cycle, the greater still must be the
culmination, according to both Saha- discrepancy,
gun (Hist, de Nueva Espana, lib. 4,
Apend.) and Torquemada (Monarch. f>2 " On his bare breast the cedar
Ind., lib. 10, cap. 33, 36). But this boughs are laid;
could not be, as that took place at On his bare breast, dry sedge
midnight, in November ; so late as and odorous gums
the last secular festival, which was Laid ready to receive the sacred
early in Montezuma's reign, in 1507. spark,
(Gama, Description, Parte 1, p. 50, And blaze to herald the as-
nota. — Humboldt, Vues des Cordil- cending Sun,
leres, pp. 181, 182.) The longer we Upon his living altar."
postpone the beginning of the new Sottthey's Madoc, part 2, can. 26.
CHAP. IV
.] ASTRONOMY. 97
a new cycle had commenced its march, and that the laws
of nature were not to be reversed for the Aztecs.
The following thirteen days were given up to festivity.
The houses were cleansed and whitened. The broken
vessels were replaced by new ones. The people, dressed
in their gayest apparel, and crowned with garlands and
chaplets of flowers, thronged in joyous procession, to
offer up their oblations and thanksgivings in the temples.
Dances and games were instituted, emblematical of the
regeneration of the world. It was the carnival of the
Aztecs ; or rather the national jubilee, the great secular
festival, like that of the Romans, or ancient Etruscans,
which few alive had witnessed before, or could expect
to see again.63
63 I borrow the w-ords of the sum- los Inclios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 5.
mons by which the people were called — Sagahun, Hist. de Nueva Espafia,
to the ludi seculares, the secular lib. 7, cap. 9 — 12. See, also, Gama,
games of ancient Rome, " quos nee Descripcion, Parte 1, pp. 52 — 5L—
speetdsset quisquam, nee spectaturus Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ii.
essetr (Suetonius, Vita Tib. Claudii, pp. 84—86.) The English reader
lib, 5.) The old Mexican chroniclers will find a more brilliant colouring
warm into something like eloquence of the same scene in the canto of
in their descriptions of the Aztec fes- Madoc, above cited — " On the Close
rival. (Torquemada, Monarch. Lid., of the Century."
lib. 10, cap. 33.— Toribio, Hist, de
M. de Humboldt remarked many years ago, " It were to be wished that
some government would publish at its own expense the remains of the
ancient American civilization ; for it is only by the comparison of several
monuments, that we can succeed in discovering the meaning of these alle-
gories, which are partly astronomical, and partly mystic." This enlightened
wish has now been realized, not by any government, but by a private indi-
vidual, Lord Kingsborough. The great work, published under his auspices,
and so often cited in this Introduction, appeared in London in 1830. When
completed, it will reach to nine volumes, seven of which are now before the
public. Some idea of its magnificence may be formed by those who have
not seen it, from the fact, that copies of it, with coloured plates, sold origi-
nally at £175, and, with uncoloured, at £120. The price has been since
much reduced. It is designed to exhibit a complete view of the ancient
Aztec MSS., with such few interpretations as exist ; the beautiful drawings
of Castaneda relating to Central America, with the commentary of Dupaix ;
the unpublished history of father Sahagun ; and last, not least, the copious
annotations of his lordship.
Too much cannot be said of the mechanical execution of the book, its
splendid typography, the apparent accuracy, and the delicacy of the draw-
ings, and the sumptuous quality of the materials. Yet the purchaser would
VOL. I. H
98 LORD KINGSBOROUGH. [book i.
have been saved some superfluous expense, and the reader much inconve-
nience, if the letter-press had been in volumes of an ordinary size. But it
is not uncommon in works on this magnificent plan, to find utility in some
measure sacrificed to show.
The collection of Aztec MSS., if not perfectly complete, is very exten-
sive, and reflects great credit on the diligence and research of the compiler.
It strikes one as strange, however, that not a single document should have
been drawn from Spain. Peter Martyr speaks of a number having been
brought thither in his time. (De Insulis nuper inventis, p. 368.) The
Marquis Spineto examined one in the Escurial, being the same with the
Mendoza Codex, and perhaps the original, since that at Oxford is but a copy.
(Lectures, lee. 7 ) Mr. Waddilove, chaplain of the British embassy to Spain,
gave a particular account of one to Dr. Robertson, which he saw in the same
library, and considered an Aztec calendar. Indeed, it is scarcely possible
that the frequent voyagers to the New World should not have furnished the
mother- country with abundant specimens of this most interesting feature of
Aztec civilization. Nor should we fear that the present Hberal government
would seclude these treasures from the inspection of the scholar.
Much cannot be said in favour of the arrangement of these codices. In
some of them, as the Mendoza Codex, for example, the plates are not even
numbered ; and one, who would study them by the corresponding interpre-
tation, must often bewilder himself in the maze of hieroglyphics, without a
clue to guide him. Neither is there any attempt to enlighten us as to the
positive value and authenticity of the respective documents, or even their
previous history, beyond a barren reference to the particular library from
which they have been borrowed. Little light, indeed, can be expected on
these matters ; but we have not that little. The defect of arrangement is
chargeable on other parts of the work. Thus, for instance, the sixth book of
Sahagun is transferred from the body of the history to which it belongs, to
a preceding volume ; while the grand hypothesis of his lordship, for which
the work was concocted, is huddled into notes, hitched on random passages
of the text with a good deal less connexion than the stories of Queen Sche-
herezade, in the " Arabian Nights," and not quite so entertaining.
The drift of Lord Kingsborough's speculations is, to establish the coloni-
zation of Mexico by the Israelites. To this the whole battery of his logic
and learning is directed. For this, hieroglyphics are unriddled, manuscripts
compared, monuments delineated. His theory, however, whatever be its
merits, will scarcely become popular ; since, instead of being exhibited in a
clear and comprehensive form, readily embraced by the mind, it is spread
over an infinite number of notes, thickly sprinkled with quotations from lan-
guages ancient and modern, till the weary reader, floundering about in the
ocean of fragments, with no light to guide him, feels like Milton's devd,
working his way through chaos, —
" neither sea,
Nor good dry laud ; nigh foundered, on he fares."
It would be unjust, however, not to admit that the noble author, if his
logic is not always convincing, shows much acuteness in detecting analogies ;
that he displays familiarity with his subject, and a fund of erudition, though
it often runs to waste ; that, whatever be the defects of arrangement, he has
brought together a most rich collection of unpublished materials to illustrate
the Aztec, and, in a wider sense, American antiquities ; and that, by this
munificent undertaking, \which no government, probably, would have, and
few individuals could have, executed, he has entitled himself to the lasting
gratitude of every friend of science.
Another writer, whose works must be diligently consulted by every student
of Mexican antiquities, is Antonio Gama. His life contains as few incidents
chap, iv.j GAMA. 99
as those of most scholars. He was horn at Mexico, in 1735, of a respectahle
family, and was bred to the law. He early showed a preference for mathe-
matical studies, conscious that in this career lay his strength. In 1771, he
communicated his observations on the eclipse of that year to the French
astronomer M. de Lalande, who published them in Paris, with high com-
mendations of the author. Gama's increasing reputation attracted the
attention of government ; and he was employed by it in various scientific
labours of importance. His great passion, however, was the study of Indian
antiquities. He made himself acquainted with the history of the native races,
their traditions, their languages, and, as far as possible, their hieroglyphics.
He had an opportunity of showing the fruits of this preparatory training, and
his skill as an antiquary, on the discovery of the great calendar stone, in 1790.
He produced a masterly treatise on this and another Aztec monument, ex-
plaining the objects to which they were devoted, and pouring a flood of light
on the astronomical science of the aborigines, their mythology, and their
astrological system. He afterwards continued his investigations in the same
path, and wrote treatises on the dial, hieroglyphics, and arithmetic, of the
Indians. These, however, were not given to the world till a few years since,
when they were published, together with a reprint of the former work, under
the auspices of the industrious Bustamante. Gama died in 1802 ; leaving
behind him a reputation for great worth in private life ; one, in which the
bigotry that seems to enter too frequently into the character of the Spanish-
Mexican, was tempered by the liberal feelings of a man of science. His
reputation as a-writer stands high for patient acquisition, accuracy, and
acuteness. His conclusions are neither warped by the love of theory so
common in the philosopher, nor by the easy credulity so natural to the anti-
quary. He feels his way with the caution of a matbematician whose steps
are demonstrations. M. de Humboldt was largely indebted to his first work,
as he has emphatically acknowledged. But notwithstanding the eulogiums
of this popular writer, and his own merits, Gama's treatises are rarely met
with out of New Spain, and his name can hardly be said to have a trans-
atlantic reputation.
H 2
100
BOOK r.
CHAPTER V.
Aztec Agriculture. — Mechanical Arts. — Merchants. — Domestic Manners.
It is hardly possible that a nation, so far advanced as
the Aztecs in mathematical science, should not have made
considerable progress in the mechanical arts, which are
so nearly connected with it. Indeed, intellectual progress
of any kind implies a degree of refinement that requires
a certain cultivation of both useful and elegant art. The
savage, wandering through the wide forest, without shelter
for his head, or raiment for his back, knows no other
wants than those of animal appetites ; and, when they
are satisfied, seems to himself to have answered the only
ends of existence. But man, in society, feels numerous
desires, and artificial tastes spring up, accommodated to
the various relations in which he is placed, and perpetually
stimulating his invention to devise new expedients to
gratify them.
There is a wide difference in the mechanical skill of
different nations ; but the difference is still greater in the
inventive power which directs this skill, and makes it
available. Some nations seem to have no power beyond
that of imitation ; or, if they possess invention, have it in
so low a degree, that they are constantly repeating the
same idea, without a shadow of alteration or improve-
ment ; as the bird Guilds precisely the same kind of nest
which those of its own species built at the beginning of
the world. Such, for example, are the Chinese, who have,
probably, been familiar for ages with the germs of some
discoveries, of little practical benefit to themselves ; but
which, under the influence of European genius, have
CHAP. V
.] AGRICULTURE. 101
reached a degree of excellence, that has wrought an im-
portant change in the constitution of society.
Far from looking back, and forming itself slavishly on
the past, it is characteristic of the European intellect to
be ever on the advance. Old discoveries become the
basis of new ones. It passes onward from truth to truth,
connecting the whole by a succession of links, as it were,
into the great chain of science which is to encircle and
bind together the universe. The light of learning is shed
over the labours of art. New avenues are opened for the
communication both of person and of thought. New faci-
lities are devised for subsistence. Personal comforts of
every kind, are inconceivably multiplied, and brought
within the reach of the poorest. Secure of these, the
thoughts travel into a nobler region than that of the
senses ; and the appliances of art are made to minister
to the demands of an elegant taste, and a higher moral
culture.
The same enlightened spirit, applied to agriculture,
raises it from a mere mechanical drudgery, or the barren
formula of additional precepts, to the dignity of a science.
As the composition of the earth is analyzed, man learns
the capacity of the soil that he cultivates ; and, as his
empire is gradually extended over the elements of nature,
he gains the power to stimulate her to her most bountiful
and various productions. It is with satisfaction that we
can turn to the land of our fathers, as the one in which
the experiment has been conducted on the broadest scale,
and attended with results that the world has never before
witnessed. With equal truth, we may point to the Anglo-
Saxon race in both hemispheres, as that whose enter-
prising genius has contributed most essentially to the
great interests of humanity, by the application of science
to the useful arts.
Husbandry, to a very limited extent, indeed, was prac-
tised by most of the rude tribes of North America.
Wherever a natural opening in the forest, or a rich strip
102 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
of interval, met their eyes, or a green slope was found
along the rivers, they planted it with beans and Indian
corn.1 The cultivation was slovenly in the extreme, and
could not secure the improvident natives from the fre-
quent recurrence of desolating famines. Still, that they
tilled the soil at all was a peculiarity which honourably
distinguished them from other tribes of hunters, and
raised them one degree higher in the scale of civilization.
Agriculture in Mexico was in the same advanced state
as the other arts of social life. In few countries, indeed,
has it been more respected. It was closely interwoven
with the civil and religious institutions of the nation.
There were peculiar deities to preside over it ; the names
of the months and of the religious festivals had more or
less reference to it. The public taxes, as we have seen,
were often paid in agricultural produce. All, except the
soldiers and great nobles, even the inhabitants of the
cities, cultivated the soil. The work was chiefly done by
the men; the women scattering the seed, husking the
corn, and taking part only in the lighter labours of the
field.2 In this they presented an honourable contrast to
the other tribes of the continent, who imposed the burden
of agriculture, severe as it is in the North, on their
women.3 Indeed, the sex was as tenderly regarded by
1 This latter grain, according to 3 A striking contrast also to the
Humboldt, was found by the Euro- Egyptians, with whom some anti-
peans in the New World, from the quaries are disposed to identify the
south of Chili to Pennsylvania; (Essai ancient Mexicans. Sophocles notices
Politique, torn. ii. p. 408 ;) he might the effeminacy of the men in Egypt,
have added, to the St. Lawrence. who stayed at home tending the loom,
Our puritan fathers found it in abun- while their wives were employed in
dance on the New England coast, severe labours out of doors,
wherever they landed. See Morton, "TI2 iravT iKeiva rols iv Klyvrtra
New England's Memorial. (Boston, v6p,ois
1826,) p. 68. — Gookin, Massachu- $v<tlv KareiKaaBevri kol filov rpo-
setts Historical Collections, chap. 3. cpds.
2 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 'EKet yap ot p,ev dpo-eves Kara, crre-
13, cap. 31. yas
"Admirableexampleforourtimes," QaKovaiv larrovpyovvTes' at 8e
exclaims the good father, " when wo- a-\ivvop.ot
men are not only unfit for the labours Ta|w j3lov rporpe'ia ivopcrvvova'
of the field, but have too much levity del."
to attend to their own household!" Sophocl., (Edip. Col., v. 337—311.
chap, v.] AGRICULTURE. 103
the Aztecs in this matter, as it is in most parts of Europe
at the present day.
There was no want of judgment in the management
of their ground. When somewhat exhausted, it was
permitted to recover by lying fallow. Its extreme
dryness was relieved by canals, with which the land was
partially irrigated ; and the same end was promoted by
severe penalties against the destruction of the woods,
with which the country, as already noticed, was well
covered before the Conquest. Lastly, they provided for
their harvests ample granaries, which were admitted by
the conquerors to be of admirable construction. In this
provision we see the forecast of civilized man.4
Amongst the most important articles of husbandry,
we may notice the banana, whose facility of cultivation
and exuberant returns are so fatal to habits of systematic
and hardy industry.5 Another celebrated plant was the
cacao, the fruit of which furnished the chocolate — from
the Mexican chocolatl — now so common a beverage
throughout Europe.6 The vanilla, confined to a small
district of the sea-coast, was used for the same purposes,
of flavouring their food and drink, as with us.7 The
great staple of the country, as, indeed, of the American
continent, was maize, or Indian corn, which grew freely
along the valleys, and up the steep sides of the Cordilleras
to the high level of the table-land. The Aztecs were as
4 Torquemada, Monarch. Lid., concludes, that if some species were
lib. 13, cap. 32. — Clavigero, Stor. brought into the country, others
del Messico, torn. ii. pp. 153 — 155. were indigenous. (Essai Politique,
"Jamas padecieron hambre," says torn. ii. pp. 382 — 388.) If we may
the former writer, " sino en pocas credit Clavigero, the banana was the
ocasiones." If these famines were forbidden fruit that tempted our
rare, they were very distressing, poor mother Eve ! Stor. del Messico,
however, and lasted very long. torn. i. p. 49, nota.
Comp. Ixtlikochitl, Hist. Chich., 6 ^ ^ t Ramusio,
MS. cap 41, /let alibi. fo m_ fol 3(f6._Hernaudez De
_ • Oviedo considers the mum an Historia Plantarum Novre Hispaiiije,
imported plant ; and Hernandez, in {mirit] mo) lib. 6 cap. 87\
his copious catalogue, makes no * ' '
mention of it at all. But Humboldt, 7 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
who has given much attention to it, pana, lib. 8, cap. 1 3, et alibi.
104 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
curious in its preparation, and as well instructed in its
manifold uses, as the most expert New England house-
wife. Its gigantic stalks, in these equinoxial regions,
afford a saccharine matter, not found to the same extent
in northern latitudes, and supplied the natives with sugar
little inferior to that of the cane itself, which was not
introduced among them till after the Conquest.8 But
the miracle of nature was the great Mexican aloe, or
maguey, whose clustering pyramids of flowers, towering
above their dark coronals of leaves, were seen sprinkled
over many a broad acre of the table-land. As we have
already noticed, its bruised leaves afforded a paste from
which paper was manufactured;9 its juice was fermented
into an intoxicating beverage, pulque, of which the
natives, to this day, are excessively fond ; 10 its leaves
further supplied an impenetrable thatch for the more
humble dwellings ; thread, of which coarse stuffs were
made, and strong cords, were drawn from its tough
and twisted fibres ; pins and needles were made of
the thorns at the extremity of its leaves ; and the root,
when properly cooked, was converted into a palatable
and nutritious food. The agave, in short, was meat,
drink, clothing, and writing materials for the Aztec !
Surely, never did Nature enclose in so compact a form
8 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. culture to the Senate of the United
He extols the honey of the maize, States, March 12, 1838.
as equal to that of bees. (Also
Oviedo, Hist. Natural de las Indias, 10 Before the Revolution, the
cap. 4, ap. Barcia, torn, i.) Her- duties on the pulque formed so im-
nandez, who celebrates the manifold portant a branch of revenue, that the
ways in which the maize was pre- cities of Mexico, Puebla, and Toluca
pared, derives it from the Haytian alone paid $817,739 to government,
word mahiz. Hist. Plantarum, lib. (Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. ii.
6, cap. 44, 45. p. 47.) It requires time to reconcile
Europeans to the peculiar flavour of
9 And is still, in one spot at least, this liquor, on the merits of which
San Angel — three leagues from the they are consequently much divided,
capital. Another mill was to have There is but one opinion among the
been established a few years since in natives. The English reader will
Puebla. Whether this has actually find a good account of its manu-
been done I am ignorant. See the facture in Ward's Mexico, vol. ii.
Report of the Committee on Agri- pp. 55 — 60.
chap, v.] MECHANICAL ARTS. 105
so many of the elements of human comfort and civil-
ization ! "
It would be obviously out of place to enumerate in
these pages all the varieties of plants, many of them of
medicinal virtue, which have been introduced from
Mexico into Europe. Still less can I attempt a catalogue
of its flowers, which, with their variegated and gaudy
colours, form the greatest attraction of our greenhouses.
The opposite climates embraced within the narrow lati-
tudes of New Spain have given to it, probably, the
richest and most diversified Mora to be found in any
country on the globe. These different products were
systematically arranged by the Aztecs, who understood
their properties, and collected them into nurseries, more
extensive than any then existing in the Old World. It
is not improbable that they suggested the idea of those
" gardens of plants " which were introduced into Europe
not many years after the Conquest.12
The Mexicans were as well acquainted with the
mineral, as with the vegetable treasures of their king-
dom. Silver, lead, and tin, they drew from the mines
11 Hernandez enumerates the seve- in Mexico. See, among others, Her-
ral species of the maguey, which are nandez, ubi supra. — Sahagun, Hist,
turned to these manifold uses, in his de Nueva Espana, lib. 9, cap. 2 ;
learned work, De Hist. Plantarum. lib. 11, cap. 7. — Toribio, Hist, de
(Lib. 7, cap. 71 et seq.) M. de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 19.
Humboldt considers them all varie- —Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. The
ties of the agave Americana, familiar last, speaking of the maguey which
in the southern parts, both of the produces the fermented drink, says
United States and Europe. (Essai expressly, " De lo que queda de las
Politique, torn. ii. p. 487 et seq.) dichas hojas se aprovechan, como de
This opinion has brought on him lino mui delgado, 6 de Olanda, de
a rather sour rebuke from our que hacen lienzos mui primos para
countryman, the late Dr. Perrine, vestir, e bien delgados." It cannot be
who pronounces them a distinct denied, however, that Dr. Perrine
species from the American agave ; shows himself intimately acquainted
and regards one of the kinds, the with the structure and habits of the
pita, from which the fine thread is tropical plants, which, with such
obtained, as a totally distinct genus. patriotic spirit, lie proposed to intro-
(See the Report of the Committee duce into Elorida.
on Agriculture.) Yet the Baron
may find authority for all the pro- 12 The first regular establishment
perties ascribed by him to the ma- of this kind, according to Carli, was
guey in the most accredited writers at Padua, in 1545. Lettres Americ,
who have resided more or less time torn. i. chap. 21.
106 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
of Tasco; copper from the mountains of Zacotollan.
These were taken, not only from the crude masses on
the surface, but from veins wrought in the solid rock,
into which they opened extensive galleries. In fact, the
traces of their labours furnished the best indications for
the early Spanish miners. Gold, found on the surface,
or gleaned from the beds of rivers, was cast into bars,
or, in the form of dust, made part of the regular tribute
of the southern provinces of the empire. The use of
iron, with which the soil was impregnated, was unknown
to them. Notwithstanding its abundance, it demands
so many processes to prepare it for use, that it has com-
monly been one of the last metals pressed into the service
of man. The age of iron has followed that of brass, in
fact as well as in fiction.13
They found a substitute in an alloy of tin and copper ;
and, with tools made of this bronze, could cut not only
metals, but, with the aid of a siliceous dust, the hardest
substances, as basalt, porphyry, amethysts, and emeralds.14
They fashioned these last, which were found very large,
into many curious and fantastic forms. They cast, also,
vessels of gold and silver, carving them with their metal-
lic chisels in a very delicate manner. Some of the silver
vases were so large, that a man could not encircle them
with his arms. They imitated very nicely the figures of
animals, and, what was extraordinary, could mix the
13 P. Martyr, De Orbe Novo, out it " they could have produced no
Decades, (Compluti, 1530,) dec. 5, work in metal, worth looking at, no
p. 191. — Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 3. — masonry nor architecture, engraving
Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. iii. nor sculpture." (History of the
pp. 114 — 125. — Torquemada, Mon- Indies, Eng. trans., vol. iii. b. 6.)
arch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 34. Iron, however, if known, was little
"Men wrought in brass," says used by the ancient Egyptians,
Hesiod, " when iron did not exist." whose mighty monuments were hewn
„ /x *>>'>• '\ j>> « with bronze tools, while their wea-
XaAKO) o epyaCovTO ueAay 0 ovk , j ,. ' , ., »
»; '» pons ana domestic utensils were of
tt^ot^ "r? * 'xj ' tlie same material, as appear from
JlESIOD. Epva Kai Huepai. ,, i • i1 .i ■
ri r r the green colour given to them in
The Abbe Raynal contends that their paintings.
the ignorance of iron must neces- l4 Gama, Description, Parte 2,
sarily have kept the Mexicans in a pp.25 — 29. — Torquemada, Monarch.
low state of civilization, since with- Ind., ubi supra.
chap, v.] MECHANICAL ARTS. 107
metals in such a manner, that the feathers of a bird, or
the scales of a fish, should be alternately of gold and
silver. The Spanish goldsmiths admitted their supe-
riority over themselves in these ingenious works.15
They employed another tool, made of itztli, or obsi-
dian, a dark transparent mineral, exceedingly hard,
found in abundance in their hills. They made it into
knives, razors, and their serrated swords. It took a
keen edge, though soon blunted. With this they
wrought the various stones and alabasters employed in
the construction of their public works and principal
dwellings. I shall defer a more particular account of
these to the body of the narrative, and will only add
here, that the entrances and angles of the buildings
were profusely ornamented with images, sometimes of
their fantastic deities, and frequently of animals.16 The
latter were executed with great accuracy. " The former,"
according to Torquemada, " were the hideous reflection
of their own souls. And it was not till after they had
been converted to Christianity, that they could model
the true figure of a man." 17 The old chronicler's facts
are well founded, whatever we may think of his reasons.
The allegorical phantasms of his religion, no doubt, gave
a direction to the Aztec artist, in his delineation of the
human figure ; supplying him with an imaginary beauty
in the personification of divinity itself. As these super-
stitions lost their hold on his mind, it opened to the
13 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- similar pieces of mechanism, at the
pafia, lib. 9, cap. 15 — 17. — Boturini, court of the grand Chane of Cathay.
Idea, p. 77- — Torqueruada, Monarch. See his Voiage and Travaile, chap.
Lid., loc. cit. 20.
Herrera, who says they could also 16 Hprrpra Hit RpT1P1.ai apc a
enamel, commends the skill of the r, Herreia» ™- General, dec. i,
Mexican goldsmiths in making birds h\ \°f- ll--Torquemada Mon-
j ■ s -,r ii • D i arch, lnd., lib. 13, cap. 34. — Gama,
and animals with movable wings and Descri ^ Parte' 2, pp. 27, 28.
limbs, in a most curious fashion. x ' ' rr '
(Hist. General, dec 2, lib. 7, cap. 15.) 17 "Parece, que permitia Dios,
Sir John Maundeville, as usual, que la figura de sus cuerpos se
it .,, , . , . j asimilase a la que tenian sus almas,
' manecian, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13,
notices the "gret marvayle" of cap. 34.
108 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book r.
influences of a purer taste ; and, after the Conquest, the
Mexicans furnished many examples of correct, and some
of beautiful portraiture.
Sculptured images were so numerous, that the foun-
dations of the cathedral in the Plaza Mayor, the great
square of Mexico, are said to be entirely composed of
them,18 This spot may, indeed, be regarded as the
Aztec forum, the great depository of the treasures of
ancient sculpture, which now lie hid in its bosom.
Such monuments are spread all over the capital, how-
ever, and a new cellar can hardly be dug, or foundation
laid, without turning up some of the mouldering relics
of barbaric art. But they are little heeded, and, if not
wantonly broken in pieces at once, are usually worked
into the rising wall, or supports of the new edifice ! 19
Two celebrated bas-reliefs of the last Montezuma and
his father, cut in the solid rock in the beautiful groves
of Chapoltepec, were deliberately destroyed, as late as
the last century, by order of the government !20 The
monuments of the barbarian meet with as little respect
from civilized man, as those of the civilized man from
the barbarian.21
The most remarkable piece oF sculpture yet disin-
terred is the great calendar stone, noticed in the pre-
ceding chapter. It consists of dark porphyry, and in its
original dimensions, as taken from the quarry, is com-
puted to have weighed nearly fifty tons. It was trans-
18 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, was destroyed in 1754, when it was
torn. ii. p. 195. seen by Gama, who highly commends
19 Gama Descripcion, Parte 1, the execution of it. Ibid.
p. 1. Besides the Plaza Mayor,
Gama points out the Square of 21 This wantonness of destruction
Tlatelolco, as a great cemetery of provokes the bitter animadversion of
ancient relics. It was the quarter Martyr, whose enlightened mind
to which the Mexicans retreated, on respected the vestiges of civilization
the siege of the capital. wherever found. " The conquerors,"
20 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., he says, " seldom repaired the build-
lib. 13, cap. 34. — Gama, Descrip- ings that were defaced. They would
cion, Parte 2, pp. 81—83. rather sack twenty stately cities,
These statues are repeatedly no- than erect one good edifice." De
ticed by the old writers. The last Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 10.
chap, v.] MECHANICAL ARTS 109
ported from the mountains beyond Lake Chalco, a
distance of many leagues, over a broken country inter-
sected by water-courses and canals. In crossing a bridge
which traversed one of these latter, in the capital, the
supports gave way, and the huge mass was precipitated
into the water, whence it was with difficulty recovered.
The fact, that so enormous a fragment of porphyry could
be thus safely carried for leagues, in the face of such
obstacles, and without the aid of cattle — for the Aztecs,
as already mentioned, had no animals of draught — ■
suggests to us no mean ideas of their mechanical skill,
and of their machinery ; and implies a degree of culti-
vation, little inferior to that demanded for the geometrical
and astronomical science displayed in the inscriptions
on this very stone.22
The ancient Mexicans made utensils of earthenware
for the ordinary purposes of domestic life, numerous
specimens of which still exist.23 They made cups and
vases of a lackered or painted wood, impervious to wet,
and gaudily coloured. Their dyes were obtained from
both mineral and vegetable substances. Among them
was the rich crimson of the cochineal, the modern rival
of the famed Tyrian purple. It was introduced into
Europe from Mexico, where the curious little insect was
nourished with great care on plantations of cactus, since
fallen into neglect.24 The natives were thus enabled to
22 Gama, Description, Parte 1, suggesting, that these great masses
pp. 110 — 114. — Humboldt, Essai of stone were transported by means
Politique, torn. ii. p. 40. of the mastodon, whose remains are
Ten thousand men were employed occasionally disinterred in the Mexi-
in the transportation of this enor- can Valley. Rambler in Mexico,
mous mass, according to Tezozomoc, p. 145.
whose narrative, with all the accom- 23 A great collection of ancient
panying prodigies, is minutely tran- pottery, with various other specimens
scribed by Bustamante. The Licen- of Aztec art, the gift of Messrs.
tiate shows an appetite for the Poinsett and Keating, is deposited
marvellous, which might excite the in the cabinet of the American philo-
envy of a monk of the Middle Ages. sophical society, at Philadelphia. See
(See Description, nota, loc. tit.) the Catalogue, ap. Transactions, vol.
The English traveller, Latrobe, ac- iii. p. 510.
commodates the wonders of nature 2i Hernandez, Hist. Plantarum,
and art very well to each other, by lib. 0, cap. 116.
110 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i;
give a brilliant colouring to the webs, which were manu-
factured of every degree of fineness from the cotton
raised in abundance throughout the warmer regions of
the country. They had the art, also, of interweaving
with these the delicate hair of rabbits and other animals,
which made a cloth of great warmth as well as beauty,
of a kind altogether original ; and on this they often laid
a rich embroidery of birds, flowers, or some other fanciful
device.25
But the art in which they most delighted was their
plumaje, or feather- work. With this they could produce
all the effect of a beautiful mosaic. The gorgeous
plumage of the tropical birds, especially of the parrot
tribe, afforded every variety of colour ; and the fine down
of the humming-bird, which revelled in swarms among
the honeysuckle bowers of Mexico, supplied them with
soft aerial tints that gave an exquisite finish to the
picture. The feathers, pasted on a fine cotton web,
were wrought into dresses for the wealthy, hangings for
apartments, and ornaments for the temples. No one of
the American fabrics excited such admiration in Europe,
whither numerous specimens were sent by the Con-
querors. It is to be regretted, that so graceful an art
should have been suffered to fall into decay.20
25 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. — shows that it could not have reached
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. any great excellence or extent.
7, cap. 15. Boturini, Idea, p. 77. 26 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. —
It is doubtful how far they were Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 37. — Sahagun,
acquainted with the manufacture of Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, lib. 9, cap.
silk. Carli supposes that what Cortes 18 — 21. — Toribio,Hist.delosIndios,
calls silk was only the fine texture of MS., Parte 1, cap. 15. — Rel. d'un
hair or down, mentioned in the text. gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. hi. fol. 306.
(Lettres Americ, torn. i. lett. 21.) Count Carli is in raptures with a
But it is certain they had a species specimen of feather-painting which
of caterpillar, unlike our silkworm, he saw in Strasbourg. " Never did
indeed, which spun a thread that was I behold anything so exquisite," he
sold in the markets of ancient Mexico. says, " for brilliancy and nice grada-
See the Essai Politique, (torn. iii. tion of colour, and for beauty of
pp. 66— 69,) where M. de Humboldt design. No European artist could
has collected some interesting facts have made such a thing." (Lettres
in regard to the culture of silk by the Americ., lett. 21, note.) There is still
Aztecs. Still, that the fabric should one place, Patzquaro, where, accord-
be a matter of uncertainty at all ing to Bustamante, they preserve
chap, v
.] MERCHANTS. Hi
There were no shops in Mexico, but the various
manufactures and agricultural products were brought
together for sale in the great market-places of the prin-
cipal cities. Fairs were held there every fifth day, and
were thronged by a numerous concourse of persons, who
came to buy or sell from all the neighbouring country.
A particular quarter was allotted to each kind of article.
The numerous transactions were conducted without con-
fusion, and with entire regard to justice, under the
inspection of magistrates appointed for the purpose.
The traffic was carried on partly by barter, and partly
by means of a regulated currency, of different values.
This consisted of transparent quills of gold dust ; of bits
of tin, cut in the form of a T; and of bags of cacao,
containing a specified number of grains. " Blessed
money," exclaims Peter Martyr, " which exempts its
possessors from avarice, since it cannot be long hoarded,
nor hidden under ground !"27
There did not exist in Mexico that distinction of castes
found among the Egyptian and Asiatic nations. It was,
usual, however, for the son to follow the occupation of
his father. The different trades were arranged into
something like guilds ; having each a particular district
of the city appropriated to it, with its own chief, its own
tutelar deity, its peculiar festivals, and the like. Trade
was held in avowed estimation by the Aztecs. " Apply
thyself, my son," was the advice of an aged chief, " to
agriculture, or to feather- work, or some other honourable
some knowledge of this interesting gun, Hist, de Nueva -Espafia, lib. 8,
art, though it is practised on a very cap. 36. — Toribio, Hist, de los In-
limited scale, and at great cost. Sa- dios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 8. — Carta
hagun, ubi supra, nota. del Lie. Zuazo, MS.) The substi-
27 " 0 felicem monetam, quae tute for money throughout the Chi-
suavem utilemque prsebet humano nese empire was equally simple in
generi potum, et a tartarea peste Marco Polo's time, consisting of bits
avaritise suos immunes servat posses- of stamped paper, made from the
sores, quod suffodi aut diu servari inner bark of the mulberry tree,
nequeat!" (De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, See Viaggi di Messer Marco Polo,
cap. 4. — See, also, Carta de Cortes, gentil' huomo Venetiano, lib. 2, cap.
ap. Lorenzana, p. 100 et seq. — Saha- 18, ap. Ramusio, torn. ii.
112 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book I.
calling. Thus did your ancestors before you. Else,
how would they have provided for themselves and their
families ? Never was it heard, that nobility alone was
able to maintain its possessor."28 Shrewd maxims, that
must have sounded somewhat strange in the ear of
a Spanish /lidal^of"29
But the occupation peculiarly respected was that of
the merchant. It formed so important and singular
a feature of their social economy, as to merit a much
more particular notice than it has received from histo-
rians. The Aztec merchant was a sort of itinerant
trader, who made his journeys to the remotest borders
of Anahuac, and to the countries beyond, carrying with
him merchandise of rich stuffs, jewelry, slaves, and other
valuable commodities. The slaves were obtained at the
great market of Aztcapotzalco, not many leagues from
the capital, where fairs were regularly held for the sale
of these unfortunate beings. They were brought thither
by their masters, dressed in their gayest apparel, and
instructed to sing, dance, and display their little stock
of personal accomplishments, so as to recommend them-
selves to the purchaser. Slave-dealing was an honourable
calling among the Aztecs.30
With this rich freight, the merchant visited the dif-
ferent provinces, always bearing some present of value
from his own sovereign to their chiefs, and usually
receiving others in return, with a permission to trade.
Should this be denied him, or should he meet with
indignity or violence, he had the means of resistance in
his power. He performed his journeys with a number
of companions of his own rank, and a large body of infe-
28 " Proeui-ad de saber algun qficio 29 Col. dc Mendoza, ap. Aiitiq. of
honroso, como es el hacer obras de Mexico, vol. i. PL 71 ; vol. vi. p. 36.
pluma y otros oficios mecanicos. — Torquemada, Monarch. Lid., lib.
.... Mirad que tengais cuidado de 2, cap. 41.
lo tocante a la agricultura En
ninguna parte he visto que alguno se 30 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espa-
mantengapor sunobleza." Sahagun, fia, lib. 9, cap. 4, 10 — 14.
Hist, de Nueva Espaha, lib. 6, cap. 17.
chap, v.] MERCHANTS. 113
rior attendants who were employed to transport the
goods. Fifty or sixty pounds were the usual load for
a man. The whole caravan went armed, and so well
provided against sudden hostilities, that they could make
good their defence, if necessary, till reinforced from
home. In one instance, a body of these militant traders
stood a siege of four years in the town of Ayotlan, which
they finally took from the enemy.31 Their own govern-
ment, however, was always prompt to embark in a war
on this ground, finding it a very convenient pretext for
extending the Mexican empire. It was not unusual
to allow the merchants to raise levies themselves, which
were placed under their command. It was, moreover,
very common for the prince to employ the merchants as
a sort of spies, to furnish him information of the state of
the countries through which they passed, and the dispo-
sitions of the inhabitants towards himself.32
Thus their sphere of action was much enlarged beyond
that of a humble trader, and they acquired a high consi-
deration in the body politic. They were allowed to
assume insignia and devices of their own. Some of
their number composed what is called by the Spanish
writers a council of finance ; at least, this was the case
in Texcuco.33 They were much consulted by the monarch,
who had some of them constantly near his person •
addressing them by the title of "uncle," which may
remind one of that of primo, or " cousin," by which
a grandee of Spain is saluted by his sovereign. They
were allowed to have their own courts, in which civil
31 Ibid., lib. 9, cap. 2. Ixtlilxochitl gives a curious story
32 Ibid, lib. 9, cap. 2, 4. of one of tbe royal family of Tezcuco,
In the Mendoza Codex is a paint- who offered, with two other mer-
ing, representing the execution of chants, otros mercaderes, to visit the
a cacique and his family, with the court of a hostile cacique, and bring
destruction of his city, for maltreat- him dead or alive to the capital.
ing the persons of some Aztec mer- They availed themselves of a drunken
chants. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. i. revel, at which they were_ to have
PI. 67. been sacrificed, to effect their object.
33 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 62.
lib. 2, cap. 41.
VOL. I. I
114 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [:
BOOK I.
and criminal cases, not excepting capital, were deter-
mined ; so that they formed an independent community,
as it were, of themselves. And, as their various traffic
supplied them with abundant stores of wealth, they
enjoyed many of the most essential advantages of an
hereditary aristocracy.34
That trade should prove the path to eminent political
preferment in a nation but partially civilized, where the
names of soldier and priest are usually the only titles to
respect, is certainly an anomaly in history. It forms
some contrast to the standard of the more polished
monarchies of the Old World, in which rank is supposed
to be less dishonoured by a life of idle ease or frivolous
pleasure, than by those active pursuits which promote
equally the prosperity of the state and of the individual.
If civilization corrects many prejudices, it must be allowed
that it creates others.
We shall be able to form a better idea of the actual
refinement of the natives, by penetrating into their
domestic life and observing the intercourse between the
sexes. We have fortunately the means of doing this.
We shall there find the ferocious Aztec frequently
displaying all the sensibility of a cultivated nature ;
consoling his friends under affliction, or congratulating
them on their good fortune, as on occasion of a mar-
riage, or of the birth or the baptism of a child, when
he was punctilious in his visits, bringing presents of
costly dresses and ornaments, or the more simple
offering of flowers, equally indicative of his sympathy.
The visits, at these times, though regulated with all
the precision of Oriental courtesy, were accompanied
34 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- picture, showing they enjoyed a con-
pafia, lib. 9, cap. 2, 5. sideration among the half-civilized
The ninth book is taken up with nations of Anahuac, to which there
an account of the merchants, their is no parallel, unless it be that pos-
pilgrimages, the religious rites on sessed by the merchant-princes of an
their departure, and the sumptuous Italian republic, or the princely mer-
way of living on their return. The chants of our own,
whole presents a very remarkable
CHAP. V
•]
DOMESTIC MANNERS.
115
by expressions of the most cordial and affectionate
regard.35
The discipline of children, especially at the public
schools, as stated in a previous chapter, was exceedingly
But after she had come to a mature age, the
severe.
Aztec maiden was treated by her parents with a tender-
ness from which all reserve seemed banished. In the
counsels to a daughter about to enter into life, they con-
jured her to preserve simplicity in her manners and
conversation, uniform neatness in her attire, with strict
attention to personal cleanliness. They inculcated
modesty as the great ornament of a woman, and implicit
reverence for her husband ; softening their admonitions
by such endearing epithets, as showed the fulness of
a parent's love.37
Polygamy was permitted among the Mexicans, though
chiefly confined, probably, to the wealthiest classes.38
33 Sahagun, Hist, cle Nueva Es-
paha, lib. 6, cap. 23—37- — Camargo,
Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
These complimentary attentions
were paid at stated seasons, even
during pregnancy. The details are
given with abundant gravity and
minuteness by Sahagun, who descends
to particulars, which his Mexican
editor, Bustamante, has excluded, as
somewhat too unreserved for the
public eye. If they were more so
than some of the editor's own notes,
they must have been very communi-
cative indeed.
36 Zurita, Rapport, pp. 112—134.
The third Part of the Col. de
Mendoza (Antiq. of Mexico, vol. i.)
exhibits the various ingenious punish-
ments devised for the refractory
child. The flowery path of know-
ledge was well strewed with thorns
for the Mexican tyro.
37 Zurita, Rapport, pp. 151 — 160.
Sahagun has given us the admoni-
tions of both father and mother to
the Aztec maiden, on her coming to
years of discretion. What can be
more tender than the beginning of
the mother's exhortation? "Hija
mia mny amada, muy querida pal-
mita : ya has oido y notado las pala-
bras que tu sehor padre te ha dicho ;
ellas son palabras preciosas, y que
raramente se dicen ni se oyen, las
quales ban procedido de las entrafias
y corazon en que estaban atesoradas ;
y tu muy amado padre bien sabe que
eres su hija, engendrada de el, eres
su sangre y su came, y sabe Dios
nuestro senor que es asi; aunque
eres rnuger, e imagen de tu padre
i que mas te puedo decir, hija mia,
de lo que ya esta dicho ? " (Hist.
de Nueva Espana, lib. 6, cap. 19.)
The reader will find this interesting
document, which enjoins so much of
what is deemed most essential aniong
civilized nations, translated entire in
the Appendix, Part 2, No. 1.
38 let we find the remarkable
declaration, in the counsels of a
father to his son, that, for the multi-
plication of the species, God ordained
one man only for one woman. " Nota,
hijo mio, lo que te digo, mira que el
mundo ya tiene este estilo de engen-
drar y multiplicar, y para esta gene-
racion, y multiplicacion, ordeno Dios
que una muger nsase de un varon,
i 2
116 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
And the obligations of the marriage vow, which was
made with all the formality of a religious ceremony, were
fully recognised, and impressed on both parties. The
women are described by the Spaniards as pretty, unlike
their unfortunate descendants of the present day, though
with the same serious and rather melancholy cast of
countenance. Their long black hair, covered, in some
parts of the country, by a veil made of the fine web of
the pita, might generally be seen wreathed with flowers,
or, among the richer people, with strings of precious
stones, and pearls from the Gulf of California. They
appear to have been treated with much consideration by
their husbands ; and passed their time in indolent tran-
quillity, or in such feminine occupations as spinning,
embroidery, and the like ; while their maidens beguiled
the hours by the rehearsal of traditionary tales and
ballads.39
The women partook equally with the men of social
festivities and entertainments. These were often con-
ducted on a large scale, both as regards the number of
guests and the costliness of the preparations. Nume-
rous attendants, of both sexes, waited at the banquet.
The halls were scented with perfumes, and the courts
strewed with odoriferous herbs and flowers, which were
distributed in profusion among the guests, as they arrived.
Cotton napkins and ewers of water were placed before
them, as they took their seats at the board ; for the ven-
erable ceremony of ablution,40 before and after eating,
y un varon de una muger." Ibid. "Xepvifta 8' dpcpliroXos irpoxoco e ne-
lib. 6, cap. 21. ^eve cpepovaa
39 Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 21 — 23 ; lib. Kakfj xPvae^> virep dpyvpeolo Xe-
8, cap. 23. — Rel. d'un gent., ap. j3r)ros,
Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 305. — Carta Nl^ao-dar irepa 8e gearf/p erdpvcre
del Lie. Zuazo, MS. Tpdne^av" nAV„„
40 As old as the heroic age of OAY22. A.
Greece, at least. We may fancy The feast affords many other points
ourselves at the table of Penelope, of analogy to the Aztec, inferring a
where water in golden ewers was similar stage of civilization in the
poured into silver basins for the ac- two nations. One may be surprised,
coramodation of her guests before however, to find a greater profusion
beginning the repast. of the precious metals in the barren
JHAP. V.]
DOMESTIC MANNERS.
117
was punctiliously observed by the Aztecs.41 Tobacco
was then offered to the company, in pipes, mixed up
with aromatic substances, or in the form of cigars, in-
serted in tubes of tortoise-shell or silver. They com-
pressed the nostrils with the fingers, while they inhaled
the smoke, which they frequently swallowed. Whether
the women, who sat apart from the men at table, were
allowed the indulgence of the fragrant weed, as in the
most polished circles of modern Mexico, is not told us.
It is a curious fact, that the Aztecs also took the dried
leaf in the pulverized form of snuff.42
The table was well provided with substantial meats,
especially game ; among which the most conspicuous was
the turkey, erroneously supposed, as its name imports,
to have come originally from the East.43 These more
isle of Ithaca, than in Mexico. But
the poet's fancy was a richer mine
than either.
41 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
pana, lib. 6, cap. 22.
Amidst some excellent advice of
a parent to his sou, on his general
deportment, we find the latter punc-
tiliously enjoined not to take his seat
at the board till he has washed his face
and hands, and not to leave it till he
has repeated the same thing, and
cleansed his teeth. The directions
are given with a precision worthy of
an Asiatic. "Al principio de la
comida labarte has las manos y la
boca, y donde te juntares con otros
a comer, no te sientes luego; mas
antes tomaras el agua y la jicara para
que se laben los otros, y echarles has
agua a las manos, y despues de esto,
cojeras lo que se ha caido por el
suelo y barreras el lugar de la comida,
y tambien despues de comer lavaras
te las manos y la boca, y limpiaras
los dientes." Ibid., loc. cit.
42 Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio,
torn. hi. fol. 306. — Sahagun, Hist, de
Nueva Espaha, lib. 4, cap. 37. — Tor-
quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13,
cap. 23. — Clavigero, Stor. del Mes-
sico, torn. ii. p, 227.
The Aztecs used to smoke after
dinner, to prepare for the siesta, in
which they indulged themselves as
regularly as an old Castilian. —
Tobacco, in Mexican yetl, is derived
from a Haytien word, tabaco. The
natives of Hispaniola, being the first
with whom the Spaniards had much
intercourse, have supplied Europe
with the names of several important
plants. Tobacco, in some form or
other, was used by almost all the
tribes of the American continent,
from the North-west Coast to Pata-
gonia. (See McCulloch, Researches,
pp. 91 — 94.) Its manifold virtues,
both social and medicinal, are pro-
fusely panegyrized by Hernandez,
in his Hist. Plantarum, lib. 2, cap.
109.
43 This noble bird was introduced
into Europe from Mexico. The
Spaniards called it gallopavo, from
its resemblance to the peacock. See
Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, (torn,
hi. fol. 306;) also Oviedo, (Rel.
Sumaria, cap. 38,) the earliest natur-
alist who gives an account of the
bird, which he saw, soon after the
Conquest, in the West Indies,
whither it had been brought, as he
says, from New Spain. The Euro-
peans, however, soon lost sight of
118 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
solid dishes were flanked by others of vegetables and
fruits, of every delicious variety found in the North
American continent. The different viands were pre-
pared in various ways, with delicate sauces and season-
ing, of which the Mexicans were very fond. Their
palate was still further regaled by confections and pastry,
for which their maize-flour and sugar supplied ample
materials. One other dish, of a disgusting nature, was
sometimes added to the feast, especially when the cele-
bration partook of a religious character. On such occa-
sions a slave was sacrificed, and his flesh elaborately
dressed, formed one of the chief ornaments of the ban-
quet. Cannibalism, in the disguise of an Epicurean
science, becomes even the more revolting.44
The meats were kept warm by chafing dishes. The
table was ornamented with vases of silver, and some-
times gold, of delicate workmanship. The clrinking-cups
and spoons were of the same costly materials, and like-
wise of tortoise-shell. The favourite beverage was the
c/tocolatl, flavoured with vanilla and different spices.
They had a way of preparing the froth of it, so as to
make it almost solid enough to be eaten, and took it
its origin, and the name " turkey " preference to the bald eagle, as the
intimated the popular belief of its national emblem. (See his Works,
Eastern origin. Several eminent vol. x. p. 63, in Sparkes's excellent
writers have mahitained its Asiatic edition.) Interesting notices of the
or African descent ; but they could history and habits of the wild turkey
not impose on the sagacious and may be found in the Ornithology
better-instructed Buffon. (See His- both of Buonaparte and of that en-
toire Naturelle, Art. Bindon.) The thusiastic lover of nature, Audubon
Spaniards saw immense numbers of vox Meleagris, Gattopavo.
turkeys in the domesticated state,
on their arrival in Mexico, where 4i Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
they were more common than any pana, lib. 4, cap. 37 ; lib. 8, cap. 13;
other poultry. They were found lib. 9, cap. 10 — 14. — Torquemada,
wild, not only in New Spain, but all Monarch. Lid., lib. 13, cap. 23. —
along the continent, in the less fre- Bel. d'un gent., ap. Bamusio, torn,
quented places, from the North- ih. fol. 306.
western territory of the United Father Sahagun has gone into
States to Banama. The wild turkey many particulars of the Aztec cuisine,
is larger, more beautiful, and every and the mode of preparing sundry
way an incomparably finer bird, than savoury messes, making, all together,
the tame. Franklin, with some point, no despicable contribution to the
as well as pleasantry, insists on his noble -science of gastronomy.
chap, v.] DOMESTIC MANNERS. 119
cold.45 The fermented juice of the maguey, with a
mixture of sweets and acids, supplied also various
agreeable drinks of different degrees of strength, and
formed the chief beverage of the elder part of the
company.
As soon as they had finished their repast, the young
people rose from the table, to close the festivities of the
day with dancing. They danced gracefully, to the sound
of various instruments, accompanying their movements
with chants of a pleasing, though somewhat plaintive
character.47 The older guests continued at table, sipping
pulque, and gossiping about other times, till the virtues
of the exhilarating beverage put them in good humour
with their own. Intoxication was not rare in this part
of the company, and, what is singular, was excused in
them, though severely punished in the younger. The
entertainment was concluded by a liberal distribution of
rich dresses and ornaments among the guests, when they
withdrew after midnight, " some commending the feast,
45 The froth, delicately flavoured the achievements of their lord, which
with spices and some other ingre- they chanted to the accompaniment
dients, was taken cold by itself. It of instruments at the festivals and
had the consistency almost of a dances. Indeed, there was more or
solid ; and the " Anonymous Con- less dancing at most of the festivals,
queror " is very careful to inculcate and it was performed in the court-
the importance of " opening the yards of the houses, or in the open
mouth wide, in order to facilitate de- squares of the city. (Ibid., ubi su-
glutition, that the foam may dissolve pra.) The principal men had also
gradually, and descend impercep- buffoons and jugglers in their ser-
tibly, as it were, into the stomach." vice, who amused them, and asto-
It was so nutritious that a single nished the Spaniards by their feats
cup of it was enough to sustain a of dexterity and strength ; (Acosta,
man through the longest day's lib. 6, cap. 28 ;) also Clavigero,
march. (Pol. 306.) The old sol- (Stor. del Messico, torn. ii. pp. 179
dier discusses the beverage con amore. — 186,) who has designed several
46 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- representations of their exploits,
pana, lib. 4, cap. 37 ; Ub. 8, cap. 13. truly surprising. It is natural that
— Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., Hb. a people of limited refinement should
13, cap. 23. — Rel. d'un gent., ap. find their enjoyment in material,
Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 306. rather than intellectual pleasures;
47 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, and, consequently, should excel in
lib. 7, cap. 8. — Torquemada, Mo- them. The Asiatic nations, as the
narch. Ind., lib. 14, cap. 11. Hindoos and Chinese, for example,
The Mexican nobles entertained surpass the more polished Europeans
minstrels in their houses, who com- in displays of agility and legerde-
posed ballads suited to the times, or main.
120 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
and others condemning the bad taste or extravagance of
their host; in the same manner," says an old Spanish
writer, " as with us."48 Human nature is, indeed, much
the same all the world over.
In this remarkable picture of manners, which I have
copied faithfully from the records of earliest date after
the Conquest, we find no resemblance to the other races
of North American Indians. Some resemblance we may
trace to the general style of Asiatic pomp and luxury.
But in Asia, woman, far from being admitted to unre-
served intercourse with the other sex, is too often jeal-
ously immured within the walls of the harem. Euro-
pean civilization, which accords to this loveliest portion
of creation her proper rank in the social scale, is still
more removed from some of the brutish usages of the
Aztecs. That such usages should have existed with the
degree of refinement they showed in other things, is
almost inconceivable. It can only be explained as the
result of religious superstition ; — superstition which
clouds the moral perception, and perverts even the na-
tural senses; till man — civilized man — is reconciled to
the very things which are most revolting to humanity.
Habits and opinions founded on religion must not be
taken as conclusive evidence of the actual refinement of
a people.
The Aztec character was perfectly original and unique.
It was made up of incongruities apparently irreconcile-
able. It blended into one the marked peculiarities of
different nations, not only of the same phase of civiliza-
tion, but as far removed from each other as the extremes
of barbarism and refinement. It may find a fitting par-
allel in their own wonderful climate, capable of pro-
ducing, on a few square leagues of surface, the boundless
48 "Y de esta manera pasaban mui ordinaria en los que a seme-
gran rato de la noche, y se despe- jantes actos se juntan." Torque-
dian, e iban a sus casas, unos ala- mada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap.
bando la fiesta, y otros murmuran- 23. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es-
do de las demasias, y excesos ; cosa pafia, Ub. 9, cap. 10 — 14.
chap, v.] BOTURINI. 121
variety of vegetable forms which belong to the frozen
regions of the North, the temperate zone of Europe, and
the burning skies of Arabia and Hindostan !
One of the works frequently consulted and referred to in this Introduc-
tion, is Boturini' s Idea de una nueva Historia General de la America, Septen-
trional. The singular persecutions sustained by its author, even more than
the merits of his book, have associated his name inseparably with the
literary history of Mexico. The Chevalier Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci was
a Milanese by birth, of an ancient family, and possessed of much learning.
Prom Madrid, where he was residing, he passed over to New Spain, in 1735,
on some business of the Countess of Santibanez, a lineal descendant of Mon-
tezuma. While employed on this, he visited the celebrated shrine of Our
Lady of Guadaloupe, and being a person of devout and enthusiastic temper,
was filled with a desire of collecting testimony to establish the marvellous
fact of her apparition. In the course of his excursions, made with this
view, he fell in with many relics of Aztec antiquity, and conceived — what
to a Protestant, at least, would seem much more rational — the idea of
gathering together all the memorials he could meet with of the primitive
civilization of the land.
In pursuit -of this double object, he peuetrated into the remotest parts of
the country, living much with the natives, passing his nights sometimes
in their huts, sometimes in caves, and the depths of the lonely forests.
Frequently months would elapse without his being able to add anything to
his collection ; for the Indians had suffered too much, not to be very shy of
Europeans. His long intercourse with them, however, gave him ample
opportunity to learn their language and popular traditions, and, in the end,
to amass a large stock of materials, consisting of hieroglyphical charts on
cotton, skins, and the fibre of the maguey ; besides a considerable body of
Indian manuscripts, written after the Conquest. To all these must be added
the precious documents for placing beyond controversy the miraculous ap-
parition of the Virgin. With this treasure he returned, after a pilgrimage
of eight years, to the capital.
His zeal, in the meanwhile, had induced him to procure from Borne a
Bull, authorizing the coronation of the sacred image at Guadaloupe. The
bull, however, though sanctioned by the Audience of New Spain, had never
been approved by the Council of the Indies. In consequence of this infor-
mality, Boturini was arrested in the midst of his proceedings, his papers
were taken from him, and, as he declined to give an inventory of them, he
was thrown into prison, and confined in the same apartment with two
criminals. Not long afterwards he was sent to Spain. He there presented
a memorial to the Council of the Indies, setting forth his manifold griev-
ances, and soliciting redress. At the same time, he drew up his " Idea,"
above noticed, in which he displayed the catalogue of his museum in New
Spain, declaring, with affecting earnestness, that " he would not exchange
these treasures for all the gold and silver, diamonds and pearls, in the New
World."
After some delay, the Council gave an award in his favour ; acquitting
him of any intentional violation of the law, and pronouncing a high enco-
mium on his deserts. His papers, however, were not restored. But his
Majesty was graciously pleased to appoint him Historiographer General of the
Indies, with a salary of one thousand dollars per annum. The stipend was
too small to allow him to return to Mexico. He remained in Madrid, and
completed there the first volume of a " General History of North America,"
122 BOTURINI. [book i.
in 1749. Not long after this event, and before the publication of the work,
he died. The same injustice was continued to his heirs ; and, notwith-
standing repeated applications in their behalf, they were neither put in pos-
session of their unfortunate kinsman's collection, nor received a remuneration
for it. What was worse, — as far as the public was concerned — the collection
itself was deposited in apartments of the Vice-regal palace at Mexico, so
damp that they gradually fell in pieces, and the few remaining were still
further diminished by the pilfering of the curious. When Baron Humboldt
visited Mexico, not one-eighth of this inestimable treasure was in ex-
istence !
I have been thus particular in the account of the unfortunate Boturini,
as affording, on the whole, the most remarkable example of the serious ob-
stacles and persecutions which literary enterprise, directed in the path of
the national antiquities, has, from some cause or other, been exposed to in
New Spain.
Boturini's manuscript volume was never printed, and probably never will
be, if, indeed, it is in existence. This will scarcely prove a great detriment
to science, or to his own reputation. He was a man of a zealous temper,
strongly inclined to the marvellous, with little of that acuteness requisite
for penetrating the tangled mazes of antiquity, or of the philosophic spirit
fitted for calmly weighing its doubts and difficulties. His " Idea " affords
a sample of his peculiar mind. With abundant learning, ill-assorted and
ill-digested, it is a jumble of fact and puerile fiction, interesting details,
crazy dreams and fantastic theories. But it is hardly fair to judge by the
strict rules of criticism, a work, which, put together hastily, as a catalogue
of literary treasures, was designed by the author rather to show what might
be done, than that he could do it himself. It is rare that talents for action
and contemplation are united in the same individual. Boturini was emi-
nently qualified, by bis enthusiasm and perseverance, for collecting the mate-
rials necessary to illustrate the antiquities of the country. It requires a
more highly gifted mind to avail itself of them.
vi.] 123
CHAPTER VI.
Tezcucans. — Their Golden Age. — Accomplished Princes. — Decline of their
Monarchy.
The reader would gather but an imperfect notion of
the civilization of Anahuac, without some account of the
Acolhuans, or Tezcucans, as they are usually called ; a
nation of the same great family with the Aztecs, whom
they rivalled in power, and surpassed in intellectual
culture and the arts of social refinement. Fortunately,
we have ample materials for this in the records left by
Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descendant of the royal line of
Tezcuco, who flourished in the century of the Conquest.
With every opportunity for information he combined
much industry and talent, and, if his narrative bears the
high colouring of one who would revive the faded glories
of an ancient, but dilapidated house, he has been uni-
formly commended for his fairness and integrity, and has
been followed without misgiving by such Spanish writers
as could have access to his manuscripts.1 I shall confine
myself to the prominent features of the two reigns which
may be said to embrace the golden age of Tezcuco;
without attempting to weigh the probability of the
details, which I will leave to be settled by the reader,
according to the measure of his faith.
The Acolhuans came into the Valley, as we have seen,
about the close of the twelfth century, and built their
capital of Tezcuco on the eastern borders of the lake,
1 For a criticism on this writer, see (he Postscript to this Chapter. .
124 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
opposite to Mexico. Prom this point they gradually
spread themselves over the northern portion of Anahuac,
when their career was checked by an invasion of a kin-
dred race, the Tepanecs ; who, after a desperate struggle,
succeeded in taking their city, slaying their monarch,
and entirely subjugating his kingdom.2 This event took
place about 1418 ; and the young prince, Nezahualcoyotl,
the heir to the crown, then fifteen years old, saw his
father butchered before his eyes, while he himself lay
concealed among the friendly branches of a tree, which
overshadowed the spot.3 His subsequent history is as
full of romantic daring, and perilous escapes, as that of
the renowned Scanderbeg, or of the "young Cheva-
her.
Not long after his flight from the field of his father's
blood, the Tezcucan prince fell into the hands of his
enemy, was borne off in triumph to his city, and was
thrown into a dungeon. He effected his escape, how-
ever, through the connivance of the governor of the
fortress, an old servant of his family, who took the
place of the royal fugitive, and paid for his loyalty with
his life. He was at length permitted, through the in-
tercession of the reigning family in Mexico, which was
allied to him, to retire to that capital, and subsequently
to his own where he found a shelter in his ancestral
palace. Here he remained unmolested for eight years,
pursuing his studies under an old preceptor, who had
had the care of his early youth, and who instructed him
in the various duties befitting his princely station.5
At the end of this period the Tepanec usurper died,
2 See Chapter First of this Intro- for the latter, to refer the English
duction, p. 12. reader to Chambers's "History of
3 Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, MS., the Rebellion of 1745;" a work
No. 9.— Idem, Hist. Chich., MS., which proves how thin is the par-
cap. 19. tition in human life which divides
4 The adventures of the former romance from reality.
hero are told with his usual spirit
by Sismondi (Republiques Italiennes, 5 Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, MS.,
chap. 79). It is hardly necessary, No. 10.
chap. vi. j GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 125
bequeathing his 'empire to his son, Maxtla, a man of
fierce and suspicious temper. Nezahualcoyotl hastened
to pay his obeisance to him, on his accession. But the
tyrant refused to receive the little present of flowers
which he laid at his feet, and turned his back on him
in presence of his chieftains. One of his attendants,
friendly to the young prince, admonished him to provide
for his own safety, by withdrawing, as speedily as pos-
sible, from the palace, where his life was in danger.
He lost no time, consequently, in retreating from the
inhospitable court, and returned to Tezcuco. Maxtla,
however, was bent on his destruction. He saw with
jealous eye the opening talents and popular manners of
his rival, and the favour he was daily winning from his
ancient subjects.6
He accordingly laid a plan for making away with him
at an evening entertainment. It was defeated by the
vigilance of the prince's tutor, who contrived to mislead
the assassins, and to substitute another victim in the
place of his pupil.7 The baffled tyrant now threw off all
disguise, and sent a strong party of soldiers to Tezcuco,
with orders to enter the palace, seize the person of
Nezahualcoyotl, and slay him on the spot. The prince,
who became acquainted with the plot through the
watchfulness of his preceptor, instead of flying, as he
was counselled, resolved to await his enemy. They
found him playing at ball, when they arrived, in the
court of his palace. He received them courteously, and
invited them in, to take some refreshments after their
journey. While they were occupied in this way, he
passed into an adjoining saloon, which excited no sus-
picion, as he v/as still visible through the open doors
by which the apartments communicated with each other.
6 Idem, Relaciones, MS., No. 10. by means of an extraordinary per-
— Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 20 — 24. sonal resemblance of the parties ; a
fruitful source of comic — as every
7 Idem, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. reader of the drama knows — though
25. The contrivance was effected rarely of tragic interest.
126 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
A burning censer stood in the passage, and, as it was
fed by the attendants, threw up such clouds of incense
as obscured his movements from the soldiers. Under
this friendly veil he succeeded in making his escape
by a secret passage, which communicated with a large
earthen pipe formerly used to bring water to the palace.8
Here he remained till nightfall, when, taking advantage
of the obscurity, he found his way into the suburbs,
and sought a shelter in the cottage of one of his father's
vassals.
The Tepanec monarch, enraged at this repeated dis-
appointment, ordered instant pursuit. A price was set
on the head of the royal fugitive. Whoever should take
him, dead or alive, was promised, however humble his
degree, the hand of a noble lady, and an ample domain
along with it. Troops of armed men were ordered to
scour the country in every direction. In the course of
the search, the cottage in which the prince had taken
refuge was entered. But he fortunately escaped detec-
tion by being hid under a heap of maguey fibres used
for manufacturing cloth. As this was no longer a
proper place of concealment, he sought a retreat in the
mountainous and woody district lying between the
borders of his own state and Tlascala.9
Here he led a wretched, wandering life, exposed to
all the inclemencies of the weather, hiding himself in
deep thickets and caverns, and stealing out at night to
satisfy the cravings of appetite ; while he was kept in
constant alarm by the activity of his pursuers, always
hovering on his track. On one occasion he sought
refuge from them among a small party of soldiers, who
8 It was customary, on entering sahumerio en el brasero ; y asf con
the presence of a great lord, to throw este perfume se obscurecia algo la
aromatics into the censer. c:Hecho sala." IxtHkochitl, Relaciones, MS.,
en el brasero incienso, y copal, que No. 11.
era uso y costumbre donde estaban
los Heyes y Senores, cada vez que 9 Idem, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
los criados entraban con mucha 26. — Relaciones, MS., No. 11. —
reverencia y acatamiento echaban Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 2, cap. 47.
chap, vi.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 1.27
proved friendly to him, and concealed hiin in a large
drum around which they were dancing. At another
time, he was just able to turn the crest of a hill, as his
enemies were climbing it on the other side, when he fell
in with a girl who was reaping cliian,- — a Mexican plant,
the seed of which was much used in the drinks of the
country. He persuaded her to cover him up with the
stalks she had been cutting. When his pursuers came
up, and inquired if she had seen the fugitive, the girl
coolly answered that she had, and pointed out a path as
the one he had taken. Notwithstanding the high re-
wards offered, Nezahualcoyotl seems to have incurred no
danger from treachery, such was the general attachment
felt to himself and his house. " Would you not deliver
up the prince, if he came in your way ? " he inquired of
a young peasant who was unacquainted with his person.
" Not I," replied the other. " What, not for a fair lady's
hand, and a rich dowry beside ? " rejoined the prince.
At which the other only shook his head and laughed.10
On more than one occasion, his faithful people sub-
mitted to torture, and even to lose their lives, rather than
disclose the place of his retreat.11
However gratifying such proofs of loyalty might be to
his feelings, the situation of the prince in these mountain
solitudes became every day more distressing. It gave a
still keener edge to his own sufferings to witness those
of the faithful followers who chose to accompany him in
his wanderings. "Leave me," he would say to them,
" to my fate ! Why should you throw away your own
lives for one whom fortune is never weary of perse-
cuting?" Most of the great Tezcucan chiefs had con-
sulted their interests by a timely adhesion to the usurper.
10 " Nezahualcoyotl le dixo, que de todo, no haciendo caso ni de lo
si viese a quien buscabau, si lo iria uno, ni de lo otro." Ixtlilxochitl,
a denunciar ? respondio, que no ; Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 27.
tornandole a replicar diciendole, que
haria mui mal en perder una muger u Ibid., MS., cap. 26, 27. —
hermosa, y lo demas, que el rey Relaciones, MS., No. 11. — Veytia,
Maxtla prometia, el mancebo se rio Hist. Antig., lib. 2, cap. 47, 48.
128 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
But some still clung to their prince, preferring pro-
scription, and death itself, rather than desert him in his
extremity.12
In the mean time, his friends at a distance were active
in measures for his relief. The oppressions of Maxtla,
and his growing empire, had caused general alarm in the
surrounding states, who recalled the mild rule of the
Tezcucan princes. A coalition was formed, a plan of
operations concerted, and, on the day appointed for a
general rising, Nezahualcoyotl found himself at the head
of a force sufficiently strong to face his Tepanec adver-
saries. An engagement came on, in which the latter
were totally discomfited; and the victorious prince, re-
ceiving everywhere on his route the homage of his joyful
subjects, entered his capital, not like a proscribed out-
cast, but as the rightful heir, and saw himself once more
enthroned in the halls of his fathers.
Soon after, he united his forces with the Mexicans,
long disgusted with the arbitrary conduct of Maxtla.
The allied powers, after a series of bloody engagements
with the usurper, routed him under the walls of his own
capital. He fled to the baths, whence he was dragged
out, and sacrificed with the usual cruel ceremonies of
the Aztecs ; the royal city of Azcapuzalco was razed
to the ground, and the wasted territory was henceforth
reserved as the great slave-market for the nations of
Anahuac.13
These events were succeeded by the remarkable league
among the three powers of Tezcuco, Mexico, and Tlaco-
pan, of which some account has been given in a previous
chapter.14 Historians are not agreed as to the precise
term of it ; the writers of the two former nations, each
insisting on the paramount authority of his own in the
coalition. All agree in the subordinate position of
12 Ixtlikocliitl, MS., ubi supra. 11— Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 2, cap.
— Veytia, ubi supra. 51 — 54.
13 IxtlilxockitL Hist. Chick., MS.,
cap. 28— 31.— Relaciones, MS. No. " See page 14 of this volume.
chap, vi.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 129
Tlacopan, a state, like the others, bordering on the lake.
It is certain, that in their subsequent operations, whether
of peace or war, the three states shared in each other's
councils, embarked in each other's enterprises, and moved
in perfect concert together, till just before the coming of
the Spaniards.
The first measure of Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to
his dominions, was a general amnesty. It was his
maxim, " that a monarch might punish, but revenge
was unworthy of him."15 In the present instance, he
was averse even to punish, and not only freely pardoned
his rebel nobles, but conferred on some, who had most
deeply offended, posts of honour and confidence. Such
conduct ,was doubtless politic, especially as their alien-
ation was owing, probably, much more to fear of the
usurper, than to any disaffection towards himself. But
there are some acts of policy which a magnanimous spirit
only can execute.
The restored monarch next set about repairing the
damages sustained under the late misrule, and reviving,
or rather remodelling the various departments of govern-
ment. He framed a concise, but comprehensive code of
laws, so well suited, it was thought, to the exigencies of
the times, that it was adopted as their own by the two
other members of the tripple alliance. It was written
in blood, and entitled the author to be called the Draco,
rather than the " Solon of Anahuac," as he is fondly
styled by his admirers.16 Humanity is one of the best
fruits of refinement. It is only with increasing civil-
ization, that the legislator studies to economize human
suffering, even for the guilty ; to devise penalties, not so
15 " Que venganza no es justo la eighty laws, of which thirty-four only
procuren los Reyes, sino castigar al have come down to us, according to
que lo mereciere." MS. de Ixtlilx- Veytia. (Hist. Antig., toni. iii. p.
ochitl. 22L, nota.) Ixtlilxochitl enumerates
several of them. Hist. Chich., MS.,
16 See Clavigero, Stor. del Mes- cap. 38, and Relaciones, MS., Orde-
sico, torn. i. p. 247. nanzas.
Nezahualcoyotl' s code consisted of
VOL. I. K
130 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
much by way of punishment for the past, as of refor-
mation for the future. 17
He divided the burden of government among a num-
ber of departments, as the council of war, the council of
finance, the council of justice. This last was a court of
supreme authority, both in civil and criminal matters,
receiving appeals from the lower tribunals of the pro-
vinces, which were obliged to make a full report, every
four months, or eighty clays, of their own proceedings
to this higher judicature. In all these bodies, a certain
number of citizens were allowed to have seats with the
nobles and professional dignitaries. There was, however,
another body, a council of state, for aiding the king in
the despatch of business, and advising him in matters
of importance, which was drawn altogether from the
highest order of chiefs. It consisted of fourteen mem-
bers ; and they had seats provided for them at the
royal table.18
Lastly, there was an extraordinary tribunal, called the
council of music, but which, differing from the import of
its name, was devoted to the encouragement of science
and art. Works on astronomy, chronology, history, or
any other science, were required to be submitted to its
judgment before they could be made public. This cen-
sorial power was of some moment, at least with regard
to the historical department, where the wilful perversion
of truth was made a capital offence by the bloody code of
Nezahualcoyotl. Yet a Tezcucan author must have been
a bungler, who could not elude a conviction under the
cloudy veil of hieroglyphics. This body, which was
17 Nowhere are these principles cap. 36. — Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 3,
kept more steadily in view than in cap. 7.
the various writings of our adopted According to Zurita, the principal
countryman, Dr. Lieher, having more judges, at their general meetings
or less to do with the theory of legis- every four months, constituted also
lation. Such works could not have a sort of parliament or cortes, for
been produced before the nineteenth advising the king on matters of state,
century. See his Rapport, p. 106 ; also ante,
18 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., p. 26.
chap, vi.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 131
drawn from the best instructed. persons in the kingdom,
with little regard to rank, had supervision of all the pro-
ductions of art, and of the nicer fabrics. It decided on
the qualifications of the professors in the various branches
of science, on the fidelity of their instructions to their
pupils, the deficiency of which was severely punished,
and it instituted examinations of these latter. In short,
it was a general board of education for the country.
On stated days, historical compositions, and poems treat-
ing of moral or traditional topics, were recited before
it by their authors. Seats were provided for the three
crowned heads of the empire, who deliberated with the
other members on the respective merits of the pieces,
and distributed prizes of value to the successful com-
petitors.19
Such are the marvellous accounts transmitted to us of
this institution ; an institution certainly not to have been
expected among the aborigines of America. It is calcu-
lated to give us a higher idea of the refinement of the
people, than even the noble architectural remains which
still cover some parts of the continent. Architecture is,
to a certain extent, a sensual gratification. It addresses
itself to the eye, and affords the best scope for the
parade of barbaric pomp and splendour. It is the form
in which the revenues of a semi-civilized people are most
likely to be lavished. The most gaudy and ostentatious
specimens of it, and sometimes the most stupendous,
have been reared by such hands. It is one of the first
steps in the great march of civilization. But the institu-
19 Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. Cbicb., MS., Delaute de las sillas de los reyes
cap. 36. — Clavigero, Stor. del Mes- habia una gran mesa cargada de joyas
sico, torn. ii. p. 137. — Veytia, Hist. de oro y plata, pedreria, plumas, y
Antig., lib. 3, cap. 7. otras cosas estimables, y en los rin-
" Concurrian a este consejo las cones de la sala nmchas de mantas
tres cabezas del imperio, en cicrtos de todas calidades, para premios de
dias, a oir cantar las poesias bistdri- las babilidades y estnnulo de los pro-
cas antiguas y niodernas, para in- fesores, las cuales albajas repartian
struirse de toda su bistoria, y tam- los reyes, en los dias que concurrian,
Men cuando babia algun nuevo a los que se aventajaban en el ejer-
invento en cualquiera facultad, para cicio de sus facultades." Ibid,
exambiarlo, aprobarlo, d reprobarlo.
k 2
132 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
tion in question was evidence of still higher refinement.
It was a literary luxury ; and argued the existence of a
taste in the nation, which relied for its gratification on
pleasures of a purely intellectual character.
The influence of this academy must have been most
propitious to the capital, which became the nursery,
not only of such sciences as could be compassed by
the scholarship of the period, but of various useful and
ornamental arts. Its historians, orators, and poets were
celebrated throughout the country.20 Its archives for
which accommodations were provided in the royal
palace, were stored with the records of primitive ages.21
Its idiom, more polished than the Mexican, was indeed
the purest of all the Nahuatlac dialects ; and continued,
long after the conquest, to be that in which the best
productions of the native races were composed. Tezcuco
claimed the glory of being the Athens of the Western
World.22
Among the most illustrious of her bards was the em-
peror himself, — for the Tezcucan writers claim this title
for their chief, as head of the imperial alliance. He,
doubtless appeared as a competitor before that very
academy where he so often sat as a critic. Many of his
odes descended to a late generation, and are still pre-
served, perhaps, in some of the dusty repositories of
20 Veytia, Hist Antig., lib. 3, cap. the poor wreck of these documents,
7. — Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, once so carefully preserved by his
torn. i. p. 247. ancestors, that the historian gleaned
The latter author enumerates four the materials, as he informs us, for
historians, some of much repute, of bis own works,
the royal house of Tezcuco, descend- 22 " Aunque es tenida la lengua
ants of the great Nezahualcoyotl. See Mejicana por materna, y la Tezcu-
his Account of Writers, torn, i., pp. cana por mas cortesana y pulida."
6—21. (Camargo Hist, de Tlascala, MS.)
21 " En la ciudad de Tezcuco esta- " Tezcuco," says Boturini, " donde
ban los Archivos Reales de todas las los Seilores de la Tierra embiaban a
cosas referidas, por haver sido la sus hijos para aprehender lo mas
Metrdpoli de todas las ciencias, usos, pulido de la Lengua, Nahuatl, la Poe-
y buenas costumbres, porque los sia, Eilosofia Moral, la Theologia
Reyes que fueron de ella se pre- Gentilica, la Astronomia, Medicina, y
ciaron de esto." (Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. la Historia." Idea, p. 142.
Chich., MS., Prdlogo.) It was from
chap, vi.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 133
Mexico or Spain.23 The historian, Ixtlilxochitl, has left
a translation, in Castilian, of one of the poems of his
royal ancestor. It is not easy to render his version into
corresponding English rhyme, without the perfume of
the original escaping in this double filtration.24 They
remind one of the rich breathings of Spanish-Arab poetry,
in which an ardent imagination is tempered by a not
unpleasing and moral melancholy.25 But, though suffi-
ciently florid in diction, they are generally free from the
meretricious ornaments and hyperbole with which the
minstrelsy of the East is usually tainted. They turn on
the vanities and mutability of human life : a topic
very natural for a monarch who had himself experienced
the strangest mutations of fortune. There is mingled in
the lament of the Tezcucan bard, however, an Epicurean
philosophy, which seeks relief from the fears of the future
in the joys of the present. " Banish care," he says; "if
there are bounds to pleasure, the saddest life must also
have an end. Then weave the chaplet of flowers, and
sing thy songs in praise of the all-powerful God ; for the
glory of this world soon fadeth away. Rejoice in the
green freshness of thy spring ; for the day will come
when thou shalt sigh for these joys in vain ; when the
sceptre shall pass from thy hands, thy servants shall
wander desolate in thy courts ; thy sons, and the sons
of thy nobles shall drink the dregs of distress, and all
the pomp of thy victories and triumphs shall live only
23 " Compuso lx. cantares," says bility in her poetical movements,
the author last quoted, " que quizas which the Castilian version, and pro-
tambien havran perecido en las ma- bably the Mexican Original, cannot
nos incendiarias de los ignorantes." boast. See both translations in Ap-
(Idea, p. 79.) Boturini had transla- pendix, Part 2, No. 2.
tions of two of these in bis museum, M Numerous specimens of this
(Catalogo, p. 8,) and another has may be found in Conde's "Domi-
since come to light. nacion de los Arabes en Espana."
None of them are superior to the
24 Difficult as the task may be, it plaintive strains of the royal Ab-
has been executed by the hand of a derahman on the solitary palm tree,
fair friend, who, while she has ad- which reminded him of the pleasant
hered to the Castilian, with singular land of his birth. See Parte 2,
fidelity, has shown a grace and fiexi- cap. 9.
134 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
in their recollection. Yet the remembrance of the just
shall not pass away from the nations, and the good thou
hast done shall ever he held in honour. The goods of
this life, its glories, and its riches, are but lent to us ; its
substance is but an illusory shadow, and the things of
to-day shall change on the coming of the morrow. Then
gather the fairest flowers from thy gardens, to bind
round thy brow, and seize the joys of the present, ere
they perish." 26
But the hours of the Tezcucan monarch were not all
passed in idle dalliance with the Muse, nor in the sober
contemplations of philosophy, as at a later period. In
the freshness of youth and early manhood he led the
allied armies in their annual expeditions, which were
certain to result in a wider extent of territory to the
empire.27 In the intervals of peace he fostered those
productive arts which are the surest sources of public
prosperity. He encouraged agriculture above all; and
there was scarcely a spot so rude, or a steep so inac-
cessible, as not to confess the power of cultivation. The
26 " Io tocare cantando Sur l'avenir insense qui se fie.
El musico instrumento sonoroso, De nos ans passagers le uombre
Tu de flores gozando est incertain.
Danza, y festeja a Dios que es Hatons-nous aujourd'hui de jouir
poderoso. de la vie,
O gozernos de esta gloria, Qui sait si nous serons demain ? "
Porque la Immana vida es Athalie, Acte 2.
transitoria." It is interesting to see under what
MS. de Ixtlilxochitl. different forms the same sentiment
The sentiment, which is common is developed by different races, and
enough, is expressed with uncommon in different languages. It is an Epi-
beauty by the English poet, Herrick ; curean sentiment, indeed, but its
*' Gather the rosebud while you may, universality proves its truth to na-
Old Time is still a-flying ; ture.
The fairest flower that blooms to-
day, 27 Some of the provinces and
To-morrow may be dying." places thus conquered were held
. -, .,-, ..,, .ii by the allied powers in common :
And with still greater beauty, per- T[ however, only receiving
haps, by Racine; one ^th of the ^^ n £*
"Rions, chaatons, dit cette troupe more usual to annex the vanquished
impie ; territory to that one of the two great
De fleurs en fleurs, de plaisirs en states to which it lay nearest. See
plaisirs, Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
Promenons nos desirs. 3S. — Zurita, Rapport, p. 11.
chap, vi.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 135
land was covered with a busy population, and towns and
cities sprung up in places since deserted, or dwindled
into miserable villages.28
Prom resources thus enlarged by conquest and do-
mestic industry, the monarch drew the means for the
large consumption of his own numerous household,29 and
for the costly works which he executed for the conve-
nience and embellishment of the capital. He filled it
with stately edifices for his nobles, whose constant
attendance he was anxious to secure at his court.30 He
erected a magnificent pile of buildings which might serve
both for a royal residence and for the public offices. It
extended, from east to west, twelve hundred and thirty-
four yards ; and from north to south, nine hundred and
seventy-eight. It was encompassed by a wall of unburnt
bricks and cement, six feet wide and nine high, for one
half of the circumference, and fifteen feet high for the
other half. Within this enclosure were two courts. The
outer one was used as the great market-place of the city;
and continued to be so until long after the Conquest,
28 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., 29 Torquemada has extracted the
cap. 41. The same writer, in an- particulars of the yearly expenditure
other work, calls the population of of the palace from the royal account-
Tezcuco, at this period, double of book, which came into the historian's
what it was at the Conquest ; found- possession. The following are some
ing his estimate on the royal re- of the items, namely: 4,900,300
gisters, and on the numerous re- fanegas of maize; (the fanega is
mains of edifices still visible in his equal to about one hundred pounds;)
day, in places now depopulated. 2,744,000 fanegas of cacao ; 8000
" Parece en las historias que en este turkeys ; 1300 baskets of salt ; be-
tiempo, antes que se destruyesen, sides an incredible quantity of game
havia doblado mas gente de la que of every kind, vegetables, condi-
hallo al tiempo que vino Cortes, y ments, &c. (Monarch. Iud., lib. 2,
los demas Espafioles ; porque yo cap. 53.) See also Ixtlilxochitl,
hallo en los padrones reales, que el Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 35.
menor pueblo tenia 1100 vecinos, y 30 There were more than four
de alb para arriba, y ahora no tienen hundred of these lordly residences.
200 vecinos, y aun en algunas partes "A si mismo liizo edificar muchas
de todo punto se ban acabado casas y palacios para los sehores y
Como se hecha de ver en las ruinas, cavalleros, que asistian en su corte,
hasta los mas altos montes y sierras cada uno conforme a la cabdad y
tenian sus sementeras, y casas princi- meritos de su persona, las quales
pales para vivir y morar." Rela- llegaron a ser mas de quatrocientas
ciones, MS., No. 9. casas de senores y cavalleros de solar
conocido." Ibid., cap. 38.
13G AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
if, indeed, it is not now. The interior court was sur-
rounded by the council chambers and halls of justice.
There were also accommodations there for the foreign
ambassadors ; and a spacious saloon, with apartments
opening into it, for men of science and poets, who pur-
sued their studies in this retreat, or met together to
hold converse under its marble porticos. In this quarter,
also, were kept the public archives ; which fared better
under the Indian dynasty than they have since under
their European successors.31
Adjoining this court were the apartments of the king,
including those for the royal harem, as liberally supplied
with beauties as that of an eastern sultan. Their walls
were incrusted with alabasters, and richly tinted stucco,
or hung with gorgeous tapestries of variegated feather-
work. They led through long arcades, and through in-
tricate labyrinths of shrubbery, into gardens, where baths
and sparkling fountains were overshadowed by tall groves
of cedar and cypress. The basins of water were well
stocked with fish of various kinds, and the aviaries with
birds glowing in all the gaudy plumage of the tropics.
Many birds and animals, which could not be obtained
alive, were represented in gold and silver so skilfully, as
to have furnished the great naturalist Hernandez with
models for his work.32
31 Ibid., cap. 36. " Esta plaza though the government is said to
cercada de portales, y tenia asi have expended sixty thousand du-
mismo por la parte del poniente cats in effecting this great object,
otra sala grande, y muchos quartos the volumes were not published till
a la redonda, que era la universidad, long after the author's death. In
en donde asistian todos los poetas, 1651 a mutilated edition of the part
histdricos, y philosophos del reyno, of the work relating to medical
divididos en sus claves, y academias, botany appeared at Rome. The
conforme era la facultad de cada original MSS. were supposed to
uno, y asi mismo estaban aqui los have been destroyed by the great
archivos reales." fire in the Escurial, not many years
32 This celebrated naturalist was after. Fortunately, another copy,
sent by Philip II. to New Spain, in the author's own hand, was de-
aud he employed several years in tected by the indefatigable Mimoz,
compiling a voluminous work on its in the library of the Jesuits' College
various natural productions, with at Madrid, in the latter part of the
drawings illustrating them. Al- last century; and a beautiful edi-
chap, vi.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 137
Accommodations on a princely scale were provided
for the sovereigns of Mexico and Tlacopan, when they
visited the court. The whole of this lordly pile con-
tained three hundred apartments, some of them fifty
yards square.33 The height of the building is not men-
tioned. It was probably not great ; but supplied the
requisite room by the immense extent of ground which
it covered. The interior was doubtless constructed of
light materials, especially of the rich woods, which, in
that country, are remarkable, when polished, for the
brilliancy and variety of their colours. That the more
solid materials of stone and stucco were also liberally
employed, is proved by the remains at the present day ;
remains which have furnished an inexhaustible quarry
for the churches and other edifices since erected by the
Spaniards- on the site of the ancient city.34
We are not informed of the time occupied in building
this palace ; but two hundred thousand workmen, it is
said, were employed on it ! 35 However this may be, it
is certain that the Tezcucan monarchs, like those of Asia,
and ancient Egypt, had the control of immense masses
of men, and would sometimes turn the whole population
tion, from the famous press of it stood," says Mr. Bullock, speak -
Ibarra, was published in that capi- ing of this palace, " are still entire,
tal, under the patronage of govern- and covered with cement, very hard,
meat, in 1790. (Hist. Plantarum, and equal in beauty to that found in
Prgefatio. — Nic. Ant onio, Biblio- ancient Roman buildings
theca Hispana Nova, [Matriti, 1790,] The great church, which stands close
torn. ii. p. 432.) by, is almost entirely built of the
The work of Hernandez is a mo- materials taken from the palace,
nument of industry, and erudition, many of the sculptured stones from
the more remarkable, as being the which may be seen in the walls,
first on this difficult subject. And though most of the ornaments are
after all the additional light from turned inwards. Indeed, our guide
the labours of later naturalists, it informed us, that whoever built a
still holds its place as a book of the house at Tezcuco made the ruins
highest authority, for the perspi- of the palace serve as his quarry."
cuity, fidelity, and thoroughness, (Six Months in Mexico, chap. 26.)
with which the multifarious topics Torquemada notices the appropri-
in it are discussed. ation of the materials to the same
33 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., purpose. Monarch. Ind., lib. 2,
cap. 36. cap. 45.
31 " Some of the terraces on which. 35 Ixtlilxochitl, MS., ubi supra.
138 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [hook i.
of a conquered city, including the women, into the public
works.36 — The most gigantic monuments of architecture
which the world has witnessed would never have been
reared by the hands of freemen.
Adjoining the palace were buildings for the king's
children, who, by his various wives, amounted to no less
than sixty sons and fifty daughters.37 Here they were
instructed in all the exercises and accomplishments
suited to their station ; comprehending, — what would
scarcely find a place in a royal education on the other
side of the Atlantic, — the arts of working in metals,
jewelry, and feather-mosaic. Once in every four months,
the whole household, not excepting the youngest, and
including all the officers and attendants on the kind's
person, assembled in a grand saloon of the palace, to
listen to a discourse from an orator, probably one of
the priesthood. The princes, on this occasion, were
all dressed in neqiien, the coarsest manufacture of the
country. The preacher began by enlarging on the
obligations of morality, and of respect for the gods,
especially important in persons whose rank gave such
additional weight to example. He occasionally seasoned
his homily with a pertinent application to his audience,
if any member of it had been guilty of a notorious
delinquency. From this wholesome admonition the
monarch himself was not exempted, and the orator
boldly reminded him of his paramount duty to show
respect for his own laws. The king, so far from taking-
umbrage, received the lesson with humility ; and the
audience, we are assured, were often melted into tears
36 Thus, to punish the Chalcas mean time. Idem, Hist. Chich ,
for their rebellion, the whole popu- MS., cap. 46.
lation were compelled, women as 37 If the people in general were
well as men, says the chronicler so not much addicted to polygamy, the
often quoted, to labour on the royal sovereign, it must be confessed, —
edifices, for four years together ; and and it was the same, we shall see,
large granaries were provided with in Mexico, — made ample amends for
stores for their maintenance in the any self-denial on the part of his
subjects.
chap, vi.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 139
by the eloquence of the preacher.38 This curious scene
may remind one of similar usages in the Asiatic and
Egyptian despotisms, where the sovereign occasionally
condescended to stoop from his pride of place, and alloAv
his memory to be refreshed with the conviction of his
own mortality.39 It soothed the feelings of the subject,
to find himself thus placed, though but for a moment,
on a level with his king ; while it cost little to the latter,
who was removed too far from his people, to suffer
anything by this short-lived familiarity. It is probable
that such an act of public humiliation would have found
less favour with a prince less absolute.
Nezahualcoyotl's fondness for magnificence was shown
in his numerous villas, which were embellished with all
that could make a rural retreat delightful. His favourite
residence-was at Tezcotzinco ; a conical hill about two
leagues from the capital.40 It was laid out in terraces,
or hanging gardens, having a flight of steps five hundred
and twenty in number, many of them hewn in the
natural porphyry.41 In the garden on the summit was
a reservoir of water, fed by an aqueduct that was carried
over hill and valley, for several miles, on huge buttresses
of masonry. A large rock stood in the midst of this
basin, sculptured with the hieroglyphics representing
the years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign and his principal
achievements in each.42 On a lower level were three
3S Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Cliicli., MS., 3, for the original description of this
cap. 37. royal residence.
39 The Egyptian priests managed . " :,Q™,tos J ylein% f ca"
the affair in a more courtly stile, 1™T -p DaV * i P« > ^S™
and, while they prayed that all sorts f. }\ ?™™C\ S™ iaS°> (Ma"
of kingly virtues might descend on dn^J .159\) llb \ caP- &1L. ., .
the prince, they threw the blame of , Tkls wnt.er> who ln;cc ™ the+six'
actual delinquencies on his ministers ; \em% m^> C(?un,ted tke f eP*
thus, » not by the bitterness of re- ^lmfL T lose whlch ™. uot.c^
„,„„f" fv i ct i i i, *i in the rock were crumbling into
prool, says Diodorus, but by the • . , ■, . °~ xl
JilJ r c ■ ' +• • l • rums, as indeed every part ot the
allurements ol praise, enticing him , ,? . , J l ,, .
+„ „ i ■ ' t Vf » t —u i establishment was even then far
to an honest way oi lite. Lib. 1, , -,
cap 70 gone to decay.
1 42 On the summit of the mount,
40 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., according to Padilla, stood an image
cap. 42. — See Appendix, Tart 2, No, of a coi/otl, — an animal resembling a
140 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book I.
other reservoirs, in each of which stood a marble statue
of a woman, emblematic of the three states of the
empire. Another tank contained a winged lion, cut
out of the solid rock, bearing in his mouth the portrait
of the emperor.43 His likeness had been executed in
gold, wood, feather-work, and stone, but this was the
only one which pleased him.
From these copious basins the water was distributed
in numerous channels through the gardens, or was made
to tumble over the rocks in cascades, shedding refreshing
dews on the flowers and odoriferous shrubs below. In
the depths of this fragrant wilderness, marble porticos
and pavilions were erected, and baths excavated in the
solid porphyry, which are still shown by the ignorant
natives, as the "Baths of Montezuma!"44 The visitor
descended by steps cut in the living stone, and polished
so bright as to reflect like mirrors.45 Towards the base
of the hill, in the midst of cedar groves, whose gigantic
branches threw a refreshing coolness over the verdure in
the sultriest seasons of the year,46 rose the royal villa,
fox, which, according to tradition, basins, perhaps two feet and a half
represented an Indian famous for his in diameter, not large enough for
fasts. It was destroyed by that any monarch bigger than Oberon to
staunch iconoclast, Bishop Zumar- take a duck in." (Comp. Six Months
raga, as a relic of idolatry. (Hist, de in Mexico, chap. 26 ; and Rambler
Santiago, lib. 2, cap. 81.) This in Mexico, let. 7.) Ward speaks
figure was, no doubt, the emblem of much to the same purpose, (Mexico
Nezahualcoyotl himself, whose name, in 1S27, [London, 1828,] vol. ii. p.
as elsewhere noticed, signified "hun- 296,) which agrees with verbal ac-
gry fox." counts I have received of the same
43 " Hecho de una pena un leon spot.
de mas de dos brazas de largo con 45 " Grados hechos de la misma
sus alas y plumas : estaba hechado peiia tan bien gravadas y lizas que
y mirando a la parte del oriente, en parecian espejos." (Ixtlilxochitl,
cuia boca asomaba un rostro, que MS., ubi supra.) The travellers just
era el mismo retrato del Bey." cited notice the beautiful polish still
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., visible in the porphyry.
cap. 42. 46 Padilla saw entire pieces of
44 Bullock speaks of a " beautiful cedar among the ruins, ninety feet
basin, twelve feet long by eight long, and four in diameter. Some
wide, having a well five feet by of the massive portals, he observed,
four, deep in the centre," &c. &c. were made of a single stone. (Hist.
Whether truth lies in the bottom of de Santiago, lib. II, cap. 81.) Peter
this well, is not so clear. Latrobe Martyr notices an enormous wooden
describes the baths as " two singular beam, used in the construction of
chap. VI.] GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. 141
with its light arcades and airy halls, drinking in the
sweet perfumes of the gardens. Here the monarch
often retired, to throw off the burden of state, and re-
fresh his wearied spirits in the society of his favourite
wives, reposing during the noontide heats in the em-
bowering shades of his paradise, or mingling, in the cool
of the evening, in their festive sports and dances. Here
he entertained his imperial brothers of Mexico and
Tlacopan, and followed the hardier pleasures of the chase
in the noble woods that stretched for miles around his
villa, flourishing in all their primeval majesty. Here,
too, he often repaired in the latter days of his life, when
age had tempered ambition and cooled the ardour of his
blood, to pursue in solitude the studies of philosophy
and gather wisdom from meditation.
The extraordinary accounts of the Tezcucan archi-
tecture are confirmed, in the main, by the relics which still
cover the hill of Tezcotzinco, or are half buried beneath
its surface. They attract little attention, indeed, in the
country, where their true history has long since passed
into oblivion ;47 while the traveller, whose curiosity leads
him to the spot, speculates on their probable origin,
and, as he stumbles over the huge fragments of sculp-
tured porphyry and granite, refers them to the primitive
races who spread their colossal architecture over the
country, long before the coming of the Acolhuans and
the Aztecs.48
the palaces of Tezcuco, which was the idle garrisons of some of the
one hundred and twenty feet long neighbouring towns, and employed
by eight feet in diameter ! The ac- in excavating this ground, " the
counts of this and similar huge Mount Palatine" of Mexico ! But,
pieces of timber were so astonishing, unhappily, the age of violence has
he adds, that he could not have re- been succeeded by one of apathy,
ceived them except on the most an- 48 " They are. doubtless," says
exceptionable testimony. De Orbe Mr. Latrobe, speaking of what he
Novo, dec. 5, cap. 10. calls, " these inexplicable ruins,"
47 It is much to be regretted that " rather of Toltec than Aztec origin,
the Mexican government should not and, perhaps, with still more pro-
take a deeper interest in the Indian bability, attributable to a people of
antiquities. What might not be an age yet more remote." (Rambler
effected by a few hands drawn from in Mexico, let. 7.) " I am of opi-
142 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [hook i.
The Tezcucan princes were used to entertain a great
number of concubines. They had but one lawful wife,
to whose issue the crown descended.49 Nezahualcoyotl
remained unmarried to a late period. He was disap-
pointed in an early attachment, as the princess, who
had been educated in privacy to be the partner of his
throne, gave her hand to another. The injured monarch
submitted the affair to the proper tribunal. The parties,
however, were proved to have been ignorant of the
destination of the lady, and the court, with an inde-
pendence which reflects equal honour on the judges who
could give, and the monarch who could receive the
sentence, acquitted the young couple. This story is
sadly contrasted by the following.50
The king devoured his chagrin in the solitude of his
beautiful villa of Tezcotzinco, or sought to divert it by
travelling. On one of his journeys he was hospitably
entertained by a potent vassal, the old lord of Tepech-
pan, who, to do his sovereign more honour, caused him
to be attended at the banquet by a noble maiden, be-
trothed to himself, and who, after the fashion of the
country, had been educated under his own roof. She
was of the blood royal of Mexico, and nearly related,
moreover, to the Tezcucan monarch. The latter, who
had all the amorous temperament of the South, was
captivated by the grace and personal charms of the
youthful Hebe, and conceived a violent passion for her.
He did not disclose it to any one, however ; but, on his
return home, resolved to gratify it, though at the expense
nion," says Mr. Bullock, " that these will find here, as he might probably
were antiquities prior to the clis- in some other instances, that one
covery of America, and erected by a need go little higher than the Con-
people whose history was lost even quest for the origin of antiquities
before the building of the city of which claim to be coeval with Phce-
Mexico. — Who can solve this dif- nicia and Ancient Egypt,
ficulty?" (Six Months in Mexico, 49 Zurit R t 12_
ubi supra.) lhe reader who takes l ' r
Ixtlilxochitl for his guide will have 50 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick, MS.,
no great trouble in solving it. He cap. 43.
chap, vi.] ACCOMPLISHED FRINCES. 143
of his own honour, by sweeping away the only obstacle
which stood in his path.
He accordingly sent an order to the chief of Tepech-
pan to take command of an expedition set on foot
against the Tlascalans. At the same time he instructed
two Tezcucan chiefs to keep near the person of the old
lord, and bring him into the thickest of the fight, where
he might lose his life. He assured them this had been
forfeited by a great crime, but that, from regard for his
vassal's past services, he was willing to cover up his
disgrace by an honourable death.
The veteran, who had long lived in retirement on
his estates, saw himself, with astonishment, called so
suddenly and needlessly into action, for which so many
younger men were better fitted. He suspected the
cause, and* in the farewell entertainment to his friends,
uttered a presentiment of his sad destiny. His predic-
tions were too soon verified; and a few weeks placed
the hand of his virgin bride at her own disposal.
Nezahualcoyotl did not think it prudent to break his
passion publicly to the princess, so soon after the death
of his victim. He opened a correspondence with her
through a female relative, and expressed his deep sym-
pathy for her loss. At the same time, he tendered the
best consolation in his power, by an offer of his heart
and hand. Her former lover had been too well stricken
in years for the maiden to remain long inconsolable.
She was not aware of the perfidious plot against his life ;
and, after a decent time, she was ready to comply with
her duty, by placing herself at the disposal of her royal
kinsman.
It was arranged by the king, in order to give a more
natural aspect to the affair, and prevent all suspicion
of the unworthy part he had acted, that the princess
should present herself in his grounds at Tezcotzinco, to
witness some public ceremony there. Nezahualcoyotl
was standing in a balcony of the palace, when she ap-
144 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.
BOOK I.
peared, and inquired, as if struck with her beauty for
the first time, " who the lovely young creature was, in
his gardens." When his courtiers had acquainted him
with her name and rank, he ordered her to be con-
ducted to the palace, that she might receive the atten-
tions due to her station. The interview was soon fol-
lowed by a public declaration of his passion ; and the
marriage was celebrated not long after, with great pomp,
in the presence of his court, and of his brother monarchs
of Mexico and Tlacopan.51
This story, which furnishes so obvious a counterpart
to that of David and Uriah, is told with great circum-
stantiality, both by the king's son and grandson, from
whose narratives Ixtlilxochitl derived it.52 They stig-
matize the action as the basest in their great ancestor's
life. It is indeed too base not to leave an indelible
stain on any character, however pure in other respects,
and exalted.
The king was strict in the execution of his laws,
though his natural disposition led him to temper justice
with mercy. Many anecdotes are told of the benevolent
interest he took in the concerns of his subjects, and of
his anxiety to detect and reward merit, even in the most
humble. It was common for him to ramble among them
in disguise, like the celebrated caliph in the " Arabian
Nights," mingling freely in conversation, and ascertain-
ing their actual condition with his own eyes." 53
On one such occasion, when attended only by a single
lord, he met with a boy who was gathering sticks in a
field for fuel. He inquired of him "why he did not go
into the neighbouring forest, where he would find a
plenty of them." To which the lad answered, "It was
51 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., MS., zado para que no fuese conocido,
cap 43. a reconocer las faltas y necesidad
52 Idem, ubi supra. que havia en la republica para reme-
53 "En traje de cazador, (que lo diarlas." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
acostumbraba a, hacer, muy de or- MS., cap. 46.
dinario,) saliendo a solas, y disfra-
chap. VI.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 145
the king's wood, and he would punish him with death
if he trespassed there." The royal forests were very
extensive in Tezcuco, and were guarded by laws full as
severe as those of the Norman tyrants in England.
" What kind of man is your king ? " asked the monarch,
willing to learn the effect of these prohibitions on his
own popularity. " A very hard man," answered the boy,
"who denies his people what God has given them."54
Nezahualcoyotl urged him not to mind such arbitrary
laws, but to glean his sticks in the forest, as there was
no one present who would betray him ; but the boy
sturdily refused, bluntly accusing the disguised king, at
the same time, of being a traitor, and of wishing to
bring him into trouble.
Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to the palace, ordered
the child and his parents to be summoned before him.
They received the orders with astonishment, but, on
entering the presence, the boy at once recognised the
person with whom he had discoursed so unceremo-
niously, and he was filled with consternation. The
good-natured monarch, however, relieved his apprehen-
sions, by thanking him for the lesson he had given him,
and at the same time commended his respect for the
laws, and praised his parents for the manner in which
they had trained their son. He then dismissed the
parties with a liberal largess ; and afterwards mitigated
the severity of the forest laws, so as to allow persons
to gather any wood they might find on the ground, if
they did not meddle with the standing timber.55
Another adventure is told of him, with a poor wood-
man and his wife, who had brought their little load of
billets for sale to the market-place of Tezcuco. The
man was bitterly lamenting his hard lot, and the diffi-
culty with which he earned a wretched subsistence, while
the master of the palace before which they were stand-
54 " Un hombresillo miserable, pues manos llenas les da." Ibid., loc. cit.
cjuita a los hombres lo que Dios a, 55 Ixtlilxochitl, cap. 46.
VOL. I. L
146 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [
BOOK T.
ing lived an idle life, without toil, and with all the luxu-
ries in the world at his command.
He was going on in his complaints, when the good
woman stopped him, by reminding him he might be
overheard. He was so, by Nezahualcoyotl himself, who
standing, screened from observation, at a latticed window
which overlooked the market, was amusing himself, as
he was wont, with observing the common people chaf-
fering in the square. He immediately ordered the
querulous couple into his presence. They appeared
trembling and conscience-struck before him. The king
gravely inquired what they had said. As they answered
him truly, he told them they should reflect, that, if he
had great treasures at his command, he had still greater
calls for them ; that, far from leading an easy life, he
was oppressed with the whole burden of government ;
and concluded by admonishing them " to be more
cautious in future, as walls had ears." 56 He then
ordered his officers to bring a quantity of cloth, and a
generous supply of cacao, (the coin of the country,) and
dismissed them. "Go," said he; "with the little you
now have, you will be rich ; while, with all my riches, I
shall still be poor." "
It was not his passion to hoard. He dispensed his
revenues munificently, seeking out poor, but meritorious
objects, on whom to bestow them. He was particularly
mindful of disabled soldiers, and those who had in any
way sustained loss in the public service ; and, in case of
their death, extended assistance to their surviving fami-
lies. Open mendicity was a thing he would never to-
lerate, but chastised it with exemplary rigour.58
It would be incredible, that a man of the enlarged
56 tt porque ]as paredes oian." le bastaba, y viviria bien aveuturado ;
(Ixtlilxochitl.) A European pro- y el, con toda la maquina que le
verb among the American aborigines parecia que tenia arto, no tenia
looks too strange, not to make one nada ; y asi lo despidio." Ibid.
suspect the band of the chronicler.
57 "Le dijo, que con aquello poco 58 Ibid.
chap, vi.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 147
mind and endowments of Nezahualcoyotl should ac-
quiesce in the sordid superstitions of his countrymen,
and still more in the sanguinary rites borrowed by them
from the Aztecs. In truth, his humane temper shrunk
from these cruel ceremonies, and he strenuously endea-
voured to recal his people to the more pure and simple
worship of the ancient Toltecs. A circumstance pro-
duced a temporary change in his conduct.
He had been married some years to the wife he had
so unrighteously obtained, but was not blessed with
issue. The priests represented that it was owing to
his neglect of the gods of his country, and that his
only remedy was to propitiate them by human sacri-
fice, The king reluctantly consented, and the altars
once more smoked with the blood of slaughtered cap-
tives. But ~ it was all in vain; and he indignantly ex-
claimed, "These idols of wood and stone can neither
hear nor feel ; much less could they make the heavens
and the earth, and man, the lord of it. These must be
the work of the all-powerful, unknown God, Creator of
the universe, on whom alone I must rely for consolation
and support." 59
He then withdrew to his rural palace of Tezcotzinco,
where he remained forty days, fasting and praying at
stated hours, and offering up no other sacrifice than the
sweet incense of copal, and aromatic herbs and gums.
At the expiration of this time, he is said to have been
comforted by a vision assuring him of the success of his
petition. At all events, such proved to be the fact ; and
this was followed by the cheering intelligence of the
59 « yerdaclerameilt,e los Dioses las gentes que la poseen, y todo lo
que io adoro, que son idolos de criado ; algun Dios muy poderoso,
piedra que uo hablan, ni sienten, oculto, y no conocido es el Criador
no pudieron kacer ni formal la her- de todo el universe El solo es el
mosura del cielo, el sol, luna, y es- que puede consolarme en mi afliccion,
trellas que lo hermosean, y dan luz y socorrerme eu tau grande augustia
a la tierra, rios, aguas, y fuentes, como mi corazon siente." MS. de
arboles, y plantas que la hermosean, Ixtlilxochitl.
l2
148 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
triumph of his arms in a quarter where he had lately
experienced some humiliating reverses.60
Greatly strengthened in his former religious convic-
tions, he now openly professed his faith, and was more
earnest to wean his subjects from their degrading super-
stitions, and to substitute nobler and more spiritual con-
ceptions of the Deity. He built a temple in the usual
pyramidal form, and on the summit a tower nine stories
high, to represent the nine heavens ; a tenth was sur-
mounted by a roof painted black, and profusely gilded
with stars on the outside, and incrusted with metals and
precious stones within. He dedicated this to " the un-
knoion God, the Cause of causes.'' ' G1 It seems probable,
from the emblem on the tower, as well as from the
complexion of his verses, as we shall see, that he mingled
with his reverence for the Supreme the astral worship
which existed among the Toltecs.62 Various musical
instruments were placed on the top of the tower, and the
sound of them, accompanied by the ringing of a sonorous
metal struck by a mallet, summoned the worshippers to
prayers at regular seasons.03 No image was allowed in
the edifice, as unsuited to the " invisible God ; " and the
people were expressly prohibited from profaning the
altars with blood, or any other sacrifices than that of the
perfume of flowers and sweet-scented gums.
The remainder of his days was chiefly spent in his
delicious solitudes of Tezcotzinco, where he devoted him-
co MS. de Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Antiq., torn. i. cap. 25.) The
The manuscript here quoted is ruins still existing at Teotihuacan,
one of the many left by the author about seven leagues from Mexico,
on the antiquities of his country, are supposed to have been temples
and forms part of a voluminous raised by this ancient people in
compilation made in Mexico by father honour of the two great deities.
Vega, in 1792, by order of the Spa- Boturini, Idea, p. 42.
nish government. See Appendix, 63 MS. de Ixtlilxochitl.
Part 2, No. 2. " This was evidently a gong" says
61 " Al Dios no conocido, Causa de Mr. Ranking, who treads with envi-
las. causas." MS. de Ixtlilxochitl. able confidence over the " suppositos
62 Their earliest temples were cineres," in the path of the antiquary,
dedicated to the Sun. The Moon See his Historical Researches on the
they worshipped as his wife, and Conquest of Peru, Mexico, &c, by
the Stars as his sisters. (Veytia, the Mongols, (London, 1827,) p. 310.
chap, vi.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 149
self to astronomical and, probably, astrological studies,
and to meditation on his immortal destiny, — giving
utterance to his feelings in songs, or rather hymns, of
much solemnity and pathos. An extract from one of
these will convey some idea of his religious speculations.
The pensive tenderness of the verses quoted in a pre-
ceding page is deepened here into a mournful, and even
gloomy colouring : while the wounded spirit, instead of
seeking relief in the convivial sallies of a young and
buoyant temperament, turns for consolation to the world
beyond the grave.
" All things on earth have their term, and, in the
most joyous career of their vanity and splendour, their
strength fails, and they sink into the dust. All the
round world is but a sepulchre ; and there is nothing,
which lives- on its surface, that shall not be hidden and
entombed beneath it. Rivers, torrents, and streams
move onward to their destination. Not one flows back
to its pleasant source. They rush onward, hastening to
bury themselves in the deep bosom of the ocean. The
things of yesterday are no more to-day ; and the things
of to-day shall cease, perhaps, on the morrow.64 The
cemetery is full of the loathsome dust of bodies once
quickened by living souls, who occupied thrones, pre-
sided over assemblies, marshalled armies, subdued pro-
vinces, arrogated to themselves worship, were puffed up
with vainglorious pomp, and power, and empire.
" But these glories have all passed away, like the
fearful smoke that issues from the throat of Popocatepetl,
with no other memorial of their existence than the record
on the page of the chronicler.
" The great, the wise, the valiant, the beautiful, —
64 " Toda la redondez de la tierra ansia para los vastos dominios de
es un scpulcro : no hay cosa que sus- Tluloca [Neptuno], y cuanto mas se
tente cpie con titulo de piedad no la arriman a sus dilatadas margenes,
esconda y entierre. Corren los rios, tanto mas van labrando las melanco-
los arroyos, las fuentes, y las aguas, licas urnas para sepultarse. Lo que
y ningunas retroceden para sus ale- fue ayer no es hoy, ni lo de hoy se
gres nacimientos : aceleranse con afiauza que sera manaua."
150 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
alas ! where are they now ? They are all mingled with
the clod ; and that which has befallen them shall happen
to us ; and to those that come after us. Yet let us take
courage, illustrious nobles and ehieftians, true friends
and loyal subjects, — let its aspire to that heaven, where
all is eternal, and corruption cannot come™ The horrors
of the tomb are but the cradle of the Sun, and the dark
shadows of death are brilliant lights for the stars."66 The
mystic import of the last sentence seems to point to that
superstition respecting the mansions of the Sun, which
forms so beautiful a contrast to the dark features of the
Aztec mythology.
At length about the year 1470,67 Nezahualcoyotl, full
of years and honours, felt himself drawing near his end.
Almost half a century had elapsed since he mounted the
throne of Tezcuco. He had found his kingdom dismem-
bered by faction, and bowed to the dust beneath the
yoke of a foreign tyrant. He had broken that yoke ; and
breathed new life into the nation, renewed its ancient
institutions, extended wide its domain; had seen it
flourishing in all the activity of trade and agriculture,
65 " Aspirernos al cielo, que alii the great Tezcucan nobles. If this
todo es eterno y nada se corrompe." last, however, be the same mentioned
66 " El horror del sepulero es lison- by Torquemada, (Monarch. Ind., lib.
gera cuna para el, y las funestas 2, cap. 45,) it must have been writ-
sombras, brillantes luces para los ten in the Tezcucan tongue ; and,
astros." indeed, it is not probable that the
The original text and a Spanish Otomie, an Indian dialect, so distinct
translation of this poem first ap- from the languages of Anahuac, how-
peared, I believe, in a work of Gra- ever well understood by the royal
nados y Galvez. (Tardes Americanas, poet, could have been comprehended
[Mexico, 1778,] p. 90 et seq.) The by a miscellaneous audience of his
original is in the Otomie tongue, and countrymen.
both, together with a French version, 67 An approximation to a date is
have been inserted by M. Ternaux- the most one can hope to arrive at
Compans in the Appendix to bis with Ixtlilxochitl, who has enf angled
translation of Ixtlilxochitl's Hist. his chronology in a manner beyond
des Chichimeques (torn. i. pp. 359 — my skill to unravel. Thus, after tell-
367). Bustamante, who has also iug us that ISezahnalcoyotl was fif-
published the Spanish Version in his teen years old when his father was
Galena de Antiguos Principes Meji- slain in 1418, he says he died at the
canos, [Puebla, 1821,] (pp. 16, 17), age of seventy-one, in 1462. Instar
calls it the " Ode of the Flower," omnium. Comp. Hist. Chich., MS.,
which was recited at a banquet of cap. 18, 19, 49.
CHAP
. vi.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 151
gathering strength from its enlarged resources, and daily-
advancing higher and higher in the great march of civili-
zation. All this he had seen, and might fairly attribute
no small portion of it to his own wise and beneficent
rule. His long and glorious day was now drawing to
its close ; and he contemplated the event with the same
serenity which he had shown under the clouds of its
morning and in its meridian splendour.
A short time before his death, he gathered around him
those of his children in whom he most confided, his chief
counsellors, the ambassadors of Mexico and Tlacopan,
and his little son, the heir to the crown, his only offspring
by the queen. He was then not eight years old ; but
had already given, as far as so tender a blossom might,
the rich promise of future excellence.68
After tenderly embracing the child, the dying monarch
threw over him the robes of sovereignty. He then gave
audience to the ambassadors, and when they had retired,
made the boy repeat the substance of the conversation.
He followed this by such counsels as were suited to his
comprehension, and which, when remembered through
the long vista of after years, would serve as lights to
guide him in his government of the kingdom. He
besought him not to neglect the worship of " the un-
known God," regretting that he himself had been un-
worthy to know him, and intimating his conviction that
the time would come when he should be known and
worshipped throughout the land.69
He next addressed himself to that one of his sons in
whom he placed the greatest trust, and whom he had
selected as the guardian of the realm. " From this
hour," said he to him, " you will fill the place that I
68 MS. de Ixtlilxochitl, — also, que llevo es no tener luz, ni conoci-
Hist. Chicli., MS., cap. 49. miento, ni ser merecedor de conoeer
tan gran Dios, el qual tengo por
09 " No consentiendo que haya cierto que ya que los presentes no lo
sacrificios de gente huniana, que Dios conozcan, ha de venir tiempo en que
se enoja de eilo, casligando con rigor sea conocido ;/ adorado en est a tierra."
a los que lo hicieren ; que el dolor MS. de Ixtlilxochitl.
152 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
have filled, of father to this child ; you will teach him to
live as he ought ; and by your counsels he will rule over
the empire. Stand in his place, and be his guide, till he
shall be of age to govern for himself." Then, turning
to his other children, he admonished them to live united
with one another, and to show all loyalty to their prince,
who, though a child, already manifested a discretion far
above his years. " Be true to him," he added, " and
he will maintain you in your rights and dignities."70
Reeling his end approaching, he exclaimed, " Do not
bewail me with idle lamentations. But sing the song of
gladness, and show a courageous spirit, that the nations
I have subdued may not believe you disheartened, but
may feel that each one of you is strong enough to keep
them in obedience!" The undaunted spirit of the
monarch shone forth even in the agonies of death. That
stout heart, however, melted as he took leave of his chil-
dren and friends, weeping tenderly over them, while he
bade each a last adieu. When they had withdrawn, he
ordered the officers of the palace to allow no one to enter
it again. Soon after, he expired, in the seventy-second
year of his age, and the forty-third of his reign. n
Thus died the greatest monarch, and if one foul blot
could be effaced, perhaps the best who ever sat upon an
Indian throne. His character is delineated with toler-
able impartiality by his kinsman, the Tezcucan chronicler.
" He was wise, valiant, liberal ; and, when we consider
the magnanimity of his soul, the grandeur and success
of his enterprises, his deep policy, as well as daring, we
must admit him to have far surpassed every other prince
and captain of this New World. He had few failings
himself, and rigorously punished those of others. He
preferred the public to his private interest ; was most
charitable in his nature, often buying articles at double
their worth, of poor and honest persons, and giving them
70 MS. de Ixtlilxochitl, ubi supra ; 71 Hist. Chich., cap. 49.
also Hist. Chich., cap. 49.
chap, vi.] ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 153
away again to the sick and infirm. In seasons of scarcity-
he was particularly bountiful, remitting the taxes of his
vassals, and supplying their wants from the royal gran-
aries. He put no faith in the idolatrous worship of the
country. He was well instructed in moral science, and
sought, above all things, to obtain light for knowing the
true God. He believed in one God only, the Creator of
heaven and earth, by whom we have our being, who
never revealed himself to us in human form, nor in any
other ; with whom the souls of the virtuous are to dwell
after death, while the wicked will suffer pains unspeak-
able. He invoked the Most High, as Him by whom we
live, and ■ Who has all things in himself.' He recog-
nised the Sun for his father, and the Earth for his
mother. He taught his children not to confide in idols,
and only to conform to the outward worship of them
from deference to public opinion.72 If he could not en-
tirely abolish human sacrifices, derived from the Aztecs,
he, at least, restricted them to slaves and captives."73
I have occupied so much space with this illustrious
prince that but little remains for his son and successor,
Nezahualpilli. I have thought it better, in our narrow
limits, to present a complete view of a single epoch, the
most interesting in the Tezcucan annals, than to spread
the inquiries over a broader, but comparatively barren
field. Yet Nezahualpilli, the heir to the crown, was a
remarkable person, and his reign contains many incidents,
which I regret to be obliged to pass over in silence.74
He had, in many respects, a taste similar to his father's,
72 " Solia amonestar a sus hijos plained the meaning of the equally
en secreto que no adorasen a aquel- euphonious name of his parent, Neza-
las figuras cle idolos, y que aquello hualcoyotl. (Ante, eh. 4, p. 74.) If
que hiciesen en publico fuese solopor it be true, that
eumplimieiito." Hist. Chich., c. 49. " Cassar or Epammondas
73 Id. ubi supra. Could ne'er without names have been
74 The name Nezahualpilli sig- known to us,"
nines " the prince for whom one has it is no less certain that such names
fasted," — in allusion, no doubt, to as those of the two Tezcucan princes,
the long fast of his father previous so difficult to be pronounced or re-
to his birth. (See Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. membered by a European, are most
Chich., MS., cap 45.) I have ex- unfavourable to immortality.
154 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [
EOOK I.
and, like him, displayed a profuse magnificence in his
way of living and in his public edifices. He was more
severe in his morals ; and, in the execution of justice,
stern even to the sacrifice of natural affection. Several
remarkable instances of this are told ; one, among others,
in relation to his eldest son, the heir to the crown, a
prince of great promise. The young man entered into
a poetical correspondence with one of his father's concu-
bines, the lady of Tula, as she was called, a woman of
humble origin, but of uncommon endowments. She
wrote verses with ease, and could discuss graver mat-
ters with the king and his ministers. She main-
tained a separate establishment, where she lived in
state, and acquired, by her beauty and accomplishments,
great ascendancy over her royal lover.75 With this
favourite the prince carried on a correspondence in verse,
— whether of an amorous nature does not appear. At
all events, the offence was capital. It was submitted to
the regular tribunal, who pronounced sentence of death
on the unfortunate youth; and the king, steeling his
heart against all entreaties, and the voice of nature, suf-
fered the cruel judgement to be carried into execution.
We might, in this case, suspect the influence of baser
passions on his mind, but it was not a solitary instance
of his inexorable justice towards those most near to him.
He had the stern virtue of an ancient Roman, destitute
of the softer graces which make virtue attractive. When
the sentence was carried into effect, he shut himself up
in his palace for many weeks, and commanded the doors
and windows of his son's residence to be walled up, that
it might never again be occupied.76
75 " De las concubinas la que mas voluntad de tal manera que lo que
privo con el rey, fue la que Uarnaban queria alcanzaba de el, y asi vivia
la Seiiora de Tida, no por linage, sola por si con grande aparato y ma-
sino porque era hija de un mercader, gestad en unos palacios que el rey le
y era tan sabia que competia con el mandd edificar." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
rey y con los mas sabios de su reyno, Chich., MS., cap. 57.
y era en la poesia muy aventajada, 76 Ibid., cap. 67.
que con estas gracias y dones natu- The Tezcucan historian records
rales tenia al rey muy sugeto a su several appalling examples of this
chap, vi.] DECLINE OF THE MONARCHY. 155
Nezahualpilli resembled his father in his passion for
astronomical studies, and is said to have had an obser-
vatory on one of his palaces.77 He was devoted to war
in his youth, but as he advanced in years, resigned him-
self to a more indolent way of life, and sought his chief
amusement in the pursuit of his favourite science, or in
the soft pleasures of the sequestered gardens of Tezcot-
zinco. This quiet life was ill suited to the turbulent
temper of the times, and of his Mexican rival Montezuma.
The distant provinces fell ofT from their allegiance ; the
army relaxed its discipline ; disaffection crept into its
ranks ; and the wily Montezuma, partly by violence, and
partly by stratagems unworthy of a king, succeeded in
plundering his brother monarch of some of his most
valuable domains. Then it was, that he arrogated to him-
self the title and supremacy of emperor, hitherto borne by
the Tezcucan princes, as head of the alliance. Such is
the account given by the historians of that nation, who,
in this way explain the acknowledged superiority of the
Aztec sovereign, both in territory and consideration, on
the landing of the Spaniards.78
These misfortunes pressed heavily on the spirits of
Nezahualpilli. Their effect was increased by certain
gloomy prognostics of a near calamity which was to
overwhelm the country.79 He withdrew to his retreat,
severity ; — one in particular, in rela- this, or what passed for such, in Lis
tion to his guilty wife. The story, day. Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 64.
reminding one of the tales of an 78 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
Oriental harem, has been translated cap. 73, 74.
for the Appendix, Part 2, No. 4. This sudden transfer of empire
See also Torquemada, (Monarch. from the Tezcucans, at the close of
Ind., lib. 2, cap. 66,) and Zurita the reigns of two of their ablest
(Rapport, pp. 108, 109). He was monarchs, is so improbable, that one
the terror, in particular, of all unjust cannot but doubt if they ever pos-
magistrates. They had little favour sessed it, — at least, to the extent
to expect from the man who could claimed by the patriotic historian,
stifle the voice of nature in his own See ante, Chap. 1, note 25, and the
bosom, hi obedience to the laws. As corresponding text.
Suetonius said of a prince who had
not his virtue, " Vebemens et in 79 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
coercendis qnidem delictis immodi- cap. 72.
cus." Yita Galbse, sec. 9. The reader will find a particular
77 Torquemada saw the remains of account of these prodigies, ^better
156 AZTEC CIVILIZATION. [book i.
to brood in secret over his sorrows. His health rapidly
declined; and in the year 1515, at the age of fifty-
two, he sunk into the grave ;80 happy, at least, that, by
this timely death, he escaped witnessing the fulfilment
of his own predictions, in the ruin of his country, and
the extinction of the Indian dynasties, for ever.81
In reviewing the brief sketch here presented of the
Tezcucan monarchy, we are strongly impressed with the
conviction of its superiority, in all the great features of
civilization, over the rest of Anahuac. The Mexicans
showed a similar proficiency, no doubt, in the mechanic
arts, and even in mathematical science. But in the
science of government, in legislation, in speculative
doctrines of a religious nature, in the more elegant
pursuits of poetry, eloquence, and whatever depended
on refinement of taste and a polished idiom, they con-
fessed themselves inferior, by resorting to their rivals for
instruction, and citing their works as the masterpieces
of their tongue. The best histories, the best poems, the
best code of laws, the purest dialect, were all allowed to
be Tezcucan. The Aztecs rivalled their neighbours in
splendour of living, and even in the magnificence of
their structures. They displayed a pomp and osten-
tatious pageantry, truly Asiatic. But this was the
development of the material, rather than the intellectual
principle. They wanted the refinement of manners
essential to a continued advance in civilization. An
insurmountable limit was put to theirs, by that bloody
authenticated than most miracles, in dred male and one hundred female
a future page of this History. slaves were sacrificed at his tomb.
80 Ibid., cap. 75. — Or, rather, at His body was consumed, amidst a
the age of fifty, if the historian is heap of jewels, precious stuffs, and
right, in placing his birth, as he incense, on a funeral pile ; and the
does, in a preceding chapter, in ashes, deposited in a golden urn,
1465. (See cap. 46.) It is not easy were placed in the great temple of
to decide what is true, when the Huitzilopotchli, for whose worship
writer does not take the trouble to the king, notwithstanding the les-
be true to himself. sons of his father, had some par-
81 His obsequies were celebrated tiality. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
with sanguinary pomp. Two hun- MS., cap. 75.
chap. VI.] DECLINE OF THE MONARCHY. 157
mythology, which threw its withering taint over the very
air that they breathed.
The superiority of the Tezcucans was owing, doubt-
less, in a great measure, to that of the two sovereigns
whose reigns we have been depicting. There is no
position, which affords such scope for ameliorating the
condition of man, as that occupied by an absolute ruler
over a nation imperfectly civilized. From his elevated
place, commanding all the resources of his age, it is
in his power to diffuse them far and wide among his
people. He may be the copious reservoir on the
mountain top, drinking in the dews of heaven, to send
them in fertilizing streams along the lower slopes and
valleys, clothing even the wilderness in beauty. Such
were Nezahualcoyotl, and his illustrious successor, whose
enlightened policy, extending through nearly a century,
wrought a most salutary revolution in the condition of
their country. It is remarkable that we, the inhabitants
of the same continent, should be more familiar with the
history of many a barbarian chief, both in the Old and
New World, than with that of these truly great men,
whose names are identified with the most glorious period
in the annals of the Indian races.
What was the actual amount of the Tezcucan civili-
zation, it is not easy to determine, with the imperfect
light afforded us. It was certainly far below anything
which the word conveys, measured by a European
standard. In some of the arts, and in any walk of
science, they could only have made, as it were, a be-
ginning. But they had begun in the right way, and
already showed a refinement in sentiment and manners,
a capacity for receiving instruction, which, under good
auspices, might have led them on to indefinite improve-
ment. Unhappily, they were fast falling under the
dominion of the warlike Aztecs. And that people
repaid the benefits received from their more polished
neighbours by imparting to them their own ferocious
158 IXTLILXOCHITL.
BOOK I.
superstition, which, falling like a mildew on the land,
would soon have blighted its rich blossoms of promise,
and turned even its fruits to dust and ashes.
Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, who nourished in the beginning of the
seventeenth century, was a native of Tezcuco, and descended in a direct
line from the sovereigns of that kingdom. The royal posterity became so
numerous in a few generations, that it was common to see them reduced to
great poverty, and earning a painful subsistence by the most humble
occupations. Ixtlilxochitl, who was descended from the principal wife or
queen of Nezahualpilli, maintained a very respectable position. He filled
the office of interpreter to the viceroy, to which he was recommended by
his acquaintance with the ancient hieroglyphics, and his knowledge of the
Mexican and Spanish languages. His birth gave him access to persons of
the highest rank in his own nation, some of whom occupied important civil
posts under the new government, and were thus enabled to make large
collections of Indian manuscripts, which wei-e liberally opened to him. He
had an extensive library of his own, also, and with these means diligently
pursued the study of the Tezcucan antiquities. He deciphered the hiero-
glyphics, made himself master of the songs and traditions, and fortified his
narrative by the oral testimony of some very aged persons, who had them-
selves been acquainted with the Conquerors. Jfi-om such authentic sources
he composed various works in the Castilian, on the primitive history of the
Toltec and the Tezcucan races, continuing it down to the subversion of the
empire by Cortes. These various accounts, compiled under the title of
Relaciones, are, more or less, repetitions and abridgments of each other ; nor
is it easy to understand why they were thus composed. The Historia
Chichemeca is the best digested and most complete of the whole series ; and
as such, has been the most frequently consulted, for the preceding pages.
Ixtlikochitl's writings have many of the defects belonging to his age.
He often crowds the page with incidents of a trivial, and sometimes im-
probable character. The improbability increases with the distance of the
period ; for distance, which diminishes objects to the natural eye, exagge-
rates them to the mental. His chronology, as I have more than once
noticed, is inextricably entangled. He has often lent a too willing ear to
traditions and reports which would startle the more sceptical criticism of
the present time. Yet there is an appearance of good faith and sim-
plicity in his writings, which may convince the reader that, when he errs, it
is from no worse cause than national partiality. And surely such partiality
is excusable in the descendant of a proud line, shorn of its ancient splendours,
which it was soothing to his own feelings to revive again — though with
something more than their legitimate lustre— on the canvas of history. It
should also be considered, that, if his narrative is sometimes startling, his
researches penetrate into the mysterious depths of antiquity, where light
and darkness meet and melt into each other ; and when everything is still
further liable to distortion, as seen through the misty medium of hiero-
glyphics.
With these allowances, it will be found that the Tezcucan historian has
just claims to our admiration for the compass of his inquiries, and the
sagacity with which they have been conducted. He has introduced us to
the knowledge of the most polished people of Anahuac, whose records, if
chap, vi.] IXTLILXOCHITL. 159
preserved, could not, at a much later period, Lave been comprehended ; and
he has thus afforded a standard of comparison, which much raises our ideas
of American civilization. His language is simple, and occasionally eloquent
and touching. His descriptions are highly picturesque. He abounds in
familiar anecdote ; and the natural graces of his manner, in detailing the
more striking events of history, and the personal adventures of his heroes,
entitle him to the name of the Livy of Anahuac.
I shall be obliged to enter hereafter into his literary merits, in connexion
with the narrative of the Conquest ; for which he is a prominent authority.
His earlier annals — though no one of his manuscripts has been printed —
have been diligently studied by the Spanish writers in Mexico, and liberally
transferred to their pages ; and his reputation, like Sahagun's, has doubtless
suffered by the process. His Historia Chichemeca is now turned into French
by M. Ternaux-Compans, forming part of that inestimable series of trans-
lations from unpublished documents, which have so much enlarged our
acquaintance with the early American history. I have had ample oppor-
tunity of proving the merits of his version of Ixtlilxochitl ; and am happy to
bear my testimony to the fidelity and elegance with which it is executed.
Note. It was my intention to conclude this introductory portion of the
work with an inquiry into the Origin of the Mexican Civilization. " But the
general question of the origin of the inhabitants of a continent," says Hum-
boldt, " is beyond the limits prescribed to history ; perhaps it is not even a
philosophic question." " For the majority of readers," says Livy, " the
origin and remote antiquities of a nation can have comparatively little
interest." The criticism of these great writers is just and pertinent ; and,
on further consideration, 1 have thrown the observations on this topic, pre-
pared with some care, into the Appendix {Part 1) ; to which those, who feel
sufficient curiosity in the discussion, can turn before entering on the
narrative of the Conquest.
t
BOOK SECOND.
THE DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
vol. I. M
BOOK II.
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
Spain under Charles V. — Progress of Discovery. — Colonial Policy. —
Conquest of Cuba. — Expeditions to Yucatan.
1516—1518.
In the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spain occu-
pied perhaps the most prominent position on the theatre
of Europe. The numerous states, into which she had
been so long divided were consolidated into one monarchy.
The Moslem crescent, after reigning there for eight cen-
turies, was no longer seen on her borders. The authority
of the crown did not, as in later times, overshadow the
inferior orders of the state. The people enjoyed the
inestimable privilege of political representation, and exer-
cised it with manly independence. The nation at large
could boast as great a degree of constitutional freedom,
as any other, at that time, in Christendom. Under a
system of salutary laws and an equitable administration,
domestic tranquillity was secured, public credit estab-
lished, trade, manufactures, and even the more elegant
arts, began to flourish ; while a higher education called
forth the first blossoms of that literature, which was to
ripen into so rich a harvest, before the close of the cen-
tury. Arms abroad kept pace with arts at home. Spain
found her empire suddenly enlarged by important acqui-
ii 2
164 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
sitions both in Europe and Africa, while a New World
beyond the waters poured into her lap treasures of count-
less wealth, and opened an unbounded field for honourable
enterprise.
Such was the condition of the kingdom at the close
of the long and glorious reign of Ferdinand and Isabella,
when, on the 23rd of January, 1516, the sceptre passed
into the hands of their daughter Joanna, or rather their
grandson, Charles the Fifth, who alone ruled the mo-
narchy during the long and imbecile existence of his unfor-
tunate mother. During the two years followingFerdinand's
death, the regency, in the absence of Charles, was held
by Cardinal Ximenes, a man whose intrepidity, extra-
ordinary talents, and capacity for great enterprises, were
accompanied by a haughty spirit, which made him too
indifferent as to the means of their execution. His
administration, therefore, notwithstanding the upright-
ness of his intentions, was, from his total disregard of
forms, unfavourable to constitutional liberty ; for respect
for forms is an essential element of freedom. With all
his faults, however, Ximenes was a Spaniard ; and the
object he had at heart was the good of his country.
It was otherwise on the arrival of Charles, who, after
a long absence, came as a foreigner into the land of his
fathers. (November, 1517.) His manners, sympathies,
even his language, were foreign, for he spoke the Cas-
tilian with difficulty. He knew little of his native coun-
try, of the character of the people or their institutions.
He seemed to care still less for them ; while his natural
reserve precluded that freedom of communication which
might have counteracted, to some extent at least, the
errors of education. In everything, in short, he was a
foreigner ; and resigned himself to the direction of his
Flemish counsellors with a docility that gave little augury
of his future greatness.
On his entrance into Castile, the young monarch was
accompanied by a swarm of courtly sycophants, who
CHAP. I.] SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V. 165
settled, like locusts, on every place of profit and honour
throughout the kingdom. A Fleming was made grand
chancellor of Castile ; another Fleming was placed in
the archiepiscopal see of Toledo. They even ventured
to profane the sanctity of the cortes, by intruding them-
selves on its deliberations. Yet that body did not tamely
submit to these usurpations, but gave vent to its indig-
nation in tones becoming the representatives of a free
people.1
The deportment of Charles, so different from that to
which the Spaniards had been accustomed under the
benign administration of Ferdinand and Isabella, closed
all hearts against him ; and, as his character came to be
understood, instead of the spontaneous outpourings of
loyalty, which usually greet the accession of a new and
youthful sovereign, he was everywhere encountered by
opposition and disgust. In Castile, and afterwards in
Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, the commons hesitated
to confer on him the title of King during the lifetime of
his mother; and, though they eventually yielded this
point, and associated his name with hers in the sove-
reignty, yet they reluctantly granted the supplies he
demanded, and, when they did so, watched over their
appropriation with a vigilance which left little to gratify
the cupidity of the Flemings. The language of the
legislature on these occasions, though temperate and
respectful, breathes a spirit of resolute independence not
to be found, probably, on the parliamentary records of
1 The following passage — one qualisve sit gens hsec, depingere ad-
among many — from that faithful hue nescio. Insufflat vulgus hie in
mirror of the times, Peter Martyr's omne genus hominum non arctoum.
correspondence, does ample justice Minores faciunt Hispanos, quam si
to the intemperance, avarice, and in- nati essent inter eorum cloacas.
tolerable arrogance of the Flemings. Rugiunt jam Hispani, labra mordent,
The testimony is worth the more, as submurmurant taciti, fatorum vices
coming from one who, though re- tales esse conqueruntur, quod ipsi
sident in Spain, was not a Spaniard. domitores regnorum ita floccifiant ab
" Crumenas auro fulcire inhiant ; his, quorum Deus unicus (sub rege
huic uni studio invigilant. Nee de- temperato) Bacchus est cum Cith-
trectatjuvenisRex. Farcitquacunque erea." Opus Epistolarum, (Amstelo-
posse datur; non satiat tamen. Quae dami, 1610,) ep. 608.
1C6 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book 11.
any other nation at that period. No wonder that Charles
should have early imbibed a disgust for these popular
assemblies. — the only bodies whence truths so unpalat-
able could find their way to the ears of the sovereign !2
Unfortunately, they had no influence on his conduct ; till
the discontent, long allowed to fester in secret, broke out
into that sad war of the comunidades, which shook the
state to its foundations, and ended in the subversion of
its liberties.
The same pestilent foreign influence was felt, though
much less sensibly, in the Colonial administration. This
had been placed, in the preceding reign, under the im-
mediate charge of the two great tribunals, the Council
of the Indies, and the Casa de Contratacion, or India
House, at Seville. It was their business to further the
progress of discovery, watch over the infant settlements,
and adjust the disputes which grew up in them. But
the licences granted to private adventurers did more for
the cause of discovery, than the patronage of the crown
or its officers. The long peace, enjoyed with slight inter-
ruption by Spain in the early part of the sixteenth cen-
tury, was most auspicious for this ; and the restless
cavalier, who could no longer win laurels on the fields of
Africa or Europe, turned with eagerness to the brilliant
career opened to him beyond the ocean.
It is difficult for those of our time, as familiar from
childhood with the most remote places on the globe as
with those in their own neighbourhood, to picture to
themselves the feelings of the men who lived in the six-
teenth century. The dread mystery, which had so long
hung over the great deep, had indeed been removed. It
was no longer beset with the same undefined horrors as
2 Yet the nobles were not all back- desire no honours but tlioseof my own
ward in manifesting their disgust. country, in my opinion, quite as good
When Charles would have conferred as — indeed, better than — those of
the famous Burgundian order of the any other." Sandoval, Historia de
Golden Fleece on the Count of Bena- la Vida y Hechos del Emperador
ventc, that lord refused it, proudly Carlos V., (Amberes, 1681,) torn.
telling him, "I am a Castilian. I i. p. 103.
chap, i.] SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V. 167
when Columbus launched his bold bark on its dark and
unknown waters. A new and glorious world had been
thrown open. But as to the precise spot where that world
lay, its extent, its history, whether it were island or con-
tinent,— of all this they had very vague and confused
conceptions. Many, in their ignorance, blindly adopted
the erroneous conclusion into which the great Admiral
had been led by his superior science, — that the new
countries were a part of Asia ; and, as the mariner wan-
dered among the Bahamas, or steered his caravel across
the Caribbean seas, he fancied he was inhaling the rich
odours of the spice-islands in the Indian Ocean. Thus
every fresh discovery, interpreted by this previous delu-
sion, served to confirm, him in his error, or, at least, to
fill his mind with new perplexities.
The career thus thrown open had all the fascinations
of a desperate hazard, on which the adventurer staked
all his hopes of fortune, fame, and life itself. It was not
often, indeed, that he won the rich prize which he most
coveted ; but then he was sure to win the meed of glory,
scarcely less dear to his chivalrous spirit ; and, if he sur-
vived to return to his home, he had wonderful stories to
recount, of perilous chances among the strange people
he had visited, and the burning climes, whose rank fer-
tility arid magnificence of vegetation so far surpassed
anything he had witnessed in his own. These reports
added fresh fuel to imaginations already warmed by the
study of those tales of chivalry which formed the favourite
reading of the Spaniards at that period. Thus romance
and reality acted on each other, and the soul of the
Spaniard was exalted to that pitch of enthusiasm, which
enabled him to encounter the terrible trials that lay in
the path of the discoverer. Indeed, the life of the cava-
lier of that day was romance put into action. The story
of his adventures in the New World forms one of the
most remarkable pages in the history of man.
Under this chivalrous spirit of enterprise, the progress
168 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book it
of discovery had extended, by the beginning of Charles
the Fifth's reign, from the Bay of Honduras, along the
winding shores of Darien, and the South American con-
tinent, to the Rio cle la Plata. The mighty barrier of
the Isthmus had been climbed, and the Pacific described,
by Nunez de Balboa, second only to Columbus in this
valiant band of " ocean chivalry." The Bahamas and
Caribbee Islands had been explored, as well as the
Peninsula of Florida on the northern continent. To this
latter point Sebastian Cabot had arrived in his descent
along the coast from Labrador, in 1497. So that before
1518, the period when our narrative begins, the eastern
borders of both the great continents had been surveyed
through nearly their whole extent. The shores of the
great Mexican Gulf, however, sweeping with a wide
circuit far into the interior, remained still concealed,
with the rich realms that lay beyond, from the eye
of the navigator. The time had now come for their
discovery.
The business of colonization had kept pace with that
of discovery. In several of the islands, and in various
parts of Terra Pinna, and in Darien, settlements had
been established, under the control of governors who
affected the state and authority of viceroys. Grants of
land were assigned to the colonists, on which they raised
the natural products of the soil, but gave still more at-
tention to the sugar-cane, imported from the Canaries.
Sugar, indeed, together with the beautiful dye-woods of
the country and the precious metals, formed almost the
only articles of export in the infancy of the colonies,
which had not yet introduced those other staples of the
West Indian commerce, which, in our day, constitute
its principal wealth. Yet the precious metals, painfully
gleaned from a few scanty sources, would have made
poor returns, but for the gratuitous labour of the
Indians.
The cruel system of repartimientos, or distribution of
CHAP. i.J SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V. 169
the Indians as slaves among the conquerors, had been
suppressed by Isabella. Although subsequently coun-
tenanced by the government, it was under the most
careful limitations. But it is impossible to license crime
by halves, — to authorize injustice at all, and hope to re-
gulate the measure of it. The eloquent remonstrances
of the Dominicans, — who devoted themselves to the
good work of conversion in the New World with the
same zeal that they showed for persecution in the Old,
— but, above all, those of Las Casas, induced the regent
Ximenes to send out a commission with full powers to
inquire iuto the alleged grievances, and to redress them.
It had authority, moreover, to investigate the conduct
of the civil officers, and to reform any abuses in their
administration. This extraordinary commission consisted
of three Hieronymite friars and an eminent jurist, all
men of learning and unblemished piety.
They conducted the inquiry in a very dispassionate
manner ; but, after long deliberation, came to a conclu-
sion most unfavourable to the demands of Las Casas,
who insisted on the entire freedom of the natives. This
conclusion they justified on the grounds that the Indians
would not labour without compulsion, and that, unless
they laboured, they could not be brought into communi-
cation with the whites, nor be converted to Christianity.
"Whatever we may think of this argument, it was doubt-
less urged with sincerity by its advocates, whose conduct
through their whole administration places their motives
above suspicion. They accompanied it with many careful
provisions for the protection of the natives, — but in vain.
The simple people, accustomed all their days to a life of
indolence and ease, sunk under the oppressions of their
masters, and the population wasted away with even more
frightful rapidity than did the aborigines in our own
country, under the operation of other causes. It is not
necessary to pursue these details further, into which I
have been led by the desire to put the reader in posses-
170 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
sion of the general policy and state of affairs in the New
World, at the period when the present narrative begins.3
Of the islands, Cuba was the second discovered ; but
no attempt had been made to plant a colony there during
the lifetime of Columbus ; who, indeed, after skirting
the whole extent of its southern coast, died in the con-
viction that it was part of the continent.4 At length, in
1511, Diego, the son and successor of the "Admiral,"
who still maintained the seat of government in Hispa-
niola, finding the mines much exhausted there, proposed
to occupy the neighbouring island of Cuba, or Fernan-
dina, as it was called, in compliment to the Spanish
monarch.5 He prepared a small force for the conquest,
which he placed under the command of Don Diego
Velasquez ; a man described by a contemporary, as
" possessed of considerable experience in military affairs,
having served seventeen years in the European wars ; as
honest, illustrious by his lineage and reputation, covetous
of glory, and somewhat more covetous of wealth." 6 The
portrait was sketched by no unfriendly hand.
Velasquez, or rather his lieutenant Narvaez, who took
the office on himself of scouring the country, met with
no serious opposition from the inhabitants, who were of
the same family with the effeminate natives of Hispa-
niola. The conquest, through the merciful interposition
of Las Casas, "the protector of the Indians," who ac-
3 I will take the liberty to refer by Columbus, Juana, iu honour of
the reader, who is desirous of being Prince John, heir to the Castilian
more minutely acquainted with the crown. After his death it received
Spanish Colonial administration and the name of Fernandina, at the
the state of discovery previous to King's desire. The Indian name
Charles V., to the " History of the lias survived both. Herrera, Hist,
lleign of Ferdinand and Isabella," General, descrip., cap. 6.
(Part 2, ch. 9, 20,) where the sub- c " Erat Didacus, ut hoc in loco
ject is treated in exteaso. de eo semel tantum dicamus, vete-
4 See the curious document at- rauus miles, rei militaris gnarus,
testing this, and drawn up by order quippe qui septem et decern annos
of Columbus, ap. Navarrete, Colec- in Hispania militiam exercitus fuerat,
cion de los Viages y de Descubri- homo probus, opibus, genere et fama
mientos, (Madrid, 1825,) torn. ii. clarus, honoris cupidus, pecuniae
Col. Dip., No. 76. aliquanto cupidior." De Rebus
5 The island was originally called, Gcstis Ferdinaudi Cortesii, MS.
chap. I.] COLONIAL POLICY. 171
companied the army in its march, was effected without
much bloodshed. One chief, indeed, named Hatuey,
having fled originally from St. Domingo to escape the
oppression of its invaders, made a desperate resistance,
for which he was condemned by Velasquez to be burned
alive. It was he who made that memorable reply, more
eloquent than a volume of invective. When urged at
the stake to embrace Christianity, that his soul might
find admission into heaven, he inquired if the white men
would go there. On being answered in the affirmative,
he exclaimed, " Then I will not be a Christian ; for I
would not go again to a place where I must find men so
cruel ! " 7
After the conquest, Velasquez, now appointed go-
vernor, diligently occupied himself with measures for
promoting the prosperity of the Island. He formed a
number of settlements, bearing the same names with
the modern towns, and made St. Jago, on the south-
east corner, the seat of government.8 He invited set-
tlers by liberal grants of land and slaves. He encou-
raged them to cultivate the soil, and gave particular
attention to the sugar-cane, so profitable an article of
commerce in later times. He was, above all, intent on
working the gold mines, which promised better returns
than those in Hispaniola. The affairs of his government
did not prevent him, meanwhile, from casting many a
wistful glance at the discoveries going forward on the
continent, and he longed for an opportunity to embark
in these golden adventures himself. Fortune gave him
the occasion he desired.
7 The story is told by Las Casas 8 Among the most ancient of
in his appalling record of the cm- these establishments we find the
elties of his countrymen in the New Havana, Puerto del Principe, Triui-
Woiid, which charity — and common dad, St. Salvador, and Matanzas, or
sense — may excuse us for believing the Slaughter, so called from a mas-
the good father has greatly over- sacre of the Spaniards there by the
charged. Brevissima Relacion dc Indians. Bernal Diaz, Hist, do la
la Destruycion de las Indias, (Ve- Conquista, cap. 8.
netia, 1613,) p. 28.
172 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
An hidalgo of Cuba, named Hernandez de Cordova,
sailed with three vessels on an expedition to one of the
neighbouring Bahama Islands, in quest of Indian slaves.
(February 8, 1517.) He encountered a succession of
heavy gales which drove him far out of his course, and
at the end of three weeks he found himself on a strange
and unknown coast. On landing and asking the name
of the country, he was answered by the natives, " Tec-
tetan," meaning " I do not understand you," — but which
the Spaniards, misinterpreting into the name of the
place, easily corrupted into Yucatan. Some writers give
a different etymology.9 Such mistakes, however, were
not uncommon with the early discoverers, and have been
the origin of many a name on the American continent.10
Cordova had landed on the north-eastern end of the
peninsula, at Cape Catoche. Pie was astonished at the
size and solid materials of the buildings constructed of
stone and lime, so different from the frail tenements of
reeds and rushes which formed the habitations of the
islanders. He was struck, also, with the higher cultiva-
tion of the soil, and with the delicate texture of the
cotton garments and gold ornaments of the natives.
Everything indicated a civilization far superior to any-
thing he had before witnessed in the New World. He
saw the evidence of a different race, moreover, in the
warlike spirit of the people. Rumours of the Spaniards
had, perhaps, preceded them, as they were repeatedly
asked if they came from the east ; and, wherever they
landed, they were met with the most deadly hostility.
Cordova himself, in one of his skirmishes with the In-
9 Gomara, Historia de las Iudias, 10 Two navigators, Solis and Pin-
cap. 52, ap. Barcia, torn. ii. zon, had descried the coast as far
Bernal Diaz says the word came back as 1506, according to Hen-era,
from the vegetable pica, and tale though they had not taken possession
the name for a hillock in which it is of it. (Hist. General, dec. 1, lib. 6,
planted. (Hist, de la Conquista, cap. cap. 17.) It is, indeed, remarkable
6.) M. Waldeck finds a much more it should so long have eluded dis-
plausible derivation in the Indian covery, considering that it is but
word Ouyoiickatan, "listen to what two degrees distant from Cuba,
they say." Voyage Pittoresque, p. 25.
chap. I.] EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN. 173
dians, received more than a dozen wounds, and one only
of his party escaped unhurt. At length, when he had
coasted the peninsula as far as Campeachy, he returned to
Cuba, which he reached after an absence of several months,
having suffered all the extremities of ill, which these
pioneers of the ocean were sometimes called to endure,
and which none but the most courageous spirit could
have survived. As it was, half the original number, con-
sisting of one hundred and ten men, perished, including
their brave commander, who died soon after his return.
The reports he had brought back of the country, and,
still more, the specimens of curiously wrought gold, con-
vinced Velasquez of the importance of this discovery,
and he prepared with all despatch to avail himself of it.11
He accordingly fitted out a little squadron of four
vessels for the newly- discovered lands, and placed it
under the command of his nephew, Juan de Grijalva, a
man on whose probity, prudence, and attachment to
himself he knew he could rely. The fleet left the port
of St. Jago de Cuba, May 1, 1518.12 It took the course
pursued by Cordova, but was driven somewhat to the
south, the first land that it made being the island of
Cozumel. From this quarter Grijalva soon passed over
to the continent and coasted the peninsula, touching at
the same places as his predecessor. Everywhere he was
struck, like him, with the evidences of a higher civiliza-
tion, especially in the architecture ; as he well might be,
since this was the region of those extraordinary remains
which have become recently the subject of so much
speculation. He was astonished, also, at the sight of
11 Oviedo, General y Natural His- cap. 2.) But he is contradicted in
toria de las Indias, MS., lib. 38, cap. this by the other contemporary re-
1. — De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Carta cords above cited,
del Cabildo de Vera Cruz, (July 10, 12 Itinerario de la isola de Iucha-
1519,) MS. than, novamente ritrovata per il sig-
Bernal Diaz denies that the ori- nor Joan de Grijalva, per il suo
ginal object of the expedition, in capellano, MS.
which he took part, was to procure The chaplain's word may be taken
slaves, though Velasquez had pro- for the date, which is usually put at
posed it. (Hist, de la Conquista, the eighth of April.
174 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
large stone crosses, evidently objects of worship, which
he met with in various places. Reminded by these cir-
cumstances of his own country, he gave the peninsula
the name " New Spain," a name since appropriated to
a much wider extent of territory.13
Wherever Grijalva landed, he experienced the same
unfriendly reception as Cordova, though he suffered less,
being better prepared to meet it. In the Bio de Tabasco,
or Grijalva, as it is often called, after him, he held an
amicable conference with a chief who gave him a number
of gold plates fashioned into a sort of armour. As he
wound round the Mexican coast, one of his captains,
Pedro de Alvarado, afterwards famous in the Conquest,
entered a river, to which he also left his own name. In
a neighbouring stream, called the Bio de Vanderas, or
" River of Banners," from the ensigns displayed by the
natives on its borders, Grijalva had the first communica-
tion with the Mexicans themselves.
The cacique who ruled over this province had received
notice of the approach of the Europeans, and of their
extraordinary appearance. He was anxious to collect all
the information he could respecting them and the motives
of their visit, that he might transmit them to his master,
the Aztec Emperor.14 A friendly conference took place
between the parties on shore, where Grijalva landed with
all his force, so as to make a suitable impression on the
mind of the barbaric chief. The interview lasted some
hours, though, as there was no one on either side to
interpret the language of the other, they could commu-
nicate only by signs. They, however, interchanged pre-
sents, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction of receiving,
for a few worthless toys and trinkets, a rich treasure of
13 De Rebus Gestis, MS— Itine- sovereign, who had received pre-
rario del Capellano, MS. vious tidings of the approach of the
Spaniards. I have followed Sahagun,
14 According to the Spanish au- who obtained his intelligence directly
thorities, the cacique was sent with from the natives. Historia de la
these presents from the Mexican Conquista, MS., cap. 2.
chap. I.] EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN. 175
jewels, gold ornaments and vessels, of the most fantastic
forms and workmanship.15
Grijalva now thought that in this successful traffic —
successful beyond his most sanguine expectations — he
had accomplished the chief object of his mission. He
steadily refused the solicitations of his followers to plant
a colony on the spot, — a work of no little difficulty in so
populous and powerful a country as this appeared to be.
To this, indeed, he was inclined, but deemed it contrary
to his instructions, which limited him to barter with the
natives. He therefore despatched Alvarado in one of the
caravels back to Cuba, with the treasure and such intel-
ligence as he had gleaned of the great empire in the
interior, and then pursued his voyage along the coast.
He touched at St. Juan de Ulua, and at the Ida de
los Sacrificios, so called by him from the bloody remains
of human victims found in one of the temples. He then
held on his course as far as the province of Panuco,
where finding some difficulty in doubling a boisterous
headland, he returned on his track, and after an absence
of nearly six months, reached Cuba in safety. Grijalva
has the glory of being the first navigator who set foot on
the Mexican soil, and opened an intercourse with the
Aztecs.16
On reaching the Island, he was surprised to learn that
another and more formidable armament had been fitted
out to follow up his own discoveries, and to find orders
at the same time from the governor, couched in no very
courteous language, to repair at once to St. Jago. He
was received by that personage, not merely with cold-
ness, but with reproaches for having neglected so fair an
opportunity of establishing a colony in the country he
had visited. Velasquez was one of those captious spirits,
15 Gomara has given the per and scissors, and other trinkets common
contra of this negotiation, in which in an assorted cargo for savages,
gold and jewels, of the value of fif- Cronica, cap. 6.
teen or twenty thousand pesos de oro, 16 Itinerario del Capellano, MS. —
were exchanged for glass beads, pins, Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.
176 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book If.
who, when things do not go exactly to their minds, are
sure to shift the responsibility of the failure from their
own shoulders, where it should lie, to those of others.
He had an ungenerous nature, says an old writer, cre-
dulous, and easily moved to suspicion,17 In the present
instance it was most unmerited. Grijalva, naturally a
modest, unassuming person, had acted in obedience to
the instructions of his commander, given before sailing ;
and had done this in opposition to his own judgment
and the importunities of his followers. His conduct
merited anything but censure from his employer.18
When Alvarado had returned to Cuba with his golden
freight, and the accounts of the rich empire of Mexico
which he had gathered from the natives, the heart of the
governor swelled with rapture as he saw his dreams of
avarice and ambition so likely to be realized. Impatient
of the long absence of Grijalva, he despatched a vessel in
search of him under the command of Olid, a cavalier,
who took an important part afterwards in the Conquest.
Finally he resolved to fit out another armament on a
sufficient scale to insure the subjugation of the country.
He previously solicited authority for this from the
Hieronymite commission in St. Domingo. He then
despatched his Chaplain to Spain with the royal share
of the gold brought from Mexico, and a full account of
the intelligence gleaned there. He set forth his own
manifold services, and solicited from the court full powers
to go on with the conquest and colonization of the newly
discovered regions.19 Before receiving an answer, he
17 " Hombre de terrible condition," toria General de las Indias, MS., lib.
says Herrera, citing the good bishop 3, cap. 113.
of Chiapa, " para los qne le Servian, 19 Itinerario del Capellano, MS. —
i aiudaban, i qne facilmente se indig- Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS.,
naba contra aquellos." Hist. General, lib. 3, cap. 113.
dec. 2, Ub. 3, cap. 10. The most circumstantial account
of Grijalva's expedition is to be found
18 At least, such is the testimony in the Itinerary of his chaplain above
of Las Casas, who knew both the quoted. The original is lost, but an
parties well, and had often conversed indifferent Italian version was pub-
with Grijalva upon his voyage. His- lished at Venice, in 1522. A copy,
chap, i.] EXPEDITIONS TO YUCATAN. 177
began his preparations for the armament, and, first of
all, endeavoured to find a suitable person to share the
expense of it, and to take the command. Such a person
he found, after some difficulty and delay, in Hernando
Cortes ; the man of all others best calculated to achieve
this great enterprise, — the last man to whom Velasquez,
could he have foreseen the results, would have con-
fided it.
which belonged to Ferdinand Colum- grapher, Munos, made a transcript
bus, is still extant in the library of of it with his own hand, and from
the great church of Seville. The his manuscript that in my possession
book had become so exceedingly was taken,
rare, however, that the historio-
VOL. T.
1'7 8 I BOOK II.
CHAPTER II.
Hernando Cortes. — His early Life. — Visits the New World. — His
Residence in Cuba. — Difficulties with Velasquez. — Armada intrusted to
Cortes.
1518.
Hernando Coutes was born at Medellin, a town in
the south-east corner of Estremadura, in 1485. l He
came of an ancient and respectable family ; and his-
torians have gratified the national vanity by tracing it
up to the Lombard kings, whose descendants crossed
the Pyrenees, and established themselves in Aragon
under the Gothic monarchy.2 This royal genealogy was
not found out till Cortes had acquired a name which
would confer distinction on any descent, however noble.
His father, Martin Cortes de Monroy, was a captain of
infantry, in moderate circumstances, but a man of un-
blemished honour ; and both he and his wife, Dona
1 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 1. — Ber- the good cavalier, which places the
nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. birth of our hero in 1483, looks
203. I find no more precise notice rather more like a zeal for "the true
of the date of his birth ; except, in- faith," than for historic,
deed, by Pizarro y Orellana, who
tells us " that Cortes came into the 2 Argensola, in particular, has be-
world the same day that that infernal stowed great pains on the prosapia
least, the false heretic Luther, en- of the house of Cortes ; which he
teredit,; — by way of compensation, no traces up, nothing doubting, to
doubt, since the labours of the one to Names Cortes, king of Lombardy
pull down the true faith were counter- and Tuscany. Anales de Aragon,
balanced by those of the other to (Zaragoza, 1630,) pp. 621 — 625. —
maintain and extend it ! " (Varones Also, Caro de Torres, Historia de
Ilustres del Nuevo Mundo, [Madrid, las Ordenes Militares, (Madrid,
1839,] p. 66.) But this statement of 1629,) fol. 103.
chap, ii.] HERNANDO CORTES. 179
Catalina Pizarro Altamirano, appear to have been much
regarded for their excellent qualities.3
In his infancy Cortes is said to have had a feeble
constitution, which strengthened as he grew older. At
fourteen, he was sent to Salamanca, as his father, who
conceived great hopes from his quick and showy parts,
proposed to educate him for the law, a profession which
held out better inducements to the young aspirant than
any other. The son, however, did not conform to these
views. He showed little fondness for books, and after
loitering away two years at college, returned home to
the great chagrin of his parents. Yet his time had not
been wholly misspent, since he had laid up a little store
of Latin, and learned to write good prose, and even
verses " of some estimation, considering" — : as an old
writer quaintly remarks — " Cortes as the author."4 He
now passed his days in the idle, unprofitable manner
of one who, too wilful to be guided by others, proposes
no object to himself. His buoyant spirits were continu-
ally breaking out in troublesome frolics and capricious
humours, quite at variance with the orderly habits of his
father's household. He showed a particular inclination
for the military profession, or rather for the life of ad-
venture to which in those days it was sure to lead. And
when, at the age of seventeen, he proposed to enrol him-
self under the banners of the Great Captain, his parents,
probably thinking a life of hardship and hazard abroad
preferable to one of idleness at home, made no objection.
The youthful cavalier, however, hesitated whether
to seek his fortunes under that victorious chief, or in the
3 De Rebus Gestis, MS. 4 Argensola, Anales, p. 220.
Las Casas, who knew the father, Las Casas and Bernal Diaz both
bears stronger testimony to his state that he was Bachelor of Laws
poverty than to his noble birth. at Salamanca. (Hist, de las Indias,
" Un escudero," he says of him, MS., ubi supra. — Hist, de la Con-
" que yo conoci harto pobre y hu- quista, cap. 203,) The degree was
milde, aunque Christiano, viejo y given probably in later life, when
dizen que hidalgo" Hist, de las the University might feel a pride in
Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 27. claiming him among her sons.
N 2
180 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
New World, where gold as well as glory was to be won,
and where the very dangers had a mystery and romance
in them inexpressibly fascinating to a youthful fancy.
It was in this direction accordingly, that the hot spirits
of that day found a vent, especially from that part of the
country where Cortes lived, the neighbourhood of Seville
and Cadiz, the focus of nautical enterprise. He decided
on this latter course, and an opportunity offered in the
splendid armament fitted out under Don Nicolas de
O van do, successor to Columbus. An unlucky accident
defeated the purpose of Cortes.5
As he was scaling a high wall one night, which gave
him access to the apartment of a lady with whom he
was engaged in an intrigue, the stones gave way, and he
was thrown down with much violence and buried under
the ruins. A severe contusion, though attended with
no other serious consequences, confined him to his bed
till after the departure of the fleet.6
Two years longer he remained at home, profiting
little, as it would seem, from the lesson he had received.
At length he availed himself of another opportunity
presented by the departure of a small squadron of
vessels bound to the Indian islands. He was nineteen
years of age when he bade adieu to his native shores in
1504, — the same year in which Spain lost the best and
greatest in her long line of princes, Isabella the Catholic.
The vessel in which Cortes sailed was commanded by
one Alonso Quintero. The fleet touched at the Canaries,
as was common in the outward passage. While the
other vessels were detained there taking in supplies,
Quintero secretly stole out by night from the island,
with the design of reaching Hispaniola, and securing
the market, before the arrival of his companions. A
5 De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Go- cause of his detention concisely
mara, Cronica, cap. 1. enough ; " Suspendid el viaje, por
6 De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Go- enumorado y por qvartanario" Ana-
mara, Ibid. — Argensola states the les, p. 621.
chap. II.] VISITS THE NEW WORLD. 1S1
furious storm which he encountered, however, dismasted
his ship, and he was obliged to return to port and refit.
The convoy consented to wait for their unworthy
partner, and after a short detention they all sailed in
company again. But the faithless Quintero, as they
drew near the Islands, availed himself once more of the
darkness of the night, to leave the squadron with the
same purpose as before. Unluckily for him, he met
with a succession of heavy gales and head winds, which
drove him from his course, and he wholly lost his
reckoning. For many days the vessel was tossed about,
and all on board were filled with apprehensions, and no
little indignation against the author of their calamities.
At length they were cheered one morning with the sight
of a white dove, which, wearied by its flight, lighted on
the topmast. The biographers of Cortes speak of it as
a miracle.7 Fortunately it was no miracle, but a very
natural occurrence, showing incontestibly that they were
near land. In a short time, by taking the direction of
the bird's flight, they reached the island of Hispaniola ;
and, on coming into port, the worthy master had the
satisfaction to find his companions arrived before him,
and their cargoes already sold.8
Immediately on landing, Cortes repaired to the house
of the governor, to whom he had been personally
known in Spain. Ovando was absent on an expedition
into the interior, but the young man was kindly received
by the secretary, who assured him there would be no
doubt of his obtaining a liberal grant of land to settle
on. " But I came to get gold," replied Cortes, " not
to till the soil like a peasant."
7 Some thought it was the Holy reasonable to Pizarro y Orcllana,
Ghost in the form of this dove ; since the expedition was to " re-
" Sanctum esse Spiritum, qui, in dound so much to the spread of
illius alitis specie, ut mcestos et tie Catholic faith, and the Castilian
anlictos solaretur, venire erat dig- monarchy" ! Varones Ilustres, p.
natus ;" (Do Rebus Gestis, MS. ;) 70.
a conjecture which seems very 8 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 2.
182 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [bock ii.
On the governor's return, Cortes consented to give
up his roving thoughts, at least for a time, as the other
laboured to convince him that he would be more likely
to realize his wishes from the slow, indeed, but sure
returns of husbandry, where the soil and the labourers
were a free gift to the planter, than by taking his
chance in the lottery of adventure, in which there were
so many blanks to a prize. He accordingly received a
grant of land, with a repartimiento of Indians, and was
appointed notary of the town or settlement of Acua.
His graver pursuits, however, did not prevent his in-
dulgence of the amorous propensities which belong to
the sunny clime where he was born ; and this frequently
involved him in affairs of honour, from which, though an
expert swordsman, he carried away scars that accom-
panied him to his grave.9 He occasionally, moreover,
found the means of breaking up the monotony of his
way of life by engaging in the military expeditions
which, under the command of Ovanclo's lieutenant,
Diego Velasquez, were employed to suppress the in-
surrections of the natives. In this school the young
adventurer first studied the wild tactics of Indian
warfare ; he became familiar with toil and danger, and
with those deeds of cruelty which have too often, alas !
stained the bright scutcheons of the Castilian chivalry in
the New World. He was only prevented by illness —
a most fortunate one, on this occasion — from embarking
in Nicuessa's expedition, which furnished a tale of woe,
not often matched in the annals of Spanish discovery.
Providence reserved him for higher ends.
At length, in 1511, when Velasquez undertook the
conquest of Cuba, Cortes willingly abandoned his quiet
life for the stirring scenes there opened, and took part
in the expedition. He displayed throughout the inva-
sion an activity and courage that won him the appro-
bation of the commander ; while his free and cordial
9 Bemal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 203.
chap, ii.] RESIDENCE IN CUBA. 183
manners, his good humour, and lively sallies of wit,
made him the favourite of the soldiers. " He gave little
evidence," says a contemporary, " of the great qualities
which he afterwards showed." It is probable these
qualities were not known to himself; while to a com-
mon observer his careless manners and jocund repartees
might well seem incompatible with anything serious
or profound; as the real depth of the current is not
suspected under the light play and sunny sparkling of
the surface.10
After the reduction of the island, Cortes seems to
have been held in great favour by Velasquez, now
appointed its governor. According to Las Casas, he was
made one of his secretaries.11 He still retained the
same fondness for gallantry, for which his handsome
person afforded obvious advantages, but which had more
than once brought him into trouble in earlier life.
Among the families who had taken up their residence in
Cuba was one of the name of Xuarez, from Granada in
Old Spain. It consisted of a brother, and four sisters
remarkable for their beauty. With one of them, named
Catalina, the susceptible heart of the young soldier
became enamoured.12 How far the intimacy was carried,
is not quite certain. But it appears he gave his promise
to marry her, — a promise which, when the time came,
and reason, it may be, had got the better of passion, he
showed no alacrity in keeping. He resisted, indeed, all
remonstrances to this effect from the lady's family,
backed by the governor, and somewhat sharpened, no
10 De Ptebus Gestis, MS. — Go- magna Cortesio iuvidia est orta."
mara, Cronica, cap. 3, 4. — Las Casas, De Rebus Gestis, MS.
Hist, de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 12 Solis has found a patent of
27. nobility for this lady also, — " don-
11 Hist, de las Indias, MS., loc. f11* ™ble I f™£. (^toria
■j. de la Conquista de Menco, [Paris,
1838,] lib. 1, cap. 9.) Las Casas
"Res oranes arduas difficilesque treats her with less ceremony. "Una
per Cortesium, quern in dies magis hermana de un Juan Xuarez, gente
magisque amplectebatur, Velasquius pobre." Hist, dc las Indias, MS.,
egit. Ex eo ducis favore et gratia lib. 3, cap 17-
184 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. i
BOOK II.
doubt, in the latter by the particular interest he took in
one of the fair sisters, who is said not to have repaid it
with ingratitude.
Whether the rebuke of Velasquez, or some other
cause of disgust, rankled in the breast of Cortes, he
now became cold towards his patron, and connected
himself with a disaffected party tolerably numerous in
the island. They were in the habit of meeting at his
house and brooding over their causes of discontent,
chiefly founded, it would appear, on what they con-
ceived an ill requital of their services in the distribution
of lands and offices. It may well be imagined, that it
could have been no easy task for the ruler of one of these
colonies, however discreet and well intentioned, to satisfy
the indefinite cravings of speculators and adventurers,
who swarmed, like so many famished harpies, in the
track of discovery in the New World.13
The malcontents determined to lay their grievances
before the higher authorities in Hispaniola, from whom
Velasquez had received his commission. The voyage
was one of some hazard, as it was to be made in an open
boat, across an arm of the sea, eighteen leagues wide;
and they fixed on Cortes, with whose fearless spirit they
were well acquainted, as the fittest man to undertake it.
The conspiracy got wind, and came to the governor's
ears before the departure of the envoy, whom he instantly
caused to be seized, loaded with fetters, and placed in
strict confinement. It is even said, he would have hung
him, but for the interposition of his friends.14 The fact
is not incredible. The governors of these little terri-
tories, having entire control over the fortunes of their
subjects, enjoyed an authority far more despotic than
that of the sovereign himself. They were generally men
13 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 4. — Las pellan de D. Velasquez contra H.
Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., ubi Cortes, MS.
supra. — De Rebus Gestis, MS. — 14 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias,
Memorial de Benito Martinez, ca- MS., ubi supra.
chap, ii.] DIFFICULTIES WITH VELASQUEZ. 185
of rank and personal consideration ; the distance from
the mother country withdrew their conduct from search-
ing scrutiny, and, when that did occur, they usually had
interest and means of corruption at command, sufficient
to shield them from punishment. The Spanish colonial
history, in its earlier stages, affords striking instances of
the extraordinary assumption and abuse of powers by
these petty potentates ; and the sad fate of Vasquez
Nunez de Balboa, the illustrious discoverer of the Pacific,
though the most signal, is by no means a solitary ex-
ample, that the greatest services could be requited by
persecution and an ignominious death.
The governor of Cuba, however, although irascible
and suspicious in his nature, does not seem to have
been vindictive, nor particularly cruel. In the present
instance, indeed, it may well be doubted whether the
blame would not be more reasonably charged on the
unfounded expectations of his followers than on him-
self.
Cortes did not long remain in durance. He contrived
to throw back one of the bolts of his fetters ; and, after
extricating his limbs, succeeded in forcing open a window
with the irons so as to admit of his escape. He was
lodged on the second floor of the building, and was able
to let himself down to the pavement without injury, and
unobserved. He then made the best of his way to
a neighbouring church, where he claimed the privilege
of sanctuary.
Velasquez, though incensed at his escape, was afraid
to violate the sanctity of the place by employing force.
But he stationed a guard in the neighbourhood, with
orders to seize the fugitive, if he should forget himself
so far as to leave the sanctuary. In a few days this
happened. As Cortes was carelessly standing without
the walls in front of the building, an alguacil suddenly
sprung on him from behind and pinioned his arms,
while others rushed in and secured him. This man,
180 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
whose name was Juan Escudero, was afterwards hung
by Cortes for some offence in New Spain.15
The unlucky prisoner was again put in irons, and
carried on board a vessel to sail the next morning for
Hispaniola, there to undergo his trial. Fortune favoured
him once more. He succeeded, after much difficulty
and no little pain, in passing his feet through the rings
which shackled them. He then came cautiously on
deck, and, covered by the darkness of the night, stole
quietly down the side of the ship into a boat that lay
floating below. He pushed off from the vessel with as
little noise as possible. As he drew near the shore, the
stream became rapid and turbulent. He hesitated to
trust his boat to it ; and, as he was - an excellent swim-
mer, prepared to breast it himself, and boldly plunged
into the water. The current was strong, but the arm of
a man struggling for life was stronger ; and after
buffeting the waves till he was nearly exhausted, he
succeeded in gaining a landing ; when he sought refuge
in the same sanctuary which had protected him before.
The facility with which Cortes a second time effected his
escape, may lead one to doubt the fidelity of his guards ;
who perhaps looked on him as the victim of persecution,
and felt the influence of those popular manners which
seem to have gained him friends in every society into
which he was thrown.10
For some reason not explained — perhaps from policy
— he now relinquished his objections to the marriage
with Catalina Xuarez. He thus secured the good offices
of her family. Soon afterwards the governor himself
relented, and became reconciled to his unfortunate
enemy. A strange story is told in connexion with this
event. It is said, his proud spirit refused to accept the
15 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, being unable to swim, and throwing
MS., loc. cit. — Memorial de Mar- himself on a plank, which, after
tinez, MS. being carried out to sea, was washed
16 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 4. ashore with him at flood tide. Hist.
Herrera tells a silly story of his General, dec. 1, lib. 9, cap. S.
chap, ii.] RECONCILIATION WITH VELASQUEZ. 187
proffers of reconciliation made him by Velasquez ; and
that one evening, leaving the sanctuary, he presented
himself unexpectedly before the latter in his own
quarters, when on a military excursion at some distance
from the capital. The governor, startled by the sudden
apparition of his enemy completely armed before him,
with some dismay inquired the meaning of it. Cortes
answered by insisting on a full explanation of his
previous conduct. After some hot discussion the in-
terview terminated amicably; the parties embraced,
and, when a messenger arrived to announce the escape
of Cortes, he found him in the apartment of his Ex-
cellency, where, having retired to rest, both were
actually sleeping in the same bed ! The anecdote is
repeated without distrust by more than one biographer
of Cortes.17 It is not very probable, however, that a
haughty, irascible man like Velasquez should have given
such uncommon proofs of condescension and familiarity
to one, so far beneath him in station, with whom he had
been so recently in deadly feud ; nor, on the other hand,
that Cortes should have had the silly temerity to brave
the lion in his den, where a single nod would have
sent him to the gibbet, — and that too with as little
compunction or fear of consequences as would have
attended the execution of an Indian slave.13
The reconciliation with the governor, however brought
about, was permanent. Cortes, though not reestablished
in the office of secretary, received a liberal rejiaiiimienfo
of Indians, and an ample territory in the neighbourhood
of St. Jago, of which he was soon after made alcalde.
17 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 4. received any favour from the least
" Coeuat cubatque Cortesius cum of Velasquez' attendants," treats the
Velasquio eodem in lecto. Qui story of the bravado with contempt,
postero die fugaj Cortesii nuntius "Por lo qual si el (Telasquez) sin-
venerat, Velasquium et Cortesium tiera de Cortes una punta de alfiler
juxta accubantes intuitns, miratur." de cerviguillo 6 presuncion, 6 lo
De Rebus Gestis, MS. aliorcara 6 a lo menos lo echara de
1S Las Casas, who remembered la tierra y lo sumiera en ella sin que
Cortes at this time " so poor and alzara eabeza en su vida." Hist, de
lowly that he would have gladly las Iudias, MS., lib. 3, cap, 27.
188 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
He now lived almost wholly on his estate, devoting
himself to agriculture, with more zeal than formerly.
He stocked his plantation with different kinds of cattle,
some of which were first introduced by him into Cuba.19
He wrought, also, the gold mines which fell to his share,
and which in this island promised better returns than
those in Hispaniola. By this course of industry he
found himself in a few years master of some two or
three thousand castettanos, a large sum for one in his
situation. " God, who alone knows at what cost of
Indian lives it was obtained," exclaims Las Casas, " will
take account of it !"20 His days glided smoothly away
in these tranquil pursuits, and in the society of his
beautiful wife, who, however ineligible as a connexion,
from the inferiority of her condition, appears to have
fulfilled all the relations of a faithful and affectionate
partner. Indeed, he was often heard to say at this time,
as the good bishop above quoted remarks, " that he lived
as happily with her as if she had been the daughter of a
duchess." Fortune gave him the means in after life of
verifying the truth of his assertion.21
Such was the state of things, when Alvarado returned
with the tidings of Grijalva's discoveries, and the rich
fruits of his traffic with the natives. The news spread
like wildfire throughout the island ; for all saw in it the
promise of more important results than any hitherto
obtained. The governor, as already noticed, resolved
to follow up the track of discovery with a more con-
siderable armament ; and he looked around for a
proper person to share the expense of it, and to take
the command.
19 " Pecuariam primus quoque dias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 27. The text
kabuit, in insulamque induxit, omni is a free translation.
pecorum genere ex Hispania petito." „ „ mwdo conmigo, me lo dixo
De Rebus Gestis, MS. que estava tan contento C011 ella
20 " Los que por sacarle el oro como si fuera liija de una Duquessa."
nmrieron Dios abra tenido mejor Hist, de las Indias, MS., ubi supra.
cuenta que yo." Hist, de las In- — Goniara, Cronica, cap. 4.
chap, ii.] ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES. 189
Several hidalgos presented themselves, whom, from
want of proper qualifications, or from his distrust of
their assuming an independence of their employer, he,
one after another, rejected. There were two persons
in St. Jago in whom he placed great confidence, —
Amador de Lares, the contador, or royal treasurer,22
and his own secretary, Andres de Duero. Cortes was
also in close intimacy with both these persons; and
he availed himself of it to prevail on them to recom-
mend him as a suitable person to be intrusted with
the expedition. It is said, he reinforced the proposal,
by promising a liberal share of the proceeds of it.
However this may be, the parties urged his selection
by the governor with all the eloquence of which they
were capable. That officer had had ample experience
of the capacity and courage of the candidate. He
knew, too, that he had acquired a fortune which would
enable him to cooperate materially in fitting out the
armament. His popularity in the island would speedily
attract followers to his standard.23 All past animosities
had long since been buried in oblivion, and the con-
fidence he was now to repose in him would insure his
fidelity and gratitude. He lent a willing ear, therefore,
to the recommendation of his counsellors, and, sending
for Cortes, announced his purpose of making him
captain-general of the armada.24
Cortes had now attained the object of his wishes, —
the object for which his soul had panted ever since he
had set foot in the New World. He was no longer to
be condemned to a life of mercenary drudgery ; nor to
22 The treasurer used to boast he 23 " Si el no fuera por Capitan,
had passed some two and twenty que no fuera la tercera parte de la
years in the wars of Italy. He was gente que con el fue." Declaracion
a shrewd personage, and Las Casas, de Puertocarrero, MS. (Coruila, 30
thinking that country a slippery de Abril, 1529.)
school for morals, warned the go- u Bemal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
vernor, he says, more than once " to quista, cap. 19. — De Rebus Gestis,
beware of the twenty-two years in MS.— Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 7.—
Italy." Hist, de las Indias, MS., Las Casas, Hist. General de las
lib. 3, cap. 113. Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 113.
190 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book it.
be cooped up within the precincts of a petty island ; but
he was to be placed on a new and independent theatre
of action, and a boundless perspective was opened to his
view, which might satisfy not merely the wildest cravings
of avarice, but, to a bold aspiring spirit like his, the far
more importunate cravings of ambition. He fully ap-
preciated the importance of the late discoveries, and read
in them the existence of the great empire in the far
West, dark hints of which had floated from time to time
to the islands, and of which more certain glimpses had
been caught by those who had reached the continent.
This was the country intimated to the " Great Admiral "
in his visit to Honduras in 1502, and which he might
have reached, had he held on a northern course, instead
of striking to the south in quest of an imaginary strait.
As it was, " he had but opened the gate," to use his own
bitter expression, "for others to enter." The time had
at length come, when they were to enter it ; and the
young adventurer, whose magic lance was to dissolve
the spell which had so long hung over these mysterious
regions, now stood ready to assume the enterprise.
Prom this hour the deportment of Cortes seemed to
undergo a change. His thoughts, instead of evaporating
in empty levities or idle flashes of merriment, were
wholly concentrated on the great object to which he was
devoted. His elastic spirits were shown in cheering and
stimulating the companions of his toilsome duties, and
he was roused to a generous enthusiasm, of which even
those who knew him best had not conceived him capable.
He applied at once all the money in his possession to
fitting out the armament. He raised more by the mort-
gage of his estates, and by giving his obligations to some
wealthy merchants of the place, who relied for their re-
imbursement on the success of the expedition ; and, when
his own credit was exhausted, he availed himself of that
of his friends.
The funds thus acquired he expended in the purchase
chap. II.] ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES. 191
of vessels, provisions, and military stores, while he invited
recruits by offers of assistance to such as were too poor
to provide for themselves, and by the additional promise
of a liberal share of the anticipated profits.25
All was now bustle and excitement in the little town
of St. Jago. Some were busy in refitting the vessels and
getting them ready for the voyage ; some in providing
naval stores ; others in converting their own estates into
money in order to equip themselves ; every one seemed
anxious to contribute in some way or other to the success
of the expedition. Six ships, some of them of a large
size, had already been procured ; and three hundred re-
cruits enrolled themselves in the course of a few days,
eager to seek their fortunes under the banner of this
daring and popular chieftain.
How far the governor contributed towards the ex-
penses of the outfit, is not very clear. If the friends of
Cortes are to be believed, nearly the whole burden fell
on him : since, while he supplied the squadron without
remuneration, the governor sold many of his own stores
at an exorbitant profit.26 Yet it does not seem proba-
ble that Velasquez, with such ample means at his com-
mand, should have thrown on his deputy the burden of
the expedition ; not that the latter, had he done so,
could have been in a condition to meet these expenses,
amounting, as we are told, to more than twenty thou-
25 Declaration de Puertocarrero, clecir que entre nosotros los Espa-
MS. — Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — iioles vasallos de Vras. Reales Alte-
Probauza en la Villa Segura, MS. zas ha hecko Diego Velasquez su
(4 de Oct., 1520.) rescate y granosea de sus dineros
26 The letter from the Municipality cobrandolos muy bieu." (Carta de
of Vera Cruz, after stating that Ve- Vera Cruz, MS.) Puertocarrero
lasquez bore only one third of the ori- and Montejo, also, in their deposi-
ginal expense, adds, " Y sepan Vras. tions taken in Spain, both speak of
Magestades que la mayor parte de la Cortes' having furnished two-thirds
dicha tercia parte que el dicho Diego of the cost of the flotilla. (Declara-
Velasquez gastd en hacer la dicha cion de Puertocarrero, MS. — De-
armada fue, emplear sus dineros en claracion de Montejo, MS.) [29 de
•vinos y en ropas, y en otras cosas Abril, 1520.] The letter from Vera
de poco valor para nos lo vender aca Cruz, however, was prepared under
en mucha mas cantidad de lo que a the eye of Cortes ; and the last two
el le costd, por manera que podemos were his confidential officers.
192 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
sand gold ducats. Still it cannot be denied that an am-
bitious man like Cortes, who was to reap all the glory of
the enterprise, would very naturally be less solicitous to
count the gains of it, than his employer, who, inactive at
home, and having no laurels to win, must look on the
pecuniary profits as his only recompense. The question
gave rise, some years later, to a furious litigation be-
tween the parties, with which it is not necessary at pre-
sent to embarrass the reader.
It is due to Velasquez to state, that the instructions
delivered by him for the conduct of the expedition cannot
be charged with a narrow or mercenary spirit. The
first object of the voyage was to find Grijalva, after which
the two commanders were to proceed in company toge-
ther. Reports had been brought back by Cordova, on
his return from the first visit to Yucatan, that six Chris-
tians were said to be lingering in captivity in the in-
terior of the country. It was supposed they might be-
long to the party of the unfortunate Nicuessa, and orders
were given to find them out, if possible, and restore
them to liberty. But the great object of the expedition
was barter with the natives. In pursuing this, special
care was to be taken that they should receive no wrong,
but be treated with kindness and humanity. Cortes was
to bear in mind, above all things, that the object which
the Spanish monarch had most at heart was the conver-
sion of the Indians. He was to impress on them the
grandeur and goodness of his royal master, to invite
them " to give in their allegiance to him, and to mani-
fest it by regaling him with such comfortable presents of
gold, pearls, and precious stones as, by showing their
own good- will, would secure his favour and protection."
He was to make an accurate survey of the coast, sound-
ing its bays and inlets for the benefit of future naviga-
tors. He was to acquaint himself with the natural pro-
ducts of the country, with the character of its different
races, their institutions and progress of civilization ; and
.. n.]
ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES.
193
he was to send home minute accounts of all these, toge-
ther with such articles as he should obtain in his inter-
course with them. Finally, he was to take the mosu
careful care to omit nothing that might redound to the
service of God or his sovereign.27
Such was the general tenour of the instructions given
to Cortes, and they must be admitted to provide for the
interests of science and humanity, as well as for those
which had reference only to a commercial speculation.
It may seem strange, considering the discontent shown by
Velasquez with his former captain, Grijalva, for not col-
onizing, that no directions should have been given to
that effect here. But he had not yet received from Spain
the warrant for investing his agents with such powers ;
and that which had been obtained from the Hieronymite
fathers in Hispaniola conceded only the right to traffic
with the natives. The commission at the same time
recognised the authority of Cortes as Captain General
of the expedition.28
27 The instrument, in the original
Castilian, will be found in Appendix,
Part 2, No. 5. It is often referred
to by writers who never saw it, as
the Agreement between Cortes and
Velasquez. It is, in fact, only the
instructions given by this latter to
his officer, who was no party to it.
28 Declaracion de Puertocarrero,
'MS. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 7.
Velasquez soon after obtained
from the crown authority to colo-
nize the new countries, with the title
of adelantado over them. The in-
strument was dated at Barcelona,
Nov. 13th, 1518. (Herrera, Hist.
General, dec. 2, lib. 3, cap. 8.)
Empty privileges ! Las Casas gives
a caustic etymology of the title
of adelantado, so often granted to
the Spanish discoverers. " Adelan-
tados porque se adelantaran enhazer
males y dahos tan gravisimos a gentes
pacificas." Hist, de las Indias, MS.,
lib. 3, cap. 117.
VOL. I.
194
CHAPTER III.
Jealousy of Velasquez. — Cortes embarks. — Equipment of his Eleet. — His
Person and Character. — Rendezvous at Havana. — Strength of his
Armament.
1519.
The importance given to Cortes by his new position,
and, perhaps, a somewhat more lofty bearing, gradually
gave uneasiness to the naturally suspicious temper of
Velasquez, who became apprehensive that his officer,
when away where he would have the power, might also
have the inclination, to throw off his dependence on
him altogether. An accidental circumstance at this time
heightened these suspicions. A mad fellow, his jester,
one of those crack-brained wits, — half wit, half fool, —
who formed in those days a common appendage to every
great man's establishment, called out to the governor, as
he was taking his usual walk one morning with Cortes
towards the port, " Have a care, master Velasquez, or
we shall have to go a hunting, some day or other, after
this same captain of ours !" "Do you hear what the
rogue says?" exclaimed the governor to his companion.
" Do not heed him," said Cortes, " he is a saucy knave,
and deserves a good whipping." The words sunk deep,
however, in the mind of Velasquez, — as indeed, true
jests are apt to sink.
There were not wanting persons about his Excellency,
who fanned the latent embers of jealousy into a blaze.
These worthy gentlemen, some of them kinsmen of
Velasquez, who probably felt their own deserts some-
chap, in.] JEALOUSY OF VELASQUEZ. 195
what thrown into the shade by the rising fortunes of
Cortes, reminded the governor of his ancient quarrel
with that officer, and of the little probability that
affronts so keenly felt at the time could ever be for-
gotten. By these and similar suggestions, and by mis-
constructions of the present conduct of Cortes, they
wrought on the passions of Velasquez to such a degree,
that he resolved to intrust the expedition to other
hands.1
He communicated his design to his confidential ad-
visers, Lares and Duero, and these trusty personages
reported it without delay to Cortes, although, " to a
man of half his penetration," says Las Casas, " the
thing would have been readily divined from the gover-
nor's altered demeanour." 2 The two functionaries advised
their friend to expedite matters as much as possible, and
to lose no time in getting his fleet ready for sea, if he
would retain the command of it. Cortes showed the
same prompt decision on this occasion, which more than
once afterwards in a similar crisis gave the direction to
his destiny.
He had not yet got his complement of men, nor of
vessels ; and was very inadequately provided with sup-
plies of any kind. But he resolved to weigh anchor that
very night. He waited on his officers, informed them of
his purpose, and probably of the cause of it ; and at
midnight, when the town was hushed in sleep, they all
went quietly on board, and the little squadron dropped
down the bay. First, however, Cortes had visited the
person whose business it was to supply the place with
meat, and relieved him of all his stock on hand, notwith-
1 " Deterrebat," says the anony- Hist, de la Ccmquista, cap. 19. — Las
mous biographer, " eum Cortesii na- Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS ,
tura imperii avida, fiducia sui ingens, cap. 114.
et nimius sumptus in classe paranda. 2 " Cortes no avia menester mas
Timere itaque Velasquius ccepit, si para entendello de mirar el gesto a
Cortesius cum ea classe iret, nihil ad Diego Velasquez segun sn astuta
se vel honoris vel lucri rediturum." \>iveza y mundana sabidurfa. Hist.
De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Bemal Diaz, de las Indias, MS., cap. 114.
o 2
196 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
standing his complaint that the city must suffer for it on
the morrow, leaving him, at the same time, in payment,
a massive gold chain of much value, which he wore
round his neck.3
Great was the amazement of the good citizens of
St. Jago, when, at dawn, they saw that the fleet, which
they knew was so ill prepared for the voyage, had left
its moorings and was busily getting under way. The
tidings soon came to the ears of his Excellency, who
springing from his bed, hastily dressed himself, mounted
his horse, and, followed by his retinue, galloped down to
the quay. Cortes, as soon as he descried their approach,
entered an armed boat, and came within speaking dis-
tance of the shore. " And is it thus you part from me !"
exclaimed Velasquez ; "a courteous way of taking leave,
truly !" " Pardon me," answered Cortes, " time presses,
and there are some things that should be done before
they are even thought of. Has your Excellency any
commands?" But the mortified governor had no com-
mands to give; and Cortes, politely waving his hand,
returned to his vessel, and the little fleet instantly made
sail for the port of Macaca, about fifteen leagues distant.
(November, 18, 1516.) Velasquez rode back to his
house to digest his chagrin as he best might ; satisfied,
probably, that he had made at least two blunders ; one
in appointing Cortes to the command, — the other in
attempting to deprive him of it. Eor, if it be true, that
by giving our confidence by halves, we can scarcely hope
to make a friend, it is equally true, that by withdrawing
it when given, we shall make an enemy.4
This clandestine departure of Cortes has been severely
3 Las Casas had the story from Soli's, who follows Bemal Diaz in
Cortes' own mouth. Hist, de las saying that Cortes parted openly and
Indias, MS., cap. 114. — Gomara, amicably from Velasquez, seems to
Cronica, cap. 7. — De Rebus Gestis, consider it a great slander on the
MS. character of the former to suppose
4 Las Casas Hist, de las Indias, that he wanted to break with the
MS., cap. 114. — Herrera, Hist. Gene- governor so soon, when he had re-
ral, dec. 2, lib. 3, cap. 12. ceived so little provocation. (Con-
chap, in.] cortes embarks. 197
criticised by some writers, especially by Las Casas.5 Yet
Hiuch may be urged in vindication of his conduct. He
bad been appointed to the command by the voluntary
act of the governor, and this had been fully ratified by
the authorities of Hispaniola. He had at once devoted
all his resources to the undertaking, incurring, indeed,
a heavy debt in addition. He was now to be deprived
of his commission, without any misconduct having
been alleged or at least proved against him. Such an
event must overwhelm him in irretrievable ruin, to say
nothing of the friends from whom he had so largely bor-
rowed, and the followers who had embarked their for-
tunes in the expedition on the faith of his commanding
it. There are few persons, probably, who under these
circumstances would have felt called tamely to acquiesce
in the sacrifice of their hopes to a groundless and arbi-
trary whim. The most to have been expected from
Cortes was, that he should feel obliged to provide faith-
fully for the interests of his employer in the conduct of
the enterprise. How far he felt the force of this obliga-
tion will appear in the sequel.
From Macaca, where Cortes laid in such stores as he
could obtain from the royal farms, and which, he said,
he considered as " a loan from the king," he proceeded
to Trinidad ; a more considerable town, on the southern
coast of Cuba. Here he landed, and erecting his stan-
dard in front of his quarters, made proclamation, with
liberal offers to all who would join the expedition.
Volunteers came in daily, and among them more than a
hundred of Grijalva's men, just returned from their
voyage, and willing to follow up the discovery under an
enterprising leader. The fame of Cortes attracted, also,
a number of cavaliers of family and distinction, some of
quista, lib. 1, cap. 10.) But it is not forms in every particular to the
necessary to suppose that Cortes in- statement of Las Casas, who, as he
tended a rupture with his employer knew both the parties well, and re-
by this clandestine movement ; but sided on the island at the time, had
only to secure himself in the com- ample means of information,
maud. At all events, the text con- 5 Hist, delasludias, MS., cap. 114.
19S DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
whom, having accompanied Grijalva, brought much in-
formation valuable for the present expedition. Among
these hidalgos may be mentioned Pedro de Alvarado
and his brothers, Cristoval de Olid, Alonso de Avila,
Juan Velasquez de Leon, a near relation of the governor,
Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero, and Gonzalo de
Sandoval, — all of them men who took a most important
part in the Conquest. Their presence was of great
moment, as giving consideration to the enterprise ; and,
when they entered the little camp of the adventurers,
the latter turned out to welcome them amidst lively
strains of music and joyous salvos of artillery.
Cortes meanwhile was active in purchasing military
stores and provisions. Learning that a trading vessel
laden with grain and other commodities for the mines
was off the coast, he ordered out one of his caravels to
seize her and bring her into port. He paid the master
in bills for both cargo and ship, and even persuaded
this man, named Sedeno, who was wealthy, to join his
fortunes to the expedition. He also despatched one of
his officers, Diego de Ordaz, in quest of another ship, of
which he had tidings, with instructions to seize it in like
manner, and to meet him with it off Cape St. Antonio,
the westerly point of the island.6 By this he effected
another object, that of getting rid of Ordaz, who was
one of the governor's household, and an inconvenient
spy on his own actions.
While thus occupied, letters from Velasquez were re-
ceived by the commander of Trinidad, requiring him to
seize the person of Cortes, and to detain him, as he had
been deposed from the command of the fleet, which was
given to another. This functionary communicated his
instructions to the principal officers in the expedition,
6 Las Casas had this also from the e con estas formales palabras, Ala
lips of Cortes in later life. " Todo mi fee andube por alii como un gentil
esto me dixo el mismo Cortes, con cosario." Hist, de las Indias, MS.,
otras cosas cerca dello despues de cap. 115.
Marques ; reindo y mofando
chap, ill.] CORTES EMBARKS. 199
who counselled him not to make the attempt, as it would
undoubtedly lead to a commotion among the soldiers,
that might end in laying the town in ashes. Verdugo
thought it prudent to conform to this advice.7
As Cortes was willing to strengthen himself by still
further reinforcements, he ordered Alvarado with a small
body of men to march across the country to the Havana,
while he himself would sail round the westerly point of
the island, and meet him there with the squadron. In
this port he again displayed his standard, making the
usual proclamation. He caused all the large guns to be
brought on shore, and, with the small arms and cross-
bows, to be put in order. As there was abundance of
cotton raised in this neighbourhood, he had the jackets of
the soldiers thickly quilted with it, for a defence against
the Indian arrows, from which the troops in the former
expeditions had grievously suffered. He distributed his
men into eleven companies, each under the command
of an experienced officer; and it was observed, that,
although several of the cavaliers in the service were the
personal friends and even kinsmen of Velasquez, he
appeared to treat them all with perfect confidence.
His principal standard was of black velvet embroidered
with gold, and emblazoned with a red cross amidst
flames of blue and white, with this motto in Latin
beneath : " Friends, let us follow the Cross ; and under
this sign, if we have faith, we shall conquer." He now
assumed more state in his own person and way of living,
introducing a greater number of domestics and officers
into his household, and placing it on a footing becoming
a man of high station. This state he maintained
through the rest of his life.8
7 De Rebus Gestis, MS. — Gomara, Las Casas, Hist, de las Iudias, MS.,
Cronica, cap. 8. — Las Casas, Hist. cap. 115.
de las Indias, MS., cap. 114, 115. The legend on the standard was,
8 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- doubtless, suggested by that on the
quista, cap. 24. — De Rebus Gestis, labarum, — the sacred banner of Con-
MS. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 8. — stantine.
200 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ir.
Cortes at this time was thirty-three, or perhaps thirty-
four years of age. In stature he was rather above the
middle size. His complexion was pale; and his large
dark eye gave an expression of gravity to his counte-
nance, not to have been expected in one of his cheerful
temperament. His figure was slender, at least until
later life ; but his chest was deep, his shoulders broad,
his frame muscular and well proportioned. It presented
the union of agility and vigour which qualified him to
excel in fencing, horsemanship, and the other generous
exercises of chivalry. In his diet he was temperate,
careless of what he ate, and drinking little; while to
toil and privation he seemed perfectly indifferent. His
dress, for he did not disdain the impression produced by
such adventitious aids, was such as to set off his hand-
some person to advantage ; neither gaudy nor striking,
but rich. He wore few ornaments, and usually the
same; but those were of great price. His manners,
frank and soldierlike, concealed a most cool and calcu-
lating spirit. With his gayest humour there mingled a
settled air of resolution, which made those who ap-
proached him feel they must obey; and which infused
something like awe into the attachment of his most
devoted followers. Such a combination, in which love
was tempered by authority, was the one probably best
calculated to inspire devotion in the rough and turbulent
spirits among whom his lot was to be cast.
The character of Cortes seems to have undergone
some change with change of circumstances ; or to speak
more correctly, the new scenes in which he was placed
called forth qualities which before lay dormant in his
bosom. There are some hardy natures that require
the heats of excited action to unfold their energies ;
like the plants, which, closed to the mild influence
of a temperate latitude, come to their full growth, and
give forth their fruits, only in the burning atmosphere
of the tropics. — Such is the portrait left to us by his
chap, in.] HIS PERSON AND CHARACTER. 201
contemporaries of this remarkable man ; the instrument
selected by Providence to scatter terror among the bar-
barian monarchs of the Western world, and lay their
empires in the dust ! 9
Before the preparations were fully completed at the
Havana, the commander of the place, Don Pedro Barba,
received despatches from Velasquez ordering him to
apprehend Cortes, and to prevent the departure of his
vessels ; while another epistle from the same source was
delivered to Cortes himself, requesting him to postpone
his voyage till the governor could communicate with
him, as he proposed, in person. " Never," exclaims
Las Casas, " did I see so little knowledge of affairs
shown, as in this letter of Diego Velasquez, — that he
should have imagined, that a man, who had so recently
put such ah affront on him, would defer his departure at
his bidding ! "10 It was, indeed, hoping to stay the flight
of the arrow by a word, after it had left the bow.
The captain-general, however, during his short stay
had entirely conciliated the good -will of Barba. And, if
that officer had had the inclination, he knew he had not
the power, to enforce his principal's orders, in the face
of a resolute soldiery, incensed at this ungenerous per-
secution of their commander, and " all of whom," in the
words of the honest chronicler who bore part in the
expedition, " officers and privates, would have cheerfully
laid down their lives for him."11 Barba contented
himself, therefore, with explaining to Velasquez the
impracticability of the attempt, and at the same time
endeavoured to tranquillize his apprehensions by asserting
his own confidence in the fidelity of Cortes. To this the
latter added a communication of his own, couched "in
9 The most minute notices of the Gomara's Cronica, and cap. 203 of
person and habits of Cortes are to the Hist, de la Conquista.
be gathered from the narrative of 10 T ^ „■ , , , _ ,.
the old cavalier Bernal Diaz, who Mg Las ^sas' Hlst- de las Indlas>
served so long under him, and from '' P-
Gomara, the general's chaplain. See ll Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
in particular the last chapter of quista, cap. 24.
202 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
the soft terms he knew so well how to use,"12 in which
he implored his Excellency to rely on his devotion to his
interests, and concluded with the comfortable assurance
that he and the whole fleet, God willing, would sail on
the following morning.
Accordingly on the 10th of February, 1519, the little
squadron got under way, and directed its course towards
Cape St. Antonio, the appointed place of rendezvous.
When all were brought together, the vessels were found
to be eleven in number ; one of them, in which Cortes
himself went, was of a hundred tons' burden, three
others were from seventy to eighty tons, the remainder
were caravels and open brigantines. The whole was put
under the direction, of Antonio de Alaminos, as chief
pilot ; a veteran navigator, who had acted as pilot to
Columbus in his last voyage, and to Cordova and
Grijalva in the former expeditions to Yucatan.
Landing on the Cape and mustering his forces, Cortes
found they amounted to one hundred and ten mariners,
five hundred and fifty-three soldiers, including thirty-two
crossbow-men, and thirteen arquebusiers, besides two
hundred Indians of the island, and a few Indian women
for menial offices. He was provided with ten heavy
guns, four lighter pieces called falconnets, and with a
good supply of ammunition.13 He had, besides, sixteen
horses. They were not easily procured ; for the difficulty
of transporting them across the ocean in the flimsy craft
of that day made them rare and incredibly dear in the
islands.14 But Cortes rightfully estimated the import-
12 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- of Hispaniola, states the number at
quista, loc. cit. six hundred. (Carta de Diego Ve-
13 Ibid., cap. 26. lasquez al Lie. Figueroa, MS.) I
There is some discrepancy among have adopted the estimates of Bernal
authorities, in regard to the numbers Diaz, who, in his long service seems
of the army. The Letter from Vera to have become intimately acquainted
Cruz, which should have been exact, with every one of his comrades, their
speaks in round terms of only four persons, and private history,
hundred soldiers. (Carta de Vera u Incredibly dear, indeed, since
Cruz, MS.) Velasquez himself, in from the statements contained in
a communication to the chief judge the depositions at Villa Segura, it
chap, in.] STRENGTH OF HIS ARMAMENT. 203
ance of cavalry, however small in number, both for their
actual service in the field, and for striking terror into the
savages. With so paltry a force did he enter on a con-
quest which even his stout heart must have shrunk from
attempting with such means, had he but foreseen half its
real difficulties !
Before embarking, Cortes addressed his soldiers in a
short but animated harangue. He told them they were
about to enter on a noble enterprise, one that would
make their name famous to after ages. He was leading
them to countries more vast and opulent than any yet
visited by Europeans. " I hold out to you a glorious
prize," continued the orator, " but it is to be won by
incessant toil. "Great things are achieved only by great
exertions, and glory was never the reward of sloth.15 If
I have laboured hard and staked my all on this under-
taking, it is for the love of that renown, which is the
noblest recompense of man. But, if any among you
covet riches more, be but true to me, as I will be true to
you and to the occasion, and I will make you masters of
such as our countrymen have never dreamed of! You
are few in number, but strong in resolution ; and, if this
does not falter, doubt not but that the Almighty, who
has never deserted the Spaniard in his contest with the
infidel, will shield you, though encompassed by a cloud
of enemies ; for your cause is a just cause, and you are
appears that the cost of the horses proper to give of every one of them ;
for the expedition was from four minute enough for the pages of a
to five hundred pesos de oro each ! sporting calendar. See Hist, de la
" Si saben que de caballos que el Conquista, cap. 23.
dicho Seilor Capitan General Her- ,, „T ,
nando Cortes ha comprado para Io vos propcmgo grandes pre-
servir en la dicha Conquista, que ™10*>. mas embueltos en grandes
son diez e ocho, que le han costa- trabajos; pero la vertud ne quiere
do a quatrocientos ciuquenta e a ociosidad. (Gomara Cronica cap.
quinientos pesos ha pagado, e que 9-) " {? ™e tll0USht so finelJ ex"
deve mas de ocho mil pesos de oro Pressed b? ah°mson :
dellos." (Probanza en Villa Segura, " For sluggard's brow the laurel
MS.) The estimation of these horses never grows ;
is sufficiently shown by the minute Renown is not the child of indolent
information Bernal Diaz has thought repose."
204 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
to fight under the banner of the Cross. Go forward
then," he concluded, " with alacrity and confidence, and
carry to a glorious issue the work so auspiciously
begun."16
The rough eloquence of the general, touching the
various chords of ambition, avarice, and religious zeal,
sent a thrill through the bosoms of his martial audience ;
and, receiving it with acclamations, they seemed eager
to press forward under a chief who was to lead them not
so much to battle, as to triumph.
Cortes was well satisfied to find his own enthusiasm
so largely shared by his followers. Mass was then cele-
brated with the solemnities usual with the Spanish navi-
gators, when entering on their voyages of discovery.
The fleet was placed under the immediate protection of
St. Peter, the patron saint of Cortes ; and, weighing
anchor, took its departure on the eighteenth day of
February, 1519, for the coast of Yucatan.17
16 The text is a very coudensed viving, and is addressed to the son
abridgment of the original speech of of Cortes. The historian, therefore,
Cortes, — or of his chaplain, as the had ample means of verifying the
case may be. See it in Goniara, truth of his own statements, al-
Cronica, cap. 9. though they too often betray, in his
17 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, partiality for his hero, the influence
MS., cap. 115. — Gomara, Cronica, of the patronage under which the
cap. 10. — De Rebus Gestis, MS. work was produced. It runs into a
" Tantus fuit armorum apparatus," prolixity of detail, which, however
exclaims the author of the last work, tedious, has its uses in a contem-
" quo alterum terrarum orbem bellis porary document. Unluckily, only
Cortesius concutit; ex tarn parvis the first book was finished, or, at
opibus tantum imperium Carolo facit ; least, has survived ; terminating
aperitque omnium primus Hispanse with the events of this Chapter. It
gentiHispaniamnovami" The author is written in Latin, in a pure and
of this work is unknown. It seems perspicuous style ; and is conjec-
to have been part of a great compi- tured with some plausibility to be
lation, " De Orbe Novo," written, the work of Calvet de Estrella,
probably, on the plan of a series of Chronicler of the Indies. The ori-
biographical sketches, as the intro- ginal exists in the Archives of
daction speaks of a life of Columbus Simancas, where it was discovered
preceding this of Cortes. It was and transcribed by Muilos, from
composed, as it states, while many whose copy that in my library was
of the old conquerors were still sur- taken.
CHAP.
iv.] 205
CHAPTER IV.
Voyage to Cozumcl. — Conversion of the Natives. — Jeronimo de Aguilar. —
Army arrives at Tabasco. — Great Battle with the Indians. — Christianity
introduced.
1519.
Orders were given for the vessels to keep as near
together as possible, and to take the direction of the
capitana, or admiral's ship, which carried a beacon-light
in the stern during the night. But the weather, which
had been favourable, changed soon after their departure,
and one of those tempests set in, which at this season
are often found in the latitudes of the West Indies. It
fell with terrible force on the little navy, scattering it
far asunder, dismantling some of the ships, and driv-
ing them all considerably south of their proposed des-
tination.
Cortes, who had lingered behind to convoy a disabled
vessel, reached the island of Cozumel last. On landing
he learned that one of his captains, Pedro de Alvarado,
had availed himself of the short time he had been there,
to enter the temples, rifle them of their few ornaments,
and, by his violent conduct, so far to terrify the simple
natives, that they had fled for refuge into the interior of
the island. Cortes, highly incensed at these rash pro-
ceedings, so contrary to the policy he had proposed,
could not refrain from severely reprimanding his officer
in the presence of the army. He commanded two Indian
captives, taken by Alvarado, to be brought before him,
206 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
and explained to them the pacific purposes of his visit.
This he did through the assistance of his interpreter,
Melchorejo, a native of Yucatan, who had been brought
back by Grijalva, and who, during his residence in Cuba,
had picked up some acquaintance with the Castilian.
He then dismissed them loaded with presents, and with
an invitation to their countrymen to return to their
homes without fear of further annoyance. This humane
policy succeeded. The fugitives, reassured, were not
slow in coming back ; and an amicable intercourse was
established, in which Spanish cutlery and trinkets were
exchanged for the gold ornaments of the natives ; a
traffic in which each party congratulated itself — a phi-
losopher might think with equal reason — on outwitting
the other.
The first object of Cortes was, to gather tidings of the
unfortunate Christians who were reported to be still
lingering in captivity on the neighbouring continent.
Prom some traders in the islands, he obtained such a
confirmation of the report, that he sent Diego de Ordaz
with two brigantines to the opposite coast of Yucatan,
with instructions to remain there eight days. Some
Indians went as messengers in the vessels, who con-
sented to bear a letter to the captives, informing them
of the arrival of their countrymen in Cozumel, with a
liberal ransom for their release. Meanwhile the general
proposed to make an excursion to the different parts of
the island, that he might give employment to the rest-
less spirits of the soldiers, and ascertain the resources of
the country.
It was poor and thinly peopled. But everywhere he
recognised the vestiges of a higher civilization than what
he had before witnessed in the Indian islands. The
houses were some of them large, and often built of stone
and lime. He was particularly struck with the temples,
in which were towers constructed of the same solid
materials, and rising several stories in height.
chap, iv.] VOYAGE TO COZUMEL. 207
In the court of one of these he was amazed by the
sight of a cross, of stone and lime, about ten palms high.
It was the emblem of the God of rain. Its appearance
suggested the wildest conjectures, not merely to the
unlettered soldiers, but subsequently to the European
scholar, who speculated on the character of the races
that had introduced there the sacred symbol of Chris-
tianity. But no such inference, as we shall see here-
after, could be warranted.1 Yet it must be regarded as
a curious fact, that the Cross should have been vene-
rated as the object of religious worship both in the
New World, and in regions of the Old, where the light
of Christianity had never risen.2
The next object of Cortes was to reclaim the natives
from their gross idolatry, and to substitute a purer form
of worship. In accomplishing this he was prepared to
use force, if milder measures should be ineffectual.
There was nothing which the Spanish government had
more earnestly at heart, than the conversion of the
Indians. It forms the constant burden of their in-
structions, and gave to the military expeditions in this
Western Hemisphere somewhat of the air of a crusade.
The cavalier who embarked in them entered fully into
these chivalrous and devotional feelings. No doubt was
1 See Appendix, Part 1, No. 1. covered with impenetrable forests.
Note 27. Near the shore he saw the remains
2 Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — Ber- of ancient Indian structures, which
nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. he conceives may possibly have been
25,etseq. — Gomara,Cr6nica,cap.l0, the same that met the eyes of Gri-
15. — Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, jalva and Cortes, and which suggest
MS., lib. 3, cap. 115. — Herrera, to him some important inferences.
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 4, cap. 6. He is led into further reflections on
— Martyr, de Insulis nuper inventis, the existence of the cross as a sym-
(Colonise, 1574,) p. 344. bol of worship among the islanders.
While these pages were passing (Incidents of Travel in Yucatan,
through the press, but not till two [New York, 1843,] vol. ii. chap 20.)
years after they were written, Mr. As the discussion of these matters
Stephens' important and interesting would lead me too far from the
volumes appeared, containing the ac- track of our narrative, I shall take
count of hi-> second expedition to occasion to return to them hereafter,
Yucatan. In the latter part of the when I treat of the architectural
work, he describes his visit to Co- remains of the country,
zumel, now an uninhabited island
203 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
entertained of the efficacy of conversion, however sudden
might be the change, or however violent the means.
The sword was a good argument, when the tongue
failed; and the spread of Mahometanism had shown
that seeds sown by the hand of violence, far from perish-
ing in the ground, would spring up and bear fruit to
after time. If this were so in a bad cause, how much
more would it be true in a good one ! The Spanish
cavalier felt he had a high mission to accomplish as a
soldier of the Cross. However unauthorized or un-
righteous the war into which he had entered may seem
to us, to him it was a holy war. He was in arms
against the infidel. Not to care for the soul of his
benighted enemy was to put his own in jeopardy. The
conversion of a single soul might cover a multitude of
sins. It was not for morals that he was concerned, but
for the faith. This, though understood in its most literal
and limited sense, comprehended the whole scheme of
Christian morality. Whoever died in the faith, however
immoral had been his life, might be said to die in the
Lord. Such was the creed of the Castilian knight of
that day, as imbibed from the preachings of the pulpit,
from cloisters and colleges at home, from monks and
missionaries abroad, — from all save one, whose devotion,
kindled at a purer source, was not, alas ! permitted to
send forth its radiance far into the thick gloom by which
he was encompassed.3
No one partook more fully of the feelings above de-
scribed than Hernan Cortes. He was, in truth, the very
mirror of the times in which he lived, reflecting its
motley characteristics, its speculative devotion, and prac-
tical licence, — but with an intensity all his own. He
was greatly scandalized at the exhibition of the idolatrous
practices of the people of Cozumel, though untainted, as
3 See the biographical sketch of Postscript at the close of the pre-
the good bishop Las Casas, the sent Book.
" Protector of the Indians," in the
chap, iv.] CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES. 209
it would seem, with human sacrifices. He endeavoured
to persuade them to embrace a better faith, through the
agency of two ecclesiastics who attended the expedition,
- — the licentiate Juan Diaz and father Bartolome de
Olmedo. The latter of these godly men afforded the
rare example — rare in any age — of the union of fervent
zeal with charity, while he beautifully illustrated in his
own conduct the precepts which he taught. He re-
mained with the army through the whole expedition, and
by his wise and benevolent counsels was often enabled
to mitigate the cruelties of the Conquerors, and to turn
aside the edge of the sword from the unfortunate natives.
These two missionaries vainly laboured to persuade
the people of Cozumel to renounce their abominations,
and to allow the Indian idols, in which the Christians
recognised the true lineaments of Satan,4 to be thrown
down and demolished. The simple natives, filled with
horror at the proposed profanation, exclaimed that these
were the gods who sent them the sunshine and the
storm, and, should any violence be offered, they would
be sure to avenge it, by sending their lightnings on the
heads of its perpetrators.
Cortes was probably not much of a polemic. At all
events, he preferred, on the present occasion, action to
argument ; and thought that the best way to convince
the Indians of their error was to prove the falsehood of
the prediction. He accordingly, without further cere-
mony, caused the venerated images to be rolled down
the stairs of the great temple, amidst the groans and
lamentations of the natives. An altar was hastily con-
structed, an image of the Virgin and Child placed over
it, and mass was performed by father Olmedo and his
reverend companion for the first time within the walls of
a temple in New Spain. The patient ministers tried
4 " Fucse que el Demons) se lcs que seria primorosa imitacion del
aparecia como es, y dejaba en su artifice la fealdad del simulacro."
imaginaciou aquellas especies ; con Soli's, Conquista, p. 39.
VOL. I. P
210 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
once more to pour the light of the gospel into the be-
nighted understandings of the islanders, and to expound
the mysteries of the Catholic faith. The Indian inter-
preter must have afforded rather a dubious channel for
the transmission of such abstruse doctrines. But they
at length found favour with their auditors, who, whether
overawed by the bold bearing of the invaders, or con-
vinced of the impotence of deities that could not shield
their own shrines from violation, now consented to em-
brace Christianity.5
While Cortes was thus occupied with the triumphs
of the Cross, he received intelligence that Ordaz had
returned from Yucatan without tidings of the Spanish
captives. Though much chagrined, the general did not
choose to postpone longer his departure from Cozumel.
The fleet had been well stored with provisions by the
friendly inhabitants, and, embarking his troops, Cortes,
in the beginning of March, took leave of its hospitable
shores. The squadron had not proceeded far, however,
before a leak in one of the vessels compelled them to
return to the same port. The detention was attended
with important consequences ; so much so, indeed, that
a writer of the time discerns in it " a great mystery and
a miracle." 6
Soon after landing, a canoe with several Indians was
5 Carta cle Vera Cruz, MS. — Go- of the Deity, aud of the doctrines
mara, Cronica, cap. 13. — Herrera, they are to embrace. Above all, the
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 4, cap. 7. lives of the Christians should be
— Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., such as to exemplify the truth of
cap. 78. these doctrines, that, seeing this,
Las Casas, whose enlightened the poor Indian may glorify the
views in religion would have done Father, and acknowledge him, who
honour to the present age, insists has such worshippers, for the true
on the futility of these forced con- and only God." See the original
versions, by which it is proposed remarks, which I quote in extenso,
in a few days to wean men from the as a good specimen of the Bishop's
idolatry which they had been taught style, when kindled by his subject
to reverence from the cradle. " The into eloquence, in Appendix, Part 2,
only way of doing this," he says, "is, No. 6.
by long, assiduous, and faithful 6 " Muy gran misterio y milagro
preaching, until the heathen shall de Dios." Carta de Vera Cruz,
gather some ideas of the true nature MS.
chap, iv.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 211
seen making its way from the neighbouring shores of
Yucatan. On reaching the island, one of the men in-
quired in broken Castilian, " if he were among Chris-
tians ; " and, being answered in the affirmative, threw
himself on his knees and returned thanks to Heaven for
his delivery. He was one of the unfortunate captives
for whose fate so much interest had been felt. His
name was Jeronimo de Aguilar, a native of Ecija, in Old
Spain, where he had been regularly educated for the
church. He had been established with the colony at
Darien, and on a voyage from that place to Hispaniola,
eight years previous, was wrecked near the coast of Yu-
catan. He escaped with several of his companions in
the ship's boat, where some perished from hunger and
exposure, while others were sacrificed, on their reaching
land, by the cannibal natives of the peninsula. Aguilar
was preserved from the same dismal fate by escaping
into the interior, where he fell into the hands of a
powerful cacique, who, though he spared his life, treated
him at first with great rigour. The patience of the cap-
tive, however, and his singular humility, touched the
better feelings of the chieftain, who would have per-
suaded Aguilar to take a wife among his people, but the
ecclesiastic steadily refused, in obedience to his vows.
This admirable constancy excited the distrust of the
cacique, who put his virtue to a severe test by various
temptations, and much of the same sort as those with
which the devil is said to have assailed St. Anthony.7
From all these fiery trials, however, like his ghostly pre-
decessor, he came out unscorched. Continence is too
rare and difficult a virtue with barbarians, not to chal-
lenge their veneration, and the practice of it has made
7 They arc enumerated by Her- lib. 4, cap. 6 — 8.) The story is
rera with a minuteness which may prettily told by Washington Irving,
claim, at least, the merit of giving Voyages and Discoveries of the
a much higher notion of Aguilar's Companions of Columbus (London,
virtue than the barren generalities of 1833,) p. 2G3, et sea.
the text. (Hist. Geueral, dec. 2,
p2
212 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
the reputation of more than one saint in the Old as well
as the New world. Aguilar was now intrusted with the
care of his master's household and his numerous wives.
He was a man of discretion, as well as virtue; and
his counsels were found so salutary, that he was con-
sulted on all important matters. In short, Aguilar be-
came a great man among the Indians.
It was with much regret, therefore, that his master
received the proposals for his return to his countrymen,
to which nothing but the rich treasure of glass beads,
hawk bells, and other jewels of like value, sent for his
ransom, would have induced him to consent. When
Aguilar reached the coast, there had been so much delay,
that the brigantines had sailed, and it was owing to the
fortunate return of the fleet to Cozumel, that he was en-
abled to join it.
On appearing before Cortes, the poor man saluted
him in the Indian style, by touching the earth with his
hand, and carrying it to his head. The commander,
raising him up, affectionately embraced him, covering
him at the same time with his own cloak, as Aguilar
was simply clad in the habiliments of the country, some-
what too scanty for a European eye. It was long, in-
deed, before the tastes which he had acquired in the
freedom of the forest could be reconciled to the con-
straints either of dress or manners imposed by the arti-
ficial forms of civilization. Aguilar's long residence in
the country had familiarized him with the Mayan dialects
of Yucatan, and, as he gradually revived his Castilian,
he became of essential importance as an interpreter.
Cortes saw the advantage of this from the first, but he
could not fully estimate all the consequences that were
to flow from it.8
The repairs of the vessels being at length completed,
8 Camargo, Historia de Tlascala, Conquista, cap. 29. — Carta de Vera
MS.— Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., Cruz, MS.— Las Casas, Hist, de las
lib. 33, cap. 1. Martyr, De Insulis, Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 115, 116.
p. 317.— Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
chap, iv.] ARMY ARRIVES AT TABASCO. 213
the Spanish commander once more took leave of the
friendly natives of Cozumel, and set sail on the 4th of
March. Keeping as near as possible to the coast of
Yucatan, he doubled Cape Catoche, and with flowing
sheets swept down the broad bay of Campeachy, fringed
with the rich dye-woods which have since furnished so
important an article of commerce to Europe. He passed
Potonchan, where Cordova had experienced a rough
reception from the natives ; and soon after reached the
mouth of the Bio de Tabasco, or Grijalva, in which that
navigator had carried on so lucrative a traffic. Though
mindful of the great object of his voyage, — the visit to
the Aztec territories, — he was desirous of acquainting
himself with the resources of this country, and determined
to ascend the river and visit the great town on its borders.
The water was so shallow from the accumulation of
sand at the mouth of the stream, that the general was
obliged to leave the ships at anchor, and to embark in
the boats with a part only of his forces. The banks
were thickly studded with mangrove trees, that, with
their roots shooting up and interlacing one another,
formed a kind of impervious screen or net-work, behind
which the dark forms of the natives were seen glancing
to and fro with the most menacing looks and gestures.
Cortes, much surprised at these unfriendly demonstra-
tions, so unlike wdiat he had had reason to expect, moved
cautiously up the stream. When he had reached an
open place, where a large number of Indians were as-
sembled, he asked, through his interpreter, leave to land,
explaining at the same time his amicable intentions.
But the Indians, brandishing their weapons, answered
only with gestures of angry defiance. Though much
chagrined, Cortes thought it best not to urge the matter
further that evening, but withdrew to a neighbouring
island, where he disembarked his troops, resolved to
effect a landing on the following morning.
When the day broke, the Spaniards saw the opposite
214 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
banks lined with a much more numerous array than on
the preceding evening, while the canoes along the shore
were rilled with bands of armed warriors. Cortes now
made his preparations for the attack. He first landed
a detachment of a hundred men under Alonso de Avila,
at a point somewhat lower down the stream, sheltered
by a thick grove of palms, from which a road, as he
knew, led to the town of Tabasco, giving orders to his
officer to march at once on the place, while he himself
advanced to assault it in front.9
Then embarking the remainder of his troops, Cortes
crossed the river in face of the enemy ; but, before com-
mencing hostilities, that he might " act with entire re-
gard to justice, and in obedience to the instructions of
the Royal Council,"10 he first caused proclamation to be
made through the interpreter, that he desired only a free
passage for his men ; and that he proposed to revive the
friendly relations which had formerly subsisted between
his countrymen and the natives. He assured them that
if blood were split, the sin would lie on their heads, and
that resistance would be useless, since he was resolved at
all hazards to take up his quarters that night in the town
of Tabasco. This proclamation, delivered in lofty tone,
and duly recorded by the notary, was answered by the
Indians — who might possibly have comprehended one
word in ten of it — with shouts of defiance and a shower
of arrows.11
Cortes having now complied with all the requisitions
9 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
quista, cap. 31.- — Carta de Vera cap. 31.
Cruz, MS.— Gomara, Crdnica, cap. n " See," exclaims the Bishop of
18. — Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, Chiapa, in his caustic vein, " the
MS., lib. 3, cap. 118. — Martyr, De reasonableness of this 'requisition,'
Insulis, p. 348. or, to speak more correctly, the folly
There are some discrepancies be- and insensibility of the Boyal Coun-
tween the statements of Bernal cil, who could find, in the refusal of
Diaz, and the Letter from Vera the Indians to receive it, a good pre-
Cruz ; both by parties who were text for war." (Hist, de las Indias,
present. MS., lib. 3, cap. 118.) In another
10 Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — place, he pronounces an animated
chap, iv.] ARMY ARRIVES AT TABASCO. 215
of a loyal cavalier, and shifted the responsibility from his
own shoulders to those of the Royal Council, brought
his boats alongside of the Indian canoes. They grappled
fiercely together, and both parties were soon in the
water, which rose above the girdle. The struggle was
not long, though desperate. The superior strength of
the Europeans prevailed, and they forced the enemy
back to land. Here, however, they were supported by
their countrymen, who showered down darts, arrows,
and blazing billets of wood on the heads of the invaders.
The banks were soft and slippery, and it was with
difficulty the soldiers made good their footing. Cortes
lost a sandal in the mud, but continued to fight barefoot,
with great exposure of his person, as the Indians, who
soon singled out the leader, called to one another,
" Strike at the chief ! "
At length the Spaniards gained the bank, and were
able to come into something like order, when they
opened a brisk fire from their arquebuses and cross-
bows. The enemy, astounded by the roar and flash of
the fire-arms, of which they had had no experience, fell
back, and retreated behind a breast- work of timber
thrown across the way. The Spaniards, hot in the
pursuit, soon carried these rude defences, and drove the
Tabascans before them towards the town, where they
again took shelter behind their palisades.
Meanwhile Avila had arrived from the opposite
quarter, and the natives taken by surprise made no
further attempt at resistance, but abandoned the place
to the Christians. They had previously removed their
invective against the iniquity of King's council. " But I laugh at
those who covered up hostilities him and his letters," exclaims
under this empty form of words, Oviedo, " if lie thought a word of it
the import of which was utterly in- could be comprehended by the untu-
comprehensible to the barbarians. tored Indians ! " (Hist, de las Ind.,
(Ibid , lib. 3, cap, 57 ) The famous MS., lib. 29, cap. 7.) The regular
formula, used by the Spanish Con- Manifesto, requirimiento, may be
querors on this occasion, was drawn found translated in the concluding
up by Dr. Palacios Reubios, a man pages of Irving's " Voyages of the
of letters, and a member of the Companions of Columbus."
216 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
families and effects. Some provisions fell into the
hands of the victors, but little gold; " a circumstance/'
says Las Casas, " which gave them no particular satis-
faction."12 It was a very populous place. The houses
were mostly of mud ; the better sort of stone and lime ;
affording proofs in the inhabitants of a superior refine-
ment to that found in the islands, as their stout resistance
had given evidence of superior valour.13
Cortes, having thus made himself master of the town,
took formal possession of it for the crown of Castile.
He gave three cuts with his sword on a large ceiba tree,
which grew in the place, and proclaimed aloud, that he
took possession of the city in the name and behalf of the
Catholic sovereigns, and would maintain and defend the
same with sword and buckler against all who should
gainsay it. The same vaunting declaration was also
made by the soldiers, and the whole was duly recorded
and attested by the notary. This was the usual simple
but chivalric form, with which the Spanish cavaliers
asserted the royal title to the conquered territories in the
New World. It was a good title, doubtless, against the
claims of any other European potentate.
The general took up his quarters that night in the
court-yard of the principal temple. He posted his
sentinels, and took all the precautions practised in
wars with a civilized foe. Indeed, there was reason
for them. A suspicious silence seemed to reign through
12 " Hallaronlas llenas de maiz quse sunt egregie lapidibus et calce
e gallinas y otros vastimentos, oro fabrefactce, maxima ' industrid et archi-
ninguno, de lo que ellos no resci- tectorum arte." (De Insulis, p. 349.)
vieron muclio plazer." Hist, de las With his usual inquisitive spirit, he
Ind., MS., ubi supra. gleaned all the particulars from the
old pilot Alaminos, and from two of
13 Peter Martyr gives a glowing the officers of Cortes who revisited
picture of this Indian capital. " Ad Spain in the course of that year,
flumiiiis ripam protentum dicunt Tabasco was in the neighbourhood
esse oppidum, quantum non ausim of those ruined cities of Yucatan,
dicere ; mille quingentorum passuum, which have lately been the theme of
ait Alaminus nauclerus, et domorum so much speculation. The encomi-
quinque ac viginti millium : strin- urns of Martyr are not so remarkable
gunt alij, ingens tamen fatentur et as the apathy of other contemporary
celebre. Ilortis intcrsecanturdomus, chroniclers.
chap, iv.] SKIRMISH WITH THE INDIANS. 217
the place and its neighbourhood ; and tidings were
brought that the interpreter, Melchorejo, had fled,
leaving his Spanish dress hanging on a tree. Cortes
was disquieted by the desertion of this man, who would
not only inform his countrymen of the small number of
the Spaniards, but dissipate any illusions that might be
entertained of their superior natures.
On the following morning, as no traces of the enemy
were visible, Cortes ordered out a detachment under
Alvaraclo, and another under Francisco de Lujo, to re-
connoitre. The latter officer had not advanced a league,
before he learned the position of the Indians, by their
attacking him in such force that he was fain to take
shelter in a large stone building, where he was closely
besieged. Fortunately the loud yells of the assailants,
like most barbarous nations, seeking to strike terror by
their ferocious cries, reached the ears of Alvarado and
his men, who, speedily advancing to the relief of their
comrades, enabled them to force a passage through the
enemy. Both parties retreated, closely pursued, on the
town, when Cortes, marching out to their support, com-
pelled the Tabascans to retire.
A few prisoners were taken in this skirmish. By them
Cortes found his worst apprehensions verified. The
country was everywhere in arms. A force consisting of
many thousands had assembled from the neighbouring
provinces, and a general assault was resolved on for the
next day. To the general's inquiries why he had been
received in so different a manner from his predecessor,
Grijalva, they answered, that "the conduct of the Ta-
bascans then had given great offence to the other Indian
tribes, who taxed them with treachery and cowardice ; so
that they had promised, on any return of the white men,
to resist them in the same manner that their neighbours
had done.14
14 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- nica, cap. 18 —Las Casas, Hist, de
quista, cap. 31, 32%- Gomara, do- las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 118, 119.
218 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. |
BOOK II.
Cortes might now well regret that he had allowed
himself to deviate from the direct object of his enterprise,
and to become entangled in a doubtful war which could
lead to no profitable result. But it was too late to re-
pent. He had taken the step, and had no alternative
but to go forward. To retreat would dishearten his own
men at the outset, impair their confidence in him as their
leader, and confirm the arrogance of his foes, the tidings
of whose success might precede him on his voyage, and
prepare the way for greater mortifications and defeats.
He did not hesitate as to the course he was to pursue ;
but, calling his officers together, announced his intention
to give battle the following morning.15
He sent back to the vessels such as were disabled by
their wounds, and ordered the remainder of the forces to
join the camp. Six of the heavy guns were also taken
from the ships, together with all the horses. The animals
were stiff and torpid from long confinement on board ;
but a few hours' exercise restored them to their strength
and usual spirit. He gave the command of the artillery
— if it may be dignified with the name — to a soldier
named Mesa, who had acquired some experience as an
engineer in the Italian wars, the infantry he put under
the orders of Diego de Ordaz, and took charge of the
cavalry himself. It consisted of some of the most valiant
gentlemen of his little band, among whom may be men-
tioned Alvaraclo, Velasquez deLeon, Avila, Puertocarrero,
Olid, Montejo. Having thus made all the necessary
arrangements, and settled his plan of battle, he retired
to rest — but not to slumber. His feverish mind, as may
well be imagined, was filled with anxiety for the morrow,
which might decide the fate of his expedition ; and, as
was his wont on such occasions, he was frequently ob-
— Ixtlilxoehitl, Hist. Chich., MS., captains to advise him as to the
cap. 78, 79. course he should pursue. (Conquista,
15 According to Soils, who quotes cap. 19.) It is possible ; but I find
the address of Cortes on the occa- no warrant for it anywhere,
sion, he summoned a council of his
chap, iv.] GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. 219
served, during the night, going the rounds and visiting
the sentinels, to see that no one slept upon his post.
At the first glimmering of light he mustered his army,
and declared his purpose not to abide, cooped up in the
town, the assault of the enemy, but to march at once
against him. For he well knew that the spirits rise with
action, and that the attacking party gathers a confidence
from the very movement, which is not felt by the one
who is passively, perhaps anxiously, awaiting the assault.
The Indians were understood to be encamped on a level
ground a few miles distant from the city, called the
plain of Ceutla. The general commanded that Ordaz
should march with the foot, including the artillery,
directly across the country, and attack them in front,
while he himself would fetch a circuit with the horse,
and turn^their flank when thus engaged, or fall upon
their rear.
These dispositions being completed, the little army
heard mass and then sallied forth from the wooden walls
of Tabasco. It was Lady-day, the twenty-fifth of March,
— long memorable in the annals of New Spain. The
district around the town was chequered with patches of
maize, and, on the lower level, with plantations of cacao,
— supplying the beverage, and perhaps the coin of the
country, as in Mexico. These plantations, requiring
constant irrigation, were fed by numerous canals and
reservoirs of water, so that the country could not be tra-
versed without great toil and difficulty. It was, how-
ever intersected by a narrow path or causeway, over
which the cannon could be dragged.
The troops advanced more than a league on their
laborious march, without descrying the enemy. The
weather was sultry, but few of them were embarrassed
by the heavy mail worn by the European cavaliers at
that period. Their cotton jackets, thickly quilted, afforded
a tolerable protection against the arrows of the Indian,
and allowed room for the freedom and activity of move-
220 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book it.
ment essential to a life of rambling adventure in the
wilderness.
At length they came in sight of the broad plains of
Ceutla, and beheld the dusky lines of the enemy stretch-
ing, as far as the eye could reach, along the edge of the
horizon. The Indians had shown some sagacity in the
choice of their position ; and, as the weary Spaniards
came slowly on, floundering through the morass, the
Tabascans set up their hideous battle-cries, and dis-
charged volleys of arrows, stones, and other missiles,
which rattled like hail on the shields and helmets of the
assailants. Many were severely wounded, before they
could gain the firm ground, where they soon cleared a
space for themselves, and opened a heavy fire of artillery
and musketry on the dense columns of the enemy, which
presented a fatal mark for the balls. Numbers were
swept down at every discharge ; but the bold barbarians,
far from being dismayed, threw up dust and leaves to
hide their losses, and, sounding their war instruments,
shot off fresh flights of arrows in return.
They even pressed closer on the Spaniards, and, when
driven off by a vigorous charge, soon turned again, and,
rolling back like the waves of the ocean, seemed ready
to overwhelm the little band by weight of numbers.
Thus cramped, the latter had scarcely room to perform
their necessary evolutions, or even to work their guns
with effect.10
The engagement had now lasted more than an hour,
and the Spaniards, sorely pressed, looked with great
anxiety for the arrival of the horse, — which some un-
accountable impediments must have detained, — to re-
lieve them from their perilous position. At this crisis,
the furthest columns of the Indian army were seen to be
10 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, ochitl, Hist. Chicli., MS., cap. 79.—
MS., lib. 3, cap. 119. — Gomara, do- Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
nica, cap. 19, 20. — Hen-era, Plist. cap. 33, 36. — Carta de Vera Cruz,
General, dec. 2, lib. 4, cap. 11.— MS.
Martyr, de Insulis, p. 350. — Ixtlilx-
chap, iv.] GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. 221
agitated and thrown into a disorder that rapidly spread
through the whole mass. It was not long before the
ears of the Christians were saluted with the cheering
war-cry of " San Jago and San Pedro," and they beheld
the bright helmets and swords of the Castilian chivalry
flashing back the rays of the morning sun, as they
dashed through the ranks of the enemy, striking to the
right and left, and scattering dismay around them. The
eye of faith, indeed, could discern the patron Saint of
Spain himself, mounted on his grey war-horse, heading
the rescue and trampling over the bodies of the fallen
infidels ! ir
The approach of Cortes had been greatly retarded by
the broken nature of the ground. When he came up,
the Indians were so hotly engaged, that he was upon
them before they observed his approach. He ordered
his men to direct their lances at the faces of their oppo-
nents,18 who, terrified at the monstrous apparition, — for
they supposed the rider and the horse, which they had
never before seen, to be one and the same,19 — were seized
with a panic. Ordaz availed himself of it to command a
general charge along the line, and the Indians, many of
them throwing away their arms, fled without attempting
further resistance.
Cortes was too content with the victory, to care to
follow it up by dipping his sword in the blood of the
17 Ixtldxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., 18 It was the order — as the reader
cap. 79. may remember — given by Cajsar to
" Cortes supposed it was his own his followers in his battle with
tutelar saint, St. Peter," says Pizarro Pompey ;
y Orellana ; " but the common and
indubitable opinion is, that it was " Adversosque jubet ferro confun-
our glorious apostle St. James, the derc vultus."
bulwark and safeguard of our na- Lucan, Pharsalia, lib.
tion." (Varones Ilustres, p. 73.) 7, v. 575.
" Sinner that I am ! " exclaims honest
Bernal Diaz, in a more sceptical vein, ,9 " Equites," says Paolo Giovio,
" It was not permitted to me to see " unum integrum Centaurorum spe-
either the one or the other of the cie animal esse existimarent." Elogia
Apostles on this occasion." Hist. Virorum lllustrium, (Basil, 1696,)
de la Conquista, cap. M. lib. 6, p. 229.
,&22 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ir.
fugitives. He drew off his men to a copse of palms
which skirted the place, and, under their broad canopy,
the soldiers offered up thanksgivings to the Almighty for
the victory vouchsafed them. The field of battle was
made the site of a town, called in honour of the day on
which the action took place, Santa Maria de la Vitoria,
long afterwards the capital of the Province.20 The num-
ber of those who fought or fell in the engagement is
altogether doubtful. Nothing, indeed, is more uncertain
than numerical estimates of barbarians. And they gain
nothing in probability, when they come, as in the pre-
sent instance, from the reports of their enemies. Most
accounts, however, agree that the Indian force consisted
of five squadrons of eight thousand men each. There is
more discrepancy as to the number of slain, varying
from one to thirty thousand ! In this monstrous dis-
cordance, the common disposition to exaggerate may
lead us to look for truth in the neighbourhood of the
smallest number. The loss of the Christians was in-
considerable ; not exceeding — if we receive their own
reports, probably, from the same causes, much dimi-
nishing the truth — two killed and less than a hundred
wounded ! We may readily comprehend the feelings
of the Conquerors, when they declared, that " Heaven
must have fought on their side, since their own strength
could never have prevailed against such a multitude of
I " 21
enemies !
Several prisoners were taken in the battle, among
them two chiefs. Cortes gave them their liberty, and
sent a message by them to their countrymen, " that he
20 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, 20. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
tom. iii. p. 11. quista, cap. 35.) It is Las Casas,
21 " Crean Vras. Reales Altezas who, regulating his mathematics, as
por cierto, que esta batalla fue ven- usual, by his feelings, rates the Indian
cida mas por voluntad de Dios que loss at the exorbitant amount cited
por nras fuerzas, porque para con in the text. " This," he concludes
quarenta mil hombres de guerra, dryly, " was the first preaching of
poca defensa fuera quatrozientos que the Gospel by Cortes in New Spain!"
nosotros eramos." (Carta de Vera Hist, do las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap.
Cruz, MS. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 119.
chap, iv.] GREAT BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. 223
would overlook the past, if they would come in at once,
and tender their submission. Otherwise he would ride
over the land, and put every living thing it it, man
woman, and child, to the sword!" With this formid-
able menace ringing in their ears, the envoys departed.
But the Tabascans had no relish for further hostilities.
A body of inferior chiefs appeared the next day, clad in
dark dresses of cotton, intimating their abject condition,
and implored leave to bury their dead. It was granted
by the general, with many assurances of his friendly dis-
position ; but at the same time he told them, he expected
their principal caciques, as he would treat with none
other. These soon presented themselves, attended by
a numerous train of vassals, who followed with timid
curiosity to the Christian camp. Among their propi-
tiatory gifts were twenty female slaves, which, from the
character of one of them, proved of infinitely more con-
sequence than was anticipated by either Spaniards or
Tabascans. Confidence was soon restored ; and was
succeeded by a friendly intercourse, and the interchange
of Spanish toys for the rude commodities of the country,
articles of food, cotton, and a few gold ornaments of
little value. When asked where the precious metal
was procured, they pointed to the west, and answered
" Culhua," " Mexico." The Spaniards saw this was
no place for them to traffic, or to tarry in. — Yet here,
they were not many leagues distant from a potent and
opulent city, or what once had been so, the ancient
Palenque. But its glory may have even then passed
away, and its name have been forgotten by the sur-
rounding nations.
Before his departure the Spanish Commander did not
omit to provide for one great object of his expedition,
the conversion of the Indians. He first represented to
the caciques, that he had been sent thither by a powerful
monarch on the other side of the water, to whom he had
now a right to claim their allegiance. He then caused
224 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
the reverend fathers Olmedo and Diaz to enlighten their
minds, as far as possible, in regard to the great truths
of revelation, urging them to receive these in place of
their own heathenish abominations. The Tabascans,
whose perceptions were no doubt materially quickened
by the discipline they had undergone, made but a faint
resistance to either proposal. The next day was Palm
Sunday, and the general resolved to celebrate their con-
version by one of those pompous ceremonials of the
Church, which should make a lasting impression on their
minds.
A solemn procession was formed of the whole army
with the ecclesiastics at their head, each soldier bearing
a palm-branch in his hand. The concourse was swelled
by thousands of Indians of both sexes, who followed in
curious astonishment at the spectacle. The long files
bent their way through the flowery savannas that bor-
dered the settlement, to the principal temple, where an
altar was raised, and the image of the presiding deity
was deposed to make room for that of the Virgin with
the infant Saviour. Mass was celebrated by father
Olmedo, and the soldiers who were capable joined in the
solemn chant. The natives listened in profound silence,
and if we may believe the chronicler of the event who
witnessed it, were melted into tears ; while their hearts
were penetrated with reverential awe for the God of
those terrible beings who seemed to wield in their own
hands the thunder and the lightning.22
The Roman Catholic communion has, it must be
admitted, some decided advantages over the Protestant,
for the purposes of proselytism. The dazzling pomp of
its service and its touching appeal to the sensibilities
affect the imagination of the rude child of nature much
more powerfully than the cold abstractions of Protes-
tantism, which, addressed to the reason, demand a
22 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 21, 22. tyr, De Insulip, p. 351. — Lrs Casas,
— Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — Mar- Hist, de las Indias, MS., ubi supra.
chap, iv.] CHRISTIANITY INTRODUCED. 225
degree of refinement and mental culture in the audience
to comprehend them. The respect, moreover, shown by
the Catholic for the material representations of Divinity,
greatly facilitates the same object. It is true, such
representations are used by him only as incentives, not
as the objects of worship. But this distinction is lost on
the savage, who finds such forms of adoration too analo-
gous to his own to impose any great violence on his
feelings. It is only required of him to transfer his
homage from the image of Quetzalcoatl, the benevolent
deity who walked among men, to that of the Virgin or
the Redeemer ; from the Cross, which he has worshipped
as the emblem of the God of rain, to the same Cross, the
symbol of salvation.
These solemnities concluded, Cortes prepared to return
to his ships, well satisfied with the impression made on
the new converts, and with the conquests he had thus
achieved for Castile and Christianity. The soldiers,
taking leave of their Indian friends, entered the boats
with the palm branches in their hands, and descending
the river reembarked on board their vessels, which rode
at anchor at its mouth. A favourable breeze was blow-
ing, and the little navy, opening its sails to receive it,
was soon on its way again to the golden shores of
Mexico.
VOL. I.
9 9 ft
CHAPTER V.
Voyage along the Coast.— Doha Marina.— Spaniards land in Mexico.
Interview with the Aztecs.
1519.
The fleet held its course so near the shore, that the
inhabitants could be seen on it ; and, as it swept along
the winding borders of the gulf, the soldiers, who had
been on the former expedition with Grijalva, pointed
out to their companions the memorable places on the
coast. Here was the Bio de Aharado, named after
the gallant adventurer, who was present, also, in this
expedition ; there the Bio de Vanderas, in which Gri-
jalva had carried on so lucrative a commerce with the
Mexicans ; and there the Jsla de los Sacrificios, where
the Spaniards first saw the vestiges of human sacrifice
on the coast. Puertocarrero, as he listened to these
reminiscences of the sailors, repeated the words of the
old ballad of Montesinos, " Here is France, there is Paris,
and there the waters of the Duero,"1 &c. "But I
advise you," he added, turning to Cortes, " to look out
only for the rich lands, and the best way to govern
them." " Fear not," replied his commander, " if For-
tune but favours me as she did Orlando, and I have such
1 " Cata Francia, Montesinos, They are the words of the popular
Cata Paris la ciudad, old ballad, first published, I believe,
Cata las aguas de Duero in the Romancero de Amberes, and
Do van a dar en la mar." lately by Duran, Romances Cabel-
lerescos e Historicos, Parte 1, p 82.
chap, v.] DONA MARINA. 22
gallant gentlemen as you for my companions, I shall
understand myself very well."2
The fleet had now arrived off St. Juan de Ulua, the
island so named by Grijalva. The weather was tem-
perate and serene, and crowds of natives were gathered
on the shore of the main land, gazing at the strange
phenomenon, as the vessels glided along under easy sail
on the smooth bosom of the waters. It was the evening
of Thursday in Passion Week. The air came pleasantly
off the shore, and Cortes, liking the spot, thought he
might safely anchor under the lee of the island, which
would shelter him from the nortes that sweep over these
seas with fatal violence in the winter, sometimes even
late in the spring.
The ships had not been long at anchor, when a light
pirogue, filled with natives, shot off from the neigh-
bouring continent, and steered for the general's vessel,
distinguished by the royal ensign of Castile floating
from the mast. The Indians came on board with a frank
confidence, inspired by the accounts of the Spaniards
spread by their countrymen who had traded with Grijalva.
They brought presents of fruits and flowers and little
ornaments of gold, which they gladly exchanged for the
usual trinkets. Cortes was baffled in his attempts to
hold a conversation with his visiters by means of the
interpreter, Aguilar, who was ignorant of the language ;
the Mayan dialects, with which he was conversant,
bearing too little resemblance to the Aztec. The natives
supplied the deficiency, as far as possible, by the uncom-
mon vivacity and significance of their gestures, — the
hieroglyphics of speech, — but the Spanish commander
saw with chagrin the embarrassments he must encounter
in future for want of a more perfect medium of commu-
nication.3 In this dilemma, he was informed that one of
2 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- plying a most active imagination,
quista, cap. 37. " Senas e meueos con que los Yndios
3 Las Casas notices the signifi- mucho mas que otras generaciones
cance of the Indian gestures as im- cntienden y se dan a entender, por
Q2
228 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book it.
the female slaves given to him by the Tabascan chiefs
was a native Mexican, and understood the language.
Her name — that given to her by the Spaniards — was
Marina; and, as she was to exercise a most important
influence on their fortunes, it is necessary to acquaint the
reader with something of her character and history.
She. was born at Painalla, in the province of Coat-
zacualco, on the south-eastern borders of the Mexican
empire. Her father, a rich and powerful cacique, died
when she was very young. Her mother married again,
and, having a son, she conceived the infamous idea of
securing to this offspring of her second union Marina's
rightful inheritance. She accordingly feigned that the
latter was dead, but secretly delivered her into the hands
of some itinerant traders of Xicallanco. She availed
herself, at the same time, of the death of a child of one
of her slaves, to substitute the corpse for that of her
own daughter, and celebrated the obsequies with mock
solemnity. These particulars are related by the honest
old soldier, Bernal Diaz, who knew the mother, and
witnessed the generous treatment of her afterwards by
Marina. By the merchants the Indian maiden was
again sold to the cacique of Tabasco, who delivered her,
as we have seen, to the Spaniards.
From the place of her birth she was well acquainted
with the Mexican tongue, which, indeed, she is said to
have spoken with great elegance. Her residence in
Tabasco familiarized her with the dialects of that coun-
try, so that she could carry on a conversation with
Aguilar, which he in turn rendered into the Castilian.
Thus a certain, though somewhat circuitous channel was
opened to Cortes for communicating with the Aztecs ;
a circumstance of the last importance to the success of
his enterprise. It was not very long, however, before
tener muy bivos los sentidos ex- ginacion." Hist, de las Iudias,
teriores y tambieu los interiores, MS., lib. 3, cap. 120.
mayormente ques admirable su ima-
chap, v.] DONA MARINA. 229
Marina, who had a lively genius, made herself so far
mistress of the Castilian as to supersede the necessity of
any other linguist. She learned it the more readily, as
it was to her the language of love.
Cortes, who appreciated the value of her services from
the first, made her his interpreter, then his secretary, and,
won by her charms, his mistress. She had a son by him,
Don Martin Cortes, comendador of the Military Order of
St. James, less distinguished by his birth than his un-
merited persecutions.
Marina was at this time in the morning of life. She
is said to have possessed uncommon personal attractions,4
and her open, expressive features indicated her generous
temper. She always remained faithful to the countrymen
of her adoption; and her knowledge of the language
and customs of the Mexicans, and often of their designs,
enabled her to extricate the Spaniards, more than once,
from the most embarrassing and perilous situations.
She had her errors, as we have seen ; but they should
be rather charged to the defects of early education, and
to the evil influence of him to whom in the darkness of
her spirit she looked with simple confidence for the light
to guide her. All agree that she was full of excellent
qualities, and the important services which she rendered
the Spaniards have made her memory deservedly dear to
them ; while the name of Malinche — the name by which
she is still known in Mexico — was pronounced with
kindness by the conquered races, with whose misfortunes
she showed an invariable sympathy.5
4 " Ilermosa como Diosa," beau- Gira la vista en el concurso mudo ;
tiful as a goddess, says Carnargo of Rico manto de extretna sutileza
her. (Hist, de Tlascala, MS.) A Con cliapas de oro autorizarla pudo,
modern poet pays her charms the Prendido con bizarra gentileza
following not inelegant tribute : Sobre los pechos en ayroso nudo ;
" Admira tan lucida cabalgada Reyna parece de la Indiana Zona,
Y espectiiculo tal Doha Marina, Varonil y hermosisima Amazona."
India noble al caudillo presentada, Moeatin, Las .Naves de
De fortuna y belleza peregrina. Cortes Destrnidas.
* * • * * 5 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias,
" Con despejado espiritu y viveza MS., lib. 3, cap. 120.— Gomara,
230 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
With the aid of his two intelligent interpreters, Cortes
entered into conversation with his Indian visiters. He
learned that they were Mexicans, or rather subjects of the
great Mexican empire, of which their own province
formed one of the comparatively recent conquests. The
country was ruled by a powerful monarch, called Moc-
theuzoma, or by Europeans more commonly Montezuma,6
who dwelt on the mountain plains of the interior, nearly
seventy leagues from the coast ; their own province was
governed by one of his nobles, named Teuhtlile, whose
residence was eight leagues distant. Cortes acquainted
them in turn with his own friendly views in visiting their
country, and with his desire of an interview with the
Aztec governor. He then dismissed them, loaded with
presents, having first ascertained that there was abun-
dance of gold in the interior, like the specimens they had
brought.
Cortes, pleased with the manners of the people, and
the goodly reports of the land, resolved to take up his
quarters here for the present. The next morning, April
21, being Good Friday, he landed with all his force on
the very spot where now stands the modern city of Vera
Cruz. Little did the Conqueror imagine that the deso-
late beach, on which he first planted his foot, was one
day to be covered by a flourishing city, the great mart of
European and Oriental trade, the commercial capital of
New Spain.7
Cronica, cap. 25, 26. — Clavigero, 6 The name of the Aztec mon-
Stor. del Messico, torn. iii. pp. 12 — arch, like those of most persons
14. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., and places in New Spain, has been
lib. 33, cap. 1. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. twisted into all possible varieties
Chich., MS-, cap. 79.' — Camargo, of orthography. Modern Spanish
Hist, de Tlascala, MS. — Bernal historians usually call him Mote-
Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. ■ zurna. But as there is no reason
37, 38. to suppose that this is correct, I
There is some discordance in the have preferred to conform to the
notices of the early life of Marina. name by which he is usually known
1 have followed Bernal Diaz, — from to English readers. It is the one
his means of observation, the best adopted by Bernal Diaz, and by no
authority. There is happily no dif- other contemporary, as far as I
ference in the estimate of her singu- know,
lar merits and services. 7 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.
chap, v.] SPANIARDS LAND IN MEXICO. 231
It was a wide and level plain, except where the sand
had been drifted into hillocks by the* perpetual blowing
of the norte. On these sand-hills he mounted his little
battery of guns, so as to give him the command of the
country. He then employed the troops in cutting down
small trees and bushes which grew near, in order to pro-
vide a shelter from the weather. In this he was aided
by the people of the country, sent, as it appeared, by
the governor of the district, to assist the Spaniards.
With their help stakes were firmly set in the earth, and
covered with boughs, and with mats and cotton carpets,
which the friendly natives brought with them. In this
way they secured, in a couple of days, a good defence
against the scorching rays of the sun, which beat with
intolerable fierceness on the sands. The place was sur-
rounded by stagnant marshes, the exhalations from which,
quickened by the heat into the pestilent malaria, have
occasioned in later times wider mortality to Europeans
than all the hurricanes on the coast. The bilious dis-
orders, now the terrible scourge of the tierra caliente,
were little known before the Conquest. The seeds of
the poison seem to have been scattered by the hand of
civilization ; for it is only necessary to settle a town,
and draw together a busy European population, in order
to call out the malignity of the venom which had before
lurked innoxious in the atmosphere.8
cap/ 79. — Clavigero, Stor. del Mes- essentially different from the vomito,
sico, torn. iii. p. 16. or bilious fever of our day. Indeed,
New Vera Cruz, as the present this disease is not noticed by the
town is called, is distinct, as we early conquerors and colonists ; and
shall see hereafter, from that esta- Clavigero asserts, was not known in
Wished by Cortes, and was not Mexico, till 1725. (Stor. del Messico,
founded till the close of the six- torn. i. p. 117, nota.) Humboldt,
teenth century, by the Coude de however, arguing that the same phy-
Monterey, viceroy of Mexico. It sical causes must have produced
received its privileges as a city similar results, carries the disease
from Philip III. iu 16L5. Ibid., back to a much higher antiquity, of
torn. iii. p. 30, nota. which he discerns some traditional
and historic vestiges. "II ne faut
s The epidemic of the matlaza- pas confondre l'epoque," he remarks
hucdl, so fatal to the Aztecs, is with his usual penetration, "a la-
shown by M. de Humboldt to be quelle une maladic a 6te decrite pour
232 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book 11.
While these arrangements were in progress, the
natives flocked in 'from the adjacent district, which was
tolerably populous in the interior, drawn by a natural
curiosity to see the wonderful strangers. They brought
with them fruits, vegetables, flowers in abundance, game,
and many dishes cooked after the fashion of the country,
with little articles of gold and other ornaments. They
gave away some as presents, and bartered others for the
wares of the Spaniards ; so that the camp, crowded with
a motley throng of every age and sex, wore the appear-
ance of a fair. Prom some of the visiters Cortes learned
the intention of the governor to wait on him the follow-
ing day.
This was Easter. Teuhtlile arrived, as he had an-
nounced, before noon. He was attended by a numerous
train, and was met by Cortes, who conducted him with
much ceremony to his tent, where Jiis principal officers
were assembled. The Aztec chief returned their saluta-
tions with polite, though formal courtesy. Mass was
first said by father Olmedo, and the service was listened
to by Teuhtlile and his attendants with decent reverence.
A collation was afterwards served, at which the general
entertained his guest with Spanish wines and confec-
tions. The interpreters were then introduced, and a
conversation commenced between the parties.
The first inquiries of Teuhtlile were respecting the
country of the strangers, and the purport of their visit.
Cortes told him, that " he was the subject of a potent
monarch beyond the seas, who ruled over an immense
empire, and had kings and princes for his vassals ! that,
acquainted with the greatness of the Mexican emperor,
his master had desired to enter into a communication
with him, and had sent him as his envoy to wait on
Montezuma with a present in token of his good will, and
la premiere fois, parca qu'elle a fait premiere apparition." Essai Poli-
de grands ravages dans un court tique, torn. iv. p. 161 et seq., and
cspacede temps, avec l'epoque de sa 179.
chap, v.] INTERVIEW WITH THE AZTECS. 233
a message which he must deliver in person." He con-
cluded by inquiring of Teuhtlile when he could be ad-
mitted to his sovereign's presence.
To this the Aztec noble somewhat haughtily replied,
" How is it, that you have been here only two days,
and demand to see the emperor ? " He then added,
with more courtesy, that "he was surprised to learn
there was another monarch as powerful as Montezuma ;
but that if it were so, he had no doubt his master would
be happy to communicate with him. He would send
his couriers with the royal gift brought by the Spanish
commander, and, so soon as he had learned Montezuma's
will, would communicate it."
Teuhtlile then commanded his slaves to bring for-
ward the present intended for the Spanish general. It
consisted" of ten loads of fine cottons, several mantles of
that curious featherwork whose rich and delicate dyes
might vie with the most beautiful painting, and a wicker
basket filled with ornaments of wrought gold, all calcu-
lated to inspire the Spaniards with high ideas of the
wealth and mechanical ingenuity of the Mexicans.
Cortes received these presents with suitable acknow-
ledgments, and ordered his own attendants to lay before
the chief the articles designed for Montezuma. These
were an arm-chair richly carved and painted, a crimson
cap of cloth, having a gold medal emblazoned with St.
George and the dragon, and a quantity of collars, brace-
lets, and other ornaments of cut glass, which, in a
country where glass was not to be had, might claim to
have the value of real gems, and no doubt passed for
such with the inexperienced Mexican. Teuhtlile ob-
served a soldier in the camp with a shining gilt helmet
on his head, which he said reminded him of one worn
by the god Quetzalcoatl in Mexico ; and he showed a
desire that Montezuma should see it. The coming of
the Spaniards, as the reader will soon see, was associated
with some traditions of this same deity. Cortes ex-
234 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
pressed his willingness that the casque should be sent to
the emperor, intimating a hope that it would be returned
filled with the gold dust of the country, that he might be
able to compare its quality with that in his own ! He
further told the governor, as we are informed by his
chaplain, " that the Spaniards were troubled with a
disease of the heart, for which gold was a specific re-
medy !" 9 "In short," says Las Casas, "he contrived
to make his want of gold very clear to the governor." 10
While these things were passing, Cortes observed one
of Teuhtlile's attendants busy with a pencil, apparently
delineating some object. On looking at his work, he
found that it was a sketch on canvass of the Spaniards,
their costumes, arms, and, in short, different objects of
interest, giving to each its appropriate form and colour.
This was the celebrated picture-writing of the Aztecs,
and, as Teuhtlile informed him, this man was employed
in portraying the various objects for the eye of Monte-
zuma, who would thus gather a more vivid notion of
their appearance than from any description by words.
Cortes was pleased with the idea ; and, as he knew how
much the effect would be heightened by converting still
life into action, he ordered out the cavalry on the beach,
the wet sands of which afforded a firm footing for the
horses. The bold and rapid movements of the troops,
as they went through their military exercises ; the ap-
parent ease with which they managed the fiery animals
on which they were mounted; the glancing of their
weapons, and the shrill cry of the trumpet, all filled the
spectators with astonishment ; but when they heard the
thunders of the cannon, which Cortes ordered to be fired
at the same time, and witnessed the volumes of smoke
and flame issuing from these terrible engines, and the
rushing sound of the balls, as they dashed through the
trees of the neighbouring forest, shivering their branches
3 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 26.
10 Las Casas, Hist, de las Inclias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 119.
chap, v.] INTERVIEW WITH THE AZTECS. 235
into fragments, they were filled with consternation, from
which the Aztec chief himself was not wholly free.
Nothing of all this was lost on the painters, who faith-
fully recorded, after their fashion, every particular ; not
omitting the ships, — " the water-houses," as they called
them, of the strangers, — which, with their dark hulls
and snow-white sails reflected from the water, were
swinging lazily at anchor on the calm bosom of the bay.
All was depicted with a fidelity, that excited in their
turn the admiration of the Spaniards, who, doubtless
unprepared for this exhibition of skill, greatly over-
estimated the merits of the execution.
These various matters completed, Teuhtlile with his
attendants withdrew from the Spanish quarters, with
the same ceremony with which he had entered them ;
leaving orders that his people should supply the troops
with provisions and other articles requisite for their ac-
commodation, till further instructions from the capital.11
11 Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, MS., General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 4. —
No. 13.— Idem. Hist. Chich., MS., Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.— Torque-
cap. 79. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 25, raada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 13
26. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- — 15. — Tezozomoc, Cron. Mexicana,
quista, cap. 38. — Herrera, Hist. MS., cap. 107.
236
CHAPTER VI.
Account of Montezuma. — State of his Empire. — Strange Prognostics. —
Embassy and Presents. — Spanish Encampment.
1519.
We must now take leave of the Spanish camp in the
tierra caliente, and transport ourselves to the distant
capital of Mexico, where no little sensation was excited
by the arrival of the wonderful strangers on the coast.
The Aztec throne was rilled at that time by Montezuma
the Second, nephew of the last, and grandson of a pre-
ceding monarch. He had been elected to the regal
dignity in 1502, in preference to his brothers, for his
superior qualifications, both as a soldier and a priest, —
a combination of offices sometimes found in the Mexican
candidates, as it was, more frequently, in the Egyptian.
In early youth he had taken an active part in the wars
of the empire, though of late he had devoted himself
more exclusively to the services of the temple ; and he
was scrupulous in his attentions to all the burdensome
ceremonial of the Aztec worship. He maintained a
grave and reserved demeanour, speaking little and with
prudent deliberation. His deportment was well calcu-
lated to inspire ideas of superior sanctity.1
When his election was announced to him, he was
1 His name suited his nature ; Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 70. — Acosta,
Montezuma, according to Las Casas, lib. 7, cap. 20. — Col. de Mendoza,
signifying, in the Mexican, " sad or pp. 13-16 ; Codex Tel.-Rem., p. 143>
severe man." Hist, de las Indias, ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. vi.
MS., lib. 3, cap 120.— Ixtlilxochitl,
chap. vi. J ACCOUNT OF MONTEZUMA. 237
found sweeping down the stairs in the great temple of
the national war-god. He received the messengers with
a becoming humility, professing his unfitness for so re-
sponsible a station. The address, delivered as usual on
the occasion, was made by his relative Nezahualpilli, the
wise king of Tezcuco.2 It has fortunately been pre-
served, and presents a favourable specimen of Indian
eloquence. Towards the conclusion the orator exclaims,
" Who can doubt that the Aztec empire has reached the
zenith of its greatness, since the Almighty has placed
over it one whose very presence fills every beholder with
reverence? Rejoice, happy people, that you have now
a sovereign who will be to you a steady column of
support; a father in distress, a more than brother in
tenderness and sympathy ; one whose aspiring soul will
disdain all the profligate pleasures of the senses, and
the wasting indulgence of sloth. And thou, illustrious
youth, doubt not that the Creator, who has laid on thee
so weighty a charge, will also give strength to sustain
it ; that He, who has been so liberal in times past, will
shower yet more abundant blessings on thy head, and
keep thee firm in thy royal seat through many long
and glorious years." — These golden prognostics, which
melted the royal auditor into tears, were not destined to
be realized.3
Montezuma displayed all the energy and enterprise
in the commencement of his reign, which had been
anticipated from him. His first expedition against a
rebel province in the neighbourhood was crowned with
success, and he led back in triumph a throng of cap-
tives for the bloody sacrifice that was to grace his coro-
nation. This was celebrated with uncommon pomp.
Games and religious ceremonies continued for several
2 For a full account of this prince, little more than half a century after
see book i. chap. 6, pp. 153-356. its delivery. It has been recently
3 The address is fully reported by republished by Bustamante. Tez-
Torquemada, (Monarch. Ind., lib. 3, cuco en los Ultimos Tiempos, (Mexi-
cap. 68,) who came into the country co, 1826,) pp. 256-258.
238 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
days, and among the spectators who flocked from dis-
tant quarters were some noble Tlascalans, the hereditary
enemies of Mexico. They were in disguise, hoping thus
to elude detection. They wrere recognised, however, and
reported to the monarch. But he only availed himself
of the information to provide them with honourable
entertainment, and a good place for witnessing the
games. This was a magnanimous act, considering the
long cherished hostility between the nations.
In his first years, Montezuma was constantly engaged
in war, and frequently led his armies in person. The
Aztec banners were seen in the furthest provinces on the
Gulf of Mexico, and the distant regions of Nicaragua
and Honduras. The expeditions were generally success-
ful ; and the limits of the empire were more widely
extended than at any preceding period.
Meanwhile the monarch was not inattentive to the
interior concerns of the kingdom. He made some im-
portant changes in the courts of justice ; and carefully
watched over the execution of the laws, which he en-
forced with stern severity. He was in the habit of
patrolling the streets of his capital in disguise, to make
himself personally acquainted with the abuses in it.
And with more questionable policy, it is said, he would
sometimes try the integrity of his judges by tempting
them with large bribes to swerve from their duty, and
then call the delinquent to strict account for yielding to
the temptation.
He liberally recompensed all who served him. He
showed a similar munificent spirit in his public works,
constructing and embellishing the temples, bringing
water into the capital by a new channel, and establish-
ing a hospital, or retreat for invalid soldiers, in the city
of Colhuacan.4
4 Acosta, lib. 7, cap. 22.— Saha- Monarch. Ind., lib. 3, cap. 73, 74,
gxm, Hist, de Nueva Esparia, lib. 8, 81. — Col. de Mendoza, pp. 1*4, 85,
Prdlogo, et cap. 1. — Torquemada, ap. Ant iq. of Mexico, vol. vi.
chap. VI.] STATE OF HIS EMPIRE. 239
These acts, so worthy of a great prince, were counter-
balanced by others of an opposite complexion. The
humility, displayed so ostentatiously before his elevation,
gave way to an intolerable arrogance. In his pleasure-
houses, domestic establishment, and way of living, he
assumed a pomp unknown to his predecessors. He
secluded himself from public observation, or, when he
went abroad, exacted the most slavish homage ; while in
the palace he would be served only, even in the most
menial offices, by persons of rank. He, further, dis-
missed several plebeians, chiefly poor soldiers of merit,
from the places they had occupied near the person of
his predecessor, considering their attendance a dishonour
to royalty. It was in vain that his oldest and sagest
counsellors remonstrated on a conduct so impolitic.
While he thus disgusted his subjects by his haughty
deportment, he alienated their affections by the imposi-
tion of grievous taxes. These were demanded by the
lavish expenditure of his court. They fell with peculiar
heaviness on the conquered cities. This oppression led
to frequent insurrection and resistance ; and the latter
years of his reign present a scene of unintermitting
hostility, in which the forces of one half of the empire
were employed in suppressing the commotions of the
other. Unfortunately there was no principle of amalga-
mation by which the new acquisitions could be incor-
porated into the ancient monarchy, as parts of one whole.
Their interests, as well as sympathies, were different.
Thus the more widely the Aztec empire was extended,
the weaker it became ; resembling some vast and ill-
proportioned edifice, whose disjointed materials, having
no principle of cohesion, and tottering under their own
weight, seem ready to fall before the first blast of the
tempest.
In 1516, died the Tezcucan king, Nezahualpilh, in
whom Montezuma lost his most sagacious counsellor.
The succession was contested by his two sons, Cacama
240 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
and Ixtlilxochitl. The former was supported by Mon-
tezuma. The latter, the younger of the princes, a bold
aspiring youth, appealing to the patriotic sentiment of
his nation, would have persuaded them that his brother
was too much in the Mexican interests to be true to his
own country. A civil war ensued, and ended by a com-
promise, by which one half of the kingdom, with the
capital, remained to Cacama, and the northern portion
to his ambitious rival. Ixtlilxochitl became from that
time the mortal foe of Montezuma.5
A more formidable enemy still was the little republic
of Tlascala, lying midway between the Mexican Valley
and the coast. It had maintained its independence for
more than two centuries against the allied forces of the
empire. It resources were unimpaired, its civilization
scarcely below that of its great rival states, and for
courage and military prowess it had established a name
inferior to none other of the nations of Anahuac.
Such was the condition of the Aztec monarchy, on the
arrival of Cortes ; — the people disgusted with the arro-
gance of the sovereign ; the provinces and distant cities
outraged by fiscal exactions ; while potent enemies in
the neighbourhood lay watching the hour when they
might assail their formidable rival with advantage. Still
the kingdom was strong in its internal resources, in the
will of its monarch, in the long habitual deference to
his authority, — in short, in the terror of his name, and
in the valour and discipline of his armies, grown grey in
active service, and well drilled in all the tactics of Indian
warfare. The time had now come when these imperfect
tactics and rude weapons of the barbarian were to be
brought into collision with the science and enginery of
the most civilized nations of the globe.
During the latter years of his reign, Montezuma had
rarely taken part in his military expeditions, which he
5 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, xochitl, Hist. Chicli., MS., cap. 70-76.
torn. i. pp. 267, 274, 275.— Ixtlil- Acosta, lib. 7, cap. 21.
chap, vi.] STATE OF HIS EMPIRE. 241
left to his captains, occupying himself chiefly with his
sacerdotal functions. Under no prince had the priest-
hood enjoyed greater consideration and immunities. The
religious festivals and rites were celebrated with unpre-
cedented pomp. The oracles were consulted on the
most trivial occasions ; and the sanguinary deities were
propitiated by hecatombs of victims dragged in triumph
to the capital from the conquered or rebellious provinces.
The religion, or, to speak correctly, the superstition of
Montezuma proved a principal cause of his calamities.
In a preceding chapter I have noticed the popular
traditions respecting Quetzalcoatl, that deity with a fair
complexion and flowing beard, so unlike the Indian
physiognomy, who, after fulfilling his mission of bene-
volence among the Aztecs, embarked on the Atlantic Sea
for the mysterious shores of Tlapallan.6 He promised,
on his departure, to return at some future day with his
posterity, and resume the possession of his empire. That
day was looked forward to with hope or with apprehen-
sion, according to the interest of the believer, but with
general confidence throughout the wide borders of Ana-
huac. Even after the Conquest, it still lingered among
the Indian races, by whom it was as fondly cherished,
as the advent of their king Sebastian continued to be by
the Portuguese, or that of the Messiah by the Jews.7
A general feeling seems to have prevailed in the time
of Montezuma, that the period for the return of the
deity, and the full accomplishment of his promise, was
near at hand. This conviction is said to have gained
ground from various preternatural occurrences, reported
with more or less detail by all the most ancient histo-
rians.8 In 1510, the great lake of Tezcuco, without the
c Ante, book 1, chap. 3, p. 47, Antiq. of Mexico, vol. vi. — Sahagun,
and note 6. Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, lib. S, cap.
7 Tezozomoc, Cron. Mexicana, 7. — Ibid., MS., lib. 12, cap. 3, 4.
MS., cap. 107. — Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. 8 " Tenia por cierto," says Las
Cliich. MS., cap. I. — Torquemada, Casas of Montezuma, " segun sus
Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 14 ; lib. 6, prophetas 6 agoreros le avian certifi-
cap. 24. — Codex Yaticanus, ap. cado, epic su estado erricpiezas y
VOL. I. R
242 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
occurrence of a tempest, or earthquake, or any other
visible cause, became violently agitated, overflowed its
banks, and, pouring into the streets of Mexico, swept
off many of the buildings by the fury of the waters. In
1511, one of the turrets of the great temple took fire,
equally without any apparent cause, and continued to
burn in defiance of all attempts to extinguish it. In the
following years, three comets were seen; and not long
before the coming of the Spaniards a strange light broke
forth in the east. It spread broad at its base on the
horizon, and rising in a pyramidal form tapered off as it
approached the zenith. It resembled a vast sheet or
flood of fire, emitting sparkles, or, as an old writer ex-
presses it, " seemed thickly powdered with stars."9 At
the same time, low voices were heard in the air, and
doleful wailings, as if to announce some strange, myste-
rious calamity ! The Aztec monarch, terrified at the
apparitions in the heavens, took council of Nezahualpilli,
who was a great proficient in the subtle science of astro-
logy. But the royal sage cast a deeper cloud over his
spirit, by reading in these prodigies the speedy downfall
of the empire.10
Such are the strange stories reported by the chroni-
clers, in which it is not impossible to detect the glim-
merings of truth.11 Nearly thirty years had elapsed
prosperidad avia de perezer dentro 23. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
de pocos aiios por ciertas gentes que lib. 5, cap. 5. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist,
avian de venir en sus dias, que de su Chich., MS., cap. 74.
felicidad lo derrocasen, y por esto " I omit the most extraordinary
vivia siempre con temor y en tristeca miracle of all, — though legal attesta-
y sobresaltado." Hist, de las Indias, tions of its truth were furnished the
MS., lib. 3, cap. 120. Court of Rome, (see Clavigero, Stor.
9 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. del Messico, torn, i.p.289,) — namely,
— The Interpreter of the Codex Tel.- the resurrection of Montezuma's si's-
Rem. intimates that this scintillating ter, Papantzin, four days after her
phenomenon was probably nothing burial, to warn the monarch of the
more than an eruption of one of the approaching ruin of his empire. It
great volcanoes of Mexico. Antiq. finds credit with one writer, at least,
of Mexico, vol. vi. p. 144. in the nineteenth century ! See the
10 Sahagun, Hist.de NuevaEspaiia, note of Sahagun's Mexican editor,
MS., lib. 12, cap. 1. — Camargo, Hist. Bustamante, Hist, de NuevaEspana,
de Tlascala, MS. — Acosta, lib. 7, cap. torn. ii. p. 270.
chap, vi.] STRANGE PROGNOSTICS. 243
since the discovery of the islands by Columbus, and
more than twenty since his visit to the American conti-
nent. Rumours, more or less distinct, of this wonderful
appearance of the white men, bearing in their hands the
thunder and the lightning, so like in many respects to
the traditions of Quetzalcoatl, would naturally spread far
and wide among the Indian nations. Such rumours,
doubtless, long before the landing of the Spaniards in
Mexico, found their way up the grand plateau, filling the
minds of men with anticipations of the near coming
of the period when the great deity was to return and
receive his own again.
In the excited state of their imaginations, prodigies
became a familiar occurrence. Or rather, events not very
uncommon in themselves, seen through the discoloured
medium of fear, were easily magnified into prodigies ;
and the accidental swell of the lake, the appearance of
a comet, and the conflagration of a building, were all
interpreted as the special annunciations of Heaven.1
Thus it happens in those great political convulsions
which shake the foundations of society, — the mighty
events that cast their shadows before them in their
coming. Then it is that the atmosphere is agitated with
the low, prophetic murmurs, with which nature, in the
moral as in the physical world, announces the march of
the hurricane :
" When from the shores
And forest-rustling mountains comes a voice,
That, solemn sounding, bids the world prepare !"
When tidings were brought to the capital, of the
landing of Grijalva on the coast, in the preceding year,
12 Lucan gives a fine enumeration The philosopher intimates a belief
of such prodigies witnessed in the even in the existence of beneficent
Roman capital in a similar excite- intelligences who send these portents
ment. (Pharsalia, lib. i. v. 523, et as a sort of premonitories, to warn
seq.) Poor human nature is much mankind of ihe coming tempest,
the same everywhere. Machiavelli Discorsi sopra Tito Livio, lib. 1,
has thought the subject worthy of a cap. 56.
separate chapter in his Discourses.
it 2
244 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book n.
the heart of Montezuma was filled with dismay. He
felt as if the destinies which had so long brooded over
the royal line of Mexico were to be accomplished, and
the sceptre was to pass away from his house for ever.
Though somewhat relieved by the departure of the Spa-
niards, he caused sentinels to be stationed on the heights;
and when the Europeans returned under Cortes, he
doubtless received the earliest notice of the unwelcome
event. It was by his orders, however, that the provincial
governor had prepared so hospitable a reception for them.
The hieroglyphical report of these strange visitors, now
forwarded to the capital, revived all his apprehensions.
He called without delay a meeting of his principal
counsellors, including the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan,
and laid the matter before them.13
There seems to have been much division of opinion in
that body. Some were for resisting the strangers at
once, whether by fraud, or by open force. Others con-
tended, that, if they were supernatural beings, fraud and
force would be alike useless. If they were, as they pre-
tended, ambassadors from a foreign prince, such a policy
would be cowardly and unjust. That they were not of
the family of Quetzalcoatl was argued from the fact, that
they had shown themselves hostile to his religion ; for
tidings of the proceedings of the Spaniards in Tabasco,
it seems, had already reached the capital. Among those
in favour of giving them a friendly and honourable recep-
tion was the Tezcucan king, Cacama.
But Montezuma, taking counsel of his own ill- defined
apprehensions, preferred a half-way course, — as usual,
the most impolitic. He resolved to send an embassy,
with such a magnificent present to the strangers, as
should impress them with high ideas of his grandeur
and resources ; while at the same time, he would forbid
13 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, Nueva Espaila, MS., lib. 12, cap. 3,
MS., lib. 3, cap. 120. — Ixtlikocliitl, 4 — Tezozomoc, Crdn. Mexicana,
Hist. CJkich., MS., cap. 80.— Idem, MS., cap. 10S.
Eclacioues, MS. — Sahaguu, Hist, de
chap, vi.] EMBASSY AND PRESENTS. 245
their approach to the capital. This was to reveal, at
once, both his wealth and his weakness.14
While the Aztec court was thus agitated by the arrival
of the Spaniards, they were passing their time in the
tierra caliente, not a little annoyed by the excessive heats
and suffocating atmosphere of the sandy waste on which
they were encamped. They experienced every alleviation
that could be derived from the attentions of the friendly
natives. These, by the governor's command, had con-
structed more than a thousand huts or booths of branches
and matting which they occupied in the neighbourhood
of the camp. Here they prepared various articles of
food for the tables of Cortes and his officers, without any
recompense ; while the common soldiers easily obtained
a supply for themselves, in exchange for such trifles as
they brought with them for barter. Thus the camp was
liberally provided with meat and fish dressed in many
savoury ways, with cakes of corn, bananas, pine-apples,
and divers luscious vegetables of the tropics, hitherto
unknown to the Spaniards. The soldiers contrived,
moreover, to obtain many little bits of gold, of no great
value, indeed, from the natives ; a traffic very displeasing
to the partisans of Velasquez, who considered it an inva-
sion of his rights. Cortes, however, did not think it
prudent, in this matter, to balk the inclinations of his
followers.15
At the expiration of seven, or eight days at most, the
Mexican embassy presented itself before the camp. It
may seem an incredibly short space of time, considering
the distance of the capital was near seventy leagues.
But it may be remembered that tidings were carried
there by means of posts, as already noticed, in the brief
space of four-and -twenty hours ;16 and four or five days
would suffice for the descent of the envoys to the coast,
14 Tezozomoc, Crdii. Mexicana, ]5 Benial Diaz. Hist, de la Con-
MS., loc. cit. — Camargo, Hist, de quista, cap. 39. — Gomara, Cronica,
Tlascala, MS. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. cap. 27, ap. Bareia, torn. ii.
Chick., MS., cap. 80. )6 Ante, book 1, ckap. 2, p. 33.
246 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. j
BOOK II.
accustomed as the Mexicans were to long and rapid tra-
velling. At all events, no writer states the period occu-
pied by the Indian emissaries on this occasion as longer
than that mentioned.
The embassy, consisting of two Aztec nobles, was
accompanied by the governor, Teuhtlile, and by a hun-
dred slaves, bearing the princely gifts of Montezuma.
One of the envoys had been selected on account of the
great resemblance which, as appeared from the painting
representing the camp, he bore to the Spanish com-
mander. And it is a proof of the fidelity of the painting
that the soldiers recognized the resemblance, and always
distinguished the chief by the name of the " Mexican
Cortes."
On entering the general's pavilion, the ambassadors
saluted him and his officers with the usual signs of re-
verence to persons of great consideration, touching the
ground with their hands and then carrying them to their
heads, while the air was filled with clouds of incense,
which rose up from the censers borne by their attendants.
Some delicately wrought mats of the country {petates)
were then unrolled, and on them the slaves displayed the
various articles they had brought. They were of the
most miscellaneous kind ; shields, helmets, cuirasses,
embossed with plates and ornaments of pure gold ;
collars and bracelets of the same metal, sandals, fans,
panaches and crests of variegated feathers, intermingled
with gold and silver thread, and sprinkled with pearls
and precious stones ; imitations of birds and animals in
wrought and cast gold and silver, of exquisite workman-
ship ; curtains, coverlets, and robes of cotton, fine as silk,
of rich and various dyes, interwoven with featherwork
that rivalled the delicacy of painting.17 There were more
17 Prom the chequered figure of animals, feathers, and cotton thread,
some of these coloured cottons, Peter interwoven together. " Plumas illas
Martyr infers, the Indians were ac- et concinnant inter cuniculorum vil-
quainted with chess ! He notices a los interque gossampij stamina or-
curious fabric made of the hair of diuntur, et intexunt opcrose adco,
CHAP. VI
■]
EMBASSY AND PRESENTS.
247
than thirty loads of cotton cloth in addition. Among
the articles was the Spanish helmet sent to the capital,
and now returned, filled to the brim with grains of gold.
But the things which excited the most admiration were
two circular plates of gold and silver, " as large as car-
riage-wheels." One, representing the sun, was richly
carved with plants and animals, — no doubt, denoting
the Aztec century. It was thirty palms in circumference,
and was valued at twenty thousand pesos de oro. The
silver wheel, of the same size, weighed fifty marks.18
The Spaniards could not conceal their rapture at the
exhibition of treasures which so far surpassed all the
dreams in which they had indulged. For, rich as were
ut quo pacto id ' faciant non bene
intellexerimus." De Orbe Novo,
(Parisiis, 1587,) dec. 5, cap. 10.
18 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
quista, cap. 39. — Oviedo, Hist, de
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 1.— Las
Casas, Hist, de las Iudias, MS., lib.
3, cap. 120. — Gomara, Cronica, cap.
27, ap. Barcia, torn. ii. — Carta de
Vera Cruz, MS. — Herrera, Hist.
General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 5.
Bobertson cites Bernal Diaz as
reckoning the value of the silver
plate at 20,000 pesos, or about
5,000/. (History of America, vol. ii.
note 75.) But Bernal Diaz speaks
only of the value of the gold plate,
which he estimates at 20,000 pesos
de oro, a different affair from the
pesos, dollars, or ounces of silver,
with which the historian confounds
them. As the mention of the peso
de oro will often recur in these
pages, it will be well to make the
reader acquainted with its probable
value.
Nothing is more difficult than to
ascertain the actual value of the
currency of a distant age ; so many
circumstances occur to embarrass
the calculation, besides the general
depreciation of the precious metals,
such as the adulteration of specific
coins, and the like.
Senor Cletnencin, the secretary
of the Royal Academy of History,
in the sixth volume of its Memorius,
has computed with great accuracy
the value of the different denomina-
tions of the Spanish currency at the
close of the fifteenth century, the
period just preceding that of the
conquest of Mexico. He makes no
mention of the peso de oro in his
tables. But he ascertains the pre-
cise value of the gold ducat, Avhich
will answer our purpose as well.
(Memorias de la Real Academia de
Historia, [Madrid, 1821,] torn. vi.
Ilust. 20.) Oviedo, a contempo-
rary of the Conquerors, informs us
that the peso de oro and the castellano
were of the same value, and that
was precisely one third greater than
the value of the ducat. (Hist. del.
Ind., lib. 6, cap. 8, ap. Ramusio,
Navigationi et Yiaggi, [Venetia,
1565,] torn, hi.) Now the ducat,
as appears from Clemencin, reduced
to our own currency, would be equal
to eight dollars and seventy-five
cents. The peso de oro, therefore,
was equal to eleven dollars and sixty-
seven cents, or two pounds, twelve
shillings, and sixpence sterling.
Keeping this in mind, it will be easy
for the reader to determine the ac-
tual value, in pesos de oro, of any
sum that may be hereafter men-
tioned.
248 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
the materials, they were exceeded — according to the
testimony of those who saw these articles afterwards in
Seville, where they could coolly examine them — by the
beauty and richness of the workmanship.19
When Cortes and his officers had completed their
survey, the ambassadors courteously delivered the mes-
sage of Montezuma. " It gave their master great plea-
sure," they said, " to hold this communication with so
powerful a monarch as the King of Spain, for whom he
felt the most profound respect. He regretted much that
he could not enjoy a personal interview with the Spaniards,
but the distance of his capital was too great ; since the
journey was beset with difficulties, and with ttoo many
dangers from formidable enemies, to make it possible.
All that could be done, therefore, was for the strangers
to return to their own land, with the proofs thus afforded
them of his friendly disposition."
Cortes, though much chagrined at this decided refusal
of Montezuma to admit his visit, concealed his mortifica-
tion as he best might, and politely expressed his sense
of the emperor's munificence. " It made him only the
more desirous," he said, " to have a personal interview
with him. He should feel it, indeed, impossible to pre-
sent himself again before his own sovereign, without
having accomplished this great object of his voyage ; and
one, who had sailed over two thousand leagues of ocean,
held lightly the perils and fatigues of so short a journey
19 " Cierto cosas de ver ! " ex- sitive Martyr, who examined them
claims Las Casas, who saw them carefully, remarks yet more empha-
with the Emperor Charles V., in tically, "Si quid unquam honoris
Seville, in 1520. "Quedaron todos humana ingenia in huiuscemodi arti-
los que vieron aquestas cosas tan bus sunt adepta, priucipatum iure
ricas y tan bien artificiadas y her- merito ista consequentur. Aurum,
mosisimas como de cosas nunca gemmasque non admiror quidem, qua
vistas," &c. (Hist, de las Indias, industria, quove studio superet opus
MS., lib. 3, cap. 120.) " Muy materiam, stupeo. Mille figuras
hermosas ; " says Oviedo, who saw et facies mille prospexi qua? scribere
them in Vallaclolid, and describes nequeo. Quid oculos hominum sua
the great wheels more minutely ; pulchritudme seque possit allicere
" todo era mucho de ver !" (Hist, de meo iudicio vidi nunquam." De
las Indias, MS., loc. cit.) The inqui- Orbe Novo, dec. 4, cap. 9.
CHAr. VI,] EMBASSY AND PRESENTS. 249
by land." He once more requested them to become
the bearers of his message to their master, together with
a slight additional token of his respect.
This consisted of a few fine Holland shirts, a Floren-
tine goblet, gilt and somewhat curiously enamelled, with
some toys of little value, — a sorry return for the solid
magnificence of the royal present. The ambassadors
may have thought as much. At least, they showed no
alacrity in charging themselves either with the present or
the message ; and, on quitting the Castilian quarters,
repeated their assurance that the general's application
would be unavailing.20
The splendid treasure, which now lay dazzling the
eyes of the Spaniards, raised in their bosoms very different
emotions, according to the difference of their characters.
Some it stimulated with the ardent desire to strike at
once into the interior, and possess themselves of a
country which teemed with such boundless stores of
wealth. Others looked on it as the evidence of a power
altogether too formidable to be encountered with their
present insignificant force. They thought, therefore, it
would be most prudent to return and report their pro-
ceedings to the governor of Cuba, where preparations
could be made commensurate with so vast an undertaking.
There can be little doubt as to the impression made on
the bold spirit of Cortes, on which difficulties ever oper-
ated as incentives rather than discouragements to enter-
prise. But he prudently said nothing, — at least in public,
— preferring that so important a movement should flow
from the determination of his whole army, rather than
from his own individual impulse.
Meanwhile the soldiers suffered greatly from the in-
conveniences of their position amidst burning sands and
the pestilent effluvia of the neighbouring marshes, while
20 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
MS., lib. 3, cap. 121.— Bemal Diaz, 80. — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 27, ap.
Hist de la Conquista, cap. 39. — Barcia, torn. ii.
250 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
the venomous insects of these hot regions left them no
repose, day or night. Thirty of their number had al-
ready sickened and died ; a loss that could ill be afforded
by the little band. To add to their troubles, the cold-
ness of the Mexican chiefs had extended to their fol-
lowers ; and the supplies for the camp were not only
much diminished, but the prices set on them were exor-
bitant. The position was equally unfavourable for the
shipping, which lay on an open roadstead, exposed to
the fury of the first norte which should sweep the Mexi-
can Gulf.
The general was induced by these circumstances to
despatch two vessels, under Francisco de Montejo, with
the experienced Alaminos for his pilot, to explore the
coast in a northerly direction, and see if a safer port and
more commodious quarters for the army could not be
found there.
After the lapse of ten days the Mexican envoys re-
turned. They entered the Spanish quarters with the
same formality as on the former visit, bearing with them
an additional present of rich stuffs and metallic orna-
ments, which, though inferior in value to those before
brought, were estimated at three thousand ounces of
gold. Besides these, there were four precious stones of
a considerable size, resembling emeralds, called by the
natives chalchuites, each of which, as they assured the
Spaniards, was worth more than a load of gold, and was
designed as a mark of particular respect for the Spanish
monarch.21 Unfortunately they were not worth as many
loads of earth in Europe.
Montezuma's answer was in substance the same as
before. It contained a positive prohibition for the stran-
21 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- mezcladas de bianco, usanlas nmcho
quista, cap. 40. los principal es, trayendolas a las
Father Saliagun thus describes muiiecas atadas en hilo, y aquello es
these stones, so precious in Mexico serial de que es persona noble cl que
that the use of them was interdicted las trae." Hist, de Nueva Espaiia,
to any but the nobles. " Las dial- lib. 11, cap. S.
chidtes son verdes y no transparentes
chap, vi.] SPANISH ENCAMPMENT. 251
gers to advance nearer to the capital ; and expressed the
confidence, that, now they had obtained what they had
most desired, they would return to their own country
without unnecessary delay. Cortes received this unpa-
latable response courteously, though somewhat coldly,
and, turning to his officers, exclaimed, " This is a rich
and powerful prince indeed ; yet it shall go hard, but we
will one day pay him a visit in his capital ! "
While they were conversing, the bell struck for ves-
pers. At the sound, the soldiers, throwing themselves
on their knees, offered up their orisons before the large
wooden cross planted in the sands. As the Aztec chiefs
gazed with curious surprise, Cortes thought it a favour-
able occasion to impress them with what he conceived to
be a principal object of his visit to the country. Father
Olmedo accordingly expounded, as briefly and clearly as
he could, the great doctrines of Christianity, touching on
the atonement, the passion, and the resurrection, and
concluding with assuring his astonished audience, that it
was the intention to extirpate the idolatrous practices of
the nation, and to substitute the pure worship of the true
God. He then put into their hands a little image of the
Virgin with the infant Redeemer, requesting them to
place it in their temples instead of their sanguinary
deities. How far the Aztec lords comprehended the
mysteries of the Faith, as conveyed through the double
version of Aguilar and Marina, or how well they per-
ceived the subtle distinctions between their own images
and those of the Roman Church, we are not informed.
There is reason to fear, however, that the seed fell on
barren ground ; for, when the homily of the good father
ended, they withdrew with an air of dubious reserve very
different from their friendly manners at the first inter-
view. The same night every hut was deserted by the
natives, and the Spaniards saw themselves suddenly
cut off from supplies in the midst of a desolate wilder-
ness. The movement had so suspicious an appearance,
252 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
that Cortes apprehended an attack would be made on
his quarters, and took precautions accordingly. But
none was meditated.
The army was at length cheered by the return of
Montejo from his exploring expedition, after an absence
of twelve days. He had run down the Gulf as far as
Panuco, where he experienced such heavy gales, in
attempting to double that headland, that he was driven
back, and had nearly foundered. In the whole course
of the voyage he had found only one place tolerably
sheltered from the north winds. Fortunately, the adja-
cent country, well watered by fresh, running streams,
afforded a favourable position for the camp ; and thither,
after some deliberation, it was determined to repair.22
22 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, — Hen-era, Hist. General, dec. 2,
MS. — Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, lib. 5, cap. 6. — Gomara, Cronica,
MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. — Bemal Diaz, cap. 29, ap. Barcia, torn. ii.
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 40, 41.
CHAP. VII.
253
CHAPTER VII.
Troubles in the Camp. — Plan of a Colony. — Management of Cortes. —
March to Cempoalla.— Proceediugs with the Natives. — Foundation of
Vera Cruz.
1519.
There is no situation which tries so severely the
patience and discipline of the soldier, as a life of idleness
in camp, where his thoughts, instead of being bent on
enterprise and action, are fastened on himself and the
inevitable privations and dangers of his condition. This
was particularly the case in the present instance, where,
in addition to the evils of a scanty subsistence, the
troops suffered from excessive heat, swarms of venomous
insects, and the other annoyances of a sultry climate.
They were, moreover, far from possessing the character
of regular forces, trained to subordination under a com-
mander whom they had long been taught to reverence
and obey. They were soldiers of fortune, embarked
with him in an adventure in which all seemed to have
an equal stake, and they regarded their captain — the
captain of a day — as little more than an equal.
There was a growing discontent among the men at
their longer residence in this strange land. They were
still more dissatisfied on learning the general's intention
to remove to the neighbourhood of the port discovered
by Montejo. " It was time to return," they said, " and
report what had been done to the governor of Cuba, and
not linger on these barren shores until they had brought
254 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. j
BOOK II.
the whole Mexican empire on their heads ! " Cortes
evaded their importunities as well as he could, assuring
them there was no cause for despondency. " Everything
so far had gone on prosperously, and, when they had
taken up a more favourable position, there was no reason
to doubt they might still continue the same profitable
intercourse with the natives."
While this was passing, five Indians made their
appearance in the camp one morning, and were brought
to the general's tent. Their dress and whole appearance
were different from those of the Mexicans. They wore
rings of gold and gems of a bright blue stone in their
ears and nostrils, while a gold leaf delicately wrought
was attached to the under lip. Marina was unable to
comprehend their language ; but, on her addressing them
in Aztec, two of them, it was found, could converse in
that tongue. They said they were natives of Cempoalla,
the chief town of the Totonacs, a powerful nation who
had come upon the great plateau many centuries back,
and, descending its eastern slope, settled along the
sierras and broad plains which skirt the Mexican Gulf
towards the north. Their country was one of the recent
conquests of the Aztecs, and they experienced such vex-
atious oppressions from their conquerors as made them
very impatient of the yoke. They informed Cortes of
these and other particulars. The fame of the Spaniards
had reached their master, who sent these messengers
to request the presence of the wonderful strangers in his
capital.
This communication was eagerly listened to by the
general, who, it will be remembered, was possessed of
none of those facts, laid before the reader, respecting
the internal condition of the kingdom, which he had
no reason to suppose other than strong and united. An
important truth now flashed on his mind, as his quick
eye descried in this spirit of discontent a potent lever by
the aid of which he might hope to overturn this barbaric
chap, vii.] PLAN OF A COLONY. 255
empire. He received the mission of the Totonacs most
graciously, and, after informing himself, as far as possi-
ble, of their dispositions and resources, dismissed them
with presents, promising soon to pay a visit to their
lord.1
Meanwhile, his personal friends, among whom may be
particularly mentioned Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero,
Christoval de Olid, Alonso de Avila, Pedro de Alvarado
and his brothers, were very busy in persuading the
troops to take such measures as should enable Cortes to
go forward in those ambitious plans for which he had
no warrant from the powers of Velasquez. " To return
now," they said, " was to abandon the enterprise on the
threshold, which, under such a leader, must conduct to
glory and incalculable riches. To return to Cuba would
be to surrender to the greedy governor the little gains
they had already got. The only way was to persuade
the general to establish a permanent colony in the coun-
try, the government of which would take the conduct of
matters into its own hands, and provide for the interests
of its members. It was true, Cortes had no such
authority from Velasquez. But the interests of the
Sovereigns, which were paramount to every other, im-
peratively demanded it.'5
These conferences could not be conducted so secretly,
though held by night, as not to reach the ears of the
friends of Velasquez.2 They remonstrated against the
proceedings, as insidious and disloyal. They accused
the general of instigating them ; and, calling on him to
take measures without delay for the return of the troops
to Cuba, announced their own intention to depart, with
such followers as still remained true to the governor.
Cortes, instead of taking umbrage at this high-handed
j Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Vera Cruz says nothing of these
quista, cap. 41. — Las Casas, Hist. midnight conferences. Bernal Diaz,
de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. who was privy to them, is a suffiei-
Gomara, Cronica, cap. 28. ent authority. See Hist, dela Con-
2 The letter from the calildo of quista, cap. 42.
256 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book n-
proceeding, or even answering in the same haughty tone,
mildly replied, " that nothing was further from his desire
than to exceed his instructions. He, indeed, preferred
to remain in the country and continue his profitable
intercourse with the natives. But, since the army
thought otherwise, he should defer to their opinion, and
give orders to return, as they desired." On the follow-
ing morning, proclamation was made for the troops to
hold themselves in readiness to embark at once on board
the fleet, which was to sail for Cuba.3
Great was the sensation caused by their general's
order. Even many of those before clamorous for it,
with the usual caprice of men whose wishes are too
easily gratified, now regretted it. The partisans of
Cortes were loud in their remonstrances. "They were
betrayed by the general," they cried, and, thronging
round his tent, called on him to countermand his orders.
"We came here," said they, "expecting to form a
settlement, if the state of the country authorized it.
Now it seems you have no warrant from the governor to
make one. But there are interests, higher than those of
Velasquez, which demand it. These territories are not
his property, but were discovered for the Sovereigns ; 4
and it is necessary to plant a colony to watch over their
interests, instead of wasting time in idle barter, or, still
3 Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 30. — former case, intending queen Joanna,
Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., the crazy mother of Charles V., as
lib. 3, cap. 121. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. well as himself. Indeed, all public
Chichi., MS., cap. 80. — Bernal Diaz, acts and ordinances ran in the name
ibid., loc. cit. — Declaracion de Puer- of both. The title of " Highness,"
tocarrero, MS. which, until the reign of Charles Y.,
The deposition of a respectable had usually — not uniformly, as
person like Puertocarrero, taken in Robertson imagines, (History of
the course of the following year Charles Y., vol. ii. p. 59,) — been
after his return to Spain, is a docu- applied to the sovereign, now gra-
ment of such authority, that I have dually gave way to that of "Majesty,"
transferred it entire, in the original, which Charles affected after his elec-
to the Appendix, Part 2, No. 7. tion to the imperial throne. The
same title is occasionally found in
4 Sometimes we find the Spanish the correspondence of the Great
writers referring to "the sovereigns," Captain, and other courtiers of the
sometimes to " the emperor ;" in the reign of Perdinand and Isabella.
CHAP. VII
.] PLAN OF A COLONY. 257
worse, of returning, in the present state of affairs, to
Cuba. If you refuse," they concluded, " we shall protest
against your conduct as disloyal to their Highnesses."
Cortes received this remonstrance with the embarrassed
air of one by whom it was altogether unexpected. He
modestly requested time for deliberation, and promised
to give his answer on the following clay. At the time
appointed, he called the troops together, and made them
a brief address. " There was no one," he said, " if he
knew his own heart, more deeply devoted than himself
to the welfare of his Sovereigns, and the glory of the
Spanish name. He had not only expended his all, but
incurred heavy debts, to meet the charges of this expe-
dition, and had hoped to reimburse himself by continu-
ing his traffic with the Mexicans. But, if the soldiers
thought a different course advisable, he was ready to
postpone his own advantage to the good of the state."5
He concluded by declaring his willingness to take mea-
sures for settling a colony in the name of the Spanish
Sovereigns, and to nominate a magistracy to preside
over it.6
For the alcaldes he selected Puertocarrero and Mon-
tejo, the former cavalier his fast friend, and the latter the
friend of Velasquez, and chosen for that very reason ; a
stroke of policy which perfectly succeeded. The regi-
dores, alguacil, treasurer, and other functionaries, were
then appointed, all of them his personal friends and
5 According to Robertson, Cortes he had a copy. They all concur in
told his men that he had proposed the statement in the text.
to establish a colony on the coast G Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias,
before marching into the country ; MS., lib. 3, cap. 122. — Carta de
but he abandoned his design, at their Vera Cruz, MS. — Declaration de
entreaties to set out at once on the Montejo, MS. — Declaracion de
expedition. In the very next page, Puertocarrero, MS.
we find him organizing this same " Our general, after some urging,
colony. (History of America, vol. acquiesced," says the blunt old sol-
ii. pp. 241, 242.) The historian dier, Bernal Diaz ; " for, as the pro-
would, have been saved this incon- verb says, ' You ask me to do what
sistency, if he had followed either I have already made up^ my mind
of the authorities whom he cites, to.' " Tu me lo rogas, e yo me lo
Bernal Diaz and Herrera, or the quiero. Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
letter from Vera Cruz, of which 42.
VOL. I. S
258 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
adherents. They were regularly sworn into office, and.
the new city received the title of Villa Bica de Vera
Cruz, " The Rich Town of the True Cross ;" a name
which was considered as happily intimating that union of
spiritual and temporal interests to which the arms of
the Spanish adventurers in the New World were to be
devoted.7 Thus, by a single stroke of the pen, as it
were, the camp was transformed into a civil community,
and the whole frame-work and even title of the city were
arranged before the site of it had been settled.
The new municipality were not slow in coming to-
gether ; when Cortes presented himself, cap in hand,
before that august body, and, laying the powers of
Velasquez on the table, respectfully tendered the resig-
nation of his office of Captain General. " which, indeed,"
he said, <c had necessarily expired, since the authority of
the governor was now superseded by that of the magis-
tracy of Villa Rica de Vera Cruz." He then, with a
profound obeisance left the apartment.8
The council, after a decent time spent in deliberation,
again requested his presence. " There was no one,"
they said, " who, on mature reflection, appeared to them
so well qualified to take charge of the interests of the
community, both in peace and in war, as himself; and
they unanimously named him, in behalf of their Catholic
Highnesses, Captain General and Chief Justice of the
colony." He was further empowered to draw, on his
own account, one fifth of the gold and silver which
might hereafter be obtained by commerce or conquest
" According to Bernal Diaz, the mouth of his hero, of which there is
title of " Vera Cruz " was intended not a vestige in any contemporary
to commemorate their landing on account. (Conquista, lib. 2, cap. 7.)
Good Friday. Hist, de la Con- Dr. Robertson has transferred it to
quista, cap. 42. his own eloquent pages, without
3 Solis, whose taste for speech- citing his author, indeed, who, con-
making might have satisfied even sidering he came a century and a
the Abbe Mabl.y, (see his Treatise, half after the Conquest, must be
" De la Maniere d'ecrire, l'His- allowed to be not the best, espc-
toire,") has put a very flourishing cially when the only, voucher for a
harangue on this occasion into the fact.
chap, vii.] MANAGEMENT OF CORTES. 259
from the natives.9 Thus clothed with supreme civil and
military jurisdiction, Cortes was not backward in exert-
ing his authority. He found speedy occasion for it.
The transactions above described had succeeded each
other so rapidly, that the governor's party seemed to be
taken by surprise, and had formed no plan of opposition.
When the last measure was carried, however, they broke
forth into the most indignant and opprobrious invectives,
denouncing the whole as a systematic conspiracy against
Velasquez. These accusations led to recrimination from
the soldiers of the other side, until from words they
nearly proceeded to blows. Some of the principal cava-
liers, among them Velasquez de Leon, a kinsman of the
governor, Escobar his page, and Diego de Ordaz, were
so active in instigating these turbulent movements that
Cortes took the bold measure of putting them all in
irons, and sending them on board the vessels. He then
dispersed the common file by detaching many of them,
with a strong party under Alvarado, to forage the neigh-
bouring country, and bring home provisions for the des-
titute camp.
During their absence, every argument that cupidity or
ambition could suggest was used to win the refractory
to his views. Promises, and even gold, it is said, were
liberally lavished ; till, by degrees, their understandings
were opened to a clearer view of the merits of the case.
And when the foraging party reappeared with abund-
ance of poultry and vegetables, and the cravings of the
stomach — that great laboratory of disaffection, whether
in camp or capital — were appeased, good humour re-
turned with good cheer, and the rival factions embraced
one another as companions in arms, pledged to a com-
9 " Lo peor de todo que le otor- The letter from Vera Cruz says no-
gainos," says Bernal Diaz, somewhat thing of this fifth. The reader, who
peevishly, was, " que le dariamos el would see the whole account of this
quinto del oro de lo que se huvicsse, remarkable transaction in the ori-
despues de sacado el Real quinto." ginal, may find it in Appendix, Part
(Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 42.) 2, No. S.
s 2
260 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
mon cause. Even the high-mettled hidalgos on board
the vessels did not long withstand the general tide of
reconciliation, but one by one gave in their adhesion
to the new government. What is more remarkable
is, that this forced conversion was not a hollow one,
but from this time forward several of these very cava-
liers became the most steady and devoted partisans of
Cortes.10
Such was the address of this extraordinary man, and
such the ascendancy which in a few months he had
acquired over these wild and turbulent spirits ! By this
ingenious transformation of a military into a civil com-
munity, he had secured a new and effectual basis for
future operations. He might now go forward without
fear of check or control from a superior, — at least from
any other superior than the Crown, under which alone
he held his commission. In accomplishing this, instead
of incurring the charge of usurpation, or of transcending
his legitimate powers, he had transferred the responsi-
bility, in a great measure, to those who had imposed on
him the necessity of action. By this step, moreover, he
had linked the fortunes of his followers indissolubly with
his own. They had taken their chance with him, and,
whether for weal or for woe, must abide the consequences.
He was no longer limited to the narrow concerns of a
sordid traffic, but sure of their cooperation, might now
boldly meditate, and gradually disclose, those lofty
10 Carta cle Vera Cruz, MS. — the other hand, sees nothing but
Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 30, 31. — Las good faith and loyalty in the con-
Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., lib. duct of the general, who acted from
3, cap. 122. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. a sense of duty ! (Conquista, lib. 2,
Cliich., MS., cap. SO. — Bernal Diaz, cap. G, 7.) Solis is even a more
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 42. — steady apologist for his hero, than
Declaraciones de Montejo y Puerto- his own chaplain, Gomara, or the
carrero, MSS. worthy magistrates of Vera Cruz. A
In the process of Narvaez against more impartial testimony than either,
Cortes, the latter is accused of being probably, may be gathered from
possessed with the devil, as only honest Bernal Diaz, so often quoted.
Lucifer could have gained him thus A hearty champion of the cause, he
the affections of the soldiery. (De- was by no means blind to the defects
manda de Narvaez, MS.) Solis, on nor the merits of his leader.
chap, vii.] MANAGEMENT OF CORTES. 261
schemes which he had formed in his own bosom for the
conquest of an empire. n
Harmony being thus restored, Cortes sent his heavy
guns on board the fleet, and ordered it to coast along
the shore to the north as far as Chiahuitsala, the town
near which the destined port of the new city was situ-
ated ; proposing, himself, at the head of his troops, to
visit Cempoalla, on the march. The road lay for some
miles across the dreary plains in the neighbourhood of
the modern Vera Cruz. In this sandy waste no signs of
vegetation met their eyes, which, however, were occa-
sionally refreshed by glimpses of the blue Atlantic, and
by the distant view of the magnificent Orizaba, towering
with his spotless diadem of snow far above his colossal
brethren of the Andes.12 As they advanced, the country
gradually assumed a greener and richer aspect. They
crossed a river, probably a tributary of the Bio tie la
Antigua, with difficulty, on rafts, and on some broken
canoes that were lying on the banks. They now came
in view of very different scenery, — wide-rolling plains
covered with a rich carpet of verdure, and overshadowed
by groves of cocoas and feathery palms, among whose
11 This may appear rather indif- la tierra, y es tan alta, que si el dia
ferent logic to those who consider no es bien claro, no se puede divisar
that Cortes appointed the very body, ni ver lo alto de ella, porque de la
who, in turn, appointed him to the mitad arriba esta toda cubierta de
command. But the affectation of nubes ; y algunos veces, cuando hace
legal forms afforded him a. thin var- muy claro dia, se vce por cima de
nish for his proceedings, which served las dichas nubes lo alto de ella, y
his purpose, for the present at least, esta, tan bianco, que lo jusgamos por
with the troops. For the future he nieve." (Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.)
trusted to his good star, — in other This huge volcano was called Citlal-
words, to the success of his enter- tepetl, or " Star-mountain," by the
prise, to vindicate his conduct to the Mexicans, — perhaps from the fire
Emperor. He did not miscalculate. which once issued from its conical
12 The name of the mountain is summit, far above the clouds. It
not given, and probably was not stands in the intendancy of Vera
known, but the minute description Cruz, and rises, according to Hum-
in the MS. of Vera Cruz leaves no boldt's measurement, to the enor-
doubt that it was the one mentioned mous height of 17,308 feet above the
in the text. " Entre las quales cs ocean. (Essai Politique, torn. i. p.
una que excede en mucha altura a 265.) It is the highest peak but one
todas las otras y de ella se vee y in the whole range of the Mexican
descubre gran parte de la mar y de Cordilleras.
262 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ir.
tall, slender stems were seen deer, and various wild
animals with which the Spaniards were unacquainted.
Some of the horsemen gave chase to the deer, and
wounded, but did not succeed in killing them. They
saw, also, pheasants and other birds ; among them the
wild turkey, the pride of the American forest, which the
Spaniards described as a species of peacock.13
On their route they passed through some deserted
villages, in which were Indian temples, where they found
censers, and other sacred utensils, and manuscripts of
the agave fibre, containing the picture-writing, in which,
probably, their religious ceremonies were recorded.
They now beheld, also, the hideous spectacle, with which
they became afterwards familiar, of the mutilated corpses
of victims who had been sacrificed to the accursed deities
of the land. The Spaniards turned with loathing and.
indignation from a display of butchery, which formed so
dismal a contrast to the fair scenes of nature by whicli
they were surrounded.
They held their course along the banks of the river,
towards its source, when they were met by twelve
Indians, sent by the cacique of Cempoalla to show them
the way to his residence. At night they bivouacked in
an open meadow, where they were well supplied with
provisions by their new friends. They left the stream
on the following morning, and striking northerly across
the country, came upon a wide expanse of luxuriant
plains and woodland, glowing in all the splendour of
tropical vegetation. The branches of the stately trees
were gaily festooned with clustering vines of the dark-
purple grape, variegated convolvuli, and other flowering
parasites of the most brilliant dyes. The undergrowth
of prickly aloe, matted with wild rose and honeysuckle,
made in many places an almost impervious thicket.
Amid this wilderness of sweet-smelling buds and blos-
soms fluttered numerous birds of the parrot tribe, and
13 Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conrruista, cap. 44.
chap, vii.] MARCH TO CEMPOALLA. 263
clouds of butterflies, whose gaudy colours, nowhere so
gorgeous as in the tierra caliente, rivalled those of the
vegetable creation ; while birds of exquisite song, the
scarlet cardinal and the marvellous mocking-bird, that
comprehends in his own notes the whole music of a
forest, filled the air with delicious melody. — The hearts
of the stern Conquerors were not very sensible to the
beauties of nature. But the magical charms of the
scenery drew forth unbounded expressions of delight,
and as they wandered through this " terrestrial paradise,"
as they called it, they fondly compared it to the fairest
regions of their own sunny land.14
As they approached the Indian city, they saw abun-
dant signs of cultivation in the trim gardens and orchards
that lined both sides of the road. They were now met
by partiesof the natives of either sex, who increased in
numbers with every step of their progress. The women,
as well as men, mingled fearlessly among the soldiers,
bearing bunches and wreaths of flowers, with which they
decorated the neck of the general's charger, and hung a
chaplet of roses about his helmet. Flowers were the
14 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 32, ap. Where the palm tapers and the
Barcia, torn. ii. — Herrera, Hist. orange glows,
General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 8.— Where the light bamboo weaves her
Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid., MS., lib. feathery screen,
33, cap. 1. And her far shade the matchless
" Mui hermosas vegas y ribe- ceiba throws !
ras tales y tan hermosas que en
toda Espaiia no pueden ser mejores " Ye cloudless ethers of unchanging
ansi de apacibles a la vista como blue,
de fructiferas." (Carta de Vera Save where the rosy streaks of
Cruz, MS.) The following poetical eve give way
apostrophe, by Lord Morpeth, to To the clear sapphire of your mid-
the scenery of Cuba, equally appli- night hue,
cable to that of the tierra caliente, The burnish' d azure of your per-
will give the reader a more animated feet day !
picture of the glories of these sunny
climes, than my own prose can. The " Yet tell me not my native skies
verses, which have never been pub- are bleak,
lished, breathe the generous senti- That flush' d with liquid wealth
ineivt characteristic of their noble no cane fields wave ;
author. For Virtue pines and Manhood
dares not speak,
" Ye tropic forests of unfading And Nature's glories brighten
green,
round the Slave.
264 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
delight of this people. They bestowed much care in
their cultivation, in which they were well seconded by a
climate of alternate heat and moisture, stimulating the
soil to the spontaneous production of every form of vege-
table life. The same refined taste, as we shall see,
prevailed among the warlike Aztecs, and has survived
the degradation of the nation in their descendants of the
present day.15
Many of the women appeared, from their richer dress
and numerous attendants, to be persons of rank. They
were clad in robes of fine cotton, curiously coloured,
which reached from the neck — in the inferior orders,
from the waist — to the ankles. The men wore a sort of
mantle of the same material, a la Morisca, in the Moorish
fashion, over their shoulders, and belts or sashes about
the loins. Both sexes had jewels and ornaments of gold
round their necks, while their ears and nostrils were per-
forated with rings of the same metal.
Just before reaching the town, some horsemen who
had rode in advance returned with the amazing intel-
ligence, " that they had been near enough to look within
the gates, and found the houses all plated with burnished
silver ! " On entering the place, the silver was found to
be nothing more than a brilliant coating of stucco, with
which the principal buildings were covered; a circum-
stance which produced much merriment among the
soldiers at the expense of their credulous comrades.
Such ready credulity is a proof of the exalted state of
their imaginations, which were prepared to see gold and
silver in every object around them.10 The edifices of the
better kind were of stone and lime, or bricks dried in
13 " The same love of flowers," guinary worship and barbarous sa-
observes one of the most delightful crifices." Madame Calderon de la
of modern travellers, " distinguishes Barca, Life in Mexico, vol. i. let. 12.
the natives now, as in the times of lfi " Con la imaginacion que
Cortes. And it presents a strange llevaban, i buenos deseos, todo se
anomaly." she adds, with her usual les antojaba plata, i oro lo que re-
acuteness ; "this love of flowers lucia." Gomara, Cronica, cap. 32,
having existed along with their san- ap. Barcia, torn. ii.
chap, vii.] PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 265
the sun; the poorer were of clay and earth. All were
thatched with palrn-leaves, which, though a flimsy roof,
apparently, for such structures, were so nicely inter-
woven as to form a very effectual protection against the
weather.
The city was said to contain from twenty to thirty
thousand inhabitants. This is the most moderate com-
putation, and not improbable.17 Slowly and silently the
little army paced the narrow and now crowded streets of
Cempoalla, inspiring the natives with no greater wonder
than they themselves experienced at the display of a
policy and refinement so far superior to anything they
had witnessed in the New World.18 The cacique came
out in front of his residence to receive them. He was a
tall and very corpulent man, and advanced leaning on
two of his attendants. He received Cortes and his fol-
lowers with great courtesy ; and, after a brief interchange
of civilities, assigned the army its quarters in a neigh-
bouring temple, into the spacious court-yard of which a
number of apartments opened, affording excellent accom-
modations for the soldiery.
Here the Spaniards were well supplied with provisions,
meat cooked after the fashion of the country, and maize
made into bread-cakes. The general received, also, a
present of considerable value from the cacique, consisting
of ornaments of gold and fine cottons. Notwithstanding
these friendly demonstrations, Cortes did not relax his
habitual vigilance, nor neglect any of the precautions of
a good soldier. On his route, indeed, he had always
marched in order of battle, well prepared against surprise.
17 This is Las Casas' estimate. probably, for trade. Its ruins were
(Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 3, cap. visible at the close of the last cen-
121.) Torquemada hesitates between tury. See Lorenzana, Hist, de
twenty, fifty, and one hundred and Nueva Espana, p. 39, nota.
fifty thousand, each of which he
names at different times ! (Clavi- ls " Porque viven mas poh'tica y
gero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ii. p. rasonablemente que ninguna de las
27, nota.) The place was gradually gentes que hasta oy en estas partes
abandoned, after the Conquest, for se ha visto." Carta de Vera Cruz,
others, in a more favourable position, MS.
266 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
In his present quarters, he stationed his sentinels with
like care, posted his small artillery so as to command the
entrance, and forbade any soldier to leave the camp
without orders, under pain of death.19
The following morning, Cortes, accompanied by fifty
of his men, paid a visit to the lord of Cempoalla in his
own residence. It was a building of stone and lime,
standing on a steep terrace of earth, and was reached by
a flight of stone steps. It may have borne resemblance
in its structure to some of the ancient buildings found in
Central America. Cortes, leaving his soldiers in the
court-yard, entered the mansion with one of his officers,
and his fair interpreter, Dona Marina.20 A long confer-
ence ensued, from which the Spanish general gathered
much light respecting the state of the country. He first
announced to the chief, that he was the subject of a great
monarch who dwelt beyond the waters ; that he had
come to the Aztec shores, to abolish the inhuman worship
which prevailed there, and to introduce the knowledge of
the true God. The cacique replied that their gods, who
sent them the sunshine and the rain, were good enough
for them ; that he was the tributary of a powerful
monarch also, whose capital stood on a lake far off among
the mountains ; a stern prince, merciless in his exactions,
and, in case of resistance, or any offence, sure to wreak
his vengeance by carrying off' their young men and
maidens to be sacrificed to his deities. Cortes assured
him that he would never consent to such enormities ; he
had been sent by his sovereign to redress abuses and to
punish the oppressor;21 and, if the Totonacs would be
19 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, 21 " No venia sino a deshacer
MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. — Carta de agravios, i favorecer los presos,
Vera Cruz, MS. — Gomara, Cronica, aiudar a los rnezquinos, i quitar
cap. 33, ap. Barcia, torn. ii. — Oviedo, tirauias." (Gomara, Cronica, cap.
Hist, de las Lid., MS., lib. 33, 33, ap. Barcia, torn, ii.) Are we
cap. 1. reading the adventures — it is the
20 The courteous title of dona is language — of Don Quixote, or Ama-
usually given by the Spanish chro- dis de Gaula ?
niclers to this accomplished Indian.
chap. VII.] PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 267
true to him, he would enable them to throw off the
detested yoke of the Aztecs.
The cacique added, that the Totonac territory con-
tained about thirty towns and villages, which could
muster a hundred thousand warriors, — a number much
exaggerated.22 There were other provinces of the em-
pire, he said, where the Aztec rule was equally odious ;
and between him and the capital lay the warlike republic
of Tlascala, which had always maintained its indepen-
dence of Mexico. The fame of the Spaniards had gone
before them, and he was well acquainted with their ter-
rible victory at Tabasco. But still he looked with doubt
and alarm to a rupture with " the great Montezuma,"
as he always styled him ; whose armies, on the least
provocation, would pour down from the mountain re-
gions of the west, and, rushing over the plains like a
whirlwind, sweep off the wretched people to slavery and
sacrifice !
Cortes endeavoured to reassure him, by declaring that
a single Spaniard was stronger than a host of Aztecs.
At the same time, it was desirable to know what nations
would cooperate with them, not so much on his account,
as theirs, that he might distinguish friend from foe, and
know whom he was to spare in this war of extermina-
tion. Having raised the confidence of the admiring
chief by this comfortable and politic vaunt, he took an
affectionate leave, with the assurance that he would
shortly return and concert measures for their future
operations, when he had visited his ships in the ad-
joining port, and secured a permanent settlement there.23
The intelligence gained by Cortes gave great satis-
faction to his mind. It confirmed his former views, and
22 Ibid., cap. 36. 23 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias,
Cortes, in his Second Letter to MS., lib. 3, cap. 121. — Ixtlilxochitl,
the emperor Charles V., estimates Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 81. — Oviedo,
the number of fighting men at 50,000. Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33,
Relacion Segunda, ap. Lorenzana, cap. 1.
p. 40.
268 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
showed, indeed, the interior of the monarchy to be in a
state far more distracted than he had supposed. If he
had before scarcely shrunk from attacking the Aztec em-
pire in the true spirit of a knight-errant, with his single
arm, as it were, what had he now to fear, when one half
of the nation could be thus marshalled against the other?
In the excitement of the moment, his sanguine spirit
kindled with an enthusiasm which overleaped every ob-
stacle. He communicated his own feelings to the offi-
cers abont him, and, before a blow was struck, they
already felt as if the banners of Spain were waving in
triumph from the towers of Montezuma ! But many a
bloody field was to be fought, many a peril and privation
to be encountered, before that comsummation could be
attained.
Taking leave of the hospitable Indian on the follow-
ing day, the Spaniards took the road to Chiahuitzlan,24
about four leagues distant, near which was the port dis-
covered by Montejo, where their ships were now riding
at anchor. They were provided by the cacique with four
hundred Indian porters, tamenes, as they were called, to
transport the baggage. These men easily carried fifty
pounds' weight five or six leagues in a day. They were
in use all over the Mexican empire, and the Spaniards
found them of great service, henceforth, in relieving the
troops from this part of their duty. They passed through
a country of the same rich, voluptuous character as that
which they had lately traversed ; and arrived early next
morning at the Indian town, perched like a fortress on a
bold rocky eminence that commanded the Gulf. Most
of the inhabitants had fled, but fifteen of the principal
men remained, who received them in a friendly manner,
offering the usual compliments of flowers and incense.
24 The historian, with the aid of spell the name of this place Quiab-
Clavigero, himself a Mexican, may islan. Blunders in such a barbarous
rectify frequent blunders of former nomenclature must be admitted to
writers in the orthography of Aztec be very pardonable,
names. Both Robertson and Solis
chap, vii.] PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 269
The people of the place, losing their fears, gradually re-
turned. While conversing with the chiefs, the Spaniards
were joined by the worthy cacique of Cempoalla, borne
by his men on a litter. He eagerly took part in their
deliberations. The intelligence gained here by Cortes
confirmed the accounts already gathered of the feelings
and resources of the Totonac nation.
In the midst of their conference, they were interrupted
by a movement among the people, and soon afterwards
five men entered the great square or market-place, where
they were standing. By their lofty port, their peculiar
and much richer dress, they seemed not to be of the
same race as these Indians. Their dark glossy hair was
tied in a knot on the top of the head. They had bunches
of flowers in their hands, and were followed by several
attendants, some bearing wands with chords, others fans,
with which they brushed away the flies and insects from
their lordly masters. As these persons passed through
the place, they cast a haughty look on the Spaniards,
scarcely deigning to return their salutations. They were
immediately joined, in great confusion, by the Totonac
chiefs, Avho seemed anxious to conciliate them by every
kind of attention.
The general, much astonished, inquired of Marina
what it meant. She informed him, they were Aztec
nobles, empowered to receive the tribute for Montezuma.
Soon after, the chiefs returned with dismay painted on
their faces. They confirmed Marina's statement, adding,
that the Aztecs greatly resented the entertainment af-
forded the Spaniards without the Emperor's permission ;
and demanded in expiation twenty young men and
women for sacrifice to the gods. Cortes showed the
strongest indignation at this insolence. He required
the Totonacs not only to refuse the demand, but to ar-
rest the persons of the collectors, and throw them into
prison. The chiefs hesitated, but he insisted on it so
peremptorily, that they at length complied, and the
270 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book it.
Aztecs were seized, bound hand and foot, and placed
under a guard.
In the night, the Spanish general procured the escape
of two of them, and had them brought secretly before
him. He expressed his regret at the indignity they had
experienced from the Totonacs ; told them, he would
provide means for their flight, and to-morrow would en-
deavour to obtain the release of their companions. He
desired them to report this to their master, with assur-
ances of the great regard the Spaniards entertained for
him, notwithstanding his ungenerous behaviour in leav-
ing them to perish from want on his barren shores. He
then sent the Mexican nobles down to the port, whence
they were carried to another part of the coast by water,
for fear of the violence of the Totonacs. These were
greatly incensed at the escape of the prisoners, and
would have sacrificed the remainder at once, but for the
Spanish commander, who evinced the utmost horror at
the proposal, and ordered them to be sent for safe cus-
tody on board the fleet. Soon after, they were per-
mitted to join their companions. — This artful proceeding,
so characteristic of the policy of Cortes, had, as we shall
see hereafter, all the effect intended on Montezuma. It
cannot be commended, certainly, as in the true spirit of
chivalry ; yet it has not wanted its panegyrist among the
national historians ! 25
By order of Cortes, messengers were despatched to
the Totonac towns, to report what had been done, call-
ing on them to refuse the payment of further tribute to
Montezuma. But there was no need of messengers.
The affrighted attendants of the Aztec lords had fled in
every direction, bearing the tidings, which spread like
wildfire through the country, of the daring insult offered
to the majesty of Mexico. The astonished Indians,
25 " Grande artifice," exclaims capitan el que sabe caminar en
Solis, " de medir lo que disponia alcance de las coutingeucias!" Con-
cern lo que recelaba; y prudente quista, lib. 2, cap. 9.
chap, vii.] PROCEEDINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 271
cheered with the sweet hope of regaining their ancient
liberty, came in numbers to Chiahuitzlan, to see and
confer with the formidable strangers. The more timid,
dismayed at the thoughts of encountering the power of
Montezuma, recommended an embassy to avert his dis-
pleasure by timely concessions. But the dexterous man-
agement of Cortes had committed them too far to allow
any reasonable expectation of indulgence from this quarter.
After some hesitation, therefore, it was determined to
embrace the protection of the Spaniards, and to make
one bold effort for the recovery of freedom. Oaths of
allegiance were taken by the chiefs to the Spanish sove-
reigns, and duly recorded by Godoy, the royal notary.
Cortes, satisfied with the important acquisition of so
many vassals, to the Crown, set out soon after for the
destined port, having first promised to revisit Cempoalla,
where his business w7as but partially accomplished.26
The spot selected for the new city was only half a
league distant, in a wide and fruitful plain, affording a
tolerable haven for the shipping. Cortes was not long
in determining the circuit of the walls, and the sites of
the fort, granary, town-house, temple, and other public
buildings. The friendly Indians eagerly assisted, by
bringing materials, stone, lime, wood, and bricks dried
in the sun. Every man put his hand to the work. The
general laboured with the meanest of the soldiers, stimu-
lating their exertions by his example, as well as voice.
In a few weeks the task was accomplished, and a town
rose up, which, if not quite worthy of the aspiring name
it bore, answered most of the purposes for which it was
intended. It served as a good point d'appui for future
operations ; a place of retreat for the disabled, as well as
for the army in case of reverses ; a magazine for stores,
20 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chicli., MS., Bemal Diaz, Conquista, cap. 46, 47.
cap. 81. — ReL Seg. de Cortes, ap. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
Lorenzana, p. 40. — Gomara, Crdnica, lib. 5, cap. 10, 11.
cap. 34 — 36, ap. Barcia, torn. ii. —
272 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book it.
and for such articles as might be received from or sent
to the mother country; a port for the shipping; a
position of sufficient strength to overawe the adjacent
country.27
It was the first colony — the fruitful parent of so many
others— in New Spain. It was hailed with satisfaction
by the simple natives, who hoped to repose in safety
under its protecting shadow. Alas ! they could not read
the future, or they would have found no cause to rejoice
in this harbinger of a revolution more tremendous than
any predicted by their bards and prophets. It was not
the good Quetzalcoatl who had returned to claim his
own again, bringing peace, freedom, and civilization in
his train, Their fetters, indeed, would be broken, and
their wrongs be amply avenged on the proud head of
the Aztec ; but it was to be by that strong arm which
should bow down equally the oppressor and the op-
pressed. The light of civilization would be poured on
their land ; but it would be the light of a consuming
fire, before which their barbaric glory, their institutions,
their very existence and name as a nation, would wither
and become extinct ! Their doom was sealed when the
white man had set his foot on their soil.
27 Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.— Vera Cruz, or " New Vera Cruz,"
Bernal Diaz, Conquista, cap. 4S. — ■ as it is called. (See Ante, chap. 4,
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. note 7.) Of the true cause of these
33, cap. 1. — Declaracion de Montejo, successive migrations we are igno-
MS. rant. If, as is pretended, it was on
Notwithstanding the advantages account of the vomito, the inhabitants,
of its situation, La Villa Rica was one would suppose, can have gained
abandoned in a few years for a neigh- little by the exchange. (See Hurn-
bouring position to the south, not boldt,Essai Politique, torn. ii. p. 210.)
far from the mouth of the Antigua. A want of attention to these changes
The second settlement was known has led to much confusion and inac-
by the name of Vera Cruz Vieja, curacy in the ancient maps. Loien-
" Old Vera Cruz." Early in the zana has not escaped them in his
17th century this place also was chart and topographical account of
abandoned for the present city, Niteva the route of Cortes.
CHAP. VI
ii.] 273
CHAPTER VIII.
Another Aztec Embassy. — Destruction of the Idols. — Despatches sent
to Spain. — Conspiracy in the Camp. — The Fleet sunk.
1519.
While the Spaniards were occupied with their new
settlement, they were surprised by the presence of an
embassy from Mexico. The account of the imprison-
ment of the royal collectors had spread rapidly through
the country. When it reached the capital, all were filled
with amazement at the unprecedented daring of the
strangers. In Montezuma every other feeling, even
that of fear, was swallowed up in indignation ; and
he showed his wonted energy in the vigorous prepara-
tions which he instantly made to punish his rebellious
vassals, and to avenge the insult offered to the majesty
of the empire. But when the Aztec officers liberated by
Cortes reached the capital, and reported the courteous
treatment they had received from the Spanish com-
mander, Montezuma's anger was mitigated, and his
superstitious fears, getting the ascendancy again, in-
duced him to resume his former timid and conciliatory
policy. He accordingly sent an embassy, consisting of
two youths, his nephews, and four of the ancient nobles
of his court, to the Spanish quarters. He provided them,
in his usual munificent spirit, with a princely donation
of gold, rich cotton stuffs, and beautiful mantles of the
jplumaje, or feather embroidery. The envoys, on coming
before Cortes, presented him with the articles, at the
VOL. I. T
274 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
BOOK II.
same time offering the acknowledgments of their master
for the courtesy he had shown in liberating his captive
nobles. He was surprised and afflicted, however, that
the Spaniards should have countenanced his faithless
vassals in their rebellion. He had no doubt they were
the strangers whose arrival had been so long announced
by the oracles, and of the same lineage with himself.1
From deference to them he would spare the Totonacs,
while they were present. But the time for vengeance
would come.
Cortes entertained the Indian chieftains with frank
hospitality. At the same time he took care to make
such a display of his resources, as, while it amused their
minds, should leave a deep impression of his power. He
then, after a few trifling gifts, dismissed them with a
conciliatory message to their master, and the assurance
that he should soon pay his respects to him in his
capita], where all misunderstanding between them would
be readily adjusted.
The Totonac allies could scarcely credit their senses,
when they gathered the nature of this interview. Notwith-
standing the presence of the Spaniards, they had looked
with apprehension to the consequences of their rash act ;
and their feelings of admiration were heightened into awe
for the strangers who, at this distance, could exercise so
mysterious an influence over the terrible Montezuma.2
Not long after, the Spaniards received an application
from the cacique of Cempoalla to aid him in a dispute in
which he was engaged with a neighbouring city. Cortes
marched with a part of his forces to his support. On
the route, one Morla, a common soldier, robbed a native
of a couple of fowls. Cortes, indignant at this violation
of his orders before his face, and aware of the import-
1 " Teniendo respeto a que tiene Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
por cierto, que soraos los que sus cap. 48.
antepassados les auiau dicho, que
auiau de veuir a sus tierras, e que 2 Gomara, Crouica, cap. 37- — Ix.
deuemos de ser de sus linajes." lilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 82,
chap. VIII.] ANOTHER AZTEC EMBASSY. 275
ance of maintaining a reputation for good faith with his
allies, commanded the man to be hung up at once by
the roadside, in face of the whole army. Fortunately
for the poor wretch, Pedro de Alvarado, the future con-
queror of Quiche, was present, and ventured to cut
down the body, while there was yet life in it. He, pro-
bably, thought enough had been done for example, and
the loss of a single life, unnecessarily, was more than the
little band could afford. The anecdote is characteristic,
as showing the strict discipline maintained by Cortes
over his men, and the freedom assumed by his captains,
who regarded him on terms nearly of equality, — as a
fellow-adventurer with themselves. This feeling of com-
panionship led to a spirit of insubordination among them,
which made his own post as commander the more deli-
cate and difficult.
On reaching the hostile city, but a few leagues from
the coast, they were received in an amicable manner ;
and Cortes, who was accompanied by his allies, had the
satisfaction of reconciling these different branches of the
Totonac family with each other, without bloodshed. He
then returned to Cempoalla, where he was welcomed
with joy by the people, who were now impressed with as
favourable an opinion of his moderation and justice, as
they had before been of his valour. In token of his
gratitude, the Indian cacique delivered to the general
eight Indian maidens, richly dressed, wearing collars and
ornaments of gold, with a number of female slaves to
wait on them. They were daughters of the principal
chiefs, and the cacique requested that the Spanish cap-
tains might take them as their wives. Cortes received
the damsels courteously, but told the cacique they must
first be baptized, as the sons of the Church could have
no commerce with idolators.3 He then declared that it
3 " De buena gana recibirian las de Dios, tener comercio con iddla-
Doucellas como fuesen Christianos ; tras." Herrera, Hist. General, dec.
porque de otra manera, no era per- 2, lib. 5, cap. 13.
mitido a hombres, bijos de la Iglesia
t 2
276 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book II.
was a great object of his mission to wean the natives
from their heathenish abominations, and besought the
Totonac lord to allow his idols to be cast down, and the
symbols of the true faith to be erected in their place.
To this the other answered as before, that his gods
were good enough for him ; nor could all the persuasion
of the general, nor the preaching of father Olmedo, in-
duce him to acquiesce. Mingled with his polytheism, he
had conceptions of a Supreme and Infinite Being, Creator
of the Universe, and his darkened understanding could
not comprehend how such a Being could condescend to
take the form of humanity, with its infirmities and ills, and
wander about on earth, the voluntary victim of persecu-
tion from the hands of those whom his breath had called
into existence.4 He plainly told the Spaniards that he
would resist any violence offered to his gods, who would,
indeed, avenge the act themselves, by the instant de-
struction of their enemies.
But the zeal of the Christians had mounted too high
to be cooled by remonstrance or menace. During their
residence in the land, they had witnessed more than
once the barbarous rites of the natives, their cruel sacri-
fices of human victims, and their disgusting cannibal
repasts.5 Their souls sickened at these abominations,
and they agreed with one voice to stand by their general,
when he told them, that " Heaven would never smile on
their enterprise, if they countenanced such atrocities ;
and that, for his own part, he was resolved the Indian
4 Herrera, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 13. la mas espantosa cosa de ver que
—Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, jamas ban visto." Still more strongly
MS., lib. 3, cap. 122. speaks Bemal Diaz (Hist, de la Con-
Herrera has put a very edifying quista, cap. 51.) The Letter com-
barangue, on this occasion, into the putes that there were fifty or sixty
mouth of Cortes, which savours much persons thus butchered in each of
more of the priest than the soldier. the teocallis every year, giving an
Does he not confound him with annual consumption, in the countries
father Olmedo ? which the Spaniards had then visited,
5 " Esto habemos visto," says of three or four thousand victims !
the Letter of Vera Cruz, " algu- (Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.) How-
nos de nosotros, y los que lo ban ever loose this arithmetic may be,
visto dizen que es la mas terrible y the general fact is appalling.
chap, viii.] DESTRUCTION OF THE IDOLS. 277
idols should be demolished that very hour, if it cost him
his life." To postpone the work of conversion was a
sin. In the enthusiasm of the moment, the dictates of
policy and ordinary prudence were alike unheeded.
Scarcely waiting for his commands, the Spaniards
moved towards one of the principal teocallis, or temples,
which rose high on a pyramidal foundation, with a steep
ascent of stone steps in the middle. The cacique, divin-
ing their purpose, instantly called his men to arms. The
Indian warriors gathered from all quarters, with shrill
cries and clashing of weapons ; while the priests, in their
dark cotton robes, with dishevelled tresses matted with
blood, flowing wildly over their shoulders, rushed frantic
among the natives, calling on them to protect their gods
from violation! All was now confusion, tumult, and
warlike menace, where so lately had been peace and the
sweet brotherhood of nations.
Cortes took his usual prompt and decided measures.
He caused the cacique and some of the principal inhabi-
tants and priests to be arrested by his soldiers. He
then commanded them to quiet the people, for, if an
arrow was shot against a Spaniard, it should cost every
one of them his life. Marina, at the same time, repre-
sented the madness of resistance, and reminded the
cacique, that, if he now alienated the affections of the
Spaniards, he would be left without a protector against
the terrible vengeance of Montezuma. These temporal
considerations seem to have had more weight with the
Totonac chieftain than those of a more spiritual nature.
He covered his face with his hands, exclaiming, that the
gods would avenge their own wrongs.
The Christians were not slow in availing themselves
of his tacit acquiescence. Fifty soldiers, at a signal from
their general, sprang up the great stairway of the temple,
entered the building on the summit, the walls of which
were black with human gore, tore the huge wooden idols
from their foundations, and dragged them to the edge
278 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [eook ii.
of the terrace. Their fantastic forms and features, con-
veying a symbolic meaning, which was lost on the
Spaniards, seemed in their eyes only the hideous linea-
ments of Satan. With great alacrity they rolled the
colossal monsters down the steps of the pyramid, amidst
the triumphant shouts of their own companions, and the
groans and lamentations of the natives. They then con-
summated the whole by burning them in the presence of
the assembled multitude.
The same effect followed as in Cozumel. The Toto-
nacs, finding their deities incapable of preventing, or
even punishing this profanation of their shrines, con-
ceived a mean opinion of their power, compared with
that of the mysterious and formidable strangers. The
floor and walls of the teocalli were then cleansed, by
command of Cortes, from their foul impurities ; a fresh
coating of stucco was laid on them by the Indian masons ;
and an altar was raised, surmounted by a lofty cross,
and hung with garlands of roses. A procession was next
formed, in which some of the principal Totonac priests,
exchanging their dark mantles for robes of white, carried
lighted candles in their hands ; while an image of the
Virgin, half smothered under the weight of flowers, was
borne aloft, and, as the procession climbed the steps of
the temple, was deposited above the altar. Mass was
performed by father Olmedo, and the impressive character
of the ceremony, and the passionate eloquence of the
good priest touched the feelings of the motley audience,
until Indians, as well as Spaniards, if we may trust the
chronicler, were melted into tears and audible sobs. The
Protestant missionary seeks to enlighten the understand-
ing of his convert by the pale light of reason. But the
bolder Catholic, kindling the spirit by the splendour of
the spectacle, and by the glowing portrait of an agonized
Redeemer, sweeps along his hearers in a tempest of pas-
sion, that drowns everything like reflection. He has
secured his convert, however, by the hold on his affec-
chap, viii.] DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN. 279
tions, — an easier and more powerful hold with the untu-
tored savage, than reason.
An old soldier named Juan de Torres, disabled by
bodily infirmity, consented to remain and watch over the
sanctuary, and instruct the natives in its services. Cortes
then embracing his Totonac allies, now brothers in reli-
gion as in arms, set out once more for the Villa Rica,
where he had some arrangements to complete, previous
to his departure for the capital.6
He was surprised to find that a Spanish vessel had
arrived there in his absence, having on board twelve sol-
diers and two horses. It was under the command of a
captain named Saucedo, a cavalier of the ocean, who had
followed in the tract of Cortes in quest of adventure.
Though a small, they afforded a very seasonable, body of
recruits forthe little army. By these men, the Spaniards
were informed that Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, had
lately received a warrant from the Spanish government
to establish a colony in the newly-discovered countries.
Cortes now resolved to put a plan in execution which
he had been some time meditating. He knew that all
the late acts of the colony, as well as his own authority,
would fall to the ground without the royal sanction.
He knew, too, that the interest of Velasquez, which was
great at court, would, so soon as he was acquainted with
his secession, be wholly employed to circumvent and
crush him. He resolved to anticipate his movements,
and to send a vessel to Spain, with despatches addressed
to the emperor himself, announcing the nature and ex-
tent of his discoveries, and to obtain, if possible, the
confirmation of his proceedings. In order to conciliate
his master's good- will, he further proposed to send him
such a present as should suggest lofty ideas of the im-
portance of his own services to the crown. To effect
6 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 5,
MS., lib. 3, cap. 122.— Bernal Diaz, cap. 13, 14. — Ixtlikochitl, Hist.
Hist, de la Concpiista, cap. 51, 52. Chick, MS., cap. S3.
— Goraara, Crouica, cap. 43. — Her-
2S0 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
this, the royal fifth he considered inadequate. He con-
ferred with his officers, and persuaded them to relinquish
their share of the treasure. At his instance, they made
a similar application to the soldiers ; representing that it
was the earnest wish of the general, who set the example
by resigning his own fifth, equal to the share of the
crown. It was but little that each man was asked to sur-
render, but the whole would make a present worthy of
the monarch for whom it was intended. By this sacri-
fice, they might hope to secure his indulgence for the past,
and his favour for the future ; a temporary sacrifice, that
would be well repaid by the security of the rich pos-
sessions which awaited them in Mexico. A paper was
then circulated among the soldiers, which all, who were
disposed to relinquish their shares, were requested to
sign. Those who declined should have their claims re-
spected, and receive the amount due to them. No one
refused to sign ; thus furnishing another example of the
extraordinary power obtained by Cortes over these rapa-
cious spirits, who, at his call, surrendered up the very
treasures which had been the great object of their
hazardous enterprise ! 7
7 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- featherwork, having the quills of
qnista, cap. 53. — Ixtlilxockitl, Hist. their wings and tails, their feet, eyes,
Chich., MS., cap. 82.— Carta deVera and the ends of their beaks, of gold,
Cruz, MS. — standing upon two reeds covered
A complete inventory of the arti- with gold, which are raised on balls
cles received from Montezuma is of featherwork and gold embroidery,
contained in the Carta de Vera Cruz. one white and the other yellow, with
—The following are a few of the seven tassels of featherwork hanging
items. from each of them.
_ Two collars made of gold and pre- A large wheel of silver weighing
cious stones. forty marks, and several smaller ones
A hundred ounces of gold ore, that of the same metal,
their Highnesses might see in what A box of featherwork embroidered
state the gold came from the mines. on leather, with a large plate of
Two birds made of green feathers, gold, weighing seventy ounces, in
with feet, beaks, and eyes of gold, — the midst.
and, in the same piece with them, Two pieces of cloth woven with
animals of gold resembling snails. feathers ; another with variegated
A large alligator's head of gold. colours ; and another worked with
A bird of green feathers, with feet, black and white figures,
beak, andeyes of gold. A large wheel of gold, with figures
Two birds made of thread and of strange animals on it, and worked
chap. Vlll.] DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN. 281
He accompanied this present with a letter to the em-
peror, in which he gave a full account of all that had be-
fallen him since his departure from Cuba ; of his various
discoveries, battles, and traffic with the natives ; their con-
version to Christianity ; his strange perils and sufferings ;
many particulars respecting the lands he had visited,
and such as he could collect in regard to the great Mexi-
can monarchy and its sovereign. He stated his difficul-
ties with the governor of Cuba, the proceedings of the
army in reference to colonization, and besought the em-
peror to confirm their acts, as well as his own authority,
expressing his entire confidence that he should be able,
with the aid of his brave followers, to place the Castilian
crown in possession of this great Indian empire.8
This was the celebrated First Letter, as it is called, of
Cortes, which has hitherto eluded every search that has
been made for it in the libraries of Europe.9 Its exist-
ence is fully established by references to it, both in his
own subsequent letters, and in the writings of contem-
poraries.10 Its general purport is given by his chaplain,
with tufts of leaves ; weighing three instance, but without success. (His-
thousand eight hundred ounces. tory of America, vol. ii. note 70.)
A fan of variegated featherwork, I have not been more fortunate in
with thirty-seven rods plated with the researches made for me in the
gold. British Museum, the Royal Library
Kve fans of variegated feathers, of Paris, and that of the Academy of
— four of which have ten, and the History at Madrid. The last is a
other thirteen rods, embossed with great depository for the colonial
gold. historical documents; but a very
Sixteen shields of precious stones, thorough inspection of its papers
with feathers of various colours makes it certain that this is wanting
hanging from their rims. to the collection. As the emperor
Two pieces of cotton very richly received it on the eve of his embark -
wrougbt with black and white em- ation for Germany, and the Letter of
broidery. Vera Cruz, forwarded at the same
Six shields, each covered with a time, is in the library of Vienna, this
plate of gold, with something re- would seem after all, to be the
sembling a golden mitre in the most probable place of its retreat. _
centre. 10 " En una nao," says Cortes, in
8 "Una muy larga Carta," says the very first sentence of his Second
Gomara, in his loose analysis of it. Letter to the emperor, " que de esta
Cronica, cap. 40. Nueva Espaha de Vuestra Sacra
9 Dr. Robertson states that the Magestad despache a. 16 de Julio de
Imperial Library at Vienna was ex- el aho 1519 embie a Vuestra Alteza
amined for this document, at his muy larga y particular Relation de
282 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book n.
Gomara. The importance of the document has doubtless
been much overrated ; and, should it ever come to light,
it will probably be found to add little of interest to the
matter contained in the letter from Vera Cruz, which has
formed the basis of the preceding portion of our narra-
tive. He had no sources of information beyond those
open to the authors of the latter document. He was
even less full and frank in his communications, if it be
true, that he suppressed all notice of the discoveries of
his two immediate predecessors.11
The magistrates of the Villa Rica, in their epistle,
went over the same ground with Cortes ; concluding
with an emphatic representation of the misconduct of
Velasquez, whose venality, extortion, and selfish devotion
to his personal interests, to the exclusion of those of his
sovereigns as well as of his own followers, they placed in
a most clear and unenviable light,12 They implored the
government not to sanction his interference with the new
colony, which would be fatal to its welfare, but to com-
mit the undertaking to Hernando Cortes, as the man
most capable, by his experience and conduct, of bringing
it to a glorious termination.13
las cosas hasta aquella razon desques admits he uever saw the letter him-
que yo a ella vine en ella sucedidas." self. Ibid., cap. 54.
(Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, 12 " Fingiendo mill cautelas," says
p. 38.) "Cortes escribid," says Las Casas, politely, of this part of
Bernal Diaz, " segun el nos dixo, con the letter, " y afirmando otras rau-
recta relacion, mas no vimos su chas falsedades e mentiras ! " Hist,
carta." (Hist, de la Conquista, cap. de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 122.
53.) (Also, Oviedo, Hist, de las 13 This document is of the greatest
Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 1, and Go- value and interest, coming as it does
mara, ut supra ) Were it not for from the best instructed persons in
these positive testimonies, one might the camp. It presents an elaborate
suppose that the Carta de Vera Cruz record of all then known of the
had suggested an imaginary letter of countries they had visited, and of
Cortes. Indeed, the copy of the the principal movements of the army,
former document, belonging to the to the time of the foundation of the
Spanish Academy of History — and Villa Rica. The writers conciliate
perhaps the original at Vienna — bears our confidence by the circumspect
the erroneous title of " Primera tone of their narration. " Querer
Relacion de Cortes." dar," they say, " a Vuestra Magestad
todas las particularidades de esta
11 This is the imputation of Ber- tierra y gente de ella, podria ser que
nal Diaz, reported on hearsay, as he en algo se errase la relacion, porqne
chap, viii.] DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN. 283
With this letter went also another in the name of
the citizen-soldiers of Villa Rica, tendering their dutiful
submission to the sovereigns, and requesting the con-
firmation of their proceedings, above all that of Cortes as
their general.
The selection of the agents for the mission was a
delicate matter, as on the result might depend the future
fortunes of the colony and its commander. Cortes
intrusted the affair to two cavaliers on whom he could
rely; Francisco de Montejo, the ancient partisan of
Velasquez, and Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero.
The latter officer was a near kinsman of the count of
Medellin, and it was hoped his high connexions might
secure a favourable influence at court.
Together with the treasure, which seemed to verify
the assertion that " the land teemed with gold as abun-
dantly as that whence Solomon drew the same precious
metal for his temple," 14 several Indian manuscripts were
sent. Some were of cotton, others of the Mexican
agave. Their unintelligible characters, says a chronicler,
excited little interest in the Conquerors. As evidence of
intellectual culture, however, they formed higher objects
of interest to a philosophic mind, than those costly fabrics
which attested only the mechanical ingenuity of the
nation.15 Pour Indian slaves were added as specimens
of the natives. They had been rescued from the cages
muclias de ellas no se han visto mas folio, is taken from that of the Aca-
de por informaciones de los naturales demy of History at Madrid,
de ella, y por esto no nos entreme- M „ £ nuegtra er se debe
temos a dar mas de aquello que por &{ m ^ i[em ^
muy cierto y verdadero Vras. Realcs toHen elk de donde se dize
Altezas podran mandar toner. The * Hevado Salomon el oro para el
account given of V elasquez, however, h„ Carfca de Vera ^ m
must be considered as an ex parte l
testimony, and, as such, admitted 15 Peter Martyr, preeminent above
with great reserve. It was essential his contemporaries for the enlight-
to their own vindication, to vindicate ened views he took of the new dis-
Cortes. The letter has never been coveries, devotes half a chapter to
printed. The original exists, as the Indian manuscripts, in which he
above stated, in the Imperial Library recognised the evidence of a civili-
at Vienna. The copy in my posses- zation analogous to the Egyptian,
sion, covering more than sixty pages De Orbe Novo, dec. 4, cap. 8,
284 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book il
in which they were confined for sacrifice. One of the
best vessels of the fleet was selected for the voyage,
manned by fifteen seamen, and placed under the direc-
tion of the pilot Alaminos. He was directed to hold his
course through the Bahama channel, north of Cuba, or
Pernandina, as it was then called, and on no account to
touch at that island, or any other in the Indian ocean.
With these instructions, the good ship took its departure
on the 26th of July, freighted with the treasures and the
good wishes of the community of the Villa Rica de Vera
Cruz.
After a quick run the emissaries made the island of
Cuba, and, in direct disregard of orders, anchored before
Marien, on the northern side of the island. This was
done to accommodate Montejo, who wished to visit a
plantation owned by him in the neighbourhood. While
off the port, a sailor got on shore, and, crossing the
island to St. Jago, the capital, spread everywhere tidings
of the expedition, until they reached the ears of Velas-
quez. It was the first intelligence which had been
received of the armament since its departure ; and, as the
governor listened to the recital, it would not be easy to
paint the mingled emotions of curiosity, astonishment,
and wrath, which agitated his bosom. In the first sally
of passion, he poured a storm of invective on the heads
of his secretary and treasurer, the friends of Cortes, who
had recommended him as the leader of the expedition.
After somewhat relieving himself in this way, he de-
spatched two fast-sailing vessels to Marien with orders
to seize the rebel ship, and, in case of her departure, to
follow and overtake her.
But before the ships could reach that port, the bird
had flown, and was far on her way across the broad
Atlantic. Stung with mortification at this fresh dis-
appointment, Velasquez wrote letters of indignant com-
plaint to the government at home, and to the fathers of
St. Jerome, in Hispaniola, demanding redress. He
chap, viii.] DESPATCHES SENT TO SPAIN. 235
obtained little satisfaction from the last. He resolved,
however, to take it into his own hands, and set about
making formidable preparations for another squadron,
which should be more than a match for that under his
rebellious officer. He was indefatigable in his exertions,
visiting every part of the island, and straining all his
resources to effect his purpose. The preparations were
on a scale that necessarily consumed many months.
Meanwhile the little vessel was speeding her prospe-
rous way across the waters ; and, after touching at one
of the Azores, came safely into the harbour of St. Lucar,
in the month of October. However long it may appear
in the more perfect nautical science of our day, it was
reckoned a fair voyage for that. Of what befell the
commissioners on their arrival, their reception at court,
and tlKf sensation caused by their intelligence, I defer the
account to a future chapter.16
Shortly after the departure of the commissioners, an
affair occurred of a most unpleasant nature. A number
of persons, with the priest Juan Diaz at their head,
ill-affected, from some cause or other, towards the
administration of Cortes, or not relishing the hazardous
expedition before them, laid a plan to seize one of the
vessels, make the best of their way to Cuba, and report
to the governor the fate of the armament. It was
conducted with so much secrecy, that the party had got
their provisions, water, and everything necessary for the
voyage, on board, without detection ; when the con-
spiracy was betrayed on the very night they were to sail
by one of their own number, who repented the part he
had taken in it. The general caused the persons impli-
cated to be instantly apprehended. An examination was
16 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- chiefly derived from his conversa-
quista, cap. 54 — 57. — Gomara, tions wijli Alaminos and the two
Crdnica, cap. 40.— Hen-era, Hist. envoys, on their arrival at court.
General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 14.— De Orbe Novo, dec. 4, cap. 6, et
Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. alibi ; also Idem, Opus Epistolarum,
Martyr's copious information was (Amstelodami, 1670,) ep. 650.
286 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book ii.
instituted. The guilt of the parties was placed beyond a
doubt. Sentence of death was passed on two of the
ringleaders; another, the pilot, was condemned to lose
his feet, and several others to be whipped. The priest,
probably the most guilty of the whole, claiming the usual
benefit of clergy, was permitted to escape. One of those
condemned to the gallows was named Escudero, the very
alguacil who, the reader may remember, so stealthily
apprehended Cortes before the sanctuary in Cuba.17
The general on signing the death-warrants, was heard to
exclaim, " Would that I had never learned to write ! "
It was not the first time, it was remarked, that the
exclamation had been uttered in similar circumstances.18
The arrangements being now finally settled at the
Villa Rica, Cortes sent forward Alvarado with a large
part of the army to Cempoalla, where he soon after
joined them with the remainder. The late affair of the
conspiracy seems to have made a deep impression on his
mind. It showed him, that there were timid spirits in
the camp on whom he could not rely, and who, he feared,
might spread the seeds of disaffection among their com-
panions. Even the more resolute, on any occasion of
disgust or disappointment hereafter, might falter in pur-
pose, and getting possession of the vessels, abandon the
enterprise. This was already too vast, and the odds
were too formidable, to authorize expectation of success
with diminution of numbers. Experience showed that
this was always to be apprehended, while means of escape
were at hand.19 The best chance for success was to cut
17 See ante, p. 185. damnati ut ex more subscriberet,
18 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- admoneretur, ' Quam vellem,' in-
quista, cap. 57. — Oviedo, Hist, de quit, 'nescire literas!'" Lib. 6,
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 2.— Las cap. 10.
Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., lib. 19 " Y porque," says Cortes, " de-
3, cap. 122. — Demands de Narvaez, mas de los que por ser criados y
MS. — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- amigos de Diego Velasquez tenian
renzana, p. 41. voluntad de salir de la Tierra, habia
It was the exclamation of Nero, otros, que por verla tan grande, y de
as reported by Suetonius. " Et tanta gente, y tal, y ver los pocos
cum de supplicio cujusdam capite Espailoles que eramos, estaban del
chap, viii.] CONSPIRACY IN THE CAMP. 287
off these means. — He came to the daring resolution to
destroy the fleet, without the knowledge of his army.
When arrived at Cempoalla, he communicated his
design to a few of his devoted adherents, who entered
warmly into his views. Through them he readily per-
suaded the pilots, by means of those golden arguments
which weigh more than any other with ordinary minds,
to make such a report of the condition of the fleet as
suited his purpose. The ships, they said, were grievously
racked by the heavy gales they had encountered, and,
what was worse, the worms had eaten into their sides
and bottoms until most of them were not sea- worthy,
and some, indeed, could scarcely now be kept afloat.
Cortes received the communication with surprise ; " for
he could well dissemble," observes Las Casas, with his
usual friendly comment, " when it suited his interests."
" If it be so," he exclaimed, " we must make the best of it !
Heaven's will be done !"20 He then ordered five of the
worst conditioned to be dismantled, their cordage, sails,
iron, and whatever was movable, to be brought on shore,
and the ships to be sunk. A survey was made of the
others, and, on a similar report, four more were con-
demned in the same manner. Only one small vessel
remained !
When the intelligence reached the troops in Cempoalla,
it caused the deepest consternation. They saw them-
selves cut off by a single blow from friends, family,
country ! The stoutest hearts quailed before the pro-
spect of being thus abandoned on a hostile shore, a
handful of men arrayed against a formidable empire.
When the news arrived of the destruction of the five
vessels first condemned, they had acquiesced in it, as a
mismo proposito ; creyendo, que si savia bien hacer fingimientos quando
alii los uavios dejasse, se me alzarian le era provechoso, y respoudidles que
con ellos, y yeudose todos los que de mirasen vien en ello, e que si no
esta voluntad estavan, yo quedaria estavan para navegar que diesen
casi solo." gracias a Dios por ello, pues no se
20 " Mostro quando se lo dixeron podia hacer mas." Las Casas, Hist.
muclio sentimiento Cortes, porque de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 122.
28S DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book 11.
necessary measure, knowing the mischievous activity of
the insects in these tropical seas. But, when this was
followed by the loss of the remaining four, suspicions of
the truth flashed on their minds. They felt they were
betrayed. Murmurs, at first deep, swelled louder and
louder, menacing open mutiny. " Their general," they
said, " had led them like cattle to be butchered in the
shambles!"21 The affair wore a most alarming aspect.
In no situation was Cortes ever exposed to greater
danger from his soldiers.22
His presence of mind did not desert him at this crisis.
He called his men together, and employing the tones of
persuasion rather than authority, assured them, that a
survey of the ships showed they were not fit for service.
If he had ordered them to be destroyed, they should con-
sider, also, that his was the greatest sacrifice, for they
were his property, — all, indeed, he possessed in the
world. The troops, on the other hand, would derive one
great advantage from it, by the addition of a hundred
able-bodied recruits, before required to man the vessels.
But, even if the fleet had been saved, it could have been
of little service in their present expedition ; since they
would not need it if they succeeded, while they would
be too far in the interior to profit by it if they failed.
He besought them to turn their thoughts in another
direction. To be thus calculating chances and means of
escape was unworthy of brave souls. They had set their
hands to the work ; to look back, as they advanced,
would be their ruin. They had only to resume their
former confidence in themselves and their general, and
success was certain. " As for me," he concluded, " I
have chosen my part. I will remain here, while there is
one to bear me company. If there be any so craven, as to
21 " Decian, que los queria meter muchos, y esta fue uno de los peli-
en el matadero." Gomara, Croiiica, gros que pasaron por Cortes de mu-
cap. 42. chos que para matallo de los mismos
22 " Al cavo lo oyieron de sentir Espailoleses tuvo." Las Casas, Hist.
la gente y ayua se le amotinarau de las Iudias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 122.
chap, vm.] THE FLEET SUNK. 259
shrink from sharing the dangers of our glorious enter-
prise, let them go home, in God's name." There is still
one vessel left. Let them take that and return to Cuba.
They can tell there, how they have deserted their com-
mander and their comrades, and patiently wait till we
return loaded with the spoils of the Aztecs."23
The politic orator had touched the right chord in the
bosoms of the soldiers. As he spoke, their resentment
gradually died away. The faded visions of future riches
and glory, rekindled by his eloquence, again floated
before their imaginations. The first shock over, thev
felt ashamed of their temporary distrust. The enthu-
siasm for their leader revived, for they felt that under
his banner only they could hope for victory ; and they
testified the revulsion of their feelings by making the air
ring with their shouts, " To Mexico ! to Mexico !"
The destruction of his fleet by Cortes, is, perhaps, the
most remarkable passage in the life of this remarkable
man. History, indeed, affords examples of a similar
expedient in emergencies somewhat similar ; but none
where the chances of success were so precarious, and
defeat would be so disastrous.24 Had he failed, it might
well seem an act of madness. Yet it was the fruit of
deliberate calculation. He had set fortune, fame, life
itself, all upon the cast, and must abide the issue.
There was no alternative in his mind but to succeed or
perish. The measure he adopted greatly increased the
23 " Que ninguno seria tan cobarde 24 Perhaps the most remarkable
y tan pusilanime que queria estimar of these examples is that of Julian,
su vida mas que la suya, ni de tan who, in his unfortunate Assyrian in-
debil corazon que dudase de ir con vasion, burnt the fleet which had
el a Mexico, donde tanto bien le carried him up the Tigris. The story
estaba aparejado, y que si acaso se is told by Gibbon, who shows very
determinaba alguno de dejar de hacer satisfactorily that the fleet would
este se podia ir bendito de Dios a have proved a hindrance rather than
Cuba en el navio que habia dexado, a help to the emperor in his further
de que antes de mucho se arrepen- progress. See History of the Decline
tiria, y pelaria las barbas, viendo la and Fall, (vol. ix. p. 177,) of Mil-
buena ventura que esperaba la suce- man's excellent edition,
deria." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich,
MS, cap. 82.
VOL. I. V
290
DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
[>
chance of success. But to carry it into execution, in the
face of an incensed and desperate soldiery, was an act of
resolution that has few parallels in history.25
25 The account given in the text
of the destruction of the fleet is not
that of Bernal Diaz, who states it to
have been accomplished, not only
with the knowledge, but entire ap-
probation of the army, though at the
suggestion of Cortes. (Hist, de la
Conquista, cap. 58.) This version
is sanctioned by Dr. Robertson (His-
tory of America, vol. ii. pp. 253, 254).
One should be very slow to depart
from the honest record of the old
soldier, especially when confirmed
by the discriminating judgment of
the historian of America. But Cortes
expressly declares in his letter to the
emperor, that he ordered the vessels
to be sunk, without the knowledge
of his men, from the apprehension,
that, if the means of escape were
open, the timid and disaffected might,
at some future time, avail themselves
of them. (Bel. Seg. de Cortes, ap.
Lorenzana, p. 41.) The cavaliers
Montejo and Puertocarrero, on their
visit to Spain, stated, in their depo-
sitions, that the general destroyed
the fleet on information received from
the pilots. (Dcclaraciones, MSS.)
Narvaez, in his accusation of Cortes,
and Las Casas, speak of the act in
terms of unqualified reprobation,
charging hirn, moreover, with bribing
the pilots to bore holes in the bot-
toms of the ships, in order to disable
them. (Demanda de Narvaez, MS.
—Hist, de las Indias, MS., lib. 3,
cap. 122.) The same account of the
transaction, though with a very dif-
ferent commentary as to its merits,
is repeated by Oviedo, (Hist, de las
lad., MS., lib. 33, cap. 2,) Gomara,
(Cronica, cap. 42,) aud Peter Martyr,
(De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 1,) all
of whom had access to the best
sources of information.
The affair, so remarkable as the
act of one individual, becomes abso-
lutely incredible, when considered as
the result of so many independent
wills. It is not improbable that Ber-
nal Diaz, from his known devotion to
the cause, may have been one of the
few to whom Cortes confided his
purpose. The veteran, in writing
his narrative, many years after, may
have mistaken a part of the whole,
and in his zeal to secure to the army
a full share of the glory of the expe-
dition, too exclusively appropriated
by the general, (a great object, as he
tells us, of his history,) may have
distributed among his comrades the
credit of an exploit, which, in this
instance, at least, properly belonged
to their commander. — Whatever be
the cause of the discrepancy, his
solitary testimony can hardly be sus-
tained against the weight of contem-
porary evidence from such competent
sources.
Pray Bartolome de las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, whose " History of the
Indies " forms an important authority for the preceding pages, was one of
the most remarkable men of the sixteenth century. He was born at Seville
in 1474. His father accompanied Columbus, as a common soldier, in his
first voyage to the New World ; and he acquired wealth enough by his
vocation to place his son at the "University of Salamanca. During his resi-
dence there, he was attended by an Indian page, whom his father had brougbt
with him from Hispaniola. Thus the uncompromising advocate for freedom
began his career as the owner of a slave himself. But he did not long-
remain so, for his slave was one of those subsequently liberated by the gene-
rous commands of Isabella.
CHAP. VIII
.] LAS CASAS. 291
In 149S, he completed his studies in law and divinity, took his degree of
licentiate, and, in 1502, accompanied Oviedo, in the most brilliant armada
•which had been equipped for the Western World. Eight years after,
he was admitted to priest's orders in St. Domingo, an event somewhat
memorable, since he was the first person consecrated in that holy office in
the colonies. On the occupation of Cuba by the Spaniards, Las Casas
passed over to that island, where he obtained a curacy in a small settlement.
He soon, however, made himself known to the governor, Velasquez, by the
fidelity with which he discharged his duties, and especially by the influence
which his mild and benevolent teaching obtained for him over the Indians.
Through his intimacy with the governor, Las Casas had the means of ame-
liorating the condition of the conquered race, and from this time he may be
said to have consecrated all his energies to this one great object. At this
period, the scheme of repartimientos, introduced soon after the discoveries of
Columbus, was in full operation, and the aboriginal population of the islands
was rapidly melting away under a system of oppression, which has been
seldom paralleled in the annals of mankind. Las Casas, outraged at the
daily exhibition of crime and misery, returned to Spain to obtain some
redress from government. Ferdinand died soon after his arrival. Charles
was absent, but the reins were held by Cardinal Ximenes, who listened to
the complaints of the benevolent missionary, and, with his characteristic
vigour, instituted a commission of three Hieronomite friars, with full autho-
rity, as already noticed in the text, to reform abuses. Las Casas was
honoured, for his exertions, with the title of " Protector General of the
Indians."
The new commissioners behaved with great discretion. But their office
was one of consummate difficulty, as it required time to introduce important
changes iu established institutions. The ardent and impetuous temper of
Las Casas, disdaining every consideration of prudence, overleaped all these
obstacles, and chafed under what he considered the lukewarm and tem-
porizing policy of the commissioners. As he was at no pains to conceal
his disgust, the parties soon came to a misunderstanding with each other ;
and Las Casas again returned to the mother country, to stimulate the
government, if possible, to more effectual measures for the protection of the
natives.
He found the country under the administration of the Flemings, who dis-
covered from the first a wholesome abhorrence of the abuses practised in
the colonies, and who, in short, seemed inclined to tolerate no peculation or
extortion but their own. They acquiesced, without much difficulty, in the
recommendations of Las Casas, who proposed to relieve the natives by
sending out Castilian labourers, and by importing negro slaves into the
islands. This last proposition has brought heavy obloquy on the head of
its author, who has been freely accused of having thus introduced negro
slavery into the New World. Others, with equal groundlessness, have
attempted to vindicate his memory from the reproach of having recom-
mended the measure at all. Unfortunately for the latter assertion, Las
Casas, in his History of the Indies, confesses, with deep regret and humilia-
tion, his advice on this occasion, founded on the most erroneous views, as
he frankly states ; since, to use his own words, " the same law applies
equally to the negro as to the Indian." But so far from having introduced
slavery by this measure into the islands, the importation of blacks there
dates from the beginning of the century. It was recommended by some of
the wisest and most benevolent persons in the colony, as the means of dimi-
nishing the amount of human suffering ; since the African was more fitted
by his constitution to endure the climate and the severe toil imposed on the
slave, than the feeble and effeminate islander. It was a suggestion of
humanity, however mistaken, and, considering the circumstances under
u2
292 LAS CASAS. [book ir.
which it occurred, and the age, it may well be forgiven in Las Casas, espe-
cially taking into view, that, as he became more enlightened himself, he
was so ready to testify his regret at having unadvisedly countenanced the
measure.
The experiment recommended by Las Casas was made ; but, through the
apathy of Fonseca, president of the Indian Council, not heartily,— and it
failed. The good missionary now proposed another, and much bolder
scheme. He requested that a large tract of country in Tierra Firme, in the
neighbourhood of the famous pearl fisheries, might be ceded to him for the
purpose of planting a colony there, and of converting the natives to Chris-
tianity. He required that none of the authorities of the islands, and no
military force, especially, should be allowed to interfere with his movements.
He pledged himself by peaceful means alone to accomplish all that had been
done by violence in other quarters. He asked only that a certain number
of labourers should attend him, invited by a bounty from government, and
that he might further be accompanied by fifty Dominicans, who were to be
distinguished like himself by a peculiar dress, that should lead the natives
to suppose them a different race of men from the Spaniards. This proposi-
tion was denounced as chimerical and fantastic by some, whose own oppor-
tunities of observation entitled their judgment to respect. These men de-
clared the Indian, from his nature, incapable of civilization. The question
was one of such moment, that Charles the Fifth ordered the discussion to be
conducted before him. The opponent of Las Casas was first heard, when
the good missionary, in answer, warmed by the noble cause he was to main-
tain, and nothing daunted by the august presence in which he stood, deli-
vered himself with a fervent eloquence that went directly to the hearts of
his auditors. "The Christian religion," he concluded, "is equal in its
operation, and is accommodated to every nation on the globe. It robs no
one of his freedom, violates none of his inherent rights, on the ground that
he is a slave by nature, as pretended ; and it well becomes your Majesty to
banish so monstrous an oppression from your kingdoms in the beginning of
your reign, that the Almighty may make it long and glorious."
In the end Las Casas prevailed. He was furnished with the men and
means for establishing his colony ; and, in 1520, embarked for America.
But the result was a lamentable failure. The country assigned to him lay
in the neighbourhood of a Spanish settlement, which had already committed
some acts of violence on the natives. To quell the latter, now thrown into
commotion, an armed force was sent by the young " Admiral " from Hispa-
niola. The very people, among whom Las Casas was to appear as the mes-
senger of peace, were thus involved in deadly strife with his countrymen.
The enemy had been before him in his own harvest. While waiting for the
close of these turbulent scenes, the labourers whom he had taken out with
him, dispersed, in despair of effecting their object. And after an attempt to
pursue, with his faithful Dominican brethren, the work of colonization
further, other untoward circumstances compelled them to abandon the project
altogether. Its unfortunate author, overwhelmed with chagrin, took refuge
in the Dominican monastery in the island of Hispaniola. — The failure of the
enterprise should, no doiibt, be partly ascribed to circumstances beyond the
control of its projector. Yet it is impossible not to recognise, in the whole
scheme, and in the conduct of it, the hand of one much more familiar with
books than men, who, in the seclusion of the cloister, had meditated and
matured his benevolent plans, without fully estimating the obstacles that lay
in their way, and who counted too confidently on meeting the same generous
enthusiasm in others, which glowed in his own bosom.
He found in his disgrace the greatest consolation and sympathy from the
brethren of St. Dominic, who stood forth as the avowed champions of the
Indians on all occasions, and showed themselves as devoted to the cause of
chap, vm.] LAS CASAS. 293
freedom in the New World, as they had been hostile to it in the Old. Las
Casas soon became a member of their order, and, in bis monastic retirement,
applied hhnself for many years to the performance of bis spiritual duties,
and the composition of various works, all directed, more or less, to vindicate
the rights of the Indians. Here, too, he commeuced bis great work, the
"Historia General de las Indias," which he pursued, at intervals of leisure,
from 1527 till a few years before his death. His time, however, was not
wholly absorbed by these labours, and he found means to engage in several
laborious missions. He preached the gospel among the natives of Nica-
ragua and Guatemala ; and succeeded in converting and reducing to obe-
dience some wild tribes in the latter province, who had defied the arms of
his countrymen. In all these pious labours, he was sustained by bis Domi-
nican brethren. At length, in 1539, he crossed the waters again, to seek
further assistance and recruits among the members of his order.
A great change had taken place in the board that now presided over the
colonial department. The cold and narrow-minded Fonseca, who, during
bis long administration, had, it may be truly said, shown himself the enemy
of every great name and good measure connected with the Indians, had died.
His place, as president of the Indian Council, was rilled by Loaysa, Charles's
confessor. This functionary, general of the Dominicans, gave ready audience
to Las Casas, and showed a good will to his proposed plans of reform.
Charles, too, now grown older, seemed to feel more deeply the responsibility
of his station, and the necessity of redressing the wrongs, too long tolerated,
of his American subjects. The state of the colonies became a common topic
of discussion, not only in the council but in the court ; and the representa-
tions of Las Casas made an impression that manifested itself in the change
of sentiment more clearly every day. He promoted this by the publication
of some of his writings at this time, and especially of his " Brevisima Ke-
lacion, or short account of the Destruction ot the Indies," in which lie sets
before the reader the manifold atrocities committed by his countrymen in
different parts of the New World in the prosecution of their conquests. It
is a tale of woe. Every line of the work may be said to be written in blood.
However good the motives of its author, we may regret that the book was
ever written. He would have been certainly right not to spare his country-
men; to exhibit then- misdeeds in their true colours, and by this appalling
picture — for such it would have been— to have recalled the nation and those
who governed it, to a proper sense of the iniquitous career it was pursuing on
the other side of the water. But, to produce a more striking effect, he has
lent a willing ear to every tale of violence and rapine, and magnified the
amount to a degree which borders on the ridiculous. The wild extravagance
of his numerical estimates is of itself sufficient to shake confidence in the
accuracy of his statements generally. Yet the naked truth was too startling
in itself to demand the aid of exaggeration. The book found great favour
with foreigners ; was rapidly translated into various languages, and orna-
mented with characteristic designs, which seemed to put into action all the
recorded atrocities of the text. It excited somewhat different feelings in
his own countrymen, particularly the people of the colonies, who considered
themselves the subjects of a gross, however undesigned, misrepresentation;
and in his future intercourse with them it contributed, no doubt, to diminish
his influence and consequent usefulness, by the spirit of alienation, and even
resentment, which it engendered.
Las Casas' honest intentions, his enlightened views and long experience,
gained him deserved credit at home. This was visible in the important re-
gulations made at this time for the better government of the colonies, and
particularly in respect of the aborigines. A code of Laws, LasNaevas Lei/es,
was passed, having for then avowed object the enfranchisement of this un-
fortunate race ; and, in the wisdom and humanity of its provisions, it is easv
294 LAS CASAS. [book 11.
to recognise the hand of the protector of the Indians. The history of
Spanish colonial legislation is the history of the impotent struggles of the
government in behalf of the natives, against the avarice and cruelty of its
"subjects. It proves that an empire powerful at home— and Spain then was
so — may be so widely extended, that its authority shall scarcely be felt in
its extremities.
The government testified their sense of the signal services of Las Casas,
by promoting him to the bishopric of Cuzco, one of the richest sees in the
colonies. But the disinterested soul of the missionary did not covet riches
or preferment. He rejected the proffered dignity without hesitation. Yet
he could not refuse the bishopric of Chiapa, a country which, from the
poverty and ignorance of its inhabitants, offered a good field for his spiritual
labours. In 1544, though at the advanced age of seventy, he took upon
himself these new duties, and embarked, for the fifth and last time, for the
shores of America. His fame had preceded him. The colonists looked on
his coining with apprehension, regarding him as the real author of the new
code, which struck at their ancient immunities, and which he would be likely
to enforce to the letter. Everywhere he was received with coldness. In
some places his person was menaced with violence. But the venerable pre-
sence of the prelate, his earnest expostulations, which flowed so obviously
from conviction, and his generous self-devotion, so regardless of personal
considerations, preserved him from this outrage. Yet he showed no dis-
position to conciliate his opponents by what he deemed an unworthy con-
cession ; and he even stretched the arm of authority so far as to refuse the
sacraments to any, who still held an Indian in bondage. This high-handed
measure not only outraged the planters, but incurred the disapprobation of
his own brethren in the Church. Three years were spent in disagreeable alter-
cation without coming to any decision. The Spaniards, to borrow their accus-
tomed phraseology on these occasions, "obeying the law, but not fulfilling
it," applied to the Court for further instructions ; and the bishop, no longer
supported by his own brethren, thwarted by the colonial magistrates, and
outraged by the people, relinquished a post where his presence could be no
further useful, and returned to spend the remainder of his days in tranquillity
at home.
Yet, though withdrawn to his Dominican convent, he did not pass his
hours in slothful seclusion. He again appeared as the champion of Indian
freedom in the famous controversy with Sepulveda, one of the most acute
scholars of the time, and far surpassing Las Casas in elegance and correct-
ness of composition. But the Bishop of Chiapa was his superior in
argument, at least in this discussion, where he had right and reason on his
side. In his " Thirty Propositions," as they are called, in which he sums
up the several points of his case, he maintains, that the circumstance of
infidelity in religion cannot deprive a nation of its political rights ; that the
Holy See, in its grant of the New World to the Catholic sovereigns,
designed only to confer the right of converting its inhabitants to Chris-
tianity, and of thus winning a peaceful authority over them ; and that no
authority could be valid, which rested on other foundations. This was
striking at the root of the colonial empire, as assumed by Castdc. But the
disinterested views of Las Casas, the respect entertained for his principles,
and the general conviction, it may be, of the force of his arguments, pre-
vented the Court from taking umbrage at their import, or from pressing
them to their legitimate conclusion. While the writings of his adversary
were interdicted from publication, he had the satisfaction to see his own
printed and circulated in every quarter.
From this period his time was distributed among his religious duties, his
studies, and the composition of his works, especially his History. His con-
stitution, naturally excellent, had been strengthened by a life of temperance
CHAP. VIII
] LAS CAS AS. 295
and toil ; and he retained his faculties unimpaired to the last. He died after
a short illness, July, 1566, at the great age of ninety-two, in his monastery
of Atocha, at Madrid.
The character of Las Casas may be inferred from his career. He was one
of those, to whose gifted minds are revealed those glorious moral truths
which, like the lights of heaven, are fixed and the same for ever ; but which,
though now familiar, were hidden from all but a few penetrating intellects
by the general darkness of the time in which he lived. He was a reformer,
and had the virtues and errors of a reformer. He was inspired by one great
and glorious idea. This was the key to all his thoughts, all that he said
aud wrote, to every act of his long life. It was this which urged him to
lift the voice of rebuke in the presence of princes, to brave the menaces of
an infuriated popidace, to cross seas, to traverse mountains and deserts, to
incur the alienation of friends, the hostility of enemies, to endure obloquy,
insult, and persecution. It was this, too, which made him reckless of obsta-
cles, led him to count too confidently on the cooperation of others, animated
his discussion, sharpened his invective, too often steeped his pen in the gall
of personal vituperation, led him into gross exaggeration and over-colouring
in his statements, and a blind credulity of evil that rendered him unsafe as a
counsellor, and unsuccessful in the practical concerns of life. His motives
were pure and elevated ; but his manner of enforcing them was not always
so commendable. This may be gathered not only from the testimony of the
colonists generally, who, as parties interested, may be supposed to have
beeu prejudiced ; but from that of the members of his own profession, per-
sons high in office, and of integrity beyond suspicion, not to add that of
missionaries engaged in the same good work with himself. These, in their
letters and reported conversations, charged the Bishop of Chiapa with an
arrogant, uncharitable temper, which deluded his judgment, and vented itself
in unwarrantable crimination against such as resisted his projects, or differed
from him in opinion. Las Casas, in short, was a man. But, if he had the
errors of humanity, he had virtues that rarely belong to it. The best com-
mentary on his character is the estimation which he obtained in the court of
his sovereign. A liberal pension was settled on him after his last return
from America, which he chiefly expended on charitable objects. No measure
of importance, relating to the Indians, was taken without his advice. He
lived to see the fruits of his efforts in the positive amelioration of their con-
dition, and in the popular admission of those great truths which it had been
the object of his life to unfold. And who shall say how much of the suc-
cessful efforts and arguments since made in behalf of persecuted humanity
may be traced to the example and the writings of this illustrious philan-
thropist ?
his compositions were numerous; most of them of no great length.
Some were printed in his time ; others have since appeared, especially in the
French translation of Llorente. His great work, which occupied him at
intervals for more than thirty years, the Historia General de las Jndias, still
remains in manuscript. It is m three volumes, divided into as many parts,
and embraces the colonial history from the discovery of the country by
Columbus to the year 1520. The style of the work, like that of all his
writings, is awkward, disjointed, and excessively diffuse; abounding in
repetitions, irrelevant digressions, and pedantic citations. _ But it is
sprinkled over with passages of a different kind ; and, when he is roused by
the desire to exhibit some gross wrong to the natives, his simple language
kindles into eloquence, and he expounds those great and immutable prin-
ciples of natural justice which, in his own day, were so little understood.
His defect as a 'historian is, that he wrote history, like everything else,
under the influence of one dominant idea. He is always pleading the cause
of the persecuted native. This gives a colouring to events which passed
296 LAS CASAS. [book ii
under his own eyes, and filled him with a too easy confidence in those which
he gathered from the reports of others. Much of the preceding portion of
our narrative which relates to affairs in Cuba must have come under his
personal observation. But he seems incapable of shaking off his early
deference to Yelasquez, who, as we have noticed, treated hiin, while a poor
curate in the island, with peculiar confidence. Tor Cortes, on the other
hand, he appears to have felt a profound contempt. He witnessed the
commencement of his career, when he was standing, cap in hand, as it were,
at the proud governor's door, thankful even for a smile of recognition. Las
Casas remembered all this, and, when he saw the Conqueror of Mexico rise
into a glory and renown, that threw his former patron into the shade, — and
most unfairly, as Las Casas deemed, at the expense of that patron, — the
good bishop could not withhold Iris indignation ; nor speak of him otherwise
than with a sneer, as a mere upstart adventurer.
It was the existence of defects like these, and the fear of the miscon-
ception likely to be produced by them, that have so long prevented the
publication of his history. At his death, he left it to the convent of San
Gregorio, at Valladolid, with directions that it should not be printed for
forty years, nor be seen during that time by any layman or member of the
fraternity. Herrera, however, was permitted to consult it, and he liberally
transferred its contents to his own volumes, which appeared in 1601. The
Royal Academy of History revised the first volume of Las Casas some years
since, with a view to the publication of the whole work. But the indiscreet
and imaginative style of the composition, according to Navarrete, and the
consideration that its most important facts were already known through
other channels, induced that body to abandon the design. With deference
to their judgment, it seems to me a mistake. Las Casas, with every
deduction, is one of the great writers of the nation ; great from the im-
portant truths which he discerned when none else could see them, and from
the courage with which he proclaimed them to the world. They are scat-
tered over his history as well as his other writings. They are not, however,
the passages transcribed by Herrera- In the statement of fact, too,
however partial and prejudiced, no one will impeach his integrity ; and, as
an enlightened contemporary, his evidence is of undeniable value. It is due
to the memory of Las Casas, that, if his work be given to the public at all,
it should not be through the garbled extracts of one who was no fail-
interpreter of his opinions. Las Casas does not speak for himself in the
courtly pages of Herrera. Yet the History should not be published without
a suitable commentary to enlighten the student, and guard him against any
undue prejudices in the writer. We may hope that the entire manuscript
will one day be given to the world under the auspices of that distinguished
body, which has already done so much in this way for the illustration of the
national annals.
The life of Las Casas has been several times written. The two memoirs
most worthy of notice are that by Llorente, late secretary of the Inquisition,
prefixed to his French translation of the Bishop's controversial writings,
and that by Quintana, in the third volume of his " Espanoles Celebres,"
where it presents a truly noble specimen of biographical composition,
enriched by a literary criticism as acute as it is candid. — I have gone to the
greater length in this notice, from the interesting character of the man, and
the little that is known of him to the English reader. I have also trans-
ferred a passage from his work in the original to the Appendix, that the
Spanish scholar may form an idea of his style of composition. He ceases to
be an authority for us hereafter, as his account of the expedition of Cortes
terminates with the destruction of the navv.
BOOK THIRD.
MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
MARCH TO MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
Proceedings at Cempoalla. — The Spaniards climb the Table-land. — Pic-
turesque Scenery. — Transactions with the Natives. — Embassy to
Tlascala.
1519.
While at Cempoalla, Cortes received a message from
Escalante, his commander at Villa Rica, informing him
there were four strange ships hovering off the coast, and
that they took no notice of his repeated signals. This
intelligence greatly alarmed the general, who feared they
might be a squadron sent by the governor of Cuba to
interfere with his movements. In much haste, he set
out at the head of a few horsemen, and, ordering a party
of light infantry to follow, posted back to Villa Rica.
The rest of the army he left in charge of Alvarado and
of Gonzalo de Sandoval, a young officer, who had begun
to give evidence of the uncommon qualities which have
secured to him so distinguished a rank among the con-
querors of Mexico.
Escalante would have persuaded the general, on his
reaching the town, to take some rest, and allow him to
go in search of the strangers ; but Cortes replied with
the homely proverb, " A wounded hare takes no nap," l
1 " Cabra coja no tenga siesta."
300 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
and, without stopping to refresh himself or his men,
pushed on three or four leagues to the north, where he
understood the ships were at anchor. On the way, he
fell in with three Spaniards, just landed from them. To
his eager inquiries whence they came, they replied, that
they belonged to a squadron fitted out by Francisco de
Garay, governor of Jamaica. This person, the year
previous, had visited the Florida coast, and obtained
from Spain — where he had some interest at court —
authority over the countries he might discover in that
vicinity. The three men, consisting of a notary and
two witnesses, had been sent on shore to warn their
countrymen under Cortes to desist from what was
considered an encroachment on the territories of Garay.
Probably neither the governor of Jamaica, nor his
officers, had any very precise notion of the geography
and limits of these territories.
Cortes saw at once there was nothing to apprehend
from this quarter. He would have been glad, however,
if he could, by any means, have induced the crews of
the ships to join his expedition. He found no difficulty
in persuading the notary and his companions. But
when he came in sight of the vessels, the people on
board, distrusting the good terms on which their com-
rades appeared to be with the Spaniards, refused to send
their boat ashore. In this dilemma, Cortes had recourse
to a stratagem.
He ordered three of his own men to exchange dresses
with the new comers. He then drew off his little band
in sight of the vessels, affecting to return to the city.
In the night, however, he came back to the same place,
and lay in ambush, directing the disguised Spaniards,
when the morning broke, and they could be discerned,
to make signals to those on board. The artifice suc-
ceeded. A boat put off, filled with armed men, and
three or four leaped on shore. But they soon detected
the deceit, and Cortes, springing from his ambush,
K
chap. 1.1 PROCEEDINGS AT CEMPOALLA. 301
made them prisoners. Their comrades in the boat,
alarmed, pushed off at once for the vessels, which soon
got under weigh, leaving those on shore to their fate.
Thus ended the affair. Cortes returned to Cempoalla,
with the addition of half a dozen able-bodied recruits,
and, what was of more importance, relieved in his own
mind from the apprehension of interference with his
operations.2
He now made arrangements for his speedy departure
from the Totonac capital. The forces reserved for the
expedition amounted to about four hundred foot and
fifteen horse, with seven pieces of artillery. He obtained,
also, thirteen hundred Indian warriors, and a thousand
tamanes, or porters, from the cacique of Cempoalla, to
drag the guns, and transport the baggage. He tool-
forty more of their principal men as hostages, as well as
to guide him on the way, and serve him by their counsels
among the strange tribes he was to visit. They were,
in fact, of essential service to him throughout the
march.3
The remainder of his Spanish force he left in garrison
at Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, the command of which he
had intrusted to the alguacil, Juan de Escalante, an
officer devoted to his interests. The selection was judi-
cious. It was important to place there a man who would
resist any hostile interference from his European rivals,
on the one hand, and maintain the present friendly rela-
tions with the natives, on the other. Cortes recom-
mended the Totonac chiefs to apply to this officer, in
case of any difficulty, assuring them, that, so long as they
2 Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., liaries stated in the text is much
lib. 33, cap. 1. — Eel. Seg. de Cortes, larger than that allowed by either
ap. Lorenzana, pp. 42 — 4-5. — Bernal Cortes or Diaz. But both these
Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. actors in the drama show too obvious
59 60. a desire to magnify their own prowess,
* Gomara, Cronica, cap. 44. — by exaggerating the numbers of their
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. foes, and diminishing their own, to
83. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, dc la Con- be entitled to much confidence in
epiista, cap. 61. their estimates.
The number of the Indian auxi-
302 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book in.
remained faithful to their new sovereign and religion,
they should find a sure protection in the Spaniards.
Before marching, the general spoke a few words of
encouragement to his own men. He told them, they
were now to embark in earnest, on an enterprise which
had been the great object of their desires ; and that the
blessed Saviour would carry them victorious through
every battle with their enemies. "Indeed," he added,
" this assurance must be our stay, for every other refuge
is now cut off, but that afforded by the providence of
God, and your own stout hearts."4 He ended by com-
paring their achievements to those of the ancient Romans,
"in phrases of honeyed eloquence far beyond anything
I can repeat," says the brave and simple-hearted chroni-
cler who heard them. Cortes was, indeed, master of
that eloquence which went to the soldiers' hearts. For
their sympathies were his, and he shared in that romantic
spirit of adventure which belonged to them. " We are
ready to obey you," they cried as with one voice. " Our
fortunes, for better or worse, are cast with yours." r'
Taking leave, therefore, of their hospitable Indian friends,
the little army, buoyant with high hopes and lofty plans
of conquest, set forward on the march to Mexico.
It was the sixteenth of August, 1519. During the
first day, their road lay through the tierra caliente, the
beautiful land where they had been so long lingering ;
the land of the vanilla, cochineal, cacao, (not till later
days, of the orange, and the sugar-cane,) products which,
indigenous to Mexico, have now become the luxuries of
Europe ; the land where the fruits and the flowers chase
one another in unbroken circle through the year ; where
the gales are loaded with perfumes till the sense aches at
4 " No teniamos otro socorro, ni 5 " Y todos a una le respondimos,
ayuda sino el de Dios ; porque ya no que hariamos lo que ordonasse, que
teniamos uauios para ir a Cuba, salvo echada estaua la suerte de la bucna,
nuestro buen pelea, y coracones d mala ventura." Loc. cit,
fuertes." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
Conquista, cap. 59.
chap. I.] PICTURESQUE SCENERY. 303
their sweetness ; and the groves are filled with many-
coloured birds, and insects whose enamelled wings
glisten like diamonds in the bright sun of the tropics.
Such are the magical splendours of this paradise of the
senses. Yet nature, who generally works in a spirit of
condensation, has provided one here ; since the same
burning sun which quickens into life these glories of the
vegetable and animal kingdoms, calls forth the pestilent
malaria, with its train of bilious disorders, unknown to
the cold skies of the North. The season in which the
Spaniards were there, the rainy months of summer, was
precisely that in which the vomito rages with greatest
fury ; when the European stranger hardly ventures to set
his foot on shore, still less to linger there a day. We
find no mention made of it in the records of the Con-
querors, nor any notice, indeed, of an uncommon morta-
lity. The fact doubtless corroborates the theory of those
who postpone the appearance of the yellow fever till long
after the occupation of the country by the whites. It
proves, at least, that, if existing before, it must have been
in a very much mitigated form.
After some leagues of travel over roads made nearly
impassable by the summer rains, the troops began the
gradual ascent — more gradual on the eastern than the
western declivities of the Cordilleras which leads up to
the table-land of Mexico. At the close of the second
day, they reached Xalapa, a place still retaining the same
Aztec name that it has communicated to the drug raised
in its environs, the medicinal virtues of which are now
known throughout the world.0 This town stands mid-
way up the long ascent, at an elevation where the vapours
from the ocean, touching in their westerly progress,
maintain a rich verdure throughout the year. Though
somewhat infected with these marine fogs, the air is
usually bland and salubrious. The wealthy resident of
0 Jalap, Convolvulus jalapee. The x and j arc convertible consonants in
the Castilian.
304 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
the lower regions retires here for safety in the heats of
summer, and the traveller hails its groves of oak with
delight, as announcing that he is above the deadly
influence of the vomito.7 From this delicious spot the
Spaniards enjoyed one of the grandest prospects in nature.
Before them was the steep ascent — much steeper after
this point — which they were to climb. On the right rose
the Sierra Madre, girt with its dark belt of pines, and
its long lines of shadowy hills stretching away in the dis-
tance. To the south, in brilliant contrast, stood the
mighty Orizaba, with his white robe of snow descending-
far down his sides, towering in solitary grandeur, the
giant spectre of the Andes. Behind them, they beheld,
unrolled at their feet, the magnificent tierra caliente, with
its gay confusion of meadows, streams, and flowering
forests, sprinkled over with shining Indian villages ; while
a faint line of light on the edge of the horizon told them
that there was the ocean, beyond which were the kindred
and country — they were many of them never more to see.
Still winding their way upward, amidst scenery, as
different as was the temperature from that of the regions
below, the army passed through settlements containing
some hundred of inhabitants each, and on the fourth day
reached a " strong town," as Cortes terms it, standing
on a rocky eminence, supposed to be that now known by
the Mexican name of Taulinco. Here they were hospi-
tably entertained by the inhabitants, who were friends
of the Totonacs. Cortes endeavoured, through Father
Olmedo, to impart to them some knowledge of Christian
truths, which were kindly received, and the Spaniards
were allowed to erect a cross in the place, for the future
adoration of the natives. Indeed, the route of the army
might be tracked by these emblems of man's salvation,
7 The heights of Xalapa are same auspices, says an agreeable tra-
crowned with a convent dedicated to veller, a military as well as religious
St. Francis, erected in later days by design. Tudor's Travels in North
Cortes, showing, in its solidity, like America, (London, 1834,) vol. ii.
others of the period built under the p. 186.
chap, l.] PICTURESQUE SCENERY. 305
raised wherever a willing population of Indians invited it,
suggesting a very different idea from what the same
memorials intimate to the traveller in these mountain
solitudes in our day.8
The troops now entered a rugged defile, the Bishop's
Pass,9 as it is called, capable of easy defence against
an army. Very soon they experienced a most unwelcome
change of climate. Cold winds from the mountains,
mingled with rain, and, as they rose still higher, with
driving sleet and hail, drenched their garments, and
seemed to penetrate to their very bones. The Spaniards,
indeed, partially covered by their armour and thick
jackets of quilted cotton, were better able to resist the
weather, though their long residence in the sultry regions
of the valley made them still keenly sensible to the annoy-
ance. But the poor Indians, natives of the tierra caliente,
with little protection in the way of covering, sunk under
the rude assault of the elements, and several of them
perished on the road.
£The aspect of the country was as wild and dreary as
the climate. Their route wound along the spur of the
huge Cofre de Perote, which borrows its name, both in
Mexican and Castilian, from the coffer-like rock on its
summit.10 It is one of the great volcanoes of New Spain.
It exhibits now, indeed, no vestige of a crater on its
top, but abundant traces of volcanic action at its base,
where acres of lava, blackened scorise, and cinders, pro-
3 Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., Travels in North America, vol. ii. 188.
lib. 33, cap. 1.— Rel. Seg. de Cortes, 9 M Paso del Obispo. Cortes
ap. Lorenzana, p. 40. — Gornara, Cro- named it Puerto del Nombre de Pios.
nica, cap. 44. — lxtlilxochitl, Hist. Yiaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. 2.
Cliich., MS., cap. S3. 10 The Aztec name is Nauhcam-
" Every hundred yards of our patepetl, from nauhcampa, " anything
route," says the traveller last quoted, square," and tepetl, " a mountain."
speaking of this very region, "was — Humboldt, who waded through
marked by the melancholy erection forests and snows to its summit,
of a wooden cross, denoting, accord- ascertained its height to be 40S9
ing to the custom of the country, the metres = 13,414 feet above the sea.
commission of some horrible murder See his Yues des Cordilleres, p, 234,
on the spot where it was planted." and Essai Politique, vol. i. p. 206.
VOL. J. X
306 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
claim tlie convulsions of nature, while numerous shrubs
and mouldering trunks of enormous trees, among the
crevices, attest the antiquity of these events. Working
their toilsome way across this scene of desolation, the
path often led them along the borders of precipices,
down whose sheer depths of two or three thousand feet
the shrinking eye might behold another climate, and see
all the glowing vegetation of the tropics choking up the
bottom of the ravines.
After three days of this fatiguing travel, the way-worn
army emerged through another defile, the Sierra del Agua}y
They soon came upon an open reach of country, with a
genial climate, such as belongs to the temperate latitudes
of southern Europe. They had reached the level of more
than seven thousand feet above the ocean, where the
great sheet of table-land spreads out for hundreds of
miles along the crests of the Cordilleras. The country
showed signs of careful cultivation, but the products
were, for the most part, not familiar to the eyes of the
Spaniards. Fields and hedges of the various tribes of
the cactus, the towering organum, and plantations of
aloes with rich yellow clusters of flowers on their tall
stems, affording drink and clothing to the Aztec, were
everywhere seen. The plants of the torrid and tem-
perate zones had disappeared, one after another, with
the ascent into these elevated regions. The glossy and
dark-leaved banana, the chief, as it is the cheapest,
aliment of the countries below, had long since faded
from the landscape. The hardy maize, however, still
shone with its golden harvests in all the pride of cul-
tivation, the great staple of the higher, equally with the
lower terraces of the plateau.
Suddenly the troops came upon what seemed the en-
virons of a populous city, which, as they entered it, ap-
peared to surpass even that of Ceinpoalla in the size and
11 The same mentioned in Cortes' letter as the Puerto de la Lena.
Yiaje, ap. Lorenzana. p. 3.
chap. I.] TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES. 307
solidity of its structures.12 These were of stone and lime,
many of them spacious and tolerably high. There were
thirteen teocallis in the place ; and in the suburbs they
had seen a receptacle, in which, according to Bernal
Diaz, were stored a hundred thousand skulls of human
victims, all piled and ranged in order ! He reports the
number as one he had ascertained by counting them
himself.13 Whatever faith we may attach to the precise
accuracy of his figures, the result is almost equally start-
ling. The Spaniards were destined to become familiar
with this appalling spectacle, as they approached nearer
to the Aztec capital.
The lord of the town ruled over twenty thousand
vassals. He was tributary to Montezuma, and a strong
Mexican garrison was quartered in the place. He had
probably been advised of the approach of the Spaniards,
and doubted how far it would be welcome to his sove-
reign. At all events, he gave them a cold reception, the
more unpalatable after the extraordinary sufferings of the
last few days. To the inquiry of Cortes, whether he were
subject to Montezuma, he answered, with real or affected
surprise, " Who is there that is not a vassal to Monte-
zuma?"14 The general told him, with some emphasis,
that he Avas not. He then explained whence and why he
came, assuring him that he served a monarch who had
princes for his vassals as powerful as the Aztec monarch
himself.
The cacique in turn fell nothing short of the Spaniard
in the pompous display of the grandeur and resources of
12 Now known by the euphonious bien contar, segun el concierto con
Indian name of Tlatlauqnitepec. que estauan puestas, que me parece
(Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. 4.) It is que eran mas de cien mil, y digo
the Cocotlan of Bernal Diaz. (Hist. otra vez sobre cien mil." Ibid., ubi
de la Conquista, cap. 61.) The old supra.
conquerors made sorry work with M " & El qual casi admirado de lo
the Aztec names, both of places and que le preguntaba, me rcspondio,
persons, for which they must be al- diciendo ; que quien no era vasallo
lowed to have had ample apology. de Muctezumar querieiido decir,
13 "Puestos tantos rimeros de que alii era Seiior del Mundo." Eel.
calaveras de muertos, que sc podiau Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. i7.
308 MARCH TO MEXICO. [B00K m'
the Indian emperor. He told his guest that Montezuma
could muster thirty great vassals, each master of a hun-
dred thousand men ! 15 His revenues were immense, as
every subject, however poor, paid something. They were
all expended on his magnificent state, and in support of
his armies. These were continually in the field, while
garrisons were maintained in most of the large cities of
the empire. More than twenty thousand victims, the
fruit of his wars, were annually sacrificed on the altars
of his gods ! His capital, the cacique said, stood in a
lake in the centre of a spacious valley. The lake was
commanded by the emperor's vessels, and the approach
to the city was by means of causeways, several miles long,
connected in parts by wooden bridges, which, when
raised, cut off all communication with the country.
Some other things he added, in answer to queries of
his guest, in which, as the reader may imagine, the
crafty, or credulous cacique varnished over the truth
with a lively colouring of romance. Whether romance
or reality, the Spaniards could not determine. The par-
ticulars they gleaned were not of a kind to tranquillize
their minds, and might well have made bolder hearts
than theirs pause, ere they advanced. But far from it.
" The words which we heard," says the stout old cavalier,
so often quoted, " however they may have filled us with
wonder, made us — such is the temper of the Spaniard —
only the more earnest to prove the adventure, desperate
as it might appear." 1G
15 "Tiene mas de 30 Prmcipes a neral, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 12. — Solfs,
si subjectos, que cada uno dellos Conquista, lib. 3, cap. 16.
tiene cient mill liombres e mas de
pelea." (Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., 1G Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
MS., lib. 33, cap. 1.) This marvel- quista, cap. 61.
lous tale is gravely repeated by more There is a slight ground-swell of
than one Spanish writer, in their ac- glorification in the captain's narra-
counts of the Aztec monarchy, not live, which may provoke a smile —
as the assertion of this chief, but as not a sneer — for it is mingled with
a veritable piece of statistics. See, too much real courage, and simpli-
among others, Herrera, Hist. Ge- city of character.
chap, r.] TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES. 309
In a further conversation Cortes inquired of the chief,
whether his country abounded in gold, and intimated a
desire to take home some, as specimens to his sovereign.
But the Indian lord declined to give him any, saying, it
might displease Montezuma. " Should he command it,"
he added, " my gold, my person, and all I possess, shall
be at your disposal." The general did not press the
matter further.
The curiosity of the natives was naturally excited by
the strange dresses, Aveapons, horses, and dogs of the
Spaniards. Marina, in satisfying their inquiries, took
occasion to magnify the prowess of her adopted country-
men, expatiating on their exploits and victories, and
stating the extraordinary marks of respect they had re-
ceived from Montezuma. This intelligence seems to
have had its effect ; for soon after, the cacique gave the
general some curious trinkets of gold, of no great value,
indeed, but as a testimony of his good will. He sent
him, also, some female slaves to prepare bread for the
troops, and supplied the means of refreshment and re-
pose, more important to them, in the present juncture,
than all the gold of Mexico.17
The Spanish general, as usual, did not neglect the
occasion to inculcate the great truths of revelation on
his host, and to display the atrocity of the Indian super-
stitions. The cacique listened with civil, but cold indif-
ference. Cortes, finding him unmoved, turned briskly
round to his soldiers, exclaiming that now was the time
to plant the Cross ! They eagerly seconded his pious
purpose, and the same scenes might have been enacted
as at Cempoalla, with, perhaps, very different results,
had not father Olmedo, with better judgment, interposed.
He represented that to introduce the Cross among the
17 For the preceding pages, be- MS., cap. S3. — Gomara, Cronica,
sides authorities cited in course, sec cap. 44. — Torquemada, Monarch.
Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 26.
5, cap. 1. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Cliich.,
310 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
natives, in their present state of ignorance and incredu-
lity, would be to expose the sacred symbol to desecra-
tion, so soon as the backs of the Spaniards were turned.
The only way was to wait patiently the season when
more leisure should be afforded to instil into their minds
a knowledge of the truth. The sober reasoning of the
good father prevailed over the passions of the martial
enthusiasts.
It was fortunate for Cortes that Olmedo was not one
of those frantic friars who would have fanned his fiery
temper on such occasions into a blaze. It might have
had a most disastrous influence on his fortunes ; for he
held all temporal consequences light in comparison with
the great work of conversion, to effect which the unscru-
pulous mind of the soldier, trained to the stern discipline
of the camp, would have employed force, whenever fair
means were ineffectual.18 But Olmedo belonged to that
class of benevolent missionaries — of whom the Roman
Catholic church, to its credit, has furnished many ex-
amples— who rely on spiritual weapons for the great work,
inculcating those doctrines of love and mercy which can
best touch the sensibilities and win the affections of their
rude audience. These, indeed, are the true weapons of
the Church, the weapons employed in the primitive ages,
by which it has spread its peaceful banners over the
farthest regions of the globe. Such were not the means
used by the conquerors of America, who, rather adopting
the policy of the victorious Moslems in their early career,
carried with them the sword in one hand and the Bible
in the other. They imposed obedience in matters of
faith, no less than of government, on the vanquished,
little heeding whether the conversion were genuine, so
that it conformed to the outward observances of the
18 The general clearly belonged The holy text of pike and gun ;
to the church militant mentioned by And prove their doctrines ortho-
Butler ; dox
" Such as do build their faith upon By Apostolic blows and knocks."
chap, i.] TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES. 311
Church. Yet the seeds thus recklessly scattered must
have perished but for the missionaries of their own na-
tion, who in later times worked over the same ground,
living among the Indians as brethren, and, by long and
patient culture, enabling the germs of truth to take root
and fructify in their hearts.
The Spanish commander remained in the city four or
five days to recruit his fatigued and famished forces ;
and the modern Indians still point out, or did, at the
close of the last century, a venerable cypress, under the
branches of which was tied the horse of the conquistador,
— the Conqueror, as Cortes was styled, par excellence.™
Their route now opened on a broad and verdant valley,
watered by a noble stream, — a circumstance of not too
frequent occurrence on the parched table-land of New
Spain. The soil was well protected by woods, a thing
still rarer at the present day; since the invaders, soon
after the Conquest, swept away the magnificent growth
of timber, rivalling that of our Southern and Western
States in variety and beauty, which covered the plateau
under the Aztecs.20
All along the river, on both sides of it, an unbroken
line of Indian dwellings, " so near as almost to touch
one another," extended for three or four leagues ; argu-
ing a population much denser than at present.21 On a
rough and rising ground stood a town, that might con-
is " Arbol grande, dicho, ahue- on the plantation from wasting their
huete" (Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. 3.) time by loitering in their shade !
The cupressus disticha of Linnams. n It confirms the observations of
See Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. M. de Humboldt. " Sans doute lors
ii. p. 54, note. de la premiere arrivee des Espagnols,
tonte cette cote, depuis la riviere
20 It is the same taste which has de Papaloapan (Alvarado) jusqu'a
made the Castries, the table-land of Huaxtecapan, etait plus habitee et
the Peninsula, so naked of wood. mieux cultivee qu'elle ne Test au-
Prudential reasons, as well as taste, jourd'hui. Cependaut a mesure que
however, seem to have operated in les conquerans monterent au plateau,
New Spain. A friend of mine on a ils trouverent les villages plus rap-
visit to a noble hacienda, but uncom- proches les uns des autres, les champs
monly barren of trees, was informed divises en portions plus petites, le
by the proprietor, that they were peuple plus police." Humboldt,
cut down to prevent the lazy Indians Essai Politique, torn. ii. p. 202.
312 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book in.
tain five or six thousand inhabitants, commanded by a
fortress, which, with its walls and trenches, seemed to
the Spaniards quite " on a level with similar works in
Europe." Here the troops again halted, and met with
friendly treatment.22
Cortes now determined his future line of march. At
the last place he had been counselled by the natives to
take the route of the ancient city of Cholula, the inhabi-
tants of which, subjects of Montezuma, were a mild race,
devoted to mechanical and other peaceful arts, and would
be likely to entertain him kindly. Their Cempoallan
allies, however, advised the Spaniards not to trust the
Cholulans, " a false and perfidious people," but to take
the road to Tlascala, that valiant little republic which
had so long maintained its independence against the
arms of Mexico. The people were frank as they wxere
fearless, and fair in their dealings. They had always
been on terms of amity with the Totonacs, which afforded
a strong guarantee for their amicable disposition on the
present occasion.
The arguments of his Indian allies prevailed with the
Spanish commander, who resolved to propitiate the good-
will of the Tlascalans by an embassy. He selected four
of the principal Cempoallans for this, and sent by them
a martial gift, — a cap of crimson cloth, together with a
sword and a cross bow, weapons which, it wras observed,
excited general admiration amonp- the natives. He
added a letter, in which he asked permission to pass
through their country. He expressed his admiration of
the valour of the Tlascalans, and of their long resistance
to the Aztecs, whose proud empire he designed to hum-
ble.23 It was not to be expected that this epistle, indited
22 The correct Indian name of the carved stones of large dimensions,
town Yxtacamaxtitldn, Yztacmastitan attesting the elegance of the ancient
of Cortes, will hardly be recognised fortress or palace of the cacique,
in the Xalacingo of Diaz. The town Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. v.
was removed, in 1601, from the top
of the hill to the plain. On the ori- 23 " Estas cosas y otras de gran
ginal site are still visible remains of persuasion contenia la carta, pero
chap, i.] EMBASSY TO TLASCALA. 313
in good Castilian, would be very intelligible to the Tlas-
calans. But Cortes communicated its import to the
ambassadors. Its mysterious characters might impress
the natives with an idea of superior intelligence, and
the letter serve instead of those hieroglyphical mis-
sives which formed the usual credentials of an Indian
ambassador.24
The Spaniards remained three days in this hospitable
place, after the departure of the envoys, when they re-
sumed their progress. Although in a friendly country,
they marched always as if in a land of enemies, the
horse and light troops in the van, with the heavy-armed
and baggage in the rear, all in battle array. They were
never without their armour, waking or sleeping, lying
down with their weapons by their sides. This unintermit-
ting and restless vigilance was, perhaps, more oppressive
to the spirits than even bodily fatigue. But they were
confident in their superiority in a fair field, and felt that
the most serious danger they had to fear from Indian
warfare was surprise. " We are few against many, brave
companions," Cortes would say to them ; " be prepared,
then, not as if you were going to battle, but as if actually
in the midst of it."25
The road taken by the Spaniards was the same which.
at present leads to Tlascala ; not that, however, usually
followed in passing from Vera Cruz to the capital, which
makes a circuit considerably to the south, towards Puebla,
in a neighbourhood of the ancient Cholula. They more
than once forded the stream that rolls through this beau-
tiful plain, lingering several days on the- way, in hopes
of receiving an answer from the Indian republic. The
eomo no sabian leer no pudieron en- veis que somos pocos, hemos de estar
tender lo que contenia." Camargo, sietnpre tan apercibidos, y apareja-
Hist. de Tlascala, MS. dos, eomo si ahora vieseraos venir
„, _, . c .1 v i los contrarios a pelear, y no sola-
»* For an account of the diplo- ]ncutc vcllog vcnh, gin0 ^ 0Mnta
matic usages of the people ot Ana- estamM eu k bataUa o(m
huac,seeante,p. 34 ^os„ BernaL Diaz, Hist, de la
23 " Mira, scnores eompaneros, ya Conquista, cap. 62.
314 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO. [book in.
unexpected delay of the messengers could not be ex-
plained, and occasioned some uneasiness.
As they advanced into a country of rougher and bolder
features, their progress was suddenly arrested by a re-
markable fortification. It was a stone wall nine feet in
height, and twenty in thickness, with a parapet a foot
and a half broad, raised on the summit for the protec-
tion of those who defended it. It had only one opening,
in the centre, made by two semicircular lines of wall,
overlapping each other for the space of forty paces, and
affording a passage-way between, ten paces wide, so con-
trived, therefore, as to be perfectly commanded by the
inner wall. This fortification, which extended more
than two leagues, rested at either end on the bold
natural buttresses formed by the sierra. The work was
built of immense blocks of stone nicely laid together
without cement ;26 and the remains still existing, among
which are rocks of the whole breadth of the rampart,
fully attest its solidity and size.27
This singular structure marked the limits of Tlascala,
and was intended, as the natives told the Spaniards, as
a barrier against the Mexican invasions. The army
paused, filled with amazement at the contemplation of
this Cyclopean monument, which naturally suggested
reflections on the strength and resources of the people
who had raised it. It caused them, too, some painful
solicitude as to the probable result of their mission to
Tlascala, and their own consequent reception there. But
they were too sanguine to allow such uncomfortable sur-
mises long to dwell in their minds. Cortes put himself
at the head of his cavalry, and calling out, " Forward,
20 According to the writer last present appearance of the wall.
cited, the stones were held by a Viaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. vii.
cement so hard that the men could 2! Yiaje, ap. Lorenzana, p. vii.
scarcely break it with their pikes. The attempts of the Archbishop to
(Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 62.) identify the route of Cortes, have
Eut the contrary statement, in the been very successful. It is a pity,
general's letter, is confirmed by the that his map illustrating the itinerary
should be so worthless.
chap. I.] EMBASSY TO TLASCALA. 315
soldiers, the Holy Cross is our banner, and under that
we shall conquer," led his little army through the un-
defended passage, and in a few moments they trod the
soil of the free republic of Tlascala.28
28 Caraargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. dec. 2, lib. 6, cap. 3. — Oviedo, Hist.
— Gomara, Cronica, cap. 44, 45. — de las Lid., MS., lib. 33, cap. 2. —
— Jxtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5,
cap. S3. — Herrera, Hist. General, cap. 1.
316
(_EOOK III.
CHAPTER II.
Republic of Tlascala. — Its Institutions. — Early History. — Discussions
in the Senate. — Desperate Battles.
1519.
Before advancing further with the Spaniards into the
territory of Tlascala, it will be well to notice some traits
in the character and institutions of the nation, in many
respects the most remarkable in Anahuac. The Tlasca-
lans belonged to the same great family with the Aztecs.1
They came on the grand plateau about the same time
with the kindred races, at the close of the twelfth cen-
tury, and planted themselves on the western borders of
the lake of Tezcuco. Here they remained many years
engaged in the usual pursuits of a bold and partially
civilized people. From some cause or other, perhaps
their turbulent temper, they incurred the enmity of sur-
rounding tribes. A coalition was formed against them ;
and a bloody battle was fought on the plains of Poyauht-
lan, in which the Tlascalans were completely victorious.
Disgusted, however, with their residence among
nations with whom they found so little favour, the con-
1 The Indian chronicler, Camargo, del Messico, torn. i. p. 153, nota.)
considers his nation a branch of the The fact is not of great moment,
Chichemec. (Hist, de Tlascala, since they were all cognate races,
MS.) So, also, Torquemada. (Mo- speaking the same tongue, and, pro-
narch. Ind., lib. 3, cap. 9.) Clavigero, bably, migrated from their country
who has carefully investigated the in the far North at nearly the same
antiquities of Anahuac, calls it one time,
of the seven Nahuatlac tribes. (Stor.
chap. II.] REPUBLIC OF TLASCALA. 317
quering people resolved to migrate. They separated into
three divisions, the largest of which, taking a southern
course by the great volcan of Mexico, wound round the
ancient city of Cholula, and finally settled in the district
of country overshadowed by the sierra of Tlascala. The
warm and fruitful valleys locked up in the embraces of
this lwged brotherhood of mountains, afforded means
of subsistence for an agricultural people, while the bold
eminences of the sierra presented secure positions for
their towns.
After the lapse of years, the institutions of the nation
underwent an important change. The monarchy was
divided first into two, afterwards into four separate
states, bound together by a sort of federal compact,
probably not very nicely defined. Each state, however,
had its lord or supreme chief, independent in his own
territories, and possessed of coordinate authority with
the others in all matters concerning the whole republic.
The affairs of government, especially all those relating
to peace and war, were settled in a senate or council,
consisting of the four lords with their inferior nobles.
The lower dignitaries held of the superior, each in his
own district, by a kind of feudal tenure, being bound to
supply his table, and enable him to maintain his state in
peace, as well as to serve him in war.2 In return he
experienced the aid and protection of his suzerain. The
same mutual obligations existed between him and the
followers among whom his own territories were distri-
buted.3 Thus a chain of feudal dependencies was esta-
2 The descendants of these petty oficios mecanicos ni tratos bajos ni
nobles attached as great value to viles, ni jamas se permiten cargar
their pedigrees, as any Biscayan or ni cabar con coas y azadones, diciendo
Asturian in Old Spain. Long after que son hijos Idalgos en que no han
the Conquest, they refused, however de aplicarse a cstas cosas soeces y
needy, to dishonour their birth by bajas, sino servir en guerras y fron-
rcsorting to mechanical or other pie- teras, como Idalgos, y morir como
beian occupations, oficiosvilesy bajos. hombres pcleando." Hist, de Tlas-
" Los descendicntes de estos son esti- scila, MS.
mados por hombres calificados, que 3 " Cualquier Tccuhtli que formaba
aunque sean pob'.isimos no usan unTecalli, que es casa de Mayorazgo,
318 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
blished, which, if not contrived with all the art and legal
refinements of analogous institutions in the Old World,
displayed their most prominent characteristics in its per-
sonal relations, the obligations of military service on the
one hand, and protection on the other. This form of
government, so different from that of the surrounding
nations, subsisted till the arrival of the Spaniards. And
it is certainly evidence of considerable civilization, that
so complex a polity should have so long continued undis-
turbed by violence or faction in the confederate states,
and should have been found competent to protect the
people in their rights, and the country from foreign
invasion.
The lowest order of the people, however, do not seem
to have enjoyed higher immunities than under the
monarchical governments ; and their rank was carefully
defined by an appropriate dress, and by their exclusion
from the insignia of the aristocratic orders.4
The nation, agricultural in its habits, reserved its
highest honours, like most other rude — unhappily also,
civilized — nations, for military prowess. Public games
were instituted, and prizes decreed to those who excelled
in such manly and athletic exercises, as might train them
for the fatigues of war. Triumphs were granted to the
victorious general, who entered the city, leading his
spoils and captives in long procession, while his achieve-
ments were commemorated in national songs, and his
effigy, whether in wood or stone, was erected in the
temples. It was truly in the martial spirit of republican
Rome.5
todas aquellas tierras que le caiau en continuos en reconocer a ella de avcs,
suerte de repartimiento, con montes, eaza, flores, y ramos para el sustento
l'uentes, rios, 6 lagunas tomase pant de lacasa del Mayorazgo, yel que lo
la casa principal la mayor y mejor es esta obligado a sustentarlos y a.
suerte 6 pagos de tierra, y luego las regalarlos como amigos de aquella
demas que quedaban se partian por casa y parientes de ella." Ibid., MS.
sus soldados amigos y parientes, 4 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
igualmentc, y todos estos estan obli- 5 " Los grandcs recibiniientos que
gados a reconocer la casa mayor y acu- hacian a los capitanes que venian y
air a ella a alzarla y repararla, y a ser alcauzaban victoria en las guerras., las
chap, ii.] ITS INSTITUTIONS. 319
All institution not unlike knighthood was introduced,
very similar to one existing also among the Aztecs. The
aspirant to the honours of this barbaric chivalry watched
his arms and fasted fifty or sixty days in the temple,
then listened to a grave discourse on the duties of his
new profession. Various whimsical ceremonies followed,
when his arms were restored to him ; he was led in
solemn procession through the public streets, and the
inauguration was concluded by banquets and public
rejoicings. — The new knight was distinguished hence-
forth by certain peculiar privileges, as well as by a badge
intimating his rank. It is worthy of remark, that this
honour was not reserved exclusively for military merit ;
but was the recompense, also, of public services of other
kinds, as wisdom in council, or sagacity and success in
trade. For trade was held in as high estimation by the
Tlascalans, as by the other people of Anahuac.0
The temperate climate of the table-land furnished the
ready means for distant traffic. The fruitfulness of the
soil was indicated by the name of the country, — Tlascala
signifying the " land of bread." Its wide plains to the
slopes of its rocky hills, waved with yellow harvests of
maize, and with the bountiful maguey, a plant which, as
we have seen, supplied the materials for some important
fabrics. With these, as well as the products of agricul-
tural industry, the merchant found his way clown the
sides of the Cordilleras, wandered over the sunny regions
at their base, and brought back the luxuries which
nature had denied to his own.7
fiestas y solenidades con que se so- knights, — See Appendix, Part II.,
lenizaban a, manera tie triuafo que No. 9, where the original is given
los metian en andas en sn puebla, from Camargo.
trayendo consigo ;i los vencidos, y ' " Ha bel paese," says the Anony-
por eternizar sus hazailas se las can- mous Conqueror, speaking of Tlas-
taban publican* or, te y ansi quedaban cala, at the time of the invasion, "di
memoradas y con cstatuas que les pianure et motagne, et e provincia
ponian en los templos." Ibid., MS. popolosa et vi si raccoglie molto
6 For the whole ceremony of inau- pane." Eel. d' un gent., ap. Kamu-
guration, — though as it seems having sio, torn. iii. p 303.
especial reference to the merchant-
3.20 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
The various arts of civilization kept pace with increas-
ing wealth and public prosperity ; at least, these arts
were cultivated to the same limited extent, apparently,
as among the other people of Anahuac. The Tlascalan
tongue, says the national historian,, simple as beseemed
that of a mountain region, was rough compared with the
polished Tezcucan, or the popular Aztec dialect, and,
therefore, not so well fitted for composition. But they
made like proficiency with the kindred nations in the
rudiments of science. Their calendar was formed on
the same plan. Their religion, their architecture, many
of their laws and social usages were the same, arguing a
common origin for all. Their tutelary deity was the same
ferocious war-god as that of the Aztecs, though with a
different name ; their temples, in like manner, were
drenched with the blood of human victims, and their
boards groaned with the same cannibal repasts.8
Though not ambitious of foreign conquest, the pro-
sperity of the Tlascalans, in time, excited the jealousy
of their neighbours, and especially of the opulent state
of Cholula. Frequent hostilities arose between them, in
which the advantage was almost always on the side of
the former. A still more formidable foe appeared in
later days in the Aztecs ; who could ill brook the inde-
pendence of Tlascala, when the surrounding nations had
acknowledged, one after another, their influence or their
empire. Under the ambitious Axayacatl, they demanded
of the Tlascalans the same tribute and obedience ren-
dered by other people of the country. If it were
refused, the Aztecs would raze their cities to their foun-
dations, and deliver the land to their enemies.
To this imperious summons, the little republic proudly
replied, " Neither they nor their ancestors had ever paid
tribute or homage to a foreign power, and never would
8 A full account of the manners, the other states of Anahuac, whose
customs, and domestic policy of social institutions seem to have been
Tlascala is given by the national all cast in the same mould,
historian, throwing much light on
chap, ii.] EARLY HISTORY. 321
pay it. If their country was invaded, they knew how
to defend it, and would pour out their blood as freely
in defence of their freedom now, as their fathers did
of yore, when they routed the Aztecs on the plains of
Poyauhtlan ! " y
This resolute answer brought on them the forces of
the monarchy. A pitched battle followed, and the
sturdy republicans were victorious. From this period
hostilities between the two nations continued with more
or less activity, but with unsparing ferocity. Every
captive was mercilessly sacrificed. The children were
trained from the cradle to deadly hatred against the
Mexicans ; and, even in the brief intervals of war, none
of those intermarriages took place between the people of
the respective, countries which knit together in social
bonds most of the other kindred races of Anahuac.
In this struggle, the Tlascalans received an important
support in the accession of the Othomis, or Otomies, —
as usually spelt by Castilian writers, — a wild and war-
like race originally spread over the table-land north of
the Mexican valley. A portion of them obtained a settle-
ment in the republic, and were speedily incorporated in
its armies. Their courage and fidelity to the nation of
their adoption showed them worthy of trust, and the
frontier places were consigned to their keeping. The
mountain barriers, by which Tlascala is encompassed,
afforded many strong natural positions for defence
against invasion. The country was open towards the
east, where a valley, of some six miles in breadth, invited
the approach of an enemy. But here it was, that the
jealous Tlascalans erected the formidable rampart which
had excited the admiration of the Spaniards, and which
they manned with a garrison of Otomies.
Efforts for their subjugation were renewed on a greater
scale, after the accession of Montezuma. His victorious
0 Camarsro, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.— Torquemada, Monarch. Tnd., lib. 2,
cap. 70.
VOL. I. V
322 MARCH TO MEXICO. [
BOOK III.
arms had spread down the declivities of the Andes to
the distant provinces of Vera Paz and Nicaragua,10 and
his haughty spirit was chafed by the opposition of a
petty state, whose territorial extent did not exceed ten
leagues in breadth by fifteen in length.11 He sent an
army against them under the command of a favourite
son. His troops were beaten, and his son was slain.
The enraged and mortified monarch was roused to still
greater preparations. He enlisted the forces of the cities
bordering on his enemy, together with those of the
empire, and with this formidable army swept over the
devoted valleys of Tlascala. But the bold mountaineers
withdrew into the recesses of their hills, and, coolly
awaiting their opportunity, rushed like a torrent on the
invaders, and drove them back, with dreadful slaughter,
from their territories.
Still, notwithstanding the advantages gained over the
enemy in the field, the Tlascalans were sorely pressed by
their long hostilities with a foe so far superior to them-
selves in numbers and resources. The Aztec armies lay
between them and the coast, cutting off all communica-
tion with that prolific region, and thus limited their
supplies to the products of their own soil and manufac-
ture. For more than half a century, they had neither
cotton, nor cacao, nor salt. Indeed, their taste had been
so far affected by long abstinence from these articles,
that it required the lapse of several generations after the
Conquest, to reconcile them to the use of salt at their
meals.12 During the short intervals of war, it is said,
the Aztec nobles, in the true spirit of chivalry, sent
supplies of these commodities as presents, with many
courteous expressions of respect, to the Tlascalan chiefs.
10 Camargo (Hist, de Tlascala, in circumference, ten long, from east
MS.) notices the extent of Mon- to west, and four broad, from north
tezuma's conquests, — a debatable to south." (Conquista de Mejico,
ground for the historian. lib. 3, cap. 3.) It must have made
11 Torquemada, Monarch. Inch, a curious figure in geometry !
lib. 3, cap. 16. — Soils says, "The
Tlascalan territory was fifty leagues 12 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala MS.
CHAP. II
] EARLY HISTORY. 323
This intercourse, we are assured by the Indian chroni-
cler, was unsuspected by the people. Nor did it lead to
any further correspondence, he adds, between the parties,
prejudicial to the liberties of the republic, " which main-
tained its customs and good government inviolate, and
the worship of its gods."13
Such was the condition of Tlascala, at the coming of
the Spaniards ; holding, it might seem, a precarious
existence under the shadow of the formidable power
which seemed suspended like an avalanche over her
head, but still strong in her own resources, stronger in
the indomitable temper of her people ; with a reputation
established throughout the land, for good faith and
moderation in peace, for valour in war, while her un-
compromising spirit of independence secured the respect
even of her enemies. With such qualities of character,
and with an animosity sharpened by long, deadly hos-
tility with Mexico, her alliance was obviously of the last
importance to the Spaniards, in their present enterprise.
It was not easy to secure it.14
The Tiascalans had been made acquainted with- the
advance and victorious career of the Christians, the
intelligence of which had spread far and wide over the
plateau. But they do not seem to have anticipated
the approach of the strangers to their own borders.
They were now much embarrassed by the embassy de-
manding a passage through their territories. The great
council was convened, and a considerable difference of
opinion prevailed in its members. Some, adopting the
13 " Los Senores Mejicanos y Tez- su republica jamas se dejaba de go-
cucanos, en tiempo que ponian tre- bernar cou la rectitud de sua cos-
guas por algunas temporadas embi- tumbres guardaudo inviolablemente
aban a los Senores de Tlaxcalla el culto de sus Dioses." Camargo,
grandes presentes y dadivas de oro, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
ropa, y cacao, y sal, y de todas las u The Tlascalan chronicler dis-
cosas de que carecian, sin que la cerns in this deep-rooted hatred of
gente plebeya lo entendiese, y se Mexico the hand of Providence, who
saludaban seeretameute, guardan- wrought out of it an important
dose el decoro que se debian: mas means for subverting the Aztec em-
con todos estos trabajos la orden de pire. Ibid., MS.
y 2
324 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
popular superstition, supposed the Spaniards might be
the white and bearded men foretold by the oracles.15
At all events, they were the enemies of Mexico, and as
such might cooperate with them in their struggle with
the empire. Others argued that the strangers could
have nothing in common with them. Their march
throughout the land might be tracked by the broken
images of the Indian gods, and desecrated temples.
How did the Tlascalans even know that they were foes
to Montezuma? They had received his embassies,
accepted his presents, and were now in the company
of his vassals on the way to his capital.
These last were the reflections of an aged chief, one of
the four who presided over the republic. His name was
Xicotencatl. He was nearly blind, having lived, as is
said, far beyond the limits of a century.16 His son, an
impetuous young man of the same name with himself,
commanded a powerful army of Tlascalan and Otomie
warriors, near the eastern frontier. It would be best,
the old man said, to fall with this force at once on the
Spaniards. If victorious, the latter would then be in
their power. If defeated, the senate could disown the
act as that of the general, not of the republic.17 The
cunning counsel of the chief found favour with his
hearers, though assuredly not in the spirit of chivalry,
nor of the good faith for which his countrymen were
celebrated. But with an Indian, force and stratagem,
courage and deceit, were equally admissible in war, as
15 " Si bien os acordais, como the latter, which would be a rare
tenemos de nuestra antiguedad como gem of Indian eloquence, — were it
ban de venir gentes a la parte donde not Castilian. Conquista, lib. 2,
sale el sol, y que han de emparentar cap. 16.
con nosotros, y que hemos de ser 17 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala,
todos unos ; y que han de ser blan- MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec.
cos y barb lidos." Camargo, Hist. 2, lib. 6, cap. 3.— Torquemada, Mo-
de Tlr sea' a, MS. narch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 27.
10 To the ripe age of one hundred There is sufficient contradiction,
and forty ! if we may credit Ca- as well as obscurity, in the pro-
margo. Soli's, who confounds this ceedings reported of the council,
veteran with his son, has put a which it is not easy to recoiicde
flourishing harangue in the mouth of altogether with subsequent events.
chap, ii.] DISCUSSIONS IN THE SENATE. 325
they were among the barbarians of ancient Rome.18 — The
Cempoallan envoys were to be detained under pretence
of assisting at a religious sacrifice.
Meanwhile, Cortes and his gallant band, as stated
in the preceding chapter, had arrived before the rocky
rampart on the eastern confines of Tlascala. From some
cause or other, it was not manned by its Otomie garri-
son, and the Spaniards passed in, as we have seen,
without resistance. Cortes rode at the head of his body
of horse, and, ordering the infantry to come on at a
quick pace, went forward to reconnoitre. After ad-
vancing three or four leagues, he descried a small party
of Indians, armed with sword and buckler, in the fashion
of the country. They fled at his approach. He made
signs for them to halt, but, seeing that they only fled the
faster, he -and his companions put spurs to their horses,
and soon came up with them. The Indians, finding-
escape impossible, faced round, and, instead of showing
the accustomed terror of the natives at the strange and
appalling aspect of a mounted trooper, they commenced
a furious assault on the cavaliers. The latter, however,
were too strong for them, and would have cut their
enemy to pieces without much difficulty, when a body of
several thousand Indians appeared in sight, and coming
briskly on to the support of their countrymen.
Cortes, seeing them, despatched one of his party, in
all haste, to accelerate the march of his infantry. The
Indians, after discharging their missiles, fell furiously on
the little band of Spaniards. They strove to tear the
lances from their grasp, and to drag the riders from the
horses. They brought one cavalier to the ground, who
afterwards died of his wounds, and they killed two of the
horses, cutting through their necks with their stout broad-
swords— if we may believe the chronicler — at a blow.19
18 " Dolus an virtus, quis in lo vieron, cortaron a. cercen de un
hoste requirat ?." golpe cada pescueco, con riendas, i
19 "I les mataron dos Caballos, de todas." Gomara, Cronica, cap. 45.
dos cuchilladas, i segun algunos, que
326 MARCH TO MEXICO. [
BOOK III.
In the narrative of these campaigns, there is sometimes
but one step — and that a short one — from history to
romance. The loss of the horses, so important and so
few in number, was seriously felt by Cortes, who could
have better spared the life of the best rider in the troop.
The struggle was a hard one. But the odds were as
overwhelming as any recorded by the Spaniards in their
own romances, where a handful of knights is arrayed
against legions of enemies. The lances of the Christians
did terrible execution here also ; but they had need of
the magic lance of Astolpho, that overturned myriads
with a touch, to carry them safe through so unequal a
contest. It was with no little satisfaction, therefore,
that they beheld their comrades rapidly advancing to
their support.
No sooner had the main body reached the field of
battle, than, hastily forming, they poured such a volley
from their muskets and crossbows as staggered the
enemy. Astounded, rather than intimidated, by the
terrible report of the fire-arms, now heard for the first
time in these regions, the Indians made no further
effort to continue the fight, but drew off in good order,
leaving the road open to the Spaniards. The latter,
too well satisfied to be rid of the annoyance, to care to
follow the retreating foe, again held on their way.
Their route took them through a country sprinkled
over with Indian cottages, amidst flourishing fields of
maize and maguey, indicating an industrious and thriving
peasantry. They were met here by two Tlascalan envoys,
accompanied by two of the Cempoallans. The former,
presenting themselves before the general, disavowed the
assault on his troops, as an unauthorized act, and assured
him of a friendly reception at their capital. Cortes
received the communication in a courteous manner,
affecting to place more confidence in its good faith than
he probably felt.
It was now growing late, and the Spaniards quickened
chap, ii.] DESPERATE BATTLES. 327
their march, anxious to reach a favourable ground for
encampment before nightfall. They found such a spot
on the borders of a stream that rolled sluggishly across
the plain. A few deserted cottages stood along the
banks, and the fatigued and famished soldiers ransacked
them in quest of food. All they could find was some
tame animals resembling dogs. These they killed and
dressed without ceremony, and, garnishing their un-
savoury repast with the fruit of the tuna, the Indian fig,
which grew wild in the neighbourhood, they contrived to
satisfy the cravings of appetite. A careful watch was
maintained by Cortes, and companies of a hundred men
each relieved each other in mounting guard through the
night. But no attack was made. Hostilities by night
were contrary to the system of Indian tactics.20
By break of day on the following morning, it being
the second of September, the troops were under arms.
Besides the Spaniards, the whole number of Indian auxi-
liaries might now amount to three thousand ; for Cortes
had gathered recruits from the friendly places on his
route ; three hundred from the last. After hearing
mass, they resumed their march. They moved in close
array ; the general had previously admonished the men
not to lag behind, or wander from the ranks a moment,
as stragglers would be sure to be cut off by their stealthy
and vigilant enemy. The horsemen rode three abreast,
the better to give one another support ; and Cortes in-
structed them in the heat of fight to keep together, and
never to charge singly. He taught them how to carry
their lances, that they might not be wrested from their
hands by the Indians, who constantly attempted it. For
the same reason they should avoid giving thrusts, but
aim their weapons steadily at the faces of their foes.21
20 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 3, 41.—
reuzaua, p. 50. — Camargo, Bust, de Saliagun, Hist, de Nueva Espafia,
Tlascala, MS.— Bernal JWaz, Hist. MS., lib. 12, cap. 10.
de la Conquista, cap. 62. — Gouwa,
Crdnica, cap. 45. — Ovicdo, Hist, de 21 "Que quando rompiessemos
328 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
They had not proceeded far, when they were met by
the two remaining Cempoallan envoys, who, with looks
of terror, informed the general, that they had been
treacherously seized and confined, in order to be sacri-
ficed at an approaching festival of the Tlascalans, but in
the night had succeeded in making their escape. They
gave the unwelcome tidings, also, that a large force of
the natives was already assembled to oppose the progress
of the Spaniards.
Soon after, they came in sight of a body of Indians,
about a thousand, apparently all armed and brandishing
their weapons, as the Christians approached, in token of
defiance. Cortes, when he had come within hearing,
ordered the interpreters to proclaim that he had no hos-
tile intentions ; but wished only to be allowed a passage
through their country, which he had entered as a friend.
This declaration he commanded the royal notary, Godoy,
to record on the spot, that, if blood were shed, it might
not be charged on the Spaniards. This pacific procla-
mation was met, as usual on such occasions, by a shower
of darts, stones, and arrows, which fell like rain on the
Spaniards, rattling on their stout harness, and in some
instances penetrating to the skin. Galled by the smart
of their wounds, they called on the general to lead them
on, till he sounded the well-known battle-cry, "St. Jago,
and at them ! "22
The Indians maintained their ground for a while with
spirit, when they retreated with precipitation, but not in
disorder.23 The Spaniards, whose blood was heated by
the encounter, followed up their advantage with more
zeal than prudence, suffering the wily enemy to draw
them into a narrow glen or defile, intersected by a little
stream of water, where the broken ground was imprac-
por los esquadrones, que lleuasseu 22 " Entonces dixo Cortes, ' San-
las lancas por las caras, y no pa- tiago, y a ellos.' " Ibid., cap. 63.
rassen a dar lancadas, porque no les 23 " Una gentil contienda," says
echassen mano dellas." Bernal Diaz, Gomara of this skirmish. Cronica,
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 62. cap. 46.
chap. II.] DESPERATE BATTLES. 329
ticable for artillery, as well as for the movements of
cavalry. Pressing forward with eagerness, to extricate
themselves from their perilous position, to their great
dismay, on turning an abrupt angle of the pass, they
came in presence of a numerous army choking up the
gorge of the valley, and stretching far over the plains
beyond. To the astonished eyes of Cortes, they ap-
peared a hundred thousand men, while no account esti-
mates them at less than thirty thousand.24
They presented a confused assemblage of helmets,
weapons, and many-coloured plumes, glancing bright in
the morning sun, and mingled with banners, above which
proudly floated one that bore as a device the heron on a
rock. It was the well-known ensign of the house of
Titcala, and, as well as the white and yellow stripes on
the bodies, and the like colours on the feather-mail of
the Indians, showed that they were the warriors of
Xicotencatl.25
As the Spaniards came in sight, the Tlascalans set up
a hideous war-cry, or rather whistle, piercing the ear
with its shrillness, and which, with the beat of their me-
lancholy drums, that could be heard for half a league or
more,26 might well have filled the stoutest heart with
dismay. This formidable host came rolling on towards
'n Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- million at the time of the invasion.
renzana, p. 51. According to Go- Stor. del Messico, torn. i. p. 156.
mara, (Crdnica, cap. 40,) the enemy 25 " La divisa y armas de la casa
mustered S0,000. So, also, Ixtlilxo- y cabecera de Titcala es una garza
chitl. (Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 83.) blanca sobre uri penasco." (Ca-
Bernal Diaz says, more than 40,000. margo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.) " El
(Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 63.) capitan general," says Bernal Diaz,
But Herrera (Hist. General, dec. 2, " que se dezia Xicoteuga, y con sus
lib. 6, cap. 5) and Torquemada (Mo- divisas de bianco y Colorado, porque
narch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 20) reduce aquella devisa y librea era de aquel
them to 30,000. One might as Xicoteuga." Hist, de la Conquista,
easily reckon the leaves in a forest, cap. 63.
as the numbers of a confused throng 26 " Llaman Teponaztle que cs de
of barbarians. As this was only one un trozo de madero concavado y de
of several armies kept on foot by una pieza rollizo y, como decimos,
the Tlascalans, the smallest amount hueco por de dentro, que suena
is, probably, too large. The whole algunas veces mas de media legua
population of the state, according to y con el tambor hace estrana y suave
Clavigero, who would not be likely consonancia." (Camargo, Hist, de
to underrate it, did not exceed half a Tlascala, MS.) Clavigero, who gives
330 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
the Christians, as if to overwhelm them by their very
numbers. But the courageous band of warriors, closely
serried together and sheltered under their strong pano-
plies, received the shock unshaken, while the broken
masses of the enemy, chafing and heaving tumultuously
around them, seemed to recede only to return with new
and accumulated force.
Cortes, as usual, in the front of danger, in vain en-
deavoured, at the head of the horse, to open a passage
for the infantry. Still his men, both cavalry and foot,
kept their array unbroken, offering no assailable point to
their foe. A body of the Tlascalans, however, acting in
concert, assaulted a soldier named Moran, one of the
best riders in the troop. They succeeded in dragging him
from his horse, which they despatched with a thousand
blows. The Spaniards, on foot, made a desperate effort
to rescue their comrade from the hands of the enemy, —
and from the horrible doom of the captive. A fierce
struggle now began over the body of the prostrate horse.
Ten of the Spaniards were wounded, when they suc-
ceeded in retrieving the unfortunate cavalier from his
assailants, but in so disastrous a plight that he died on
the following clay. The horse was borne off in triumph
by the Indians, and his mangled remains were sent, a
strange trophy, to the different towns of Tlascala. The
circumstance troubled the Spanish commander, as it
divested the animal of the supernatural terrors with
which the superstition of the natives had usually sur-
rounded it. To prevent such a consequence, he had
caused the two horses, killed on the preceding day, to
be secretly buried on the spot.
The enemy now began to give ground gradually,
borne down by the riders, and trampled under the hoofs
of their horses. Through the whole of this sharp en-
counter, the Indian allies were of great service to the
a drawing of this same drum, says it be heard two or three miles. Stor.
is still used by the Indians, and may del Messico, torn. ii. p. 179.
chap. II.] DESPERATE BATTLES. 331
Spaniards. They rushed into the water and grappled
their enemies, with the desperation of men who felt that
" their only safety was in the despair of safety." 27 " I
see nothing but death for us," exclaimed a Cempoallan
chief to Marina ; " we shall never get through the pass
alive." " The God of the Christians is with us," an-
swered the intrepid woman : " and he will carry us
safely through." 28
Amidst the din of battle the voice of Cortes was heard,
cheering on his soldiers. "If we fail now," he cried,
" the cross of Christ can never be planted in the land.
Forward, comrades ! When was it ever known that a
Castilian turned his back on a foe?"29 Animated by the
words and heroic bearing of their general, the soldiers,
with desperate efforts, at length succeeded in forcing a
passage through the dark columns of the enemy, and
emerged from the defile on the open plain beyond.
Here they quickly recovered their confidence with
their superiority. The horse soon opened a space for
the manoeuvres of the artillery, The close files of their
antagonists presented a sure mark ; and the thunders of
the ordnance vomiting forth torrents of fire and sulphu-
rous smoke, the wide desolation caused in their ranks,
and the strangely mangled carcasses of the slain, filled
the barbarians with consternation and horror. They
had no weapons to cope with these terrible engines, and
their clumsy missiles, discharged from uncertain hands,
seemed to fall ineffectual on the charmed heads of the
Christians. What added to their embarrassment was,
the desire to cany off the dead and wounded from the
field, a general practice among the people of Anahuac,
but which necessarily exposed them, while thus employed,
to still greater loss.
27 "Una illis fait spes salutis, de- tuviese miedo, porque el Dios de los
sperasse de salute." (P. Martyr, Christianos, que es muy poderoso, i
De Orbe Novo, dec. 1, cap. 1.) It los queria muclio, los sacaria de
is said with the classic energy of pcligro." Herrera, Hist. General,
Tacitus. dec. 2, lib, 6, cap. 5.
23 " Respondiole Marina, que no Cj Ibid., ubi supra.
332 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
Eight of their principal chiefs had now fallen ; and
Xicotencatl, finding himself wholly unable to make head
against the Spaniards in the open field, ordered a retreat.
Far from the confusion of a panic-struck mob, so com-
mon among barbarians, the Tlascalan force moved off
the ground with all the order of a well-disciplined army.
Cortes, as on the preceding clay, was too well satisfied
with his present advantage to desire to follow it up. It
was within an hour of sunset, and he was anxious before
nightfall to secure a good position, where he might re-
fresh his wounded troops, and bivouac for the night.30
Gathering up his wounded, he held on his way, with-
out loss of time ; and before dusk reached a rocky emi-
nence, called Tzompachtepetl, or " the hill of Tzompach."
It was crowned by a sort of tower or temple, the re-
mains of which are still visible.31 His first care was
given to the wounded, both men and horses. Fortu-
nately, an abundance of provisions was found in some
neighbouring cottages ; and the soldiers, at least all who
were not disabled by their injuries, celebrated the victory
of the day with feasting and rejoicing.
As to the number of killed or wounded on either side,
it is matter of loosest conjecture. The Indians must
have suffered severely, but the practice of carrying off
the dead from the field made it impossible to know to
what extent. The injury sustained by the Spaniards
appears to have been principally in the number of their
wounded. The great object of the natives of Anahuac
in their battles was, to make prisoners, who might grace
their triumphs, and supply victims for sacrifice. To this
brutal superstition the Christians were indebted, in no
slight degree, for their personal preservation. To take the
reports of the Conquerors, their own losses in action were
30 Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., quista, cap. 63. — Gomara Crdiiica,
lib. 33, cap. 3, 45.— Ixtlikockitl, cap. 40.
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 83.— Rd.
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 51. 8l Viaje de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
• — JBernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- p. ix.
chap. II.] DESPERATE BATTLES. 333
always inconsiderable. But whoever has had occasion to
consult the ancient chroniclers of Spain in relation to its
wars with the infidel, whether Arab or American, will
place little confidence in numbers.32
The events of the day had suggested many topics for
painful reflection to Cortes. He had no where met with
so determined a resistance Avithin the borders of Ana-
huac ; nowhere had he encountered native troops so for-
midable for their weapons, their discipline, and their
valour. Par from manifesting the superstitious terrors
felt by the other Indians at the strange arms and aspect
of the Spaniards, the Tlascalans had boldly grappled
with their enemy, and only yielded to the inevitable su-
periority of his military science. How important would
the alliance of such a nation be in a struggle with those
of their own race,— for example, with the Aztecs ! But
how was he to secure this alliance ? Hitherto, all overtures
had been rejected with disdain ; and it seemed probable,
that every step of his progress in this populous land was
to be fiercely contested. His army, especially the In-
dians, celebrated the events of the day with feasting and
dancing, songs of merriment, and shouts of triumph.
Cortes encouraged it, well knowing how important it
was to keep up the spirits of his soldiers. But the
sounds of revelry at length died away ; and in the still
watches of the night, many an anxious thought must
have crowded on the mind of the general, while his little
army lay buried in slumber in its encampment around
the Indian hill.
32 According to Cortes, not a five and twenty Christians ! See
Spaniard fell— though, many were the estimate in Alfonso IX.'s vera-
wounded— in this action so fatal to cious letter, ap. Mariana (Hist, de
the infidel! Diaz allows one. In Espana, lib. 2, cap. 24). The official
the famous battle of Navas de Tolosa, returns of the old Castilian crusaders,
between the Spaniards and Arabs, whether in the Old World or the
in 1212, equally matched in military New, are scarcely more trustworthy
science at that time, there were left than a French imperial, bulletin in
200,000 of the latter on the field ; our day.
and, to balance this bloody roll, only
334 [book hi.
CHAPTER III.
Decisive Victory. — Indian Council.— Night Attack. — Negotiations with the
Enemy. — Tlascalan Hero.
1519.
The Spaniards were allowed to repose undisturbed
the following day, and to recruit their strength after the
fatigue and hard fighting of the preceding. They found
sufficient employment, however, in repairing and cleaning
their weapons, replenishing their diminished stock of
arrows, and getting everything in order for further hosti-
lities, should the severe lesson they had inflicted on the
enemy prove insufficient to discourage him. On the
second day, as Cortes received no overtures from the
Tlascalans, he determined to send an embassy to their
camp, proposing a cessation of hostilities, and expressing
his intention to visit their capital as a friend. He selected
two of the principal chiefs taken in the late engagement,
as the bearers of the message.
Meanwhile, averse to leaving his men longer in a dan-
gerous state of inaction, which the enemy might interpret
as the result of timidity or exhaustion, he put himself at
the head of the cavalry and such light troops as were
most fit for service, and made a foray into the neigh-
bouring country. It was a mountainous region, formed
by a ramification of the great sierra of Tlascala, with
verdant slopes and valleys teeming with maize and plan-
tations of maguey, while the eminences were crowned
with populous towns and villages. In one of these, he
chap. lit.] DECISIVE VICTORY. 335
tells us, he found three thousand dwellings.1 In some
places he met with a resolute resistance, and on these
occasions took ample vengeance by laying the country
waste with fire and sword. After a successful inroad he
returned laden with forage and provisions, and driving
before him several hundred Indian captives. He treated
them kindly, however, when arrived in camp, endea-
vouring to make them understand that these acts of
violence were not dictated by his own wishes, but by the
unfriendly policy of their countrymen. In this way he
hoped to impress the nation with the conviction of his
power on the one hand, and of his amicable intentions, if
met by them in the like spirit, on the other.
On reaching his quarters, he found the two envoys
returned from the Tlascalan camp. They had fallen in
with Xicotencatl at about two leagues' distance, where
he lay encamped with a powerful force. The cacique
gave them audience at the head of his troops. He told
them to return with the answer, " That the Spaniards
might pass on as soon as they chose to Tlascala ; and,
when they reached it, their flesh would be hewn from
their bodies, for sacrifice to the gods ! If they preferred
to remain in their own quarters, he would pay them
a visit there the next day."2 The ambassadors added,
that the chief had an immense force with him, consisting
of five battalions of ten thousand men each. They were
the flower of the Tlascalan and Otomie warriors, assem-
bled under the banners of their respective leaders, by
command of the senate, who were resolved to try the
1 Itel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- confirms the larger, and, a priori, less
zana, p, 52. probable number.
O\dedo, who made free use of the
manuscripts of Cortes, writes thirty- 2 " Que fuessemos a su pueblo
nine houses. (Hist, de las Ind., adonde esta su padre, q'alla harian
MS., lib. 33, cap. 3.) This may, las pazes c5 hartarse de nuestras
perhaps, be explained by the sign carnes, y honrar sus dioses con nues-
for a thousand, in Spanish notation, tros coracones, y sangre, e que para
bearing a great resemblance to the otro dia de maiiana veriamos su re-
figure 9. Martyr, who had access spuesta." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
also to the Conqueror's manuscript, Conquista, cap. 64.
336 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
fortunes of the state in a pitched battle, and strike one
decisive blow for the extermination of the invaders.3
This bold defiance fell heavily on the ears of the Spa-
niards, not prepared for so pertinacious a spirit in their
enemy. They had had ample proof of his courage and
formidable prowess. They were now, in their crippled
condition, to encounter him with a still more terrible
array of numbers. The war, too, from the horrible fate
with which it menaced the vanquished , wore a peculiarly
gloomy aspect, that pressed heavily on their spirits. " We
feared death," says the lion-hearted Diaz, with his usual
simplicity, " for we were men." There was scarcely one
in the army that did not confess himself that night to
the reverend father Olmedo, who was occupied nearly
the whole of it with administering absolution, and with
the other solemn offices of the church. Armed with the
blessed sacraments, the Catholic soldier lay tranquilly
down to rest, prepared for any fate that might betide
him under the banner of the Cross.4
As a battle was now inevitable, Cortes resolved to
march out and meet the enemy in the field. This would
have a show of confidence, that might serve the double
purpose of intimidating the Tlascalans, and inspiriting
his own men, whose enthusiasm might lose somewhat of
its heat, if compelled to await the assault of their anta-
gonists, inactive in their own intrenchments. The sun
rose bright on the following morning, the 5th of Sep-
tember, 1519, an eventful clay in the history of the
Spanish Conquest. The general reviewed his army, and
gave them, preparatory to marching, a few words of
3 More than one writer repeats Cortes' own account of his successful
a story of the Tlascalan general's foray may much better explain the
sending a good supply of provisions, abundance which reigned in his camp,
at this time, to the famished army of
the Spaniards ; to put them in sto- 4 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loreu-
mach, it may be, for the fight. (Go- zana, p. 52. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
mara, Crdn., cap. 46. — Ixtlilxochitl, MS., cap. 83. — Gomara, Cronica, cap.
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 83.) This 46, 47— Oiedo, Hist, de las Ind.,
ultra-chivalrous display from the bar- MS., lib. 33, cap. 3. — Bernal Diaz,
barian is not very probable, and Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 64.
chap, ill.] DECISIVE VICTORY. 337
encouragement and advice. The infantry he instructed
to rely on the point rather than the edge of their swords,
and to endeavour to thrust their opponents through the
body. The horsemen were to charge at half speed, with
their lances aimed at the eyes of the Indians. The artil-
lery, the arquebusiers, and crossbowmen, were to support
one another, some loading while others discharged their
pieces, that there should be an unintermitted firing kept
up through the action. Above all, they were to maintain
their ranks close and unbroken, as on this depended their
preservation. They had not advanced a quarter of a
league, when they came in sight of the Tlascalan army.
Its dense array stretched far and wide over a vast plain
or meadow ground, about six miles square. Its appear-
ance justified the report which had been given of its
numbers.5 "Nothing could be more picturesque than the
aspect of these Indian battalions, with the naked bodies
of the common soldiers gaudily painted, the fantastic
helmets of the chiefs glittering with gold and precious
stones, and the glowing panoplies of feather-work, which
decorated their persons.6 Innumerable spears and darts
tipped with points of transparent itztli, or fiery copper,
sparkled bright in the morning sun, like the phosphoric
gleams playing on the surface of a troubled sea, while
the rear of the mighty host was dark with the shadows
5 Through the magnifying lens of Green as the spring grass in a
Cortes, they appeared to be 150,000 sunny shower;
men; (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. Or scarlet bright, as in the wintry
52 ;) a number usually preferred by wood
succeeding writers. The cluster'd holly ; or of purple
6 "Not half so gorgeous, for their tint;
May-day mirth Whereto shall that be liken'd ?
All wreath'd and ribanded, our to what gem
youths and maids, Indiadem'd, what flower ? what
As these stern Tlascalans in war insect's wing ?
attire ! With war sougs and wild music
The golden glitt'rance, and the they came on;
feather-mail We, the while kneeling, raised
More gay than glitt'ring gold ; with one accord
and round the helm The hymn of supplication."
A coronal of high upstanding Southey's Madoc, Part 1, canto 7.
plumes,
VOL. I. Z
338 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
of banners, on which were emblazoned the armorial
bearings of the great Tlascalan and Otomie chieftains.7
Among these, the white heron on the rock, the cognizance
of the house of Xicotencatl, was conspicuous, and, still
more, the golden eagle with outspread wings, in the
fashion of a Roman signum, richly ornamented with eme-
ralds and silver work, the great standard of the republic
of Tlascala.8
The common file wore no covering except a girdle
round the loins. Their bodies were painted with the
appropriate colours of the chieftain whose banner they
followed. The feather-mail of the higher c1 ass of war-
riors exhibited, also, a similar selection of coiours for the
like object, in the same manner as the colour of the
tartan indicates the peculiar clan of the Highlander.9
The caciques and principal warriors were clothed in a
quilted cotton tunic, two inches thick, wdiich, fitting
close to the body, protected also the thighs and the
shoulders. Over this the wealthier Indians wore cui-
rasses of thin gold plate, or silver. Their legs were
defended by leathern boots or sandals, trimmed with
7 The standards of the Mexicans The 'ast two authors speak of the
were carried in the centre, those of device of " a white bird like an
the Tlascalans hi the rear of the ostrich," as that of the Republic,
army. (Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, They have evidently confounded it
vol. ii. p. 145.) According to the with that of the Indian general. Ca-
Anonymous Conqueror, the banner margo, who lias given the heraldic
staff was attached to the back of the emblems of the four great families of
ensign, so that it was impossible to Tlascala, notices the white heron, as
be torn away. " Ha ogni copagnia that of Xicotencatl.
il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna in-
hastata, et in tal modo ligata sopra le D The accounts of the Tlascalan
spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo chronicler are confirmed by the
di poter combattere ne far cio che Anonymous Conqueror and by Ber-
vuole, et la porta cosi ligata bene al nal Diaz, both eye-witnesses; though
corpo, che se no fanno del suo corpo the latter frankly declares, that, had
pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne he not seen them with his own eyes,
torgliela mai." Rel. d'un gent., ap. he should never lrve credited the
Ramusio, torn. hi. fol. 305. existence of orders and badges
8 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. among the barbarians, like those
— Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, found among the civilized nations cf
lib. 6, cap. 6. — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. Europe. Hist, de la Conquista,
46. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- cap. 64, et alibi. — Camargo, Hist, de
quista, cap. 64. — Oviedo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. — Rel. d' un gent., ap.
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 45. Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 305.
chap, in.] DECISIVE VICTORY. 339
gold. But the most brilliant part of their costume was
a rich mantle of the plumaje or feather-work, embroi-
dered with curious art, and furnishing some resemblance
to the gorgeous surcoat worn by the European knight
over his armour in the Middle Ages. This graceful and
picturesque dress was surmounted by a fantastic head-
piece made of wood or leather, representing the head of
some wild animal, and frequently displaying a formidable
array of teeth. With this covering the warrior's head
was enveloped, producing a most grotesque and hideous
effect.10 From the crown floated a splendid panache of
the richly variegated plumage of the tropics, indicating,
by its form and colours, the rank and family of the
wearer. To complete their defensive armour, they carried
shields or targets, made sometimes of wood covered with
leather, but more usually of a light frame of reeds quilted
with cotton, which were preferred, as tougher and less
liable to fracture than the former. They had other
bucklers, in which the cotton was covered with an elastic
substance, enabling them to be shut up in a more com-
pact form, like a fan or umbrella. These shields were
decorated with showy ornaments, according to the taste
or wealth of the wearer, and fringed with a beautiful
pendant of featherwork.
Their weapons were slings, bows and arrows, javelins,
and darts. They were accomplished archers, and would
discharge two or even three arrows at a time. But they
most excelled in throwing the javelin. One species of
this, with a thong attached to it, which remained in the
slinger's hand, that he might recal the weapon, was
especially dreaded by the Spaniards. These various
weapons were pointed with bone, or the mineral itztli,
10 " Portano in testa," says the come se lo volesse diuorare : sono
Anonymous Conqueror, " per difesa di legno, et sopra vi e la pena, et di
una cosa come teste di serpeti, b di piastra d'oro et di pietre preciose
tigri, b di leoni, b di lupi, che ha le copte, che e cosa marauigiiosa da
mascelle, et e la testa dell' huomo vedere." Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ram-
messa nella testa di q'sto animale usio, torn. iii. fol. 305.
z 2
340 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book in.
(obsidian,) the hard vitreous substance already noticed,
as capable of taking an edge like a razor, though easily
blunted. Their spears and arrows were also frequently
headed with copper. Instead of a sword they bore a
two-handed staff, about three feet and a half long, in
which, at regular distances, were inserted, transversely,
sharp blades of itztli, — a formidable weapon, which,
an eyewitness assures us, he has seen fell a horse at a
blow.11
Such was the costume of the Tlascalan warrior, and,
indeed, of that great family of nations generally, who
occupied the plateau of Anahuac. Some parts of it, as
the targets and the cotton mail or escaupil, as it was
called in Castilian, were so excellent, that they were
subsequently adopted by the Spaniards, as equally
effectual in the way of protection, and superior, on the
score of lightness and convenience, to their own. They
were of sufficient strength to turn an arrow, or the
stroke of a javelin, although impotent as a defence
against fire-arms. But what armour is not ? Yet it is
probably no exaggeration to say, that, in convenience,
gracefulness, and strength, the arms of the Indian war-
rior were not very inferior to those of the polished
nations of antiquity.12
As soon as the Castilians came in sight, the Tlas-
calans set up their yell of defiance, rising high above the
wild barbaric minstrelsy of shell, atabal, and trumpet,
with which they proclaimed their triumphant anticipa-
tions of victory over the paltry forces of the invaders.
When the latter had come within bow-shot, the Indians
11 "Io viddi che cobattedosi un ap. Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 305.
di, diede un Indiano una cortellata 12 Particular notices of the mili-
a un cauallo sopra il qual era un tary dress and appointments of the
caualliero co chi cobatteua, nel petto, American tribes on the plateau may
che glielo aperse fin alle iteriora, et be found in Camargp, Hist, de Tlas-
cadde icotanete morto, et il medesimo cala, MS. — Clavigero, Stor. del Mes-
giorno viddi che un altro Indiano sico, torn. ii. p. 101, et seq. — Acosta,
diede un altra cortellata a un altro lib. 6, cap. 26. — Rel. d' un gent.,
cauallo su il collo che se lo gettd ap. Ramusio, torn. hi. fol. 305, et
morto a i piedi." Rel d' un gent., auet. al.
chap, in.] DECISIVE VICTORY. 341
hurled a tempest of missiles, that darkened the sun for
a moment as with a passing cloud, strewing the earth
around with heaps of stones and arrows.13 Slowly and
steadily the little band of Spaniards held on its way,
amidst this arrowy shower, until it had reached what
appeared the proper distance for delivering its fire with
full effect. Cortes then halted, and, hastily forming
his troops, opened a general well-directed fire along
the whole line. Every shot bore its errand of death ;
and the ranks of the Indians were mowed down faster
than their comrades in the rear could carry off' their
bodies, according to custom, from the field. The balls
in their passage through the crowded files, bearing
splinters of the broken harness and mangled limbs
of the warriors, scattered havoc and desolation in their
path. The mob of barbarians stood petrified with
dismay, till, at length, galled to desperation by their
intolerable suffering, they poured forth simultaneously
their hideous war-shriek, and rushed impetuously on the
Christians.
On they came like an avalanche, or mountain torrent,
shaking the solid earth, and sweeping away every ob-
stacle in its path. The little army of Spaniards opposed
a bold front to the overwhelming mass. But no strength
could withstand it. They faltered, gave way, were
borne along before it, and their ranks were broken and
thrown into disorder. It was in vain the general called
on them to close again and rally. His voice was drowned
by the din of fight and the fierce cries of the assailants.
Por a moment, it seemed that all was lost. The tide of
battle had turned against them, and the fate of the
Christians was sealed.
But every man had that within his bosom, which
spoke louder than the voice of the general. Despair gave
13 " 4 Que granizo de piedra de los arma, y las entrafias adonde no ay
houderos ! Pues flechas todo el defensa." Berual Diaz,. Hist, de la
suelo hecho parva de varas todas de Conquista, cap. 65.
a dos gajos, que passan qualquiera
343 MARCH TO MEXICO. [
BOOK. III.
unnatural energy to his arm. The naked body of the
Indian afforded no resistance to the sharp Toledo steel •
and with their good swords, the Spanish infantry at
length succeeded in staying the human torrent. The
heavy guns from a distance thundered on the flank of
the assailants, which, shaken by the iron tempest, was
thrown into disorder. Their very numbers increased the
confusion, as they were precipitated on the masses in
front. The horse at the same moment, charged gallantly
under Cortes, followed up the advantage, and at length
compelled the tumultuous throng to fall back with
greater precipitation and disorder than that with which
they had advanced.
More than once in the course of the action, a similar
assault was attempted by the Tlascalans, but each time
Avith less spirit, and greater loss. They were too de-
ficient in military science to profit by their vast superi-
ority in numbers. They were distributed into companies,
it is true, each serving under its own chieftain and
banner. But they were not arranged by rank and file,
and moved in a confused mass, promiscuously heaped
together. They knew not how to concentrate numbers
on a given point, or even how to sustain an assault, by
employing successive detachments to support and relieve
one another. A very small part only of their array
could be brought into contact with an enemy inferior to
them in amount of forces. The remainder of the army,
inactive and worse than useless, in the rear, served only
to press tumultuously on the advance, and embarrass its
movements by mere weight of numbers, while, on the
least alarm, they were seized with a panic and threw the
whole body into inextricable confusion. It was, in
short, the combat of the ancient Greeks and Persians
over again.
Still, the great numerical superiority of the Indians
might have enabled them, at a severe cost of their own
lives, indeed, to wear out, in time, the constancv of the
chap, in] DECISIVE VICTORY. 343
Spaniards, disabled by wounds and incessant fatigue.
But, fortunately for the latter, dissensions arose among
their enemies. A Tlascalan chieftain, commanding one
of the great divisions, had taken umbrage at the haughty
demeanour of Xicoteucatl, who had charged him with
misconduct or cowardice in the late action. The injured
cacique challenged his rival to single combat. This did
not take place. But, burning with resentment, he chose
the present occasion to indulge it, by drawing off his
forces, amounting to ten thousand men, from the field.
He also persuaded another of the commanders to follow
his example.
Thus reduced to about half his original strength, and
that greatly crippled by the losses of the day, Xicoteu-
catl could jio longer maintain his ground against the
Spaniards. After disputing the field with admirable
courage for four hours, he retreated and resigned it to
the enemy. The Spaniards were too much jaded, and
too many were disabled by wounds, to allow them to
pursue ; and Cortes, satisfied with the decisive victory he
had gained, returned in triumph to his position on the
hill of Tzompach.
The number of killed in his own ranks had been very
small, notwithstanding the severe loss inflicted on the
enemy. These few he was careful to bury where they
could not be discovered, anxious to conceal not only the
amount of the slain, but the fact that the whites were
mortal.14 But very many of the men were wounded, and
all the horses. The trouble of the Spaniards was much
enhanced by the want of many articles important to them
in their present exigency. They had neither oil, nor
salt, which, as before noticed, was not to be obtained in
Tlascala. Their clothing, accommodated to a softer
climate, was ill adapted to the rude air of the mountains ;
14 So says JBernal Diaz ; who at one Christian fell in the fight. (Hist,
the same time, by the epithets, los de la Conquista, cap. 65.) Cortes
muertos, los cuerpos, plainly contra- has not the grace to acknowledge
diets his previous boast that only that one.
344 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
and bows and arrows, as Bernal Diaz sarcastically re-
marks, formed an indifferent protection against the
inclemency of the weather.15
Still, they had much to cheer them in the events of
the day ; and they might draw from them a reasonable
ground for confidence in their own resources, such as no
other experience could have supplied. Not that the
results could authorize any thing like contempt for their
Indian foe. Singly and with the same weapons, he
might have stood his ground against the Spaniard.16
But the success of the day established the superiority of
science and discipline over mere physical courage and
numbers. It was fighting over again, as we have said,
the old battle of the European and the Asiatic. But the
handful of Greeks who routed the hosts of Xerxes and
Darius, it must be remembered, had not so obvious an
advantage on the score of weapons, as was enjoyed by
the Spaniards in these wars. The use of fire-arms gave
an ascendancy which cannot easily be estimated ; one so
great, that a contest between nations equally civilized,
which should be similar in all other respects to that
between the Spaniards and the Tlascalans, would pro-
bably be attended with a similar issue. To all this must
be added the effect produced by the cavalry. The
nations of Anahuac had no large domesticated animals,
15 Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid., MS., be pardoned in the hero of more
lib. 33, cap. 3. — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, than a hundred battles, and almost
ap. Lorenzana, p. 52. — Herrera, as many wounds.
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, cap, 6. 16 The Anonymous Conqueror
■ — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., bears emphatic testimony to the
cap. 83. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 46. valour of the Indians, specifying in-
— Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. stances in which he had seen a
4, cap. 32. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de single warrior defend himself for a
la Conquista, cap. 65, 66. long time against two, three, and
The warm, chivalrous glow of even four Spaniards ! " Sono fra
feeling, which colours the rude com- loro di valetissimi huomini et che
position of the last chronicler, makes ossano morir ostinatissimamete. Et
him a better painter than his more io ho veduto un d'essi difendersi
correct and classical rivals. And, if valetemente da duoi caualli leggieri,
there is somewhat too much of the et un altro da tre, et quattro." Eel.
self-complacent tone of the quorum d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. iii.
pars magna fid in his writing, it may fol. 305.
chap. III.] INDIAN COUNCIL. 345
and were unacquainted with any beast of burden. Their
imaginations were bewildered, when they beheld the
strange apparition of the horse and his rider moving in
unison and obedient to one impulse, as if possessed of a
common nature; and as they saw the terrible animal,
with his " neck clothed in thunder," bearing down their
squadrons and trampling them in the dust, no wonder
they should have regarded him with the mysterious
terror felt for a supernatural being. A very little reflec-
tion on the manifold grounds of superiority, both moral
and physical, possessed by the Spaniards in this contest,
will surely explain the issue, without any disparagement
to the courage or capacity of their opponents.17
Cortes, thinking the occasion favourable, followed up
the important blow he had struck by a new mission to
the capital, bearing a message of similar import with
that recently sent to the camp. But the senate was
not yet sufficiently humbled. The late defeat caused,
indeed, general consternation. Maxixcatzin, one of the
four great lords who presided over the republic, reiterated
with greater force the arguments before urged by him
for embracing the proffered alliance of the strangers.
The armies of the state had been beaten too often to
allow any reasonable hope of successful resistance ; and
he enlarged on the generosity shown by the politic Con-
queror to his prisoners, — so unusual in Anahuac, — as an
additional motive for an alliance with men who knew
how to be friends as well as foes.
But in these views he was overruled by the war-party,
whose animosity was sharpened, rather than subdued, by
the late discomfiture. Their hostile feelings were farther
exasperated by the younger Xicotencatl, who burned for
an opportunity to retrieve his disgrace, and to wipe
17 The appalling effect of the strange appearance of the elephants
cavalry on the natives reminds one in their first engagements with
of the confusion into which the Ro- Pyrrhus, as told by Plutarch, in his
man legions were thrown by the life of that prince.
346 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
away the stain which had fallen for the first time on the
arms of the republic.
In their perplexity, they called in the assistance of the
priests, whose authority was frequently invoked in the
deliberations of the American chiefs. The latter in-
quired, with some simplicity, of these interpreters of fate,
whether the strangers were supernatural beings, or men
of flesh and blood like themselves. The priests, after
some consultation, are said to have made the strange
answer, that the Spaniards, though not gods, were chil-
dren of the Sun j that they derived their strength from
that luminary, and, when his beams were withdrawn,
their powers would also fail. They recommended a
night attack, therefore, as one which afforded the best
chance of success. This apparently childish response
may have had in it more of cunning than credulity. It
was not improbably suggested by Xicotencatl himself, or
by the caciques in his interest, to reconcile the people to
a measure, which was contrary to the military usages, —
indeed, it may be said, to the public law of Anahuac.
Whether the fruit of artifice or superstition, it prevailed ;
and the Tlascalan general was empowered, at the head
of a detachment of ten thousand warriors, to try the
effect of an assault by night on the Christian camp.
The affair was conducted with such secrecy, that it did
not reach the ears of the Spaniards, But their general
was not one who allowed himself, sleeping or waking, to
be surprised on his post. Fortunately the night ap-
pointed was illumined by the full beams of an autumnal
moon ; and one of the videttes perceived by its light, at
a considerable distance, a large body of Indians moving
towards the Christian lines. He was not slow in giving
the alarm to the garrison.
The Spaniards slept, as has been said, with their arms
by their side ; while their horses, picketed near them,
stood ready saddled, with the bridle hanging at the bow.
In five minutes, the whole camp was under arms ; when
chap, in.] NIGHT ATTACK. 347
they beheld the dusky columns of the Indians cautiously
advancing over the plain, their heads just peering above
the tall maize with which the land was partially covered.
Cortes determined not to abide the assault in his in-
trenchments, but to sally out and pounce on the enemy
when he had reached the bottom of the hill.
Slowly and stealthily the Indians advanced, while the
Christian camp, hushed in profound silence, seemed to
them buried in slumber. But no sooner had they reached
the slope of the rising ground, than they were astounded
by the deep battle-cry of the Spaniards, followed by the
instantaneous apparition of the whole army, as they sallied
forth from the works, and poured down the sides of the
hill. Brandishing aloft their weapons, they seemed to
the troubled fancies of the Tlascalans, like so many
spectres or demons hurrying to and fro in mid air, while
the uncertain light magnified their numbers, and ex-
panded the horse and his rider into gigantic and unearthly
dimensions.
Scarcely waiting the shock of their enemy, the panic-
struck barbarians let off a feeble volley of arrows, and,
offering no other resistance, fled rapidly and tumult-
uously across the plain. The horse easily overtook the
fugitives, riding them down and cutting them to pieces
without mercy, until Cortes, weary with slaughter, called
off his men, leaving the field loaded with the bloody
trophies of victory.18
The next day, the Spanish commander with his usual
policy after a decisive blow had been struck, sent a new
embassy to the Tlascalan capital. The envoys received
their instructions through the interpreter, Marina. That
remarkable woman had attracted general admiration by
the constancy and cheerfulness with which she endured
18 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- cap. 2. — Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
renzaua, pp.53, 54. — Oviedo, Hist. lib. 4, cap. 32. — Hen-era, Hist,
de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 3. — General, dec. 2, lib. 6, cap 8. — Ber-
P. Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 2, nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conq., cap. 66.
348 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
all the privations of the camp. Far from betraying the
natural weakness and timidity of her sex, she had shrunk
from no hardship herself, and had done much to fortify
the drooping spirits of the soldiers ; while her sympathies,
whenever occasion offered, had been actively exerted in
mitigating the calamities of her Indian countrymen.19
Through his faithful interpreter, Cortes communicated
the terms of his message to the Tlascalan envoys. He
made the same professions of amity as before, promising
oblivion of all past injuries; but, if this proffer were
rejected, he would visit their capital as a conqueror, raze
every house in it to the ground, and put every inhabitant
to the sword ! He then dismissed the ambassadors with
the symbolical presents of a letter in one hand, and an
arrow in the other.
The envoys obtained respectful audience from the
council of Tlascala, whom they found plunged in deep
dejection by their recent reverses. The failure of the
night attack had extinguished every spark of hope in
their bosoms. Their armies had been beaten again and
again, in the open field and in secret ambush. Stra-
tagem and courage, all their resources, had alike proved
ineffectual against a foe whose hand was never weary,
and whose eye was never closed. Nothing remained but
to submit. They selected four principal caciques, whom
they intrusted with a mission to the Christian camp.
They were to assure the strangers of a free passage
through the country, and a friendly reception in the
capital. The proffered friendship of the Spaniards was
cordially embraced, with many awkward excuses for the
past. The envoys were to touch at the Tlascalan camp
on their way, and inform Xicotencatl of their proceed-;
19 " Digamos como Dona Marina, das, y que aora todos estauaraos
con ser muger de la tierra, que heridos y dolientes, jamas viinos
esfuerco tan varonil tenia, que con flaqucza eu ella, sino muy mayor
oir cada dia que nos auian de matar, esfuerco que de muger." Bernal
y comer nuestras carnes, y auernos Diaz, Hist, de la Couquista, cap.
visto cercados en las batallas passa- 66.
chap, in.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ENEMY. 349
ings. They were to require him, at the same time, to
abstain from all further hostilities, and to furnish the
white men with an ample supply of provisions.
But the Tlascalan deputies, on arriving at the quarters
of that chief, did not find him in the humour to comply
with these instructions. His repeated collisions with the
Spaniards, or, it may be, his constitutional courage, left
him inaccessible to the vulgar terrors of his countrymen.
He regarded the strangers not as supernatural beings,
but as men like himself. The animosity of a warrior
had rankled into a deadly hatred from the mortifications
he had endured at their hands, and his head teemed with
plans for recovering his fallen honours, and for taking ven-
geance on the invaders of his country. He refused to dis-
band any of the force, still formidable, under his command ;
or to send supplies to the enemy's camp. He further in-
duced the ambassadors to remain in his quarters, and re-
linquish their visit to the Spaniards. The latter, in conse-
quence, were kept in ignorance of the movements in their
favour, which had taken place in the Tlascalan capital.20
The conduct of Xicotencatl is condemned by Castilian
writers, as that of a ferocious and sanguinary barbarian.
It is natural they should so regard it. But those who
have no national prejudice to warp their judgments may
come to a different conclusion. They may find much to
admire in that high, unconquerable spirit, like some
proud column, standing alone in its majesty amidst the
fragments and ruins around it. They may see evidences
of a clear-sighted sagacity, which, piercing the thin veil
of insidious friendship proffered by the Spaniards, and
penetrating the future, discerned the coming miseries of
his country ; the noble patriotism of one who would
rescue that country at any cost, and amidst the gather-
ing darkness would infuse his own intrepid spirit into
the hearts of his nation, to animate them to a last strug-
gle for independence.
20 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Tlascala, MS. — Ixtlilxockitl, Hist.
quista, cap. 67— Camargo, Hist, de Ckicli., MS., cap. 83.
350 Tbook hi.
CHAPTER IV.
Discontents in the Army.— Tlascalan Spies.— Peace with the Republic—
Embassy from Montezuma.
1519.
Desirous to keep up the terror of the Castilian name,
by leaving the enemy to no respite, Cortes on the same
day that he despatched the embassy to Tlascala, put
himself at the head of a small corps of cavalry and light
troops to scour the neighbouring country. He was at
that time so ill from fever, aided by medical treatment,1
that he could hardly keep his seat in the saddle. It was
a rough country, and the sharp winds from the frosty
summits of the mountains pierced the scanty covering of
the troops, and chilled both men and horses. Four or
five of the animals gave out, and the general, alarmed
for their safety, sent them back to the camp. The sol-
diers, discouraged by this ill omen, would have per-
suaded him to return. But he made answer, " We
fight under the banner of the Cross ; God is stronger
than nature,"2 and continued his march.
It led through the same kind of chequered scenery of
rugged hill and cultivated plain as that already described,
1 The effect of the medicine — 127.) Soli's, after a conscientious
though rather a severe dose, accord- inquiry into this perplexing matter,
ing to the precise Diaz — was sus- decides — strange as it may seem—
pended during the general's active against the father ! Conquista, lib.
exertions. Gomara, however, does 2, cap. 20.
not consider this a miracle. (Cro-
niea, cap. 49.) Father Sandoval does. 2 " Dios es sobre natura." Rel.
(Hist, de Carlos Quinto, torn. i. p. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,p. 54.
chap, iv.] DISCONTENTS IN THE ARMY. 351
well covered with towns and villages, some of them the
frontier posts occupied by the Otomies. Prastising the
Roman maxim of lenity to the submissive foe, he took
full vengeance on those who resisted, and, as resistance
too often occurred, marked his path with fire and deso-
lation. After a short absence, he returned in safety,
laden with the plunder of a successful foray. It would
have been more honourable to him, had it been con-
ducted with less rigour. The excesses are imputed by
Bernal Diaz to the Indian allies, whom in the heat of
victory it was found impossible to restrain.3 On whose
head soever they fall, they seem to have given little
uneasiness to the general, who declares in his letter to
the Emperor Charles the Fifth, " As we fought under
the standard of the Cross,4 for the true Faith, and the
service of your Highness, Heaven crowned our arms
with such success, that, while multitudes of the infidel
were slain, little loss was suffered by the Castilians."5
The Spanish Conquerors, to judge from their writings,
unconscious of any worldly motive lurking in the bottom
of their hearts, regarded themselves as soldiers of the
Church, fighting the great battle of Christianity ; and in
the same edifying and comfortable light are regarded by
most of the national historians of a later clay.6
On his return to the camp, Cortes found a new cause
of disquietude in discontents which had broken out
among the soldiery. Their patience was exhausted by
3 Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 64. Fe, y por servicio de Vuestra Sacrs
Not so Cortes, who says boldly, Magestad, en su muy Real ventura
" Queme mas de diez pueblos." nos did Dios tanta victoria, que les
(Ibid. p. 52.) _ His reverend com- matamos muclia gente, sin que los
mentator specifies the localities of nuestros recibiessen dano." Rel.
the Indian towns destroyed by him, Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 52.
in his forays. Viaje, ap. Lorenzana,
pp. ix. — xi. 8 " Y fue cosa notable," exclaims
4 The famous banner of the Con- Hen-era, " con quanta humildad, i
queror, with the Cross emblazoned devocion, bolvian todos alabando a
on it, has been reserved in Mexico Dios, que tan milagrosas victorias
to our day. les daba ; de donde se conocia claro,
5 " E como trayamos la Bandera que losfavorecia con su Divina asis-
de la Cruz, y punabamos por nuestra tencia.
352 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book in.
a life of fatigue and peril, to which there seemed to be
no end. The battles they had won against such tremen-
dous odds had not advanced them a jot. The idea of
their reaching Mexico, says the old soldier so often
quoted, " was treated as a jest by the whole army ;" 7
and the indefinite prospect of hostilities with the fero-
cious people among whom they were now cast, threw a
deep gloom over their spirits.
Among the malcontents wTere a number of noisy
vapouring persons, such as are found in every camp, who,
like empty bubbles, are sure to rise to the surface and
make themselves seen in seasons of agitation. They
were, for the most part, of the old faction of Velasquez,
and had estates in Cuba, to which they turned many a
wistful glance as they receded more and more from the
coast. They now waited on the general, not in a mutin-
ous spirit of resistance, — for they remembered the lesson
in Villa Rica, — but with the design of frank expostulation,
as with a brother adventurer in a common cause.8 The
tone of familiarity thus assumed was eminently charac-
teristic of the footing of equality on which the parties in
the expedition stood with one another.
Their sufferings, they told him, wTere too great to be
endured. All the men had received one, most of them
two or three wounds. More than fifty had perished, in
one way or another, since leaving Vera Cruz. There was
no beast of burden but led a life preferable to theirs.
For when the night came, the former could rest from
his labours ; but they, fighting or watching, had no
rest, day nor night. As to conquering Mexico, the very
7 " Porque entrar en Mexico teni- de acosejarle, y porque les parecia
araoslo por cosa de risa, a causa de que eran bien dicbas, y no por otra
sus grandes fuerzas." Bernal Diaz, via, porque siempre le siguieron may
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 66. bien, y lealmete ; y no es mucho que
en los exercitos algunos buenos sol-
8 Diaz indignantly disclaims tbe dados aconsejen a su Capitan y mas
idea of mutiny, which Gomara at- si se ven tan trabajados como noso-
tached to this proceeding. " Las tros andauamos." Bemal Diaz, Hist,
palabras que le dezian era por via de la Conquista, cap. 71.
chap, iv.] DISCONTENTS IN THE ARMY. 353
thought of it was madness. If they had encountered
such opposition from the petty republic of Tlascala, what
might they not expect from the great Mexican empire ?
There was now a temporary suspension of hostilities.
They should avail themselves of it to retrace their steps
to Vera Cruz. It is true, the fleet there was destroyed ;
and by this act, unparalleled for rashness even in Roman
annals, the general had become responsible for the fate
of the whole army. Still there was one vessel left.
That might be despatched to Cuba for reinforcements
and supplies ; and, when these arrived, they would be
enabled to resume operations with some prospect of
success.
Cortes listened to this singular expostulation with
perfect composure. He knew his men, and, instead of
rebuke or- harsher measures, replied in the same frank
and soldier-like vein which they had affected.
There was much truth, he allowed, in what they said.
The sufferings of the Spaniards had been great ; greater
than those recorded of any heroes in Greek or Roman
story. So much the greater would be their glory. Ho
had often been filled with admiration as he had seen his
little host encircled by myriads of barbarians, and felt
that no people but Spaniards could have triumphed over
such formidable odds. Nor could they, unless the arm
of the Almighty had been over them. And they might
reasonably look for His protection hereafter ; for was it
not in His cause they were righting ? They had en-
countered clangers and difficulties, it was true ; but they
had not come here expecting a life of idle dalliance and
pleasure. Glory, as he had told them at the outset, was
to be won only by toil and danger. They would do him
the justice to acknowledge, that he had never shrunk
from his share of both. — This was a truth, adds the
honest chronicler, who heard and reports the dialogue, —
which no one could deny. But, if they had met with
hardships, he continued, they had been everywhere
VOL. i. a A
354 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
victorious. Even now they were enjoying the fruits of
this, in the plenty which reigned in the camp. And they
would soon see the Tlascalans, humbled by their late
reverses, suing for peace on any terms. To go back now
was impossible. The very stones would rise up against
them. The Tlascalans would hunt them in triumph
down to the water's edge. And how would the Mexi-
cans exult at this miserable issue of their vain-glorious
vaunts ! Their former friends would become their ene-
mies ; and the Totonacs, to avert the vengeance of the
Aztecs, from which the Spaniards could no longer shield
them, would join in the general cry. There was no
alternative, then, but to go forward in their career. And
he besought them to silence their pusillanimous scruples,
and, instead of turning their eyes towards Cuba, to fix
them on Mexico, the great object of their enterprise.
While this singular conference was going on, many
other soldiers had gathered round the spot ; and the
discontented party, emboldened by the presence of their
comrades, as well as by the general's forbearance, replied,
that they were far from being convinced. Another such
victory as the last would be their ruin. They were going
to Mexico only to be slaughtered. Until, at length, the
general's patience being exhausted, he cut the argument
short by quoting a verse from an old song, implying that
it was better to die with honour, than to live disgraced ;
a sentiment which was loudly echoed by the greater part
of his audience, who, notwithstanding their occasional
murmurs, had no design to abandon the expedition, still
less the commander, to whom they were passionately
devoted. The malcontents, disconcerted by this rebuke,
slunk back to their own quarters, muttering half-
smothered execrations on the leader who had projected
the enterprise, the Indians who had guided him, and
their own countrymen who supported them in it.9
9 This conference is reported, -with historian. (Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap.
some variety indeed, by nearly every Lorenzana, p. 55.— Oviedo, Hist, de
chap, iv.] TLASCALAN SPIES. 355
Such were the difficulties that lay in the path of
Cortes ; a wily and ferocious enemy ; a climate uncer-
tain, often unhealthy ; illness in his own person, much
aggravated by anxiety as to the manner in which his
conduct would be received by his sovereign; last, not
least, disaffection among his soldiers, on whose constancy
and union he rested for the success of his operations, —
the great lever by which he was to overturn the empire
of Montezuma.
On the morning following this event, the camp was
surprised by the appearance of a small body of Tlascalans,
decorated with badges, the white colour of which inti-
mated peace. They brought a quantity of provisions,
and some trifling ornaments, which, they said, were sent
by the Tlascalan general, who was weary of the war, and
desired an accommodation with the Spaniards. He
would soon present himself to arrange this in person.
The intelligence diffused general joy, and the emissaries
received a friendly welcome.
A day or two elapsed, and while a few of the party
left the Spanish quarters, the others, about fifty in num-
ber, who remained, excited some distrust in the bosom
of Marina. She communicated her suspicions to Cortes
that they were spies. He caused several of them, in
consequence, to be arrested, examining them separately,
and ascertained that they were employed by Xicotencatl
to inform him of the state of the Christian camp, pre-
paratory to a meditated assault, for which he was
mustering his forces. Cortes, satisfied of the truth of
this, determined to make such an example of the delin-
quents, as should intimidate his enemy from repeating
the attempt. He ordered their hands to be cut off, and
in that condition sent them back to their countrymen,
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 3. — Go- dec. 5, cap. 2.) I have abridged the
mara Cronica, cap. 51, 52. — Ixtlilxo- account given by BemalDiaz, one of
chitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 80. — the audience, though not one of the
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, parties to the dialogue, — for that
cap. 9. — P. Martyr, de Orbe Novo, reason, the better authority.
aa 2
35 G MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
with the message, " that the Tlascalans might come by day
or night; they would find the Spaniards ready for them."10
The doleful spectacle of their comrades returning in
this mutilated state filled the Indian camp with horror
and consternation. The haughty crest of their chief was
humbled. From that moment, he lost his wonted buoy-
ancy and confidence. His soldiers, filled with supersti-
tious fear, refused to serve longer against a foe who could
read their very thoughts, and divine their plans before
they were ripe for execution.11
The punishment inflicted by Cortes may well shock
the reader by its brutality. But it should be considered
in mitigation, that the victims of it were spies, and, as
such, by the laws of war, whether among civilized or
savage nations, had incurred the penalty of death. The
amputation of the limbs was a milder punishment, and
reserved for inferior offences. If we revolt at the bar-
barous nature of the sentence, we should reflect that it
was no uncommon one at that day ; not more uncom-
mon, indeed, than whipping and branding with a hot
iron were in our own country at the beginning of the
present century, or than cropping the ears was in the
preceding one. A higher civilization, indeed, rejects
such punishments, as pernicious in themselves, and de-
grading to humanity. But in the sixteenth century, they
were openly recognised by the laws of the most polished
nations in Europe. And it is too much to ask of any
man, still less one bred to the iron trade of war, to be in
advance of the refinement of his age. We may be con-
tent, if, in circumstances so unfavourable to humanity,
he does not fall below it.
10 Dias says only seventeen lost y de dia, y cada, y qnando el viniesse
their hands, the rest their thumbs, verian quien eramos." Rel. Seg. de
(Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 70.) Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 53.
Cortes doesnotflinchfrom confessing,
the hands of the whole fifty. " Los n " De que los Tlascalteeas se ad-
mande tomar a todos cincuenta, y miraron, entendiendo que Cortes les
cortaiies las manos, y los embie, que entendia sus pensamientos." Ixtlil-
dixessen a, su Seilor, que de noche, xochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. S3.
chap, iv.] PEACE WITH THE REPUBLIC. 357
All thoughts of further resistance being abandoned,
the four delegates of the Tlascalan republic were now
allowed to proceed on their mission. They were speedily
followed by Xicotencatl himself, attended by a numerous
train of military retainers. As they drew near the Spa-
nish lines, they were easily recognised by the white and
yellow colours of their uniforms, the livery of the house
of Titcala. The joy of the army was great at this sure
intimation of the close of hostilities • and it was with
difficulty that Cortes was enabled to restore the men to
tranquillity, and the assumed indifference which it was
proper to maintain in presence of an enemy.
The Spaniards gazed with curious eye on the valiant
chief who had so long kept his enemies at bay,, and who
now advanced with the firm and fearless step of one
who was- coming rather to bid defiance than to sue for
peace. He was rather above the middle size, with broad
shoulders, and a muscular frame intimating great activity
and strength. His head was large, and his countenance
marked with the lines of hard service rather than of age,
for he was but thirty-five. When he entered the pre-
sence of Cortes, he made the usual salutation, by touching
the ground with his hand, and carrying it to his head ;
while the sweet incense of aromatic gums rolled up in
clouds from the censers carried by his slaves.
Far from a pusillanimous attempt to throw the blame
on the senate, he assumed the whole responsibility of the
war. He had considered the white men, he said, as
enemies, for they came with the allies and vassals of
Montezuma. He loved his country, and wished to
preserve the independence which she had maintained
through her long wars with the Aztecs. He had been
beaten. They might be the strangers, who, it had been
so long predicted, would come from the east, to take
possession of the country. He hoped they would use
their victory with moderation, and not trample on the
liberties of the republic. He came now in the name of
358 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
his nation, to tender their obedience to the Spaniards,
assuring them they would find his countrymen as faithful
in peace as they had been firm in war.
Cortes, far from taking umbrage, was filled with
admiration at the lofty spirit which thus disdained to
stoop beneath misfortunes. The brave man knows how
to respect bravery in another. He assumed, however, a
severe aspect, as he rebuked the chief for having so long-
persisted in hostilities. Had Xicotencatl believed the
word of the Spaniards, and accepted their proffered
friendship sooner, he would have spared his people much
suffering, which they well merited by their obstinacy.
But it was impossible, continued the general, to retrieve
the past. He was willing to bury it in oblivion, and
to receive the Tlascalans as vassals to the emperor, his
master. If they proved true, they should find him a
sure column of support ; if false, he would take such
vengeance on them as he had intended to take on their
capital, had they not speedily given in their submission.
—It proved an ominous menace for the chief to whom it
was addressed.
The cacique then ordered his slaves to bring forward
some trifling ornaments of gold and feather embroidery,
designed as presents. They were of little value, he said,
with a smile, for the Tlascalans were poor. They had
little gold, not even cotton, nor salt ; the Aztec emperor
had left them nothing but their freedom and their arms.
He offered this gift only as a token of his good- will.
" As such I receive it," answered Cortes, " and, coming
from the Tlascalans, set more value on it than I should
from any other source, though it were a house full of
gold ;" — a politic, as well as magnanimous reply, for it
was by the aid of this good-will that he was to win the
gold of Mexico.12
12 Hel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 71,
zana, pp. 56, 57. — Oviedo, Hist. et seq. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
de las Lid., MS., lib. 33, cap. 3.— Espaiia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11.
Gomara, Croiiica, cap. 53. — Bemal
chap, iv.] EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA. 359
Thus ended the bloody war with the fierce republic of
Tlascala, during the course of which, the fortunes of the
Spaniards, more than once, had trembled in the balance.
Had it been persevered in but a little longer, it must
have ended in their confusion and ruin, exhausted as
they were by wounds, watching, and fatigues, with the
seeds of disaffection rankling among themselves. As it
was, they came out of the fearful contest with un-
tarnished glory. To the enemy, they seemed invulner-
able, bearing charmed lives, proof alike against the acci-
dents of fortune and the assaults of man. No wonder
that they indulged a similar conceit in their own bosoms,
and that the humblest Spaniard should have fancied him-
self the subject of a special interposition of Providence,
which shielded him in the hour of battle, and reserved
him for a higher destiny.
While the Tlascalans were still in the camp, an em-
bassy was announced from Montezuma. Tidings of the
exploits of the Spaniards had spread far and wide over
the plateau. The emperor, in particular, had watched
every step of their progress, as they climbed the steeps
of the Cordilleras, and advanced over the broad table-
land on their summit. He had seen them, with great
satisfaction, take the road to Tlascala, trusting, that, if
they were mortal men, they would find their graves
there. Great was his dismay, when courier after cou-
rier brought him intelligence of their successes, and that
the most redoubtable warriors on the plateau had been
scattered like chaff by the swords of this handful of
strangers.
His superstitious fears returned in fidl force. He saw
in the Spaniards " the men of destiny " who were to
take possession of his sceptre. In his alarm and uncer-
tainty, he sent a new embassy to the Christian camp.
It consisted of five great nobles of his court, attended by
a train of two hundred slaves. They brought with them
a present, as usual, dictated partly by fear, and, in part,
360 MARCH TO MEXICO. |
BOOK III.
by the natural munificence of his disposition. It con-
sisted of three thousand ounces of gold, in grains, or in
various manufactured articles, with several hundred man-
tles and dresses of embroidered cotton, and the pic-
turesque feather-work. As they laid these at the feet
of Cortes, they told him, they had come to offer the con-
gratulations of their master on the late victories of the
white men. The emperor only regretted that it would
not be in his power to receive them in his capital, where
the numerous population was so unruly, that their safety
would be placed in jeopardy. The mere intimation of
the Aztec emperor's wishes, in the most distant way,
would have sufficed with the Indian nations. It had
very little weight with the Spaniards ; and the envoys,
finding this puerile expression of them ineffectual, re-
sorted to another argument, offering a tribute in their
master's name to the Castilian sovereign, provided the
Spaniards would relinquish their visit to his capital. This
was a greater error ; it was displaying the rich casket
with one hand, which he was unable to defend with the
other. Yet the author of this pusillanimous policy, the
unhappy victim of superstition, was a monarch renowned
among the Indian nations for his intrepidity and enter-
prise,— the terror of Anahuac !
Cortes, while he urged his own sovereign's commands
as a reason for disregarding the wishes of Montezuma,
uttered expressions of the most profound respect for the
Aztec prince, and declared that if he had not the means
of requiting Ins munificence, as he could wish, at pre-
sent, he trusted to repay him, at some future day, with
good works ! 13
The Mexican ambassadors were not much gratified
with finding the war at an. end, and a reconciliation esta-
blished between their mortal enemies and the Spaniards.
13 " Cortes recibio con alegria ria cl seilor Montecunia en buenas
aqnel presente, j dixo que se lo obras." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
tenia en merced, y que el lo paga- Conquista, cap. 73.
chap, iv.] EMBASSY FROM MONTEZUMA. 361
The mutual disgust of the two parties with each other
was too strong to be repressed even in the presence of
the general, who saw with satisfaction the evidences
of a jealousy, which, undermining the strength of the
Indian emperor, was to prove the surest source of his
own success. u
Two of the Aztec mission returned to Mexico, to
acquaint their sovereign with the state of affairs in the
Spanish camp. The others remained with the army,
Cortes being willing that they should be personal spec-
tators of the deference shown him by the Tlascalans.
Still he did not hasten his departure for their capital.
Not that he placed reliance on the injurious intima-
tions of the Mexicans respecting their good faith. Yet
he was willing to put this to some longer trial, and,
at the same time, to reestablish his own health more
thoroughly, before his visit. Meanwhile, messengers
daily arrived from the city, pressing his journey, and
Avere finally followed by some of the aged rulers of
the republic, attended by a numerous retinue, impa-
tient of his long delay. They brought with them a
body of five hundred lamanes, or men of burden, to
drag his cannon, and relieve his own forces from this
fatiguing part of their duty. It was impossible to
defer his departure longer ; and after mass, and a
solemn thanksgiving to the great Being who had
crowned their arms with triumph, the Spaniards bade
adieu to the quarters which they had occupied for
nearly three weeks, on the hill of Tzompach. The strong
tower, or teocalli, which commanded it, was called, in
commemoration of their residence, " The Tower of
14 He dwells on it in his letter to que dice, Omne Regnum in seipsum
the Emperor. " Vista la discordia aivisum desolabitur : y con los unos
y desconformidad de los unos y de y con los otros maneaba, y a cada
los otros, no have poco placer, por- uno en secreto le agradecia el aviso,
que me parecio haccr mucho a mi que me daba, y le daba credito de
proposito, y que podria tener manera mas amistad que al otro." Rel. Seg.
de mas ayna sojuzgarlos, e aim acor- de Cortes, ap. Loreuzana, p. 61.
deme de una autoridad Evangelica,
362 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK IH.
Victory j" and the few stones, which still survive of its
ruins, point out to the eye of the traveller a spot ever
memorable in history for the courage and constancy of
the early Conquerors.15
15 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, Novo, dec. 5, cap. 2. — Bemal Diaz,
lib. 6, cap. 10. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 72-74. —
Ind., MS., Kb. 33, cap. 4. — Gomara, Is.tlilxocb.itl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
Crdnica, cap. 54.— Martyr, De Orbc S3.
CHAP. Y
r.] 3G3
CHAPTER V.
Spaniards enter Tlascala. — Description of the Capital. — Attempted Conver-
sion.— Aztec Embassy. — Invited to Cholula.
1519.
The city of Tlascala, the capital of the republic of the
same name, lay at the distance of about six leagues from
the Spanish camp. The road led into a hilly region, ex-
hibiting in every arable patch of ground the evidence of
laborious cultivation. Over a deep barranca, or ravine,
they crossed on a bridge of stone, which, according to
tradition, — a slippery authority, — is the same still stand-
ing, and was constructed originally for the passage of
the army.1 They passed some considerable towns on
their route, where they experienced a full measure of
Indian hospitality. As they advanced, the approach to
a populous city was intimated by the crowds who nocked
out to see and welcome the strangers ; men and women
in their picturesque dresses, with bunches and wreaths
of roses, which they gave to the Spaniards, or fastened
to the necks and caparisons of their horses, in the same
1 "A distancia de un quarto de quity of this arched stone bridge
legua caminando a esta dicha ciudad could be established, it would settle
se encuentra una barranca honda, a point much mooted in respect to
que tiene para pasar un Puente de Indian architecture. But the con-
cal y canto de boceda, y es tradicion struction of so solid a work in so
en el pueblo de San Salvador, que short a time is a fact requiring a
se hizo en aquellas dias, que estubo better voucher than the villagers of
alii Cortes paraque pasasse." (Viaje, San Salvador,
ap. Lorenzana, p. xi.) If the anti-
364 MARCH TO MEXICO. j
BOOK III.
manner as at Cempoalla. Priests, with their white
robes, and long matted tresses floating over them,
mingled in the crowd, scattering volumes of incense
from their burning censers. In this way, the multitu-
dinous and motley procession defiled through the gates
of the ancient capital of Tlascala. It was the twenty-
third of September, 1519, the anniversary of which is
still celebrated by the inhabitants as a day of jubilee.2
The press was now so great, that it was with difficulty
the police of the city could clear a passage for the army;
while the azoteas, or flat-terraced roofs of the buildings,
were covered with spectators, eager to catch a glimpse of
the wonderful strangers. The houses were hung with
festoons of flowers, and arches of verdant boughs, inter-
twined with roses and honeysuckle, were thrown across
the streets. The whole population abandoned itself to
rejoicing ; and the air was rent with songs and shouts
of triumph, mingled with the wild music of the national
instruments, that might have excited apprehensions in
the breasts of the soldiery, had they not gathered their
peaceful import from the assurance of Marina, and the
joyous countenances of the natives.
With these accompaniments, the procession moved
along the principal streets to the mansion of Xicotencatl,
the aged father of the Tlascalan general, and one of the
four rulers of the republic. Cortes dismounted from his
horse, to receive the old chieftain's embrace. He was
nearly blind ; and, satisfied, as far as he could, a natural
curiosity respecting the person of the Spanish general,
by passing his hand over his features. He then led the
wray to a spacious hall in his palace, where a banquet
was served to the army. In the evening, they were
2 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, "more than a hundred thousand
torn, iii. p. 53. men flocked out to receive the Spa-
" Recibimiento el mas solene y niards : a thing that appears impos-
famoso que en el mundo se ha visto," sible," que jiarece cosa imposible ! It
exclaims the enthusiastic historian does indeed. Camargo, Hist, de
of the republic. He adds, that Tlascala, MS.
chap, v.] DESCRIPTION OF TLASCALA. 365
shown to their quarters, in the buildings and open
ground surrounding one of the principal teocallis ; while
the Mexican ambassadors, at the desire of Cortes, had
apartments assigned them next to his own, that he might
the better watch over their safety, in this city of their
enemies.3
Tlascala was one of the most important and popu-
lous towns on the table-land. Cortes, in his letter to
the emperor, compares it to Granada, affirming, that it
was larger, stronger, and more populous than the Moorish
capital, at the time of the conquest, and quite as well
built.4 But, notwithstanding, we are assured by a most
respectable writer at the close of the last century, that
its remains justify the assertion,5 we shall be slow to be-
lieve that its edifices could have rivalled those monu-
ments of Oriental magnificence, whose light, aerial forms
still survive after the lapse of ages, the admiration of
every traveller of sensibility and taste. The truth is,
that Cortes, like Columbus, saw objects through the
warm medium of his own fond imagination, giving them
a higher tone of colouring and larger dimensions than
were strictly warranted by the fact. It was natural that
the man who had made such rare discoveries should un-
consciously magnify their merits to his own eyes, and to
those of others.
The houses were built, for the most part, of mud or
earth ; the better sort of stone and lime, or bricks dried
in the sun. They were unprovided with doors or win-
dows, but in the apertures for the former hung mats
3 Sahagun Hist, de Nueva Es- decir, dexe, lo poco que dire creo es
paila, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11. — Rel. casi increible, porque es muy mayor
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p 59. que Granada, y muy mas iuerte, y
— Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS., de tau buenos Edificios, y de muy
— Gomara, Cronica, cap. 54. — Her- muclia mas gente, que Granada tenia
rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, al tiempo que se gano." Rel. Seg.
cap. 11. de Cortes, ap, Lorenzana, p. 58.
5 "En las Ruinas, que aun hoy
4 ''La qual ciudad es tan grande, se ven en Tlaxcala, se conoce, que
y de tanta admiracion, que aunque no es ponderacion." Ibid., p. 58.
muclio de lo, que de ella podria Nota del editor, Lorenzana.
366 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book in.
fringed with pieces of copper or something which, by its
tinkling sound, would give notice of any one's entrance.
The streets were narrow and dark. The population
must have been considerable, if, as Cortes asserts, thirty
thousand souls were often gathered in the market on a
public clay. These meetings were a sort of fairs, held,
as usual in all the great towns, every fifth day, and at-
tended by the inhabitants of the adjacent country, who
brought there for sale every description of domestic pro-
duce and manufacture with which they were acquainted.
They peculiarly excelled in pottery, which was considered
as equal to the best in Europe.6 It is a further proof of
civilized habits, that the Spaniards found barbers' shops,
and baths, both of vapour and hot water, familiarly used
by the inhabitants. A still higher proof of refinement
may be discerned in a vigilant police which repressed
everything like disorder among the people.7
The city was divided into four quarters, which might
rather be called so many separate towns, since they were
built at different times, and separated from each other by
high stone walls, defining their respective limits. Over
each of these districts ruled one of the four great chiefs
of the republic, occupying his own spacious mansion, and
surrounded by his own immediate vassals. Strange
arrangement, — and more strange that it should have
been compatible with social order and tranquillity ! The
ancient capital, through one quarter of which flowed the
rapid current of the Zahuatl, stretched along the sum-
mits and sides of hills, at whose base are now gathered
the miserable remains of its once flourishing population.®
B "Nullum est fictile vas apud The last historian enumerates such
nos, quod arte superet ab illis vasa a number of contemporary Indian
i'ormata." Martyr, De Orbe Novo, authorities for his narrative, as of
dec. 5, cap. 2. itself argues no inconsiderable degree
7 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. of civilization in the people.
— Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- 8 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
zana, p. 59— Oviedo, Hist, de las lib. 6, cap. 12.
Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 4. — Ixtlilxo- The population of a place, which
chit), Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 83. Cortes could compare with Granada,
chap, v.] DESCRIPTION OF TLASCALA. 367
Far beyond, to the southwest, extended the bold sierra
of Tlascala, and the huge Malinche, crowned with the
usual silver diadem of the highest Andes, having its
shaggy sides clothed with dark-green forests of firs,
gigantic sycamores, and oaks whose towering stems rose
to the height of forty or fifty feet, unincumbered by a
branch. The clouds, which sailed over from the distant
Atlantic, gathered round the lofty peaks of the sierra,
and, settling into torrents, poured over the plains in the
neighbourhood of the city, converting them, at such
seasons, into swamps. Thunder-storms, more frequent
and terrible here than in other parts of the table- land,
swept down the sides of the mountains, and shook the
frail tenements of the capital to their foundations. But,
although the. bleak winds of the sierra gave an austerity
to the climate, unlike the sunny skies and genial tem-
perature of the lower regions, it was far more favourable
to the development of both the physical and moral
energies. A bold and hardy peasantry was nurtured
among the recesses of the hills, fit equally to cultivate
the land in peace, and to defend it in war. Unlike the
spoiled child of Nature, who derives such facilities of
subsistence from her too prodigal hand, as supersede the
necessity of exertion on his own part, the Tlascalan
earned his bread — from a soil not ungrateful, it is true
—by the sweat of his brow. He led a life of temper-
ance and toil. Cut off by his long wars with the Aztecs
from commercial intercourse, he was driven chiefly to
agricultural labour, the occupation most propitious to
purity of morals and sinewy strength of constitution.
His honest breast glowed with the patriotism, — or local
attachment to the soil, which is the fruit of its diligent
culture ; while he was elevated by a proud conscious-
ness of independence, the natural birthright of the child
had dwindled by the beginning of were of the Indian stock. See Hum-
the present century to 3,400 inhabi- boldt, Essai Politique, tom ii n
tants, of which less than a thousand 158.
368 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book in.
of the mountains. — Such was the race with whom
Cortes was now associated, for the achievement of his
great work.
Some days were given by the Spaniards to festivity,
in which they were successively entertained at the hos-
pitable boards of the four great nobles, in their several
quarters of the city. Amidst these friendly demon-
strations, however, the general never relaxed for a mo-
ment his habitual vigilance, or the strict discipline of the
camp ; and he was careful to provide for the security of
the citizens by prohibiting, under severe penalties, any
soldier from leaving his quarters without express permis-
sion. Indeed, the severity of his discipline provoked
the remonstrance of more than one of his officers, as a
superfluous caution ; and the Tlascalan chiefs took some
exception at it, as inferring an unreasonable distrust of
them. But, when Cortes explained it, as in obedience
to an established military system, they testified their
admiration, and the ambitious young general of the re-
public proposed to introduce it, if possible, into his own
ranks.9
The Spanish commander having assured himself of
the loyalty of his new allies, next proposed to accomplish
one of the great objects of his mission — their conversion
to Christianity. By the advice of father Olmedo, always
opposed to precipitate measures, he had deferred this till
a suitable opportunity presented itself for opening the
subject. Such a one occurred when the chiefs of the
state proposed to strengthen the alliance with the
Spaniards, by the intermarriage of their daughters with
Cortes and his omcers. He told them this should not
be, while they continued in the darkness of infidelity.
Then with the aid of the good friar, he expounded as
well as he could the doctrines of the Faith ; and, exhibit-
9 Saliagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib.
pafia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11. — Ca- 6, cap._ 13. — ■ Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
margo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.— Conquista, ca]). 75.
Gomara, Cronica, cap. 54, 55. —
chap, v.] DESCRIPTION OF TLASCALA. 3G9
ing the image of the Virgin with the infant Redeemer,
told them that there was the God, in whose worship
alone they would find salvation, while that of their own
false idols would sink them in eternal perdition.
It is unnecessary to burden the reader with a recapi-
tulation of his homily, which contained, probably, dog-
mas quite as incomprehensible to the untutored Indian,
as any to be found in his own rude mythology. But,
though it failed to convince his audience, they listened
with a deferential awe. When he had finished, they
replied, they had no doubt that the God of the Christians
must be a good and a great God, and as such they were
willing to give him a place among the divinities of Tlas-
cala. The polytheistic system of the Indians, like that
of the ancient Greeks, was of that accommodating kind
which could admit within its elastic folds the deities of
any other religion, without violence to itself.10 But
every nation, they continued, must have its own appro-
priate and tutelary duties. Nor could they, in their
old age, abjure the service of those who had watched
over them from youth. It would bring down the ven-
geance of their gods, and of their own nation, who
were as warmly attached to their religion as their liber-
ties, and would defend both with the last drop of their
blood !
It was clearly inexpedient to press the matter further,
at present. But the zeal of Cortes, as usual, waxing
warm by opposition, had now mounted too high for
him to calculate obstacles ; nor would he have shrunk,
probably, from the crown of martyrdom in so good a
cause. But, fortunately, at least for the success of his
temporal cause, this crown was not reserved for him.
10 Camargo notices this elastic que le rescibiesen admitiendole por
property in the religions of Ana- tal, porque otras gentes advenedizas
huac. "Este modo de hablar y trujeron muchos idolos que tubieron
decir que les querra dar otro Dios, por Dioses, y a este fin y proposito
es saber que cuando estas gentes decian, que Cortes les traia otro
tenian noticia de algun Dios de Dios." Hist, de Tlascala, MS.
buenas propiedadcs y costumbres,
VOL. I. B B
370 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book in.
The good monk, his ghostly adviser, seeing the course
things were likely to take, with better judgment inter-
posed to prevent it. He had no desire, he said, to see
the same scenes acted over again as at Cempoalla. He
had no relish for forced conversions. They could hardly
be lasting. The growth of an hour might well die with
the hour. Of what use was it to overturn the altar, if
the idol remained enthroned in the heart ? or to destroy
the idol itself, if it were only to make room for another ?
Better to Wait patiently the effect of time and teaching
to soften the heart and open the understanding, without
which there could be no assurance of a sound and per-
manent conviction. These rational views were enforced
by the remonstrances of Alvarado, Velasquez de Leon,
and those in whom Cortes placed most confidence ; till,
driven from his original purpose, the military polemic
consented to relinquish the attempt at conversion, for
the present, and to refrain from a repetition of the scenes,
which, considering the different mettle of the population,
might have been attended with very different results
from those at Cozumel and Cempoalla.11
In the course of our narrative, we have had occasion
to witness more than once the good effects of the inter-
position of father Olmedo. Indeed, it is scarcely too
much to say, that his discretion in spiritual matters con-
tributed as essentially to the success of the expedition, as
did the sagacity and courage of Cortes in temporal. He
was a true disciple in the school of Las Casas. His heart
was unscathed by that fiery fanaticism which sears and
hardens whatever it touches. It melted with the warm
11 IxtHlxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., Christianised Indian, who lived in
cap. 84. — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 56. the next generation after the Con-
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, quest ; and may very likely have felt
cap. 76, 77- as much desire to relieve his nation
This is not the account of Camargo. from the reproach of infidelity, as
According to him, Cortes gained his a modern Spaniard would to scour
point ; the nobles led the way by out the stain — mala raza y mancha —
embracing Christianity, and the idols of Jewish or Moorish lineage, from
were broken. (Hist, de Tlascala, his escutcheon.
MS.) But Camargo was himself a
chap, v.] ATTEMPTED CONVERSION. 371
glow of Christian charity. He had come out to the New
World as a missionary among the heathen, and he
shrunk from no sacrifice but that of the welfare of the
poor benighted flock to whom he had consecrated his
days. If he followed the banners of the warrior, it was
to mitigate the ferocity of war, and to turn the triumphs
of the Cross to a good account for the natives themselves,
by the spiritual labours of conversion. He afforded the
uncommon example — not to have been looked for, cer-
tainly, in a Spanish monk of the sixteenth century — of
enthusiasm controlled by reason, a quickening zeal tem-
pered by the mild spirit of toleration.
But though Cortes abandoned the ground of conver-
sion for the present, he compelled the Tlascalans to break
the fetters of the unfortunate victims reserved for sacri-
fice ; an act of humanity unhappily only transient in its
effects, since the prisons were filled with fresh victims on
his departure.
He also obtained permission for the Spaniards to per-
form the services of their own religion unmolested. A
large cross was erected in one of the great courts or
squares. Mass was celebrated every clay in the presence
of the army and of crowds of natives, who, if they did
not comprehend its full import, were so far edified, that
they learned to reverence the religion of their conquerors.
The direct interposition of Heaven, however, wrought
more for their conversion than the best homily of priest
or soldier. Scarcely had the Spaniards left the city, —
the tale is told on very respectable authority, — when a
thin, transparent cloud descended and settled like a column
on the cross, and, wrapping it round in its luminous
folds, continued to emit a soft, celestial radiance through
the night, thus proclaiming the sacred character of the
symbol, on which was shed the halo of divinity ! 12
The principle of toleration in religious matters being
12 The miracle is reported by Her- cap. 15,) and believed hy Solis. Con-
rera, (Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, quista de Mejico, lib. 3, cap. 5.
b b 2
372 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
established, the Spanish general consented to receive the
daughters of the caciques. Five or six of the most beau-
tiful of the Indian maidens were assigned to as many of
his principal officers, after they had been cleansed from
the stains of infidelity by the waters of baptism. They
received, as usual, on this occasion, good Castilian names,
in exchange for the barbarous nomenclature of their own
vernacular.13
Among them, Xicotencatl's daughter, Doria Luisa, as
she was called after her baptism, was a princess of the
highest estimation and authority in Tlascala. She was
given by her father to Alvarado, and their posterity
intermarried with the noblest families of Castile. The
frank and joyous manners of this cavalier made him
a great favourite with the Tlascalans ; and his bright
open countenance, fair complexion, and golden locks,
gave him the name of Tonatiuli, the " Sun." The Indians
often pleased their fancies by fastening a sobriquet, or
some characteristic epithet, on the Spaniards. As Cortes
was always attended, on public occasions, by Dona Ma-
rina, or Malinche, as she was called by the natives, they
distinguished him by the same name. By these epithets,
originally bestowed in Tlascala, the two Spanish captains
were popularly designated among the Indian nations.14
While these events were passing, another embassy
arrived from the court of Mexico. It was charged, as
usual, with a costly donative of embossed gold plate, and
rich embroidered stuffs of cotton and feather-work. The
13 To avoid the perplexity of selee- <ie la Conquista, cap. 74, 77.
tion, it was common for the mission- According to Camargo, the Tlas-
ary to give the same names to all calans gave the Spanish commander
the Indians baptized on the same three hundred damsels to wait on
day. Thus, one day was set apart Marina ; and the kind treatment and
for the Johns, another for the Peters, instruction they received led some of
and so on; an ingenious arrange- the chiefs to surrender their own
ment, much more for the convenience daughters, " con propdsito de que si
of the clergy, than of the converts. acaso algunas se emprehasan quedase
See Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. entre ellos generacion de hombres
14 Ibid., MS. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, tan valientes y temidos."
chap, v.] AZTEC EMBASSY. 373
terms of the message might well argue a vacillating and
timid temper in the monarch, did they not mask a deeper
policy. He now invited the Spaniards to his capital,
with the assurance of a cordial welcome. He besought
them to enter into no alliance with the base and barba-
rous Tlascalans ; and he invited them to take the route
of the friendly city of Cholula, where arrangements,
according to his orders, were made for their reception.15
The Tlascalans viewed with deep regret the general's
proposed visit to Mexico. Their reports fully confirmed
all he had before heard of the power and ambition of
Montezuma. His armies, they said, were spread over
every part of the continent. His capital was a place of
great strength, and as, from its insular position, all com-
munication could be easily cut off with the adjacent
country, "the Spaniards, once entrapped there, would be
at his mercy. His policy, they represented, was as
insidious as his ambition was boundless. " Trust not
his fair words," they said, "his courtesies and his gifts.
His professions are hollow, and his friendships are false."
When Cortes remarked, that he hoped to bring about a
better understanding between the emperor and them,
they replied, It would be impossible ; however smooth
his words, he would hate them at heart.
They warmly protested, also, against the general's
taking the route of Cholula. The inhabitants, not brave
in the open field, were more dangerous from their perfidy
and craft. They were Montezuma's tools, and would do
his bidding. The Tlascalans seemed to combine with
this distrust a superstitious dread of the ancient city, the
13 Bemal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- not always easy to decide between
quista, cap. 80. — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, them. Diaz did not compile his nar-
ap. Lorenzana, p. 60. — Martyr, de rative till some fifty years after the
Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 2. Conquest ; a lapse of time which.
Cortes notices only one Aztec mis- may excuse many errors, but must
sion, while Diaz speaks of three. The considerably impair our confidence
former, from brevity, falls so much in the minute accuracy of his details,
short of the whole truth, and the A more intimate acquaintance with
latter, from forgetfulness perhaps, his chronicle does not strengthen
goes so much beyond it, that it is this confidence.
374 MARCH TO MEXICO. [
BOOK III.
head-quarters of the religion of Anahuac. It was here
that the god Quetzalcoatl held the pristine seat of his
empire. His temple was celebrated throughout the land,
and the priests were confidently believed to have the
power, as they themselves boasted, of opening an inun-
dation from the foundations of his shrine, which should
bury their enemies in the deluge. The Tlascalans further
reminded Cortes, that while so many other and distant
places had sent to him at Tlascala, to testify their good-
will, and offer their allegiance to his sovereign, Cholula,
only six leagues distant, had done neither. — The last
suggestion struck the general more forcibly than any of
the preceding. He instantly despatched a summons to
the city, requiring a formal tender of its submission.
Among the embassies from different quarters which
had waited on the Spanish commander, while at Tlascala,
was one from Ixtlilxochitl, son of the great Nezahualpilli,
and an unsuccessful competitor with his elder brother —
as noticed in a former part of our narrative — for the
crown of Tezcuco.16 Though defeated in his pretensions,
he had obtained a part of the kingdom, over which he
ruled with a deadly feeling of animosity towards his rival,
and to Montezuma, who had sustained him. He now
offered his services to Cortes, asking his aid, in return,
to place him on the throne of his ancestors. The politic
general returned such an answer to the aspiring young
prince, as might encourage his expectations, and attach
him to his interests. It was his aim to strengthen his
cause by attracting to himself every particle of disaffec-
tion that was floating through the land.
It was not long before deputies arrived from Cholula,
profuse in their expressions of good-will, and inviting
the presence of the Spaniards in their capital. The
messengers were of low degree, far beneath the usual
rank of ambassadors. This was pointed out by the
Tlascalans; and Cortes regarded it as a fresh indignity.
16 Ante, p. 240.
chap, v.] INVITED TO CHOLULA. 375
He sent in consequence a new summons, declaring, if
they did not instantly send him a deputation of their
principal men, he would deal with them as rebels to his
own sovereign, the rightful lord of these realms ! 17 The
menace had the desired effect. The Cholulans were not
inclined to contest, at least for the present, his magnifi-
cent pretensions. Another embassy appeared in the
camp, consisting of some of the highest nobles ; who
repeated the invitation for the Spaniards to visit their
city, and excused their own tardy appearance by appre-
hensions for their personal safety in the capital of their
enemies. The explanation was plausible, and was ad-
mitted by Cortes.
The Tlascalans were now more than ever opposed to
his projected visit. A strong Aztec force, they had
ascertained, lay in the neighbourhood of Cholula, and
the people were actively placing their city in a posture
of defence. They suspected some insidious scheme con-
certed by Montezuma to destroy the Spaniards.
These suggestions disturbed the mind of Cortes, but
did not turn him from his purpose. He felt a natural
curiosity to see the venerable city so celebrated in the
history of the Indian nations. He had, besides, gone
too far to recede, — too far, at least, to do so without a
show of apprehension, implying a distrust in his own
resources, which could not fail to have a bad effect on
his enemies, his allies, and his own men. After a brief
consultation with his officers, he decided on the route to
Cholula.18
17 "Si no viniessen, iria sobre It justified very rigorous reprisals,
ellos, y los destruiria, y procederia — (See the History of .Ferdinand
contra ellos como contra personas and Isabella, Part I. Chap. 13, et
rebeldes ; diciendoles, como todas alibi.)
estas Partes, y otras muy mayores ls Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
Tierras, y Seilorios eran de Vuestra zana, pp. 62, 63. — Oviedo, Hist, de
Alteza." (Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 4.— Ixtlil-
Lorenzana, p. 63.) " Rebellion " was xochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 84.
a very convenient terra, fastened in — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 58. — Mar-
like manner by the countrymen of tyr, de Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 2. —
Cortes on the Moors, for defending Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6,
the possessions which they had held cap. 18. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nucva
for eight centuries in the Peninsula. Espaha, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11.
376 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
It was now three weeks since the Spaniards had taken
up their residence within the hospitable walls of Tlascala ;
and nearly six since they entered her territory. They
had been met on the threshold as an enemy, with the
most determined hostility. They were now to part with
the same people, as friends and allies ; fast friends, who
were to stand by them, side by side, through the whole
of their arduous struggle. The result of their visit,
therefore, was of the last importance; since on the
cooperation of these brave and warlike republicans,
greatly depended the ultimate success of the expedition.
CHAP. "V
,-i.] 377
CHAPTER VI.
City of Cholula. — Great Temple. — March to Cholula. — Reception of
the Spaniards. — Conspiracy detected.
1519.
The ancient city of Cholula, capital of the republic of
that name, lay nearly six leagues south of Tlascala, and
about twenty east, or rather south-east of Mexico. It
was said by Cortes to contain twenty thousand houses
within the walls, and as many more in the environs j1
though now dwindled to a population of less than sixteen
thousand souls.2 Whatever was its real number of inha-
bitants, it was unquestionably, at the time of the Con-
quest, one of the most populous and flourishing cities in
New Spain.
It was of great antiquity, and was founded by the
primitive races who overspread the land before the
Aztecs.3 We have few particulars of its form of govern-
ment, which seems to have been cast on a republican
model similar to that of Tlascala. This answered so
1 Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 67- 2 Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn.
According to Las Casas, the place iii. p. 159.
contained 30,000 vecinos, or about 3 Veytia carries back the founda-
150,000 inhabitants. (Brevissima tion of the city to the Ulmecs, a
Relatione della Distruttione dell' people who preceded the Toltecs.
Indie Occidentale.) [Venetia, 1643.] (Hist. Antig., torn. i. cap. 13, 20.)
This latter, being the smaller esti- As the latter, after occupying the
mate, is a priori the most credible ; land several centuries, have left not
especially — a rare occurrence — when a single written record, probably of
in the pages of the good bishop of their existence, it will be hard to
Chiapa. disprove the licentiate's assertion, —
still harder to prove it.
378 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
well, that the state maintained its independence down to
a very late period, when, if not reduced to vassalage by
the Aztecs, it was so far under their control, as to enjoy
few of the benefits of a separate political existence.
Their connexion with Mexico brought the Cholulans into
frequent collision with their neighbours and kindred, the
Tlascalans. But, although far superior to them in refine-
ment and the various arts of civilization, they were no
match in war for the bold mountaineers, the Swiss of
Anahuac. The Cholulan capital was the great commer-
cial emporium of the plateau. The inhabitants excelled
in various mechanical arts, especially that of working in
metals, the manufacture of cotton and agave cloths, and
of a delicate kind of pottery, rivalling, it was said, that of
Florence in beauty.4 But such attention to the arts of a
polished and peaceful community naturally indisposed
them to war, and disqualified them for coping with those
who made war the great business of life. The Cholulans
were accused of effeminacy, and were less distinguished
— it is the charge of their rivals — by their courage than
their cunning.5
But the capital, so conspicuous for its refinement and
its great antiquity, was even more venerable for the
religious traditions which invested it. It was here that
the god Quetzalcoatl paused in his passage to the coast,
and passed twenty years in teaching the Toltec inhabi-
tants the arts of civilization. He made them acquainted
with better forms of government, and a more spiritualized
religion, in which the only sacrifices were the fruits and
flowers of the season.6 It is not easy to determine what
he taught, since his lessons have been so mingled with
the licentious dogmas of his own priests, and the mystic
commentaries of the Christian missionary.7 It is pro-
4 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, 6 Veytia, Hist. Antig., torn. i.
lib. 7, cap. 2. cap. 15, et seq. — Sahagun, Hist, de
5 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. Nueva Espafia, Jib. 1, cap. 5 ; lib. 3.
— Gomara Crdnica, cap. 58. — Tor- 7 Later divines have found in these
quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 3, teachings of the Toltec god, or high
cap. 19. priest, the germs of some of the great
chap, vi.] CITY OF CHOLULA. 379
bable lie was one of those rare and gifted beings, who,
dissipating the darkness of the age by the illumination
of their own genius, are deified by a grateful posterity,
and placed among the lights of heaven.
It was in honour of this benevolent deity, that the
stupendous mound was erected on which the traveller
still gazes with admiration as the most colossal fabric
in New Spain, rivalling in dimensions, and somewhat
resembling in form, the pyramidal structures of ancient
Egypt. The date of its erection is unknown ; for it was
found there when the Aztecs entered on the plateau. It
had the form common to the Mexican teocattis, that of a
truncated pyramid, facing with its four sides the cardinal
points, and divided into the same number of terraces.
Its original outlines, however, have been effaced by the
action of time and of the elements, while the exuberant
growth of shrubs and wild flowers, which have mantled
over its surface, give it the appearance of one of those
symmetrical elevations thrown up by the caprice of
nature, rather than by the industry of man. It is
doubtful, indeed, whether the interior be not a natural
hill, though it seems not improbable that it is an arti-
ficial composition of stone and earth, deeply incrusted,
as is certain, in every part, with alternate strata of brick
and clay.8
The perpendicular height of the pyramid is one hun-
mysteries of the Christian faith, as who has examined this interesting
those of the Incarnation, and the monument with his usual care. (Vues
Trinity, for example. In the teacher des Cordilleres, p. 27, et seq. Essai
himself they recognise no less a per- Politique, torn. ii. p. 150, et seq.) The
son than St. Thomas the Apostle ! opinion derives strong confirmation
See the Dissertation of the irrefra- from the fact, that a road cut some
gable Dr. Mier, with an edifying years since across the tumulus, laid
commentary by Senor Bustamante, open a large section of it, in which
ap. Sahagun. (Hist, de Nueva Es- the alternate layers of brick and clay
pana, torn. i. Suplemento.) The are distinctly visible. (Ibid., loc. cit.)
reader will find further particulars The present appearance of this mo-
of this matter in Appendix, Part 1, nument,coveredoverwiththeverdure
of this History. and vegetable mould of centuries,
8 Such, on the whole, seems to be excuses the scepticism of the more
the judgment of M. de Humboldt, superficial traveller.
380 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
dred and seventy-seven feet. Its base is one thousand
four hundred and twenty-three feet long, twice as long
as that of the great pyramid of Cheops. It may give
some idea of its dimensions to state, that its base, which
is square, covers about forty-four acres, and the platform
on its truncated summit, embraces more than one. It
reminds us of those colossal monuments of brick-work,
which are still seen in ruins on the banks of the Eu-
phrates, and, in much higher preservation, on those of
the Nile.9
On the summit stood a sumptuous temple, in which
was the image of the mystic deity, "god of the air,"
with ebon features, unlike the fair complexion which he
bore upon earth, wearing a mitre on his head waving
with plumes of fire ■, with a resplendent collar of gold
round his neck, pendants of mosaic turquoise in his ears,
a jewelled sceptre in one hand, and a shield curiously
painted, the emblem of his rule over the winds, in the
other.10 The sanctity of the place, hallowed by hoary
tradition, and the magnificence of the temple and its
services, made it an object of veneration throughout the
land, and pilgrims from the furthest corners of Anahuac
came to offer up their devotions at the shrine of Quet-
zalcoatl.11 The number of these was so great, as to give
an air of mendicity to the motley population of the city ;
and Cortes, struck with the novelty, tells us, that he saw
multitudes of beggars such as are to be found in the en-
lightened capitals of Europe ; u — a whimsical criterion of
9 Several of the pyramids of Egypt, 10 " A minute account of the cos-
and the ruins of Babylon, are, as is tume and insignia of Quetzalcoatl
well known, of brick. An inscrip- is given by father Sahagun, who
tion on one of the former, indeed, saw the Aztec gods before the arm
celebrates this material as superior of the Christian convert had turn-
to stone. (Herodotus, Euterpe, sec. bled them from " their pride of
136.) — Humboldt furnishes an apt place." See Hist, de Nueva Es-
illustration of the size of the Mexi- paaa, lib. 1, cap. 3.
can teocalli, by comparing it to a u They came from the distance
mass of bricks covering a square four of two hundred leagues, says Tor-
times as large as the place Vendome, quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 3,
and of twice the height of the Louvre. cap. 19.
Essai Politique, torn. ii. p. 152. 12 " Hay mucha gente pobre, y que
chap, vi.] GREAT TEMPLE. 381
civilization which must place our own prosperous land
somewhat low in the scale.
Cholula was not the resort only of the indigent de-
votee. Many of the kindred races had temples of their
own in the city, in the same manner as some Christian
nations have in Rome, and each temple was provided
with its own peculiar ministers for the service of the
deity to whom it was consecrated. In no city was
there seen such a concourse of priests, so many proces-
sions, such pomp of ceremonial, sacrifice, and religious
festivals. Cholula was, in short, what Mecca is among
Mahometans, or Jerusalem among Christian ; it was the
Holy City of Anahuac.13
The religious rites were not performed, however, in
the pure spirit of originality prescribed by its tutelary
deity. His altars, as well as those of the numerous
Aztec gods, were stained with human blood : and six
thousand victims are said to have been annually offered
up at their sanguinary shrines.14 The great number of
these may be estimated from the declaration of Cortes,
that he counted four hundred towers in the city ; 15 yet
no temple had more than two, many only one. High
above the rest rose the great " pyramid of Cholula,"
with its undying fires flinging their radiance far and
wide over the capital, and proclaiming to the nations
that there was the mystic worship — alas ! how corrupted
by cruelty and superstition ! — of the good deity who was
one day to return and resume his empire over the land.
Nothing could be more grand than the view which
met the eye from the area on the truncated summit of
pideu entre los Eicos por las Calles, " Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
Y por las Casas, y Mercados, como lib. 7, cap. 2. — Torquemada, Mon-
bacen los Pobres en Espaiia, y en arcb. Ind., ubi supra,
otras partes que bay Genie de razon." 15 " E certifico a Vuestra Alteza,
Eel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 67, OS. que yo conte desde una Mezquita
13 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., quatrocientas, y tautas Torres en la
lib. 3, cap. 19. — Gomara, Crdnica, dicha Ciudad, y todas son de Mez-
cap. 61. — Camargo, Hist, de Tlas- quitas." Eel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana,
cala, MS. p. 67.
382 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
the pyramid. Toward the north stretched that bold
barrier of porphyritic rock which nature has reared round
the Valley of Mexico, with the huge Popocatepetl and
Iztaccihuatl standing like two colossal sentinels to guard
the entrance to the enchanted region. Par away to the
south was seen the conical head of Orizaba soaring high
into the clouds, and nearer, the barren, though beauti-
fully shaped Sierra de Malinche, throwing its broad
shadows over the plains of Tlascala. Three of these
are volcanoes, higher than the highest mountain -peak
in Europe, and shrouded in snows which never melt
under the fierce sun of the tropics. At the foot of the
spectator lay the sacred city of Cholula, with its bright
towers and pinnacles sparkling in the sun, reposing
amidst gardens and verdant groves, which then thickly
studded the cultivated environs of the capital. Such
was the magnificent prospect which met the gaze of the
conquerors, and may still, with slight change, meet that
of the modern traveller, as from the platform of the great
pyramid his eye wanders over the fairest portion of the
beautiful plateau of Puebla.16
But it is time to return to Tlascala. On the ap-
pointed morning the Spanish army took up its inarch
to Mexico by the way of Cholula. It was followed by
crowds of the citizens, filled with admiration at the in-
10 The city of Puebla de los An- the pages of travellers who have
geles was founded by the Spaniards passed through the place on the
soon after the Conquest, on the site usual route from Vera Cruz to the
of an insignificant village in the ter- capital. (See, in particular, Bul-
ritory of Cholula, a few miles to the lock's Mexico, vol. i. chap. 6.) The
east of that capital. It is, perhaps, environs of Cholula, still irrigated as
the most considerable city in New in the days of the Aztecs, are equally
Spain, after Mexico itself, which it remarkable for the fruitfulness of
rivals in beauty. It seems to have the soil. The best wheat lands, ac-
inherited the religious preeminence cording to a very respectable autho-
of the ancient Cholula, being distin- rity, yield in the proportion of eighty
guished, like her, for the number for one. Ward's Mexico, vol. ii.
and splendour of its churches, the p. 270. — See also Humboldt, Essai
multitude of its clergy, and the mag- Politique, torn. ii. p. 158 ; torn. iv.
nificence of its ceremonies and festi- p. 330.
vals. These are fully displayed in
chap, vi.] GREAT TEMPLE. 383
trepidity of men who, so few in number, would venture
to brave the great Montezuma in his capital. Yet an
immense body of warriors offered to share the dangers
of the expedition ; but Cortes, while he showed his gra-
titude for their good-will, selected only six thousand of
the volunteers to bear him company.17 He was unwilling
to encumber himself with an unwieldy force that might
impede his movements ; and probably did not care to put
himself so far in the power of allies whose attachment was
too recent to afford sufficient guaranty for their fidelity.
After crossing some rough and hilly ground, the army
entered on the wide plain which spreads out for miles
around Cholula. At the elevation of more than six
thousand feet above the sea they beheld the rich pro-
ducts of various climes growing side by side, fields of
towering- maize, the juicy aloe, the chilli or Aztec pepper,
and large plantations of the cactus, on which the bril-
liant cochineal is nourished. Not a rood of land but
was under cultivation ; 18 and the soil — an uncommon
thing on the table-land — was irrigated by numerous
streams and canals, and well shaded by woods, that have
disappeared before the rude axe of the Spaniards. To-
wards evening they reached a small stream, on the banks
of which Cortes determined to take up his quarters for
the night, being unwilling to disturb the tranquillity of
the city by introducing so large a force into it at an un-
seasonable hour.
Here he was soon joined by a number of Cholulan
caciques and their attendants, who came to view and
17 According to Cortes, a hundred en mi compania liasta cinco o seis
thousand men offered their services mil de ellos." (Rel. Seg., ap. Lo-
on this occasion ! " E puesto que renzana, p. 64.) This, which must
yo ge lo defendiesse, y rogue que no have been nearly the whole fighting
fuessen, porque no habia necesidad, force of the republic, does not startle
todavia me siguieron hasta cien mil Oviedo, (Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
Hombres muy bien aderezados de cap. 4,) nor Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 58.
Guerra, y llegaron con migo hasta 18 The words of the Conquistador
dos leguas de la Ciudad : y desde are yet stronger, " Nino palmo de
alii, por mucha importunidad mia se tierra hay, que no esta labrada."
bolvieron, aunque todavia quedaron Eel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 67.
384 MARCH TO MEXICO. [
BOOK III.
welcome the strangers. When they saw their Tlascalan
enemies in the camp, however, they exhibited signs of
displeasure, and intimated an apprehension that their
presence in the town might occasion disorder. The
remonstrance seemed reasonable to Cortes, and he ac-
cordingly commanded his allies to remain in their present
quarters, and to join him as he left the city on the way
to Mexico.
On the following morning he made his entrance at the
head of his army into Cholula, attended by no other
Indians than those from Cempoalla, and a handful of
Tlascalans to take charge of the baggage. His allies,
at parting, gave him many cautions respecting the people
he was to visit, who, while they affected to despise them
as a nation of traders, employed the dangerous arms of
perfidy and cunning. As the troops drew near the city,
the road was lined with swarms of people of both sexes
and every age, — old men tottering with infirmity, women
with children in their arms, all eager to catch a glimpse
of the strangers, whose persons, weapons, and horses
were objects of intense curiosity to eyes which had not
hitherto ever encountered them in battle. The Spaniards,
in turn, were filled with admiration at the aspect of the
Cholulans, much superior in dress and general appear-
ance to the nations they had hitherto seen. They were
particularly struck with the costume of the higher classes,
who wore fine embroidered mantles, resembling the
graceful albornoz, or Moorish cloak, in their texture and
fashion.19 They showed the same delicate taste for
flowers as the other tribes of the plateau, decorating
their persons with them, and tossing garlands and
bunches among the soldiers. An immense number of
priests mingled with the crowd, swinging their aromatic
censers, while music from various kinds of instruments
19 " Los honrados ciudadanos de tieneii rnaneras ; pero en la hechura
ella todos traken albornoces, encima y tela y los rapacejos son muy seme-
de la otra ropa, aunque son difer- jables." Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap.
enciados de los de Africa, porqne Lorenzana, p. 67.
chap, vi.] CONSPIRACY DETECTED. 385
gave a lively welcome to the visitors, and made the
whole scene one of gay, bewildering enchantment. If
it did not have the air of a triumphal procession so much
as at Tlascala, where the melody of instruments was
drowned by the shouts of the multitude, it gave a quiet
assurance of hospitality and friendly feeling not less
grateful.
The Spaniards were also struck with the cleanliness of
the city, the width and great regularity of the streets,
which seemed to have been laid out on a settled plan,
with the solidity of the houses, and the number and size
of the pyramidal temples. In the court of one of these,
and its surrounding buildings, they were quartered.20
They were soon visited by the principal lords of the
place, who seemed solicitous to provide them with ac-
commodations. Their table was plentifully supplied,
and, in short, they experienced such attentions as were
calculated to dissipate their suspicions, and made them
impute those of their Tlascalan friends to prejudice and
old national hostility.
In a few days the scene changed. Messengers arrived
from Montezuma, who, after a short and unpleasant
intimation to Cortes that his approach occasioned much
disquietude to their master, conferred separately with the
Mexican ambassadors still in the Castilian camp, and
20 Rel. Seg., p. 67. — Ixtlilxocliitl, Castellanos, en el asiento, i perspec-
Hist. Chich.j MS., cap. 84. — Oviedo, tiva, a Valladolid, salid la demas
Hist, de las Lid-, MS., lib. 33, cap. gente, quedando mui espantada de
4.— Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- ver las figures, talles, i armas de los
quista, cap. 82. Castellanos. Salieron los sacerdotes
The Spaniards compared Cholula con vestiduras blancas, como sobre-
to the beautiful Valladolid, accord- pellices, i algunas cerradas por de-
ing to Herrera, whose description of lante, los bracos defuera, con fluecos
the entry is very animated. " Sail- de algodon en las orillas. Unos
eronle otro dia a recibir mas de diez Uevaban figuras de idolos en las
mil ciudadanos en diversas tropas, manos, otros sahumerios; otros toca-
con rosas, flores, pan, aves, i frutas, ban cornetas, atabalejos, i diversas
i mucha musica. Llegaba vn esqua- miisicas, i todos iban cantando, i
dron a dar la bien llcgada a Her- llegaban a encensar a los Castella-
nando Cortes, i con bucua drden se nos. Con esta pompa entraron en
iba apartando, dando lngar a que Cholula." Hist. General, dec. 2,
otro llegase En llegando lib. 7, cap. ] .
a la ciudad, que parecid mucho a los
VOL. I. C C
386 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
then departed, taking one of the latter along with them.
From this time, the deportment of their Cholulan hosts
underwent a visible alteration. They did not visit the
quarters as before, and, when invited to do so, excused
themselves on pretence of illness. The supply of pro-
visions was stinted, on the ground that they were short
of maize. These symptoms of alienation, independently
of temporary embarrassment, caused serious alarm in the
breast of Cortes, for the future. His apprehensions
were not allayed by the reports of the Cempoallans, who
told him, that in wandering round the city, they had
seen several streets barricadoed ; the azoteas, or flat roofs
of the houses, loaded with huge stones and other mis-
siles, as if preparatory to an assault ; and in some places
they had found holes covered over with branches, and
upright stakes planted within, as if to embarrass the
movements of the cavalry.21 Some Tlascalans coming in
also from their camp, informed the general that a great
sacrifice, mostly of children, had been offered up in a
distant quarter of the town, to propitiate the favour of
the gods, apparently for some intended enterprise. They
added, that they had seen numbers of the citizens
leaving the city with their women and children, as if
to remove them to a place of safety. These tidings
confirmed the worst suspicions of Cortes, who had no
doubt that some hostile scheme was in agitation. If
he had felt any, a discovery by Marina, the good angel
of the expedition, would have turned these doubts into
certainty.
The amiable manners of the Indian girl had won her
the regard of the wife of one of the caciques, who re-
21 Cortes, indeed, noticed these camino real cerrado, y hecho otro,
same alarming appearances on his y algunos hoyos annque no rnuchos,
entering the city, thus suggesting y algunas calles de la ciudad tapia-
the idea of a premeditated treach- das, y muchas piedras en todas las
ery. " Y en el camino topamos Azoteas. Y con esto nos hicieron
muchos sehales, de las que los estar mas sobre aviso, y a mayor
Naturales de esta Provincia nos recaudo." Rel. Seg. ap. Lorenzana,
habian dicho : por que hallamos el p. (i-1.
chap, vi.] CONSPIRACY DETECTED. 387
peateclly urged Marina to visit her house, darkly intimat-
ing, that in this way she would escape the fate that
awaited the Spaniards. The interpreter, seeing the
importance of obtaining further intelligence at once,
pretended to be pleased with the proposal, and affected,
at the same time, great discontent with the white men,
by whom she was detained in captivity. Thus, throw-
ing the credulous Cholulan off her guard, Marina gra-
dually insinuated herself into her confidence, so far as to
draw from her a full account of the conspiracy.
It originated, she said, with the Aztec emperor, who
had sent rich bribes to the great caciques, and to her
husband among others, to secure them in his views. The
Spaniards were to be assaulted as they marched out of
the capital, when entangled in its streets, in which
numerous impediments had been placed to throw the
cavalry into disorder. A force of twenty thousand
Mexicans Avas already quartered at no great distance
from the city, to support the Cholulans in the assault.
It was confidently expected that the Spaniards, thus
embarrassed in their movements, would fall an easy prey
to the superior strength of their enemy. A sufficient
number of prisoners was to be reserved to grace the
sacrifices of Cholula ; the rest were to be led in fetters
to the capital of Montezuma.
While this conversation was going on, Marina occu-
pied herself with putting up such articles of value and
wearing apparel as she proposed to take with her in
the evening, when she could escape unnoticed from the
Spanish quarters to the house of her Cholulan friend,
who assisted her in the operation. Leaving her visitor
thus employed, Marina found an opportunity to steal
away for a few moments, and, going to the general's
apartment, disclosed to him her discoveries. He imme-
diately caused the cacique's wife to be seized, and on
examination she fully confirmed the statement of his
Indian mistress.
c c 2
388 MARCH TO MEXICO. [
BOOK HI.
The intelligence thus gathered by Cortes filled him
with the deepest alarm. He was fairly taken in the
snare. To fight or to fly seemed equally difficult. He
was in a city of enemies, where every house might be
converted into a fortress, and where such embarrass-
ments were thrown in the way, as might render the
manoeuvres of his artillery and horse nearly impracti-
cable. In addition to the wily Cholulans, he must cope,
under all these disadvantages, with the redoubtable war-
riors of Mexico. He was like a traveller who had lost
his way in the darkness, among precipices, where any
step may dash him to pieces, and where to retreat or
to advance is equally perilous.
He was desirous to obtain still further confirmation
and particulars of the conspiracy. He accordingly in-
duced two of the priests in the neighbourhood, one of
them a person of much influence in the place, to visit
his quarters. By courteous treatment, and liberal lar-
gesses of the rich presents he had received from Monte-
zuma,— thus turning his own gifts against the giver, —
he drew from them a full confirmation of the previous
report. The emperor had been in a state of pitiable
vacillation since the arrival of the Spaniards. His first
orders to the Cholulans wrere, to receive the strangers
kindly. He had recently consulted his oracles anew, and
obtained for answer, that Cholula would be the grave of
his enemies ; for the gods would be sure to support him
in avenging the sacrilege offered to the Holy City. So
confident were the Aztecs of success, that numerous
manacles, or poles with thongs which served as such,
were already in the place to secure the prisoners.
Cortes, now feeling himself fully possessed of the facts,
dismissed the priest, with injunctions of secrecy, scarcely
necessary. He told them it was his purpose to leave the
city on the following morning, and requested that they
would induce some of the principal caciques to grant
him an interview in his quarters. He then summoned
chap, vi.] CONSPIRACY DETECTED. 389
a council of his officers, though, as it seems, already de-
termined as to the course he was to take.
The members of the council were differently affected
by the startling intelligence, according to their different
characters. The more timid, disheartened by the pros-
pect of obstacles which seemed to multiply as they drew
nearer the Mexican capital, were for retracing their steps,
and seeking shelter in the friendly city of Tlascala.
Others, more persevering, but prudent, were for taking
the more northerly route originally recommended by
their allies. The greater part supported the general,
who was ever of opinion that they had no alternative but
to advance. Retreat would be ruin. Half-way mea-
sures were scarcely better ; and would infer a timidity
which must discredit them with both friend and foe.
Their true policy was to rely on themselves ; to strike
such a blow as should intimidate their enemies, and
show them that the Spaniards were as incapable of
being circumvented by artifice, as of being crushed by
weight of numbers and courage in the open field.
When the caciques, persuaded by the priests, appeared
before Cortes, he contented himself with gently rebuking
their want of hospitality, and assured them the Spaniards
would be no longer a burden to their city, as he pro-
posed to leave it early on the following morning. He
requested, moreover, that they would furnish a rein-
forcement of two thousand men to transport his artillery
and baggage. The chiefs, after some consultation, ac-
quiesced in a demand which might in some measure
favour their own designs.
On their departure, the general summoned the Aztec
ambassadors before him. He briefly acquainted them
with his detection of the treacherous plot to destroy his
army, the contrivance of which, he said, was imputed to
their master, Montezuma. It grieved him much, he
added, to find the emperor implicated in so nefarious
a scheme, and that the Spaniards must now march as
390 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
enemies against the prince whom they hoped to visit
as a friend.
The ambassadors, with earnest protestations, asserted
their entire ignorance of the conspiracy ; and their belief
that Montezuma was equally innocent of a crime, which
they charged wholly on the Cholulans. It was clearly
the policy of Cortes to keep on good terms with the
Indian Monarch ; to profit as long as possible by his
good offices ; and to avail himself of his fancied security
— such feelings of security as the general could inspire
him with — to cover his own future operations. He
affected to give credit, therefore, to the assertion of the
envoys, and declared his unwillingness to believe, that
a monarch, who had rendered the Spaniards so many
friendly offices, would now consummate the whole by a
deed of such unparalleled baseness. The discovery of
their twofold duplicity, he added, sharpened his resent-
ment against the Cholulans, on whom he would take
such vengeance as should amply requite the injuries done
both to Montezuma and the Spaniards. He then dis-
missed the ambassadors, taking care, notwithstanding
this show of confidence, to place a strong guard over
them, to prevent communication with the citizens.22
That night was one of deep anxiety to the army. The
ground they stood on seemed loosening beneath their
feet, and any moment might be the one marked for their
destruction. Their vigilant general took all possible
precautions for their safety, increasing the number of
the sentinels, and posting his guns in such a manner as
to protect the approaches to the camp. His eyes, it may
well be believed, did not close during the night. In-
deed every Spaniard lay down in his arms, and every
horse stood saddled and bridled, ready for instant ser-
22 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. S3, cap.
quista, cap. 83. — Gomara, Cronica, 4. — Martyr, de Orbe Novo, dec. 5,
cap. 59. — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. cap. 2. — Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. 2,
Lorenzana, p. 65. — Torquemada, lib. 7, cap. I. — Argensola, Anales,
Mon. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 39. — Oviedo, lib. 1, cap. 85.
chap, vi.] CONSPIRACY DETECTED. 391
vice. But no assault was meditated by the Indians,
and the stillness of the hour was undisturbed, except by
the occasional sounds heard in a populous city, even
when buried in slumber, and by the hoarse cries of the
priests from the turrets of the teocattis, proclaiming
through their trumpets the watches of the night.23
23 " Las horas de la noclie las regu- mentos como vocinas, con que hacian
laban por las estrellas, y tocaban los couocer al pueblo el tiempo." Garaa,
miuistros del templo que estaban de- Description, Parte 1, p. 14.
stinados para este fin, ciertos instru-
392 [book hi.
CHAPTER VII.
Terrible Massacre.— Tranquillity restored— Reflections on the Massacre —
Further Proceedings. — Envoys from Montezuma.
1519.
With the first streak of morning light, Cortes was
seen on horseback, directing the movements of his little
band. The strength of his forces he drew up in the
great square or court, surrounded partly by buildings,
as before noticed, and in part by a high wall. There
were three gates of entrance, at each of which he placed
a strong guard. The rest of his troops, with his great
guns, he posted without the enclosure, in such a manner
as to command the avenues, and secure those within
from interruption in their bloody work. Orders had
been sent the night before to the Tlascalan chiefs to
hold themselves ready, at a concerted signal, to march
into the city and join the Spaniards.
The arrangements were hardly completed, before the
Cholulan caciques appeared, leading a body of levies,
iamanes, even more numerous than had been demanded.
They were marched at once into the square, commanded,
as we have seen, by the Spanish infantry, which was
drawn up under the Avails. Cortes then took some of
the caciques aside. With a stern air, he bluntly charged
them with the conspiracy, showing that he was well ac-
quainted with all the particulars. He had visited their
city, he said, at the invitation of their emperor ; had
come as a friend ; had respected the inhabitants and
chap, vii.] TERRIBLE MASSACRE. ' 393
their property ; and, to avoid all cause of umbrage, had
left a great part of his forces without the walls. They
had received him with a show of kindness and hospi-
tality, and, reposing on this, he had been decoyed into
the snare, and found this kindness only a mask to
cover the blackest perfidy.
The Cholulans were thunderstruck at the accusation.
An undefined awe crept over them as they gazed on the
mysterious strangers, and felt themselves in the presence
of beings who seemed to have the power of reading the
thoughts scarcely formed in their bosoms. There was
no use in prevarication or denial before such judges.
They confessed the whole, and endeavoured to excuse
themselves by throwing the blame on Montezuma.
Cortes, assuming an air of higher indignation at this,
assured "them that the pretence should not serve, since,
even if well founded, it would be no justification ; and
he would now make such an example of them for their
treachery, that the report of it should ring throughout
the wide borders of Anahuac !
The fatal signal, the discharge of an arquebuse, was
then given. In an instant every musket and crossbow
was levelled at the unfortunate Cholulans in the court-
yard, and a frightful volley poured into them as they
stood crowded together like a herd of deer in the centre.
They were taken by surprise, for they had not heard
the preceding dialogue with the chiefs. They made
scarcely any resistance to the Spaniards, who followed
up the discharge of their pieces by rushing on them
with their swords ; and, as the half-naked bodies of the
natives afforded no protection, they hewed them down
with as much ease as the reaper mows down the ripe
corn in harvest time. Some endeavoured to scale the
walls, but only afforded a surer mark to the arquebusiers
and archers. Others threw themselves into the gateways,
but were received on the long pikes of the soldiers who
guarded them. Some few had better luck in hiding
394 ' MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
themselves under the heaps of slain with which the
ground was soon loaded.
While this work of death was going on, the country-
men of the slaughtered Indians, drawn together by the
noise of the massacre, had commenced a furious assault
on the Spaniards from without. But Cortes had placed
his battery of heavy guns in a position that commanded
the avenues, and swept off the files of the assailants as
they rushed on. In the intervals between the discharges,
which, in the imperfect state of the science in that day,
were much longer than in ours, he forced back the press
by charging with the horse into the midst. The steeds,
the guns, the weapons of the Spaniards, were all new to
the Cholulans. Notwithstanding the novelty of the ter-
rific spectacle, the flash of fire-arms mingling with the
deafening roar of the artillery, as its thunders rever-
berated among the buildings, the despairing Indians
pushed on to take the places of their fallen comrades.
While this fierce struggle was going forward, the
Tlascalans, hearing the concerted signal, had advanced
with quick pace into the city. They had bound, by
order of Cortes, wreaths of sedge round their heads,
that they might the more surely be distinguished from
the Cholulans.1 Coming up in the very heat of the en-
gagement, they fell on the defenceless rear of the towns-
men, who, trampled down under the heels of the Casti-
lian cavalry on one side, and galled by their vindictive
enemies on the other, could no longer maintain their
ground. They gave way, some taking refuge in the
nearest buildings, which, being partly of wood, were
speedily set on fire. Others fled to the temples. One
strong party, with a number of priests at its head, got
1 " Usiironlos de Tlaxcalla de xm sieron en las cabezas unas guirnaldas
aviso muy bueno y les dio Hernando de esparto k manera de torzales, y
Cortes porque fueran conocidos y no con esto eran conocidos losde nuestra
morir entre los enemigos por yeiTO, parcialidad que no fue pequeiio
porque sus annas y divisas eran casi aviso." Camargo, Hist, de Tlas-
de una manera; y ansi se pu- cala, MS.
chap, vii.] TERRIBLE MASSACRE. 395
possession of the great teocalli. There was a vulgar tra-
dition, already alluded to, that, on removal of part of
the walls, the god would send forth an inundation to
overwhelm his enemies. The superstitious Cholulans
with great difficulty succeeded in wrenching away some
of the stones in the walls of the edifice. But dust, not
water, followed. Their false god deserted them in the
hour of need. In despair they flung themselves into
the wooden turrets that crowned the temple, and poured
down stones, javelins, and burning arrows on the Spa-
niards, as they climbed the great staircase, which, by a
flight of one hundred and twenty steps, scaled the face
of the pyramid. But the fiery shower fell harmless on
the steel bonnets of the Christians, while they availed
themselves of the burning shafts to set fire to the wooden
citadel, which was speedily wrapt in flames. Still the
garrison held out, and though quarter, it is said, was
offered, only one Cholulan availed himself of it. The rest
threw themselves headlong from the parapet, or perished
miserably in the flames.2
All was now confusion and uproar in the fair city
which had so lately reposed in security and peace. The
groans of the dying, the frantic supplications of the van-
quished for mercy, were mingled with the loud battle-
cries of the Spaniards as they rode down their enemy,
and with the shrill whistle of the Tlascalans, who gave
full scope to the long-cherished rancour of ancient rivalry.
The tumult was still further swelled by the incessant
rattle of musketry, and the crash of falling timbers,
which sent up a volume of flame that outshone the ruddy
light of morning, making altogether a hideous confusion
of sights and sounds, that converted the Holy City into
a Pandemonium. As resistance slackened, the victors
broke into the houses and sacred places, plundering them
2 Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. Monarch. Lid., lib. 4, cap. 40. —
— Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid., MS., Ixtlikochitl, Hist. Cliich., MS., cap.
lib. 33, cap. 4, 45. — Torquemada, 84.— Gomara, Crdiiica, cap. 60.
396 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book in.
of whatever valuables they contained, plate, jewels, which
were found in some quantity, wearing apparel and provi-
sions, the two last coveted even more than the former by
the simple Tlascalans, thus facilitating a division of the
spoil, much to the satisfaction of their Christian confede-
rates. Amidst this universal licence, it is worthy of
remark, the commands of Cortes were so far respected
that no violence was offered to women or children, though
these, as well as numbers of the men, were made pri-
soners, to be swept into slavery by the Tlascalans.3 These
scenes of violence had lasted some hours, when Cortes,
moved by the entreaties of some Cholulan chiefs, who
had been reserved from the massacre, backed by the
prayers of the Mexican envoys, consented, out of regard,
as he said, to the latter, the representatives of Monte-
zuma, to call off the soldiers, and put a stop, as well as
he could, to further outrage. Two of the caciques were
also permitted to go to their countrymen with assurances
of pardon and protection to all who would return to their
obedience.
These measures had their effect. By the joint efforts
of Cortes and the caciques, the tumult was with much
difficulty appeased. The assailants, Spaniards and In-
dians, gathered under their respective banners, and the
Cholulans, relying on the assurance of their chiefs, gra-
dually returned to their homes.
The first act of Cortes was, to prevail on the Tlascalan
chiefs to liberate their captives.4 Such was their defe-
rence to the Spanish commander, that they acquiesced,
though not without murmurs, contenting themselves, as
they best could, with the rich spoil rifled from the Cho-
lulans, consisting of various luxuries long since unknown
in Tlascala. His next care was to cleanse the city from
its loathsome impurities, particularly from the dead
3 " Mataron casi seis mil personas 4 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
sin tocar a niiios ni mugeres, porque quista, cap. S3. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist,
asi se les ordeno." Herrera, Hist. Clrich., MS., ubi supra.
General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 2.
CHAP. VII
■]
TRANQUILLITY RESTORED.
397
bodies which lay festering in heaps in the streets and
great square. The general, in his letter to Charles the
Fifth, admits three thousand slain ; most accounts say
six, and some swell the amount yet higher. As the
eldest and principal cacique was among the number,
Cortes assisted the Cholulans in installing a successor in
his place.5 By these pacific measures, confidence was
gradually restored. The people in the environs, reassured,
flocked into the capital to supply the place of the dimi-
nished population. The markets were again opened;
and the usual avocations of an orderly, industrious com-
munity were resumed. Still, the long piles of black and
smouldering ruins proclaimed the hurricane which had so
lately swept over the city, and the walls surrounding the
scene of slaughter in the great square, which were stand-
ing more than fifty years after the event, told the sad
tale of the Massacre of Cholula.6
5 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
quista, cap. 83.
The descendants of the principal
Cholulan cacique are living at this
day in Puebla, according to Busta-
mante. See Goraara, Cronica, trad,
de Chimalpain, (Mexico, 1826,) torn.
i. p. 98, nota.
6 Eel Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
zana, 66. — Camargo, Hist, de Tlas-
cala,MS — IxtlilxochitlHist.Chich,
MS., cap. 84. — Oviedo, Hist, de las
Ind, MS, lib. 33, cap. 4, 45.— Ber-
nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
83. — Gomara, Cronica, cap. 60. —
Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Esparia,
MS, lib. 12, cap. 11.
Las Casas, in his printed treatise
on the Destruction of the Indies,
garnishes his account of these trans-
actions with some additional and
rather startling particulars. Accord-
ing to him, Cortes caused a hundred
or more of the caciques to be im-
paled or roasted at the stake ! He
adds the report, that, while the mas-
sacre, in the court -yard was going on,
the Spanish general repeated a scrap
of an old romance, describing Nero
as rejoicing over the burning ruins
of Rome :
" Mira Nero de Tarpeya,
A Roma como se ardia.
Gritos dan ninos y viejos,
Y el de nada se dolia."
Brevisima Relacion, p. 46.
This is the first instance, I suspect,
on record, of any person being ambi-
tious of finding a parallel for himself
in that emperor ! Bemal Diaz, who
had seen "the interminable narra-
tive," as he calls it, of Las Casas,
treats it with great contempt. His
own version — one of those chiefly
followed in the text — was corrobo-
rated by the report of the missiona-
ries, who, after the Conquest, visited
Cholula, and investigated the affair
with the aid of the priests and several
old survivors who had witnessed it.
It is confirmed in its substantial
details by the other contemporary
accounts. The excellent bishop of
Chiapa wrote with the avowed object
of moving the sympathies of his
country men in behalf of the oppressed
natives ; a generous object, certainly,
398 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
This passage in their history is one of those that have
left a dark stain on the memory of the Conquerors. Nor
can we contemplate at this day, without a shudder, the
condition of this fair and nourishing capital thus invaded
in its privacy, and delivered over to the excesses of a
rude and ruthless soldiery. But, to judge the action
fairly, we must transport ourselves to the age when it
happened. The difficulty that meets us in the outset is,
to find a justification of the right of conquest, at all.
But it should be remembered, that religious infidelity, at
this period, and till a much later, was regarded — no
matter whether founded on ignorance or education, whe-
ther hereditary or acquired, heretical or pagan — as a sin
to be punished with fire and faggot in this world, and
eternal suffering in the next. This doctrine, monstrous
as it is, was the creed of the Romish, in other words, of
the Christian Church, — the basis of the Inquisition, and
of those other species of religious persecutions, which
have stained the annals, at some time or other, of nearly
every nation in Christendom.7 Under this code, the ter-
ritory of the heathen, wherever found, was regarded as a
sort of religious waif, which, in default of a legal pro-
prietor, was claimed and taken possession of by the
Holy See, and as such was freely given away, by the
head of the Church, to any temporal potentate whom he
but one that has too often warped his pains to show how deep settled were
judgment from the strict line of his- these convictions in Spain, at the
toric impartiality. He was not an period with which we are now occu-
eye-witness of the transactions in pied. The world had gained little in
New Spain, and was much too wil- liberality since the age of Dante, who
ling to receive whatever would make could coolly dispose of the great and
for his case, and to " over-red," if I good of Antiquity in one of the cir-
may so say, his argument with such cles of Hell, because — no fault of
details of blood and slaughter, as, theirs, certainly — they had come into
from their very extravagance, carry the world too soon. The memorable
their own refutation with them. verses, like many others of the im-
mortal bard, are a proof at once of
7 For an illustration of the above the strength and weakness of the
remark the reader is referred to the human understanding. They may be
closing pages of chap. 7, part ii. of cited as a fair exponent of the popu-
the "History of Ferdinand and Isa- lar feeling at the beginning of the
bella," where I have taken some sixteenth century :
chap, vii.] REFLECTIONS ON THE MASSACRE. 399
pleased, that would assume the burden of conquest.8
Thus, Alexander the Sixth generously granted a large
portion of the Western Hemisphere to the Spaniards,
and of the Eastern to the Portuguese. These lofty pre-
tensions of the successors of the humble fishermen of
Galilee, far from being nominal, were acknowledged
and appealed to as conclusive in controversies between
nations.9
With the right of conquest, thus conferred, came also
the obligation, on which it may be said to have been
founded, to retrieve the nations sitting in darkness from
eternal perdition. This obligation was acknowledged by
the best and the bravest, the gownsman in his closet,
the missionary, and the warrior in the crusade. How-
ever much it may have been debased by temporal mo-
tives and^mixed up with worldly considerations of ambi-
tion and avarice, it was still active in the mind of the
Christian conqueror. We have seen how far paramount
it was to every calculation of personal interest in the
breast of Cortes. The concession of the Pope then,
founded on and enforcing the imperative duty of conver-
" Ch' ei non peccaro, e, s'egli hamio liever ! " S'ilz sont pyrates, pilleurs,
mercedi, ou escumeurs de mer, ou Turcs, et
Non basta, perch' e' non ebber autres contraires et ennemis de nostre
baitesmo, dicte fuy catholicque, chascun pent
Ch' e porta della fcde eke tu prendre sur telles manieres dc gens,
credi. comme sur cldetis, et peut Von les
E, se fnron dinanzi al Christian- desrobber et spoiler de leurs Mens
esmo, sans pugnitlon. C'est le jugement."
Non adorar debitamente Dio ; Jugemens d'Oleron, Art. 45, ap.
E di questi cotai son io me- Collection de Lois Maritimes, par
desmo, J. M. Pardessus, (ed. Paris, 1S2S,)
Per tai difetti, e non per altro rio, torn. i. p. 351.
Semo perduti, e sol di tanto 9 The famous bull of partition be-
offesi came the basis of the treaty of Tor-
Che sanza speme vivemo in dcsillas, by which the Castilian and
disio." Portuguese governments determined
Inferno, canto iv. the boundary line of their respective
discoveries ; a line that secured the
8 It is in the same spirit that the vast empire of Brazil to the latter,
laws of Oleron, the maritime code of which from priority of occupation
so high authority in the Middle should have belonged to their rivals.
Ages, abandon the property of the See the History of Ferdinand and
infidel, in common with that of Isabella, part i. ch. 18 ; part ii. ch. 9,
pirates, as fair spoil to the true be- ■ — the closing pages of each.
400
MARCH TO MEXICO.
[bc
sion,10 was the assumed basis — and, in the apprehension
of that age, a sound one — of the right of conquest.11
This right could not, indeed, be construed to authorize
any unnecessary act of violence to the natives. The pre-
sent expedition, up to the period of its history at which
we are now arrived, had probably been stained with
fewer of such acts than almost any similar enterprize of
the Spanish discoverers in the New World. Through-
out the campaign, Cortes had prohibited all wanton
injuries to the natives, in person or property, and had
10 It is the condition, unequivo-
cally expressed and reiterated, on
which Alexander VI., in his famous
bulls of May 3d and 4th, 1493, con-
veys to Ferdinand and Isabella full
and absolute right over all such ter-
ritories in the Western World as
may not have been previously occu-
pied by Christian princes. See these
precious documents, in extenso, apud
Navarrete, Colleccion de los Viages
y Descubrimientos, (Madrid, 1825,)
torn. ii. nos. 17, IS.
11 The ground on which Protestant
nations assert a natural right to the
fruits of their discoveries in the New
World is very different. They con-
sider that the earth was intended
for cultivation ; and that Providence
never designed that hordes of wan-
dering savages should hold a terri-
tory far more than necessary for
their own maintenance, to the exclu-
sion of civilized man. Yet it may be
thought, as far as improvement of
the sod is concerned, that this argu-
ment would afford us but an indif-
ferent tenure for much of our own
unoccupied and uncultivated terri-
tory, far exceeding what is demanded
for our present or prospective sup-
port. As to a right founded on
difference of civilization, this is obvi-
ously a still more uncertain crite-
rion. It is to the credit of our
puritan ancestors, that they did not
avail themselves of any such inter-
pretation of the law of nature, and
still less rely on the powers conceded
by King James' patent, asserting
rights as absolute, nearly, as those
claimed by the Pcornan See. On the
contrary, they established their title
to the soil by fair purchase of the
aborigines ; thus forming an honour-
able contrast to the policy pursued
by too many of the settlers on the
American continents. It should be
remarked, that, whatever difference
of opinion may have subsisted be-
tween the Roman Catholic, — or
rather the Spanish and Portuguese
nations, — and the rest of Europe, in
regard to the true foundation of their
titles in a moral view, they have
always been content, in their con-
troversies with one another, to rest
them exclusively on priority of dis-
covery. For a brief view of the dis-
cussion, see Vattel, (Droit des Gens,
sec. 209,) and especially Kent, (Com-
mentaries on American Law, vol. iii.
Lee. 51,) where it is handled with
much perspicuity and eloquence.
The argument, as founded on the
law of nations, may be found in the
celebrated case of Johnson v. M'ln-
tosh. (Wheaton, Reports of Cases
in the Supreme Court of the United
States, vol. viii. pp. 543, et seq.) If
it were not treating a grave discus-
sion too lightly, I should crave leave
to refer the reader to the renowned
Diedrich Knickerbocker's History of
New lork, (book 1, chap. 5,) for a
luminous disquisition on this knotty
question. At all events, he will find
there the popular arguments sub-
jected to the test of ridicule ; a test
showing, more than any reasoning
can, how much, or rather how little,
they are really worth.
chap, vii.] REFLECTIONS ON THE MASSACRE. 401
punished the perpetrators of them with exemplary seve-
rity. He had been faithful to his friends, and, with
perhaps a single exception, not unmerciful to his foes.
Whether from policy or principle, it should be recorded
to his credit ; though, like every sagacious mind, he may
have felt that principle and policy go together.
He had entered Cholula as a friend, at the invitation
of the Indian emperor, who had a real, if not avowed,
control over the state. He had been received as a friend,
with every demonstration of good will; when, without
any offence of his own or his followers, he found they
were to be the victims of an insidious plot, — that they
were standing on a mine which might be sprung at any
moment, and bury them all in its ruins. His safety, as
he truly considered, left no alternative but to anticipate
the blow of his enemies. Yet who can doubt that the
punishment thus inflicted was excessive, — that the same
end might have been obtained by directing the blow
against the guilty chiefs, instead of letting it fall on the
ignorant rabble, who but obeyed the commands of their
masters ? But when was it ever seen, that fear, armed
with powTer3 was scrupulous in the exercise of it ? or that
the passions of a fierce soldiery, inflamed by conscious
injuries, could be regulated in the moment of explosion ?
We shall, perhaps, pronounce more impartially on the
conduct of the Conquerors, if we compare it with that
of our own contemporaries under somewhat similar cir-
cumstances. The atrocities at Cholula were not so bad
as those inflicted on the descendants of these very Spa-
niards, in the late war of the Peninsula, by the most
polished nations of our time ; by the British at Badajoz,
for example, — at Taragona, and a hundred other places,
by the French. The wanton butchery, the ruin of pro-
perty, and, above all, those outrages worse than death,
from which the female part of the population were pro-
tected at Cholula, show a catalogue of enormities quite
as black as those imputed to the Spaniards, and without
vol. i. n D
402 MARCH TO MEXICO. [
BOOK III.
the same apology for resentment, — with no apology,
indeed, but that afforded by a brave and patriotic resist-
ance. The consideration of these events, which, from
their familiarity, make little impression on our senses,
should render us more lenient in our judgments of the
past, showing, as they do, that man in a state of excite-
ment, savage or civilized, is much the same in every age.
It may teach us, — it is one of the best lessons of his-
tory,— that, since such are the inevitable evils of war,
even among the most polished people, those who hold
the destinies of nations in their hands, whether rulers or
legislators, should submit to every sacrifice, save that of
honour, before authorizing an appeal to arms. The
extreme solicitude to avoid these calamities, by the aid
of peaceful congresses and impartial mediation, is, on the
whole, the strongest evidence, stronger than that afforded
by the progress of science and art, of our boasted
advance in civilization.
It is far from my intention to vindicate the cruel deeds
of the old Conquerors. Let them lie heavy on their
heads. They were an iron race, who periled life and
fortune in the cause ; and as they made little account of
danger and suffering for themselves, they had little sym-
pathy to spare for their unfortunate enemies. But, to
judge them fairly, we must not do it by the lights of our
own age. We must carry ourselves back to theirs, and
take the point of view afforded by the civilization of their
time. Thus only can we arrive at impartial criticism
in reviewing the generations that are past. We must
extend to them the same justice which we shall have
occasion to ask from Posterity, when, by the light of a
higher civilization, it surveys the dark or doubtful pas-
sages in our own history, which hardly arrest the eye of
the contemporary.
But whatever be thought of this transaction in a moral
view, as a stroke of policy it was unquestionable. The
nations of Anahuac had beheld, with admiration mingled
chap, vii.] REFLECTIONS ON THE MASSACRE 403
with awe, the little band of Christian warriors steadily
advancing along the plateau in face of every obstacle,
overturning army after army with as much ease, appa-
rently, as the good ship throws off the angry billows
from her bows ; or rather like the lava, which, rolling
from their own volcanoes, holds on its course unchecked
by obstacles, rock, tree, or building, bearing them along,
or crushing and consuming them in its fiery path. The
prowess of the Spaniards — " the white gods," as they
were often called 12 — made them to be thought invincible.
But it was not till their arrival at Cholula that the natives
learned how terrible was their vengeance, — and they
trembled !
None trembled more than the Aztec emperor on his
throne among the mountains. He read in these events
the dark "characters traced by the finger of Destiny.13
He felt his empire melting away like a morning mist.
He might well feel so. Some of the most important
cities in the neighbourhood of Cholula, intimidated by
the fate of that capital, now sent their envoys to the
Castilian camp, tendering their allegiance, and propitia-
ting the favour of the strangers by rich presents of gold
and slaves.14 Montezuma, alarmed at these signs of
defection, took counsel again of his impotent deities ;
but, although the altars smoked with fresh hecatombs of
human victims, he obtained no cheering response. He
determined, therefore, to send another embassy to the
12 Los Bioses blancos. — Camargo, and desolation of the empire shall
Hist.deTlascala, MS. — Torquemada, come, when all shall be plunged in
Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 40. darkness, when the hour shall arrive
13 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- in which they shall make us slaves
pafia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11. throughout the land, and we shall be
In an old Aztec harangue, made condemned to the lowest and most
as a matter of form on the accession degrading offices !" (Ibid., lib. 6,
of a prince, we find the following cap. 16.) This random shot of pro-
remarkable prediction. " Perhaps ye phecy, which I have rendered lite-
are dismayed at the prospect of the rally, shows how strong and settled
terrible calamities that are one day was the apprehension of some im-
to overwhelm us, calamities foreseen pending revolution,
and foretold, though not felt, by our " Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
fathers ! When the destruction lib. 7, cap. 3.
dd2
404 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
Spaniards, disavowing any participation in the conspiracy
of Cliolula.
Meanwhile Cortes was passing his time in that capital.
He thought that the impression produced by the late
scenes, and by the present restoration of tranquillity,
offered a fair opportunity for the good work of conver-
sion. He accordingly urged the citizens to embrace the
Cross, and abandon the false guardians who had aban-
doned them in their extremity. But the traditions of
centuries rested on the Holy City, shedding a halo of
glory around it as " the sanctuary of the gods," the reli-
gious capital of Anahuac. It was too much to expect
that the people would willingly resign this preeminence,
and descend to the level of an ordinary community.
Still Cortes might have pressed the matter, however un-
palatable, but for the renewed interposition of the wise
Olmedo, who persuaded him to postpone it till after the
reduction of the whole country.15
The Spanish general, however, had the satisfaction to
break open the cages in which the victims for sacrifice
were confined, and to dismiss the trembling inmates to
liberty and life. He also seized upon the great teocatti,
and devoted that portion of the building, which, being
of stone, had escaped the fury of the flames, to the pur-
poses of a Christian church ; while a crucifix of stone
and lime, of gigantic dimensions, spreading out its arms
above the city, proclaimed that the population below was
under the protection of the Cross. On the same spot
now stands a temple overshadowed by dark cypresses of
unknown antiquity, and dedicated to Our Lady de los
Bemedios. An image of the Virgin presides over it,
said to have been left by the Conqueror himself;16
and an Indian ecclesiastic, a descendant of the ancient
Cholulans, performs the peaceful services of the Roman
Catholic communion, on the spot where his ancestors
15 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- 16 Veytia, Hist. Antig., torn. i.
quista, cap. 83. cap. 13.
chap, vii.] ENVOYS FROM MONTEZUMA. 405
celebrated the sanguinary rites of the mystic Quet-
zalcoatl.17
During the occurrence of these events, envoys arrived
from Mexico. They were charged, as usual, with a rich
present of plate and ornaments of gold ; among others,
artificial birds in imitation of turkeys, with plumes of
the same precious metal. To these were added fifteen
hundred cotton dresses of delicate fabric. The emperor
even expressed his regret at the catastrophe of Cholula,
vindicated himself from any share in the conspiracy,
which, he said, had brought deserved retribution on the
heads of its authors, and explained the existence of an
Aztec force in the neighbourhood, by the necessity of
repressing some disorders there.18
One cannot contemplate this pusillanimous conduct of
Montezuma without mingled feelings of pity and con-
tempt. It is not easy to reconcile his assumed innocence
of the plot with many circumstances connected with it.
But it must be remembered here and always, that his
history is to be collected solely from Spanish writers,
and such of the natives as nourished after the Conquest,
when the country had become a colony of Spain. Not
an Aztec record of the primitive age survives, in a form
capable of interpretation.19 It is the hard fate of this
17 Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, notions. Even such writers as Ix-
p. 32. tlilxochitl and Camargo, from whom,
i» t> i o t n i' t considerinc; their Indian descent, we
Rel.Seg.de Cortes ap; Loren- . fc B m&Q iud denC6)
zana, p. 69-Gomara Cromca , cap. * ^J solicitous to S[10W this
63.-Oviedo Hist, c le las Inc L MS tban ^ , % to the new faith
rn • l3j ™l' 5-J^0(Mi' Hlst and country of their adoption. Per-
Ghich., MS., cap. 84. haps the ^ honest Aztec record of
19 The language of the text may the period is to be obtained from the
appear somewhat too unqualified, volumes, the twelfth book particu-
considering that three Aztec codices larly, of father Sahagun, embodying
exist with interpretations. (See ante, the traditions of the natives soon
vol. i. pp. 87, 88.) But they con- after the Conquest. This portion of
tain very few and general allusions his great work was re-written by its
to Montezuma, and these strained author, and considerable changes
through commentaries of Spa ush were made in it at a later period ot
monks, oftentimes manifestly irre- his life. Yet it may be doubted if
eoncilab'.e with the genuine Aztec the original version reflects the tra-.
400 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
unfortunate monarch, to be wholly indebted for his
portraiture to the pencil of his enemies.
More than a fortnight had elapsed since the entrance
of the Spaniards into Cholnla, and Cortes now resolved,
without loss of time, to resume his march towards the
capital. His rigorous reprisals had so far intimidated
the Cholulans, that he felt assured he should no longer
leave an active enemy in his rear, to annoy him in case
of retreat. He had the satisfaction, before his departure,
to heal the feud — in outward appearance, at least — that
had so long subsisted between the Holy City and Tlas-
cala, and which, under the revolution which so soon
changed the destinies of the country, never revived.
It was with some disquietude that he now received an
application from his Cempoallan allies to be allowed to
withdraw from the expedition, and return to their own
homes. They had incurred too deeply the resentment
of the Aztec emperor, by their insults to his collectors,
and by their cooperation with the Spaniards, to care to
trust themselves in his capital. It was in vain Cortes
endeavoured to reassure them by promises of his pro-
tection. Their habitual distrust and dread of "the great
Montezuma" were not to be overcome. The general
learned their determination with regret, for they had been
of infinite service to the cause by their staunch fidelity
and courage. All this made it the more difficult for him
to resist their reasonable demand. Liberally recom-
pensing their services, therefore, from the rich wardrobe
and treasures of the emperor, he took leave of his faith-
ful followers, before his own departure from Cholula.
He availed himself of their return to send letters to Juan
de Escalante, his lieutenant at Vera Cruz, acquainting
him with the successful progress of the expedition. He
enjoined on that officer to strengthen the fortifications of
the place, so as the better to resist any hostile interfer-
ditions of the country as faithfully as script, and which I have chiefly fol-
the reformed, which is still in manu- lowed.
chap, vil.] FURTHER PROCEEDINGS. 407
ence from Cuba, — an event for which Cortes was ever
on the watch, — and to keep down revolt among the
natives. He especially commended the Totonacs to his
protection, as allies whose fidelity to the Spaniards
exposed them, in no slight degree, to the vengeance of
the Aztecs.20
20 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Gomara, Cronica, cap. GO. — Ovi-
quista, cap. 8i, 85. — Rel. Seg. edo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33,
de Cortes, ap Lorenzana, p. 67- — cap. 5.
408 [book. hi.
CHAPTER VIII.
March resumed. — Ascent of the Great Volcano. — Valley of Mexico. —
Impression on the Spaniards. — Conduct of Montezuma. — They descend
into the Valley.
1519.
Everything being now restored to qniet in Cholula,
the allied army of Spaniards and Tlascalans set forward
in high spirits, and resumed the march on Mexico. The
road lay through the beautiful savannas and luxuriant
plantations that spread out for several leagues in every
direction. On the march they were met occasionally
by embassies from the neighbouring places, anxious to
claim the protection of the white men, and to propitiate
them by gifts, especially of gold, for which their appetite
was generally known throughout the country.
Some of these places were allies of the Tlascalans,
and all showed much discontent with the oppressive rule
of Montezuma. The natives cautioned the Spaniards
against putting themselves in his power by entering his
capital ; and they stated, as evidence of his hostile dis-
position, that he had caused the direct road to it to be
blocked up, that the strangers might be compelled to
choose another, which, from its narrow passes and strong-
positions, would enable him to take them at great
disadvantage.
The information was not lost on Cortes, who kept a
strict eye on the movements of the Mexican envoys, and
chap, viii.] MARCH RESUMED. 409
redoubled his own precautions against surprise.1 Cheer-
ful and active, he was ever where his presence was
needed, sometimes in the van, at others in the rear,
encouraging the weak, stimulating the sluggish, and
striving to kindle in the breasts of others the same
courageous spirit which glowed in his own. At night
he never omitted to go the rounds, to see that every
man was at his post. On one occasion his vigilance had
well-nigh proved fatal to him. He approached so near
a sentinel, that the man, unable to distinguish his person
in the dark, levelled his crossbow at him, when, fortu-
nately, an exclamation of the general, who gave the
watch-word of the night, arrested a movement which
might else have brought the campaign to a close, and
given a respite for some time longer to the empire of
Montezuma.
The army came at length to the place mentioned by
the friendly Indians, Avhere the road forked, and one arm
of it was found, as they had foretold, obstructed with
large trunks of trees, and huge stones which had been
strewn across it. Cortes inquired the meaning of this
from the Mexican ambassadors. They said it was done
by the emperor's orders, to prevent their taking a route
which, after some distance, they would find nearly im-
practicable for the cavalry. They acknowledged, how-
ever, that it was the most direct road; and Cortes,
declaring that this was enough to decide him in favour
of it, as the Spaniards made no account of obstacles,
commanded the rubbish to be cleared away. Some of
the timber might still be seen by the road-side, as Bernal
Diaz tells us, many years after. The event left little
doubt in the general's mind of the meditated treachery
of the Mexicans. But he was too politic to betray his
suspicions.2
1 " Andavamos," says Diaz, in the 2 Ibid., ubi supra.— Rel. Seg. de
homely but expressive Spanish pro- Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 70. — Tor-
verb, "la barba sobre el ombro." quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4,
Hist, de la Conquista, cap. S6. cap. 41.
410 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
They were now leaving the pleasant champaign coun-
try, as the road wound up the bold sierra which sepa-
rates the great plateaus of Mexico and Puebla. The
air, as they ascended, became keen and piercing; and
the blasts, sweeping down the frozen sides of the moun-
tains, made the soldiers shiver in their thick harness of
cotton, and benumbed the limbs of both men and
horses.
They were passing between two of the highest moun-
tains on the North American continent, Popocatepetl,
"the hill that smokes," and Iztaccihuatl, or "white
woman,"3 — a name suggested, doubtless, by the bright
robe of snow spread over its broad and broken surface.
A puerile superstition of the Indians regarded these
celebrated mountains as gods, and Iztaccihuatl as the
wife of her more formidable neighbour.4 A tradition of
a higher character described the northern volcano as the
abode of the departed spirits of wicked rulers, whose
fiery agonies in their prison-house caused the fearful bel-
lowings and convulsions in times of eruption. It was
the classic fable of Antiquity.5 These superstitious le-
gends had invested the mountain with a mysterious
horror that made the natives shrink from attempting its
ascent, which indeed was, from natural causes, a work of
incredible difficulty.
The great volcan? as Popocatepetl was called, rose to
the enormous height of 17,852 feet above the level of the
sea; more than 2000 feet above the "monarch of moun-
3 " Llamaban al volcan Popo- Enceladi bustum, qui saucia terga
catepetl, j a la sierra nevada Izt- revinctus
accihuatl, que quiere decir la sier- Spirat inexhaustum flagranti pectore
ra que humea, y la blanca muger." sulphur." — Claudian, de Rapt.
Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS. Pros. lib. 1, v. 152.
a cc-r 0- i ii 6 The old Spaniards called any
" La Sierra nevada y el volcan m moimtaiu b tlmt th {
los teman por Dioses ; y que el vol- ^ hayi iy^ gi of CQmb £.
can y la Siena nevada eran mando y ^ ^ gMmboi?azo was called
muger. Ibid., MS. a vokan (Je ^ Qv «sno^vol_
5 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 62. cano ;" (Humboldt, Essai Politique,
" JEtna Giganteos nunquam tacitura torn. i. p. 162 ;) and that enterpris-
triumphos, ing traveller, Stephens, notices the
CHAP. VIII
.] MARCH RESUMED. 411
tains," — the highest elevation in Europe.7 During the
present century, it has rarely given evidence of its vol-
canic origin, and " the hill that smokes " has almost
forfeited its claim to the appellation. But at the time of
the Conquest it was frequently in a state of activity, and
raged with uncommon fury while the Spaniards were at
Tlascala ; an evil omen, it was thought, for the natives
of Anahuac. Its head, gathered into a regular cone by
the deposite of successive eruptions, wore the usual form
of volcanic mountains, when not disturbed by the falling
in of the crater. Soaring towards the skies, with its
silver sheet of everlasting snow, it was seen far and wide
over the broad plains of Mexico and Puebla, the first
object which the morning sun greeted in his rising, the
last where his evening rays were seen to linger, shedding
a glorious effulgence over its head, that contrasted strik-
ingly with the ruinous waste of sand and lava immedi-
ately below, and the deep fringe of funereal pines that
shrouded its base.
The mysterious terrors which hung over the spot, and
the wild love of adventure, made some of the Spanish
cavaliers desirous to attempt the ascent, which the
natives declared no man could accomplish and live.
Cortes encouraged them in the enterprise, willing to
show the Indians, that no achievement was above the
dauntless daring of his followers. One of his captains,
accordingly, Diego Ordaz, with nine Spaniards, and
several Tlascalans, encouraged by their example, under-
took the ascent. It was attended with more difficulty
than had been anticipated.
The lower region was clothed with a dense forest, so
thickly matted that in some places it was scarcely pos-
sible to penetrate it. It grew thinner, however, as they
volcan de agnu, " water volcano," in 7 Mont Blanc, according to M. de
the neighbourhood of Antigua Guate- Saussure, is 15,670 feet high. 3?or
mala. Incidents of Travel in Chi- the estimate of Popocatepetl, see
apas, Central America, and Yucatan an elaborate communication in the
(New York, 1841,) vol. i. chap. 13. Revista Mexicana, torn. ii. No. 4.
4L2 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
advanced, dwindling by degrees into a straggling, stunted
vegetation, till at the height of somewhat more than
thirteen thousand feet it faded away altogether. The
Indians who had held on thus far, intimidated by the
strange subterraneous sounds of the volcano, even then
in a state of combustion, now left them. The track
opened on a black surface of glazed volcanic sand and of
lava, the broken fragments of which, arrested in its boil-
ing progress in a thousand fantastic forms, opposed con-
tinual impediments to their advance. Amidst these,
one huge rock, the Pico del Fraile, a conspicuous object
from below, rose to the perpendicular height of a hun-
dred and fifty feet, compelling them to take a wide
circuit. They soon came to the limits of perpetual
snow, where new difficulties presented themselves, as
the treacherous ice gave an imperfect footing, and a
false step might precipitate them into the frozen chasms
that yawned around. To increase their distress, respira-
tion in these aerial regions became so difficult, that
every effort was attended with sharp pains in the head
and limbs. Still they pressed on till, drawing nearer
the crater, such volumes of smoke, sparks, and cinders
were belched forth from its burning entrails, and driven
down the sides of the mountain, as nearly suffocated and
blinded them. It was too much even for their hardy
frames to endure, and, however reluctantly, they were
compelled to abandon the attempt on the eve of its
completion. They brought back some huge icicles, — a
curious sight in these tropical regions, — as a trophy of
their achievement, which, however imperfect, was suffi-
cient to strike the minds of the natives with wonder, by
showing that with the Spaniards the most appalling and
mysterious perils were only as pastimes. The under-
taking was eminently characteristic of the bold spirit
of the cavalier of that day, who, not content with the
dangers that lay in his path, seemed to court them
from the mere Quixotic love of adventure. A report
chap, viii.] ASCENT OF THE GREAT VOLCANO. 413
of the affair was transmitted to the Emperor Charles
the Fifth, and the family of Ordaz was allowed to com-
memorate the exploit by assuming a burning mountain
on their escutcheon.8
The general was not satisfied with the result. Two
years after, he sent up another party, under Francisco
Montano, a cavalier of determined resolution. The
object was to obtain sulphur to assist in making gun-
powder for the army. The mountain was quiet at this
time, and the expedition was attended with better suc-
cess. The Spaniards, five in number, climbed to the
very edge of the crater, which presented an irregular
ellipse at its mouth, more than a league in circumference.
Its depth might be from eight hundred to a thousand
feet. A lurid flame burned gloomily at the bottom,
sending up a sulphureous steam, which, cooling as it
rose, was precipitated on the sides of the cavity. The
party cast lots, and it fell on Montano himself to descend
in a basket into this hideous abyss, into which he was
lowered by his companions to the depth of four hundred
feet ! This was repeated several times, till the adven-
turous cavalier had collected a sufficient quantity of sul-
phur for the wants of the army. This doughty enter-
prise excited general admiration at the time. Cortes
concludes his report of it, to the emperor, with the
judicious reflection, that it would be less inconvenient,
on the whole, to import their powder from Spain.9
8 Pel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- 9 Rel. Ter. y Quarta de Cortes,
zana, p. 70. — Oviedo, Hist, de las ap. Lorenzana, pp. 318, 380. — Her-
Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 5. — Bernal rera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 3,
Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 78. cap. 1. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind.,
The latter writer speaks of the MS., lib. 33, cap. 41.
ascent as made when the army lay M. de Humboldt doubts the fact
at Tlascala, and of the attempt as of Montaiio's descent into the crater,
perfectly successful. The general's thinking it more probable that he
letter, written soon after the event, obtained the sulphur through some
■with no motive for mis-statement, is lateral crevice in the mountain,
the better authority. See also Her- (Essai Politique, torn. i. p. 164.)
rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 6, No attempt — at least no successful
cap. 18. — Rel. d' un gent., ap. Pa- one — has been made to gain the
musio, torn. iii. p. 308. — Gomara, summit of Popocatepetl, since this
Cronica, cap. 62. of Montano, till the present century.
In
414 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
But it is time to return from our digression, which
may, perhaps, be excused as illustrating, in a remarkable
manner, the chimerical spirit of enterprise, — not inferior
to that in his own romances of chivalry, — which glowed
in the breast of the Spanish cavalier in the sixteenth
century.
The army held on its march through the intricate
gorges of the sierra. The route was nearly the same
as that pursued at the present day by the courier from
the capital to Puebla, by the way of Mecameca.10 It
was not that usually taken by travellers from Vera Cruz,
who follow the more circuitous road round the northern
base of Iztaccihuatl, as less fatiguing than the other,
though inferior in picturesque scenery and romantic
points of view. The icy winds, that now swept down
the sides of the mountains, brought with them a tempest
of arrowy sleet and snow, from which the Christians
suffered even more than the Tlascalans, reared from
infancy among the wild solitudes of their own native
hills. As night came on their sufferings would have
been intolerable, but they luckily found a shelter in the
commodious stone buildings which the Mexican govern-
ment had placed at stated intervals along the roads for
the accommodation of the traveller and their own cou-
riers. It little dreamed it was providing a protection
for its enemies.
The troops, refreshed by a night's rest, succeeded,
early on the following day, in gaining the crest of the
sierra of Ahualco, which stretches like a curtain between
the two great mountains on the north and south. Their
In 1827 it was reached in two expe- The party from the topmost peak,
ditions, and again in 1833 and 1834. which commanded a full view of the
A very full account of the last, con- less elevated Iztaccihuatl, saw no
taining many interesting details and vestige of a crater in that mountain,
scientific observations, was written contrary to the opinion usually re-
by Frederic de Gerolt, one of the ceived.
party, and published in the periodi-
cal already referred to. (Revista 10 Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn.
Mexicana, torn. i. pp. 461 — 482.) iv. p. 17-
chap, viii.] VALLEY OF MEXICO. 415
progress was now comparatively easy, and they marched
forward with a buoyant step, as they felt they were
treading the soil of Montezuma.
They had not advanced far, when, turning an angle of
the sierra, they suddenly came on a view which more
than compensated the toils of the preceding day. It was
that of the Valley of Mexico, or Tenochtitlan, as more
commonly called by the natives; which, with its pic-
turesque assemblage of water, woodland, and cultivated
plains, its shining cities and shadowy hills, was spread
out like some gay and gorgeous panorama before them.
In the highly rarefied atmosphere of these upper regions,
even remote objects have a brilliancy of colouring and a
distinctness of outline which seem to annihilate dis-
tance.11 Stretching far away at their feet, were seen
noble forests of oak, sycamore, and cedar, and beyond,
yellow fields of maize and the towering maguey, inter-
mingled with orchards and blooming gardens ; for flowers,
ill such demand for their religious festivals, were even
more abundant in this populous valley than in other
parts of Analmac. In the centre of the great basin were
beheld the lakes, occupying then a much larger portion
of its surface than at present; their borders thickly
studded with towns and hamlets, and, in the midst, —
like some Indian empress with her coronal of pearls, —
the fair city of Mexico, with her white towers and pyra-
midal temples, reposing, as it were, on the bosom of the
waters, — the far-famed " Venice of the Aztecs." High
over all rose the royal hill of Chapoltepec, the residence
of the Mexican monarchs, crowned with the same grove
of gigantic cypresses, which at this day fling their broad
shadows over the land. In the distance beyond the blue
waters of the lake, and nearly screened by intervening
foliage, was seen a shining speck, the rival capital of
11 The lake of Tezcuco, on which sea. Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn.
stood the capital of Mexico, is 2277 ii. p. 45.
metres, nearly 7500 feet, above the
416 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
Tezcuco, and still further on, the dark belt of porphyry,
girdling the Valley around, like a rich setting which
Nature had devised for the fairest of her jewels.
Such was the beautiful vision which broke on the eyes
of the Conquerors. And even now, when so sad a
change has come over the scene ; when the stately forests
have been laid low, and the soil, unsheltered from the
fierce radiance of a tropical sun, is in many places aban-
doned to sterility ; when the waters have retired, leaving
a broad and ghastly margin white with the incrustation
of salts, while the cities and hamlets on their borders
have mouldered into ruins ; — even now that desolation
broods over the landscape, so indestructible are the lines
of beauty which Nature has traced on its features, that
no traveller, however cold, can gaze on them with any
other emotions than those of astonishment and rapture.12
What, then, must have been the emotions of the
Spaniards, when, after working their toilsome way into
the upper air, the cloudy tabernacle parted before their
eyes, and they beheld these fair scenes in all their pris-
tine magnificence and beauty ! It was like the spectacle
which greeted the eyes of Moses from the summit of
Pisgah, and, in the warm glow of their feelings, they
cried out, " It is the promised land !"13
But these feelings of admiration were soon followed by
others of a very different complexion ; as they saw in all
this the evidences of a civilization and power far supe-
rior to anything they had yet encountered. The more
timid, disheartened by the prospect, shrunk from a con-
test so unequal, and demanded, as they had done on
some former occasions, to be led back again to Vera
12 It is unnecessary to refer to the It may call to the reader's mind
pages of modern travellers, who, the memorable view of the fair
however they may differ in taste, plains of Italy which Hannibal dis-
talent, or feeling, all concur in the played to his hungry barbarians,
impressions produced on them by the after a similar march through the
sight of this beautiful valley. wild passes of the Alps, as reported
13 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. by the prince of historic painters,
lib. 4, cap. 41. Livy, Hist. lib. 21, cap. 35.
chap. Vin.] CONDUCT OF MONTEZUMA. 417
Cruz. Such was not the effect produced on the san-
guine spirit of the general. His avarice was sharpened
by the display of the dazzling spoil at his feet ; and, if
he felt a natural anxiety at the formidable odds, his con-
fidence was renewed, as he gazed on the lines of his
veterans, whose weather-beaten visages and battered
armour told of battles won and difficulties surmounted,
while his bold barbarians, with appetites whetted by the
view of their enemies' country, seemed like eagles on the
mountains, ready to pounce upon their prey. By argu-
ment, intreaty, and menace, he endeavoured to restore
the faltering courage of the soldiers, urging them not
to think of retreat, now that they had reached the goal
for which they had panted, and the golden gates were
opened to receive them. In these efforts, he was well
seconded by the brave cavaliers, who held honour as dear
to them as fortune ; until the dullest spirits caught some-
what of the enthusiasm of their leaders, and the general
had the satisfaction to see his hesitating columns, with
their usual buoyant step, once more on their march
down the slopes of the sierra.14
With every step of their progress, the woods became
thinner ; patches of cultivated land more frequent ; and
hamlets were seen in the green and sheltered nooks,
the inhabitants of which, coming out to meet them, gave
the troops a kind reception. Everywhere they heard
complaints of Montezuma, especially of the unfeeling
manner in which he carried off their young men to
recruit his armies, and their maidens for his harem.
These systems of discontent were noticed with satisfac-
tion by Cortes, who saw that Montezuma's "mountain-
throne," as it was called, was indeed seated on a volcano,
with the elements of combustion so active within, that it
seemed as if any hour might witness an explosion. He
14 Torquemada, Monarch. Incl., ubi cap. 64. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind.,
supra. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. MS., lib. 33, cap. 5.
2, lib. 7, cap. 3. — Gomara, Cronica,
VOL. I. E E
418 MARCH TO MEXICO. [
BOOK III.
encouraged the disaffected natives to rely on his protec-
tion, as he had come to redress their wrongs. He took
advantage, moreover, of their favourable dispositions to
scatter among them such gleams of spiritual light as
time and the preaching of father Olmedo could afford.
He advanced by easy stages, somewhat retarded by
the crowd of curious inhabitants gathered on the high-
ways to see the strangers, and halting at every spot of
interest or importance. On the road he was met by
another embassy from the capital. It consisted of several
Aztec lords, freighted, as usual, with a rich largess of
gold, and robes of delicate furs and feathers. The mes-
sage of the emperor was couched in the same depreca-
tory terms as before. He even condescended to bribe
the return of the Spaniards, by promising, in that event,
four loads of gold to the general, and one to each of the
captains,15 with a yearly tribute to their sovereign. So
effectually had the lofty and naturally courageous spirit
of the barbarian monarch been subdued by the influence
of superstition !
But the man whom the hostile array of armies could
not daunt, was not to be turned from his purpose by a
woman's prayers. He received the embasay with his
usual courtesy, declaring, as before, that he could not
answer it to his own sovereign, if he were now to return
without visitiug the emperor in his capital. It would
be much easier to arrange matters by a personal inter-
view than by distant negotiation. The Spaniards came
in the spirit of peace. Montezuma would so find it, but
should their presence prove burdensome to him, it would
be easy for them to relieve him of it.16
The Aztec monarch, meanwhile, was a prey to the
15 A load for a Mexican tamane Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 73.
was about fifty pounds, or eight bun- — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2,
dred ounces. Clavigero, Stor. del lib. 7, cap. 3. — Gomara, Crouica,
Messico, torn. iii. p. 69, nota. cap. 64. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind.,
16 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- MS., lib. 33, cap. 5. — Bernal Diaz,
paiia, MS., lib. 12, cap. 12.— Eel. Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 87.
chap. VIII.] CONDUCT OF MONTEZUMA. 419
most dismal apprehensions. It was intended that the
embassy above noticed should reach the Spaniards be-
fore they crossed the mountains. When he learned that
this was accomplished, and that the dread strangers
were on their march across the Valley, the very thresh-
old of his capital, the last spark of hope died away in
his bosom. Like one who suddenly finds himself on
the brink of some dark and yawning gulf, he was too
much bewildered to be able to rally his thoughts, or
even to comprehend his situation. He was the victim
of an absolute destiny, against which no foresight or
precautions could have availed. It was as if the strange
beings, who had thus invaded his shores, had dropped
from some distant planet, so different were they from all
he had ever seen, in appearance and manners ; so su-
perior— though a mere handful in numbers — to the
banded nations of Anahuac in strength and science, and
all the fearful accompaniments of war ! They were now
in the Valley, The huge mountain-screen, which na-
ture had so kindly drawn around it for its defence, had
been overleaped. The golden visions of security and
repose, in which he had so long indulged, the lordly
sway descended from his ancestors, his broad imperial
domain, were all to pass away. It seemed like some
terrible dream. — from which he was now, alas ! to awake
to a still more terrible reality.
In a paroxysm of despair he shut himself up in his
palace, refused food, and sought relief in prayer and in
sacrifice. But the oracles were dumb. He then adopted
the more sensible expedient of calling a council of his
principal and oldest nobles. Here was the same division
of opinion which had before prevailed. Cacama, the
young king of Tezcuco, his nephew, counselled him to
receive the Spaniards courteously, as ambassadors, so
styled by themselves, of a foreign prince. Cuitlahua,
Montezuma's more warlike brother, urged him to muster
his forces on the instant, and drive back the invaders
E E 2
420 MARCH TO MEXICO.
book nr.
from his capital, or die in its defence. But the monarch
found it difficult to rally his spirits for this final struggle.
With downcast eye and dejected mien he exclaimed,
" Of what avail is resistance when the gods have declared
themselves against us ! 17 Yet I mourn most for the old
and infirm, the women and children, too feeble to fight
or to fly. For myself and the brave men around me, we
must bear our breasts to the storm, and meet it as we
may ! " Such are the sorrowful and sympathetic tones
in which the Aztec emperor is said to have uttered the
bitterness of his grief. He would have acted a more
glorious part had he put his capital in a posture of de-
fence, and prepared, like the last of the Palseologi, to bury
himself under its ruins.18
He straightway prepared to send a last embassy to
the Spaniards, with his nephew, the lord of Tezcuco, at
its head, to welcome them to Mexico.
The Christian army, meanwhile, had advanced as far
as Amaquemecan, a well-built town of several thousand
inhabitants. They were kindly received by the cacique,
lodged in large commodious stone buildings, and at their
departure presented, among other things, with gold to
the amount of three thousand castellanos.19 Having
halted there a couple of days, they descended among
flourishing plantations of maize and of maguey, the latter
of which might be called the Aztec vineyards, towards
the lake of Chalco. Their first resting place was Ajot-
zinco, a town of considerable size, with a great part of it
then standing on piles in the water. It was the first
specimen which the Spaniards had seen of this maritime
17 This was not the sentiment of quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap.
the Roman Hero. 44. — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 63.
19 " El seiior de esta provincia y
"Yictrix causa Diis placuit, sed pueblo me did hasta quarenta es-
victa Catoni ! " clavas, y tres mil castellanos, y dos
LucAisr, lib. 1, v. 128. dias que alii estuve nos proveyo muy
cumplidamente de todo lo necesario
18 Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Es- para nuestra comida." Rel.Seg.de
pana, MS.,* lib. 12, cap. 13. — Tor- Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 74.
chap, vin.] CONDUCT OF MONTEZUMA. 421
architecture. The canals, which intersected the city in-
stead of streets, presented an animated scene from the
number of barks which glided up and down freighted
with provisions and other articles for the inhabitants.
The Spaniards were particularly struck with the style
and commodious structure of the houses, built chiefly of
stone, and with the general aspect of wealth, and even
elegance which prevailed there.
Though received with the greatest show of hospitality,
Cortes found some occasion for distrust in the eagerness
manifested by the people to see and approach the Spa-
niards.20 Not content with gazing at them in the roads,
some even made their way stealthily into their quarters,
and fifteen or twenty unhappy Indians were shot down
by the sentinels as spies. Yet there appears, as well as
we can judge at this distance of time, to have been no
real ground for such suspicion. The undisguised jealousy
of the Court, and the cautions he had received from his
allies, while they very properly put the general on his
guard, seem to have given an unnatural acuteness, at
least in the present instance, to his perceptions of
danger.21
Early on the following morning, as the army was
preparing to leave the place, a courier came, requesting
the general to postpone his departure till after the arrival
of the king of Tezcuco, who was advancing to meet him.
It was not long before he appeared, borne in a palanquin
or litter, richly decorated with plates of gold and precious
stones, having pillars curiously wrought, supporting a
20 "De toclas partes era iufinita noche tuve tal guarda, que assi de
la gente que de un cabo e de otro espias, que venian por el agua en
coucurrian a mirar a los Espaiioles, canoas, como de otras, que por la
e maravillabanse rnucho de los ver. sierra abajaban, aver si habiaaparejo
Teuiau grande espacio e atencion para executar su voluutad, amane-
en mirar los caballos ; decian, ' Es- cieron casi quince, 6 veiute, que las
tos son Teules,' que quiere deck nuestras las habian tornado, ymuerto.
Demonios." Oviedo, Hist, de las Por manera que pocas volvieron a
Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 45. dar su respuesta de el aviso que
21 Cortes tells the affair coolly venian a tomar." Eel. Seg. de
enough to the emperor. " E aquella Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. U.
422 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
canopy of green plumes, a favourite colour with the Aztec
princes. He was accompanied by a numerous suite of
nobles and inferior attendants. As he came into the
presence of Cortes, the lord of Tezcuco descended from
his palanquin, and the obsequious officers swept the
ground before him as he advanced. He appeared to be
a young man of about twenty-five years of age, with a
comely presence, erect and stately in his deportment.
He made the Mexican salutation usually addressed to
persons of high rank, touching the earth with his right
hand, and raising it to his head. Cortes embraced him
as he rose, when the young prince informed him that he
came as the representative of Montezuma, to bid the
Spaniards welcome to his capital. He then presented
the general with three pearls of uncommon size and lustre.
Cortes, in return, threw over Cacama's neck a chain of
cut glass, which, where glass was as rare as diamonds,
might be admitted to have a value as real as the latter.
After this interchange of courtesies, and the most friendly
and respectful assurances on the part of Cortes, the
Indian prince withdrew, leaving the Spaniards strongly
impressed with the superiority of his state and bearing
over anything they had hitherto seen in the country.22
Resuming its march, the army kept along the southern
borders of the lake of Chalco, overshadowed at that time
by noble woods, and by orchards glowing with autumnal
fruits, of unknown names, but rich and tempting hues.
More frequently it passed through cultivated fields
waving with the yellow harvest, and irrigated by canals
introduced from the neighbouring lake ; the whole show-
ing a careful and economical husbandry, essential to the
maintenance of a crowded population.
22 Rel. Seg. de Coi'tes, ap. Lo- Mexicauos auiamos visto traer,
renzana, p. 75. — Gomara, Crdnica, y lo tuvimos por muy gran cosa:
cap. 64. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., y platicamos entre nosotros, que
MS., cap. 85. — Oviedo, Hist, de las quando aquel Cacique traia tauto
Iud., MS., lib. 33, cap. 5. triunfo, que haria el gran Moute-
"Llego con el mayor fausto, y puma?" Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
grandeza que ningun seiior de los Conquista, cap. 87.
chap, viii.] THEY DESCEND INTO THE VALLEY. 423
Leaving the main land, the Spaniards came on the
great dike or causeway, which stretches some four or five
miles in length, and divides lake Chalco from Xochicalco
on the west. It was a lance in breadth in the narrowest
part, and in some places wide enough for eight horsemen
to ride abreast. It was a solid structure of stone and
lime, running directly through the lake, and struck the
Spaniards as one of the most remarkable works which
they had seen in the country.
As they passed along, they beheld the gay spectacle of
multitudes of Indians darting up and down in their light
pirogues, eager to catch a glimpse of the strangers, or
bearing the products of the country to the neighbouring
cities. They were amazed, also, by the sight of the
chinamjjas, or floating gardens, — those wandering islands
of verdure, to which we shall have occasion to return
hereafter, — teeming with flowers and vegetables, and
moving like rafts over the waters. All round the margin,
and occasionally far in the lake, they beheld little towns
and villages, which, half concealed by the foliage, and
gathered in white clusters round the shore, looked in
the distance like companies of wild swans riding quietly
on the waves. A scene so new and wonderful filled their
rude hearts with amazement. It seemed like enchant-
ment ; and they could find nothing to compare it with,
but the magical pictures in the "Amadis de Gaula."23
.Few pictures, indeed, in that or any other legend of
chivalry, could surpass the realities of their own expe-
rience. The life of the adventurer in the New World
was romance put into action. What wonder, then, if
the Spaniard of that day, feeding his imagination with
dreams of enchantment at home, and with its realities
23 "Nos quedamos admirados," appeared before this time, as the
exclaims Diaz, with simple wonder, prologue to the second edition of
" y deziamos que parecia a las casas 1521 speaks of a former one in the
de encantamiento, que cuentan en el reign of the " Catholic Sovereigns."
libro de Amadis!" (Ibid., loc. cit.) See Cervantes, Don Quixote, ed.
An edition of this celebrated ro- Pellicer, (Madrid, 1797,) torn, i.,
manoe in its Castilian dress had Discurso Prelim.
424 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
abroad, should have displayed a Quixotic enthusiasm, —
a romantic exaltation of character, not to be compre-
hended by the colder spirits of other lands !
Midway across the lake the army halted at the town
of Cuitlahuac, a place of moderate size, but distinguished
by the beauty of the buildings, — the most beautiful,
according to Cortes, that he had yet seen in the country.24
After taking some refreshment at this place, they con-
tinued their march along the dike. Though broader in
this northern section, the troops found themselves much
embarrassed by the throng of Indians, who, not content
with gazing on them from the boats, climbed up the
causeway, and lined the sides of the roads. The general,
afraid that his ranks might be disordered, and that too
great familiarity might diminish a salutary awe in the
natives, was obliged to resort not merely to command,
but menace, to clear a passage. He now found, as he
advanced, a considerable change in the feelings shown
towards the government. He heard only of the pomp
and magnificence, nothing of the oppressions, of Mon-
tezuma. Contrary to the usual fact, it seemed that
the respect for the Court was greatest in its immediate
neighbourhood.
From the causeway, the army descended on that
narrow point of land which divides the waters of the
Chalco from the Tezcucan lake, but which in those
days was overflowed for many a mile, now laid bare.25
24 "Una ciudad, la mas herrnosa, lake in his admirable chart of the
aunque pequeha, que hasta entonces Mexican Valley (Atlas Geographique
habiamos visto, assi de muy bien et Physique de la Nouvelle Espague,
obradas Casas, y Torres, como de la [Paris, 1811,] carte 3). Notwith-t
buena orden, que en el fundamento standing his great care, it is not easy
de ella habia por ser armada toda always to reconcile his topography
sobre Agua." (Pel. Seg. de Cortes, with the itineraries of the Conquer-
ap. Lorenzana, p. 76.) The Span- ors, so much has the face of the
iards gave this aquatic city tlie country been changed by natural
name of Venezuela, or little Venice. and artificial causes. It is still less
Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., possible to reconcile their narratives
Parte 2, cap. 4. with the maps of Clavigero, Lopez,
25 M. de Humboldt has dotted Robertson, and others, defying
the conjectural limits of the ancient equally topography and history.
chap, vin.] THEY DESCEND INTO THE VALLEY. 425
Traversing this peninsula, they entered the royal resi-
dence of Iztapalapan, a place containing twelve or fifteen
thousand houses, according to Cortes.26 It was governed
by Cuitlahua, the emperor's brother, who, to do greater
honour to the general, had invited the lords of some
neighbouring cities, of the royal house of Mexico, like
himself, to be present at the interview. This was con-
ducted with much ceremony, and, after the usual presents
of gold and delicate stuffs,27 a collation was served to the
Spaniards in one of the great halls of the palace. The
excellence of the architecture here, also, excited the
admiration of the general, who does not hesitate, in the
glow of his enthusiasm, to pronounce some of the build-
ings equal to the best in Spain.28 They were of stone,
and the spacious apartments had roofs of odorous cedar-
wood, while the walls were tapestried with fine cottons
stained with brilliant colours.
But the pride of Iztapalapan, on which its lord had
freely lavished his care and his revenues, was its cele-
brated gardens. They covered an immense tract of land ;
were laid out in regular squares, and the paths inter-
secting them were bordered with trellises, supporting
creepers and aromatic shrubs, that loaded the air with
their perfumes. The gardens were stocked with fruit-
trees, imported from distant places, and with the gaudy
family of flowers which belong to the Mexican Flora,
scientifically arranged, and growing luxuriant in the
26 Several writers notice a visit of Bernal Diaz, and that of Cortes,
the Spaniards to Tezcuco on the way neither of whom alludes to it.
to the capital. (Torquemada, Mo- 27 " E me dieron," says Cortes,
narch. Ind , lib. 4, cap. 42. — Soli's, "hasta tres, d quatro mil Castel-
Conquista, lib. 3, cap. 9. — Herrera, lanos, y algunas Esclavas, y Ropa,
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 4. e me hicieron muy buen acogiini-
— Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ento." Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana,
iii. p. 74-) This improbable episode p. 76.
— which, it may be remarked, has 23 " Ticne el Seiior de ella unas
led these authors into some geo- Casas nuevas, que aun no estan
graphical perplexities, not to say acabadas, que son tau buenas como
blunders, — is altogether too remark- las mejorcs de Esparla, digo de
able to have been passed over in grandes y bien labradas." Ibid.,
silence in the minute relation of p. 77.
426 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
equable temperature of the table-land. The natural
dryness of the atmosphere was counteracted by means
of aqueducts and canals, that carried water into all parts
of the grounds.
In one quarter was an aviary, rilled with numerous
kinds of birds, remarkable in this region both for bril-
liancy of plumage and of song. The gardens were in-
tersected by a canal communicating with the lake of
Tezcuco, and of sufficient size for barges to enter from
the latter. But the most elaborate piece of work was
a huge reservoir of stone, filled to a considerable height
with water, well supplied with different sorts of fish.
This bason was sixteen hundred paces in circumference,
and was surrounded by a walk, made also of stone, wide
enough for four persons to go abreast. The sides were
curiously sculptured, and a flight of steps led to the
water below, which fed the aqueducts above noticed, or,
collected into fountains, diffused a perpetual moisture.
Such are the accounts transmitted of these celebrated
gardens, at a period when similar horticultural establish-
ments were unknown in Europe ;29 and we might well
doubt their existence in this semi-civilized land, were it
not a matter of such notoriety at the time, and so ex-
plicitly attested by the invaders. But a generation had
scarcely passed after the Conquest, before a sad change
came over these scenes so beautiful. The town itself
was deserted, and the shore of the lake was strewed with
the wreck of buildings which once were its ornament
and its glory. The gardens shared the fate of the city.
The retreating waters withdrew the means of nourish-
ment, converting the nourishing plains into a foul and
unsightly morass, the haunt of loathsome reptiles ; and
the water-fowl built her nest in what had once been the
palaces of princes ! 30
29 The earliest instance of a Gar- 30 Rel. See. de Cortes, nbi supra,
den of Plants in Europe is said to — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib.
have been at Padua, in 1545. Carli, 7, cap. 44. — Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
Lettres Americaines, torn. i. let. 21. Espaha, MS., lib. 12, cap. 13. —
chap, vin.] THEY DESCEND INTO THE VALLEY. 427
In the city of Iztapalapan, Cortes took up his quarters
for the night. We may imagine what a crowd of ideas
must have pressed on the mind of the Conqueror, as,
surrounded by these evidences of civilization, he pre-
pared, with his handful of followers, to enter the capital
of a monarch, who, as he had abundant reason to know,
regarded him with distrust and aversion. This capital
was now but a few miles distant, distinctly visible from
Iztapalapan. And as its long lines of glittering edifices,
struck by the rays of the evening sun, trembled on the
dark blue waters of the lake, it looked like a thing of
fairy creation, rather than the work of mortal hands.
Into this city of enchantment Cortes prepared to make
his entry on the following morning.31
Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid., MS., lib. Like silver in the sunshine.
33, cap. 5.— Bernal Diaz, Hist, de I beheld
la Conquista, cap. 87. The imperial city, her far-circling
walls,
31 " There Aztlan stood upon the Her garden groves and stately
farther shore ; palaces,
Amid the shade of trees its Her temples mountain size, her
dwellings rose, thousand roofs ;
Their level roofs with turrets And when I saw her might and
set around, majesty,
And battlements all burnished My mind misgave me then."
white, which shone Southet's Madoc, Part 1, canto 6.
428 Fbook hi.
CHAPTER IX.
Environs of Mexico. — Interview with Montezuma. — Entrance into the
Capital. — Hospitable Reception. — Visit to the Emperor.
1519.
With the first faint streak of dawn, the Spanish gene-
ral was up, mustering his followers. They gathered,
with beating hearts, under their respective banners as
the trumpet sent forth its spirit-stirring sounds across
water and woodland, till they died away in distant
echoes among the mountains. The sacred flames on the
altars of numberless teocallis, dimly seen through the
grey mists of morning, indicated the site of the capital,
till temple, tower, and palace were fully revealed in the
glorious illumination which the sun, as he rose above the
eastern barrier, poured over the beautiful valley. It was
the eighth of November, 1519; a conspicuous day in
history, as that on which the Europeans first set foot in
the capital of the Western World.
Cortes with his little body of horse formed a sort of
advanced guard to the army. Then came the Spanish
infantry, who in a summer's campaign had acquired the
discipline and the weather-beaten aspect of veterans.
The baggage occupied the centre ; and the rear was
closed by the dark files of Tlascalan warriors. The
whole number must have fallen short of seven thousand ;
of which less than four hundred were Spaniards.1
1 He took about 6000 warriors Cempoallan and other Indian allies
from Tlascala ; and some few of the continued with him. The Spanish
chap, ix.] ENVIRONS OF MEXICO. 429
For a short distance, the army kept along the narrow
tongue of land that divides the Tezcucan from the Chal-
can waters, when it entered on the great dike which,
with the exception of an angle near the commencement,
stretches in a perfectly straight line across the salt floods
of Tezcuco to the gates of the capital. It was the same
causeway, or rather the basis of that, which still forms
the great southern avenue of Mexico.2 The Spaniards
had occasion more than ever to admire the mechanical
science of the Aztecs, in the geometrical precision with
which the work was executed, as well as the solidity of
its construction. It was composed of huge stones well
laid in cement ; and wide enough, throughout its whole
extent, for ten horsemen to ride abreast.
They saw, as they passed along, several large towns,
resting on piles, and reaching far into the water, — a
kind of architecture which found great favour with the
Aztecs, being an imitation of that of their metropolis.3
The busy population obtained a good subsistence from
the manufacture of salt, which they extracted from the
waters of the great lake. The duties on the traffic in
this article were a considerable source of revenue to
the crown.
Everywhere the Conquerors beheld the evidence of a
crowded and thriving population, exceeding all they had
yet seen. The temples and principal buildings of the
cities were covered with a hard white stucco, which
glistened like enamel in the level beams of the morning.
The margin of the great basin was more thickly gemmed,
force on leaving Vera Cruz amounted prodiges de valeur dans ses rencon-
to about 400 foot audio horse. In tres avec les assieges." Humboldt,
the remonstrance of the disaffected Essai Politique, torn. ii. p. 57.
soldiers, after the murderous Tlas- 3 Among these towns were seve-
calan combats, they speak of having ral containing from three to five or
lost fifty of their number since the six thousand dwellings, according to
beginning of the campaign. Ante, Cortes, whose barbarous orthography
vol. i. p. 352. in proper names will not easily be
2 " La calzada d'Iztapalapan est recognised by Mexican or Spaniard,
fondee sur cette meme digue an- Hel. Seg. ap. Lorenzana, p. 78.
cienne, sur laquelle Cortez fit des
430 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
than that of Chalco, with towns and hamlets.4 The
water was darkened by swarms of canoes filled with
Indians,5 who clambered up the sides of the causeway,
and gazed with curious astonishment on the strangers.
And here, also, they beheld those fairy islands of flowers,
overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size,
rising and falling with the gentle undulation of the
billows. At the distance of half a league from the
capital, they encountered a solid work, or curtain of
stone, which traversed the dike. It was twelve feet
high, was strengthened by towers at the extremities, and
in the centre was a battlemented gateway, which opened
a passage to the troops. It was called the Fort of Xoloc,
and became memorable in after times as the position
occupied by Cortes in the famous siege of Mexico.
Here they were met by several hundred Aztec chiefs,
who came out to announce the approach of Montezuma,
and to welcome the Spaniards to his capital. They were
dressed in the fanciful gala costume of the country, with
the mawtlatl, or cotton sash, around their loins, and a
broad mantle of the same material, or of the brilliant
feather-embroidery, flowing gracefully down their shoul-
ders. On their necks and arms they displayed collars
and bracelets of turquoise mosaic, with which delicate
plumage was curiously mingled,6 while their ears, under-
4 Father Toribio Benavente does poet - chronicler Saavedra is more
not stint his panegyric in speaking modest in his estimate.
of the neighbourhood of the capital, ct-n -i 3 v
, • 1 t. b • -, i an Dos mil y mas canoas caaa dm
which he saw m its elory. Creo, que -r, , J , ,, ,r .
. i + t? 1 „„„ .Bastecen el gran pueblo Mexicano
en toda nuestra Europa hay pocas -p. , b, l -Z ,
■ ■> n , . I • j. r . 1 De la mas y la menos runeria
cmdades que tcngan tai asiento y tal <-. J , ,. , ,
^ j. j? 1,1 ' 1 U^ie es necessano al alimento hu-
comarca, con tantos pueblos a la re- ^ „
donda de si y tan bien asentados." '
Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, El Peregrmo Indiano, canto 11.
cap. 7. 6 " Usaban uuos brazaletes de
musaico, hechos de turquezas con
5 It is not necessary, however, to unas plumas ricas que salian de ellos,
adopt Herrera's account of 50,000 que eran mas altas que la cabeza, y
canoes, which, he says, were con- bordadas con plumas ricas y con oro,
stantly employed in supplying the y unas bandas de oro, que subian con
capital with provisions ! (Hist. Ge- las plumas." Sahagun, Hist, de
neral, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 14.) The Nueva Espaha, lib. 8, cap. 9.
chap, ix.] INTERVIEW WITH MONTEZUMA. 431
lips, and occasionally their noses, were garnished with
pendants formed of precious stones, or crescents of fine
gold. As each cacique made the usual formal salutation
of the country separately to the general, the tedious
ceremony delayed the march more than an hour. After
this, the army experienced no further interruption till it
reached a bridge near the gates of the city. It was built
of wood, since replaced by one of stone, and was thrown
across an opening of the dike, which furnished an outlet
to the waters, when agitated by the winds, or swollen by
a sudden influx in the rainy season. It was a draw-
bridge ; and the Spaniards, as they crossed it, felt how
truly they were committing themselves to the mercy of
Montezuma, who, by thus cutting ofT their communica-
tions with the country, might hold them prisoners in his
capital.7 -
In the midst of these unpleasant reflections, they
beheld the glittering retinue of the emperor emerging
from the great street which led them, as it still does,
through the heart of the city.8 Amidst a crowd of
Indian nobles, preceded by three officers of state, bearing
golden wands,9 they saw the royal palanquin blazing with
burnished gold. It was borne on the shoulders of
nobles, and over it a canopy of gaudy feather-work,
powdered with jewels, and fringed with silver, was sup-
ported by four attendants of the same rank. They were
bare-footed, and walked with a slow, measured pace, and
with eyes bent on the ground. When the train had
come within a convenient distance, it halted, and Monte-
7 Gonzalo cle las Casas, Defensa, of San Antonio. (Eel. Seg. de Cortes,
MS., Parte 1, cap. 24.— Gomara, p. 79, uoki.) This is confirmed by
Cronica, cap. 65. — Bernal Diaz, Hist. Sahagun. "Y asi enaquel^ trecho
de la Conquista, cap. 88. — Oviedo, que esta desde la Iglesia de San An-
Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 5. tonio (que ellos Hainan Xuluco) que
— Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap.Lorcnzana, vapor cave las casas de Alvarado,
pp.7S,79— IxtlilxochithHist.Chich., liacia el Hospital de la Conception,
MS., cap. 85. salio Moctezuma a recibir de paz a
8 Cardinal Lorenzana says, the D. Hernando Cortes." Hist, de
street intended, probably, was that Nueva Espana, MS., lib. 12, cap. 16.
crossing the city from the Hospital 9 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS.
432 MARCH TO MEXICO.
book in.
zuma, descending from his litter, came forward leaning
on the arms of the lords of Tezcuco and Iztapalapan, his
nephew and brother, both of whom, as we have seen,
had already been made known to the Spaniards. As the
monarch advanced under the canopy, the obsequious
attendants strewed the ground with cotton tapestry, that
his imperial feet might not be contaminated by the rude
soil. His subjects of high and low degree, who lined
the sides of the causeway, bent forward with their eyes
fastened on the ground as he passed, and some of the
humbler class prostrated themselves before him.10 Such
was the homage paid to the Indian despot, showing that
the slavish forms of Oriental adulation were to be found
among the rude inhabitants of the Western World.
Montezuma wore the girdle and ample square cloak,
tilmatli, of his nation. It was made of the finest cotton,
with the embroidered ends gathered in a knot round his
neck. His feet were defended by sandals having soles
of gold, and the leathern thongs which bound them to
his ankles were embossed with the same metal. Both
the cloak and sandals were sprinkled with pearls and
precious stones, among which the emerald and the chal-
chivitt — a green stone of higher estimation than any other
among the Aztecs — were conspicuous. On his head he
wore no other ornament than a panache of plumes of the
royal green, which floated down his back, the badge of
military rather than of regal rank.
He was at this time about forty years of age. His
person was tall and thin, but not ill made. His hair,
which was black and straight, was not very long ; to
wear it short was considered unbecoming persons of rank.
His beard was thin ; his complexion somewhat paler than
is often found in his dusky, or rather copper-coloured
10 " Toda la gente que estaba en que el era pasado, tan inclinados
las calles se le humiliaban y hacian como frayles en Gloria Patri." To-
profunda reverencia y grande acata- ribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte
miento sin levantar los ojos a le 3, cap. 7.
mirar, sino que todos estaban basta
chap, ix.] INTERVIEW WITH MONTEZUMA. 433
race. His features, though serious in their expression,
did not wear the look of melancholy, indeed, of dejection,
-which characterises his portrait, and which may well have
settled on them at a later period. He moved with dig-
nity, and his whole demeanour, tempered by an expres-
sion of benignity not to have been anticipated from the
reports circulated of his character, was worthy of a great
prince. — Such is the portrait left to us of the celebrated
Indian emperor, in this his first interview with the white
men.11
The army halted as he drew near. Cortes dismounting,
threw his reins to a page, and, supported by a few of the
principal cavaliers, advanced to meet him. The inter-
view must have been one of uncommon interest to both.
In Montezuma Cortes beheld the lord of the broad realms
he had traversed, whose magnificence and power had
been the burden of every tongue. In the Spaniard, on
the other hand, the Aztec prince saw the strange being
whose history seemed to be so mysteriously connected
with his own ; the predicted one of his oracles ; whose
achievements proclaimed him something more than human.
But, whatever may have been the monarch's feelings, he
so far suppressed them as to receive his guest with
princely courtesy, and to express his satisfaction at per-
sonally seeing him in his capital.12 Cortes responded by
11 For the preceding account of the nicle. The following specimen will
equipage and appearance of Monte- probably suffice for the reader,
zuma, see Bernal Diaz, Hist de la (( y ya d Montecuma atauiado
Conquista cap. 88 -Carta de Zuazo, De m^ ^ bknca con au
MS. — Ixthkochitl,Hist.Chich.,MS., -j^ y J
cap^ 85 --G-omara Crdnica cap^ 65 . De ^ Vn sutn delicad0)
-Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind, MS y al °emate vua coucha de esme.
ubi supra, et cap. 4o. — Acosta, Jib. / . ralda ■
cap. 22.-Sahagun Hist, de Nueva Eu b V, d nudo tiene dad0j
Espana MS lib. 12 cap 1 6.— To- y ^ tiara a modo de guirnaida>
yibio, Hist, delos Indios, MS., Parte Zapatos que de oro son las suelas ■
3, cap. 7. Asidos con muy ricas correhuelas."
The noble Cast man, or rather • T j- +^ n
Mexican bard, Saavedra, who be- El Peregnno Lidiano, canto 11.
longed to the generation after the 12 " Satis vultu lffito," says Mar-
Conquest, has introduced most of tyr, "an stomacho sedatus, et an
the particulars in his rhyming chro- hospites per vim quis unquam libens
vol. i. r »
434 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
the most profound expressions of respect, while he made
ample acknowledgments for the substantial proofs which
the emperor had given the Spaniards of his munificence.
He then hung round Montezuma's neck a sparkling
chain of coloured crystal, accompanying this with a move-
ment as if to embrace him, when he was restrained by
the two Aztec lords, shocked at the menaced profanation
of the sacred person of their master.13 After the inter-
change of these civilities, Montezuma appointed his
brother to conduct the Spaniards to their residence in the
capital, and again entering his litter, was borne off amidst
prostrate crowds in the same state in which he had come.
The Spaniards quickly followed, and with colours flying
and music playing, soon made their entrance into the
southern quarter of Tenochtitlan.14
Here, again, they found fresh cause for admiration in
the grandeur of the city, and the superior style of its
architecture. The dwellings of the poorer class were,
indeed, chiefly of reeds and mud. But the great avenue
through which they were now inarching was lined with
the houses of the nobles, who were encouraged by the
emperor to make the capital their residence. They were
built of a red porous stone drawn from quarries in the
neighbourhood, and, though they rarely rose to a second
story, often covered a large space of ground. The flat
roofs, azoteas, were protected by stone parapets, so that
every house was a fortress. Sometimes these roofs
resembled parterres of flowers, so thickly were they
covered with them, but more frequently these were culti-
vated in broad terraced gardens, laid out between the
edifices.15 Occasionally a great square or market-place
intervened, surrounded by its porticoes of stone and
susceperit, expert! loquantur." Dc gadas," &c. Saliagun, Hist, de
Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3. Nueva Espana, MS., lib. 12, cap. 15.
13 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loreu-
zana, p. 79. 1S "Et giardini alti et bassi, che
" "Entraron en la ciudad de era cosa maravigliosa da vedere."
Mejico a punto de guerra, tocando Eel. d'mi gent., ap. Ramusio, torn.
los atambores, y con banderas desplc- iii fol. 309.
chap, ix.] ENTRANCE INTO THE CAPITAL. 435
stucco ; or a pyramidal temple reared its colossal bulk,
crowned with its tapering sanctuaries, and altars blazing
with inextinguishable fires. The great street facing the
southern causeway, unlike most others in the place, was
wide, and extended some miles in nearly a straight line,
as before noticed, through the centre of the city. A
spectator standing at one end of it, as his eye ranged
along the deep vista of temples, terraces, and gardens,
might clearly discern the other, with the blue mountains
in the distance, which, in the transparent atmosphere
of the table-land, seemed almost in contact with the
buildings.
But what most impressed the Spaniards was the
throngs of people who swarmed through the streets and
on the canals, filling every door-way and window, and
clustering on the roofs of the buildings. " I well remember
the spectacle," exclaims Bernal Diaz ; "it seems now,
after so many years, as present to my mind as if it were
but yesterday." 16 But what must have been the sensa-
tions of the Aztecs themselves, as they looked on the
portentous pageant ! as they heard, now for the first
time, the well-cemented pavement ring under the iron
tramp of the horses, — the strange animals which fear
had clothed in such supernatural terrors ; as they gazed
on the children of the East, revealing their celestial origin
in their fair complexions ; saw the bright falchions and
bonnets of steel, a metal to them unknown, glancing like
meteors in the sun, while sounds of unearthly music — at
least, such as their rude instruments had never wakened
— floated in the air ! But every other emotion was lost
in that of deadly hatred, when they beheld their detested
enemy, the Tlascalan, stalking in defiance as it were
16 " ^; Quien podra," exclaims the notai-, que agora que lo estoy escriui-
old soldier, " dezir la multitud de endo, se rue representa todo delante
hombres, y mugeres, y muchachos, de mis ojos, como si ayer fuera
que estavan en las calles, e acuteas, quando esto passo." Hist, de la
y eu Canoas en aquellas acequias, Conquista, cap. S8.
que nos salian a mirar ? Era cosa de
f f 2
436 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
through their streets, and staring around with looks of
ferocity and wonder, like some wild animal of the forest,
who had strayed by chance from his native fastnesses into
the haunts of civilization.17
As they passed down the spacious street, the troops
repeatedly traversed bridges suspended above canals,
along which they saw the Indian barks gliding swiftly
with their little cargoes of fruits and vegetables for the
markets of Tenochtitlan.18 At length, they halted before
a broad area near the centre of the city, where rose the
huge pyramidal pile dedicated to the patron war-god of
the Aztecs, second only in size, as well as sanctity, to the
temple of Cholula, and covering the same ground now in
part occupied by the great cathedral of Mexico.
Facing the western gate of the inclosure of the temple,
stood a low range of stone buildings, spreading over a
wide extent of ground, the palace of Axayacatl, Monte-
zuma's father, built by that monarch about fifty years
before.19 It was appropriated as the barracks of the
Spaniards. The emperor himself was in the court-yard,
waiting to receive them. Approaching Cortes, he took
from a vase of flowrers, borne by one of his slaves, a
massy collar, in which the shell of a species of craw-fish,
much prized by the Indians, was set in gold, and con-
nected by heavy links of the same metal. From this
chain depended eight ornaments, also of gold, made in
17 " Ad spectaculum," says the as the reader may remember, was to
penetrating Martyr, "tandem His- determine the site of the future
panis placidum, quia diu optatum, capital. (Toribio, Hist, de los In-
Tenustiatanis prudentibus forte ali- dios, Parte 3, cap. 7. — Esplic. de la
ter, quia verentur fore, vt hi hospites Colec : de Mendoza, ap. Antiq. of
quietem suam Elysiam veniant per- Mexico, vol. iv.) Another etymology
turbaturi; de populo secus, qui nil derives the word from Tenoch, the
sentit seque delectabile, quam res name of one of the founders of the
novas ante oculos in presentiarum monarchy.
habere, de futuro nihil anxius." De 19 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3. torn. iii. p. 78.
18 The euphonious name of Tenoch- It occupied what is now the cor-
t'Ulan is commonly derived from Aztec ner of the streets, "Del Indio
words signifying "the tuna, or cactus, Triste" and "Tacuba." Humboldt,
on a rock," the appearance of which, Vues des Cordiileres, p. 7, et seq.
chap, ix.] HOSPITABLE RECEPTION. 437
resemblance of the same shell-fish, a span in length each,
and of delicate workmanship ;20 for the Aztec goldsmiths
were confessed to have shown skill in their craft, not
inferior to their brethren of Europe.21 Montezuma, as
he hung the gorgeous collar round the general's neck,
said, "This palace belongs to you, Malinche,"22 (the
epithet by which he always addressed him,) " and your
brethren. Rest after your fatigues, for you have much
need to do so, and in a little while I will visit you again."
So saying, he withdrew with his attendants, evincing, in
this act, a delicate consideration not to. have been ex-
pected in a barbarian.
Cortes' first care was to inspect his new quarters. The
building, though spacious, was low, consisting of one
floor, except indeed in the centre, where it rose to an
additional -story. The apartments were of great size,
and afforded accommodations, according to the testimony
of the Conquerors themselves, for the whole army!23
The hardy mountaineers of Tlascala were, probably, not
very fastidious, and might easily find a shelter in the
out-buildings, or under temporary awnings in the ample
court-yards. The best apartments were hung with gay
cotton draperies, the floors covered with mats or rushes.
There were, also, low stools made of single pieces of
wood elaborately carved, and in most of the apartments
beds made of the palm-leaf, woven into a thick mat, with
coverlets, and sometimes canopies of cotton. These
20 Eel. Seg. de Cortes, ap Loren- piedras jaspes, calcidonias, jacintos,
zana, p. 88. — Gonzalo de las Casas, corniolas, e plasmas de esmeraldas,
Hefensa, MS., Parte 1, cap. 24. e otras de otras especies labradas
e feckas, cabezas de Aves, e otras
21 Boturiui says, greater, by the liechas animales e otras figures, que
acknowledgment of the goldsmiths dudo haber en Espafia ni en Italia
themselves. "Los plateros de Ma- quien las supiera hacer con tanta
drid, viendo algunas Piezas, y Braza- perficion." Hist, de las Inch, MS.,
letes de oro, con que se armaban en lib. 33, cap. 11.
guerra los Reyes, y Capitanes India- 22 Ante yoj { g^
nos, confessaron, que eran inimi- ' ' l '
tables en Europa." (Idea, p. 78.) 23 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con
And Oviedo, speaking of their work quista, cap. 88. — Rel. Seg. de Cor-
in jewelry, remarks, "Io vi algunas tes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 80.
438 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
mats were the only beds used by the natives, whether of
high or low degree.24
After a rapid survey of this gigantic pile, the general
assigned his troops their respective quarters, and took as
vigilant precautions for security, as if he had anticipated
a siege, instead of a friendly entertainment. The place
was encompassed by a stone wall of considerable thick-
ness, with towers or heavy buttresses at intervals, afford-
ing a good means of defence. He planted his cannon
so as to command the approaches, stationed his sentinels
along the works, and, in short, enforced in every respect
as strict military discipline as had been observed in any
part of the march. He well knew the importance to his
little band, at least for the present, of conciliating the
good- will of the citizens ; and to avoid all possibility
of collision he prohibited any soldier from leaving his
quarters without orders, under pain of death. Having
taken these precautions, he allowed his men to partake
of the bountiful collation which had been prepared for
them.
They had been long enough in the country to become
reconciled to, if not to relish, the peculiar cooking of the
Aztecs. The appetite of the soldier is not often dainty,
and on the present occasion it cannot be doubted that
the Spaniards did full justice to the savoury productions
of the royal kitchen. During the meal they were served
by numerous Mexican slaves, who were, indeed, dis-
tributed through the palace, anxious to do the bidding of
the strangers. After the repast was concluded, and they
had taken their siesta, not less important to a Spaniard
than food itself, the presence of the emperor was again
announced.
Montezuma was attended by a few of his principal
nobles. He was received with much deference by Cortes;
and, after the parties had taken their seats, a conversa-
24 Bernal Diaz, Ibid., loc. cit. — 33, cap. 5. — Sahagun, Hist, de
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. Nueya Espaiia, MS , lib. 12, cap. 16.
chap, ix.] HOSPITABLE RECEPTION. 439
tion commenced between them through the aid of Dona
Marina, while the cavaliers and Aztec chieftains stood
around in respectful silence.
Montezuma made many inquiries concerning the
country of the Spaniards, their sovereign, the nature of
his government, and especially their own motives in
visiting Anahuac. Cortes explained these motives by
the desire to see so distinguished a monarch, and to de-
clare to him the true Faith professed by the Christians.
With rare discretion, he contented himself with dropping
this hint for the present, allowing it to ripen in the mind
of the emperor till a future conference. The latter asked,
whether those white men, who in the preceding year had
landed on the eastern shores of his empire, were their
countrymen. He showed himself well-informed of the
proceedings of the Spaniards from their arrival in Ta-
basco to the present time, information of which had been
regularly transmitted in the hieroglyphical paintings. He
was curious, also, in regard to the rank of his visitors in
their own country ; inquiring, if they were the kinsmen
of the sovereign. Cortes replied, they were kinsmen of
one another, and subjects of their great monarch, who
held them all in peculiar estimation. Before his depar-
ture, Montezuma made himself acquainted with the
names of the principal cavaliers, and the position they
occupied in the army.
At the conclusion of the interview, the Aztec prince
commanded his attendants to bring forward the presents
prepared for his guests. They consisted of cotton dresses,
enough to supply every man, it is said, including the
allies, with a suit !25 And he did not fail to add the
25 " Muchas y diversas Joyas de Lido el gran Montecuma muy ricas
Oro, y Plata, y Plumajes, y con fasta joyas de oro, y de muchas hechuras,
einco 6 seis mil Piezas de Ropa de que did a nuestro Capitan, e assi
Algodon muy ricas, y de diversas mismo a cada uno de nuestros Capi-
maneras texida, y labrada." (Ilcl. tanes did cositas de oro, y tres
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. cargas de manias de labores ricas de
80.) Even this falls short of truth, pluma, y entre todos los soldados
according to Diaz. " Tenia aperce- tambien nos did a cada uno a dos
440 MARCH TO MEXICO, [book hi.
usual accompaniment of gold chains and other orna-
ments, which he distributed in profusion among the
Spaniards. He then withdrew with the same ceremony
with which he had entered, leaving every one deeply im-
pressed with his munificence and his affability, so unlike
what they had been taught to expect by what they now
considered an invention of the enemy.26
That evening, the Spaniards celebrated their arrival in
the Mexican capital by a general discharge of artillery.
The thunders of the ordnance reverberating among the
buildings and shaking them to their foundations, the
stench of the sulphureous vapour that rolled in volumes
above the walls of the encampment, reminding the in-
habitants of the explosions of the great volccm, filled the
hearts of the superstitious Aztecs with dismay. It pro-
claimed to them, that their city held in its bosom those
dread beings whose path had been marked with desola-
tion, and who could call down the thunderbolts to con-
sume their enemies ! It was doubtless the policy of
Cortes to strengthen this superstitious feeling as far as
possible, and to impress the natives, at the outset,
with a salutary awe of the supernatural powers of the
Spaniards.27
On the following morning, the general requested per-
mission to return the emperor's visit, by waiting on him
in his palace. This was readily granted, and Monte-
zuma sent his officers to conduct the Spaniards to his
presence. Cortes dressed himself in his richest habit,
and left the quarters attended by Alvarado, Sandoval,
cargas de mantas, con alegna, y en 27 " La noche siguiente jugaron
todo parecia gran sefior." (Hist, de la artilleria por la solemnidad de
la Conquista, cap. 89.) _ " Sex millia haber llegado sin daiio a donde dese-
vestium, aiunt qui eas videre." Mar- aban ; pero los Indios como no
tyr, de Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3. usados a los truenos de la artilleria,
26 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., mal edor de la polvora, recibieron
cap. 85.' — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 66. grande alteracion y miedo toda
— Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, aquella noche." Sahagun, Hist, de
lib. 7, cap. 6.— Bernal Diaz, Ibid., Nueva Espaila, MS., lib. 12, cap.
ubi snpra. — Oviedo, Hist, de las 17.
Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 5.
chap, ix.] VISIT TO THE EMPEROR. 441
Velasquez, and Ordaz, together with five or six of the
common file.
The royal habitation was at no great distance. It
stood on the ground, to the south-west of the cathedral,
since covered in part by the casa del Estado, the palace
of the dukes of Monteleone, the descendants of Cortes.28
It was a vast, irregular pile of low stone buildings, like
that garrisoned by the Spaniards. So spacious was
it, indeed, that, as one of the Conquerors assures us,
although he had visited it more than once, for the express
purpose, he had been too much fatigued each time by
wandering through the apartments ever to see the whole
of it.29 It was built of the red porous stone of the
country, tetzontli, was ornamented with marble, and on
the facade over the principal entrance were sculptured
the arms or device of Montezuma, an eagle bearing an
ocelot in his talons.30
In the courts through which the Spaniards passed,
fountains of crystal water were playing, fed from the
copious reservoir on the distant hill of Chapoltepec, and
supplying in their turn more than a hundred baths in
the interior of the palace. Crowds of Aztec nobles were
sauntering up and down in these squares, and in the
outer halls, loitering away their hours in attendance on
the court. The apartments were of immense size,
though not lofty. The ceilings were of various sorts of
28 "C'est la que la famille con- et ogni volta vi camminauo tauto
struisit le bel edifice dans lequel se che mi stancauo, et mai la fini di
trouvent les archives del Estado, et vedere tutta." Rel. d' un gent., ap.
qui est passe avec tout l'hentage Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 309.
au due Napolitain de Monteleone." M Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 71. —
(Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. ii. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib.
p. 72.) The inhabitants of Modern 7, cap. 9.
Mexico have large obligations to this The authorities call it "tiger,"
inquisitive traveller, for the care he an animal not known in America.
Las taken to identify the memorable I have ventured to substitute the
localities of their capital. It is not " ocelotl " tlalocelotl of Mexico, a
often that a philosophical treatise is native animal, which, being of the
also a good manuel du voyageur. same family, might easily be con-
29 "Et io entrai piu di quattro founded by the Spaniards with the
volte in una casa del gran Signor tiger of the Old Continent.
non per altro effetto che per vederla,
442 MARCH TO MEXICO. ;
BOOK III.
odoriferous wood ingeniously carved ; the floors covered
with mats of the palm -leaf. The walls were hung with
cotton richly stained, with the skins of wild animals, or
gorgeous draperies of feather-work wrought in imitation
of birds, insects, and flowers, with the nice art and glow-
ing radiance of colours that might compare with the
tapestries of Flanders. Clouds of incense rolled up
from censers, and diffused intoxicating odours through
the apartments. The Spaniards might well have fancied
themselves in the voluptuous precincts of an Eastern
harem, instead of treading the halls of a wild barbaric
chief in the Western World.31
On reaching the hall of audience, the Mexican officers
took off their sandals, and covered their gay attire with
a mantle of nequen, a coarse stuff made of the fibres of
the maguey, worn only by the poorest classes. This act
of humiliation was imposed on all, except the members
of his own family, who approached the sovereign.32 Thus
barefooted, with downcast eyes, and formal obeisance,
they ushered the Spaniards into the royal presence.
They found Montezuma seated at the further end of
a spacious saloon, and surrounded by a few of his favourite
chiefs. He received them kindly, and very soon Cortes,
without much ceremony, entered on the subject which
was uppermost in his thoughts. He was fully aware of
the importance of gaining the royal convert, whose ex-
ample would have such an influence on the conversion of
his people. The general, therefore, prepared to display
31 Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, tas groseras encima de si, y si eran
MS., Parte 3, cap. 7. — Herrera, grandes scnores 6 en tiempo de frio,
Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 9. sobre las mantas buenas quellevaban
— Gomara, Cronica, cap. 71 . — Ber- vestidas, ponian una manta grosera
nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. y pobre ; y para hablarle, estaban
91. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., muy humiliados y sin levantar los
lib. 33, cap. 5, 46. — Eel. Seg. de ojos." (Toribio, Hist, de los Indios,
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp.111 — 114. MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.) There is no
32 «para entrar en su palacio, better authority than this worthy
a que ellos llarnan Tecpa, todos se missionary, for the usages of the
descalzaban, y los que entraban a ancient Aztecs, of which he had such
negociar con el habian de llevar man- large personal knowledge.
chap, ix.] VISIT TO THE EMPEROR. 443
the whole store of his theological science, with the most
winning arts of rhetoric he could command, while the
interpretation was conveyed through the silver tones of
Marina, as inseparable from him, on these occasions, as
his shadow.
He set forth, as clearly as he could, the ideas enter-
tained by the Church in regard to the holy mysteries of
the Trinity, the Incarnation, and the Atonement. From
this he ascended to the origin of things, the crea-
tion of the world, the first pair, paradise, and the fall
of man. He assured Montezuma that the idols he wor-
shipped were Satan under different forms. A sufficient
proof of it was the bloody sacrifices they imposed, which
he contrasted with the pure and simple rite of the mass.
Their worship would sink him in perdition. It was to
snatch his -soul, and the souls of his people, from the
flames of eternal fire, by opening to them a purer faith,
that the Christians had come to his land. And he
earnestly besought him not to neglect the occasion, but
to secure his salvation by embracing the Cross, the great
sign of human redemption.
The eloquence of the preacher was wasted on the in-
sensible heart of his royal auditor. It doubtless lost
somewhat of its efficacy, strained through the imperfect
interpretation of so recent a neophyte as the Indian
damsel. But the doctrines were too abstruse in them-
selves to be comprehended at a glance by the rude intellect
of a barbarian. And Montezuma may have, perhaps,
thought it was not more monstrous to feed on the flesh
of a fellow-creature, than on that of the Creator himself.33
He was, besides, steeped in the superstitions of his
country from his cradle. He had been educated in the
straightest sect of her religion ; had been himself a priest
before his election to the throne ; and was now the head
33 The ludicrous effect — if the sub- mother country, even at this day)
ject be not too grave to justify the is well illustrated by Blanco White-
expression — of a literal belief in the Letters from Spain, (London, 1822,)
doctrine of Transubstantiation in the Let. 1.
444 MARCH TO MEXICO.
BOOK III.
both of the religion and the state. Little probability was
there that such a man would be open to argument or
persuasion, even from the lips of a more practised polemic
than the Spanish commander. How could he abjure
the faith that was intertwined with the dearest affections
of his heart, and the very elements of his being ? How
could he be false to the gods who had raised him to such
prosperity and honours, and whose shrines were in-
trusted to his especial keeping ?
He listened, however, with silent attention, until the
general had concluded his homily. He then replied,
that he knew the Spaniards had held this discourse
wherever they had been. He doubted not their God
was, as they said, a good being. His gods, also, were
good to him. Yet what his visiter said of the creation
of the world was like what he had been taught to be-
lieve.34 It was not worth while to discourse further
of the matter. His ancestors, he said, were not the
original proprietors of the land. They had occupied it
but a few ages, and had been led there by a great Being,
who, after giving them laws and ruling over the nation
for a time, had withdrawn to the regions where the sun
rises. He had declared, on his departure, that he or his
descendants would again visit them and resume his em-
pire.33 The wonderful deeds of the Spaniards, their
fair complexions, and the quarter whence they came, all
showed they were his descendants. If Montezuma had
resisted their visit to his capital, it was because he had
heard such accounts of their cruelties, — that they sent
the lightning to consume his people, or crushed them to
pieces under the hard feet of the ferocious animals on
31 " Y en esso de la creation del and Appendix, Part 1, No. 2, of this
mundo assi lo teneinos nosotros History.
creido muclios tienrpos passadds." 35 " E siempre hemos tenido, que
(Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, de los que de el desceudiessen habian
cap. 90.) For some points of re- de venir a sojuzgar esta tierra, y a
semblance between the Aztec and nosotros como a sus Vasallos." E.cl.
Hebrew traditions, see Book 1, ch, 3, Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 81.
chap, ix.] VISIT TO THE EMPEROR. 445
which they rode. He was now convinced that these
Avere idle tales ; that the Spaniards were kind and
generous in their natures ; they were mortals of a dif-
ferent race, indeed, from the Aztecs, wiser, and more
valiant, — and for this he honoured them.
"You, too," he added, with a smile, "have been
told, perhaps, that I am a god, and dwell in palaces of
gold and silver.36 But you see it is false. My houses,
though large, are of stone and Avood like those of others ;
and as to my body," he said, baring his tawny arm,
" you see it is flesh and bone like yours. It is true, I
have a great empire, inherited from my ancestors ; lands,
and gold, and silver. But your sovereign beyond the
Avaters is, I knoAv, the rightful lord of all. I rule in his
name. You, Malintzin, are his ambassador ; you and
your brethren shall share these things with me. Rest
uoav from your labours. You are here in your own dwell-
ings, and everything shall be provided for your subsist-
ence. I will see that your Avishes shall be obeyed in the
same way as my own."37 As the monarch concluded
these words, a few natural tears suffused his eyes, while
the image of ancient independence, perhaps, flitted across
his mind.38
Cortes, AA^hile he encouraged the idea that his own
36 « y luego el Montecuma dixo decido y fecho, y todo lo que noso-
riendo, porque en todo era muy re- tros tenemos es para lo que Vos de
gozijado en su hablar de gran seiior ello quisieredes disponer." Rel. Seg.
Malintzin, bien se que te ban dicho de Cortes, ubi supra,
essos de Tlascala, con quien tanta 38 Martyr, de Orbe Novo, dec. 5,
amistad aueis tornado, que yo que cap. 3. — Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 66. — ■
soy como Dios, 6 Teule, que quanto Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
ay en mis casas es todo oro, e plata, 33, cap. 5. — Gonzalo de las Casas,
y piedras ricas." Bemal Diaz, Ibid., MS., Parte 1, cap. 24.
ubi supra.„ ^ _ Cortes, in bis brief notes of this
37 " E por tanto Vos sed cierto, proceeding, speaks only of the inter-
que os obedeceremos, y tenemos por view with Montezuma in the Spanish
scilor en lugar de esse gran senor, quarters, which he makes the scene
que decis, y que en ello no habia of the preceding dialogue. — Bernal
falta, ni engaho alguno ; e bien po- Diaz transfers this to the subsequent
deis en toda la tierra, digo, que en la meeting in the palace. In the only
que yo en mi Senorfo poseo, mandar fact of importance, the dialogue
a, vuestra voluntad, porque sera obe- itself, both substantial^ agree.
446 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
sovereign was the great Being indicated by Montezuma,
endeavoured to comfort the monarch by the assurance
that his master had no desire to interfere with his
authority, otherwise than, out of pure concern for his
welfare, to effect his conversion and that of his people to
Christianity. Before the emperor dismissed his visitors
he consulted his munificent spirit, as usual, by distri-
buting rich stuffs and trinkets of gold among them, so
that the poorest soldier, says Bernal Diaz, one of the
party, received at least two heavy collars of the precious
metal for his share. The iron hearts of the Spaniards
were touched with the emotion displayed by Montezuma,
as well as by his princely spirit of liberality. As they
passed him, the cavaliers, with bonnet in hand, made
him the most profound obeisance, and " on the way
home," continues the same chronicler, " we could dis-
course of nothing but the gentle breeding and courtesy
of the Indian monarch, and of the respect we entertained
for him."39
Speculations of a graver complexion must have pressed
on the mind of the general, as he saw around him the
evidences of a civilization, and consequently power, for
which even the exaggerated reports of the natives —
discredited from their apparent exaggeration — had not
prepared him. In the pomp and burdensome ceremo-
nial of the court, he saw that nice system of subordi-
nation and profound reverence for the monarch which
characterise the semi-civilized empires of Asia. In the
appearance of the capital, its massy, yet elegant architec-
ture, its luxurious social accommodations, its activity in
trade, he recognised the proofs of the intellectual pro-
gress, mechanical skill, and enlarged resources of an old
and opulent community ; while the swarms in the streets
30 " Assi nos despedimos con en todo le tuviessejnos mucho acato
grandes cortesias del, y nos fuymos e con las gorras de annas colchadas
a nuestros aposentos, e ibamos plati- quitadas, quando delante del passas-
cando de la buena manera e crianca semos." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
que en todo tenia, e que nosotros Conquista, cap. 90.
chap, ix.] VISIT TO THE EMPEROR. 447
attested the existence of a population capable of turning
these resources to the best account.
In the Aztec he beheld a being unlike either the rude
republican Tlascalan, or the effeminate Cholulan ; but
combining the courage of the one with the cultivation of
the other. He was in the heart of a great capital, which
seemed like an extensive fortification, with its dikes and
its drawbridges, where every house might be easily con-
verted into a castle. Its insular position removed it
from the continent, from which, at the mere nod of the
sovereign, all communication might be cut off, and the
whole warlike population be at once precipitated on
him and his handful of followers. What could superior
science avail against such odds?40
As to the subversion of Montezuma's empire, now
that he hacLseen him in his capital, it must have seemed
a more doubtful enterprise than ever. The recognition
which the Aztec prince had made of the feudal supre-
macy, if I may so say, of the Spanish sovereign, was not
to be taken too literally. Whatever show of deference
he might be disposed to pay the latter, under the in-
fluence of his present — perhaps temporary — delusion, it
was not to be supposed that he would so easily relinquish
his actual power and possessions, or that his people
would consent to it. Indeed, his sensitive apprehen-
sions in regard to this very subject, on the coming of
the Spaniards, were sufficient proof of the tenacity with
which he clung to his authority. It is true that Cortes
had a strong lever for future operations in the super-
stitious reverence felt for himself both by prince and
people. It was undoubtedly his policy to maintain this
sentiment unimpaired in both, as far as possible.41 But,
40 " Y assi," says Toribio de Be- zuma) gloriabase en su silla y en la
navente, " estaba tan fuerte esta forteleza de su ciudad, y en la muche-
ciudad, que parecia no bastar podev dumbre de sus vassallos." Hist, de
humane- para ganarla ; porque a de- los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 8.
mas de su fuerza y municion que
tenia, era cabeza y Senoria de toda 41 "Many are of opinion," says
la tierra, y el Sefior de ella (Motec- Father Acosta, " that, if the Span-
448 MARCH TO MEXICO. [book hi.
before settling any plan of operations, it was necessary
to make himself personally acquainted with the topo-
graphy and local advantages of the capital, the character
of its population, and the real nature and amount of its
resources. With this view, he asked the emperor's per-
mission to visit the principal edifices.
iards had continued the course they dom, and introduced the law of
began, they might easily have dis- Christ, without much bloodshed."
posed of Montezuma and his king- Lib. 7, cap. 25.
Antonio de Herrera, the celebrated chronicler of the Indies, was born of
a respectable family at Cuella in Old Spain, in 1549. After passing through
the usual course of academic discipline in his own country, he went to Italy,
to which land of art and letters the Spanish youth of that time frequently
resorted to complete their education. He there became acquainted with
Vespasian Gonzaga, brother of the duke of Mantua, and entered into his
service. He continued with this prince after he was made viceroy of
Navarre, and was so highly regarded by him, that, on his death-bed, Gon-
zaga earnestly commended him to the protection of Philip the Second. This
penetrating monarch soon discerned the excellent qualities of Herrera, and
raised him to the post of Historiographer of the Indies, — an office for which
Spain is indebted to Philip. Thus provided with a liberal salary, and with
every facility for pursuing the historical researches to which his inclination
led him, Herrera's days glided peacefully away in the steady, but silent,
occupations of a man of letters. He continued to hold the office of historian
of the colonies through Philip the Second's reign, and under his successors,
Philip the Third, and the Fourth ; till in 1625 he died at the advanced age
of seventy-six, leaving behind him a high character for intellectual and
moral worth.
Herrera wrote several works, chiefly historical. The most important, that
on which his reputation rests, is his Historia General de las Indias Occiden-
tales. It extends from the year 1492, the time of the discovery of America,
to 1554, and is divided into eight decades. Pour of them were published in
1601, and the remaining four in 1615, making in all five volumes in folio.
The work was subsequently republished in 1730, and has been translated
into most of the languages of Europe. The English translator, Stevens,
has taken great liberties with his original, in the way of abridgment and
omission, but the execution of his work is on the whole superior to that of
most of the old English versions of the Castilian chroniclers.
Herrera's vast subject embraces the whole colonial empire of Spain in the
New World. The work is thrown into the form of annals, and ihe multifari-
ous occurrences in the distant regions of which he treats, are all marshalled
with exclusive reference to their chronology, and made to move together
pari passu. By means of this tasteless arrangement the thread of interest is
perpetually snapped, the reader is hurried from one scene to another, without
the opportunity of completing his survey of any. His patience is exhausted
and his mind perplexed with partial and scattered glimpses, instead of
gathering new light as he advances from the skilful development of a con-
tinuous and well digested narrative. This is the great defect of a plan
X.]
HERRERA. 449
founded on a slavish adherence to chronology. The defect becomes more
serious, when the work, as in the present instance, is of vast compass and
embraces a great variety of details, having little relation to each other.
In such a work we feel the superiority of a plan like that which Robertson
has pursued in his " History of America," where every subject is allowed
to occupy its own independent place, proportioned to its importance, and
thus to make a distinct and individual impression on the reader.
Herrera's position gave him access to the official returns from the colonies,
state-papers, and whatever documents existed in the pubbc offices for the
illustration of the colonial history. Among these sources of information
were some manuscripts, with which it is not now easy to meet; as, for
example, the memorial of Alonso de Ojeda, one of the followers of Cortes,
which has eluded my researches both in Spain and Mexico. Other writings,
as thosu of father Sahagun, of much importance in the history of Indian
civilization, were unknown to the historian. Of such manuscripts as fell
into his hands, Herrera made the freest use. From the writings of Las
Casas, in particular, he borrowed without ceremony. The bishop had left
orders that his " History of the Indies " should not be pubhished till at
least forty years after his death. Before that period had elapsed, Herrera
had entered on his labours, and, as he had access to the papers of Las
Casas, he availed himself of it to transfer whole pages, nay, chapters, of his
narrative in the most unscrupulous manner to his own work. In doing this,
he made a decided improvement on the manner of his original, reduced his
cumbrous and entangled sentences to pure Castilian, omitted his turgid
declamation and his unreasonable invectives. But, at the same time, he
also excluded the passages that bore hardest on the conduct of his country-
men, and those bursts of indignant eloquence, which showed a moral sensi-
bility in the bishop of Chiapa that raised him so far above his age. By this
sort of metempsychosis, if one may so speak, by which the letter and not
the spirit of the good missionary was transferred to Herrera's pages, he
rendered the publication of Las Casas' history, in some measure, superfluous ;
and this circumstance has, no doubt, been one reason for its having been so
long detained in manuscript.
Yet, with every allowance for the errors incident to rapid composition,
and to the pedantic chronological system pursued by Herrera, his work must
be admitted to have extraordinary merit. It displays to the reader the
whole progress of Spanish conquest and colonization in the New World,
for the first sixty years after the discovery. The individual actions of his
complicated story, though unskilfully grouped together, are unfolded in a
pure and simple style, well suited to the gravity of his subject. If, at first
sight, he may seem rather too willing to magnify the merits of the early
discoverers, and to throw a veil over their excesses, it may be pardoned, as
flowing, not from moral insensibility, but from the patriotic sentiment which
made him desirous, as far as might be, to wipe away every stain from the
escutcheon of his nation, in the proud period of her renown. It is natural
that the Spaniard, who dwells on this period, should be too much dazzled
by the display of her gigantic efforts, scrupulously to weigh their moral
character, or the merits of the cause in which they were made. Yet
Herrera's national partiality never makes him the apologist of crime, and,
with the allowances fairly to be conceded, he may be entitled to the praise
so often given him of integrity and candour.
It must not be forgotten that, in addition to the narrative of the early
discoveries of the Spaniards, Hen-era has brought together a vast quantity
of information in respect to the institutions and usages of the Indian nations,
collected from the most authentic sources. This gives his work a complete-
ness, beyond what is to be found in any other on the same subject. It is,
indeed, a noble monument of sagacity and erudition; and the student of
VOL. I. G G
450 TORIBIO. [book hi.
history, and still more the historical compiler, will find himself unable to
advance a single step among the early colonial settlements of the New-
World without reference to the pages of Herrera.
Another writer on Mexico, frequently consulted in the course of the pre-
sent narrative, is Toribio de Benavente, or Motolinia, as he is still more
frequently called from his Indian cognomen. He was one of the twelve
Franciscan missionaries, who, at the request of Cortes, were sent out to
New Spain immediately after the Conquest, in 1523. Toribio's humble
attire, naked feet, and, in short, the poverty-stricken aspect which belongs
to his order, frequently drew from the natives the exclamation of Motolinia,
or " poor man." It was the first Aztec word the signification of which the
missionary learned, and he was so much pleased with it, as intimating his
own condition, that he henceforth assumed it as his name. Toribio employed
himself zealously with his brethren in the great object of their mission. He
travelled on foot over various parts of Mexico, Guatemala, and Nicaragua.
"Wherever he went he spared no pains to wean the natives from their dark
idolatry, and to pour into their minds the light of revelation. He showed
even a tender regard for their temporal as well as spiritual wants, and Bernal
Diaz testifies that he has known him to give away his own robe to clothe
a destitute and suffering Indian. Yet this charitable friar, so meek and con-
scientious in the discharge of his Christian duties, was one of the fiercest
opponents of Las Casas, and sent home a remonstrance against the Bishop
of Chiapa, couched in terms the most opprobrious and sarcastic. It has led
the bishop's biographer, Quintana, to suggest that the friar's threadbare
robe may have covered somewhat of worldly pride and envy. It may be so.
Yet it may also lead us to distrust the discretion of Las Casas himself, who
could carry measures with so rude a hand as to provoke such unsparing
animadversions from his fellow-labourers in the vineyard.
_ Toribio was made guardian of a Franciscan convent at Tezcuco. In this
situation he continued active in good works, and, at this place and in his
different pilgrimages, is stated to have baptized more than four hundred
thousand natives. His efficacious piety was attested by various miracles.
One of the most remarkable was, when the Indians were suffering from great
drought, which threatened to annihdate the approaching harvests, the good
father recommended a solemn procession of the natives to the church of
Santa Cruz, with prayers and a vigorous flagellation. The effect was soon
visible in such copious rains as entirely relieved the people from their appre-
hensions, and in the end made the season uncommonly fruitful. The counter-
part to this prodigy was afforded a few years later, while the country was
labouring under excessive rains ; when by a similar remedy, the evil was
checked, and a like propitious influence exerted on the season as before.
The exhibition of such miracles greatly edified the people, says his biographer,
and established them firmly in the Faith. Probably Toribio's exemplary life
and conversation, so beautifully illustrating the principles which he taught,
did quite as much for the good cause as his miracles.
Thus passing his days in the peaceful and pious avocations of the Chris-
tian missionary, the worthy ecclesiastic was at length called from the scene
of his earthly pilgrimage, in what year is uncertain, but at an advanced age,
for he survived all the little band of missionaries who had accompanied him
to New Spain. He died in the convent of San Francisco at Mexico, and
his panegyric is thus emphatically pronounced by Torquemada, a brother of
his own order : " He was a truly apostolic man, a great teacher of Chris-
tianity, beautiful in the ornament of every virtue, jealous of the glory of God,
a friend of evangelical poverty, most true to the observance of his monastic
rule, and zealous in the conversion of the heathen."
Father Toribio's long personal intercourse with the Mexicans, and the
knowledge of their language, which he was at much pains to acquire, opened
chap. ix.] MARTYR. 451
to him all the sources of information respecting them and then- institutions,
which existed at the time of the Conquest. The results he carefully digested
in the work so often cited in these pages, the Histories, de los Iudios de Nueva
Fsj)afia, making a volume of manuscript in folio. It is divided into three
parts. 1. The religion, rites, and sacrifices of the Aztecs. 2. Their con-
version to Christianity, and their manner of celebrating the festivals of the
Church. 3. The genius and character of the nation, their chronology and
astrology, together with notices of the principal cities and the staple
productions of the country. Notwithstanding the methodical arrangement
of the work, it is written in the rambling, unconnected manner of a common-
place book into which the author has thrown at random his notices of such
matters as most interested him in his survey of the country. His own mis-
sion is ever before his eyes, and the immediate topic of discussion, of what-
ever nature it may be, is at once abandoned to exhibit an event or an
anecdote that can illustrate his ecclesiastical labours. The most startling
occurrences are recorded with all the credulous gravity which is so likely
to win credit from the vulgar ; and a stock of miracles is duly attested by
the historian, of more than sufficient magnitude to supply the wants of the
infant religious communities of New Spain.
Yet, amidst the mass of pious incredibilia, the inquirer into the Aztec
antiquities will find much curious and substantial information. Toribio's
long and intimate relations with the natives put him in possession of their
whole stock of theology and science ; and as his maimer, though somewhat
discursive, is plain and unaffected, there is no obscurity in the communi-
cation of his ideas. His inferences, coloured by the superstitions of the
age, and the peculiar nature of his profession, may be often received with
distrust. But, as his integrity and his means of information, were unques-
tionable, his work becomes of the first authority in relation to the antiquities
of the country, and its condition at the period of the Conquest. As an
educated man, he was enabled to penetrate deeper than the illiterate soldiers
of Cortes, men given to action rather than to speculation. — Yet Toribio's
manuscript, valuable as it is to the historian, has never been printed, and
has too little in it of popular interest, probably ever to be printed. Much
that it contains has found its way, in various forms, into subsequent compi-
lations. The work itself is very rarely to be found. Dr. Robertson had
a copy, as it seems from the catalogue of MSS. published with his " History
of America ;" though the author's name is not prefixed to it. There is no
copy, I believe, hi the library of the Academy of History at Madrid ; and
for that in my possession I am indebted to the kindness of that curious
bibliographer, Mr. 0. Rich, now consul for the United States of Minorca.
Pietro Martire de Angleria, or Peter Martyr, as he is called by English
writers, belonged to an ancient and highly respectable family of Arona in
the north of Italy. In 1487, he was induced by the count of Tendilla, the
Spanish ambassador at Rome, to return with him to Castile. He was gra-
ciously received by queen Isabella, always desirous to draw around her
enlightened foreigners, who might exercise a salutary influence on the rough
and warlike nobility of Castile. Martyr, who had been educated for the
Church, was persuaded by the queen to undertake the instruction of the
young nobles at the court. Iu this way he formed an intimacy with some of
the most illustrious men of the nation, who seem to have cherished a warm
personal regard for him through the remainder of his life. He was employed
by the Catholic sovereigns in various concerns of public interest, was sent
on a mission to Egypt, and was subsequently raised to a distinguished post
in the cathedral of Granada. But he continued to pass much of his time at
court, where he enjoyed the confidence of Eerdinand and Isabella, and of
their successor, Charles the Fifth, till in 1525 he died, at the age of
seventy.
G G 2
452 MARTYR. [b
OOK III.
Martyr's character combined qualities not often found in the same indi-
vidual,— an ardent love of letters, with a practical sagacity that can only
result from familiarity with men and affairs. Though passing his days in
the gay and dazzling society of the capital, he preserved the simple tastes
and dignified temper of a philosopher. His correspondence, as well as his
more elaborate writings., if the term elaborate can be applied to any of his
writings, manifests an enlightened and oftentimes independent spirit ;
though one would have been better pleased, had he been sufficiently inde-
pendent to condemn the religious intolerance of the government. But
Martyr, though a philosopher, was enough of a courtier to look with a
lenient eye on the errors of princes. Though deeply imbued with the
learning of anticmity, and a scholar at heart, he had none of the feelings of
the recluse, but took the most lively interest in the events that were passing
around him. His various writings, including his copious correspondence,
are for this reason the very best mirror of the age in which he lived.
His inquisitive mind was particularly interested by the discoveries that
were going on in the New World. He was allowed to be present at the
sittings of the Council of the Indies, when any communication of importance
was made to it; and he was subsequently appointed a member of that
body. All that related to the colonies passed through his hands. The
correspondence of Columbus, Cortes, and the other discoverers, with the
Court of Castile, was submitted to his perusal. He became personally
acquainted with these illustrious persons, on their return home, and fre-
quently, as we find from his own letters, entertained them at his own table!
With these advantages, his testimony becomes but one degree removed from
that of the actors themselves in the great drama. In one respect it is of a
higher kind, since it is free from the prejudice and passion which a personal
interest in events is apt to beget. The testimony of Martyr is that of a phi-
losopher, taking a clear and comprehensive survey of the ground, with such
lights of previous knowledge to guide him, as none of the actual discoverers
and conquerors could pretend to. It is true, this does not prevent his
occasionally falling into errors; the errors of credulity, — not, however, of
the credulity founded on superstition, but that which arises from the
uncertain nature of the subject, where phenomena, so unlike any thing with
which he had been familiar, were now first disclosed by the revelation of an
unknown world.
He may be more fairly charged with inaccuracies of another description,
growing out of haste and inadvertence of composition. But even here we
should be charitable, for he confesses his sins with a candour that disarms
criticism. In truth, he wrote rapidly, and on the spur of the moment, as
occasion served. He shrunk from the publication of his writings, when it
was urged on him, and his Decades De Orbe Novo, in which he embodied the
results of his researches in respect to the American discoveries, were not
published entire till after his death. The most valuable and complete
edition of this work — the one referred to hi the present pages — is the
edition of Hakluyt, published at Paris, in 1587.
Martyr's works are all in Latin, and that not the purest ; a circumstance
rather singular, considering his familiarity with the classic models of anti-
quity. Yet he evidently handled the dead languages with the same facility
as the living. Whatever defects may be charged on his manner, in the
selection and management of his topics he shows the superiority of his
genius. He passes over the trivial detads which so often encumber the
literal narratives of the Spanish voyagers, and fixes his attention on the
great results of their discoveries, — the products of the country, the history
and institutions of the races, their character, and advance in civilization. In
one respect his writings are of peculiar value. They show the state of
feeling which existed at the Castilian court during the progress of discovery.
CHAP. I
x.] MARTYR. 453
They furnish, in short, the reverse side of ihe picture; and, when we have
followed the Spanish concpierors in their wonderful career of adventure in
the New World, we have only to turn to the pages of Martyr to find (he
impression produced by them on the enlightened minds of the Old. Such a
view is necessary to the completeness of the historical picture.
If the reader is curious to learn more of this estimable scholar, he will
find the particulars given in "The History of Ferdinand and Isabella,"
(Part I. chap. 14, Postscript, and chap. 19,) for the illustration of whose
reign his voluminous correspondence furnishes the most authentic materials.
BOOK FOURTH.
RESIDENCE IN MEXICO.
BOOK IV.
RESIDENCE IN MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
Tezcucan Lake. — Description of the Capital. — Palaces and Museums. —
Royal Household. — Montezuma's Way of Life.
1519.
The ancient city of Mexico covered the same spot
occupied by the modern capital. The great causeways
touched it in the same points ; the streets ran in much
the same direction, nearly from north to south and from
east to west ; the cathedral in the plaza mayor stands on
the same ground that was covered by the temple of the
Aztec war-god ; and the four principal quarters of the
town are still known among the Indians by their ancient
names. Yet an Aztec of the days of Montezuma, could
he behold the modern metropolis, which has risen with
such phcenix-like splendour from the ashes of the old,
would not recognise its site as that of his own Tenoch-
titlan. For the latter was encompassed by the salt floods
of Tezcuco, which flowed in ample canals through every
part of the city ; while the Mexico of our day stands
high and dry on the main land, nearly a league distant,
at its centre, from the water. The cause of this apparent
change in its position is the diminution of the lake,
which, from the rapidity of evaporation in these elevated
regions, had become perceptible before the Conquest,
458 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [eook iv.
but which has since been greatly accelerated by artificial
causes.1
The average level of the Tezcucan lake, at the present
day, is but four feet lower than the great square of
Mexico.2 It is considerably lower than the other great
basins of water which are found in the Valley. In the
heavy swell sometimes caused by long and excessive
rains, these latter reservoirs anciently overflowed into the
Tezcuco, which, rising with the accumulated volume of
waters, burst through the dikes, and, pouring into the
streets of the capital, buried the lower part of the build-
ings under a deluge. This was comparatively a light
evil, when the houses stood on piles so elevated that
boats might pass under them; when the streets were
canals, and the ordinary mode of communication was by
water. But it became more disastrous, as these canals,
filled up with the rubbish of the ruined Indian city,
were supplanted by streets of solid earth, and the foun-
dations of the capital were gradually reclaimed from the
watery element. To obviate this alarming evil, the
famous drain of Huehuetoca was opened, at an enormous
cost, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, and
Mexico, after repeated inundations, has been at length
placed above the reach of the flood.3 But what was
gained to the useful, in this case, as in some others, has
been purchased at the expense of the beautiful. By this
1 The lake, it seems, had per- subterraneous communication with
ceptibly shrunk before the Conquest, the ocean ! What the general called
from the testimony of Motilinia, "tides" was probably the periodical
who entered the country soon after. swells caused by the prevalence of
Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., certain regular winds.
Parte 3, cap. G.
2 Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. 3 Humboldt has given a minute
ii. p. 95. account of this tunnel, which he
Cortes supposed there were regit- pronounces one of the most stupen-
lar tides in this lake. (Rel. Seg. ap. dous hydraulic works in existence,
Lorenzana, p. 101.) This sorely and the completion of which, hi its
puzzles the learned Martyr, (De present form, does not date earlier
Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3,) as it has than the latter part of the last cen-
more than one philosopher since, tury. See his Essai Politicpje, torn,
whom it has led to speculate on a ii. p. 105, et seq.
CHAP. 1
.] TEZCUCAN LAKE. 459
shrinking of the waters, the bright towns and hamlets
once washed by them have been removed some miles
into the interior, while a barren strip of land, ghastly
from the incrustation of salts formed on the surface, has
taken place of the glowing vegetation which once ena-
meled the borders of the lake, and of the dark groves of
oak, cedar, and sycamore which threw their broad
shadows over its bosom.
The chinampas, that archipelago of wandering islands,
to which our attention was drawn in the last chapter,
have also nearly disappeared. These had their origin in
the detached masses of earth, which, loosening from the
shores, were still held together by the fibrous roots with
which they were penetrated. The primitive Aztecs, in
their poverty of land, availed themselves of the hint thus
afforded by nature. They constructed rafts of reeds,
rushes, and other fibrous materials, which, tightly knit
together, formed a sufficient basis for the sediment that
they drew up from the bottom of the lake. Gradually
islands were formed, two or three hundred feet in length,
and three or four feet in depth, with a rich stimulated
soil, on which the economical Indian raised his vegetables
and flowers for the markets of Tenochtitlan. Some of
these cldnmnjpas were even firm enough to allow the
growth of small trees, and to sustain a hut for the resi-
dence of the person that had charge of it, who, with a
long pole resting on the sides or the bottom of the shal-
low basin, could change the position of his little territory
at pleasure, which, with its rich freight of vegetable
stores, was seen moving like some enchanted island over
the water.4
The ancient dikes were three in number. That of
Iztapalapan, by which the Spaniards entered, approaching
the city from the south. That of Tepejacac, on the
north, which, continuing the principal street, might be
4 Humboldt, torn. ii. p. S7, ct scq. — Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
torn. ii. p. 153.
4G0 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
regarded, also, as a continuation of the first causeway.
Lastly, the dike of Tlacopan, connecting the island-city
with the continent on the west. This last causeway,
memorable for the disastrous retreat of the Spaniards,
was about two miles in length. They were all built in
the same substantial manner, of lime and stone, were
defended by drawbridges, and were wide enough for ten
or twelve horsemen to ride abreast.5
The rude founders of Tenochtitlan built their frail
tenements of reeds and rushes on the group of small
islands in the western part of the lake. In process of
time, these were supplanted by more substantial build-
ings. A quarry in the neighbourhood, of a red porous
amygdaloid, tetzontli, was opened, and a light, brittle
stone drawn from it, and wrought with little difficulty.
Of this their edifices were constructed, with some re-
ference to architectural solidity, if not elegance. Mexico,
as already noticed, was the residence of the great chiefs,
whom the sovereign encouraged, or rather compelled,
from obvious motives of policy, to spend part of the year
in the capital. It was also the temporary abode of the
great lords of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, who shared no-
minally, at least, the sovereignty of the empire.6 The
mansions of these dignitaries, and of the principal nobles,
were on a scale of rude magnificence corresponding with
their state. They were low, indeed ; seldom of more
than one floor, never exceeding two. But they spread
over a wide extent of ground ; were arranged in a quad-
rangular form, with a court in the centre, and were sur-
rounded by porticoes embellished with porphyry and
jasper, easily found in the neighbourhood, while not un-
frequently a fountain of crystal water in the centre shed
5 Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, oned an arm of the southern one lead
MS., Parte 3, cap. 8. ing to Cojohuacan, or possibly the
Cortes, indeed, speaks of four great aqueduct of Chapoltepec.
causeways. (Rel. Scg. ap. Loren-
zana, p. 102.) He may have reck- 6 Ante, vol. i. p. 14, 15.
chap, i.] DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPITAL. 461
a grateful coolness over the atmosphere. The dwellings
of the common people were also placed on foundations
of stone, which rose to the height of a few feet, and were
then succeeded by courses of unbaked bricks, crossed oc-
casionally by wooden rafters.7 Most of the streets were
mean and narrow. Some few, however, were wide and
of great length. The principal street, conducting from
the great southern causeway, penetrated in a straight
line the whole length of the city, and afforded a noble
vista, in which the long lines of low stone edifices were
broken occasionally by intervening gardens, rising on
terraces, and displaying all the pomp of Aztec horti-
culture.
The great streets, which were coated wdth a hard
cement, were intersected by numerous canals. Some
of these were flanked by a solid way, which served as a
foot-walk for passengers, and as a landing-place where
boats might discharge their cargoes. Small buildings
were erected at intervals, as stations for the revenue offi-
cers who collected the duties on different articles of mer-
chandise. The canals were traversed by numerous
bridges, many of which could be raised, affording the
means of cutting off communication between different
parts of the city.8
From the accounts of the ancient capital, one is re-
minded of those aquatic cities in the Old "World, the
positions of which have been selected from similar
7 Martyr gives a particular ac- In solo parum liospitantur propter
count of these dwellings, which humiditatem, tecta non tegulis sed
shows that even the poorer classes bitumine quodam terreo vestiunt ;
were comfortably lodged. " Pop- ad solem captandum commodior est
ulares vero domus cingulo virili ille modus, breviore tempore con-
tenus lapidese sunt et ipsse, ob la- sumi debere credendum est." De
curiae incrementum per fluxuni aut Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 10.
fiuviorum in ea labentium alluvies. 8 Toribio, Hist, de los Indios,
Super fundamentis illis magnis. MS., Parte 3, cap. 8. — Rel. Seg.
lateribus turn coctis, turn sestivo de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 108.
sole siccatis, immixtis trabibus re- — Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid., MS., lib.
liquam molem construunt ; uno sunt 33, cap. 10, 11. — Rel. d'un gent. ap.
communes domus contentse tabulato. Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 309.
4C2 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
motives of economy and defence ; above all, of Venice,9 — if
it be not rash to compare the rude architecture of the
American Indian with the marble palaces and temples
— alas, how shorn of their splendour ! — which crowned
the once proud mistress of the Adriatic.10 The example
of the metropolis was soon followed by the other towns
in the vicinity. Instead of resting their foundations on
terra firma, they were seen advancing far into the lake,
the shallow waters of which in some parts do not exceed
four feet in depth.11 Thus an easy means of intercom-
munication was opened, and the surface of this inland
" sea," as Cortes styles it, was darkened by thousands of
canoes 12 — an Indian term — industriously engaged in the
traffic between these little communities. How gay and
picturesque must have been the aspect of the lake in
those clays, with its shining cities, and flowering islets
rocking, as it were, at anchor on the fair bosom of its
waters !
The population of Tenochtitlan, at the time of the
Conquest, is variously stated. No contemporary writer
9 Martyr was struck with the Non era ambizion lie' petti loro ;
resemblance, " Uti de illustrissima Ma 'i mentire abborriaii piiiche
civitate Venetiarum legitur, ad tu- la morte,
mulum in ea sinus Adriatici parte Ne vi regnava ingorda fame
visum, fuisse constructam." Martyr, d' oro.
de Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 10. Se '1 Ciel v' ha dato piii beata
10 May we not apply, without sorte,
much violence, to the Aztec capital, Non sien quelle virtu che tanto
Giovanni della Casa's spirited son- onoro,
net, contrasting the origin of Venice Dalle nuove ricchezze oppresse
with its meridian glory ? emorte."
" Questi Palazzi e queste logge or n en- i it j it
i£ 1 &a " Le lac de Tezcuco na gene-
tv~*.+ „ v j- c ralement que trois a cinq metres de
D ostro, di marmo e di figure e t t\ i i ' -1 •
elette prolondeur. Dans quelques endroits
Pur poche e basse case insieme k fond *e ^T'S* ^
iccolte uu iruj"'e. Humboldt, Essai Po-
Deserti li'di e povere Isolette. liticiue> tom- "" P- 49"
Ma genti ardite d'ogni vizio sciolte 12 " Y cada dia entran gran mul-
Premeano il mar con picciole titud de Indios cargados de basti-
barchette, mentos y tributos, asi por tierra
Che qui non per domar pro- como por agua, en acales d barcas,
vincie molte, que en lengua de las Islas Human Ca-
Ma fuggir servitu s' eran ris- noas" Toribio, Hist. de los Indios,
trette. MS., Parte 3, cap. 6.
'•]
DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPITAL.
463
estimates it at less than sixty thousand houses, which, by
the ordinary rules of reckoning, would give three hun-
dred thousand souls.13 If a dwelling often contained, as
is asserted, several families, it would swell the amount
considerably higher.14 Nothing is more uncertain than
estimates of numbers among barbarous communities,
who necessarily live in a more confused and promiscuous
manner than civilized, and among whom no regular sys-
tem is adopted for ascertaining the population. The
concurrent testimony of the conquerors ; the extent of
the city, which was said to be nearly three leagues in
circumference;15 the immense size of its great market-
place ; the long lines of edifices, vestiges of whose ruins
may still be found in the suburbs, miles from the modern
city;16 the fame of the metropolis throughout Anahuac,
which, however, could boast many large and populous
places ; lastly, the economical husbandry and the inge-
nious contrivances to extract aliment from the most
13 "Esta la cibclad de Mejico 6
Teneztutan, que sera, de sesenta mil
vecinos." (Carta de Lie. Zuazo,
MS.) " Tenustitanam ipsam inqui-
unt sexaginta circiter esse millium
domorum." (Martyr, de Orbe No-
vo, dec. 5, cap. 3.) " Era Mejico,
quando Cortes entrd, pueblo de se-
senta mil casas." (Gomara, Oronica,
cap. 78.) Toribio says, vaguely,
" Los moradores y geute era innu-
merable." (Hist, de los Indios, MS.,
Parte 3, cap. 8.) The Italian trans-
lation of the " Anonymous Con-
queror," -who survives only in trans-
lation, says, indeed, "meglio di ses-
santa mila habitatori ;" (Rel. d' un
gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 309 ;)
owing, probably, to a blunder in
rendering the word vecinos, the or-
dinary term in Spanish statistics,
which, signifying householders, cor-
responds with the Italian fuochi. See
also Clavigero. (Stor. del Messico,
torn. iii. p. 86, nota.) Robertson
rests exclusively on this Italian trans-
lation for his estimate. (History of
America, vol. ii. p. 281.) He cites,
indeed, two other authorities in the
same connexion: Cortes, who says
nothing of the population, and Her-
rera, who confirms the popular state-
ment of " sesenta mil casas." (Hist.
General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 13.)
The fact is of some importance.
14 "En las cases, por pequeiias
que eran, pocas veces dexaban de
morar dos, quatro, y seis vecinos."
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7,
cap. 13.
15 Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ramusio,
torn, iii., fol. 309.
10 " C'est sur le chemin, qui mene
a Tanepantla et aux Ahuahuetes que
Ton peut marcher plus d'une heure
entre les rubies de l'ancienne ville.
On y reconnait, ainsi que sur la
route de Tacuba et d'lztapalapan,
combien Mexico, rebati par Cortez,
est plus petit que l'etait Tenoch tit-
Ian sous le dernier des Montezumas.
L'enorme grandeur du marche de
Tlatelolco, dont on reconnait encore
les limites, prouve combien la popu-
lation de l'ancienne ville doit avoir
ete considerable." Humboldt, Essai
Politique, torn. ii. p. 43.
464 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
unpromising sources,17 — all attest a numerous population,
far beyond that of the present capital.18
A careful police provided for the health and clean-
liness of the city. A thousand persons are said to have
been daily employed in watering and sweeping the
streets,19 so that a man — to borrow the language of an
old Spaniard — " could walk through them with as little
danger of soiling his feet as his hands."20 The water, in
a city washed on all sides by the salt floods, was ex-
tremely brackish. A liberal supply of the pure element,
however, was brought from Chapoltepec, " the grasshop-
per's hill," less than a league distant. It was brought
through an earthen pipe, along a dike constructed for
the purpose. That there might be no failure in so essen-
tial an article, when repairs were going on, a double
course of pipes was laid. In this way a column of water
of the size of a man's body was conducted into the heart
of the capital, where it fed the fountains and reservoirs
of the principal mansions. Openings were made in the
aqueduct as it crossed the bridges, and thus a supply
was furnished to the canoes below, by means of which it
was transported to all parts of the city.21
While Montezuma encouraged a taste for architectural
magnificence in his nobles, he contributed his own share
towards the embellishment of the city. It was in his
reign that the famous calendar-stone, weighing, probably,
17 A common food with the lower deed, as the squares on a chess-
classes was a glutinous scum found board.
in the lakes, which they made into a 19 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
sort of cake, having a savour not torn. i. p. 274.
unlike cheese. (Bernal Diaz, Hist. 20 " Era tan barrido y el suelo
de la Conquista, cap. 92.) tan asentado y liso, que aunque la
planta del pie fuera tan delicada
1S One is confirmed in this infer- como la de la mano no recibiera el
ence by comparing the two maps at pie detrimento ninguno en andar
the end of the first edition of Bui- descalzo." Toribio, Hist, de los In-
lock's " Mexico ;" one of the mo- dios, MS., Parte 3. cap. 7.
dern city, the other of the ancient, 21 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
taken from Boturini's museum, and zana, p. 108. — Carta del Lie. Zuazo,
showing its regular arrangement of MS. — Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ramusio,
streets and canals ; as regular, in- torn. iii. fol 309.
chap, i.] PALACES AND MUSEUMS. 4G5
in its primitive state, nearly fifty tons, was transported
from its native quarry, many leagues distant, to the
capital, where it still forms one of the most curious
monuments of Aztec science. Indeed, when we reflect
on the difficulty of hewing such a stupendous mass from
its hard basaltic bed without the aid of iron tools, and
that of transporting it such a distance across land and
water without the help of animals, we may well feel
admiration at the mechanical ingenuity and enterprise of
the people who accomplished it.22
Not content with the spacious residence of his father,
Montezuma erected another on a yet more magnificent
scale. It occupied, as before mentioned, the ground
partly covered by the private dwellings on one side of
the plaza mayor of the modern city. This building, or,
as it might -more correctly be styled, pile of buildings,
spread over an extent of ground so vast, that, as one of
the conquerors assures us, its terraced roof might have
afforded ample room for thirty knights to run their
courses in a regular tourney.23 I have already noticed
its interior decorations, its fanciful draperies, its roofs
inlaid with cedar and other odoriferous woods, held
together without a nail, and probably without a know-
ledge of the arch,24 its numerous and spacious apart-
ments, which Cortes, with enthusiastic hyperbole, does
not hesitate to declare superior to anything of the kind
in Spain.25
22 These immense masses, accord- centiate Zuazo, speaking of the build-
ing to Martyr, who gathered his in- ings in Anahuac generally, " excepto
formation from eyewitnesses, were que no se halla alguno con boveda."
transported by means of long files of (Carta, MS.) The writer made large
men, who dragged them with ropes and careful observation, the year
over huge wooden rollers. (De Orbe after the Conquest. His assertion,
Novo, dec. 5, cap. 10.) It was the if it be received, will settle a ques-
manner in which the Egyptians re- tion much mooted among antiqua-
moved their enormous blocks of ries.
granite, as appears from numerous x « Tenia dentrQ de k ciudad gus
reliefs sculptured on their buildings. Casas de Aposentamiento, tales, y
21 ReL d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, tan maravillosas, que me pareceria
torn. iii. fol. 309. casi irnposible poder decir la bondad
24 " llicos edificios," says the Li- y grandeza de ellas. E por tanto, no
VOL. I. H H
466 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
Adjoining the principal edifices were others devoted to
various objects. One was an armoury, filled with the
weapons and military dresses worn by the Aztecs, all
kept in the most perfect order, ready for instant use.
The emperor was himself very expert in the management
of the maquahuitl, or Indian sword, and took great
delight in witnessing athletic exercises, and the mimic
representation of war by his young nobility. Another
building was used as a granary, and others as warehouses
for the different articles of food and apparel contributed
by the districts charged with the maintenance of the
royal household.
There were also edifices appropriated to objects of
quite another kind. One of these was an immense
aviary, in which birds of splendid plumage were assem-
bled from all parts of the empire. Here was the scarlet
cardinal, the golden pheasant, the endless parrot-tribe
with their rainbow hues, (the royal green predominant,)
and that miniature miracle of nature, the humming-bird,
which delights to revel among the honeysuckle bowers of
Mexico.26 Three hundred attendants had charge of this
aviary, who made themselves acquainted with the appro-
priate food of its inmates, oftentimes procured at great
cost, and in the moulting season were careful to collect
the beautiful plumage, which, with its many-coloured
tints, furnished the materials for the Aztec painter.
A separate building was reserved for the fierce birds
of prey ; the voracious vulture-tribes and eagles of enor-
me porne en expresar cosa de ellas, long beaks, brilliant plumage, much
mas de que en Espaila no hay su esteemed for the curious works made
semejable." Rel. Seg., ap. Loren- of them. Like the bees, they live on
zana, p. 111. flowers, and the dew which settles
26 Herrera's account of these fea- on them ; and when the rainy season
thered insects, if one may so style is over, and the dry weather sets in,
them, shows the fanciful errors into they fasten themselves to the trees
which even men of science were by their beaks and soon die. But in
led in regard to the new tribes the following jear, when the new
of animals discoveied in America. rains come, they come to life again" !
"There are some birds in the coun- Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10,
try of the size of butterflies, with cap. 21 .
chap, i.] PALACES AND MUSEUMS. 467
mous size, whose home was in the snowy solitudes of the
Andes. No less than five hundred turkeys, the cheapest
meat in Mexico, were allowed for the daily consumption
of these tyrants of the feathered race.
Adjoining this aviary was a menagerie of wild animals,
gathered from the mountain forests, and even from the
remote swamps of the tierra caliente. The resemblance
of the different species to those in the Old World, with
which no one of them, however, was identical, led to a
perpetual confusion in the nomenclature of the Spaniards,
as it has since done in that of better instructed natu-
ralists. The collection was still further swelled by a
great number of reptiles and serpents, remarkable for
their size and venomous qualities, among which the
Spaniards beheld the fiery little animal " with the casta-
nets in his tail," the terror of the American wilderness.27
The serpents were confined in long cages lined with down
or feathers, or in troughs of mud and water. The beasts
and birds of prey were provided with apartments large
enough to allow of their moving about, and secured by a
strong lattice work, through which light and air were
freely admitted. The whole was placed under the
charge of numerous keepers, who acquainted themselves
with the habits of their prisoners, and provided for their
comfort and cleanliness. With what deep interest would
the enlightened naturalist of that day — an Oviedo, or a
Martyr, for example — have surveyed this magnificent
collection, in which the various tribes which roamed over
the Western wilderness, the unknown races of an un-
known world, were brought into one view ! How would
they have delighted to study the peculiarities of these
new species, compared with those of their own hemi-
sphere, and thus have risen to some comprehension of
the general laws by which Nature acts in all her works !
27 " Pues mas tenian," says the las colas unos que suenan come- cas-
houest captain Diaz, "en aquella cabeles; estas son las peoresViboras
maldita casa nmchas Yiboras, y Cu- de todas." Hist, de la Conquista,
lebras emponconadas, ciue traeu en cap. 91.
HH 2
468 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
The rude followers of Cortes did not trouble themselves
with such refined speculations. They gazed on the spec-
tacle with a vague curiosity, not unmixed with awe ;
and, as they listened to the wild cries of the ferocious
animals and the hissings of the serpents, they almost
fancied themselves in the infernal regions.28
I must not omit to notice a strange collection of
human monsters, dwarfs and other unfortunate persons,
in whose organization Nature had capriciously deviated
from her regular laws. Such hideous anomalies were
regarded by the Aztecs as a suitable appendage of
state. It is even said they were in some cases the result
of artificial means, employed by unnatural parents, de-
sirous to secure a provision for their offspring by thus
qualifying them for a place in the royal museum ! 29
Extensive gardens were spread out around these
buildings, filled with fragrant shrubs and flowers, and
especially with medicinal plants.30 No country has
afforded more numerous species of these last, than
New Spain ; and their virtues were perfectly understood
by the Aztecs, with whom medical botany may be said
to have been studied as a science. Amidst this labyrinth
of sweet-scented groves and shrubberies, fountains of
pure water might be seen throwing up their sparkling
jets, and scattering refreshing dews over the blossoms.
Ten large tanks, well stocked with fish, afforded a retreat
on their margins to various tribes of water-fowl, whose
28 " Digamos aora," exclaims cap- 30 Montezuma, according to Go-
tain Diaz, " las cosas infernales que mara, would allow no fruit-trees,
hazian, quando bramauan los Tigres considering them as unsuitable to
y Leones, y aullauan los Adiues y pleasure-grounds. (Cronica, cap. 75.)
Zorros, y silbauan las Sierpes, era Toribio says, to the same effect,
grima oirlo, y parecia infierno." " Los Indios Seiiores no procuran
Ibid., loc. cit. arboles de fruta, porque se la traen
sus vasallos, sino arboles de floresta,
29 Ibid., ubi supra. — Pel. Seg. de de donde cojau rosas, y adonde se
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp.111 — 113. crian aves, asi para gozar del canto,
—Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. — Tori- como para las tirar con Cerbatana,
bio, Hist, de los Indios, MS. Parte 3, de la cual son grandes tiradores."
cap. 7. — Oriedo, Hist, de las Ind., Hist, de los Indios, MS, Parte 3,
MS., lib. 33, cap. 11, 46. cap. 6.
chap. I.] ROYAL HOUSEHOLD. 469
habits were so carefully consulted, that some of these
ponds were of salt water, as that which they most loved
to frequent. A tessellated pavement of marble inclosed
the ample basins, which were overhung by light and
fanciful pavilions, that admitted the perfumed breezes of
the gardens, and offered a grateful shelter to the monarch
and his mistresses in the sultry heats of summer.31
But the most luxurious residence of the Aztec monarch,
at that season, was the royal hill of Chapoltepec, a spot
consecrated, moreover, by the ashes of his ancestors. It
stood in a westerly direction from the capital, and its
base was, in his day, washed by the waters of the Tez-
cuco. On its lofty crest of porphyritic rock there now
stands the magnificent, though desolate, castle erected
by the young viceroy Galvez, at the close of the seven-
teenth century. The view from its windows is one of
the finest in the environs of Mexico. The landscape is
not disfigured here, as in many other quarters, by the
white and barren patches, so offensive to the sight ; but
the eye wanders over an unbroken expanse of meadows
and cultivated fields, waving with rich harvests of Euro-
pean grain. Montezuma's gardens stretched for miles
around the base of the hill. Two statues of that monarch
and his father cut in has relief in the porphyry, were
spared till the middle of the last century;32 and the
grounds are still shaded by gigantic cypresses, more than
fifty feet in circumference, which were centuries old at
the time of the conquest. The place is now a tangled
wilderness of wild shrubs, where the myrtle mingles its
dark, glossy leaves with the red berries and delicate
foliage of the pepper-tree. Surely, there is no spot
better suited to awaken meditation on the past ; none,
where the traveller, as he sits under those stately
cypresses grey with the moss of ages, can so fitly ponder
31 Ibid., loc. cit. — Rel. Seg. de saw them just before their destruc-
Cortes, ubi supra. — Oviedo, Hist, de tiou, praises their execution. Gaum,
las Ind , MS., lib. 33, cap. 11. Descripcion, Parte 9, pp. 81 — 83. —
32 Gama, a competent critic, who Also ante, vol. i. p. 128.
470 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
on the sad destinies of the Indian races and the monarch
who once held his courtly revels under the shadow of
their branches.
The domestic establishment of Montezuma was on the
same scale of barbaric splendour as everything else about
him. He could boast as many wives as are found in the
harem of an Eastern sultan.33 They were lodged in their
own apartments, and provided with every accommoda-
tion, according to their ideas, for personal comfort and
cleanliness. They passed their hours in the usual femi-
nine employments of weaving and embroidery, especially
in the graceful feather-work, for which such rich materials
were furnished by the royal aviaries. They conducted
themselves with strict decorum, under the supervision of
certain aged females, who acted in the respectable capa-
city of duennas, in the same manner as in the religious
houses attached to the teocallis. The palace was sup-
plied with numerous baths, and Montezuma set the
example, in his own person, of frequent ablutions. He
bathed, at least once, and changed his dress four times,
it is said, every day.34 He never put on the same ap-
parel a second time, but gave it away to his attendants.
Queen Elizabeth, with a similar taste for costume, showed
a less princely spirit in hoarding her discarded suits,
Her wardrobe was, probably, somewhat more costly than
that of the Indian emperor.
Besides his numerous female retinue, the halls and
antechambers were filled with nobles in constant attend-
ance on his person, who served also as a sort of body-
guard. It had been usual for plebeians of merit to fill
certain offices in the palace. But the haughty Monte-
zuma refused to be waited upon by any but men of noble
birth. They were not unfrequently the sons of the great
33 No less than one thousand, if M " Vestiase todos los dias quatro
we believe Gomara ; who adds the maneras de vestiduras todas nuevas,
edifying intelligence, " que huvo vez, y nunca mas se las vestia otra vez."
que tuvo ciento i cincuenta prenadas Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
a un tiempo !" p. 114.
chap. I.] ROYAL HOUSEHOLD. 471
chiefs, and remained as hostages in the absence of their
fathers ; thus serving the double purpose of security and
state.35
His meals the emperor took alone. The well-matted
floor of a large saloon was covered with hundreds of
dishes.36 Sometimes Montezuma himself, but more
frequently his steward, indicated those which he preferred,
and which were kept hot by means of chafing-dishes.37
The royal bill of fare comprehended, besides domestic
animals, game from the distant forests, and fish which,
the day before, was swimming in the Gulf of Mexico !
They were dressed in manifold ways, for the Aztec
artistes, as we have already had occasion to notice, had
penetrated deep into the mysteries of culinary science.38
The meats were served by the attendant nobles, who
then resigned the office of waiting on the monarch to
maidens selected for their personal grace and beauty. A
screen of richly gilt and carved wood was drawn around
him, so as to conceal him from vulgar eyes during the
repast. He was seated on a cushion, and the dinner
was served on a low table, covered with a delicate cotton
35 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- Montezuma's household is given by
quista, cap. 91. — Gomara, Cronica, this author as he gathered it from
cap. 67, 71, 76. — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, the Spaniards who saw it in its splen-
ap. Lorenzana, pp. 113, 114. — Tori- dour. As Oviedo's history still re-
bio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte mains in manuscript, I have traus-
3, cap. 7. ferred the chapter in the original
" A la puerta de la sala estaba vn Castilian to Appendix, Part 2, A^.IO.
patio mui grande en que Labia cien 3G Bernal Diaz, Ibid. loc. cit. —
aposentos de 25 6 30 pies de largo Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ubi supra,
cada vno sobre si en torno de dicho 37 " Y porque laTierra es fria tra-
patio, e alii estaban los Senores prin- hian debaxo de cada plato y escudilla
cipalcs aposentados como guardas del de manjar un braserico con brasa,
palacio ordinarias, y estos tales apo- porque no se enfriasse." Rel. Seg.
sentos se llaman galpones, los quales de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 113.
a la contina ocupan mas de 600 38 Bernal Diaz has given us a few
hombres, que jamas se quitaban de items of the royal carte. The first
alii, e cada uno de aquellos tenian cover is rather a startling one, being
mas de 30 servidores, de manera que a fricassee or stew of littie children !
a lo meuos nunca faltaban 3000 horn- " carries de Mhc/iucJios de poca edad."
bres de guerra en esta guarda cote- He admits, however, that this is
diana del palacio." (Oviedo, Hist. somewhat apocryphal. Ibid., ubi
de las Ind., MS , lib. 33, cap. 46 ) supra.
A very curious and full account of
472 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
cloth. The dishes were of the finest ware of Cholula.
He had a service of gold, which was reserved for religious
celebrations. Indeed, it would scarcely have comported
with even his princely revenues to have used it on ordi-
nary occasions, when his table equipage was not allowed
to appear a second time, but was given away to his
attendants. The saloon was lighted by torches made of
a resinous wood, which sent forth a sweet odour, and
probably, not a little smoke, as they burned. At his
meal, he was attended by five or six of his ancient coun-
sellors, who stood at a respectful distance, answering his
questions, and occasionally rejoiced by some of the viands
with which he complimented them from his table.
This course of solid dishes was succeeded by another
of sweetmeats and pastry, for which the Aztec cooks,
provided with the important requisites of maize-flour,
eggs, and the rich sugar of the aloe, were famous. Two
girls were occupied at the further end of the apartment,
during dinner, in preparing fine rolls and wafers, with
which they garnished the board from time to time. The
emperor took no other beverage than the chocolatl,
a potation of chocolate, flavoured with vanilla and other
spices, and so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the
consistency of honey, which gradually dissolved in the
mouth. This beverage, if so it could be called, was
served in golden goblets, with spoons of the same metal
or of tortoise-shell finely wrought. The emperor was
exceedingly fond of it, — to judge from the quantity, — no
less than fifty jars or pitchers being prepared39 for his
own daily consumption ! Two thousand more were
allowed for that of his household.40
The general arrangement of the meal seems to have
39 " Lo que yo vi" says Diaz, 40 Ibid, ubi supra. — Rel. Seg. de
speaking from his own observation, Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 1] 3, 114.
"que traian sobre cincuenta jarros — Oviedo, Hist, de las Lid., MS.,
grandes hechos de buen cacao con su lib. 33, cap. 11, 43. — Gomara, Cro-
espuraa, y de lo que bebia." Ibid., nica, cap. 67.
cap. 91.
chap, i.] Montezuma's way of life. 473
been not very unlike that of Europeans. But no prince
in Europe could boast a dessert which could compare
with that of the Aztec emperor ■ for it was gathered
fresh from the most opposite climes ; and his board
displayed the products of his own temperate region, and
the luscious fruits of the tropics, plucked the day pre-
vious, from the green groves of the tierra caliente, and
transmitted with the speed of steam, by means of couriers,
to the capital. It was as if some kind fairy should
crown our banquets with the spicy products that but
yesterday were growing in a sunny isle of the far-off
Indian seas !
After the royal appetite was appeased, water was
handed to him by the female attendants in a silver basin,
in the same manner as had been done before commencing
his meal;" for the Aztecs were as constant in their ablu-
tions, at these times, as any nation of the East. Pipes
were then brought, made of a varnished and richly gilt
wood, from which he inhaled, sometimes through the
nose, at others through the mouth, the fumes of an intoxi-
cating weed, "called tobacco,"*1 mingled with liquid-
amber. While this soothing process of fumigation was
going on, the emperor enjoyed the exhibitions of his
mountebanks and jugglers, of whom a regular corps was
attached to the palace. No people, not even those of
China or Hindostan, surpassed the Aztecs in feats of
agility and legerdemain.42
Sometimes he amused himself with his jester ; for the
Indian monarch had his jesters, as well as his more re-
fined brethren of Europe, at that day. Indeed, he used
to say, that more instruction was to be gathered from
41 " Tambien le ponian en la mesa the Grand Khan of China, as Sir
tres canutos muy pintados, y dorados, John Maundeville informs us. (Voi-
y dentro traian Mquidambar, rebuelto age and Travaille, chap. 22.) The
con unas yervas que se dize tctbaco" Aztec mountebanks had such repute,
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, that Cortes sent two of them to
cap. 91. Rome to amuse his Holiness, Cle-
42 The feats of jugglers and turn- ment YII. Clavigero, Sfor. del.
biers were a favourite diversion with Messico, torn, ii p. 186.
474 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
them than from wiser men, for they dared to tell the
truth. At other times, he witnessed the graceful dances
of his women, or took delight in listening to music, — if
the rude minstrelsy of the Mexicans deserve that name,
— accompanied by a chant, in slow and solemn cadence,
celebrating the heroic deeds of great Aztec warriors or
of his own princely line.
When he had sufficiently refreshed his spirits with
these diversions, he composed himself to sleep, for in his
siesta he was as regular as a Spaniard. On awaking, he
gave audience to ambassadors from foreign states, or his
own tributary cities, or to such caciques as had suits to
prefer to him. They were introduced by the young
nobles in attendance, and, whatever might be their rank,
unless of the blood royal, they were obliged to submit
to the humiliation of shrouding their rich dresses under
the coarse mantle of nequen, and entering barefooted,
with downcast eyes, into the presence. The emperor
addressed few and brief remarks to the suitors, answer-
ing them generally by his secretaries ; and the parties
retired with the same reverential obeisance, taking care
to keep their faces turned towards the monarch. Well
might Cortes exclaim, that no court, whether of the
Grand Seignior or any other infidel, ever displayed so
pompous and elaborate a ceremonial !43
Besides the crowd of retainers already noticed, the
royal household was not complete without a host of artisans
constantly employed in the erection or repair of build-
ings, besides a great number of jewellers and persons
skilled in working metals, who found abundant demand
for their trinkets among the dark-eyed beauties of the
harem. The imperial mummers and jugglers were also
very numerous, and the dancers belonging to the palace
occupied a particular district of the city, appropriated
exclusively to them.
43 « Niuguno de los Soldanes, lii que tantas, ni tales ceremonias en
otro ningun sefior infiel, de los que serviciotengan." Rel.Seg.de Cortes,
hasta agora se tiene notieia, no creo, ap. Lorenzana, p. 115.
chap, i.] Montezuma's way of life. 475
The maintenance of this little host, amounting to some
thousands of individuals, involved a heavy expenditure,
requiring accounts of a complicated, and, to a simple
people, it might well be, embarrassing nature. Every-
thing, however, was conducted with perfect order; and
all the various receipts and disbursements were set down
in the picture-writing of the country. The arithmetical
characters were of a more refined and conventional sort
than those for narrative purposes ; and a separate apart-
ment was filled with hieroglyphical legers, exhibiting a
complete view of the economy of the palace. The care
of all this was intrusted to a treasurer, who acted as a
sort of major-domo in the household, having a general
superintendence over all its concerns. This responsible
office, on the arrival of the Spaniards, was in the hands
of a trusty cacique named Tapia.44
Such is the picture of Montezuma's domestic esta-
blishment and way of living, as delineated by the con-
querors, and their immediate followers, who had the
best means of information ;45 too highly coloured, it may
be, by the proneness to exaggerate, which was natural to
those who first witnessed a spectacle so striking to the
imagination, so new and unexpected. I have thought
it best to present the full details, trivial though they
may seem to the reader, as affording a curious picture
of manners, so superior in point of refinement to those
of the other aboriginal tribes on the North American
continent. Nor are they, in fact, so trivial, when we
reflect, that in these details of private life we possess a
surer measure of civilization, than in those of a public
nature.
In surveying them we are strongly reminded of the
44 Bemal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 306.
quista, cap. 91. — Carta del Lie. 45 If the historian will descend
Zuazo, MS. — Oviedo, Historia de but a generation later for his au-
las Lid., MS., ubi supra. — Toribio, thorities, he may find materials for
Historia de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, as good a chapter as any in Sir
cap. 7. — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. John Maundeville or the Arabian
Lorenzana, pp.110 — 115. — Rel.d'un Nights.
476 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
civilization of the East ; not of that higher, intellectual
kind which belonged to the more polished Arabs and
the Persians, but that semi-civilization which has distin-
guished, for example, the Tartar races, among whom art,
and even science, have made, indeed, some progress in
their adaptation to material wants and sensual gratifica-
tion, but little in reference to the higher and more
ennobling interests of humanity. It is characteristic of
such a people to find a puerile pleasure in a dazzling and
ostentatious pageantry ; to mistake show for substance,
vain pomp for power ; to hedge round the throne itself
with a barren and burdensome ceremonial, the counter-
feit of real majesty.
Even this, however, was an advance in refinement,
compared with the rude manners of the earlier Aztecs.
The change may, doubtless, be referred in some degree
to the personal influence of Montezuma. In his younger
days, he had tempered the fierce habits of the soldier
with the milder profession of religion. In later life, he
had withdrawn himself still more from the brutalizing
occupations of war, and his manners acquired a refine-
ment tinctured, it may be added, with an effeminacy un-
known to his martial predecessors.
The condition of the empire, too, under his reign, was
favourable to this change. The dismemberment of the
Tezcucan kingdom, on the death of the great Nezahual-
pilli, had left the Aztec monarchy without a rival ; and
it soon spread its colossal arms over the furthest limits
of Anahuac. The aspiring mind of Montezuma rose
with the acquisition of wealth and power ; and he dis-
played the consciousness of new importance by the
assumption of unprecedented state. He affected a re-
serve unknown to his predecessors ; withdrew his person
from the vulgar eye, and fenced himself round with an
elaborate and courtly etiquette. When he went abroad,
it was in state, on some public occasion, usually to the
great temple, to take part in the religious services ; and,
chap, l] Montezuma's way of life. 477
as he passed along, he exacted from his people, as we
have seen, the homage of an adulation worthy of an
Oriental despot.46 His haughty demeanour touched the
pride of his more potent vassals, particularly those who,
at a distance, felt themselves nearly independent of his
authority. His exactions, demanded by the profuse ex-
penditure of his palace, scattered broad-cast the seeds of
discontent ; and, while the empire seemed towering in its
most palmy and prosperous state, the canker had eaten
deepest into its heart.
46 " Referre in tanto rege piget historian in reference to Alexander,
superbam mutationein vestis, et after he was infected by the manners
desideratas hurni jacentium adula- of Persia, fit equally well the Aztec
tiones." (Livy, Hist., lib. 9, cap. emperor.
18.) The remarks of the Roman
478 [BOOK IV.
CHAPTER II.
Market of Mexico. — Great Temple. — Interior Sanctuaries. — Spanish
Quarters.
1519.
Four days had elapsed since the Spaniards made their
entry into Mexico. Whatever schemes their commander
may have revolved in his mind, he felt that he could
determine on no plan of operations till he had seen more
of the capital, and ascertained by his own inspection the
nature of its resources. He accordingly, as was observed
at the close of the last book, sent to Montezuma, asking
permission to visit the great teocatti, and some other
places in the city.
The friendly monarch consented without difficulty.
He even prepared to go in person to the great temple,
to receive his guests there, — it may be, to shield the
shrine of his tutelar deity from any attempted pro-
fanation. He was acquainted, as we have already seen,
with the proceedings of the Spaniards on similar occasions
in the course of their march. — Cortes put himself at the
head of his little corps of cavalry, and nearly all the
Spanish foot, as usual, and followed the caciques sent by
Montezuma to guide him. They proposed first to con-
duct him to the great market of Tlatelolco in the western
part of the city.
On the way, the Spaniards were struck, in the same
manner as they had been on entering the capital, with
the appearance of the inhabitants, and their great supe-
chap, ii.] MARKET OF MEXICO. 479
riority in the style and quality of their dress, over the
people of the lower countries.1 The tihnatli, or cloak,
thrown over the shoulders, and tied round the neck,
made of cotton of different degrees of fineness, according
to the condition of the wearer, and the ample sash
around the loins, were often wrought in rich and elegant
figures, and edged with a deep fringe or tassel. As the
weather was now growing cool, mantles of fur or of the
gorgeous feather-work were sometimes substituted. The
latter combined the advantage of great warmth with
beauty.2 The Mexicans had also the art of spinning a
fine thread of the hair of the rabbit and other animals,
which they wove into a delicate web that took a perma-
nent dye.
The women, as in other parts of the country, seemed
to go about as freely as the men. They wore several
skirts or petticoats of different lengths, with highly
ornamented borders, and sometimes over them loose
flowing robes, which reached to the ankles. These also
were made of cotton, for the wealthier classes, of a fine
texture, prettily embroidered.3 No veils were worn here,
as in some other parts of Anahuac, where they were made
of the aloe thread, or of the light web of hair above
noticed. The Aztec women had their faces exposed;
and their dark raven tresses floated luxuriantly over their
shoulders, revealing features which, although of a dusky
1 " La Gente de esta Ciudad es de mano por encima a pelo y a pospelo,
mas manera y primor en su vestido, no era mas que vna mania zebellina
y servicio, que no la otra de estas mui bien adobada : hice pesar vna
otras Provincias, y Ciudades : porque dellas no peso mas de seis onzas.
como alii estaba siempre este Senor Dicen que en el tiempo del Ynbierno
Muteczuma, y todos los Senores sus una abasta para enciina de la camisa
Vasallos occurrian siempre a la sin otro cobertor ni mas ropa encima
Ciudad, habia en ella mas manera, y de la cama." Carta, MS.
policia en todas las cosas." Rel.
Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 109. 3 " Sono lunghe & large, lauorate
2 Zuazo, speaking of the beauty di bellisimi, & molto gentili lauori
and warmth of this national fabric, sparsi per esse, co le loro frangie, 6
says, " Vi muchas mantas de a dos orletti ben lauorati che compariscono
haces labradas de plumas de papos benissimo." Rel. d'an gent., ap.
de aves tan suaves, que trayendo la Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 305.
4S0 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
or rather cinnamon hue, were not unfrequently pleasing,
while touched with the serious, even sad expression,
characteristic of the national physiognomy.4
On drawing near to the tianguez, or great market, the
Spaniards were astonished at the throng of people
pressing towards it, and, on entering the place, their
surprise was still further heightened by the sight of
the multitudes assembled there, and the dimensions of
the inclosure, thrice as large as the celebrated square of
Salamanca.5 Here were met together traders from all
parts, with the products and manufactures peculiar to
their countries; the goldsmiths of Azcapozalco; the
potters and jewellers of Cholula, the painters of Tezcuco,
the stone-cutters of Tenajocan, the hunters of Xilotepec,
the fishermen of Cuitlahuac, the fruiterers of the warm
countries, the mat and chair-makers of Quauhtitlan, and
the florists of Xochimilco, — all busily engaged in recom-
mending their respective wares, and in chaffering with
purchasers.6
The market-place was surrounded by deep porticoes,
and the several articles had each its own quarter allotted
to it. Here might be seen cotton piled up in bales, or
manufactured into dresses and articles of domestic use,
as tapestry, curtains, coverlets, and the like. The richly-
stained and nice fabrics reminded Cortes of the alcayceria,
or silk-market of Granada. There was the quarter
assigned to the goldsmiths, where the purchaser might
find various articles of ornament or use formed of the
precious metals, or curious toys, such as we have already
had occasion to notice, made in imitation of birds and
fishes, with scales and feathers alternately of gold and
silver, and with movable heads and bodies. These
4 Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, ciatori di Xilotepec, i Pescatori di
torn. iii. fol. 305. Cuitlahuac, i fruttajuoli de' paesi
5 Ibid., fol. 309. caldi, gli artefiei di stuoje, e di
6 " Quivi concorrevano i Pentolai, scranue di Quauhtitlan ed i colti-
ed i Giojellieri di Cholulla, gli Orefici vatori de' flori di Xochimilco." Cla-
d' Azcapozalco, i Pittori di Tezcuco, vigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. ii.
gli Scarpellini di Tenajocan, i Cac- p. 165.
chap, ii.] MARKET OF MEXICO. 481
fantastic little trinkets were often garnished with precious
stones, and showed a patient, puerile ingenuity in the
manufacture, like that of the Chinese.7
In an adjoining quarter were collected specimens of
pottery, coarse and fine, vases of wood elaborately carved,
varnished or gilt, of curious and sometimes graceful
forms. There were also hatchets made of copper alloyed
with tin, the substitute, and, as it proved, not a bad one,
for iron. The soldier found here all the implements of
his trade. The casque fashioned into the head of some
wild animal, with its grinning defences of teeth, and
bristling crest dyed with the rich tint of the cochineal ; 8
the escaupil, or quilted doublet of cotton, the rich surcoat
of feather-mail, and weapons of all sorts, copper-headed
lances and arrows, and the broad maquahititl, the Mexi-
can sword, with its sharp blades of itztli. Here were
razors and mirrors of this same hard and polished mineral
which served so many of the purposes of steel with the
Aztecs.9 In the square were also to be found booths
occupied by barbers, who used these same razors in their
vocation. For the Mexicans, contrary to the popular
7 " Oro y plata, piedras de valor, trinkets afterwards in Castile, bears
con otros plumajes e argenterias the same testimony to the exqui-
maravillosas, y con tanto primor site character of the workmanship,
fabricadas que excede todo ingenio which, he says, far surpassed the
luimano para comprenderlas y alcan- value of the material. De Orbe
zarlas." (Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS.) Novo, dec. 5, cap. 10.
The licentiate then enumerates seve- s Herrera makes the unauthorised
ral of these .elegant pieces of me- assertion, repeated by Soils, that the
chanism. Cortes is not less emphatic Mexicans were unacquainted with
in his admiration : " Contrahechas the value of the cochineal, till it was
de oro, y plata, y piedras y plumas, taught them by the Spaniards,
tan al natural lo de Oro, y Plata, que (Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib.
no hay Platero en el Mundo que 8, cap. 11.) The natives, on the
mejor lo hiciesse, vlo de las Piedras, contrary, took infinite pains to rear
que no baste juicio comprehender the bisect on plantations of the
con que Instrumentos se hiciesse cactus, and it formed one of the
tan perfecto, y lo de Pluma, que ni staple tributes to the crown from
de Cera, ni en ningun broslado se certain districts. Sec the tribute-
podria hacer tan maravillosamente." rolls, ap. Lorenzana, Nos. 23, 24. —
(Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 110.) Hernandez, Hist. Plantarum, lib. 6,
Peter Martyr, a less prejudiced cap. 116. — Also, Clavigero, Stor.
critic than Cortes, and who saw and del Messicq, torn. i. p. 114, uota.
examined many of these golden 9 Ante, vol. i. p. 107.
VOL. I. II
48.3 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
and erroneous notions respecting the aborigines of the
New World, had beards, though scanty ones. Other
shops or booths were tenanted by apothecaries, well
provided with drugs, roots, and different medicinal pre-
parations. In other places, again, blank books or maps
for the hieroglyphical picture-writing were to be seen,
folded together like fans, and made of cotton, skins, or
more commonly the fibres of the agave, the Aztec
papyrus.
Under some of the porticoes they saw hides raw and
dressed, and various articles for domestic or personal
use made of the leather. Animals, both wild and tame,
were offered for sale, and near them, perhaps, a gang of
slaves, with collars round their necks, intimating they
were likewise on sale, — a spectacle unhappily not con-
fined to the barbarian markets of Mexico, though the
evils of their condition were aggravated there by the
consciousness that a life of degradation might be consum-
mated at any moment by the dreadful doom of sacrifice.
The heavier materials for building, as stone, lime,
timber, were considered too bulky to be allowed a place
in the square, and were deposited in the adjacent streets
on the borders of the canals. It would be tedious to
enumerate all the various articles, whether for luxury or
daily use, which were collected from all quarters in this
vast bazaar. I must not omit to mention, however, the
display of provisions, one of the most attractive features
of the tianguez ; meats of all kinds, domestic poultry,
game from the neighbouring mountains, fish from the
lakes and streams, fruits in all the delicious abundance
of these temperate regions, green vegetables, and the
unfailing maize. There Avas many a viand, too, ready
dressed, which sent up its savoury steams provoking the
appetite of the idle passenger ; pastry, bread of the In-
dian corn, cakes, and confectionary.10 Along with these
10 Zuazo, who seems to have been paragraph of dainties'with the fol-
nioe in these matters, concludes a lowing tribute to the Aztec cuisine.
chap, ii.] MARKET OF MEXICO. 483
were to be seen cooling or stimulating beverages, the
spicy foaming cliocolatl, with its delicate aroma of vanilla,
and the inebriating pulque, the fermented juice of the
aloe. All these commodities, and every stall and portico,
were set out, or rather smothered, with flowers, showing,
on a much greater scale, indeed, a taste similar to that
displayed in the markets of modern Mexico. Mowers
seem to be the spontaneous growth of this luxuriant
soil ; which, instead of noxious weeds, as in other
regions, is ever ready, without the aid of man, to cover
up its nakedness with this rich and variegated livery
of nature.11
I will spare the reader the repetition of all the parti-
culars enumerated by the bewildered Spaniards, which
are of some interest as evincing the various mechanical
skill and the polished wants, resembling those of a re-
fined community, rather than of a nation of savages. It
was the material civilization, which belongs neither to the
one nor the other. The Aztec had plainly reached that
middle station, as far above the rude races of the New
World as it was below the cultivated communities of
the Old.
As to the numbers assembled in the market, the esti-
mates differ, as usual. The Spaniards often visited the
place, and no one states the amount at less than forty
thousand ! Some carry it much higher.12 Without
" Verdense huebos asados, crudos Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 7. —
en tortilla e diversidad de guisados Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. — Eel.
que se suelen guisar, con otras ca- d' im gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. iii.
zuelas y pasteles, que en el mal co- fol. 309. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
cinado de Medina, ni en otros lugares Conquista, cap. 92.
de Tiamencos dicen que hai ni sc 12 Zuazo raises it to 80,000 !
pueden liallar tales trujamancs." (Carta, MS.) Cortes to 60,000.
Carta, MS. (Rel. Seg., ubi supra.) The most
II Ample details — many more than modest computation is that of the
1 have thought it necessary to give " Anonymous Conqueror," who says
—of the Aztec market of TJatelolco, from 40,000 to 50,000. "Et il
may be found in the writings of all giorno delmercato, che si fa di cinque
the old Spaniards who visited the in cinque giorni, vi sono da quarauta
capital. Among others, see Rel. b cinquanta rnila persone ; " (Rel.
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorcnzana, pp. d' un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. iii.
103— 105. — Toribio, Hist, de los fol. 309 ;) a confirmation, by the bye,
ii 2
484 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
relying too much on the arithmetic of the Conquerors, it
is certain that on this occasion, which occurred every fifth
day, the city swarmed with a motley crowd of strangers,
not only from the vicinity, but from many leagues
around; the causeways were thronged, and the lake
was darkened by canoes filled with traders flocking to
the great tianguez. It resembled indeed the periodical
fairs in Europe, not as they exist now, but as they existed
in the middle ages, when, from the difficulties of inter-
communication, they served as the great central marts
for commercial intercourse, exercising a most important
and salutary influence on the community.
The exchanges were conducted partly by barter, but
more usually in the currency of the country. This con-
sisted of bits of tin stamped with a character like a T,
bags of cacao, the value of which was regulated by their
size, and lastly quills filled with gold dust. Gold was
part of the regular currency, it seems, in both hemi-
spheres. In their dealings it is singular that they should
have had no knowledge of scales and weights. The
qnantity was determined by measure and number.13
The most perfect order reigned throughout this vast
assembly. Officers patrolled the square, whose business
it was to keep the peace, to collect the duties imposed on
the different articles of merchandise, to see that no false
measures or fraud of any kind were used, and to bring
offenders at once to justice. A court of twelve judges
sat in one part of the tianguez, clothed with those ample
and summary powers, which, in despotic countries, are
often delegated even to petty tribunals. The extreme
severity with which they exercised these powers, in more
than one instance, proves that they were not a dead
letter.14
of the supposition that the estimated have crowded an amount equal to
population of the capital, found in the whole of it into the market,
the Italian version of this author, is 13 Ante, vol. i. p. 111.
a misprint. (Seethe preceding chap- u Toribio, Hist, de los Indios,
ter, note 11.) He would hardly MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.— Rel. Seg., ap.
chap, ii.] GREAT TEMPLE. 485
The iianguez of Mexico was naturally an object of
great interest, as well as wonder, to the Spaniards. For
in it they saw converged into one focus, as it were, all the
rays of civilization scattered throughout the land. Here
they beheld the various evidences of mechanical skill, of
domestic industry, the multiplied resources, of whatever
kind, within the compass of the natives. It could not
fail to impress them with high ideas of the magnitude
of these resources, as well as of the commercial activity
and social subordination by which the whole community
was knit together ; and their admiration is fully evinced
by the minuteness and energy of their descriptions.15
From this bustling scene, the Spaniards took their
way to the great teocalli, in the neighbourhood of their
own quarters. It covered, with the subordinate edifices,
as the reader has already seen, the large tract of ground
now occupied by the cathedral, part of the market-place,
and some of the adjoining streets.16 It was the spot which
had been consecrated to the same object, probably, ever
since the foundation of the city. The present building,
however, was of no great antiquity, having been con-
structed by Ahuitzotl, who celebrated its dedication in
1486, by that hecatomb of victims, of which such incre-
dible reports are to be found in the chronicles.17
It stood in the midst of a vast area, encompassed by a
wall of stone and lime, about eight feet high, ornamented
on the outer side by figures of serpents, raised in relief,
which gave it the name of the coatepanfli, or " wall of
serpents." This emblem was a common one in the
sacred sculpture of Anahuac, as well as of Egypt. The
wall, which was quadrangular, was pierced by huge
Lorenzana, p. 101. — Oviedo, Hist. stantinopla, y en toda Italia, y Roma,
de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 10. — y dixeron, que placa tan bien com-
Bernal Diaz. Hist, de la Conquista, passada, y con tanto concierto, y
loc. cit. tamana, y llena de tanta gente, no la
auian visto." Ibid., nbi supra.
15 « Entre nosotros," says Diaz, 10 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
"huuo soldados que auian estado en torn. ii. p. 27.
muchas partes del mundo, y en Con- ir Ante, vol. i. p. 61.
486 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
battlemented gateways, opening on the four principal
streets of the capital. Over each of the gates was a kind
of arsenal, filled with arms and warlike gear ; and, if we
may credit the report of the Conquerors, there were
barracks adjoining, garrisoned by ten thousand soldiers,
who served as a sort of military police for the capital,
supplying the emperor with a strong arm in case of
tumult or sedition.18
The teocatti itself was a solid pyramidal structure of
earth and pebbles, coated on the outside with hewn
stones, probably of the light, porous kind employed in
the buildings of the city.19 It was probably square with
its sides facing the cardinal points.20 It was divided into
five bodies or stories, each one receding so as to be of
smaller dimensions than that immediately below it ; the
usual form of the Aztec teocattis, as already described,
and bearing obvious resemblance to some of the primi-
tive pyramidal structures in the Old World.21 The
ascent was by a flight of steps on the outside, which
reached to the narrow terrace or platform at the base of
the second story, passing quite round the building, when
a second stairway conducted to a similar landing at the
base of the third. The breadth of this walk was just so
much space as was left by the retreating story next above
it. From this construction the visitor was obliged to
13 "Et di piu v'hauea vna guar- 20 Clavigero calls it oblong, on the
nigipne di dieci mila huomini di alleged authority of the "Anonymous
guerra, tutti eletti per huomini val- Conqueror." (Stor. del Messico, torn,
enti, & questi accompagnauano & ii. p. 27, nota.) But the latter says
guardauano la sua persona, &quando not a word of the shape, and his
si facea qualehc rumore b ribellione contemptible woodcut is too plainly
nella citta b nel paese circumuicino, destitute of all proportion, to furnish
andauano questi, b parte d'essi per an inference of any kind. (Comp.
Capitani." Bel. d' un gent., ap. Eel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn,
llamusio, torn. iii. fol. 309. iii. fol. 307.) Torquemada and Go-
19 Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. mara both say, it was square ; (Mo-
ii. p. 40. narch. lad., lib. 8, cap. 11 ; — Crdnica,
On paving the square, not long cap. SO ;) and Toribio de Benavente,
ago, round the modern cathedral, speaking generally of the Mexican
there were found large blocks of 1 em pies, says, they had that form,
sculptured stone buried between Hist, de los Ind., MS., Parte 1,
thirty and forty feet deep in the cap. 12.
ground Ibid., loc. cit. -1 See Appendix, Part 2, No. 2.
chap, ii.] GREAT TEMPLE. 4S7
pass round the whole edifice four times, in order to reach
the top. This had a most imposing effect in the religious
ceremonials, when the pompous procession of priests with
their wild minstrelsy came sweeping round the huge
sides of the pyramid, as they rose higher and higher in
the presence of gazing multitudes, towards the summit.
The dimensions of the temple cannot be given with
any certainty. The Conquerors judged by the eye, rarely
troubling themselves with anything like an accurate mea-
surement. It was, probably, not much less than three
hundred feet square at the base ;22 and, as the Spaniards
counted a hundred and fourteen steps, was probably less
than one hundred feet in height.23
When Cortes arrived before the teocatti, he found two
priests and several caciques commissioned by Montezuma
to save him the fatigue of the ascent by bearing them on
their shoulders, in the same manner as had been done to
the emperor. But the general declined the compliment,
preferring to march up at the head of his men. On
reaching the summit, they found it a vast area, paved with
broad flat stones. The first object that met their view
23 Clavigero, calling it oblong, square. (Monarch. Ind., lib. 8, cap.
adopts Torquemada's estimate, — not 11.) How can M. de Humboldt
Sahaguu's, as he pretends, which he speak of the "great concurrence of
never saw, and who gives no mea- testimony" iu regard to the dimen-
surement of the building, — for the sions of the temple ? (EssaiPolitique,
length, and Gomara's estimate, which torn. ii. p. 41.) No two authorities
is somewhat less, for the breadth. agree.
(Stor. del Messico, torn. ii. p. 38, ^23 Bernal Diaz says he counted one
nota.) As both his authorities make hundred and fourteen steps. (Hist.
the building square, this spirit of de la Conquista, cap. 92.) Toribio
accommodation is whimsical enough. says that more than one person who
Toribio, who did measure a teocaUi had numbered them told him they
of the usual construction in the town exceeded a hundred. (Hist, de los
of Tenayuca, found it to be forty Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 12.) The
brazas, or two hundred and forty feet steps could hardly have been less
square. (Hist, de los Inch, MS., than eight or ten inches high, each ;
Parte 1, cap. 12.) The great temple Clavigero assumes that they were a
of Mexico was undoubtedly larger, foot, and that the building, there-
and, in the want of better authorities, fore, was a hundred and fourteen feet
one may accept Torquemada, who high, precisely. (Stor. del Messico,
makes it a little more than three torn. ii. pp. 28. 29.) It is seldom
hundred and sixty Toledan, equal to safe to use anything stronger than
three hundred and eight French feet, probably in history.
483 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
was a large block of jasper, the peculiar shape of which
showed it was the stone on which the bodies of the un-
happy victims were stretched for sacrifice. Its convex
surface, by raising the breast, enabled the priest to per-
form his diabolical task more easily, of removing the
heart. At the other end of the area were two towers or
sanctuaries, consisting of three stories, the lower one of
stone and stucco, the two upper of wood elaborately carved.
In the lower division stood the images of their gods ; the
apartments above were filled with utensils for their reli-
gious services, and with the ashes of some of their Aztec
princes, who had fancied this airy sepulchre. Before
each sanctuary stood an altar with that undying fire upon
it, the extinction of which boded as much evil to the
empire, as that of the Vestal flame would have done in
ancient Rome. Here, also, was the huge cylindrical
drum made of serpents' skins, and struck only on extra-
ordinary occasions, when it sent forth a melancholy sound
that might be heard for miles, — a sound of woe in after
times to the Spaniards.
Montezuma, attended by the high priest, came forward
to receive Cortes as he mounted the area. " You are
weary, Malintzin," said he to him, " with climbing up
our great temple." But Cortes, with a politic vaunt,
assured him "the Spaniards were never weary!" Then,
taking him by the hand, the emperor pointed out the
localities of the neighbourhood. The temple on which
they stood, rising high above all other edifices in the
capital, afforded the most elevated as well as central
point of view. Below them the city lay spread out like
a map, with its streets and canals intersecting each other
at right angles, its terraced roofs blooming like so many
parterres of flowers. Every place seemed alive with
business and bustle ; canoes were glancing up and down
the canals, the streets were crowded with people in
their gay, picturesque costume, while from the market-
place they had so lately left, a confused hum of many
CHAP. II
.] GREAT TEMPLE. 489
sounds and voices rose upon the air.24 They could dis-
tinctly trace the symmetrical plan of the city, with its
principal avenues issuing, as it were, from the four gates
of the coatepantti ; and connecting themselves with the
causeways, which formed the grand entrances to the
capital. This regular and beautiful arrangement was
imitated in many of the inferior towns, where the great
roads converged towards the chief teocalli, or cathedral,
as to a common focus.25 They could discern the insular
position of the metropolis, bathed on all sides by the salt
floods of the Tezcuco, and in the distance the clear fresh
waters of the Chalco ; far beyond stretched a wide pro-
spect of fields and waving woods, with the burnished
walls of many a lofty temple rising high above the trees,
and crowning the distant hill-tops.26 The view reached
in an unbroken line to the very base of the circular range
of mountains, whose frosty peaks glittered as if touched
with fire in the morning ray ; while long, dark wreaths
of vapour, rolling up from the hoary head of Popocatepetl,
told that the destroying element was, indeed, at work in
the bosom of the beautiful Valley.
Cortes was filled with admiration at this grand and
glorious spectacle, and gave utterance to his feelings in
animated language to the emperor, the lord of these
flourishing domains. His thoughts, however, soon took
24 " Tornamos a ver la gran placa, 2C " No se contentaba el Demonio
y la multitud de gente que en ella con los (Teucales) ya clichos, sino
auia, vnos comprado, y otros vendi- que en cada pueblo, en cada barrio,
endo, que solamente el rumor, y y a cuarto de legua, tenian otros
zumbido de las vozes, y palabras que patios pequeiios adonde habia tres 6
alii auia, sonaua mas que de una cuatro teocallis, y en algimos mas, en
legua !" Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la otras partes solo uno, y en cada Mo-
Conqaista, cap. 92. gote 6 Cerrejon uno d dos, y por los
25 " Y por bonrar mas sus templos caminos y entre los Maizales, Labia
sacaban los caminos muy dereclios otros mucbos pequerlos, y todos es-
por cordel de una y de dos leguas taban blancos y encalados, que pare-
que era cosa barto de ver, desde lo eian y abultaban mucho, que en la
Alto del principal templo, como ve- tierra bien poblada parecia que todo
nian de todos los pueblos menores y estaba lleno de casas, en especial de
barrios ; salian les caminos muy de- los patios del Demonio, que eran
rectos y iban a dar al patio de los muy de ver." Tori bio, Hist, de los
teocallis." Toribio, Hist, de los In- Indios, MS., ubi supra.
dios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 12.
490 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
another direction ; and, turning to father Olmedo, who
stood by his side, he suggested that the area would
afford a most conspicuous position for the Christian
Cross, if Montezuma avouIc! but allow it to be planted
there. But the discreet ecclesiastic, with the good sense
which on these occasions seems to have been so lament-
ably deficient in his commander, reminded him, that
such a request, at present, would be exceedingly ill-
timed, as the Indian monarch had shown no dispositions
as yet favourable to Christianity.27
Cortes then requested Montezuma to allow him to
enter the sanctuaries, and behold the shrines of his gods.
To this the latter, after a short conference with the
priests, assented, and conducted the Spaniards into the
building. They found themselves in a spacious apart-
ment incrusted on the sides with stucco, on which
various figures were sculptured, representing the Mexi-
can calendar, perhaps, or the priestly ritual. At one end
of the saloon was a recess with a roof of timber richly
carved and gilt. Before the altar in this sanctuary,
stood the colossal image of Huitzilopotchli, the tutelary
deity and war-god of the Aztecs. His countenance was
distorted into hideous lineaments of symbolical import.
In his right hand he wielded a bow, and in his left a
bunch of golden arrows, which a mystic legend had con-
nected with the victories of his people. The huge folds
of a serpent, consisting of pearls and precious stones,
were coiled round his waist, and the same rich materials
were profusely sprinkled over his person. On his left
foot were the delicate feathers of the humming-bird,
which, singularly enough, gave its name to the dread
deity.28 The most conspicuous ornament was a chain of
gold and silver hearts alternate, suspended round his
neck, emblematical of the sacrifice in which he most
delighted. A more unequivocal evidence of this was
-J Bcrnal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- 28 Ante, vol. i. p. 45.
quisla, ubi supra.
chap, ii.] INTERIOR SANCTUARY. 491
afforded by three human hearts smoking and almost
palpitating, as if recently torn from the victims, and now
lying on the altar before him !
The adjoining sanctuary was dedicated to a milder
deity. This was Tezcatlipoca, next in honour to that
invisible Being, the Supreme God, who was represented
by no image, and confined by no temple. It was Tez-
catlipoca who created the world, and watched over it
with a providential care. He was represented as a
young man, and his image of polished black stone, was
richly garnished with gold plates and ornaments ; among
which a shield, burnished like a mirror, was the most
characteristic emblem, as in it he saw reflected all the
doings of the world. But the homage to this god was
not always of a more refined or merciful character than
that paid to his carnivorous brother ; for five bleeding
hearts were also seen in a golden platter on his altar.
The walls of both these chapels were stained with
human gore. " The stench was more intolerable," ex-
claims Diaz, " than that of the slaughter-houses in
Castile!" And the frantic forms of the priests, with
their dark robes clotted with blood, as they flitted to and
fro, seemed to the Spaniards to be those of the very
ministers of Satan !29
From this foul abode they gladly escaped into the open
air ; when Cortes, turning to Montezuma, said with a
smile, " I do not comprehend how a great and wise
prince like you can put faith in such evil spirits as these
idols, the representatives of the devil ! If you will but
permit us to erect here the true Cross, and place the
images of the blessed Virgin and her Son in your sanctu-
aries, you will soon see how your false gods will shrink
before them !"
29 " Y tenia en las paredes tantas Lorenzana, pp. 105, 106. — Carta del
costras de sangre, y el suelo todo Lie. Zuazo, MS. — See also, for no-
bailado dello, que en los mataderos tices of these deities, Sahagun, lib.
de Castilla no auia tanto hedor." 3, cap. 1, et seq. — Torquemada,
Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, Monarch. Lid., lib. 6, cap. 20, 21. —
ubi supra. — Bel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 9.
492 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
Montezuma was greatly shocked at this sacrilegious
address. " These are the gods," he answered, " who
have led the Aztecs on to victory since they were a
nation, and who send the seed-time and harvest in their
seasons. Had I thought you would have offered them
this outrage, I would not have admitted you into their
presence."
Cortes, after some expressions of concern at having
wounded the feelings of the emperor, took his leave.
Montezuma remained, saying, that he must expiate, if
possible, the crime of exposing the shrines of the divini-
ties to such profanation by the strangers.30
On descending to the court, the Spaniards took a
leisurely survey of the other edifices in the inclosure.
The area was protected by a smooth stone pavement, so
polished, indeed, that it was with difficulty the horses
could keep their legs. There were several other teocallis,
built generally on the model of the great one, though of
much inferior size, dedicated to the different Aztec
deities.31 On their summits were the altars crowned
with perpetual flames, which, with those on the nume-
rous temples in other quarters of the capital, shed a
brilliant illumination over its streets, through the long
nights.32
Among the teocallis in the inclosure was one conse-
crated to Quetzalcoatl, circular in its form, and having
an entrance in imitation of a dragon's mouth, bristling
with sharp fangs, and dropping with blood. As the
30 Bemal Diaz, Ibid., ubi supra. aud circumstance. We are quite as
Whoever examines Cortes' great likely to find them attended to in
letter to Charles V. will be surprised the long- winded, gossiping, — inesti-
to find it stated, that, instead of any mable chronicle of Diaz.
acknowledgment to Montezuma, he 3l " Quarenta torres muy altas y
threw down his idols and erected bien obradas." Rel. Seg. de Cortes,
the Christian emblems in their stead. np. Lorenzana, p. 105.
(Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 106.) 32 " Delante de todos estos altares
This was an event of much later habia braceros que toda la noche"
date. The Conqimtador wrote his hardiau, y enlas salas tambien tenian
despatches too rapidly and concisely sus fuegos." Toribio, Hist, de los
to give heed always to exact time Indios, MS., Parte 1, eap. 12.
chap. II.] INTERIOR SANCTUARIES. 493
Spaniards cast a furtive glance into the throat of this
horrible monster, they saw collected there implements of
sacrifice and other abominations of fearful import. Their
bold hearts shuddered at the spectacle, and they desig-
nated the place not inaptly as the " Hell." 33
One other structure may be noticed as characteristic
of the brutish nature of their religion. This was a
pyramidal mound or tumulus, having a complicated
frame-work of timber on its broad summit. On this
was strung an immense number of human skulls which
belonged to the victims, mostly prisoners of war, who
had perished on the accursed stone of sacrifice. One of
the soldiers had the patience to count the number of
these ghastly trophies, and reported it to be one hundred
and thirty-six thousand !34 Belief might well be stag-
gered, did- not the Old World present a worthy counter-
part in the pyramidal Golgothas which commemorated
the triumphs of Tamerlane.35
There were long ranges of buildings in the inclosure,
appropriated as the residence of the priests and others
engaged in the offices of religion. The whole number
of them was said to amount to several thousand. Here
were, also, the principal seminaries for the instruction of
youth of both sexes, drawn chiefly from the higher and
wealthier classes. The girls were taught by elderly
women, who officiated as priestesses in the temples, a
custom familiar also to Egypt. The Spaniards admit
33 Bemal Diaz, Ibid., ubi supra. " Andres de Tapia, que me lo dijo,
Toribio, also, notices this temple i Gonealo de Urnbria, las contaron
with the same complimentary epithet. vn Dia, i hallaron ciento i treinta i
" La boca hecha como de infierno seis mil Calaberas, en las Vigas,
y en ella pintada la boca de una i Gradas." Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 82.
temerosa Sierpe con terribles col-
millos y dientes, y en algunas de 35 Three collections, thus fanci-
estas los cohnillos eran de bulto, que fully disposed, of these grinning hor-
verlo y entrar dentro ponia gran rors — in all 230,000 — are noticed
temor y grima, en especial el infierno by Gibbon ! (Decline and Fall, ed.
que estaba en Mexico, que parecia Milman, vol. i, p. 52; vol. xii. p. 45.)
traslado del verdadero infierno." An European scholar commends "the
Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte 1, conqueror's piety, his moderation,
cap. 4. and his justice"! Rowe's Dedication
34 Bemal Diaz, ubi supra. of " Tamerlane."
494 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
that the greatest care for morals, and the most blameless
deportment, were maintained in these institutions. The
time of the pupils was chiefly occupied, as in most
monastic establishments, with the minute and burden-
some ceremonial of their religion. The boys were like-
wise taught such elements of science as were known to
their teachers, and the girls initiated in the mysteries
of embroidery and weaving, which they employed in
decorating the temples. At a suitable age they generally
went forth into the world to assume the occupations
fitted to their condition, though some remained perma-
nently devoted to the services of religion.36
The spot was also covered by edifices of a still dif-
ferent character. There were granaries filled with the
rich produce of the church-lands, and with the first-
fruits and other offerings of the faithful. One large
mansion was reserved for strangers of eminence, who
were on a pilgrimage to the great teocalli. The in-
closure was ornamented with gardens, shaded by an-
cient trees, and watered by fountains and reservoirs
from the copious streams of Chapoltepec. The little
community was thus provided with almost everything
requisite for its own maintenance and the services of
the temple.37
It was a microcosm of itself, — a city within a city ;
and, according to the assertion of Cortes, embraced a
tract of ground large enough for live hundred houses.38
It presented in this brief compass the extremes of bar-
barism, blended with a certain civilization, altogether
characteristic of the Aztecs. The rude Conquerors saw
36 Ante, vol. i. pp. 54. MS., Parte 1, cap. 12. — Gomara,
The desire of presenting the reader Crdnica, cap. 80. — Rel. d'un gent.,
with a complete view of the actual ap. Ramnsio, torn. iii. fol. 309.
state of the capital, at the time of its
occupation by the Spaniards, has led 38 " Es tan grande que dentro del
me, in this and the preceding chapter, circuito de ella, que cs todo cercado
into a few repetitions of remarks on de Muro muy alto, se podia muy
the Aztec institutions in the Intro- bicn facer una Villa de quinientos
ductory Book of this History. Yecinos." Rcl. Seg. ap. Lorenzana,
:!" Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, p. 105.
chap, ii.] SPANISH QUARTERS. 495
only the evidence of the former. In the fantastic and
symbolical features of the deities, they beheld the literal
lineaments of Satan ; in the rites and frivolous cere-
monial, his own especial code of damnation ; and in the
modest deportment and careful nurture of the inmates
of the seminaries, the snares by which he was to beguile
his deluded victims.311 Before a century had elapsed, the
descendants of these same Spaniards discerned in the
mysteries of the Aztec religion the features, obscured
and defaced, indeed, of the Jewish and Christian revela-
tions!40 Such were the opposite conclusions of the
unlettered soldier and of the scholar. A philosopher,
untouched by superstition, might well doubt which of
the two was the most extraordinary.
The sight of the Indian abominations seems to have
kindled in -the Spaniards a livelier feeling for their own
religion ; since, on the following day, they asked leave of
Montezuma to convert one of the halls in their residence
into a chapel, that they might celebrate the services of
the Church there. The monarch, in whose bosom the
feelings of resentment seem to have soon subsided, easily
granted their request, and sent some of his own artisans
to aid them in the work.
While it was in progress, some of the Spaniards
observed what appeared to be a door recently plastered
over. It was a common rumour that Montezuma still
kept the treasures of his father, King Ayaxacatl, in this
ancient palace. The Spaniards, acquainted with this fact,
felt no scruple in gratifying their curiosity by removing
the plaster. As was anticipated, it concealed a door.
On forcing this, they found the rumour was no exagger-
ation. They beheld a large hall, filled with rich and
beautiful stuffs, articles of curious workmanship of vari-
ous kinds, gold and silver in bars and in the ore, and
30 t< Xodas estas mugeres," says monio las hiciese modestas," &c.
father Toribio, "estabau aqui sir- Hist, de los Indicts., MS., Parte 1,
viendo al demouio por sus propios cap. 9.
intereses ; las unas porque el De- 40 See Appendix, Part 1, No. 1.
496 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
many jewels of value. It was the private hoard of
Montezuma, the contributions, it may be, of tributary
cities, and once the property of his father. " I was a
young man," says Diaz, who was one of those that
obtained a sight of it, " and it seemed to me as if all the
riches of the world were in that room!"41 The Spa-
niards, notwithstanding their elation at the discovery of
this precious deposit, seem to have felt some commend-
able scruples as to appropriating it to their own use, —
at least for the present. And Cortes, after closing up
the wall as it was before, gave strict injunctions that
nothing should be said of the matter, unwilling that the
knowledge of its existence by his guests should reach the
ears of Montezuma.
Three days sufficed to complete the chapel ; and the
Christians had the satisfaction to see themselves in pos-
session of a temple where they might worship God in
their own way, under the protection of the Cross, and
the blessed Virgin. Mass was regularly performed by
the fathers, Olmedo and Diaz, in the presence of the
assembled army, who were most earnest and exemplary
in their devotions, partly, says the chronicler above
quoted, from the propriety of the thing, and partly for
its edifying influence on the benighted heathen.42
41 "Y luego lo supimos entre en mi vida riquezas como aquellas,
todos los deraas Capitanes, y sol- tuue por cierto, que en el mundo no
dados, y lo entramos a, ver mtty deuiera auer otras tantas!" Hist,
secretamente, y como yo lo vi, digo de la Conquista, cap. 93.
que me admire, e como en aquel
tiempo era mancebo, y no auia visto 42 Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 93.
CHAP. III.] 497
CHAPTER III.
Anxiety of Gortes. — Seizure of Montezuma. — His treatment by the Spa-
niards.— Execution of bis Officers. — Montezuma in Irons. — .Reflections.
1519.
The Spaniards had been now a week in Mexico.
During this, time, they had experienced the most friendly
treatment from the emperor. But the mind of Cortes
was far from easy. He felt that it was quite uncertain
how long this amiable temper would last. A hundred
circumstances might occur to change it. He might very
naturally feel the maintenance of so large a body too
burdensome on his treasury. The people of the capital
might become dissatisfied at the presence of so numerous
an armed force within their walls. Many causes of dis-
gust might arise betwixt the soldiers and the citizens.
Indeed, it was scarcely possible that a rude, licentious
soldiery, like the Spaniards, could be long kept in sub-
jection without active employment.1 The danger was
even greater witli the Tlascalans, a fierce race now
brought into daily contact with the nation who held
them in loathing and detestation. Rumours were
already rife among the allies, whether well-founded or
not, of murmurs among the Mexicans, accompanied by
menaces of raising the bridges.2
1 "Los Espahcles," says Cortes 2 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 83.
frankly, of bis countrymen, " somos There is reason to doubt the truth
algo incomportables, e importunos." of these stories. " Segun uua carta
Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 84. original que tengo en mi poder
VOL. I. K K
498 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [look iv.
Even should the Spaniards be allowed to occupy their
present quarters unmolested, it was not advancing the
great object of the expedition. Cortes was not a whit
nearer gaining the capital, so essential to his meditated
subjugation of the country; and any day he might
receive tidings that the Crown, or, what he most feared,
the governor of Cuba, had sent a force of superior
strength to wrest from him a conquest but half achieved.
Disturbed by these anxious reflections, he resolved to
extricate himself from his embarrassment by one bold
stroke. But he first submitted the affair to a council of
the officers in whom he most confided, desirous to divide
with them the responsibility of the act, and, no doubt,
to interest them more heartily in its execution, by
making it in some measure the result of their combined
judgments.
When the general had briefly stated the embarrass-
ments of their position, the council was divided in
opinion. All admitted the necessity of some instant
notion. One party were for retiring secretly from the
city, and getting beyond the causeways before their
march could be intercepted. Another advised that it
should be done openly, with the knowledge of the
emperor, of whose good-will they had had so many
proofs. But both these measures seemed alike im-
politic. A retreat under these circumstances, and so
abruptly made, would have the air of a flight. It would
be construed into distrust of themselves ; and any-
thing like timidity on their part would be sure not only
to bring on them the Mexicans, but the contempt of
their allies, who would, doubtless, join in the general cry.
firmada cle las tres cabezas de la los Tlascaltecas, y de algunos de los
Nueva Espaiia en donde escriben a Espanoles que veian la hora de
la Magestad del Emperador Nuestro salirse de miedo de la Ciudad, y
Seiior (que Dios tenga en su Santo poner en cobro innumerables rique-
Keyno) disculpan en ella a Mote- zas que habian venido a, sus manos."
culizoma y a los Mexicanos de esto, Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. Chicb., MS., cap.
y de lo demas que se les argulld, que S5.
lo cierto era que fue invencion de
chap, in.] SEIZURE OF MONTEZUMA. 499
As to Montezuma, what reliance could they place on
the protection of a prince so recently their enemy, and
who, in his altered bearing, must have taken counsel of
his fears rather than his inclinations ?
Even should they succeed in reaching the coast, their
situation would be little better. It would be proclaiming
to the world, that, after all their lofty vaunts, they were
unequal to the enterprise. Their only hopes of their
sovereign's favour, and of pardon for their irregular pro-
ceedings, were founded on success. Hitherto, they had
only made the discovery of Mexico ; to retreat would be
to leave conquest and the fruits of it to another. — In
short, to stay and to retreat seemed equally disastrous.
In this perplexity, Cortes proposed an expedient,
which none but the most daring spirit, in the most
desperate extremity, would have conceived. This was,
to march to the royal palace, and bring Montezuma to
the Spanish quarters, by fair means if they could per-
suade him, by force if necessary, — -at all events, to get
possession of his person. With such a pledge, the Spa-
niards would be secure from the assault of the Mexicans,
afraid by acts of violence to compromise the safety of
their prince. If he came by his own consent, they would
be deprived of all apology for doing so. As long as the
emperor remained among the Spaniards, it would be
easy, by allowing him a show of sovereignty, to rule in
his name, until they had taken measures for securing
their safety, and the success of their enterprise. The
idea of employing a sovereign as a tool for the govern-
ment of his own kingdom, if a new one in the age of
Cortes, is certainly not so in ours.3
3 ReL Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- him, a number of officers and soldiers,
zana, p. 84. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. of whom he was one, suggested the
Chich., MS., cap. 85. — P. Martyr, capture of Montezuma to the gene-
de Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3. — ral, who came into the plan with
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. hesitation. (Hist, de la Conquista,
33, cap. 6. cap. 93.) This is contrary to the
Bernal Diaz gives a very different character of Cortes, who was a man
report of this matter. According to to lead, not to be led, on such occa-
K K 2
500 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
A plausible pretext for the seizure of the hospitable
monarch — for the most barefaced action seeks to veil
itself under some show of decency — was afforded by
a circumstance of which Cortes had received intelligence
at Cholula.4 He had left, as we have seen, a faithful
officer, Juan cle Escalante, with a hundred and fifty men
in garrison at Vera Cruz, on his departure for the capital.
He had not been long absent, when his lieutenant
received a message from an Aztec chief named Quauhpo-
poca, governor of a district to the north of the Spanish
settlement, declaring his desire to come in person and
tender his allegiance to the Spanish authorities at Vera
Cruz. He requested that four of the white men might
be sent to protect him against certain unfriendly tribes
through which his road lay. This was not an uncommon
request, and excited no suspicion in Escalante. The
four soldiers were sent ; and on their arrival two of them
were murdered by the false Aztec. The other two made
their way back to the garrison.5
The commander marched at once, with fifty of his
men, and several thousand Indian allies, to take ven-
sions. It is contrary to the general for which the lapse of half a century
report of historians, though these, it — to say nothing of his avowed
must be confessed, are mainly built anxiety to shew up the claims of the
on the general's narrative. It is latter — may furnish some apology,
contrary to anterior probability ; 4 Even Gomara has the candour
since, if the conception seems almost to style it a " pretext " — achaque.
too desperate to have seriously en- Cronica, cap. S3,
tered into the head of any one man, 5 Bernal Diaz states the affair,
how much more improbable is it, also, differently. According to him,
that it should have originated with the Aztec governor was enforcing
a number ! Lastly, it is contrary to the payment of the customary tri-
the positive written statement of bute from the Totonacs, when Esca-
Cortes to the emperor, publicly lante, interfering to protect his allies,
known and circulated, confirmed in now subjects of Spain, was slain in
print by his chaplain, Gomara, and an action with the enemy. (Hist,
all this when the thing was fresh, de la Conquista, cap. 93.) Cortes
and when the parties interested were had the best means of knowing the
alive to contradict it. We cannot facts, and wrote at the time. He
but think that the captain here, as does not usually shrink from avow-
in the case of the burning of the ing his policy, however severe, to-
sbips, assumes rather more for him- wards the natives ; and I have
self and his comrades, than the facts thought it fair to give him the benefit
will strictly warrant; an oversight, of his own version of the story.
chap, in.] SEIZURE OF MONTEZUMA. 501
geance on the cacique. A pitched battle followed. The
allies fled from the redoubted Mexicans. The few Spa-
niards stood firm, and with the aid of their fire-arms and
the blessed Virgin, who was distinctly seen hovering
over their ranks in the van, they made good the field
against the enemy. It cost them dear, however ; since
seven or eight Christians were slain, and among them
the gallant Escalante himself, who died of his injuries
soon after his return to the fort. The Indian prisoners
captured in the battle spoke of the whole proceeding as
having taken place at the instigation of Montezuma.6
One of the Spaniards fell into the hands of the natives,
but soon after perished of his wounds. His head was
cut off and sent to the Aztec emperor. It was uncom-
monly large and covered with hair ; and, as Montezuma
gazed on the ferocious features, rendered more horrible
by death, he seemed to read in them the dark lineaments
of the destined destroyers of his house. He turned from
it with a shudder, and commanded that it should be
taken from the city, and not offered at the shrine of any
of his gods.
Although Cortes had received intelligence of this
disaster at Cholula, he had concealed it within his own
breast, or communicated it to very few only of his most
trusty officers, from apprehension of the ill effect it might
have on the spirits of the common soldiers.
The cavaliers whom Cortes now summoned to the
council were men of the same mettle with their leader.
Their bold chivalrous spirit seemed to court danger
for its own sake. If one or two, less adventurous, were
startled by the proposal he made, they were soon
6 Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS,, which, however, did not stagger the
lib. 33, cap. 5. — Itel. Seg. de Cortes, Spaniards. "Y cicrtamente, todos
ap. Lorenzana, pp. S3, 84. los soldados que passamos con Cortes,
The apparition of the Virgin was tenemos muy creido ; e assi es ver-
seen only by the Aztecs, who, it is dad, que la misericordia diuina, y
true, had to mate out the best case Nuestra Senora la Vfrgen Maria
for their defeat they could to Monte- siempre era con nosotros." Bernal
zuma ; a suspicious circumstance, Dinz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 93.
502 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
overruled by the others, who, no doubt, considered that
a desperate disease required as desperate a remedy.
That night, Cortes was heard pacing his apartment to
and fro, like a man oppressed by thought, or agitated by
strong emotion. He may have been ripening in his
mind the daring scheme for the morrow/ In the morning
the soldiers heard mass as usual, and father Olmedo
invoked the blessing of Heaven on their hazardous enter-
prise. Whatever might be the cause in which he was
embarked, the heart of the Spaniard was cheered with
the conviction that the Saints were on his side.8
Having asked an audience from Montezuma, which
was readily granted, the general made the necessary
arrangements for his enterprise. The principal part of
his force was drawn up in the court-yard, and he sta-
tioned a considerable detachment in the avenues leading
to the palace, to check any attempt at rescue by the
populace. He ordered twenty-five or thirty of the sol-
diers to drop in at the palace, as if by accident, in groups
of three or four at a time, while the conference was going
on with Montezuma. He selected five cavaliers, in whose
courage and coolness he placed most trust, to bear him
company; Pedro de Alvaraclo, Gonzalo de Sandoval,
Francisco de Lujo, Velasquez de Leon, and Alonso de
Avila, — brilliant names in the annals of the Conquest.
All were clad, as well as the common soldiers, in com-
plete armour, a circumstance of too familiar occurrence
to excite suspicion.
The little party were graciously received by the em-
peror, who soon, with the aid of the interpreters, became
interested in a sportive conversation with the Spaniards,
while he indulged his natural munificence by giving them
7 " Paseose vn gran rato solo, i all night. " Toda la noclie estuuimos
cuidadoso de aquel gran hecho, que en oracion con el Padre de la Merced,
emprendia, i que aun a el mesmo le rogando a Dios que fuesse de tal
parecia temerario, pero necesario para modo, que redundasse para su santo
su intento, andando." Gomara, Crd- servicio." Hist, de la Conquista,
nica, cap. 83. cap. 95.
8 Diaz says, they were at prayer
chap, ill.] SEIZURE OF MONTEZUMA. 503
presents of gold and jewels. He paid the Spanish gene-
ral the particular compliment of offering him one of his
daughters as his wife ; an honour which the latter respect-
fully declined, on the ground that he was already accom-
modated with one in Cuba, and that his religion forbade
a plurality.
When Cortes perceived that a sufficient number of his
soldiers were assembled, he changed his playful manner,
and with a serious tone briefly acquainted Montezuma
with the treacherous proceedings in the tierra caliente,
and the accusation of him as their author. The emperor
listened to the charge with surprise ; and disavowed the
act, which he said could only have been imputed to him
by his enemies. Cortes expressed his belief in his decla-
ration, but added, that, to prove it true, it would be
necessary to send for Quauhpopoca and his accomplices,
that they might be examined and dealt with according to
their deserts. To this Montezuma made no objection.
Taking from his wrist, to which it was attached, a pre-
cious stone, the royal signet, on which was cut the figure
of the war-god,9 he gave it to one of his nobles, with
orders to show it to the Aztec governor, and require his
instant presence in the capital, together with all those
who had been accessory to the murder of the Spaniards.
If he resisted, the officer was empowered to call in the
aid of the neighbouring towns to enforce the mandate.
When the messenger had gone, Cortes assured the
monarch that this prompt compliance with his request
convinced him of his innocence. But it was important
that his own sovereign should be equally convinced of
it. Nothing would promote this so much as for Monte-
zuma to transfer his residence to the palace occupied
by the Spaniards, till on the arrival of Quauhpopoca
the affair could be fully investigated. Such an act of
9 According to Ixtlilxochitl, it was esculpido su rostro (que era lo mis-
liis own portrait. "Se quito del moqueunselloReal)." Hist. Chich.,
brazo una rica piedra, donde esta MS., cap. 85.
504 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
condescension would, of itself, show a personal regard
for the Spaniards, incompatible with the base conduct
alleged against him, and would fully absolve him from
all suspicion !10
Montezuma listened to this proposal, and the flimsy
reasoning with which it was covered, with looks of pro-
found amazement. He became pale as death; but in a
moment his face flushed with resentment, as with the
pride of offended dignity, he exclaimed, " When was it
ever heard that a great prince, like myself, voluntarily
left his own palace to become a prisoner in the hands
of strangers !"
Cortes assured him he would not go as a prisoner.
He would experience nothing but respectful treatment
from the Spaniards ; would be surrounded by his own
household, and hold intercourse with his people as usual.
In short, it would be but a change of residence, from one
of his palaces to another, a circumstance of frequent
occurrence with him. — It was in vain. " If I should
consent to such a degradation," he answered, " my sub-
jects never wrould !" u When further pressed, he offered
to give up one of his sons and of his daughters to remain
as hostages with the Spaniards, so that he might be
spared this disgrace.
Two hours passed in this fruitless discussion, till a
high-mettled cavalier, Velasquez cle Leon, impatient of
the long delay, and seeing that the attempt, if not the
deed, must ruin them, cried out, " Why do w^e waste
words on this barbarian ? We have gone too far
to recede now. Let us seize him, and, if he resists,
plunge our swords into his body !"12 The fierce tone
and menacing gestures, with which this was uttered,
10 Eel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- 6 le daremos de estocadas, por esso
zana, p. 86. tornadle a dezir, que si da vozes, d
11 " Quando Io lo consintiera, los haze alboroto, que le matareis, por-
mios no pasarian por ello." Ixtlilxo- que mas vale que desta vez assegure-
cliitl, Hist. Cliich., MS., cap. 85. mos nuestras vidas, 6 las perdamos."
12 " i Que haze v. m. ya con tan- Bemal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
tas palabras ? 0 le Uevemos preso, cap. 95.
jhap. in.] SEIZURE OF MONTEZUMA. 505
alarmed the monarch, who inquired of Marina what the
angry Spaniard said. The interpreter explained it in as
gentle a manner as she could, beseeching him " to ac-
company the white men to their quarters, where he would
be treated with all respect and kindness, while to refuse
them would but expose himself to violence, perhaps to
death." Marina, doubtless, spoke to her sovereign as
she thought, and no one had better opportunity of know-
ing the truth than herself.
This last appeal shook the resolution of Montezuma.
It was in vain that the unhappy prince looked around for
sympathy or support, As his eyes wandered over the
stern visages and iron forms of the Spaniards, he felt that
his hour was indeed come ; and, with a voice scarcely
audible from emotion, he consented to accompany the
strangers,— to quit the palace, whither he was never
more to return. Had he possessed the spirit of the first
Montezuma, he would have called his guards around him,
and left his life-blood on the threshold, sooner than have
been dragged a dishonoured captive across it. But his
courage sank under circumstances. He felt he was the
instrument of an irresistible Fate !13
No sooner had the Spaniards got his consent, than
orders were given for the royal litter. The nobles, who
bore and attended it, could scarcely believe their senses,
when they learned their Master's purpose. But pride
now came to Montezuma's aid, and, since he must go, he
preferred that it should appear to be with his own free
will. As the royal retinue, escorted by the Spaniards,
]3 Oviedo has some doubts whe- He strikes the balance, however, in
ther Montezuma's conduct is to be favour of pusillanimity, " Un Prin-
viewed as pusillanimous or as pru- cipe tan grande como Montezuma no
dent. " Al coronista le parece, se- se habia de dexar incurrir en tales
gun lo que se puede colegir de esta terminos, ni consentir ser detenido
materia, que Montezuma era, 6 mui de tan poco niimero de Espaholes,
falto de animo, 6 pusilanimo, 6 mui ni de otra generacion alguna ; mas
prudente, aunque en muchas cosas, como Dios tiene ordenado lo que ha
los que le vieron lo loan de mui de ser, ninguno puede huir de su
sehor y mui liberal; yen sus razona- juicio." Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib.
mientos mostraba ser de buen juicio." 33, cap. 6.
506 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
marched through the streets with downcast eyes and de-
jected mien, the people assembled in crowds, and a
rumour ran among them, that the emperor was carried
off by force to the quarters of the white men. A tumult
would have soon arisen but for the intervention of Mon-
tezuma himself, who called out to the people to disperse,
as he was visiting his friends of his own accord ; thus
sealing his ignominy by a declaration which deprived his
subjects of the only excuse for resistance. On reaching
the quarters, he sent out his nobles with similar assur-
ances to the mob, and renewed orders to return to
their homes.14
He was received with ostentatious respect by the
Spaniards, and selected the suite of apartments which
best pleased him. They were soon furnished with fine
cotton tapestries, feather-work, and all the elegancies of
Indian upholstery. He was attended by such of his
household as he chose, his wives and his pages, and was
served with his usual pomp and luxury at his meals.
He gave audience, as in his own palace, to his subjects,
who were admitted to his presence, few, indeed, at a
time, under the pretext of greater order and decorum.
From the Spaniards themselves he met with a formal
deference. No one, not even the general himself, ap-
proached him without doffing his casque, and rendering
the obeisance due to his rank. Nor did they ever sit in
his presence, without being invited by him to do so.15
With all this studied ceremony and show of homage,
14 The story of the seizure of l3 " Siempre que ante el passau-
Montezuma may be found, with the amos, y amique fuesse Cortes, le qui-
usual discrepancies in the details, in tauamos los bonetes de armas 6 cas-
Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, cos, que siempre estauamos armados,
pp. 84 — 86. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, y el nos hazia gran mesura, y honra
de la Conquista, cap. 95. — Ixtlilxo- a todos Digo qne no se sen-
chitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 85. — tauan Cortes ni ninguno Capitan,
Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS , lib. hasta que el Montecuma les mandava
33, cap. 6. — Gomara, Crouica, cap. dar sus assentaderos ricos, y les
83. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, mandaua assentar." Bernal Diaz,
lib. 8, cap. 2, 3. — Martyr, de Orbe Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 95, 100.
Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3.
CHAP, in.] HIS TREATMENT BY THE SPANIARDS. 507
there was one circumstance which too clearly proclaimed
to his people that their sovereign was a prisoner. In the
front of the palace a patrol of sixty men was established,
and the same number in the rear. Twenty of each corps
mounted guard at once, maintaining a careful watch day
and night.16 Another body, under command of Velas-
quez cle Leon, was stationed in the royal antechamber.
Cortes punished any departure from duty, or relaxation
of vigilance, in these sentinels, with the utmost severity.17
He felt, as indeed every Spaniard must have felt, that
the escape of the emperor now would be their ruin. Yet
the task of this unintermitting watch sorely added to
their fatigues. "Better this dog of a king should die,"
cried a soldier one day, " than that we should wear out
our lives in this manner." The words were uttered in
the hearing of Montezuma, who gathered something of
their import, and the offender was severely chastised by
order of the general.18 Such instances of disrespect,
however, were very rare. Indeed, the amiable deport-
ment of the monarch, who seemed to take pleasure in
the society of his jailers, and who never allowed a favour
or attention from the meanest soldier to go unrequited,
inspired the Spaniards with as much attachment as they
were capable of feeling — for a barbarian.
Things were in this posture, when the arrival of
Quauhpopoca from the coast was announced. He was
accompanied by his son and fifteen Aztec chiefs. He
had travelled all the way, borne, as became his high rank,
in a litter. On entering Montezuma's presence, he
threw over his dress the coarse robe of nequen, and made
the usual humiliating acts of obeisance. The poor parade
of courtly ceremony was the more striking, when placed
in contrast with the actual condition of the parties.
16 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, were sentenced to run the gantlet,
lib. 8, cap. 3. a punishment little short of death.
Ibid., ubi supra.
17 On one occasion, three soldiers, 18 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
who left their post without orders, quista, cap. 97.
508 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
The Aztec governor was coldly received by his master,
who referred the affair (had he the power to do other-
wise ?) to the examination of Cortes. It was, doubtless,
conducted in a sufficiently summary manner. To the
general's query, whether the cacique was the subject of
Montezuma, he replied, "And what other sovereign
could I serve? " implying that his sway was universal.19
He did not deny his share in the transaction, nor did he
seek to shelter himself under the royal authority, till
sentence of death was passed on him and his followers,
when they all laid the blame of their proceedings on
Montezuma.20 They were condemned to be burnt alive in
the area before the palace. The funeral piles were made
of heaps of arrows, javelins, and other weapons, drawn
by the emperor's permission from the arsenals round the
great teocalli, where they had been stored to supply
means of defence in times of civic tumult or insurrection.
By this politic precaution, Cortes proposed to remove
a ready means of annoyance in case of hostilities with
the citizens.
To crown the whole of these extraordinary proceed-
ings, Cortes, while preparations for the execution were
going on, entered the emperor's apartment, attended by
a soldier bearing fetters in his hands. With a severe
aspect, he charged the monarch with being the original
contriver of the violence offered to the Spaniards, as was
now proved by the declaration of his own instruments.
Such a crime, which merited death in a subject, could
not be atoned for, even by a sovereign, without some
punishment. So saying, he ordered the soldier to fasten
19 " Y despues que confesaron si lo que alii se habia hecho si habia
haber muerto los Esparioles, les hice sido por su mandado ? y dijeron que
interrogar si ellos erau Vasallos de no, aunque despues, al tiempo que
Muteczuma ? Y el dieho Qualpopoca en ellos se executd la sentencia, que
respondio, que si habia otro Seiior, fuessen quemados, todos a una voz
de quien pudiesse serlo? casi dici- dijeron, que era verdad que el dicho
endo, que no habia otro, y que si Muteczuma se lo habia embeado a
eran." Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo- mandar, y que por su mandado lo
renzana, p. 87. habian hecho." Ibid., loc. cit.
20 "E assimismo les pregunte,
chap. HI.J MONTEZUMA IN IRONS. 509
the fetters on Montezuma's ankles. He coolly waited till
it was done ; then, turning his back on the monarch,
quitted the room.
Montezuma was speechless under the infliction of this
last insult. He was like one struck down by a heavy
blow, that deprives him of all his faculties. He offered
no resistance. But, though he spoke not a word, low,
ill-suppressed moans, from time to time, intimated the
anguish of his spirit. His attendants, bathed in tears,
offered him their consolations. They tenderly held his
feet in their arms, and endeavoured, by inserting their
shawls and mantles, to relieve them from the pressure
of the iron. But they could not reach the iron which
had penetrated into his soul. He felt that he was no
more a king. •
Meanwhile, the execution of the dreadful doom was
going forward in the court-yard. The whole Spanish
force was under arms, to check any interruption that
might be offered by the Mexicans. But none was
attempted. The populace gazed in silent wonder, re-
garding it as the sentence of the emperor. The manner
of the execution, too, excited less surprise, from their
familiarity with similar spectacles, aggravated, indeed, by
additional horrors, in their own diabolical sacrifices. The
Aztec lord and his companions, bound hand and foot to
the blazing piles, submitted without a cry or a complaint
to their terrible fate. Passive fortitude is the virtue of
the Indian warrior ; and it was the glory of the Aztec, as
of the other races on the North American continent, to
show how the spirit of the brave man may triumph over
torture and the agonies of death.
When the dismal tragedy was ended, Cortes reentered
Montezuma's apartment. Kneeling down, he unclasped
his shackles with his own hand, expressing at the same
time his regret that so disagreeable a duty as that of
subjecting him to such a punishment had been imposed
on him. This last indignity had entirely crushed the
510 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv,
spirit of Montezuma; and the monarch, whose frown,
but a week since, would have made the nations of
Anahuac tremble to their remotest borders, was now
craven enough to thank his deliverer for his freedom, as
for a great and unmerited boon !21
Not long after, the Spanish general, conceiving that
his royal captive was sufficiently humbled, expressed his
willingness that he should return, if he inclined, to his
own palace. Montezuma declined it ; alleging, it is said,
that his nobles had more than once importuned him to
resent his injuries by taking arms against the Spaniards ;
and that, were he in the midst of them, it would be
difficult to avoid it, or to save his capital from bloodshed
and anarchy.22 The reason did honour to his heart, if it
was the one which influenced him. It is probable that
he did not care to trust his safety to those haughty and
ferocious chieftains who had witnessed the degradation of
their master, and must despise his pusillanimity, as a
thing unprecedented in an Aztez monarch. It is also
said, that, when Marina conveyed to him the permission
of Cortes, the other interpreter, Aguilar, gave him to
understand the Spanish officers never would consent that
he should avail himself of it.23
Whatever were his reasons, it is certain that he
declined the offer ; and the general, in a well-feigned, or
real ecstacy, embraced him, declaring, " that he loved
him as a brother, and that every Spaniard wrould be
zealously devoted to his interests, since he had shown
himself so mindful of theirs ! " Honeyed words, " which,"
21 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 89. — pcenam se meruisse fassus est, vti
Qviedo, Hist, de las IncL, MS., lib. agmis mitis. iEquo amnio pati vi-
33, cap. 6. — Bernal Diaz, Hist, de detur has regulas grammaticalibus
la Conquista, cap. 95. duriores, imberbibus pueris dictatas,
One may doubt whether pity or omnia placide fert, nc seditio ciuium
contempt predominates in Martyr's et procerum oriatur." De Orbe
notice of this event. "Infelix tunc Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3.
Muteczuraa re adeo noua perculsus, 22 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lo-
formidine repletur, decidit animo, renzana, p. 88. s
neque iam erigere caput audet, aut 23 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con-
suorum auxilia implorare. Hie vero quista, cap. 95.
CHAP. Ill
] REFLECTIONS. 511
says the shrewd old chronicler who was present, " Mon-
tezuma was wise enough to know the worth of."
The events recorded in this chapter are certainly some
of the most extraordinary on the page of history. That
a small body of men, like the Spaniards, should have
entered the palace of a mighty prince, have seized his
person in the midst of his vassals, have borne him off a
captive to their quarters, — that they should have put to
an ignominious death before his face his high officers,
for executing, probably, his own commands, and have
crowned the whole by putting the monarch in iron's like
a common malefactor, — that this should have been done,
not to a drivelling dotard in the decay of his fortunes,
but to a proud monarch in the plenitude of his power, in
the very heart of his capital, surrounded by thousands and
tens of thousands who trembled at his nod, and would
have poured out their blood like water in his defence, —
that all this should have been done by a mere handful of
adventurers, is a thing too extravagant, altogether too
improbable, for the pages of romance ! It is, nevertheless,
literally true. Yet we shall not be prepared to acquiesce
in the judgments of contemporaries, who regarded these
acts with admiration. We may well distrust any grounds
on which it is attempted to justify the kidnapping of a
friendly sovereign,- — by those very persons, too, who were
reaping the full benefit of his favours.
To view the matter differently, we must take the
position of the Conquerors, and assume with them the
original right of conquest. Regarded from this point of
view, many difficulties vanish. If conquest were a duty,
whatever was necessary to effect it was right also.
Right and expedient become convertible terms. And it
can hardly be denied, that the capture of the monarch
was expedient, if the Spaniards would maintain their
hold on the empire.24
24 Archbishop Lorenzana, as late good Scripture warrant for the pro-
as the close of the last century, finds ceeding of the Spaniards. " Fue
512 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
The execution of the Aztec governor suggests other
considerations. If he were really guilty of the perfidious
act imputed to him by Cortes, and if Montezuma dis-
avowed it, the governor deserved death, and the general
was justified by the law of nations in inflicting it.25 It is
by no means so clear, however, why he should have in-
volved so many in this sentence ; most, perhaps all, of
whom must have acted under his authority. The cruel
manner of the death will less startle those who are
familiar with the established penal codes in most civilized
nations in the sixteenth century.
But, if the governor deserved death, what pretence
was there for the outrage on the person of Montezuma ?
If the former was guilty, the latter surely was not. But
if the cacique only acted in obedience to orders, the
responsibility was transferred to the sovereign who gave
the orders. They could not both stand in the same
category.
It is vain, however, to reason on the matter, on any
abstract principles of right and wrong, or to suppose that
the Conquerors troubled themselves with the refinements
of casuistry. Their standard of right and wrong, in re-
ference to the natives, was a very simple one. Despising
them as an outlawed race, without God in the world,
they, in common with their age, held it to be their " mis-
sion" (to borrow the cant phrase of our own day) to
conquer and to convert. The measures they adopted
certainly facilitated the first great work of conquest.
By the execution of the caciques, they struck terror not
only into the capital, but throughout the country. It pro-
claimed that not a hair of a Spaniard was to be touched
grande prudencia, y Arte militar muerto, y sorprendido por haberse
haber asegurado a el Emperador, confiado de Triplion." Kel. Seg. de
porque sino quedaban expuestos Cortes, p. 84, nota.
Hernan Cortes, y sus soldados a
perecer a traycion, y teniendo seguro 2o See Puffendorf, De Jure Na-
a el Emperador se aseguraba a sf turae et Gentium, Hb. 8, cap. 6, sec.
mismo, pues los Espaiioles no se 10. — Vattel, Law of Nations, book
confian ligeramente : Jonathas fne 3, chap. 8, sec. 141.
CHAP. Ill
.] REFLECTIONS. 513
with impunity ! By rendering Montezuma contemptible
in his own eyes and those of his subjects, Cortes de-
prived him of the support of his people, and forced him
to lean on the arm of the stranger. It was a politic pro-
ceeding,— to which few men could have been equal, who
had a touch of humanity in their natures.
A good criterion of the moral sense of the actors in
these events is afforded by the reflections of Bernal Diaz,
made some fifty years, it will be remembered, after the
events themselves, when the fire of youth had become
extinct, and the eye, glancing back through the vista of
half a century, might be supposed to be unclouded by the
passions and prejudices which throw their mist over the
present. " Now that I am an old man," says the veteran,
" I often entertain myself with calling to mind the hero-
ical deeds of early days, till they are as fresh as the
events of yesterday. I think of the seizure of the Indian
monarch, his confinement in irons, and the execution of
his officers, till all these things seem actually passing
before me. And, as I ponder on our exploits, I feel that
it was not of ourselves that we performed them, but that
it was the providence of God which guided us. Much
food is there here for meditation !"26 There is so, in-
deed, and for a meditation not unpleasing, as we reflect
on the advance, in speculative morality, at least, which
the nineteenth century has made over the sixteenth. But
should not the consciousness of this teach us charity ?
Should it not make us the more distrustful of applying
the standard of the present to measure the actions of the
past?
20 " Osar quemar sus Capitanes sentes. Y digo que nuestros hechos,
delante de sus Palacios y echalle que no los liaziamos nosotros, sino
grillos entre tanto que se hazia la que venian todos encaminados por
Justicia, que muckas vezes aora que l)ios. . . . Porque ay muclio que pon-
soy viejo me paro a considerar las derar eu ello." Hist, de laConquista,
cosas herdicas que eu aquel tiempo cap. 95.
passamos, que me parece lasveopre-
VOL. I. L L
514 [book IV.
CHAPTER IV.
Montezuma's Deportment. — His Life in the Spanish Quarters. — Medi-
tated Insurrection. — Lord of Tezcuco seized. — Further measures of
Cortes.
15.20.
The settlement of La Villa Rica cle Vera Cruz was of
the last importance to the Spaniards. It was the port by
which they were to communicate with Spain ; the strong
post on which they were to retreat in case of disaster,
and which was to bridle their enemies and give security
to their allies ; the point d'appui for all their operations
in the country. It was of great moment, therefore, that
the care of it should be intrusted to proper hands.
A cavalier, named Alonso de Grado, had been sent by
Cortes to take the place made vacant by the death of
Escalante. He was a person of greater repute in civil
than military matters, and would be more likely, it was
thought, to maintain peaceful relations with the natives,
than a person of more belligerent spirit. Cortes made —
what was rare with him — a bad choice. He soon re-
ceived such accounts of troubles in the settlement from
the exactions and negligence of the new governor, that
he resolved to supersede him.
He now gave the command to Gonzalo de Sandoval, a
young cavalier, who had displayed, through the whole
campaign, singular intrepidity united with sagacity and
discretion ; while the good humour with which he bore
chap, iv.] montezuma's deportment. 515
every privation, and his affable manners, made him a
favourite with all, privates as well as officers. Sandoval
accordingly left the camp for the coast. Cortes did not
mistake his man a second time.
Notwithstanding the actual control exercised by the
Spaniards through their royal captive, Cortes felt some
uneasiness, when he reflected that it was in the power of
the Indians, at any time, to cut off his communications
with the surrounding country, and hold him a prisoner in
the capital. He proposed, therefore, to build two vessels
of sufficient size to transport his forces across the lake,
and thus to render himself independent of the causeways.
Montezuma was pleased with the idea of seeing those
wonderful " water-houses," of which he had heard so
much, and readily gave permission to have the timber in
the royal forests felled for the purpose. The work was
placed under the direction of Martin Lopez, an experi-
enced ship-builder. Orders were also given to Sandoval
to send up from the coast a supply of cordage, sails, iron,
and other necessary materials, which had been judiciously
saved on the destruction of the fleet.1
The Aztec emperor, meanwhile, was passing his days
in the Spanish quarters in no very different manner from
what he had been accustomed to in his own palace. His
keepers were too well aware of the value of their prize,
not to do everything which could make his captivity com-
fortable, and disguise it from himself. But the chain
will gall, though wreathed with roses. After Monte-
zuma's breakfast, which was a light meal of fruits or
vegetables, Cortes or some of his officers usually waited
on him, to learn if he had any commands for them. He
then devoted some time to business. He gave audience
to those of his subjects who had petitions to prefer, or
suits to settle. The statement of the party was drawn
up on the hieroglyphic scrolls, which wrere submitted to
a number of counsellors or judges, who assisted him with
1 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 96.
L L 3
516 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
their advice on these occasions. Envoys from foreign
states or his own remote provinces and cities were also
admitted, and the Spaniards were careful that the same
precise and punctilious etiquette should be maintained
towards the royal puppet, as when in the plenitude of his
authority.
After business was despatched, Montezuma often
amused himself with seeing the Castilian troops go
through their military exercises. He, too, had been a
soldier, and in his prouder days had led armies in the
field. It was very natural he should take an interest in
the novel display of European tactics and discipline. At
other times he would challenge Cortes or his officers to
play at some of the national games. A favourite one
was called totoloque, played with golden balls aimed at a
target or mark of the same metal. Montezuma usually
staked something of value, — precious stones or ingots of
gold. He lost with good humour; indeed it was of
little consequence whether he won or lost, since he gene-
rally gave away his winnings to his attendants.2 Pie
had, in truth, a most munificent spirit. His enemies
accused him of avarice. But, if he were avaricious, it
could have been only that he might have the more to
give away.
Each of the Spaniards had several Mexicans, male and
female, who attended to his cooking and various other
personal offices. Cortes, considering that the mainte-
nance of this host of menials was a heavy tax on the
royal exchequer, ordered them to be dismissed, excepting
one to be retained for each soldier. Montezuma, on
learning this, pleasantly remonstrated with the general
on his careful economy, as unbecoming a royal establish-
ment, and, countermanding the order, caused additional
accommodations to be provided for the attendants, and
their pay to be doubled.
On another occasion, a soldier purloined some trinkets
2 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap 97.
chap, iv.] HIS LIFE IN THE SPANISH QUARTERS. 517
of gold from the treasure kept in the chamber, which,
since Montezuma's arrival in the Spanish quarters, had
been reopened. Cortes would have punished the man
for the theft, but the emperor interfering said to him,
" Your countrymen are welcome to the gold and other
articles, if you will but spare those belonging to the
gods." Some of the soldiers, making the most of his
permission, carried off several huudred loads of fine
cotton to their quarters. When this was represented to
Montezuma, he only replied, " What I have once given,
I never take back again." 3
While thus indifferent to his treasures, he was keenly
sensitive to personal slight or insult. When a common
soldier once spoke to him angrily, the tears came into
the monarch's eyes, as it made him feel the true cha-
racter of his impotent condition. Cortes, on becoming
acquainted with it, was so much incensed, that he ordered
the soldier to be hanged; but, on Montezuma's inter-
cession, commuted this severe sentence for a flogging.
The general was not willing that any one but himself
should treat his royal captive with indignity. Monte-
zuma was desired to procure a further mitigation of
the punishment. But he refused, saying, "that, if a
similar insult had been offered by any one of his sub-
jects to Malintzin, he would have resented it in like
manner."4
Such instances of disrespect were very rare. Monte-
zuma's amiable and inoffensive manners, together with
his liberality, the most popular of virtues with the vulgar,
made him generally beloved by the Spaniards.5 The
arrogance, for which he had been so distinguished in his
prosperous days, deserted him in his fallen fortunes.
3 Gornara, Cronica, cap. 81. — 5 "Euestoera tan bien nnrado,
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. que todos le qneriamos con gran
8, cap. 4. amor, porque verdaderamente era
gran sefior en todas las cosas que le
4 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, viamos bazer." Bernal Diaz, Hist,
lib. 8, cap. 5. de la Conquista, cap. 100.
518 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
His character in captivity seems to have undergone
something of that change which takes place in the wild
animals of the forest, when caged within the walls of the
menagerie.
The Indian monarch knew the name of every man in
the army, and was careful to discriminate his proper
rank.6 For some he showed a strong partiality. He
obtained from the general a favourite page, name Orte-
guilla, who, being in constant attendance on his person,
soon learned enough of the Mexican language to be of
use to his countrymen. Montezuma took great pleasure,
also, in the society of Velasquez de Leon, the captain of
his guard, and Pedro de Alvarado, Tonatiuh, or " the
Sun," as he was called by the Aztecs, from his yellow
hair and sunny countenance. The sunshine, as events
afterwards showed, could sometimes be the prelude to a
terrible tempest.
Notwithstanding the care taken to cheat him of the
tedium of captivity, the royal prisoner cast a wistful
glance now and then beyond the walls of his residence
to the ancient haunts of business or pleasure. He
intimated a desire to offer up his devotions at the great
temple, where he was once so constant in his worship.
The suggestion startled Cortes. It was too reasonable,
however, for him to object to it, without wholly discard-
ing the appearances which he was desirous to maintain.
But he secured Montezuma's return by sending an escort
with him of a hundred and fifty soldiers under the same
resolute cavaliers who had aided in his seizure. He told
him also, that, in case of any attempt to escape, his life
would instantly pay the forfeit. Thus guarded, the
Indian prince visited the teocatti, where he was received
with the usual state, and, after performing his devotions,
he returned again to his quarters.7
6 " Y el bien conocia a todos, y nos daua joyas, a otros. rnantas e
sabia nuestros nombres, y aun cali- Indias hermosas." Ibid., cap. 97.
dades, y era tan bueno, que a todos 7 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Cou-
qiiista, cap. 9S.
chap. iv. J HIS LIFE IN THE SPANISH QUARTERS. 519
It may well be believed that the Spaniards did not
neglect the opportunity afforded by his residence with
them, of instilling into him some notions of the Chris-
tian doctrine. Fathers Diaz and Olmedo exhausted all
their battery of logic and persuasion to shake his faith in
his idols, but in vain. He, indeed, paid a most edifying
attention, which gave promise of better things. But the
conferences always closed with the declaration, that " the
God of the Christians was good, but the gods of his
own country were the true gods for him."8 It is said,
however, they extorted a promise from him, that he
would take part in no more human sacrifices. Yet such
sacrifices were of daily occurrence in the great temples
of the capital; and the people were too blindly attached
to their bloody, abominations for the Spaniards to deem
it safe, for the present at least, openly to interfere.
Montezuma showed, also, an inclination to engage in
the pleasures of the chase, of which he once was immode-
rately fond. He had large forests reserved for the pur-
pose on the other side of the lake. As the Spanish
brigantines were now completed, Cortes proposed to trans-
port him and his suite across the water in them. They
were of a good size, strongly built. The largest was
mounted with four falconets, or small guns. It wras
protected by a gaily-coloured awning stretched over the
deck, and the royal ensign of Castile floated proudly
from the mast. On board of this vessel, Montezuma,
delighted with the opportunity of witnessing the nau-
tical skill of the white men, embarked with a train of
Aztec nobles and a numerous guard of Spaniards. A
fresh breeze played on the waters, and the vessel soon
left behind it the swarms of light pirogues which
darkened their surface. She seemed like a thing of life
in the eyes of the astonished natives, who saw her, as
8 According to Solis, the devil evil counsellor actually appeared and
closed his heart against these good conversed with Montezuma, after the
men; though, in the historian's opi- Spaniards had displayed the Cross in
niou, there is no evidence that this Mexico. Conquista, lib. 3, cap. 20.
520 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
if disdaining human agency, sweeping by with snowy
pinions as if on the wings of the wind, while the thun-
ders from her sides now for the first time breaking on
the silence of this " inland sea," showed that the beau-
tiful phantom was clothed in terror.9
The royal chase was well stocked with game ; some of
which the emperor shot with arrows, and others were
driven by the numerous attendants into nets.10 In these
woodland exercises, while he ranged over his wild
domain, Montezuma seemed to enjoy again the sweets
of liberty. It was but the shadow of liberty, however ;
as in his quarters, at home, he enjoyed but the shadow
of royalty. At home or abroad, the eye of the Spaniard
was always upon him.
But while he resigned himself without a struggle to
his inglorious fate, there were others who looked on it
with very different emotions. Among them was his
nephew Cacama, lord of Tezcuco, a young man not more
than twenty-five years of age, but who enjoyed great
consideration from his high personal qualities, especially
his intrepidity of character. He was the same prince
who had been sent by Montezuma to welcome the Spa-
niards on their entrance into the Valley ; and, when
the question of their reception was first debated in the
council, he had advised to admit them honourably as
ambassadors of a foreign prince, and, if they should
prove different from what they pretended, it would be
time enough then to take up arms against them. That
time, he thought, had now come.
In a former part of this work, the reader has been
made acquainted with the ancient history of the Acol-
huan or Tezcucan monarchy, once the proud rival of
°_ Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- and rabbits. ." La Caca a que Mote-
quista, cap. 99 — Rel. Seg. de Cortes, cuma iba por la Laguna, era a tirar
ap. Lorenzana, p. SS. a Pajaros, i a Conejos, con Cebra-
10 He sometimes killed his game tana, de la cpial era diestro." Her-
withatube, a sort of air-gun, through rera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 8,
which he blew little balls at birds cap. 4.
chap, iv.] MEDITATED INSURRECTION. 521
the Aztec in power, and greatly its superior in civiliza-
tion.11 Under its last sovereign, Nezaliualpilli, its terri-
tory is said to have been grievously clipped by the
insidious practices of Montezuma, who fomented dis-
sensions and insubordination among his subjects. On
the death of the Tezcucan prince, the succession was
contested, and a bloody war ensued between his eldest
son, Cacama, and an ambitious younger brother, Ixtlil-
xochitl. This was followed by a partition of the king-
dom, in which the latter chieftain held the mountain
districts north of the capital, leaving the residue to
Cacama. Though shorn of a large part of his hereditary
domain, the city was itself so important, that the lord
of Tezcuco still held a high rank among the petty princes
of the Valley. His capital, at the time of the Conquest,
contained, according to Cortes, a hundred and fifty thou-
sand inhabitants.12 It was embellished with noble build-
ings, rivalling those of Mexico itself, and the ruins still
to be met with on its ancient site attest that it was once
the abode of princes.13
The young Tezcucan chief beheld, with indignation
11 Ante, Book I. Chap. 6. pal, asi la vieja con su huerta cercada
12 " E llamase esta Ciudacl Tez- de mas de mil cedros muy grandes y
cuco, y sera de hasta trienta mil muJ hermosos, de los cuales hoy dia
Vecinos." (Rel. Seg., ap. Loren- estan los mas en pie, aunque la casa
zana, p. 94) According to the esta asolada, otra casa tenia que se
licentiate Zuazo, double that num- P°dia aposentar en ella un egercito,
ber — sesente mil Vecinos. (Carta, con muchos jardines, y un muy gran-
MS.) Scarcely probable, as Mexico de estanque, que por debajo de tierra
had no more. Toribio speaks of it sohanentrar a elconbarcas." (Tori-
as covering a league one way, by sis D1°; Hist- de los Indios, MS., Parte
another ! (Hist, de los Indios, MS., 3> caP- 7.) The last relics of this
Parte 3, cap. 7.) This must include Palace were employed in the fortifi-
the environs to a considerable extent. cations of the city m the revolu-
The language of the old chroniclers tionary war of 1810. (Ixtlilxochitl,
is not the most precise. Vemda de los Esp., p. 78, nota.)
13 A description of the capital in Tezcuco is now an insignificant little
its glory is thus given by an eye- Place> with a population of a few
witness : " Esta Ciudad era la se- thousand inhabitants. Its architec-
£>amda cosa principal de la tierra, y tural remains, as still to be discerned,
asi habia en Tezcuco muy grandes seem to have made a stronger im-
edificios de templos del Demonio, y pression on Mr. Bullock than on
muy gentiles casas y aposentos de most. travellers.^ Six Months in
Senores, entre los cuales, fue muy Mexico, cnap. 27.
cosa de ver la casa del Sehor princi-
522 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
and no slight contempt, the abject condition of his uncle.
He endeavoured to rouse him to manly exertion, but in
vain. He then set about forming a league with several
of the neighbouring caciques to rescue his kinsman, and
to break the detested yoke of the strangers. He called
on the lord of Iztapalapan, Montezuma's brother, the
lord of Tlacopan, and some others of most authority, all
of whom entered heartily into his views. He then urged
the Aztec nobles to join them, but they expressed an
unwillingness to take any step not first sanctioned by
the emperor.14 They entertained, undoubtedly, a pro-
found reverence for their master ; but it seems probable
that jealousy of the personal views of Cacama had its
influence on their determination. Whatever were their
motives, it is certain, that by this refusal they relin-
quished the best opportunity ever presented for retriev-
ing their sovereign's independence, and their own.
These intrigues could not be conducted so secretly as
not to reach the ears of Cortes, who, with his characteristic
promptness, would have marched at once on Tezcuco,
and trodden out the spark of " rebellion," 15 before it had
time to burst into a flame. But from this he was dis-
suaded by Montezuma, who represented that Cacama was
14 " Cacama reprehendio aspera- y casado estaba con ellos." Ixtlil-
mente a la Nobleza Mexicana porque xochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 86.
conseutia hacer semej antes desacatos 15 It is the language of Cortes.
a quatro Estrangeros y que no les " Y esta seiior se rebelo, assi contra
mataban, se escusaban con decirles el servicio de Vuestra Alteza, a quien
les iban a la mano y no les consen- se habia ofrecido, como contra el
tian tomar las Armas para libertarlo, dicho Muteczuma." Rel. Seg., ap.
y tomar si una tan gran deshonra Lorcnzana, p. 95. — Voltaire, with his
como era la que los Estrangeros les quick eye for the ridiculous, notices
habian hecho en prender a su seiior, this arrogance in his tragedy of
y quemar a Quauhpopocatzin, los Alzire.
demas sus Hijos y Deudos sin culpa, " Tu vois de ces tyrans la fureur
con las Armas y Municion que tenian dcspotique :
para la defenza y guarda de la ciu- lis pensent que pour eux le Ciel fit
dad, y de su autoridacl tomar para si PAinerique,
los tesoros del Rey, y de los Dioses, Qu'ils en sont nes les Rois ; et Za-
y otras libertades y desvergiienzas more a leurs yeux,
que cada dia pasaban, y aunque todo Tout souverain qu'il fut, n'est qu'un
csto vehian lo disimulaban por no - seditieux."
ehojara Motecuhzoma que tan amigo Alzire, Act 4, sc. 3.
chap, iv.] MEDITATED INSURRECTION. 523
a man of resolution, backed by a powerful force, and not
to be put down without a desperate struggle. He con-
sented, therefore, to negotiate, and sent a message of
amicable expostulation to the cacique. He received a
haughty answer in return. Cortes rejoined in a more
menacing tone, asserting the supremacy of his own sove-
reign, the emperor of Castile. To this Cacama replied,
" He acknowledged no such authority ; he knew nothing
of the Spanish sovereign nor his people, nor did he wish
to know anything of them." 1G Montezuma was not
more successful in his application to Cacama to come to
Mexico, and allow him to mediate his differences with
the Spaniards, with whom he assured the prince he was
residing as a friend. But the young lord of Tezcuco
was not to be so duped. He understood the position of
his uncle, and replied, " that, when he did visit his
capital, it would be to rescue it, as well as the emperor
himself, and their common gods, from bondage. He
should come, not with his hand in his bosom, but on his
sword,— to drive out the detested strangers who had
brought such dishonour on their country." 17
Cortes, incensed at this tone of defiance, would again
have put himself in motion to punish it, but Montezuma in-
terposed with his more politic arts. He had several of
the Tezcucan nobles, he said, in his pay ; 18 and it would
be easy, through their means, to secure Cacama's person,
and thus break up the confederacy at once, without
bloodshed. The maintaining of a corps of stipendiaries
in the courts of neighbouring princes was a refinement
which showed that the western barbarian understood the
16 Gomara, Cronica, cap, 91. afrenta havian liecho a la Nacion de
17 "I que para reparar la Reli- Culluia." Gomara, Cronica, cap. 91.
gion, i restituir los Dioses, guardar
el Reino, cobrar la fama, i libertad 18 " Pero que el tenia en su Tierra
a el, i a Mexico, iria de mui buena de cl dicho Cacamazin muchas Per-
gana, mas no las manos en el seno, sonas Principales, que vivian con el,
sino en la Espada, para matar los y les daba su salario." Rel. Seg.
Espanoles, que lanta mengua, i de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 95.
524 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
science of political intrigue, as well as some of his royal
brethren on the other side of the water.
By the contrivance of these faithless nobles, Cacama
was induced to hold a conference, relative to the pro-
posed invasion, in a villa which overhung the Tezcucan
lake, not far from his capital. Like most of the principal
edifices, it was raised so as to admit the entrance of
boats beneath it. In the midst of the conference, Cacama
was seized by the conspirators, hurried on board a bark
in readiness for the purpose, and transported to Mexico.
When brought into Montezuma's presence, the high-
spirited chief abated nothing of his proud and lofty bear-
ing. He taxed his uncle with his perfidy, and a pusilla-
nimity so unworthy of his former character, and of the
royal house from which he was descended. By the em-
peror he was referred to Cortes, who, holding royalty
but cheap in an Indian prince, put him in fetters.19
There was at this time in Mexico a brother of Cacama,
a stripling much younger than himself. At the instiga-
tion of Cortes, Montezuma, pretending that his nephew
had forfeited the sovereignty by his late rebellion, de-
clared him to be deposed, and appointed Cuicuitzca in
his place. The Aztec sovereigns had always been allowed
a paramount authority in questions relating to the suc-
cession. But this was a most unwarrantable exercise of
it. The Tezcucans acquiesced, however, with a ready
ductility, which showed their allegiance hung but lightly
on them, or, what is more probable, that they were
greatly in awe of the Spaniards ; and the new prince was
welcomed with acclamations to his capital.20
19 Ibid., pp. 95, 96. — Oviedo, 20 Cortes calls the name of this
Hist, de las Ind., MS, lib. 33, cap. prince Cucuzca. — Tn the orthography
8. — Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., of Aztec words, the general was go-
cap. 86. verned by his ear ; and was wrong
The latter author dismisses the nine times out of ten.— Sahagun,
capture of Cacama with the com- probably regarding him as an in-
fortable reflection, " that it saved truder, has excluded his name from
the Spaniards much embarrassment, the royal roll of Tezcuco. Hist, de
and greatly facilitated the introduc- Nueva Espana, lib. 8, cap. 3.
lion of the Catholic faith."
chap, iv.] FURTHER MEASURES OF CORTES. 525
Cortes still wanted to get into his hands the other
chiefs who had entered into the confederacy with Ca-
cama. This was no difficult matter. Montezuma's au-
thority was absolute, everywhere but in his own palace.
By his command, the caciques were seized, each in his
own city, and brought in chains to Mexico, where Cortes
placed them in strict confinement with their leader.21
He had now triumphed over all his enemies. He had
set his foot on the necks of princes ; and the great chief
of the Aztec empire was but a convenient tool in his
hands for accomplishing his purposes. His first use of
this power was, to ascertain the actual resources of the
monarchy. He sent several parties of Spaniards, guided
by the natives, to explore the regions where gold was
obtained. - It was gleaned mostly from the beds of
rivers, several hundred miles from the capital.
His next object was, to learn if there existed any good
natural harbour for shipping on the Atlantic coast, as the
road of Vera Cruz left no protection against the tempests
that at certain seasons swept over these seas. Monte-
zuma showed him a chart on which the shores of the
Mexican Gulf were laid down with tolerable accuracy.22
Cortes, after carefully inspecting it, sent a commission,
consisting of ten Spaniards, several of them pilots, and
some Aztecs, who descended to Vera Cruz, and made a
careful survey of the coast for nearly sixty leagues south
of that settlement, as far as the great river Coatzacualco,
which seemed to offer the best, indeed the only, accom-
modations for a safe and suitable harbour. A spot was
selected as the site of a fortified post, and the general
sent a detachment of a hundred and fifty men under
Velasquez de Leon to plant a colony there.
21 The exceeding lenity of the que se atribuyd al superior juicio
Spanish commander, on this occa- de los Fspaiioles, porque no espe-
sion, excited general admiration, raban de Motezuma semejante
if we are to credit Soils, through- moderation." Conquista, lib. 4,
out the Aztec empire ! " Tuvo cap. 2.
notable aplauso en todo el imperio 2? Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren-
este genero de castigo sin sangre, zana, p. 91.
526 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
He also obtained a grant of an extensive tract of land
in the fruitful province of Oaxaca, where he proposed to
lay out a plantation for the Crown. He stocked it with
the different kinds of domesticated animals peculiar to
the country, and with such indigenous grains and plants
as would afford the best articles for export. He soon
had the estate under such cultivation, that he assured his
master, the emperor, Charles the Fifth, it Avas worth
twenty thousand ounces of gold.23
23 " Damus quge dant," says Mar- (Hel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 89.) It
tyr, briefly, in reference to this valu- is here, also, that some of the most
ation. (De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. elaborate specimens of Indian archi-
3.) Cortes notices the reports made tecture are still to be seen in the
by his people, of large and beautiful ruins of Mitla.
edifices in the province of Oaxaca.
527
CHAPTER V.
Montezuma swears Allegiance to Spain. — Royal Treasures. — Their Division.
— Christian Worship in the Teocalli. — Discontents of the Aztecs.
1520.
Cortes now felt his authority sufficiently assured to
demand from Montezuma a formal recognition of the
supremacy of the Spanish emperor. The Indian monarch
had intimated his willingness to acquiesce in this, on
their very first interview. He did not object, therefore,
to call together his principal caciques for the purpose.
When they were assembled, he made them an address,
briefly stating the object of the meeting. They were all
acquainted, he said, with the ancient tradition, that the
great Being, who had once ruled over the land, had
declared, on his departure, that he should return at some
future time and resume his sway. That time had now
arrived. The white men had come from the quarter
where the sun rises, beyond the ocean, to which the good
deity had withdrawn. They were sent by their master
to reclaim the obedience of his ancient subjects. For
himself he was ready to acknowledge his authority.
" You have been faithful vassals of mine," continued
Montezuma, " during the many years that I have sat on
the throne of my fathers. I now expect that you will
show me this last act of obedience by acknowledging the
great king beyond the waters to be your lord, also, and
that you will pay him tribute in the same manner as you
528 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [bcok iv.
have hitherto done to me."1 As he concluded, his voice
was nearly stifled by his emotion, and the tears fell fast
down his cheeks.
His nobles, many of whom, coming from a distance,
had not kept pace with the changes which had been
going on in the capital, were filled with astonishment as
they listened to his words, and beheld the voluntary
abasement of their master, whom they had hitherto reve-
renced as the omnipotent lord of Anahuac. They were
the more affected, therefore, by the sight of his distress.2
His will, they told him, had always been their law. It
should be so now ; and, if he thought the sovereign of
the strangers was the ancient lord of their country, they
were willing to acknowledge him as such still. The
oaths of allegiance were then administered with all due
solemnity, attested by the Spaniards present, and a full
record of the proceedings was drawn up by the royal
notary, to be sent to Spain.3 There was something
deeply touching in the ceremony by which an inde-
pendent and absolute monarch, in obedience less to the
dictates of fear than of conscience, thus relinquished his
hereditary rights in favour of an unknown and mysterious
power. It even moved those hard men who were thus
1 "Y mucho os ruego, pues a 3 Solis regards this ceremony as
todos os es notorio todo esto, que supplying what was before defective
assi como hasta aqui a mi me habeis in the title of the Spaniards to the
tenido, y obedeciclo por Seiior vues- country. The remarks are curious,
tro, de aqui adelante tengais, y obe- even from a professed casuist. " Y
descais a este Gran Rey, pues el es siendo una como insinuacion miste-
vuestro natural Seiior, y en su lugar riosa del fitulo que se debio despues
tengais a este su Capitan : y todos al derecho de las arm as, sobre justa
los Tributos, y Servicios, que fasta provocation, como lo veremos en su
aqui a mi me haciades, los haced, y lugar : circunstancia particular, que
dad a el, porque yo assimismo tengo concurrio en la conquista de Mejico
de contribuir, y servir con todo lo para mayor justification de aquel
que me mandare." Rel. Seg. de dominio, sobre las demas considera-
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 97. ciones generales que no solo hicieron
2 " Lo qual todo les dijo llorando, licita la guerra en otras partes, sino
con las mayores lagrimas, y suspiros, legitima y razonable siempre que se
que un hombre podia manifestar ; e puso en terminos de medio necesario
assimismo todos aquellos Senores, para la introduction del Evangelic"
que le estaban oiendo, lloraban tanto, Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 3.
que en gran rato no le pudieron res-
ponder." Ibid., loc. tit.
chap, v.] ROYAL TREASURES. 529
unscrupulously availing themselves of the confiding igno-
rance of the natives ; and, though " it was in the regular
way of their own business," says an old chronicler, " there
was not a Spaniard who could look on the spectacle with
a dry eye !"4
The rumour of these strange proceedings was soon
circulated througli the capital and the country. Men
read in them the finger of Providence. The ancient tra-
dition of Quetzalcoatl was familiar to all ; and where it
had slept scarcely noticed in the memory, it was now
revived with many exaggerated circumstances. It was
said to be part of the tradition, that the royal line of the
Aztecs was to end with Montezuma ; and his name, the
literal signification of which is "sad" or "angry lord,"
was construed into an omen of his evil destiny.5
Having thus secured this great feudatory to the crown
of Castile, Cortes suggested that it would be well for the
Aztec chiefs to send his sovereign such a gratuity as
would conciliate his good-will by convincing him of the
loyalty of his new vassals.6 Montezuma consented that
his collectors should visit the principal cities and
4 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- respondieron aceptando lo que les
quista, cap. 101. — Soils, Conquista, mandaba, y exortaba, y a mi pareecr
loc. cit. — Herrera, Hist. General, su llanto queria decir, d ensenar otra
dec. 2, lib. 9, cap. 4. — Ixtlilxochitl, cosa de lo que 61, y ellos dixeron ;
Hist. Chicb., MS., cap. 87. porque las obedieucias que se suelen
Oviedo considers the grief of dar a los Principes con riza, e con
Montezuma as sufficient proof that eamaras ; e diversidad de Miisica, c
bis homage, far from being voluntary, leticia, ensenales de placer, se suele
was extorted by necessity. The bis- liacer ; e no con lucto ni Mgrimas, e
torian appears to have seen tbe drift sollozos, ni estando preso quien obe-
of events more clearly than some of dece ; porque como dice Marco Var-
the actors in tbem. " Y en la ver- ron : Lo que por fuerza se da no es
dad si como Cortes lo dice, 6 escrivid, servicio sino robo." Hist, de las
pasd en efecto, mui gran cosa mc Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 9.
parece la conciencia y liberalidad de * r, /-, / • r>o ru„
Kir . „ , J ,-, • 5 Gomara, Cronica, cap. 92. — Lla-
Montezuma en esta su rcstitucion . 0, i , w • ' + •• ^
e obediencia al Rey de Castilla, por JK«* Stor' del MesslC0> tora- n' *
la simple d cautelosa informacion de J'
Cortes, que le podia bacer para ello ; 6 " Pareceria que ellos comenza-
Mas aquellas lagrimas con que dice, ban a servir, y Vuestra Alteza ten-
que Montezuma bizo su oracion, e dria mas concepto de las voluntades,
amonestamiento, despojandose de su que a su servicio mostraban." llel.
seilorio, e las de aquellos con que les Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 9S.
VOL. I. M M
530 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
provinces, attended by a number of Spaniards, to receive
the customary tributes, in the name of the Castilian
sovereign. In a few weeks most of them returned,
bringing back large quantities of gold and silver plate,
rich stuffs, and the various commodities in which the
taxes were usually paid.
To this store Montezuma added, on his own account,
the treasure of Axayacatl, previously noticed, some part
of which had been already given to the Spaniards. It
was the fruit of long and careful hoarding, — of extortion,
it may be, — by a prince who little dreamed of its final
destination. When brought into the quarters, the gold
alone was sufficient to make three great heaps. It con-
sisted partly of native grains ; part had been melted into
bars ; but the greatest portion was in utensils, and
various kinds of ornaments and curious toys, together
with imitations of birds, insects, or flowers, executed with
uncommon truth and delicacy. There were also quanti-
ties of collars, bracelets, wands, fans, and other trinkets,
in which the gold and feather-work were richly powdered
with pearls and precious stones. Many of the articles
were even more admirable for the workmanship than for
the value of the materials ;7 such, indeed, — if we may
take the report of Cortes to one who would himself have
soon an opportunity to judge of its veracity, and whom
it would not be safe to trifle with, — as no monarch in
Europe could boast in his dominions !8
Magnificent as it was, Montezuma expressed his regret
7 Peter Martyr, distrusting some 8 " Las quales, demas de su valor,
extravagance in this statement of eran tales, y tan maravillosas, que
Cortes, found it fully confirmed by consideradas por su novedad, y estra-
the testimony of others. " Heferunt fieza, no tenian precio, ni es de creer,
non credenda. Credenda tamen, que alguno de todos los Principes del
quando vir talis ad Csesarem et nos- Mundo de quien se tiene noticia, las
tri collegii Indici senatores audeat pudiesse tener tales, y de tal calidad."
exscribere. Addes insuper se multa Eel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana,
prsetermittere, ne tanta reeensendo p. 99. — See, also, Oviedo, Hist, de
sit molestus. Idem affirmant qui ad las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 9. — Ber-
nos itide regrediuntur" De Orbe nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3. cap. 104.
chap, v.] THEIR DIVISION. 531
that the treasure was no larger. But he had diminished
it, he said, by his former gifts to the white men.
" Take it," he added, " Malintzin, and let it be recorded
in your annals, that Montezuma sent this present to
your master."9
The Spaniards gazed with greedy eyes on the display
of riches,10 now their own, which far exceeded all hitherto
seen in the New World, and fell nothing short of the M
Dorado which their glowing imaginations had depicted.
It may be that they felt somewhat rebuked by the con-
trast which their own avarice presented to the princely
munificence of the barbarian chief. At least, they
seemed to testify their sense of his superiority by the
respectful homage which they rendered him, as they
poured forth the fulness of their gratitude.11 They were
not so scrupulous, however, as to manifest any delicacy
in appropriating to themselves the donative, a small part
of which was to find its way into the royal coffers. They
clamoured loudly for an immediate division of the spoil,
which the general would have postponed till the tributes
from the remoter provinces had been gathered in. The
goldsmiths of Azcapozalco were sent for to take in pieces
the larger and coarser ornaments, leaving untouched
those of more delicate workmanship. Three days were
consumed in this labour, when the heaps of gold were
cast into ingots, and stamped with the royal arms.
Some difficulty occurred in the division of the treasure,
from the want of weights, which, strange as it appears,
considering their advancement in the arts, were, as
already observed, unknown to the Aztecs. The defi-
ciency was soon supplied by the Spaniards, however,
9 " Dezilde en vuestros anales y y todos nosotros, estuvinios espanta-
cartas ; Esto os embia vuestro buen dos de la gran bondad, y liberalidad
vassallo Montezuma." Bernal Diaz, del gran Monteeuma, y con mucho
ubi supra. acato le quitamos todas las gorras de
10 " Fluctibus auri armas, y le diximos, que se lo tenia-
Expleri calor ille nequit." mos en merced, y con palabras de
Claudian, InEuf., lib. 1. mucho amor," &c. Bernal Diaz,
11 " Y quado aquello le oyd Cortes, Hist- de la Conquista, cap. 104.
mm2
53.2 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
with scales and weights of their own manufacture, pro-
bably not the most exact. With the aid of these they
ascertained the value of the royal fifth to be thirty-two
thousand and four hundred pesos de oro.12 Diaz swells
it to nearly four times that amount.13 But their desire
of securing the emperor's favour makes it improbable
that the Spaniards should have defrauded the exchequer
of any part of its due ; while, as Cortes was responsible
for the sum admitted in his letter, he would be still less
likely to overstate it. His estimate may be received as
the true one.
The whole amounted, therefore, to one hundred and
sixty-two thousand pesos de oro, independently of the fine
ornaments and jewelry, the value of which Cortes com-
putes at five hundred thousand ducats more. There
were, besides, five hundred marks of silver, chiefly in
plate, drinking cups, and other articles of luxury. The
inconsiderable quantity of the silver, as compared with
the gold, forms a singular contrast to the relative pro-
portions of the two metals since the occupation of the
country by the Europeans.14 The whole amount of
the treasure, reduced to our own currency, and making
12 Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Loren- Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 104.
zana. p. 99. u The quantity of silver taken
This estimate of the royal fifth is from the American mines has ex-
confirmed (with the exception of the ceeded that of gold in the ratio of
four hundred ounces) by the affidavits forty-six to one. (Humboldt, Essai
of a number of witnesses cited on Politique, torn. iii. p. 401.) The
behalf of Cortes, to show the amount value of the latter metal, says Cle-
of the treasure. Among these wit- mencin, which, on the discovery of
ncsses we find some of the most the New World, was only eleven
respectable names in the army, as times greater than that of the former,
Olid, Ordaz, Avila, the priests 01- has now come to be sixteen times,
medo and Diaz, — the last, it may be (Memorias de la Real Acad. deHist.,
added, not too friendly to the general. torn. vi. Ilust. 20.) This does not
The instrument, which is without vary materially from Smith's esti-
date, is in the collection of Vargas mate made after the middle of the
Ponze. Probanza fecha a pedimento last century. (Wealth of Nations,
de Juan de Lexalde, MS. book 1, chap. 11.) The difference
13 " Eran tres montones de oro, y would have been much more consi-
pesado huvo en ellos sobre seiscienios derable, but for the greater demand
mil pesos, como adelante dire, sin la for silver for objects of ornament
plata, 6 otras muchas riquczas." and use.
chap, v.] THEIR DIVISION. 533
allowance for the change in the value of gold since the
beginning of the sixteenth century, was about six mil-
lion three hundred thousand dollars, or one million four
hundred and seventeen thousand pounds sterling ; a sum
large enough to show the incorrectness of the popular
notion, that little or no wealth was found in Mexico.15
It was, indeed, small in comparison with that obtained
by the conquerors of Peru. But few European monarchs
of that day could boast a larger treasure in their coffers.16
The division of the spoil was a work of some difficulty.
A perfectly equal division of it among the Conquerors
would have given them more than three thousand pounds
sterling a-piece ; a magnificent booty ! But one-fifth was
to be deducted for the Crown. An equal portion was
reserved for the general, pursuant to the tenour of his
commission. A large sum was then allowed to indemnify
him and the governor of Cuba for the charges of the ex-
pedition and the loss of the fleet. The garrison of Vera
Cruz was also to be provided for. Ample compensation
was made to the principal cavaliers. The cavalry, arque-
busiers, and crossbowmen, each received double pay.
So that when the turn of the common soldiers came,
15 Dr. Robertson, preferring the error in stating that gold was not
authority, it seems, of Diaz, speaks of one of the standards by which the
the value of the treasure as 600,000 value of other commodities in Mexico
pesos. (History of America, vol. ii. was estimated. Comp. ante, vol. i.
pp. 296, 298.) The value of the peso p. 131.
is an ounce of silver, or dollar, which,
making allowance for the deprecia- 16 Many of them, indeed, could
tion of silver, represented, in the boast little or nothing in their coffers,
time of Cortes, nearly four times its Maximilian of Germany, and the
value at the present day. But that more prudent Ferdinand of Spain,
of the peso de oro was nearly three left scarcely enough to defray their
times that sum, or eleven dollars, funeral expenses. Even as late as
sixty-seven cents. (See ante, book ii. the beginning of the next century,
chap. 6, note 18.) Robertson makes we find Henry IV. of France em-
liis own estimate, so much reduced bracing his minister Sully with rap-
below that of his original, an argu- ture, when he informed him, that,
ment for doubting the existence, in by dint of great economy, he had
any great quantity, of either gold or 36,000,000 Jivres, about 1,500,000
silver in the country. In accounting pounds sterling, in his treasury. See
for the scarcity of the former metal Meinoires du Due de Sully, torn. iii.
in this argument, he falls into an liv. 27.
534 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book jv.
there remained not more than a hundred pesos de oro for
each ; a sum so insignificant, in comparison with their
expectations, that several refused to accept it.17
Loud murmurs now arose among the men. " Was it
for this," they said, " that we left our homes and families,
perilled our lives, submitted to fatigue and famine, and
all for so contemptible a pittance ! Better to have stayed
in Cuba, and contented ourselves with the gains of a safe
and easy traffic. When we gave up our share of the gold
at Vera Cruz, it was on the assurance that we should be
amply requited in Mexico. We have, indeed, found the
riches we expected ; but no sooner seen, than they are
snatched from us by the very men who pledged us their
faith ! " The malecontents even went so far as to accuse
their leaders of appropriating to themselves several of the
richest ornaments, before the partition had been made ;
an accusation that receives some countenance from a
dispute which arose between Mexia, the treasurer for
the Crown, and Velasquez de Leon, a relation of the
governor, and a favourite of Cortes. The treasurer
accused this cavalier of purloining certain pieces of plate
before they were submitted to the royal stamp. From
words the parties came to blows. They were good
swordsmen ; several wounds were given on both sides,
and the affair might have ended fatally, but for the in-
terference of Cortes, who placed both under arrest.
He then used all his authority and insinuating elo-
quence to calm the passions of his men. It was a
delicate crisis. He was sorry, he said, to see them so
unmindful of the duty of loyal soldiers, and cavaliers of
the Cross, as to brawl like common banditti over their
booty. The division, he assured them, had been made
on perfectly fair and equitable principles. As to his own
share, it was no more than was warranted by his com-
mission. Yet, if they thought it too much, he was
17 " Por ser tan poco, nmchos recebir." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
soldados huvo que no lo quisieron Conquista, cap. 105.
chap, v.] THEIR DIVISION. 535
willing to forego his just claims, and divide with the
poorest soldier. Gold, however welcome, was not the
chief object of his ambition. If it were theirs, they
should still reflect, that the present treasure was little in
comparison with what awaited them hereafter; for had
they not the whole country and its mines at their dis-
posal ? It was only necessary that they should not give
an opening to the enemy, by their discord, to circumvent
and to crush them. — With these honeyed words, of which
he had good store for all fitting occasions, says an old
soldier,18 for whose benefit, in part, they were intended,
he succeeded in calming the storm for the present ; while
in private he took more effectual means, by presents
judiciously administered, to mitigate the discontents of
the importunate and refractory. And, although there
were a few of more tenacious temper, who treasured this
in their memories against a future day, the troops soon
returned to their usual subordination. This was one of
those critical conjunctures which taxed all the address
and personal authority of Cortes. He never shrunk from
them, but on such occasions was true to himself. At
Vera Cruz, he had persuaded his followers to give up
what was but the earnest of future gains. Here he per-
suaded them to relinquish these gains themselves. It
was snatching the prey from the very jaws of the lion.
Why did he not turn and rend him ?
To many of the soldiers, indeed, it mattered little
whether their share of the booty were more or less.
Gaming is a deep-rooted passion in the Spaniard, and
the sudden acquisition of riches furnished both the
means and the motive for its indulgence. Cards were
easily made out of old parchment drum-heads, and in a
few days most of the prize-money, obtained with so
much toil and suffering, had changed hands, and many
of the improvident soldiers closed the campaign as poor
18 "Palabras rauy melifluas; .... sabia bieu proponer." Bernal Diaz,
razones mui bien dicbas, que las Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 105.
536 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
as they had commenced it. Others, it is true, more
prudent, followed the example of their officers, who, with
the aid of the royal jewellers, converted their gold into
chains, services of plate, and other portable articles of
ornament or use.19
Cortes seemed now to have accomplished the great
objects of the expedition. The Indian monarch had
declared himself the feudatory of the Spanish. His
authority, his revenues, were at the disposal of the
general. The conquest of Mexico seemed to be achieved,
and that without a blow. But it was far from being
achieved. One important step yet remained to be taken,
towards which the Spaniards had hitherto made little
progress, — the conversion of the natives. With all the
exertions of father Olmedo, backed by the polemic
talents of the general,20 neither Montezuma nor his
subjects showed any disposition to abjure the faith of
their fathers.21 The bloody exercises of their religion, on
the contrary, were celebrated with all the usual circum-
stance and pomp of sacrifice before the eyes of the
Spaniards.
Unable further to endure these abominations, Cortes,
attended by several of his cavaliers, waited on Monte-
zuma. He told the emperor that the Christians could
19 Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Con- successful labours among the lu-
quista, cap. 105, 106. — Gomara, dians. " Cortes comenzo a dar orden
Cronica, cap. 93. — Herrera, Hist. de la conversion de los Naturales,
General, dec. 2, lib. 8, cap. 5. diciendoles, que pues eran vasallos
•;»•«& jureconsulto Cortesius ^Bg^fe q&pa&n que se icxmasen
tlieoloerus effectus," says Martyr, in , '/ -h ,. V Sl
i • -pi Ti n i, w se comenzaron a Bautizar a Uranos
Ins pithy manner. De (Jrbe Novo, f , %> ,
dec 5 can 4 aunque fueron muy pocos, y Mote-
' ' l ' cuhzoma aunque pidid el Bautismo,
21 According to Ixtlilxochitl, y sabia algunas de las oraciones como
Montezuma got as far on the road eran el Ave Maria, y el Credo, se
to conversion, as the Credo and the dilato por la Pasqua siguiente, que
Ave Maria, both of which he could era la de Resurrection, y fue tan
repeat ; but his baptism was post- desdichado que nunca alcanzd tanto
poned, and he died before receiving bien, y los Nuestros con la dilacion
it. That he ever consented to re- y aprieto en que se vieron, se descu-
ceive it is highly improbable. I idaron, de que peso a todos mucho
quote the historian's words, in which muriese sin Bautismo." Hist. Chich.,
he further notices the general's un- MS., cap. 87.
chap, v.] THEIR DIVISION. 537
no longer consent to have the services of their religion
shut up within the narrow walls of the garrison. They
wished to spread its light far abroad, and to open to the
people a full participation in the blessings of Christianity.
For this purpose they requested that the great teocalli
should be delivered up, as a fit place where their worship
might be conducted in the presence of the whole city.
Montezuma listened to the proposal with visible con-
sternation. Amidst all his troubles he had leaned for
support on his own faith, and, indeed, it was in obedience
to it that he had shown such deference to the Spaniards
as the mysterious messengers predicted by the oracles.
" Why," said he, " Malintzin, why will you urge matters
to an extremity, that must surely bring clown the ven-
geance of our gods, and stir up an insurrection among
my people, who will never endure this profanation of
their temples." 22
Cortes, seeing how greatly he was moved, made a sign
to his officers to withdraw. When left alone with the
interpreters, he told the emperor that he would use his
influence to moderate the zeal of his followers, and per-
suade them to be contented with one of the sanctuaries
of the teocalli. If that were not granted, they should be
obliged to take it by force, and to roll down the images
of his false deities in the face of the city. " We fear not
for our lives," he added, " for though our numbers are
few, the arm of the true God is over us." Montezuma,
much agitated, told him that he would confer with the
priests.
The result of the conference was favourable to the
Spaniards, who were allowed to occupy one of the sanc-
tuaries as a place of worship. The tidings spread great
joy throughout the camp. They might now go forth in
22 " 0 Malintzin, y corao nos aim vnestras vidas no se_ en que
quereis ecliar a perder a toda esta pararan." Benial Diaz, Hist, de la
ciudad porque estaran mui enqjados Conquista, cap. 107.
nuestros Dioses contra nosotros, y
538 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
open day and publish their religion to the assembled
capital. No time was lost in availing themselves of the
permission. The sanctuary was cleansed of its disgusting
impurities. An altar was raised, surmounted by a cru-
cifix and the image of the Virgin. Instead of the gold
and jewels which blazed on the neighbouring pagan
shrine, its walls were decorated with fresh garlands of
flowers ; and an old soldier was stationed to watch over
the chapel, and guard it from intrusion.
When these arrangements were completed, the whole
army moved in solemn procession up the winding ascent
of the pyramid. Entering the sanctuary, and clustering
round its portals, they listened reverentially to the ser-
vice of the mass, as it was performed by the fathers
Olmedo and Diaz. And as the beautiful Te Beum rose
towards heaven, Cortes and his soldiers, kneeling on the
ground, with tears streaming from their eyes, poured
forth their gratitude to the Almighty for this glorious
triumph of the Cross.23
It was a striking spectacle, — that of these rude war-
riors lifting up their orisons on the summit of this moun-
tain temple, in the very capital of heathendom, on the
spot especially dedicated to its unhallowed mysteries.
Side by side, the Spaniard and the Aztec knelt down in
prayer ; and the Christian hymn mingled its sweet tones
of love and mercy with the wild chant raised by the
Indian priest in honour of the war-god of Anahuac !
It was an unnatural union, and could not long abide.
A nation will endure any outrage sooner than that on
23 This transaction is told with looks, indeed, very much as if the
more discrepancy than usual by the general was somewhat too eager to
different writers. Cortes assures the set off his militant zeal to advantage
emperor that he occupied the tern- in the eyes of his master. The state-
pie, and turned out the false gods by ments of Diaz, and of other chroni-
force, in spite of the menaces of the clers, conformably to that in the text,
Mexicans. (Rel. Seg., ap. Loren- seem far the most probable. Comp.
zana, p. 106.) The improbability of Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 107.
this Quixotic feat startles Oviedo, — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib.
who nevertheless reports it. (Hist. 8, cap. 6. — Argensola, Anales, lib. 1,
de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 10.) It cap. SS.
chap, v.] DISCONTENTS OF THE AZTECS. 539
its religion. This is an outrage both on its principles and
its prejudices ; on the ideas instilled into it from child-
hood, which have strengthened with its growth, until
they become a part of its nature, — which have to do with
its highest interests here, and with the dread hereafter.
Any violence to the religious sentiment touches all alike,
the old and the young, the rich and the poor, the noble
and the plebeian. Above all, it touches the priests, whose
personal consideration rests on that of their religion;
and who, in a semi-civilized state of society, usually hold
an unbounded authority. Thus it was with the Brah-
mins of India, the Magi of Persia, the Roman Catholic
clergy in the Dark Ages, the priests of ancient Egypt and
Mexico.
The people had borne with patience all the injuries and
affronts hitherto put on them by the Spaniards. They
had seen their sovereign dragged as a captive from his
own palace ; his ministers butchered before his eyes ; his
treasures seized aad appropriated ; himself in a manner
deposed from his royal supremacy. All this they had
seen without a struggle to prevent it. But the profana-
tion of their temples touched a deeper feeling, of which
the priesthood were not slow to take advantage.24
The first intimation of this change of feeling was
gathered from Montezuma himself. Instead of his usual
cheerfulness, he appeared grave and abstracted, and
instead of seeking, as he was wont, the society of the
Spaniards, seemed rather to shun it. It was noticed, too,
that conferences were more frequent between him and
the nobles, and especially the priests. His little page,
24 "Para mi yo tengo por mara- quemaban los principals, e se ani-
billa, e grande, la mucha paciencia quilaban y disipabau sus templets, e
de Montezuma, y de los Indios prin- basta en aquellos y sus antecesores
cipales, que , assi vieron tratar sus estaban. E-ecia cosa me parece so-
Templos, e Idolos; Mas su disimu- portarla con tanta quietud ; peroade-
lacion adelante se mostrd ser otra lante, como lo dira la Historia, mos-
cosa viendo, que vna Gente Extran- trd el tiempo lo que en el pecbo
gera, e de tan poco niimero, les pren- estaba oculto en todos los Indios
did su Sefior e por que formas los generabnente." Oviedo, Hist, de
hacia tributarios, e se castigaban e las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 10.
540 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
Orteguilla, who had now picked up a tolerable acquaint-
ance with the Aztec, contrary to Montezuma's usual prac-
tice, was not allowed to attend him at these meetings.
These circumstances could not fail to awaken most un-
comfortable apprehensions in the Spaniards.
Not many days elapsed, however, before Cortes re-
ceived an invitation, or rather a summons, from the em-
peror, to attend him in his apartment. The general
went with some feelings of anxiety and distrust, taking
with him Olid, captain of the guard, and two or three
other trusty cavaliers. Montezuma received them with
cold civility, and, turning to the general, told him that all
his predictions had come to pass. The gods of his coun-
try had been offended by the violation of their temples.
They had threatened the priests that they would forsake
the city, if the sacrilegious strangers were not driven
from it, or rather sacrificed on the altars, in expiation of
their crimes.25 The monarch assured the Christians, it
was from regard to their safety that he communicated
this ; and, " if you have any regard for it yourselves," he
concluded, " you will leave the country without delay. I
have only to raise my finger, and every Aztec in the land
will rise in arms against you." There was no reason to
doubt his sincerity ; for Montezuma, whatever evils had
been brought on him by the white men, held them in
reverence as a race more highly gifted than his own,
while for several, as we have seen, he had conceived an
attachment, flowing, no doubt, from their personal atten-
tions and deference to himself.
25 According to Herrera, it was " Porque la Misa y Evangelio, que
the devil himself who communicated predicaban y deciau los christianos,
this to Montezuma, and he reports le (al Diablo) daban gran tormento ;
the substance of the dialogue between y debese pensar, si verdad es, que
the parties. (Hist. General, dec. 2, esas gentes tienen tanta conversacion
lib. 9, cap. 6.) Indeed, the appari- y comunicacion con nuestro adversa-
tion of Satan in his own bodily pre- rio, como se tiene por cierto en estas
sence, on this occasion, is stoutly Indicts, que no le podia a nuestro
maintained by most historians of the enemigo placer con los misterios y
time. Oviedo, a man of enlarged sacramentos de la sagrada religion
ideas on most subjects, speaks with Christiana." Hist, de las Ind., MS.,
a little more qualification on this. lib. 33, cap. 47.
chap, v.] DISCONTENTS OF THE AZTECS. 541
Cortes was too much master of his feelings, to show
how far he was startled bj this intelligence. He replied
with admirable coolness, that he should regret much to
leave the capital so precipitately, when he had no vessels
to take him from the country. If it were not for this,
there could be no obstacle to his leaving it at once. He
should also regret another step to which he should be
driven, if he quitted it under these circumstances, — that
of taking the emperor along with him.
Montezuma was evidently troubled by this last sugges-
tion. He inquired how long it would take to build the
vessels, and finally consented to send a sufficient number
of workmen to the coast, to act under the orders of the
Spaniards ; meanwhile, he would use his authority to
restrain the impatience of the people, under the assurance
that the white men would leave the land, when the means
for it were provided. He kept his word. A large body
of Aztec artisans left the capital with the most experi-
enced Castilian ship-builders, and, descending to Vera
Cruz, began at once to fell the timber and build a suffi-
cient number of ships to transport the Spaniards back to
their own country. The work went forward with ap-
parent alacrity. But those who had the direction of it, it
is said, received private instructions from the general to
interpose as many delays as possible, in hopes of receiv-
ing in the meantime such reinforcements from Europe, as
would enable him to maintain his ground.26
The wmole aspect of things was now changed in the
26 " E Cortes proveid de maestros crivid e avisad que tales estais en la
e psrsonas que entendieseu eu la Montana, e que uo sientan los Indios
labor de los Navios, e dixo despues nuestra disimulacion. E asi se puso
a los Espanoles desta manera : Se- por obra." (Oviedo, Hist, de las
nores y hermanos, este Senor Monte- Incl, MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.) So, also,
zuma quiere que nos vamos de la Gomara. (Crdnica, cap. 95.) Diaz
tierra, y conviene que se hagan Na- denies any such secret orders, alleg-
vios. Id con estos Indios e cdrtese ing that Martin Lopez, the principal
la madera; e entretanto Dios nos builder, assured him they made all
provehera de gente e socorro ; por the expedition possible in getting
tanto, poued tal dilacion que parezca three ships on the stocks. Hist, de
que haceis algo y se haga con ella lo la Conquista, cap. 10S.
que nos conviene ; e siempre me es-
542 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
Castilian quarters. Instead of the security and repose
in which the troops had of late indulged, they felt a
gloomy apprehension of danger, not the less oppressive
to the spirits, that it was scarcely visible to the eye ; —
like the faint speck just descried above the horizon by
the voyager in the tropics, to the common gaze seeming
only a summer cloud, but which to the experienced
mariner bodes the coming of the hurricane. Every pre-
caution that prudence could devise was taken to meet it.
The soldier, as he threw himself on his mats for repose,
kept on his armour. He ate, drank, slept, with his
weapons by his side. His horse stood ready caparisoned,
day and night, with the bridle hanging at the saddle-
bow. The guns were carefully planted so as to com-
mand the great avenues. The sentinels were doubled,
and every man, of whatever rank, took his turn in
mounting guard. The garrison was in a state of siege.27
Such was the uncomfortable position of the army when,
in the beginning of May, 1520, six months after their
arrival in the capital, tidings came from the coast, which
gave greater alarm to Cortes, than even the menaced
insurrection of the Aztecs.
27 " I may say without vaunting," with my clothes on. Another thing
observes our stout-hearted old chro- I must add, that I cannot sleep long
nicler, Bernal Diaz, " that I was so in the night without getting up to
accustomed to this way of life, that look at the heavens and the stars,
since the conquest of the country and stay awhile in the open air, and
I have never been able to he down this without a bonnet, or covering of
undressed, or in a bed ; yet I sleep any sort on my head. And, thanks
as sound as if I were on the softest to God, I have received no harm
clown. Even when I make the rounds from it. I mention these things,
of my encomienda, I never take a bed that the world may understand of
with me ; unless, indeed, I go in the what stuff we, the true Conquerors,
company of other cavaliers, who were made, and how well drilled we
might impute this to parsimony. were to arms and watching." Hist.
But even then I throw myself on it de la Conquista, cap. 108.
CHAP.
vr.l 543
CHAPTER VI.
Fate of Cortes' Emissaries. — Proceedings in the Castilian Court. — Pre-
parations of Velasquez. — Narvaez lands in Mexico. — Politic Conduct of
Cortes. — He leaves the Capital.
1520.
Before explaining the nature of the tidings alluded
to in the preceding chapter, it will be necessary to cast
a glance over some of the transactions of an earlier
period. The vessel, which, as the reader may remember,
bore the envoys Puertocarrero and Montejo with the
despatches from Vera Cruz, after touching, contrary to
orders, at the northern coast of Cuba, and spreading the
news of the late discoveries, held on its way uninter-
rupted towards Spain, and early in October, 1519,
reached the little port of San Lucar. Great was the
sensation caused by her arrival and the tidings which
she brought ; a sensation scarcely inferior to that created
by the original discovery of Columbus. Por now, for
the first time, all the magnificent anticipations formed
of the New World seemed destined to be realized.
Unfortunately, there was a person in Seville, at this
time, named Benito Martin, chaplain of Velasquez, the
governor of Cuba. No sooner did this man learn the
arrival of the envoys, and the particulars of their story,
than he lodged a complaint with the Casa de Contra-
tacion, — the Royal India House, — charging those on
board the vessel with mutiny and rebellion against the
authorities of Cuba, as well as with treason to the
Crown.1 In consequence of his representations, the ship
1 In the collection of MSS., made tin to the emperor, setting forth the
by Don Vargas Ponce, former Presi- services of Velasquez, and the ingra-
dent of the Academy of History, is titude and revolt of Cortes and his
a memorial of this same Benito Mar- followers. The paper is without
544 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
was taken possession of by the public officers, and those
on board were prohibited from moving their own effects,
or anything else from her. The envoys were not even
allowed the funds necessary for the expenses of the
voyage, nor a considerable sum remitted by Cortes to
his father, Don Martin. In this embarrassment they
had no alternative but to present themselves, as speedily
as possible, before the emperor, deliver the letters with
which they had been charged by the colony, and seek
redress for their own grievances. They first sought out
Martin Cortes, residing at Medellin, and with him made
the best of their way to court.
Charles the Fifth was then on his first visit to Spain
after his accession. It was not a long one ; long enough,
however, to disgust his subjects, and, in a great degree,
to alienate their affections. He had lately received intel-
ligence of his election to the imperial crown of Germany.
From that hour, his eyes were turned to that quarter.
His stay in the Peninsula was prolonged only that he
might raise supplies for appearing with splendour on the
great theatre of Europe. Every act showed too plainly
that the diadem of his ancestors was held lightly in
comparison with the imperial bauble in which neither
his countrymen nor his own posterity could have the
slightest interest. The interest was wholly personal.
Contrary to established usage, he had summoned the
Castilian cortes to meet at Compostelia, a remote town
in the north, which presented no other advantage than
that of being near his place of embarkation.2 On his
way thither he stopped some time at Tordesillas, the
residence of his unhappy mother, Joanna "The Mad."
It was here that the envoys from Vera Cruz presented
themselves before him, in March, 1520. At nearly the
date ; written after the arrival of the coast, so as to enable Chievres,
the envoys, probably at the close of and the other Flemish blood-suckers,
1519, or the beginning of the fol- to escape suddenly, if need were,
lowing year. with their ill-gotten treasures, from
2 Saudoval, indeed, gives a sin- the country. Hist, de Carlos Quinto,
gular reason, — that of being near torn. i. p. 203, ed. Pamplona, 1G34.
chap, vi.] PROCEEDINGS IN THE CASTILIAN COURT. 545
same time, the treasures brought over by them reached
the court, where they excited unbounded admiration.3
Hitherto, the returns from the New World had been
chiefly in vegetable products, which, if the surest, aie
also the slowest, sources of wealth. Of gold they had
as yet seen but little, and that in its natural state or
wrought into the rudest trinkets. The courtiers gazed
with astonishment on the large masses of the precious
metal, and the delicate manufacture of the various arti-
cles, especially of the richly tinted feather-work. And,
as they listened to the accounts, written and oral, of
the great Aztec empire, they felt assured that the Cas-
tilian ships had, at length, reached the golden Indies,
which hitherto, had seemed to recede before them.
In this favourable mood there is little doubt the
monarch would have granted the petition of the envoys,
and confirmed the irregular proceedings of the Con-
querors, but for the opposition of a person who held the
highest office in the Indian department. This was Juan
Rodriguez de Fonseca, formerly dean of Seville, now
bishop of Burgos. He was a man of noble family, and
had been intrusted with the direction of the colonial
concerns, on the discovery of the New World. On the
establishment of the Royal Council of the Indies by
Ferdinand the Catholic, he had been made its president,
and had occupied that post ever since. His long con-
tinuance in a position of great importance and difficulty
is evidence of capacity for business. It was no uncom-
mon thing in that age to find ecclesiastics in high civil
and even military employments. Fonseca appears to have
been an active, efficient person, better suited to a secular
than to a religious vocation. He had, indeed, little that
was religious in his temper; quick to take offence, and
slow to forgive. His resentments seem to have been
nourished and perpetuated like a part of his own nature.
Unfortunately his peculiar position enabled him to
3 Seethe letter of Peter Martyr months after the arrival of the vessel
to his noble friend and pupil, the from Vera Cruz. Opus Epist., ep.
Marquis de ' Mondejar, written two 650.
VOL. I. N N
546 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
display them towards some of the most illustrious men
of his time. From pique at some real or fancied slight
from Columbus, he had constantly thwarted the plans of
the great navigator. He had shown the same unfriendly
feeling towards the Admiral's son, Diego, the heir of his
honours ; and he now, and from this time forward,
showed a similar spirit towards the Conqueror of Mexico.
The immediate cause of this was his own personal relations
with Velasquez, to whom a near relative was betrothed.4
Through this prelate's representations, Charles, instead
of a favourable answer to the envoys, postponed his de-
cision till he should arrive at Coruna, the place of em-
barkation.5 But here he was much pressed by the
troubles which his impolitic conduct had raised, as well
as by preparations for his voyage. The transaction of
the colonial business, which, long postponed, had greatly
accumulated on his hands, was reserved for the last week
in Spain. But the affairs of the " young admiral " con-
sumed so large a portion of this, that he had no time to
give to those of Cortes ; except, indeed, to instruct the
board at Seville to remit to the envoys so much of their
funds as was required to defray the charges of the
voyage. On the 16th of May, 1520, the impatient
monarch bade adieu to his distracted kingdom, without
one attempt to settle the dispute between his belli-
gerent vassals in the New World, and without an effort
to promote the magnificent enterprise which was to
secure to him the possession of an empire. What
a contrast to the policy of his illustrious predecessors,
Ferdinand and Isabella ! 6
The governor of Cuba, meanwhile, without waiting
4 Zuniga, Anales Eclesiasticos y de Velasquez al Lie. Figueroa, MS.,
Seculares de Sevilla, (Madrid, 1677,) Nov. 17, 1519.
fol. 414. — Herrera, Hist. General, G "Con gran musica," says San-
dec 2, lib. 5, cap. 14 ; lib. 9. cap. 17, doval, bitterly, " de todos los minis-
et alibi. triles, y clarities recogiendo las an-
5 Velasquez, it appears, bad sent coras, dieron vela al viento con gran
borne an account of tbe doings of regozijo, dexando a la triste Espaila
Cortes and of tbe vessel wbicb cargada de duelos, y desventuras ."
touched with the treasures at Cuba, Hist, de Carlos Quinto, torn. i. p.
as early as October, 1519. Carta 219.
chap, vi.] PREPARATIONS OF VELASQUEZ. 547
for support from home, took measures for redress into
Lis own hands. We have seen, in a preceding chapter,
how deeply he was moved by the reports of the proceed-
ings of Cortes, and of the treasures which his vessel was
bearing to Spain. Rage, mortification, disappointed
avarice, distracted his mind. He could not forgive him-
self for trusting the affair to such hands. On the very
week in which Cortes had parted from him to take charge
of the fleet, a capitulation had been signed by Charles
the Fifth, conferring on Velasquez the title of adelantado,
with great augmentation of his original powers.7 The
governor resolved, without loss of time, to send such a
force to the Aztec coast, as should enable him to assert
his new authority to its full extent, and to take ven-
geance on his rebellious officer. He began his prepara-
tions as early as October.8 At first, he proposed to
assume the command in person. But his unwieldy size,
which disqualified him for the fatigues incident to such
an expedition, or, according to his own account, tender-
ness for his Indian subjects, then wasted by an epidemic,
induced him to devolve the command on another.9
The person whom he selected was a Castilian hidalgo,
named Panfilo de Narvaez. He had assisted Velasquez
in the reduction of Cuba, where his conduct cannot be
wholly vindicated from the charge of inhumanity, which
too often attaches to the early Spanish adventurers.
From that time he continued to hold important posts
under the government, and was a decided favourite with
Velasquez. He was a man of some military capacity,
though negligent and lax in his discipline. He possessed
undoubted courage, but it was mingled with an arro-
7 The instrument was dated at a letter of his own writing in the
Barcelona, Nov. 13, 1518. Cortes Munoz collection, it appears he had
left St. Jago the 18th of the same begun operations some months pre-
month. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vious to his receiving notice of his
2, lib. 3, cap. 11. appointment. Carta de Velasquez
8 Gomara (Crdnica, cap. 96) and al senor de Xevres, Isla Fernandiua,
Robertson (History of America, vol. MS., Octubre 12, 1519.
ii. pp. 304, 466) consider that the
new dignity of adelantado stimulated 9 Carta de Velasquez al Lie. Fi-
the governor to this enterprise. By gueroa, MS., Nov. 17, 1519.
n 2
548 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [
BOOK IV.
gance, or rather overweening confidence in his own
powers, which made him deaf to the suggestions of
others more sagacious than himself. He was altogether
deficient in that prudence and calculating foresight
demanded in a leader who was to cope with an antago-
nist like Cortes.10
The governor and his lieutenant were unwearied in
their efforts to assemble an army. They visited every
considerable town in the island, fitting out vessels,
laying in stores and ammunition, and encouraging volun-
teers to enlist by liberal promises. But the most effec-
tual bounty was the assurance of the rich treasures that
awaited them in the golden regions of Mexico. So
confident were they in this expectation, that all classes
and ages vied with one another in eagerness to embark
in the expedition, until it seemed as if the whole white
population would desert the island, and leave it to its
primitive occupants.11
The report of these proceedings soon spread through
the islands, and drew the attention of the Royal Audience
of St. Domingo. This body was intrusted, at that time,
not only with the highest judicial authority in the
colonies, but with a civil jurisdiction, which, as " the
Admiral " complained, encroached on his own rights.
The tribunal saw with alarm the proposed expedition of
Velasquez, which, whatever might be its issue in regard
to the parties, could not fail to compromise the interests
of the Crown. They chose accordingly one of their
number, the licentiate Ayllon, a man of prudence and
resolution, and despatched him to Cuba, with instructions
to interpose his authority, and stay, if possible, the pro-
ceedings of Velasquez.12
10 The person of Narvaez is thus n The danger of such a result
whimsically described by Diaz : "He is particularly urged in a memoran-
was tall, stout-limbed, with a large dum of the licentiate Ayllon. Carta
head and red beard, an agreeable al Emperador, Guaniguanico, Marzo
presence, a voice deep and sonorous, 4, 1520, MS.
as if it rose from a cavern. He was 12 Processo y Pesquiza hecha por
a good horseman and valiant." Hist. la Peal Audiencia de la Espaiiola,
de la Conquista, cap. 205. SantoDomingo,Diciem.24,1519,MS.
chap, vi.] PREPARATIONS OF VELASQUEZ. 549
On his arrival, be found the governor in the western
part of the island, busily occupied in getting the fleet
ready for sea. The licentiate explained to him the
purport of his mission, and the views entertained of the
proposed enterprise by the Royal Audience. The con-
quest of a powerful country like Mexico required the
whole force of the Spaniards, and, if one half were
employed against the other, nothing but ruin could
come of it. It was the governor's duty, as a good sub-
ject, to forego all private animosities, and to sustain
those now engaged in the great work by sending them
the necessary supplies. He might, indeed, proclaim
his own powers, and demand obedience to them. But,
if this were refused, he should leave the determination
of his dispute to the authorized tribunals, and employ
his resources in prosecuting discovery in another direc-
tion, instead of hazarding all by hostilities with his rival.
This admonition, however sensible and salutary, was
not at all to the taste of the governor. He professed,
indeed, to have no intention of coming to hostilities with
Cortes. He designed only to assert his lawful jurisdic-
tion over territories discovered under his own auspices.
At the same time he denied the right of Ayllon or of
the Royal Audience to interfere in the matter. Narvaez
was still more refractory; and, as the fleet was now
ready, proclaimed his intention to sail in a few hours.
In this state of things, the licentiate, baffled in his
first purpose of staying the expedition, determined to
accompany it in person, that he might prevent, if
possible, by his presence, an open rupture between the
parties.13
The squadron consisted of eighteen vessels, large and
small. It carried nine hundred men, eighty of whom
were cavalry, eighty more arquebusiers, one hundred and
fifty crossbowmen, with a number of heavy guns, and a
large supply of ammunition and military stores. There
13 Parecer del Lie. Ayllon al adelantado Diego Velasquez, Isla Fernandina,
1520, MS.
550 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
were, besides, a thousand Indians, natives of the island,
who went probably in a menial capacity.14 So gallant
an armada — with one exception15 — never before rode in
the Indian seas. None to compare with it had ever been
fitted out in the Western World.
Leaving Cuba early in March, 1520, Narvaez held
nearly the same course as Cortes, and running down
what was then called the "island of Yucatan,"16 after
a heavy tempest, in which some of his smaller vessels
foundered, anchored, April 23, off San Juan de Ulua.
It was the place where Cortes also had first landed ; the
sandy waste covered by the present city of Vera Cruz.
Here the commander met with a Spaniard, one of
those sent by the general from Mexico, to ascertain the
resources of the country, especially its mineral products.
This man came on board the fleet, and from him the
Spaniards gathered the particulars of all that had oc-
curred since the departure of the envoys from Vera Cruz,
— the march into the interior, the bloody battles with
the Tlascalans, the occupation of Mexico, the rich trea-
sures found in it, and the seizure of the monarch, by
means of which, concluded the soldier, " Cortes rules
over the land like its own sovereign, so that a Spaniard
may travel unarmed from one end of the country to the
other, without insult or injury."17 His audience listened
to this marvellous report with speechless amazement, and
the loyal indignation of Narvaez waxed stronger and
14 Relation del Lie. Ayllon, Santo 17 C(La cual tierra sabe, e havisto
Domingo, 30 de Agosto, 1520, MS. este testigo, que el dicho Hernando
— Processo j Pesquiza por la R. Cortes tiene pacifica, e le sirven e
Audiencia, MS. obedecen todos los Indios, e que
According to Diaz, the ordnance cree este testigo que lo hacen por
amounted to twenty cannon. Hist. cabsa que el dicho Hernando Cortes
de la Conquista, cap. 109. tiene preso a un Cacique que dicen
15 The great fleet under Ovando, Montesuma, que es Senor de lo mas
1501, in which Cortes had intended de la tierra, a lo que este testigo
to embark for the New World. alcanza, al cual los Indios obedecen,
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 1, lib. e facen lo que les manda, e los Cris-
4, cap. 11. tianos andan por toda esta tierra
10 " De alii segmmos el viage seguros, e un solo Cristiano la ha
por toda la costa de la Isla de atravesado toda sin temor." Pro-
lucataa.'' Relation del Lie. Ayllon, cesso v Pesquiza por la R. Audi-
MS. encia, MS.
chap, vi.] NARVAEZ LANDS IN MEXICO. 551
stronger, as lie learned the value of the prize which had
been snatched from his employer.
He now openly proclaimed his intention to march
against Cortes, and punish him for his rebellion. He
made this vaunt so loudly, that the natives who had
flocked in numbers to the camp, which was soon formed
on shore, clearly comprehended that the new comers
were not friends, but enemies, of the preceding. Nar-
vaez determined, also, — though in opposition to the counsel
of the Spaniard, who quoted the example of Cortes, — to
establish a settlement on this unpromising spot : and he
made the necessary arrangements to organize a munici-
pality. He was informed by the soldier of the existence
of the neighbouring colony at Villa Rica, commanded by
Sandoval, and consisting of a few invalids, who, he was
assured, would surrender on the first summons. Instead
of marching against the place, however, he determined to
send a peaceful embassy to display his powers, and
demand the submission of the garrison.18
These successive steps gave serious displeasure to
Ay lion, who saw they must lead to inevitable collision
with Cortes. But it was in vain he remonstrated, and
threatened to lay the proceedings of Narvaez before the
government. The latter, chafed by his continued oppo-
sition and sour rebuke, determined to rid himself of
a companion who acted as a spy on his movements. He
caused him to be seized and sent back to Cuba. The
licentiate had the address to persuade the captain of the
vessel to change her destination for St. Domingo ; and,
when he arrived there, a formal report of his proceedings,
exhibiting in strong colours the disloyal conduct of the
governor and his lieutenant, was prepared, and despatched
by the Royal Audience to Spain.19
18 Relation del Lie. Ayllon, MS. History. It embraces a hundred and
— Demanda de Zavallos en nombre ten folio pages, and is entitled, " El
de Narvaez, MS. Processo y Pesquiza hecha por la
1:1 This report is to be found among Heal Audiencia de la Espanola e"
the MSS. of Vargas Ponce, in the tierra nuevamente descubierta. Para
archives of the Royal Academy of el Consejo de su Majestad."
552 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO, [book iv.
Sandoval, meanwhile, had not been inattentive to the
movements of Narvaez. From the time of his first
appearance on the coast, that vigilant officer, distrusting
the object of the armament, had kept his eye on him.
No sooner was he apprized of the landing of the Spa-
niards, than the commander of Villa Rica sent off his few
disabled soldiers to a place of safety in the neighbour-
hood. He then put his works in the best posture of
defence that he could, and prepared to maintain the place
to the last extremity. His men promised to stand by
him, and the more effectually to fortify the resolution of
any who might falter, he ordered a gallows to be set up
in a conspicuous part of the town ! The constancy of his
men was not put to the trial.
The only invaders of the place were a priest, a notary,
and four other Spaniards, selected for the mission already
noticed, by Narvaez. The ecclesiastic's name was Gue-
vara. On coming before Sandoval, he made him a formal
address, in which he pompously enumerated the services
and claims of Velasquez, taxed Cortes and his adherents
with rebellion, and demanded of Sandoval to tender his
submission as a loyal subject to the newly constituted
authority of Narvaez.
The commander of La Villa Rica was so much incensed
at this unceremonious mention of his companions in
arms, that he assured the reverend envoy, that nothing
but respect for his cloth saved him from the chastisement
he merited. Guevara now waxed wroth in his turn, and
called on the notary to read the proclamation. But
Sandoval interposed, promising that functionary, that, if
he attempted to do so, without first producing a warrant
of his authority from the Crown, he should be soundly
flogged. Guevara lost all command of himself at this,
and stamping on the ground repeated his orders in a more
peremptory tone than before. Sandoval was not a man
of many words ; he simply remarked, that the instrument
should be read to the general himself in Mexico. At the
same time, he ordered his men to procure a number of
chap, vi.] NARVAEZ LANDS IN MEXICO. 553
sturdy tamanes, or Indian porters, on whose backs the
unfortunate priest and his companions were bound like
so many bales of goods. They were then placed under
a guard of twenty Spaniards, and the whole caravan took
its march for the capital. Day and night they travelled,
stopping only to obtain fresh relays of carriers ; and as
they passed through populous towns, forests and culti-
vated fields, vanishing as soon as seen, the Spaniards,
bewildered by the strangeness of the scene, as well as of
their novel mode of conveyance, hardly knew whether
they were awake or in a dream. In this way, at the end
of the fourth day, they reached the Tezcucan lake in view
of the Aztec capital.20
Its inhabitants had already been made acquainted with
the freslr arrival of white men on the coast. Indeed,
directly on their landing, intelligence had been commu-
nicated to Montezuma, who is said (it does not seem pro-
bable) to have concealed it some clays from Cortes.21 At
length, inviting him to an interview, he told him there
was no longer any obstacle to his leaving the country, as
a fleet was ready for him. To the inquiries of the asto-
nished general, Montezuma replied by pointing to a
hieroglyphical map sent him from the coast, on which the
ships, the Spaniards themselves, and their whole equip-
ment, were minutely delineated. Cortes, suppressing all
emotions but those of pleasure, exclaimed, " Blessed be
the Redeemer for his mercies!" On returning to his
quarters, the tidings were received by the troops with
loud shouts, the firing of cannon, and other demonstra-
tions of joy. They hailed the new comers as a reinforce-
ment from Spain. Not so their commander. From the
first, he suspected them to be sent by his enemy, the
governor of Cuba. He communicated his suspicions to
20 " E iban espantados de que veian Conquista, cap. 111. — Demanda de
tatas ciudades, y pueblos grandes Zavallos, MS.
que les traian de comer y vnos los 21 " Ya avia tres dias que lo sabia
dexavan, y otros los tomavan, y Montecuma, y Cortes no sabia cosa
andar por su camino. Dizeque ibau ninguna." Bemal Diaz, Hist, de la
peusando si era encantamiento, 6 Conquista, cap. 110.
suefio." Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la
554 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
his officers, through whom they gradually found their
way among the men. The tide of joy was instantly
checked. Alarming apprehensions succeeded, as they
dwelt on the probability of this suggestion, and on the
strength of the invaders. Yet their constancy did not
desert them; and they pledged themselves to remain
true to their cause, and, come what might, to stand by
their leader. It was one of those occasions that proved
the entire influence which Cortes held over these wild
adventurers. All doubts were soon dispelled by the
arrival of the prisoners from Villa Rica.
One of the convoy, leaving the party in the suburbs,
entered the city, and delivered a letter to the general
from Sandoval, acquainting him with all the particulars.
Cortes instantly sent to the prisoners, ordered them to
be released, and furnished them with horses to make
their entrance into the capital, — a more creditable con-
veyance than the backs of tamanes. On their arrival, he
received them with marked courtesy, apologized for the
rude conduct of his officers, and seemed desirous by the
most assiduous attentions to soothe the irritation of their
minds. He showed his good- will still further by lavish-
ing presents on Guevara and his associates, until he gra-
dually wrought such a change in their dispositions, that,
from enemies, he converted them into friends, and drew
forth many important particulars respecting not merely
the designs of their leader, but the feelings of his army.
The soldiers, in general, they said, far from desiring a
rupture with those of Cortes, would willingly cooperate
with them, were it not for their commander. They had
no feelings of resentment to gratify. Their object was
gold. The personal influence of Narvaez was not great,
and his arrogance and penurious temper had already
gone far to alienate from him the affections of his fol-
lowers. These hints were not lost on the general.
He addressed a letter to his rival in the most concilia-
tory terms. He besought him not to proclaim their
animosity to the world, and, by kindling a spirit of
chap, vi.] POLITIC CONDUCT OF CORTfiS. 555
insubordination in the natives, unsettle all that had
been so far secured. A violent collision must be pre-
judicial even to the victor, and might be fatal to both.
It was only in union that they could look for success.
He was ready to greet Narvaez as a brother in arms, to
share with him the fruits of conquest, and, if he could
produce a royal commission, to submit to his authority.
Cortes well knew he had no such commission to show.22
Soon after the departure of Guevara and his com-
rades,23 the general determined to send a special envoy
of his own. The person selected for this delicate office
was father Olmeclo, who, through the campaign, had
shown a practical good sense, and a talent for affairs,
not always to be found in persons of his spiritual calling.
He was intrusted with another epistle to Narvaez, of simi-
lar import with the preceding. Cortes wrote, also, to the
licentiate Ayllon, with whose departure he was not
acquainted, and to Andres de Duero, former secretary of
Velasquez, and his own friend, who had come over in
the present fleet. Olmedo was instructed to converse
with these persons in private, as well as with the prin-
cipal officers and soldiers, and, as far as possible, to
infuse into them a spirit of accommodation. To give
greater weight to his arguments, he was furnished with
a liberal supply of gold.
During this time, Narvaez had abandoned his original
design of planting a colony on the sea-coast, and had
crossed the country to Cempoalla, where he had taken
up his quarters. He was here when Guevara returned,
and presented the letter of Cortes.
Narvaez glanced over it with a look of contempt,
which was changed into one of stern displeasure, as his
envoy enlarged on the resources and formidable character
of his rival, counselling him, by all means, to accept his
22 Oviedo, Hist, de las hid., MS., " and anointed their fingers so plen-
lib. 33, cap. 47. — Eel Seg. de Cortes, tifully with gold, that, though they
ap. Lorenzana, pp. 117 — 120. came like roaring lions, they went
23 " Our commander said so many home perfectly tame ! " Hist, de la
kind things to them," says Diaz, Conquista, cap. 111.
556 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
proffers of amity. A different effect was produced on
the troops, who listened with greedy ears to the accounts
given of Cortes, his frank and liberal manners, which
they involuntarily contrasted with those of their own
commander, the wealth in his camp, where the humblest
private could stake his ingot and chain of gold at play,
where all revelled in plenty, and the life of the soldier
seemed to be one long holiday. Guevara had been
admitted only to the sunny side of the picture.
The impression made by these accounts was confirmed
by the presence of Olmedo. The ecclesiastic delivered
his missives, in like manner, to Narvaez, who ran through
their contents with feelings of anger which found vent
in the most opprobrious invectives against his rival *
while one of his captains, named Salvatierra, openly
avowed his intention to cut off the rebel's ears, and
broil them for his breakfast !24 Such impotent sallies did
not alarm the stout-hearted friar, who soon entered into
communication with many of the officers and soldiers,
whom he found better inclined to an accommodation.
His insinuating eloquence, backed by his liberal largesses,
gradually opened a way into their hearts, and a party was
formed under the very eye of their chief, better affected
to his rival's interests than to his own. The intrigue
could not be conducted so secretly as wholly to elude
the suspicions of Narvaez, who would have arrested
Olmedo and placed him under confinement, but for the
interposition of Duero. He put a stop to his further
machinations by sending him back again to his master.
But the poison was left to do its work.
Narvaez made the same vaunt as at his landing, of his
design to march against Cortes and apprehend him as a
traitor. The Cempoallans learned Avith astonishment
that their new guests, though the countrymen, were
enemies of their former. Narvaez also proclaimed his
intention to release Montezuma from captivity, and re-
store him to his throne. It is said he received a rich
21 Hist', de la Conquista, cap. 112.
chap, vi.] POLITIC CONDUCT OF CORTES. 557
present from the Aztec emperor, who entered into a
correspondence with him.25 That Montezuma should
have treated him with his usual munificence, supposing
him to be the friend of Cortes, is very probable. But
that he should have entered into a secret communication,
hostile to the general's interests, is too repugnant to the
whole tenour of his conduct, to be lightly admitted.
These proceedings did not escape the watchful eye of
Sandoval. He gathered the particulars partly from
deserters, who fled to Villa Rica, and partly from his
own agents, who in the disguise of natives mingled in
the enemy's camp. He sent a full account of them to
Cortes, acquainted him with the growing defection of the
Indians, and. urged him to take speedy measures for
the defence of Villa Rica, if he would not see it fall
into the enemy's hands. The general felt that it was
time to act.
Yet the selection of the course to be pursued was
embarrassing in the extreme. If he remained in Mexico
and awaited there the attack of his rival, it would give
the latter time to gather round him the whole forces of
the empire, including those of the capital itself, all
willing, no doubt, to serve under the banners of a chief
who proposed the liberation of their master. The odds
were too great to be hazarded.
If he marched against Narvaez, he must either aban-
don the city and the emperor, the fruit of all his toils
and triumphs, or, by leaving a garrison to hold them in
awe, must cripple his strength, already far too weak to
cope with that of his adversary. Yet on this latter
course he decided. He trusted less, perhaps, to an open
encounter of arms, than to the influence of his personal
address and previous intrigues, to bring about an
25 Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 111. lib. 33, cap. 47.) Considering the
Oviedo says that Montezuma called awe in which the latter alone°were
a council of his nobles, in which it held by the Mexicans, a more im-
was decided to let the troops of Nar- probable tale could not be devisee
vaez into the capital, and then to But nothing is too improbable fc
crush them at one blow, with those history, — though according to Bo
of Cortes ! (Hist, de las Inch, MS., leau's maxim, it may be for fiction.
558 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
amicable arrangement. But he prepared himself for
either result.
In the preceding chapter, it was mentioned that Velas-
quez de Leon was sent with a hundred and fifty men to
plant a colony on one of the great rivers emptying into
the Mexican Gulf. Cortes, on learning the arrival of
Narvaez, had despatched a messenger to his officer, to
acquaint him with the fact, and to arrest his further pro-
gress. But Velasquez had already received notice of it
from Narvaez himself, who, in a letter written soon after
his landing, had adjured him in the name of his kinsman,
the governor of Cuba, to quit the banners of Cortes, and
come over to him. That officer, however, had long since
buried the feelings of resentment which he had once
nourished against his general, to whom he was now
devotedly attached, and who had honoured him through-
out the campaign with particular regard. Cortes had
early seen the importance of securing this cavalier to his
interests. Without waiting for orders, Velasquez aban-
doned his expedition, and commenced a counter-march
on the capital, when he received the general's commands
to wait him in Cholula.
Cortes had also sent to the distant province of Chi-
lian tla, situated far to the south-east of Cholula, for a
reinforcement of two thousand natives. They were a
bold race, hostile to the Mexicans, and had offered their
services to him since his residence in the metropolis.
They used a long spear in battle, longer, indeed, than
that borne by the Spanish or German infantry. Cortes
ordered three hundred of their double-headed lances to
be made for him, and to be tipped with copper instead
of itztl'i. With this formidable weapon he proposed to
foil the cavalry of his enemy.
The command of the garrison, in his absence, he
intrusted to Pedro de Alvarado, — the tonatiuh of the
Mexicans, — a man possessed of many commanding qua-
lities, of an intrepid, though somewhat arrogant spirit,
and his warm personal friend. He inculcated on him
chap, vi.] POLITIC CONDUCT OF CORTES. 559
moderation and forbearance. He was to keep a close
watch on Montezuma, for on the possession of the royal
person rested all their authority in the land. He was to
show him the deference alike due to his high station, and
demanded by policy. He was to pay uniform respect to
the usages and the prejudices of the people ; remember-
ing that though his small force would be large enough
to overawe them in times of quiet, yet, should they be
once roused, it would be swept away like chaff before the
whirlwind.
From Montezuma he exacted a promise to maintain
the same friendly relations with his lieutenant which he
had preserved towards himself. This, said Cortes, would
be most grateful to his own master, the Spanish sovereign.
Should the Aztec prince do otherwise, and lend himself
to any hostile movement, he must be convinced that he
would fall the first victim of it.
The emperor assured him of his continued good-will.
He was much perplexed, however, by the recent events.
Were the Spaniards at his court, or those just landed,
the true representatives of their sovereign ? Cortes, who
had hitherto maintained a reserve on the subject, now
told him that the latter were indeed his countrymen, but
traitors to his master. As such, it was his painful duty
to march against them, and, when he had chastised their
rebellion, he should return, before his departure from the
land, in triumph to the capital. Montezuma offered
to support him with five thousand Aztec warriors ; but
the general declined it, not choosing to encumber himself
with a body of doubtful, perhaps disaffected, auxiliaries.
He left in garrison, under Alvarado, one hundred and
forty men, two-thirds of his whole force.26 With these
20 In the Mexican edition of the tioni et Viaggi, fol. 244) In an
letters of Cortes, it is called five instrument without date, containing
hundred men. (Eel. Seg., ap. Lo- the affidavits of certain witnesses as
renza, p. 122.) But this was more to the management of the royal fifth
than his whole Spanish force. In by Cortes, it is said, there were one
Ramusio's version of the same letter, hundred and fifty soldiers left in the
printed as early as 15G5, the number capital under Alvarado. (Probanza
is stated as in the text. (Naviga- feeha en la nueva Espafia del mar
5G0 RESIDENCE IN MEXICO. [book iv.
remained all the artillery, the greater part of the little
body of horse, and most of the arquebusiers. He took
with him only seventy soldiers, but they were men of the
most mettle in the army and his stanch adherents. They
were lightly armed, and encumbered with as little bag-
gage as possible. Everything depended on celerity of
movement.
Montezuma, in his royal litter borne on the shoulders
of his nobles, and escorted by the whole Spanish in-
fantry, accompanied the general to the causeway. There,
embracing him in the most cordial manner, they parted,
with all the external marks of mutual regard. — It was
about the middle of May, 1520, more than six months
since the entrance of the Spaniards into Mexico. During
this time they had lorded it over the land with absolute
sway. They were now leaving the city in hostile array,
not against an Indian foe, but their own countrymen.
It was the beginning of a long career of calamity, —
chequered, indeed, by occasional triumphs, — which was
yet to be run before the Conquest could be completed.27
oceano a pedimento de Juan Ochoa 1520. — See, also, for the preceding
de Lexalde, en nombre de Hernando pages, Probanza fecha a pedimento
Cortes, MS.) The account in the de Juan Ochoa, MS. — Herrera, Hist.
Mexican edition is unquesiionably General, dec. 2, lib. 9, cap. 1, 21 ;
an error. lib. 10, cap. 1.— Rel. Seg. de Cortes,
ap. Lorenzana, pp. 119, 120. — Ber-
27 Carta de Villa de Vera Cruz a nal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista,
el Emperador, MS. This letter with- cap. 112 — 115. — Oviedo, Hist, de
out date was probably written in las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
Printed by R. Clay, Bread Street Hill.
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